UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 BY 
 SIR WALTER SCOTT. 
 
 VOL. II.

 
 (TALES OF A GRANDFATHER.) 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR WALTER SCOTT. 
 
 NEW EDITION. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 PORTER & COATES.
 
 **? 
 
 S43 
 
 V,5b 
 
 -:- CAL. 
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 TO HUGH LITTLEJOHN, Esq 
 
 MY DEAR CHILD, 
 
 I NOW address to you two volumes of Scottish Stones, 
 which brings aown the History of that Country from the 
 period when England and Scotland became subject to 
 the same King until that of the Union, when they were 
 finally united into one Kingdom. That you, and chil- 
 dren of your age, may read these little books with plea- 
 sure and improvement, is the desire and hope of, 
 
 My dearest Child, 
 Your very affectionate Grandfather, 
 
 WALTER SCOTT. 
 Abbotsford, 15th Octobe~, 1828.
 
 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND 
 
 BY SIR WALTER SCOTT. 
 PART FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Progress of Civilization in Society. 
 
 THE kind reception which the former Tales, written 
 for your amusement and edification, have met with, in- 
 duces me, my dear little boy, to make an attempt to bring 
 down my historical narrative to a period, when the union 
 of England and Scotland became as complete, in the 
 intimacy of feelings and interests, as law had declared 
 and intended them to be, and as the mutual advantage ol 
 both countries had long, though in vain, required. 
 
 We left off, you may recollect, when James, the sixth 
 of that name who reigned in Scotland, succeeded, by the 
 death of Queen Elizabeth, to the throne of England, and 
 thus became Sovereign of the whole Island of Britain. 
 Ireland also belonged to his dominions, having been part- 
 ly subdued by the arms of the English, and partly sur- 
 rendered to them by the submission of the natives. There 
 had been, during Elizabeth's time, many wars with the 
 native Lords and Chiefs of the country ; but the English 
 finally obtained the undisturbed and undispute possession 
 of that rich and beautiful island. Thus the three king- 
 doms, formed by the Britannic Islands, came into the pos- 
 session of one Sovereign, who was thus fixed in a situa- 
 tion of strength and security, which was at that time tho 
 lot of few monarchs in Europe.
 
 6 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 King James's power was the greater, that the progress 
 of human society had greatly augmented the wisdom of 
 his statesmen and counsellors, and given strength and 
 stability to those laws which preserve the poor and help- 
 less against the encroachments of the wealthy and the 
 powerful. 
 
 But Master Littlejohn may ask me what I mean by th<; 
 Progress of Human Society ; and it is my duty to ex- 
 plain it as intelligibly as I can. 
 
 If you consider the lower order of animals, such as 
 birds, dogs, cattle, or any class of the brute creation, you 
 will find that they are, to ever/ useful purpose, deprived 
 of the means of communicating their ideas to each other. 
 They have cries indeed, by which they express pleasure 
 or pain fear or hope but they have no formed speech 
 by which, like men, they can converse together. God 
 Almighty, who called all creatures into existence in such 
 manner as best pleased him, has imparted to those inferior 
 animals no power of improving their situation, or of com- 
 municating with each other. There is, no doubt, a dif- 
 ference in the capacity of these inferior classes of crea- 
 tion. But though one bird may build her nest more neat- 
 ly than one of a different class, or one dog may be more 
 clever and more capable of learning tricks than another, 
 yet, as it wants language to explain to its comrades the 
 advantages which it may possess, its knowledge dies with 
 it ; thus birds and dogs continue to use the same general 
 habits proper to the species, which they have done since 
 the creation of the world. In other words, animals have 
 n certain degree of sense which is termed instinct, which 
 teaches them to seek their food, and provide for their 
 safety and comfort, in nearly the same manner as their 
 parents did before them since the beginning of time, but 
 does not enable them to communicate to their successors 
 any improvements, or to derive any increase of knowledge. 
 Thus you may remark, that the example of the swallow, 
 ihe wren, and other birds, which cover their nests with a 
 roof to protect them against the rain, is never imitated by 
 other classes, who have continued to construct theirs in
 
 TKOGKKSS OF CIVILIZATION'. 7 
 
 the same exposed and imperfect manner since the begin- 
 ning of the world. 
 
 Another circumstance, which is calculated to prevent 
 the inferior animals from rising above the rank which they 
 are designed to hold, is the short time during which they 
 remain under the care of their parents. A few weeks 
 give the young nestlings of every season, strength and 
 inclination to leave the protection of the parents ; the 
 tender attachment which has subsisted while the young 
 bird was unable to provide for itself without assistance is 
 entirely broken off, and in a week or two more they prob- 
 ably do not know each other. The young of the sheep, 
 the cow, and the horse, attend and feed by the mother's 
 side for a certain short period, during which they are pro- 
 tected by her care, and supported by her milk ; but they 
 have no sooner attained the strength necessary to defend 
 themselves, and the sense to provide for their wants, than 
 they separate from the mother, and all intercourse between 
 the parent and her offspring is closed forever. 
 
 Thus each separate tribe of animals retains exactly the 
 same station in the general order of the universe which 
 was occupied by its predecessors ; and no existing gene- 
 ration either is, or can be, either much better instructed, 
 or more ignorant, than that which preceded or that which 
 is to come after it. 
 
 It is widely different with mankind. God, as we are 
 told in Scripture, was pleased to make man after his own 
 image. By this you are not to understand that the Cre- 
 ator of heaven and earth has any visible form or shape, 
 to which the human body bears a resemblance ; but the 
 meaning is, that as the God who created the world is a 
 spirit invisible and incomprehensible, so he joined to the 
 human frame some portion of an essence resembling hio 
 own, which is called the human soul, and which, while the 
 body lives, continues to animate and direct its motions, 
 and on the dissolution of the bodily form which it has 
 occupied, returns to the spiritual world, to be answerable 
 for the good and evil of its works upon earth. Jt is there- 
 fore impossible, that man, possessing this knowledge of
 
 6 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 right and wrong, proper to a spiritual essence resembling 
 those higher orders of creation whom we call angels, and 
 having some affinity, though at an incalculable distance, 
 to the essence of the Deity himself, should have been 
 placed under the same limitations in point of progressive 
 improvement with the inferior tribes, who are neither re- 
 sponsible for the actions which they perform under direc- 
 tion of their instinct, nor capable, by any exertion of their 
 own, of altering or improving their condition in the scale 
 of creation. So far is this from being the case with man, 
 that the bodily organs of the human frame bear such a 
 correspondence with the properties of his soul, as to gi^e 
 him the means, when they are properly used, of enlarging 
 his powers, and becoming wiser and more skilful from hour 
 to hour, as long as his life permits ; and not only is this 
 the case, but tribes and nations of men assembled together 
 for the purpose of mutual protection and defence, have 
 the same power of alteration and improvement, and may, 
 if circumstances are favourable, go on by gradual steps 
 from being a wild horde of naked barbarians till they be- 
 come a powerful and civilized people. 
 
 The capacity of amending our condition by increase 
 of knowledge, which, in fact, affords the means by which 
 man rises to be the lord of creation, is grounded on the 
 human race possessing those advantages which he alone 
 enjoys. Let us look somewhat closely into this, my dear 
 boy, for it involves some truths equally curious and im- 
 portant. 
 
 If man, though possessed of the same immortal es- 
 sence or soul, which enables him to choose and refuse, to 
 judge and condemn, to reason and conclude, were to be 
 void of the power of communicating the conclusions to 
 which his reasoning had conducted him, it is clear that the 
 progr s of each individual in knowledge, could be only 
 in proportion to his own observation and his own powers 
 of reasoning. But the gift of speech enables any one to 
 communicate to others whatever idea of improvement oc- 
 curs to him, which, instead of dying in the bosom of the 
 Individual by whom it was frst thought of, becomes a part
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. V 
 
 of the stock of knowledge proper to the whola commu- 
 nity, which is increased and rendered generally and ef- 
 fectua'ly useful by the accession of further information, 
 as opportunities occur, or men of reflecting and inventive 
 minds arise in the state. This use of spoken language, 
 therefore, which so gloriously distinguishes man from the 
 beasts that perish, is the primary means of introducing 
 and increasing knowledge in infant communities. 
 
 Another early cause of the improvement of human so- 
 ciety is the incapacity of children to act for themselves, 
 rendering the attention and protection of parents to their 
 offspring necessary for so long a period. Even where the 
 food which the earth affords without cultivation, such as 
 fruits and herbs, is mo t plentifully supplied, children re- 
 main too helpless for many years to be capable of gather- 
 ing it, and providing for their own support. This is still 
 more the case where food has to be procured by hunting, 
 fishing, or cultivating the soil, occupations requiring a de- 
 gree of skill and personal strength, which children cannot 
 possess until they are twelve or fourteen years old. It 
 follows, as a law of nature, that instead of leaving their 
 parents at an early age, like the young birds or quadru- 
 peds, the youth of the human species necessarily remain 
 under the protection of their father and mother for many 
 years, during which they acquire all the knowledge the 
 parents have to teach. It arises also from this wise ar- 
 rangement, that the love and affection between the off- 
 spring and the parents, which among the brute creation 
 is the produce of mere instinct, and continues for a very 
 short time, becomes in the human race a deep and per- 
 manent feeling, founded on the attachment of the parents, 
 ihe gratitude of the children, and the effect of long habit 
 *n both. 
 
 For these reasons, it usually happens, that children feel 
 no desire to desert their parents, but remain inhabitants ot 
 the same huts in which they were born, and take up the 
 task of labouring for subsistence in their turn. One or 
 two such families gradually unite together, and avail 
 themselves of each other's company for mutual defence
 
 10 PROGRK.SS OF C I VIL1ZATIO V. 
 
 and assi ance. This is the earliest stage of human soci- 
 ety, and some savages have been in this condition so very 
 rude and ignorant, that they may be said to be little wiser 
 or better than a herd of animals. The' natives of New 
 South Wales, for example, are, even at present, in the 
 very lowest scale of humanity, and ignorant of every art 
 which can add comfort or decency to human life. These 
 unfortunate savages use no clothes, construct no cabins or 
 huts, and are ignorant even of the manner of chasing an- 
 imals or catching fish, unless such of the latter as are left 
 by the tide, or which are found on the rocks ; they feed 
 upon the most disgusting substances, snakes, worms, mag- 
 gots, and whatever trash falls in their way. They know 
 indeed how to kindle a fire in that respect only they 
 have stepped beyond the deepest ignorance to which man 
 can be subjected but they have not learned how to boil 
 water ; and when they see Europeans perform this ordi- 
 nary operation, they have been known to run away in 
 great terror. Voyagers tell us of other savages who do 
 not even know the use of fire, and who maintain a mis- 
 erable existence by subsisting on shell-fish eaten raw. 
 
 And yet, my dear boy, out of this miserable and de- 
 graded state, which seems worse than that of the animals, 
 man has the means and power to rise into the high place 
 for which Providence hath destined him. In proportion 
 as opportunities occur, these savage tribes acquire the arts 
 of civilized life ; they construct huts to shelter them 
 against the weather ; they invent arms for destroying the 
 wild beasts by which they are annoyed, and for killing 
 those whose flesh is adapted for food ; and they plant 
 fruit trees and sow grain as soon as they discover that the 
 productions of nature most necessary for their comfort 
 may be increased by labour and industry. Thus, the 
 progress of human society, unless it is interrupted by some 
 unfortunate circumstances, continues to advance, and ev- 
 ery new generation, without losing any of the. advantages 
 already attained, goes on to acquire others which wer* 7 
 unknown to the precedina; one.
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 11 
 
 For instance, when three or four wandering families of 
 savages have settled in one place, and begun to cultivate 
 the ground, and collect their huts into a hamlet or village, 
 they usually agree in choosing some chief to be their 
 judge and the arbiter of their disputes in time of peace, 
 their leader and captain when they go to war with other 
 tribes. This is the foundation of a monarchical govern- 
 ment. Or, perhaps, their public affairs are directed by a 
 council, or senate, of the oldest and wisest of the tribe 
 this is the origin of a republican state. At all events, in 
 one way or other, they put themselves under something 
 resembling a regular government, and obtain the protec- 
 tion of such laws as may prevent them from quarrelling 
 with one another. 
 
 Other important alterations are introduced by time. 
 At first, no doubt, the members of the community store 
 their fruits and the produce of the chase in common. But 
 shortly after, reason teaches them that the individual who 
 has bestowed labour and trouble upon anything so as to 
 render it productive, acquires a right of property, as it is 
 called, in the produce, which his efforts have in a manner 
 called into existence. Thus, it is soon acknowledged, 
 that he who has planted a tree has the sole right of con- 
 suming its fruit ; and that he who has sown a field of corn 
 has the exclusive title to gather in the grain. Without 
 the labour of the planter and husbandman, there would 
 have been no apples or wheat, and therefore these are 
 justly entitled to the fruit of their labour. In like manner, 
 the state itself is conceived to acquire a right of proper- 
 ty in the fields cultivated by its members, and in the for- 
 ests where they have of old practised the rights of hunt- 
 ing and fishing. If men of a different tribe enter on the 
 territory of a neighbouring nation, war ensues between 
 them, and peace is made by agreeing on both sides to 
 reasonable conditions. Thus a young state extends its 
 possessions ; and by its communications with other tribes 
 lays the foundation of public laws for the regulation o 
 iheir behaviour to each other in peace and in war.
 
 |2 PROGRESS OF CIVILISATION 
 
 Other arrangements no less important are produced, 
 tending to increase the difference between mankind in theii 
 wild and original state, and that which they assume m the/ 
 progress of civilization. One of the most remarkable is, 
 the separation of the citizens into different classes of soci- 
 ety, and the introduction of the use of money. I will try 
 to render these great changes intelligible to you. 
 
 In the earlier stages of society, every member of the 
 community may be said to supply all his wants by his own 
 personal labour. He acquires his food by the chase he 
 sows and reaps his own grain he gathers his own fruit 
 he cuts the skin which forms his dress so as to fit his own 
 person he makes the sandals or buskins which protect 
 his feet. He is, therefore, better or worse accommodated 
 exactly in proportion to the personal skill and industry 
 which he can apply to that purpose. But it is discover- 
 ed in process of time, that one man has particular dex- 
 terity in hunting, being, we shall suppose, young, active, 
 and enterprising ; another, older and of a more staid 
 character, has peculiar skill in tilling the ground, or in 
 managing cattle and flocks ; a third, lame perhaps, or in- 
 firm, has a happy talent for cutting out and stitching to- 
 gether garments, or for shaping and sewing such shoes as 
 are worn. It becomes, therefore, for the advantage of all, 
 that the first shall attend to nothing but hunting, the sec- 
 ond confine himself to the cultivation of the land, and the 
 third remain at home to make clothes and shoes. But 
 then it follows, as a necessary consequence, that the 
 huntsman must give to the man who cultivates the land a 
 part of his venison and skins, if he desires to have grain 
 of which to make bread, or a cow to furnish his family 
 with milk j and that both the hunter and the agriculturist 
 must give a share of the produce of the chase, and a pro- 
 portion of the grain, to the third man, to obtain from him 
 clothes and shoes. Each is thus accommodated with what 
 he wants, a great deal better, and more easily, by every 
 one following a separate occupation, than they could pos- 
 sibly have been, had each of the three been hunter, ar- 
 mur, and tailor, in his own person practising two of the
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION*. 13 
 
 trades awkwardly and unwillingly, instead of confining 
 himself to that which he perfectly understands, and pur- 
 sues with success. This mode of accommodation is call- 
 ed barter, and is the earliest kind of traffic by which men 
 exchange their property with each other, and satisfy their 
 wants by parting with their superfluities. 
 
 But in process of time, barter is found inconvenient, 
 The husbandman, perhaps, has no use for shoes when 
 the shoemaker is in need of corn, or the shoemaker may 
 not want furs or venison when the hunter desires to have 
 shoes. To remedy this, almost all nations have introduced 
 the use of what is called money ; that is to say, they 
 have fixed on some particular substance capable of being 
 divided into small portions, which, having itself no intrin- 
 sic value, is nevertheless received as a representative of 
 the value of all commodities. Particular kinds of shells 
 are used as money in some countries ; in others, leather, 
 cloth, or iron, are employed ; but gold and silver, divid- 
 ed into small portions, are used for this important purpose 
 almost all over the world. 
 
 That you may understand the use of this circulating 
 representative of the value of commodities, and compre- 
 hend the convenience which it affords, let us suppose that 
 the hunter, as we formerly said, wanted a pair of shoes, 
 and the shoemaker had no occasion for venison, but want- 
 ed some corn, while the husbandman, not desiring to have 
 shoes, was in need of some other commodity. Here are 
 three men, each desirous of some article of necessity, or 
 convenience, which he cannot obtain by barter, because 
 the party whom he has to deal with does not want the 
 commodity which he has to offer. But supposing the use 
 of money introduced, and its value acknowledged, these 
 three persons are accommodated by means of it in the 
 amplest manner possible. The shoemaker does not want 
 the venison which the hunter offers for sale, but some 
 other man in the village is willing to purchase it for five 
 pieces of silver the hunter sells his commodity, and goes 
 to the shoemaker, who, though he would not barter the
 
 14 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 shoes for the venison which he did not want, readily sells 
 tiiem for the money, and, going with it to the farmer, buys 
 from him the quantity of corn he needs ; while the far- 
 mer, in his turn, purchases whatever he is in want of, or 
 if he requires nothing at the time, lays the pieces of money 
 aside, to use when he has occasion. 
 
 The invention of money is followed by the gradual 
 rise of trade. There are men who make it their busi- 
 ness to buy various articles, and sell them again for pro- 
 fit ; that is, they sell them somewhat dearer than they 
 bought them. This is convenient for all parties, since 
 the original proprietors are willing to sell their commod- 
 ities to those store-keepers, or shopkeepers, at a low rate, 
 to be saved the trouble of hawking them about in search 
 of a customer ; while the public in general are equally wil- 
 ling to buy from such intermediate dealers, because they 
 are sure to be immediately supplied with what they want. 
 
 The numerous transactions occasioned by the introduc- 
 tion of money, together with other circumstances, soon 
 destroy the equality of ranks which prevails in an early 
 stage of society. Some men become rich, and hire the 
 assistance of others to do their work ; some are poor, 
 and sink into the capacity of servants. Some men are 
 wise and skilful, and, distinguishing themselves by their 
 exploits in battle and their counsels in peace, rise to the 
 management of public affairs. Others, and much great- 
 er numbers, have no more valour than to follow where 
 they are led, and no more talent than to act as they are 
 commanded. These last sink, as a matter of course, 
 into obscurity, while the others become generals and 
 statesmen. The attainment of learning tends also to in- 
 crease the difference of ranks. Those who receive a 
 good education by the care of their parents, or possess 
 so much strength of mind and readiness of talent as to 
 educate themselves, become separated from the more 
 ignorant of the community, and form a distinct class and 
 condition of their own ; and hold no more communica- 
 tion with the others than is absolutely necessary. In this 
 way the whole order of society is changed, and instead
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 15 
 
 of presenting the uniform appearance of one large family, 
 each member of which has nearly the same rights, it 
 seems to resemble a confederacy or association of differ- 
 ent ranks, classes, and conditions of men, each rank fill 
 ing up a certain department in society, and discharging a 
 class of duties totally distinct from those of the others. 
 The steps by which a nation advances from the natural 
 and simple state which we have just described, into the 
 more complicated system in which ranks are distinguish- 
 ed from each other, are called the progress of society, or 
 of civilization. It is attended, like all things human, with 
 much of evil as well as good ; but it seems to be a law 
 of our moral nature, that, faster or slower, such altera- 
 tions must take place, in consequence of the inventions 
 and improvements of succeeding generations of mankind. 
 
 Another alteration, productive of consequences not 
 less important, arises out of the gradual progress towards 
 civilization. In the early state of society, every man in 
 the tribe is a warrior, and liable to serve as such when the 
 country requires his assistance ; but in progress of time 
 the pursuit of the military art is, at least on all ordinary 
 occasions, confined to bands of professional soldiers, 
 whose business it is to fight the battles of the state, when 
 required, in consideration of which they are paid by the 
 community, the other members of which are thus left to 
 the uninterrupted pursuit of their own peaceful occupa- 
 tions. This alteration is attended with more important 
 consequences than we can at present pause to enumerate. 
 
 We have said that those mighty changes which bring 
 men to dwell in castles and cities instead of huts and 
 caves, and enable them to cultivate the sciences and sub- 
 due the elements, instead of being plunged in ignorance 
 and superstition, are owing primarily to the reason with 
 which God has graciously endowed the human race ; and 
 in a second degree to the power of speech, by which we 
 can communicate to each other the result of our own 
 reflections. 
 
 But it is evident that society, when its advance is de 
 pendent on oral tradition alone, must be liable to many
 
 16 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 interruptions. The imagination of the speaker, and the 
 dulness or want of comprehension of the heirer, may 
 lead to many errors ; and it is generally found that know- 
 ledge makes but very slow progress until the art of writ- 
 ing is discovered, by which a fixed, accurate, and sub- 
 stantial form can be given to the wisdom of past ages. 
 When this noble art is attained, there is a sure founda- 
 tion laid for the preservation and increase of knowledge. 
 The record is removed from the inaccurate recollection 
 of the aged, and placed in a safe, tangible, and imperish- 
 able form, which may be subjected to the inspection of 
 various persons, until the sense is completely explained 
 and comprehended, with the least possible chance of 
 doubt or uncertainty. 
 
 By the art of writing, a barrier is fixed against those 
 violent changes so apt to take place in the early stages of 
 society, by which all the fruits of knowledge are fre- 
 quently destroyed, as those of the earth are by a hurri- 
 cane. Suppose, for example, a case which frequently 
 happens in the early history of mankind, that some na- 
 tion which has made considerable progress in the arts, is 
 invaded and subdued by another which is more powerful 
 and numerous, though more ignorant than themselves. 
 It is clear, that in this case, as the rude and ignorant vic- 
 tors would set no value on the knowledge of the van- 
 quished, it would, if intrusted only to the memory of the 
 individuals of the conquered people, be gradually lost 
 and forgotten. But if their useful discoveries were re- 
 corded in writing, the manuscripts in which they were 
 described, though they might be neglected for a season, 
 would, if preserved at all, probably attract attention at 
 some more fortunate period. It was thus that, when the 
 empire of Rome, having reached the utmost period of 
 its grandeur, was broken down and conquered by nume- 
 rous tribes of ignorant though brave barbarians, those ad- 
 mirable works of classical learning, on which such value i 
 justly placed in the present day, were rescued from total 
 destruction and oblivion by manuscript copies preserved 
 lv chance in the old libraries of churches and convents.
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 11 
 
 [t may indeed be taken as an almost infallible maxim, that 
 no nation can make any great progress in useful know- 
 ledge or civilization, until their improvement can be ren- 
 dered stable and permanent by the invention of writing. 
 
 Another discovery, however, almost as important as 
 that of writing, was made during the fifteenth century. 
 I mean the invention of printing. Writing with the hand 
 must be always a slow, difficult, and expensive operation ; 
 and when the manuscript is finished, it is perhaps laid 
 aside among the stores of some great library, where it 
 may be neglected by students, and must, at any rate, be 
 accessible to very few persons, and subject to be destroy- 
 ed by numerous accidents. But the admirable invention 
 of printing enables the artist to make a thousand copies 
 from the original manuscript, by having them stamped 
 upon paper, in far less time and with less expense than it 
 would cost to make half a dozen such copies with the pen. 
 From the period of this glorious discovery, knowledge of 
 every kind might be said to be brought out of the dark- 
 ness of cloisters and universities, where it was known 
 only to a few scholars, into the broad light of day, where 
 its treasures were accessible to all men. 
 
 The Bible itself, in which wo find the rules of eternal 
 life, as well as a thousand lessons for our conduct in this 
 world, was, before the invention of printing, totally inac- 
 cessible to all, save the priests of Rome, who found it 
 their interest to discourage the perusal of the Scriptures 
 by any save their own order, and thus screened from dis- 
 covery those alterations and corruptions, which the in- 
 ventions of ignorant and designing men had introduced 
 into the beautiful simplicity of the gospel. But when, 
 by means of printing, the copies of the Bible became so 
 numerous, that every one, above the most wretched pov- 
 erty, could, at a cheap price, possess himself of a copy 
 of the blessed rule of life, there was a general appear 
 from the errors and encroachments of the Church of 
 Rome, to the Divine Word on which they professed to 
 be founded j a treasure formerly concealed from the 
 881
 
 PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 public, but now placed within the reach of eveij man. 
 whether of the clergy or laity. The consequence of 
 these inquiries, which printing alone could have rendered 
 practicable, was the rise of the happy Reformation of the 
 Christian church. 
 
 The same noble art made knowledge of a temporal 
 kind as accessible as that which concerned religion. 
 Whatever works of history, science, morality, or enter- 
 tainment, seemed likely to instruct or amuse the reader, 
 were printed and distributed among the people at large 
 by printers and booksellers, who had a profit by doing so. 
 Thus, the possibility of important discoveries being for- 
 gotten in the course of years, or of the destruction of 
 useful arts, or elegant literature, by the loss of the records 
 in which they are preserved, was in a great measure re- 
 moved. 
 
 In a word, the printing-press is a contrivance which 
 enables any one individual to address his whole fellow- 
 subjects on any topic which he tlmiks important, and 
 which enables a whole nation to listen to the voice of 
 sueh individual, however obscure, with the same ease and 
 greater certainty of understanding what he says, than i{ 
 a chief of Indians were haranguing the tribe at his coun- 
 cil-fire. Nor is the important difference to be. forgotten, 
 that the orator can only speak to the person present, 
 while the author of a book addresses himself, not only to 
 the race now in existence, but to all succeeding genera- 
 tions, while his work shall be held in estimation. 
 
 I have thus endeavoured to trace the steps by which a 
 general civilization is found to take place in nations with 
 more or less rapidity, as laws and institutions, or external 
 circumstances, favourable or otherwise, advance or re- 
 tard the increase of knowledge, and by the course of 
 which man, endowed with reason, and destined for im- 
 mortality, gradually improves the condition in which 
 Providence has placed him, while the inferior animals 
 continue to live by means of the same, or nearly the 
 same, instincts of self-preservation, which have directed 
 their species in all its descents since the creation.
 
 ILL TEMPER OF ELIZABETH. 19 
 
 I have called your attention at some length to this 
 matter, because you will now have to remark, that a ma- 
 terial change had gradually and slowly taken place, both 
 in the kingdom of England, and in that of Scotland, 
 when their long quarrels were at length, in appearance, 
 ended, by the accession of James the Sixth of Scotland 
 to the English crown, which he held under the title of 
 James the First of that poweiful kingdom. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Infirmities and ill temper of Elizabeth in her lattei 
 years Accession of James VI. acceptable on that ac- 
 count to the English Resort of Scotsmen to the 
 Court at London Quarrels between them and the 
 English Duelling Duel of Stewart and Wharton 
 Attempt by Sir John Jlyres to assassinate Lord Her- 
 bert Murder of Turner, a Fencing-Master, by two 
 Pages of Sanquhar, and Execution of the three mur- 
 derers Statute against Stabbing. 
 
 THE whole island of Great Britain was now united 
 under one king, though it remained in effect two separate 
 kingdoms, governed by their own separate constitutions, 
 and their own distinct codes of laws, and liable again to 
 be separated, in case, by the death of King James with- 
 out issue, the kingdoms might have been claimed by dif- 
 ferent heirs. For although James had two sons, yet there 
 was a possibility that they might have both died before 
 their father, in which case the sceptres of England and 
 Scotland must have passed once more to different hands. 
 The Hamilton family would, in that case, have succeed- 
 ed to the kingdom of Scotland, and the next heir of 
 Elizabeth to that of England. Who that heir was, it 
 might have been found difficult to determine. 
 
 It might have been thought that James, the sovereign 
 of a poor and barren kingdom, which had for so many
 
 20 ILL TEMPER OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 ages maintained an almost perpetual war in England, 
 would have met with a prejudiced and unpleasant recep- 
 tion from a nation long accustomed to despise the Scots 
 for their poverty, and to regard them with enmity on ac 
 count of their constant hostility to the English blood and 
 name. It might have been supposed also, that a people 
 so proud as the English, and having so many justifiable 
 reasons for their pride, would have regarded with an evil 
 eye the transference of the sceptre from the hand of the 
 Tudors, who had swayed it during five successive reigns, 
 to those of a Stewart, descended from the ancient and 
 determined enemies of the English nation. But it was 
 the wise and gracious pleasure of Providence, that while 
 so many reasons existed to render the accession of James, 
 and, in consequence, the union of the two crowns, ob- 
 noxious to the English people, others should occur, which 
 not only balanced, but completely overpowered those ob- 
 jections, as well in the minds of men of sense and edu- 
 cation, as in the judgment of the populace, who are 
 usually averse to foreign rulers, for no other reason than 
 that they are such. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, after a long and glorious reign, had, 
 in her latter days, become much more cross and uncer- 
 tain in her temper than had been the case in her youth, 
 more wilful also, and more inclined to exert her arbitrary 
 power on slight occasions. One peculiar cause of offence 
 was her obstinate refusal to gratify the anxiety of her 
 people, by making any arrangement for the succession to 
 the throne after her death. On this subject, indeed, she 
 nursed so much suspicion and jealousy, as gave rise to 
 more than one extraordinary scene. The following is a 
 whimsical instance, among others, of her unwillingness to 
 hear of anything respecting old age and its consequences. 
 
 The Bishop of St. David's, preaching in her Majesty's 
 presence, took occasion from his text, which was Psal 
 xc. ver. 12, " So teach us to number our day?, that we 
 may apply our hearts unto wisdom," to allude to the 
 Queen's advanced period of life, she being then sixty- 
 three, and to the consequent infirmities attending upon
 
 IN HER LATTER YEARS. 21 
 
 old age ; as for example, when the grinders shall be few 
 in number, and they wax dark who look out at windows 
 when the daughters of singing shall be abased, and 
 more to the like purpose. With the tone of these ad- 
 monitions the Queen was so ill satisfied, that she flung 
 open the window of the closet in which she sat, and told 
 the preacher to keep his admonitions to himself, since she 
 plainly saw the greatest clerks (meaning, scholars) were 
 not the wisest men. Nor did her displeasure end here. 
 The bishop was commanded to confine himself to his 
 house for a time, and the Queen, referring to the circum- 
 stance some time afterwards, told her courtiers how much 
 the prelate was mistaken in supposing her to be as much 
 decayed as perhaps he might feel himself to be. As for 
 her, she thanked God, neither her stomach nor her 
 strength her voice for singing, or her art of fingering in- 
 struments, were any whit decayed. And to prove the 
 goodness of her eyes, she produced a little jewel, with 
 an inscription in very small letters, which she offered to 
 Lord Worcester and Sir James Crofts to read ; and as 
 they had too much tact to be sharp-sighted on the occa- 
 sion, she read it herself with apparent ease, and laughed 
 at the error of the good bishop. 
 
 The faults of Elizabeth, though arising chiefly from 
 age and ill-temper, were noticed and resented by her 
 subjects, who began openly to show themselves weary oi 
 a female reign, forgetting how glorious it had been, and 
 to desire to have a king to rule over them. With this 
 general feeling, all eyes, even those of Elizabeth's most 
 confidential statesman and counsellor Sir Robert Cecil, 
 afterwards Earl of Salisbury, were turned to the King of 
 Scotland as next heir to the crown. He was a Protestant 
 prince, which assured him the favour of the Church of 
 England, and of the numerous and strong adherents to 
 the Protestant religion. As such, Cecil entered into a 
 secret correspondence with him, in which he pointed out 
 the line of conduct proper on James's part to secure Irs 
 interest in England. On the other hand, the English 
 Catholics, on whom Queen Elizabeth's government had
 
 22 INTRIGUES OF CECIL WITH JAMES VI. 
 
 imposed many severe penal laws, were equally friendly to 
 the succession of King James, since from that prince, 
 whose mother had been a strict Catholic, they might hope 
 for some favour, or, at the least, some release from the 
 various hardships which the laws of England imposed on 
 them. The Earl of Northumberland conducted a cor- 
 respondence with James on the part of the Catholics, in 
 which he held high language, and offered to assert the 
 Scottish King's right of succession by force of arms. 
 
 These intrigues were kept by James as secret as was in 
 his power. If Elizabeth had discovered either the one 
 or the other, neither the services of Cecil nor the high 
 birth and power of the great Earl of Northumberland, 
 could have saved them from experiencing the extremity 
 of her indignation. Cecil, in particular, was at one time 
 on the point of rum. A post from Scotland delivered 
 into his hands a private packet from the Scottish king, 
 when the secretary was in attendance on Elizabeth. 
 " Open your despatches," said Elizabeth, '' and let us 
 hear the news from Scotland." A man of less presence 
 of mind would have been ruined ; for if the Queen had 
 seen the least hesitation in her minister's manner, her sus- 
 picions would have been instantly awakened, and detec- 
 tion must have followed. But Cecil recollected the 
 Queen's sensitive aversion to any disagreeable smell, 
 which was strengthened by the belief of the time, that 
 infectious diseases and subtle poisons could be commu- 
 nicated by means of scent alone. The artful secretary 
 availed himself of this, and while he seemed to be cut- 
 ting the strings which held the packet, he observed it had 
 a singular and unpleasant odour ; on which Elizabeth 
 desired it might be taken from her presence, and opened 
 elsewhere with due precaution. Thus Cecil got an op- 
 portunity to withdraw from the packet whatever could 
 have betrayed his correspondence with King James. 
 Cecil's policy and inclinations were very generally follow- 
 ed in the English court ; indeed, there appeared no heir 
 to the crown, male or female, whose right could be placed 
 in competition with that of James.
 
 -A -:- CAL. 
 
 CHARACTER OF JAMES. 23 
 
 It may oe added to this general inclination n James's 
 favour, that the defects of his character were of a kind 
 which did not attract much attention while he occupied 
 the throne of Scotland. The delicacy of his situation 
 was then so great, and he was exposed to so many dan- 
 gers from the dislike of the clergy, the feuds of the no- 
 bles, and the tumultuous disposition of the common peo- 
 ple, that he dared not indulge in any of those childish 
 freaks of which he was found capable when his motions 
 were more completely at his own disposal. On the con- 
 trary, he was compelled to seek out the sagest counsellors, 
 to listen to the wisest advice, and to put a restraint on his 
 own natural disposition for encouraging idle favourites, 
 parasites, and flatterers, as well as to suppress his inward 
 desire to extend the limits of his authority farther than 
 the constitution of the country permitted. At this period 
 he governed by the advice of such ministers as the Chan- 
 cellor Maitland, and afterwards of Home, Earl of Dun- 
 bar, men of thought and action, of whose steady meas- 
 ures and prudent laws the king naturally obtained the 
 credit. Neither was James himself deficient in a certain 
 degree of sagacity. He possessed all that could be de- 
 rived from learning alloyed by pedantry, and from a nat- 
 ural shrewdness of wit, which enabled him to play the 
 part of a man of sense, when either acting under the 
 Influence of constraint and fear, or where no temptation 
 occurred to induce him to be guilty of some folly. It 
 was by these specious accomplishments that he acquired 
 in his youth the character of an able and wise monarch, 
 although when he was afterwards brought on a more con- 
 spicuDus stage, and his character better understood, he 
 was found entitled to no better epithet than that conferred 
 on him by an able French politician, who called him, 
 " the wisest fool in Christendom." 
 
 Such, however, as King James was, England now re- 
 ceived him with more universal acclamation than had at- 
 tended any of her princes on their ascent to the throne. 
 Multitudes of every description, hastened to accompany 
 him on his journey through England to the capital city.
 
 24 CHARACTER OF JAMES 
 
 The wealthy placed their gold at his disposal, the power 
 till opened their halls lor the most magnificent entertain, 
 ments, the clergy hailed him as the head of (he Church 
 and the poor, who had nothing to offer but their lives, 
 seemed ready to devote them to his service. Some oi 
 the Scottish retinue who were acquainted with James's 
 character, saw and feared the unfavourable effect which 
 such a change of circumstances was likely to work on 
 him. " A plague of these people !" said one of his 
 oldest domestics ; " they will spoil a good king !" 
 
 Another Scot made an equally shrewd answer to an 
 Englishman, who desired to know from him the king's 
 real character. " Did you ever see a jackanapes ?" 
 said the Scotsman, meaning a tame monkey ; " if you 
 have, you must be aware that if you hold the creature 
 in your hands you can make him bite me, and if I hold 
 him in my hands, 1 can make him bite you." 
 
 Both these sayings were shown to be true in course of 
 time. ( King James, brought from poverty to wealth, be- 
 came thoughtless and prodigal, indolent, and addicted to 
 idle pleasures. From hearing the smooth flatteries of 
 the clergy of England, who recognised him as head of 
 the Church, instead of the rude attacks of the Presbyte- 
 rian ministers of Scotland, who had hardly admitted his 
 claim to be one of its inferior members, he entertained 
 new and more lofty pretensions to divine right. Finally, 
 brought from a country where his personal liberty and 
 the freedom of his government were frequently placed 
 under restraint, and his life sometimes in danger, he was 
 overjoyed to find himself in a condition where his own 
 will was not only unfettered, as far as he himself was 
 concerned, but appeared to be the model to which all 
 loyal subjects were desirous to accommodate theirs ; 
 and he seemed readily enough disposed to stretch to its 
 utmost limits the power thus presented to him. Thus, 
 from being a just and equitable monarch, he was inspired 
 with a love of arbitrary power ; and from attending, as 
 had been his custom, to state business, he now minded 
 little save hunting and festivals.)
 
 CHARACTER OF JAMKS. 25 
 
 In this manner James, though possessing a large nock 
 of pedantic wisdom, came to place himself under the 
 management of a succession of unworthy favourites, and 
 although good-natured, and naturally a lover of justice, 
 was often hurried into actions and measures, which, if 
 they could not be termed absolutely tyrannical, were 
 nevertheless illegal and unjust. It is, however, of his 
 Scottish government that we are now to treat, and there- 
 fore I am to explain to you, as well as I can, the conse- 
 quences of the union with England to the people and 
 country of Scotland. 
 
 If the English nation were delighted to receive King 
 James as their sovereign, the Scottish people were no 
 les? enchanted by the prospect of their monarch's ascent 
 to this wealthy and preeminent situation. They consid- 
 ered the promotion of their countryman and prince as an 
 omen of good fortune to their nation ; each individual 
 Scotsman expected to secure some part of the good 
 things with which England was supposed to abound, and 
 multitudes hurried to court, to put themselves in the way 
 of sharing them. 
 
 /James was shocked at the greediness and importunity 
 01 his hungry countrymen, and scandalized besides at 
 the poor and miserable appearance which many of them 
 made among the rich Englishmen, and which brought 
 discredit upon the country to which he himself as well 
 as they belonged. He sent instructions to the Scottish 
 Privy Council to prevent such intruders from leaving 
 their country, complaining of their manners and appear- 
 ance, as calculated to bring disgrace upon all the natives 
 ol Scotland) A proclamation was accordingly issued at 
 Edinburgh, setting forth that great numbers of men and 
 women of base sort and condition, and without any cer- 
 tain trade, calling, or dependence, repaired from Scot- 
 land to court, which was almost filled with them, to the 
 great annoyance of his Majesty, and to the heavy dis- 
 grace of the Scottish nation ; for these suitors being, in 
 the judgment of all who saw them, but idle rascals, and 
 2 VOL. i. 2d. SER.
 
 J" KKSOItT OF SCOTSMKX TO 
 
 poor miseraole bodies, their importunity and numbers 
 raised an opinion that there were no persons of good 
 rank, comeliness, or credit in the country, whi'-h seni 
 forth such a flight of locusts. Further, it was complain- 
 ed that these unseemly supplicants usually alleged thai 
 the cause of their repairing to court, was to desire pay- 
 ment of old debts due by the King, " which of ail kinds 
 of importunity," says the proclamation, with great sim- 
 plicity, " is the most unpleasing to his Majesty." There- 
 fore, general proclamation was directed to be made at all 
 the market crosses in Scotland, that no Scottish person 
 should be permitted to travel to England without leave of 
 the Privy Council ; and that vessels transporting individ- 
 uals who had not obtained due license, should be liable 
 tf confiscation. 
 
 f But although the King did all that was in his power to 
 prevent these uncouth suitors from repairing to his court, 
 yet there were many other natives of Scotland of a higher 
 description, the sons of men of rank and quality, who, 
 by birth and condition, had the right of attending his 
 court, and approaching his presence, whom he could not 
 prohibit from doing so, without positively disowning all 
 former affections, national feeling, and sympathy or grat- 
 itude for past services. ) The benefits which he conferred 
 on these were ill construed by the English, who seem 
 to have accounted everything as taken from themselves 
 which was bestowed on a Scotsman. The King, though 
 it does not appear that he acted with any unjust purpose, 
 was hardly judged, both by his own countrymen and the 
 English. The Scots, who had been his friends in his 
 inferior situation, and, as it might be called, his adversi- 
 ty, naturally expected a share of his bounty, when he 
 was advanced to such high prosperity ; while the Eng- 
 lish, with a jealousy for which much allowance is to be 
 made, regarded these northern suitors with an evil eye. 
 In short, the Scottish courtiers thought that their claims 
 o I ancient services, of allegiance tried under difficult 
 circumstances, of favour due to countrymen, and perhaps 
 even to kindred, which no people carry so far entitled
 
 THE COURT AT LONDON. 27 
 
 (hem to all the advantages which the King night have 
 to bestow ; while the English, on the other hand, con- 
 sidered everything given to the Scots as conferred at 
 their expense, and used many rhymes and satirical ex- 
 pressions to that purpose, such as occur in the old song : 
 
 Bonny Scot, all witness can, 
 England has made thee a gentleman. 
 
 Thy blue bonnet, when thou came hither, 
 Would scarcely keep out the wind or weather : 
 But now it is turned to a hat and a feather 
 The bonnet is blown the devil knows whither. 
 
 The sword at thy haunch was a huge black blade, 
 With a great basket-hilt, of iron made ; 
 But now a long rapier doth hang by his side, 
 And huflingly doth this bonny Scot ride. 
 
 Another rhyme, to the same purpose, described a Scot- 
 tish courtier thus : 
 
 In Scotland he was born and bred, 
 And, though a beggar, must be fed. 
 
 It is said, that when the Scots complained to the king ol 
 this last aspersion, James replied, " Hold your peace, 
 for I will soon make the English as poor as yourselves, 
 and so end that controversy." But as it was not in the 
 power of wit to appease the feud betwixt the nobility and 
 gentry of two proud nations, so lately enemies, all the 
 efforts of the King were unequal to prevent bloody and 
 desperate quarrels between his countrymen and his new 
 subjects, to the great disquiet of the court, and the dis- 
 tress of the good-natured monarch, who, averse to war 
 n all its shapes, and even to the sight of a drawn sword, 
 suffeied grievously on such occasions. 
 
 There was one of those incidents which assumed a 
 character so formidable, that it threatened the destruc- 
 tion of all the Scots at the court and in the capital, 
 and, in consequence, a breach between the kingdoms so 
 lately and happily allied. At a public horse-race at 
 Croydon, Philip Herbert, an Englishman of high birth
 
 28 <il?AKKKLS KKTWKKN THIS SCOI'SMK.V 
 
 (hough, as it fortunately chanced, of no degree of cor- 
 responding spirit, received, in a quarrel, a blow in the 
 face by a switch or a horse-whip, from one Ramsay, a 
 Scottish gentleman in attendance on the court The 
 rashness and violence of Ramsay was construed into a 
 national point of quarrel by the English present, who 
 proposed revenging themselves on the spot by a general 
 attack upon all the Scots on the race-ground. One gen- 
 tleman, named Pinchbeck, although ill fitted for such a 
 strife, for he had but the use of two fingers on his right 
 hand, rode furiously through the multitude, witli his dag- 
 ger ready drawn, exhorting all the EngJsh to imitate him 
 in an immediate attack on the Scots, exclaiming, " Let 
 us breakfast with those that are here, and dine with the 
 rest in London." But as Herbeit did not return the 
 blow, no scuffle or assault actually took place ; other- 
 wise, it is probable, a dreadful seem* must have ensued. 
 James, with whom Herbert was a particular favourite, 
 rewarded his moderation or timidity by raising him to the 
 rank of Knight, Baron, Viscount, and Earl of Montgom- 
 ery, all in one day. Ramsay was banished the court for 
 a season ; and thus the immediate affront was in some 
 degree alleviated. But the new Earl of Montgomery 
 remained, in the opinion of his countrymen, a dishonour- 
 ed man ; and it is said his mother, the sister of Sir Philip 
 Sidney, wept and tore her hair when she heard of his 
 having endured with patience the insult offered by Ram- 
 say. This is the lady whom, in a beautiful epitaph, Ben 
 Jonson has described as 
 
 Sidney's sister, Pembroke's mother ; 
 Death, erethou hast slain another 
 Wise, and good, and learn'd as she, 
 Time shall throw a dart at thee. 
 
 Yet the patience of Herbert under the insult was the 
 fortunate prevention of a great national misfortune for 
 which, if his after conduct had not given tokens of an 
 abject spirit, he might 1 ave been praised as a patriot, who
 
 AT C017RT AND THE ENGLISH. 29 
 
 had preferred the good of his country to the gratification 
 of his own immediate resentment. 
 
 Another offence given by the haughty and irascible 
 temper of a Scotsman, was also likely to have produced 
 disastrous consequences. The Inns of Court are the 
 places of resort and study appointed for those young men 
 who are destined to the profession of the law in England, 
 and they are filled with students, men often of high fam- 
 ily and accomplishments, and who, living together in the 
 sort of colleges set apart for their residence, have always 
 kept up the ideas of privilege and distinction, to which 
 their destination to a highly honourable profession, as well 
 as their own birth and condition, entitles them. One of 
 these gentlemen, by name Edward Hawley, appeared at 
 court on a public occasion, and, probably, intruded fur- 
 ther than his rank authorized ; so that Maxwell, a Scots- 
 man, much favoured by James, and an usher of his 
 chamber, not only thrust him back, but actually pulled 
 him out of the presence chamber by a black riband 
 which, like other gallants of the time, Hawley wore at 
 the ear. Hawley, who was a man of spirit, instantly 
 challenged Maxwell to fight ; and his second, who car- 
 ried the challenge, informed him, that if he declined 
 such meeting, Hawley would assault him wherever they 
 should meet, and either kill him or be killed on the spot. 
 James, by his royal interference, was able to solder up 
 this quarrel also. He compelled Maxwell to make an 
 apology to Hawley ; and, for the more full accommoda- 
 tion of the dispute, accepted of a splendid masque and 
 entertainment offered on the occasion by the students of 
 Gray's Inn Lane, the society to which the injured gen- 
 tleman belonged. 
 
 We may here remark a great change in the manners 
 of the gallants of the time, which had taken place in the 
 progress of civilization, to which I formerly alluded. 
 The ancient practice of trial by combat, which made a 
 principal part of the feudal law, and which was resorteu 
 to in so many cases, was now fallen into disuse. The
 
 30 DUELLING. 
 
 progress of reason, and the principles of justice, concur- 
 red to prove that a combat in the lists might indeed show 
 which of two knights was the best rider and the stoutest 
 swordsman, but that such an encounter could afford no 
 evidence which of the two was innocent or guilty ; since 
 it can only be believed in a very ignorant age that Prov- 
 idence is to work a miracle in case of every chance 
 combat, and award success to the party whose virtue best 
 deserves it. The trial by combat, therefore, though, it 
 was not actually removed from the statute-book, was in 
 fact only once appealed to after the accession of James, 
 and even then the combat, as a mode of trial unsuited 
 to enlightened times, did not take place. 
 
 For the same reason the other sovereigns of Europe 
 discountenanced these challenges and combats, either for 
 pure honour or in revenge of some injury, which it used 
 to be their custom to encourage, and to sanction with 
 their own presence. These rencounters were generally 
 accounted by all sensible persons an inexcusable waste of 
 gallant men's lives for matters of mere punctilio, and 
 were strictly forbidden, under the highest penalties, by 
 the Kings both of England and France, and, generally 
 speaking, through the civilized world. But the royal 
 command could not change the hearts of those to whom 
 it was addressed, nor could the penalties annexed to the 
 breach of the law intimidate men, whom a sense of hon- 
 our, though a false one, had already induced to hold life 
 cheap. Men fought as many, perhaps even more, single 
 combats than formerly ; and although they took place 
 without the publicity and formal show of lists, armour 
 horses, and the attendance of heralds and judges of the 
 field, yet they were not less bloody than those which had 
 been formerly fought with the observance of every point 
 of chivalry. According to the more modern practice, 
 combatants met in some solitary place, alone, or each 
 accompanied by a friend called a second, who were sup- 
 posed to see fair play. The combat was generally fought 
 ivith the rapier or small sword, a peculiarly deadly wea- 
 pon, and the combatants, to show they wore no defensive
 
 DUEL BETWEEN STEWART AJVD WHARTOlf. 31 
 
 armour under their clothes, threw off their coats and 
 waistcoats, and fought in their shirts. The duty of the 
 seconds, properly interpreted, was only to see fair play ; 
 but as these hot-spirited young men felt it difficult to re- 
 main cool and inactive when they saw their friends en- 
 gaged, it v/as very common for them, though without even 
 the shadow of a quarrel, to fight also ; and, in that case, 
 whoever first despatched his antagonist, or rendered him 
 incapable of further resistance, came without hesitation 
 to the assistance of his comrade, and thus the decisive 
 superiority was brought on by odds of numbers, which 
 contradicts all our common ideas of honour or of gal- 
 lantry. 
 
 Such were the rules of the duel, as these single com- 
 bats were called. The fashion came from France to 
 England, and was adopted by the Scots and English as 
 the readiest way of settling their national quarrels, which 
 became very numerous. 
 
 One of the most noted of these was the bloody and 
 fatal conflict between Sir James Stewart, son of the first 
 Lord Blantyre, a Scottish Knight of the Bath, and Sir 
 George Wharton, an Englishman, eldest son of Lord 
 Wharton, a Knight of the same order. These gentle- 
 men were friends ; and, if family report speaks truth, 
 Sir James Stewart was one of the most accomplished 
 young men of his time. A trifling dispute at play led to 
 uncivil expressions on the part of Wharton, to which 
 Stewart answered by a blow. A defiance was exchang- 
 ed on the spot, and they resolved to fight next day at an 
 appointed place near Waltham. This fatal appointment 
 made, they carried their resentment with a show of 
 friendship, and drank some wine together ; after finishing 
 which, Wharton observed to his opponent, " Our next 
 meeting will not part so easily." The fatal rencounter 
 took place ; both gentlemen fought with the most deter- 
 mined courage, and both fell with many wounds, and 
 died on the field of battle. 
 
 Sometimes the rage and passion of the gallants of the 
 day did not take the fairest, jut the shortest road to re-
 
 32 ATTKMri TO ASSASSINATE LORD HERBERT. 
 
 venge ; and the courtiers of James I. , men of honoura- 
 ble birth and title, were, in some instances, addicted to 
 attack an enemy by surprise, without regard to the pre- 
 vious appointment of a place of meeting, or any regula- 
 tion as to the number of the combatants. Nay, it seems 
 as if, on occasions of special provocation, the English did 
 not disdain to use the swords of hired assassins in aid of 
 their revenge, and all the punctilios of equality of arms 
 or numbers were set aside as idle ceremonies. 
 
 Sir Join Ayres, a man of rank and fortune, entertain- 
 ed jealousy of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, celebrated 
 as a soldier and philosopher, from having discovered that 
 his wife, Lady Ayres, wore around her neck the picture 
 of that high-spirited and accomplished nobleman. In- 
 censed by the suspicions thus excited, Sir John watched 
 Lord Herbert, and, meeting him on his return from court, 
 attended by only two servants, he attacked him furiously, 
 backed by four of his followers with drawn weapons, and 
 attended by many others, who, though they did not di- 
 rectly unsheath their swords, yet served to lend counte- 
 nance to the assault. Lord Herbert was thrown down 
 under his horse ; his sword, with which he endeavoured 
 to defend himself, was broken in his hand ; and the 
 weight of the horse prevented him from rising. One of 
 his lacqueys ran away on seeing his master attacked by 
 such odds ; the other stood by him, and released his foot, 
 which was entangled in the stirrup. At this moment Sir 
 John Ayres was standing over him, and in the act of at- 
 tempting to plunge his sword into his body ; but Lord 
 Herbert, catching him by the legs, brought him also to the 
 ground, and although the young Lord had but a fragment 
 of his sword remaining, he struck his unmanly antagonist 
 with such force on the stomach as deprived him of the 
 power to prosecute his bloody purpose ; and some of 
 Lord Herbert's friends coming up, the assassin thought 
 it prudent to withdraw, vomiting blood in consequence of 
 the blow he had received. 
 
 This scuffle lasted for some time in the streets of Lou- 
 rion, wit bout any person feeling himself called upon to
 
 Ml Kill. I! OF TUKNKK. 33 
 
 interfere in behalf of the weaker parly ; and Sir John 
 Ayres seems to have entertained no shame for the enter- 
 prise, but only regret that it had not succeeded. Lord 
 Herbert sent him a challenge as soon as his wounds weie 
 in the way of being cured ; and the gentleman who bore 
 it, placed the letter on the point of his sword, and in that 
 manner delivered it publicly to the person whom he ad- 
 dressed. Sir John Ayres replied, that the injury he had 
 received from Lord Herbert was of such a nature, that 
 he would not consent to any terms of fair play, but would 
 shoot him from a window with a musket if he could find 
 an opportunity. Lord Herbert protests, in his Memoirs, 
 that there was no cause given on his part for the jealousy 
 which drove Sir John Ayres to such desperate measures 
 of revenge. 
 
 A still more noted case of cruel vengeance, and which 
 served to embitter the general hatred against the Scots, 
 was a crime committed by Lord Sanquhar, a nobleman 
 of that country, the representative of the ancient family 
 of Creichton. This young lord, in fencing with a man 
 called Turner, a teacher of the science of defence, had 
 he misfortune to be deprived of an eye by the accident- 
 al thrust of a foil. The mishap was, doubtless, both 
 distressing and provoking ; but there was no room to 
 olame Turner, by 'whom no injury had been intended, 
 and who greatly regretted the accident. One or two 
 years after this, Lord Sanquhar being at the court ot 
 France, Henry IV. then king, asked him how he had lost 
 his eye. Lord Sanquhar, not wishing to dwell on the 
 subject, answered in general terms, that it was by the 
 thrust of a sword. " Does the man who did the injury 
 still live ?" asked the king ; and the unhappy question 
 impressed it indelibly upon the heart of the infatuated 
 Lord Sanquhar, that his honour required the death of the 
 poor fencing-master. Accordingly, he despatched his 
 page and another of his followers', who pistolled Turner 
 in his own school. The murderers were taken, and ac- 
 knowledged they had boon employed to do the deed by 
 their lord, whose commands, they said, they had been 
 882
 
 34 STATUTK OF STABBING. 
 
 bred up to hold as indisputable warrants for the execution 
 of whatever he might enjoin. All the culprits being 
 brought to trial and condemned, much interest was made 
 lor Lord Sanquhar, who was a young man, it is said, of 
 eminent parts. But to have pardoned him would have 
 argued too gross a partiality in James towards his coun- 
 trymen and original subjects. He was hanged, there- 
 fore, along with his two associates ; which Lord Bacon 
 termed the most exemplary piece of justice in any king's 
 reign. 
 
 To sum up the account of these acts of violence, 
 they gave occasion to a severe iaw, called the statute of 
 stabbing. Hitherto, in the mild spirit of English juris- 
 prudence, the crime of a person slaying another without 
 premeditation only amounted to the lesser denomination 
 of murder, which the law calls manslaughter, and which 
 had been only punishable by fine and imprisonment. 
 But, to check the use of short swords and poniards, 
 weapons easily concealed, and capable of being sudden- 
 ly produced, it was provided that if any one, though with- 
 out forethought or premeditation, with sword or dagger, 
 attacked and wounded another whose weapon was no* 
 drawn, of which wound the party should die within six 
 months after receiving it, the crime should not be account- 
 ed homicide, but rise into the higher class of nuirdei 
 suid be as such punished with <L*ath accordingly.
 
 8TATK OF ENGLAND. .35 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Attempt of James to reduce the Institutions of Scot- 
 land to a state of Uniformity with those of England 
 Commissioners appointed to effect this the Pro- 
 ject fails Distinctions between the Forms of 
 Church Government in the two Countries Intro- 
 duction of Episcopacy into the Scottish Church 
 Five Articles of Perth Dissatisfaction of the 
 People with these Innovations. 
 
 While the quarrels of the English and Scottish nobility 
 disturbed the comfort of James the First's reign, it must 
 be admitted that the monarch applied himself with some 
 diligence to cement as much as possible the union of the 
 two kingdoms, and to impart to each such advantages as 
 they might be found capable of borrowing from the other. 
 The love of power, natural to him as a sovereign, com- 
 bined with a sincere wish for what would be most advan- 
 tageous to both countries for James, when not carried 
 off by his love of idle pleasures, and the influence of 
 unworthy favourites, possessed the power of seeing, and 
 the disposition to advance, the interests of his subjects 
 alike induced him to accelerate, by every means, the 
 uniting the two separate portions of Britain into one solid 
 and inseparable state, for which nature designed the in- 
 habitants of the same island. He was not negligent in 
 adopting measures to attain so desirable an object, though 
 circumstances deferred the accomplishment of his wishes 
 till the lapse of a century. To explain the nature of his 
 attempt, and ihe causes of its failure, we must consider 
 the respective condition of England and Scotland as re- 
 garded their political institutions. 
 
 The long and bloody wars between the houses of York 
 and Lancaster, who, for more than thirty years, contended
 
 36 STATE OK KM; I. A NO 
 
 r or the throne of England, had, by slaughter in numerous 
 battles, by repeated proscriptions, public executions, mm 
 forfeitures, reduced to a comparatively inconsideiable 
 number, and to a much greater state of disab lity and 
 weakness, the nobility and great gentry of the kingdom, 
 by whom the crown had been alternately bestowed on one 
 or other of the contending parties. Henry the Seventh, 
 a wise and subtle prince, had, by his success in the deci- 
 sive battle of Bosworth, attained a secure seat upon the 
 English throne. He availed himself of the weak state 
 of the peers and barons, to undermine and destroy the 
 influence which the feudal system had formerly given 
 them over their vassals ; and they submitted to this dim- 
 inution of their authority, as men who felt that the stormy 
 independence possessed by their ancestors had cost them 
 very dear, and that it was better to live at ease under 
 the king, as a common head of the state, than to possess 
 the ruinous power of petty sovereigns, each on his own 
 estate, making war upon, and ruining others, and incur- 
 ring destruction themselves. They therefore relinquish- 
 ed, without much open discontent, most of their oppres- 
 sive rights of sovereignty over their vassals, and were sat- 
 isfied to be honoured and respected masters of their own 
 lands, without retaining the power of princes over those 
 who cultivated them. They exacted rents from their ten- 
 ants instead of service in battle, and attendance in peace, 
 and became peaceful and wealthy, instead of being great 
 and turbulent. 
 
 As the nobles sunk in consideration, the citizens of the 
 towns and sea-ports, and the smaller gentry and cultiva- 
 tors of the soil, increased in importance as well as in pros- 
 perity and happiness. These commoners felt, indeed, and 
 sometimes murmured against, the ascendence acquired by 
 the king, but were conscious at the same time, that it was 
 the crown which had relieved them from the far more 
 vexatious and frequent exactions of their late feudal lords; 
 and as the burden fell equally on all, they were better 
 contented to live under the sway of one king, who impos- 
 ed the national burdens on the people at large, t'lan under
 
 AT THE ACCESSION OF JAMES. 37 
 
 that of a number of proud lords. Henry VII. availed 
 himself of these favourable dispositions, to raise large 
 taxes, whi( h he partly hoarded up for occasions of euser- 
 gency, and partly expended on levying bands of soldiers, 
 both foreign and domestic, by whom he carried on such 
 wars as he engaged in, without finding any necessity to 
 call out the feudal array of the kingdom. 
 
 Henry VIII. was a prince of a very different temper, 
 and yet his reign contributed greatly to extend and con- 
 firm the power of the crown. He expended, indeed, the 
 treasures of his father ; but he replenished them, in a great 
 measure, by the spoils of the Roman Catholic Church, 
 and he confirmed the usurpation of arbitrary authority, by 
 the vigour with which he wielded it. The tyranny which 
 he exercised in his family and court,, was unfelt by the 
 citizens and common people, with whom he continued to 
 be rather popular from his splendour, than dreaded from 
 his violence. His power wrested from them, in the shape 
 of compulsory loans and benevolences, large sums of 
 money which he was not entitled to by the grant of par- 
 liament ; but though he could not directly compel them 
 to pay such exactions, yet he could exert, as in the case 
 of Alderman Read, the power of sending the refusing 
 party to undergo the dangers and hardships of foreign 
 service, which most wealthy citizens thought still harder 
 than the alternative of paying a sum of money. 
 
 The reign of the English Queen Mary was short and 
 inglorious, but she pursued the arbitrary steps of her fath- 
 er, and in no degree relaxed the power which the crown 
 had acquired since the accession of Henry VII. That 
 of Elizabeth went considerably to increase it. The suc- 
 cess of the wise measures which she adopted for main- 
 taining the Protestant religion, and making the power ol 
 England respected by foreign states, flattered the vanity, 
 and conciliated the affection, of her subjects. The wis^ 
 dom and economy with which she distributed the treasures 
 of the state, added to the general disposition of her sub- 
 jects to place them at her command ; and the arbitrary
 
 38 STATE OF ENGLAND 
 
 authority which her grandfather acquired by subtlety, 
 which her father maintained by violence, and which he. 
 sister preserved by bigotry, was readily conceded to Eliz- 
 abeth by the love and esteem of her people. It was, 
 moreover, to be considered, that, like the rest of the Tu- 
 dor family, the Queen nourished high ideas of royal pre- 
 rogative ; and when thwarted in her wishes by any oppo- 
 sition, not unfrequently called to lively recollection, both 
 by expression and action, whose daughter she was. 
 
 In a word, the almost absolute authority of the House 
 of Tudor may be understood from the single circumstance, 
 that although religion is the point on which men do, and 
 ought to think their individual feelings and sentiments 
 particularly at liberty, yet, at the arbitrary will of the 
 sovereign, the Church of England was disjoined from that 
 of Rome by Henry the Eighth, was restored to the Ro- 
 man Catholic faith by Queen Mary, and again declared 
 Protestant by Elizabeth ; and on each occasion the change 
 was effected without any commotion or resistance beyond 
 what wa^soon put down by the power of the Crown. 
 
 Thus, on succeeding to the English throne, James found 
 himself at the head of a nobility who had lost both the 
 habit and power of resisting the will of the sovereign, and 
 of a wealthy body of commons, who, satisfied with being 
 liberated from the power of the aristocracy, were little 
 disposed to resist the exactions of the crown} 
 
 His ancient kingdom of Scotland was in a. directly dif- 
 ferent situation. The feudal nobility had retained their 
 territorial jurisdictions, and their signiorial privileges, in 
 as full extent as their ancestors had possessed them, and 
 therefore had the power at once and the inclination to 
 resist the arbitrary will of the sovereign, a? James himself 
 had felt on more occasions than one. Thus, though the 
 body of the people had not the same protection from just 
 and equal hws, as was the happy lot of the inhabitants of 
 England, and were less wealthy, yet the spirit of the con- 
 stitution possessed all the freedom which was inherent in 
 die ancient feudal institutions, and it was impossible for 
 the monarch so to influence the Parlian./nt of the coun
 
 \T THE ACCESSION OF JAMES. 39 
 
 try, as to accomplish any considerable encroachment on 
 the privileges of the nation. 
 
 It was therefore obvious, that besides the numerous 
 reasons of a public nature for uniting South and North 
 Britain under a similar system of government, James saw 
 a strong personal interest for reducing the turbulent no- 
 bles and people of Scotland to the same submissive and 
 quiet state in which he found England, but in which it was 
 not his good fortune to leave it. With this view he pro- 
 posed, that the Legislature of both nations should appoint 
 Commissioners, to consider the terms on which it might 
 be possible to unite them under the same constitution. 
 With some difficulty on both sides, the Parliament of 
 England was prevailed on to name forty-four Commis- 
 sioners, while the Scottish Parliament appointed thirty-six, 
 to consider this important subject. 
 
 The very first conferences showed how impossible it 
 was to accomplish the desired object, until time should 
 have removed or softened those prejudices en both sides, 
 which had long existed during the state of separation and 
 hostility betwixt the two nations. The English Commis- 
 sioners demanded, as a preliminary stipulation, that the 
 whole system of English law should be at once ex- 
 tended to Scotland. The Scots rejected the proposal 
 with disdain, justly alleging, that nothing less than abso- 
 lute conquest by force of arms could authorize the sub- 
 jection of an independent nation to the customs and laws 
 of a foreign country. The treaty, therefore, was in a 
 great degree shipwrecked at the very commencement 
 the proposal for the union was suffered to fall asleep, and 
 the King had the disadvantage of having excited the sus- 
 picions and fears of the Scottish lawyers, who had been 
 threatened with the total destruction of their profession 
 And the profession of the law, which must be influential 
 in every government, was particularly so in Scotland, as 
 it was chiefly practised by the sons of the higher class of 
 gentry. 
 
 Though in a great measure disappointed in his meas- 
 ures for effecting a general union and correspondence of
 
 40 INTRODUCTION OF EPISCOPACY 
 
 laws between the two nations, James remained extremely 
 desirous to obtain at least an ecclesiastical conformity of 
 opinion, by bringing the form and constitution of the Scot- 
 tish Church as near as possible to tha* of England. What 
 he attempted and accomplished in this respect, forms an 
 important part of the history of his reign, and gave oc- 
 casion to some of the most remarkable and calamitous 
 events in that of his successor. 
 
 I must remind you, my dear child, that the Reforma- 
 tion was effected by very different agency in England, 
 from what operated a similar change in Scotland. The 
 new plans of church government adopted in the two na- 
 tions did not in the least resemble each other, although the 
 doctrines which they teach are so nearly alike, that little 
 distinction can be traced, save what is of a very subtle 
 and metaphysical character. But the .outward forms of 
 the two churches are very different. (You must remem- 
 ber that the Reformation of the Church of England was 
 originally brought about by Henry VIII., whose principal 
 object was to destroy the dependence of the clergy upon 
 the Pope, and transfer to himself, whom he declared Head 
 of the Church in his own regal right, all the authority and 
 influence which had formerly been enjoyed by the Papa) 
 See. When, therefore, Henry had destroyed the mo- 
 nastic establishments, and confiscated their possessions ; 
 and had reformed such doctrines of the church as he 
 judged required amendment, it became his object to pre- 
 serve her general constitution ,jand the gradation of infe- 
 rior and superior clergy, by whom her functions were ad- 
 ministered, because the promotion was in a great measure 
 distributed by the hands of the king himself, to whom, 
 therefore, the inferior clergy must naturally be attached by 
 hope of preferment, and the superior orders by gratitude 
 and the expectation of farther advancement. The order 
 of bishops, in particular, raised to that rank by the crown, 
 and enjoying seats in the House of Lords, must be sup- 
 posed, on most occasions, willing to espouse the cause, 
 and forward the views of the King, in such debates as 
 might occuv in that assembly.
 
 INTO THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. 41 
 
 The Reformation in Scotland had taken place by i sud- 
 den popular impulse, and the form of church government 
 adopted by Knox, and the other preachers under whose 
 influence it had been accomplished, was studiously made 
 as different as possible from the Roman hierarchy. The 
 Presbyterian system, as I said in a former chapter, was 
 upon the model of the purest republican simplicity ; the 
 brethren who served the altar claimed and allowed of no 
 superiority of ranks, and of no influence but what indi- 
 viduals might attach to themselves by superior worth or 
 superior talent. The representatives who formed their 
 church courts were selected by plurality of votes, and no 
 other head of the church, visible or invisible, was ac- 
 knowledged, save the blessed Founder of the Christian 
 Religion, in whose name the church courts of Scotland 
 were convoked and dismissed. 
 
 Over a body so constituted, the King could have little 
 influence or power ; nor did James acquire any by his 
 personal conduct. It was, indeed, partly by the influence 
 of the clergy that he had been in infancy placed upon the 
 throne ; but, as their conduct in this was regarded by 
 James, in his secret soul, as an act of rebellion against his 
 mother's authority, he gave the- Kirk of Scotland little 
 thanks for what they had done. It must be owned the 
 preachers did nothing to conciliate his favour ; for, al- 
 though they had no legal call to speak their sentiments 
 upon public and political affairs, they yet entered into them 
 without ceremony. The pulpits rang with invectives 
 against the King's ministers, and sometimes against tl e 
 King himself ; and the more hot-headed among the clergy 
 were disposed not only to thwart James's inclinations, and 
 put the worst construction upon his intentions, but even 
 publicly to insult him in their sermons, and favour the 
 insurrections attempted by Stewart Earl of Bothwell, and 
 others, against his authority. They often entertained him 
 with violent invectives against his mother's memory ; and, 
 it is said, that on one occasion, when the King, losing pa- 
 tience, commanded one of these zealots either to speak
 
 42 INTRODUCTION OF EPISCOPACY 
 
 sense crcotne down from the pulpit, the preacher replied 
 to this request, which one would have thought very rea- 
 sonable, " I tell thee, man, I will neither speak sense nor 
 come down." 
 
 .James did not see that these acts of petulance and con- 
 tumacy arose, in a great measure, from the suspicions 
 which the Scottish clergy justly entertained of his desir- 
 ing to innovate upon the Presbyterian model, and hastily 
 concluded, that their conduct, which was the result of 
 mutual jealousies, was essential to the character of the 
 peculiar form of church government, and that the spirit 
 of Presbytery was in itself inimical to a monarchical estab- 
 lishment. As soon, therefore, as he obtained the high 
 increase of power which arose from his accession to the 
 English throne, he set himself gradually to new-model the 
 Scottish Church, so as to bring it nearer that of England. 
 But the suspicions of the Presbyterian clergy were con- 
 .Uantly alive to their sovereign's intentions. It was in vain 
 he endeavoured to avail himself of the institution of an 
 order of men called Superintendents, to whom the book 
 of discipline, drawn up by Knox himself, had assigned a 
 sort of presidency in certain cases, with power of inspect- 
 ing the merits of the clergy. By this course James en- 
 deavoured to introduce a sort of permanent presidents 
 into the several Presbyteries. But the clergy clearly saw 
 his ultimate object. " Busk it up as bonnily as you will, 
 (they said,) bring it in as fairly as ^e can, we see the honis 
 of the mitre ;" and the horns of the mitre were, to their 
 apprehension, as odious as the horns of the Pope's tiara, 
 or those of Satan himself. At last the King ventured on 
 a decisive stroke. He named thirteen bishops, and ob- 
 tained the consent of Parliament for restoring them to the 
 small remains of their dilapidated bishoprics. The 1 othoi 
 bishoprics, seventeen in number, were converted into 
 '.em|>oral lordships. 
 
 It cannot be denied that the leaders of the Presbyterian 
 di-rgy showed the utmost skill and courage in the defence 
 of the immunities of their church. They were endeared 
 lo the peoule by the purity of their lives, by the depth
 
 INTO THE SCOTTISH CHURCH. 43 
 
 of learning possessed by some, and the powerful talents 
 exhibited by others: above all, perhaps, by the willing- 
 ness with which they submitted to poverty, penalties, and 
 banishment, rather than betray the cause which they con- 
 sidered as sacred. The King had in 1605 openly as- 
 serted his right to call and to dissolve the General Assem- 
 blies of the Church. Several of the clergy, in contempt 
 of the monarch, summoned and attended a General As- 
 sembly at Aberdeen. The opportunity was taken to chas- 
 tise the refractory clergymen. Five of their number 
 were punished with banishment. In 1606, the two cele- 
 brated preachers named Melville were summoned before 
 the Council, and upbraided by the King with their resist- 
 ance to his will. They defended themselves with courage, 
 and claimed the right of being tried by the laws of Scot- 
 land, a free kingdom, having laws and privileges of its 
 own. But the elder Melville furnished a handle against 
 them by his own imprudence. 
 
 In a dehate before the Privy Council, concerning a Lat- 
 in copy of verses, which Andrew Melville bad written in 
 derision of the ceremonies of the Church of England, he 
 gave way to indecent violence, seized the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury by the lawn sleeves, which he shook, calling 
 them Romish rags, and charged the pi elate as a breaker 
 of the Sabbath > the maintainer of an anti-christian hierar- 
 chy, the persecutor of true preachers, the enemy of reform- 
 ed churches, and proclaimed himself his mortal enemy to 
 the last drop of his blood. This indiscretion and violence 
 afforded a pretext for committing the hot old Presbyte- 
 rian divine to the Tower ; and he was afterwards exiled, 
 and died at Sedan. The younger Melville was confined 
 to Berwick, several other clergymen were banished from 
 their parishes to remote parts, and the Kirk of Scotland 
 for the time was reduced to reluctant submission to the 
 King's will. Thus the order of bishops was once more 
 introduced into the Scottish Church. 
 
 James's projects of innovation were not entirely accom- 
 plished by the introduction of prelacy. The Church of 
 England, at the Reformation, had retained some partial-
 
 44 FIVE ARTICLES OF PERTH. 
 
 lar rites in observance, which had decency at least to re 
 commend them, but which the headlong opposition of tho 
 Presbyterians to every thing approaching to the Popish 
 ritual induced them to reject with horror. Five of these 
 were introduced into Scotland, by an enactment passed 
 by a parliament held at Perth. In modern times, when 
 the mere ceremonial part of divine worship is supposed 
 to be of little consequence, compared with the temper 
 and spirit in which we approach the Deity, the Five Ar- 
 ticles of Perth seem to involve matters which might be 
 dispensed or complied with, without being considered as 
 essential to salvation. They were as follow^: 1. It was 
 ordained that the communion should be received in a 
 kneeling posture, and not sitting, as hitherto practised in 
 the Scottish churches. II. That, in extreme cases, the 
 communion might be administered in private. III. That 
 baptism also might, when necessary, be administered in 
 private. IV. That youth, as they grew up. should be con- 
 firmed, as it is termed, by the bishop ; being a kind of 
 personal avowal of the engagements entered into by god- 
 fathers and godmothers at the time of baptism. V. That 
 four days, distinguished by events of the utmost impor- 
 tance to the Christian religion, should be observed as hoi 
 idays. These were Chrrstrnas, on which day our Sa- 
 viour was born ; Good Friday, when he suffered death ; 
 Easter, when he arose from the dead ; and Pentecost, 
 when the Holy Spirit descended on the Apostles. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the moderate character of these 
 innovations, the utmost difficulty was found in persuading 
 even those of the Scottish clergy who were most favour- 
 able to the King to receive them into the church, and they 
 only did so on the assurance that they should not be re- 
 quired to adopt any additional changes. The main body 
 of the churchmen, though terrified into sullen acquies- 
 cence, were unanimous in opinion that the new regulations 
 indicated a manifest return towards Popery. The com- 
 mon people held the same opinion ; and a thunder-storm, 
 of unusual violence, which took place at the time the 
 parliament was sitting for the adoption of these obnox-
 
 DISORDERLY STATE OF THE BORDERS. 45 
 
 lous articles, was considered as a declaration of the wrath 
 of Heaven against those, who were again introducing the 
 rites and festivals of the Roman Church into the pure 
 and reformed Kirk of Scotland. In short, this attempt to 
 infuse into the Presbyterian model something of the prin- 
 ciples of a moderate prelacy, was generally unacceptable 
 to the church and to the nation ; and it will be hereafter 
 shown, that an endeavour to extend and heighten the edi- 
 fice which his father had commenced, led the way to those 
 acts of violence which cost Charles I. his throne and life. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Disorderly State of the Borders Characteristic Exam- 
 ple of Border Match-Making Deadly Feud between 
 the Maxwells and Johnstones Battle of Dryffe Sands 
 James's power of enforcing the Laws increased after 
 his accession to the English Throne Measures for 
 restraining the Border Marauder? The Clan Gra- 
 ham removed from the Debateablc Land to Ulster in 
 Ireland Levies of Soldiers to sene in Foreign Parts 
 Mutual Bonds among the Chiefi for the Preserva- 
 tion of good order Severe Prosecution of offenders 
 The Town of Berwick-upon-Tmeed an Independ- 
 ent Jurisdiction. 
 
 WE are next to examine the effect which James's ac- 
 cession to the throne of England had upon those lawless 
 parts of his kingdom, the Borders and the Highlands, as 
 well as on the more civilized provinces of Scotland of 
 which I shall take notice in their order. 
 
 The consequences of the union of the crowns were 
 more immediately felt on the Borders, which, from being 
 the extremity of both countries, were now converted into 
 the centre of the kingdom. But it was not easy to see, 
 how the restless and violent inhabitants, who had been for 
 so many centuries accustomed to a lawless and military
 
 - BORDB'R MATCH-MAKING. 
 
 life, were to conduct themselves, when the general peace 
 around left them no enemies either to fight with or plun- 
 der. These Borderers were, as I have elsewhere told 
 you, divided into families, or clans, who followed a leader 
 supposed to be descended from the original father of the 
 trihe. They lived in a great measure by the rapine, which 
 they exercised in liscriminately on the English, or their 
 own countrymen, the inhabitants of the more inland dis- 
 tricts, or by the protection-money which they exacted for 
 leaving them undisturbed. This kind of plundering was 
 esteemed by them in the highest degree honourable and 
 praiseworthy ; and the following, as well as many other 
 curious stories, is an example of this : 
 
 A young gentleman, of a distinguished family belonging 
 to one of these Border tribes, or clans, made, either from 
 the desire of plunder, or from revenge, a raid, or incur- 
 sion, upon the lands of Sir Gideon Murray of Elibank, 
 afterwards deputy-treasurer of Scotland, and a great fa- 
 vourite of James VI. The Laird of Elibank, having got 
 his people under arms, engaged the invaders, and en- 
 countering them when they were encumbered with spoil, 
 defeated them, and made the leader of the band prison- 
 er. He was brought to the castle of his conqueror, when 
 the lady inquired of her victorious husband " what he in- 
 tended to do with his captive ?" " Hang him, dame, as a 
 man taken redhand in the act of robbery and violence." 
 " That is not like your wisdom, Sir Gideon," answer- 
 ed his more considerate lady. " If you put to death this 
 young gentleman, you will enter into a deadly feud with 
 his numerous and powerful clan. You must therefore do 
 a wiser thing, and, instead of hanging him, we will cause 
 him to marry our youngest daughter, Meg with the mei- 
 tde mouth, without any tocher," (that is, without any por- 
 tion.) The Laird joyfully consented ; for this Meg with 
 the large mouth was so ugly, that there was very little 
 chance of her getting a husband in any other circumstan- 
 ces ; and, in fact, when the alternative of such a mar- 
 .iage, or death by the gallows, was proposed to the poor 
 prisoner, he was for some time disposed to choose the lat-
 
 BORDER MATCH-MAKING. 47 
 
 ter ; nor was it without difficulty that he could be per- 
 suaded to save his life at the expense of marrying Meg 
 Murray. He did so at last, however ; and it is said, that 
 Meg, thus forced upon him, made an excellent and af- 
 *ectionate wife ; but the unusual size of mouth was sup- 
 posed to remain discernible in their descendants for sev- 
 eral generations. 1 mention this anecdote, because it oc- 
 curred during James the Sixth's reign, and shows, in a 
 striking manner, how little the Borderers had improved in 
 their sense of morality, or distinctions between right and 
 
 A more important, but not more characteristic event. 
 which happened not long afterwards, shows, in its pro- 
 gress, their utter lawlessness and contempt of legal author- 
 ity m this reign, and, in its conclusion, the increased pow- 
 er of the monarch. 
 
 There had been long and deadly feud, on the West 
 Borders, betwixt the two great families of Maxwell and 
 Johnstone. The former house was the most wealthy and 
 powerful family in Dumfries-shire and its vicinity, and had 
 great influence among the families inhabiting the more 
 level part of that country. Their chieftain had the title 
 of Lord Maxwell, and claimed that of Earl of Morton. 
 
 The Johnstones, on the other hand, were neither equal 
 to the Maxwells in numbers nor in power ; but they were 
 a race of uncommon hardihood, much attached to each 
 other and their chieftain, and residing in th^ strong and 
 mountainous district of Annandale, used to sally from 
 thence as from a fortress, and return to its fastnesses after 
 having accomplished their inroads. They were, therefore, 
 able to maintain their ground against the Maxwells, though 
 more numerous than themselves. 
 
 So well was this known to be the case, that when, in 
 1 585, the Lord Maxwell was declared to be a rebel, a 
 commission was given to the Laird of Johnstone to pursue 
 and apprehend him. In this, however, Johnstone was 
 unsuccessful. Two bands of hired soldiers, whom the 
 government had sent to his assistance, were destroyed by 
 the Maxwells ; and Lockwood, the chiel house of the
 
 48 DEADLY FKITD BETWEEN THE 
 
 Laird, was taken and wantonly burnt, in order, as the 
 Maxwells expressed it, that Lady Jobnstone miiUit have 
 light to put on her hood. Johnstone himself was subse- 
 quently defeated and made prisoner. Being a man of 
 proud and haughty temper, he is said to have died of grief 
 at the disgrace which he incurred ; and thus there com- 
 menced a long series of mutual injuries between the hos- 
 tile clans. 
 
 Shortly after this catastrophe, Maxwell, being restored 
 to the King's favour, was once more placed in the situation 
 of Warden of the West Borders, and an alliance was 
 made betwixt him and Sir James Johnstone, in which they 
 and their two clans agreed to stand by each other against 
 all the world. This agreement being entered into, the 
 clan of Johnstone concluded they had little to apprehend 
 from the justice of the new Lord Warden, so long as they 
 did not plunder any of the name of Maxwell. They ac- 
 cordingly descended into the valley of the Nith, and com- 
 mitted great spoil on the lands belonging to Douglas of 
 D-umlanrig, Creichton Lord Sanquhar, Grierson of Lagg. 
 and Kirkpatrick of Closeburn, all of them independent 
 barons of high birth and great power. The injured parties 
 pursued the depredators with forces hastily assembled, but 
 were defeated with slaughter in their attempt to recover 
 the prey. The Barons next carried their complaints to 
 Maxwell the Warden, who alleged his late alliance with 
 Johnstone as a reason why he could not yield them tne 
 redress which his office entitled them to expect at his 
 hands. But when, to make up for such risk as he might 
 incur by renewing his enmity with the Johnstones. the 
 Barons of Nithsdale offered to bind themselves by a bond 
 of man-rent, as it was called, to become the favourers and 
 followers of Lord Maxwell in all his quarrels, excepting 
 against the King, the temptation became too strong to be 
 overcome, and he resolved to sacrifice his newly formed 
 friendship with Johnstone to the desire of extending his 
 authority over so powerful a confederacy. The secret of 
 this association did not long remain concealed from John- 
 stone, who saw that his own destruction and the vuin of
 
 MAXWELLS AND JOHNSTON KS. 49 
 
 his clan were the objects aimed at, and hastened to apply 
 to his neighbours in the east and south for assistance. 
 Buccleuch, the relative of Johnstone, and by far his most 
 powerful ally, was then in foreign parts, But the Laird 
 of Elibank, mentioned in the last story, bore the banner 
 of Buccleuch in person, and assembled a great number 
 of the clan of Scott, whom our historians term the great- 
 est robbers and fiercest fighters among the Border clans. 
 The Elliots of Liddesdale also assisted Johnstone ; and 
 his neighbours on the southern parts, the Grahams of the 
 Debateable Land, from hopes of plunder and ancient en- 
 mity to the Maxwells, sent also a considerable number of 
 spears. 
 
 Thus prepared for war, Johnstone took the field with 
 activity, while Maxwell, assembling hastily his own forces, 
 and those of his new followers, the Nithsdale Barons, in- 
 vaded Annandale with the royal banner displayed, and a 
 force of upwards of two thousand men. Johnstone, un- 
 equal in numbers, stood on the defensive, and kept pos- 
 session of the woods and strong ground, waiting an op- 
 portunity of fighting to advantage ; while Maxwell, in 
 contempt of him, formed the siege of the castle or tower 
 of Lockerby, the fortress of a Johnstone, who was then 
 in arms with his chief. His wife, a woman of a mascu- 
 line disposition, the sister or daughter of the Laird who 
 had died in Maxwell's prison, defended his place of resi- 
 dence. While Maxwell endeavoured to storm the castle, 
 and while it was bravely defended by its female captain, 
 the chief received information that the Laird of Johnsiono 
 was advancing to its relief. He drew off from the siege, 
 and caused it to be published through his little army that 
 he would give a " ten-pound land," that is, land rated in 
 the cess-books at that yearly amount, " to any one who 
 would bring him the head or hand of the Laird of John- 
 stone." When this was reported to Johnstone, he said 
 he had no ten-pcund lands to offer, but that he would be- 
 stow a five-merk land upon the man who should brng 
 him the head or hand of Lord Maxwell. 
 883
 
 50 BATTLE OF DRYFFE SANDS. 
 
 Tlie cot.flict took place close by the river Dryffe neai 
 Lochmaben, and is called the Battle of Dryffe Sands. It 
 was managed by Johnstone with considerable military skill. 
 He showed at first only a handful of horsemen, who made 
 a hasty attack upon Maxwell's army, and then retired in a 
 manner which induced the enemy to consider them as 
 defeated, and led them to pursue in disorder with loud 
 acclamations of victory. The Maxwells and their con- 
 federates were thus exposed to a sudden and desperate 
 charge from the main body of the Johnstones and their 
 allies, who fell upon them while their ranks were broken, 
 and compelled them to take flight. The Maxwells 
 suffered grievously in the retreat many were overtaken 
 in the streets of Lockerby, and cut down or slashed in 
 the face by the pursuers ; a kind of blow, which to this 
 day is called in that country a " Lockerby lick." 
 
 Maxwell himself, an elderly man and heavily armed, 
 was borne down from his horse in the beginning of the 
 conflict, and as he named his name and offered to surren- 
 der, his right hand, which he stretched out for mercy, was 
 cut from his body. Thus far history ; but family tradi- 
 tion adds the following circumstance : The Lady of 
 Lockerby, who was besieged in her tower as already men- 
 tioned, had witnessed from the battlements the approach 
 of the Laird of Johnstone, and as soon as the enemy 
 withdrew from the blockade of the fortress, had sent to 
 the assistance of her chief the few servants who had as- 
 sisted in the defence. After this she heard the tumult of 
 battle, but as she could not from the tower see the place 
 where it was fought, she remained in an agony of suspense, 
 until, as the noise seemed to pass away in a westerly di- 
 rection, she could endure the uncertainty no longer, but 
 sallied out from the tower, with only one female attendant, 
 to see how the day had gone. As a measure of precau- 
 tion, she locked the strong oaken dcor and the iron-grate 
 with which a border fortress was commonly secured, and 
 knitting the large keys on a thong, took them with hei 
 hanging on her arm.
 
 ASSASSINATION OF SIR JAMES JOHNSTONE. 5J 
 
 en the Lady of Lockerby entered on the field of 
 battle, she found the relics of a bloody fight ; the lit le 
 valley was covered with slain men and horses, and broken 
 annour, besides many wounded, who were incapable 01 
 further effort for saving themselves. Amongst others she 
 saw lying beneath a thorn tree a tall, gray-haired, noble- 
 looking man, arrayed in bright armour, but bareheaded. 
 and bleeding to death from the loss of his right hand. He 
 asked her for mercy and help with a faltering voice ; but 
 the idea of deadly feud, in that time and country, closed 
 all access to compassion even in a female bosom. She 
 saw before her only the enemy of her clan, and the cause 
 of her father's captivity and death ; and raising the pon- 
 derous keys which she bore along with her. the Lady of 
 Lockerby is commonly reported to have dashed out the 
 brains of the vanquished Lord Maxwell. 
 
 The battle of DryfFe Sands was remarkable as the last 
 great clan battle fought on the Borders, and it led to the 
 renewal of the strife betwixt the Maxwells and Johnstones, 
 with every circumstance of ferocity which could add hor- 
 ror to civil war. The last distinguished act of the trag- 
 edy took place thus : 
 
 The son of the slain Lord Maxwell invited Sir James 
 Jolmstone to a friendly conference, to which each chief- 
 tain engaged to bring one friend only. They met at a 
 place called Auchrnanhill, on the 6th August 1608, when 
 the attendant of Lord Maxwell, after falling into bitter 
 and reproachful language with Jolmstone of Gunmanlie, 
 who was in attendance on his chief, at length fired his 
 pistol. Sir James Johnstone turning round to see what 
 had happened, Lord Maxwell treacherously shot him 
 through the back with a pistol charged with a brace of 
 bullets. While the gallant old knight lay dying on the 
 ground, Maxwell rode round him with the view of com- 
 pleting Hs crime, but Johnstone defended himself with his 
 sword till strength and life failed him. 
 
 This final catastrophe of such a succession of bloody 
 acts of revenge, took place several years after the union 
 of the crowns, and the consequences, so difFeient from
 
 Sat SKVKKITIKS AGAINST TIIK ARMSTRONG!. 
 
 (hose which ensued upon former occasions, show how 
 effectually the king's authority, and the power of enforc- 
 ing the course of equal justice, had increased in conse- 
 quence of that desirable event. You rnay observe, from 
 the incidents mentioned, that in 1585, when Lord Max- 
 well assaulted and made prisoner the Laird of Johnstone, 
 then the king's warden, and acting in his name, and com- 
 mitted him to the captivity in which he died, James was 
 totally unequal to the task of vindicating his royal author- 
 ity, and saw himself compelled to receive Maxwell into 
 favour and trust, as if he had done nothing contrary to 
 the laws. Nor was the royal authority more effectual in 
 1598, when Maxwell, acting as royal warden, and having 
 the king's banner displayed, was in his turn defeated and 
 slain, in so melancholy and cruel a manner, at Dryffe 
 Sands. On the contrary, Sir James Johnstone was not 
 only pardoned, but restored to favour and trust by the king. 
 But there was a conspicuous difference in the consequences 
 of the murder which took place at Auchmanhill in 1608. 
 Lord Maxwell, finding no refuge in the Border country, 
 was obliged to escape to France, where he resided for two 
 or three years ; but afterwards venturing to return to 
 Scotland, he was apprehended in the wilds of Caithness, 
 and brought to trial at Edinburgh. James, desirous on 
 this occasion to strike terror, by a salutary warning, into 
 the factious nobility and disorderly Borderers, caused the 
 criminal to be publicly beheaded on 21st May, 1613. 
 
 Many instances might be added to show that the course 
 of justice on the Border began, after the accession of 
 James to the English throne, to flow with a less interrupt- 
 ed stream, even where men of rank and power were con- 
 cerned. 
 
 The inferior class of freebooters were treated with 
 finch less ceremony. Proclamations were made, that 
 none of the inhabitants of either side of the Border (ex- 
 cept noblemen and gentlemen of unsuspected character) 
 should retain in their possession armour or weapons, offen- 
 sive or defensive, or keep any horse above the value of 
 fifty shillings. Particular clans, described as broken men,
 
 BANI&HMBNT OF TUB ORAIIAMS 53 
 
 tvere especially discharged the use of weapons. Ihe 
 celebrated clan of Armstrong had, on the very night in 
 which Queen Elizabeth's deatli became public, concluding 
 that a time of misrule, by which they had hitherto made 
 their harvest, was again approaching, and desirous ol 
 losing no time, made a fierce incursion into England, and 
 done much mischief. But such a consequence had been 
 foreseen and provided against. A strong body of soldiers, 
 both English and Scots, swept along the Border, and 
 severely punished the marauders, blowing up their fort- 
 resses with gunpowder, destroying their lands, and driving 
 away their cattle and flocks. The Armstrongs appear 
 never to have recovered their consequence after this 
 severe chastisement ; nor are there many of this celebrat- 
 ed clan now to be found among the landholders of Lid- 
 desdale, where they once possessed the whole district. 
 
 The Grahams, long the inhabitants of the Debateable 
 Land which was claimed both by England and Scotland, 
 were still more severely dealt with. They were very 
 brave and active Borderers attached to England, for which 
 country, and particularly in Edward VI. 's time, they had 
 often done good service. But they were also very law- 
 less, and their incursions were as much dreaded by the 
 inhabitants of Cumberland as by those of the Scottish 
 frontier. This, indeed, was the subject of complaint on 
 both sides of the Border ; and the poor Grahams, seeing 
 no alternative, were compelled to sign a petition to the 
 King, stating themselves to be unfit persons to dwell in 
 the country which they now inhabited, and praying that he 
 would provide the means of transporting them elsewhere, 
 where his paternal goodness should assign them the means 
 of life. The whole clan, a very few individuals except- 
 ed, were thus deprived of their lands and residences, and 
 transported to the county of Ulster, in Ireland, where they 
 were settled on lands which had been acquired from the 
 conquered Irish. There is a list which shows the rale at 
 winch the county of Cumberland was taxed for the ex-
 
 54 SOLDI liKS TO SERVE IN FORKHiX PARTS. 
 
 portation of these poor fellows, as if they had been so 
 many bullocks. 
 
 Another efficient mode of getting rid of a warlike and 
 disorderly population, who, though an admirable detente 
 of a country in time of war, must have been great scourge-s- 
 in the time of the profound peace to which the Border 
 districts were consigned after the close of the English 
 wars, was the levying a large body of soldiers to serve in 
 foreign countries. The love of military adventure had 
 already carried one legion to serve the Dutch in their de- 
 fence against the Spaniards, and they had done great 
 service in the Low Countries, and particularly at the bat- 
 tle of Mechline, in 1578 ; where, impatient of the heat 
 of the weather, to the astonishment of both friends and 
 enemies, the Scottish auxiliaries flung off their upper gar- 
 ments, and fought like furies in their shirts. The circum- 
 stance is pointed out in the plan of the battle which is to 
 be found in Strada, with the explanation " Here the 
 Scots fought naked." 
 
 Buccleuch levied a large additional force from the Bor- 
 der, whose occupation in their native country was gone 
 for ever. These also distinguished themselves in the wars 
 of the Low Countries. It may be supposed that very 
 many of them perished in the field, and the descendants 
 of others stil! survive in the Netherlands and in Germany. 
 
 In addition to the relief afforded by such an outlet for 
 the superfluous population, whose numbers greatly ex- 
 ceeded what the land could have supplied with food, and 
 who, in fact, had only lived upon plunder, bonds were 
 entered into by the men of substance and family on the 
 Borders, not only obliging themselves to abstain from de- 
 predations, but to stand by each other in putting down and 
 preventing such evil doings at the hand of others, and in 
 making common cause against any clan, branch, or sur- 
 name, who might take offence at any individual for act.i:.tf 
 in prosecution of this engagement. They bound them 
 elves also not only to seize and deliver to justice such 
 nieves as should take refuge in their grounds, but to dis- 
 posseso froiv. their estates all persons who could be sus-
 
 JEUDAUT JUSTICE. 55 
 
 peeled of such offences, and to supply their place with 
 honest and peaceable subjects. I am possessed of such 
 a bond, dated in the year 1612, and subscribed by about 
 twenty landholders, chiefly of the name of Scott. 
 
 Finally, an unusually severe and keen prosecution of 
 all who were convicted, accused, or even suspected of 
 offence against the peace of the Border, was set on foot 
 by George Home, Earl of Dunbar, James's able but not 
 very scrupulous minister, and prosecuted so severely as 
 to give rise to the proverb of Jeddart (or Jedburgh) jus- 
 tice, by which it is said a criminal was hanged first and 
 tried afterwards ; the truth of which is affirmed by his- 
 torians as a well-known fact occurring in numerous in- 
 stances. Cruel as these measures were, they tended to 
 remedy a disease which seemed almost desperate. Rent, 
 the very name of which had till that period scarcely been 
 heard on the Border, began to be paid for property, and 
 the proprietors of land turned their thoughts to rural in- 
 dustry, instead of the arts of predatory warfare. But it 
 was more than a century ere the country, so long a harass- 
 ed and disputed frontier, gained the undisturbed appear- 
 ance of a civilized land. 
 
 Before leaving the subject of the Borders I ought to 
 explain to you, that as the possession of the strong and 
 important town of Berwick had been so long and fiercely 
 disputed between England and Scotland, and as the latter 
 country had never surrendered or abandoned her claim 
 to the place, though it had so long remained an English 
 possession, James, to avoid giving offence to either, left 
 the question undecided ; and since the union of the 
 Crowns the city is never spoken of as part of England or 
 Scotland, but as the Good Town of Berwick-npon-Tweed ; 
 and when a law is made for North and South Britain, 
 without special and distinct mention of this ancient town, 
 that iw is of no force or avail within its piecincts.
 
 66 WILD STATE OF THE WESTERN ISLES. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Wild state of the Western Islands Suffocation of the 
 Inhabitants of Eigg, by filling a cave, in which they 
 had concealed themselves, with smoke. Story of ^lian- 
 a-Sop Dreadful Death by Thirst Massacre oj 
 
 Lowlanders, who had made a Settlement in Lewis ana 
 Harris The whole Western Isles, excepting Skye ana 
 Isewis, offered for 800/. to the Marquis of Huntly, 
 who refuses to purchase them at that sum. 
 
 THE Highlands and Western Islands were in no respect 
 so much affected by the union of the crowns as the in- 
 habitants of the Borders. The accession of James to 
 the English throne was of no great consequence to them, 
 unless in so far as it rendered the King more powerful, 
 and gave him the means of occasionally sending bodies 
 of troops into their fortresses to compel them to order ; 
 and this was a measure of unusual rigour, which was but 
 seldom resorted to. The Highland tribes, therefore, re- 
 mained in the sa?ne state as before, using the same dress, 
 wielding the same arms, divided into the same clans, each 
 governed by its own patriarch, and living in all respects 
 as their ancestors had lived for many centuries before 
 them. Or if there were some marks of softened manners 
 among those Gaelic tribes who resided on the mainland, 
 the inhabitants of the Hebrides or Western Isles, adjacent 
 to the coast of Scotland, are described to us as utterly 
 barbarous. A historian of the period says, that " the 
 Highlanders who dwell on the mainland though sufficiently 
 wild, show some shade of civilization ; but those in the 
 islands are without laws or morals, and totally destitute ol 
 religion and humanity." Some stories of their feuds are 
 indeed preserved, which go far to support this general 
 accusation. I will tell you one or two of them.
 
 MACDONAI.DS AM) MACI.Kon*. 5? 
 
 The principal possessors of the Hebrides were orig- 
 inally of the name of MacDonald, the whole being under 
 the government of a succession of chiefs, who bore the 
 name of Donald of the Isles, as we have already men- 
 tioned, and were possessed of authority almost indepen- 
 dent of the Kings of Scotland. But this great family 
 becoming divided into two or three branches, other chiefs 
 settled in some of the islands, and disputed the property 
 of the original proprietors. Thus, the MacLeods, a pow- 
 erful and numerous clan, who had extensive estates on 
 the mainland, made themselves masters, at a very early 
 period, of a great part of the large island of Skye, seized 
 upon much of the Long Island, as the isles of Lewis and 
 Harris are called, and fought fiercely with the MacDon- 
 alds, and other tribes of the islands. The following is an 
 example of the mode in which these feuds were con- 
 ducted. 
 
 About the end of the sixteenth century, a boat, manned 
 by one or two of the MacLeods, landed in Eigg, a small 
 island, peopled by the MacDonalds. They were at first 
 hospitably received ; but having been guilty of some in- 
 civility to the young women on the island, it was so much 
 resented by the inhabitants, that they tied the MacLeods, 
 hand and foot, and putting them on board of their own 
 boat, towed it to sea and set it adrift, leaving the wretched 
 men, bound as they were, to perish by famine, or by the 
 winds and waves, as chance should determine. But fate 
 so ordered it, that a boat belonging to the Laird of Mac- 
 Leod fell in with that which had the captives on board, 
 and brought them in safety to the Laird's castle of Dun- 
 vegan in Skye, where they complained of the injury which 
 they had sustained from the MacDonalds of Eigg. Mac- 
 Leod, in great rage, put to sea with his galleys, manned 
 by a large body of his people, which the men of Eigg, 
 could not entertain any rational hope of resisting Learn- 
 ing that their incensed enemy was approaching with 
 superior forces ind deep vows of revenge, the inhabitants, 
 who knew they had no mercy to expect at MacLeod's 
 3*
 
 58 SUFFOCATION BY SMOKE OF TI1K 
 
 hands resolved, as the best chance of safety in their power 
 to conceal themselves in a large cavern on the sea shore. 
 
 This place was particularly well calculated for that 
 purpose. The entrance resembles that of a fox-earth, 
 being an opening so small that a man cannot enter save by 
 creeping on hands and knees. A rill of water falls from 
 the top' of the rock, and serves, or rather served at that 
 ocriod we speak of, wholly to conceal the aperture. A 
 stranger, even when apprised of the existence of such a 
 cave, would find the greatest difficulty in discovering the 
 entrance. Within, the cavern rises to a great height, and 
 the floor is covered with white dry sand. It is extensive 
 enough to contain a great number of people. The whole 
 inhabitants of Eigg, who, with their wives and families, 
 amounted to nearly two hundred souls, took refuge within 
 Us precincts. 
 
 MacLeod arrived with his armament, and landed on 
 the island, but could discover no one on whom to wreak 
 his vengeance all was a desert. The MacLeods de- 
 stroyed the huts of the islanders, and plundered what 
 property they could discover ; but the vengeance of the 
 chieftain could not be satisfied with such petty injuries. 
 He knew that the inhabitants must either have fled in their 
 boats to one of the islands possessed by the MacDonalds, 
 or that they must be concealed somewhere in Kigg. 
 After making a strict but unsuccessful search for two days, 
 MacLeod had appointed the third to leave his anchorage, 
 when, in the grey of the morning, one of the seamen be- 
 held from the deck of his galley the figure of a man on 
 the island. This was a spy whom the MacDonalds, im- 
 patient of their confinement in the cavern, had imprudently 
 sent out to see whether MacLeod had retired or riot. 
 The poor fellow, when he saw himself discovered, en- 
 deavoured, by doubling, after the manner of a hare or 
 fox, to obliterate the track of his footsteps, and prevent 
 its being discovered where he had re-entered the cavern. 
 But all his art was in vain ; the invaders again landed, 
 and racked him to the entrance of the cavern.
 
 MA(;i)<)NAM).S OF KI(J*i. 59 
 
 MacLeod then summoned those who were within i^ 
 and called upon them to deliver up the individuals who 
 had maltreated his men, to be disposed of at his pleasure. 
 The MacDonalds, still confident in the strength of their 
 fastness, which no assailant could enter but on hands and 
 knees, refused to surrender their clansmen. 
 
 MacLeod then commenced a dreadful work of indis- 
 criminate vengeance. He caused his people, by means 
 of a ditch cut above the top of the rock, to turn away the 
 stream of water which fell over the entrance of the preci- 
 pice. This being done, the MacLeods collected all the 
 combustibles which could be found on the island, partic- 
 ularly quantities of dry heather, piled them up against the 
 aperture, and maintained an immense fire for many hours, 
 until the smoke, penetrating into the inmost recesses of 
 the cavern, stifled to death every creature within. There 
 is no doubt of the truth of this story, dreadful as it is. 
 The cavern is often visited by strangers ; and I have 
 myself seen the place where the bones of the murdered 
 MacDonalds still remain, lying as thick on the floor of the 
 cave as in the charnel-house of a church. 
 
 The MacLeans, in like manner, a bold and hardy race, 
 who, originally followers of the Lords of the Isles, had 
 assumed independence, seized upon great part both of the 
 Isle of Mull and the still more valuable Island of Hay, 
 and made war on the MacDonalds with various success. 
 There is a story belonging to this clan, which I may tell 
 you, as giving another striking picture of the manners of 
 the Hebrideans. 
 
 The chief of the clan, MacLean of Duart in the Isle 
 of Mull, had an intrigue with a beautiful young woman 
 of his own clan, who bore a son to him. In consequence 
 of the child's being, by some accident, born in a barn, he 
 received the name of Allan-a-Sop, or Allan of the Straw, 
 by which he vas distinguished from others of his clan. 
 A.S his father and mother were not married, Allan was of 
 course a bastard, or natural son, and had no inheritance 
 to look for, save that which he might win for himself
 
 60 S'lORY OF ALLAN-A-SOP. 
 
 But the beauty of the boy's mother having captivated 
 a man of rank in the clan, called Mac-Lean of Torloisk, 
 he married her, and took her to reside with him at his 
 castle of Torloisk, situated on the shores of the Sound, 
 or small strait of the sea, which divides the smaller island 
 of Ulva from that of Mull. Allan-a-Sop paid his mother 
 frequent visits at her new residence, and she was naturally 
 glad to see the poor boy, both from affection, and on ac- 
 count of his personal strength and beauty, which distin- 
 guished him above other youths of his age. But she was 
 obliged to confer marks of her attachment on him as 
 privately as she could, for Allan's visits were by no means 
 so acceptable to her husband as to herself. Indeed, Tor- 
 loisk liked so little to see the lad, that he determined to 
 put some afFront on him, which should prevent his return- 
 ing to the castle for some time. An opportunity for ex- 
 ecuting his purpose soon occurred. 
 
 The lady one morning, looking from the window, saw 
 her son coming wandering down the hill, and hastened to 
 put a girdle cake upon the fire, that he might have hot 
 bread to his breakfast. Something called her out of the 
 apartment after making this preparation, and her husband 
 entering at the same time, saw at once what she had been 
 about, and determined to give the boy such a reception 
 as should disgust him for the future. He snatched the 
 cake from the girdle, thrust it into his step-son's hands, 
 wbich he forcibly closed on the scalding bread, saying, 
 " Here, Allan here is a cake which your mother has got 
 ready for your breakfast." Allan's hands were severely 
 burnt ; and, being a sharp-witted and proud boy, he re- 
 sented this mark of his stepfather's ill-will, and came not 
 again to Torloisk. 
 
 At this time the western seas were covered with the 
 vessels of pirates, who not unlike the Sea-kings of Den- 
 mark at an early period, sometimes settled and made con- 
 quests on the islands. Allan-a-Sop was young, strong 
 and brave to desperation. He entered as a mariner on 
 board of one of these ships, and in process of time ob- 
 tained the command, first of one galley, then of a small
 
 STORY OF ALLAN-A-SOP. 61 
 
 flotilla, with which he sailed round the seas and collected 
 considerable plunder, until his name became both feared 
 and famous. At length he proposed to himself to pay a 
 visit to his mother, whom he had not seen for many years ; 
 and setting sail for this purpose, he anchored one morning 
 in the Sound of Ulva, and in front of the house of Tor- 
 loisk His mother was dead, but his stepfather, to whom 
 he was now an object of fear as he had been formerly ol 
 aversion, hastened to the shore to receive his formidable 
 son-in-law, with great affectation of kindness and interest 
 in his prosperity ; while Allan-a-Sop, who, though very 
 rough and hasty, does not appear to have been sullen or 
 vindictive, seemed to take this kind reception in good part. 
 
 The crafty old man succeeded so well, as he thought, 
 in securing Allan's friendship, and obliterating all recol- 
 lections of the former affront put on him, that he began 
 to think it possible to employ him in executing his private 
 revenge upon MacKinnon of Ulva, with whom, as was 
 usual between such neighbours, he had some feud. With 
 this purpose, he offered what he called the following good 
 advice to his son-in-law : " My dear Allan, you have 
 now wandered over the seas long enough ; it is time you 
 should have some footing upon land, a castle to protect 
 yourself in winter, a village and cattle for your men, and 
 a harbour to lay up your galleys. Now, here is the island 
 of Ulva, near at hand, which lies ready for your occupa- 
 tion, and it will cost you no trouble, save that of putting 
 to death the present proprietor, the Laird of MacKinnon, 
 a useless old carle, who has cumbered the world long 
 enough." 
 
 Allan-a-Sop thanked his stepfather for so happy a sug- 
 gestion, which he declared he would put in execution 
 forthwith. Accordingly, setting sail the next morning, he 
 appeared before MacKinnon's house an hour before noon. 
 The old chief ol Ulva was much alarmed at the menacing 
 apparition of so many galleys, and his anxiety was not 
 lessened by the news, that they were commanded by the 
 redoubted Allan-a-Sop. Having no effectual means ol
 
 62 STOItY OF ALLAN-A -SOI'. 
 
 resistance, MacKinnon, who was a man of shrewd sense, 
 saw no alternative save that of receiving the invaders, 
 whatever might be their purpose, with all outward demon- 
 strations of joy and satisfaction. He caused immediate 
 preparations to be made for a banquet as splendid as cir- 
 cumstances admitted, hastened down to the shore to meet 
 the rover, and welcomed him to Ulva with such an ap- 
 pearance of sincerity, that the pirate found it impossible 
 to pick any quarrel which might afford a pretence for 
 executing the violent purpose which he had been led to 
 meditate. 
 
 They feasted together the whole day ; and, in the 
 evening, as Allan-a-Sop was about to retire to his ships, 
 he thanked the Laird of MacKinnon for his entertainment, 
 but remarked, with a sigh, that it had cost him very dear. 
 " How can that be," said MacKinnon, " when I bestowed 
 this entertainment upon yu in free good-will ?" " It is 
 true, my friend," replied the pirate, " but then it has quite 
 disconcerted the purpose for which I came hither ; which 
 was to put you to death, my good friend, and seize upon 
 your house and island, and so settle myself in the world. 
 It would have been very convenient this island, but your 
 friendly reception has rendered it impossible for me to 
 execute my purpose ; so that I must be a wanderer on 
 the seas for some time longer." Whatever MacKinnon 
 felt at hearing he had been so near to destruction, he took 
 care to show no emotion save surprise, and replied to his 
 visitor, " My dear Allan, who was it that put into your 
 mind so unkind a purpose towards your old friend ? for I 
 am sure it never arose from your own generous nature. 
 It must have been your father-in-law, old Torloisk, who 
 made such an indifferent husband to your mother, and 
 such an unfriendly stepfather to you when you were a 
 helpless boy ; but now, when he sees you a bold and 
 powerful leader, he desires to make a quarrel betwixt you 
 and those who were the friends of your youth. If you 
 consider this matter rightly, Allan, you will see that the 
 estate and harbour of Torloisk lie as conveniently for you 
 as those of Ulva, and that, if you are to make a settlement
 
 DREADFUL DEATH BY THIRST. 63 
 
 by force, it is much better it should be at the expense 01 
 the old churl, who never showed you kindness or counte- 
 nance, than at that of a friend like me, who always loved 
 and honoured you." 
 
 Allan-a-Sop was struck with the justice of this reason- 
 ing ; and the old offence of his scalded fingers was sud- 
 denly recalled to his mind. " It is very true what you 
 say, MacKinnon," he replied, " and, besides, I have not 
 forgotten what a hot breakfast my father-in-law treated 
 me to one morning. Farewell for the present ; you shall 
 soon hear news of me from the other side of the Sound.' 
 Having said thus much, tire pirate got on board, and com- 
 manding bis men to unmoor the galleys, sailed back to 
 Torloisk, and prepared to land in arms. His father-in- 
 law hastened to meet him, in expectation to hear of the 
 death of his enemy, MacKinnon. But Allan greeted him 
 in a very different manner from what he expected. " You 
 hoary old traitor," he said, " you instigated my simple 
 good-nature to murder a better man than yourself. But 
 have you forgotten how you scorched my fingers twenty 
 years ago, with a burning cake ? The day is come that 
 that breakfast must be paid for." So saying, he dashed 
 out his father-in-law's brains with a battle-axe, took pos- 
 session of his castle and property, and established there 
 a distinguished branch of the clan of MacLean. 
 
 It is told of another of these western chiefs, who is 
 said, upon the whole, to have been a kind and good- 
 natured man, that he was subjected to repeated risk and 
 injury by the treachery of an ungrateful nephew, who 
 attempted to surprise his castle, in order to put his uncle 
 to death, and obtain for himself the command of the tribe. 
 Bang detected on the first occasion, and brought before 
 his uncle as a prisoner, the chief dismissed him unharm- 
 ed ; with a warning, however, not to repeat the offence, 
 since, if he did so, he would cause him to be put to a death 
 so fearful that all Scotland should ring with it. The 
 wicked young man persevered, and renewed his attempts 
 against his uncle's castle and life. Falling a second time 
 into th hands of the offended chieftain, the prisoner had
 
 O'l LOWLAND SETTLERS AT STOKNOWAY 
 
 reason to term him as good as his word. He was con 
 fined in the pit, or dungeon of the castle, a deep vault, lo 
 which there was no access, save through a hole in the 
 roof. He was left without food, till his appetite grew 
 voracious ; the .more so, as he had reason to apprehend 
 that it was intended to starve him to death. But the ven- 
 geance of his uncle was of a more refined character. 
 The stone which covered the aperture in the roof was 
 opened, and a quantity of salted beef let down to the 
 prisoner, who devoured it eagerly. When he had glutted 
 himself with this food, and expected to be supplied with 
 liquor, to quench the raging thirst which the diet had ex- 
 cited, a cup was lowered down, which, when he eagerly 
 grasped it, he found to be empty ! They then rolled the 
 stone on the opening in the vault, and left the captive to 
 perish by thiist, the most dreadful of all deaths. 
 
 Many similar stories could be told you of the wild wars 
 of the islanders ; but these may suffice at present to give 
 j ou some idea of the fierceness of their manners, the low 
 value at which they held human life, and the manner in 
 which wrongs were revenged, and property acquired. 
 They seem to have been accounted by King James a race 
 whom it was impossible to subdue, conciliate, or improve 
 by civilization ; and the only remedy which occurred to 
 him, was to settle Lowlanders in the islands, and drive 
 away or extirpate the people by whom they were inhabit- 
 ed. For this purpose, the king authorized an association 
 of many gentlemen in the county of Fife, then the wealth- 
 iest and most civilized part of Scotland, who undertook 
 to make a settlement in the isles of Lewis and Harris. 
 These undertakers, as they were called, levied money, 
 assembled soldiers, and manned a fleet, with which they 
 landed on the Lewis, and effected a settlement at Storno- 
 way in that country. At this time the property of the 
 Lewis was disputed between the sons of Rory MacLeod, 
 the last lord, who had two families by separate wives. 
 The undertakers finding the natives thus quarrelling among 
 themselves, had little difficulty in build 'ng a small town 
 and fortifying it ; and their enterprise in the beginning
 
 MYSSACKKD BY TIIK NATIVKS. 65 
 
 assumed a promising appearance. But the Lend of Kin- 
 tail, chief of the numerous and powerful clan of Mac- 
 Kenzie, was little disposed to let this fair island fall into 
 the possession of a company of Lowland adventurers. 
 He had himself some views of obtaining it in the name of 
 Torquil Connaldagh MacLeod, one of the claimants, who 
 was closely connected with the family of MacKenzie, and 
 disposed to act as his powerful flily desired. Thus pri- 
 vately encouraged, the islanders united themselves against 
 the undertakers ; and, after a war of various fortune, 
 attacked their camp of Slornoway, took it by storm, burnt 
 the fort, slew many of them, and made the rest prisoners. 
 They were not expelled, you may be sure, without blood- 
 shed and massacre. Some of the old persons still alive 
 in the Lewis, talk of a very old woman, living in their 
 youth, who used to say, that she had held the light while 
 her countrymen were cutting the throats of the adven- 
 turers. 
 
 A lady, the wife of one of the principal gentlemen in 
 the expedition, fled from the scene of violence into a wild 
 and pathless desert of rock and morass, called the Forest 
 of Fannig. In this wilderness she became the mother of 
 a child. A Hebridean, who chanced to pass on one of 
 the ponies of the country, saw the mother and infant in 
 the act of perishing with cold, and being struck with the 
 misery of their condition, contrived a strange manner of 
 preserving them, lie killed his pony, and opening its 
 belly, and removing the entrails, he put the new born in- 
 fant and the helpless mother into the inside of the carcass 
 to have the advantage of the warmth which this strange 
 and shocking receptacle afforded. In this manner, witii 
 or without assistance, he contrived to bear them to some 
 place of security, where the lady remained till she could 
 get back in safety to her own country. She became, 
 after this wonderful escape, the wife of a person of con- 
 sequence and influence in Edinburgh, a. Judge, I believe, 
 of the Court of Session. One evening, while she looked 
 from the window of her house in the Canongate just as 
 
 884
 
 66 \VESTEKN ISLES OFFKUMI) TO IIUNTLT. 
 
 a hpovy storm was coming on, she heard a man in the 
 Highland dress say to another with whom he was walking, 
 " This would be a rough night for the Forest of Failing." 
 The lady's attention was immediately attracted by the 
 name of a place which she had such awful reasons for 
 remembering, and, on looking attentively at the man who 
 spoke, she recognized her preserver. She called him into 
 the house, received him in the most cordial manner, and 
 finding that he was come from the Western Islands on 
 some business of great importance to his family, she in- 
 terested her husband in his favour, by whose influence it 
 was speedily and successfully settled ; and the Hebridean, 
 loaded with kindness and presents, returned to his native 
 island, with reason to congratulate himself on the human- 
 ity which he had shown in so singular a manner. 
 
 After the surprise of their fort, and the massacre of the 
 defenders, the Fife gentlemen tired of their undertaking ; 
 qnd the Lord of Kintail had the whole advantage of the 
 dispute, for he contrived to get possession of the Lewis 
 for himself, and transmitted it to his family, with whom it 
 still remains. 
 
 It appears, however, that King James did not utterly 
 despair of improving the Hebrides, by means of coloniza- 
 tion. It was supposed that the powerful Marquis of Hunt- 
 ly might have had strength to acquire the property, and 
 wealth enough to pay the Crown something for the grant. 
 The whole archipelago was offered to him, with the ex- 
 ception of Skye and Lewis, at the cheap price of ten 
 thousand pounds Scots, or about 800Z. ; but the Marquis 
 would not give more than half the sum demanded, for 
 what he justly considered as a permission to conquer a 
 sterile region, inhabited by a warlike race. 
 
 Such was the result of the efforts to introduce some 
 civilization into these islands. In the next chapter we 
 shall show that the improvement of the Highlanders on 
 the mainland was not much more satisfactory.
 
 STORY OF DON AID OF THE HAMMER. 67 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Contempt of the Highlanders for the Arts of Peats 
 Story of Donald of the Hammer Execution of the 
 Laird of Macintosh by order of the Marchioness 
 of Huntly Massacre of the Farquharsons Race oj 
 the Trough Execution of the Earl of Orkney. 
 
 THE size and position of the Highlands of Scotland 
 rendered them much less susceptible of improvement than 
 the Border districts, which, far less extensive, and less 
 difficult of access, were now placed between two civilized 
 and peaceful countries, instead of being the frontier oi 
 two host.ile lands. 
 
 The Highlanders, on tiie contrary, continued the same 
 series of wars among themselves, and incursions upon their 
 Lowland neighbours, which had distinguished them ever 
 since the dawn of their history. Military adventure, in 
 one form or other, was their delight as well as their em- 
 ployment, and all works of industry were considered as 
 unworthy the dignity of a mountaineer. Even the neces- 
 sary task of raising a scanty crop of barley was assigned 
 to the aged, and to the women and children. The men 
 minded nothing but hunting and war. I will give you an 
 account of a Highland chieftain, in character and practice 
 not very different from that of Allan-a-Sop, the Hebri- 
 dean. 
 
 The Stewarts, who inhabited the district of Appin in 
 the West Highlands, were a numerous and warlike clan. 
 Appin is the title of the chief of the clan. The second 
 branch of the family was that of Invernahyle. The 
 founder, a second son of the House of Appin, was called 
 by the uncommon epithet of Saoileach, or the Peaceful 
 One of his neighbours was the Lord of Dunstaffnage, 
 called Cailen Unine, or Green Colin, from the green coU
 
 68 STOKY OF 
 
 our which predominated in his tartans. This Grj^n Colin 
 surprised the peaceful Laird of Invernahyle, assassinated 
 liiin, burnt his house, and destroyed his whole family, ex- 
 cepting an infant at the breast. This infant did not owe 
 its safety to the mercy of Green Colin, but to the activity 
 and presence of mind of his nurse. Finding she could 
 not escape the pursuit of that chiefs attendants, the faith- 
 ful nurse determined to provide for the safety of her 
 foster-child, whose life she knew was aimed at, in the only 
 manner which remained. She therefore hid the infant in 
 a small fissure, or cave, of a rock, and as the only means 
 she had of supplying him with subsistence, hung by a 
 siring round his neck a large piece of lard. The poor 
 woman had only time to get a little way from the place 
 where she had concealed her charge, when she was made 
 prisoner by the pursuers. As she denied any knowledge 
 where the child was, they dismissed her as a person of no 
 consequence, but not until they had kept her two or three 
 days in close confinement, menacing her with death unless 
 she would discover what she had done with the infant. 
 
 When she found herself at liberty and unobserved, she 
 went to the hole in which she had concealed her charge, 
 with little hope save of finding such relics as wolves, wild 
 cats, or birds of prey, might have left after feasting upon 
 its flesh, but still with the pious wish to consign the re- 
 mains of her davit, or foster-child, to some place of Chris- 
 lian burial. But her joy and surprise were extreme to 
 find the child still alive and well, having lived during her 
 absence by sucking the lard, which it had reduced to a 
 very small morsel, scarce larger than a hazel nut. The 
 delighted nurse made all haste to escape with her charge 
 to the neighbour'ng district of Moidart, of which she was 
 a native, being the wife of the smith of the clan of Mac- 
 donald, to whom that country belonged ; the mother of 
 the infant thus miraculously rescued had also been a 
 daughter of this tribe. 
 
 To ensure the safety of her foster-child, the nurse per- 
 suaded her husDand to bring it up as their own son. The 
 smith, you must remark, of a Highland tribe, was a person
 
 DONALD OF TDK II A MM Kit. 69 
 
 of considerable consequence. His skill in forging armour 
 and weapons was usually united with dexterity in using 
 them, and with the strength of body which his profession 
 required. If I recollect right, the smith usually ranked 
 as third officer in the chiefs household. The young 
 Donald Stewart, as he grew up, was distinguished for 
 great personal strength. He became skilful in his foster- 
 father's art and so powerful, that he could, it is said, 
 wield two fore-hammers, one in each hand, for hours to- 
 gether. From this circumstance, he gained the name ol 
 Donuil nan Ord, that is Donald of the Hammer, by 
 which he was all his life distinguished. 
 
 When he attained the age of twenty-one, Donald's fos- 
 ter-father, the smith, observing that his courage and en- 
 terprise equalled his personal strength, thought tit to dis- 
 cover to him the secret of his birth, the injuries which he 
 had received from Green Colin of Dunstaffnage, and the 
 pretensions which he had to the property of Imernahyle, 
 now in the possession of the man who had slain his father, 
 and usurped his inheritance. He concluded his discovery 
 by presenting to his beloved foster-child his own six sons 
 to be his followers and defenders for life and death, and 
 his assistants in the recovery of his patrimony. 
 
 Law of every description was unknown in the High- 
 lands. Young Donald proceeded in his enterprise by 
 hostile measures. In addition to his six foster brethren, 
 he got some assistance from his mother's kindred, and 
 levied among the old adherents of his father, and his 
 kinsmen of the house of Appin, such additional force, 
 that he was able to give battle to Green Colin, whom 
 he defeated and slew, regaining at the same time his 
 father's h use and estate of Invernahyle. This success 
 had its dangers ; for it placed the young chief in feud 
 with all the families of the powerful clan of Campbell, to 
 which the slain Dunstaffhage belonged by alliance at least 
 for Green Colin and his ancestors had assumed the name, 
 and placed themselves under the banner, of this fortnida- 
 olc clan, although originally they were chieftains of a 
 difi'erent and independent race. The feud became more
 
 70 STOHY OF 
 
 deadly, when, not satisfied with revenging himself on the 
 immediate authors of his early misfortune, Donald made 
 inroads on the Campbells in their own dominions ; in 
 evidence of which his historian quotes a verse to this 
 purpose- 
 
 Donald of the Smithy, the Son of the Hammer, 
 
 Fill'd the banks of Lochawe with mourning and clamour. 
 
 At length the powerful Earl of Argyle resented the inju- 
 ries which were offered to his clansmen and kindred. 
 The Stewarts of Appin refused to support their kinsman 
 against an enemy so formidable, and insisted that he should 
 seek for peace with the Earl. So that Donald, left to 
 himself, and sensible that he was unable to withstand the 
 force which might be brought against him by this mighty 
 chief, endeavoured to propitiate his favour by placing 
 himself in his hands. 
 
 He went, accordingly, with only a single attendant to- 
 wards Inverary, the castle of the Earl of Argyle, who 
 met him at some distance in the open fields. Donald of 
 the Hammer showed on this occasion that it was not fear 
 which had induced him to this step. He was a man of 
 ready wit and a poet, which was an accomplishment high 
 in the estimation of the Highlanders. He opened the 
 conference with an extempore verse, which intimated a 
 sort of defiance, rather like the language of a man that 
 cared not what might befall him, than one who craved 
 mercy or asked forgiveness. 
 
 Sou of dark Colin, thou dangerous Earl, 
 Small is the boon that I crave at thy hand ; 
 
 Enough if in safety from bondage and peril, 
 Thou iett'st me return to my kindred and laud. 
 
 The Earl was too generous to avail himself of the ad- 
 vantage which Invernahyle's confidence had afforded him. 
 but he could not abstain from maintaining the conversation 
 thus begun, in a gibing tone. Donuil nan Ord was harsh 
 featured, and had a custom, allied to his mode of educa- 
 tion, and the haughtiness of his character, of throwing
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. 71 
 
 back his head, and laughing loudly with his mouth wide 
 open. In ridicule of this peculiarity, Argyle, or one of his 
 attendants, pointed out to his observation, a rock in the 
 neighbourhood, which bore a singular resemblance to a hu- 
 man face, with a large mouth much thrown back, and open 
 as if laughing a horse laugh. " Do you see yonder crag ?" 
 they said to Donald of the Hammer, " it is called Gaire 
 Ciranda, or the Ugly Laugh." Donald felt the intended 
 gibe, and as Argyle's lady was a plain and haughty woman, 
 he replied, without hesitation, in a verse like the following 
 
 Ugly the sneer of yon cliff of the hill, 
 Nature has stamp'd the grim laugh on the place : 
 
 Seek lor a grimmer and uglier still, 
 
 You will find it at home in your countess's face. 
 
 Argyle took the raillery of Donald in good part, but 
 would not make peace with him, until he agreed to make 
 two creaghs, or inroads, one upon Moidart, and one upon 
 Athole. It seems probable that the purpose of Argyle 
 was to engage his troublesome neighbour in a feud with 
 other clans to whom he bore no good-will ; for whether 
 he of the Hammer fell or was successful, the Earl, in 
 either event, would gain a certain advantage. Donald 
 accepted peace with the Campbells on these terms. 
 
 On his return home, Donald communicated to Mac- 
 Donald of Moidart the engagement he had come under ; 
 and that chieftain, his mother's kinsman and ally, con- 
 certed that Invernahyle and his band should plunder cer- 
 tain villages in Moidart, the inhabitants of which had 
 offended him, and on whom he desired chastisement 
 should be inflicted. The incursion of Donald the Ham- 
 merer punished them to some purpose, and so far he ful- 
 filled his engagement to Argyle, without making an enemy 
 of his own kinsman. With the Athole men, as more 
 distant and unconnected with him, Donald stood on less 
 ceremony, and made more than one successful creagh 
 upon them. His name was now established as one of 
 the most formidable marauders known in the Highlands 
 and a very bloody action which he sustained against the
 
 72 STOKY OK 
 
 family of the Grahams of Monteith, made him more 
 dreaded. 
 
 The Earls of Monteith, you must know, had a castle 
 situated upon an island in the lake, or loch, as it is called, 
 of the same name. But though this residence, which 
 occupied almost the whole of the islet upon which its 
 ruins still exist, was a strong and safe place of abode, and 
 adapted accordingly to such perilous times, it had this 
 inconvenience* that the stables, cow-houses, poultry-yard, 
 and other domestic offices, were necessarily separated 
 from the castle, and situated on the mainland, as it would 
 have been impossible to be constantly transporting the 
 animals belonging to the establishment to and fro from 
 the shore to the island. These offices, therefore, were 
 constructed on the banks of the lake, and in some sort 
 defenceless. 
 
 It happened on one occasion that there was to be a 
 great entertainment in the fcastle, and a number of the 
 Grahams were assembled. The occasion, it is said, was 
 a marriage in the family. To prepare for this feast, much 
 provision was got ready, and in particular a great deal 01 
 poultry had been collected. While the feast was pre- 
 paring, an unhappy chance brought Donald of the Ham- 
 mer to the side of the lake, returning at the head of a 
 band of hungry followers, whom he was conducting home- 
 wards to the West Highlands, after some of his usual 
 excursions into Stirlingshire. Seeing so much good vic- 
 tuals ready, and being possessed of an excellent appetite, 
 the western Highlanders neither asked questions, or 
 waited for an invitation, but devoured all the provisions 
 that had been prepared for the Grahams, and then went 
 on their way rejoicing, through the difficult and danger- 
 ous path which leads from the banks of the loch of Mon- 
 leith, through the mountains, to the side of Loch Katriqe. 
 7'he Grahams were filled with the highest indignation. 
 Nothing in those fierce times was so contemptible as an 
 individual who would suffer himself to be plundered 
 without exacting satisfaction and revenge, and the loss of 
 their dinner probably aggravated their sense of the insult
 
 I10NALD OF THE HAMMER. 73 
 
 The company who were assembled at th<j Castle of 
 Monteith, headed by the Earl himself, hastily took to 
 their boats, and, disembarking on the northern side of the 
 lake, pursued with all speed the marauders and their 
 leader. They came up with Donald's party in the gorge 
 of a pass, near a rock, called Craig-Vad, or the Wolf's 
 Cliff. Here the Grahams called, with loud insults, on 
 the Appin men to stand, and one of them, in allusion to 
 the execution which had been done amongst the poultry, 
 exclaimed in verse 
 
 They're brave gallants, these Appin men, 
 To twist the throat of cock and hen ! 
 
 Donald instantly replied to the reproach 
 
 And if we be of Appin's line, 
 We'll twist a goose's neck in thine. 
 
 So saying, he shot the unlucky scoffer with an arrow. 
 The battle then began, and was continued with much fury 
 till night came. The Earl of Monteith and many of his 
 noble kinsmen fell, while Donald, favoured by darkness, 
 escaped with a single attendant. The Grahams obtained 
 from the cause of quarrel the nickname of Gramoch an 
 Garrigh, or Grahams of the Hens ; although they cer- 
 tainly lost no honour in the encounter, having fought like 
 game-cocks. 
 
 Donald of the Hammer was twice married. His se- 
 cond marriage was highly displeasing to his eldest son, 
 whom he had by his first wife. This young man, whose 
 name was Duncan, seems to have partaken rather of the 
 disposition of his grandfather, Alister Saoileach, or the 
 Peaceful, than of the turbulent spirit of his father the 
 Hammerer. He quitted the family mansion in displea- 
 sure, and passed to a farm called Inverfalla, which his 
 father had bestowed upon his nurse in reward for her 
 eminent services. Duncan lived with this valued con- 
 nexion of the family, who was now in the extremity of 
 old age, and amused himself with attempting to improve 
 Che cultivation of the farm ; a task which not only was 
 4 VOL. i. 2d SEK.
 
 74 STOU\ OP 
 
 considered as far below the dignity of a Highland gen- 
 tleman, but even regarded as the last degree of degrada- 
 tion. 
 
 The idea of his son's occupying himself with agricul- 
 tural operations struck so much shame and anger into the 
 heart of Donald the Hammerer, that his resentment 
 against him became ungovernable. At length, as he 
 walked by his own side of the river, and looked towards 
 Inverfalla, he saw, to his extreme displeasure, a number 
 of men employed in digging and levelling the soil for 
 some intended crop. Soon after, he had the additional 
 mortification to see his son come out and mingle with "the 
 workmen, as if giving them directions ; and, finally, be- 
 held him take the spade out of an awkward fellow's hand, 
 and dig a little himself, to show him how to use it. This 
 last act of degeneracy drove the Hammerer frantic ; he 
 seized a curragh, or boat covered with hides, which was 
 near, jumped into it and pushed across the stream, with 
 the determination of destroying the son, who had, in his 
 opinion, brought such unutterable disgrace upon his fam- 
 ily. The poor agriculturist, seeing his father approach 
 in such haste, and having a shrewd guess of the nature 
 of his paternal intentions, fled into the house and hid 
 himself. Donald followed with his drawn weapon ; but, 
 deceived by passion and darkness, he plunged his sword 
 into the body of one whom he saw lying on the bed- 
 clothes. Instead of his son, for whom the blow was in- 
 tended, it lighted on the old foster-mother, to whom he 
 owed his life in infancy and education in youth, and slew 
 her on the spot. After this misfortune, Donald became 
 deeply affected with remorse ; and, giving up all his es- 
 tates to his children, he retired to the Abbey of Saint 
 Columbus, in lona, and passed the remainder of his days 
 as a monk. 
 
 It may easily be believed, that there was little peace 
 and quiet in a country abounding with such men as the 
 Hammerer, who thought the practice of honest industry 
 on the part of a gentleman was an act if degeneracy, 
 for which nothing short of death was an adequate pun-
 
 DONALD OF THE HAMMER. 75 
 
 ishment ; so that the disorderly state of the H'ghlands 
 was little short of that of the Isles. Still, however, many 
 of the principal chiefs attended occasionally at the court 
 of Scotland ; others were frequently obliged to send theif 
 sons to be educated there, who were retained as hostages 
 for the peaceful behaviour of the clan ; so that by de- 
 grees they came to improve with the increasing civiliza- 
 tion of the times. 
 
 The authority also of the great nobles, who held es- 
 tates in or adjacent to the Highlands, was a means, though 
 a rough one, of making the district over which they ex- 
 ercised their power, submit, in a certain degree, to the 
 occasional influence of the laws. It is true, that the 
 great Earls of Huntly, Argyle, Sutherland, and other 
 nobles, did not enforce the Lowland institutions upon 
 their Highland vassals out of mere zeal for their civiliza- 
 tion, but rather because, by taking care to secure the 
 power of the sovereign and the laws on their own side, 
 they could make the infraction of them by the smaller 
 independent chiefs the pretext for breaking down entire 
 clans, and binding them to their own authority. 
 
 I will give you an example of the manner in which a 
 noble lady chastised a Highland chief in the reign of 
 James the Sixth. The Head of the House of Gordon, 
 then Marquis of Huntly, was by far the most powerful 
 lord in the northern counties, and exercised great influ- 
 ence over the Highland clans who inhabited the moun- 
 tains of Badenoch, which lay behind his extensive do- 
 mains. One of the most ancient is that of Macintosh, a 
 word which means Child of the Thane, as they boast 
 their descent from MacDuff, the celebrated Thane of 
 Fife. This haughty race having fallen at variance with 
 the Gordons, William Macintosh, their chief, carried his 
 enmity to so great a pitch, as to surprise and burn the 
 Castle of Atichindown, belonging to the Gordon family. 
 The Marquis of Huntly vowed the severest vengeance. 
 He moved against the Macintoshes with his own chivalry ; 
 nnd he let loose upon the devoted tribe, all such neigh- 
 bouring clans aj would do anything, as the old phrase
 
 76 KXKCUTION OF THE 
 
 was, for his love or for his fear. Macintosh, after a shor* 
 struggle, found himself unequal to sustain ihe conflict, 
 and saw that he must either behold his clan totally exter- 
 minated, or contrive some mode of pacifying Huntly's 
 resentment. Of the last he saw no chance, save by sur 
 rendering himself into the power of the Marquis, and 
 thus personally atoning for the offence which he had com 
 mined. To perform this act of generous devotion with 
 as much chance of safety as possible, he chose a time 
 when the Marquis himself was absent, and asking for the 
 lady, whom he judged likely to prove less inexorable 
 than her husband, he presented himself as the unhappy 
 Laird of Macintosh, who came to deliver himself up to 
 the Gordon, to answer for his burning of Auchindown, 
 and only desired that Huntly would spare his clan. The 
 Marchioness, a stern and haughty woman, had shared 
 deeply in her husband's resentment. She regarded Mac- 
 intosh with a stern eye, as the hawk or eagle contem- 
 plates the prey within its clutch, and having spoken a 
 word aside tt> her attendants, replied to the suppliant 
 chief in this manner : " Macintosh, you have offended 
 the Gordon so deeply, that Huntly has sworn by his fath- 
 er's soul, that he will never pardon you, till he has brought 
 your neck to the block." " I will stoop even to that hu- 
 miliation, to secure the safety of my father's house," 
 said Macintosh. And as this interview passed in the 
 kitchen of the Castle at Bog of Gicht, he undid the collar 
 of his doublet, and kneeling down before the huge block 
 on which, in the rude hospitality of the time, the slain 
 bullocks and sheep were broken up for use, he laid his 
 neck upon it, expecting, doubtless, that the lady would 
 be satisfied with this token of unreserved submission. 
 But the inexorable Marchioness made a sign to the cook, 
 who stepped forward with his hatchet raised, and struck 
 Macintosh's head from his body. 
 
 Another story, and I will change the subject. It is 
 also of th 3 family of Gordon ; not that they were by any 
 mean? mere hard-hearted than other Scottish barons, who 
 Lad feudt with the Highlanders, but because it is the
 
 LAIRD OF MACINTOSH 77 
 
 readiest which occurs to my recollection. The Far 
 qtiharsons of Dee side, a bold and warlike people, inhab- 
 'ting the dales of Brae-mar, had taken offence at, and 
 slain, a gentleman of consequence, named Gordon of 
 Brackley. The Marquis of Huntly summoned his forces, 
 to take a bloody vengeance for the death of a Gordon ; 
 and that none of the guilty tribe might escape, commu- 
 nicated with the Laird of Grant, a very powerful chief, 
 who was an ally of Huntly, and a relation, I believe, to 
 the slain Baron of Brackley. They agreed, that, on a 
 day appointed, Grant, with his clan in arms, should occu- 
 py the upper end of the vale of Dee, while the Gordons 
 should ascend the river from beneath, each party killing, 
 burning, and destroying, without mercy, whatever and 
 whomsoever they found before them. A terrible massa- 
 cre was made among the Farquharsons, taken at una- 
 wares, and placed betwixt two enemies. Almost all the 
 men and women of the race were slain, and when the 
 day was done, Huntly found himself encumbered with 
 about two hundred orphan children, whose parents had 
 been killed. What beca.i.e ./ them, you shall presently 
 hear. 
 
 About a year after this foray, the Laird of Grant 
 chanced to dine at the Marquis's castle. He was, ot 
 course, received with kindness, and entertained with 
 magnificence. After dinner was over, Huntly said to his 
 guest, that he would show him some rare sport. Ac- 
 cordingly, he conducted Grant to a balcony, which, as 
 was frequent in old mansions, overlooked the kitchen, 
 perhaps to permit the lady to give an occasional eye to 
 the operations there. The numerous servants of the 
 Marquis and his visiters had already dined, and Grant 
 beheld all the remains of the victuals flung at random 
 into a large trough, like that out of which swine feed. 
 While Grant was wondering what this could mean, the 
 master cook gave a signal with his silver whistle ; on 
 which a hatch, like that of a dog-kennel, was raised, and 
 there rushed into the kitchen, some shrieking, some shouJ
 
 78 KACE OF THE TROUGH. 
 
 ing, some yelling not a pack of hounds, which, in num 
 her, noise, and tumult, they greatly resembled, but a hugn 
 mob of children, half naked, and totally \\ild in their 
 manners, who threw themselves on the contents of the 
 trough, and fought, struggled, and clamoured, each to get 
 the largest share. Grant was a man of humility, and 
 did not see in that degrading scene all the amusement 
 which his noble host had intended to afford him. " In 
 the name of Heaven," he said, " who are these unfor-. 
 tunate creatures that are fed like so many pigs?" " They 
 are the children of those Farquharsons whom we slew 
 last year on Dee side," answered Huntly. The Laird 
 felt more shocked than it would have been prudent or 
 polite to express. " My lord," he said, " my sword 
 helped to make these poor children orphans, and it is not 
 fair that your lordship should be burdened with all the 
 expense of maintaining them. You have supported them 
 for a year and day -allow me now to take them to Cas- 
 tle-Grant, and keep them for the same time at my cost." 
 Huntly was tired of the joke of the pig-trough, and wil- 
 lingly consented to have the undisciplined rabble of chil- 
 dren taken off his hands. He troubled himself no more 
 about them ; and the Laird of Grant, carrying them to 
 his castle, had them dispersed among his clan, and brought 
 up decently, giving them his own name of Grant ; but it 
 is said their descendants are still called the Race of the 
 Trough, to distinguish them from the families of the tribe 
 into which they were adopted. 
 
 These are instances of the severe authority exercised 
 by the great barons over their Highland neighbours and 
 vassals. Still that authority produced a regard to the 
 laws, which they would not otherwise have received 
 These mighty lords, though possessed of great power ih 
 their jurisdictions, never affected entire independence, as 
 had been done by the old Lords of the Isles, who made 
 peace and war with England, without the consent of the 
 King of Scotland ; whereas, Argyle, Huntly, and others 
 always used at least the pretext of the king's name and 
 authority, and were, from habit an . education, less apt
 
 EXECUTION OF THE EARL OF ORKNEY. 79 
 
 to practise wild stretches of arbitrary power than the na- 
 tive chiefs of the Highlands. In proportion, therefore, 
 as the influence of the nobles increased, the country ap- 
 proached more nearly to civilization. 
 
 It must not here be forgotten, that the increase of power 
 acquired by the sovereign, had been felt severely by one 
 of his great feudal lords, for exercising violence and op- 
 pression, even in the most distant extremity of the em- 
 pire. The Earl of Orkney, descended from a natural 
 son of James V., and of course a cousin-german of the 
 reigning monarch, had indulged himself in extravagant 
 excesses of arbitrary authority amongst the wild recesses 
 of the Orkney and Zetland islands. He had also, it was 
 alleged, shown some token of a wish to assume sovereign 
 power, and had caused his natural son to defend the 
 Castle of Kirkwall. by force of arms, against the King's 
 troops. For these offences the Earl was tried and exe- 
 cuted at Edinburgh ; and his punishment struck such 
 terror among the aristocracy, as made even those preat 
 lords, whose power lay in the most distant and inaccessi- 
 ble places of Scotland, disposed to be amenable to the 
 royal authority. 
 
 Having thus discussed the changes effected bv the 
 union of tie crowns on the Borders, Highlands nnd 
 Isles, it re nains to notice the effects produced in the 
 Lowlands, or more civilized parts of the kingdom.
 
 80 SCOTSMEN IN FOREIGN SEUV1CE. 
 
 CHAPTER VIL 
 
 Injurious effects to Scotland of the Removal of the Court 
 to London Numerous Scotsmen employed in Foreign 
 Military Service and as Travelling Merchants, or 
 Packmen, in Germany Exertions of the Presbyte- 
 rian Clergy to put an end to Family Feuds, and to 
 extend Education Establishment, by their means, oj 
 Parochial Schools James VlSs Visit to Scotland in 
 1617 his Death his Children. 
 
 The Scottish people were soon made sensible, that il 
 their courtiers and great men made fortunes by King 
 James's favour, the nation at large was not enriched by 
 the union of the crowns. Edinburgh was no longer the 
 residence of a Court, whose expenditure, though very 
 moderate, was diffused among her merchants and citizens, 
 and was so far of importance. The sons of the gentry 
 and better classes, whose sole trade had been war and 
 battle, were deprived of employment by the general 
 peace with England, and the nation was likely to feel all 
 the distress arising from an excess of population. The 
 wars on the Continent afforded a resource peculiarly fit- 
 ted to the genius of the Scots, who have always had a 
 disposition for visiting foreign parts. The celebrated 
 Thirty Years' War, as it was called, was now raging in 
 Germany, and a large national brigade of Scots were 
 engaged in the service of Gustavus Adolphus, King o* 
 Sweden, one of the most successful generals of the age. 
 Their total numbers may be guessed from those of the 
 superior officers, which amounted to thirty-four colonels, 
 and fifty lieutenant-colonels. The similarity of the reli- 
 gion of the Scots with that of the Swedes, and some 
 congenial resemblances betwixt the two nations, as well 
 BS the high fame of Gustavus, made most of the Scots
 
 SCOTSMEN IN FOREIGN SERVICE. 81 
 
 prefer the service of Sweden ; but there were others 
 who went into that of the Emperor of Austria, of France, 
 of the Italian States, in short, they were dispersed as 
 soldiers throughout all Europe. It was not uncommon, 
 when a party of Scots were mounting a breach, for them 
 to hear some of the defenders call out in the Scottish 
 language, " Come on, gentlemen ; this is not like gallant- 
 ing it at the Cross of Edinburgh," and thus learn that 
 they were opposed to some of their countrymen engaged 
 on the opposite side. The taste for foreign service was 
 so universal, that young gentlemen of family, vvho wished 
 to see the world, used to travel on the Continent from 
 place to place, and from state to state, and defray their 
 expenses by engaging for a few weeks or months in mil- 
 itary service in the garrison or guards of the state in 
 which they made their temporary residence. It is but 
 doing the Scots justice to say, that while thus acting as 
 mercenary soldiers, they acquired a high character for 
 courage, military skill, and a faithful adherence to their 
 engagements. The Scots regiments in the Swedish ser- 
 vice were the first troops who employed platoon firing, 
 by which they contributed greatly to achieve the decisive 
 battle of Lutzen. 
 
 Besides the many thousand Scottish emigrants who 
 pursued the trade of war on the Continent, there was 
 another numerous class who undertook the toilsome and 
 precarious task of travelling merchants, or to speak plainly, 
 of pedlers, and were employed in conducting the petty 
 inland commerce, which gave the inhabitants of Germany, 
 Poland, and the northern parts of Europe in general, op- 
 portunities of purchasing articles of domestic convenience. 
 There were at that time few towns, and in these towns 
 there were few shops regularly open. When an inhabitant 
 of the country, of high or low degree, had to purchase 
 any article of dress or domestic convenience which he did 
 not manufacture himself, he was obliged to attend at the 
 next fair, to which the travelling merchants flocked, in 
 order to expose their goods to sale. Or if the buyer did 
 not choose to take that trouble, he must wait till somo 
 885
 
 82 IMPERFECT ENFORCEMENT 
 
 pedler, who carried his goods on horseback, in a small 
 wain, or perhaps in a pack upon his shoulders, made his 
 wandering journey through the country. It has been made 
 matter of ridicule against the Scots, that this traflic fell 
 into their hands, as a frugal, patient, provident and labo- 
 rious people, possessing some share of education, which 
 we shall presently see was now becoming general amongst 
 them. But we cannot think that the business which re- 
 quired such attributes to succeed in it, could be dishon- 
 ourable to those who pursued it j and we believe that 
 those Scots who, in honest commerce, supplied foreign- 
 ers with the goods they required, were at least as well 
 employed as those who assisted them in killing each other. 
 
 While the Scots thus continued to improve their. con- 
 dition by enterprise abroad, they gradually sunk into peace- 
 ful habits at home. In the wars of Queen Mary's time, 
 and those of King James's minority, we have the author- 
 ity of a great lawyer, the first Earl of Haddington, gene- 
 rally known by the name of Tom of the Cowgate, to 
 assure us, that " the whole country was so miserably dis- 
 tracted, not only by the accustomed barbarity of the High- 
 lands and Borders, which was greatly increased, but by 
 the cruel dissensions arising from public factions and pri- 
 vate feuds, that men of every rank daily wore steel-jacks, 
 knapscaps or head-pieces, plate-sleeves, and pistols and 
 poniards, being as necessary parts of their apparel as their 
 doublets and breeches." Their disposition was, of course, 
 as warlike as their dress ; and the same authority informs 
 us, that whatever was the cause of their assemblies or 
 meetings, fights arid affrays were the necessary conse- 
 quence before they separated ; and this not at parlia- 
 ments, conventions, trysts, and markets only, but likewise 
 n church-yards, churches, and places appointed for the 
 exercise of religion. 
 
 This universal state of disorder was not owing to any 
 want of laws against such enormities ; on the contrary, the 
 Scottish legislature was more severe than that of England, 
 accounting a slaughter taking place on a sudden quarrel, 
 without previous malice, as murder. ,vhich the law oi
 
 OF THE LAWS. 83 
 
 England rated under the milder denomination of man- 
 slaughter. And this severity was introduced into the law 
 expressly to restrain the peculiar furious temper of the 
 Scottish nation. It was not, therefore, laws which were 
 wanting to restrain violence, but the regular and due ex- 
 ecution of such as existed. An ancient Scottish states- 
 man and judge, who was also a poet, has alluded to the 
 means used to save the guilty from deserved punishment. 
 " We are allowed some skill," he says, " in making; good 
 laws, but God knows how ill they are kept and enforced ; 
 since a man accused of a crime will frequently appear at 
 the bar of a court to which he is summoned, with such a 
 company of armed friends at his back, as if it were his 
 purpose to defy and intimidate both judge and jury." The 
 interest of great men, moreover, obtained often by bribes, 
 interposed between a criminal and justice, and saved by 
 court favour the life which was forfeited to the laws. 
 
 James made great reformation in these pauiculars, as 
 soon as his power, increased by the union of the two 
 kingdoms, gave him the means of doing so. The laws, 
 as we have seen in more cases than one, were enforced 
 with greater severity ; and the assistance of powerful 
 friends, nay, the interposition of courtiers and favourites, 
 was less successful in interfering with the course of jus- 
 tice, or obtaining remissions and pardons for condemned 
 criminals. Thus the wholesome terror of justice gradu- 
 ally imposed a restraint on the general violence and dis- 
 order which had followed the civil wars of Scotland. 
 Still, however, as the barons held, by means of their he- 
 reditary jurisdictions, the exclusive right to try and to 
 punish such crimes as were committed on their own es 
 tates ; and as they often did not choose to do so, either 
 because the action had been committed by the baron's own 
 direction ; or that the malefactor was a strong and active 
 partizan, of whose service the lord might have need ; or 
 because the judge and criminal stood in some degree of 
 relationship to each other; in all such. cases, the culprit's 
 escape from justice was a necessary consequence Nev- 
 ertheless, viewing Scotland generally, the progress of
 
 54 HEREDITARY JURISDICTIONS. 
 
 public justice at the commencement of the seventeenth 
 century, was much purer, and less liable to interruption, 
 than in former ages, and the disorders of the country were 
 fewer in proportion. 
 
 The law and its terrors had its effect in preventing the 
 frequency of crime ; but it could not have been in the 
 power of mere human laws, and the punishments which 
 they enacted, to eradicate from the national feelings the 
 proneness to violence, and the thirst of revenge, which 
 had been so long a general characteristic of the Scottish 
 people. The heathenish and accursed custom of deadly 
 feud, or the duty, as it was thought, of exacting blood for 
 blood, and perpetuating a chance quarrel, by handing it 
 down to future generations, could only give place to those 
 pure religious doctrines which teach men to practise, not 
 the revenge, but the forgiveness of injuries, as the only 
 means of acquiring the favour of Heaven. 
 
 The Presbyterian preachers, in throwing away the ex- 
 ternal pomp and ceremonial of religious worship, had in- 
 culcated, in its place, the most severe observation of 
 morality. It was objected to them, indeed, that as in 
 their model of church government, the Scottish clerg) 
 claimed an undue influence over state affairs, so, in their 
 professions of doctrine and practice, they verged towards 
 an ascetic system, in which too much weight was laid on 
 venial transgressions, and the opinions of other Christian 
 churches were treated with too little liberality. But no 
 one who considers their works, and their history, can de- 
 ny to those respectable men, the merit of practising, in 
 the most rigid extent, the strict doctrines of morality 
 which they taught. They despised wealth, shunned even 
 harmless pleasures, and acquired the love of their flocks, 
 by attending to their temporal as well as spiritual diseases. 
 They preached what they themselves seriously believed 
 and they were believed because they spoke with all the 
 earnestness of conviction. They spared neither example 
 nor precept to improve the more ignorant of their hear- 
 ers, and often endangered their own lives in attempting to 
 nit a stop to the feuds and frays which daily occurred in
 
 INFLUENCE OF THE REFORMERS. 85 
 
 their bounds. It is recorded of a wo/thy clergyman 
 whose parish was peculiarly distracted by the brawls ol 
 the quarrelsome inhabitants, that he used constantly to 
 wear a stout steel head-piece, which bore an odd appear- 
 ance contrasted with his clerical dress. The purpose was, 
 that when he saw swords drawn in the street, which was 
 almost daily, he might run between the combatants, and 
 thus separate them, with less risk of being killed by a 
 chance blow. So that his venturous and dauntless hu- 
 manity was perpetually placing his life in danger. 
 
 The clergy of that day were frequently respectable 
 from their birth and connexions, often from their learning, 
 and at all times from their character. These qualities 
 enabled them to interfere with effect, even in the feuds ol 
 the barons and gentry ; and they often brought to milder 
 and more peaceful thoughts, men who would not have 
 listened to any other intercessors. There is no doubt, 
 that these good men, and the Christianity which they 
 taught, were one of the principal means of correcting the 
 furious temper and revengeful habits of the Scottish na- 
 tion, in whose eyes bloodshed and deadly vengeance had 
 been till then a virtue. 
 
 Besides the precepts and examples of religion and mo- 
 rality, the encouragement of general information and 
 knowledge is also an effectual mode of taming and sub- 
 duing the wild habits of a military and barbarous people. 
 For this also the Lowlands of Scotland were indebted to 
 the Presbyterian ministers. 
 
 The Catholic clergy had been especially instrumental 
 in the foundation of three universities in Scotland, name- 
 ly, those of Glasgow, St. Andrews, and Aberdeen ; but 
 these places of education, from the very nature of their 
 institutions, were only calculated for the education of stu- 
 dents designed for the church, or of those youths from 
 among the higher classes of the laity, whom their parents 
 might wish to receive such information as might qual- 
 ify them for lawyers and statesmen. The more noble 
 view of the Reformed Church, was to extend the bless-
 
 66 SPREAD OF !; 1)1 CATION. 
 
 ings of knowledge to the lower, as well a3 the higher 
 classes of society. 
 
 The preachers of the reformation had appealed to the 
 Scriptures as the rule of their doctrine, and it was their 
 honourable and liberal desire, that the poorest, as well as 
 the richest man, should have an opportunity of judging, 
 by his own perusal of the sacred volume, whether they 
 had interpreted the text truly and faithfully. The inven- 
 tion of printing had made the Scriptures accessible tc 
 every one, and the clergy desired that the meanest peas- 
 ant should have the skill necessary to peruse them. John 
 Knox, and other leaders of the Congregation, had, from 
 the very era of the Reformation, pressed the duty of re- 
 serving from the confiscated revenues of the Romish 
 Church the means of providing for the clergy with de- 
 cency, and of establishing colleges and schools for the 
 education of youth ; but their wishes were for a long time 
 disappointed by the avarice of the nobility and gentry, 
 who were determined to retain for their own use the spoils 
 of the Catholic Church, and by the stormy complexion 
 of the times, in which little was regarded save what be- 
 longed to politics and war. 
 
 At length the legislature, chiefly by the influence of the 
 clergy, was induced to authorize the noble enactment, 
 which appoints a school to be kept in every parish of Scot- 
 land, at a low rate of endowment indeed, but such as en- 
 ables every poor man within the parish to procure for his 
 children the knowledge of reading and writing ; and af 
 fords an opportunity for those who show a decided taste 
 for learning, to obtain such progress in classical knowledge, 
 as may fit them for college studies. There can be no 
 doubt, that the opportunity afforded, of procuring instruc- 
 tion thus easily, tended, in the course of a generation, 
 greatly to civilize and humanize the character of the 
 Scottish nation ; and it is equally certain, that this gene- 
 ral access to useful knowledge, has not only given rise to 
 the success of many men of genius, who otherwise would 
 never have aspired above the humble rank in which they 
 were horn, but has raised the common people of Scotland
 
 JAMES S VISIT TO SCOTLAND. 87 
 
 in general, in knowledge, sagacity, and intelligence, many 
 degrees above those of most other countries. 
 
 The Highlands and islands did not share the influence 
 of religion and education, which so essentially benefited 
 their Lowland countrymen, owing to their speaking a lan- 
 guage different from the rest of Scotland, as well as to 
 the difficulty, or rather at that time the impossibility, ot 
 establishing churches or schools in such a remote country, 
 ajid amongst natives of such wild manners. 
 
 To the reign of James VI. it is only necessary to add, 
 that in 1617 he revisited his ancient kingdom of Scotland, 
 from the same instinct, as his Majesty was pleased to ex- 
 press it, which induces salmon, after they have visited 
 the sea, to return to the river in which they have been 
 bred. 
 
 He was received with every appearance of affection by 
 his Scottish subjects ; and the only subject of suspicion, 
 doubt, or quarrel, betwixt the King and them, arose from 
 the partiality he evinced to the form and ritual of the 
 Church of England. The true Presbyterians groaned 
 heavily at seeing choristers and singing boys arrayed in 
 white surplices, and at hearing them chant the service of 
 the Church of England ; and they were in despair when 
 they saw his Majesty's private chapel adorned with pic- 
 tures representing scriptural subjects. All this, and every 
 thing like an established and prescribed form of prayer, 
 in garb or decoration, was, in their idea, a greater or less 
 approximation to the practices of the church of Rome 
 This was, indeed, mere prejudice, but it was a prejudice 
 D(" little consequence in itself, and James ought to have 
 rather respected than combated feelings connected with 
 much that was both moral and religious, and honoured 
 the right which his Scottish subjects might justly claim to 
 worship God after their own manner, and not according 
 to the rules and ceremonies of a foreign country. His 
 obstinacy on this point was, however, satisfied with car- 
 rying through the Articles of Perth, already mentioned, 
 which were finally admitted in the year after his visit to 
 Scotland He left to his successor the task of arcom
 
 88 DEATH OF JAMKS VI. 
 
 plishing a complete conformity, in ritual and doctrine, be 
 tween the churches of South and North Britain and 
 very dear the attempt cost him. 
 
 In tire year 1625, James died. He was the .east dig- 
 nified and accomplished of all his family ; but, at the 
 same time, the most fortunate. Robert II., the first of 
 the Stewart family, died, it is true, in peace ; but Robert 
 111. had sunk under the family fosses which he had sus- 
 tained ; James I. was murdered ; James II. killed by the 
 bursting of a cannon ; James III., (whom James VI. 
 chiefly resembled,) was privately slain after the battle of 
 Sauchie-Barn ; James IV. fell at Flodden ; James V. 
 died of a broken heart ; Henry Darnley, the father of 
 James VI. was treacherously murdered; and his mother, 
 Queen Mary, was tyrannically beheaded. He himself 
 alone, without courage, without sound sagacity, without 
 that feeling of dignity which should restrain a prince from 
 foolish indulgences, became King of the great nation 
 which had for ages threatened to subdue that of which he 
 was born monarch ; and the good fortune of the Stewart 
 family, which seems to have existed in his person alone, 
 declined and totally decayed in those of his successors. 
 
 James had lost his eldest son, Henry, a youth of ex- 
 traordinary promise. His second, Charles I., succeeded 
 him in the throne. He left also one daughter, Elizabeth, 
 married to Frederick, the Elector Palatine of the German 
 empire. He was an unfortunate prince, and with a view 
 of obtaining the kingdom of Bohemia, engaged in a ruin- 
 ous war with the Emperor, by which he lost his hered- 
 itary dominions. But the Elector's evil fortune was re- 
 deemed in the person of his descendants, from whom 
 sprung tho royal family which now possess th ; British 
 throne, in right of the Princess Elizabeth.
 
 ABUSES IN THE RE ION OF JAMES. 89 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Discontents excited during James's Reign increased 
 under Charles Introduction of the English Liturgy 
 into the Scottish Church National Covenant The 
 Scottish Army enters England Concessions of the 
 King to the Long Parliament, upon which the Scottish 
 Jlrmy returns home Charles visits Scotland, and 
 gains over the Marquis of Montrose to the Royal 
 Cause The Two Parties of Cavaliers and Round- 
 heads Arrest of Five Members of the House of Com- 
 mons Civil War in England. 
 
 CHARLES I., who succeeded his father James, was a 
 Prince whose personal qualities were excellent. It was 
 said of him justly, that considered as a private gentleman, 
 there was not a more honourable, virtuous, and religious 
 man, in his dominions. He was a kind father, master, 
 and even too affectionate husband, permitting the Queen 
 Henrietta Maria, the beautiful daughter of Henry IV. ol 
 France, to influence his government too much. Charles 
 had also the dignity which his father totally wanted ; and 
 there is no just occasion to question that so good a man 
 as we have described him, had the intention to rule his 
 people justly and mercifully, in place of enforcing the 
 ancient feudal thraldom. But on the other hand, he en- 
 tertained extravagant ideas of the regal power, feelings 
 which, being peculiarly unsuitable to the times in which 
 he lived, occasioned his own total ruin, and, for a time, 
 that of his posterity. 
 
 The English people had been now, for a century and 
 more, relieved from the severe yoke of the nobles, and had 
 forgotten how it had pressed upon their forefathers. What 
 bad galled them in the late reign, were the exactions ol
 
 90 THE STAR-CHAMBER. 
 
 King James who, to indulge his prodigal l : berality to 
 worthless favourites, had extorted from Parliament large 
 supplies, and having misapplied these, had endeavoured 
 to ohtain others by granting to individuals, for sums ot 
 money, exclusive rights to sell certain commodities, which 
 the monopolist immediately raised to a high rate, and 
 made a large fortune, while the king got little by the bribe 
 which he had received, and the subjects suffered extreme- 
 ly by the price of articles, necessaries perhaps of life, being 
 unduly raised. Yet James, finding that a spirit of oppo- 
 sition had arisen within the House of Commons, and that 
 grants of money were obtained with difficulty, would not 
 refrain from such indirect practices to obtain money from 
 the people without the consent of their representatives in 
 Parliament. It was his object also to support the royal 
 power in the full authority, which, by gradual encroach- 
 ments, it attained during the reign of the Tudors ; and 
 he was disposed to talk high of his prerogative, for which 
 he stated himself to be accountable to God alone ; where- 
 as it was the just principle of the House of Commons, 
 that the power of the king, like every other power in the 
 constitution, was limited by the laws, and was legally to 
 be resisted when it trespassed beyond them. Such were 
 the disputes which James held with his subjects. His 
 timidity prevented him from pushing his claims to ex- 
 tremity, and although courtly divines and ambitious law- 
 yers were ready to have proved, as they pretended, his 
 absolute and indefeasible right to obedience, even in un- 
 constitutional commands, he shrunk from the contest, and 
 left to his son much discontent which his conduct had 
 excited, but which did not immediately break into a 
 flame. 
 
 Charles held the same opinions of his own rights as a 
 monarch, which had been infused into him by his father's 
 instructions, and he was obstinate and persevering where 
 James had been timid and flexible. Arbitrary courts 01 
 justice, particularly one termed the Star-chamber, afford- 
 ed the King the means of punishing those who opposed 
 them c elvrs to the royal will ; but the violence of authcr-
 
 THE PURITANS. 91 
 
 ily only increased the sense of the evil, and a general 
 discontent against the King's person and prerogative be- 
 gan to prevail throughout England. 
 
 These menacing appearances were much increased by 
 religious motives. The church of England had been 
 since the Reformation gradually dividing into two parties, 
 one of which, warmly approved of by King James, and 
 yet more keenly patronized by Charles, was peculiarly 
 attached to the rites and ceremonies of the church, the 
 strict observance of particular forms, and the use of cer- 
 tain pontifical dresses when divine service was performed. 
 A numerous party called the Puritans, although they com- 
 plied with the model of the Church of England, consid- 
 ered these peculiar rites and formalities, on which the 
 High Churchmen, as the opposite party began to be called, 
 laid such stress, as remains of Popery, and things there- 
 fore to be abolished. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Laud, a man of 
 talents and learning, was devotedly attached to the High 
 Church interest, and countenanced by Charles, he re- 
 solved to use all the powers, both of the civil and spiritual 
 courts, to subdue the refractory spirit of the Puritans, 
 and enforce their compliance with the ceremonies which 
 he thought so essential to the well-being of the church. 
 If men had been left to entertain calm and quiet thoughts 
 on these points, they would in time have discovered 
 that, having chosen what was esteemed the most suit- 
 able rules for the national church, it would have been 
 more wise and prudent to leave the consciences of the 
 hearers to determine whether they would conform to them, 
 or assemble for worship elsewhere. But prosecutions, 
 fines, pillories, and imprisonments, employed to restrain 
 religious opinions, only make them burn the more fierce- 
 ly ; and those who submitted to such sufferings with pa- 
 tience rather than renounce the doctrines they had es- 
 poused, were counted as martyrs, and followed accord- 
 ingly. These dissensions in church and state continued 
 o agitate England from year to year ; but it was the dis 
 turbanees of Scotland which brought them to a crisis.
 
 92 TITHES. 
 
 The King had kept firmly in view his father's favourite 
 project of bringing the Church of Scotland, in point of 
 church government and church ceremonies, to the same 
 model with that of England. But to settle a national 
 church, with a gradation of dignified clergy, required large 
 funds, which Scotland could not afford for such a purpose. 
 In this dilemma, the King and his counsellors resolved, by 
 one sweeping act of revocation, to resume to the Crown 
 all the tithes and benefices which had been conferred 
 upon laymen at the Reformation, and thus obtain the 
 funds necessary to endow the projected bishoprics. 
 
 I must try to explain to you what tithes are : By the law 
 delivered to the Jews, the tithes, that is the tenth part of 
 the yearly produce of the land ; whether in animals born 
 on the soil, or in corn, fruit and vegetable productions, 
 were destined to the support of the priests. The same 
 rule was adopted by the Christian Church, and the tithes 
 were levied from the farmer or possessor of the land, for 
 the maintenance of the ecclesiastical establishments. 
 When the Reformation took place, the great nobles and 
 gentry of Scotland got grants of these tithes from the 
 crown, engaging to take upon themselves the support of 
 the clergy, whom they paid at as low a rate as possible. 
 Those nobles and gentry who held such gifts, were called 
 Titulars of tithes, answering to the English phrase of 
 Impropriators. They used the privileges which they had 
 acquired with great rigour. They would not suffer the 
 farmer to lead a sheaf of corn from the field until the 
 tithe had been selected and removed, and in this way ex- 
 ercised their right with far more severity than had been 
 done by the Roman Catholic clergy, who usually accept- 
 ed a certain reasonable sum of money, and thus left the 
 proprietor of the crop to manage it as he would, instead 
 of actually taking the tithes in kind. But the titulars, as 
 they used their privilege with rigour and to the utmost, 
 were equally tenacious in retaining it. 
 
 When assembled in Parliament, or as it was termed, 
 tiie Convention of Estates, the lords who were possessed 
 of grants of tithes determined that rather than yield to
 
 the revocation proposed by the Earl of Nithisdale, who 
 was the royal commissioner, they would massacre him and 
 his adherents in the face of the assembly. This purpose 
 was so decidedly entertained, that Lord Belhaven, an old 
 blind man, placed himself close to the Earl of Dumfries, 
 a supporter of the intended revocation, and keeping hold 
 of his neighbour with one hand, for which he apologized, 
 as being necessary to enable him to support himself, he 
 held in the other the hilt of a dagger concealed in his 
 bosom, that as soon as the general signal should be given, 
 he might play his part in the tragedy by plunging it into 
 Lord Dumfries' heart. Nithisdile, learning something 
 of this desperate resolution, gave the revocation up for 
 the time, and returned to court. 
 
 The King, however, was at length able, by the assist- 
 ance of a convention of the clergy summoned together by 
 the bishops, and by the general clamour of the land- 
 owners, who complained of the rigorous exactions of 
 the titulars, to obtain a partial surrender of the tithes into 
 the power of the crown. The power of levying them in 
 kind was suppressed ; the landholder was invested with 
 a right to have the tithe upon paying a modified sum, and 
 to purchase the entire right from the titular (if he had the 
 means to do so) at a rate of purchase restricted to seven 
 years' rent. 
 
 These alterations were attended with the greatest ad- 
 vantages to the country in process of time, but they were 
 very offensive to the Scottish nobility. 
 
 Charles also made an attempt to reverse some of the 
 attainders which had taken place in his father's time, par- 
 ticularly that of Stewart, Earl of Bothwell. Much ot 
 this turbulent nobleman's forfeited property had fallen to 
 the lot of the Lords of Buccleuch and Cessford, wlw 
 were compelled to surrender a part of their spoils. These 
 proceedings, as well as the revocation of the grants ol 
 tithes, highly irritated the Scottish nobility, and some wild 
 proposals were held among them for dethroning Charles 
 und placing the Marquis of Hamiltor on the throne.
 
 COURT OF c ii iv AM: Y. 
 
 The only remarkable consequence of this intngue, was 
 A trial in the long forgotten Court of Chivalry, the last, it 
 may he supposed, that will ever take place. Donald 
 Lord Reay affirmed, that Mr. David Ramsay had used 
 certain treasonable expressions in his, the said Donald's 
 hearing. Both were summoned to appear before the 
 High Constable of England. They appeared accordingly, 
 ID great pomp, attended by their friends. 
 
 " Lord Reay," says an eye-witness, " was clothed in 
 black velvet, embroidered with silver, carried his sword 
 in a silver' embroidered belt, and wore around his neck 
 his badge as a Baronet of Nova Scotia. He was a tall, 
 black, swarthy man, of a portly and stout demeanour." 
 The defender was next ushered in, a fair man, and having 
 a head of ruddy hair so bushy and long, that he was usu- 
 ally termed Ramsay Redhead. He was dressed in scar- 
 let, so richly embroidered with gold, that the cloth could 
 scarcely be discerned, but he was totally unarmed. While 
 they fixed their eyes on each other sternly, the charge 
 was read, stating that Ramsay, the defendant, had urged 
 him, Lord Reay, to engage in a conspiracy for dethron- 
 ing the King, and placing the Marquis of Hamilton upon 
 the throne. He added, that if Ramsay should deny this, 
 he would prove him a villain and traitor by dint of sword. 
 Ramsay, for answer, called Reay " a liar and barbarous 
 villain, and protested he should die for it." They ex- 
 changed gloves. After many delays, the Court named a 
 day of combat, assigning as the weapons to be used, a 
 spear, a long sword, and a short sword or a dagger. The 
 most minute circumstances were arranged, and provision 
 was even made at what time the parties might have the 
 assistance of armourers and tailors, with hammers, nails. 
 files, scissors, bodkins, needles, and thread. But now, 
 when you are perhaps expecting, with curiosity, a tale 
 of a bloody fight, I have to acquaint you that the King 
 forbade the combat, and the affair was put to sleep. 
 Times were greatly changed since the days when almost 
 every tpecies of accusation might be tried by duel
 
 CIIARLF.s's VISIT TO SCOTLAND. 05 
 
 Charles visited his native country in 1633 for the 
 purpose of being crowned. . He was received by the peo- 
 ple at first with great apparent affection, but discontent 
 arose on its being observed, that he omitted no opportu- 
 nity ol pressing upon the bishop, who had hitherto only 
 worn plain black gowns, the use of the more splendid 
 vestments of the English Church. This alteration o> 
 habit grievously offended the Presbyterians, who saw in 
 it a farther approximation to the Romish ritual ; while the 
 nobility, remembering that they had been partly deprived 
 of their tithes, and that their possession of the church 
 lands was in danger, saw with great pleasure the obnox- 
 ious prelates, for whose sake the revocation had been 
 made, incur the odium of the people at large. 
 
 It was left for Archbishop Laud to bring all this slum- 
 bering discontent into action, by an attempt to introduce 
 into the divine service of the Church of Scotland a Form 
 of Common Prayer and Liturgy similar to that used in 
 England. This, however reasonable an institution in it- 
 self, was at variance with the character of Presbyterian 
 .vorship, in which the clergyman always addressed the 
 Deity in extemporaneous prayer, and in no prescribed, or 
 regular form of words. King James himself, when court- 
 ing the favour of the Presbyterian party, had called the 
 English service an ill-mumbled mass ; forgetting that the 
 objection to that ceremony applies, not to the prayers, 
 which must be excellent, since they are chiefly extracted 
 from Scripture, but to the worship of the Eucharist, which 
 Protestants think idolatrous, and to the service, as being 
 couched in a foreign language. Neither of these object- 
 ions applies to the English form of prayer ; but the ex- 
 pression of the King was not forgotten. 
 
 Upon the whole, this new and most obnoxious change 
 in the form of public worship, throughout Scotland, wher? 
 the nobility were known to be in a state of great discon- 
 tent, was very ill-timed. Right or wrong, the people in 
 genBral were prejudiced against the innovation, and yet it 
 was to be attempted, without any other authority than that 
 of the King and the Bishops ; while both the Parliament,
 
 I V Tftoin TI'iN OF THF. I.IITIMiV 
 
 and a General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, had 
 a right to be consulted in a matter so important. 
 
 The rash and fatal experiment was made, 23d July 
 1 037, in the High Church of St. Giles, Edinburgh, where 
 the dean of the city prepared to read the new service 
 before a numerous concourse of persons, none of who.r* 
 seem to have been favourably disposed to its reception. 
 As the reader of the prayers announced the Collect for 
 the day, an old woman, named Jenny Geddes, who kep- 
 a green-stall in the High Street, bawled out " The ded 
 colick in the wame of tliee, tliou false thief ! dost thou 
 say the mass at my lug ?" With that she flung at the dean's 
 head the stool upon which she had been sitting, and a wild 
 tumult instantly commenced. The women of lower con- 
 dition flew at the dean, tore the surplice from his should- 
 ers, and drove him out of the church. The Bishop 01 
 Edinburgh mounted the pulpit, but was also assailed with 
 missiles, and the windows were broken with stones flung 
 oy a disorderly multitude from without. This was not 
 all : the prelates were assaulted in the street, and misused 
 oy the mob. The life of the Bishop of Argyle was with 
 difficulty saved by Lord Roxburgh, who carried him 
 home in his carriage, surrounded by his retinue with 
 drawn swords. 
 
 This tumult, which has now something ludicrous in its 
 details, was the signal for a general resistance to the re- 
 
 * w O 
 
 ception of the Service-book throughout the whole coun- 
 try. The Privy Council of Scotland were lukewarm 
 or rather cold, in the cause. They wrote to Charles a 
 detailed account of the tumults, and did not conceal, 
 that the opposition to the measure was spreading far anc 
 wide. 
 
 Charles was inflexible, and showed his displeasure even 
 in trifles. It was the ancient custom, that a fool, or jester, 
 was maintained at court, privileged to break his satirical 
 jests at random. The post was then held by one Archie 
 Armstrong, who, as he saw the Archbishop of Canterbury 
 posting to court, in consequence of the mortifying tidings 
 from Scotland, could not help whispering the sly question.
 
 INTO THE SCOTTISH CtiUitCH. 07 
 
 " Who's the fool now, my lord ?" For this jest, poor 
 Archie, having been first severely whipped, was disgraced 
 and dismissed from court, where PC fool has again been 
 admitted, at least in an avowed and official capacity. 
 
 But Archie was a more accessible object of punish- 
 ment than the malcontents in Scotland. It was in vain 
 that Charles sent down repeated and severe messages, 
 blaming the Privy Council, the Magistrates, and all who 
 did not punish the rioters, and enforce the reading of the 
 Service-book. The resistance to the measure, which 
 was at first tumultuous, and the work of the lowest order, 
 had now assumed quality and consistence. More than 
 thirty peers, and a very great proportion of the gentry of 
 Scotland, together with the greater part of the royal 
 burghs, had, before the month of December, agreed not 
 merely to oppose the Service-book, but to act together in 
 resistance to the further intrusions of Prelacy. They 
 were kept in union and directed by representatives ap- 
 pointed frorh among themselves, and forming separate 
 Committees, or, as they were termed, Tables or Boards 
 of management. 
 
 Under the auspices of these Tables, or Committees, a 
 species of engagement, or declarati >n, was drawn up, the 
 principal object of which was, the eradication of Prelacy 
 in all its modifications, and the establishment of Presby- 
 tery on its purest and most simple basis. This engage- 
 ment was called the National Covenant, as resembling 
 those covenants which, in the Old Testament, God is said 
 to have made with the people of Israel. The terms of 
 this memorable league professed the Reformed faith, and 
 abjured the rites and doctrines of the Romish Church, 
 with which were classed the newly imposed Liturgy ana 
 Canons. This Covenant, which had for its object to an- 
 nul all of Prelatic innovation that James's policy, and his 
 son's violence, had been able to introduce into the Pres- 
 byterian Church, was sworn to by hundreds, thousands, 
 and hundreds of thousands, of every age and description, 
 vowing, with uplifted hands and weeping eyes, that, wMh 
 886
 
 98 NATIONAL COVENANT. 
 
 the Divine assistance they would dedicate life and for 
 tune to maintain the object of their solemn engagement. 
 
 Undoubtedly, many persons who thus subscribed the 
 National Covenant, did not seriously feel any apprehen 
 sion that Prelacy would introduce Popery, or that the 
 Book of Common Prayer was in itself a grievance wnich 
 the country of Scotland did well or wisely to oppose ; out 
 they were convinced, that in thus forcing a matter of con- 
 science upon a whole nation, the King disregarded the 
 rights and liberties of his subjects, and foresaw, that if not 
 now withstood, he was most likely to make himself ab- 
 solute master of their rights and privileges in secular as 
 well as religious affairs. They therefore joined in such 
 measures as procured a general resistance to the arbitra- 
 ry power so rashly assumed by King Charles. 
 
 Meantime, while the King negociated and procrastinat- 
 ed, Scotland, though still declaring attachment to his per- 
 son, was nearly in a state of general resistance. 
 
 The Covenanters, as they began to be called, held a 
 General Assembly of the Church, at which the Marquis 
 of Hamilton attended as Lord Commissioner for the King. 
 
 This important meeting was held at Glasgow. There 
 all measures pointed at by the Covenant were carried 
 fully into effect. Episcopacy was abolished, the existing 
 bishops were deprived of their power, and eight of them 
 excommunicated for divers alleged irregularities. 
 
 The Covenanters took arms to support these bold meas- 
 ures. They recalled to Scotland the numerous officers 
 who had been trained in the wars of Germany, and com- 
 mitted the command of the whole to Alexander Lesley, 
 a veteran general of skill and experience, who had pos- 
 sessed the friendship of Gustavus Adolphus. They soon 
 made great progress ; for the castles of Edinburgh, Dal- 
 keith, and other national fortresses, were treacherously 
 surrendered, or daringly surprised, by the Covenanters. 
 
 King Charles, meantime, was preparing for the inva- 
 sion of Scotland with a powerful army by land and sea 
 The fleet was commanded by the Marquis of Hamilton 
 who, unwilling to commence a civil war, or, as some sup
 
 roVEXANTERS TAKE UP ARMS. 99 
 
 posed, not being on this occasion peculiarly zealous in the 
 King's service, made no attempt to prosecute the enter- 
 prise. The fleet lay idle in the frith of Forth, while 
 Charles in person, at the head of an army of twenty-three 
 thousand men, gallantly equipped by the English nobility, 
 seemed as much determined on the subjugation of his 
 ancient kingdom of Scotland, as ever any of the Ed- 
 w irds or Henries of England had been. But the Scot- 
 tish Covenanters showed the same determined spirit of 
 resistance, which, displayed by their ancestors, had frus- 
 trated so many invasions. 
 
 A great degree of military discipline had been intro- 
 duced into their new levies, considering how short time 
 they had been on foot. They lay encamped on Dunse- 
 lavv, a gently sloping hill, very favourable for a military 
 display. Their camp was defended by forty field-pieces, 
 and their army consisted of twenty-four or twenty-five 
 thousand men. The highest Scottish nobles, as Argyle, 
 Rothes, Cassilis, Eglinton, Dalhousie, Lindsay, Loudon, 
 Balcarras, and others, acted as colonels ; their captains 
 were gentlemen of high rank and fortune ; and the infe- 
 rior commissions were chiefly filled with veteran officers 
 who had served abroad. The utmost order was observ- 
 ed in their camp, while the presence of numerous clergy- 
 men kept up the general enthusiasm, and seemed to give 
 a religious character to the war. 
 
 In this crisis, when a decisive battle was to have been 
 expected, only one very slight action took place, when a 
 few English cavalry, retreating hastily, and in disorder, 
 from a still smaller number of Scots, seemed to show 
 that the invaders had not their heart in the combat. The 
 King was surrounded by many counsellors,, who had no 
 'interest to encourage the war ; and the whole body of 
 English Puritans considered the resistance of Scotland as 
 the triumph of the good cause over Popery and Prelacy. 
 Charles's own courage seems to have failed him, at the 
 idea of encountering a force so well provided, and so 
 willing, as that of the Covenanters, with a dispirited ar- 
 my acting under divided councils. A treaty was entered
 
 100 TREATY WITH THE COVENANTERS. 
 
 into, though of an insecure character. The King granted 
 a declaration, in which, without confirming the acts of the 
 Assembly of Glasgow, which he would not acknowledge 
 as a lawful one, he agreed that all matters concerning the 
 regulation of church-government should be left to a new 
 Convocation of the Church. 
 
 Such an agreement could not be lasting. The Cove- 
 nanting Lords did, indeed, disband their forces, and re- 
 store to the King's troops the strong places which they 
 had occupied ; but they held themselves ready to take 
 arms, and seize upon them again at the slightest notice ; 
 neither was the King able to introduce any considerable 
 degree of disunion into so formidable a league. 
 
 The General Assembly of the Church convened ac- 
 cording to the treaty, failed not to confirm all that had 
 been done by their predecessors at Glasgow ; the Na- 
 tional Covenan^ was renewed, and the whole conclusions 
 of the body were in favour of pure and unmingled Pres- 
 bytery. The Scottish Parliament, on their part, de- 
 manded several privileges, necessary, it was said, to free- 
 dom of debate, and required that the Estates of the 
 Kingdom should be convened at least once every three 
 years. On receiving these demands, Charles thought 
 he beheld a formed scheme for undermining his royal 
 authority, and prepared to renew the war. 
 
 His determination involved, however, some more im- 
 portant consequences than even the war with Scotland. 
 His private economy had enabled the King to support, 
 from the crown lands and other funds, independent oi 
 parliamentary grants, the ordinary expenses of the state, 
 and he had been able even to sustain the charges of the 
 first army raised to invade Scotland, without having re- 
 course to the House of Commons. But his treasures were 
 now exhausted, and it became indispensable to convoke a 
 parliament, and obtain from it a grant of money to sup- 
 Dort the war. The Parliament met, but were too much 
 occupied by their own grievances, to take an immediate 
 interest in the Scottish war. They refused the supplies 
 demanded. The King was obliged to dissolve them, ana
 
 THE LONG PARLIAMENT. 101 
 
 have recourse to the aid of Ireland, to the C invocation 
 of the Church, to compulsory loans, and other indirect 
 methods of raising money, so that his resources were ex- 
 hausted by the effort. 
 
 On hearing that the King was again collecting his army, 
 and had placed himself at his head, the Parliament ol 
 Scotland resolved on again assembling theirs. It was done 
 with such facility, and so speedily, that it was plain they 
 had been, during the short suspension of arms, occupied 
 in preparing for a new rupture. They did not now wait 
 till the King should invade Scotland, but boldly crossed 
 the Tweed, entered England, and, advancing to the banks 
 of the Tyne, found Lord Conway posted at Newburn, 
 with six thousand men, having batteries of cannon in his 
 front, and prepared to dispute the passage of the river. 
 On 28th August, 1 040, the battle of Newburn was fought. 
 The Scots entered the ford, girdle deep, and after silenc- 
 ing the artillery by their superior fire, made their way 
 across the river, and the English fled with a speed and 
 disorder unworthy of their national reputation. 
 
 The King, surprised at this defeat, and justly distrust- 
 ing the faith of many who were in his army and near his 
 person, retreated with all his forces into Yorkshire ; and 
 again, with more serious intentions of abiding by it, com- 
 menced a negociation with his insurgent subjects. At the 
 same time, to appease the growing discontent of the 
 English nation, he resolved again to call a Parliament. 
 There were, no doubt, in the royal camp, many persons 
 to whom the presence of a Scottish army was acceptable, 
 as serving to overawe the more violent royalists ; and the 
 Scots were easily induced to protract their stay, when it 
 was proposed to them to receive pay and provisions at the 
 expense of England. 
 
 The meeting of that celebrated body, called, in English 
 history, the Long Parliament, took place on 3d Novem- 
 ber, 1640. The majority of the members were disaf- 
 fected with the King's government, on account of his 
 severity in matters of religion, and his tendency to despot-
 
 102 CONCESSIONS OF CHARLES. 
 
 ism in state affairs. These malcontents formed a strong 
 party, determined to diminish the royal authority, and re- 
 duce, if they did not destroy, the hierarchy of the church. 
 The negociations for peace being transferred from Kippon 
 to London, the presence of the Scottish commissioners 
 was highly acceptable to those statesmen who opposed 
 the King, and the preaching of the clergymen by whom 
 they were accompanied, appeared equally instructive to 
 the citizens of London and their wives. 
 
 In this favourable situation, and completely successful 
 over the royal will, (for Charles 1. could not propose to 
 contend at once with the English Parliament and with the 
 Scottish army,) the peremptory demands of the Scots 
 were neither light, nor easily gratified. They required 
 that the King should confirm every act of the Scottish 
 Convention of Estates with whom he had been at war, 
 recall all the proclamations which he had sent out against 
 them, place the fortresses of Scotland in the hands of such 
 officers as the Convention should approve of, pay all the 
 expenses of the war, and, last and bitterest, they stipu- 
 lated, that those of the King's counsellors who had advis- 
 ed the late hostilities, should be punished as incendiaries. 
 VVtiile the Scots were discussing these severe conditions, 
 they remained in their quarters much at their own ease, 
 overawing by their presence the King, and those who 
 might be disposed to join him, and affording to the oppo 
 sition party in the English Parliament an opportunity ol 
 obtaining redress for the grievances of which they, in 
 their turn, complained. 
 
 The King, thus circumstanced, was compelled to give 
 way. The oppressive courts in which arbitrary proceed- 
 ings had taken place, were abolished ; every species of 
 contrivance by which the King had endeavoured to levy 
 money without consent of Parliament, a subject on which 
 the people of England were justly jealous, was declared 
 unlawful ; and it was provided, that Parliaments should 
 be summoned every three years. 
 
 Thus the power of the King was reduced within the 
 onujidaiies of the constitution : but the Parliament were
 
 CHARLESS SECOND VISIT TO SCOTLAND. I0b 
 
 not satisfied with this general redress of grievances, though 
 including all that had hitherto been openly complained of. 
 A strong party among the members was determined to be 
 satisfied with nothing short of the abolition of Episcopacy 
 in England as well as in Scotland ; and many, who did 
 not aim at that favourite point, entertained fears, that it 
 the King were left in possession of such powers as the 
 constitution allowed him, he would find means of re- 
 establishing and perpetuating the grievances which, for the 
 time, he had consented to abolish. 
 
 Gratified with a donation of three hundred thousand 
 pounds, given under the delicate name of brotherly as- 
 sistance, the Scottish army at length retired homeward, 
 and left the King and Parliament of England to settle their 
 own affairs. The troops were scarcely returned to Scot- 
 land and disbanded, when Charles proposed to himself a 
 visit to his native kingdom. There can be little doubt 
 that the purpose of this royal progress was to inquire 
 closely into the causes which had enabled the Scottish 
 nation, usually divided into factions and quarrels, to act 
 with such unanimity, and to try whether it might not be 
 possible for the King to attach to his royal interest and 
 person some of the principal leaders, and thus form a 
 party who might not only prevent his English dominions 
 from being again invaded by an army from Scotland, but 
 might be disposed to serve him, in case he should come 
 to an open rupture with his English Parliament. For this 
 purpose he dispensed dignities and gifts in Scotland with 
 an unsparing hand ; made General Lesley Earl of Leven, 
 raised the Lords Loudon and Lindsay to the same rank, 
 and received into his administration several nobles who 
 had been active in the late invasion of England. On 
 most of these persons, the King's benefits produced little 
 effect. They considered him only as giving what, if he 
 had dared, iie would have withheld. But Charles made 
 a convert to his interests of one nobleman, whose char- 
 acter and actions have rendered him a memorable person 
 in Scottish history.
 
 104 IMPRISONMENT OF MONTROSE. 
 
 This was James Graham, Earl of Montrose ; a man of 
 nigh genius, glowing with the ambition which prompts 
 great actions, and conscious of courage and talents which 
 enabled him to aspire to much by small and inadequate 
 means. He was a poet and scholar, deeply skilled in the 
 art of war, and possessed of a strength of constitution and 
 activity of mind, by which he could sustain every hard- 
 ship, and find a remedy in every reverse of fortune. It 
 was remarked of him by Cardinal du Retz, an unques- 
 tionable judge, that he resembled more nearly than any 
 man of his age those great heroes, whose names and his- 
 tory are handed down to us by the Greek and Roman 
 historians. As a qualification to this high praise, it must 
 be added, that Montrose's courage sometimes approached 
 to rashness, and that some of his actions arose more from 
 the dictates of private revenge, than became his nobler 
 qualities. 
 
 The young Earl had attended the court of Charles 
 when he came home from his travels, but not meeting with 
 the attention or distinction which he was conscious of de- 
 serving, he withdrew into Scotland, and took a zealous 
 share in forming and forwarding the National Covenant. 
 A man of such talent could not fail to be employed and 
 distinguished. Montrose was sent by the confederated 
 Lords of the Covenant to chastise the prelatic town of 
 Aberdeen, and to disperse the Gordons, who were taking 
 arms for the King under the Marquis of Huntly, and suc- 
 ^eeded in both commissions. At the battle of Newburn, 
 he was the first man who forded the Tyne. He passed 
 alone under the fire of the English, to ascertain the depth 
 of the water, and returned to lead over the regiment which 
 he commanded. Notwithstanding these services to the 
 cause of the Covenant, Montrose had the mortification to 
 see the Earl of Argyle, (the ancient feudal enemy of his 
 house,) was preferred to him by the heads of the party, 
 and chiefly by the clergy. There was something in the 
 fiery ambition, and unyielding purpose of Montrose, which 
 startled inferior minds ; while Argyle, dark, close, and 
 crafty, a man well qualified to aflect a complete de\otion
 
 THE INCIDENT. ij 
 
 to the ends of others, when he was, in fact, bent on for- 
 warding his own, stooped lower to court popularity, and 
 was more successful in gaining it. 
 
 The King had long observed that Montrose was dis- 
 satisfied with the party to which he had hitherto adhered 
 and found no difficulty in engaging his services for the 
 future in the royal cause. The noble convert set so ac- 
 tively about inducing others to follow his example, that 
 even during the course of the treaty at Rippon, he had 
 procured the subscription of nineteen noblemen to a bond, 
 engaging themselves to unite in support of Charles. This 
 act of defection being discovered by the Covenanters, 
 Montrose was imprisoned ; and the King, on coming to 
 Scotland, had the mortification to find himself deprived 
 of the assistance of this invaluable adherent. 
 
 Montrose contrived, however, to communicate with the 
 King from his prison in the Castle of Edinburgh, and 
 disclosed so many circumstances respecting the purposes 
 of the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earl of Argyle, that 
 Charles had resolved to arrest them both at one moment, 
 and had assembled soldiers for that purpose. They es- 
 caped, however, and retired to their houses, where they 
 could not have been seized, but by open violence, and at 
 the risk of a civil war. These noblemen were recalled 
 to Court ; and to show that the King's confidence in them 
 was unchanged, Argyle v/as raised to the rank of Marquis 
 This obscure affair was called the Incident ; it was never 
 well explained ; it excited much suspicion of the King's 
 purposes both in England and Scotland, and aggravated 
 the disinclination of the English Parliament to leave his 
 royal power on the present unreduced footing. 
 
 There can be little doubt that Montrose's disclosures to 
 the King concerned the private correspondence which 
 passed between the Scottish Covenanters and the opposi- 
 tion party in the Parliament of England, and which Charles 
 might hope to convert into an accusation of high treason 
 against both. But as he did not feel that he possessed a 
 party in Scotland strong enough to contend with the great 
 majority of the nobles of that country, he judged it bt^t to
 
 10(3 CHARLES'S RETURN TO ENGLAND. 
 
 pass over all further notice of the Incident for the uiae, 
 and to leave Scotland at least under the outward appeal- 
 ance of mutual concord. He was formally congratulated 
 on departing a contented King from a contented people 
 a state of things, which did not last long. 
 
 It was, indeed, impossible that Scotland should remain 
 long tranquil, while England, with whom she was now so 
 closely connected, was in such dreadful disorder. The 
 King had no sooner returned from Scotland, than the 
 quarrel hetwixt him and his Parliament was renewed with 
 more violence than ever. If either party could have re- 
 posed confidence in the other's sincerity, the concession? 
 made by the King were such as ought to have gratified 
 the Parliament. But the strongest suspicions were en- 
 tertained by the prevailing party, that the King considered 
 the grants which he had made, as having been extorted 
 from him by violence, and that he retained the steady 
 purpose of reassuming the obnoxious and arbitrary power 
 of which he had been deprived for a season, but which 
 he still considered as part of his royal right. They there- 
 fore resolved not to quit the ascendency which they had 
 attained, until they had deprived the King of a large por- 
 tion of his remaining power, although bestowed on him 
 by the constitution, that they might thus prevent his em- 
 ploying it for the recovery of those arbitrary privileges 
 which had been usurped by the throne during the reign 
 of the Tudors. 
 
 While the Parliamentary leaders argued thus, the King, 
 on his side, complained that no concession, however large, 
 was able to satisfy the demands of his discontented sub- 
 jects. " He had already," he urged, " resigned all the 
 points which had been disputed between them," and his 
 partisans were alarmed with the idea that it was the pur- 
 pose of Parliament altogether to abrogate the royal au- 
 ihority, and, probably, to depose the reigning King. 
 
 On the return of Charles to London, the Parliarnenl 
 greeted him with a remonstrance, in which he was up- 
 braided with all the real and supposed errors of his reign 
 At the same time, a general disposition to tumult showed
 
 KENEWED DEMANDS OF PARLIAMENT. 107 
 
 itself throughout the City. Great mobs of apprentices 
 and citizens, not always of the lowest rank, came in tumult 
 to Winchester, under the pretence of petitioning the 
 Houses of Parliament ; and as they passed Whitehall, 
 they insulted, with loud shouts, the guards and servants 
 of the King. The parties soon came to blows, and blood 
 was spilt between them. 
 
 Party names, too, were assumed, to distinguish the 
 friends of the King from those who favoured the Parlia- 
 ment. The former were chiefly gay young men, who, 
 according to the fashion of the times, wore showy dresses, 
 and cultivated the growth of long hair, which, arranged in 
 ringlets, fell over their shoulders. They were called 
 Cavaliers. In distinction, those who adhered to the Par- 
 liament, assumed in their garb and deportment, a serious- 
 ness and gravity which rejected all ornament ; they wore 
 their hair, in particular, cropped short around the head, 
 and thence gained the name of Round-heads. 
 
 But it was the difference in their ideas of religion, or 
 rather of church government, which chiefly widened the 
 division betwixt the two parties. The King had been bred 
 up to consider the preservation of the Church of England 
 and her hierarchy, as a sacred point of duty. The Pres- 
 byterian system, on the contrary, was espoused by a large 
 proportion of the Parliament ; and they were, for the 
 time, seconded by the other numerous classes of Dissent- 
 ers, all of whom desired to see the destruction of the 
 Church of England, however unwilling they might be that 
 a Presbyterian Church government should be set up in 
 its stead. The enemies of the Church of England greatly 
 predominating within the Houses of Parliament, the lords 
 spiritual, or bishops, were finally expelled from their seats 
 in the House of Lords, and their removal was celebrated 
 as a triumph by the London citizens. 
 
 While matters were in this state, the King committed 
 a great, imprudence. Having conceived that he had ac- 
 quired from Montrose's discovery, or otherwise, certain 
 information that five of the leading members of the House 
 of Commons had been guilty of communicating with he 
 5*
 
 10$ 
 
 CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Scots when in arms, which might authorize a charge o/ 
 high treason, he formed the highly rash and culpable in- 
 tention of going to the House of Commons in person, with 
 an armed train of attendants, and causing the accused 
 members to be arrested. By this ill-advised measure, 
 Charles doubtless expected to strike terror into the oppo- 
 site party ; but it proved altogether ineffectual. The five 
 members had received private information of the blow to 
 be aimed at them, and had fled into the city, where they 
 found numbers willing to conceal and defend them. The 
 King, by his visit to the House of Commons, only showed 
 that he could stoop to act almost in the capacity of a com- 
 mon constable, or catchpoll ; and that he disregarded the 
 respect due to the representatives of the British people, 
 in meditating such an arrest in the presence of that body. 
 
 After this step on the part of the King, every chance 
 of reconciliation seemed at an end. The Commons re- 
 jected all amicable proposals, unless the King would sur- 
 render to them the command of the militia ; and that 
 would have been equivalent to laying his crown at their 
 feet. The King refused to surrender the command of the 
 militia, even for an instant ; and both parties prepared to 
 take up arms. Charles left London, where the power of 
 the Parliament was predominant, assembled what friends 
 he could gather at Nottingham, and hoisted the royal 
 standard there, as the signal of civil war, on 25th Au- 
 gust, 1642. 
 
 The hostilities which ensued, over almost all England, 
 were of a singular character. Long accustomed to peace, 
 the English had but little knowledge of the art of war. 
 The friends of the contending parties assembled their 
 followers, and marched against each other, without much 
 idea of taking strong positions, or availing themselves of 
 able manoeuvres, but with the simple and downright pur- 
 pose of meeting, fighting with, and defeating those who 
 were in arms on the other side. These battles were con- 
 'ested with great manhood and gallantry, but with little 
 military skill or discipline. It was no uncommon thing, 
 for one wing or division of the contending armie? when
 
 CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND. 109 
 
 they found themselves victorious over the body opposed 
 to them, to amuse themselves with chasing the vanquished 
 party for leagues oiFthe field of battle, where the victory 
 was in the meanwhile lost for want of their support. 
 This repeatedly happened through the precipitation of the 
 King's cavalry ; a fine body -of men, consisting of the 
 flower of the English nobility and gentry ; but as ungov- 
 ernable as they were brave, and usually commanded by 
 Prince Rupert, the King's nephew, a young man of fiery 
 courage, not gifted with prudence corresponding to his 
 bravery and activity. 
 
 In these unhappy civil contentions, the ancient nobility 
 and gentry of England were chiefly disposed to the ser- 
 vice of the King ; and the farmers and cultivators of the 
 soil followed them as their natural leaders. The cause 
 of the Parliament was supported by London with all its 
 wealth and its numbers, and by the other large towns, 
 seaports, and manufacturing districts, throughout the 
 country. At the commencement of the war, the Parlia- 
 ment, being in possession of most of the fortified places 
 in England, with the magazines of arms and ammunition 
 which they contained, having also numbers of men pre- 
 pared to obey their summons, and with power to raise 
 large sums of money to pay them, seemed to possess great 
 advantages over the party of Charles. But the gallantry 
 of the King's followers was able to restore the balance, 
 and proposals were trade for peace on equal terms, which, 
 had all parties been as sincere in seeking it, as the good 
 and wise of each side certainly were, might then have 
 been satisfactorily concluded. 
 
 A treaty was set on foot at Oxford in the winter and 
 spring of 1643, and the Scottish Parliament sent to Eng- 
 land a committee of the persons employed as conserva- 
 tors of the peace between the kingdoms, to negociate, ii 
 possible, a pacification between the King and his Parlia- 
 ment, honourable for the crown, satisfactory for the liberty 
 of the subject, and secure for both. But the King listen- 
 ed to the warmer and more passionate counsellors, who
 
 110 NKfioTIATION OF THE ENGLISH 
 
 pointed out to him that the Scots would, to a certainty, 
 do their utmost to root out Prelacy in a system of accom- 
 modation which they might assist in framing ; and that 
 having, in fact, been the first who had set the example of 
 a successful resistance to the Crown, they could not now 
 be expected to act sincerely in any negotiation in which 
 its interests were concerned. The result was, that the 
 Scottish Commissioners, finding themselves treated with 
 coldness by the King, and with menace and scorn by the 
 more vehement of his followers, left Oxford still more 
 displeased with the Royal cause than when they had 
 come thither. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 .# Scottish Army sent to assist that of the English Par- 
 liament Montrose takes advantage of their absence, 
 and, being joined by a Body of Irishmen, raises the 
 Royal Standard in Scotland Battle of Tippermnir, 
 and Surrender of Perth Affair at the Bridge of Dee, 
 and Sack of Perth Close of the Campaign. 
 
 IN 1043, when the advance of spring permitted the 
 resumption of hostilities, it was found that the state of the 
 King's party was decidedly superior to that of the Par- 
 liament, and it was believed that the event of the war 
 would be decided in the Royal favour, could the co-opera- 
 tion of the Scots be obtained. The King privately made 
 great offers to the Scottish nation, to induce them to dt.- 
 clare in his favour, or at least remain neuter in the strug- 
 gle. He called upon them to remember that he had 
 gratified all their wishes, without exception, and reminded 
 them that the late peace between England and Scotland 
 provided, that neither country should declare war against 
 the other without due provocation, and the consent ol 
 Parliament. But the Scottish Convention of Estates 
 were sensible, that if they should assist the King to con-
 
 PARLIAMENT WITH THE SCOTS. Ill 
 
 quer the English Parliament, for imitating their example 
 of insurrection, it would be naturally followed by their 
 undergoing punishment themselves for the example which 
 they had set. They feared for the Presbyterian system, 
 some of them, no doubt, feared for themselves, and 
 all turned a deaf ear to the King's proposals. 
 
 On the other hand, a deputation from Parliament press- 
 ed upon the Scottish Convention another clause in the 
 treaty of peace made in 1641, namely, that the Parlia- 
 ment of either country should send aid to each other to 
 repel invasion or suppress internal disturbances. In com- 
 pliance with thesie articles, the English Commissioners 
 desired the assistance of a body of Scottish auxiliaries. 
 The country being at this time filled with disbanded offi- 
 cers and soldiers who were eager for employment, the 
 opportunity arid the invitation were extremely tempting 
 to them, for they remembered the free-quarters and gooc 
 pay which they had enjoyed while in England. Never- 
 theless, the leading members of the Convention of Estates 
 were aware, that to embrace the party of the Parliament 
 of England, and despatch to their assistance a large body 
 of auxiliary forces, selected, as they must be, from their 
 best levies, would- necessarily expose their authority in 
 Scotland to considerable danger ; for the King's friends 
 who had joined in the bond with Montrose, were men of 
 power and influence, and having the will, only waited for 
 the opportunity, to act in his behalf ; .and might raise, 
 perhaps a formidable insurrection in Scotland itself, when 
 relieved from the superiority of force which at present 
 was so great on the side of the Convention. But the 
 English Commissioners held out a bait which the Con- 
 vention found it impossible to resist. 
 
 From the success which the ruling party had experi- 
 enced in establishing the Church of Scotland on a Pres- 
 byterian model, and from the great influence which the 
 clergy of that persuasion had acquired in the councils oi 
 the nation by the late course of events, they were induced 
 to form the ambitious desire of totally destroying the 
 hierarchy of the Church of England, and of introducing
 
 l2 SCOTTISH AHMY 
 
 into that kingdom a form of church government on the 
 Presbyterian model. To accomplish this favourite object, 
 the leading Presbyterians in Scotland were willing to run 
 every risk, and to make every exertion. 
 
 The Commissioners of England were most ready to 
 join with this idea of destroying Prelacy ; but they knew 
 that the English Parliament party were greatly divided 
 among themselves on the subject of substituting the Pres- 
 byterian system in its place. The whole body of Secta- 
 rians, or Independents, were totally opposed to the intro- 
 duction of any national church government whatever, and 
 were averse to that of Presbytery in particular, the Scottish 
 clergy having in their opinion, shown themselves disposed 
 to be as absolute as the bishops had been while in power. 
 But, with a crafty policy, the Commissioners conducted 
 the negotiation in such a manner as to give the Scottish 
 Convention reason to believe, that they would accomplish 
 their favourite desire of seeing the system which they so 
 much admired, acknowledged and adopted in England, 
 while, in fact, they bound their constituents, the English 
 Parliament, to nothing specific on the subject. 
 
 The Commissioners proposed to join with the Scottish 
 nation in a new edition of the Covenant", which had before 
 proved such a happy bond of union among the Scots 
 themselves. In this new bond of religious association, 
 which was called the Solemn League and Covenant, it was 
 provided, that the church government of Scotland should 
 be supported and maintained on its present footing ; but 
 with regard to England, the agreement was expressed 
 with studied ambiguity the religious system of England, 
 it was provided, should be reformed " according to the 
 word of God, and the example of the best reformed 
 churches." The Scots, usually more cautious in their 
 transactions, never allowed themselves to doubt for a mo- 
 ment, that the rule and example to be adopted under this 
 clause must necessarily be that of Presbytery, and under 
 his conviction, both the nobles and the clergy hastened 
 with raptures, and even with tears of joy, to subscribe the 
 proposed League. But several of the English Commis-
 
 E1VTKRS ENGLAND. 113 
 
 sioners enjoyed in secret the reserved newer of interpret- 
 ing the clause otherwise and cf explaining tlie phrase in 
 a "eose applicable to their own ideas of emancipation from 
 church government of every kind. 
 
 The Solemn League and Covenant was sworn to in 
 Scotland with general acclamation, and was received and 
 adopted by the English Parliament with the same applause, 
 all discussion of the dubious article being cautiously 
 avoided. The Scots proceeded, with eager haste, to send 
 to the assistance of the Parliament of England a well- 
 disciplined arrny of upwards of twenty thousand men, 
 under the command of Alexander Lesley, Earl of Leven. 
 An officer of character, named Baillie, was Leven's Lieu- 
 tenant, and David Lesley, a man of greater military talents 
 than either, was his Major-General. Their presence 
 contributed greatly to a decisive victory which the Par- 
 liament forces gained at Marston Moor ; and indeed, as 
 was to be expected from their numbers and discipline, 
 quickly served to give that party the preponderance in 
 the field. 
 
 But while the Scottish auxiliaries were actively serving 
 the common cause of the Parliament in England, the 
 courageous and romantic enterprise of the Earl of Mon- 
 trose broke out in a train of success, which threatened to 
 throw Scotland itself into the hands of the King and his 
 friends. This nobleman's bold genius, when the royalist 
 party in Scotland seemed totally crushed and dispersed, 
 devised the means of assembling them together, and of 
 menacing the Convention of Estates with the destruction of 
 their power at home, even at the moment when they hoped 
 to establish the Presbyterian Church in both kingdoms, 
 by the success of the army which they had despatched 
 into England. 
 
 After obtaining his liberation from imprisonment, Mon- 
 trose had repaired to England, and sugges'ed to the King 
 a plan of operations to be executed by a body of Irish, 
 to be despatched by the Earl of Antrim from the counfy 
 of Ulster, and landed in the West Highlands. \V h these 
 887
 
 114 
 
 STATE OF PARTIES 
 
 ne proposed to unite a force collected from the Highland 
 clans, who were disinclined to the Presbyterian govern- 
 ment, great enemies to the Earl of Argyle, and attached 
 to the Royal cause, because they regarded the King as a 
 chieftain whose clan was in rebellion against him, and 
 who, therefore, deserved the support of every faithful 
 mountaineer. The promise of pay, to which they had 
 never been accustomed, and the certainty of booty, would, 
 as Montrose judiciously calculated, readily bring many 
 chieftains and clans to the Royal standard. The power- 
 ful family of the Gordons, in Aberdeenshire, who, be- 
 sides enjoying almost princely authority over the numerous 
 gentlemen of their family, had extensive influence among 
 the mountain tribes in their neighbourhood, or, in the 
 Scottish phrase, could command a great Highland follow- 
 ing, might also be reckoned upon with certainty ; as they 
 had been repeatedly in arms for the King, had not been 
 put down without a stout resistance, and were still warmly 
 disposed towards the Royal cause. The support of many 
 of the nobility and gentry in the north, might also be re- 
 garded as probable, should Montrose be able to collect a 
 considerable force. The Episcopal establishment, so 
 odious to the lords and barons of the southern and western 
 parts of Scotland, was popular in the north. The northern 
 barons were displeased with the extreme strictness of the 
 Presbyterian clergy, and dissatisfied with the power they 
 had often assumed of interfering with the domestic ar- 
 rangement of families, under pretext of maintaining moral 
 discipline. Finally, there were in all parts of Scotland 
 active and daring men disappointed of obtaining employ- 
 ment or preferment under the existing government, and 
 therefore willing to join in any enterprise, however 
 desperate, which promised a change. 
 
 All this was known to the Convention of Estates; but 
 they had not fully estimated the magnitude of the danger. 
 Montrose's personal talents were, to a certain extent, ad- 
 mitted ; but ordinary men were incapable of estimating 
 such a character as his ; and he was generally esteemed 
 A vain, though able young man, whose remarkable ambi
 
 IN SCOTLAND. 1 15 
 
 tion was capable of urging him into undertakings which 
 were impracticable. The great power of the Earl of 
 ArgyJe was relied upon as a sufficient safeguard against 
 any attempt on the West Highlands, and his numerous, 
 brave, and powerful clan had long kept all the tribes oi 
 that country in a species of awe, if not subjection. 
 
 But the character of the Highlanders was estimated 
 according to a sort of calculation, which time had ren- 
 dered very erroneous. In the former days of Scotland, 
 when the Lowlands were inhabited by men as brave, and 
 much better armed and disciplined than the mountaineers, 
 the latter had indeed often shown themselves alert as light 
 troops, unwearied in predatory excursions; but had been 
 generally, from their tumultuary charge, liable to defeat, 
 either from a steady body of spearmen, who received their 
 onset with lowered lances, or from an attack of the feudal 
 chivalry of the Lowlands, completely armed and well 
 mounted. At Harlaw, Corrichie, Glenlivat, and on many 
 other occasions, the irregular forces of the Highlands had 
 been defeated by an inferior number of their Lowland 
 opponents. 
 
 These recollections might lead the governors of Scot- 
 land, during the civil war, to hold a Highland army in low 
 estimation. But it was without considering that half a 
 century of uninterrupted peace had rendered the Low- 
 landers much more unwarlike, while the Highlander, who 
 always went armed, was familiar with the use of weapons 
 which he constantly wore, and far superior in that partic- 
 ular, as well as in the alacrity and love of fight, to the 
 Lowland peasant, called from the peaceful occupations oi 
 the farm, and only prepared, by a few days' drilling, to 
 encounter the unwonted dangers of a field of battle. The 
 burghers, who made a formidable part of the array of the 
 Scottish army in former times, were now still more un- 
 warlike than the peasant, being not only without skill in 
 arms and familiarity with danger, but also the personal 
 habits of exercise which the rustic might have preserved. 
 This great and essential difference between the High- 
 lander and Lowlander of modern days, could scarcely be
 
 I IH BODY OF IRISH SENT TO TUB 
 
 estimated in the middle of the seventeenth c'/itury, the 
 causes by which it was brought about being recent, and 
 attracting little attention. 
 
 Montrose's first plan was to collect a body of Royalist 
 horse on the frontiers of England, to burst at once into 
 the centre of Scotland at their head, and force his way to 
 Stirling, where a body of cavaliers had promised to as- 
 semble and join him. The expedition was disconcerted 
 by a sort of mutiny among the English horse who had 
 joined him ; in consequence of which, Montrose disband- 
 ed his handful of followers, and exhorted them to make 
 their way to the King, or to join the nearest body of men 
 in arms for the Royal cause, while he himself adopted a 
 new and more desperate plan. He took with him only 
 two friends, and disguised himself as the groom of one of 
 them, whom he followed, ill mounted and worse dressed, 
 and leading a spare horse. They called themselves gen- 
 tlemen belonging to Leven's army ; for, of course, if 
 Montrose had been discovered by the Covenanting party, 
 a rigorous captivity was the least he might expect. At 
 one time he seemed on the point of being detected ; a 
 straggling soldier passed his two companions, and coming 
 up to the Earl of Montrose, saluted him respectfully by 
 his name and title. Montrose tried to persuade him that 
 he was mistaken; but the man persisted, though with the 
 utmost respect and humility of deportment. " Do I not 
 know my noble Lord of Montrose ?" he said ; " But go 
 your way, and God be with you." The circumstance 
 alarmed Montrose and his companions ; but the poor fel- 
 low was faithful, and never betrayed his old leader. 
 
 In this disguise he reached the verge of the Highlands, 
 and lay concealed in the house of his relation, Graham of 
 Inchbraco, and afterwards, for still greater safety, in an 
 obscure hut on the Highland frontier, while he despatch- 
 ed spies in every direction, to bring him intelligence of 
 the state of the Royalist party. Bad news came from all 
 quarters. The Marquis of Huntly had taken arms hastily 
 and imprudently, and had been defeated and compelled 
 to fly ; while Gordon of Haddow, one of the most active
 
 ASSISTANCE OF MONTKOSE. 117 
 
 and gallant of the name, became prisoner to the Cove- 
 nanters, and, to strike terror into the rest of the clan, was 
 publicly executed by order of the Scottish Parliament. 
 
 Montrose's spirit was not to be broken even by this 
 disappointment ; and, while anxiously waiting further in- 
 tell'gence, an indistinct rumour reached him that a body 
 of foldiers from Ireland had landed in the West High- 
 lands, and were wandering in the mountains, followed and 
 watered by Argyle with a strong party of his clan. 
 Shortly after, he learned, by a messenger despatched on 
 purpose, that this was the body of auxiliaries sent to him 
 from Ulster by the Earl of Antrim. Their commander 
 was Alaster of MacDonald, a Scoto-Irishman, I believe, 
 of the Antrim family. He was called Col Kittoch, or 
 Colkitto, from his being left-handed ; a very brave and 
 daring man, but vain and opinionative, and not understand- 
 ing anything of regular warfare. Montrose sent orders 
 to him to march with all speed into the district of Athole, 
 and despatched emissaries to raise the gentlemen of that 
 country in arms, as they were generally well affected to 
 the King's cause. He himself set out to join this little 
 band, attired in an ordinary Highland garb, and accom- 
 panied only by Inchbraco as his guide. The Irish were 
 surprised and disappointed to see their expected General 
 appear so poorly dressed and attended ; nor had Montrose 
 greater reason to congratulate himself on the appearance 
 of his army. The force which was assembled did not 
 exceed fifteen hundred Irish, instead of the thousands 
 promised*, and these were but indifferently armed and ap- 
 pointed, while only a few Highlanders from Badenoch 
 were yet come to the appointed rendezvous. 
 
 These active mountain warriors, however, had, a day 
 or two before, been at blows with the Covenanters. Mac- 
 pherson of Cluny, chief of hi? name, had sent out a party 
 of men to look out for Montrose, who was looked for 
 every minute. They beheld the approach of a detached 
 body of horse, which they concluded was the escort of 
 their expected General. But when they approached 
 nearer, the MacPhersons found it to be several troops of
 
 US BATTLE OF TUTEKMl'IR. 
 
 the Covenanters' cavalry, commanded by Colonel Hernes 
 and quartered in Glencairn, for the sake of bridling the 
 Highlanders. While the troops were coming on in for- 
 midable superiority of numbers, MacPherson of Invere- 
 shie, who was drawing up his Highlanders for action, 
 observed one of them in the act of stooping j and as he 
 lifted his stick to strike him for such conduct in the face 
 of the enemy, the Highlander arose, and showed him the 
 countenance of Macpherson of Dalifour, one of the boldes 
 men of the clan. Highly surprised, Invereshie demanded 
 how he, of all men, could think of stooping before an 
 enemy. " I was only fastening a spur on the heel of my 
 brogue," said Dalifour, with perfect composure. " A 
 spur ! and for what purpose, at such a time and place as 
 this ?" asked Invereshie. " I intend to have a good horse 
 before the day is over," answered the clansman, with the 
 same coolness. Dalifour kept his word ; for the Lowland 
 horse being worsted in the first onset, he got possession of 
 a charger, on which he followed the pursuit, and brought 
 in two prisoners. 
 
 The report of this skirmish gave a good specimen to 
 Montrose of the mettle of the mountaineers, while the 
 subsequent appearance of the Athole-men, eight hundred 
 strong, and the enthusiastic shouts with which they receiv- 
 ed their General, soon gave confidence to the light-hearted 
 Irishmen. He instantly commenced his march upon 
 Strathern,'and crossed the Tay. He had scarce done so, 
 when he discovered on the hill of Buchanty a body of 
 about four hundred men, who, he had the satisfaction to 
 learn by his scouts, were commanded by two of his own 
 particular friends, Lord Kilpont and Sir John Drummond. 
 They had taken arms, on hearing that a body of Irish 
 were traversing the country ; and learning that they 
 were there under Montrose's command, for the King's 
 service, they immediately placed themselves and their 
 followers under his orders. 
 
 Montrose received these succours in good time, for 
 while Argyle pursued him with a large body of his ad- 
 herents, who had followed the track of the Irish, Lord
 
 SURRENDER OF PERTH. 119 
 
 Klcho. the Earl of Tullibardin, and Lonl Druminond ; 
 had collected an army of Lowlanders to protect the city 
 of Perth, and to fight Montrose, in case he should descend 
 from the hills. Montrose was aware, that such an enter- 
 prise as he had undertaken could only he supported by 
 an excess of activity and decision. He therefore advanc- 
 ed upon the Lowland forces of Elcho, whom he found, 
 on 1st September, 1644, drawn up in good order in a 
 large plain called Tippermuir, within three miles of Perth. 
 They were nearly double Montrose's army in number, and 
 much encouraged by numerous ministers, who exhorted 
 them to fight valiantly, and promised them certain victory. 
 They had cannon also, and cavalry, whereas Montrose 
 had no artillery, and only three horses in his army. Aftej 
 a skirmish with the Covenanters' cavalry, in which they 
 were beaten off, Montrose charged with the Highlanders, 
 under a heavy fire from his Irish musketeers. They burst 
 into the ranks of the enemy with irresistible fury, and 
 compelled them to fly. Once broken, the superiority ol 
 numbers became useless, as the means of supporting a 
 main body by reserves was not then known or practised. 
 The Covenanters fled in the utmost terror and confusion, 
 but the light-footed Highlanders did great execution in 
 the pursuit. Many honest burghers, distressed by the 
 extraordinary speed which they were compelled to exert, 
 broke their wind, and died in consequence. Montrose 
 sustained little or no loss. 
 
 The town of Perth surrendered, and for this act a long 
 string of reasons were given, which are. rather amusingly 
 stated in a letter from the ministers of that town ; but 
 we have only space to mention a few of them. First, it 
 is alleged, that out of Elcho's defeated army, only about 
 twelve of the Fifeshire men offered themselves to the 
 magistrates in defence of the town, and most of them 
 were pot-valiant from liquor. Secondly, the citizens had 
 concealed themselves in cellars and vaults, where they 
 lay panting in vain endeavours to recover the breath 
 which they had wasted in their retreat, scarcely finding 
 words enough to te'l the Provost, " that their hearts
 
 1^ SURRENDER OF I'EKTII. 
 
 were away, and that they would fight DO more tnough 
 they should he killed." Thirdly, the letter states, that 
 if the citizens had had the inclination to stand out, they 
 had no means, most of them having flung away their 
 weapons in their flight. Fourthly, the enemy were, it is 
 said, drawn up like so many hellhounds before the gates 
 of the town, their hands deeply dyed in the blood recent- 
 ly shed, and demanding, with hideous cries, to be led to 
 further slaughter. The Magistrates perhaps deserve no 
 olame, if they capitulated in such circumstances, to avoid 
 the horrors of a storm. But their conduct shows, at the 
 same time, how much the people of the Lowlands had 
 degenerated in point of military courage. 
 
 Perth consequently opened its gates to the victor. But 
 Argyle, whose northern army had been augmented by a 
 considerable body of cavalry, was now approaching with 
 a force, against which Montrose could not pretend to de- 
 fend an open town. He abandoned Perth, therefore, 
 and marched into Angus-shire, hoping he might find ad- 
 herents in that county. Accordingly, he was there joined 
 by the old Earl of Airlie and two of his sons, who never 
 forsook him in success or disaster. 
 
 This accession of strength was counterbalanced by a 
 shocking event. There was a Highland gentleman in 
 Montrose's camp, named James Stewart of Ardvoirlich, . 
 whose birth had been attended with some peculiar cir- 
 cumstances, which, though they lead me from my pres- 
 ent subject, 1 cannot refrain from noticing. While his 
 mother was pregnant, there rame to the house of Ard- 
 voirlich a band of outlaws, called Children of the Mist, 
 MacGregors, some say, others call them MacDonalds ot 
 Ardnamurchan. They demanded food, and the lady 
 caused bread and cheese to be placed on the table, and 
 went into the kitchen to order a better meal to be made 
 ready, such being the unvarying process of Highland 
 hospitality. When the poor lady returned, she saw upon 
 the table, with its mouth stuffed full of food, the bloody 
 head of her brother, Drummond of Drummondernoch, 
 whom the outlaws had met and murdered in the wood.
 
 Mfm/tfR OF LORD KII.PONT. 121 
 
 The poor woman shrieked, ran wildly into the forest, 
 where, notwithstanding strict search, she could not be 
 found for many weeks. At length she was secured, but 
 in a state of insanity, which doubtless was partly com- 
 municated to the infant of whom she was shortly after 
 delivered. The lad, however, grew up. He was an 
 uncertain and dangerous character, but distinguished for 
 his muscular strength, which was so great, that he could, 
 in grasping the hand of another person, force the blood 
 from under the nails. This man was much favoured by 
 the Lord Kilpont, whose accession to the King's party 
 we lately mentioned ; indeed, he was admitted to share 
 that young nobleman's tent and bed. It appears that 
 Ardvoirlich had disapproved of the step which his friend 
 had taken in joining Montrose, and that he had solicited 
 the young lord to join him in deserting from the Royal 
 army, and, it is even said, in murdering the General. 
 Lord Kilpont rejected these proposals with disdain, when, 
 either offended at his expressions, or fearful of his ex- 
 posing his treacherous purpose, Ardvoirlich stabbed Kil- 
 pont mortally with his dagger. He then killed the sentinel, 
 and escaped to the camp of Argyle, where he received 
 preferment. Montrose was awaked by the tumult which 
 this melancholy event excited in the camp, and rushing 
 into the crowd of soldiers, had the mortification to see 
 the bleeding corpse of his noble friend, thus basely and 
 treacherously murdered. The death of this young no- 
 bleman was a great loss to the Royal cause. 
 
 Montrose, so much inferior in numbers to his enemies, 
 could not well form any fixed plan of operations. He 
 resolved to make up for this, by moving with the most 
 extraordinary celerity from one part of the country to 
 another, so as to strike severe blows where they were 
 least expected, and take the chance of awakening the 
 drooping spirit of the Royalists. He therefore marched 
 suddenly to Aberdeen, to endeavour to arouse the Gor- 
 dons to arms, and defeat any body of Covenanters which 
 ight overawe the King's friends in that country His 
 6 VOL. i. 2d SER.
 
 122 MAUCH ON ABERDEEN. 
 
 nnny was now, however, greatly reduced in numbers, 
 for the Highlanders, who had no idea of scrvin-i for a 
 whole campaign, had gone home to then own districts, to 
 lodge their booty in safety, and get in their harvest. It 
 was, on all occasions, the greatest inconvenience attend- 
 ing a Highland army, that after a battle, whether they 
 won the day or lost it, they were certain to leave their 
 standard in great numbers, and held it their undoubted 
 right to do so ; insomuch, that a victory thinned their 
 ranks as much as to defeat is apt to do those of other 
 armies. It is true, that they could be gathered again 
 with equal celerity ; but this humour, of deserting at 
 their pleasure, was a principal reason why the brilliant 
 victories of Montrose were productive of few decided 
 results. 
 
 On reaching Aberdeen, Montrose hastened to take pos- 
 session of the Bridge of Dee, the -principal approach to 
 that town, and having made good this important point, he 
 found himself in front of an army commanded by Lord 
 Burleigh. He had the mortification also to find, that 
 part of a large body of horse in the Covenanting army 
 were Gordons, who had been compelled to take arms in 
 that cause by Lord Lewis Gordon, the second son of the 
 Marquis of Huntly, a wild and wilful young man, whose 
 politics differed from those of his father and family. 
 
 Finding himself greatly inferior in horse, of which he 
 had not fifty, Montrose intermingled with his cavalry 
 some of his musketeers, who, for breath and speed, could 
 keep up with the movements of such horse as he possess- 
 ed. The Gordons, not perhaps very favourable to the 
 side on which they ranked, made an ineffectual attack 
 upon the horse of Montrose, which was repelled. When 
 the mingled musketeers and cavalry advanced on them, 
 Lord Lewis's men fled, in spite of his own personal ex- 
 ertions ; and Montrose, we are informed, found it possi- 
 ble to move .his handful of cavalry to the other wing of 
 his army, and to encounter and defeat the horse of the 
 Covenanters on both flank? successively with the same 
 wearied party of riders. The terror struck into his op-
 
 SACK OF ABERDEEN. 123 
 
 ponerils by the novelty of mixing musketeers with oaval- 
 rv, contributed not a little to this extraordinary success 
 While this was passing, the two bodies of infantry can- 
 nonaded each other, for Montrose had the guns which he 
 took at Tippennuir. The Covenanters had the superior- 
 ity in this part of the action, but it did not daunt the 
 Royalists. The gaiety of an Irishman, whose leg was 
 shot off, gave spirit to all around him " Go on," he 
 cried, " this bodes me promotion ; for now the General 
 will make me a trooper." Montrose left the courage of 
 his men no time to subside he led them daringly up to 
 the enemy's teeth, and succeeded in a desperate charge, 
 routing the Covenanters, and pursuing them into the 
 town and through the streets. Stormed as it was by such 
 a tumultuary army, Aberdeen and its inhabitants suffered 
 greatly. Many were killed in the streets ; and the cru- 
 elty of the Irish in particular was so great, that they com- 
 pelled the wretched citizens to strip themselves of their 
 clothes before they killed them, to prevent their being 
 spoiled with blood ! Montrose necessarily gave way to 
 acts of pillage and cruelty, which he could not prevent, 
 because he was unprovided with money to pay his half- 
 barbarous soldiery. Yet the town of Aberdeen had two 
 reasons for expecting better treatment : First, that it 
 had always inclined to the King's party ; and, secondly, 
 that Montrose himself had, when acting for the Cove- 
 nanters, been the agent in oppressing for its loyalty the 
 very city which his troops were now plundering on the 
 opposite score. 
 
 Argyle always continued following Montrose with a su- 
 perior army, but, it would appear, not with a very anx- 
 ious desire to overtake him. Will) a degree of activity 
 that seemed incredible, Montrose marched up the Spry, 
 hoping still to raise the Gordons. But these gentlemen 
 too strongly resented his former conduct towards them, 
 as Genera! of the Covenant, besides being sore with re- 
 collections for their recent check at the Bridge of Dee, 
 and would not join him. On the other hand, the men of 
 Murray, who were very zealous against Montrose, appenr-
 
 l!24 SKIRMISH AT FVVIK. 
 
 ed on the northern bank of the Spey to oppose his pas- 
 sage. Thus hemmed in on all sides, and headed hack 
 like an animal of chase from the course he intended to 
 pursue, Montrose and nis litde army showed an extremity 
 of courage. They hid their cannon in a bog, destroyed 
 what they had of heavy baggage, entered Badenoch, 
 where the Clan Chattan had shown themselves uniformly 
 friendly, and descended from thence upon Athole, and 
 so on to Angus-shire. After several long and rapid 
 marches, Montrose returned again into Strathbogie, re- 
 crossing the great chain of the Grampians, and, clinging 
 still to the hope of being able to raise the gentlemen of 
 the name of Gordon, again repaired to Aberdeenshire. 
 
 Here this J?old leader narrowly escaped a great dan- 
 ger. His army was considerably dispersed, and he him- 
 self lying at the Castle of Fyvie, when he found himself 
 at once threatened, and nearly surrounded, by Argyle and 
 Lothian, at the head of very superior forces. A part of 
 the enemy had already occupied the approach to his po- 
 sition by means of ditches and enclosures through which 
 they had insinuated themselves, and his own men were 
 beginning to look out of countenance, when Montrose, 
 disguising his apprehensions, called to a gay and gallant 
 young Irish officer, as if he had been imposing a trifling 
 piece of duty, " What are you doing, O'Kean ? can 
 you not chase these troublesome rascals out of the ditch- 
 es and enclosures ?" O'Kean obeyed the command in 
 the spirit in which it was given ; and, driving the enemy 
 before him, got possession of some of their gunpowder 
 whirh was much needed in Montrose's army. The re- 
 mark of the Irishman on this occasion, who heavily com- 
 plained of the neglect of the enemy in omitting to leave 
 a supply of ball corresponding to the powder, showed the 
 confidence with which Montrose had been able to inspire 
 his men. 
 
 The Earl of Lothian, on the other side, came with four 
 troops of horse upon Montrose's hafdful of cavalry, 
 amounting srarrelv to fifty men. But Montrose had, as 
 at the bridge of i)ee, sustained his troooers by mingling
 
 CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN. 125 
 
 them with mt, >ketry. So that Lothian's men, receiving 
 an unexpected and gal ing fire, wheeled about, and could 
 not again be brought to advance. Many hours were spent 
 in skirmishing, with advantage on Montrose's part, and 
 loss on that of Argyle, until at length the former thought 
 it most advisable to retreat from Fyvie to Strathbogie. 
 
 On the road, he was deserted by many Lowland gen- 
 tlemen who had joined him, and who saw his victories 
 were followed with no better results than toilsome march- 
 es among wilds, where it was nearly impossible to provide 
 subsistence for man or horse, and which the approach of 
 winter was about to render still more desolate. They 
 left his army, therefore, promising to return in summer ; 
 and of all his Lowland adherents, the old Earl of Airlie 
 and his sons alone remained. They had paid dearly for 
 their attachment to the Royal cause, Argyle having plun- 
 dered their estates, and burnt their principal mansion, the 
 " Bonnie house of Airlie," situated on the river Isla, the 
 memory of which conflagration is still preserved in Scot- 
 tish song. 
 
 But the same circumstances which wearied out the 
 patience of Montrose's Lowland followers, rendered it 
 impossible for Argyle to keep the field ; and he sent his 
 army into winter quarters, in full confidence that his enemy 
 was cooped up for the season in the narrow and unpro- 
 vided country of Athole and its neighbourhood, where 
 he might be suffered to exist with little inconvenience to 
 the rest of Scotland, till spring should enable the Cove- 
 nanters to attack him with a superior force. In the mean- 
 time, the Marquis of Argyle returned to his own domains.
 
 126 INVASION of ARGVLE'S COUNTRY. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 fatnsion of Ar gyle's Country by Montrote Batths 
 Fnverlochy, Aulderne, jllford, and Kilsyth, gained 
 Montr oge } who, by the Victory at Kilsi/th, become* 
 Master of Scotland He is appointed Captain- Gen- 
 eral and Lieutenant- Governor of Scotland marches 
 upon the Borders is defeated by Lesley at Philip' 
 haugft retires to the Highlands, and leaves Scotland. 
 
 IT was about the middle of December that Argyle was 
 residing at his castle of Inverary, in the most perfect 
 confidence that the enemy could not approach him, since 
 he used to say he would not for a hundred thousand 
 crowns that any one knew the passes from the eastward 
 into the shire of Argyle. While the powerful Marquis 
 was enjoying his fancied security of his feudal domin- 
 ions, he was astounded with the intelligence that Mont- 
 rose, with an army of Highlanders, wading through drifts 
 of snow, scaling precipices, and traversing the mountain 
 paths, known to none save the solitary shepherd or hunts- 
 man, had forced an entry into his country, which he was 
 laying waste with all the vindictive severity of deadly 
 feud. There was neither time nor presence of mind for 
 defence. The able-bodied men were slaughtered, the 
 cattle driven off, the houses burnt ; and the invaders had 
 divided themselves into three bands, to make the devas- 
 tation more complete. Alarmed by this fierce and un- 
 expected invasion, Argyle embarked on board a fishing 
 boat, and left his country to its fate. Montrose continued 
 the work of revenge for nearly a month, and then con- 
 cluding he had destroyed the influence which Argyle, by 
 the extent of his power, and the supposed strength of his 
 country, had possessed over the minds of the Highland- 
 er*, he withdrew towards Inverness, with the purpose of
 
 BATTLE OF INVEHl.OCHY. 127 
 
 organizing a general gathering of the clans. But he had 
 scarce made this movement, when he learned that his 
 rival, Argyle, had returned into the Western Highlands 
 with some Lowland forces ; that he had called around 
 him his numerous clan, burning to revenge the wrongs 
 which they had sustained, and was lying with a strong 
 force near the old Castle of Inverlochy, situated at the 
 western extremity of the chain of lakes through which 
 the Caledonian canal is now conducted. 
 
 The news at once altered Montrose's plans. 
 
 He returned upon Argyle by a succession of the most 
 difficult mountain-passes covered with snow ; and the 
 vanguard of the Campbells saw themselves suddenly 
 engaged with that of their implacable enemy. Both 
 parties lay all night on their arms, but by break of day, 
 Argyle betook himself to his galley, and, rowing off 
 shore, remained a spectator of the combat, when, by all 
 the rules of duty and gratitude, he ought to have been at 
 the head of his devoted followers. His unfortunate 
 clansman supported the honour of the name with the 
 greatest courage, and many of the most distinguished fell 
 on the field of battle. Montrose gained a complete vic- 
 tory, which greatly extended his influence over the High- 
 lands, and in proportion diminished that of his discomfit- 
 ed rival. 
 
 Having collected what force he could, Montrose now 
 marched triumphantly to the north-east ; and in the pres- 
 ent successful posture of his affairs, engaged at length the 
 Gordons to join him with a good body of cavalry, com- 
 manded by their young chief, Lord Gordon. The Con- 
 vention of Estates were now most seriously alarmed. 
 While Montrose had roamed through the Highlands, re- 
 treating betore a superior enemy, and apparently on the 
 point of being every moment overwhelmed, his progress 
 was regarded as a distant danger. But he was now 
 threatening the low country, and the ruling party were 
 not so confident of their strength there as to set so bold 
 an adventurer at defiance. They called from the army 
 in England General Baillie, an officer of skill and char-
 
 128 STORMING OF DUNOKE. 
 
 acter, and Sir John TJrry, or, as the English called him. 
 Hurry, also a brave and good partizan, but a mere sol- 
 dier of fortune, who had changed sides more than once 
 during the civil war. 
 
 These generals commanded a body of veteran troops, 
 with which they manoeuvred to 'exclude Montrose from 
 the southern districts, and prevent his crossing the Tay 
 or Forth. At the same time, the mandate of the Mar- 
 quis of Huntly, or the intrigues of Lord Lewis Gordon, 
 again recalled most of the Gordons from Montrose's stand- 
 ard, and his cavalry was reduced to one hundred and 
 fifty. He was compelled again to retire to the mountains, 
 but, desirous to dignify his retreat by some distinguished 
 action, he resolved to punish the town of Dundee for 
 their steady adherence to the cause of the Covenant. 
 Accordingly, suddenly appearing before it with a chosen 
 body selected for the service, he stormed the place on 
 three points at once. The Highlanders and Irish, with 
 incredible fury, broke open the gales, and forced an en- 
 trance. They were dispersing in quest of liquor and 
 plunder, when at the very moment that Montrose threat- 
 ened to set the town on fire, he received intelligence that 
 Baillie and Urry, with four thousand men, were within a 
 mile of the place. The moment required all the activi- 
 ty of Montrose ; but he was able to withdraw the men 
 from their revelling and plundering, to get his army into 
 order, and to effect a retreat to the mountains, which he 
 safely accomplished in the face of his numerous enemies, 
 and with a degree of skill which established his military 
 character as firmly as any of his victories. 
 
 In this difficult manoeuvre, Montrose was well second- 
 ed by the hardihood and resolution of s men, who are 
 said to have marched about sixty miles, and to have pass- 
 ed three days and two nights in manoeuvring and fighting, 
 without either food or refreshment. In this manner that 
 leader repeatedly baffled the numerous forces and able 
 generals who were employed against him. The great 
 check upon his enterprise was the restlessness of the 
 Highlanders, and the caprice of the gentlemen who form
 
 DEFECTION OF THE GORDONS. 129 
 
 d his cavalry, who all went and came at their own plea- 
 sure. 
 
 I have told you that the Gordons had been withdrawn 
 from Mont rose's standard, contrary to their own inclina- 
 tions, by the command of Huntly, or the address of Lord 
 Lewis Gordon. By employing his followers in enter- 
 | -ises in which the plunder was certain and the dangei 
 small, this young nobleman collected under his standard 
 all those who were reluctant to share the toilsome march- 
 es and bloody fights to which they were led under that 
 of Montrose. Hence a rhyme, not yet forgotten in Ab^r- 
 deenshire, 
 
 If you with Lord Lewis go 
 
 You'll get reif and prey enough ; 
 If you with Mont rose go, 
 
 You'll get grief and wac enough. 
 
 But the Lord Gordon, Lewis's elder brother, contin- 
 uing attached in the warmest manner to Montrose, was 
 despatched by him to bring back the gentlemen of his 
 warlike family, arid his influence soon assembled consid- 
 erable forces. General Baillie, learning this, detached 
 Urry, his colleague, with a force which he thought suffi- 
 cient to destroy Lord Gordon, while he himself proposed 
 to engage the attention of Montrose till that point was 
 gained. 
 
 But Montrose, penetrating the intention of the Cove- 
 nanting generals, eluded Baillie's attempts to bring him 
 to action, and traversed the mountains of the North like 
 a whirlwind, to support Lord Gordon, and crush Urry. 
 He accomplished his first object; but Urry had been 
 joined by the Covenanters of Murray, with the Earls of 
 Seaforth, Sutherland, and others who maintained the 
 same cause, and had thus collected an army more nume- 
 rous than that of Montrose, even when united to Lord 
 Gordon. 
 
 Montrose prepared to give them battle at the village of 
 Aulderne, and drew up his men in an unusual manner, to 
 conceal his inequality of force. The village, which is 
 situated on an eminence, with high ground behind, wa?
 
 130 BATTLE OF AULDERNE. 
 
 surrounded by enclosures on each side and in front. He 
 stationed on the right of the village Alexander Mac Don- 
 ald, with four hundred Irishmen and Highlanders, com- 
 manding them to maintain a defensive combat only, and 
 giving them strict orders not to sally from some strong 
 sheepfolds and enclosures, which afforded the advantages 
 of a fortified position. As he wished to draw towards 
 that point the principal attention of the enemy, he gave 
 this right wing charge of the royal standard, which was 
 usually displayed where he commanded in person. On 
 the left side of the village of Aulderne, he drew up the 
 principal part of his force, he himself commanding the 
 infantry, and Lord Gordon the cavalry. His two wings 
 being thus formed, Montrose had in reality no centre 
 force whatever; but a few resolute men posted in front 
 of the village, and his cannon placed in the same line, 
 made it appear as if the houses covered a body of in- 
 fantry. 
 
 Urry, deceived by these dispositions, attacked with a 
 preponderating force the position of MacDonald. Col- 
 kitto beat them back with the Irish musketeers, and the 
 bows and arrows of the Highlanders, who still used these 
 ancient missile weapons. But when the enemy, rein-w- 
 ing their attack, taunted MacDonald with cowardice for 
 remaining under shelter of the sheepfolds, that leader, 
 whose bravery greatly excelled his discretion, sallied forth 
 from his fastness, contrary to Montrose's positive com- 
 mand, to show he was not averse to fight on equal ground. 
 The superiority of numbers, and particularly of cavalry, 
 which was instantly opposed to him, soon threw his men 
 into great disorder, and they could with difficulty be ral- 
 lied by the desperate exertions of Colkitto, who strove to 
 make amends for his error, by displaying the utmost per- 
 sonal valour. 
 
 A trusty officer was despatched to Montrose to let him 
 know the state of affairs. The messenger found him on 
 the point of joining battle, and whispered in his ear that 
 Colkitto was defeated. This only determined Montrose 
 lo pursue with the greater audacity the plan of battle
 
 BATTLE OF AULDERNE. I'M 
 
 which he had adopted. " What are we doing ?" he call- 
 ed out to Lord Gordon ; " MacDonald has been victori- 
 ous on the left, and if we do not make haste, he will 
 carry off all the honours of the day." Lord Gordon in- 
 stantly charged with the gentlemen of his name, and beat 
 the Covenanters' horse off the field ; but the foot, though 
 deserted by the horse, stood firm for some time, for they 
 were veteran troops. At length they were routed on 
 every point, and compelled to fly with great loss. 
 
 Montrose failed not instantly to lead succours to the re- 
 lief of his left wing, which was in great peril. Colkitto had 
 got his men cgain secured in the enclosures, he himself 
 defended the entrance sword in hand, and with a target on 
 his left arm. The pikemen pressed him so hard as to fix 
 their spears by two or three at a time in his target, while 
 he repeatedly freed himself of them by cutting the heads 
 from the shafts, by the unerring sweep of his broadsword. 
 
 While Colkitto and his followers were thus hard press- 
 ed, Montrose and his victorious troops appeared, and the 
 face of affairs was suddenly changed. Urry's horse fled, 
 out the foot, which were the strength of his army, fought 
 bravely, and fell in the ranks which they occupied. Two 
 thousand men, about a third of Urry's army, were slain 
 in the battle of Aulderne ; and, completely disabled by 
 the overthrow, that commander was compelled once more 
 to unite his scattered forces with those of Baillie. 
 
 After some marching and counter-marching, the arm- 
 ies again found themselves in the neighbourhood of each 
 other, near to the village of Alford. 
 
 Montrose occupied a strong position on a hill, and it 
 was said that the cautious Baillie would have avoided the 
 encounter, had it not been that, having crossed the river 
 Don, in the belief that Montro?e was in full retreat, he 
 only discovered his purpose of giving battle when it was 
 too late to decline it. The number of infantry was about 
 two thousand in each army. But Baillie had more than 
 double his 3pponent's number ol cavalry. Montrose's, 
 indeed, were gentlemen, and therefore in the day of bat- 
 tle were more to be relied on than mere hirelings The
 
 132 BATTLE OF ALFORD. 
 
 Gordons dispersed the Covenanting horse on the nist 
 shock ; and ihe musketeers, throwing down their muskets 
 and mingling in the tumult with their swords drawn, pre- 
 vented the cavalry from rallying. But as Lord Gordon 
 threw himself, for the second time, into the heat of the 
 fight, he fell from his horse, mortally wounded by a shot 
 from one of the fugitives. This accident, which gave the 
 greatest distress to Montrose, suspended the exertions of 
 the cavalry, who, chiefly friends, kinsmen, and vassais of 
 the deceased, flocked around him to lament the genera) 
 loss. But the veterans of Montrose, charging in columns 
 of six and ten men deep, along a line of three men only, 
 broke that of the Covenanters on various points, and ut- 
 terly destroyed the remnant of Baillie's army, though 
 they defended themselves bravely. 
 
 These repeated victories gave such lustre to Montrose's 
 arms, that he was now joined by the Highland clans in 
 great numbers, and by many of the Lowland anti-cove- 
 nanters, who had before held back, from doubt of his suc- 
 cess in so unequal a contest. 
 
 On the other hand, the Convention of Estates, sup- 
 ported by the counsels of Argyle, who was bold in coun- 
 cil though timid in battle, persevered in raising new troops, 
 notwithstanding their repeated misfortunes and defeats. 
 It seemed, indeed, as if Heaven had at this disastrous 
 period an especial controversy with the kingdom of Scot- 
 land. To the efforts necessary to keep up and supply 
 their auxiliary army in England, were added the desola- 
 tion occasioned by a destructive civil war, maintained in 
 the north with equal fury and success, and conducted on 
 both sides with deplorable devastation. To these evils, 
 as if not sufficient to exhaust the resources of a poor 
 country, were now added those of a wide-wasting plague, 
 or pestilence, which raged through all the kingdom, but 
 especially in Edinburgh, the metropolis. The Conven 
 tion of Estates were driven from the capital by this dread 
 ful infliction, and retreated to Pe,rth, where they assem- 
 bled a large force under General Baillie, while they or- 
 dered a levy of ten thousand men throughout the king;-
 
 DESTRUCTION OF CASTLE-CAMPBELL. 133 
 
 dom. While Lanark, Cassilis, Eglinton, and other lords 
 of the western shires, went to their respective counties to 
 expedite the measure, Montrose, with his usual activity, 
 descended from the mountains at the head of an army 
 augmented in numbers, and flushed with success. 
 
 He first approached the shores of the Forth, by occu- 
 pying the shire of Kinross. And here I cannot help 
 mentioning the destruction of a noble castle belonging to 
 the House of Argyle. Its majestic ruins are situated on 
 an eminence occupying a narrow glen of the Ochil chain 
 of hills. In former days, it was called, from the char- 
 acter of its situation perhaps, the Castle of Gloom ; and 
 the names of the parish, and the stream by which its 
 banks are washed, had also an ominous sound. The 
 Castle of Gloom was situated on the brook of Grief or 
 Gryfe, and in the parish of Dollar or Dolour. In the 
 sixteenth century, the Earl of Argyle, the owner of this 
 noble fortress, obtained an act of parliament for changing 
 its name to Castle Campbell. The feudal hatred of Mon- 
 trose, and of the clans composing the strength of his ar- 
 my, the vindictive resentment also of the Ogilvies, for the 
 destruction of " the Bonnie House of Airlie," and that 
 of the Stirlingshire cavaliers for that of Menstrie, doom- 
 ed this magnificent pile to flames and ruin. The de- 
 struction of many a meaner habitation by the same unscru- 
 pulous spirit of vengeance has been long forgotten, but 
 the majestic remains of Castle Campbell still excite a 
 sigh in those that view them, over the miseries of civil 
 war. 
 
 After similar acts of ravage not to be justified, though 
 not unprovoked, Montrose marched westward along the 
 northern margin of the Forth, insulting Perth, where the 
 army of the Covenanters remained in their entrench- 
 ments, and even menacing the Castle of Stirling, which, 
 well garrisoned and strongly situated, defied his means of 
 attack. About six miles above Stirling he crossed the 
 Forth, by the deep and precarious ford which the livev 
 presents before its junction with the Teilh. Having at-
 
 34 BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 
 
 tained the southern bank, he directed Ms course west 
 ward, with the purpose of dispersing the levies which the 
 western lords were collecting, and doubtless with the view 
 of plundering the country, which had attached itself 
 chiefly to the Covenant. Montrose had, however, scarce- 
 ly reached Kilsyth, when he received the news that Bail- 
 lie's army, departing from Perth, had also crossed the 
 Forth, at the Bridge of Stirling, and W 7 as close at hand. 
 With his usual alacrity, Montrose prepared for battle, 
 which Baillie, had he been left to his own judgment, 
 would have avoided ; for that skilful though unfortunate 
 General knew by experience the talents of Montrose, and 
 that the character of his troops was admirably qualified 
 for a day of combat ; while lie also considered that an 
 army so composed might be tired out by cautious opera- 
 tions, and expected that the Highlanders and Lowland 
 Cavaliers would alike desert their leader in the course of 
 a protracted and indecisive warfare. But Baillie was no 
 longer the sole commander of the Covenanting army 
 A Committee of the Estates, consisting of Argyle, Lan- 
 ark, and Crawford-Lindsay, had been nominated to at- 
 tend his army, and control his motions ; and these, es- 
 pecially the Earl of Lindsay, insisted that the veteran 
 General should risk the last regular army which the Cov- 
 enanters possessed in Scotland, in the perils of a decisive 
 battle. They marched against Montrose, accordingly, ai 
 break of day on the 15th August, 1C45. 
 
 When Montrose beheld them advance, he exclaimed 
 that it was what he had most earnestly desired. He 
 caused his men to strip to their shirts, in token of their 
 resolution to fight to the death. Meantime the Cove- 
 nanters approached. Their vanguard attacked an ad- 
 vanced post of Montrose which occupied a strong position 
 among cottages and enclosures. They were beaten off 
 with loss. A thousand Highlanders, with their natural 
 impetuosity, rushed, without orders, to pursue the fugitives, 
 and to assault the troops who were advancing to support 
 them. Two regrnents of horse, against whom this moun- 
 tain torrent directed its fury, became disordered and fell
 
 NORMAL blHUUL. 
 
 CAL. 
 
 MONTROSE' s PLAN TO MARCH INTO ENGLAND. 135 
 
 back. Montrose saw the decisive moment, and ordered 
 his whole army to attack the enemy, who had not yet got 
 into line, their rearguard and centre corning up too slowly 
 to the support of their vanguard. The hideous shout 
 with which the Highlanders charged, their wild appear- 
 ance, and the extraordinary speed with which they ad- 
 vanced, nearly naked, broadsword in hand, struck a panic 
 into their opponents, who dispersed without any spirited 
 effort to get into line of battle, or maintain their ground. 
 The Covenanters were beaten off the field, and pursued 
 with indiscriminate slaughter for more than ten miles. 
 Four or five thousand men were slain in the field and in 
 the flight ; and the force of the Convention was for the 
 time entirely broken. 
 
 Montrose was now master, for the moment, of the king- 
 dom of Scotland. Edinburgh surrendered ; Glasgow 
 paid a heavy contribution ; the noblemen and other in- 
 dividuals of distinction who had been imprisoned as roy- 
 alists in Edinburgh, and elsewhere throughout the king- 
 dom, were set at liberty ; and so many persons of quality 
 now declared for Montrose, either from attachment to the 
 royal cause, which they had hitherto concealed, or from 
 the probability of its being ultimately successful, that he 
 felt himself in force sufficient to call a Parliament at 
 Glasgow in the King's name. 
 
 Still, however, the success of this heroic leader had 
 only given him possession of the open country ; all the 
 strong fortresses were still in possession of the Covenant- 
 ers ; and it would have required a length of time, and the 
 services of an array regularly disciplined and supplied 
 with heavy artillery, to have reduced the Castles of Ed- 
 inburgh, Stirling, Dumbarton, and other places of great 
 strength. But if Montrose had had the forces necessary 
 for such a work, he had neither leisure nor inclination to 
 undertake it. From the beginning of his extraordinary, 
 and hitherto successful career, he had secretly entertaineti 
 the dazzling hope of leading a victorious army into Eng- 
 land, and replacing King Charles in possession of his 
 disputed authority. It was a daring scheme ; yet if the
 
 136 MONTROSE APPOINTED 
 
 Kind's affairs in England had remained in any tolerable 
 condition, especially if there had been any considerable 
 army of Royalists in the North of England to join or co- 
 operate with Montrose, there is no calculating what the 
 talents and genius of such an enterprising general might 
 have ultimately done in support of the Royal cause. 
 
 But King Charles, as I shall presently tell you more 
 particularly, had suffered so many and such fatal losses, 
 that it may be justly doubted whether the assistance of 
 Montrose, unless at the head of much larger forces than 
 he could be expected to gather, would have afforded any 
 material assistance against the numerous and well-disci- 
 plined army of the Parliament. The result of a contest 
 which was never tried can only be guessed at. Montrose's 
 own hopes and confidence were as lofty as his ambition ; 
 and he did not permit himself to doubt the predictions of 
 those who assured him, that he was doomed to support the 
 tottering throne, and reinstate in safety the falling monarch. 
 
 Impressed with such proud convictions, he wrote to the 
 King, urging him to advance to the northern border, and 
 form a junction with his victorious army ; and conclud- 
 ing his request with the words which Joab, the lieutenant 
 of King David, is recorded in Scripture to have used to 
 the King of Israel, " I have fought against Rabbah, and 
 have taken the city of waters. Now therefore gather the 
 rest of the people together, and encamp against the city, 
 and take it ; lest I take the city, and it be called after my 
 name." 
 
 While Montrose was thus urging King Charles, by the 
 brilliant prospects which he held out, to throw himself on 
 his protection, his own army mouldered away and dis- 
 persed, even in a greater degree than had been the case 
 after his less distinguished success. The Highland clans 
 ivent home to get in their harvest, and place their spoil in 
 safety. It was needless and useless to refuse them leave, 
 for they were determined to take it. The north-country 
 gentlemen also, wearied of the toils of the campaign, left 
 liim in numbers ; so that when Montrose received, by the 
 hards of Sir Robert Spottiswood, the King's commission
 
 CAPTAIN-GENERAL. 137 
 
 nnder the Great Seal, naming him Captain-General and 
 Lieutenant-Governor of Scotland, he commanded a force 
 scarcely more effective than when he was wandering 
 through Athole and Badenoch. The King's orders, 
 however, and his own indomitable spirit of enterprise, 
 determined his march towards the Borders. 
 
 About fifty years before, these districts would have 
 supplied him, even upon the lighting of their beacons, 
 with ten thousand cavalry, as fond of fighting and plun- 
 der as any Highlander in his army. But that period, 
 as I have told you, had passed away. The inhabitants 
 of the Border-land had become peaceful, and the chiefs 
 and lords, whose influence might still have called them 
 out to arms, were hostile to the Crown, or, at best, hike 
 warm in its cause. The Earl of Buccleuch, and his 
 friends of the name of Scott, who had never forgotten 
 the offence given by the revocation of James's donations 
 to their chief, were violent Covenanters, and had sent a 
 strong clan-regiment with the Earl of Leven and the Scot- 
 tish auxiliaries. Traquair, Eoxburghe, and Hume, all 
 entertained, or affected, regard to the King, but made 
 no effectual effort in raising men. The once formidable 
 name of Douglas, and the exertions of the Earl of Annan- 
 dale, could only assemble some few troops of horse, whom 
 the historian, Bishop Guthrie, describes as truthless 
 trained bands. Montrose expected to meet a body of 
 more regular cavalry, who were to be despatched from 
 England ; but the King's continued misfortunes pre- 
 vented him from making such a diversion. 
 
 Meanwhile the Scottish army in England received an 
 account of the despair to which the battle of Kilsyth 
 had reduced the Convention of Estates, and learned that 
 several of its most distinguished members were already 
 exiles, having fled to Berwick and other strong places 
 on the Border, which were garrisoned by the Parliamen- 
 tary forces. The importance of the crisis was felt, and 
 David Lesley was despatched, at the head of five or six 
 thousand men, chiefly cavalry, and the flower of the
 
 138 BATTLE OP PHILIPnAUQH. 
 
 Scottish auxiliary array, with the charge of checking 
 the triumphs of Montrose. 
 
 Lesley crossed the Border at Berwick, and proceeded 
 on his march, as if it had been his view to get between 
 Montrose and the Highlands, and to prevent his again 
 receiving assistance from his faithful mountaineers. But 
 that sagacious general's intentions were of a more deci- 
 sive character ; for learning that Montrose, with his little 
 army, lay quartered in profound security near Selkirk, 
 he suddenly altered his march, left the Edinburgh road 
 when he came to Edgebucklingbrae, crossed the country 
 to Middleton, and then turning southward, descended 
 the vale of the Gala to Melrose, in which place, and the 
 adjacent hamlets, he quartered his army for the night. 
 
 Montrose's infantry, meanwhile, lay encamped on an 
 elevated place, called Philiphaugh, on the left bank of the 
 Ettrick, while his cavalry, with their distinguished gen- 
 eral in person, were quartered in the town of Selkirk ; a 
 considerable stream being thus interposed betwixt the two 
 parts of his army, which should have been so stationed as 
 to be ready to support each other on a sudden alarm. 
 But Montrose had no information of the vicinity of Les- 
 ley, though the Covenanters had passed the night within 
 five miles of his camp. This indicates that he must have 
 been very ill served by his own patrols, and that his cause 
 must have been unpopular in that part of the country, 
 since a single horseman, at the expense of half an hour's 
 gallop, might have put him fully on his guard. 
 
 On the morning of the 13th September, 1645, Lesley, 
 under cover of a thick mist, approached Montrose's camp, 
 and had the merit, by his dexterity and vigilance, of sur- 
 prising him whom his enemies had never before found 
 unprepared. The Covenanting general divided his troops 
 into two divisions, and attacked both flanks of the enemy 
 at the same time. Those on the left made but a tumult- 
 uary and imperfect resistance ; the right wing, supported 
 by a wood, fought in a manner worthy of their general's 
 fame. Montrose himself, roused by the firing and noise 
 of the action, hastily assembled his cavalry, crossed the
 
 MONTROSE LEAVES SCOTLAND. 13!) 
 
 Ettrick, and made a desperate attempt to recover the 
 victory, omitting nothing which courage or skill could 
 achieve, to rally his followers. But when at length left 
 with only thirty horse, he was compelled to fly, and, re- 
 treating up the Yarrow, crossed into the vale of Tweed, 
 and readied Peebles, where some of his followers joined 
 him. 
 
 The defeated army suffered severely. The prisoners 
 taken by the Covenanters were massacred without mercy, 
 and in cold blood. They were shot in the court-yard of 
 Newark Castle, upon Yarrow, and their bodies hastily inter- 
 red at a place, called, from that circumstance, Slainmen's- 
 lee. The ground being, about twenty years since, opened 
 for the foundation of a school-house, the bones and skulls, 
 which were dug up in great quantity, plainly showed the 
 truth of the country tradition. Many cavaliers, both offi- 
 cers and others, men of birth and character, the compan- 
 ions of Montrose's many triumphs, fell into the hands of 
 the victors, and were, as we shall afterwards see, put to an 
 ignominious death. The prisoners, both of high and low 
 degree, would have been more numerous, but for the neigh- 
 bourhood of the Harehead-wood, into which the fugitives 
 escaped. Such were the immediate consequences of this 
 battle ; concerning which, the country people often quote 
 the following lines : * 
 
 At Philiphauifh the fray begu'd ; 
 
 At Harchead-wood it ended. 
 The Scots out owre the Grahams they rode, 
 
 Sac merrily they bended. 
 
 Montrose, after this disastrous action, retreated agaiii 
 into the Highlands, where he once more assembled an 
 army of mountaineers. But his motions ceased to be of 
 the consequence which they had acquired, before he had 
 experienced defeat. General Middleton, a man of mili- 
 tary talents, but a soldier of fortune, was despatched 
 against him by the Convention of Estates, who were eagei 
 to recover the same power in the Highlands, in which 
 David Lesley's victory had repossessed them throughout 
 the Lowlands.
 
 140 EXECUTION OF PRISONERS 
 
 While thus engaged in an obscure mountain warfare, 
 the King, in total despair of Montrose's safety, sent orders 
 to him to dissolve his army, and to provide for his perso- 
 nal security, by leaving the kingdom. He would not 
 obey the first order, concluding it had been extorted from 
 the monarch. To a second, and more peremptory in- 
 junction, he yielded obedience, and, disbanding his army, 
 embarked in a brig bound for Bergen in Norway, with a 
 few adherents, who were too obnoxious to the Covenant- 
 ers to permit of their remaining in Scotland. Lest their 
 little vessel should be searched by an English ship of war, 
 Montrose wore the disguise of a domestic, and passed fo.- 
 the servant of his chaplain and biographer, Dr. George 
 Wishart. You may remember that he wore a simiU. 
 disguise on entering Scotland, in order to commence his 
 undertaking. 
 
 This, and the preceding chapter, give an account of 
 the brief, but brilliant period of Montrose's success. A 
 future one will contain the melancholy conclusion of his 
 exertions, and of his life. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Interference of the Presbyterian Clergy to procuie the 
 Execution of the Prisoner* taken at PhiUphaitgh 
 Reflections on the Unhappy Effects of Religious Per- 
 secution Respective Views of the Independents and 
 Presbyterians Cromwell's Success King Charles's 
 Surrender to the Scottish Army Their Surrender of 
 him to the English Parliament. 
 
 I MUST now tell you the fate of the unfortunate cava- 
 liers who had been made prisoners at Philiphaugh. The 
 barbarous treatment of the common men you are alreaoy 
 acquainted with. 
 
 Argyle, the leader of the Convention of Estates, had 
 to resent the devastation of his country, and the destruc-
 
 1AKEN AT PI1ILIPHA.UGH. 141 
 
 tion of his castles ; and his desire of vengeance was so 
 common to the age, that it would have been accounted 
 neglect of his duty to his slain kinsmen and plundered 
 clan, if he had let slip the favourable opportunity of ex- 
 acting blood for blood. Other noblemen of the Conven- 
 tion had similar motives ; and, besides, they had all been 
 heartily alarmed at Montrose's success ; and nothing 
 makes men more pitiless than the recollection of recent 
 fears. It ought partly to have assuaged these vindictive 
 feelings, that Montrose's ravages, although they were suffi- 
 ciently wasting, were less encouraged by the officers, 
 than arising from the uncontrollable license of an unpaid 
 soldiery. The prisoners had always been treated with 
 honour and humanity, and frequently dismissed on parole. 
 So that, if the fate of Montrose's companions had depend- 
 ed on the Convention alone, it is possible, that almost all 
 might have been set at liberty upon moderate conditions. 
 But unfortunately, the Presbyterian clergy thought proper 
 to interfere strenuously between the prisoners, and the 
 mercy which they might otherwise have experienced. 
 
 And here it must be owned, that the Presbyterian min- 
 isters of that period were in some respects a different kind 
 of men from their predecessors, in the reign of James VI. 
 Malice cannot, indeed, accuse them of abusing the power 
 which they had acquired since their success in 1640, for 
 the purpose of increasing either their own individual rev- 
 enues, or those of the church ; nor had the system of 
 strict morality, by which they were distinguished, been in 
 any degree slackened. They remained in triumph, as 
 they had been in suffering, honourably poor and rigidly 
 moral. But yet, though inaccessible to the temptations 
 of -avarice or worldly pleasure, the Presbyterian clergy of 
 this period cannot he said to have been superior to ambi- 
 tion and the desire of power ; and as they were naturally 
 apt to think that the advancement of religion was best 
 secured bv the influence of the church, they were dis- 
 posed to extend that influence by the strictest exertion of 
 domestic disci pline. Inquiry into the conduct of indi- 
 viduals was carried on by the Church-courts with hide-
 
 142 KXKCUTION OF PRISONERS 
 
 cent eagerness ; and faults or follies, much fitter for pri- 
 vate censure and admonition, were brought forward in the 
 face of the public congregation. The hearers were charged 
 every Sabbath-day, that each individual should commu- 
 nicate to the Kirk-Session (a court composed of the cler- 
 gyman and certain selected laymen of the parish) what- 
 ever matter of scandal or offence against religion and 
 morality should come to their ears ; and thus an inquisi- 
 torial power was exercised by one half of the parish over 
 the other. This was well meant, but had ill consequences. 
 Every idle story being made the subject of anxious inves- 
 tigation, the private happiness of families was disturbed, 
 and discord and suspicion were sown where mutual confi- 
 dence is most necessary. 
 
 This love of exercising authority in families, was nat- 
 urally connected with a desire to maintain the high influ- 
 ence in the state, which the Presbyterian church had 
 acquired since the downfall of prelacy. The clergy had 
 become used to consider their peculiar form of church 
 government, which unquestionably has many excellences, 
 as something almost as essential as religion itself; and it 
 was but one step farther, to censure any who manifested 
 a design to destroy the system, or limit the power, of the 
 Presbyterian discipline, as an enemy to religion of every 
 kind, nay, even to the Deity himself. Such opinions were 
 particularly strong amongst those of the clergy who at- 
 tended the armies in the field, seconded them by encour- 
 agement from the pulpits, or aided them by actually as- 
 suming arms themselves. The ardour of such men grew 
 naturally more enthusiastic in proportion to the opposition 
 they met with, and the dangers they encountered. The 
 sights arid sentiments which attend civil conflict, are of a 
 kind to reconcile the human heart, however generous and 
 humane by nature, to severe language and cruel actions. 
 Accordingly, we cannot be surprised to find that some of 
 the clergy forgot that a malignant, so they called a Roy- 
 alist, was still a countryman and fellow Christian, born 
 under the same government, and hoping to be saved by 
 the power of the same creed, with themselves ; or that
 
 TAKEN AT P1I1LIPHAUGH. 143 
 
 they directed against such persons those texts of Script jre, 
 in which the Jews were, hy special commission, com- 
 manded to extirpate the heathen inhabitants of the Prom- 
 ised Land. 
 
 One of these preachers enlarged on such a topic after 
 Lesley's victory, and chose his text from the 15th chap- 
 ter of 1st Samuel, where the prophet rebukes Saul for 
 sparing the King of the Amalekites, and for having saved 
 some part of the flocks and herds of that people, which 
 Heaven had devoted to utter destruction, " What mean- 
 eth this bleating of sheep in mine ears?" In his sermon, 
 lie said that Heaven demanded the blood of the prisoners 
 taken at Philiphaugh, as devoted by the Divine command 
 to destruction ; nor could the sins of the people be other- 
 wise atoned for, or the wrath of Heaven averted from the 
 land. It is probable, that the preacher was himself sat- 
 isfied with the doctrine which he promulgated ; for it is 
 wonderful how people's judgment is blinded by their 
 passions, and how apt we are to find plausible, and even 
 satisfactory reasons, for doing what our interest, or that of 
 the party we have embraced, strongly recommends. 
 
 The Parliament, consisting entirely of Covenanters 
 instigated by the importunity of the clergy, condemned 
 eight of the most distinguished cavaliers to execution. 
 Four wers appointed to suffer at St. Andrews, that their 
 blood might be an atonement, as the phrase went, for the 
 number of men (said to exceed five thousand) whom the 
 county of Fife had lost during Montrose's wars. Lord 
 Ogilvy was the first of these ; but that young nobleman 
 escaped from prison and death in his sister's clothes. 
 Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, one of the bravest men and 
 best soldiers in Europe, and six other cavaliers of the first 
 distinction, were actually executed. 
 
 We may particularly distinguish the fate of Sir Robert 
 Spottiswoovi, who, when the wars broke out, was Lord 
 President of the Court of Session, and accounted a judge 
 of great talent and learning. He had never borne arms ; 
 c at the crime of having brought to Montrose his com- 
 as Capxam-Generil of Scotland, was though!
 
 144 EXECUTION OF PRISONERS 
 
 qmte worthy of death, without any further act of treason 
 against the Estates. When on the scaffold, lie vindicat- 
 ed his conduct with the dignity of a judge, and the tal- 
 ents of a lawyer. He was silenced by the Provost of St. 
 Andrews, who had formerly been a servant of his father's 
 when Prelate of that city. The victim submitted to this 
 indignity with calmness, and betook himself to his private 
 devotions. He was even in this task interrupted by the 
 Presbyterian minister in attendance, who demanded of 
 him whether he desired the benefit of his prayers, and 
 those of the assembled people. Sir Robert replied, that 
 he earnestly demanded the prayers of the people, but 
 rejected those of the speaker ; for that, in his opinion, 
 God had expressed his displeasure against Scotland, by 
 sending a lying spirit into the mouth of the prophets, a 
 far greater curse, lie said, than those of sword, fire, and 
 pestilence. An old servant of his family took care of his 
 body, and buried him privately ; and it is said that this 
 faithful domestic, passing through the market-place a day 
 or two afterwards, and seeing the scaffold on which his 
 master had suffered still unremoved, and stained with his 
 blood, was so greatly affected, that he sunk down in a 
 swoon, and died as they were lifting him over his own 
 threshold. Such are the terrible scenes which civil dis- 
 cord gives occasion to ; and, my dear child, you will 
 judge very wrong if you suppose them peculiar to one 
 side or the other of the contending parties in the present 
 case. You will learn hereafter, that the same disposition 
 to abuse power, which is common, I fear, to all who pos- 
 sess it in an unlimited degree, was exercised by the Epis- 
 copalian party over the Presbyterians, when their hour of 
 authority revived. 
 
 We must now turn our thoughts to England, the stage 
 on which the most important scenes were acting, to which 
 those in Scotland can only be termed very subordinate. 
 And here I may remark, that, greatly to the honour of 
 the English nation, owing, perhaps, to the natural generos- 
 ity and good-humour of the people, or to the superior 
 influence of civilization, their civil war, though contested
 
 TAKEN AT P1IIMPHAUGH. 145 
 
 witi the utmost fury in the open field, was not marked 
 by anything approaching to the violent atrocities of the 
 Irish, or the fierce and ruthless devastation exercised by 
 the Scottish combatants. The days of deadly feud had 
 been long past, if the English ever knew that infernal 
 custom, and the spirit of malice and hatred which it fos- 
 tered had no existence in that country. The English 
 parties contended manfully in battle, but unless in the 
 storming of towns, when all evil passions are afloat, they 
 seem seldom to have been guilty of cruelty or wasteful 
 ravage. They combated like men who have quarrelled 
 on some special point, but, having had no ill-will against 
 each other before, are resolved to fight it out fairly, with- 
 out bearing malice. On the contrary, the cause of Pre- 
 lacy or Presbytery, King or Parliament, was often what 
 was least in the thoughts of the Scottish barons, who made 
 such phrases indeed the pretext for the war, but in fact 
 looked forward to indulging, at the expense of some rival 
 family, the treasured vengeance of a hundred years. 
 
 But though the English spirit did not introduce into 
 their civil war the savage aspect of the Scottish feuds, 
 they were not free from the religious dissensions, which 
 formed another curse of the age. I have already said, 
 that the party which opposed itself to the King and the 
 Church of England, was with the followers of the Par- 
 liament, and the Parliament itself, divided into two fac- 
 tions, that of the Presbyterians, and that of the Inde- 
 pendents. I have also generally mentioned the points on 
 which these two parties differed. I must now notice them 
 more particularly. 
 
 The Presbyterian establishment, as I have often stated, 
 differs from that of the Church of England, in the same 
 manner as a republic, all the members of which are on a 
 footing of equality, differs from a monarchical constitution. 
 In the Kirk of Scotland, all the ministers are on an equal- 
 ity ; in the Church of England, there is a gradation of 
 rank?, ascending from the lowest order of clergymen to 
 the rank of bishop. But e<vh system is alike founded 
 889
 
 I 16 RKLIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 
 
 upon the institution of a body of men, qualifi >d by stud- 
 ies of a peculiar nature to become preacbers of the gospel, 
 and obliged to show they are so qualified, by undergoing 
 trials and examinations of their learning and capacity, 
 before they can take holy orders, that is to say, become 
 clergymen. It is also the rule alike of Episcopalians and 
 Presbyterians, that the National Church, as existing in its 
 courts and judicatories, has power to censure, suspend 
 from their functions, and depose from their clerical char- 
 acter and clerical charge, such of its members as, either 
 by immoral and wicked conduct, or by preaching and 
 teaching doctrines inconsistent with the public creed, shall 
 render themselves unfit to execute the trust reposed in 
 them. And further, both these national churches main- 
 tain, that such courts and judicatories have power over 
 their hearers, and those who live in communion with them, 
 to rebuke transgressors of every kind, and to admonish 
 them to repentance ; and if such admonitions are neg- 
 lected, to expel them from the congregation by the sen- 
 tence of excommunication. 
 
 Thus far most Christian churches agree ; and thus far 
 the claims and rights of a national church are highly fa- 
 vourable to the existence of a regular government ; since 
 reason, as well as the general usage of the religious world, 
 sanctions the establishment of the clergy as a body of men 
 separated from the general class of society, that they may 
 set an example of regularity of life by the purity of their 
 morals. Thus set apart from the rest of the community, 
 they are supported at the expense of the state, in order 
 that the reverence due to them may not be lessened by 
 their being compelled, for the sake of subsistence, to 
 mingle in the ordinary business of life, and share the cares 
 and solicitudes incidental to those who must labour foi 
 their daily bread. 
 
 How far the civil magistrate can be wisely intruste'l 
 with the power of enforcing spiritual censures, or second- 
 ing the efforts of the church to obtain general conformity, 
 by inflicting the penalties of fines, imprisonment, bodily 
 punishment, and death itself, upon those who differ in
 
 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. M7 
 
 doctrina. points from the established teligion, is a vary 
 different question. It is no doubt trut, that wild sects 
 have sometimes started up, whose doctrines have involv- 
 ed direct danger to the state. But such offenders ought 
 to be punished, not as offenders against the church, but 
 as transgressors against the laws of the kingdom. While 
 tneir opinions remain merely speculative, they may de- 
 serve expulsion from the national church, w'th which in- 
 deed they could consistently desire no communion. But 
 while they do not carry these opinions into execution, by 
 any treasonable act, it does not appear the province of the 
 civil magistrate to punish them for opinions only. And 
 if the zeal of such sectaries should drive them into action, 
 they deserve punishment, not for holding unchristian doc- 
 trines, but for transgressing the civil laws of the realm. 
 This distinction was little understood in the days we write 
 of, and neither the English nor the Scottish church can 
 be vindicated from the charge of attempting to force men's 
 consciences, by criminal persecutions for acts of non- 
 conformity, though not accompanied by any civil trespass. 
 
 Experience and increasing knowledge have taught the 
 present generation, that such severities have always in- 
 creased the evil they were intended to cure ; and that 
 mild admonition, patient instruction, and a good example, 
 may gain many a convert to the established churches, 
 whom persecution and violence would have only confirm- 
 ed in his peculiar opinions. You have read the fable of 
 the traveller, who wrapped his cloak the faster about him 
 when the storm blew loud, but threw it aside in the serene 
 beams of the sunshine. It applies to the subject I have 
 been speaking of, as much as to the advantages of gentle- 
 ness and mild persuasion in social life. 
 
 I return to the distinction between the Independents and 
 Presbyterians during the civil wars of the reign of Charles 
 I. The latter, as you already know, stood strongly out 
 for a national church and an established clergy, with full 
 powers to bind and loose, and maintained by the support 
 of the civil government. This had been fully established
 
 148 INDEPENDENTS AND PRESBYTERIANS. 
 
 in Scotland, and it was the ardent wish of its professors 
 that the English should adopt the same system. Indeed, 
 it was in the hope of attaining this grand ohject that the 
 consent of the Scottish Convention of Estates was given, 
 to sending the auxiliary army to England ; and they 
 thought the acceptance of the Presbyterian discipline in 
 that country was secured by the terms of the Solemn 
 League and Covenant. But the Independents had, from 
 the beginning, entertained the secret resolution of opposing 
 the establishment of a national church of any kind in 
 England. 
 
 The opinions of these sectaries stood thus on matters 
 of church government. Every one, they said, had a 
 right to read the Scriptures, and draw such conclusions 
 respecting the doctrines which are there inculcated, as 
 his own private judgment should hold most conformable 
 to them. They went farther, and said, that every man 
 who felt himself called upon to communicate to others 
 the conclusions which he had derived from reading the 
 Bible, and meditating on its contents, had a right, and a 
 call from Heaven, to preach and teach the peculiar belief 
 which he had thus adopted. It was no matter what was 
 the individual's condition in life, or what had been the 
 course of his education ; he was equally entitled, in their 
 opinion, to act as a minister, as if he had studied for 
 twenty years, and taken orders from a bishop, or from a 
 presbytery. If he could prevail on six persons to admit 
 his doctrine, these six persons made a Christian congre- 
 gation ; and, as far as religious instruction was concern- 
 ed, he became their spiritual head and teacher. Be his 
 hearers many or few, they were thenceforward his sheep, 
 and he their spiritual shepherd. But to all the rest of the 
 world, except his own congregation, the Independents 
 held, 'that every preacher remained an ordinary layman, 
 having no claim on the state for revenue or subsistence. 
 If he could persuade his congregation to contribute to 
 his support, he was the more fortunate. If not, he lived 
 by hi? ordinary calling, of a baker, a tailor, or a shoe-
 
 CROMWELL. 149 
 
 maker, and consoled himself that he resembled St. Paih, 
 who wrought with his hands for his livelihood. 
 
 Of the congregations or sects thus formed, there were 
 in England hundreds, perhaps thousands, most of them 
 disagreeing from each other in doctrine, and only united 
 hy the common opinion, that each private Christian had 
 a right to teach or to listen to whatever doctrines he 
 thought fit ; that there ought to exist no church courts of 
 any kind ; that the character of a preacher was only to 
 be recognised by those who chose to be taught ; and 
 that, in any more extensive point of view, there ought not 
 to exist any body of priests or clergymen by profession, 
 any church government, or church judicatories, or any 
 other mode of enforcing religious doctrine, save by teach- 
 ing it from the pulpit, and admonishing the sinner, or, if 
 necessary, expelling him from the congregation. This 
 last, indeed, could be no great infliction where there were 
 so many churches ready to receive him, or where, if he 
 pleased, he might set up a church for himself. 
 
 The Sectaries, as the Independents were termed, en- 
 tertained, as may be supposed, very wild doctrines. Men 
 of an enthusiastic spirit, and sometimes a crazed imagin- 
 ation, as opinionative as they were ignorant, and many of 
 them as ignorant as the lowest vulgar, broached an end- 
 less variety of heresies, some of them scandalous, some 
 oven blasphemous ; others, except on account of the se- 
 rious subject they referred to, extremely ludicrous. 
 
 But the preachers and hearers of these strange doc- 
 trines were not confined to the vulgar and ignorant Too 
 much learning made some men mad. Sir Henry Vane, 
 one of the subtlest politicians in England, and Milton, 
 one of the greatest poets ever born, caught the spirit of 
 the times, and became Independents. But above all, 
 Oliver Cromwell, destined to rise to the supreme power 
 in England, was of that form of religion. 
 
 This remarkable person was of honourable descent, 
 but, inheriting a small fortune, had practised at one time 
 the occupation of a brewer. After a course of gaiety
 
 150 INDEPENDENTS. 
 
 and profligacy during early youth, he caught a strong 
 taint of the enthusiasm of the times, and distinguished 
 himself by his aversion to Prelacy, and his zealous oppo- 
 sition to the arbitrary measures of the King. He became 
 a member of Parliament, but, as he spoke indifferently, 
 made no figure in that body. When, however, the Par 
 liatnent raised their army, the military talents of Crom 
 well made him early distinguished. It was remarked 
 that he was uniformly successful in every contest in which 
 he was personally engaged, and that he was the first offi- 
 cer who could train and bring to the field a body of cav- 
 alry capable of meeting the shock of the Cavaliers, not- 
 withstanding their high birth, lofty courage, and chivalrous 
 bravery. His regiment of Ironsides, as they were called, 
 from the cuirasses which the men wore, were carefully 
 exercised, and accustomed to strict military discipline, 
 while their courage was exalted by the enthusiasm which 
 their commander contrived to inspire. He preached to 
 them himself, prayed for them and with them, and attend- 
 ed with an air of edification to any who chose to preach 
 or pray in return. The attention of these military fana- 
 tics was so fixed upon the mysteries of the next world, 
 that death was no terror to them ; and the fiery valour 
 of the Cavaliers was encountered and repelled, by men 
 who fought for their own ideas of religion as determinedly 
 as their enemies did for honour and loyalty. The spirit 
 of the Independent sectaries spread generally through 
 the army, and the Parliament possessed no troops so ex- 
 cellent as those who followed these doctrines. 
 
 The great difference betwixt ihe Presbyterians and 
 Independents consisted, as I have told you, in the desire 
 of the former to establish their form of religion and 
 church government as national, and compel a general 
 acquiescence in their articles of faith. For this, a con- 
 vention of the most learned and able divines was assem- 
 bled at Westminster, who settled the religious creed ol 
 the intended church according to the utmost rigour of the 
 Presbyterian creed. This assumption of exclusive power 
 over the conscience alarmed the Independents, and in the
 
 SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. 151 
 
 dispute which ensued, the consciousness of their own in- 
 terest with the army gave them new courage and new 
 pretensions. 
 
 At first the Independent sectaries had been contented 
 to let the Presbyterians of England, a numerous and 
 wealthy body, take the lead in public measures. But as 
 tiieir own numbers increased, and their leaders became 
 formidable from their interest with the army, they resist- 
 ed the intention which the Presbyterians showed of es- 
 tablishing their own faith in England as well as Scotland. 
 Sir Henry Vane persuaded them to temporize a little 
 longer, since to resist Presbytery was to disgust the Scot- 
 tish auxiliaries, enamoured as they were of their national 
 system. " We cannot yet dispense with the Scots," he 
 said ; " the sons of Zeruiah are still too many for us." 
 But the progress of the war gradually diminished the 
 strength of the Presbyterian party, and increased that of 
 the Independents. The Earls of Essex and Manches- 
 ter^ generals chosen from the former party, had sustained 
 many losses, which were referred to incapacity ; and they 
 were accused of having let slip advantages, from which 
 it was supposed they had no wish to drive the King to ex- 
 tremity. People began to murmur against the various 
 high offices in the army and state being occupied by mem- 
 bers of Parliament, chiefly Presbyterians ; and the pro- 
 tracted length of the civil hostilities was imputed to the 
 desire of such persons to hold in their possession the 
 authority which the war gave them. 
 
 The Parliament felt that their popularity was in dangei 
 of being lost, and looked about for means of recovering 
 it. While their minds were thus troubled, Cromwell 
 suggested a very artful proposal. To recover the confi- 
 dence of the nation, the Members of Parliament, he said, 
 ought to resign all situations of trust or power which they 
 possessed, and confine themselves exclusively to the dis- 
 charge of their legislative duty. The Parliament fell into 
 the snare. They enacted what was called the Self-deny- 
 ing Ordinance ; by which, in order to show their disin- 
 terested patriotism, the members laid dnwn all their office;.;.
 
 152 SURRENDER OF KING CHARLES 
 
 civil and military, and rendered themselves incapable D! 
 resuming them. This act of self-deprivation proved in 
 the event a death-blow to the power of the Presbyterians', 
 the places which were thus simply resigned, being instant- 
 ly filled up by the ablest men in the Independent party. 
 
 Two members of Parliament, however, were allowed 
 to retain command. The one was Sir Thomas Fairfax, 
 a Presbyterian, whose military talents had been highly 
 distinguished during the war, but who was much undei 
 the influence of Oliver Cromwell. The other was Crom- 
 well himself, who had the title of Lieutenant-General 
 only, but in fact enjoyed, through his influence over the 
 soldiers, all the advantage of supreme command. 
 
 The success of Cromwell in this grand measure led 
 to remodelling the army after his own plan, in which he 
 took care their numbers should be recruited, their disci 
 pline improved, and, above all, their ranks filled up with 
 Independents. The influence of these changes was soon 
 felt in the progress of the war. The troops of the King 
 sustained various checks, and at length a total defeat in 
 the battle of Naseby, from the effect of which the affairs 
 of Charles could never recover. Loss after loss succeed- 
 ed ; the strong places which the Royalists possessed were 
 taken one after another ; the King's cause was totally 
 ruined. The successes of Montrose had excited a gleam 
 of hope, which disappeared after his defeat at Philip- 
 haugh. Finally, King Charles was shut up in the city 
 of Oxford, which had adhered to his cause with the most 
 devoted loyalty ; the last army which he had in the field 
 was destroyed ; and he had no alternative save to remain 
 in Oxford till he should be taken prisoner, to surrender 
 himself to his enemies, or to escape abroad. 
 
 In circumstances so desperate, it was difficult to make 
 a choice. A frank surrender to the Parliament, or an es- 
 cape abroad, would have perhaps been the most advisable 
 conduct. But the Parliament and their own independent 
 army were now on the brink of quarrelling. The establish- 
 ment of the Presbyterian Church was resolved upon, 
 though onlj for a time and in a limited form, and both
 
 TO THE SCOTTISH AIUVTY. 1 53 
 
 parties were alike dissatisfied ; the zealous Presbyterians, 
 because it gave the Church courts too little power ; the 
 independents, because it invested them with any control 
 whatever over persons of a different communion. Amidst 
 the disputes of his opponents, the King hoped to find his 
 vay back to the throne. 
 
 For this purpose, and to place himself in a situation, 
 as he hoped, from whence to negotiate with stfety, 
 Charles determined to surrender himself to that Scottish 
 army which had been sent into England, under the Earl 
 of Leven, as auxiliaries of the English Parliament. The 
 King concluded that he might expect personal protection, 
 if not assistance, from an army composed of his own 
 countrymen. Besides, the Scottish army had lately been 
 on indifferent terms with the English. The Independent 
 troops, who now equalled or even excelled them in dis- 
 cipline, and were actuated by an enthusiasm which the 
 Scots did not possess, looked with an evil eye on an army 
 composed of foreigners and Presbyterians. The Eng- 
 lish in general, as soon as their assistance was no longer 
 necessary, began to regard their Scottish brethren as an 
 incumbrance ; and the Parliament, while they supplied 
 the Independent forces liberally with money and provis- 
 ions, neglected the Scots in both these essentials, whose 
 honour and interest were affected in proportion. A per- 
 fect acquaintance with the discontent of the Scottish 
 army, induced Charles to throw himself upon their pro- 
 tection in his misfortunes. 
 
 He left Oxford in disguise, on 27th April, having only 
 two attendants. Nine days after his departure, he sur 
 prised the old Earl of Leven and the Scottish camp 
 who were then forming the siege of Newark, by deliv 
 ering himself into their hands. The Scots received the 
 unfortunate monarch with great outward respect, but 
 guarded his person with vigilance. They immediately 
 broke up the siege, and marched with great speed to the 
 north, carrying the person of the King along with them, 
 and observing the strictest discipline on their retreat. 
 When their army arrived at Newcastle, a strong town 
 7*
 
 154 UNSUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS FOR 
 
 which they themselves had taken, and where they had a 
 garrison, they halted to await the progress of negotiations 
 at this singular crisis. 
 
 Upon surrendering himself to the Scottish army, King 
 Charles had despatched a message to the Parliament, 
 expressing his having done so, desiring that they would 
 send him such articles of pacification as they should agree 
 upon, and offering to surrender Oxford, Newark, and 
 whatever other garrisons or strong places he might still 
 possess, and order the troops he had on foot to lay down 
 their arms. The places were surrendered accordingly, 
 honourable terms being allowed ; and the army of Mon- 
 trose in the Highlands, and such other forces as the Roy- 
 alists still maintained throughout England, were disband- 
 ed, as I have already told you, by the King's command. 
 
 The Parliament showed great moderation, and the 
 civil war seemed to be ended. The articlesof pacifica- 
 tion which they offered were not more rigorous than the 
 desperate condition of the King must have taught him to 
 expect. But questions of religion interfered to prevent 
 the conclusion of the treaty. 
 
 In proportion as the great majority of the Parliament 
 were attached to the Presbyterian forms, Charles was 
 devoted to the system of Episcopacy. He deemed him- 
 self bound by his coronation oath to support the Church 
 of England, and he would not purchase his own restora- 
 tion to the throne by consenting to its being set aside. 
 Here, therefore, the negotiation betwixt the King and his 
 Parliament was broken off ; but another was opened be- 
 tween the English Parliament and the Scottish army, 
 concerning the disposal of the King's person. 
 
 If Charles could have brought his mind to consent to 
 the acceptance of the Solemn League and Covenant, it 
 is probable that he would have gained all Scotland to his 
 side. This, however, would have been granting to the 
 Scots what he had refused to the Parliament ; for the 
 support of Presbytery was the essential object of the 
 Scottish invasion. On the other hand, it could hardly be 
 expected that the Scottish Convention of Estates should
 
 A SETTLEMENT OF AFFAIRS. 155 
 
 resign the very point on which they had begun and con- 
 tinued the war. The Church of Scotland sent iorth a 
 solemn warning, that all engagement with the King was 
 unlawful. The question, therefore, was, what should be 
 done with the person of Charles. 
 
 The generous course would have been, to have suffer- 
 ed the King to leave the Scottish army as freely as he 
 came there. In that case he might have embarked at 
 Tynemouth, and found refuge in foreign countries. And 
 even if the Scots had determined that the exigencies of 
 the times, and the necessity of preserving the peace be- 
 twixt England and Scotland, together with their engage- 
 ments with the Parliament of England, demanded that 
 they should surrender the person of their King to that 
 body, the honour of Scotland was intimately concerned 
 in so conducting the transaction, that there should be no 
 room for alleging that any selfish advantage was stipulat- 
 ed by the Scots as a consequence of giving him up. 1 
 am almost ashamed to write, that this honourable consid- 
 eration had no weight. 
 
 The Scottish army had a long arrear of pay due to 
 them from the English Parliament, which the latter had 
 refused, or at least delayed to make forthcoming. A 
 treaty for the settlement of these arrears had been set on 
 foot ; and it had been agreed that the Scottish forces 
 should retreat into their own country, upon payment of 
 two hundred thousand pounds, which was one half of the 
 debt finally admitted. Now, it is true that these two 
 treaties, concerning the delivery of the King's person to 
 England, and the payment by Parliament of their pecu- 
 niary arrears to Scotland, were kept separate, for the 
 sake of decency ; but it is certain, that they not onlv/ 
 coincided in point of time, but bore upon and influenceo 
 each other. No man of candour will pretend to believe 
 that the Parliament of England would ever have paid 
 this considerable sum, unless to facilitate their obtaining 
 possession of the King's person ; and this sordid and 
 base transaction, though the work exclusively of a mer- 
 cenary army, stamped the whole nation of Scotland with
 
 156 IMPRISONMENT OF THE KINO. 
 
 infamy. In foreign countries they were upbraided with 
 the shame of having made their unfortunate and confid- 
 ing Sovereign a hostage, whose liberty or surrender was 
 to depend on their obtaining payment of a paltry sum of 
 arrears ; and the English nation reproached them with 
 their greed and treachery, in the popular rhyme, 
 
 Traitor Scot 
 Sold his King for a groat. 
 
 The Scottish army surrendered the person of Charles 
 to the Commissioners for the English Parliament, on 
 receiving security for their arrears of pay, and immedi- 
 ately evacuated Newcastle, and marched for their own 
 country. I am sorry to conclude the chapter with this 
 mercenary and dishonourable transaction ; but the limits 
 of the work require me to bring it thus to a close. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The King taken Prisoner by the English Army and 
 placed in the Palace of Hampton Court his Escape 
 to the Isle of Wight, and imprisonment in Carisbroolc 
 Castle Treaty with the Scots, known by the name of 
 The Engagement The Engagers enter England with 
 an Army, and are Defeated High Court of Justice 
 appointed to try the King the Trial Execution of 
 Charles I. 
 
 OUR last chapter concluded with the dishonourable 
 transaction by which the Scottish army surrendered 
 Charles I. into the hands of the Parliament of England, 
 on receiving security for a sum of arrears due to them by 
 that body. 
 
 The Commissioneis of Parliament, thus possessed of 
 the King's person, conducted him as a state prisoner to 
 Holdenby House, in Northumberland, which had been as- 
 signed as his temporary residence ; but from which a pow 
 er different from theirs was soon about to withdraw him
 
 THE KING TAKEN PRISONER BY THE ARMY. lf>7 
 
 The Independents, as I have said, highly resented as 
 a tyranny the establishment of Presbytery, however tem- 
 porary, or however mitigated, in the form of a national 
 church ; and were no less displeased, that the army, whose 
 ranks were chiefly filled with these military saints, as they 
 called themselves, was, in the event of peace, which 
 seemed close at hand, threatened either to be r:ent to Ire- 
 land, or disbanded. The discontent among the English 
 soldiery became general ; they saw that the use made of 
 the victories, which their valour had chiefly contributed 
 to gain, would be to reduce and disarm them, and send 
 out of the kingdom such as might be suffered to retain 
 their arms and military character. And besides the loss 
 of pay, profession, and importance, the sectaries had 
 every reason to apprehend the imposition of the Presby- 
 terian yoke, as they termed the discipline of that church. 
 These mutinous dispositions were secretly encouraged 
 by Cromwell, Ireton, and Fleetwood, officers of high 
 rank and influence, to whom the Parliament had intrust- 
 ed the charge of pacifying them. At length the army 
 assumed the appearance of a separate body in the state, 
 whose affairs were managed by a council of superior offi- 
 cers, with assistance from a committee of persons, called 
 Agitators, being two privates chosen from each company. 
 These bold and unscrupulous men determined to get pos- 
 session of the person of the King, and to withdraw him 
 from the power of the Parliament. 
 
 In pursuance of this resolution, Joice, originally a tailor, 
 now a cornet, and a furious advocate for the cause of the 
 army, on the 4th June, 1647, appeared suddenly at mid- 
 night before Holdenby House. The troops employed by 
 the Commissioners to guard the King's person, being in- 
 fected, it may be supposed, with the general feeling of 
 the army, offered no resistance. Joice, with little cere- 
 mony, intruded himself, armed with his pistols, into the 
 King's sleeping apartment, and informed his Majesty that 
 he must please to attend him. " Where is your commis- 
 sion ?" said the unfortunate King. " Yonder it is," an-
 
 158 DISPOSITION OF THE DIFFERENT 
 
 swered the rude soldier, pointing to his troop of horse, 
 which, hy the early dawning, was seen drawn up in the 
 court-yard of the palace. " It is written in legible char- 
 acters," replied Charles ; and without further remon- 
 strance, he prepared to attend the escort. 
 
 The King was conducted to Newmarket, and from 
 thence to the palace of Hampton Court ; and though in 
 the hands of a body which had no lawful authority or re- 
 sponsible character, he was at first treated with more 
 respect, and even kindness, that he had experienced either 
 from the Scottish army, or from the English Commission- 
 ers. The officers distrusted, perhaps, the security of their 
 own power, for they offered a pacification on easy terms. 
 They asked an equal national representation, freely cho- 
 sen ; stipulated that the two Houses of Parliament should 
 enjoy the command of the militia for fourteen years ; and 
 even agreed that the order of Bishops should be re- 
 established, but without any temporal power or coercive 
 jurisdiction. So far the terms were more moderate than, 
 from such men and in such a moment, the King could have 
 expected. But on one point the council of officers were 
 rigidly determined ; they insisted, that seven of the ad- 
 herents of Charles, chosen from those who had, with 
 wisdom or with valour, best supported the sinking cause 
 of royalty, should be declared incapable of pardon. 
 Charles was equally resolute in resisting this point ; his 
 conscience had suffered too deeply upon the occasion of 
 Stafford's execution, to which he had yielded in the be- 
 ginning of these troubles, to permit him ever to be tempted 
 again to abandon a friend. 
 
 In the meantime the Parliament were preparing to exert 
 their authority in opposing and checking the unconstitu- 
 tional power assumed by the army ; and the city of Lon- 
 don, chiefly composed of Presbyterians, showed a general 
 disposition to stand by the Houses of Legislature. But 
 when that formidable army drew near to London, both 
 Parliament and citizens became intimidated ; and the 
 former expelled from their seats the leading Presbyterian 
 members, and suffered the Independents to dictate to the
 
 PARTIES TOWARDS THE KING. 159 
 
 dispirited remainder what measures they judged neces- 
 sary. Prudence would, at this moment, have strongly 
 recommended to Charles an agreement with the army. 
 But the Preshyterians of England had not resigned hopes ; 
 and the whole kingdom of Scotland, incensed at the tri- 
 umph of the Sectaries, and the contumely offered to the 
 Solemn League and Covenant, which had been stigma- 
 tized, in the House of Commons, as an Almanack out of 
 date, their Commissioners made, in private, liberal offers 
 to restore the King by force of arms. In listening to 
 these proposals, Charles flattered himself that he should 
 be able to hold the balance betwixt the Presbyterians and 
 Independents ; but he mistook the spirit of the latter 
 party, from whom this private negotiation did not long 
 remain a secret, and who were highly incensed by the 
 discovery. 
 
 The Presbyterians had undertaken the war with pro- 
 fessions of profound respect towards the King's person 
 and dignity. They had always protested that they made 
 war against the evil counsellors of the King, but not 
 against his person ; and their ordinances, while they were 
 directed against the Malignants, as they termed the Roy- 
 alists, ran in the King's own name, as well as in that of 
 the two Houses of Parliament, by whose sole authority 
 they were sent forth. The Independents, on the contrary, 
 boldly declared themselves at war with the Man Charles, 
 as the abuser of the regal power, and the oppressor of 
 the saints. Cromwell himself avouched such doctrines in 
 open Parliament. He said it was childish to talk of there 
 being no war with the King's person, when Charles ap- 
 peared in armour, and at the head of his troops in open 
 battle ; and that he himself was so far from feeling any 
 scruple on the subject, that he would fire his pistol at the 
 King as readily as at any of his adherents, should he meet 
 him in the fight. 
 
 After the discovery of the King's treaty with the Scot- 
 tish Commissioners, Cromwell, admitting Charles's pow- 
 ers of understanding and reasoning, denounced him as a 
 wan i~f the deepest dissimulation, who had broken faith,
 
 |()0 CHARLES'S IMPRISONMI'.NT IN 
 
 by professing an entire reliance on the wisdom of the Par- 
 liament, while, by a separate negotiation with the Scottish 
 Commissioners, he was endeavouring to rekindle the 
 flames of civil war between the sister kingdoms. He re- 
 quired, and by the now irresistible interest of the Inde- 
 pendents he obtained, declaration from the House, that 
 the Parliament would reef ive no further applications from 
 Charles, and make no addresses to him in future. 
 
 The unfortunate King, while in the power of this un- 
 compromising faction, by whom his authority seemed to 
 be suspended, if not abolished, ought to have been aware, 
 that if he was to succeed in any accommodation with 
 them at all, it could only be by accepting, without delay 
 or hesitation, such terms as they were disposed to allow 
 him. If he could have succeeded in gratifying their prin- 
 cipal officers by promises of wealth, rank, and distinction, 
 which were liberally tendered to them, it was probable that 
 their influence might have induced their followers to ac- 
 quiesce in his restoration, especially if it afforded the 
 means of disconcerting the plans of the Presbyterians. 
 But Charles ought, at the same time, to have reflected, 
 that any appearance of procrastination on his part, must 
 give rise to suspicions of his sincerity ; and that the In- 
 dependents, having once adopted an idea that he was 
 trifling with, or deceiving them, had none of that sancti- 
 monious respect for his title, or person, that could prevent 
 his experiencing the utmost rigour. 
 
 The Independents and their military council, according- 
 ly, distrusting the sincerity of Charles, and feeling every 
 day the increase of their power, began to think of establish- 
 ing it on an entirely different basis from that of monarchy. 
 They withdrew from the K ing the solemn marks of respect 
 with w.hich he had been hitherto indulged, treated him 
 with neglect and incivility, confined his person more close- 
 ly, and permitted none to have access to him, but such as 
 hud their confidence. 
 
 Alarmed at these ominous severities, Charles now re- 
 solved to escape by flight, and left Hampton Court ac-
 
 CARISBROOK CASTLE 161 
 
 cordingly. Unhappily, either misled by his attendant or 
 by his own indiscretion, he took refuge in the Isle of 
 Wight, where the governor of Carisbrook Castle was the 
 friend of Cromwell, and a fierce Independent. Here the 
 unfortunate monarch only fell into a captivity more solitary, 
 more severe, and more comfortless, than any which he 
 had yet experienced. He himself pointed out to Sir 
 Philip Warwick an old greyheaded domestic who brought 
 in wood to the fire, and observed, that the conversation 
 of that menial was the best that he had been suffered to 
 enjoy for months. There is even reason to think his life 
 was aimed at, and that he was encouraged to make an 
 effort to escape from a window in the castle, while a person 
 was placed in readiness to shoot him as he was engaged 
 in the attempt. 
 
 The council of war renounced all further communica- 
 tion with Charles ; the Parliament, now under the In- 
 dependent influence, sent down Commissioners to treat, 
 but with preliminary conditions harder than any yet offered 
 to him. Two resources remained to him the services 
 of the disbanded loyalists, whom its faithful adherents 
 might again summon to arms but they were dispersed, 
 disarmed, and heart-broken', or the assistance of the 
 Scots but they were distant and disunited. Yet Charles 
 resolved to try his fortunes on this perilous cast, rather 
 than treat with the Parliament, influenced as it was by the 
 army. 
 
 The presence of two Scottish Commissioners, who had 
 accompanied those of the Parliament to Carisbrook, ena- 
 bled Charles to execute a secret treaty with them, by 
 which he agreed to confirm the Solemn League and Cov- 
 enant, establish Presbytery, at least for a season, and 
 concur in the extirpation of the Sectaries." These articles, 
 if they had been granted while Charles was at Newcastle, 
 would have been sufficient to have prevented the surren- 
 der of his person by the Scottish army ; but it was the 
 King's unfortunate lot, on this, as on all former occasions 
 to delay his concessions until they came too late. 
 85)0
 
 i 62 CRUELTIES OF ARGYLE 
 
 When this treaty (which was called the Engagement 
 oecause the Commissioners engaged to restore the King 
 by force of arms) was presented to the Scottish Parlia- 
 ment, it was approved by the more moderate part of the 
 Presbyterians, who were led by the Duke of Hamilton, 
 together with his brother the Earl of Lanark, the Lord 
 Chancellor Loudon, and the Earl of Lauderdale ; this 
 last being destined to make a remarkable figure in the 
 next reign. But the majority of the Presbyterian clergy, 
 headed by the more zealous among their hearers, declared 
 that the concessions of the King were totally insufficient 
 to engage Scotland in a new war, as affording no adequate 
 cause for a quarrel with England. This party was headed 
 by the Marquis of Argyle. 
 
 I may here mention respecting this nobleman, that aftei 
 Montrose's army was disbanded, he had taken severe 
 vengeance on the MacDonalds, and other clans who had 
 assisted in the desolation of Argyleshire. Having the aid 
 of David Lesley, with a body of regular troops, he re- 
 duced successively some forts into which Alaster Mac- 
 Donald (Colkitto) had thrown garrisons, and uniformly 
 put the prisoners to the sword. The MacDougals were 
 almost exterminated in one indiscriminate slaughter, and 
 the Lamonts were put to death in another act of massacre. 
 Sir James Turner, an officer who served under Lesley, 
 kys the blame of these inhumanities on a hard-hearted 
 clergyman called Neaves. David Lesley was disgusted 
 at it, and when, after some such sanguinary execution, he 
 saw his chaplain with his shoes stained with blood, he 
 asked him reproachfully, " Have you enough of it now, 
 Master John ?" 
 
 These atrocities, by whomsoever committed, must have 
 been perpetrated in revenge of the sufferings of Argyle 
 and his clan ; and to these must be added the death of 
 old Colkitto, who, taken in one of these Highlard forts, 
 was tried by a jury convened by authority of George 
 Campbell, the Sheriff* Substitute of Argyle, from whose 
 sentence we are told very few escaped, and was executed 
 of course.
 
 THE ENGAGERS DEFEATED. 163 
 
 All these grounds of offence having been given to the 
 Royalists, in a corner of the country where revenge was 
 considered as a duty and a virtue, it is not extraordinary 
 that Argyle should have objected most earnestly to the 
 Engagement, which was an enterprise in which the King's 
 interest was to be defended, with more slender precautions 
 against the Malignants, than seemed consistent with the 
 safety of those who had been most violent against them. 
 Many of the best officers of the late army declined to 
 serve with the new levies, until the Church should approve 
 the cause of quarrel. The Parliament, however, moved 
 by compassion for their native monarch, and willing to 
 obliterate the disgrace which attached to the surrender of 
 the King at Newcastle, appointed an army to be levied. 
 The kingdom was thus thrown into the utmost confusion 
 between the various factions of the Engagers and their 
 opponents. The civil magistrates, obeying the commands 
 of the Parliament, ordered the subjects to assume arms 
 under pain of temporal punishment ; while the clergy, 
 from the pulpit, denounced the vengeance of Heaven 
 against those who obeyed the summons. 
 
 The Engagers prevailed so far as to raise a tumultuary 
 and ill-disciplined army of about fifteen thousand men, 
 which was commanded by the Duke of Hamilton. This 
 ill-fated nobleman deserved the praise of being a moderate 
 man during all the previous struggles ; and, though loving 
 his King, had always endeavoured to reconcile his admin- 
 istration with the rights, and even the prejudices, of his 
 countrymen. But he had little decision of character, and 
 less military skill. While the Scots were preparing their 
 succours slowly, and with hesitation, the English cavaliers, 
 impatient at the danger and captivity of the King, took 
 arms. But their insurrections were so 511 connected with 
 each other, that they were crushed successively, save in 
 two cases, where the insurgents made themselves masters 
 of Colchester and Pembroke, in which towns they were 
 instantly besieged. 
 
 Hamilton ought to have advanced with all speed to raise 
 the siege of these places; but instead of this, he loitered
 
 164 THE KING'S DEATH RESOLVED ON. 
 
 a\v;iy more than forty days in Lancashire, until Cromwell 
 came upon him near Warrington, where Iiead and heart 
 seemed alike to have failed him. Without even an attempt 
 at resistance, he abandoned his enterprise, and made a 
 disorderly retreat, leaving his artillery and baggage. Bail- 
 lie, with the infantry, being deserted by his General, sur- 
 rendered to the enemy at Uttoxeter ; and Hamilton him- 
 self, with the cavalry, took the same deplorable course. 
 None escaped save a resolute body of men under the Earl 
 of Calender, who broke through the enemy, and forced 
 their way back to their own country. 
 
 The news of this disaster flew to Scotland. The re- 
 fractory clergy took the merit of having prophesied the 
 downfall of the Engagers, and stirred up the more zealous 
 Presbyterians to take possession of the government. 
 Argyle drew to arms in the Highlands, whilst the western 
 peasantry assembling, and headed by their divines, repair- 
 ed to Edinburgh. This insurrection was called the Whig- 
 amores' Raid, from the word, whig, whig, that is, get on, 
 get on, which is used by the western peasants in driving 
 their horses, a name destined to become the distinction 
 of a powerful party in British history. 
 
 The Earl of Lanark was at the head of some troops on 
 the side of the Engagement, but, afraid of provoking the 
 English, in whose hands his brother Hamilton was a pris- 
 oner, he made no material opposition. Argyle became 
 once more at the head of the government. It was owing 
 to this revolution that Cromwell advanced to the Borders, 
 and, instead of finding any enemies to fight with, was re- 
 ceived by the victorious Whigamores as a friend and 
 brother. Their horror at an army of Sectaries had been 
 entirely overpowered by their far more violent repugnance 
 to unite with Cavaliers and Malignants. Cromwell, on that 
 occasion, held much intimate correspondence with Argyle ; 
 which made it generally believed that the Marquis acqui- 
 esced in the violent measures which were to be adopted 
 by the successful General against the captive King, whose 
 fate was now decided upon.
 
 THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE. 106 
 
 During these military transactions, Charles had been 
 engaged in a new treaty with the Parliament, which was 
 conducted at Newport. It was set on foot in consequence 
 of Cromwell's ahsence with his army, which restored the 
 Parliament to some freedom of debate, and the Presby- 
 terian members to a portion of their influence. If any 
 thing could have saved that unfortunate Prince, it might 
 have been by accomplishing an agreement with the House 
 of Commons, while Hamilton's army was yet entire, and 
 before the insurrections of the Royalists had been entirely 
 suppressed. But he delayed closing the treaty until the 
 army returned, flushed with victory over the English Cav- 
 aliers and Scottish Engagers, and denouncing vengeance 
 on the head of the King, whom they accused of being '.he 
 sole author of the civil war, and liable to punishment as 
 such. This became the language of the whole party. 
 The pulpits rung with the exhortations of the military 
 preachers, demanding that the King should be given over, 
 as a public enemy, to a public trial. 
 
 It was in vain that Charles had at length, with lingering 
 reluctance, yielded every request which the Parliament 
 could demand of him. It was equally in vain that the 
 Parliament had publicly declared that the concessions 
 made by the King were sufficient to form the basis of a 
 satisfactory peace. The army, stirred up by their ambi- 
 tious officers and fanatic preachers, were resolved that 
 Charles should be put to an open and ignominious death ; 
 and a sufficient force of soldiery was stationed in and 
 around London to make resistance impossible, either on 
 the part of the Presbyterians or the Royalists. 
 
 In order to secure a majority in the House of Com- 
 mons, Co nel Pride, a man who had been a brewer, drew 
 up his regiment at the doors of the House of Parliament, 
 and in the streets adjacent, and secured the persons of 
 upwards of one hundred and fifty members, who, being 
 supposed favourable to reconciliation with the King, were 
 arrested and thrown into prison. This act of violence 
 was called Pride's Purge. At the same time, the House 
 f Lords was shut up. The remainder of the House o(
 
 IC6 CHARACTER OF THE 
 
 Commons, who alone were permitted to sit and vote, wtre 
 all of the Independent party, and ready to do whatever 
 should be required by the soldiers. This remnant of a 
 Parliament, under the influence of the swords of their own 
 soldiers, proceeded to nominate what was called a High 
 Court of Justice for the trial of King Charles, charged 
 with treason, as they termed it, against the people of Eng- 
 land. The Court consisted of one hundred and thirty per- 
 sons, chosen from the army, the Parliament, and from such 
 of .the citizens of London as were affected to the proposed 
 change of government. Many of the judges so nominated 
 refused, notwithstanding, to act upon such a commission. 
 Meantime, the great body of the English people beheld 
 these strange preparations with grief and terror. The 
 Scots, broken by the defeat of Hamilton and the success 
 of the Whigamores' Raid, had no means of giving as- 
 sistance. . 
 
 Those who drove this procedure forward were of dif- 
 ferent classes, urged by different motives. 
 
 The higher officers of the army, Cromwell, Ireton, and 
 others, seeing they could not rise by means of a treat) 
 with Charles, had resolved to dethrone and put him to 
 death, in order to establish a military government in their 
 own persons. These men had a distinct aim, and they 
 in some degree attained it. There were others among 
 the Independent party, who thought they had offended the 
 King so far beyond forgiveness, that his deposition and 
 death were necessary for their own safety. But there 
 were also among the Independent members of Parliament 
 men of a nobler character. There were statesmen who 
 had bewildered themselves with meditating upon theoret- 
 ical schemes, till they had fancied the possibility of erecting 
 a system of republican government on the foundation of 
 the ancient monarchy of England. Such men, imposed 
 on by a splendid dream of unattainable freedom, imagined 
 that the violence put upon the Parliament by the soldiery, 
 .nnd the death of the King, when it should take place, 
 were but necessary steps to the establishment of this vis- 
 ionary fabric, like the pulling down of an old edifice to
 
 ENGLISH REVOLUTIONISTS. 167 
 
 make room for a new building. After this fanciful class 
 of politicians, came enthusiasts of another and coarser 
 description, influenced by the wild harangues of their 
 crack-brained preachers, who saw in Charles not only the 
 head of the enemies with whom they had been contending 
 for four years with various fortune, but also a wicked King 
 of Amalekites, delivered up to them to be hewn in pieces 
 in the name of Heaven. Such were the various motives 
 which urged the actors in this extraordinary scene. 
 
 The pretext by which they coloured these proceedings 
 was, that the King had levied war against his people, to 
 extend over them an unlawful authority. If this had 
 been true in point of fact, it was no ground of charge in 
 point of law ; for the constitution of England declares 
 I hat the King can do no wrong, that is, cannot be made 
 responsible for any wrong which he does. The vengeance 
 of the laws, when such wrong is committed, is most justly 
 directed against those wicked ministers by whom the Cul- 
 pable measure is contrived, and the agents by whom it is 
 executed. The constitution of England wisely rests on 
 the principle, that if the counsellors and instruments of a 
 prince's pleasure are kept under wholesome terror of the 
 laws, there is no risk of the monarch, in his own unas- 
 sisted person, transgressing the limits of his authority. 
 
 But in fact the King had not taken arms against the 
 Parliament to gain any new and extraordinary extent of 
 power. It is no doubt true, that the Parliament, when 
 summoned together, had many just grievances to corn- 
 plain of; but these were not, in general, innovations of 
 Charles, but such exertions of power as had been cus- 
 tomary in the four last reigns, when the crown of Eng- 
 land had been freed from the restraint of the Barons, 
 without being sufficiently subjected to the control of the 
 House of Commons, representing the people at large. 
 They vere, however, very bad precedents; and, since 
 the King had shown a desire to follow them, the Parlia- 
 ment were most justly called upon to resist the repetition 
 i>f old encroachments upon their liberty. But before tho 
 war broke out, the King had relinquished in favour of the
 
 168 TRIAL OF CHARLES 1. 
 
 Commons all they had demanded. The ultimate cause 
 of quarrel was, which party should have die command of 
 the militia or puhlic force of the kingdom. This was a 
 constitutional part of the King's prerogative ; for the ex- 
 ecutive power cannot be said to exist unless united with 
 the power of the sword. Violence on each side height- 
 ened the general want of confidence. The Parliament, 
 as has been before stated, garrisoned, and held out the 
 town of Hull against Charles ; and the King infringed the 
 privileges of the Commons, by coming with an armed 
 train to arrest five of their members during the sitting of 
 Parliament. So that the war must be justly imputed to 
 a train of long-protracted quarrels, in which neither party 
 could be termed wholly right, and still less entirely wrong, 
 but which created so much jealousy on both sides as could 
 scarcely terminate otherwise than in civil war. 
 
 The High Court of Justice, nevertheless, was opened, 
 and the King was brought to the bar on 19th January 
 1649. The soldiers, who crowded the avenues, weie 
 taught to cry out for justice upon the royal prisoner. 
 When a bystander, affected by the contrast betwixt the 
 King's present and former condition, could not refrain 
 from saying aloud, " God save your Majesty," he was 
 struck and beaten by the guards around him " A rude 
 chastisement," said the King, " for so slight an offence." 
 Charles behaved throughout the whole of the trying scene 
 with the utmost dignity. He bore, without complaining, 
 the reproaches of murderer and tyrant, which were show- 
 ered on him by the riotous soldiery ; and when a ruffian 
 spit in his face, the captive monarch wiped it off with his 
 handkerchief, and only said, " Poor creatures ! for half 
 a crown they would do the same to their father." 
 
 When the deed of accusation, stated to be in the name 
 of the people of England, was read, a voice from one of 
 the galleries exclaimed, " Not the tenth part of them !" 
 Again, as the names of the judges were called over, when 
 that of General Fairfax occurred, the same voice replied, 
 " He has more sense than to be here." Upon the officer 
 who commanded the guard ordering the musketeers to
 
 EXECUTION OF CHARLES 1. 169 
 
 fire into the gallery from which the interruption came, the 
 speaker was discovered to be Lady Fairfax, wife of Sii 
 Thomas, the General of the forces, and a daughter of the 
 noble house Vere, who in this manner declared her re- 
 sentment at the extraordinary scene. 
 
 The King, when placed at the bar, looked around on 
 the awful preparations for trial, on the bench, crowded 
 with avowed enemies, and displaying what was still more 
 painful, the faces of one or two ungrateful friends, without 
 losing his steady composure. When the public accuser 
 began to speak, he touched him with his staff, and sternly 
 admonished him to forbear. He afterwards displayed 
 both talent and boldness in his own defence. He disown- 
 ed the authority of the novel and incompetent court be- 
 fore which he was placed ; reminded those who sat as 
 his judges, that he was their lawful King, answerable in- 
 deed to God for the use of his power, but declared by 
 the constitution incapable of doing wrong. Even if the 
 authority of the people were sufficient to place him before 
 the bar, he denied that it had been obtained. The act of 
 violence, he justly stated, was the deed of a few daring 
 men, who had 'violated, by military force, the freedom of 
 the House of Commons, and altogether destroyed the 
 House of Peers. He declared that he spoke not for 
 himself, but for the sake of the laws and liberties of En- 
 gland. 
 
 Though repeatedly interrupted by Bradshaw, a lawyer, 
 president of the pretended High Court of Justice, Charles 
 pronounced his defence in a manly, yet temperate manner. 
 Being then three times called on to answer to the charge, 
 he as often declined the jurisdiction of the Court. Sen- 
 tonce of death was then pronounced, to be executed in 
 front of the royal palace lately his own. 
 
 On the 30th January 1649, Charles I. was brought 
 forth through one of the windows in front of the Banquet- 
 ing House at Whitehall, upon a large scaffold hung with 
 black, and closely surrounded with guards. Two execu- 
 tioners in masks attended, (one wearing a long grey beard, 
 8 VOL. I 2d SER.
 
 (70 EXECUTION OV t HARLES . 
 
 beside a block and cushion. Juxon, a bishop of the 
 Church of England, assisted the King's devotions. As 
 Charles laid his head on the block, he addressed to the 
 bishop, emphatically, the word remember, and then gave 
 the signal for the fatal stroke. The one executioner struck 
 the head from the shoulders at a single blow ; the other 
 held it up, and proclaimed it the head of a traitor. The 
 soldiers shouted in triumph, but the multitude generally 
 burst out into tears and lamentations. 
 
 This tragic spectacle was far from accomplishing the 
 purpose intended by those who had designed it. On the 
 contrary, the King's serene and religious behaviour at his 
 trial and execution excited the sympathy and sorrow oi' 
 many who had been his enemies when in power ; the in- 
 justice and brutality which he bore with so much dignity, 
 overpowered the remembrance of the errors of which he 
 had been guilty ; and the almost universal sense of the 
 iniquity of his sentence, was a principal cause of the sub- 
 sequent restoration of his family to the throne. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Montrose makes a Descent upon the Highlands, is taken 
 Prisoner, and Executed Charles IL being declared 
 King, arrives in Scotland CromwelPs Invasion of 
 Scotland Battle of Dunbar Coronation of Charles 
 II. He takes the Command of the Army, marches 
 into England, is Defeated at Worcester, and Escapes 
 abroad War in Scotland under General Monk 
 Cromwell makes himself Lord Protector of the Re- 
 publics of Great Britain and Ireland Glencairn'i 
 rising^ Exploits of Evan Dh'J,, of Lochiel, Chief oj 
 the Camerons. 
 
 THE death of Charles I. was nowhere more deeply 
 resented than in his native country of Scotland ; and their 
 national pride was the more hurt, that they could not but
 
 MEETING OF THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT. 171 
 
 be conscious that the surrender of his person by the Scot- 
 tish army at Newcastle, was the event which contribut- 
 ed immediately to place him in the hands of his enemies. 
 
 The government, since the Whigamores' Raid, had 
 continued in the hands of Argyle and the more rigid Pres- 
 byterians ; but even they, no friends to the House of 
 Stewart, were bound by the Covenant, which was their 
 rule in all things, to acknowledge the hereditary descer*. 
 of their ancient Kings, and call to the throne Charles, the 
 eldest son of the deceased monarch, providing he would 
 consent to unite with his subjects in taking the Solemn 
 League and Covenant, for the support of Presbytery, and 
 the putting down of all other forms of religion. The 
 Scottish Parliament met, and resolved accordingly to pro- 
 claim Charles II. their lawful sovereign; but, at the same 
 time, not to admit him to the actual power as such, until 
 he should give security for the religion, unity and peace 
 of the kingdoms. Commissioners were sent to wait upon 
 Charles, who had retreated to the continent, in order to 
 offer him the throne of Scotland on these terms. 
 
 The young Prince had already around him counsellors 
 of a different character. The celebrated Marquis of 
 Montrose, and other Scottish nobles, few in number, but 
 animated by their leader's courage and zeal, advised him 
 to reject the proposal of the Presbyterians to recall him 
 to the royal dignity on such conditions, and offered their 
 swords and lives to place him on the throne by force of 
 arms. 
 
 It appears that Charles II. who never had any deep 
 sense of integrity, was willing to treat with each of these 
 parties at one and the same time, and that he granted a 
 commission to the Marquis to attempt a descent on Scot- 
 land, taking the chance of what might be accomplished by 
 his far famed fortune and dauntless enterprise, while he 
 kept a negotiation afloat with the Presbyterian commis- 
 sioners, in case of Montrose's failure. 
 
 That intrepid but rash enthusiast embarked at Hani 
 burgh, with some arms and treasure, supplied by the north- 
 ern courts of Europe. His fame drew around him a few
 
 112 MONTROSE'S DESCENT, AND DEFEAT. 
 
 of the emigrant Royalists, chiefly Scottish, and he re- 
 cruitec. about six hundred German mercenaries. His firsi 
 descent was on the Orkney islands, where he forced to 
 arms a few hundreds of unwarlike fishermen. He next 
 disembarked on the mainland ; but the natives fled from 
 him, remembering the former excesses of his army. 
 Strachan, an officer under Lesley, came upon the Mar- 
 quis by surprise, near a pass called Invercharron, on the 
 confines of Ross-shire. The Orkney men made but little 
 resistance ; the Germans retired to a wood, and there 
 surrendered ; the few Scottish companions of Montrose 
 fought bravely, but in vain. Many gallant cavaliers were 
 made prisoners. Montrose, when the day was irretrieva- 
 bly lost, threw off his cloak bearing the star, and after- 
 wards changed clothes with an ordinary Highland kern, 
 that he might endeavour to effect his escape. Exhausted 
 with fatigue and hunger, he was at length taken by a Ross- 
 shire chief, MacLeod of Assint, who happened to be out 
 with a party of his men in arms. The Marquis discov- 
 ered himself to this man, thinking himself secure of favour, 
 since Assint had been once his own follower. But tempt- 
 ed by a reward of four hundred bolls of meal, this wretch- 
 ed laird delivered his old commander to the unfriendly 
 hands of David Lesley. 
 
 The Covenanters, when he who had so often made them 
 tremble, was at length delivered into their hands, celebrat- 
 ed their victory with all the exultation of mean, timid, and 
 sullen spirits, suddenly released from apprehension of 
 imminent danger. Montrose was dragged in a sort of 
 triumph from town to town, in the mean garb in which he 
 had disguised himself for flight. To the honour of the 
 town of Dundee, which, you will recollect, had been 
 partly plundered, and partly burnt by his forces, during 
 his eventful progress in 1645, the citizens of that town 
 were the first who supplied their fallen foe with clothes 
 befitting his rank, with money, and with necessaries. The 
 Marquis himself must have felt this as a severe rebuke for 
 the wasteful mode in which he had carried on his warfarp ; 
 and it was a still more piercing reproach to the unworthy
 
 MONTROSE PLACED IN CONFINEMENT. 173 
 
 victors, who now triumphed over an heroic enemy in the 
 same manner as they would have done over a detected 
 felon. 
 
 While Montrose was confined in the house of the Laird 
 of Grange, he had almost made his escape through the 
 bold stratagem of the Laird's wife, a descendant of the 
 house of Somerville. This lady's address had drencheH 
 the guards with liquor ; and the Marquis, disguiseu m a 
 female dress, with which she had furnished him, had al- 
 ready passed the sleeping sentinels, when he was chal- 
 lenged and stopped by a half drunken soldier, who had 
 been rambling about without any duty or purpose. The 
 alarm being given, he was again secured, and the lady's 
 plot was of no avail. She escaped punishment only by 
 her husband's connexion with the ruling party. 
 
 Before Montrose reached Edinburgh, h<3 had been con- 
 demned by the Parliament to the death of a traitor. The 
 sentence was pronounced, without further trial, upon an 
 act of attainder passed whilst he was plundering Argyle 
 in the winter of 1644; and it was studiously aggravated 
 by every species of infamy. 
 
 The Marquis was, according to the special order of 
 Parliament, met at the gates by the magistrates, attended 
 by the common hangman, who was clad for the time in 
 his own livery. He was appointed, as the most infamous 
 mode of execution, to be hanged on a gibbet thirty feet 
 high, his head to be planted on the tolbooth, or prison of 
 Edinburgh, his body to be quartered, and his limbs to be 
 placed over the gates of the principal towns of Scotland. 
 According to the sentence, he was conducted to jail on 
 a cart, bound and bareheaded, the horse led by the exe- 
 cutioner, wearing his bonnet, and the noble prisoner ex- 
 posed to the scorn of the people, who were expected to 
 hoot at him and revile him. But the rabble, who came 
 out with the rudest purposes, relented when they saw the 
 dignity of his bearing; and silence, accompanied by the 
 siglis and tears of the crowd, attended the progress, which 
 his enemies had designed should excite other emotions.
 
 1 74 MONTROSE'S SENTENCE. 
 
 The only observation he made was, that "the ceremonial 
 of 1 is entrancg had been somewhat fatiguing and tedi- 
 ous." 
 
 He appeared before the Parliament, to hear the terms 
 of his sentence, with the same manly indifference. He 
 gazed around on his assembled enemies with as mi ch 
 composure as the most unconcerned spectator ; heunl 
 Loudoun, the Chancellor, upbraid him, in a long and vio- 
 lent declamation, with the breach of both the first and 
 second Covenant ; with his cruel wars at the head of the 
 savage Irish and Highlandmen ; and with the murders, 
 treasons, and conflagrations, which they had occasioned. 
 When the Chancellor had finished Montrose with diffi- 
 culty got permission to reply. He told the Parliament, 
 with his usual boldness, that if he appeared before them 
 uncovered, and addressed them with respect, it was only 
 because the King had acknowledged their assembly, by 
 entering into a treaty with them. He admitted he had 
 taken the first, or National Covenant, and had acted upon 
 it so long as it was confined to its proper purposes, but had 
 dissented from and opposed those who had used it as a 
 covert for assailing the royal authority. "The second; 
 or Solemn League and Covenant," he said, " he had 
 never taken, and was in no respect bound by it. He had 
 made war by the King's express commission ; and although 
 it was impossible, in the course of hostilities, absolutely 
 to prevent acts of military violence, he had always dis- 
 owned and punished such irregularities. He had never," 
 he said, "spilt the blood of a prisoner, even in retaliation 
 of the cold-blooded murder of his officers and friends 
 nay, he had spared the lives of thousands in the very shock 
 of battle. His last undertaking," he continued, " was 
 carried on at the express command of Charles II., whom 
 they had proclaimed their sovereign, and with whom they 
 were treating as such. Therefore, he desired to be used 
 by them as a man and a Christian, to whom many of them 
 had been indebted for life and property, when the fate of 
 war had placed both in his power. He required them, 
 in conclusion, to proceed with him according to the laws
 
 EXECUTION OF MONTROSE. 175 
 
 of nature and nations, but especially according to those of 
 Scotland, as they themselves would expect to be judged 
 when they stood at the bar of Almighty God." 
 
 The sentence already mentioned was then read to the 
 undaunted prisoner, on which he observed, he was more 
 honoured in having his head set on the prison, for the cause 
 in which he died, than he would have been in having his 
 picture in the King's bed-chamber. As to the distribu- 
 tion of his limbs, he said he wished he had flesh enough 
 to send some to each city of Europe, in memory of the 
 cause in which he died. He spent the night in reducing 
 these ideas into poetry. 
 
 Early on the morning of the next day he was awakened 
 by the drums and trumpets calling out the guards, by or- 
 ders of Parliament, to attend on his execution. " Alas ' 
 he said, " I have given these good folks much trouble 
 while alive, and do I continue to be a terror to them on 
 the day I am to die ?" 
 
 The clergy importuned him, urging repentance of his 
 sins, and offering, on his expressing such compunction, to 
 relieve him from the sentence of excommunication, under 
 which he laboured. He calmly replied, that though the 
 excommunication had been rashly pronounced, yet it gave 
 him pain, and he desired to be freed from it, if a relaxa- 
 tion could be obtained, by expressing penitence for his 
 offences as a man ; but that he had committed none in his 
 duty to his prince and country, and had none to acknowl- 
 edge or repent of. 
 
 Johnstone of Wariston, an eminent Covenanter, intrud- 
 ed himself on the noble prisoner, while he was combing 
 the long curled hair, which he wore as a cavalier. War- 
 iston, a gloomy fanatic, hinted as if it were but an idle 
 employment at so solemn a time. " I will arrange my 
 head as I please to-day, while it is still my own," answer- 
 ed Montrose ; " to-morrow it will be yours, and you may 
 deal with it as you list." 
 
 The Marquis walked on foot from the prison to the 
 Grassmarket, the common place of execution for the
 
 1 70 EXECUTION OF OTHER ROYALISTS. 
 
 basest felons, where a gibbet of extraordinary height, with 
 a scaffold covered with black cloth, were erected. Here 
 he was again pressed by the Presbyterian clergy to own 
 his guilt. Their cruel and illiberal offioiousness could not 
 disturb the serenity of his temper. To exaggerate the 
 infamy of his punishment, or rather to show the mean spite 
 of his enemies, a book, containing the printed history of 
 his exploits, was hung around his neck by the hangman. 
 This insult, likewise, he treated with contempt, saying, he 
 accounted such a record of his services to his prince as 
 a symbol equally honourable with the badge of the Garter, 
 which the King had bestowed on him. In all other par- 
 ticulars, Montrose bore himself with the same calm dignity, 
 and finally submitted to execution with such resolved 
 courage, that many, even of his bitterest enemies, wept 
 on the occasion. He suffered on the 21st May 1C 50 
 
 Argyle, the mortal foe of Montrose, exulted in private 
 over the death of his enemy, but abstained from appear- 
 ing in Parliament when he was condemned, and from 
 witnessing his execution. He is even said to have shed 
 tears when he heard the scene rehearsed. His son, Lord 
 Lorn, was less scrupulous; he looked on his feudal ene- 
 my's last moments, and even watched the blows of the 
 executioner's axe, while he dissevered the head from the 
 body. His cruelty was requited in the subsequent reign ; 
 and indeed Heaven soon after made manifest the folly, as 
 well as guilt, which destroyed this celebrated commander, 
 at a time when approaching war might have rendered his 
 talents invaluable to his country. 
 
 Other noble Scottish blood was spilt at the same time, 
 both at home and in England. The Marquis of Huntly, 
 who had always acted for the King, though he had injured 
 his affairs by his hesitation to co-operate with Montrose, 
 was beheaded at Edinburgh ; and Urry, who had been 
 sometimes the enemy, sometimes the follower of Mont- 
 rose, was executed with others of the Marquis's principal 
 followers. 
 
 The unfortunate Duke of Hamilton, a man of gentle 
 'nit indecis : ve character, was taken, as I have told von,
 
 STATE OF PARTIES IN SCOTI.ANF . 177 
 
 in his attempt to invade England arid deliver the King, 
 whom he seems to have served with fidelity, though lie 
 fell under his suspicion, and even suffered a long impris- 
 onment by the royal order. While he was confined at 
 Windsor, Charles, previous to his trial, was brought there 
 by the soldiers. The dethroned King was permitted a 
 momentary interview with the subject, who had lost for- 
 tune and liberty in his cause. Hamilton burst into tears, 
 and flung himself at the King's feet, exclaiming, " My 
 dear master!" "I have been a dear master to you in- 
 deed," said Charles, kindly raising him. After the exe- 
 cution of the King, Hamilton, with the Earl of Holland, 
 Lord Capel, and others, who had promoted the rising of 
 the royalists on different points, were condemned to be 
 beheaded. A stout old cavalier, Sir John Owen, was one 
 of the number. When the sentence was pronounced, he 
 exclaimed it was a great honour to a poor Welsh knight 
 to be beheaded with so many nobles, adding, with an oath, 
 " I thought they would have hanged me." This gallant 
 old man's life was spared, when his companions in mis- 
 fortune were executed. 
 
 While these bloody scenes were proceeding, the Com- 
 missioners of the Scottish Parliament continued to carry 
 on the treaty with King Charles. He had nearly broken 
 it off, when Montrose's execution was reported to him ; 
 but a sense of his own duplicity in maintaining a treaty 
 with the Parliament, while he gave Montrose a commission 
 to invade and make war on them, smothered his com- 
 plaints on the subject. At length Charles, seeing no other 
 resource, agreed to accept the crown of Scotland on the 
 terms offered, which were those of the most absolute com- 
 pliance with the will of the Scottish Parliament in civil 
 affairs, and with the pleasure of the General Assembly of 
 the Kirk in ecclesiastical concerns. Above all, the young 
 King promised to take upon him the obligations of the 
 Solemn League and Covenant, and to further them by 
 every means in his power. On these conditions the treaty 
 was concluded Charles sailed from Holland, and arriv 
 891
 
 .78 RECEPTION OF CHARLES II. 
 
 ing on the coast of Scotland, landed near the mtuth ol 
 the river Spey, and advanced to Stirling. 
 
 Scotland was at this time divided into three parties, 
 highly unfriendly to each other. There were FIRST, the 
 rigid Presbyterians, of whom Argyle was the leader. This 
 was the faction which had since the Whigamores' Raid 
 been in possession of the supreme power of government, 
 and with their leaders the King had made his treaty in 
 Holland. SECONDLY, the moderate Presbyterians, called 
 the Engagers, who had joined with Hamilton in his in- 
 cursion into England. These were headed by the Earl 
 of Lanark, who succeeded to the dukedom of Hamilton 
 on the execution of his brother ; by Lauderdale, a man 
 of very considerable talents ; Dunfermline and others. 
 THIRDLY, there were the A solute Loyalists, friends and 
 followers of Montrose ; such as the Marquis of Huntly, 
 Lord Ogilvy, a few other nobles and gentlemen, and per- 
 haps some Highland chiefs, too ignorant and too distant to 
 have any influence in state affairs. 
 
 As all these three parties acknowledged, with more 01 
 less warmth, the sovereignty of King Charles, it might 
 have seemed no very difficult matter to have united them 
 in the same patriotic purpose of maintaining the national 
 independence of the kingdom. But successful resistance 
 to the English was a task to which the ruling party thought 
 themselves perfectly competent ; they entertained the 
 most presumptuous confidence in their own strength, and 
 their clergy assured them, that so far from the aid of either 
 Engagers or Malignants being profitable to them in the 
 common defence, the presence of any such profane as- 
 sistants would draw down the curse of Heaven on the 
 cause, which, trusted to the hands of true Covenanters 
 only, could not fail to prosper. 
 
 Argyle, therefore, and his friends, received the young 
 King with all the outward gestures of profound respect. 
 But they took care to give him his will in no one partic- 
 ular. They excluded from attendance on his person all 
 bis English adherents, suspicious of their attachment to 
 Prelacy and malignant opinions. The ministers beset him
 
 PRESBYTERIAN CLERGY. 17<? 
 
 tvith exhortations and sermons of immoderate length, in- 
 troduced on all occasions, and exhausting the patience of 
 a young prince, whose strong sense of the ridiculous, and 
 impatience of serious subjects, led him to receive with 
 heartfelt contempt and disgust the homely eloquence of 
 the long-winded orators. The preachers also gave 
 him offence hy choosing frequently for their themes the 
 sins of his father, the idolatry of his mother, who was a 
 Catholic, and his own ill-disguised disposition to malignity- 
 They numbered up the judgments which, they affirmed, 
 these sins had brought on his father's house, and they 
 prayed that they might not be followed by similar punish- 
 ment upon Charles himself. These ill-timed and ill- 
 judged admonitions were so often repeated, as to impress 
 on the young King's mind a sensation of dislike and dis- 
 gust, with which he remembered the Presbyterian preach- 
 ers as long as he lived. 
 
 Sometimes their fanaticism and want of judgment led 
 to ridiculous scenes. It is said, that upon one occasion a 
 devout lady, who lived opposite to the royal lodgings, saw 
 from her window the young King engaged in a game at 
 cards, or some other frivolous amusement, which the rig- 
 our of the Covenanters denounced as sinful. The lady 
 communicated this important discovery to her minister, and 
 it reached the ears of the Commission of the Kirk, who 
 named a venerable member of their body to rebuke the 
 monarch personally for this act of backsliding. The cler- 
 gyman to whom this delicate commission was intrusted, was 
 a shrewd old man, who saw no great wisdom in the pro- 
 ceeding of his brethren, but executed their commands with 
 courtly dexterity, and summed up his ghostly admonition 
 with a request, that when his Majesty indulged in similar 
 recreations, he would be pleased to take the precaution 
 of shutting the windows. The King laughed, and was 
 glad to escape so well from the apprehended lecture. But 
 events were fast approaching which had no jesting aspect. 
 
 England, to which you must now. turn your attention, 
 "had totally changed its outward constitution since the 
 death of tin King. Cromwell, who, using the victorious
 
 180 CROMWELL'S INVASION 
 
 army as his tools, was already in the real possession of the 
 supreme power, had still more tasks than one to accom- 
 plish, hefore he dared venture to assume the external ap- 
 pearance of it. He suffered, therefore, the diminished 
 and mutilated House of Commons to exist for a season, 
 during which the philosophical Republicans of the party 
 passed resolutions that monarchy should never be again 
 established in England ; that the power of the Executive 
 Government should be lodged in a Council of State ; and 
 that the House of Lords should be abolished. 
 
 Meantime, Cromwell led in person a part of his victo- 
 rious army to Ireland, which had been the scene of more 
 frightful disorders than England, or even Scotland. These 
 had begun by the Catholic inhabitants rising upon the 
 Protestants, and murdering many thousands of them in 
 what was termed the Irish Massacre. This had been fol- 
 lowed by a general war between the religions ; but at 
 length the address of the Duke of Ormond, as devoted a 
 loyalist as Montrose, contrived to engage a large portion 
 of the Catholics on the side of Charles ; and Ireland 
 became the place of refuge to all the Cavaliers or remains 
 of the royal party, who began to assume a formidable 
 appearance in that island. The arrival of Cromwell sud- 
 denly changed this gleam of fortune into cloud and storm. 
 Wherever this fated General appeared he was victorious, 
 and in Ireland, in order perhaps to strike terror into a 
 fierce people, for Oliver Cromwell was not blood-thirsty 
 by disposition, he made dreadful execution among the 
 vanquished, particularly at the storming of the town of 
 Drogheda, where his victorious troops spared neither sex 
 nor age. He now returned to England, with even greater 
 terror attached to his name than before. 
 
 The new Commonwealth of England had no purpose 
 that the son of the King whom they had put to death, 
 should be suffered to establish himself quietly in the sister 
 kingdom of Scotland, and enjoy the power when oppor- 
 tunity offered of again calling to arms his numerous ad- 
 herents in England, and disturbing or perhaps destroying 
 tiieii new modelled republic. They were resolved to
 
 OF IRELAND. l&l 
 
 prevent this danger by making war on Scotland, whilst still 
 weakened by her domestic dissensions ; and compelling 
 her to adopt the constitution of a republic, to become con 
 federated with their own. This proposal was of course 
 haughtily rejected by the Scots, as it implied a renuncia- 
 tion at once of King and Kirk, and a total alteration of the 
 Scottish constitution in civil and ecclesiastical government. 
 The ruling parties of both nations, therefore, prepared for 
 the contest. 
 
 The rigid Presbyterians in Scotland showed now a 
 double anxiety to exclude . from their army all, however 
 otherwise well qualified to assist in such a crisis, whom they 
 regarded as suspicious in point of doctrine, whether as 
 absolute Malignants, or as approaching nearer to their own 
 doctrines, by professing a moderate and tolerant attach- 
 ment to Presbytery. 
 
 Yet even without the assistance of these excluded par- 
 ties, the Convention of Estates assembled a fine army, 
 full of mtn enthusiastic in the cause in which they were 
 about to fight ; and feeling all the impulse which could 
 be given by the rude eloquence of their favourite minis- 
 ters. Unfortunately the preachers were not disposed to 
 limit themselves to the task of animating the courage of 
 the soldiers ; but were so presumptuous as to interfere 
 with, arid control the plans of the General, and move- 
 ments of the army. 
 
 The army of England, consisting almost entirely of 
 Independents, amongst whom any man who chose might 
 exert the office of a clergyman, had a resemblance to the 
 Presbyterian troops of Scotland, for both armies profess- 
 ed to appeal to Heaven for the justice of their cause ; 
 and both resounded with psalms, prayers, exhortations, 
 and religious exercises, to confirm the faith, and animate 
 the zeal of the soldiers. Both used the same language 
 in their proclamations against each other, and it was such 
 as implied a war rather on account of religion than of 
 temporal interests. The Scottish proclamations declared 
 the army commanded by Cromwell to be an union of the
 
 182 CROMWELL'S INVASION 
 
 most perverse heretical sectaries, of every different per- 
 sua*-.on, agreeing in nothing, saving their desire to tffect 
 tli' ruin of the unity and discipline of the Christian 
 C tirch, and die destruction of the Covenant, to which 
 IT ist of their leaders had sworn fidelity. The army of 
 ( -ormvell replied to them in the same style. They de- 
 ( ared that they valued the Christian Churches ten thou- 
 md times more than their own lives. They protested 
 nat they were not only a rod of iron to dash asunder the 
 common enemies, but a hedge (though unworthy) about 
 ihe divine vineyard. As for the Covenant, they protest- 
 ed that, would it not seem to make it an object of idola- 
 try, they would be content, if called upon to encounter 
 the Scots in this quarrel, to place the Covenant on the 
 point of their pikes, and let God himself judge whether 
 they or their opponents had best observed the obligations 
 of that national engagement. 
 
 Although the contending nations thus nearly resembled 
 each other in their ideas and language, there was betwixt 
 the Scottish and English soldiers one difference, and it 
 proved a material one. In the English army the officers 
 insisted upon being preachers, and though their doctrine 
 was wild enough, their ignorance of theology had no effect 
 on military events. But with the Scots, the Presbyterian 
 clergy were unhappily seized with the opposite rage of 
 acting as officers and generals, and their skill in their own 
 profession of divinity could not redeem the errors which 
 they committed in the art of war. 
 
 Fairfax having declined the command of the English 
 army, his conscience (for he was a Presbyterian) not per- 
 mitting him to engage in the war, Cromwell accepted 
 with joy the supreme military authority, and prepared for 
 the invasion of Scotland. 
 
 The wars between the sister kingdoms seemed now 
 about to be rekindled, after the interval of two-thirds of 
 a century ; and notwithstanding the greatly superior power 
 of England, there was no room for absolute confidence 
 in her ultimate success. The Scots, though divided into 
 parties sc far as church government was concerned
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 185 
 
 were unanimous in acknowledging the right of King 
 Charles, whereas the English were far from making coin 
 mon cause against his claims. On the contrary, if the 
 stern army of Sectaries, now about to take the field, 
 should sustain any great disaster, the Cavaliers of Eng- 
 land, with great part of the Presbyterians in that country, 
 were alike disposed to put the King once more at the 
 head of the government ; so that the fate not of Scotland 
 alone, but of England also, was committed to the event 
 of the present war. 
 
 Neither were the armies and generals opposed to each 
 other unworthy of the struggle. If the army of Crom- 
 well consisted of veteran soldiers, inured to constant vic- 
 tory, that of Scotland was fresh, numerous, and masters 
 of their own strong country, which was the destined 
 scene of action. If Cromwell had defeated the most 
 celebrated generals of the Cavaliers, David Lesley, the 
 effective commander-in-chief in Scotland, had been vic- 
 tor over Montrose, more renowned perhaps than any of 
 them. If Cromwell was a general of the most decisive 
 character, celebrated for the battles which he had won, 
 Lesley was, by early education, a trained soldier, more 
 skilful than his antagonist in taking positions, defending 
 passes, and all the previous arrangements of a campaign. 
 With these advantages on the different sides, the eventual 
 struggle commenced. 
 
 Early in the summer of 1650, Cromwell invaded 
 Scotland at the head of his veteran and well-disciplined 
 troops. But, on marching through Berwickshire and 
 East Lothian, he found that the country was abandoned 
 by the population, and stripped of every thing which 
 could supply the hostile army. Nothing was to be seen 
 save old spectre-looking women, clothed in white flannel, 
 who told the English officers that all the men had taken 
 arms, under command of the Barons. 
 
 Subsisting chiefly on the provisions supplied by a fleet, 
 which, sailing along the coast, accompanied his move- 
 ments, the English General approached the capital, where 
 Lesley had settled his head-quarters. The right wmg of
 
 184 CKOMWELL'S INVASION OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 the Scottish army rested upon the high grounds at the 
 rise of Arthur's Seat, and the left wing was posted at 
 Leith, while the high bank, formerly called Leith Walk, 
 made a part of his lines, which, defended by a numerous 
 artillery, completely protected the metropolis. Crom- 
 well skirmished with the Scottish advanced posts near to 
 Restalrig, but his cuirassiers were so warmly encountered, 
 that they gained no advantage, and their General was 
 obliged to withdraw to Musselburgh. His next effort 
 was made from the westward. 
 
 The English army made a circuit to Collinton, Red- 
 hall, and other places near to the eastern extremity of the 
 Pentland Hills, from which Cromwell hoped to advance 
 on Edinburgh. But Lesley was immediately on his 
 guard. He left his position betwixt Edinburgh and 
 Leith, and took one which covered the city to the west- 
 ward, and was protected by the Water of Leith, and the 
 several cuts, drains, and mill-leads, at Saughton, Colt- 
 bridge, and the houses and villages in that quarter. Here 
 Cromwell again found the Scots in order of battle, and 
 again was obliged to withdraw after a distant cannonade. 
 
 The necessity of returning to the neighbourhood of 
 his fleet, obliged Cromwell to march back to his encamp- 
 ment at Musselburgh. Nor was he permitted to remain 
 there in quiet. At the dead of night, a strong body of 
 cavalry, called the regiment of the Kirk, well armed at 
 all points, broke into the English lines, with loud cries of, 
 " God and the Kirk ! all is ours." It was with some 
 difficulty that Cromwell rallied his soldiers upon this sud- 
 den alarm, in which he sustained considerable loss, though 
 the assailants were finally compelled to retreat. 
 
 The situation of the English army now became criti- 
 cal ; their provisions were like to be exhausted, the 
 communication with the fleet grew daily more precarious, 
 while Lesley, with the same prudence which had hithert 
 guided his defence, baflled all the schemes of the Eng 
 lish leader, without exposing his army to the risk of p 
 general action, until Cromwell, fairly outgeneralled by
 
 BATTLE OF DUNBAR. 18.3 
 
 the address ofliis enemy, was compelled to retiie toward? 
 England. 
 
 Lesley, on his part, left his lines without delay, for the 
 purpose of intercepting the retreat of the English. Mov- 
 ing by a shorter line, he took possession with his army of 
 the skirts of Lammermoor, a ridge of hills terminating on 
 the sea near the town of Dun bar, abounding with diffi- 
 cult passes, all of which he occupied strongly. Here he 
 proposed to await the attack of the English, with every 
 chance, nay, almost with the certainty, of gaining a great 
 and decisive victory. 
 
 Cromwell was reduced to much perplexity. To force 
 his way, it was necessary to attack a tremendous pass 
 called Cockburn's path, where, according to Cromwell's 
 own description, one man might do more to defend, than 
 ten to make way. And if he engaged in this desperate 
 enterprise, he was liable to be attacked by the numerous 
 f orces of Lesley in flank and rear. He saw all the dan- 
 ger, and entertained thoughts of embarking his foot on 
 board of his ships, and cutting his own way, as he best 
 could, at the head of his cavalry. 
 
 At this moment, the interference of the Presbyterian 
 preachers, and the influence which they possessed over 
 the Scottish army and General, ruined this fair promise 
 of success. In spite of all the prudent remonstrances of 
 Lesley, they insisted that the Scottish army should be 
 led from their strong position, to attack the English upon 
 equal ground. This, in the language of Scripture, they 
 called going down against the Philistines at Gilgal. 
 
 Cromwell had slept at the Duke of Roxburghe's house, 
 called Broxmouth, and his army were stationed in the park 
 there, when he received news that the Scots were leaving 
 their fastnesses, and about to hazard battle. He exclaim- 
 ed, " that God had delivered them into his hands ;" and 
 calling for his horse, placed himself at the head of his 
 troops. Coming to the head of a regiment of Lanca- 
 shire men, he found one of their officers, while they were 
 in the act of marching to battle, in a fit of sudden eiuhu-
 
 186 CROMWELL'S INVASION 
 
 siasni holding forth or preaching to his men. Cromut. 1\ 
 also listened, and seemed affected by his discourse. At 
 this moment the sun showed his broad orb on the level 
 surface of the sea, which is close to the scene of action. 
 "Let the Lord arise," he said, "and let his enemies he 
 scattered ;" and presently after; looking upon the field 
 where the battle had now commenced, he added, " I 
 profess they flee." 
 
 Cromwell's hopes did not deceive him. The hasty 
 Scottish levies, thus presumptuously opposed to the vet- 
 eran soldiers of Cromwell, proved unequal to standing 
 the shock. Two regiments fought bravely, and were al- 
 most all cut off; but the greater part of Lesley's army 
 fell into confusion without much resistance. Great slaugh- 
 ter ensued, and many prisoners were made, whom the 
 cruelty of the English government destined to a fate hith- 
 erto unknown in Christian warfare. They transported to 
 the English settlements in America those unfortunate 
 captives, subjects of an independent kingdom, who bore 
 arms by order of their own lawful government, and there 
 sold them for slaves. 
 
 The decisive defeat at Dunbar opened the whole of 
 the south of Scotland to Cromwell. The Independents 
 found a few friends and brother sectaries among the gen- 
 try, who had been hitherto deterred, by the fear of the 
 Presbyterians, from making their opinions public. Almost 
 all the strong places on the south side of the Forth were 
 won by the arms of the English, or yielded by the ti- 
 midity of their defenders. Edinburgh Castle was sur- 
 rendered, not without suspicion of gross treachery ; and 
 Tantallon, Hume, Roslin, and Borthwick, with other for- 
 tresses, fell into their hands. 
 
 Internal dissension added to the calamitous state of 
 Scotland. The Committee of Estates, with the King, 
 and the remainder of Lesley's army, retreated to Stirling, 
 where they still hoped to make a stand, by defending the 
 passes of the Forth. A Parliament, held at Perth, were 
 in this extremity disposed to relax in the extreme rigoui 
 of their exclusive doctrines, and to admit into the army
 
 OF SCOTLAND. 187 
 
 which they laboured to reinforce, such of the moderate 
 Presbyterians, or Engagers, and even of the Royalists 
 and Maiigoants, as inclined to make a formal confession 
 of their former errors. The Royalists readily enough 
 complied with this requisition; but as their pretended 
 repentance was generally regarded as a mere farce, sub- 
 mitted to that they might obtain leave to bear arms for 
 the King, the stricter Presbyterians regarded this compro- 
 mise with Malignants as a sinful seeking for help from 
 Egypt. The Presbyterians of the western counties, in 
 particular, carried this opinion so far, as to think this pe- 
 riod of national distress an auspicious time for disclaim- 
 ing the King's interest and title. Refusing to allow that 
 the victory of Dunbar was owing to the military skill of 
 Cromwell, and the disciplined valour of his troops, they 
 set it down as a chastisement justly inflicted on the Scot- 
 tish nation for espousing the Royal cause. Under this 
 separate banner there assembled an army of about font 
 thousand men, commanded by Kerr and Strachan. They 
 were resolved, at the same time, to oppose the English 
 invasion, and to fight with the King's forces, and thus 
 embroil the kingdom in a threefold war. The leaders of 
 this third party, who were called Remonstrators, made a 
 smart attack on a large body of English troops, stationed 
 in Hamilton under General Lambert, and were at first 
 successful ; but falling into disorder, owing to their very 
 success, they were ultimately defeated. Kerr, one of 
 their leaders, was wounded, and made prisoner ; and 
 Strachan soon afterwards revolted, and joined the Eng- 
 lish army. 
 
 Cromwell, in the meanwhile, made the fairest promises 
 to all who would listen to him, and laboured, not altogeth- 
 er in vain, to impress the Presbyterian party with a belief, 
 that they had better join with the Independents, although 
 disallowing of church-government, and thus obtain peace 
 and a close alliance with England, than adhere to the 
 cause of the King, who, with his father's house, had, h<> 
 said, been so long the troublers of Israel. And here J 
 may interrupt the course of public events, to tell you an
 
 183 CROMWELL'S INVASION OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 anecdote not generally known, but curious as illustrating 
 the character of Cromwell. 
 
 Shortly after the battle of Dunbar, Cromwell visited 
 Glasgow ; and upon Sunday attended the Presbyterian 
 service in the principal church of that city. The preach- 
 er, a rigid Presbyterian, was nothing intimidated by the 
 presence of the English General ; but entering freely 
 upon state affairs, which were then a common topic in 
 the pulpit, he preached boldly on the errors and heresies 
 of the independent sectaries, insisted on the duty of re- 
 sisting their doctrines, and even spoke with little respect 
 of the person of Cromwell himself. An officer who sat 
 behind Cromwell, whispered something in his ear more 
 than once, and the General as often seemed to impose 
 silence upon him. The curiosity of the congregation 
 was strongly excited. At length the service was ended, 
 and Cromwell was in the act of leaving the church, when 
 he cast his eyes on one Wilson, a mechanic, who had long 
 resided at Glasgow, and called on him by name. The 
 man no sooner saw the General take notice of him than 
 he ran away. Cromwell directed that he should be fol- 
 lowed, and brought before him, but without injury. At 
 the same time he sent a civil message to the clergyman 
 who had preached, desiring to see him at his quarters. 
 These things augmented the curiosity of the town's peo- 
 ple ; and when they saw Wilson led as prisoner to the 
 General's apartments, many remained about the door, 
 watching the result. Wilson soon returned, and joyfully 
 showed his acquaintances some money which the English 
 General had given him to drink his health. His business 
 with Cromwell was easily explained. This man had 
 been son of a footman who had attended James VI. to 
 England. By some accident Wilson had served his ap- 
 prenticeship to a shoemaker in the same town where 
 Cromwell's father lived, had often played with Master 
 Oliver while they were both children, and had obliged 
 him by making balls and other playthings for him. W T her. 
 Wilson saw that his old companion recognised him, he 
 ran awav, because, recollecting his father had been a
 
 CORONATION OF CHARLES II. 189 
 
 servr.i.t of the royal family, he thought the General, who 
 was known to have brought the late King to the block, 
 might nourish ill-will against all who were connected with 
 nim. But Cromwell had received him kindly, spoken 
 of their childish acquaintance, and gave him some money. 
 The familiarity with which he seemed to treat him, en 
 couraged Wilson to ask his former friend what it was that 
 passed betwixt the officer and him, when the preacher 
 was thundering from the pulpit against the sectaries and 
 their General. " He called the minister an insolent ras- 
 cal," said Cromwell, not unwilling, perhaps, that his for- 
 bearance should be made public, " and asked my leave 
 to pull him out of the pulpit by the ears ; and I com- 
 manded him to sit still, telling him the minister was one 
 fool, and he another." This anecdote serves to show 
 Cromwell's recollection of persons and faces. He next 
 gave audience to the preacher, and used arguments with 
 him which did not reach the public ; but were so con- 
 vincing, that he pronounced a second discourse in the 
 evening, in a tone much mitigated towards Independency 
 and its professors. 
 
 While the south of Scotland was overawed, and the 
 Western Remonstrators were dispersed by Cromwell, the 
 Scottish Parliament, though retired beyond the Forth, 
 st'.Il maintained a show of decided opposition. They re- 
 solved upon the coronation of Charles, a ceremony hith- 
 erto deferred, but which they determined now to perform, 
 as a solemn pledge of their resolution to support the con- 
 stitution and religion of Scotland to the last. 
 
 But the melancholy solemnity had been nearly prevent- 
 ed by the absence of the principal personage. Charles, 
 disgustea with the invectives of the Presbyterian clergy, 
 and perhaps remembering the fate of his father at New- 
 castle, formed a hasty purpose of flying from the Presby- 
 terian camp. He had not been sufficiently aware of the 
 weakness of the Royalists, who recommended this wild 
 step, and he actually went off to the hills. But he found 
 Duly a few Highlanders at Clova, without the appearnnce 
 >/ an army, which he had promised mrnscif, and was
 
 190 MANCEUVR1NG OK THE ENGLISH 
 
 easily induced to return to the camp with a party who 
 had been despatched in pursuit of him. 
 
 This excursion, which was called the Start, did ni 
 til-cully tend to increase confidence betwixt the young 
 King mid his Presbyterian counsellors. The ceremony 
 of the coronation "was performed with such solemnities 
 as the time admitted, but mingled with circumstances 
 which must have been highly disgusting to Charles. The 
 confirmation of the Covenant was introduced as nn es- 
 sential part of the solemnity ; and the coronation was 
 preceded by a national fast and humiliation, expressly 
 held on account of the sins of the Royal Family. A 
 suspected hand, that of the Marquis of Argyle, placed an 
 nsecure crown on the head of the son, whose father he 
 had been one of the principal instruments in dethroning. 
 
 These were bad omens. But, on the other hand, the 
 King enjoyed more liberty than before ; most of the En- 
 gagers had resumed their seats in Parliament; and many 
 Royalist officers were received into the army. 
 
 Determined at this time not to be tempted to a disad- 
 vantageous battle, the King, who assumed the command 
 of the arrny in person, took up a line in front of Stirling, 
 having in his front the river of Carron. Cromwell ap- 
 proached, but could neither with prudence attack the Scots 
 in their lines, nor find means of inducing them to hazard 
 a battle, unless upon great advantage. After the armies 
 had confronted each other for more than a month, Crom- 
 well despatched Colonel Overton into Fife, to turn the 
 left flank of the Scottish army., and intercept their sup- 
 plies. He was encountered near the town of Inverkeith- 
 ing by the Scots, commanded by Holborn and Brown. 
 The first of these officers behaved basely, and perhaps 
 treacherously. Brown fought well and bravely, but 
 finally sustaining a total defeat, was made prisoner, and 
 afterwards died of grief. 
 
 The situation of the main Scottish army, under Charles 
 in person, became hazardous after this defeat, for their 
 position was rendered precarious, by the footing which 
 the English tbtained in the counties of Fife and Kinross,
 
 AND SCOTTISH ARMIKS. 191 
 
 which enabled them to intercept the King's supplies and 
 communications from the north. In this distressed situa- 
 tion Charles adopted a bold and decisive measure. He 
 resolved to transfer the war from Scotland to England, 
 and, suddenly raising his camp, he moved to the south- 
 westward by rapid inarches, hoping to rouse his friends 
 in England to arms, before Cromwell could overtake him. 
 But the Cavaliers of England were now broken and dis- 
 pirited, and were, besides, altogether unprepared for this 
 hasty invasion, which seemed rather the effect of despair 
 than the result of deliberate and settled resolution. The 
 Presbyterians, though rather inclined to the Royal cause, 
 were still less disposed to hazard a junction with him, 
 until terms of mutual accommodation could be settled. 
 They were divided and uncertain, while the republicans 
 were resolved and active. 
 
 The English militia assembled under Lambert to op- 
 pose Charles in front, and Cromwell followed close in his 
 rear, to take every advantage that could offer. The Scots 
 reached without much opposition the city of Worcester, 
 where, 3d September, 1651, the militia, commanded by 
 Lambert, and the regular forces under Cromwell, attacked 
 the Royalists with double the number of their forces. 
 Clarendon and other English authors represent the Scot- 
 tish army as making little resistance. Cromwell, on the 
 contrary, talks of the battle of Worcester, in his peculiar 
 phraseology, as " a stiff business a very glorious mercy 
 as stiff a contest as he had ever beheld." But, well or 
 ill disputed, the day was totally lost. Three thousand 
 men were slain in the field, ten thousand were taken, and 
 such of them as survived their wounds, and the horrors 
 of overcrowded jails, were shipped off as slaves for the 
 plantations. 
 
 Charles escaped from the field, and concealed himself 
 in obscure retreats, under various disguises. At one time 
 he was obliged to hide himself in the boughs of a spread- 
 ing oak tree ; hence called the Royal Oak. At another 
 time he rode before a lady, Mrs. Lane, in the quality of 
 a groom ; and in this disguise passed through a part of
 
 1 92 PRESERVATION OF THE 
 
 ihe Parliament forces. After infinite fatigue, many ro- 
 mantic adventures, and tlie most imminent risk of discov- 
 ery, he at length escaped by sea, and for eight years con- 
 tinued to wander from one foreign court to another, a poor, 
 neglected, and insulted adventurer, claimant of thrones, 
 which he seemed destined never to possess. 
 
 The defeat at Worcester was a death-blow to the resist- 
 ance of the King's party in Scotland. The Parliament, 
 driven from Stirling to the Highlands, endeavoured in vain 
 to assemble new forces. The English troops, after Crom- 
 well's departure, were placed under the command of 
 General Monk, who now began to make a remarkable 
 figure in those times. He was a gentleman of good birth, 
 had been in arms for the King's service, but being made 
 prisoner, had finally embraced the party of the Parlia- 
 ment, and fought for them in Ireland. He was accounted 
 a brave and skilful commander, totally free from the spirit 
 of fanaticism so general in the army of Cromwell, and a 
 man of deep sagacity, and a cold reserved temper. Un- 
 der Monk's conduct, seconded by that of Overton, Alured, 
 and other parliamentary officers, the cities, castles, and 
 fortresses of Scotland were reduced one after another. 
 The partial resistance of the wealthy seaport of Dundee, 
 in particular, was punished with the extremities of fire and 
 sword, so that other towns became terrified, and surren- 
 dered without opposition. 
 
 The castle of Dunottar, in Kincardineshire, the hered- 
 itary fortress of the Earls Marisclial, made an honourable 
 defence under John Ogilvy of Barras. It is situated upon 
 a rock, almost separated from the land by a deep ravine 
 on the one side, and overhanging the ocean on the other. 
 In this strong fortress the Honours of Scotland, as they 
 were called, had been deposited after the battle of Dun- 
 bar. These were the crown, sceptre, and sword of state, 
 the symbols of Scottish sovereignty, which were regarded 
 by the nation with peculiar veneration. The terror was 
 great lest pledges, with which the national honour was so 
 intimately connected, should fall into tiie hands of foreign 
 schismatics and republicans. On the other hand, the
 
 SCOTTISH REGALIA. 193 
 
 English, ardently desirous to possess themselves of these 
 trophies, (the rather that they had formed a disproportion- 
 ed idea of their intrinsic value,) besieged the castle close- 
 ly, and blockaded it by sea and land. As their provisions 
 began to fail, the Governor foresaw that farther defence 
 must speedily become impossible ; and, with the assist- 
 ance of Mr. Granger, minister of Kinneff, he formed a 
 stratagem for securing the ancient and venerable regalia 
 from the dishonour which threatened them. The first 
 preparation was to spread a report, that these national 
 treasures had been carried abroad by Sir John Keith, a 
 younger son of the Earl Marischal, ancestor of the family 
 of Kintore. Mrs. Granger, the minister's wife, was the 
 principal agent in the subsequent part of the scheme. 
 Having obtained of the English general the permission to 
 to bring out of the castle some hards (or bundles) of lint, 
 which she said was her property, she had the courage 
 and address to conceal the regalia within the hards of 
 lint, and carried them boldly through the English camp, 
 at the risk of much ill usage, had she been discovered in 
 an attempt to deprive the greedy soldiery of their prey. 
 She played her part so boldly, that she imposed on the 
 general himself, who courteously saluted her, and helped 
 her to mount on horseback as she left the encampment, 
 little guessing with what a valuable part of his expected 
 booty she was loaded at the moment. Arriving with her 
 precious charge at Kinneff, the minister buried the relics? 
 of royalty under the pulpit of his church, and visited then: 
 from time to time, in order to wrap them in fresh packages, 
 and preserve them from injury. Suspicion attached to 
 the Governor of Dunottar ; and when the castle was finally 
 surrendered, for want of provisions, he was rigorously 
 dealt with, imprisoned, and even tortured, to make him 
 discover where the regalia were concealed. His lady, 
 who had been active in the stratagem, was subjected to 
 similar severities, as were also the minister of Kinneff and 
 his courageous spouse. Alt, however, persisted in keep 
 ing the secrot. Rewards were distributed, after the Re 
 
 892
 
 194 RKSISTANCE TO THE ENGLISH. 
 
 s'ioration, to those who had been concerned in saving the 
 Honours, but they do not appear to have been very ac- 
 curately accommodated to toe merits of the parties. Sir 
 John Keith, whose name had only been used in the trans- 
 action as a blind, was created Earl of Kintore, and Ogilvy 
 was made a baronet ; but the courageous minister, with 
 his heroic wife, were only rewarded with a pension in 
 money. 
 
 The towns and castles of Scotland being thus reduced, 
 the national resistance of the natives was confined to a 
 petty warfare, which small bands carried on, who lurked 
 among the mountains and morasses, and took every ad- 
 vantage which these afforded to annoy the English troops, 
 and cut off small parties, or straggling soldiers. These 
 were called Moss-troopers, from a word formerly appro- 
 priated to the freebooters of the Border. But the Eng- 
 lish, who observed a most rigid discipline, were not much 
 in danger of suffering from such desultory efforts ; and as 
 they seldom spared the prisoners taken in the skirmishes, 
 the Scots found themselves obliged to submit, for the first 
 time, to an invader more fortunate than all the preceding 
 sovereigns of England. Their resistance ceased, but 
 their hatred watched for a safer opportunity of vengeance. 
 The Highlanders, however, being strong in the character 
 of the country and its inhabitants, continued refractory to 
 the English authority, and if the soldiery ventured to go 
 through the country alone, or in small parties, they were 
 sure to be surprised and slain, without its being possible 
 to discover the actors. The English officers endeavoured 
 to obtain from the neighbouring chiefs, who pretended 
 complete ignorance of these transactions, such redress as 
 the case admitted of, but their endeavours were in general 
 ingeniously eluded. 
 
 For example, an English garrison had lost cattle, horses, 
 and even men, by the incursion of a Highland clan who 
 had their residence in the neighbouring mountains, so that 
 the incensed governor demanded peremptorily, that the 
 actor- jf these depredations should be delivered up to 
 aim to suffer punishment. The Chief was in no condition
 
 THE PROTECTORATE. 195 
 
 to resist, but was not the less unwilling to deliver up the 
 men actually concerned in the creagh, who were probably 
 the boldest, cr, as it was then termed, the prettiest, men 
 of his name. To get easily out of the dilemma, he if 
 said to have picked up two or three old creatures, past all 
 exertion, whom he sent down to the English commandant, 
 as if they had been the caterans or plunderers whom he 
 wanted. The English officer caused them instantly to be 
 hanged in tetrorem, which was done accordingly, no pro- 
 testations which they might have made of their innocence 
 being understood or attended to. It is to be hoped that 
 other refractory chiefs found more justifiable means of 
 preserving their authority. 
 
 In the meantime, Oliver Cromwell accomplished an 
 extraordinary revolution in England, which I can here but 
 barely touch upon. He and his Council of Officers, who 
 had so often offered violence to the Parliament, by ex- 
 cluding from the sittings such members as were obnoxious 
 to them, now resolved altogether to destroy the very 
 remnant of its existence. For this purpose Cromwell 
 came to the House while it was sitting, told them, in a 
 violent manner, that they were no longer a Parliament, 
 and upbraiding several individuals with injurious names, 
 he called in a body of soldiers, and commanded one ot 
 them to " take away that bauble," meaning the silver 
 mace, which is an emblem of the authority of the House. 
 Then turning the members forcibly out of the hall, he 
 locked the doors, and thus dissolved that memorable body, 
 which had made war against the King, defeated, dethron- 
 ed, and beheaded him, yet sunk at once under the author- 
 'ty of one of their own members, and an officer of their 
 own naming, who had, in the beginning of these struggles, 
 been regarded as a man of very mean consideration. 
 Oliver Cromwell now seized the supreme power into his 
 hands, with the title of Protector of the Republics ot 
 Great Britain and Ireland, under which he governed these 
 islands till his death, with authority more ample than was 
 ever possessed by an} )f their lawful monarchs.
 
 196 GLENCAIUN'S RISING. 
 
 The confusion which the usurpation of Cromwell wa? 
 expected to have occasioned in England, determined thf 
 Royalists to attempt a general rising, in which it was ex 
 peeled that great part of the Highland chieftains would 
 join. The successes of Montrose were remembered, al- 
 though it seems to have been forgotten that it was more 
 his own genius, than his means, that enabled him to attain 
 them. The Earl of Glencairn was placed by the King's 
 commission at the head of the insurrection ; he was joined 
 by the Earl of Athole, by the son of the heroic Montrose, 
 by Lord Lorn, the son of the Marquis of Argyle, and 
 other nobles. A romantic young English cavalier, named 
 Wogan, joined this insurgent army at the head of a body 
 of eighty horse, whom he brought by a toilsome and dan- 
 gerous march through England and the Low Countries 
 of Scotland. This gallant troop was frequently engaged 
 with the Republican forces, and particularly with a horse 
 regiment, called " the Brazen Wall," from their never 
 having been broken. Wogan defeated, however, a party 
 of these invincibles, but received several wounds, which, 
 though not of themselves mortal, became so for want of 
 good surgeons ; and thus, in an obscure skirmish, enaed 
 the singular career of an enthusiastic Royalist. 
 
 The army under Glencairn increased to five thousand 
 men, numbers much greater than Montrose usually com- 
 manded. Their commander, however, though a brave 
 and accomplished nobleman, seems to have been deficient 
 in military skill, or, at any rate, in the art of securing the 
 good-will and obedience of the various chiefs and nobles 
 who acted under him. It was in vain that Charles, to 
 reconcile their feuds, sent over, as their comrnander-in- 
 chief, General Middleton, who, after having fought against 
 Montrose in the cause of the Covenant, had at length be' 
 come an entire Royalist, and was trusted as such. But 
 his military talents were not adequate to surmount the ob- 
 icctions which were made to his obscure origin, and the 
 difficulties annexed to his situation. 
 
 General Middleton had but an indifferent welcome to 
 die Highland army, by the following scene which took
 
 GLUNCAIUN'S RISING. 197 
 
 place at an entertainment given by him on taking the com- 
 mand. Glencairn bad spoken something in praise of the 
 men he had assembled for the King's service, especially 
 the Highlanders. In reply, up started Sir George Munro 
 who, having been trained in the wars of Germany, ae- 
 spised all irregular troops, and flatly swore that the men 
 of whom the Earl thus boasted, were a pack of thieves 
 and robbers, whose place he hoped to supply with very 
 different soldiers. Glengary, a Highland chief, who was 
 present, arose to resent this insolent language ; but Glen- 
 cairn, preventing him, replied to Munro, " You are a base 
 liar ! these men are neither thieves nor robbers, but gal- 
 lant gentlemen, and brave soldiers." 
 
 In spite of Middleton's attempts to preserve peace, this 
 altercation led to a duel. They fought on horseback, 
 first with pistols, and then with broadswords. Sir George 
 Munro, having received a wound on the bridle-hand, called 
 to the Earl that he was unable to command his horse, and 
 therefore desired to continue the contest on foot. '< You 
 base churl," answered Glencairn, " I will match you on 
 foot or on horseback." Both dismounted, and encoun- 
 tered fiercely on foot, with their broadswords, when Munro 
 received a wound across his forehead, from which the 
 blood flowed so fast into his eyes, that he could not see 
 to continue the combat. Glencairn was about to thrust 
 his enemy through the body, when the Earl's servant 
 struck up the point of his master's sword, saying, " You 
 have enough of him, my lord you have gained the day." 
 Glencairn, still in great anger, struck the intrusive peace- 
 maker over the shoulders, but returned to his quarters, 
 where he was shortly after laid under arrest, by order oi 
 the General. 
 
 Ere this quarrel was composed, one Captain Living' 
 stone, a friend of Munro, debated the justice of the ques- 
 tion so keenly with a gentleman, named Lindsay, that 
 they must needs fight a duel also, in which Lindsay killed 
 Livingstone on the spot. General Middleton, in spite ol 
 Glencairn's intercessions, ordered Lindsay to be executed
 
 198 EXPLOITS OF EVAN DHL', 
 
 by martial law, on which Glencairn left he army with hi* 
 own immediate followers, and soon afte/ returning to the 
 Lowlands, made peace with the English. His example 
 was followed by most of the Lowland nobles, who grew 
 impatient of long marches, Highland quarters, and obscure 
 skirmishes, which were followed by no important result. 
 
 Middleton still endeavoured to keep the war alive, al- 
 though Cromwell had sent additional forces into the High- 
 lands. At length he sustained a defeat at Loch-Gary, 
 26th July, 1654, after which his army dispersed, and he 
 himself retired abroad. The English forces then inarch- 
 ed through the Highlands, and compelled the principal 
 clans to submit to the authority of the Protector. And 
 here I may give you an account of one individual chief- 
 tain, of great celebrity at that time, since you will learn 
 better the character of that primitive race of men from 
 personal anecdotes, than from details of obscure nnd petty 
 contests, fought at places with unpronounceable names. 
 
 Eyan Cameron of Lochiel, chief of the numerous and 
 powerful clan of Cameron, was born in 1 629. He was 
 called MacConnuill Dim, (the son of Black Donald,) 
 from the patronymic that marked his descent, and Evan 
 Dhu, or Black Evan, a personal epithet derived from his 
 own complexion. Young Lochiel was bred up under the 
 directions of the Marquis of Argyle, and was in attend- 
 ance on that nobleman, who regarded him as a hostage 
 for the peaceable behaviour of his clan. It is said, that 
 in the civil war the young chief was converted to the side 
 of the King by the exhortations of Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, then in prison at St. Andrews, and shortly after- 
 wards executed, as we have elsewhere noticed, for his 
 adherence to Montrose. 
 
 Evan Dhu, having embraced these principles, was one 
 of the first to join in the insurrection of 1652, of which 
 1 have just given a short account. During the best parl 
 of two years he was always with his clan, in the very front 
 of battle, and behaved gallantly in the various skirmishes 
 which took place. He was compelled, however, on one 
 occav<on, to withdraw from the main body, from learning
 
 CHIEF OF THE CAMERONS. '99 
 
 that the English were approaching Lochaber, with the 
 purpose of laying waste the country of Lochiel. He 
 hastened thither to protect his own possessions, and those 
 of his clan. 
 
 On returning to his estates, Lochiel had the mortifica- 
 tion to find that the English had established a garrison at 
 Inverlochy, with the purpose of reducing to submission 
 the Royalist clans in the neighbourhood, particularly his 
 own, and the MacDonalds of Glengary and Keppoch. 
 He resolved to keep a strict watch on their proceedings, 
 and, dismissing the rest of his followers, whom he had not 
 means of maintaining without attracting attention to his 
 motions, he lay in the woods with about fifty chosen men, 
 within a few miles of Inverlochy. 
 
 It was the constant policy of Cromwell and his officers, 
 both in Ireland and Scotland, to cut down and destroy 
 the torests in which the insurgent natives found places o( 
 defence and concealment. In conformity with this gen- 
 eral rule, the commandant of Inverlochy embarked three 
 hundred men in two light-armed vessels, with directions 
 to disembark at a place called Achdalew, for the purpose 
 of destroying Lochiel's cattle and felling his woods. Lo- 
 chiel, who watched their motions closely, saw the English 
 soldiers come ashore, one-half having hatchets and other 
 tools as a working party, the other half under arms, to 
 protect their operations. Though the difference of num- 
 bers was so great, the chieftain vowed that he would make 
 the red soldier (so the English were called from their uni- 
 form) pay dear for every bullock or tree which he should 
 destroy on the black soldier's property, (alluding to the 
 dark colour of the tartan, and perhaps to his own com- 
 plexion.) He then demanded of some of his followers, 
 who had served under Montrose, whether they had ever 
 seen the Great Marquis encounter with such unequal 
 numbers. They answered, they could rec jllect no in- 
 stance of such temerity. " We will fight, nevertheless." 
 said Evan Dhu, " and if each of us kill a man, which is 
 no mighty matter, I will answer for the event." That his 
 family might not be destroyed in so doubtful an enterprise*
 
 -^00 EXPLOITS OF EVAN Dill, 
 
 lie ordered his brother Allan to be bound to a tree, mean- 
 ing to prevent his interference in the conflict. But Allan 
 prevailed on a little boy, who was left to attend him, to 
 unloose the cords, and was soon as deep in the fight as 
 Evan himself. 
 
 The Camerons, concealed by the trees, advanced so 
 close on the enemy as to pour on them an unexpected and 
 destructive shower of shot and arrows, which slew thirty 
 men ; and ere they could recover themselves from their 
 surprise, the Highlanders were in the midst of them, lay- 
 ing about them with incredible fury with their ponderous 
 swords and axes. After a gallant resistance, the mass of 
 the English began to retire towards their vessels, when 
 Evan Dhu commanded a piper and a small party to go 
 betwixt the enemy and their barks, and there sound his 
 pibroch and war-cry, till their clamour made it seem there 
 was another body of Highlanders in ambush to cut ofl 
 their retreat. The English, driven to fury and despair 
 by this new alarm, turned back, like brave men, upon the 
 first assailants, and, if the working party had possessed 
 military weapons, Lochiel might have had little reason to 
 congratulate himself on the result of this audacious strat- 
 agem. 
 
 He himself had a personal rencontre, strongly charac- 
 teristic of the ferocity of the times. The chief was sin- 
 gled out by an English officer of great personal strength, 
 and, as they were separated from the general strife, they 
 fought in single combat for some time. Lochiel was dex- 
 terous enough to disarm the Englishman ; but his gigantic 
 adversary suddenly closed on him, and in the struggle 
 which ensued both fell to the ground, the officer upper- 
 most. He was in the act of grasping at his sword, which 
 lay near the place where they lay in deadly struggle, and 
 was naturally extending his neck in the same direction, 
 when the Highland chief, making a desperate effort, grasp- 
 ed his enemy by the collar, and snatching with his teeth 
 at the bare and out-stretched throat, he seized it as a 
 wi]d- rat might have done, and kept his hold so fast as to 
 tear out the windpipe. The officer died in this singular
 
 CHIEF OF THE CAMERONS. 201 
 
 manner. Lochiel was so far from disowning, or being 
 ashamed of this extraordinary mode of defence, that he 
 was afterwards heard to say, it was the sweetest morsel 
 he had ever tasted. 
 
 When Lochiel, thus extricated from the most imminent 
 danger, was able to rejoin his men, he found they had not 
 only pursued the English to the beach, but even into the 
 sea, cutting and stabbing whomsoever they could overtake. 
 He himself advanced till he was chin-deep, and observing 
 a man on board one of the armed vessels take aim at 
 him with a musket, he dived his head under the water, 
 escaping so narrowly that the bullet grazed his head. 
 Another marksman was foiled by the affection of the 
 chiefs foster brother, who threw himself betwixt the Eng- 
 lishman and the object of his aim, and was killed by the 
 ball designed for his lord. 
 
 Having cut off a second party, who ventured to sally 
 from the fort, and thus, as he thought, sufficiently chastised 
 the garrison of Inverlochy, Lochiel again joined Middle- 
 ton, but was soon recalled to Lochaber by new acts of de- 
 vastation. Leaving most of his men with the Royalist 
 General, Evan Dhu returned with such speed and secrecy, 
 that he again surprised a strong party when in the act oi 
 felling his woods, and assaulting them suddenly, killed on 
 the spot a hundred men, and all the officers, driving the 
 rest up to the very walls of the garrison. 
 
 Middleton's army being disbanded, it was long ere Lo- 
 chiel could bring himself to accept of peace from the 
 hands of the English. He continued to harass them by 
 attacks on detached parties who straggled from the fort, 
 on the officers who went out into the woods in hunting- 
 parties, on the engineer officers, who were sent to survey 
 the Highlands, of whom he made a large party prisoners, 
 and confined them in a desolate island, on a small lake 
 called Loch Ortuigg. By such exploits he rendered him- 
 self so troublesome, that the English were desirous to 
 hove peace with him on any moderate terms. Their over- 
 tures were at first rejected, Evan Dhu returning for answer, 
 lhat he would not abjure the King's authority even though 
 9
 
 EXPLOITS OF EVAN DHU. 
 
 the alternative was to be his living in the condition of an 
 exile and outlaw. But when it was hinted to him that 
 this would not be required, but that he was only desired 
 to live in peace under the existing government, he made 
 his submission to the existing powers with much solemnity . 
 
 Lochiel came down at the head oi" his whole clan in 
 arms, to the garrison of Inverlochy. The English forces 
 being drawn up in a line opposite to them, the Camerons 
 laid down their arms in the name of King Charles, and 
 took them up again in that of the States, without any men- 
 tion of Cromwell. In consequence of this honourable 
 treaty, the last Scotsman who maintained the cause ot 
 Charles Stewart submitted to the authority of the republic. 
 
 It is related of this remarkable chieftain, that he slew 
 with his own hand the last wolf that was ever seen in the 
 Highlands of Scotland. Another anecdote is recorded 01 
 him by tradition. Being benighted, on some party for the 
 battle or the chase, Evan Dhu laid himself down with his 
 followers to sleep in the snow. As he composed himsell 
 10 rest, he observed that one of his sons, or nephews, had 
 rolled together a great snow-ball, on which he deposited 
 his head. Indignant at what he considered as a mark oi 
 effeminacy, he started up and kicked the snow-ball from 
 under the sleeper's head, exclaiming, " Are you become 
 so luxurious that you cannot sleep without a pillow ?" 
 
 After the accession of James II., Lochiel came to court 
 to obtain pardon for one of his clan, who fired by mistake 
 on a body of Athole men, and killed several. He was 
 received with the most honourable distinction, and his re- 
 quest granted. The King desiring to make him a knight, 
 asked of the chieftain for his own sword, in order to render 
 the ceremony still more peculiar. Lochiel had ridden up 
 from Scotland, being then the only mode of travelling, 
 and a constant rain had so rusted his trusty broadsword; 
 that at the moment no man could have unsheathed it. 
 Lochiel, affronted at the idea which the courtiers might 
 conceive from his not being able to draw his own sword, 
 burs; into tears.
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 203 
 
 " Do not regard it, my faithful friend," said King 
 James, with ready courtesy " your sword would have 
 left the scabbard of itself, had the Royal cause required it." 
 
 With that he bestowed the intended honour with his 
 own sword, which he presented to the new knight as soon 
 as the ceremony was performed. 
 
 Sir Evan Dhu supported, for the last time, the cause of 
 the Stewart family in the battle of Killiecrankie. After 
 that civil strife was ended, he grew old in peace, and sur- 
 vived until 17 19, aged about ninety, and so much deprived 
 of his strength and faculties, that this once formidable 
 warrior was fed like an infant, and like an infant rocked 
 in a cradle. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Administration of Public Justice in Scotland, under 
 Cromwell Heavy Taxes imposed by him Church 
 Affairs Resolutionists and Remonstrators Trials 
 for Witchcraft. 
 
 WE will now take a general glance of Scotland, reduced 
 as the country was to temporary submission under Crom- 
 well, whose power there and elsewhere was founded upon 
 military usurpation only. He built strong citadels at Leith, 
 Ayr, Inverness, and Glasgow. Eighteen garrisons were 
 maintained through the kingdom at large, and a standing 
 army often thousand men kept the natives in subjection. 
 Mon,k, so often mentioned, commanded this army, and 
 was, besides, member of a Council of State, to whom the 
 executive government was committed. Lord Broghill 
 was President of this body, and out of nine members, two 
 only, Swinton and Lockhart, were natives of Scotland, 
 
 To regulate the administration of public justice, four 
 English, and three Scottish judges, were appointed to 
 hear causes, and to make circuits for that purpose. The 
 English judges, it may be supposed, were indifferent law-
 
 204 HEAVY TAXES. 
 
 yers ; but they distributed justice with an impartiality, to 
 which the Scottish nation had been entirely a stranger, 
 and which ceased to he experienced when the native 
 judges were again restored after the Restoration. The 
 peculiar rectitude of the men employed by Cromwell being 
 pointed out to a learned judge, in the beginning of the next 
 century, his lordship composedly answered, " Devil thank 
 them for their impartiality ! a pack of kinless loons for 
 my part, I can never see a cousin or friend in the wrong." 
 
 This shameful partiality in the Scottish courts of justice 
 revived, as just .noticed, with the Restoration, when the 
 judges were to be gained, not only by the solicitation of 
 private friends, and by the influence of kinsfolks, but by 
 the interference of persons in power, and the application 
 of downright bribery. 
 
 In point of taxation, Oliver Cromwell's Scottish gov- 
 ernment was intolerably oppressive, since he appears to 
 have screwed out of that miserable country an assessment 
 of 10,000 per month, which, even when gradually di- 
 minished to 72,000 pounds yearly, was paid with the 
 utmost difficulty. Some alleviation was indeed introduced 
 by the circulation of the money with which England paid 
 her soldiers and civil establishment, which was at one time 
 calculated at half a million yearly, and was never beneath 
 the moiety of that sum. 
 
 With regard to the church, Cromwell prudently fore- 
 saw, that the consequence of the preachers would gradu- 
 ally diminish if they were permitted to abuse each other, 
 but prevented from stirring up their congregations to arms. 
 They continued to be rent asunder by the recent discord, 
 which had followed upon the King's death. The majority 
 were Resolutionists, who owned the King's title, and would 
 not be prohibited from praying for him at any risk. Tiie 
 Remonstrants, who had never been able to see any suffi- 
 cient reason for embracing the cause, or acknowledging 
 the title, of Charles the Second, yielded obedience to the 
 English government, and disowned all notice of the King 
 in their public devotions. The Independents treated both
 
 CHURCH AFFAIRS. 205 
 
 with cr niemptuous indifference, and only imposed on them 
 the necf ssity of observing toleration towards each ether. 
 
 But trough divided into different classes, Presbyterian- 
 ism continued on the whole predominant. The temper 
 of the Scottish nation seemed altogether indisposed to 
 receive any of the various sects which had proved so 
 prolific in England. The quiet and harmless Quakers 
 were the only sectaries who gained some proselytes of 
 distinction. Independents of other denominations made 
 small progress, owing to the vigilance with which the 
 Presbyterian clergy maintained the unity of the Church. 
 Even Cromwell was compelled to show deference to the 
 prevailing opinions. He named a commission of about 
 thirty ministers from the class of Remonstrators, and de- 
 clared that without certificates from three or four of these 
 select persons, no minister, though he might be called to 
 a church, should enjoy a stipend. This put the keys of 
 the Church (so far as emolument was concerned) entirely 
 into the hands of the Presbyterians ; and it may be pre- 
 sumed, that such of the Commissioners as acted (for many 
 declined the office, thinking the duties of the Ecclesias- 
 tical Commission too much resembled Episcopacy) took 
 care to admit no minister whose opinions did not coincide 
 with their own. The sectaries who were concerned in 
 civil affairs, were also thwarted and contemned ; and on 
 the whole, in spite of the victories of the Independents 
 in the field, their doctrines made little progress in Scot- 
 land. 
 
 During the four years which ensued betwixt the final 
 cessation of the Civil War, by the dispersion of the roy- 
 alist army, and the Restoration of Monarchy, there oc- 
 curred no public event worthy of notice. The spirit of 
 the country was depressed and broken. The nobles, who 
 hitherto had yielded but imperfect obedience to their na- 
 tive monarchs, were now compelled to crouch under the 
 rod of an English usurper. Most of them retired to their 
 country seats, or castles, and lived in obscurity, enjoying 
 such limited dominion over their vassaJs as the neighbour
 
 206 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 hood of the English garrisons permitted them to retain 
 These, of course, prevented all calling of the people to 
 arms, and exercise of the privilege, on the part of the 
 barons, of making open war on each other. 
 
 Thus far the subjection of the country was of advan- 
 tage to the tenantry and lower classes, who enjoyed more 
 peace and tranquillity than had been their lot during the 
 civil wars. But the weight of oppressive taxes, collected 
 by means of a foreign soldiery, and the general sense of 
 degradation, arising from their subjugation to a foreign 
 power, counterbalanced for the time the diminution ol 
 feudal oppression. 
 
 In the absence of other matter, I may here mention a 
 subject which is interesting, as peculiarly characteristic of 
 the manners of Scotland. I mean the frequent recurrence 
 of prosecutions for witchcraft, which distinguishes this 
 period. 
 
 Scripture refers more than once to the existence of 
 witches ; and though divines have doubted concerning 
 their nature and character, yet most European nations have 
 retained in their statutes, laws founded upon the text of 
 Exodus, " Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." The 
 Reformers, although rejecting the miracles of the Catho- 
 lic Church, retained with tenacity the belief of the ex- 
 istence of such sorceresses, and zealously enforced the 
 penalties against all unfortunate creatures whom they be- 
 lieved to fall under the description of witches, wizards, 
 or the like. The increase of general information and 
 common sense, has, at a later period, occasioned the an- 
 nulling of those cruel laws in most countries of Europe. 
 It has been judiciously thought, that, since the Almighty 
 has ceased to manifest his own power by direct and mi- 
 raculous suspension of the ordinary laws of nature, it is 
 inconsistent to suppose that evil spirits should be left at 
 liberty to form a league with wretched mortals, and impart 
 to them supernatural powers of injuring or tormenting 
 others. And the truth of this reasoning has been proved 
 by the general fact, that where the laws against witch-
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 207 
 
 craft have been abolished, witches are rarely heard of 
 or thought of, even amongst the lowest vulgar. 
 
 But in the seventeenth century, the belief in this im- 
 aginary crime was general, and the prosecutions, espe- 
 cially in Scotland, were very frequent. James VI., who 
 often turned the learning he had acquired to a very idle 
 use, was at the trouble to write a treatise against witch- 
 craft, as he composed another against smoking tobacco ; 
 and the Presbyterian clergy, however little apt to coincide 
 with that Monarch's sentiments, gave full acceptation to his 
 opinion on the first point of doctrine, and very many per- 
 sons were put to death as guilty of this imaginary crime 
 
 I must, however, observe, that some of those executed 
 for witchcraft well deserved their fate. Impostors of both 
 sexes were found, who deluded credulous persons, by 
 pretending an intercourse with supernatural powers, and 
 furnished those who consulted them with potions, for the 
 purpose of revenging themselves on their enemies, which 
 were in fact poisonous compounds, sure to prove fatal to 
 those who partook of them. Among many other instances, 
 I may mention that of a lady of high rank, the second 
 wife of a northern earl, who, being desirous of destroy- 
 ing her husband's eldest son by the former marriage, in 
 order that her own son might succeed to the lather's title 
 and estates, procured drugs to effect her purpose from a 
 Highland woman, who pretended to be a witch or sorcer- 
 ess. The fatal ingredients were mixed with ale, and set 
 aside by the wicked countess, to be given to her victim on 
 the first fitting opportunity. But Heaven disappointed her 
 purpose, and, at the same time, inflicted on her a dreadful 
 punishment. Her own son, for whose advantage she med- 
 itated this horrible crime, returning fatigued and thirsty 
 from hunting, lighted by chance on this fetal cup of liquor, 
 drank it without hesitation, and died in consequence. 
 
 The wretched mixer of the poison was tried and exe- 
 cuted ; but, although n one could be sony thatthoa.ii> 
 in such a deed was brought to pur-rrn ent, i^is clea sh* 
 deserved death, not as a witch, bu: as one who was an 
 accomplice in murder by poison.
 
 208 TEIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 But most of the poor creatures who suffered death for 
 witchcraft were aged persons, women in general, living 
 alone, in a poor and miserable condition, and disposed, 
 from the peevishness of age and infirmity, to rail against 
 or desire evil, in their froward humour, to i.oighbours by 
 whom they were abused or slighted. When such had 
 unwittingly given vent to impotent anger in bad wishes or 
 imprecations, if a child fell sick, a horse became lame, a 
 bullock died, or any other misfortune chanced in the fam- 
 ily against which the ill-will had been expressed, it sub- 
 jected the utterer instantly to the charge of witchcraft, 
 and was received by judges and jury as a strong proof 
 of guilt. If, in addition to this, the miserable creature 
 had, by the oddity of her manners, the crossness of her 
 temper, the habit of speaking to herself, or any other signs 
 of the dotage which attends comfortless old age and pov- 
 erty, attracted the suspicions of her credulous neighbours, 
 she was then said to have been held and reputed a witch, 
 and was rarely permitted to escape the stake. 
 
 It was equally fatal for an aged person of the lower 
 ranks if, as was frequently the case, she conceived her- 
 self to possess any peculiar receipt or charm for curing 
 diseases, either by the application of medicines, of which 
 she had acquired the secret, or by repeating words, 01 
 using spells and charms, which the superstition of the 
 time supposed to have the power of relieving maladies 
 that were beyond the skill of medical practitioners. 
 
 Such a person was held a white witch ; one, that is, 
 who employed her skill for the benefit, not the harm, oi 
 her fellow-creatures. But still she was a sorceress, and, 
 as such, was liable to be brought to the stake. Such a 
 doctress was equally exposed to such a charge, whether 
 her patient died or recovered ; and she was, according to 
 circumstances, condemned for using sorcery to cure or to 
 kill. Her allegation that she had received the secret from 
 family tradition, or from any other source, was not admit- 
 ted as a defence ; and she was doomed to death with as 
 .'ittle hesitation for having attempted to cure by mysterious 
 a.ud unlawful means, as if she had been charged, as in the
 
 TRIALS FOIl WITCIICHAFT. 209 
 
 instance already given, with having assisted to co nmit 
 murder. 
 
 The following example of such a case is worthy ol 
 notice. It rests on tradition, hut is very likely to he true. 
 An eminent English judge was travelling the circuit, when 
 an old woman was hrought heibre him for using a spell to 
 cure dimness of sight by hanging a clew of yarn round 
 the neck of the patient. Marvellous things were told by 
 the witnesses, of the cures which this spell had perform- 
 ed on patients far beyond the reach of ordinary medicine. 
 The poor woman made no other defence than hy protest- 
 ing, that if there was any witchcraft in the ball of yarn, 
 she knew nothing of it. It had been given her, she said, 
 thirty years before, hy a young Oxford student, for the 
 cure of one of her own family, who having used it with 
 advantage, she had seen no harm in lending it for the re- 
 lief of others who laboured under similar infirmity, or in 
 accepting a small gratuity for doing so. Her defence was 
 little attended to by the jury ; but the judge was much 
 agitated. He asked the woman where she resided when 
 she obtained possession of this valuable relic. She gave 
 the name of a village, in winch she had in former times 
 kept a petty alehouse. He then looked at the clew very 
 earnestly, and at length addressed the jury. " Gentle- 
 men," he said, " we are on the point of committing a 
 great injustice to this poor old woman ; and, to prevent 
 it, I must publicly confess a piece of early folly, which 
 does me no honour. At the time this poor creature 
 speaks of, I was at college, leading an idle and careless 
 life, which, had I not been given grace to correct it, must 
 have made it highly improbable that ever I should have 
 attained my present situation. 1 chanced to remain for 
 a day and night in this woman's alehouse, without naving 
 money to discharge my reckoning. Not knowing what to 
 do, ami seeing her much occupied with a child who had 
 weak eyes, 1 had the meanness to pretend that I could 
 write out a spell lhat would mend her daughter's sight, if 
 she v^ould accept it instead of her bill. The ignorant 
 
 893
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 woman readily agreed ; and I scrawled some figures on 
 a piece of parchment, and added two lines of nonsensi- 
 cal doggrel, in ridicule of her credulity, and caused her 
 to make it up in that clew which has so nearly cost her 
 her life. To prove the truth of it, let the yarn be un- 
 wound, and you may judge of the efficacy of the spell." 
 The clew was unwound accordingly ; and this pithy 
 couplet was found on the enclosed bit of parchment 
 
 " The devil scratch out both thine eyes, 
 And spit into the holes likewise." 
 
 It was evident that those who were cured by such a 
 spell, must have been indebted to nature, with some as- 
 sistance, perhaps, from imagination. But the users of 
 such charms were not always so lucky as to light upon 
 the person who drew them up ; and many unfortunate 
 creatures were executed, as the poor ale-wife would have 
 been, had she not lighted upon her former customer in the 
 character of her judge. 
 
 Another old woman is said to have cured many cattle 
 of the murrain, by a repetition of a certain verse. The 
 fee which she required, was a loaf of bread and a silver 
 penny ; and when she was commanded to reveal the mag- 
 ical verses which wrought such wonders, they were found 
 to be the following jest on the credulity of her custom- 
 
 " My loaf in my lap, and my penny in my purse, 
 Thou art never the better, and I never the worse." 
 
 It was not medicine only which witchery was supposes 
 to mingle with ; but any remarkable degree of dexterity 
 in an art or craft, whether attained by skill or industry, 
 subjected those who possessed it to similar suspicion. 
 Thus it \vas a dangerous thing to possess more thriving 
 cows than those of the neighbourhood, though their su- 
 periority was attained merely by paying greater attention 
 lo feeding and cleaning the animals. It was often an ar- 
 ticle of suspicion, that a woman had spun considerably 
 more thread than her less industrious neighbours chose to
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 21 J 
 
 think coulu be accomplished by ordinary industry ; and 
 to crown these absurdities, a yeoman of the town of Mai- 
 ling, in Kent, was accused before a Justice of Peace as 
 a sorcerer, because he used more frequently than his 
 companions to hit the mark which he aimed at. This 
 dexterity, and some idle story of the archer's amusing 
 himself with letting a My hum and buzz around him, con- 
 vinced the judge, that the poor man's skill in his art was 
 owing to the assistance of some imp of Satan. So he 
 punished the marksman severely, to the great encourage- 
 ment of archery, and as a wise example to all Justices ol 
 the Peace. 
 
 Other charges, the most ridiculous and improbable, 
 were brought against those suspected of witchcraft. They 
 were supposed to have power, by going through some 
 absurd and impious ceremony, to summon to their pres- 
 ence the Author of Evil, who appeared in some mean or 
 absurd shape, and, in return for their renouncing their 
 redemption, gave them the power of avenging themselves 
 on their enemies ; which privilege, with that of injuring 
 and teazing their fellow creatures, was almost all they 
 gained from their new master. Sometimes, indeed, they 
 obtained from him the power of flying through the air on 
 broom-sticks, when the Foul Fiend gave public parties ; 
 and the accounts given of the ceremonies practised on such 
 occasions are equally disgusting and vulgar, totally foreign 
 to any idea we can have of a spiritual nature, and only fit 
 to Jje invented and believed by the most ignorant and bru- 
 tal of the human species. 
 
 Another of these absurdities was, the belief tljat the 
 evil spiiits would attend if they were invoked with certain 
 profane ceremonies, such as reading the Lord's Prayer 
 backwards, or the like ; and would then tell the future 
 fortunes of those who had raised them, as it was called, or 
 inform them what was become of articles which had been 
 lost or stolen. Stories are told of such exploits by grave 
 authors, which are to the full as ridiculous, and more so, 
 than anything that is to be found in fairy tales, invented 
 for the amusement of children. And for all this incred-
 
 < TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 il!e nonsense, unfortunate creatures were imprisoned 
 tortured, and finally burnt alive, by the sentence of their 
 judges. 
 
 li is strange to find, that the persons accused of this 
 imaginary crime in most cases paved the way for their 
 own condemnation, by confessing and admitting the truth 
 of all the monstrous absurdities which were charged 
 against them by their accusers. This may surprise you j 
 but yet it can be accounted for. 
 
 Many of these poor creatures were crazy, and infirm 
 in mind as well as body ; and, hearing themselves charged 
 with this monstrous enormity by those whom they account- 
 ed wise and learned, became half persuaded of their own 
 guilt, and assented to all the nonsensical questions which 
 were put to them. But this was not all. Very many 
 made these confessions under the influence of torture, 
 which was applied to them with cruel severity. It is true, 
 the ordinary courts of justice in Scotland had not the 
 power of examining criminals under torture, which was 
 reserved for the Privy Council. But this was a slight 
 protection ; for witches were seldom tried before the or- 
 dinary Criminal Courts, because the lawyers, though they 
 could not deny the existence of a crime for which the 
 law had laid down a punishment, yet showed a degree of 
 incredibility respecting witchcraft, which was supposed 
 frequently to lead to the escape of those accused of this 
 unpopular crime, when in the management of profess- 
 ional persons. To avoid the ordinary jurisdiction of {lie 
 Justiciary, and other regular criminal jurisdictions, the trial 
 of witchcraft in the provinces was usually brought before 
 commissioners appointed by the Privy Council. These 
 commissioners were commonly country gentlemen and 
 clergymen, who, from ignorance on the one side, misdi- 
 rected learning on the other, and bigotry on both, were 
 as eager in the prosecution as the vulgar could desire. 
 By their commission they had the power of torture, and 
 employed it unscrupulously, usually calling in to their 
 assistance a witch-finder ; a fellow, that is, who made 
 m jney by preloading to have a peculiar art and excellence
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 2! 3 
 
 n discovering these offenders, and who sometimes under- 
 took to rid a parish or township of witches at so much a- 
 head, as if they had been foxes, wild cats, or other ver- 
 min. These detestable impostors directed the process 
 of the torture, which frequently consisted in keeping the 
 aged and weary beings from sleeping, and walking them 
 forcibly up and down their prison, whenever they began 
 to close their eyes, and in running needles into their flesh, 
 under pretence of discovering a mark, which the witch- 
 finders affirmed the devil had impressed on their skin, in 
 token that they were his property and subjects. It is no 
 wonder that wretched creatures, driven mad by want of 
 sleep and pain, confessed anything whatsoever to obtain a 
 moment's relief, though they were afterwards to die for it. 
 
 But, besides the craziness of such victims, and the 
 torture to which they were subjected, shame and weari- 
 ness of life were often a cause of their pleading guilty to 
 accusations in themselves absurd and impossible. You 
 must consider, that the persons accused of witchcraft were 
 almost always held guilty by the public and by their neigh- 
 bours, and that if the court scrupled to condemn them, it 
 was a common thing for the mob to take the execution 
 into their own hands, and duck the unhappy wretches to 
 death, or otherwise destroy them. The fear of such a 
 fate might determine many of the accused, even though 
 they were in their sound mind, and unconstrained by bodily 
 torture, to plead guilty at once, and rather lose their 
 wretched life by the sentence of the law, than expose 
 themselves to the fury of the multitude. A singular story 
 is told to this effect. 
 
 An old woman and her daughter were tried as witches, 
 8t Haddington. The principal evidence of the crime 
 was, that though miserably poor, the two had contrived to 
 look " fresh and fair," during the progress of a terrible 
 famine, which reduced even the better classes to straits, 
 and brought all indigent people to the point of starving, 
 nnd all the while these two women, without either begging 
 or complaining, lived on in their usual way, and never 
 seemed to suffer by the general calamity. The jury were
 
 214 TRIALS FOU WITCIICKAFT. 
 
 perfectly satisfied that this could not take place by anj 
 natural means ; and, as the accused persons, on under- 
 going the discipline of one Kincaid, a witch-finder, readily 
 admitted all that was asked ahout their intercourse with 
 the devil, the jury, on their confession, brought them in 
 guilty without hesitation. 
 
 The King's Advocate for the time (I believe Sir George 
 Mackenzie is named) was sceptical on the subject of 
 witchcraft. He visited the women in private, and urged 
 them to tell the real truth. They continued at first to 
 maintain the story they had given in their confession. 
 But the Advocate, perceiving them to be women of more 
 sense than ordinary, urged upon them the crime of being 
 accessory to their own death, by persisting in accusing 
 themselves of impossibilities, and promised them life and 
 protection, providing they would unfold the true secret 
 which they used for their subsistence. The poor women 
 looked wistfully on each other, like people that are in 
 perplexity. At length, the mother said, ' : You are very 
 good, rny lord, and I dare say your power is very great, 
 but you cannot be of use to my daughter and me. If you 
 were to set us at liberty from the bar, you could not free 
 us from the suspicion of being witches. As soon as we 
 return to our hut, we will be welcomed by the violence 
 and abuse of all our neighbours, who, if they do not beat 
 our brains out, or drown us on the spot, will retain a ha- 
 tred and ill-will, which will show itself on every occasion, 
 and make our life so miserable, that we have made up 
 our minds to prefer death at once." 
 
 " Do not be afraid of your neighbours," said the Ad- 
 vocate. " If you will trust your secret with rne, 1 will 
 take care of you for the rest of your lives, and send you 
 to an estate of mine in the north, where nobody can know 
 anything of your history, and where indeed, the people's 
 ideas are such, that, if they thought you witches, they 
 would rather regard you with fear than hatred." 
 
 The women, moved by his promises, told him, that, il 
 he would cause to he removed an old empty trunk which 
 stood n the corner of their hut, and dig the earth where
 
 TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 2/5 
 
 I e saw it had been stirred, he would find the secret by 
 ineans of which they had been supported through the 
 famine ; protesting to Heaven, at the same time, that they 
 were totally innocent of any unlawful arts such as had 
 been imputed to them. Sir George Mackenzie hastened 
 to examine the spot, and found concealed in the earth two 
 firkins of salted snails, one of them nearly empty. On 
 this strange food the poor women had been nourished 
 during the famine. The Advocate was as good as his 
 word ; and the story shows how little weight is to be laid 
 on the frequent confessions of the party in cases of witch- 
 craft. 
 
 As this story is only traditional, I will mention two 
 others of the same kind, to- which I can give a precise 
 date. 
 
 The first of these instances regards a woman of rank, 
 much superior to those who wera usually accused of this 
 imaginary crime. She was sister of Sir John Henderson 
 of Fordell, and wife to the Laird of Pittardo, in Fife. 
 Notwithstanding her honourable birth, this unfortunate 
 matron was, in the year 1649, imprisoned in the common 
 iail of Edinburgh, from the month of July till the middle 
 of the month of December, when she was found dead, 
 with every symptom of poison. Undoubtedly the infamy 
 of the charge, and the sense that it must destroy her 
 character and disgrace her family, was the cause which 
 instigated her to commit suicide. 
 
 The same sentiment which drove this poor lady to her 
 death, was expressed by a female, young and handsome, 
 executed at Paisley in 1697, in the following short an- 
 swer to some of her friends, who were blaming her for 
 not being sufficiently active in defending herself upon her 
 trial. " They have taken away my character," she said, 
 " and my life is not worth saving." 
 
 It was remarkable that the number of supposed witches 
 seemed to increase in proportion to the increase of pun- 
 ishment. On the 22d of May 1650, the Scottish Par- 
 liamen. named a committee for inquiry into the deposi- 
 tions of no less than fifty-four witches, with power to grant
 
 i-IO TRIALS FOR WITCHCRAFT. 
 
 such commissions as we have already described, to pro- 
 reed with their trial, condemnation, and execution. Sup- 
 posing these dreaded sorceresses to exist in such numbers 
 and to possess the powers of injury imputed to them, it 
 was to be expected, as Reginald Scot expresses himself, 
 tliat " there would neither be butter in the churn, nor cow 
 in the close, nor corn in the field, nor fair weather without, 
 or health within doors." Indeed the extent to which peo- 
 ple indulged their horrors and suspicions, was in itself the 
 proof of their being fanciful. If, in a small province, or 
 even a petty town, there had existed scores of people 
 possessed of supernatural power, the result would be, that 
 the laws of nature would have been liable to constant in- 
 terruption. 
 
 The English judges appointed for Scotland in Crom- 
 well's time, saw the cruelty and absurdity of witch-trials, 
 and endeavoured to put a stop to them ; but the thanks 
 which they received were only reflections on their princi- 
 ples of toleration, the benefit of which, in the opinion ot 
 the Scots, was extended by this lenity, not only to Here- 
 tics of every denomination, but even to those who wor- 
 shipped the devil. Some went still further, and accused 
 the Sectaries of admitting intercourse with evil spirits into 
 their devotions. This was particularly reported and be- 
 lieved of the Quakers, the most simple and moral of all 
 dissenters from the church. 
 
 Wiser and better views on the subject began to prevail 
 in the end of the seventeenth century, and capital pros- 
 ecutions for this imaginary crime were seen to decrease. 
 The last instance of execution for witchcraft, took place 
 in the remote province of Sutherland, in 1727, under the 
 direction of an ignorant provincial judge, who was cen- 
 sured for the proceeding. The victim was an old woman 
 in her last dotage, so silly that she was delighted to warm 
 her wrinkled hands at the fire which was to consume her ; 
 and while they were preparing for her execution, often 
 said, so good a blaze, and so many neighbours gathered 
 round it, made the most cheerful sight she had seen for 
 many years !
 
 CROMWELL'S SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT 217 
 
 The laws against witchcraft, both in England and Scot 
 laud, were abolished ; and persons who pretend to fortune- 
 telling, the use of spells, or similar mysterious feats of 
 skill, are now punished as common knaves and impostors. 
 Since this has been the case, no one has ever heard of 
 witches or witchcraft, even among the most ignorant of 
 the vulgar ; so that the crime must have been entirely 
 imaginary, since it ceased to exist so soon as men ceased 
 to hunt it out for punishment. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Cromwell's System of Government his Dea'.h Rich- 
 ard Cromwell's Accession to the Protectoiate, and 
 Retirement from it Anecdotes of him -General 
 Monk's Advance to London Dissolution of the Long 
 Parliament Sir John Grenville's Interview with 
 Monlc, and Proposal for the Recall of the Exiled 
 Stewarts TJie Restoration Arrival of Cha,les II. 
 at Dover. 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL, who, in the extraordinary manner 
 1 have told you, raised himself to the supreme sovereignty 
 of England, Scotland, and Ireland, was a man of great 
 talents, and, as has been already said, not naturally of a 
 severe or revengeful disposition. He made the country 
 formidable to foreign powers, and perhaps no government 
 was ever more respected abroad than that of the Lord 
 Protector. 
 
 At home he had a very difficult task to perform, in 
 order to maintain his usurped authority. He was obliged 
 repeatedly, as has been successfully done in other coun- 
 tries by usurpers of his own class, to convoke some spe- 
 cies of senate or parliament, consisting of his own crea- 
 tures, who might divide with him the power, in outward 
 appearance, and save him the odium of governing by his 
 10 VOL. i. 2d SER.
 
 218 SPIES EMPLOYED BY CROMWELL. 
 
 sole authority. But such was the spirit of the English 
 nation, that whenever Cromwell convoked a Parliament, 
 though in a great measure consisting of his own partizans, 
 and though the rest were studiously chosen as mean and 
 ignorant persons, the instant that they met they began to 
 inquire into the ground of the Protector's authority, and 
 propose measures which interfered with his assumption of 
 supreme power. 
 
 In addition to this, the various factions into which the 
 country was divided, all agreed in hating the usurped 
 power of the Protector, and were all engaged in conspir- 
 acies against him, which were conceived and carried on 
 not only by Cavaliers and Presbyterians, but by Repub- 
 licans, and even by soldiers among his own ranks. Thus 
 hard pressed on every side, he displayed the utmost sa- 
 gacity in his mode of defending himself. On two or 
 three occasions, indeed, he held what he called High 
 Courts of Justice, by whose doom both Cavaliers and 
 Presbyterians suffered capital punishment, for plots against 
 his government. But it was with reluctance Cromwell 
 resorted to such severe measures. His general policy 
 was to balance parties against each other, and make each 
 of them desirous of the subsistence of his authority, rather 
 than run the risk of seeing it changed for some other than 
 i.heir own. At great expense and by constant assiduity, 
 he maintained spies in the councils of every faction of the 
 state, and often the least suspected, and apparently most 
 vehement, among the hostile parties, were, in private, the 
 mercenary tools of Cromwell. 
 
 In the wandering court of Charles II. in particular, one 
 of the most noted cavaliers was Sir Richard Willis, who 
 had fought bravely, and suffered much, in the cause both 
 of the late King and of his son. There was no man 
 among the Royalists who attended on Charles's person so 
 much trusted and honoured as this gentleman, who, nev- 
 ertheless, enjoyed a large pension from Cromwell, and 
 betrayed to him whatever schemes were proposed for the 
 restoration of the exiled -monarch. By this and similar 
 intercourse, the Protector had the means of preventing
 
 RICHARD CROMWELL. 
 
 Ihe numerous conspiracies against him from coining ;o a 
 head, and also of opposing the machinations of one dis- 
 contented party, by means of the others. 
 
 It is believed, however, that with all his an, the Pro- 
 tector would not have been able to maintain his power for 
 many years. A people long accustomed to a free gov- 
 ernment, were generally incensed at being subjected to 
 the unlimited authority of one man, and the discontent 
 became universal. It seemed that, towards the conclu- 
 sion of his life, Cromwell was nearly at the end of his 
 expedients ; and it is certain, that his own conduct then 
 displayed an apprehension of danger which he had never 
 before exhibited. He became morose and melancholy 
 always wore secret armour under his ordinary dress, ami 
 shifted his bedchamber repeatedly, to prevent assassina- 
 tion. His health broke down under these gloomy appre- 
 hensions ; and on the 3d of September, 1658, he died at 
 the age of sixty. His death was accompanied by a gen- 
 eral and fearful tempest ; and by another circumstance 
 equally striking in those superstitious times, namely, that 
 he died on the day and month in which he had gained his 
 decisive victories at Dunbar and Worcester. 
 
 The sceptre, which Oliver had held with so firm a 
 grasp, was transferred to that of his son, Richard Crom- 
 well ; while the funeral of the deceased Protector was 
 solemnized at an expense superior .far to what England 
 had bestowed on the obsequies of any of her kings. But 
 this apparent transmission of Oliver's authority to his son 
 was only nominal. A Parliament, which Richard assem- 
 bled that they might vote him supplies, commenced an 
 inquiry into the nature of the new Lord Protector's title ; 
 and a council of officers whom he convoked, became re- 
 fractory, and assumed an authority which he dared not 
 dispute with them. These military despots compelled 
 Richard to dissolve the Parliament, and subsequently 
 obliged him to resign the office of Protector. He de- 
 scended quietly into humble life, burdened not only by 
 many personal debts, but also by the demands of tl ose 
 who had supplied the exorbitant expenses of his father's
 
 * ^0 ANECDOTES OF RICHARD CROMVVLl.L. 
 
 jjneral, which the State unworthily and meanly suffered 
 to descend upon him. 
 
 Richard Cromwell, removed from the dangers and the 
 guilt of jK>\ver, lived a long and peaceable life, and died 
 in 17 12, at the age of eighty-six. Two anecdotes re- 
 specting him are worth mentioning. When he was obliged 
 to rot. ire abroad on account of his debts, Richard Crom- 
 wdl was T ed, from curiosity, to visit Pezenas, a fine place 
 in J^nqi-jedoc. -The Prince of Conti, a French prince 
 of the blood royal, hearing an English traveller Was in the 
 nalace, had the curiosity to receive him, that he might 
 karn rue latest news from England, which at this time 
 astonished Europe by its frequent changes of government. 
 The Frxich prince spoke of Oliver Cromwell as a wicked 
 man, and a lawless usurper of the government ; but then 
 he acknowledged his deep sagacity, high talents, and cour- 
 age In danger, and admired the art and force with which 
 he uad subjected three kingdoms to his own individual 
 authority. " He knew how to command," continued the 
 prince, " and deserved to be obeyed. But what has 
 become of the poor poltron, Richard the coward, the 
 dastard, who gave up, without a blow or struggle, all that 
 his father had gained ? Have you any idea how the man 
 sould be such a fool, and mean-spirited caitiff?" Pool 
 Richard, glad to remain unknown where he was so little 
 esteemed, only replied, " that the abdicated Protector 
 had been deceived by those in whom he most trusted, and 
 lo whom his father had shown most kindness." He then 
 took leave of the prince, who did not learn till two, days 
 afterwards, that he had addressed so un pleasing a dis- 
 course to the person whom it principally regarded. 
 
 The other anecdote is of a later date, being subse- 
 quent to 1705. Some lawsuit of importance required' 
 that Richard Cromwell should appear in the King's Bench 
 Court. The judge who presided showed a generous 
 deference to fallen greatness, and to the mutability of hu- 
 man affairs. He received with respect the man who had 
 oeen once Sovereign of England, caused a chair 10 be 
 placed for him within the bar, and requested him to be
 
 GENERAL LAMBERT'S SCHEMES. 22) 
 
 covered. When the counsel on the opposite side began 
 his speech, as if about to allude to Richard's descent from 
 the obnoxious Oliver, the judge checked him with gene- 
 rous independence. " I will hear nothing on that topic, 
 sir," he said ; " speak to the merits of the cause before 
 us." After his appearance in court, Richard Cromwell's 
 curiosity carried him to the House of Peel's, where he 
 stood below the bar, looking around him, and making 
 observations on the alterations which he saw. A person 
 who heard a decent looking old man speaking in this way, 
 said to him, civilly, " It is probably a long while, sir, since 
 you have been in this house ?" " Not since I sat in that 
 chair," answered the old gentleman, pointing to the throne, 
 on which he had been, indeed, seated as sovereign, when, 
 more than fifty years before, he received the addresses of 
 both Houses of Parliament, on his succeeding to his fath- 
 er in the supreme power. 
 
 To return to public affairs in London, where changes 
 succeeded with as little permanence, as the reflection of 
 faces presented to a mirror, the attempt of the officers 
 of the army to establish a purely military government, was 
 combated by the return to Parliament of those republican 
 members whom Oliver Cromwell had expelled, and whom 
 the common people, by a vulgar but expressive nickname, 
 now called the Rump Parliament. This assembly, so 
 called because it was the sitting part of that which com- 
 menced the civil war, were again subjected to military 
 violence, and dissolved by General Lambert, a person 
 who unquestionably designed in his own person to act the 
 part, of Oliver Cromwell, though without either the talents 
 of high reputation of the original performer. But a gen- 
 eral change had taken place in the sentiments of the 
 nation. 
 
 The public had been to a certain degree patient under 
 the government of Oliver, to whom it was impossible to 
 deny all the praise which belongs to firmness and energy 
 but they saw with disgust these feeble usurpers bustle 
 amongst themselves, and push each other from the rudder
 
 22 MARCH OF GENERAL MONK 
 
 of the state, without consulting the people at large. Re- 
 membering the quiet and peaceful condition of the king- 
 dom before the civil wars, when its kings succeeded by a 
 hereditary right to a limited power, and when the popular 
 and monarchical branches of the constitution so justly bal- 
 anced each other, that the whole British nation looked 
 back to the period as one of liberty, peace, and lawful 
 order ; and comparing this happy state with the recent 
 manner in which every successive faction seized upon 
 power when they could snatch it, and again yielded it up 
 to the grasp of another and stronger party, all men were 
 filled with dissatisfaction. 
 
 Upon the whole, the thoughts of all the judicious part 
 of the nation were turned towards the exiled Prince, and 
 there was a general desire to call him back to the exercise 
 of the government, which was only suppressed by the 
 strong hand of the armed fanatics. It was absolutely 
 necessary that some military force should be on foot, in 
 order to cope with these warlike Saints, as they called 
 themselves, before the general inclination of the kingdom 
 could have room or freedom to express itself. 
 
 As it was the disturbances in Scotland which first shook 
 the throne of Charles the First, so it was from the same 
 country that the movement took place which eventually 
 replaced on the throne his son and heir. We have al- 
 ready noticed, that the kingdom of Scotland had been 
 finally subdued by the efforts of General Monk, who af- 
 terwards governed it during the protectorate of Cromwell, 
 and in obedience to his authority. 
 
 Monk was a man of grave, reserved, and sagacious 
 sharacter, who had gained general esteem by the manner 
 in which he managed Scottish affairs. He had taken care 
 to model the veteran troops in that kingdom, so as to sub 
 ject them to his own separate control, and to detach from 
 their command such officers as were either violent enthu- 
 siasts, or particularly attached to Lambert and his council 
 of officers. Thus having under his immediate command 
 a movable force of between seven and eight thousand 
 r nen, besides those necessary to garrison Scotland, Monk
 
 UPON THE BORDERS. 23 
 
 eagerly watched the contest of the factions in London, 
 in order to perceive and seize on the fit opportunity for 
 action. 
 
 This seemed to arrive, when the army under Lambert 
 again thrust the Rump Parliament out of doors, and com- 
 menced a new military government, by means of a com- 
 mittee of officers, called the Council of Safety. Monk 
 i hen threw aside the mask of indifference which he had 
 iong worn, assembled his forces on the borders, and de- 
 rlared for the freedom of Parliament, and against the 
 military faction by which they had been suppressed. The 
 persuasion was universal throughout Britain, that Monk, 
 by these general expressions, meant something more ef- 
 fectual than merely restoring the authority of the Rump, 
 which had fallen into the common contempt of all men, 
 by the repeated acts of violence to which they had tamely 
 submitted. But General Monk, allowing all parties to 
 suppose what they thought most probable, proceeded to 
 make his preparations for marching with the greatest de- 
 liberation, without suffering even a whisper to escape 
 concerning the ultimate objects of the expedition. He 
 assembled the Scottish Convention of Estates, and asked 
 and received from them a supply of six months' pay, for 
 the maintenance of his troops. Their confidence in his 
 intentions was such, that they offered him the support of 
 a Scottish army of twenty-four thousand men ; but Monk 
 declined assistance which would have been unpopular in 
 England. He then proceeded in his plan of new-model- 
 ling his army, with more boldness than before, dismissing 
 many of the Independent officers, and supplying their 
 places with Presbyterians, and even with secret Royal- 
 ists. 
 
 The news of these proceedings spread through Eng- 
 land, and were generally received with joy. Universal 
 resistance was made to the payment of taxes ; for the 
 Rump Parliament had, on the eve of its expulsion by 
 Lambert, declared it high treason to levy money without 
 consent of Parliament, and the provinces, where Lamber! 
 nd his military council had no power of enforcing their
 
 224 MONK AND LAMBKBT. 
 
 illegal exactions, refused to obey them. The Council of 
 Safety wanted money therefore, and were in extreme 
 perplexity. 
 
 L;nnbert himself, a brave man and a good officer, saw 
 the necessity of acting with promptitude, and placing him- 
 self at the head of a considerable force of veteran sol- 
 diers, marched towards Scotland. His numbers were 
 enhanced -by the report of the various spies and agents 
 whom he sent into Monk's army under the guise of en- 
 voys. " What will you do ?" said one of these persons, 
 addressing a party of Monk's soldiers ; " Lambert is 
 coming down against you with such numerous forces, that 
 your army will not be a breakfast for him." "The north 
 must have given Lambert a good appetite," answered one 
 of the veterans, " if he be willing to chew bullets, and 
 feed upon pikes and musket barrels." 
 
 In this tone of defiance the two armies moved against 
 each other. Lambert took up his head-quarters at New- 
 castle. Monk, on the other hand, placed his at Cold- 
 stream, on the Tweed, a place which commanded the 
 second best passage over that river, Berwick being already 
 in his hands. Coldstream, now a thriving town, was then 
 so miserable, that Monk could get no supper, even for his 
 own table, but was fain to have recourse to chewing to- 
 bacco to appease his hunger. Next day, provisions were 
 sent from Berwick ; and the camp at Coldstream is still 
 kept in memory in the English army, by the first regiment 
 of Guards, which was one of those that composed Monk's 
 vanguard, being called to this day the Coldstream regi- 
 ment. 
 
 The rival generals at first engaged in a treaty, which 
 Monk, perceiving Lambert's forces to be more numerous 
 than his own, for some time encouraged, aware that want 
 of pay, and of the luxuries to which they were accustom- 
 ed in London, would soon induce his rival's troops to de- 
 sert him. 
 
 Disaffection and weariness accordingly began to dimin- 
 rsh Lambert's forces, when at bngth they lizard news from 
 the capital by which thsv we^e totally disoirited. During
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF MONK 225 
 
 Lambert's absence, the presidency in the Military Com- 
 mittee, and the command of such of the army as remain- 
 ed to overawe London, devolved on General Fleetvvood, 
 a weak man, who really was overcome hy the feelings of 
 fanaticism, which others only affected. Incapable of any 
 exertion, this person suffered the troops to be seduced 
 from his interest to that of the Rump Parliament, which 
 thus came again, and for the last time, into power. With 
 these tidings came to Newcastle others of a nature scarce 
 less alarming. The celebrated General Fairfax had taken 
 arms in Yorkshire, and was at the head of considerable 
 forces, both Cavaliers and Presbyterians, who declared 
 for calling a free Parliament, that the national will might 
 be consulted in the most constitutional manner, for once 
 more regaining the blessing of a settled government. The 
 soldiers of Lambert, disconcerted by these events, and 
 receiving no pay, began to break up ; and when Lambert 
 himself attempted to lead them back to London, they left 
 him in such numbers, that his army seemed actually to 
 dissolve away, and leave the road to the capital open to 
 Monk and the Scottish forces. 
 
 That General moved on accordingly, without opposition, 
 carefully concealing his own intentions, receiving favour- 
 ably all the numerous applications which were made to 
 him for calling a new and free Parliament, in order to 
 regenerate the national constitution, but returning no reply 
 which could give the slightest intimation of his ultimate 
 purpose. Monk observed this mystery, in order, perhaps, 
 thf * he might reserve to himself the power of being guid- 
 ed by circumstances at all events, knowing well, tint if 
 he were to declare in favour of any one party or set of 
 piinciples, among the various factious opinions which di- 
 vided the state, the others would at once unite against him, 
 which they would be loath to attempt, while each as yet 
 entertained hopes that he might turn to their side. 
 
 With the eyes of all the nation fixed upon him and his 
 forces, Monk advanced to Barnet, within ten miles of Lon- 
 don, and from thence caused the Parliament to understand 
 that they \\ ould do well to send from the city the remain 9 
 894
 
 226 PROCEEDINGS OF MONK 
 
 of the army of Fleetwood, in case of discord between b. 
 troops and those which at present occupied the capital. 
 The Hump Parliament had no alternative but to take the 
 hint, unless they had resolved to try the fate of battle at 
 the head of those insubordinate troops, who had more 
 than once changed sides between Lambert and Fleettvood 
 on one side, and themselves on the other, against the steady 
 veterans of the Scottish wars. The late army of Fleet- 
 wood, excepting two regiments commanded by men whom 
 Monk could perfectly trust, were ordered to leave the city, 
 and the Scottish general entered at the head of his troops, 
 who, rough from a toilsome march, and bearing othei 
 marks of severe service, made a far more hardy and ser 
 viceable, though a less showy appearance, than those who 
 had so long bridled the people of London. 
 
 General Monk, and the remnant of the Parliament, met 
 with external civility, but with great distrust on both sides, 
 They propounded to him the oath of abjuration, as it was 
 called, by which he was to renounce and abjure all allegi- 
 ance to the House of Stewart, and all attempts to restore 
 Charles II. But the General declined taking the oath ; 
 too many oaths, he said, had been already imposed on the 
 public, unless they had been better kept. This circum- 
 stance seemed to throw light on Monk's intentions, and 
 the citizens of London, now as anxious for the King's 
 Restoration as ever they had been for the expulsion of his 
 father, passed a vote in Common Council, by which they 
 declared they would pay no taxes or contributions to this 
 shadow of a Parliament, until the vacant seats in it should 
 be filled up to the full extent of a genuine House of 
 Commons. 
 
 The Rump Parliament had now, they conceived, an 
 opportunity of ascertaining Monk's real purpose, and forc- 
 ing him to a decisive measure. They laid their express 
 commands on him to march into the city, seize upon the 
 gates, break down the portcullises, destroy the ports, 
 chains, and other means of defending the streets, and take 
 from the contumacious citizens all means of protecting in 
 future the entrance into the capital.
 
 ON REACHING LONDON. 227 
 
 Monk, to the astonishment of most of his own officers 
 obeyed the commands thus imposed on him. He wag 
 probably desirous of ascertaining whether the disposition 
 oi his troops would induce them to consider the task as a 
 harsh and unworthy one. Accordingly, he no sooner 
 heard his soldiers exclaiming at the disgrace of becoming 
 the tools of the vengeance of the Rump members against 
 the City of London, than he seemed to adopt their feel- 
 ings and passions as his own, and like them complained, 
 and complained aloud, of having been employed in an 
 unjust and unpopular task, for the express purpose of ren- 
 dering him odious to the citizens. 
 
 At this crisis, the rashness of the ruling junto, for it 
 would be absurd to term them a Parliament, gave the 
 General, whom it was their business to propitiate if possi- 
 ble, a new subject of complaint. They encouraged a 
 body of the most fanatical sectaries, headed by a ridiculous 
 personage called Praise-God Barebones, to present a vio- 
 lent petition to the House, demanding that no one should 
 be admitted to any office of public trust, or so much as 
 to teach a school, without his having taken the abjuration 
 oath ; and proposing, that any motion made in parliament 
 for the Restoration of the King should be visited with the 
 pains of high treason. 
 
 The tenor of this petition, and the honour and favour 
 which it received when presented, gave Monk the further 
 cause of complaint against the Rump, or Remnant of the 
 Parliament, which perhaps he had been seeking for. He 
 refused to return to Whitehall, where he had formerly 
 lodged, and took up his abode in the City, where he found 
 it easy to excuse his late violence upon their defences, 
 and to atone for it by declaring himself their protector and 
 ally. From his quarters in the heart of Ijondon, the 
 General wrote to tho Parliament an angry expostulation, 
 charging them with a design to arm the more violent 
 fanatics, and call in the assistance of Fleetwood and Lam- 
 bert against the Scottish army ; and recommending to 
 them 'V a tone of authority, forthwith to dissolve them- 
 ive~ and call a new Parliament, which should be open
 
 DISSOLUTION OF THE 
 
 U. si. 1 parti3S. The Parliament, greatly alarmed at this 
 int'.ma ion. sent two of their members to communicate 
 w"h '.he General; but they could only extract from him, 
 that if writs went instantly forth for the new elections, it 
 would be very well, otherwise, he and they were likely to 
 disagree. 
 
 The assurance that General Monk had openly quarrelled 
 with the present rulers, and was disposed to insist for a 
 free and full Parliament, was made public by the printing 
 and dispersing of the General's letter, and the tidings 
 filled the City with most extravagant rejoicings. The 
 rabble rung all the bells, lighted immense bonfires in every 
 street, and danced around them, while they drank healths 
 to the General, the secluded members, and even to the 
 King. But the principal part of their amusement was 
 roasting rumps of poultry, or fragments of butcher-meat 
 cut into that form, in ridicule of their late rulers, whose 
 power they foresaw would cease, whenever a full Parlia- 
 ment should be convened. The revelry lasted the whole 
 night, which was that of llth February, 1660. 
 
 Monk, supported at once by military strength and the 
 consciousness of general popularity, did not wait until the 
 new Parliament should be assembled, or the present dis- 
 solved, to ta e measures for destroying the influence of 
 the junto now sitting at Westminster. He compelled 
 them to open their doors to, and admit to their delibera- 
 tions and votes, all the secluded members of their body, 
 who had been expelled from their seats by military vio- 
 lence, since it was first practised on the occasion called 
 Colonel Pride's Purge. These members, returning to 
 Parliament accordingly, made by their numbers such a 
 predominant majority in the House, that the fifty or sixty 
 persons, who had lately been at the head of the Govern- 
 ment, were instantly reduced to the insignficance, as a 
 party, from which they had only emerged by dint of the 
 force which had been exercised to exclude the large body 
 who were now restored to their seats. 
 
 The first acts of the House thus renovated were ;o dis- 
 Dand the refractory part of the army, to dispossess the
 
 LONG PARLIAMENT. 229 
 
 disaffected officers, of whom there were very many, and 
 to reduce the country to a state of tranquillity ; after 
 which they dissolved themselves, having first issued writs 
 to summon a new Parliament, to meet on the 25th 01 
 April. Thus then finally ended the Long Parliament, as 
 it is called, which had sat for nearly twenty years j the 
 most eventful period, perhaps, in British history. 
 
 While this important revolution had heen on the eve of 
 taking place, Charles the Second's affairs seemed to be at 
 a lower ebb than they had almost ever been before. A 
 general insurrection of the Cavaliers had been defeated 
 by Lambert a few months before, and the severe mea.sures 
 which followed had, for the time, totally suppressed the 
 spirit, and almost crushed the party of the Royalists. It 
 was in vain that Charles had made advances to Monk while 
 in Scotland, both through the General's own brother, and 
 by means of Sir John Grenville, one of his nearest and 
 most valued relatives and friends. If Monk's mind was 
 then made up concerning the part which he designed to 
 perform, he, at least, was determined to keep his purpose 
 secret in his own bosom, and declined, therefore, though 
 civilly, to hear any proposition on the part of the banished 
 family. The accounts which the little exiled court re- 
 ceived concerning Monk's advance into England were 
 equally disconsolate. All intercourse with the Cavaliers 
 had been carefully avoided by the cloudy and mysterious 
 soldier, in whose hands Fortune seemed to place the fate 
 of the British kingdoms. The general belief was, that 
 Monk would renew, in his own person, the attempt in 
 which Cromwell had succeeded and Lambert had failed, 
 and again place a military commander at the head of the 
 Government ; and it seemed confirmed by his harsh treat- 
 ment of the City. 
 
 Wiiile Charles and his attendants were in this state ol 
 despondence, they were suddenly astonished by the arrivaf 
 from England of a partizan, named Baillie an Irish Roy- 
 alist, who had travelled with extreme rapidity to bring the 
 exiled Prince the news of Monk's decided breacli willi
 
 230 THE RESTORATION. 
 
 the remnant of the Long Parliament, and the temper 
 which had been displayed by the City of London when it 
 became public. They listened to the messenger as they 
 would have done to one speaking in a dream. Over- 
 wearied and fatigued by the journey, and strongly excited 
 hv the importance of the intelligence which he brought 
 them, the officer seemed rather like one under the inHu- 
 ence of temporary derangement or intoxication, than the 
 deliberate bearer of great tidings. His character was, 
 however, known as a gentleman of fidelity and firmness, 
 and they heard with wonder that London was blazing 
 with bonfires, that the universal wish of the people of all 
 sorts, boldly and freely expressed, demanded the restora- 
 tion of the King to his authority, and that Monk had in- 
 sisted upon the summoning of a free Parliament, which 
 the junto had no longer the power of opposing. He pro- 
 duced also a copy of Moivk's letter to the Parliament, to 
 show that the General had completely broken with that 
 body. 
 
 Other messengers soon confirmed the joyful tidings, 
 and Sir John Grenville was despatched to London in all 
 haste, with full powers to offer the General every thing 
 which could gratify ambition or love of wealth, on condi- 
 tion of his proving the friend of Charles at this crisis. 
 
 This faithful and active Royalist reached the metropo- 
 lis, and cautiously refusing to open his commission to any 
 one, obtained a private interview with the mysterious and 
 reserved General. He boldly communicated his creden- 
 tials, and remained unappalled, when Monk, stepping back 
 in surprise, asked him, with some emotion, how he dared 
 become the bearer of such proposals. Sir John replied 
 boldly, that all danger which might be incurred in obedi- 
 ence to his Sovereign's command had become familiar to 
 him from frequent practice, and that the King, from the 
 course which Monk had hitherto pursued, entertained the 
 most confident hope of his loyal service. On this General 
 Monk either laid aside the mask which he had always 
 worn, or formed a determination upon what had hitherto 
 been undecided in his own mind. He accepted of th-
 
 THE RESTORATION. 23 1 
 
 high offers tendered to him by the young Prince ; and, 
 .Tom that moment, if not earlier, made the interest 01 
 Charles the principal object of his thoughts. It has been 
 indeed stated, that he had expressed his ultimate purpose 
 of serving Charles, before leaving Scotland ; but whatever 
 may have been his secret intentions, it seems improbable 
 that he made any one his confidant. 
 
 At the meeting of the new Parliament, the House of 
 Peers, which regained under this new aspect of things the 
 privileges which Cromwell had suspended, again assumed 
 their rank as a branch of the legislature. As the Royalists 
 and Presbyterians concurred in the same purpose of re- 
 storing the King, and possessed the most triumphant 
 majority, if not the whole votes, in the new House of 
 Commons, the Parliament had only to be informed that 
 Grenville awaited without, bearing letters from King 
 Charles, when he was welcomed into the House with shouts 
 and rejoicings ; and the British constitution, by King 
 Lords, and Commons, after having been suspended for 
 twenty years, was restored at once and by acclamation. 
 
 Charles Stewart, instead of being a banished pretender, 
 whose name it was dangerous to pronounce, and whose 
 cause it was death to espouse, became at once a lawful, 
 beloved, almost adored prince, whose absence was mourn- 
 ed by the people, as they might have bemoaned that of 
 the sun itself ; and numbers of the great or ambitious 
 hurried to Holland, where Charles now was, some to plead 
 former services, some to excuse ancient delinquencies, 
 some to allege the merit of having staked their lives in the 
 King's cause, others to enrich the Monarch, by sharing 
 with him the spoils which they had gained by fighting 
 against him. 
 
 It has been said by historians, that this precipitate aud 
 general haste in restoring Charles to the throne, without 
 any conditions for the future, was throwing away all the 
 advantage which the nation might have derived from the 
 Civil Wars, and that it would have been much better to 
 have readmitted the King upon a solemn treaty, which 
 should have adjusted the prerogative of the Crown, and
 
 THE RKSTORATION. 
 
 the rights of the subject, and settled for ever those great 
 national questions which had been di>uted between 
 diaries the first and his Parliament. This sounds all 
 well in theory ; but in practice there are many things, 
 and perhaps the Restoration is one of them, which may 
 be executed easily and safely, if the work is commenced 
 and carried through in the enthusiasm of a favourable mo- 
 ment, but are likely enough to miscarry, if protracted 
 fteyond that happy conjuncture. The ardour in favour 
 of monarchy, with which the mass of the English nation 
 was at this time agitated, might probably have abated 
 during such a lengthened treaty, providing for all the 
 delicate questions respecting the settlement of the Church 
 and State, and involving necessarily a renewal of all the 
 discussions which had occasioned the Civil War. And 
 supposing that the old discord was not rekindled by raking 
 among its ashes, still it should be remembered that great 
 part of Cromwell's army were not yet dissolved, and that 
 even Monk's troops were not altogether to be confided 
 in. So that the least appearance of disunion, such as the 
 discussions of the proposed treaty were certain to give 
 rise to, might have afforded these warlike enthusiasts a 
 pretext for again assembling together, and reinstating the 
 military despotism, which they were pleased to term the 
 Reign of the Saints. 
 
 A circumstance occurred which showed how very 
 pressing this danger was, and how little wisdom there 
 would have been in postponing the restoration of a legal 
 government to the event of a treaty. Lambert, who had 
 been lodged in the Tower as a dangerous person, made 
 his escape from that state prison, fled to Daventry, and 
 began to assemble forces. The activity of Colonel In- 
 goldsby, who had been, like Lambert, himself an officer 
 under Cromwell, but was now firmly attached to Monk, 
 stifled a spark which might have raised a mighty confla- 
 gration. He succeeded in gaining over and dispersing: 
 the troops who had assembled under Lambert, and mak- 
 ing his former commander prisoner with his own hand, 
 brought him back in safety to his old quarters in the Town
 
 THE RESTORATION. 233 
 
 * 
 
 of London. But as the roads were filled with soldiers of 
 the Crormvellian army, hastening to join Lambert, it was 
 clear that only the immediate suppression of his force, am] 
 the capture of his person, prevented the renewal of gen- 
 eral hostilities. 
 
 In so delicate a state of affairs, it was of importance 
 that the Restoration, being the measure to which all wise 
 men looked as the only radical cure lor the distresses and 
 'sorders of the kingdom, should be executed hastily, 
 saving it in future to the mutual prudence of the King and 
 nis subjects to avoid the renewal of those points of quarrel 
 which had given rise to the Civil War of 1641 ; since 
 which time, both Royalists and Parliamentarians had suf- 
 fered such extreme misery as was likely to make them 
 very cautious how the one made unjust attempts to extend 
 the power of the Crown, or the other to resist it while 
 within its constitutional limits. 
 
 The King landed at Dover on 29th May 1 660, and was 
 received by General Monk, now gratified and honoured 
 with the dukedom of Albemarle, the Order of the Garter, 
 and the command of the army. With the King came his 
 two brothers, James Duke of York, of whom we shall 
 have much to say, and the Duke of Gloucester, who died 
 early. They were received with such extravagant shouts 
 of welcome, that the King said to those around him, " It 
 must surely have been our own fault, that we have b<?en 
 so Ion? absent from a country where every one seems so 
 glacl to ses us." 
 
 END OF VOLUME I.
 
 . HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 BY SIR WALTER SCOTT. 
 PART SECOND. 
 
 CHAPTER 1. 
 
 Character of Charles II. Middleton sent as High 
 
 Commissioner to Scotland Measures of the Scottish 
 Parliament for the Introduction of Episcopacy Trial 
 and Execution of the Marquis of Jlrgyle Trial oj 
 Judge Swinton, and others Act of Uniformity The 
 Nonconforming Clergy displaced The Earl of Lau- 
 derdale succeeds to the power of Middleton. 
 
 OF Charles the Second, who thus unexpectedly, and 
 as it were by miracle, was replaced on his father's throne, 
 in spite of so many obstacles as within even a week or 
 two of the event seemed to render it incredible, I have 
 not much that is advantageous to tell you. He was a 
 prince of an excellent understanding, of which he made 
 less use than he ought to have done ; a graceful address, 
 much ready wit, and no deficiency of courage. Unfoi- 
 tunately, he was very fond of pleasure, and, in his zeal 
 to pursue it, habitually neglected the interests of his king- 
 dom. He was very selfish too, like all whose own grat- 
 ification is their sole pursuit ; and he seems to have cared 
 little what became of friends or enemies, providing he 
 could mainlain himself on the throne, get money to sup- 
 ply the expenses of a luxurious and dissolute court, and 
 enjoy a life of easy and dishonourable pleasure. He was 
 good-natured in general ; but any apprehension of hi? 
 own safety easily induced him to be severe and even 
 ruel, fo: his love of self predominated above both his
 
 T STATE OF CHURCH AFFAI113 
 
 sense of justice and his natural clemency of temper 
 He was always willing to sacrifice sincerity to converi. 
 ience, and perhaps the satirical epitaph written upon him 
 at his own request, by his witty favourite, the Earl iJ 
 Rochester, is not more severe than just- 
 Here lies our Sovereign Lord, the King, 
 
 Whose word no man relies on ; 
 Who never said a foolish thing, 
 And never did a wise one. 
 
 After this sketch of the King's character, we must return 
 to Scotland, from which we have been absent since 
 Monk's march from Coldstream, to accomplish the Re- 
 storation. 
 
 This great event was celebrated with the same general 
 and joyful assent in Scotland which had hailed it in the 
 sister country. Indeed the Scots, during the whole war, 
 can hardly be said to have quitted their sentiments of 
 loyalty to the monarchy. They had fought against Charles 
 I., first to establish Presbytery in their own country, and 
 then to extend it into England ; but then even the most 
 rigid of the Presbyterians had united in the resistance to 
 the English, had owned the right of Charles the Second, 
 and asserted it to their severe national loss at the battle 
 of Dunbar. Since that eventful action, the influence o< 
 the Church of Scotland over the people at large had 
 been considerably diminished, by disputes among the 
 ministers themselves, as they espoused more rigid or 
 more moderate doctrines, and by the various modes in 
 which it had been Cromwell's policy to injure their re- 
 spectability, and curb their power. But the Presbyteri- 
 an interert was still very strong in Scotland. It entirely 
 occupfd the Western counties, had a large share of in- 
 fluence in the south and midland provinces, and was only 
 irff rior in the northern shires, where the Episcopal inter- 
 est always prevailed. 
 
 The Presbyterian church was sufficiently alive to their 
 own interest and that of their body ; for they had sent 
 f Monies army ere it had reached London, an agent or
 
 IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 commissioner > to take care of the affairs of the Scottish 
 Church in any revolution which should take place in con- 
 sequence of the General's expedition. 
 
 This acpnt was James Sharpe, famous for his life, and 
 still more for his deplorable death. At this time he was 
 'i man competently learned, bold, active, and ambitious 
 displaying much seal for the interest of the Church, and 
 b8H. certainly by no means negligent of his own. This 
 ."YIa>i3r James Sharpe quickly found, while at London, 
 :i at there was little purpose of establishing the Presbyte- 
 '/an religion in Scotland. It is true, that King Charles 
 nad, on his former expedition into Scotland, deliberately 
 accepted and sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant, 
 the principal object of which was the establishment of 
 Presbytery of the most rigid kind. It was also true, that 
 the Earl of Lauderdale, who, both from his high talents, 
 and from the long imprisonment which he had sustained 
 ever since the battle of Worcester, had a peculiar title to 
 be consulted on Scottish affairs, strongly advised the 
 King to suffer his northern subjects to retain possession 
 of their darling form of worship ; and though he endea- 
 voured to give this advice in the manner most agreeable 
 to the King, ridiculing bitterly the pedantry of the minis- 
 ters, and the uses made of the Covenant, and in so far 
 gratifying and amusing the King, still he returned to the 
 point, that the Covenant and Presbyterian discipline ought 
 not to be removed from Scotland, while the people con- 
 tinued so partial to them. They should be treated, he 
 thought, like froward children, whom their keepers do 
 not vex by struggling to wrest from them an unfitting 
 plaything, but quietly wait to withdraw it when sleep or 
 satiety makes it indifferent to them. 
 
 But the respect due to the King's personal engage- 
 ment, as well as the opinion thus delivered by this world- 
 ly-wise nobleman, were strongly contested by those Cav- 
 nliers who professed absolute loyalty and devotion to the 
 King, and affected to form their political opinions on those 
 of Montrose. They laid upon the Presbyterian Church
 
 MIDDLETOlf MADK 
 
 the whole blame of the late rebellion, and contended thai 
 the infamous transaction of delivering up Charles the 
 First to England, was the act of an army guided by 
 Presbyterian counsels. In short, they imputed to the 
 Church of Scotland the whole original guilt of the war, 
 and though it was allowed that they at length joined the 
 Royal cause, it was immediately said that their accessior 
 only took place when they were afraid of being deprived 
 of their power over men's consciences, by Cromwell and 
 his independent schismatics. The King was then re- 
 minded, that he had been received by the Presbyterians 
 less as their Prince than as their passive tool and engine, 
 whom they determined to indulge in nothing save the 
 name of a Sovereign ; and that his taking the Covenant 
 had been undera degree of moral restraint, which ren- 
 dered it as little binding as if imposed by personal vio- 
 lence. Lastly, he was assured that the whole people of 
 Scotland were now so much delighted with his happy 
 restoration, that the moment was highly favourable for 
 any innovation either in church or state, which might 
 place the crown firmer on his head ; that no change 
 could be so important as the substitution of Episcopacy 
 for Presbytery ; and that the opportunity, if lost, might 
 never return. 
 
 The King himself had personal reasons, though they 
 ought not to have entered into such a discussion, for re- 
 collecting with disgust the affronts and rigorous treatment 
 which he had received from the Presbyterian leaders, 
 before the battle of Dunbar had diminished their power. 
 He had then adopted a notion that Presbytery was not a 
 religion " for a gentleman," and he now committed to 
 Lord Middleton, who was to be his High Commissioner 
 and representative in the Scottish Parliament, full powers 
 to act in the matter of altering the national religious es- 
 tablishment to the Episcopal model, as soon as he should 
 think proper. 
 
 This determination was signing the doom of Presby- 
 tery as far as Charles could do so, for Middleton, though 
 once in the service of the Covenanting Parliament, and
 
 HIGH COMMISSIONER. 7 
 
 as such opposed to Montrose, by whom he was beaten at 
 the Bridge of Dee, had afterwards been Major-General 
 of the Duke of Hamilton's ill-fated army, which was de- 
 stroyed at Uttoxeter in 1 648, and ever since that period 
 had fought bravely, though unsuccessfully, in the cause 
 of Charles, maintaining at the same time the tenets of 
 the most extravagant Royalism. He was a good soldier, 
 but in other respects a man of inferior talents, who had 
 lived the life of an adventurer, and who, in enjoying the 
 height of fortune which he had attained, was determined 
 to indulge without control all his favourite propensities. 
 These were, unhappily, of a coarse and scandalous na- 
 ture. The Covenanters had assumed an exterior of 
 strict demeanour and precise morality, and the Cavaliers, 
 in order to show themselves their opposites in every re- 
 spect, gave into the most excessive indulgences in wine 
 and revelry, and conceived that in doing so they showed 
 their loyalty to the King, and their contempt of what they 
 termed the formal hypocrisy, of his enemies. Their 
 Parliament, when -they met, were generally, many of 
 them, under the influence of wine, and they were more 
 than once obliged to adjourn, because the Royal Com- 
 missioner was too intoxicated to behave properly in the 
 chair. 
 
 While the Parliament were in this jovial humour, they 
 failed not to drive forward the schemes of the Commis- 
 sioner Middleton, and of the more violent Royalists, with 
 a zeal which was equally imprudent and impolitic. At 
 once, and by a single sweeping resolution, they annulled 
 and rescinded every statute and ordinance which had 
 been made by those holding the supreme authority in 
 Scotland since the commencement of the civil wars ; al- 
 though in doing so, they set aside many laws useful to 
 the subjects, many which had received the personal as- 
 sent of the Sovereign, and some that were entered into 
 expressly for his defence, and the acknowledgment and 
 protection of his right. By a subsequent act, the whole 
 Presbyterian church government was destroyed, and the 
 Episcopal institutions, to which the nation had shown
 
 MEASURES FOR THE 
 
 themselves so adverse, were rashly and precipitately es- 
 tablished. Mr. James Sharpe, who had yielded to the 
 high temptations held out to him, was named Lord Bishop 
 of Saint Andrews, and Primate of Scotland, and other 
 persons, either ancient members of the Episcopal Church, 
 or new converts to the doctrines which seemed a sure 
 road to preferment, were appointed Prelates, with seats in 
 Parliament, and great influence in the councils of the 
 nation. 
 
 It may seem wonderful that such great changes, and 
 m a matter so essential, should have been made without 
 more violent opposition. But the general joy at rinding 
 themselves delivered from the domination of England ; 
 
 O 7 
 
 the withdrawing the troops, and abandoning the citadels 
 by which Cromwell had ruled them, as a foreign con- 
 queror governs a subdued country ; and the pleasure of 
 enjoying once more their own Parliament under the au- 
 thority of their native prince, had a great effect, amid the 
 first tumult of joy, in reconciling the minds of the Scot- 
 tish people to the change even of the form of religion, 
 when proposed and carried through as the natural con- 
 sequences (it was pretended) of the restoration of royal 
 power. 
 
 The Scottish nobility, and many of the gentry, espe- 
 cially the younger men, had long resented the interference 
 of the Presbyterian preachers, in searching out scandals 
 and improprieties within the bosoms of families ; and this 
 right, which the clergy claimed and exercised, becair e 
 more and more intolerable to those who were disposed to 
 adopt the gay and dissolute manners which distinguished 
 the Cavaliers of England, and who regarded with re- 
 sentment the interference and rebukes with which the 
 Presbyterian clergy claimed the right of checking their 
 career of pleasure. 
 
 The populace of the towns were amused with proces- 
 sions, largesses, free distribution of liquor, and such like 
 marks of public rejoicing, by which they are generally 
 attracted. And I cannot help mentioning as remarka- 
 ble, that upon 23d April, 1661, Jenn) Geddes, the very
 
 INTRODUCTION OF EPISCOPACY. 9 
 
 wmrin who had given the first signal of civil broil, by 
 throwing her stool at the Dean of Edinburgh's head, when 
 he read the service-book on the memorable 23d July, 
 1637, showed her conversion to loyalty by contributing 
 the materials of her green-stall, her baskets, shelves" 
 forms, and even her own wicker-chair, to augment a bon- 
 fire kindled in honour or his Majesty's coronation, and 
 the proceedings of his Parliament. 
 
 There were many, however, in Scotland, who were 
 dJferontly affected by the hasty proceedings of Middle- 
 ton and his jovial Parliament, of whose sentiments I will 
 have much to say hereafter. 
 
 The greatest evil to be apprehended from the King's 
 return, was the probability that he might be disposed to 
 distinguish the more especial enemies of himself and his 
 father, and perpetuate the memory of former injuries and 
 quarrels, by taking vengeance for them. He had indeed 
 published a promise of indemnity and of oblivion, for all 
 offences during the civil war, against his own or his fath- 
 er's person. But this proclamation bore an exception 
 of such persons as Parliament should point out as espe- 
 cially deserving of punishment. Accordingly, those who 
 had been actively concerned in the death, or as it may 
 well be termed, the murder of Charles I., were, with one 
 or two others, who had been peculiarly violent during the 
 late times, excepted from pardon ; and although but fow 
 were actually executed, yet it had been better perhaps to 
 have spared several even of the most obnoxious class. 
 But that is a question belonging to English history. In 
 order that Scotland might enjoy the benefit of similar 
 examples of severity, it was resolved also to bring to trial 
 some of the most active persons there. 
 
 Among these, the Marquis of Argyle, whom we have 
 so often mentioned, was by far the most considerable. 
 He had repaired to London on the Restoration, hoping 
 to make interest with the King, but was instantly arrested, 
 and imprisoned in the Tower, and afterwards sent down 
 to Scotland to undergo a trial, according to the laws of 
 that countrv. There was a strong desire, on the part of
 
 10 TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE 
 
 the Cavalier party, that Argyle should be put to death 
 in revenge for the execution of Montrose, .o whom you 
 must remember he had been a deadly and persevering 
 enemy. Undoubtedly he had been guilty of much cruel- 
 ty in suppressing the Royalist party in the Highlands ; 
 and had probably been privately accessary to Montrose's 
 tragical fate, though he seemed to hold aloof from the 
 councils held on the subject. But then it was greatly 
 too late to call him into judgment for these things. The 
 King, when he came to Scotland after Montrose's execu- 
 tion, had acknowledged all that was done against him as 
 good service, had entered the gate of Edinburgh, over 
 which the features of his faithful general were blackening 
 in the sun, and received, in such circumstances, the at- 
 tendance and assistance of Argyle, as of a faithful and 
 deserving subject. Nay, besides all this, which in effect 
 implied a pardon for Argyle's past offences, the Marquis 
 was protected by the general Act of Rem'ssion, granted 
 by Charles in 1651, for all state offences committed be- 
 fore that period. 
 
 Sensible of the weight of this defence, the Crown 
 Council and Judges searched anxiously for some evidence 
 of Argyle's having communicated with the English army 
 subsequently to 1651. The trial was long protracted, 
 and the accused was about to be acquitted for want of 
 testimony to acts of more importance than that compul- 
 sory submission which the conquering Englishmen de- 
 manded from all, and which no one had the power to 
 refuse. But just when the Marquis was about to be dis- 
 charged, a knock was heard at the door of the court, and 
 a despatch just arrived from London was handed to the 
 Lord Advocate. As it was discovered that the name ol 
 the messenger was Campbell, it was concluded that he 
 bore the pardon, or remission, of the Marquis j but the 
 contents were very different, being certain letters which 
 had been written by Argyle to General Monk, when the 
 latter was acting Cromwell, in which he naturally endeav- 
 oured to gain the general's good opinion, by expressing 
 a zeal for the English interest, then -headed and managed
 
 MARQUIS OF ARGYLE. 11 
 
 by his correspondent. Monk, it seems, had not intended 
 to produce these letters, if other matter had occurred 
 to secure .Argyle's condemnation, desirous, doubtless, to 
 fcvoid the ignominy of so treacherous an action ; yet he 
 resolved to send them, that they might be produced in 
 evidence rather than that the accused should be acquit- 
 ted. This transaction leaves a deep blot on the charac- 
 ter of the restorer of the English monarchy. 
 
 These letters, so faithlessly brought forward, were re- 
 ceived as full evidence of the Marquis's active compli- 
 ance with the English enemy ; and being found guilty, 
 though only of doing that which no man in Scotland dared 
 refuse to do at the time, he received sentence of death 
 by beheading. 
 
 As Argyle rose from his knees, on which he had re- 
 ceived the sentence, he said, " This reminds me, that I 
 was the first to adorn the head of his Majesty with a 
 crown, (meaning at the coronation at Scone,) and this is 
 my requital. But may God give him a crown of glory !" 
 
 He faced death with a courage which other passages 
 of his life had not prepared men to expect, for he was 
 generally esteemed to be of a timorous disposition. On 
 the scaffold, he told a friend that he felt himself capable 
 of braving death like a Roman, but he preferred submit- 
 ting to it with the patience of a Christian. The rest ol 
 his behaviour made his words good : and thus died the 
 celebrated Marquis of Argyle, so important a person 
 during this melancholy time. He was called by the 
 Highlanders Gillespie Grumach, or the Grim, from an 
 obliquity in his eyes, which gave a sinister expression to 
 his countenance. The Marquis's head replaced on the 
 lower of the tolbooth that of Montrose, his formidable 
 enemy, whose scattered limbs were now assembled, and 
 committed with much pomp to an honourable grave. 
 
 John Swinton, of Swinton, representative of a family 
 which is repeatedly mentioned in the preceding series oi 
 these tales, was destined to share Argyle's fate. He had 
 vaken the side of Cromwell very early after the battle oi 
 D unbar, and it was by his counsels, and those of Lock-
 
 *2 TRIAL OF JUDGE SWINTOV. 
 
 hart of Lee, that the Usurper chiefly managed t.ie affairs 
 of Scotland. He was, therefore, far more deeply en- 
 gaged in compliances with Cromwell than the Marquis of 
 \rgyle, though less obnoxious in other respects. Swin- 
 ton was a man of acute and penetrating judgment, and 
 great activity of mind ; yet, finding himself beset with 
 danger, and sent down to Scotland in the same ship wiih 
 Argyle, he chose, from conviction, or to screen himself 
 from danger, to turn Quaker. As he was determined 
 that his family should embrace the same faith, his eldest 
 son, when about to rise in the morning, was surprised to 
 see that his laced scarlet coat, his rapier, and other parts 
 of a fashionable young gentleman's dress at the time, 
 were removed, and that a plain suit of grey cloth, with a 
 slouched hat, without loop or button, was laid down by 
 his bed-side. He could hardly be prevailed on to as- 
 sume this simple habit. 
 
 His father, on the contrary, seemed entirely to have 
 humbled -himself to the condition he had assumed ; and 
 when he appeared at the bar in the plain attire of his new- 
 sect, he declined to use any of .the legal pleas afforded 
 by the act of indemnity, or otherwise, but answered ac- 
 cording to his new religious principles of non-resistance, 
 that it was true he had been guilty of the crimes charged 
 against him, and many more, but it was when he was in 
 the gall of wickedness and bonds of iniquity ; and that 
 now, being called to the light, he acknowledged his past 
 errors, and did not refuse to atone for them with his life. 
 The mode of his delivery was at once so dignified and 
 so modest, and the sight of a person who had enjoyed 
 great po-ver. placed under such altered circumstances, 
 appe?rs to have o much affected the Parliament before 
 whom he stood, ih a v his life was spared, though he was 
 impoverished by forteuire and confiscation. The people 
 in his own country said, that if Swinton had not trembled, 
 he would not have quaked ; but notwithstanding this pun, 
 his conversation seerns to have been perfectly sincere. 
 It iz sale 1 , ihat he had a principal share in converting to 
 the oj inioiis of the Friends, the celebrated Robert Bar-
 
 TRIAL OF THE EAKL JF ARGTLE. 13 
 
 clay, who afterwards so well defended their cause in the 
 " Apology for the people called, in scorn, Quakers." 
 Svvinton remained a member of their congregation till his 
 death, and was highly esteemed among them. 
 
 The escape of Judge Swinton might be accounted al- 
 most miraculous, for those who followed him through the 
 same reign, although persons chiefly of inferior note, ex- 
 perienced no clemency. Johnstone of Warriston, exe- 
 uted for high treason, was indeed a man of rank and a 
 lawyer, who had complied with all the measures of Crom- 
 well and of the following times. But it seems petty ven- 
 geance which selected, as subjects for capital punishment, 
 Mr. Guthrie, a clergyman, who had written a book imput- 
 ing the wrath of Heaven against Scotland, to the sins ot 
 Charles I. and his house, and a man called Govan, merely 
 because he had been the first to bring to Scotland the 
 news of Charles's death, and had told it in terms of ap- 
 probation. 
 
 An act of oblivion was at length passed ; but it con- 
 tained a fatal clause, that those who might be entitled to 
 plead the benefit of it, should be liable to certain fines, in 
 proportion to their estates. The imposition of those fines 
 was remitted to a committee of Parliament, who secretly 
 accepted large bribes from those who were the most guilty, 
 and inflicted severe penalties on such as were compara- 
 tively innocent. 
 
 ' A transaction of a still more daring character, shows the 
 rapacious and reckless character of the commissioner 
 Middleton in the strongest light. 
 
 The Marquis of Argyle, as I have already said, had 
 been executed, and his son succeeded to the title of Earl 
 Argyle only. He had repaired to London, in order to 
 make some interest at court, and had been persuaded that 
 some of the minions of Lord Clarendon, then at the head 
 of affairs, would, for a thousand pounds, undertake to pro- 
 cure for him that minister's patronage and favour. Argyle 
 upon this wrote a confidential letter to Lord Duffies, iy 
 whirl' he told him, that providing he could raise a tliou-
 
 14 ACT OF CONFORM IT V. 
 
 sand pounds, he would be able to obtain the protection oj 
 the English minister ; that in such a case he trusted the 
 present would prove a gowk storm;* and after some 
 other depreciating expressions concerning the prevailing 
 party in the Scottish Parliament, he added, that " then the 
 King would see their tricks." 
 
 This letter fell into the hands of Middleton, who de- 
 termined, that for expressions so innocent and simple, be- 
 ing in fact the natural language of a rival courtier, Argyle 
 should be brought to trial for leasing-making ; a crime, 
 the essence of which consisted in spreading abroad false- 
 hoods, tending to sow dissension between the King and 
 the people. On this tyrannical law, which had been raked 
 up on purpose, but which never could have been intended 
 to apply to a private letter, Argyle was condemned to lose 
 his head, and forfeit his estate. But the account of such 
 a trial and sentence for a vague expression of ill-humour, 
 struck Charles and his Privy Council with astonishment 
 when it reached England, and the Chancellor, Clarendon, 
 was the first to exclaim in the king's presence, that did he 
 think he lived in a country where such gross oppression 
 could be permitted, he would get out of his Alajesty's 
 dominions as last as the gout would permit him. An or- 
 der was sent down discharging the execution of Argyle, 
 who was nevertheless detained prisoner, until the end of 
 Middleton's government, a severe penalty for imputing 
 tricks to the royal ministry. He was afterwards restored 
 to his liberty and estates, to become at a later period a 
 victim to similar persecution. 
 
 It was by driving on the alteration of Church govern- 
 ment in Scotland, that Middleton hoped to regain the 
 place in Charles's favour, and Clarendon's good opinion, 
 which he had lost by his excesses and severity. A gen- 
 eral act of uniformity was passed for enforcing the ob- 
 servances of the Episcopal church, and it was followed 
 up by an order of council of the most violent character, 
 framed, it is said, during the heat of a drunken revel a\ 
 
 * A short storm, such as comi-s in the spring, (he srasmi ol tlw cackoc* 
 Whirl) (lie Scotch rail the Gowk.
 
 ACT OF CONFORMITY. 15 
 
 Glasgow. This furious mandate commanded, that all 
 ministers who had not received a presentation from their 
 lay patrons, and spiritual induction into their livings from 
 the prelates, should be removed from them by military 
 force, if necessary. All their parishioners were discharg- 
 ed from attending upon the ministry of such noncon- 
 formists, or acknowledging them as clergymen. This 
 was at one stroke displacing all Presbyterian ministers 
 who might scruple at once to turn Episcopalians. 
 
 It appeared by this rash action, that Middleton enter- 
 tained an opinion that the ministers, however attached to 
 Presbyterianism, would submit to the Episcopal model, 
 rather than lose their livings, which were the only means 
 most of them had for the support of themselves and fam- 
 ilies. But to the great astonishment of the commission- 
 ers, about three hundred and fifty ministers resigned their 
 churches without hesitation, and determined to submit to 
 the last extremity of poverty, rather than enjoy comfort 
 at the price of renouncing the tenets of their Church. In 
 the north parts of Scotland, in the midland counties, and 
 along the eastern side of the Borders, many or most of 
 the clergy conformed. But the Western shires, where 
 Presbytery had been ever most flourishing, were almost 
 entirely deprived of their pastors : and the result was, 
 that a number equal to one-third of the whole parish min- 
 isters of Scotland, were at once expelled from their liv- 
 ings, and the people deprived of their instructions. 
 
 The congregations of the exiled preachers were strong- 
 ly affected by this sweeping change, and by the fate of 
 their clergymen. Many of the latter had, by birth or 
 marriage, relations and connexions in the parishes from 
 which they were summarily banished, and they had all 
 been the zealous instructors of the people in religion, and 
 often their advisers in secular matters also. It was not ir 
 na'ure that their congregations should have seen them with 
 indiiFerence suddenly reduced from decent comfort to in- 
 digence, and submitting to it with patience, rather than 
 sacrifice their conscientious scruples to their interest. Ac-
 
 16 BURNING OF THE COVENANT. 
 
 cordingly, they showed, in almost every case, the deepest 
 sympathy with their distresses. 
 
 The cause also for which the clergy suffered, was not 
 indifferent to the laity. It is true, the consequences of the 
 Solemn League and Covenant had been so fatal, that at 
 the time of the Restoration none but a few high-flying and 
 rigid Presbyterians would have desired the re-establish- 
 ment of that celebrated engagement. It. depended only 
 on the temper and moderation of the court, to have re- 
 duced what was once the idol of all true Presbyterians, 
 to the insignificance of an old almanack, as it has been 
 termed by the Independents. But there was great dif- 
 ference between suffering the Covenant to fall into neg- 
 lect, as containing doctrines too highly pitched and read- 
 ily susceptible of misrepresentation, and in complying with 
 the government by ridiculing as absurd, and renouncing 
 as odious, a document, which had been once so much 
 respected. 
 
 The Parliament, however, commanded the Solemn 
 League and Covenant to be burnt at the Cross of Edin- 
 burgh, and elsewhere, with every mark of dishonour ; 
 while figures, dressed up to resemble Western Whiga- 
 mores, as they were called, were also committed to the 
 flames, to represent a burning of Presbyterianism in effi- 
 gy. But as those who witnessed these proceedings, could 
 not but recollect, at the same time, that upon its first being 
 formed, the same Covenant had been solemnly sworn to 
 by almost all Scotland, with weeping eyes, and uplifted 
 hands, and had been solemnly taken by the King himself, 
 and a very large proportion of the nobility, including the 
 present ministers it was natural they should feel invol- 
 untary respect for that which once appeared so sacred 
 to themselves, or to their fathers, and feel the unnecessa- 
 ry insults directed against it as a species of sacrilege. 
 
 The oaths, also, which imposed on every person in pub- 
 uc office the duty of renouncing the Covenant, as an un- 
 Jawful engagement, was distressing to the consciences of 
 many, particularly of the lower class ; and, in general, 
 '.he efforts made to render the Covenant odious and cot:
 
 THE CURATES. ? 
 
 temptible rather revived its decaying interest with the 
 Scottish jmblic. 
 
 There was yet another aggravation of the evils conse- 
 quent on the expulsion of the Presbyterian clergy. So 
 many pulpits became vacant at once, that the prelates had 
 no means of filling them up with suitable persons, whose 
 talents and influence might have supplied the place of the 
 exiled preachers. Numbers of half-educated youths were 
 hastily sent for from the northern districts, in order that 
 they might become curates, which was the term used in the 
 Scottish Episcopal Church for a parish priest, although 
 commonly applied in England to signify a clergyman hired 
 to discharge the duty of another. From the unavoidable 
 haste in filling the vacancies in the Church, these raw 
 students, so hastily called into the spiritual vineyard, had, 
 according to the historians of the period, as little morality 
 as learning, and still less devotion than either. A north- 
 ern country gentleman is said to have cursed the scruples 
 of the Presbyterian clergy, because he said, ever since 
 they threw up their livings, it was impossible to find a boy 
 to herd cows, they had all gone away to be curates in the 
 west. 
 
 The natural consequences of all these adverse circum- 
 stances were, that the Presbyterian congregations with- 
 drew themselves in numbers from the parish churches, 
 treated the curates with neglect and disrespect, and, seek- 
 ing out their ancient preachers in the obscurity to which 
 they had retired, begged and received from them the re- 
 ligious instruction which the deprived clergymen still 
 thought it their duty to impart to those who needed an:" 
 desired it, in despite of the additional severities imposed 
 by the government upon their doing so. 
 
 The Church Courts, or Commission Courts, as thev 
 were termed, took upon them to find a remedy for the 
 defection occasioned by the scruples of the people. Nine 
 prelates, and thirty-five commissioners from the laity, of 
 whom a bishop, with four assistants, made a quorum, were 
 intrusted with the power of enforcing the acts for the
 
 18 THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE 
 
 preservati n of the Episcopal Church. These oppressive 
 ecclesiastical courts were held wherever there was a com- 
 plaint of nonconformity ; and they employed all the rig- 
 ours of long imprisonment, heavy fines, and corporal 
 punishment, upon those who either abandoned the worship 
 of their own parish church, or went to hear the doctrine 
 of the Presbyterian clergy, whose private meetings foi 
 worship were termed Conventicles. 
 
 These conventicles were at first held in private houses, 
 barns, or other buidings, as was the case in England ; 
 where (though in a much more moderate degree) the 
 general conformity of the church was also enforced. But 
 as such meetings, especially if numerously attended, were 
 liable to be discovered and intruded upon by peace-offi- 
 cers and soldiers, who dispersed them rudely, sometimes 
 plundering the men of their purses, and the women 01 
 their cloaks and plaids, the Scottish Presbyterians had 
 recourse to an expedient of safety, suggested by the wild 
 character of their country, and held these forbidden meet- 
 ings in the open air, remote alike from observation and 
 interruption, in wild, solitary, and mountainous places, 
 where it was neither easy to find them, nor safe to dis- 
 turb them, unless the force which assailed them was con- 
 siderable. 
 
 On the other hand, the Privy Council doubled their 
 exertions to suppress, or rather to destroy, the whole body 
 of nonconformists. But the attention of the English 
 ministers had been attracted by the violence of their pro- 
 ceedings. Middleton began to fall into disfavour with 
 Charles, and was sent as governor to Tangier, in a kind f 
 honourable banishment, where he lost the life which he 
 had exposed to so many dangers in battle, by a fall down 
 a staircase. 
 
 Lauderdale, who succeeded to his power, had n^uch 
 more talent. He was ungainly in his personal appearance, 
 being a big man, with shaggy red hair, coarse features, 
 and a tongue which seemed too large for his mouth. Bir 
 te possessed a great portion of sense, learning, and \vit 
 lie-, was originally zealous for the Covenant, and his ene
 
 COMES INTO POWER. 1 
 
 mies at Court had pressed forward the oaths by which it 
 was to be renounced with the more eagerness, that the) 
 hoped Lauderdale would scruple to take them ; but he 
 only laughed at the idea of their supposing themselves 
 capable of forming any oath which could obstruct the 
 progress of his rise. 
 
 Being now in power, he distinctly perceived that the 
 violent courses adopted were more likely to ruin Scotland, 
 than to establish Episcopacy. But he also knew that he 
 could not retain the power he had obtained, unless by 
 keeping on terms with Sharpe, the Primate of Scotland, 
 and the other bishops, at whose instigation these wild 
 measures were adopted and carried on ; and it is quite 
 consistent with Lauderdale's selfish and crafty character, 
 to suppose that he even urged them on to farther excess- 
 es, in order that, when the consequences had ruined their 
 reputation, he might succeed to the whole of that power, 
 of which, at present, the prelates had a large share. The 
 severities against dissenters, therefore, were continued ; 
 and the ruinous fines which were imposed on nonconform- 
 ists, were raised by quartering soldiers upon the delin- 
 quents, who were entitled to have lodging, meat, and drink, 
 in their houses, and forage for their horses, without any 
 payment, till the fine was discharged. These men, who 
 knew they were placed for the purpose of a punishment 
 in the families where they were quartered, took care to be 
 so insolent and rapacious, that if selling the last article he 
 had of any value could raise money, to rid him of these 
 unwelcome guests, the unfortunate landlord was glad to 
 part with them at whatever loss. 
 
 The principal agents in this species of crusade against 
 Calvinism, were the soldiers of the King's horse-guards, 
 a body raised since the Restoration, upon the plan of the 
 French household troops, the privates of which were ac- 
 counted gentlemen, being frequently the younger sons of 
 men of some pretension to family ; cavaliers by profession, 
 accustomed to practise the debauchery common among 
 the dissolute youth of the period, and likely, from habit 
 and inclination, to be a complete pest and torment to any
 
 20 SEVERITIES AGAINST NONCONFORMISTS. 
 
 decent house in which they might be quartered. Oihtr 
 regiments of horse, upon the ordinary establishment, were 
 raised for the same purpose. 
 
 The west of Scotland, and in particular Dumfriesshire; 
 Ayrshire, and Galloway, were peculiarly harassed, as being 
 more refractory and obstinate than any others ; for which 
 purpose Sir James Turner was sent thither with a consid- 
 erable party of troops, and full commission from the 
 Privy Council, to impose and levy fines, and inflict all the 
 other penalties, for enforcing general conformity. Sir 
 James was a soldier of fortune, who had served under 
 David Lesley, and afterwards in the army of Engagers, 
 under the Duke of Hamilton. He was a man of some 
 literature, having written a treatise on the Art of War, and 
 some other works, besides his own Memoirs. Neverthe- 
 less, he appears, by the .account he gives of himself in 
 his Memoirs, to have been an unscrupulous plunderer, 
 and other authorities describe him as a fierce and disso- 
 lute character. In such hands the powers assigned by the 
 commission were not likely to slumber, although Sir James 
 assures his readers that he never extorted above one half 
 of the fine imposed. But a number of co-operating cir- 
 cumstances had rendered the exercise of such a commis- 
 sion less safe than it had hitherto been. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Conventicles The Pentland Rising Battle of Rullioii 
 Green The Indulgence granted withdrawn The 
 Outlawed Covenanters tinned ConventiclesSuper* 
 stition of the Covenanters Persecution of them 
 Adventure of Captain Creichlon. 
 
 WHEN the custom of holding field conventicles was 
 adopted, it had the effect of raising the minds of th se 
 who frequented (hern to a higher and more exalted pitch 
 of enthusiasm. The aged and more timid could hardly
 
 CONVENTICLES. 21 
 
 engage on distant expeditions into the wild mountains anil 
 the moors, and the greater part of those who attended 
 divine worship on such occasions, were robust of body, 
 and bold of spirit, or at least men whose imperfections ol 
 strength and courage were more than supplied by religious 
 zeal. The view of the rocks and hills around them, 
 while a sight so unusual gave solemnity to their acts ol 
 devotion, encouraged them in the natural thought of de- 
 fending themselves against oppression, amidst the fort- 
 resses of nature's own construction, to which they had 
 repaired to worship the God of nature, according to the 
 mode their education dictated and their conscience ac- 
 knowledged. The recollection, that in these fastnesses 
 their fathers had often found a safe retreat from foreign 
 invaders, must have encouraged their natural confidence, 
 and it was confirmed by the success with which a stand was 
 sometimes made against small bodies of troops, who were 
 occasionally repulsed by the sturdy Whigs whom they 
 attempted to disperse. In most cases of this kind they 
 behaved with moderation, inflicting no further penalty upon 
 such prisoners as might fall into their hands, than detain- 
 ing them to enjoy the benefit of a long sermon. Fanat- 
 icism added marvels to encourage this new-born spirit 01 
 resistance. They conceived themselves to be under the 
 immediate protection of the Power whom they worship- 
 ped, and in their heated state of mind expected even 
 miraculous interposition. At a conventicle held on one; 
 of the Lomond hills in Fife, it was reported and believed 
 that an angelic form appeared in the air, hovering above 
 the assembled congregation, with his foot advanced, as it 
 in the act of keeping watch for their safety. 
 
 On the whole, the idea of repelling force by force, and 
 defending themselves against the attacks of the soldiers, 
 and others whc assaulted them, when employed in divine 
 worship, began io become more general among the ha- 
 rassed nonconformists. For this purpose many of the 
 congregations assembled in arms, and I received the fol- 
 lowing description of such a scene from a lady whose 
 mother had repeatedly been present on such occasions.
 
 22 TUB TENTLAND RISING. 
 
 The meeting was held on the Eildon Hills, in the bo 
 som betwixt two of the three conical tops which form the 
 crest of the mountain. Trusty sentinels were placed on 
 advanced posts all around, so as to command a view of 
 the country -below, and give the earliest notice of the 
 approach of any unfriendly party. The clergyman oc- 
 cupied an elevated temporary pulpit, with his back to the 
 wind. There were few or no males of any quality or 
 distinction, for such persons could not escape detection, 
 and were liable to ruin from the consequences. But many 
 women of good condition, and holding the rank of ladies, 
 ventured to attend the forbidden meeting, and were al- 
 lowed to sit in front of the assembly. Their side-saddles 
 were placed on the ground to serve for seats, and their 
 horses were tethered, or picquetted, as it is called, in the 
 rear of the congregation. Before the females, and in the 
 interval which divided them from the tent, or temporary 
 pulpit, the arms of the men present, pikes, swords, and 
 muskets, were regularly piled in such order as is used by 
 soldiers, so that each man might in an instant assume his 
 own weapons. When scenes of such a kind were repeat- 
 edly to be seen in different parts of the country, and while 
 the Government relaxed none of that rigour which had 
 thrown the nation into such a state, it was clear that a 
 civil war could not be far distant. 
 
 It was in the autumn of 1 666 that the severities of Sir 
 James Turner, already alluded to, seem to have driven 
 the Presbyterians of the west into a species of despair, 
 which broke out into insurrection. Some accounts say, 
 that the peasants having used force to deliver an aged 
 man, whom a party of soldiers were forcing to prison, in 
 order to compel payment of a church fine, they reflected 
 upon the penalties they had incurred by such an exploit, 
 and resolved to continue in arms, and to set the Govern- 
 ment at defiance. Another account affirms, that the poor 
 people were encouraged to take up arms by an unknown 
 person calling himself Captain Gray, and pretending to 
 have orders to call them out from superior persons, whom 
 he did not name. By what means soever they were first
 
 THE PENTLAND RISING. 23 
 
 tised, they soon assembled a number of peasants, and 
 narched to Dumfries with such rapidity, that they sur- 
 prised Sir James Turner in his lodgings, and seized on his 
 papers and his money. Captain Gray took possession ol 
 the money, and left the party, never to rejoin them ; 
 having, it is probable, discharged his task, when he had 
 hurried these poor ignorant men into such a dangerous 
 mutiny. Whether he was employed by some hot-headed 
 Presbyterian, who thought the time favourable for an in- 
 surrection against the Prelates, or whether by Government 
 themselves, desirous of encouraging an insurrection which, 
 when put down, might afford a crop of fines and forfeit- 
 ures, cannot be known. 
 
 The country gentlemen stood on their guard ; and none 
 of them joined the insurgents ; but a few of the most 
 violent of the Presbyterian ministers engaged with them. 
 Two officers of low rank were chosen to command so 
 great an undertaking ; their names were Wallace and 
 Learmont. They held counsel together, whether they 
 should put Sir James Turner to death or not ; but he 
 represented that, severe as they might think he had been, 
 he had been much less so than his commission and in- 
 structions required and authorized ; and as, upon exam- 
 ining his papers, he was found to have spoken the truth, 
 his life was spared, and he was carried with them as a 
 prisoner or hostage. Being an experienced soldier, he 
 wondered to see the accurate obedience of these poor 
 peasants, the excellent order in which they marched, and 
 their attention to the duties of outposts and sentinels. 
 But, probably, no peasant of Europe is sooner able to 
 adapt himself to military discipline than the Scotsman, 
 who is usually prudent enough to consider, that it is only 
 mutual co-operation and compliance with orders, which 
 can make numbers effectual. 
 
 When at their greatest strength, which was assembled 
 upon their reaching Lanark, after two or three days' wan- 
 dering, the insurgents might amount to three thousand 
 men. They issued at that place a declaration, which bore 
 that they acknowledged the King's authority, and that
 
 24 THE PENTLAKD U1SING. 
 
 the arms which they had assumed were only to be used 
 in self-defence. But as, at the same time, they renewed 
 the Covenant, of which the principal ohject was, not to 
 obtain for Presbytery a mere toleration, but a triumphant 
 superiority, they would probably, as is usual in such cases, 
 have extended or restricted their objects as success or 
 disaster attended their enterprise. 
 
 Meantime, General Dalziel, commonly called Tom 
 Dalziel, a remarkable personage of those times, had 
 marched from Edinburgh at the head of a small body oi 
 regular forces, summoning all the lieges to join him, on 
 pain of being accounted traitors. Dalziel had been bred 
 in the Russian wars, after having served under Montrose 
 He was an enthusiastic Royalist, and would never shave 
 his beard after the King's death. His dress was other 
 wise so different from what was then the mode, that 
 Charles the Second used to accuse him of a plan to draw 
 crowds of children together, that they might squeeze each 
 other to death while they gazed on his singular counte- 
 nance and attire. He was a man of fierce and passionate 
 temper, as appears from his once striking a prisoner on 
 the face, with the hilt of his dagger, till the blood sprung 
 an unmanly action, though he was provoked by the lan- 
 guage of the man, who called the General " a Muscovian 
 beast, who used to roast men." 
 
 This ferocious commander was advancing from Glas- 
 gow to Lanark, when he suddenly learned that the insur- 
 gents had given him the slip, and were in full march to- 
 wards the capital. The poor men had been deceived into 
 a belief that West Lothian was ready to rise in their fa- 
 vour, and that they had a large party of friends in the 
 Metropolis itself. Under these false hopes, they ap- 
 proached as far as Collision, within four miles of Edin- 
 burgh. Here they learned that the city was fortified, and 
 cannon placed before the gates ; that the College of Jus- 
 tice, which can always furnish a large body of serviceable 
 men, was under arms, and, as their Miformer expressed it, 
 every advocate in his bandoliers. They learned at the
 
 BATTLE OF RULLION GKEEN. ?*.* 
 
 same time, that their own depressed party within the tcwn 
 had not the least opportunity or purpose of rising. 
 
 Discouraged with tiiese news, and with the defection 
 of many of their army, Learmont and Wallace drew 
 back their diminished forces to the eastern shoulder of 
 the Pentland Hills, and encamped on an eminence called 
 Rullion Green. They had reposed themselves for some 
 hours, when, towards evening, they observed a body of 
 horse coming through the mountains, by a pass leading 
 from the west. At first the Covenanters entertained the 
 flattering dream that it was the expected reinforcement 
 from West Lothian. But the standards and kettle-drums 
 made it soon evident that it was the vanguard of DalziePs 
 troops, which, having kept the opposite skirts of the Pent- 
 land ridge till they passed the village of Currie, had there 
 learned the situation of the insurgents, and moved in quest 
 of them by a road through the hills. 
 
 Dalziel instantly led his men to the assault. The in- 
 surgents behaved with courage. They twice repulsed 
 the attack of the Royalists. But it was renewed by a 
 large force of cavalry on the insurgents' right wing, which 
 bore down and scattered a handful of weaned horse who 
 were there posted, and broke the ranks of the infantry 
 The slaughter in the field and in the chase was very small, 
 not exceeding fifty men, and only a hundred and thirty 
 were made prisoners. The King's cavalry, being com- 
 posed chiefly of gentlemen, pitied their unfortunate coun 
 trymen, and made little slaughter ; but many were slain 
 by the country people in the neighbourhood, who were 
 unfriendly to their cause. 
 
 About twenty of the prisoners were executed as rebels, 
 many of them being put to the torture. This was prac- 
 tised in various ways sometimes by squeezing the fingers 
 with screws called thumbikens, sometimes by the boot, a 
 species of punishment peculiar to Scotland. It consisted 
 m placing the leg of the patient in a veiy strong wooden 
 case, called a Boot, arid, driving down wedges betweeu 
 
 896
 
 26 EXECUTION OF HUGH Nl'ltAIL. 
 
 his knee and the frame, by which the limb was often 
 crushed and broken. 
 
 But though these horrid cruelties could tear the flesh 
 and crush the bones of the unfortunate sufferers, it could 
 not abate their courage. Triumphing in the cause for 
 which they died, they were seen at the place of execution 
 contending which should be the first victim, while he who 
 obtained the sad preference actually shouted for joy. Most 
 of the sufferers, though very ignorant, expressed them- 
 selves with such energy on the subject of the principles 
 for which they died, as had a strong effect on the multi- 
 tude. But a youth, named Hugh M'Kail, comely in per- 
 son, well educated, and of an enthusiastic character, act- 
 ed the part of a martyr in its fullest extent. He had taken 
 but a small share in the insurrection, but was chiefly ob- 
 noxious for a sermon, in which he had said, that the peo- 
 ple of God had been persecuted by a Pharaoh or an Ahab 
 on the throne, a Haman in the state, and a Judas in the 
 church ; words which were neither forgotten nor forgiven. 
 He was subjected to extreme torture, in order to wring 
 from him some information concerning the causes and 
 purposes of the rising ; but his leg was crushed most 
 cruelly in the boot, without extracting from him a sigh or 
 sound of impatience. Being then condemned to death, 
 he spoke of his future state with a rapturous confidence, 
 and took leave of the numerous spectators in the words of 
 a dying saint, careless of the present, and confident in his 
 hopes of immortality. 
 
 " I shall speak no more with earthly creatures," he 
 said, " but shall enjoy the aspect of the ineffable Creator 
 himself. Farewell, father, mother, and friends farewell, 
 sun, moon, and stars farewell, perishable earthly delights 
 and welcome those which are everlasting welcome, 
 glory welcome, eternal life and welcome, death !" 
 There was not a dry eye among the spectators of his ex- 
 ecution ; and it began to be perceived by the authors of 
 these severities, that the last words and firm conduct of this 
 dying man, made an impression on the populace the very 
 reverse of what they desired. After this, they resorted
 
 THE INDULGENCE. 27 
 
 to the cruel expedient which had been practised when the 
 Royalist followers of Montrose were executed, and caus- 
 ed trumpets to be sounded, and drums beaten, to drown 
 the last words of the dying men. 
 
 The vengeance taken for the Pentland rising was not 
 confined to these executions in the capital. The shires 
 of Galloway, Ayr, and Dumfries, were subjected to mili- 
 tary severities, and all who had the slightest connexion 
 with the rebellion were rigorously harassed. A parly of 
 Ayrshire gentlemen had gathered together for the purpose 
 of joining the insurgents, but had been prevented from 
 doing so. They fled from the consequences of their 
 rashness, yet they were not only arraigned, and doom of 
 forfeiture passed against them in their absence, but, con- 
 trary to all legal usage, the sentence was put in execution 
 without their being heard in their defence ; and their es- 
 tates were conferred upon General Dalziel, and General 
 Drumrnond, or retained by the officers of state to enrich 
 themselves. 
 
 But the period was now attained which Lauderdale 
 aimed at. The violence of the government in Scotland at 
 length attracted the notice of the English court ; and 
 wl>en inquired into, was found much too gross to be tol- 
 erated. The Primate Sharpe was ordered to withdraw 
 from administration ; Lauderdale, with Tweedale, Sir 
 Robert Murray, and the Earl of Kincardine, were placed 
 at the head of affairs, and it was determined, by afford- 
 ing some relief to the oppressed Presbyterians, to try at 
 least the experiment of lenity towards them. 
 
 Such of the ejected clergy as had not given any par- 
 ticular offence, were permitted to preach in vacant par- 
 ishes, and even received some encouragement from gov- 
 ernment. This was termed the Indulgence. Had some 
 such measure of toleration been adopted when Presby- 
 tery was first demolished, it might have been the means of 
 preventing the frequency of conventicles : but, when re- 
 sorted to in despair, as it were, of subduing them by vio- 
 lence, the mass of discontented Presbyterians regarded 
 accession to the measure as a dishonourable accommoda-
 
 28 AKMF.IJ CONVENTICLES 
 
 lion with a government by whom they had been oppressed. 
 It is true, the gentry, and those who at once preferred 
 Presbytery, and were unwilling to suffer in their worldly 
 estate by that preference, embraced this opportunity to 
 hear their favourite doctrines without risk of fine and im- 
 prisonment. The Indulged clergy were also men, for the 
 most part, of wisdom and learning, who, being, unable to 
 vindicate the freedom and sovereignty of their church, 
 were contented to preach to and instruct their congrega- 
 tions, and discharge their duty as clergymen, if not to the 
 utmost, at least as far as the evil times permitted. 
 
 But this modified degree of zeal by no means gratified 
 the more ardent and rigid Covenanters, by whom the 
 stooping to act under the Indulgence was accounted a 
 compromise with the malignants a lukewarm and unac- 
 ceptable species of worship, resembling salt which had 
 lost its savour. Many, therefore, held the Indulged cler- 
 gy as a species of king's curates ; and rather than listen 
 to their doctrines, which they might have heard in safety, 
 followed into the wilderness those bold and daring preach- 
 ers, whose voices thundered forth defiance against the 
 mighty of the earth. The Indulged were accused of 
 meanly adopting Erastian opinions, and acknowledging 
 the dependence and subjection of the Church to the civil 
 magistrate, a doctrine totally alien from the character of 
 the Presbyterian religion. The elevated wish of follow- 
 ing the religion of their choice, in defiance of danger and 
 fear, and their animosity against a government by whom 
 they had been persecuted, induced the more zealous Pres- 
 byterians to prefer a conventicle to their parish church ; 
 and one in which the hearers attended in arms to defend 
 themselves, to a more peaceful meeting, composed of such 
 as only proposed, if surprised, to save themselves by 
 submission or flight. Hence tbese conventicles became 
 frequent, at which the hearers attended with weapons. 
 The romantic and dangerous character of this species of 
 worship recommended it to such as were constitutionally 
 bold and high-spirited ; and there were others, who, from 
 the idle spirit belonging to youth, liked better to ramble
 
 ARMED CONVENTICLES. 29 
 
 through the country as the life-guard to some outlawed 
 preacher, than to spend the six days of the week in or- 
 dinary labour, and attend their own parish-church on the 
 seventh, to listen to the lukewarm doctrine qf an Indulg- 
 ed minister. 
 
 From all these reasons, the number of armed conven- 
 ticles increased ; and Lauderdale, incensed at the failure 
 of his experiment, increased his severity against them, 
 while the Indulgence was withdrawn, as a measure inad- 
 equate to the intended purpose, though, perhaps, it chiefly 
 failed for want of perseverance on the part of the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 As if Satan himself had suggested means of oppres- 
 sion, Lauderdale raked up out of oblivion the old and bar- 
 barous laws which had been adopted in the fiercest times, 
 and directed them against the nonconformists, especially 
 those who attended the field convemicies. One of those 
 laws inflicted the highest penalties upon persons who were 
 intercommuned, as it was called r-that is, outlawed by 
 legal sentence. The nearest relations were prohibited 
 from assisting each other, the wife the husband, the brother 
 the brother, and the parent the son, if the sufferers had 
 been intercommuned. The government of this cruel time 
 applied these ancient and barbarous laws to the outlawed 
 Presbyterians of the period, and thus drove them alto- 
 gether from human society. In danger, want, and ne- 
 cessity, the inhabitants of the wilderness, and expelled 
 from civil intercourse, it is no wonder that we find many 
 of these wanderers avowing principles and doctrines hos- 
 tile to the government which oppressed them, and carrying 
 their resistance beyond the bounds of mere defence. 
 There were instances, though less numerous than might 
 have been expected, of their attacking the houses of the 
 curates, or of others by whose information they had beeo 
 accused of nonconformity ; and several deaths ensued in 
 those enterprises, as well as in skirmishes with the military. 
 
 Superstitious notions also, the natural consequences of 
 an uncertain, melancholy, and solitary life among the deso-
 
 30 SUPERSTITION OF THE. 
 
 late glens and mountains, mingled with the intense enthu- 
 Fiasm of this persecuted sect. Their occasional successes 
 over their oppressors, and their frequent escapes from the 
 pursuit of the soldiery, when the marksmen missed their 
 aim, or when a sudden mist concealed the fugitives, were 
 imputed, not to the operation of those natural causes hy 
 means of which the Deity is pleased to govern the world, 
 and which are the engines of his power, but to the direct 
 interposition of a miraculous agency, over-ruling and sus- 
 pending the laws of nature, as in the period of Scriptural 
 history. 
 
 Many of the preachers, led away by the strength of 
 their devotional enthusiasm, conceived themselves to be 
 the vehicles of prophecy, and poured out tremendous de- 
 nunciations of future wars, and miseries more dreadful 
 than those which they themselves sustained ; and, as they 
 imagined themselves to be occasionally under the mirac- 
 ulous protection of the heavenly powers, so they ofton 
 thought themselves in a peculiar manner exposed to the 
 envy and persecution of the spirits of darkness, who lamed 
 their horses when they were pursued, betrayed their foot- 
 steps to the enemy, or terrified them by ghastly apparitions 
 in the dreary caverns and recesses where they were com- 
 pelled o hide themselves. 
 
 But especially the scattered Covenanters believed firm- 
 ly, that their chief ne rc -ouiors received from the Evil 
 Spirit a proof aga.ust lead bullets a charm, that is, to 
 prevent their being pierced or wounded by them. There 
 were abundance of the persecutors supposed to be gifted 
 with this necromantic privilege. In the battle of Rullion 
 Green, on Pentland Hills, many of the Presbyterians were 
 willing to believe that the balls were seen hopping like 
 hailstones from Tom Dalziel's buff-coat and boots. Silver 
 bullets were not neutralized by the same spell ; but that 
 metal being scarce amongst the persecuted Covenanters, 
 the circumstance did not afford them much relief. 
 
 1 have heard of an English officer, however, wno fell 
 by baser metal. He was attacking a small nouse which 
 was defended by some of the Wanderers. They were
 
 COVENANTERS. 31 
 
 firing on both sides, when one of the defenders, in scarcity 
 of ammunition, loaded his piece with the iron ball which 
 formed the top of the fire-tongs, and taking aim at the 
 officer with that charge, mortally wounded him whom lead 
 had been unable to injure. It is also said that the dying 
 man asked to know the name of the place where he fell ; 
 and being told it was Caldens, or Caldons, he exclaimed 
 against the Evil Spirit, who, he said, had told him he was 
 to be slain among the Chaldeans, but, as it now appeared, 
 had deceived him, by cutting him off when his death was 
 totally unexpected. 
 
 To John Graham of Claverhouse, a Scottish officer of 
 high rank, who began to distinguish himself as a severe 
 executor of the orders of the Privy Council against non- 
 conformists, the Evil Spirit was supposed to have been 
 still more liberal than to Dalziel, or to the Englishman who 
 died at Caldons. He not only obtained proof against 
 lead, but the devil is said to have presented him with a 
 black horse, which had not a single white hair upon its 
 body. This horse, it was said, had been cut out of the 
 belly of its dam, instead of being born in the usual man- 
 ner. On this animal, Claverhouse was supposed to per- 
 form the most unwonted feats of agility, flying almost like 
 a bird along the sides of precipitous hills, and through 
 pathless morasses, where an ordinary horse must have 
 been smothered or dashed to pieces. It is even yet be- 
 lieved, that mounted on this horse, Claverhouse (or 
 Clavers, as he is popularly called) once turned a hare on 
 the mountain named the Brandlaw, at the head of Moffat 
 dale, where no other horse could have kept its feet. But 
 these exertions were usually made whilst he was in pursuit 
 of the wanderers, which was considered as Satan's own 
 peculiarly pleasing work. 
 
 These superstitious notions were the natural consequen 
 ces of the dreaiy and precarious existence to which these 
 poor fugitives were condemned, and which induced them 
 to view as miraculous whatever was extraordinary. The 
 persons supposed to be proof against bullets, were only 
 desperate and bold men, who had the luck to escape the
 
 32 PERSECUTION OF THE 
 
 dangers to which they fearlessly exposed themselves ; and 
 the equestrian exploits of Claverhouse, when stripped of 
 exaggeration, were merely such as may be executed by 
 siiiy excellent horseman, ajul first-rate horse, to the amaze- 
 ment of those who are not accustomed to witness feats of 
 the kind. 
 
 The peculiar character and prejudices of the Covenant 
 ers are easily accounted for. Yet when it is considered 
 that so many Scottish subjects were involved in the snares 
 of these cruel laws, and liable to be prosecuted under 
 them, (the number is said to have reached eighteen or 
 twenty thousand persons,) it may seem wonderful that the. 
 government could find a party in the kingdom to approve 
 of and help forward measures as impolitic as they were 
 cruel. But, besides the great command which the very 
 worst government must always possess over those who 
 look for advancement and employment under it, these 
 things, it must be considered, took place shortly after the 
 Royalists, the prevalent party at that time, had been them 
 selves subjected to proscription, exile, judicial executions, 
 and general massacre. The fate of Montrose and his 
 followers, the massacres of Dunnavertie and Philiphaugh, 
 above all, the murder of King Charles, had taken place 
 during the predominance of the Presbyterians in Scotland, 
 and were imputed, however unjustly, to their religious 
 principles, which were believed by the Cavaliers to be 
 inconsistent with law, loyalty, and good order. Under 
 such mistaken sentiments, many of the late Royalist party 
 lent their arms eagerly to suppress the adherents of a sect, 
 to the pre-eminence of which they traced the general 
 misery of the civil wars, and their own peculiar misfor- 
 tunes. 
 
 Thus we find the Lady Methven of the day, (a daugh 
 ter of the house of Marischal, and wife of Patrick Smythe 
 of Methven,) interrupting a conventicle in person. A 
 large meeting of this kind had assembled on the grounds 
 of her husband, then absent in London, when the lady 
 approached them at the head of about sixty followers and 
 allies, she herself leading them on with a light horseman* 1 ?
 
 COVENANTERS. 33 
 
 carabine read) 1 cocked over her arm, and a drawn sword 
 in the other hand. The congregation sent a party of a 
 hundred armed men to demand her purpose, and the Am- 
 azonian lady protested, if they did not leave her husband's 
 estate, it should he a Woody day. They replied, that they 
 were determined to preach, whether she would or not ; 
 but her unshaken determination overcame their enthusi- 
 asm, and at length compelled them to retreat. After this 
 affair she wrote to .her husband that she was providing 
 arms, and even two pieces of cannon, hearing that the 
 Whigs had sworn to be revenged for the insults she had put 
 upon them. " If the fanatics," she concludes, " chance 
 to kill me, comfort yourself it shall not be for naught. I 
 was once wounded for our gracious King, and now, in the 
 strength of Heaven, I will hazard my person with men 1 
 can command, before these rebels rest where you have 
 power." No doubt, Lady Methven acted against these 
 " vagueing gipsies," as she terms them, with as much 
 honesty and sincerity of purpose, as they themselves en- 
 tertained in resisting her. 
 
 But the principal agents of government, in the perse- 
 cution of these oppressed people, were the soldiery, to 
 whom, contrary to the rule in all civilized countries unless 
 in actual warfare, power was given to arrest, examine, 
 detain, and imprison such persons as they should find in 
 the wilderness, which they daily ransacked to discover 
 delinquents, whose persons might afford plunder, or their 
 purses pay fines. One of the_se booted apostles, as the 
 Presbyterians called the dragoons, Captain Creichton by 
 name, has left his Memoirs, in which he rather exults in, 
 than regrets, the scenes of rapine and violence he had 
 witnessed, and the plunder which he collected. The fol- 
 lowing is one of his stories. 
 
 Being then a Life-guardsman, and quartered at Bath- 
 gale, he went out one Sunday on the moors with his 
 comrade Grant, to try if they could discover any of the 
 wanderers. They were disguised like countrymen, n? 
 grey coats and bonnets. Alter eight or ten miles' walking, 
 ihey descried three men on the top of a hill, whom they 
 12 2d SER.
 
 34 ADVENTURE OF 
 
 judged tc be placed there as sentinels. The) we>e ?rmed 
 with long poles. Taking precautions to come suddenly 
 upon this outpost, Creichton snatched one of the men's 
 poles from him, and asking him what he meant by carry- 
 ing such a pole on the Lord's day, immediately knocked 
 him down. Grunt secured another the third fled to give 
 the alarm, but Creichton overtook and surprised him also, 
 though armed with a pistol at his belt. They were then 
 guided onward to the conventicle by the voice of the 
 preacher Master John King, (afterwards executed,) which 
 was so powerful, that Creichton professes he heard him 
 distinctly at a quarter of a mile's distance, the wind fav- 
 ouring his force of lungs. 
 
 The meeting was very numerously attended ; never- 
 theless the two troopers had the temerity to approach, and 
 commanded them, in the King's name, to disperse. Im- 
 mediately forty of the congregation arose in defence, and 
 advanced upon the troopers, when Creichton, observing a 
 handsome horse, with a lady's pillion on it, grazing near 
 him, seized it, and leaping on its back, spurred through 
 the morasses, allowing the animal to choose its own way. 
 Grant, though on foot, kept up with his comrade for about 
 a mile, and the whole conventicle followed in full hue and 
 cry, in order to recover the palfrey, which belonged to a 
 lady of distinction. When Grant was exhausted, Creich- 
 ton gave him the horse in turn, and being both armed with 
 sword and pistol, they forced their way through such of 
 the conventiclers as attempted to intercept them, and gain- 
 ed the house of a gentleman, whom Creichton calls Laird 
 of Poddishaw. Here they met another gentleman of 
 fortune, the Laird of Polkemmet, who, greatly to his dis- 
 turbance, recognised, in the horse which the troopers had 
 brought off, his own lady's nag, on which, without his 
 knowledge, she had used the freedom to ride to the con- 
 venticle. He was now in the mercy of the Life-guards- 
 men, being liable to a heavy fine for his wife's delinquency, 
 besides the forfeiture of the pony. In this dilemma, Mr. 
 Baillie of Polkemmet invited the Life-guardsmen to dine 
 Kith him next day, and offered them the horse with its
 
 CAPTAIN CREICHTON. 35 
 
 furniture, as a lawful prize. But Creichton, perceiving 
 that the lady was weeping, very gallantly gave up hi.s claim 
 to the horse, on condition she would promise never to 
 attend a conventicle again. The military gentlemen were 
 no losers by this liberality, for as the lady mentioned the 
 names of some wealthy persons who were present at the 
 unlawful meeting, her husband gave them to understand 
 that they must make up a purse of hush-money, for the 
 benefit of Creichton and his comrade, who lived plenti- 
 fully for a twelvemonth afterwards on the sum thus ob- 
 tained. 
 
 This story, though it shows the power intrusted to the 
 soldiers, to beat and plunder the persons assembled for 
 religious worship, is rather of a comic than serious cast. 
 But far different were the ordinary rencounters which took 
 place between the Covenanters and the military. About 
 forty or fifty years ago, melancholy tales of the strange 
 escapes, hard encounters, and cruel exactions of this peri- 
 od, were the usual subject of conversation at every cottage 
 fireside ; and the peasants, while they showed the caverns 
 and dens of the earth in which the Wanderers concealed 
 themselves, recounted how many of them died in resisting 
 with arms in their hands, how many others were executed 
 by judicial forms, and how many were shot to death with- 
 out even the least pretence of a trial. The country peo- 
 ple retained a strong sense of the injustice with which 
 their ancestors had been treated, which showed itself in a 
 singular prejudice. They expressed great dislike of that 
 beautiful bird the Green-plover, in Scottish called the 
 Pease-weep. The reason alleged was, that these birds 
 being, by some instinct, led to attend to and watch any 
 human beings whom they see in thplr native wilds, the 
 soldiers were often guided in pursuit of the Wanderers, 
 when they might otherwise have escaped observation, by 
 the plover being observed to hover over a particular spot. 
 For this reason, the shepherds often destroyed the nests 
 of the bird when they met with them. 
 
 A still sadder memorial of those calamitous days was 
 the numbe: of headstones and other simple monuments
 
 36 OLD MORTALITY. 
 
 which, afier the Revolution, were erected over the craves 
 of the persons thus destroyed, and which usiiallv bore, 
 along with some lines of rude poetry, an account of the 
 manner in which they had heen slain. 
 
 These mortal resting-places of the victims of persecu- 
 tion, were held so sacred, that. about forty years since an 
 aged man dedicated his life to travet through Scotland, 
 for the purpose of repairing and clearing the tombs of the 
 sufferers. He always rode upon a white pony, and from 
 that circumstance, and the peculiarity of his -appearance 
 and occupation, acquired the nickname of Old Mortality. 
 In later days, the events of our own time have been of 
 such an engrossing character, that this species of traditional 
 history is much forgotten, and moss and weeds are gene- 
 rally suffered to conceal the monuments of the martyrs. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Descent of the Highland Host^Writs of 
 
 on behalf of the King, taken out against the Gentle- 
 men of the Wtst Trial and execution of Mitchell, 
 for assassinating Honyman, 13ishop of the Orkneys 
 Murder of Jlrclibishop Sharpe. The Nonconformists 
 take up arms in the West Defeat of Cfaverhouse at 
 Drumclog The Duke of Monmouth sent to Scot- 
 land to suppress the Insurrection Battle of Bothwell 
 Bridge. 
 
 WE have said before, that Lauderdale, now the Chief 
 Minister for Scotland, had not originally approved of the 
 violent measures taken with the nonconformists, and had 
 even recommended a more lenient mode of proceeding, 
 by granting a toleration, or Indulgence, as it was called, 
 for the free exercise of the Presbyterian religion. But 
 being too in-patient to wait the issue of his own experi- 
 ment, and fearful of being represented as lukewaim in 
 the King's service, he at length imitated and even ex-
 
 \ 
 LAUDERDALE'S SEVERITY. 37 
 
 ceeded Middleton, in his extreme severities against the 
 nonconformists. 
 
 The Duke of Lauderdale, for to that rank he was rais- 
 ed when the government was chiefly intrusted to him, 
 married Lady Dysart, a woman of considerable talent, 
 but of inordinate ambition, boundless expense, and the 
 most unscrupulous rapacity. Her influence over her hus- 
 band was extreme, and, unhappily, was of a kind which 
 encouraged him in his greatest errors. In order to supply 
 her extravagance, he had recourse to the public fines for 
 nonconformity, church penalties, and so forth, prosecutions 
 for which, with the other violent proceedings we have 
 noticed, were pushed on to such an extremity as to induce 
 a general opinion, that Lauderdale really meant to drive 
 the people of Scotland to a rebellion, in order that he 
 himself might profit by the confiscations which must follow 
 on its being subdued. 
 
 The Scottish nobility and gentry were too wise to be 
 caught in this snare ; but although they expressed the 
 utmost loyalty to the King, yet many, with the Duke of 
 Hamilton, the premier Peer of Scotland, at their head, 
 remonstrated against courses which, while they beggared 
 the tenantry, impoverished the gentry and ruined their 
 estates. By way of answer to their expostulations, the 
 western landholders were required to enter into bonds, 
 under the same penalties which were incurred by those 
 who were actual delinquents, that neither they nor their 
 families, nor their vassals, tenants, or other persons resid- 
 ing on their property, should withdraw from church, attend 
 conventicles, or relieve intercommuned persons. The 
 gentry refused to execute these bonds. They admitted 
 that conventicles were become very frequent, and express- 
 ed their willingness to assist the officers of the law in sup- 
 pressing them ; but, as they could exercise no forcible 
 control over their tenants and servants, they declined to 
 render themselves responsible for their conformity. Fi- 
 nally, they recommended a general indulgence, as the only 
 measure which promised the restoration of tranquillity.
 
 38 THE HIGHLAND HOST. 
 
 Both parties, at that unhappy period, (1678,) were in 
 the habit of imputing their enemies' measures to the sug- 
 gestions of Satan ; but that adopted by Lauderdale, upon 
 the western gentlemen's refusing the bond, had really some 
 appearance of being the absolute dictate of an evil spirit. 
 He determined to treat the whole west country as if in a 
 state of actual revolt. He caused not only a body of the 
 guards and militia, with field artillery, to march into the 
 devoted districts, but invited, for the same purpose, from 
 the Highland mountains, the class by which they were 
 inhabited. These wild mountaineers descended under 
 their different chiefs, speaking an unknown language, and 
 displaying to the inhabitants of the low countries their 
 strange attire, obsolete arms, and singular manners. The 
 clans were surprised in their turn. They had come out 
 expecting to fight, when, to their astonishment, they found 
 an innocent, peaceful, and unresisting country, in which 
 they were to enjoy free quarters, and full license for plun- 
 der. It may be supposed, that such an invitation to men, 
 to whom marauding habits were natural, offered opportu- 
 nities not to be lost, and accordingly the western counties 
 long had occasion to lament the inroad of the Highland 
 Host. A committee of the Privy Council, most of whom 
 were themselves chiefs of clans, or commanders in the 
 army, attended to secure the submission of the gentry, 
 and enforce the bonds. But the noblemen and gentry 
 continuing obstinate in their refusal to come under obliga- 
 tions which they had no means of fulfilling, the Privy 
 Council issued orders to disarm the whole inhabitants of 
 the country, taking even the gentlemen's swords, riding 
 horses, and furniture, and proceeded with such extreme 
 rigour, that the Earl of Cassilis, among others, prayed 
 they would either afford him the protection of soldiers, or 
 return him some of his arms to defend his household, 
 since otherwise he must be subject to the insolence and 
 mirages of the most paltry of the rabble. 
 
 To supply the place of the bonds, which were sub- 
 scribed by few or none, this unhappy Privy Council fell
 
 LAWBURROWS AGAINST THE WEST. 39 
 
 upon a plan, by a new decree, of a nature equally op- 
 pressive. There was, and is, a writ in Scotland, called 
 lawburrows, by which a man, who is afraid of violence 
 from his neighbours, upon making oath to the circumstan- 
 ces affording ground for such apprehension, may have the 
 party bound over to keep the peace, under security. Of 
 this useful law, a most oppressive application was now 
 made. The King was made to apply for a lawburrows 
 through a certain district of his dominions, against all the 
 gentlemen who had refused to sign the bond ; and thus 
 an -AUemDt was made to extort security from every man 
 so situated, as one of whom the King had a natural right 
 to enter.am well-founded apprehensions ! 
 
 These extraordinary provisions of law seem to have 
 driven, not the Presbyterians alone, but the whole country 
 of the west, into absolute despair. 
 
 No supplication or remonstrance had the least effect on 
 the impenetrable Lauderdale. When he was told that 
 the oppression of the Highlanders and of the soldiery 
 would totally interrupt the produce of agriculture, lie re- 
 plied, it were better that the west bore nothing but windle- 
 straws and sandy-laverocks,* than that it should bear 
 rebels to the King. In their despair, the suffering parties 
 determined to lay their complaints against the Minister 
 before the King in person. VV'ith this purpose, not less 
 than fourteen peers, and fifteen gentlemen, of whom many 
 were threatened with writs of lawburrows, repaired to 
 London, to lay their complaints at the foot of the throne. 
 This journey was taken in spite of an arbitrary order, by 
 which the Scottish nobility had been discharged, in the 
 King's name, either to approach the King's person, or to 
 leave their own kingdom ; as if it had been the purpose 
 to chain them to the stake, like baited bears, without the 
 power of applying for redress, or escaping from the gen- 
 eral misery. 
 
 Lauderdale had so much interest at court, as to support 
 himself against this accusation, by representing to the King 
 
 * Dog's grass and sea-larks.
 
 40 ATTEMPT TO MURDER THE PRIMATE. 
 
 that it was his object to maintain a large army in Scotland 
 to afford assistance when his Majesty should see it time to 
 extend his authority in England. He retained his place, 
 therefore, and the supplicants were sent from court in dis- 
 grace. But their mission had produced some beneficial 
 effects, for the measure concerning the "lawburrows and 
 the enforced bonds were withdrawn, and orders given for 
 withdrawing the Highlanders from the west countries, and 
 disbanding the militia. 
 
 When the Highlanders went back to their hills, which 
 was in February, 1078, they appeared as if returning 
 from the sack of some besieged town. They carried 
 with them plate, merchant-goods, webs of linen and of 
 cloth, quantities of wearing apparel, and household furni- 
 ture, and a good number of horses to bear their plunder. 
 It is, however, remarkable, and lo the credit of this people, 
 that they are not charged with any cruelty during three 
 months' residence at free-quarters, although they were 
 greedy of spoil, and rapacious in extorting money. In- 
 deed, it seems probable, that, after all, the wild Highland- 
 ers had proved gentler than was expected, or wished, by 
 those who employed them. 
 
 An event now occurred, one of the most remarkable 
 of the time, which had a great effect upon public affairs, 
 and the general feeling of the nation. This was the 
 death of James Sharpe, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 
 and Primate of Scotland. This person, you must re- 
 member, having been the agent of the Presbyterians 
 at the time of the Restoration, had, as was generally 
 thought, betrayed his constituents ; at least he had cer- 
 tainly changed his principles, and accepted the highest 
 office in the new Episcopal establishment. It may be 
 well supposed that a person so much hated as he was, 
 from his desertion of the old cause, and violence in the 
 new, was the object of general hostility, and that 
 amongst a sect so enthusiastic as the nonconformists, 
 some one should be found to exercise judgment upon 
 him in other words, to take his life.
 
 MITCHELL EXAMINED, AND PLT TO TORTURE. 41 
 
 The avenger, who conceived himself called to this 
 task, was one Mitchell, a fanatical preacher, of moderate 
 talents and a heated imagination. He fired a pistol, 
 loaded with three bullets, into the coac-h of the Archbish 
 op, and missing the object of his aim, broke the arm of 
 Honyman, Bishop of the Orkneys, who sat with Sharpe 
 in the carriage, of which wound he never entirely recov- 
 ered, though he lingered for some years. The assassin 
 escaped during the confusion. This was in 1668, and 
 in 1674 the Archbishop again observed a man who seem- 
 ed to watch him, and whose face was imprinted upon his 
 mind. The alarm was given, and Mitchell was seized. 
 Being closely examined by the Lords of the Privy Coun- 
 cil, he at first absolutely denied the act charged against 
 him. But to the Chancellor he confessed in private 
 having first received a solemn promise that his life should 
 be safe -that he had fired the shot which wounded the 
 Bishop of Orkney. After this compromise, the assassin's 
 trial was put off from time to time, from the determined 
 desire to take the life which had been promised to him. 
 In order to find matter against Mitchell, he was examined 
 concerning his accession to the insurrection of Pentland ; 
 and as he refused to confess anything which should make 
 against himself, he was appointed to undergo the torture 
 of the boot. 
 
 He behaved with great courage when the frightful ap- 
 paratus was produced, and not knowing, as he said, that 
 lie could escape such torture with life, declared that he 
 forgave from his heart those at whose command it was to 
 be inflicted, the men appointed to be the agents of their 
 cruelty, and those who satiated their malevolence by look- 
 ing on as spectators. When the executioner demanded 
 which leg should be enclosed in the dreadful boot, the 
 prisoner, with the same confidence, stretched out his right 
 leg, saying, " Take the best ; I willingly bestow it in this 
 cause." He endured nine blows of the mallet with the 
 utmost firmness, each more severely crushing the limb. 
 At the ninth blow he fainted, and was remanded to prison. 
 
 897
 
 Kl EXECUTION OF MITCHELL. 
 
 After this he was sent to the Bass, a desolate isle, or 
 rather rock, in the Frith of Forth, where was a strong 
 castle, then occupied as a state prison. 
 
 Upon the 7th of January, 1678, ten years after the 
 deed was committed, and four years after he was made 
 prisoner, Mitchell was finally brought to his trial ; and 
 while his own confession was produced against him as 
 evidence, he was not allowed to plead the promise of life 
 upon which he had been induced to make the fatal avow- 
 al. It is shameful to be obliged to add, that the Duke of 
 Lauderdale would not permit the records of the Privy 
 Council to be produced, and that some of the Privy 
 Counsellors swore, that no assurance of life had been 
 granted, although it is now to be seen on the record. 
 The unfortunate man was therefore condemned. Lau- 
 derdale, it is said, would have saved his life ; but the 
 Archbishop demanded his execution as necessary to 
 guard the lives of Privy Counsellors from such attempts 
 in future, the Duke gave up the cause with a profane and 
 brutal jest, and the man was executed, with more dis- 
 grace to his judges than to himself, the consideration of 
 his guilt being lost in the infamous manoeuvres used in 
 bringing him to punishment. 
 
 I have already said, that in the commencement of 
 Lauderdale's administration, Archbishop Sharpe was re- 
 moved from public affairs. But this did not last long, as 
 the Duke found that he could not maintain his interest 
 at court without the support of the Episcopal party. The 
 Primate's violence of disposition was supposed to have 
 greatly influenced the whole of Lauderdale's latter gov- 
 ernment. But in Fife, where he had his archiepiscopal 
 residence, it was most severely felt ; and as the noncon- 
 formists of that county were fierce and enthusiastic in 
 proportion to the extremity of persecution which the) 
 underwent, there was soon found a band among them who 
 sent abroad an anonymous placard, threatening that any 
 person who might be accessary to the troubles inflicted 
 upon the Whigs in that county, should be suitably punish- 
 ed D) i party strong enough to set resistance at defiance.
 
 ASSASSINATION OF BISHOP SHARPE. 43 
 
 The chief person among these desperate men was Da- 
 vid Hackston of Rathillet, a gentleman of family and 
 fortune. He had been a loose liver in his youth, but lat 
 terly had adopted strong and enthusiastic views of reli- 
 gion, which led him into the extreme opinions entertained 
 by the fiercest of the Whig party. John Balfour of Kin- 
 loch, called Burley, the brother-in-law of Hackston, is 
 described by a covenanting author, as a little man of 
 stern aspect, and squint-eyed ; none of the most religious, 
 but very willing to engage in any battles or quarrels 
 which his comrades found it necessary to sustain. He 
 was at this time in danger from the law, on account of a 
 late affray, in which he had severely wounded one of the 
 Life-guards. It is alleged that both these persons had 
 private enmity at Archbishop Sharpe. Balfour had been 
 his factor in the management of some property, and had 
 failed to give account of the money he had received, and 
 Hackston, being bail for his brother-in-law, was thrown 
 into jail till the debt was made good. The remainder of 
 the band were either small proprietors of land, or portion- 
 ers, as they are called in Scotland, or mechanics, such 
 as weavers and the like. 
 
 These enthusiasts, to the number of nine, were out, 
 and in arms, upon 3d May, 1G79, with the purpose of 
 assaulting (in the terms of their proclamation) one Car- 
 mie-hael, who acted as a commissioner lor receiving the 
 fines of the nonconformists. This person had indeed 
 been in the fields hunting that morning, but chancing to 
 hear that there was such a party looking out for him, he 
 left his sport and went home. 
 
 When Rathillet and his friends were about to disperse, 
 in sullen disappointment, the wife of a fanner at Baldin- 
 ny sent a lad to tell them, that the Archbishop's coach 
 was upon the road returning from Ceres towards St. An- 
 drews. The conspirators were in that mood when our 
 own wishes and thoughts, strongly fostered and cherished, 
 are apt to seem to us like inspiration from above. Bal- 
 four, or Burley, affirmed he had felt a preternatural im- 
 pulse forcing him to return from Fi'e, when it was [\in
 
 44 ASSASSINATION OF BISHOP SHARPS 
 
 purpose to have gone to the Highlands, and that iroine; to 
 pravers, he had been confirmed by the Scripture text, 
 " Go, have not 1 sent thee ?" Russell, another of the 
 party, also affirmed he had been long impressed with the 
 idea that some great enemy to the church was to be cut 
 off, and spoke of some text about ISero, which assuredly 
 does not exist in Scripture. 
 
 They all agreed, in short, that the opportunity offered 
 was the work of Heaven ; that they should not draw 
 back, but go on ; and that, instead of the inferior agent, 
 for whom they had been seeking in vain, it was their duty 
 to cut off the prime source of the persecution, whom 
 Heaven had delivered into their hands. This being de 
 termined upon, the band chose Hackston for their leader ; 
 but he declined the office, alleging, that the known quar- 
 rel betwixt him and the Archbishop would mar the glory 
 of the action, and cause it to be imputed to private re- 
 venge. But he added, with nice distinction, that he 
 would remain with them, and would not interfere to pre- 
 vent what they felt themselves called upon to do. 13al- 
 four then said, " Gentlemen, follow me." 
 
 They then set off at speed in pursuit of the carriage 
 which was driving along a desolate heath, about three 01 
 four miles from St. Andrews, culled Magus-Moor. Flem 
 ing and Russell, two of the assassins, rode into a farm- 
 yard, and demanded of the tenant, If that equipage on 
 the road before them were the Archbishop's coach ? 
 Guessing their purpose, he was too much frightened to 
 answer ; but one of the female servants came out and 
 assured them, with much appearance of joy, that they 
 were on the right scent. The whole party then threw 
 away their cloaks, and pursued as fast as they could gal- 
 lop, firing their carabines on th9 carriage, and crying out, 
 " Judas, be taken !" The coachman drove rapidly, on 
 seeing they were pursued by armed men ; but a heavy 
 coach in a rugged road could not outstrip horsemen. 
 The servants who attended the carriage offered some 
 resistance, but were dismounted and disarmed by the 
 pursuers. Having come up with the carriage, they stop-
 
 ASSASSINATION OF BISHOP SHARPE. 45 
 
 ped it by cutting the traces, and wounding the postilion ; 
 and then fired a volley of balls into the coach, where the 
 Archbishop was seated with his daughter. This proving 
 ineffectual, they commanded the Prelate to come forth, 
 and prepare for death, judgment, and eternity. The old 
 man came out of the coach, and creeping on his knees 
 towards Hackston, said, " I know you are a gentleman 
 you will protect me ?" 
 
 "1 will never lay a hand upon you," said Hackston, 
 turning away from the suppliant. One man of the party, 
 touched with some compassion, said, " Spare his grey 
 hairs." But the rest of the assassins were unmoved. 
 One or two pistols were discharged at the prostrate Arch- 
 bishop without effect ; when, conceiving, according to 
 their superstitious notion, that their victim was possessed 
 of a charm against gun-shot, they drew their swords, and 
 killed him with many wounds, dashing even his skull to 
 pieces, and scooping out his brains. The lady, who made 
 vain attempts to throw herself between her lather and 
 the swords of the assassins, received one or two wounds 
 in the scuffle. They rifled the coach of such arms and 
 papers as it contained. They found some trinkets, which 
 they conceived were magical; and also, as they pretend- 
 ed, a bee in a box, which they concluded was a familiar 
 spirit. 
 
 Such was the progress and termination of a violent and 
 wicked deed, committed by blinded and desperate men. 
 It brought much scandal on the Presbyterians, though 
 unjustly ; for the moderate persons of that persuasion, 
 comprehending the most numerous, and by far the most 
 respectable of the body, disowned so cruel an action, 
 although they might be at the same time of opinion, that 
 the Archbishop, who had been the cause of many men's 
 violent death, merited some such conclusion to his owr 
 He had some virtues, being learned, temperate, and liv 
 ing a life becoming his station ; but his illiberal and intol- 
 erant principles, and the violences which he committed 
 to enforce them, were the occasion of great distress to 
 Scotland, and of his own premature and bloody end.
 
 40 ASSASSINATION OF BISHOP SHARPK. 
 
 The Scottish government, which the Archbishop's 
 death had alarmed and irritated in the highest degree, 
 used the utmost exertions to apprehend his murderers j 
 and failing that, to disperse and subdue, by an extremity 
 of violence greater than what had been hitherto employ- 
 ed, every assembly of armed Covenanters. All attend- 
 ance upon field-conventicles was declared treason ; new 
 troops were raised, and the strictest orders sent to the 
 commanding officers to act against nonconformists with 
 the utmost rigour. On the other hand, the intercom- 
 mimed persons, now grown desperate, assembled in 
 more numerous and better armed parlies, and many of 
 them showed a general purpose of defying and rebelling 
 against the King's authority, which the moderate party 
 continued to acknowledge, as being that of the supreme 
 Civil Magistrate. These circumstances soon led to a 
 crisis. 
 
 Several of the murderers of the Archbishop of Saint 
 Andrews found their way, through great dangers, to the 
 west of Scotland ; and their own interest, doubtless, in- 
 duced them to use such influence as they had acquired 
 by their late action, to bring mallei's to extremily. 
 
 Hackston, Balfour, and others, seem to have held 
 counsel with Donald Cargill, one of the most noted of the 
 preachers at conventicles, and particularly with Robert 
 Hamilton, brother to the Laird of Prestonfield ; in con- 
 sequence of which they appeared at the head of eighty 
 horse, in the little burgh of Rutherglen, upon ihe 29th of 
 May, appointed to be held as a holiday, on account of 
 the Restoration of Charles II. They quenched the bon- 
 fires, which had been kindled on account of ibis solem- 
 nity, and, drawing up in order at the market-cross after 
 prayer, and singing part of a psalm, they formally enlered 
 iheir prolest, or testimony, as they called it, against the 
 acts abolishing Presbytery, and establishing Episcopacy, 
 together with the other defections of the time, all of 
 which ihey renounced and disclaimed. After this brava- 
 do, they affixed a copy of their testimony on the cross, 
 Closed their meeting with prayer, and then evacuated the
 
 DEFEAT OF CLAVERHOUSE AT DRUMCLOO 47 
 
 town at their leisure, the individuals retiring to their own 
 houses, and Hamilton harbouring the Fife gentlemen, 
 that is, those who had killed the Archbishop. 
 
 We have already mentioned John Graham of Claver- 
 house as a superior officer, who had been singularly ac 
 live against the nonconformists. He was now Ivmg in 
 garrison at Glasgow, and, on the first of June, drew out 
 his own troop of dragoons, with such -other cavalry as he 
 could hasiily add to it, and set off in quest of the insur- 
 gents, who had offered such a public affront to govern- 
 ment. 
 
 At Hamilton, he made prisoner John King, a preacher, 
 and with him seventeen countrymen, who were attending 
 on his ministry ; and hearing of a larger assembly of in- 
 siugents who were at Loudon-hill, a short distance off, 
 he pushed forward to that place. Here Claverhouse was 
 opposed by a large body in point of numbers, but very 
 indifferently armed, though there were about fifty horse, 
 tolerably appointed, as many infantry with guns, and a 
 number of men armed with scythes, forks, pikes, and hal- 
 berts. The immediate spot on which the parties met 
 was called Drumclog. It is a boggy piece of ground, 
 unfit for the acting of cavalry, and a broad drain, or ditch, 
 seems also to have given the insurgents considerable ad- 
 vantage. A short but warm engagement ensued, during 
 which Balfour, and William Cleland, to be afterwards 
 mentioned, crossed the ditch boldly, and, outflanking the 
 dragoons, compelled them to fly. About thirty of the 
 defeated party were slain, or died of their wounds. An 
 officer of the name of Graham, a kinsman of Claver- 
 house, was among the slain. His body, mistaken, it is 
 reported, for that of his namesake, was pitifully mangled. 
 Claverhouse's own horse was laid open by the blow of a 
 scythe, and was scarcely able to bear him off the field of 
 battle. As he passed the place where he had left his 
 prisoners, King, the preacher, when he beheld his captor 
 n this pitiful plight, halloed out to him to stay and take 
 Jie afternoon sermon. Some royalist prisoners were 
 taken, to whofci quarter was given, and they were dismiss-
 
 48 ATTACK UPON GLASGOW. 
 
 ;d. This clemency on the part of his soldiers greatl} 
 disgusted Mr. Hamilton, who now assumed the command 
 of the insurgents. To show a good example, he killed 
 one of the defenceless captives W'th his own hand, lenity 
 being, according to his exaggerated ideas, the setting free 
 the brats of Babel, after they had been delivered into 
 their hands, that they might dash them to the stones 
 The insurgents only lost five or six men ; one of whom 
 had assisted at the murder of the Archbishop. 
 
 After having gained this victory, the insurgents resolv- 
 ed to keep the field, and take such future fortune as hea- 
 ven should send them. They marched to Hamilton after 
 the action, and the next day, strongly reinforced by the 
 numbers which joined them on all sides, they proceeded 
 to attack the town of Glasgow. 
 
 The city was defended by Lord Ross and Claverhouse, 
 with a small but regular force. The insurgents penetrat- 
 ed into the town from two points, one column advancing 
 up the Gallowgate, the other entering by the College and 
 the Wynd Head. But Claverhouse, who ommanded the 
 King's troops, had formed a barricade about the Cross, 
 Town-house, and Tolbooth, so that the Whigs, in march 
 ing to the attack, were received with a fire which they 
 could not sustain, from an enemy who lay sheltered arid 
 in safety. But although they were beaten for the pres- 
 ent, the numbers of the insurgents began so much to 
 increase, that Ross and Claverhouse judged it neces- 
 sary to evacuate Glasgow, and march eastward, leaving 
 all the west of Scotland at the mercy of the rebels, 
 whose numbers speedily amounted to five or six thous- 
 and men. There were among them, however, very few 
 gentlemen, or persons of influence, whose presence 
 might have prevented them from falling into the state 
 of disunion to which, owing to the following circum- 
 stances, they were speedily reduced. 
 
 The discord was now at its height between the more 
 moderate Presbyterians, who were willing to own the 
 King's government under the condition of obtaining free- 
 dom of conscience ; and the more hot-headed and furious
 
 DISPUTES AMONU THE INSURGENTS. 49 
 
 partisans, who would entertain no friendship or fellowship 
 with those who owned and supported prelacy, and who 
 held the acknowledging the government, or the listening 
 to the preachers who ministered by their indulgence or 
 connivance, as a foul compromising of the cause of Pres- 
 bytery, and professed it their object to accomplish a 
 complete revolution in Church and State, and render the 
 kirk as triumphant as it had been in 1G40. 
 
 The preachers had likewise differed amongst themselves. 
 Mr. John Welsh, much famed for his zeal for Presbyte- 
 ry, did, nevertheless, together with Mr. David Hume, 
 head the Moderate, or, as it was called by their oppo- 
 nents, the Erastian party ; whilst Donald Cargill, Thom- 
 as Douglas, and John King, espoused, with all ardour, 
 the more extravagant purposes, which nothing short of a 
 miracle could have enabled them to accomplish. These 
 champions of the two parties preached against each other 
 from the pulpit, harangued and voted on different sides in 
 councils of war. and had not the sense to agree, or even 
 to adjourn their disputes, when they heard that the forces 
 of both England and Scotland were collecting to march 
 against their undisciplined army, ill -pro video as it was 
 with arms, and at variance concerning the causes which 
 had brought them to the field. 
 
 While the insurgents were thus quarrelling among them- 
 selves, and incapable of taking any care of their common 
 cause, the Privy Council ordered out the militia, and sum- 
 moned to arms the vassals of the Crown ; many of whom, 
 being inclined to Presbytery, came forth with no small 
 reluctance. The Highland chiefs who lay near the 
 scene of action, were also ordered to attend the King's 
 host with their followers. 
 
 But when the news of the insurrection reached Lon- 
 don, Charles II., employing for a season his own good 
 judgment, which he too often yielded to the management 
 of others, seems to have formed an idea of conciliating 
 the rebels, as well as of subduing them. For this pur- 
 pose, he sent to Scotland, as Commander-in-chief, his
 
 50 IiUKE OF MONMOUTH SENT TO SCOTLAND. 
 
 natural son, James, Dnke of Monmomh, at the head ol 
 a large body of the royal guards. This young nobleman 
 was the King's favourite, both from the extreme beauty 
 of his person, and the amiablencss of his disposition. 
 Charles had taken care of his fortune, by uniting him 
 with the heiress of the great family of Uuccleuch, whoae 
 large estates are still enjoyed by their descendants. 
 Wealthy, popular, and his father's favourite, the Duke of 
 Monmouth had been encouraged to oppose his own court 
 influence to that of the King's brother, the Duke of 
 York ; and as the latter had declared himself a Roman 
 Catholic, so Monmouth, to mark the distinction betwixt 
 them, was supposed to be favourable to Presbyterians, as 
 well as dissenters of any sect, and was popularly called 
 The Protestant Duke. It was naturally supposed that, 
 having such inclinations, he was intrusted with some 
 powers favourable to the insurgents. 
 
 These unfortunate persons having spent a great deal of 
 time in debating on church polemics, and employed no 
 part of it in disciplining their army, or supplying them with 
 provisions, were still lying in the vicinity of the town 
 of Hamilton, while numbers, despairing of their success, 
 were every day deserting them. ON the 21st of June, 
 they were alarmed by the intelligence, that the Duke of 
 Monmouth was advancing at the head of a well-disciplin- 
 ed army. This did not recall them to their senses ; they 
 held a council, indeed, but it was only to engage in a fu- 
 rious debate, which lasted until Kathillet told them his 
 sword was drawn, as well against those who accepted the 
 Indulgence, as against the curates, and withdrew from the 
 council after this defiance, followed by those who pro- 
 fessed his principles. 
 
 The moderate party, thus left to themselves, drew up a 
 Supplication to the Duke of Monmouth, and after describ- 
 ing their intolerable grievances, declared that they were 
 willing to submit all controversies to a free Parliament, 
 and a free assembly of the Church. 
 
 The Duke, in reply, expressed compassion for their 
 condition, and a wish to alleviate it by his intercession with
 
 BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIDGE. 51 
 
 th? King, but declared, they must in the interim lay 
 down their arms. When they received this message, 
 the insurgent troops were in the greatest disorder, the 
 violent party having chosen this unfortunate moment 
 for cashiering the officers whom they had formerly 
 chosen, and nominating others who had no taint of 
 Erastianism or Malignity; in other words, no disposi- 
 tion to acknowledge any allegiance to the King, or 
 submission to the civil power. While they were thus 
 employed, the troops of Monmouth appeared in sight 
 
 The insurgents were well posted for defence. They 
 had in front the Clyde, a deep river, not easily fordable, 
 and only to be crossed by BotliweU Bridge, which gives 
 name to the battle. This is, (or rather was, for though 
 it still exists, it is now much altered,) a high, sleep, and 
 narrow bridge, having a portal, or gateway, in the centre, 
 which the insurgents had shut and barricaded. About 
 three hundred men were stationed to defend this important 
 pass, under Rathillet, Balfour, and others. They behav- 
 ed well, and made a stout defence, till the soldiers of Mon- 
 mouth forced the pass at the point of the bayonet. The 
 insurgents then gave way, and the royal army advanced 
 towards the main body, who, according to the historian 
 Burnet, seem neither to have bad the grace to submit, the 
 courage to fight, nor the sense to run away. They stood 
 a few minutes in doubt and confusion, their native courage 
 and enthusiasm frozen by the sense of discord amongst 
 themselves, arid the sudden approach of an arrny superior 
 m discipline. At length, as the artillery began to play 
 upon them, and the horse and Highlanders were about to 
 charge, they gave way without resistance, and dispersed 
 like a flock of sheep. 
 
 The gentle-tempered Duke of Monmouth gave strict 
 orders to aiFord quarter to all who asked it, and to m;ike 
 prisoners, but spare lives. Considerable slaughter, it is 
 said, took place, notwithstanding his orders, partly owing 
 (j the unrelenting temper of Claverhonse, who was burn- 
 ii 6 to obtain vengeance for the defeat of Drumclog, and 
 '.*. death of his kinsman, who was slain there ; and partly
 
 52 BATTLE OF BOTHWEI.L BRIDGE. 
 
 to the fury of the English soldiers and the Scottish High 
 landers, who distinguished themselves by their cruelty. 
 
 Four hundred men were killed at the battle of Both 
 well Bridge, and about twelve hundred made prisoners 
 These last were marched to Edinburgh and imprisoned ir. 
 the Greyfriars' Church-yard, like cattle in a pen-fold, 
 while several ministers and others were selected for exe- 
 cution. The rest, after long confinement there, and with- 
 out any shelter save what they found in the tombs, were 
 dismissed, upon giving bonds for conformity in future, and 
 the more obstinate were sent as slaves to the plantations. 
 Many of the last class were lost at sea. Arid yet, not- 
 withstanding these disasters, the more remote consequen- 
 ces of the battle of Bothwell Bridge were even more 
 calamitous than those which were direct and immediate. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 TJie Diike of York's Administration of Affairs in Scot- 
 land Persecution of the Cameronians The Jerms- 
 wood and Rye-House Plots Death of Charles II. 
 
 THE efforts made by Monmouth obtained an indemnity 
 which was ill-observed, and a limited indulgence which 
 was speedily recalled ; and instead of the healing meas- 
 ures which were expected, severe inquisition was made 
 into the conduct of the western proprietors, accused of 
 favouring the insurrection, and that of the gentlemen \\]. r . 
 had failed to give attendance in the King's hr.st, when 
 assembled to put it down. The excuses made for this 
 desertion of duty were singular enough, being, in many 
 cases, a frank confession of the defaulters' fear of dis- 
 quiet from their wives, some of whom invoked bitter 
 curses on their husbands, if they took either horse or man 
 to do prejudice to the fanatics who were in arms. To 
 these excuses the court paid no heed, but fined the ah
 
 DUKE OF YORK'S ARRIVAL, IN SCOTLAND. 5.1 
 
 setitees heavily, and even threatened forfeiture of jeir 
 lands. 
 
 The mild influence of Monmouth in the administration 
 of Scotland lasted but a short while ; and that of Lauder- 
 dale, though that nobleman was now loaded with age as 
 well as obloquy, in a great measure revived, until it was 
 superseded by the arrival in Scotland of the King's broth- 
 er, and heir presumptive of the throne, James Duke of 
 York. 
 
 We have already said that this Prince was a Catholic, 
 and indeed it was his religion which had occasioned his 
 exile, first to Brussels, and now to Scotland. The King 
 consented to his brother's banishment as an unavoidable 
 measure, the utmost odium having been excited against 
 all Catholics, by the alleged discovery of a plot amongst 
 the Papists, to rise upon and massacre the Protestants, 
 depose the King, and put his brother on the throne. The 
 whole structure of this story is now allowed to have been 
 gross lies and forgeries, but at this period, to doubt it was 
 to be as bad as the Papists themselves. The first fury of 
 national prejudice having begun to subside, James was 
 recalled from Brussels to Scotland, in order to be nearer 
 his brother, though still at such a distance as should not 
 again arouse the jealousy of the irritable Protestants. 
 
 The Duke of York was of a character very different 
 from his brother Charles. He had neither that monarch's 
 wit nor his levity, was fond of business, and capable of 
 yielding strict attention to it, and, without being penurious, 
 might be considered as an economist. He was attached 
 to his religion, with a sincerity honourable to him as a man, 
 but unhappy for him as a prince, destined to reign over a 
 Protestant people. He was severe even to cruelty, and 
 nourished the same high idea of the divine right of kings, 
 and the duty of complete submission on the part of sub- 
 jects, which was the original cause of his father's mis- 
 fortunes. 
 
 On the Duke of York's arrival in Scotland, he was 
 received with great marks of honour and welcome by the
 
 54 CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF YORK. 
 
 nobles and gentry, and occupied the palace of Holyrocxi, 
 which had been long untenanted by royalty. He exert- 
 ed himself much to conciliate the affections of the Scot- 
 tish persons of condition ; and his grave and lofty, yet 
 courteous manners, suited well the character of a people, 
 who, proud and reserved themselves, willingly pay much 
 respect to the etiquette of rank, providing those entitled 
 to such deference are contented to admit their claims to 
 respect in return. 
 
 The Duke of York, it is said, became aware of the 
 punctilious character of the Scottish nation, from a speech 
 of the well known Tom Dalziel. The Duke had invited 
 this old cavalier to dine in private with him, and with his 
 Duchess, Mary of Este, daughter of the Duke of Modena. 
 This princess chose to consider it as a derogation from 
 her rank to admit a subject to her table, and refused to 
 sit down to dinner if Dalziel should remain as a visiter. 
 " Madam," said the undismayed veteran, " I have dined 
 at a table where your father might have stood at my back." 
 He alluded to that of the Emperor of Germany, whom 
 the Duke of Modena must, if summoned, have attended 
 as an officer of the household. The spirit of the answer 
 is said to have determined James, while holding inter- 
 course with the Scottish nobles and gentry, to exercise as 
 much affability as he could command or affect, which, with 
 the gravity and dignity of his manners, gave him great 
 influence among all that approached his person. He paid 
 particular attention to the chiefs of Highland clans, made 
 himself acquainted with their different interests and char- 
 acters, and exerted himself to adjust and reconcile their 
 feuds. By such means, he acquired among this primitive 
 sace, alike sensible to kind treatment, and resentful of 
 injury or neglect, so great an ascendency, that it continued 
 to be felt in the second generation of his family. 
 
 The Duke of York, a Catholic and a Prince, was in 
 both capacities disposed to severity against fanatics and 
 insurgents ; so that his presence and interference in Scot- 
 tish affairs increased the disposition to severity against 
 Presbyterans of every shade and modification. But it
 
 PERSECUTION OF THE CAMERONIANS. 55 
 
 was on liis return, after a short visit to London, dining 
 tvhich he had ascertained that his brother's affection for 
 him was undiminished, that he ventured to proceed to ex- 
 tremities in suppressing nonconformists. 
 
 The doctrines promulgated by the more fierce and un- 
 reasonable insurgents, in their camp at Hamilton, were 
 now adopted by the numerous and increasing sect, who 
 separated their cause entirely from that of the moderate 
 Presbyterians. These men disowned altogether the King's 
 authority, and that of the government, and renounced the 
 title of all pretenders to the throne, who would not sub- 
 scribe to the Solemn League and Covenant, and govern 
 according to its principles. These doctrines were chiefly 
 enforced by two preachers, named Cargill and Cameron, 
 from the last of whom their followers assumed, or acquir- 
 ed, the title of Cameronians. 
 
 Richard Cameron laboured and died in a manner not 
 unworthy of his high pretensions, as the founder of a re* 
 Hgious sect. He continued in open resistance after the 
 battle of Bothwell Bridge ; and upon the 22d of June. 
 1680, occupied the little burgh of Sanquhar with a small 
 party of armed horsemen, and published a paper, or Tes- 
 timony, formally disowning the authority of the King, and 
 proclaiming that, by injustice and tyranny, he had for- 
 feited the throne. After this bold step, Cameron, being 
 closely pursued, roamed through the more desolate places 
 of the country, with a few friends in arms', of whom 
 Hackston of Rathillet, famous for his share in the death 
 of Archbishop Sharpe, was the principal. 
 
 But, upon 22d July 1680, while laying at a desolate 
 place, called Airs Moss, they were alarmed with the news, 
 that Bruce of Earlshall was coming upon them with a 
 superior force of infantry and dragoons. The Wanderers 
 resolved to stand their ground, and Cameron pronounced 
 a prayer, in which he three times repeated the pathetic; 
 expression, " Lord, spare the green and take the ripe." 
 He then addressed his followers with great firmness, ex 
 honing them to fight to the very last, " For I see," he
 
 56 PERSECUTION OF 
 
 added, " heaven's gates open to receive all such as shall 
 die this day." 
 
 Rathillet divided their handful of twenty-three horse 
 upon the two flanks of about forty half-armed infantry. 
 The soldiers approached, and charged with fury. Cam- 
 eron was killed on the spot. Rathillet fought with great 
 bravery, but was at length overpowered, struck dowii, and 
 made prisoner. 
 
 In the barbarous spirit of the age, the seizure of Hack- 
 ston was celebrated as a kind of triumph, and all possible 
 insult was heaped on the unhappy man. He was brought 
 into Edinburgh, mounted on a horse without a saddle, and 
 having his face to the tail. The head and hands of Rich- 
 ard Cameron were borne before him on pikes. But such 
 insults rather arouse than break the spirits of brave men. 
 Hackston behaved witti great courage before the Council. 
 The Chancellor having upbraided him as a man of liber- 
 tine habits, " While I was so," he replied, " I was ac- 
 ceptable to your lordship ; I only lost your favour when 
 I renounced my vices." The Archbishop's death being 
 alleged against him as a murder, he replied, that Heaven 
 would decide which were the greatest murderers, himself, 
 or those who sat in judgment on him. He was executed 
 with circumstances of protracted cruelty. Both his hands 
 were cut off before execution, and his heart torn from his 
 bosom before he was quite dead. . His head, with that of 
 Cameron, was fixed on the Netherbow Port, the hands of 
 the former being extended, as if in the act of prayer. 
 One of the enemies of his party gave Cameron this tes- 
 timony on the occasion : " Here are the relics of a man 
 who lived praying and preaching, and died praying and 
 fighting." 
 
 Daniel, or Donald Cargill, took up the banner of the 
 sect, which had fallen from Cameron's dying hand. He 
 avouched its tenets as boldly as his predecessor, and at a 
 large conventicle of Cameronians, held in the Torwood. 
 September 1680, had the audacity to pronounce sentence 
 of excommunication against the King, the Duke of York, 
 die Dukes ot Monmouth, Lauderdale, and Rothes, the
 
 THE CAMERONIANS. 57 
 
 Lord Advocate, and General Dalziel. This proceeding 
 was entirely uncanonical, and contrary lo the rules of the 
 Scottish Presbyterian church ; but it assorted well with 
 the uncompromising spirit of the Hill-men, or Camero- 
 nians, who desired neither to give nor receive favours from 
 those whom they termed God's enemies. 
 
 A high reward being put upon Cargill's head, he was, 
 not long afterwards, taken by a Dumfriesshire gentleman, 
 and executed, along with four others, all disowning the 
 authority of the King. The firmness with which these 
 men met death, tended to confirm the good opinion of the 
 spectators ; and though the Cameronian doctrines were 
 too wild to be adopted by men ol sense and education, 
 yet they spread among the inferior ranks, and were pro- 
 ductive of much mischief. 
 
 Thus, persecution, long and unsparingly exercised, 
 drove a part of an oppressed peasantry into wild and per- 
 ilous doctrines ; dangerous, if acted upon, not only to the 
 existing tyranny, but to any other form of government, 
 how moderate soever. It was, considering the frantic 
 severity of the Privy Council, a mucli greater wonder that 
 they had not sooner stirred up a spirit of determined and 
 avowed opposition to their government, than that such 
 should now have arisen. Nevertheless, blind to experi- 
 ence, the Duke of York, who had now completely su- 
 perseded LauderdaJe in the management of the Scottish 
 affairs, continued to attempt the extirpation of the Came- 
 ronian sect, by the very same violent means which had 
 occasioned its formation. 
 
 All usual forms of law, all the bulwarks by which the 
 subjects of a country are protected against the violence of 
 armed power, were at once broken down, and officers and 
 soldiers received commissions not only to apprehend, but 
 to interrogate and punish, any persons whom they might 
 suspect of fanatical principles ; and if they thought prop- 
 er, they might put them to death upon the spot. All that 
 was necessary to condemnation was, that the individuals 
 seized upon should scruple to renounce the Covenant or 
 should hesitate to admit, that the dea|h of Sharpe was an
 
 68 PERSECUTION OF 
 
 act of murder or should refuse to pray for /he King- 
 or to answer any other ensnaring or captic s question! 
 concerning their religious principles. 
 
 A scene of this kind is told with great simplicity and 
 effect by one of the writers of the period ; and I am truly 
 sorry that Claverhouse, whom, at the time of the Revolu- 
 tion, we shall find acting a heroic part, was a principal 
 agent in this act of cruelty. Nor, considering the cold- 
 blooded and savage barbarity of the deed, can we admit 
 the excuse either of the orders under which he acted, 01 
 of the party prejudices of the time, or of the condition 
 of the sufferer as a rebel and outlaw, to diminish our un- 
 qualified detestation of it. 
 
 There lived at this gloomy period, at a place called 
 Preshill, or Priesthill, in Lanarkshire, a man named John 
 Brown, a carrier by profession, and called, from his zealous 
 religious principles, the Christian Carrier. This man had 
 been out with the insurgents at Bothwell Bridge, and was 
 for other reasons amenable to the cruelty of the existing 
 laws. On a morning of May, 1685, Peden, one of the 
 Cameronian ministers, whom Brown had sheltered in his 
 house, took his leave of his host and his wife, repeating 
 twice, " Poor woman ! a fearful morning a dark and 
 misty morning !" words which were afterwards believed 
 to be prophetic of calamity. When Peden was gone, 
 Brown left his house with a spade in his hand for his or- 
 dinary labour, when he was suddenly surrounded ana 
 arrested by a band of horse, with Claverhouse at their 
 head. Although the prisoner had a hesitation in his speech 
 upon ordinary occasions, he answered the questions which 
 were put to him in this extremity with such composure 
 and firmness, that Claverhouse asked whether he was a 
 preacher. He was answered in the negative. "If he 
 has not preached," said Claverhouse, "mickle hath he 
 prayed in his time. But betake you now to your pray- 
 ers for the last time, (addressing the sufferer,) for you 
 shall presently die." The poor man kneeled down and 
 prayed with zeal, and when he was touching on the polit- 
 cal state of the country, and praying that Heaven would
 
 THE CAMERONIAN3. 59 
 
 spare a remnant, Claverhouse, interrupting him, said, " I 
 gave you leave to pray, and you are preaching." " Sir," 
 answered the prisoner, turning towards his judge on his 
 knees, " you know nothing either of preaching or pray- 
 ing, if you call what I now say preaching ;" then contin- 
 ued without confusion. When his devotions were ended, 
 Claverhouse commanded him to bid good night to his wife 
 and children. Brown turned towards them, and taking his 
 wife by the hand, told her that the hour was come which 
 he had spoken of, when he first asked' her consent to marry 
 him. The poor woman answered firmly, " In this cause 
 I am willing to resign you." " Then have 1 nothing to do 
 save to die," he replied ; " and I thank God I have been 
 in a frame to meet death for many years/' He was shot 
 dead by a party of soldiers at the end of his own house ; 
 and although his wife was of a nervous habit, and used to 
 become sick at the sight of blood, she had on this occasion 
 strength enough to support the dreadful scene without 
 fainting or confusion, only her eyes dazzled when the car- 
 abines were fired. While her husband's dead body lay 
 stretched before him, Claverhouse asked her what she 
 thought of her husband now. " I ever thought much of 
 him," she replied, " and now more than ever." " It 
 were but justice," said Claverhouse, " to lay thee be- 
 side him." " I doubt not," she replied, " that if you 
 were permitted, your cruelty would carry you that length. 
 But how will you answer for this morning's work?" 
 " To man I can be answerable," said Claverhouse, " and 
 Heaven I will take in my own hand." He then mounted 
 his horse and marched, and left her with the corpse of her 
 husband lying beside her, and her fatherless infant in her 
 arms. " She placed the child on the ground," says the 
 narrative, with scriptural simplicity, " tied up the corpse's 
 head, and straighted the limbs, and covered him with her 
 plaid, and sat down and wept over him." 
 
 The persecuted and oppressed fanatics showed upon all 
 occasions the same undaunted firmness, nor did the women 
 fall short of the men in fortitude. Two of them under- 
 went the punishment of death, by drowning ; for which
 
 60 TEST OATH. 
 
 purpose they were chained to posts within the flood-mark 
 and exposed to the fury of the advancing tide, while, at 
 the same time, they were offered rescue from the ap- 
 proaching billows, the sound of which was roaring in their 
 ears, if they would but condescend so far as to say, Cod 
 save the King. " Consider," said the well-meaning 
 friends around them, " it is your duty to pray even for 
 the greatest sinner." " But we are not to do so," said 
 the elder female, " at the bidding of every profligate." 
 Her place of execution being nearer the advancing tide, 
 she was first drowned ; and her younger companion hav- 
 ing said something, as if she desired the King's salvation, 
 the bystanders would have saved her ; but when she was 
 dragged out of the waves, half strangled, she chose to be 
 replunged into them, rather than abjure the covenant. 
 She died accordingly. 
 
 But it was not the common people and the fanatics 
 alone who were vexed and harassed with unreasonable 
 oaths. Those of higher rank were placed in equal dan- 
 ger, by a test oath, of a complex and puzzling nature, and 
 so far inconsistent with itself, that while, on the one hand, 
 the person who took it was to profess his full belief and 
 compliance with the Confession of Faith adopted by the 
 Scottish Church in the First Parliament of King James 
 VI., he was in the next clause made to acknowledge the 
 King as supreme head of the Church ; a proposition en- 
 tirely inconsistent with that very Confession which he had 
 just recognised. Nevertheless, this test was considered 
 as a general pledge of loyalty to be taken by every one 
 to whom it should be tendered, under pain of ruinous fines, 
 confiscations, and even death itself. The case of the Earl 
 of Argyle was distinguished, even in those oppressive 
 times, for its peculiar injustice. 
 
 This nobleman was the son of the marquis who was 
 beheaded at the commencement of this reign, and he him- 
 self, as we have already mentioned, had been placed in 
 danger of losing life and lands, by a most oppressive pro- 
 ceeding on the obsolete statute of leasing-making. He 
 was now subjected to a severer storm. When the oath
 
 ESCAPE OF THE EAUL OF AKGYI.E. 61 
 
 was tendered to him, as a Privy-Counsellor, he declared 
 he took it so far as it was consistent with itself, and with 
 the Protestant religion. Such a qualification, it might 
 have been thought, was entirely blameless arid unexcep- 
 tionable. And yet for having added this explanation to 
 the oath which he was required to take, Argyle was thrown 
 into prison, and brought to the bar as guilty of treason and 
 leasing-making. He was found guilty, and sentence of 
 death and forfeiture was pronounced against him as a trai- 
 tor. It has been plausibly alleged, that government only 
 used this proceeding, to wring from the unfortunate Earl 
 a surrender of his jurisdictions ; but, very prudently, he 
 did not choose to trust his life on so precarious a tenure. 
 He was one of the few Peers who still professed an at- 
 tachment to the Presbyterian religion j and the enemies 
 who had abused the laws so grossly to obtain his condem- 
 nation, were sufficiently likely to use the advantage to the 
 uttermost. He escaped from the Castle of Edinburgh, 
 disguised in his sister's clothe?, and went ovei to Hol- 
 land. 
 
 This extravagant proceeding struck general terror, 
 from its audacious violation of justice, while the gross 
 fallacy on which it rested was the subject of general con- 
 tempt. Even the children educated in George Heriot's 
 Hospital, (a charity on a plan similar to that of Christ 
 Church in London,) turned into ridicule the proceedings 
 on this iniquitous trial. They voted that their yard dog 
 was a person under trust, and that the test, therefore, 
 should be tendered to him. Poor Watch, you may believe, 
 only smelled at the paper on which his oath was printed, 
 and would pay no more attention to it. Upon this, the 
 paper was again offered, having been rubbed over with 
 butter, which induced the mastiff to swallow it. This 
 was called taking the test with a qualification, and the dog 
 was adjudged to be hanged as a leasing-maksr, and per 
 verier of the laws of the kingdom. 
 
 The gross violence of these proceedings awakened re 
 sentment as well as fear. But fear was at first predoip
 
 62 THE JEKYISWOOD AND 
 
 Inant. Upwards of thirty-six noblemen and gentlemen, 
 attached to the Presbyterian religion, resolved to sell their 
 property in Scotland, and remove themselves to America, 
 where they might live according to the dictates of their 
 conscience. A deputation of their number, Lord Mel- 
 ville, Sir John Cochrane, Baillie of Jerviswood, and ord- 
 ers, went to London to prepare for this emigration. Here 
 the secret was imparted to them, of an enterprise formed 
 by Monmouth, Shaftesbury, Lord Russell, and Algernon 
 Sidney, to alter the government under Charles II : and, 
 at all events, to prevent, by the most forcible means, the 
 Duke of York's ascent to the throne, in case of the King's 
 death. The Scottish malcontents abandoned their plan 
 of emigration, to engage in this new and more adventu- 
 rous scheme. Walter Scott, Earl of Tarras, brother-in- 
 law of the Earl of Monmouth, undertook for a rising in the 
 south of Scotland ; and many of his name and kindred, as 
 well as other gentlemen of the Borders of Scotland, en- 
 gaged in the plot. One gentleman who was invited to join, 
 excused himself, on account of the ominous sound of the 
 titles of two of the persona engaged. He did not, he 
 said, like such words as Gallowshiels and Hangingshaw. 
 
 Besides the Scottish plot, and that which was conduct- 
 ed by Russell and Sidney in London, there were in that 
 city some desperate men, of a subordinate description, 
 who proposed to simplify the purpose of both the principal 
 conspiracies, by putting the King to death as he passed by 
 a place called the Rye-House. This last plot becoming 
 public, was the means of defeating the others. But al- 
 though Campbell of Cessnock, Baillie of Jerviswood. and 
 some conspirators of less consequence, were arrested, the 
 escape of most of the persons concerned, partly disap- 
 pointed the revenge of the government. The circum- 
 stances attending some of these escapes were singular. 
 
 Lord Melville was about to come to Edinburgh from his 
 residence in Fife, and had sent his principal domestic, a 
 Highlander, named MacArthur, to make preparations for 
 his arrival in town. The Justice-General was friendly to 
 Lord Melville. He had that morning issued warrants foi
 
 RYE-HOUSE PL.OTS. 
 
 63 
 
 uis arrest, and desired to put him on his guard, but durst 
 take no steps to do so. Happening to see Lord Melville's 
 valet on ttie street, he bent his eye significantly on him, 
 and asked, " What are you doing here ? Get back, you 
 Highland dog !" The man began to say he was making 
 preparations for his master coming to town, when the Jus- 
 tice again interrupted him, saying, angrily, " Get home, 
 you Highland dog !" and then passed on. MacArthur 
 was sensible of the dangerous temper of the times, and 
 upon receiving such a hint, slight as it was, from such a 
 man, he resolved to go back to his master. At the Ferry 
 he saw a party of the guards, embarking on the same 
 voyage. Making every exertion, he got home time enough 
 to alarm his lord, who immediately absconded, and soon 
 after got over to Holland. 
 
 Sir Patrick Hume of Polwarth, afterwards Lord 
 Marchmont, had a still more narrow escape. The party 
 of guards sent to arrest him had stopped at the house of a 
 friend to the government to get refreshments, which were 
 amply supplied to them. The lady of the house, who se- 
 cretly favoured the Presbyterian interest, connected the 
 appearance of this party, and the inquiries which they 
 made concerning the road to Polwarth Castle, with some 
 danger threatened to Sir Patrick Hume. She dared not 
 write to .apprize him, and still less durst she trust a mes- 
 senger with any verbal communication. She therefore 
 wrapt up a feather in a blank piece of paper, and sent it 
 over the hills by a boy, while she detained the military 
 party as long as she could, without exciting suspicion. In 
 the meantime, Sir Patrick received the token, and his 
 acute apprehension being rendered yet more penetrating 
 by a sense of danger, he at once comprehended that the 
 feather was meait to convey a hint to him that he should 
 fly. 
 
 Having been long peculiarly odious to the government 
 Sir Patrick could think of no secure retreat above ground 
 A subterranean vault in Polwarth churchyard, being the 
 place in which his ancestors were buried, seemed the only 
 safe place of refuge. The soh li^ht admitted into this
 
 04 THE JKKVISWOOD AND 
 
 dreary cell was by a small slit at one end. A trusty do- 
 mestic contrived to convey a bed and bed-clothes to this 
 dismal place, and here Sir Patrick lay concealed during 
 me strict search which was made for him in every direc- 
 tion. His daughter, Cri/ell Hume, then about eighteen 
 years of age, was intrusted with the task of conveying 
 him food, which could be only brought to the vault at 
 midnight. She had been brought up in the usual super- 
 stitions of the times, about ghosts and apparitions, but the 
 duty which she was discharging to her lather banished all 
 such childish fears. When she returned from her first 
 journey, her mother asked her if she was not frightened 
 in going through the churchyard. She answered, that 
 she had felt fear for nothing except the minister's dogs, 
 (the manse being nigh the church,) which had kept such 
 a barking as to alarm her for a discovery. Her mother 
 sent for the clergyman next morning, and by pretending 
 an alarm for mad dogs, prevailed on him to destroy them 
 or shut them up. 
 
 But it was not enough to have a faithful messenger ; 
 much precaution was also necessary, to secure secretly, 
 and by stealth, the provisions for the unfortunate recluse, 
 since, if the victuals had been taken openly, the servants 
 must naturally have suspected the purpose to which they 
 were to be applied. Grizell Hume used, therefore, to 
 abstract from the table, as secretly as she could, a portion 
 of the family dinner. Sir Patrick Hume was fond of 
 sheep's head, (being a good Scotsman in all respects,) 
 and Grizell, aware of her father's taste, had slipt into her 
 napkin a large part of one which was on the table, when 
 one of her brothers, a boy too young to be trusted with 
 the secret, bawled out, in his surprise at the disappear- 
 ance of the sheep's head, "Mamma, look at Grizzy 
 while we were supping the broth, she has eaten up all 
 the sheep's head." 
 
 While in this melancholy abode, Sir Patrick Hume's 
 principal amusement was reading and reciting Buchanan's 
 translation of the Psalms. After lurking in his father's 
 tomb, and afterwards in his own Louse, ior three or fout
 
 RYE-HOUSE PLOTS. 65 
 
 weeks, he at length ventured abroad, and through many 
 dangers trade his escape to Holland, like other fugitives. 
 
 in the meantime, Baillie of Jerviswood, though in a 
 very infirm slate of health., was brought to that trial from 
 which Polvvarth and others had escaped so marvellously. 
 This gentleman had been offered his life, on condition ol 
 his becoming a witness against Lord Russell ; a proposal 
 which he rejected with disdain, saying, those who uttered 
 it knew neither him nor his country. It does not appear 
 that there was the slightest evidence of the Scottish gen- 
 tleman having any concern in the scheme for assassinating 
 the King, but there is no doubt that they had meditated 
 an insurrection, as the only mode of escaping the contin- 
 ued persecution of the government. 
 
 When Baillie received sentence of death, he only re- 
 plied, " My Lords, the sentence is sharp, and the time is 
 short ; but I thank God, who has made me as fit to die 
 as you are to live." He suffered death with the same firm- 
 ness; and his lady, with Roman fortitude, had the cour- 
 age to be present at the execution. It is worthy of men- 
 tion, that the son and heir of this gentleman afterwards 
 married the same young lady who so piously supported her 
 father, Sir Patrick Hume, while concealed in the tomb. 
 No other person was executed for accession to what was 
 called the Jerviswood Plot, but many gentlemen were tried 
 in absence, and their estates being declared forfeited, were 
 bestowed on the most violent tools of the government. 
 
 Upwards of two thousand individuals were denounced 
 outlaws, or fugitives from justice. Other persons, obnox- 
 ious to the rulers, were exorbitantly fined. One of these 
 was Sir William Scott of Harden, from whose third son 
 your mother is descended. This gentleman, in his early 
 years, had been an active member of the Committee of 
 Estates, but was now upwards of seventy, and much re- 
 tired from public life. But his nephew, Walter, Earl oj 
 Tarras, was deeply concerned in the Jerviswood Plot ; 
 more than one of Harden's sons were also implicated, aud 
 13*
 
 66 DEATH OF CHARLES II. 
 
 hence he became obnoxious to the government. He at- 
 tended only on the Indulged, that is, licensed preachers, 
 and had kept himself free of giving any offence that could 
 be charged against him. The celebrated Richard Cam- 
 eron had been for some time his chaplain, but had been 
 dismissed so soon as he declared against the Indulgence, 
 and afforded other symptoms of the violent opinions of his 
 sect. But the Privy Council had determined that hus- 
 bands should be made responsible for the penalties and 
 fines incurred by their wives. Lady Scott of Harden had 
 become liable for so many transgressions of this kind, 
 that the sum total, amounting to almost two thousand 
 pounds, was, with much difficulty, limited to fifteen hun- 
 dred pounds, an immense sum for a Scottish gentleman of 
 that period ; but which was extorted from this aged gen- 
 tleman by imprisonment in the Castle of Edinburgh. 
 
 Whilst these affairs were going on in Scotland, the Duke 
 of York was suddenly recalled to London by the King, 
 whose health began to fail. Monmouth, his favourite son, 
 had been obliged to retire abroad, in consequence of the 
 affair of the Rye-house plot. It was said that the King 
 still nourished a secret wish to recall his son, and to send 
 the Duke of York back to Scotland. But if he meditated 
 such a change of resolution, which seems rather impro- 
 bable, fate left him no opportunity to execute it. 
 
 Charles II. died of a stroke of apoplexy, which sum- 
 moned him from the midst of a distracted country, and a 
 gaj aad luxurious court, on the 6th of February, 1685.
 
 DUKE OF YORK. 07 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Ji wsions and Execution of Monmouth and Jlrgyle - 
 Execution of Rumbold, the principal Conspirator in 
 the Rye-House Plot Imprisonment of a body of A"o- 
 conformists in Dunottar Castle Distinctions between 
 the two parties of Whig and Tory James IVs. Plans 
 for the Restoration of Popery. 
 
 WHEN the Duke of York ascended the throne on the 
 death of his brother Charles, he assumed the title of 
 James II. of England, and James VII. of Scotland. His 
 eldest daughter, Mary, (whom he had by his first wife,) 
 was married to William, Prince of Orange, the Stadthold- 
 er or President of the Dutch United Provinces ; a Prince 
 of great wisdom, sense, and courage, distinguished by the 
 share he had taken in opposing the ambition of France. 
 He was now next heir to the crown of England, unless 
 the King, his father-in-law, should have a surviving sou 
 by his present Queen, Mary of Este. It was natural to 
 conclude, that the Prince of Orange viewed with the most 
 intense interest the various revolutions and changes of 
 disposition which took place in a kingdom where he pos- 
 sessed so deep a stake. It did not escape remark, that 
 the Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of Argyle, and the va- 
 rious malcontents who were compelled to fly from Eng- 
 land or Scotland, seemed to find support, as well as ref- 
 uge, in Holland. On this subject James made several 
 remonstrances to his son-in-law, which the Prince evaded, 
 by alleging that a free state, like the Dutch republic, could 
 not shut its ports against fugitives, of whatever descrip- 
 tion ; and with such excuses James was obliged to remain 
 satisfied. Nevertheless, the enemies of the monarch were 
 so absolutely subdued, both in Scotland and England, that 
 no prince in Europe seemed more firmly seated upon his 
 throne*
 
 68 INVASION OF THE OUKE OF MONMOUTII. 
 
 In the meanwhile, there was no relaxation in the op- 
 pressive measures carried on in Scotland. The same 
 laws for apprehending, examining, and executing in the 
 fields, were enforced with unrelenting severity ; and as 
 the refusal to bear evidence against a person accused 
 of treason, was made to amount to a crime equal to trea- 
 son itself, the lands and life of every one seemed to he 
 exposed to the machinations of the corrupt ministry of an 
 arbitrary Prince. To administer or receive the Cove- 
 nant, or even to write in its defence, was declared trea- 
 sonable, and many other delinquencies were screwed up 
 to the same penalty of death and confiscation. Those 
 whom the law named traitors were thus rendered so nu- 
 merous, that it seemed to be impossible for the most cau- 
 tious to avoid coming into contact with them, and thereby 
 subjecting themselves to the severe penalties denounced 
 on all having intercourse with such delinquents. This 
 general scene of oppression would, it was supposed, lead 
 to a universal desire to shake off the yoke of James, should 
 an opportunity be afforded. 
 
 Under this conviction, the numerous disaffected persons 
 who had retreated to Holland, resolved upon a double in- 
 vasion of Britain, one part of which was to be directed 
 against England, under command of the popular Duke 
 of Monmouth. whose hopes of returning in any more 
 peaceful fashion had been destroyed by the death of his 
 father, Charles II. The other branch of the expedition 
 ivas destined to invade Scotland, having at its head the 
 Earl of Argyie, (who had been the victim of so much 
 unjust persecution,) with Sir Patrick Hume, Sir John 
 Cochrane, and others, the most important of the Scottish 
 exiles, to assist and counsel him. 
 
 As these Tales relate exclusively to the history of 
 Scotland, I need only notice, that Monmouth's share of 
 the undertaking seemed, for a time, to promise succesf. 
 Having landed at Lyme in Dorsetshire, he was joined by 
 greater numbers of men than he had means of arming, 
 and his rapid progress greatly alarmed James's govern" 
 ment. But his adherents were almost entirely of the
 
 EXECUTION OF MONMOUTH. 69 
 
 lower order, whose zeal and courage might be relied on y 
 but who had no advantages of influence from education or 
 property. At length the unfortunate Duke hazarded a 
 battle near Sedgmoor, in which his cavalry, from the 
 treachery or cowardice of their leader, Lord Grey, fled 
 and left the infantry unprotected. The sturdy peasants 
 fought with the utmost resolution, until they were totally 
 broken and dispersed with great slaughter. But the car- 
 nage made among the unresisting fugitives was forgotten, 
 in comparison with the savage arid unsparing judicial 
 prosecutions which were afterwards carried on before 
 Judge Jefferies, a man whose cruelty was a shame to his 
 profession, and to mankind. 
 
 Monmouth himself had no better fortune than his un- 
 fortunate adherents. He fell into the hands of the pur- 
 suers, and was brought prisoner to the Tower of London. 
 He entreated to be permitted to have an interview with 
 the King, alleging he had something of consequence to 
 discover to him. But when this was at length granted, 
 the unhappy Duke had nothing to tell, or at least told 
 nothing, but exhausted himself in asking mercy at the 
 hands of his uncle, who had previously determined not to 
 grant it. Monmouth accordingly suffered death on Tow- 
 erhill, amid the lamentations of the common people, 'to 
 whom he was endeared by his various amiable qualities, 
 and the beauty of his person, which qualified him to be 
 the delight and ornament of a court, but not to be the 
 liberator of an oppressed people". 
 
 While the brief tragedy of Monmouth's invasion, de- 
 feat, and death, was passing in England, Argyle's invasion 
 of Scotland was brought to as unhappy a conclusion. 
 The leaders, even before they left their ships, differed as 
 to the course to be pursued. Argyle, a great chieftain in 
 the Highlands, was naturally disposed to make the prin- 
 cipal efforts in that country which his friends and followers 
 inhabited. Sir Patrick Hume and Sir John Cochrane, 
 while they admitted that they were certain to raise the 
 r.lan of Campbell by following the Earl's counsel, contend- 
 ed nevertheless, that this single clan, however brave and
 
 70 INVASION OF ARUYLE. 
 
 lumerous, could not contend with the united strength of 
 all the other western tribes, who were hostile to Argyle, 
 and personally attached to James II. They complained, 
 that by landing in the West Highlands, they should expose 
 themselves to be shut up in a corner of the kingdom, where 
 they could expect to be joined by none save Argyle's 
 immediate dependants ; and where they must necessarily 
 he separated from tbe western provinces, in which the 
 oppressed Covenanters had shown themselves ready to 
 rise, even without the encouragement of money or arms, 
 or of a number of brave gentlemen to command and lead 
 them on. 
 
 These disputes augmented, when, on landing in Kin- 
 tyre, the Earl of Argyle raised his clan to the number 01 
 about a thousand men. Joined to the adventurers who 
 had embarked from Holland, who were about three hun- 
 dred, and to other recruits, the insurgent army might 
 amount in all to fifteen hundred men, a sufficient number 
 to have struck a severe blow before the royal forces could 
 have assembled together, if the invaders could have de- 
 termined among themselves where to aim it. 
 
 Argyle proposed marching to Inverary, to attack the 
 Laird of Ballechan, who was lying there for the King 
 with six hundred Highlanders, waiting the support of the 
 Marquis of Athole, who was at the head of several clans 
 in motion towards Argyleshire. But Sir John Cochrane. 
 having had some communications in the west, which prom- 
 ised a general rising in that country, declared that the 
 main effort should be made in that quarter. He had a 
 letter also from a gentleman of Lanarkshire, named Wil- 
 liam Cleland, undertaking, that if the Marquis of Argyle 
 would declare for the work of Reformation, carried on 
 from the year 1638 to 1648, he should be joined by all 
 the faithful Presbyterians in that country. Sir John 
 therefore demanded from Argyle a supply of men and 
 ammunition, that he might raise the western shires ; and 
 tvas so eager in the request, that he said if nobody would 
 support him, he would go alone with a corn- fork h hia 
 hand.
 
 INVASION OF ARGYLE. 71 
 
 Either project was hopeful, if either had been rapidly 
 executed, but the loss of time in debating the question 
 was fatal. At length the Lowland expedition was deter- 
 mined on ; and Argyle, with an army augmented to two 
 thousand five hundred men, descended into Lennox, pro- 
 posing to cross the Clyde, and raise the Covenanters o/ 
 the west country. But the various parties among the 
 Presbyterians had already fallen into debates, whether or 
 not they should own Argyle, and unite under his stand- 
 ard ; so that, when that unhappy, and, it would seem, 
 irresolute nobleman, had crossed the river Leven, near to 
 Dumbarton, he found his little army, without any prospect 
 of reinforcement, nearly surrounded by superior forces of 
 the King, assembling from different points, under the 
 Marquis of Athole, the Duke of Gordon, and the Earl of 
 Dumbarton. 
 
 Argyle, pressed on all sides, proposed to give battle to 
 the enemy ; but the majority of the council of war which 
 he convoked were of opinion, that it was more advisable to 
 give the enemy the slip, and, leaving the encampment in 
 the night, to march for Glasgow, or for Bothwell Bridge ; 
 and thus at the same time get into the country of friends, 
 and place a large and unfordable river betwixt them and 
 a superior enemy. Lighting, therefore, numerous fires 
 in the camp, as if it were still occupied by them, Argyle 
 and his troops commenced their projected manoeuvre ; 
 but a retreat is always a discouraging movement, a night- 
 march commonly a confused one, and the want of disci- 
 pline in these hasty levies added to the general want of 
 confidence and the general disorder. Their guides, also, 
 were either treacherous or ignorant, for, when morning 
 dawned on the dispirited insurgents, instead of finding 
 themselves near Glasgow, they perceived they were much 
 lower on the banks of the Clyde, near Kilpatrick. Here 
 the leaders came to an open rupture. Their army broke 
 up and separated ; and when the unfortunate Earl, being 
 left almost alone, endeavoured to take refuge in the house 
 of a person who had been once his servant, he was posi- 
 tively refused admittance. He then crossed the Clyde
 
 ll> EXECUTION OF AUGYLh. 
 
 accompanied by a single friend, who, perceiving that ihey 
 were pursued, had the generosity to halt and draw upon 
 himself the attention of the party who followed them. 
 This was at Inchinnan ford, upon the river Cart, close to 
 Blythswood House. 
 
 But Argyle was not more safe alone than in company, 
 It was observed by some soldiers of the militia, who were 
 out in every direction, that the fugitive quitted his horse 
 and waded through the river on foot, from which they 
 argued he must be a person of importance, who was care- 
 less about losing his horse, so that he himself made his 
 escape. As soon, therefore, as he reached the bank, they 
 fell upon him, and though he made some defence, at length 
 struck him down. As he fell he exclaimed, " Unfor- 
 tunate Argyle !" thus apprising his captors of the import 
 ance of their prisoner. A large fragment of rock, still 
 called Argyle's Stone, marks the place where he was 
 taken. 
 
 Thus terminated this unfortunate expedition, in which 
 Argyle seems to have engaged, from an over estimation 
 both of his own consequence and military talents, and the 
 Lowland gentlemen to have joined, from their imperfect 
 knowledge of the state of the country, reported to them 
 by such as deeply felt their own wrongs, and did not con- 
 sider that the mass of their countrymen was overawed, as 
 well as discontented. 
 
 By way of retaliating upon this unhappy nobleman the 
 severities exercised towards Montrose, which he is said 
 to have looked upon in triumph, the same disgraceful in- 
 dignities were used towards Argyle, to which his enemy 
 had been subjected. He was carried up the High-Street 
 bare-headed, and mounted on an unsaddled horse, with 
 the hangman preceding him, and was thus escorted to the 
 Tolbooth. 
 
 The Council debated whether he should be executed 
 on the extravagant sentence which had condemned him 
 for a traitor and depraver of the laws, on account of his 
 adding a qualification to the test, or whether it were not 
 better to try him anew, for the undoubted treason which
 
 EXECUTION OF KUMHOI.ll. 7o 
 
 he had commuted by this subsequent act of invasion It 
 was resolved tney should follow the first course, and hold 
 Argyle as a man already condemned, lest, by doing other- 
 wise, they should seem to admit the illegality of the first 
 sentence. The unfortunate Earl was appointed to be 
 beheaded by the Maiden, an instrument resembling the 
 Guillotine of modern France. He mounted the scalFold 
 with great firmness, and embracing the engine by which 
 he was to suffer, declared it the sweetest maiden he ever 
 kissed, and submitted with courage to the fatal accom- 
 plishment of his sentence. When this noblemaVs death 
 is considered as the consequence of a sentence passed 
 against him for presuming to comment upon and explain 
 an oath which was self-contradictory, it can only be termed 
 a judicial murder. Upwards of twenty of the most con- 
 siderable gentlemen of his clan were executed in conse- 
 quence of having joined him. His estate was wasted and 
 confiscated ; his brother, Lord Niel Campbell, was forced 
 to fly to America, and his name doomed to extirpation. 
 
 Several of Argyle's Lowlarid followers were also con- 
 demned to death. Amongst these was Richard Rumbold, 
 an Englishman, the principal conspirator in what was 
 called the Rye-house Plot. He was a republican of the 
 old stamp, who might have ridden right-hand man to Crom- 
 well himsetf. He was the most active in the scheme for 
 assassinating the two royal brothers, which was to have 
 been executed at his farm called the Rye-house, by one 
 party firing on the guards, and another pouring their shot 
 into the King's carriage. Rumbold, who was to head the 
 latter party, expressed some scruple at shooting the inno- 
 cent postilion, but had no compunction on the project oi 
 assassinating the King and the Duke of York. 
 
 Escaping from England when the discovery took place, 
 this stern republican had found refuge in Holland, until he 
 was persuaded to take part in Argyle's expedition. When 
 the Scottish leaders broke up in confusion and deserted 
 each other, a stranger and an Englishman was not likely 
 to 'experience much aid or attention. Rumbold, left lo 
 
 899
 
 "4 IMPRISONMENT OF 
 
 shift fur himself amid the general dispersion and flight, 
 was soon beset by a party of the Royalists, and whilst he 
 stoutly defended himself against two men in front, a third 
 came behind him with a corn-fork, put it behind his ear, 
 and turned off his steel cap, leaving his head exposed ; 
 on which Rumbold exclaimed, " O cruel countryman, to 
 use me thus when rny face was to mine enemy !" 
 
 He died the death of a traitor, as his share in the Rye- 
 house conspiracy justly merited. But on the scaffold, 
 Rumbold maintained the same undaunted courage he had 
 often shcrtvn in the field. One of his dying observations 
 was, " that he had never believed the generality of man- 
 kind came into the world bridled and saddled, and a few 
 booted and spurred to ride upon them." 
 
 This man's death was afterwards avenged on one Mark 
 Kerr, the chief of those who took him, who was murder- 
 ed before lite own door, by two young men calling them- 
 selves Rumbold's sons, who ripped out his heart, in 
 imitation of what their father had suffered on the scaffold. 
 Thus does crime beget crime, and cruelty engender cru- 
 elty. The actors in this bloody deed made their escape, 
 not so much as a dog baying at them. 
 
 Before quitting the subject of Argyle's rebellion, I may 
 mention a species of oppression practised on the noncon- 
 formists, of a nature different from those I have already 
 mentioned. When the alarm of invasion arose, it was 
 resolved by the Privy Council, that all such persons as 
 were in prison on account of religion should be sent to the 
 north, for their more safe custody. After a toilsome 
 march, rendered bitter by want of food and accommoda- 
 tion, as well as by the raillery of the pipers, who insulted 
 with ridiculous tunes a set of persons who held their min- 
 strelsy to be sinful, the Wanderers, to the number of a 
 hundred and sixty persons, of whom there were several 
 women, and even some children, reached the place of their 
 destination. This proved to be the Castle of Dunottar, 
 a strong fortrejs, almost surrounded by the German Ocean, 
 the same in which, as 1 have told you, the Regalia -of 
 Scotland were preserved for some time. Here they were
 
 THE NONCONFORMISTS. 75 
 
 without distinction packed into a large dungeon, having a 
 window open to the sea, but in front a huge precipice 
 They were neither allowed bedding nor provisions, ex- 
 cepting what they bought, and were treated with the ut- 
 most rigour. The walls of this place, still called the 
 Whigs' Vault, bear token to the severities inflicted on those 
 unhappy persons. There are, in particular, a number oi 
 apertures cut in the wall about a man's height, and it was 
 the custom, when such was the jailor's pleasure, that any 
 prisoner who was accounted refractory, should be obliged 
 lo stand up with his arms extended, and his fingers secured 
 by wedges in the crevices I have described. It appears 
 that some of these apertures or crevices, which are lower 
 than the others, have been intended for women, and even 
 for' children. In this cruel confinement many died, some 
 were deprived of the use of their limbs by rheumatism 
 and other diseases, and several lost their lives by desperate 
 attempts to descend from the precipice on which the castle 
 is founded. Some who actually escaped by descending 
 the rocks, were retaken, and for the attempt so cruelly 
 tortured, by lighted matches tied between their fingers, 
 that several were mutilated, and others died of the inflam- 
 mation which ensued. 
 
 The survivors, after enduring this horrid imprisonment 
 for six weeks or two months, had the test offered to them 
 Those who, overcome by bodily anguish, and the hope- 
 less misery of their condition, agreed to take this engage- 
 ment, were discharged, and the others transported to the 
 plantations. A tombstone in Dunottar churchyard, still 
 preserves the names of those who died in this cruel cap- 
 tivity, in the various modes we have mentioned. 
 
 The failure of the invasions of Monmouth and Argyle, 
 with the revenge which had been taken on their unfortu- 
 nate leaders, was by James, in his triumph, recorded by 
 two medals struck for the occasion, which bore on one 
 side two severed heads, on the other two headless trunks, 
 a device as inhuman as the proceedings by which these 
 advantages had been followed up, and the royal vengeance 
 unsparingly executed.
 
 76 THE TWO PARTIES OF 
 
 The part of Me nation which inclined to support the 
 side of the King n all political discussions, now obtained 
 B complete supeiiority over the rest. They were known 
 by the name of Tories, an appellation borrowed from Ire- 
 land, where the irregular and desultory bands, which 
 maintained a sort of skirmishing warfare after Cromwell 
 had suppressed every national and united effort, were so 
 called. Like the opposite term of Whig, Tory was at 
 first used as an epithet of scorn and ridicule, and both 
 were at length adopted as party distinctions, coming in 
 place of those which had been used during the Civil War ; 
 the word Tory superseding the term of Cavalier, and Whig 
 being applied instead of Roundhead. The same terms 
 of distinction have descended to our time, as expressing 
 the outlines of the two political parties who divide the 
 Houses of Parliament, and, viewed politically, the whole 
 mass of the community. A man who considers that, in 
 the general view of the constitution, the monarchical power 
 is in danger of being undermined by the popular branches, 
 and who therefore supports the Crown in ordinary cases 
 of dispute, is a Tory ; while one who conceives the power 
 of the Crown to be more likely to encroach upon the 
 liberties of the people, throws his weight and influence 
 into the popular scale, and is called a Whig. 
 
 Either of these opinions may be honourably and con- 
 scientiously maintained by the party whom reflection or 
 education has led to adopt it ; and the existence of two 
 such parties, opposing each other with reason and mod- 
 eration, and by constitutional means only, is the sure mode 
 of preventing aggression, either on the rights of the Crown 
 or on the privileges of the people, and of keeping the 
 constitution itself inviolate ; as the stays and rigging of a 
 vessel straining against each other in opposite directions, 
 tend to keep the ship's mast upright in its place. But as 
 it is natural for men to drive favourite opinions into ex- 
 tremes, it has frequently happened, that the Whigs, or the 
 more violent part of that faction, have entertained opin- 
 ions which tended towards democracy ; and that the 
 Tories, on the other hand, indulging in opposite prejudices,
 
 WHIG AND TORY. "3 7 
 
 have endangered the constitution by their tendency to- 
 wards absolute rule. 
 
 Thus, in the great Civil War, the Inends to popular 
 freedom began their opposition to Charles I., in the laud- 
 able desire to regain the full extent of constitutional lib- 
 erty, but could not bring the war to a conclusion until the 
 monarchy was totally overthrown, and liberty overwhelm- 
 ed in the ruins. In like manner, the Tories of Charles 
 II. and James Il's. time, remembering the fatal issue of 
 the civil wars, adopted the opposite and equally mistaken 
 opinion, that no check could be opposed to the will of the 
 sovereign, without danger of overthrowing the throne, and 
 by their unlimited desire to enlarge the prerogative of the 
 Crown, they not only endangered the national liberty, but 
 conducted the deluded sovereign to his ruin. When, 
 therefore, we speak of any particular measure adopted 
 oy the Whigs or Tories, it would be very rash to consider 
 it as deserving of censure or applause, merely on account 
 of its having originated with the one or the other of these 
 parties. On the contrary, its real merits can only be 
 soundly estimated when we have attentively considered 
 its purpose and effect, compared With the general spirit of 
 the constitution, and with the exigencies of the times when 
 it was brought forward. 
 
 During the whole of Charles the Second's reign, a 
 violent struggle had been continued between the Whigs 
 and the Tories, in the course of which both parties acted 
 with a furious animosity, which admitted of no scruple 
 concerning the means to be resorted to for annoying their 
 adversaries. The Whig party had availed themselves of 
 that detestable imposture called the Popish Plot, to throw 
 upon the Tories the guilt of an attempt to massacre the 
 Protestants, and bring England back to the Catholic faith 
 oy the sword. Under this pretext they shed no sin ah 
 quantity of innocent blood. The Tories regained a de- 
 cided ascendency, by the discovery of the Rye-house 
 Plot, an atrocious enterprise, at which men's minds revolt- 
 ed, and which the court artfully improved, by confounding
 
 78 PLANS OF JAMES II. FOR 
 
 the more moderate schemes laid by Mon mouth, Lora 
 Russell, and others, for obtaining some relief from tlie 
 oppressive and unconstitutional measures of the court, with 
 the bloody measures against the King's person, which 
 Rumbold and other desperate men had meditated. The 
 general hatred inspired by the latter enterprise, excited a 
 wide-spread clamour against the conspirators, and the 
 Tories in their turn became the instruments of sacrificing, 
 on account of a conspiracy of which they were ignorant. 
 Lord Russell and Algernon Sidney, two men whose names, 
 for free and courageous sentiments, will live for ever in 
 history. 
 
 The prejudice against the Whigs had not subsided, 
 when James ascended the throne, and the terrible mode 
 in which the invasion of Monmouth was suppressed and 
 punished, if it excited compassion for the sufferers, spread, 
 at the same time, general dread of the government. In 
 these circumstances, the whole powers of the state seemed 
 about to be surrendered to the King, without even a re- 
 collection of the value of national liberty, or of the blood 
 which had been spent in its defence. The danger was 
 the greater, that a large proportion of the national clergy 
 were extravagant Royalists, who had adopted maxims 
 utterly inconsistent with freedom, and with the very es- 
 sence of the British constitution. They contended that 
 the right of kings flowed from God, and that they were 
 responsible to Him only for the manner in which they ex- 
 ercised it; that no misconduct however gross, no oppres- 
 sion however unjust, gave the subject any right to defend 
 his person or his property against the violence of the 
 sovereign, and that any attempt at resistance, however 
 provoked, was contrary alike to religion and to law, and 
 was liable to punishment in this world as treason or sedi- 
 tion, and in that which is to come to eternal condemnation, 
 \s foes of the prince whom Heaven had made their anoint- 
 ed sovereign. Such were the base and slavish maxims 
 into which many wise, good, and learned men were hur- 
 ried, from the recollection of the horrors of civil war, the 
 death of Charles I., and the destruction of the Hierarchy j
 
 THE RESTORATION OF POPERY. 79 
 
 and thus do men endeavour to avoid the repetition of one 
 class of crimes and errors, by rushing into extremes of a 
 different description. 
 
 James II. was unquestionably desirous of power ; yet 
 such was the readiness with which courts of justice placed 
 at his feet the persons and property of his subjects, and 
 so great the zeal with which many of the clergy were dis- 
 posed to exalt his authority into something of a sacred 
 character, accountable for his actions to Heaven alone, 
 that it must have seemed impossible for him to form any 
 demand for an extension of authority which would not 
 have been readily conceded to him, on the slightest hint 
 of his pleasure. But it was the misfortune of this mon- 
 arch to conceive, that the same sophistry by which divines 
 and lawyers placed the property and personal freedom of 
 his subjects at his unlimited disposal, extended his power 
 over the freedom of their consciences also. 
 
 We have often repeated, that James was himself a Ro- 
 man Catholic ; and, as a sincere professor of that faith, 
 he was not only disposed, but bound, as far as possible, 
 to bring others into the pale of the church, beyond which, 
 according to the Popish belief, there is no salvation. He 
 might also flatter himself, that the indulgences of a life 
 which had been in some respects irregular, might be ob- 
 literated and atoned for by the great and important service 
 of ending the Northern heresy. To James's sanguine 
 hopes, there appeared at this time a greater chance of so 
 important a change being accomplished than at any former 
 period. His own power, if he was to trust the expres- 
 sions of the predominant party in the state, was at least 
 as extensive over the bodies and minds of his subjects as 
 that of the Tudor family, under whose dynasty the religion 
 of England four times changed its form, at the will and 
 pleasure of the sovereign. James might, therefore, flatter 
 himself, that as Henry VIII. by his sole fiat detached Eng- 
 land from the Pope, and assumed in his own person the 
 office of Head of the Church, so a submissive clergy, and 
 a willing people, might, at a similar expression of the 
 present sovereign's will and pleasure, return again unclei
 
 80 PLANS FOR RESTORING FOPERV. 
 
 the dominion of the Holy Father, when they behdd theii 
 prince surrender to him, as a usurpation, the right of su 
 premacy which his predecessors had sei/.ed upon. 
 
 But there was a fallacy in this reasoning. The Refor- 
 mation presented to the English nation advantages both 
 spiritual and temporal, of which they must necessarily be 
 deprived, by a reconciliation with Rome. The former 
 revolution was a calling from darkness into light, from ig- 
 norance into knowledge, from the bondage of priestcraft 
 into freedom ; and a mandate of Henry VIII., recom- 
 mending a change fraught with such advantages, was sure 
 to be promptly obeyed. The purpose of James, on the 
 contrary, went to restore the ignorance of the dark ages, 
 to lock up the Scriptures from the use of laymen, to bring 
 back observances and articles of faith which vn re the 
 offspring of superstitious credulity, and which the increas- 
 ing knowledge of more than a century had taught men to 
 despise. 
 
 Neither would a reconciliation with Rome have been 
 more favourable to those, who looked to a change of reli- 
 gion only as the means of obtaining temporal advantages. 
 The acquiescence of the nobility in the Reformation had 
 been easily purchased by the spoils of the church-property ; 
 but their descendants, the present possessors, would have 
 every reason to apprehend, that a return to the Catholic 
 religion might be cemented by a resumption of the church 
 lands, which had been confiscated at the Reformation. 
 
 Thus the alteration which James proposed to accom- 
 plish in the national religion, was a task as different from 
 that effected by Henry VIII., as is that of pushing a stone 
 up hill, from assisting its natural impulse by rolling it riown- 
 vvnrds. Similar strength may indeed be applied in both 
 cases, but the result of the two attempts must be materi- 
 ally different. This distinction James did not perceive ; 
 and he persevered in his rash attempt, in an evil hour for 
 his own power, but a foriunate one for the freedom of his 
 subjects, who being called on to struggle for their religion, 
 >'e-asserted their half-surrendered liberty, as the only mode 
 by which they could obtain effectual means of resistance
 
 4TTEMPTS TO ANNUL THE TK8T ACT. 81 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Attempts of James II. to annul the Test Act and Penal 
 Statutes against Roman Catholics Proclamation an- 
 nulling the Oath of Supremacy and Test continued 
 Efforts to introduce the Catholic Ascendency At- 
 tempted Invasion of the Rights of the Universities 
 Prosecution of the Bishops Views of the Prince oj 
 Orange how modified by the Birth of the Prince oj 
 Wales Invasion of the Prince of Orange Flight 
 of James The throne of England settled upon Wil- 
 liam and Mary. 
 
 IN attempting the rash plan, which doubtless had for 
 its object the establishment of the Catholic religion in his 
 dominions, James II., in his speech to the first English 
 Parliament after Monmouth's defeat, acquainted them with 
 his intentions in two particulars, both highly alarming in 
 the existing temper of the public. The first was, that 
 having seen, he said, from the example of the last rebel- 
 lion, that the militia were not adequate to maintain the 
 defence of the kingdom, it was the King's purpose in fu- 
 ture to maintain a body of regular troops, for whose pay 
 he requested the House of Commons would make pro- 
 vision. The second point was no less ominous. The 
 King desired, that no man would take exceptions if he 
 employed some officers in the army who were not qualified 
 according to the Test Act. " They were persons," he 
 said, " well known to him ; and having had the benefit of 
 their assistance in a time of need and danger, he was de- 
 termined neither to expose them to disgrace, nor himself 
 to the want of their services on a future occasion." 
 
 To understand what ihis alluded to vou must be in- 
 formed that the Test Act was contrived to exclude all 
 persons from offices of public trust, commissions in the 
 14 2dSER.
 
 32 ATTEMPT OF JAMES II. TO 
 
 army, and the like, who should not previously take the 
 test oath, declaring themselves Protestants, according to 
 the Church of England. King James's speech from the 
 throne, therefore, intimated that he intended to maintain 
 a standing military force, and that it was his purpose to 
 officer these in a great measure with Papists, whom he 
 designed thus to employ, although they could not take the 
 test. 
 
 Both these suspicious and exceptionable measures being 
 so bluntly announced, created great alarm. When it was 
 moved in the House of Lords, that thanks be returned for 
 the King's speech, Lord Halifax said, that thanks were 
 indeed due to His Majesty, but it was because he had 
 frankly let them see the point he aimed at. In the House 
 of Commons, the reception of the speech was more mark- 
 edly unfavourable ; and an address was voted, represent- 
 ing that the Papist officers lay under disabilities, which 
 could only be removed by act of Parliament. 
 
 This intimation was ill-received by the King in his turn, 
 who expressed himselt displeased at the implied jealousy 
 of his purposes. The House remained in profound silence 
 lor some time, until Mr. Cook stood up and said, " I hope 
 we are all Englishmen, and not to be frightened out of our 
 duty by a few hard words." This was considered as 
 censurable language, and the gentleman who used it was 
 sent to the Tower. The King presently afterwards pro- 
 rogued the Parliament, which never met again during the 
 short remainder of his reign. 
 
 Highly exasperated and disappointed at the unexpected 
 and unfavourable reception which his propositions in fa- 
 vour of the Roman Catholics had received from the Eng- 
 lish Parliament, James determined that the legislature of 
 Scotland, which till now had studied to fulfil, and even 
 anticipate his slightest wishes, should show their southern 
 neighbours, in this instance also, the example of submis- 
 sion to the will of their sovereign. In order to induce 
 them, and particularly the representatives of the burghs, 
 to consent without hesitation, he promised a free inter- 
 course of trade with England, and an ample indemnity
 
 ANNUL THE TEST ACT. 83 
 
 for al. past offences ; measures which he justly regarded 
 as essential to the welfare of Scotland. But these most 
 desirable favours were clogged by a request, that the penal 
 laws should be abolished, and the test withdrawn. The 
 Scottish Parliament, hitherto so submissive, were alarmed 
 at this proposal, which, although it commenced only by 
 putting Popery on a level with the established religion, 
 was likely, they thought, to end in overturning the Re- 
 formed doctrines, and replacing those of the Church of 
 Rome. 
 
 It is true that the Scottish penal laws respecting the 
 Roman Catholics were of the most severe and harsh char- 
 acter. The punishments for assisting at the celebration 
 of the mass, were, for the first offence, confiscation and 
 corporal punishment ; for the second, banishment ; and 
 to the third the pains of treason were annexed. These 
 tyrannical laws had been introduced at a violent period, 
 when those who had just shaken off the yoke of Popery 
 were desirous to prevent, by every means, the slightest 
 chance of its being again imposed on them j and when, 
 being irritated by the recollection of the severities inflict- 
 ed by the Roman Catholics on those whom they termed 
 heretics, the Protestants were naturally disposed to retal- 
 iate upon the sect by whom they had been practised. 
 
 But although little could be said in defence of these 
 laws, when the Catholics were reduced to a submissive 
 state, the greater part by far of the people of Scotland 
 desired that they should continue to exist, as a defence to 
 the Reformed religion, in case the Papists should again 
 attempt to recover their ascendency. They urged, that, 
 while the Catholics remained quiet, there had been no 
 recent instance of the penal laws being executed against 
 them, and that therefore, since they were already in actual 
 enjoyment of absolute freedom of conscience, the only 
 purpose of the proposed abolition of hie penal laws must 
 be, to bring the Catholics forward into public situations, 
 as the favoured ministers of the King, and professing the 
 same religion with his Majesty.
 
 S4 ATTEMPT OF JAMBS II. TO 
 
 Then, in respect to the test oath, men remembered that 
 it had been the contrivance of Jarncs hin.^elf ; deemed 
 so sacred, that Argyle had been condemned to death for 
 even slightly qualifying it ; and declared so necessary to 
 the safety, nay, existence of the Episcopal Church of 
 Scotland, that it was forced upon Presbyterians at the 
 sword's point. The Protestants, therefore, of every de- 
 scription, were terrified at the test's being dispensed with 
 in the case of the Roman Catholics, who, supported as 
 they were by the King's favour, were justly to be regard- 
 ed as the most formidable enemies of all whom they 
 termed heretics. 
 
 The consequence of all this reasoning was, that the 
 Episcopal party in Scotland, who had hitherto complied 
 with every measure which James had proposed, now 
 stopped short in their career, and would no longer keep 
 pace with his wishes. He could get no answer from the 
 Scottish Parliament, excepting the ambiguous expression, 
 that they would do as much for the relief of the Catholics 
 as their consciences would permit. 
 
 But James, although he applied to Parliament in the 
 first instance, had secretly formed the resolution of taking 
 away the effect of the penal laws, and removing the Test 
 Act, by his own royal prerogative ; not regarding the 
 hatred and jealousy which he was sure to excite, by a 
 course of conduct offensive at once to the liberties of his 
 subjects, and threatening the stability of the Reformed 
 religion. 
 
 The pretence on which this stretch of his royal prerog- 
 ative was exerted, was very slender. The right had 
 been claimed, and occasionally exercised, by the Kings of 
 England, of dispensing with penal statutes in such indi- 
 vidual cases as might require exception or indulgence. 
 This right somewhat resembled the Crown's power of 
 pardoning criminals whom the law has adjudged to death 
 but, like the power of pardon, the dispensing privilege 
 could only be considered as extending to peculiar cases. 
 So that when the King pretended to suspend the effect of 
 the penal laws in all instances whatsoever, it was just as
 
 ANNUL THE TEST ACT. 85 
 
 if, because in possession of the power of pardoning a man 
 convicted of murder, he had claimed the right to pro- 
 nounce that murder should in no case be held a capital 
 cnm . This reasoning was undeniable. Nevertheless, 
 at the risk of all the disaffection which such conduct was 
 certain to excite, James was rash enough to put forth a 
 royal proclamation, in which, by his own authority, he dis- 
 pensed at once with all the penal laws affecting Catholics, 
 and annulled the oath of Supremacy and the Test, so that 
 a Catholic became as capable of public employment as a 
 Protestant. At the same time, to maintain some appear- 
 ance of impartiality, an indulgence was granted to mode- 
 rate Presbyterians, while the laws against the conventicles 
 which met in arms, and in the open fields, were confirmed 
 and enforced. 
 
 In this arbitrary and violent proceeding, James was 
 chiefly directed by a few Catholic counsellors, none 01 
 whom had much reputation for talent, while most of them 
 were inspired by a misjudging zeal for their religion, and 
 dreamt they saw the restoration of Popery at hand. To 
 these must be added two or three statesmen, who, being 
 originally Protestants, had adopted the Catholic religion 
 in compliance with the wishes of the King. From these 
 men, who had sacrificed conscience and decency to court 
 favour, the very worst advice was to be apprehended, 
 since they were sure to assert to extremity the character 
 which they had adopted on the ground of self-interest. 
 Such a minister was the Earl of Perth, Chancellor of 
 Scotland, who served the King's pleasure to the uttermost 
 in that kingdom ; and such, too, was the far more able 
 and dangerous Earl of Sunderland in England, who under 
 the guise of the most obsequious obedience to the King's 
 pleasure, made it his study to drive James on to the most 
 extravagant measures, with the secret resolution of de- 
 serting him as soon as he should see him in danger of 
 perishing by means of the tempest which he had encour- 
 aed hi' n wantonly to provoke.
 
 56 ATTEMPTS TO CONCILIATE. 
 
 The sincerity of those converts who change their faith 
 at a moment when favour and power can be obtained by 
 the exchange, must always be doubtful, and no character 
 inspires more contempt than that of an apostate who de- 
 serts his religion for love of gain. Not, however, listening 
 to these obvious considerations, the King seemed to press 
 on the conversion of his subjects to the Roman Caiholic 
 faith, without observing that each proselyte, by the fact 
 of becoming so, was rendered generally contemptible, and 
 lost any influence he might have formerly possessed. In- 
 deed, the King's rage for making converts was driven to 
 such a height by his obsequious ministers, that an igno- 
 rant negro, the servant or slave of one Read, a mounte- 
 bank, was publicly baptized after the Catholic ritual upon 
 a stage in the High Street of Edinburgh, and christened 
 Jarnes, in honour, it was said, of the Lord Chancellor 
 James Earl of Perth, King James himself, and the Apos- 
 tle James. 
 
 While the King was deserted by his old friends and 
 allies of the Episcopal Church, he probably expected that 
 his enemies the Presbyterians would have been conciliated 
 by the unexpected lenity which they experienced. To 
 bring this about, the indulgence was gradually extended 
 until it comprehended almost a total abrogation of all the 
 oppressive laws respecting fanatics and conventicles, the 
 Cameronians alone being excepted, who disowned thfa 
 King's authority. But the Protestant nonconformists, 
 being wise enough to penetrate into the schemes of the 
 Prince, remained determined not to form a union with the 
 Catholics, or to believe that the King had any other object 
 in view than the destruction of Protestants of every de- 
 scription. 
 
 Some ministers, indeed, received the toleration with 
 thanks and flattery ; and several Presbyterians of rank 
 accepted offices under government in the room of Epis- 
 copalians, who had resigned rather than acquiesce in the 
 rlispensation of the penal laws. But, to use their own 
 expressions, the more clear-sighted Presbyterians plainly 
 saw that they had been less aggrieved with the ~vounda.
 
 THE PRESBYTERIANS. 87 
 
 stabs, and strokes, which the church had formerly receiv- 
 ed, than by this pretended Indulgence, which they likened 
 to the cruel courtesy of Joab, who gave a salute to Abner, 
 while at the same time he stabbed him under the fifth rib. 
 This was openly maintained by one large party among the 
 Presbyterians, while the more moderate admitted, that in- 
 deed Heaven had made the King its instrument to procure 
 ome advantage to the church ; but that as they were 
 convinced the favour shown to them was not sincere, but 
 bestowed with the purpose of disuniting Protestants 
 amongst themselves, they owed him little gratitude for that 
 which he bestowed, not from any good will to them, but 
 to further his own purposes. 
 
 These discords between the King and his former friends 
 in Scotland occasioned many changes in the administration 
 of the country. The Duke of Queensberry, who had 
 succeeded Lauderdale in his unlimited authority, and had 
 shown the same disposition to gratify the King upon all 
 former occasions, was now disgraced on account of his 
 reluctance to assent to the rash measures adopted in favour 
 of the Catholics. Perth, and Melfort, the last also a con- 
 vert to the Catholic faith, were placed at the head of the 
 administration. On the other hand, Sir George IVJac- 
 Kenzie, long King's Advocate, and so severe against the 
 Covenanters that he received the name of the Bloody 
 MacKenzie, refused to countenance the revocation of the 
 penal laws, and was, like Queensberry, deprived of his 
 office. Sir James Stewart of Goodtrees, named in his 
 stead, was a Presbyterian of the more rigid sort, such as 
 were usually called fanatics. Judges were also created 
 from the same oppressed party. But none of the non- 
 conformists so promoted, however gratified with their own 
 advancement, either forgot the severity with which their 
 sect had been treated, through the express interference 
 and influence of James, or gave the infatuated monarch 
 credit for sincerity in his apparent change of disposition 
 towards them. 
 
 Insensible to the general loss of his friends and parti- 
 sans, James proceeded to press the exercise of his dis*
 
 B3 ATTEMPTS TO INTRODUCE 
 
 pensing power. By a new order from court, the most, 
 ridiculous and irritating that could well be imagined, all 
 persons in civil employment, without exception, were or- 
 dered to lay down their offices, and resume them again 
 by a new commission, without taking the test ; which 
 reassumption, being an act done against the existing laws, 
 they were required instantly to wipe out, by taking out a 
 remission from the Crown, for obeying the royal com- 
 mand. And it was declared, that such as did not obtain 
 such a remission, should be afterwards incapable of par- 
 don, and subjected to all the penalties of not having taken 
 the test. Thus, the King laid his commands upon his 
 subjects to break one of the standing laws of the king- 
 dom, and then stood prepared to enforce against them the 
 penalty which they had incurred, (a penalty due to the 
 Crown itself,) unless they consented to shelter themselves 
 by accepting a pardon from the King for a crime which 
 they had committed by his order, and thus far acknow- 
 ledge his illegal power to suspend the laws. In this man- 
 ner, it was expected that all official persons would be com- 
 pelled personally to act under and acknowledge the King's 
 power of dispensing with the constitution. 
 
 In England, the same course of misgovernment was so 
 openly pursued, that no room was left the people to doubt 
 that James designed to imitate the conduct of his friend 
 and ally, Louis XIV. of France, in the usurpation of des- 
 potic, power over the bodies and consciences of his subjects. 
 It was just about this time that the French monarch re- 
 voked the toleration which had been granted by Henry 
 IV. to the French Protestants, and forced upwards of half 
 a million of his subjects, offending in nothing excepting 
 their worshipping God after the Protestant manner, into 
 exile from their native country. Many thousands of these 
 persecuted men found refuge in Great Britain, and by the 
 accounts they gave of the injustice and cruelty with which 
 they had been treated, increased the general hatred and 
 dread of the Catholic religion, and, in consequence, the 
 public jealousy of a Prince who was the bigoted follow- 
 er of its tenets.
 
 CATHOLIC ASCENDENCY. 89 
 
 But James was totally blind to the dangerous precijucs 
 on which he stood, and imagined that the murmurs of the 
 people might be suppressed by the large standing army 
 which he maintained, a considerable part of which, in 
 order to overawe the city of London, lay encamped at 
 Hounslow-Heath. 
 
 To be still more assured of the fidelity of his army, 
 the King was desirous to introduce amongst them a num- 
 ber of Catholic officers, and also to convert as many ot 
 the soldiers as possible to that religion. But even among 
 a set of men, who from their habits are the most disposed 
 to obedience, and perhaps the most indifferent about reli- 
 gious distinctions, the name of Papist was odious ; and 
 the few soldiers who embraced that persuasion were 
 treated by their comrades with ridicule and contempt. 
 
 In a word, any prince less obstinate and bigoted than 
 James, might easily have seen that the army would not 
 become his instrument in altering the laws and religion of 
 the country. But he proceeded, with the most reckless 
 indifference, to provoke a struggle, which it was plain 
 must be maintained against the universal sentiments of his 
 subjects. He had the folly not only to set up the Cath^ 
 olic worship in his royal chapel, with the greatest pomp 
 and publicity, but to send an ambassador, Lord Castle- 
 maine, to the Pope, to invite his Holiness to countenance 
 his proceedings, by affording him the presence of a nun- 
 cio from the See of Rome. Such a communication was, 
 by the law of England, an act of high treason, and ex- 
 cited the deepest resentment in England, while abroad it 
 was rather ridiculed than applauded. Even the Pope 
 himself afforded the bigoted monarch very little counte- 
 nance in his undertaking, being probably of opinion that 
 James's movements were too violent to be secure. His 
 Holiness was also on indifferent terms with Louis XIV., 
 of whom James was a faithful ally, and, on the whole, 
 the Pope was so little disposed to sympathize with the 
 imprudent efforts of the English Monarch in favour ol 
 the Catholic religion that he contrived to evade every 
 
 900
 
 90 ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. 
 
 attempt of Lord Castlemaine to enter upon business, by 
 affecting a violent fit of coughing whenever the conveisa- 
 tion took that turn. Yet even this coldness, on the part 
 of one necessarily so partial to his views, and so intimate- 
 ly concerned in the issue of his attempt, did not chill the 
 insane zeal of the English monarch. 
 
 To attain his purpose with some degree of grace from 
 Parliament, which, though he affected to despise it, he 
 was still desirous of conciliating, the King took the most 
 unconstitutional measures to influence the members of' 
 both houses. One mode was by admitting individuals to 
 private audiences, called Closetings, and using all the 
 personal arguments, promises, and threats, which his sit- 
 uation enabled him to enforce, for the purpose of induc- 
 ing the members to comply with his views. He extorted 
 also, from many of the royal burghs, both in England and 
 Scotland, the surrender of their charters, and substituted 
 others which placed the nomination of their representa- 
 tives to Parliament in the hands of the Crown j and he 
 persisted obstinately in removing Protestants from all 
 offices of honour and trust in the government, and in fill- 
 ing their situations with Papists. Even his own brothers- 
 in-law, the Earls of Clarendon and Rochester, were dis- 
 graced, or at least dismissed from their employments, 
 because they would not sacrifice their religious principles 
 to the King's arguments and promises. 
 
 Amid so many subjects of jealousy, all uniting to show, 
 that it was the purpose of the King to assume arbitrary 
 power, and by the force of tyranny over the rights and 
 Jives of his subjects, to achieve a change in tfie national 
 religion, those operations which immediately affected the 
 church, were the objects of peculiar attention. 
 
 As early in his unhappy career as 1686, lie year fol- 
 lowing that of his accession to the throne, James had 
 ventured to re-establish one of the most obnoxious insti- 
 tutions in his father's reign, namely, the Court of High 
 Ecclesiastical Commission, for trying all offences of the 
 clergy. This oppressive and vexatious judicature had 
 ueen aooiished in Charles the First's time, along with the
 
 ATTACK ON THE UNIVERSITIES. 91 
 
 Star-Chamber, and it was declared by act of Parliament 
 that it should never be again erected. Yet the King, in 
 spite of experience and of law, recalled to life this op- 
 pressive court, in order to employ its arbitrary authority 
 in support of the cause of Popery. Sharpe, a clergyman 
 of London, had preached with vehemence in the contro- 
 versy between Protestants and Catholics, and some of the 
 expressions he made use of were interpreted to reflect 
 on the King. Sharpe endeavoured to apologize, but nev- 
 ertheless the Bishop of London received orders to sus- 
 pend the preacher from his functions. That prelate ex- 
 cused himself from obedience, because he had no power 
 to proceed thus summarily against a person not convicted 
 of any offence. The Bishop's excuse, as well as Sharpe's 
 apology, were disregarded, and both were suspended 
 from their functions by this illegal court ; the preacher, 
 because he exerted himself, as his profession required, in 
 combating the arguments by which many were seduced 
 from the Protestant faith ; the prelate, because he de- 
 clined to be an instrument of illegal oppression. The 
 people saw the result of this trial, with a deep sense of 
 the illegality shown, and the injustice inflicted. 
 
 The Universities were equally the object of the King's 
 unprovoked aggressions. It was in their bosom that the 
 youth of the kingdom, more especially those destined for 
 the clerical profession, received the necessary instruction, 
 and James naturally concluded, that to introduce the 
 Catholic influence into these two great and learned bodies, 
 would prove a most important step in his grand plan of 
 re-establishing that religion in England. 
 
 The experiment upon Cambridge was a slight one. 
 The King, by his mandate, required the University to 
 confer a degree of master of arts upon Father Francis, 
 a Benedictine monk. Academical honours of this kind 
 are generally conferred without respect to the religion ot 
 the party receiving them ; and indeed the University had, 
 not very long before, admitted a Mahomedan to the de- 
 gree of master of arts : but that was an honorary degree 
 only whereas what was demanded for the Benedictine
 
 92 ATTACK ON THE UNIVERSITIES. 
 
 monk inferred a right to sit and vote in the elections of 
 the University, whose members, considering that the Pa- 
 pists so introduced might soon control the Protestants, 
 resolved to oppose the King's purpose in the commence- 
 ment, and refused to grant the degree required. The 
 Court of High Commission suspended the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor, but the University chose a man of the same de- 
 termined spirit in his room ; so that the King was not the 
 nearer to his object, which he was compelled for the 
 present to abandon. 
 
 Oxford, however, was attacked with more violence, 
 and the consequences were more important. That cele- 
 brated University had been distinguished by its unaltera- 
 ble attachment to the Royal cause. When Charles I. 
 was compelled to quit London, he found a retreat at 
 Oxford, where the various colleges expended in support- 
 ing his cause whatever wealth they possessed, while many 
 members of the University exposed their lives in his 
 service. In Charles the Second's time, Oxford, on ac- 
 count of its inflexible loyalty, had been chosen as the 
 place where the King convoked a short Parliament, when 
 the interest of the Whigs in the city of London was so 
 strong as to render him fearful of remaining in its vicin- 
 ity. It was less to the honour of the University, that 
 they had shown themselves the most zealous in express- 
 ing, and enforcing by their ordinances, the slavish tenets 
 of passive obedience and non-resistance to the royal au- 
 thority, which were then professed by many of the mem- 
 bers of the Church of England ; but it was an additional 
 proof, that their devotion to the King was almost unlimited. 
 
 But if James recollected anything whatever of these 
 marks of loyalty to the Crown, the remembrance served 
 only to encourage him in his attack upon the privileges 01 
 the University, in the belief that they would not be firmly 
 resisted. With ingratitude, therefore, as well as folly, he 
 proceeded to intrude his mandate on the society of Mag- 
 dalen College, commanding them to choose for their 
 president one of the new converts to the Catholic religion, 
 and on their refusil, expelled them from the college
 
 PROSECUTION OF THE BISHOPS. 93 
 
 thus depriving them of their revenues and settlement in 
 life, beca ise they would not transgress the statutes, to 
 the observance of which they nad solemnly sworn. 
 
 A still more fatal error, which seems indeed to have 
 carried James's imprudence to the uttermost, was the 
 ever-memorable prosecution of the Bishops, which had 
 its origin in the following circumstances. In 1688, James 
 published a second declaration of indulgence, with an 
 order subjoined, by which it was appointed to be read in 
 all the churches. The greater part of the English bish- 
 ops, disapproving of the King's pretended prerogative of 
 dispensing with the test and penal laws, resolved to refuse 
 obedience to this order, which, as their sentiments were 
 well known, could only be intended to disgrace them in 
 the eyes of the people. Six of the most distinguished 
 of the prelates joined with the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury in a humble petition to the King, praying his Majesty 
 would dispense with their causing to be published in their 
 diocesses a declaration founded upon the claim of royal 
 dispensation, which claim having been repeatedly declar- 
 ed illegal^ the petitioners could not, in prudence, honour, 
 or conscience, be accessary to distributing a paper, which 
 asserted its validity in so solemn a manner all over the 
 nation. 
 
 The King was highly incensed at this remonstrance, 
 and summoning the seven prelates before his Privy Coun- 
 cil, he demanded of them if they owned and adhered to 
 their petition. They at once acknowledged that they did 
 so, and were instantly committed to the Tower, upon a 
 charge of sedition. The rank and respectability of these 
 distinguished men, the nature of the charge against whom, 
 m the popular apprehension, was an attempt to punish 
 them for a bold, yet respectful discharge of their high 
 duties, coupled with the anxious dread of what might be 
 expected to follow such a violent procedure, wrought up 
 (he minds of the people to the highest pitch. 
 
 An immense multitude assembled on the banks of the 
 Thames, and beheld with grief and wonder those fathers 
 of the Church conveyed to prison in the boats appointed
 
 94 PROSECUTION OF THE UISIIOI'S. 
 
 lor that purpose. The enthusiasm was extreme. The* 
 wept, they kneeled, they prayed for the safety of the 
 prisoners, which was only endangered hy the firmness 
 with which they had held fast their duty ; and the bene- 
 dictions which the persecuted divines distributed on every 
 side, were answered with the warmest wishes for theii 
 freedom, and the most unreserved avowal of their cause. 
 All this enthusiasm of popular feeling was insufficient to 
 open James's eyes to his madness. He urged on the 
 proceedings against the prelates, who, on the 17th June, 
 1688, were brought to trial, and, after a long and most 
 interesting hearing of their cause were fully acquitted. 
 The acclamations of the multitude were loud in propor- 
 tion to the universal anxiety which prevailed while the 
 case was in dependence ; and when the news reached 
 the camp at Hounslow, the extravagant rejoicings of the 
 soldiers, unchecked by the King's own presence, showed 
 that the army and the people were animated by the same 
 spirit. 
 
 Yet James was so little influenced by this universal 
 expression of adherence to the Protestant cause, that he 
 continued his headlong career with a degree of rapidity, 
 which compelled the reflecting part of the Catholics 
 themselves to doubt and fear the event. He renewed his 
 violent interference with the Universities, endeavoured to 
 thrust on Magdalen College a Popish Bishop, and resolv- 
 ed to prosecute every clergyman who would refuse to 
 read his declaration of indulgence, that is to say, with 
 the exception of an inconsiderable minority, the whole 
 Church of England. 
 
 While the kingdoms of Scotland and England were 
 ag'uated by these violent attempts to establish the Roman 
 Catholic religion, their fears were roused to the highest 
 pitch by observing with what gigantic strides the King 
 was advancing to the same object in Ireland, where, the 
 great body of the people being Catholics, he had no oc- 
 casion to disguise his purposes. Lord Tyrconnell, a 
 headstrong and violent man, and a Catholic of course 
 was appointed Viceroy, and proceeded to take every step
 
 VIEWS OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. 95 
 
 necessary, by arming the Papists and depressing the 
 Protestants, to prepare for a total change, in which the 
 latter should be subjugated by a Catholic Parliament. 
 The violence of the King's conduct in a country where 
 he was not under the necessity of keeping any fair ap- 
 pearances, too plainly showed the Protestants of England 
 and Scotland, that the measure, presented to them as 
 one of general toleration for all Christian sects, was in 
 fact designed to achieve the supremacy of the Catholic 
 faith over heresy of every denomination. 
 
 During all this course of mal-administration, the sen- 
 sible and prudent part of the nation kept their eyes fixed 
 on William, Prince of Orange, married, as I have before 
 told you, to James's eldest daughter, Mary, and heir to 
 the throne, unless it happened that the King should have 
 a son by his present Queen. This was an event which 
 had been long held improbable, for the children which 
 the Queen had hitherto borne were of a very weak con- 
 stitution, and did not long survive their birth ; and James 
 himself was now an elderly man. 
 
 The Prince of Orange, therefore, having a fair pros- 
 pect of attaining the throne after his father-in-law's death, 
 observed great caution in his communications with the 
 numerous and various factions in England and Scotland ; 
 and even to those who expressed the greatest moderation 
 and the purest sentiments of patriotism, he replied with 
 a prudent reserve, exhorting them to patience, dissuading 
 from all hasty insurrections, and pointing out to them, that 
 the death of the King must put an end to the innovations 
 which he was attempting on the constitution. 
 
 Bat an event took place which entirely altered the 
 Prince of Orange's views and feelings, and forced him 
 upon an enterprise, one of the most remarkable in its 
 progress and consequences of any which the history d 
 the world affords. Mary, Queen of England, and wife 
 of James II., was delivered of a male child, on the 10th 
 of June, 168S. The Papists had long looked forward to 
 (his event as to one which should perpetuate the measures 
 of the King in favour of the Roman Catholics, after his
 
 96 BIRTH OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. 
 
 own death. They had, therefore, ventured to prcphesy 
 that the expected infant would be a son, and they imput- 
 ed the fulfilment of their wishes to the intervention of the 
 Virgin Mary of Loretto, propitiated by prayers and pil- 
 grimage. 
 
 The Protestant party, on the other hand, were dispos- 
 ed to consider the alleged birth of the infant, which had 
 happened so seasonably for the Catholics, as the result 
 not of a miracle of the Popish saints, but of a trick at 
 court. They affirmed that the child was not really the 
 son of James and his wife, but a supposititious infant, 
 whom they were desirous to palm upon their subjects as 
 the legal heir of the throne, in order to defeat the claim 
 of the Protestant successors. This assertion, though 
 gravely swallowed by the people, and widely spread 
 amongst them, was totally without foundation ; nor was 
 it possible that there could exist more complete proof of 
 such a fact, than James himself published to the world 
 concerning the birth of this young Prince of Wales. But 
 the King's declarations, and the evidence which he at 
 length made public, were unable to bear down the cal- 
 umny which was so widely and anxiously circulated. 
 The leaders of the Protestant party, whatever they might 
 themselves believe, took care to make the rumour of the 
 alleged imposture as general as possible ; and many, 
 whose Tory principles would not have allowed them to 
 oppose the succession of a prince really descended ol 
 the blood royal, stood prepared to dispute the right of 
 the infant to succeed to the throne, on account of the 
 asserted doubtfiHness of his birth. 
 
 One thing, however, was certain, that whether the 
 child was supposititious or not, his birth was likely to 
 prolong the misgovernment under which the country 
 groaned. There now existed no longer the prospect that 
 James would be succeeded by his son-in-law, the Prince 
 of Orange, with whom the Protestant religion must ne- 
 cessarily have recovered its predominance. This infant 
 was of course to be trained up in the religion and princi- 
 ples of his father ; and the influence of the dreaded 

 
 PREPARATIONS FOR AN INVASION. 97 
 
 spirit of Popery, instead of terminating with the present 
 reign, would maintain and extend itself through that of a 
 youthful successor. The Prince of Orange, on his part, 
 seeing himself, by the birth and rights of this infant, ex- 
 cluded from the long-hoped-for succession to the Crown 
 of England, laid aside his caution, for a bold and active 
 interference in British politics. 
 
 He now publicly, though with decency, declared that 
 his sentiments were opposite to those on which his father- 
 in-law acted, and that though he was disposed to give a 
 hearty consent to repealing penal statutes in all cases, be- 
 ing of opinion that no one should be punished for his re- 
 ligious opinions, yet he could not acquiesce in the King's 
 claim to dispense with the lest, which only excluded from 
 public offices those whose consciences would not permit 
 them to conform to the established religion of the country 
 in which they lived. Having thus openly declared his 
 sentiments, the Prince of Orange was resorted to openly 
 or secretly, by all those, of whatever political opinions, 
 who joined in the general fear for the religious and civil 
 liberties of the country, which were threatened by the 
 bigotry of James. Encouraged by the universal senti- 
 ments of the English nation, a few Catholics excepted, 
 and by the urgent remonstrances of many of the leading 
 men of all the various parties, the Prince of Orange re- 
 solved to appear in England at the head of an armed force, 
 with the purpose of putting a stop to James's encroach- 
 ments on the constitution in church and state. 
 
 Under various plausible pretexts, therefore, the Prince 
 began to assemble a navy and army adequate to the bold 
 invasion which he meditated ; while neither the warning 
 of the King of France, who penetrated the purpose of 
 these preparations, nor a sense of the condition in which 
 he himself stood, could induce James to take any ade- 
 quate measures of defence. 
 
 The unfortunate Prince continued to follow the same 
 measures which had lost him the hearts of his subjects, 
 and every step he took encouraged and pr< mnpted disaf-
 
 i*8 INEFFECTUAL APPEAL OF JAMES II. 
 
 fection. Dubioi s of the allegiance of his army, he en- 
 deavoured, by introducing Irish Catholics amongst them, 
 to (ill their ranks, in part at least, with men in whom he 
 might repose more confidence. But the Lieutenant- 
 Colonel and five Captains of the regiment in which the ex- 
 periment was first tried, refused to receive the proposed 
 recruits ; and though these officers Were cashiered for 
 doing so, yet their spirit was generally applauded by those 
 of their own profession. 
 
 Another experiment on the soldiery had a still mor 
 mortifying result. Although it is contrary to the British 
 constitution to engage soldiers under arms in the discus- 
 sion of any political doctrine, since they must be regarded 
 as the servants, not the counsellors, of the state ; never- 
 theless, James resolved, if possible, to obtain from the 
 army their approbation of the repeal of the test and the 
 penal statutes. By way of experiment, a single battal- 
 ion was drawn up in his own presence, and informed, 
 that they must either express their hearty acquiescence in 
 the King's purposes in respect to these laws, or lay down 
 their arms, such being the sole condition on which their 
 services would be received. On hearing this appeal, the 
 whole regiment, excepting two officers and a few Catholic 
 soldiers, laid down their arms. The King stood mute 
 with anger and disappointment, and at length told them, 
 in a sullen and offended tone, to take up their arms and 
 retire to their quarters, adding, that he would not again do 
 them the honour to ask their opinions. 
 
 While James was thus extorting from his very soldiers 
 opinions the most unfavourable to his measures, he sud- 
 denly received intelligence from his ambassador in Hol- 
 land, that the Prince of Orange was about to put to sea 
 with an army of fifteen thousand men, supplied by all the 
 States of Holland, and a fleet of five hundred sail. 
 
 Conscious that he had lost the best safeguard of a mon- 
 arch, namely, the love and affections of his subjects, 
 this news came upon James like a thunder-clap. He 
 hastened to retract all the measures which had rendered 
 his reign so unpopular ; but it was with a precipitation
 
 TO THE ARMY. 99 
 
 which showed fear, not conviction, and the people were 
 persuaded that the concessions would be recalled as soon 
 as the danger was over. 
 
 In the meantime the Dutch fleet set sail. At first it 
 encountered a storm, and was driven back into harbour. 
 I3ut the damage sustained by some of the vessels being 
 speedily repaired, they again put to sea, and with so much 
 activity, that the short delay proved rather of service than 
 otherwise ; for the English fleet, which had also been 
 Driven into harbour by the storm, could not be got ready 
 to ineet the invaders. Steering for the west of England, 
 the Prince of Orange landed in Torbay, on the 5th No- 
 vember, 1688, being the anniversary of the Gunpowder 
 Plot, an era which seemed propitious to an enterprise com- 
 menced in opposition to the revival of Popery in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Immediately on his landing, the Prince published a 
 manifesto, setting forth, in plain and strong terms, the va- 
 rious encroachments made by the reigning monarch upon 
 the British constitution, and upon the rights as well of the 
 church as of private persons and corporate bodies. He 
 came, he said, with an armed force, to protect his person 
 from the King's evil counsellors, but his only purpose was 
 to have a full and free Parliament assembled, in order to 
 procure a gerieral .settlement of religion, liberty, and 
 property. 
 
 Notwithstanding that so many persons of rank and in 
 fluence had privately encouraged the Prince of Orange 
 to this undertaking, there appeared at first very little alac- 
 rity to support him in carrying it through. The inhabi- 
 tants of the western counties where the Prince landed, 
 were overawed by recollection of the fearful punishment 
 inflicted upon those who had joined Monmouth, and the 
 Prince had advanced to Exeter ere he was joined by any 
 adherent of consequence. But from the time that one or 
 two gentlemen of consideration joined him, a general com- 
 motion took place all over England, and the nobility and 
 gentry assumed aims on every side for redress of the 
 grievances set forth in the Prince'.* manifesto.
 
 1(0 INVASION OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. 
 
 In the midst of this universal defection, King James 
 gave orders to assemble his army, assigned Salisbury for 
 his head quarters, and announced his purpose of fighting 
 the invaders. But he was doomed to experience to what 
 extent he had alienated the affections of his subjects by 
 his bigoted and tyrannical conduct. Several noblemen 
 and officers of rank publicly deserted, and carried off to 
 the Prince's army numbers of their soldiers. Amongst 
 these was Lord Churchill, afterwards the celebrated Duke 
 of Marlborough. He was a particular favourite of the 
 unhappy King, who had bestowed a peerage on him, with 
 high rank in the army ; and his desertion to the Prince 
 on this occasion showed that the universal aversion to 
 King James's measures had alienated the affections of 
 those who would otherwise have been most devotedly at- 
 tached to him. 
 
 A still more striking defection seems to have destroyed 
 the remains of the unhappy monarch's resolution. His 
 second daughter, the Princess Anne, who was married to 
 a younger son of the King of Denmark, called Prince 
 George, escaped by night from London, under the pro- 
 tection of the Bishop of that city, who raised a body of 
 horse for her protection, and rode armed at their head. 
 She fled to Nottingham, where she was received by the 
 Earl of Dorset, and declared for a free Protestant Parlia- 
 ment. Her husband, and other persons of the first dis- 
 tinction, joined the Prince of Orange. 
 
 The sudden and unexpected dissolution of his power, 
 when every morning brought intelligence of some new 
 defection or insurrection, totally destroyed the firmness of 
 James, who, notwithstanding his folly and misconduct, 
 becomes, in this period of unmitigated calamity, an object 
 of our pity. At the tidings of his daughter's flight, he 
 exclaimed, with the agony of paternal feeling, " God help 
 me, my own children desert me !" In the extremity and 
 desolation of his distress, the unfortunate Monarch seems 
 to have lost all those qualities which had gained him in 
 earlier life the character of courage and sagacity ; and 
 the heedless rashness with which he had scorned the dis-
 
 FLIGHT OF JAMES II. 101 
 
 tant danger, was only equalled by the prostrating degree 
 of intimidation which now overwhelmed him. 
 
 He dismissed his army, to the great increase of the 
 general confusion ; and, finally, terrified by the recollec- 
 tion of his father's fate, he resolved to withdraw himself 
 from his kingdom. It is probable that he could not have 
 taken any resolution which would have been so grateful 
 to the Prince of Orange. If James had remained in 
 Britain, the extremity of his misfortunes would probably 
 have awakened the popular compassion ; and the tenets 
 of the High Churchmen and Tories, although they had 
 given way to their apprehensions for the safety of religion 
 and liberty, might, when these were considered as safe, 
 have raised many partisans to the distressed monarch. 
 Besides, while King James remained in his dominions, it 
 would have been an obnoxious and odious attempt, on the 
 part of the Prince of Orange, to have plucked the crown 
 forcibly from the head of his father-in-law, in order to 
 place it upon his own. On the other hand, if the flight 
 of the King into foreign countries should leave the throne 
 unoccupied, nothing could be so natural as to place there 
 the next Protestant heir of the crown, by whose provi- 
 dential interference the liberties and constitution of the 
 country had been rescued from such imminent danger. 
 
 Fortune seemed at first adverse to an escape, wh ; ch 
 King James desired from his fears, and the Prince of 
 Orange from his hopes. As the King, attended by one 
 gentleman, endeavoured to get on board of a vessel pre- 
 pared for his escape, they were seized by some rude fish- 
 ermen, who were looking out to catch such priests and 
 catholics as were flying from the kingdom. At the hands 
 of these men the unfortunate Monarch received some 
 rough treatment, until the gentry of the country inter- 
 posed for the protection of his person, but still refused to 
 permit him to depart the kingdom. He was allowed, 
 however, to return to London, where the rabble, with their 
 usual mutability, and moved with compassion for the help-
 
 102 FLIGHT OF JAMES M. 
 
 less state to which he was reduced, received him with 
 acclamations of favour. 
 
 The Prince of Orange, not a little disappointed by this 
 incident, seems to have determined to conduct himself 
 towards his father-in-law with such a strain of coldness 
 and severity as should alarm James for his personal safe- 
 ty, and determine him to resume his purpose of flight. 
 With such a view, the Prince refused to receive the no- 
 bleman whom the King had sent to him to desire a con- 
 ference, and ordered the messenger to be placed under 
 arrest. In reply to the message, he issued a command, 
 transmitted at midnight, that the King should leave his 
 palace the next morning. The dejected sovereign yielded 
 to the mandate, and, at his own request, Rochester was 
 assigned for his abode. That happened which must have 
 been foreseen, from his choosing a place near the river as 
 his temporary habitation. James privately embarked on 
 board of a frigate, and was safely landed at Ambleteuse, 
 in France. He was received by Louis XIV. with the 
 utmost generosity and hospitality, and lived lor many years 
 at St. Germains, under his protection and at his expense, 
 excepting only during a short campaign (to be afterwards 
 noticed) in Ireland. Every effort to replace him in his 
 dominions, only proved destructive to those who were en* 
 gaged in them. The exiled monarch was looked upon 
 with reverence by sincere Catholics, who counted him as 
 a martyr to his zeal for the form of religion which he 
 and they professed ; but by others he was ridiculed as a 
 bigot, who had lost three kingdoms for the sake of a mass. 
 
 A Convention, as it was called, (in effect a Parliament, 
 though not such in form, because it could not be summon- 
 ed in the King's name,) was convoked at Westminster ; 
 and, at their first meeting, they returned their unanimous 
 thanks to the Prince of Orange for the deliverance which 
 he had achieved for the nation. The House of Com- 
 mons then proceeded, by a great majority, to vote that 
 King James had forfeited his regal title by a variety of 
 encroachments on the constitution ; that, by his flight, he 
 had abdicated the government , and that the throne was
 
 SETTLEMENT OF THE SUCCESSION. 103 
 
 vacrtiit. But as a great part of this resolution was ad- 
 verse to the doctrine of the Tories, who refused to adopt 
 it, the mention of forfeiture was omitted ; and it was fi- 
 nally settled, that by his evil administration, and subse- 
 quent flight from Britain, King James had abdicated the 
 throne. And I cannot forbear to point out to you the 
 singular wisdom of both the great parties in the state, who, 
 by keeping the expressions of their resolution so general 
 as to clash with the sentiments of neither, concurred in a 
 measure so important, without starting any theoretical 
 disputes to awaken party contention at a moment when 
 the peace of England depended on unanimity. 
 
 The throne being thus declared vacant, the important 
 question remained, by whom it should be filled. This 
 was warmly disputed. The Tories were contented that 
 the Prince of Orange should exercise the regal power, 
 but only under the title of Regent. They could not re- 
 concile themselves to the dethroning a King and electing 
 his successor ; and contended, that James's course of mis- 
 conduct did not deprive him of his kingly title, but only 
 operated like some malady, which rendered him unfit to 
 have the exercise of regal power. The Whigs replied, 
 that this doctrine would prevent their deriving the desired 
 advantages from the Revolution, since, if James was in 
 any respect to be acknowledged as a sovereign, he might 
 return and claim the power which is inalienable from the 
 royal right. Besides, if James was still King, it was ev- 
 ident that his son, who had been carried abroad, in order 
 that he might be bred up in Popery and in arbitrary doc- 
 trines must be acknowledged after the death of James 
 himself. They, therefore, declared for the necessity of 
 filling up the vacant sovereignty. A third party endeav- 
 oured to fin'd a middle opinion, with regard to which the 
 objections applicable to those we have just expressed 
 should not hold good. They proposed that the crown 
 should be conferred on Mary, Princess of Orange, in her 
 own right ; thus passing over the infant Prince of Wales. 
 and transferring their allegiance to Mary as the next Pro 
 testant hei? of the crown.
 
 104 SETTLEMENT OF THE CKOWN 
 
 The Prince of Orange, who had listened to, an \ watch- 
 ed these debates in silence, but with deep interest, now 
 summoned a small council of leading persons, to whom 
 he made his sentiments known. 
 
 He would not, he said, interfere in any respect with the 
 right of the English Parliament, to arrange their future 
 government according to their own laws, or their own 
 pleasure. But he felt it necessary to acquaint them, that 
 if they chose to be governed by a Regent, he would not 
 accept that office. Neither was he disposed to take the 
 government of the kingdom under his wife, supposing she 
 was chosen Queen. If either of these modes of settle- 
 ment were adopttt'l, he informed them he would retire 
 entirely from all interference with British affairs. The 
 Princess, his wife, seconded her husband's views, to whom 
 she always paid the highest degree of conjugal deference. 
 
 The wisdom and power of the Prince of Orange, nay 
 even the assistance of his military force, were absolutely 
 indispensable to the settlement of England, divided as it 
 was by two rival political parties, who had indeed been 
 forced into union by the general fear of James's tyranny, 
 but were ready to renew their dissensions the instant the 
 overwhelming pressure of that fear was removed. The 
 Convention were, therefore, obliged to regulate the suc- 
 cession to the throne upon the terms agreeable to the 
 Prince of Orange. The Princess and he were called to 
 the throne jointly, under the title of King William and 
 Queen Mary, the survivor succeeding the party who should 
 first die. The Princess Anne of Denmark, was named 
 to succeed after the death of her sister and brother-in-law, 
 and the claims of James's infant son were entirely passed 
 over. 
 
 The Convention did not neglect this opportunity to 
 annex to the settlement of the crown a Declaration of 
 Rights, determining in favour of the subject those rights 
 which had been contested during the late reigns, and 
 drawing with more accuracy and precision than had hith- 
 erto been employed, the lines which circumscribe the roy- 
 tl authority.
 
 OX WILLIAM AMI MARY. 105 
 
 Such was this memorable Revolution, wh ch (saving a 
 petty and accidental skirmish) decided the fate of a great 
 kingdom without bloodshed, and in which, perhaps, for 
 the only lime in history, the heads of the discordant fac- 
 tions of a great empire laid aside their mutual suspicion 
 and animosity, and calmly and dispassionately discussed 
 the great concerns of the nation, without reference to their 
 own interests or those of their party. To the memory of 
 this Convention or Parliament, the Britannic kingdoms 
 owe the inestimable blessing of a constitution, fixed on the 
 decided and defined principles of civil and religious liberty. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 State of affairs in Scotland previous to the Revolution 
 Endeavours of James to secure the Scots to his In- 
 terest The Scottish Jlrmy is ordered to England, and, 
 on the Flight of James, joins the Prince of Orange 
 Expulsion of Captain Wallace from Holyrood House 
 Meeting of the Scottish Convention Struggles of 
 the Jacobite and Whig Parties Secession of the dis- 
 count of Dundee, and Settlement of the Throne on 
 King JVilliam Disposal of Offices of trust in Scot- 
 land Mr. Carstairs confidentially consulted by King 
 JVilliam. 
 
 THE necessity of explaining the nature and progress of 
 the Revolution of England, without which it would be 
 impossible for you to comprehend what passed in the 
 northern part of the kingdom, has drawn us away from 
 the proper subject of this little book, and makes it ne- 
 cessary that we should return to our account of Scottish 
 affairs during the time that these important events were' 
 taking place in England. 
 
 We have mentioned the discontents which existed 
 among King James's most zealous friends in Scotland, on 
 account o'f his pressing the revocation of the Test, and 
 that several of the Crown officers, and crown lawyers, and
 
 06 STATE OF AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 even two or three of the judges, had been displaced foi 
 demurring to that measure, the vacancies being filled with 
 Catholics or Presbyterians. You have also been told, 
 that by this false policy, James lost the affection of his 
 friends of the Episcopal church, without being able to con 
 ciliate his ancient enemies, the nonconformists. 
 
 Thus stood matters in Scotland, when, in September, 
 1 688, King James sent down to his council in Scotland, an 
 account of the preparations making in Holland to invade 
 England. Upon this alarming news, the militia were or- 
 dered to be in readiness ; the Highland chiefs were di- 
 rected to prepare their clans to take the field ; and the 
 vassals of the crown were modelled into regiments, and 
 furnished with anus. These forces, joined to the stand- 
 ng army, would have made a considerable body of troops. 
 
 But unanimity, the soul of national resistance, was 
 wanting. The Scottish Royalists were still so much at- 
 tached to the Crown, and even to the person of James, 
 that, notwithstanding the late causes of suspicion and dis- 
 cord which had occurred betwixt them and the King, 
 there remained little doubt that they would have proved 
 faithful to his cause. But the Presbyterians, even of the 
 most moderate party, had suffered so severely at James's 
 hand, both during his brother's reign, and his own, that it 
 was hardly to be expected that a few glances of favour to 
 which they seemed to be admitted, only because they 
 could not be decently excluded from the toleration de- 
 signed for the benefit of the Catholics, should make them 
 forget the recent terrors, of the storm. Several of the. gen- 
 try of this persuasion, however, seemed ready to serve 
 the King, and obtained commissions in the militia ; but the 
 event showed that this was done with the purpose of act- 
 ing more effectually against him. 
 
 The Earl of Perth endeavoured to ascertain the real 
 senliments of that numerous party, oy applying to them 
 through the medium of Sir Patrick Murray, a person who 
 seemed attached to no particular sect, but who was es- 
 teemed by all. This gentleman applied to such leading 
 Presbyterian ministers as were in Edinburgh, reminding
 
 STATE OF ATFAIRS IJV SCOTLAND. 107 
 
 them of the favours lately shown to them by the King, and 
 requesting they would now evince their gratitude by influ- 
 encing their hearers to oppose the unnatural invasion threat- 
 ened by the Prince of Orange. The clergymen received 
 the overture coldly, and declined to return an answer till 
 there should be more of their brethren in town. Having 
 in the interim obtained information, which led them to 
 expect the ultimate success of the Prince of Orange, they 
 sent as their answer to the Earl of Perth, through Sir 
 Patrick Murray, " that they owned the King had of late 
 b^en used as Heaven's instrument, to show them some 
 favour ; but being convinced that he had done so, only 
 with a design to ruin the Protestant religion, by introduc- 
 ing dissension among its professors of different denomi- 
 nations, and observing, that the persons whom he volun- 
 tarily raised to power, were either Papists, or persons 
 popishly inclined, they desired to be excused from giving 
 any iunlwr answer, saying that they would conduct them- 
 selves in this juncture as God should inspire." 
 
 From this answer it was plain that James was to ex- 
 pect nothing from the Presbyterians ; yet they remained 
 silent and quiet, waiting the event, and overawed by the 
 regular troops, who were posted in such places as to pre- 
 vent open insurrection. 
 
 The disaffection of the English soldiery having alarmed 
 James's suspicions, he sent orders that his Scottish army 
 should be drawn together, and held in readiness to march 
 into England. The Scottish administration answered by 
 a remonstrance, that this measure would leave the gov- 
 ernment in Scotland totally defenceless, and encourage 
 the disaffected, who could not but think the affairs of King 
 James in England were desperate, since he could not 
 dispense with the assistance of so smlla ootiy of troops. 
 To this remonstrance the King replied by a positive or- 
 der, that the Scottish army should advance into England. 
 
 This little army might consist of six or seven thousand 
 excellent troops, commanded by James Douglas, brother 
 to the Duke of Queensberry, as General -in-chief, and by 
 the more celebrated John Graham of Claverhouse, re
 
 108 PROCKKDINGS OF THE 
 
 -entfy created Viscount of Dundee, as Major General. 
 The former was secretly a favourer of the Prince of Oi- 
 inge's enterprise. Viscount Dundee, on the other hand, 
 vas devotedly attached to the cause of King James, and 
 edeemed some of his fiercer and more cruel propensi- 
 ies, by the virtue of attaching himself to his benefactor, 
 when he was forsaken by all the world besides. It is said, 
 that the march was protracted by Douglas, lest the stead- 
 iness of the Scottish army should have served as an ex- 
 ample to the English. At length, however, they reached 
 London, where the Viscount of Dundee claimed a right 
 to command, as eldest Major* General ; but the English 
 officers of the same rank, whether out of national jeal- 
 ousy, or that Dundee's obtaining so high a rank might 
 have interfered with their private schemes, positively re- 
 fused to serve under him. It is said, that, in the event of 
 his obtaining this command, his design was to assemble 
 such English troops as yet remained faithful, and, at the 
 nead of these and the Scottish army, to have marched 
 against the Prince of Orange, and given him batile. But 
 this scheme, which must have cost much bloodshed, was 
 defeated by the refusal of the English officers to fight 
 under him. 
 
 King James, amidst the distraction of his affairs, re- 
 quested the advice of this sagacious and determined ad- 
 herent, who pointed out to him three courses. The first 
 was, to try the fate of war, by manfully fighting the Prince 
 of Orange. The second alternative was, to meet him in 
 friendship, and require to know his purpose. The third 
 was, to retire into Scotland, under protection of the little 
 army of that kingdom. The King, it is said, was inclin- 
 ed to try the third alternative, but, as he received intelli- 
 gence that several Scottish peers and gentlemen were 
 come post to London, to wait on the Prince of Orange, 
 *! justly doubttu whether that kingdom would have prov- 
 ed a safe place of refuge. Indeed, he presently after- 
 wards heard, that one of Douglas's battalions had caught 
 the spirit of desertion, and gone over to the Prince. 
 Shortly after this untoward event, Dundee, with such
 
 VISCOUNT OF DUNDEE. 1 09 
 
 of his principal officers as adhered to the cause of James, 
 received assurances of the King's disposition to hazard 
 battle, and were commanded to meet him at Uxbridgc, to 
 consult upon the movements to be adopted. When the 
 Scottish officers reached the place appointed, instead ol 
 meeting with the King, they learned that their misguided 
 monarch had fled, and received the fatal order to disband 
 their forces. Dundee, with the Lords Linlithgow and 
 Dunmore, shed tears of grief and mortification. In the 
 uncertainty of the times, Dundee resolved to keep his 
 forces together, until he had conducted them back into 
 Scotland. With this view he took up his quarters at Wat- 
 ford, intending to retreat on the ensuing morning. Jn the 
 meanwhile, the town's-people, who did not like the com- 
 pany of these northern soldiers, raised a report during the 
 course of the night that the Prince of Orange was coining 
 to attack them, hoping, by this false alarm, to frighten 
 them from the place sooner than they intended. But 
 Dundee was not a person so easily startled. To the great 
 alarm of the citizens, he caused his trumpets to sound to 
 arms, and, taking up a strong position in front of the town, 
 sent out to reconnoitre, and learn the intentions of the 
 Prince of Orange. Thus the stratagem of the citizens of 
 Watford only brought on themselves the chance of a battle 
 in front of their town, which was most likely to suffer in 
 the conflict, be the event what it would. 
 
 But the Prince of Orange knew Dundee's character 
 well. He had served his early campaigns under that 
 Prince, and had merited his regard, not only by his dili- 
 gent discharge of his duty, but also by rescuing Williatr 
 at the battle of SenefF in 1674, and remounting him or, 
 his own horse, when that of the Prince was slain UIU'P.- 
 him. Dundee had left the Dutch service, on being iLs 
 appointed of a regiment. 
 
 Knowing, therefore, the courage and obstinacy of in: 
 Scottish commander, the Prince of Orange took the step 
 of assuring the Viscount of Dundee, that he had not the 
 least purpose of molesting him, and that, understanding
 
 110 THE SCOTTISH AKMT JOINS WILLIAM. 
 
 lie was at Watford, and was keeping his men embodied 
 lie had to request lie would remain there till further orders. 
 When the news of the King's return to London was ru- 
 moured, Dundee went to assure his old master of his cca- 
 t'.nued attachment, and to receive his orders ; and it, U 
 said he even then offered to assemble the dispersed tro :;. -a 
 of the King, and try the fate of war. But James's spmt 
 was too much broken to stand sucli a hazard. 
 
 On James's final flight to France, and the decision of 
 the Convention elevating the Prince and Princess of 
 Orange to the throne, Dundee would no longer retain his 
 command, but retired to Scotland, at the head of a body- 
 guard of twenty or thirty horse, who would not quit him, 
 and without whose protection he could not perhaps have 
 passed safely through the southern and western counties, 
 where he had exercised so many severities. The Scot- 
 tish army, or what remained of it, was put under the com- 
 mand of General MacKay, an officer attached to King 
 William, and transferred to the service of the new r mon- 
 arch, though there were many amongst them who cast a 
 lingering eye towards that of their old master. 
 
 In the meantime, the revolution had been effected in 
 Scotland, though not with the same unanimity as in Eng- 
 land. On the contrary, the Episcopalians throughout the 
 kingdom, in spite of all the provocations which they had 
 received, could not prevail upon themselves to join in any 
 measures which should be unfavourable to James's interest, 
 and would probably have appeared in arms in his cause, 
 had there been any one present in Scotland to raise and 
 uphold the exiled Monarch's banner. 
 
 The Scottish prelates, in particular, hastened to show, 
 that in the extremity of King James's misfortunes, thoy 
 had forgotten their rupture with him, and were returned to 
 the principles of passive obedience, by which their church 
 was distinguished. On the 3d November, the whole of 
 their number, excepting the Bishops of Argyle and Caith- 
 ness, joined in a let'er to the King, professing their own 
 fixed and unshaken loyalty, promising their utmost efloris 
 to promote among his subjects an mtctntrable and steadfast
 
 F1IGH7 OF THE EARL OF PERTH. Hi 
 
 allegiance, and praying that Heaven would give the King 
 the hearts of his suhjects and the necks of his enemies. 
 
 But the defenceless state in which King James's Scot- 
 tish government was left, after the march of Douglas and 
 Dundee into England at the head of the regular forces, 
 rendered the good wishes of the bishops of little service. 
 It soon began to appear that the Scottish Presbyterians 
 were determined to avail themselves of an opportunity 
 for which the chief amongst them had long made prepa- 
 rations. The Earls of Glencairn, Crawford, Duudonald, 
 and Tarras, with several other persons of consideration, 
 encouraged the rising of the Presbyterians, who, hastily 
 assuming arms, appeared in different parts of the coun- 
 try, in open opposition to the government. 
 
 These desultory forces might have been put down by 
 the militia ; but a maiueuvre of the Earl of Athole, whose 
 connexion with the Earl of Derby had procured him ad- 
 mission into the secrets of the Revolution, prevented the 
 adherents of King James from having this support. Lord 
 Tarbat concurred in the sentiments of Athole, and both 
 being members of the Privy Council, had an opportunity 
 of carrying their purpose into execution. When the news 
 reached Scotland, that the army of King James was dis- 
 banded, and the King had fled, these two noblemen per- 
 suaded the Chancellor, Perth, and other Catholics or zeal- 
 ous Jacobites in the Privy Council, that, as there was now 
 no chance of coming to a decision by force of arms, it was 
 their duty to disband the militia, as their services could not 
 be needed, and their maintenance was a burden to the 
 country. 
 
 The Earl of Perth, who appears to have been a tim- 
 orous man, was persuaded to acquiesce in this measure ; 
 and no sooner had he parted with the militia, his last 
 armed defence, than his colleagues made him understand, 
 that he being a Papist, incapacitated by law from holding 
 any public office, they did not think themselves in safety 
 to sit and vote with him as a member of government. 
 And, while the protestant part of his late obsequious breth- 
 ren seemed to shun him as one infected with the plague,
 
 112 TUMULT IN EDINBURGH. 
 
 llie rabbit beat drums in the streets, proclaimed him trai- 
 tor, and set a price upon his head. His courage could 
 not withstand the menace, and he escaped from the me- 
 tropolis, with the purpose of flying beyond seas. But 
 being pursued by armed barks, he was taken and detain- 
 ed a prisoner for more than four years. 
 
 In the meantime, an act of violence of a decided 
 character took place in Edinburgh. Holyrood House, 
 the ancient palace of James's ancestors, and his own hab- 
 itation when in Scotland, had been repaired with becom- 
 ing splendour, when he came to the throne. But it was 
 within its precincts that he had established his royal 
 chapel for the Catholic service, and established a semina- 
 ry of Jesuits, an institution which under pretext of leach- 
 ing the Latin language, and other branches of education 
 gratis, was undoubtedly designed to carry on the work of 
 making proselytes. At Holyrood House a printing estab- 
 lishment was erected, from which were issued polemical 
 tracts in defence of the Catholic religion, and similar litera- 
 ry articles. The palace and its inmates were on all these 
 accounts very obnoxious to the Presbyterian party, which 
 now began to obtain the ascendency. 
 
 The same bands, consisting 01 the meaner class of 
 people, apprentices, and others, whose appearances had 
 frightened the Chancellor out of the city, continued to 
 parade the streets with drums beating, until, confident in 
 their numbers, they took the resolution of making an at- 
 tack on the palace, which was garrisoned by a company 
 of soldiers, commanded by one Captain Wallace. 
 
 As they pressed on this officer's sentinels, he at length 
 commanded his soldiers to fire, and some of the insur- 
 gents were killed. A general cry was raised through the 
 city, that Wallace and his troopers were committing a 
 massacre of the inhabitants; and many of the citizens, 
 repairing to the Earl of Athole and his colleagues, the 
 only part of the Privy Council which remained, obtained 
 a warrant from them for the surrender of the palace, and 
 an order for the King's heralds to attend in their official 
 naoits to intimate the same. The city guard of Edin-
 
 EXPULSION OF CAPTAIN WALLACE. 113 
 
 burgh was also commanded to be in readiness to enforce 
 the order ; the trained bands were got under arms, and 
 the Provost and Magistrates, with a number of persons of 
 condition, went to show their good-will to the cause. Some 
 of these volunteers acted a little out of character. Lord 
 Mersington, one of the Judges of the Court of Session, 
 lately promoted by James IL, at the time when he was 
 distributing his favours equally betwixt Papist and Puritan, 
 attracted some attention from his peculiar appearance : he 
 was girt with a buff-belt about five inches broad, bore a 
 halbert in his hand, and (if a Jacobite eye-witness speaks 
 truth) was "as drunk as ale and brandy could make him." 
 On the approach of this motley army of besiegers, 
 Wallace, instead of manning the battlements and towers 
 of the palace, drew up his men imprudently in the open 
 court -yard in front of it. He refused to yield up his 
 post, contending, that the warrant of the Privy Council 
 was only signed by a small number of that body. Defi- 
 ance was exchanged on both sides, and firing commenced ; 
 on which most of the volunteers got into places of safety 
 leaving Captain Wallace and the major of the city guard 
 to dispute the matter professionally. It chanced that the 
 latter proved the better soldier, and finding a back way 
 into the palace, attacked Wallace in the rear. The de- 
 fenders were at the same time charged in front by the 
 other assailants, and the palace was taken by storm. The 
 rabble behaved themselves as riotously as might have been 
 expected, breaking, burning, and destroying, not only the 
 articles which belonged to the Catholic service, but the 
 whole furniture of the chapel ; and, finally, forcing their 
 way into the royal sepulchres, and pulling about the bod- 
 ies of the deceased Princes and Kings of Scotland. 
 These monuments, to the great scandal of the British 
 government, were not closed until ten or twelve year? 
 since, before which time, the exhibition of the wretched 
 relics of mortality which had been dragged to light on 
 this occasion, was a part of the show offered to strangers 
 who visited the palace. 
 15*
 
 114 PLU.1DKRING OF CATHOLIC CHAPELS. 
 
 This riot, which ascertained the complete superiority 
 of the Presbyterian party, took place on the 10th Decem- 
 ber, 1088. The houses of various Catholics, who then 
 resided chiefly in the Canongate, were mobbed, or rab- 
 bled, as was then the phrase, their persons insulted, and 
 their property destroyed. But the populace contented 
 themselves with burning and destroying whatever they 
 considered as belonging to Papists and Popery, without 
 taking anything for their own use. 
 
 This zeal for the Protestant cause was maintained by 
 false rumours, that an army of Irish Catholics had landed 
 in the west, and were burning, spoiling, and slaying. It 
 was even said they had reached Dumfries. A similar 
 report had produced a great effect on the minds of the 
 English during the Prince of Orange's advance to the 
 capital. In Scotland it was a general signal for the Pres- 
 byterians to get to arms ; and, being thus assembled, they, 
 and particularly the Cameronians, found active occupation 
 in ejecting from the churches the clergy of the Episcopa- 
 lian persuasion. To proceed in this work with some 
 appearance of form, they, in most cases, previously inti- 
 mated to the Episcopal curates that they must either 
 leave their churches voluntarily, or be forcibly ejected 
 from them. 
 
 Now, since these armed nonconformists had been, to use 
 their own language, for nearly twenty years " proscribed, 
 forfeited, miserably oppressed, given up as sheep to the 
 slaughter, intercomrnuned, and interdicted of harbour or 
 supply, comfort or communion, hunted and slain in the 
 fields, in cities imprisoned, tortured, executed to the death, 
 or banished and sold as slaves ;" and, as many of them 
 avowed the same wild principles which were acted upon by 
 the murderers of Archbishop Sharpe, it might have been 
 expected that a bloody retaliation would take place as soon 
 as they had the power in their own hands. Yet it must 
 be owned that these stern Cameronians showed no degree 
 of positive cruelty. They expelled the obnoxious cu- 
 rates with marks of riotous triumph, tore their gowns, and 
 compelled them sometimes to march in a mock procession
 
 STATE OF PARTIES. J15 
 
 to the boundary of their parish ; they plundered the pri- 
 vate chapels of Catholics, ana destroyed whatever they 
 found belonging to their religion ; but they evinced no 
 desire of personal vengeance ; nor have I found that any 
 of the clergy who were expelled in this memorable month 
 of December, 1688, were either killed or wounded in 
 cold blood. 
 
 These tumults would have extended to Edinburgh ; 
 but the College of Justice, under which title all the dif- 
 ferent law bodies of the capital are comprehended, as- 
 sumed arms for maintaining the public peace, and resist- 
 ing an expected invasion of the city by the Cameronians, 
 who threatened, in this hour of triumph, a descent on the 
 metropolis, and a second Whigarnores' Raid. This spe- 
 cies of civic guard effectually checked their advance, 
 until, not being supposed favourable to the Prince of Or- 
 ange, it was disbanded by proclamation when he assumed 
 the management of public affairs. 
 
 Hitherto Scotland may be said to have been without 
 a government; and, indeed, now that all prospect of war 
 seemed at an end, men of all parties posted up to London, 
 as the place where the fate of the kingdom must be finally 
 settled. The Prince of Orange recommended the same 
 measure which had been found efficient in England ; and 
 a convention of the Scottish estates was summoned to 
 meet in March, 1689. The interval was spent by both 
 parties in preparing for a contest. 
 
 The Episcopal party continued devoted to the late 
 King. They possessed a superiority among the nobility, 
 providing the Bishops should be permitted to retain their 
 seats in the Convention. But amongst the members for 
 counties, and especially amongst the representatives of 
 burghs, the great ngjority was on the side of the Whigs, 
 or Williamites, as the friends of the Prince of Orange be- 
 gan to be called. 
 
 If actual force were to be resorted to, the Jacobites 
 relied on the faith of the Duke of Gordon, who was gov- 
 ernor of the castle of Edinburgh, on -the attachment of 
 the Highland clans, and the feudal influence of the nobles
 
 116 MEETING OF THE CONVENTION. 
 
 and gen ry of the north. The Whigs might reckon on 
 the lull force of the five western shires, besides a large 
 proportion of the south of Scotland. The same party 
 had on their side the talents and abilities of DalrympJe, 
 Fletcher, and other men of strong political genius, far 
 superior to any that was possessed by the Tories. But 
 if the parties should come to an open rupture, the Whigs 
 had no soldier of reputation to oppose to the formidable 
 talents of Dundee. 
 
 The exiled King having directed his adherents to at- 
 tend the Convention, and, if possible, secure a majority 
 there, Dundee appeared on the occasion with a train of 
 sixty horse, who had most of them served under him on 
 former occasions. The principal Whigs, on their part, 
 secretly brought into town the armed Cameronians, 
 whom they concealed in garrets and cellars, till the mo- 
 ment should come for their being summoned to appear in 
 arms. These preparations for violence show how inferior 
 in civil polity Scotland must have been to England, since 
 it seemed that the great national measures, which were 
 debated with calmness, and adopted with deliberation in 
 the Convention of England, were, in that of North Britain, 
 to be decided by an appeal to the sword. 
 
 Yet the Convention assembled peaceably, though under 
 ominous circumstances. The town was filled with two 
 factions of armed men, lately distinguished as the perse- 
 cuting and the oppressed parties, and burning with hatred 
 against each other. The guns of the Castle, from the 
 lofty rock on which it is situated, lay loaded and prepared 
 to throw their thunders on the city ; and under these 
 alarming circumstances, the Peers and Commons of Scot- 
 land were to consider and decide upon the fate of her 
 Cro\\n. Each party had the deepest motives for exertion. 
 
 The Cavaliers, or Jacobites, chiefly belonged by birth 
 to the aristocracy, forgot James's errors in his misfortunes, 
 or indulgently ascribed them to a few bigoted priests and 
 se fish counsellors, by whom, they were compelled to ad- 
 mit, the royal ear had been too exclusively possessed. 
 They saw, in the now aged monarch, the son of the ven-
 
 VIEWS OF THE JACOBITES AND WHIGS. 117 
 
 crated martyr, Charles I., whose memory was so dear to 
 them, and the descendant of the hundred princes who had 
 occupied the Scottish throne, according to popular belief, 
 for a thousand years, and under whom their ancestors had 
 acquired their fortunes, their titles, and their fame. James 
 himself, whatever were the political errors of his reign, 
 had been able to attach to himself individually many both 
 of the nobility and gentry of Scotland, who regretted liim 
 as a friend as well as a sovereign, and recollected the 
 familiarity with which he could temper his stately cour- 
 tesy, and the favours which many had personally received 
 from him. The compassion due to fallen majesty was in 
 this case enhanced, when it was considered that James 
 was to be uncrowned, in order that the Prince and Prin- 
 cess of Orange, his son-in-law and daughter, might be 
 raised to the throne in his stead, a measure too contrary 
 to the ordinary feelings of nature not. to create some dis- 
 gust. Besides, the Cavaliers generally were attached to 
 the Episcopalian form of worship, and to the constitution 
 of a church, which, while it supported with credit the 
 dignity of the sacred order, affected not the interference 
 in the affairs of private families, for which they censured 
 the Presbyterians. Above all, the Jacobites felt that they 
 themselves must sink in power and influence with the de- 
 thronement of King James, and must remain a humbled 
 and inferior party in the kingdom which they lately gov- 
 erned, hated for what had passed, and suspected in regard 
 to the future. 
 
 The Whigs, with warmer hopes of success, had even 
 more urgent motives for political union and exertion 
 They reckoned up the melancholy roll of James's crimes 
 and errors, and ridiculed the idea, that he who had already 
 suffered so much both in his youth and middle age, could 
 ever become wiser by misfortune. Bigotry and an ex 
 travagant and inveterate love of power, they alleged, were 
 propensities which increased with age ; and his religion, 
 they contended, while it would readily permit him to enter 
 into any engagements which an emergency might require, 
 ivould with equal ease dispense with his keeping them.
 
 118 ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. 
 
 and even impute it as a merit th.it he observed no faith 
 with heretics. The present crisis, they justly argued, 
 afforded a happy occasion to put an end to that course of 
 open encroachment upon their liberty and property, of 
 which the Scottish nation had so long had to complain ; 
 and it would be worse than folly to sacrifice the rights and 
 liberties of the people to the veneration attached to an 
 ancient line of princes, when their representative had for- 
 gotten the tenure by which he held the throne of his 
 fathers. The form of the Presbyterian Church, while it 
 possessed a vital power over the hearts and consciences 
 of the worshippers, was also of a character peculiarly 
 favourable to freedom, and suitable to a poor country like 
 that of Scotland, ill able to maintain bishops and dignita- 
 ries with becoming splendour. A great part of the nation 
 had shown themselves attached to it, and disposed to sub- 
 mil to the greatest hardships, and \o death itself, rathei 
 than conform to the Episcopalian mode of worship ; and 
 it was fitting they should have permission to worship God 
 in the way their consciences recommended. The char- 
 acter of William afforded the most brilliant arguments to 
 his partisans in the Convention. He had been from his 
 youth upward distinguished as the champion of public 
 freedom, his zeal for which exceeded even his ambition. 
 
 He was qualified by the doctrines of toleration, which 
 lie had deeply imbibed, to cure the wounds of nations dis 
 iracted by civil faction, and his regard for truth and honour 
 defied every temptation to extend his power, which the 
 unsettled circumstances of the British kingdoms might 
 present to an ambitious prince. 
 
 Distracted by these various considerations, the Scottish 
 Convention met. The first contest was for the nomination 
 of a president, in which it is remarkable that both the con- 
 tending parties made choice of candidates, in whom nei- 
 ther could repose trust as faithful partisans. The Marquis 
 of Athole was proposed by the Jacobites, to whose side 
 he now inclined, after having been, as I have shown you, 
 the principal actor in displacing James's Scottish admin- 
 istration, and chasing from Edinburgh that King's Chan
 
 NEGOTIATIONS WITH THF. DUKE OF GORDON. 119 
 
 cellor, the Earl of Perth. The Whigs, on the other hand, 
 equally at a loss to find an unexceptionable candidate, set 
 up the Duke of Hamilton, although his future conduct was 
 so undecided and dubious as to make them more than 
 once repent of their choice. 
 
 The Duke of Hamilton attained the presidency by a 
 majority of fifteen, which, though not a very predominat- 
 ing one, was sufficient to ascertain the superiority of (lie 
 Whigs, who, as usual in such cases, were immediately 
 joined by all those whom timidity or selfish consideration 
 had kept aloof, until they should discover which was ibe 
 safest, and likely to be the winning side. The majorities 
 of the Whigs increased therefore upon every question, 
 while the Jacobite party saw no remedy but in some des- 
 perate and violent course. The readiest which occurred 
 was to endeavour to induce the Duke of Gordon, governor 
 of the castle, to fire upon the town, and to expel the Con- 
 vention, in which their enemies were all-powerful. The 
 Convention, on the other hand, by a great majority, sum- 
 moned the Duke to surrender the place, under the pains 
 of high treason. 
 
 The position of the Duke was difficult. The castle 
 was strong, but it was imperfectly supplied with provisions ; 
 the garrison was insufficient, and many among them of 
 doubtful fidelity ; and as every other place of strength 
 throughout the kingdom had been surrendered, to refuse 
 compliance might be to draw upon himself the unmitigated 
 vengeance of the prevailing party. The Duke was there- 
 fore uncertain how to decide, when the Earls of Lothian 
 and Tweeddale came to demand a surrender in the name 
 of the Convention ; and he at first offered to comply, on 
 obtaining indemnity for himself and his friends. But the 
 Viscount of Dundee, getting access to the castle while the 
 treaty was in dependence, succeeded in inspiring the Duke 
 with a share of his own resolution ; so that when the Com- 
 missioners desired to know the friends for whom he de- 
 manded immunity, he answered by delivering to thjm a 
 list of all the clans in the Highlands ; which being inter- 
 preted as done in scorn, the two Earls returned so indig.
 
 120 INTERVIEW OF DUNDEE 
 
 nant, that they scarce could find words to give an account 
 of their errand to the Convention. 
 
 Soon after, the Duke of Gordon was solemnly sum- 
 moned by two heralds, in their ceremonial habits, to sur- 
 render the place ; and they published a proclamation, 
 prohibiting any one to converse with or assist him, should 
 he continue contumacious. The Duke desired them to 
 inform the Convention, that he held his command by war- 
 rant from their common master ; and, giving them some 
 money to drink King James's health, he observed, that 
 when they came to declare loyal subjects traitors, with the 
 King's coats on their backs, they ought in decency to turn 
 them. 
 
 But though Dundee had been able to persuade the 
 Duke to stand a siege in the castle, he could not prevail 
 upon him to fire on the town ; an odious severity, which 
 would certainly have brought general hatred upon him, 
 without, perhaps, having the desired effect of dislodging 
 the Convention. This scheme having failed, the Jacobites 
 resolved upon another, which was to break up with all 
 their party, and hold another and rival Convention at Stir- 
 ling. For this purpose it was proposed that the Earl of 
 Mar, hereditary keeper of Stirling Castle, should join 
 them, in order that they might have the protection of the 
 fortress, and that Athole should assist them with a body 
 of his Highlanders. These noblemen entered into the 
 plan ; but when it came to the point of execution, the 
 courage of both seems to have given way, and the design 
 was postponed. 
 
 Whilst affairs were in this state, Dundee, provoked alike 
 at the vacillation of his friends, and the triumphs of his 
 enemies, resolved no longer to remain inactive. He sud- 
 denly appeared before the Convention, and complained of 
 a plot laid to assassinate himself and Sir Geore Mac- 
 Kenzie, the late King's advocate ; a charge which was 
 very probable, since the town was now filled with armed 
 i/arneronians, who had smarted so severely under the 
 judicial prosecutions of the lawyer, and the military vio- 
 lence of the soldier. Dundee demanded that ail stranirera
 
 WITH THE DUKE OF GORDON. I 2 i 
 
 should be removed from the town, and when it was an- 
 swered, that this could not he done without placing the 
 Convention at the mercy of the Popish Duke of Gordon 
 and his garrison, he left the assembly in indignation, and, 
 returning to his lodgings, instantly took arms and mounted 
 his horse, attended by fifty or sixty armed followers. The 
 city was alarmed at the appearance of this unexpected 
 cavalcade, so formidable from the active and resolute char- 
 acter of its leader ; and the Convention, feeling, or pre- 
 tending, personal alarm, ordered the gates of their hall to 
 be locked, and the keys to be laid upon the table. In the 
 meantime the drums beat to arms, and the bands of \vest- 
 landmen, who had been hitherto concealed in garrets, and 
 similar lurking-holes, appeared in the streets with their 
 arms prepared, and exhibiting, in their gestures, language, 
 and looks, the stern hopes of the revenge which they had 
 long panted for. 
 
 While these things were passing, Dundee, in full view 
 of friends and enemies, rode at leisure out of the city, by 
 the lane called Leith Wynd, and proceeded along the 
 northern ba.iK of the North Loch, where the New Town 
 of Edinburgh is now situated. From thence, turning 
 under the western side of the castle, he summoned the 
 Duke of Gordon to a conference at the foot of the walls, 
 and for that purpose scrambled up the precipitous bank 
 and rock on which the fortress is situated. So far as is 
 known, Dundee's advice to the Duke was, to maintain the 
 oa?tle at all risks, promising him speedy relief. 
 
 The people of Edinburgh, who witnessed this extraor- 
 dinary interview, concluded that the castle was about to 
 fire upon the city ; while the Jacobite members of the 
 Convention on their part, unarmed and enclosed among 
 their political enemies, were afraid of being massacred 
 by the armed Whigs. The Convention, when their 
 alarm subsided, sent Major Buntine with a fifty to pursue 
 Dundee and make him prisoner. That offic er soon over- 
 took the Viscount, and announced his commission ; to 
 which Dundee only deigned to answer, that if he dared 
 
 m
 
 1-2 SIEGE OF EDINBURGH CASTLE. 
 
 attempt to execute such a purpose, he would send him 
 buck to the Convention in a pair of blankets.- Buntine 
 took the hint, and suffering the dreaded commander and 
 his party to pass unmolested, returned in peace to the cily. 
 Dundee marched towards Stirling, and in consequence of 
 his departure, the other friends of King James left Edin- 
 burgh, and hastened to their own homes. 
 
 So soon as this extraordinary scene had passed over 
 the Convention, now relieved from the presence of the 
 Jacobite members, resolved upon levying troops to defend 
 themse.ves, and to reduce the castle. The Catneronians 
 were the readiest force of whose principles they could be 
 assured, and it was proposed to them to raise a regiment 
 of two battalions, under the Earl of Angus, eldest son oi 
 the Marquis of Douglas, a nobleman of military talents, 
 as Colonel, and William Cleland as Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 This last had been one of the commanders at Drumclog, 
 and, besides being a brave gentleman, was a poet, though 
 an indifferent one, and more a man of the world than most 
 of the sect to which he belonged. 
 
 Some of the more rigid Covenanters were of opin'on, 
 that those of their principles had no freedom (to use the'r 
 own phraseology) to join together for the defence of a 
 Convention, in which so many persons had both places 
 and power, who had been deeply engaged in the violent 
 measures of the last reign ; and they doubted this the 
 more, as no steps had been taken to resume the obligations 
 of the Covenant. But the singular and most unexpected 
 train of events, which had occasioned their being called 
 to arms to defend a city, where they had never before been 
 seen openly save when dragged to execution, seemed so 
 directly the operation of Providence in their favour, that, 
 giving way for once to the dictates of common sense, the 
 Cameronians agreed to consider the military association 
 now proposed as a necessary and prudential measure, 
 protesting only that the intended regiment should not be 
 employed either under or along with such officers as had 
 given proofs of attachment to Popery, Prelacy, or Malig- 
 nancy. They a'so stipulated for regular opportunities of
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION. 123 
 
 public worship, and for strict punishment of unchristian 
 conversation, swearing, and profligacy of every sort ; and 
 their discipline having been arranged as much to their mind 
 as possible, eighteen hundred men were raised, and, im- 
 mediately marching to Edinburgh, assumed the duty of 
 defending the Convention, and blockading the garrison in 
 the castle. 
 
 They were soon, however, relieved by troops more 
 competent to such a task, being a part of the regular army 
 sent down to Scotland by King William, in order to give 
 his party the decided superiority in that kingdom. Bat- 
 teries were raised against the castle, and trenches opened. 
 The Duke of Gordon made an honourable defence, avoid- 
 ing, at the same time, to do any damage to the town, and 
 confining his fire to returning that of the batteries, by 
 which he was annoyed. But the smallness of his garrison, 
 the scarcity of provisions, the want t)f surgical assistance 
 and medicines for the wounded, above all, the frequency 
 of desertion, induced the Duke finally to surrender upon 
 honourable terms, and in June he evacuated the fortress. 
 
 The Convention, in the meantime, almost entirely freed 
 from opposition within their own assembly, proceeded to 
 determine the great national question arising out of the 
 change of government. Two letters being presented to 
 them, one from King James, the other on the part of the 
 Prince of Orange, they opened and read the- letter with 
 much reverence, while they passed over with little notice 
 that of his father-in-law, intimating by this that they no 
 longer regarded him as a sovereign. 
 
 This was made still more manifest by their vote re- 
 specting the state of the nation, which was much more 
 decisive than that of the English Convention. The Scots 
 Whigs had no Tories to consult with, and were of course 
 at no trouble in choosing between the terms of abdication 
 or forfeiture. They openly declared that James had as- 
 sumed the throne without taking the oaths appointed by 
 law ; that he had proceeded to innovate upon the consti- 
 tution of the kingdom, with the purpose of converting a
 
 124 SETTLEMENT OF THE CROWN 
 
 limited monarchy to a despotic authority ; they added, 
 that he had employed the power thus illegally assumed, 
 for violating the laws and liberties, and altering the religion 
 of Scotland ; and in doing so, had FORFEITED his right 
 to the Crown, and the throne had become vacant. 
 
 The forfeiture, in strict law, would have extended to 
 all James's immediate issue, as in the case of treason in a 
 subject ; but as this would have injured the right of the 
 Princess of Orange, the effects of the declaration were 
 limited to King James's infant son, and to his future chil- 
 dren. In imitation of England, the crown of Scotland 
 was settled upon the Prince and Princess of Orange, and 
 the survivor of them ; after whose decease, and failing 
 heirs of their body, the Princess Anne and her heirs were 
 called to the succession. 
 
 When the crown was thus settled, the Convention en- 
 tered into a long declaration, called the Claim of Rights, 
 by which the dispensing powers were pronounced illegal ; 
 the various modes of oppression practised during the last 
 two reigns were censured as offences against liberty, and 
 Prelacy was pronounced an insupportable grievance. 
 
 These resolutions being -approved of by the new sov- 
 ereigns, they began to assume the regal power, and fixed 
 an administration. The Duke of Hamilton was named 
 High Commissioner, in reward of his services as Presi- 
 dent of the Convention ; Lord Melville was made Secre- 
 tary of State, and the Earl of Crawford President of the 
 Council. Some offices were put into commission, to serve 
 as objects of ambition to those great men who were yet 
 unprovided for ; others were filled up by such as had 
 given proofs of attachment to the Revolution. In general, 
 the choice of the ministry was approved of; but the King 
 and his advisers were censured for bestowing too much 
 confidence on Dalrymple, lately created Lord Stair, and 
 Sir John Dalrymple, his son, called Master of Stair. A 
 vacancy occurred for the promotion of the Earl of Stair 
 in a singular manner. 
 
 Sir George Lockhart, an excellent lawyer, who had 
 been crown counsel in Cromwell's time, was. at the per
 
 MURDER OF SIR GEOKGE LOCKHART. 125 
 
 )f the Revolution, President of the Court of Session or 
 first judge in civil affairs. He had agreed to act as an 
 arbiter in some disputes v-'hich occurred between a gen- 
 tleman named Chiesley, of Dairy, and his wife. The 
 President, in deciding this rr. alter, had assigned a larger 
 provision 10 Mrs. Chiesley than, in her husband's opinion, 
 \\aa just or necessary ; and Dairy, a man headlong in 
 his passions, was desperately offended, and publicly 
 threatened the President's life. He was cautioned by 
 a friend to forbear such imprudent language, and to dread 
 the just vengeance of Heaven. " I have much to reckon 
 foi with Heaven," said the desperate man, " and we will 
 reckon for this amongst the rest." In pursuance of his 
 dreadful threat, Chiesley, armed for the purpose of as- 
 sassination, followed his victim to the Greyfriars' church, 
 in which Sir George usually heard service ; but feeling 
 some reluctance to do the deed within the sacred walls, 
 he dogged him home, till he turned into the entry to his 
 own house, in what is still called the President's Close. 
 Here Chiesley shot the Judge dead ; and, disdaining to 
 save his life by flight, he calmly walked about in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the place till he was apprehended. He was 
 afterwards tried and executed. 
 
 The office of the murdered President (a most import- 
 ant one) was conferred upon Lord Stair, and that of King's 
 Advocate, equivalent to the situation of Attorney General, 
 was given to his son, Sir John Dalrymple, who was after- 
 wards associated with Lord Melville in the still more im- 
 portant situation of Secretary of State. Both father and 
 son were men of high talent, but of doubtful integrity, 
 and odious to the Presbyterians for compliances with the 
 late government. 
 
 Besides his immediate and official counsellors, Kins: 
 William gave, in private, much of his confidence to 
 clergyman named Carstairs, who v/as one of his chaplains 
 This gentleman had given strong proof of his fidelity and 
 fortitude ; for, being arrested in Charles IPs time, on ac- 
 count of his connexion with the conspiracy called Jervis
 
 1^0 ANECDOTE OF KING WILLIAM. 
 
 wood's Plot, he underwent the cruel torture of thun bikins. 
 which, as I before told you, were screws, that almost 
 crushed the thumbs to pieces. After the success of the 
 Revolution, the Magistrates of Edinburgh complimented 
 Carstairs, then a man of importance, with a present of the 
 instrument of torture by which he had suffered. The 
 King, it is said, heard of this, and desired to see the thum- 
 biidns. They were produced. He placed his thumbs in 
 the engine, and desired Carstairs to turn the screw. " I 
 should wish to judge of your fortitude," said the King, 
 " by experiencing the pain which you endured." Car- 
 stairs obeyed, but turned the screws with a polite degree 
 of attention not to injure the royal thumbs. " This is 
 unpleasant," said the King, " yet it might be endured. 
 But you are trifling with me. Turn the engine so that I 
 may really feel a share of the pain inflicted on you." 
 Carstairs, on this reiterated command, and jealous of his 
 own reputation, turned the screws so sharply, that Willaim 
 cried for mere) 7 , and owned he must have confessed any 
 thing, true or false, rather than have endured the pain an 
 instant longer. This gentleman became a particular con- 
 fidant of the King, and more trusted than many who filled 
 high and ostensible situations in the state. He was gen- 
 erally allowed to be a man of sagacity and political talent ; 
 but his countrymen accused him of duplicity and dissim- 
 ulation ; and from that character he was generally distin- 
 guished by the nickname of Cardinal Carsiairs. 
 
 But while King William was thus preparing the mode 
 by which he was to govern Scotland, an insurrection took 
 place, by means of which the sceptre of that kingdom was 
 well nigh wrested from his gripe. This was by the ex- 
 ertions of the Viscount Dundee, one of those extraordinary 
 persons, by whose energies great nationa revolutions are 
 sometimes wrought with the assistance of very small 
 m^ans.
 
 SUCCESSES OF JAMES IN IRELAND. 12 1 * 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 King James's Successes in Ireland Preparations of i\t 
 Viscount of Dundee for a Rising in favour of James 
 in Scotland Feud between MacDonald of Kcppoch 
 and Macintosh ofJ\'Ioy Advance of General Mac Kay 
 to the North against Dundee Movements of the two 
 Armies Battle of Killiecrankie, and Death of Dun- 
 dee. 
 
 WHEN the Viscount of Dundee retired, as I told you, 
 from the city of Edinburgh, the Convention, founding 
 upon the intercourse which he had held, contrary to their 
 order, with the Duke of Gordon, an intercoinmuned Cath- 
 olic, sent him a summons to appear hefore them, and an- 
 swer to an accusation to that effect. But Dundee excused 
 himself on account of his lady's dangerous illness, and 
 his own danger from the Cameronians. 
 
 In the meantime King James, with forces furnished him 
 b} r the French king, had arrived in Ireland, and, welcomed 
 by the numerous Catholics, had almost made himself 
 master of that fine kingdom, excepting only the province 
 of Ulster, where the Protestants, of English and Scottish 
 descent, offered a gallant and desperate resistance. But 
 in spite of such partial opposition as the north of Ireland 
 could make, James felt so confident, that, by his Secretary 
 Mehort. he wrote letters to the Viscount of Dundee, and 
 to the Earl of Balcarras, Dundee's intimate friend, and a 
 steady adherent of the exiled monarch, encouraging them 
 to gather together his faithful subjects, and make a stand 
 for his interest, and promising them the support of a con- 
 siderable body of forces from Ireland, with a supply of 
 arms and ammunition. So high were the hopes enter- 
 tained by Lord Melfort, that, in letters addressed to some 
 of his friends, he expressed, in the most imprudent man- 
 ner, his purpose of improving to the uttermost the tnumul'
 
 1.28 IMHM LAU1TY OF DUNDEE. 
 
 ivhich he did not doubt to obtain. " We dea.t too leni- 
 ently vvitb our enemies," he said, " when we were in 
 power, and possessed means of crushing them. But now, 
 when they shall be conquered by us, and subjected once 
 more to our authority, we will reduce them to hewers of 
 wood, and drawers of water." 
 
 These letters falling into the hands of the Convention, 
 excited the utmost indignation. The Duke of Hamilton 
 and others, who conceived themselves particularly aimed 
 at, became more decided than ever to support King Wil- 
 liam's government, since they had no mercy to expect from 
 King James and his vindictive counsellors. A military 
 force was despatched to arrest Balcarras and Dundee. 
 They succeeded in seizing the first of these noblemen ; 
 but Dundee being surrounded by a strong body-guard, 
 and residing in a country where many of the gentlemen 
 were Jacobites, the party sent to arrest him were afraid 
 to attempt the execution of their commission. He re- 
 mained, therefore, at his own castle of Dudhope, near 
 Dundee, where he had an opportunity of corresponding 
 with the Highland chiefs, and with the northern gentle- 
 men, who were generally disposed to Episcopacy, and 
 favourable to the cause of King James. 
 
 Of the same name with the great Marquis of Montrose, 
 boasting the same devoted loyalty, and a character as 
 enterprising, with judgment superior to that of his illustri- 
 ous prototype, Dundee is said to have replied to those who, 
 on the day of his memorable retreat, asked him whither 
 he went, " That he was going wherever the spirit of 
 Montrose should conduct him." His whole mind was 
 now bent upon realizing this chivalrous boast. His habits 
 were naturally prudent and economical ; but while others 
 kept their wealth as far as possible out of the reach of the 
 revolutionary storm, Dundee liberally expended, for the 
 vau.e of his old master, the treasures which he had 
 amassed in his service. His arguments, his largesses, the 
 high influence of his character among the Highland chiefs, 
 whose admiration of Ian Dhu Cean, or Black John the 
 Wurrior, was no way diminished by the merciless exploit
 
 FETI) UETWEEN MOY AND KKPPOCII. 129 
 
 which had procured him in the Low country the name ol 
 the Bloody Claverse, in,, ted with their own predilection 
 >n favour of James, and their habitual love of war, to dis- 
 pose them to a general insurrection. Some of the clans 
 however, had, asmsual, existing feuds amongst themselves 
 which Dundee was ohliged to assist in composing, before 
 he could unite them all in the cause of the dethroned 
 monarch. 
 
 I will give you an account of one of those feuds, which, 
 I believe, led to the last considerable clan-battle fought in 
 the Highlands. 
 
 There had been, for a great many years, much debate, 
 and some skirmishing, betwixt Macintosh of Moy, the 
 rhief of that ancient surname, and a sept of MacDonalds 
 called MacDonalds of Keppoch. The Macintoshes had 
 claims of an ancient date upon the district of Glenroy, 
 (now famous for the phenomenon called the parallel roads,) 
 and the neighbouring valley of Glenspean. Macintosh 
 had his right to these lands expressed in written grants 
 from the Crown, but Keppoch was in actual possession of 
 the property. When asked upon what charters he found- 
 ed his claim, MacDonald replied, that he held his lands, 
 not by a sheep's skin, but by the sword ; and his clan, an 
 uncommonly bold and hardy race, were ready to support 
 nis boast. Several proposals having been in vain made to 
 accommodate this matter, Macintosh resolved to proceed 
 to open force, and possess himself of the disputed terri- 
 tory. He therefore displayed the yellow 'banner, which 
 was the badge of his family, raised his clan and marched 
 towards Keppoch, being assisted by an independent com- 
 pany of soldiers, raised for the service of government, and 
 commanded by Captain MacKenzie of Suddie. It dcea 
 not appear by what interest this formidable auxiliary force 
 was procured, but probably by an order from government. 
 
 On their arrival at Keppoch, Macintosh found his rival's 
 house deserted, and imagining himself in possession of 
 victory, even without a combat, he employed many work- 
 men, whom he had brought with him for that purpose, to 
 construct a castle, or fort, on a precipitous bank overhang- 
 It) 2
 
 130 FECD BETWEEN 
 
 ing the River Roy, where the vestiges of his operations 
 are still to be :>een. The work was speedily nterrupted, 
 by tidings that the MacDonalds of Keppoch, assisted by 
 llirir kindred tribes of Glengarry and Glencoe, had as- 
 sembled, and that they were lying on their arms, in greai 
 numbers, in a narrow glen behind the ridge of hills which 
 rises to the north-east of Keppoch, the sloping declivity 
 of \vliich is called Mullroy. Their purpose was to attack 
 Macintosh at day-break ; but that chief determined to 
 anticipate their design, and marched towards his enemy 
 before the first peep of dawn. The MacDonalds, with 
 their chief, Coll of Keppoch, were equally ready for the 
 conflict ; and, in the grey light of the morning, when the 
 Macintoshes had nearly surmounted the heights of Mull- 
 roy, the MacDonalds appeared in possession of the upper 
 ridge, and a battle instantly commenced. 
 
 A lad who had lately run away from his master, a to- 
 bacco-spinner in Inverness, and had enlisted in Suddie's 
 independent company, gives the following account of the 
 action. " The MacDonalds came down the hill upon us, 
 without either shoe, stocking, or bonnet on their heads ; 
 they gave a shout, and then the fire began on both sides ; 
 and continued a hot dispute for an hour, (which made me 
 wish I had been spinning tobacco.) Then they broke in 
 upon us with sword and target, and Lochaber-axes, which 
 obliged us to give way. Seeing my captain severely 
 wounded, and a great many men lying with heads cloven 
 on every side, and having never witnessed the like before, 
 1 was sadly affrighted. At length a Highlandman attack- 
 ed me with sword and target, and cut my wooden-handled 
 bayonet out of the muzzle of my gun. I then clubbed 
 my gun, and gave him a stroke with it, which made the 
 but-end to fly off, and seeing the Highlandmen come fast 
 down upon me, I took to my heels, and ran thirty miles 
 before I looked behind me, taking every person whom I 
 saw or met for my enemy." Many, better used to such 
 scenes, fled as far and fast as Donald MacBane, the to- 
 bacco-spinner's apprentice. The gentleman who bore 
 Macintosh's standard, being a special object of pursuit
 
 MOY AND KEPPOCII. 131 
 
 saved himself and the sacred deposit by a wonderful ex- 
 ertion. At a place where the River Roy flows between 
 two precipitous rocks, which approach each other over the 
 torrent, he hazarded a desperate leap where no enemy 
 dared follow him, and bore off his charge in safety. 
 
 It is said by tradition that the Macintoshes fought with 
 much bravery, and that the contest was decided by the 
 desperation of a half-crazed man, called " the red-haired 
 Bo-man," or cow-herd, whom Keppoch had not summon- 
 ed to the fight, but who came hither, nevertheless, with a 
 club on his shoulder. This man, being wounded by a 
 shot, was so much incensed with the pain, that he darted 
 forward into the thickest of the Macintoshes, calling out, 
 " They fly, they fly ! upon them, upon them !" The 
 boldness he displayed, and the strokes he dealt with his 
 unusual weapon, caused the first impression on the array 
 of the enemies of his chief. 
 
 MacDonald was very unwilling to injure any of the gov- 
 ernment soldiers, yet Suddie, their commander, received 
 his death-stroke. He was brave, and well armed with 
 carabine, pistols, and a halbert or half-pike. This officer 
 came in front of a cadet of Keppoch, called MacDonald 
 of Tullich, and by a shot aimed at him, killed one of his 
 brothers, and then rushed on with his pike. Notwith- 
 standing this deep provocation, Tullich, sensible of the 
 pretext which the death of a captain under government 
 would give against his clan, called out more than once, 
 " Avoid me avoid me." " The MacDonald was never 
 born that I would shun," replied the MacKenzie, pressing 
 on with his pike. On which Tullich hurled at his head 
 a pistol, which he had before discharged. The blow took 
 effect, the skull was fractured, and MacKenzie died shortly 
 after, as his soldiers were carrying him to Inverness. 
 
 Macintosh himself was taken by his rival, who, in his 
 esteem, was only an insurgent vassal. When the captive 
 heard the MacDonalds greeting their chieftain with shouts 
 of " Lord of Keppoch ! Lord of Keppoch !" he address- 
 ed him boldly, saying, " You are as Jar from being Lord 
 of the lauds of Keppoch at this moment, as you have leen
 
 l3* FEUD BKTWKKX MOY AM) KKIM'OCII. 
 
 all your life.' " Never mind," answered the victorious 
 chieftain, with much good-humour, " we'll enjoy the good 
 weather while it lasts." Accordingly, the victory of Ina 
 tribe is still recorded in the pipe-tune, called, " AlacDon- 
 ald took the brae on them." 
 
 Some turn of fortune seemed about to take place im- 
 mediately after the battle ; for before the MacDonalds had 
 collected their scattered forces, the war-pipes were again 
 heard, and a fresh body of Highlanders appeared advanc- 
 ing towards Keppoch, in the direction of Garvamoor. 
 This was owing to one of those sudden changes of senti- 
 ment by which men in the earlier stages of society are 
 often influenced. The advancing party was the clan of 
 MacPherson, members, like the Macintoshes, of the con- 
 federacy called the Clan Chattan, but who, disputing with 
 them the precedence in that body, were their friends or en- 
 emies, as the recollection of former kindnesses or ancient 
 quarrels, prevailed. On this occasion the MacPhersons 
 nad not accompanied Macintosh to the field, there being 
 some discord betwixt the tribes at the time ; but when 
 they heard of Macintosh's defeat, they could not recon- 
 cile it with their honour, to suffer so important a member 
 of their confederacy to remain captive with the MacDon- 
 alds. They advanced, therefore, in order of battle, and 
 sent Keppoch a flag of truce, to demand that Macintosh 
 should be delivered to them. 
 
 The chief of Keppoch, though victorious, was in no 
 condition for a fresh contest, and therefore surrendered 
 his prisoner, who was much more mortified by finding 
 himself in the hands of the MacPhersons, than rejoiced 
 in escaping from those of his conqueror, Keppoch. So 
 predominant was his sense of humiliation, that when the 
 MacPhersons proposed to conduct him to Cli'.ny, the seat 
 of their chief, he resisted at first in fair terms, and when 
 the visit was urged upon him, he threatened to pierce his 
 bosom with his own dirk, if they should persevere in com- 
 pelling him to visit Cluny in his present situation. The 
 INlacPhersons were generous, and escorted him to his own 
 estates.
 
 ADVANCE OF MACKAY TO THE NOR1 H 133 
 
 The issue of the conflict at Mullroy, so mortifying to 
 the conquered chief, was also followed with disastrous 
 consequences to the victor. 
 
 The resistance offered to the royal troops, and the 
 death of MacKenzie of Suddie who commanded them, 
 together with the defeat of Macintosh, who had the forms 
 of the law on his side, gave effect to his complaints to the 
 Privy Council. Letters of fire and sword, as they were 
 called, that is, a commission to burn and destroy the 
 country and lands of an offending chieftain, or district, 
 were issued against Coll MacDonald of Keppoch. Sixty 
 dragoons, and two hundred of the foot guards, were de- 
 tached into Glenroy and Glenspean, with orders to destroy 
 man, woman, and child, and lay waste Keppoch 's estates. 
 Keppoch himself was for a time obliged to fly, but a 
 wealthy kinsman purchased his peace by a large erick, or 
 fine. We shall presently find him engaged in a conflict, 
 where the destiny, not of two barren glens, but of a fair 
 kingdom, seemed to depend upon the issue. 
 
 This brings us back to Dundee, who, in spring 1689, 
 received intelligence that General MacKay, an officer in- 
 trusted by King William with the command of the forces 
 in Scotland, was marching against him at the head of an 
 army of regular troops. MacKay was a man of courage, 
 sense, and experience, but rather entitled to the praise of 
 a good officer than an able general, and better qualified 
 to obey the orders of an intelligent commander, than pen- 
 etrate into, encounter, and defeat, the schemes of such an 
 active spirit as Dundee. 
 
 Of this there was an instance in the very beginning of 
 the conflict, when MacKay advanced towards Dudhope 
 Castle, with the hope of coming upon his antagonist at 
 unawares ; but Dundee was not to be taken by surprise. 
 Marching with a hundred and fifty horse to the town of 
 Inverness, he found MacDonald of Keppoch at the head 
 of several hundred Highlanders, blockading the place, on 
 account of the citizens having taken part with Macintosh 
 against his clan. Dundee offered his mediation, and per-
 
 134 CAPTURE OF PERTH BY DUNDEE. 
 
 suader. the magistrates to gratify Keppoch with the sum 
 of two thousand dollars, for payment of which he granted 
 his own bond in security. He manifested his influence 
 over the rninds of the mountain chiefs still more, by pre- 
 vailing on Keppoch, though smarting under the injuries he 
 had sustained, by the letters of fire and sword issued 
 against him by King James's government, to join him with 
 his clan, for the purpose of restoring that monarch to the 
 throne. 
 
 Thus reinforced, but still far inferior in numbers to his 
 opponent MacKay, Dundee, by a rapid movement, sur- 
 prised the town of Perth. He seized what public treas- 
 ure he found in the hands of the receiver of taxes, say- 
 ing that he would plunder no private person, but thought 
 it was fair to take the King's money for the King's service. 
 He dispersed, at the same time, two troops of horse, 
 newly raised by government, seized their horses and 
 accoutrements, and made prisoners their commanding 
 officers, the Lairds of Pollock and of Blair. 
 
 After this exploit, Dundee retreated into the Highlands 
 to recruit his little army, to wait for a body of three 
 thousand men whom he expected from Ireland, and to 
 seek a suitable time for forwarding the explosion of a 
 conspiracy, which had been formed in a regiment of dra- 
 goons now serving in MacKay's army, but which he had 
 himself commanded before the Revolution. Both the 
 officers and men of this regiment were willing to return 
 to the command of their old leader, and the allegiance 
 of their former King. Creichton, an officer in the regi- 
 ment, the same whose attack on a conventicle I formerly 
 told you of, was the chief conductor of this conspiracy. 
 It was discovered by MacKay just when it was on the 
 point of taking effect, and when the event, with such an 
 enemy as Dundee in his vicinity, must have been destruc- 
 tion to his army. MacKay cautiously disguised his 
 knowledge of the plot until he was joined by strong re- 
 mforcements, which enabled him to seize upon the prin- 
 cipal conspirators, and disarm and disband their inferior 
 accomplices.
 
 ANECDOTE OF DUNDEE. 135 
 
 The Privy Council had a great inclination to make ao 
 example, which should discourage such practices in fu- 
 ture ; and Captain Creichton, being the chief agent, a 
 stranger, and without friends, was selected for the pur- 
 pose of being hanged, as a warning to others. But Dun- 
 dee did not desert his old comrade. He sent a message 
 lo the Lords of the Privy Council, saying, that if they 
 hurt a hair of Creichton's head, he would in the way of 
 reprisal cut his prisoners, the lairds of Pollock and Blair, 
 joint from joint, and send them to Edinburgh, packed up 
 in hampers. The Council were alarmed on receiving 
 this intimation. The Duke of Hamilton reminded them, 
 that they all knew Dundee so well that they could not 
 doubt his being as good as his word, and that the gentle- 
 men in his hands were too nearly allied to several of the 
 Council to be endangered on account of Creichton. 
 These remonstrances saved Creichton's life. 
 
 A good deal of marching, countermarching, and occa- 
 sional skirmishing, ensued between Dundee and Mac- 
 Kay, during which an incident is said to have occurred 
 strongly indicative of the character of the former. A 
 young man had joined Dundee's army, the son of one of 
 his old and intimate friends. He was employed upon 
 some reconnoitring service, in which, a skirmish taking 
 place, the new recruit's heart failed him, and he fairly 
 fled out of the fray. Dundee covered his dishonour, l>y 
 pretending that he himself had despatched him to the 
 rear upon a message of importance. He then sent for 
 the youth to speak with him in private. " Young man," 
 he said, " I have saved your honour ; but I must needs 
 tell you, that you have chosen a trade for which you are 
 constitutionally unfit It is not perhaps your fault, but 
 rather your misfortune, that you do not possess the strength 
 of nerves necessary to encounter the dangers of battle. 
 Return to your father I will find an excuse for your 
 doing so with honour and I will put you in the way oi 
 doing King James's cause effectual service, without per 
 sonally engaging in the war."
 
 JtiO BATTLfc OF KILL1ECRANKIE. 
 
 The young gentleman, penetrated with a senje of the 
 deepest shame, threw himself at his General's feet, nnd 
 protested that his failure in duty was only the effect of a 
 momentary weakness, the recollection of which should 
 be effaced by his future conduct, and entreated Dundee, 
 for the love he bore his father, to give him at least a 
 chance of regaining his reputation. Dundee still endea- 
 voured to dissuade him from remaining with the army, 
 but as he continued urgent to be admitted to a second 
 trial, he reluctantly gave way to his request. " But re- 
 member," he said, " that if your heart fails you a second 
 time, you must die. The cause I am engaged in is a 
 desperate one, and I can permit no man to serve under 
 me who is not prepared to fight to the last. My own 
 life, and those of all others who serve under me, are un- 
 sparingly devoted to the cause of King James ; and 
 death must be his lot who shows an example of cow- 
 ardice." 
 
 The unfortunate young man embraced with seeming 
 eagerness, this stern proposal. But in the next skirmish 
 in which he was engaged, his constitutional timidity again 
 prevailed. He turned his horse to fly, when Dundee 
 coming up to him, only said, " The son of your father 
 is too good a man to be consigned to the provost mar- 
 shal ;" and without another word he shot him through 
 the head with his pistol, with a sternness and inflexibility 
 of purpose, resembling the stoicism of the ancient Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 Circumstances began now to render Dundee desirous 
 of trying the chance of battle, which he had hitherto 
 avoided. The Marquis of Athole, who had vacillated 
 more than once during the progress of the Revolution, 
 now abandoned entirely the cause of King James, and 
 sent his son Lord Murray, into Athole, to raise the clans 
 of that country, Stewarts, Robertsons, Fergusons, and 
 others, who were accustomed to follow the family of 
 Athole in war, from respect to the Marquis's rank ana 
 sower, though they were not his patriarchical subjects 01 
 riansmen. One of these gentlemen, Stewart of Boquhan
 
 BATTMl OF KILI-IECUANKIE. 131 
 
 although dependant on the Marquis, was resolved not to 
 obey him through his versatile changes of politics. Hav 
 ing been placed in possession of the strong castle of Blair, 
 a fortress belonging to the Marquis, which commands the 
 most important pass into the northern Highlands, Stewart 
 refused to surrender it to Lord Murray, and declared he 
 held it for King James, by order of the Viscount of Dun- 
 dee. Lord Murray, rinding his father's own house thus 
 defended against him, sent the tidings to General Mac- 
 Kay, who assembled about three thousand foot, and two 
 troops of horse, and advanced with all haste into Athole, 
 determined to besiege Blair, and to fight Dundee, should 
 he march to its relief. 
 
 At this critical period, Lord Murray had assembled 
 about eight hundred Athole Highlanders, of the clans 
 already named, who were brought together under pre- 
 tence of preserving the peace of the country. Many of 
 them, however, began to suspect the purpose of Lord 
 Murray to join MacKay; and recollecting that it was un- 
 der Montrose's command, and in the cause of the Stew- 
 arts, that their fathers had gained their fame, they resolv- 
 ed they would not be diverted from the same course of 
 loyalty, as they esteemed it. They, therefore, let Lord 
 Murray know, that if it was his intention to join Dundee, 
 they would all follow him to the death ; but if he propos- 
 ed to embrace the side of King William, they would 
 presently leave him. Lord Murray answered with men- 
 aces of that vengeance which a feudal lord could take 
 upon disobedient vassals, when his men, setting his th 'eats 
 at defiance, ran to the river, and filling their bonnets with 
 water, drank King James's health, and left the standard 
 of the Marquis to a man a single defection among the 
 Highlanders of that period, who usually followed to the 
 field their immediate superior, with little choice as to the 
 side of politics which he was pleased to embrace. 
 
 These tidings came to Dundee with the information 
 that MacKay had reached Dunkeld, with the purpose of 
 seducing Blair, and punishing the Athole gentlemen, for 
 
 903
 
 138 BATTLE OF KILLIECRANKIE. 
 
 their desertion of the standard of their chief. Ahout the 
 same time, General Cannon joined the Viscount, with 
 the reinforcement so long expected from Ireland ; but 
 they amounted to only three hundred men, instead of as 
 many thousands, and were totally destitute of money and 
 provisions, both of which were to have been sent with 
 them. Nevertheless, Dundee resolved to preserve the 
 castle of Blair, so important as a key to the Northern 
 Highlands, and marched to protect it with a body of 
 about two thousand Highlanders, with whom he occupied 
 the upper and northern extremity of the pass between 
 Dunkeld and Blair. 
 
 In this celebrated defile, called the Pass of Killie- 
 crankie, the road runs for several miles along the banks 
 of a furious river called the Garry, w : hich rages below, 
 amongst cataracts and water-falls which the eye can 
 scarcely discern, while a series of precipices and wooded 
 mountains rise on the other hand ; and the road itself is 
 the only mode of access through the glen, and along the 
 valley which lies at its northern extremity. A defile of 
 such difficulty was capable of being defended to the last 
 extremity by a small number against a considerable army, 
 and, considering how well adapted his followers were for 
 such mountain-warfare, many of the Highland chiefs 
 were of opinion, that Dundee ought to content himself 
 with guarding the pass against MacKay's superior army, 
 until a rendezvous, which they had appointed, should as- 
 semble a stronger force of their countrymen. But Dun- 
 dee was of a different opinion, and resolved to suffer 
 MacKay to march through the pass without opposition, 
 and then to fight him in the open valley, at the northern 
 extremity. He chose this bold measure, both because it 
 promised a very decisive result to the combat ; and also 
 because he preferred fighting MacKay before he was 
 joined by a considerable body of English horse who 
 were expected, and of whom the Highlanders had at that 
 time some dread. 
 
 <)n the 17th June, 1689, General MacKay with his 
 troops entered the pass, which, to their astonishment.
 
 BATTLE OF KILLIECRANKIE. 136 
 
 they found unoccupied by the enemy. His forces were 
 partly English and Dutch regiments, who, with many oi 
 the Lowland Scots themselves, were struck with awe, 
 and even fear, at finding themselves introduced by such 
 a magnificent, and at the same time formidable avenue, 
 to the presence of their enemies, the inhabitants of these 
 tremendous mountains, into whose recesses they were 
 penetrating. But besides the effect on their minds pro- 
 duced by the magnificence of natural scenery, to which 
 they were wholly unaccustomed, the consideration must 
 have hung heavy on them, that if a general of Dundee's 
 talents suffered them to march unopposed through a pass 
 so difficult, it must be because he was conscious of pos- 
 sessing strength sufficient to attack and destroy them at 
 the further extremity, when their only retreat would lie 
 through the narrow and perilous path by whicli they were 
 now advancing. 
 
 Mid-day was past ere MacKay's men were extricated 
 from the defile, when their general drew them up in one 
 line three deep, without any reserve, along the southern 
 extremity of the narrow valley into which the pass opens. 
 A hill on the north side of the valley, covered with dwarf 
 trees and bushes, formed the position of Dundee's army, 
 which, divided into columns, formed by the different 
 clans, was greatly outflanked by MacKay's troops. 
 
 The armies shouted when they came in sight of each 
 other ; but the enthusiasm of MacKay's soldiers being 
 damped by the circumstances we have observed, their 
 military shout made but a dull and sullen sound compared 
 to the yell of the Highlanders, which rung far and shrill 
 from all the hills around them. Sir Evan Cameron of 
 Lochiel, of whom I gave you some anecdotes, called on 
 those around him to attend to this circumstance, saying, 
 that in all his battles he observed victory had ever been 
 on the side of those whose shout before joining seemed 
 most sprightly and confident. It was accounted a less 
 favourable augury by some of the old Highlanders, that 
 Dundee at this noment put on a sad-coloured buff-coat
 
 140 BATTLE OF KILLIECRANKIE. 
 
 above the scarlet cassock and bright cuirass, in which nc 
 had hitherto appeared. 
 
 It was some time ere Dundee had completed his pre- 
 parations for the assault which he meditated, and only a 
 few dropping shots were exchanged, while, in order to 
 "prevent the risk of being outflanked, he increased the 
 intervals between the columns with which he designed to 
 charge, insomuch, that he had scarce men enough left in 
 the centre. About an hour before sunset, he sent word 
 to Mac Kay that he was about to attack him, and gave the 
 signal to charge. 
 
 The Highlanders stript themselves to their shirts and 
 doublets, threw away every thing that could impede the 
 fury of their onset, and then put themselves in motion, 
 accompanying with a dreadful yell the discordant sound 
 of their war-pipes. As they advanced, the clansmen 
 6red their pieces, each column thus pouring in a well- 
 aimed though irregular volley, when, throwing down their 
 fusees, without waiting to reload, they drew their swords, 
 and, increasing their pace to the utmost speed, pierced 
 through and broke the thin line which was opposed to 
 them, and profited by their superior activity and the na- 
 ture of their weapons to make a great havoc among the 
 regular troops. When thus mingled with each other, 
 nand to hand, the advantages of superior discipline on 
 the part of the Lowland soldier were lost Agility and 
 strength were on the side of the mountaineers. Some 
 accounts of the battle give a terrific account of the blows 
 struck by the Highlanders, which cleft heads down to the 
 breast, cut steel head-pieces asunder as night-caps, and 
 slashed through pikes like willows. Two of MacKay'? 
 regiments in the centre stood fast, the interval betweer 
 the attacking columns being so great that none were 
 placed opposite to them. The rest were totally routed 
 and driven headlong into the river. 
 
 Dundee himself, contrary to the advice of the High- 
 land chiefs, was in front of the battle, and fatally con- 
 spicuous. By a desperate attack he possessed himself 
 of MacKay's artillery, and then led his bar dful of caval-
 
 DEATH OF DUNDEE. Ill 
 
 ry, aboi.t fifty men, against two troops of horse, who fled 
 without fighting. Observing the stand made by the two 
 regiments already mentioned, he galloped towards the clan 
 of MacDonaH, and was in the act of bringing them to the 
 charge, with his right arm elevated, as if pointing the way 
 to victory, when he was struck by a bullet beneath the 
 arm-pit, where he was unprotected by his cuirass. He 
 tried to ride on, but being unable to keep the saddle, fell 
 mortally wounded, and died in the course of the night. 
 
 It was impossible for a victory to be more complete 
 than that gained by the Highlanders at Killiecrankie. 
 The cannon, baggage, and stores of MacKay's army, fell 
 into their hands. The two regiments which kept their 
 ground suffered so much in their attempt to retreat through 
 the pass, now occupied by the Athole-men, in their rear, 
 that they might be considered as destroyed. Two thou- 
 sand of MacKay's army were killed or taken, and the 
 general himself escaped with difficulty to Stirling, at the 
 head of a few horse. The Highlanders, whose dense 
 columns underwent three successive volleys from Mac- 
 Kay's line, had eight hundred men slain. 
 
 But all other losses were unimportant compared to that 
 of Dundee, with whom were forfeited all the fruits of 
 that bloody victory. MacKay, when he found himself 
 free from pursuit, declared his conviction that his oppo- 
 nent had fallen in the battle. And such was the opinion 
 of Dundee's talents and courage, and the general senso 
 of the peculiar crisis at which his death took place, that 
 the common people of the low country cannot, even now, 
 be persuaded that he died in ordinary death. They say, 
 that a servant of his own, shocked at the severities which, 
 if triumphant, his master was likely to accomplish against 
 the Presbyterians, and giving way to the popular preju- 
 dice of his having a charm against the effect of lead-balls, 
 shot him, in the tumult of the battle, with a silver butter 
 taken from his livery coat. The Jacobites, and Episco- 
 pal party, on the other hand, lamented the deceased victoi 
 as the last of the Scots, the last of the Grahams, and the 
 last of all that was great.
 
 142 CANNON SUCCKKJ)S UUM>KE. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Cannon sLcceeds Dundee, and is defeated at Dunkeld 
 The Cameronian Regiment Skirmish at Cromdale 
 Pacification of the Highlands, through the instru- 
 mentality of the Earl of Brcadalbane Company oj 
 Jacobite Officers in the French Service as Privates 
 Reduction of the Bass Settlement of Church Affair A 
 The, Assurance. 
 
 THE Viscount of Dundee was one of those gifted per- 
 sons upon whose single fate that of nations is sometimes 
 dependent. His own party believed, that, had he lived 
 to improve the decisive victory which he had so bravely 
 won, he would have soon recovered Scotland to King 
 James's allegiance. It is certain, a great many of the 
 nobility only waited a gleam of success to return to the 
 Jacobite side ; nor were the revolutionary party so united 
 amongst themselves as to have offered a very firm resist- 
 ance. The battle of Killiecrankie, duly improved, must 
 have delivered the whole of Scotland north of the Forth 
 into the power of Dundee, and rendered even Stirling 
 and Edinburgh insecure. Such a flame kindled in Scot- 
 land, must have broken many of King William's meas- 
 ures, rendered it impossible for him to go to Ireland, 
 where his presence was of the last necessity, and have 
 been, to say the least, of ihe highest prejudice to his 
 affairs. 
 
 But all the advantages of the victory were lost in the 
 death of the conquering general. Cannon, who succeed- 
 ed to the chief command on Dundee's decease, was a 
 stranger to Highland manners, and quite inadequate to 
 the management of such an army as that which chance 
 placed under his command. It was in vain that the fame 
 of the victory and that love of plunder and of war, whirl:
 
 DEFEAT OF CANNON AT DUNKF.LD. 143 
 
 made part of the Highland character, brought around 
 him, from the remote recesses of that warlike country, a 
 more numerous body of the mountaineers than Montrose 
 had ever commanded. By the timidity and indecision 
 of his opponent, MacKay gained time enough to collect, 
 which he did with celerity, a body of troops, sufficient to 
 coop up the Jacobite general within his mountains, and to 
 maintain an indecisive war of posts and skirmishes, which 
 weaned out the patience of the quick-spirited Highlanders. 
 Cannon attempted only one piece of service worthy of 
 mention, and in that he was foiled. Jn the extremity of 
 the alarm which followed the defeat of Killiecrankie, the 
 newly raised regiment of Cameronians had been de- 
 spatched to the Highlands. They had advanced as far 
 as Dunkeld, when Cannon for once showed some activity, 
 and getting free from MacKay by a rapid and secret 
 march, he at once surrounded, in the village and castle of 
 Dunkeld, about twelve hundred Cameronians, with more 
 than double their own forces. Their situation seemed so 
 desperate, that a party of horse who were with them 
 retired, and left the hill-men to their fate. 
 
 But the newly acquired discipline of these hardy en- 
 thusiasts prevented their experiencing the fate of their 
 predecessors at Bothwell and Pentland. They were ju- 
 diciously posted in the Marquis of Athole's house, and 
 neighbouring enclosures, as also in the churchyard and 
 the old cathedral ; and with the advantage of this position 
 they beat off repeatedly the fierce attacks of the High- 
 landers, though very inferior in numbers. This advan- 
 tage restored the spirits of the King's troops, and dimin- 
 ished considerably that of the Highlanders, who, according 
 to their custom, began to disperse and return home. 
 
 The Cameronian regiment lost in this action their gal- 
 lant Lieutenant-Colonel, Cleland, and many men. But 
 they were victorious, and that was a sufficient consolation. 
 
 You may have some curiosity to know the further fate 
 of this singular regiment. The peculiar and narrow- 
 minded ideas of the sect led many of them to entertain 
 doubts of the lawfulness of the part they had taken. The
 
 144 THE CAMERONIAN REGIMENT. 
 
 Presbyterian worship hat! indeed been established as the 
 national church ; but it was fur from having attained thai 
 dr>|>otic authority claimed for it by the Cameronians, and 
 therefore, although at the first landing of the Prince of 
 Orange, they had felt it matter of duty to espouse his 
 cause, yet they were utterly disgusted with the mode in 
 \vhir-h he had settled the state, and especially the Church 
 of Scotland. 
 
 William, a wise and prudent monarch, saw the impos- 
 sibility of bringing the country to a state of quiet settle- 
 ment, if he kept alive the old feuds by which it had been 
 recently divided, or if he permitted the oppressed Pres- 
 byterians to avenge themselves as they desired upon their 
 former persecutors. He admitted all persons alike to 
 serve the state, whatever had been their former principles 
 and practice ; and thus many were reconciled to his gov- 
 ernment, who, if they had felt themselves endangered in 
 person and property, or even deprived of the hope of 
 royal patronage and official situation, would have thrown 
 a heavy weight into the Jacobite scale. He, upon these 
 principles, employed several persons who had been active 
 enforcers of King James's rigorous measures, and whom 
 the Cameronians accounted God's enemies and their own, 
 arid deemed more deserving of retaliation than encour- 
 agement and employment. 
 
 In church affairs, King William's measures were still 
 less likely to be pleasing to these fierce enthusiasts. He 
 was contented that there should be in Scotland, as in 
 Holland, a national church, and that the form should be 
 Presbyterian. But he was decided in opinion that this 
 church should have no power either over the persons or 
 consciences of those who were of different communions, 
 to whom he extended a general toleration, from which the 
 Catholics alone were excluded, owing to the terror inspir- 
 ed by their late strides to predominant superiority. The 
 wisest, the most prudent, and the most learned of the 
 Presbyterian ministers, those chiefly who, having fled 
 from Scotland and resided in the Netherlands, had been 
 enligitened on this subject of toleration, were willingly
 
 TOLERANT MliASUHKS OF WILLIAM. 145 
 
 Disposed to accommodate themselves to the King's incli- 
 nation. 
 
 But wise and moderate opinions had no effect on the 
 more stuhborn Presbyterians, who, irritated at the Kirk's 
 being curbed of her supreme power, and themselves 
 checked in the course of their vengeance, accounted the 
 nodel of King William's ecclesiastical government in an 
 Erastian establishment, in which the dignity of the church 
 was rendered subordinate to that of die state. There 
 were many divines even within the pale of the church, 
 whose opinions tended to this point, and who formed a 
 powerful party in the General Assembly. But the Cam- 
 eronians in particular, elated with the part, both in suffering 
 and acting, which they had performed during the late times, 
 considered the results of the Revolution as totally unwor- 
 thy of the struggle which they had maintained. The min- 
 isters who were willing to acquiesce in a model of church 
 government so mutilated in power and beauty, they termed 
 a hive of lukewarm, indifferent shepherds, who had either 
 deserted their flocks and fled, to save themselves during 
 the rage of persecution, or who, remaining in Scotland, 
 had truckled to the enemy, and exercised their ministry 
 in virtue of a niggardly indulgence from the tyrant, whilst 
 they themselves endured want and misery, and the ex- 
 tremities of the sword and gallows, rather than renounce 
 one iota of the doctrine held by the Presbyterian Kirk of 
 Scotland in the time of her highest power. They con- 
 sidered the General Assembly held under the authority of 
 King William, as an association in which the black hand 
 of defection was extended to the red hand of persecution, 
 and where apostates and oppressors, leagued together, 
 made common cause against pure Presbyterian govern- 
 ment and discipline. 
 
 Feeling thus indisposed towards the existing govern- 
 ment, it followed as a matter of course that the Came- 
 ronians, if they did not esteem themselves actually called 
 upon to resist King William's authority, from which they 
 were withheld by some glimmering of common sense,
 
 146 THE CAM K RON I AN REGIMENT. 
 
 tvhich suggested, as the necessary consequence, the .eturn 
 of their old enemy James, neither did they feel at lib- 
 erty to own themselves his subjects, to take oaths of al- 
 legiance to his person and that of his queen, or to submit 
 themselves, by any mark of homage, to a sovereign, who 
 had not subscribed and sworn to the Solemn League and 
 Covenant. 
 
 Although, therefore, this extreme party differed among 
 themselves, to what extent they should disclaim the King 
 and the government, yet the general sense of their united 
 societies became more and more scrupulous, concerning 
 the lawfulness of serving in the Earl of Angus's regiment ; 
 and while they continued to own these soldiers as breth- 
 ren, and hold correspondence with them, we observe 
 that they hint at the introduction of some of the errors of 
 the time, even into this select regiment. Card-playing, 
 dice, and other scandalous games, but ,'n particular the 
 celebration of King William's birthday, by rejoicing and 
 drinking of healths, greatly afflicted the spirit of the gen- 
 eral meeting of the more rigorous of the party, who held 
 such practices as an abomination. It is probable, there- 
 fore, that the regiment of Cameronians received from this 
 time few recruits out of the bosom of the party whose 
 name they bore. 
 
 They were afterwards sent to serve on the Continent, 
 and behaved courageously at the bloody battle of Stein- 
 kirk, in 1692, where they lost many men, and amongst 
 others, their colonel, the Earl of Angus, who fell fighting 
 bravely at their head. During these campaigns the reg- 
 iment became gradually more indifferent to their religious 
 professions. At last, we learn that their chaplain and they 
 became heartily weary of each other, and that while the 
 preacher upbraided his military flock with departing from 
 the strictness of their religious professions, the others are 
 said to have cursed him to his face, for having been instru- 
 mental in inducing them to enter into the service. In 
 alter times this regiment, which is still called the 26th, 
 or Cameronian regiment, seems to have differed very little 
 in its composition from other mnrrhing regiments, except-
 
 THF. CAMKRON1AN IlEGIMKNT. 147 
 
 ing that it Jvas chiefly recruited in Scotland, and tl.at, in 
 memory of the original principles of the sect out of which 
 it was raised, each soldier was, and perhaps is still, oblig- 
 ed to show himself possessed of a Bible when his neces- 
 saries are inspected. 
 
 During the course of the winter 1089-90, King James 
 made an effort to reanimate the war in the Highlands, 
 which had almost died away, after the repulse of the High- 
 landers at Dunkeld. He sent over General Buchan, an 
 officer of reputation, and who was supposed to understand 
 Highland character, and Highland warfare. The clans 
 again assembled with renewed hopes. But Buchan prov- 
 ed as incapable as Cannon had shown himself the year be- 
 fore, of profiting by the ardour of the Highlanders. 
 
 With singular want of caution, the Jacobite General 
 descended the Spey, as far as a place called Cromdale, 
 where he quartered his army, about eighteen hundred 
 men, in the hamlets in the vicinity. Sir Thomas Living- 
 stone, an excellent old officer, who commanded on the 
 part of King William, crossed the Spey with a large 
 force of cavalry, some infantry, and a body of the clan 
 Grant, who had embraced William's interest, and by a 
 night attack completely surprised Buchan and his army in 
 their quarters. They fought gallantly, notwithstanding, 
 with their swords and targets, but were at length compel- 
 led to take to flight. The pursuit was not so destructive 
 to the defeated party as it would have been to the soldiers 
 of any other nation, if pursued by the cavalry of a success- 
 ful enemy. Light of foot, and \?ell acquainted with their 
 own mountains, the Highlanders escaped up the hills, and 
 amongst the mists, with such an appearance of ease and 
 agility, that a spectator observed, they looked more like 
 men received into the clouds, than fugitives escaping from 
 a victorious enemy. 
 
 But the skirmish of Cromdale, and the ruin of King 
 James s affairs in Ireland, precluded all hopes on the pan 
 of the Jacobites, of bringing the Highland war to a suc- 
 cessful termination. A fort near Jnverlochy, originally 
 erected by Cromwell, was ngain repaired by Livingsioue
 
 148 PACIFICATION OF 
 
 and acquired the name of Fort William, and was strongly 
 garrisoned, to bridle the Camerons. MacDonaids, and the 
 other Jacobite clans. The chiefs saw they would be re- 
 duced to maintain a defensive war in their own fastness- 
 es, and that against the whole regular force of Scotland. 
 They became desirous, therefore, of submitting for the 
 present, and reserving their efforts in favour of the exiled 
 family for some more favourable time. King William 
 was equally desirous to see this smouldering fire, which 
 the appearance of such a General as Montrose or Dundee 
 might soon have blown into a destructive flame, totally 
 extinguished. For this purpose, he had recourse to a 
 measure, which, had it been duly executed, was one ol 
 deep policy. 
 
 The Earl of Breadalbane, a man of great power in the 
 Highlands, and head of a numerous clan of the Camp- 
 bells, was intrusted with a sum of money, which some au- 
 thors call 20, and some 12,000 pounds, to be distributed 
 among the chieftains, on the condition of their submission 
 to the existing government, and keeping on foot, each 
 chief in proportion to his means, a military force to act on 
 behalf of government, at home or abroad, as they should 
 be called on. This scheme would probably have render- 
 ed the Highland clans a resource, instead of a terror, to 
 the government of King William ; while their love of 
 war, and their want of money, would by degrees have 
 weaned them from their attachment to the exiled King, 
 which would gradually have been transferred to a prince 
 who led them to battle, and paid them for following him. 
 
 But many of the chiefs were jealous of the conduct ol 
 the Earl of Breadalbane in distributing the funds intrust- 
 ed to his care. Part of this treasure the wily Earl be- 
 stowed among the most leading men ; when these were 
 bought off, he intimidated those of less power into sub- 
 mission, by threatening them with military execution t 
 and it has always been said, that he retained a considera- 
 ole portion of the gratuity in his own hands. The High- 
 land chiefs complained to Government of Breadalbane s 
 conduct, who, they alleged, had advised them only tc
 
 THE HIGHLANDS. 149 
 
 submit to King William for the present, until an opportu- 
 nity should occur of doing King James effectual service. 
 They also charged him with retaining, for his own pur- 
 poses, a considerable part of the money deposited iu his 
 hands, as the price of peace. 
 
 Government, it is said, attended to this information, so 
 far as to demand, through the Secretary of State, a regular 
 account of the manner in which the sum of money plac- 
 ed in his hands had been distributed. But Breadalbane, 
 too powerful to be called in question, and too audacious 
 to care for suspicion of what he judged Government 
 dared not resent, is traditionally said to have answered the 
 demand in the following cavalier manner : " My dear 
 Lord, The money you mention, was given to purchase 
 the peace of the Highlands. The money is spent the 
 Highlands are quiet, and this is the only way of accompt- 
 ing among friends." 
 
 We shall find afterwards, that the selfish avarice, and 
 resentment of this unprincipled nobleman, gave rise to one 
 of the most bloody, treacherous, and cruel actions, which 
 dishonour the seventeenth century. Of this we shall speak 
 hereafter ; at present, it is enough to repeat, that Bread- 
 albane bribed, soothed, or threatened into submission to 
 the government, all the chiefs who had hitherto embraced 
 the interest of King James, and the Highland war might 
 be considered as nearly, if not entirely ended. But the 
 proposed measure, designed to have attached them una- 
 lienably to the cause of King William, was totally discon- 
 certed, and the Highlanders continued as much Jacobite? 
 at heart as before the pacification. 
 
 There remained, however, after the Highlands were 
 thus partially settled, some necessity of providing for the 
 numerous Lowland officers who had joined the standard 
 of Dundee, and afterwards remained with his less able 
 successors in command. These individuals were entitled 
 t(_ consideration and compassion. They amounted to 
 nearly a hundred gentlemen, who, sacrificing their fortune 
 to their honour, preferred following their old master into
 
 150 JACOBITE OFFICERS. 
 
 exile, to changing his service for that of anotlu r. li was 
 stipulated that they should have two ships to cairy them to 
 France, where they were received with the same liberal 
 hospitality which Louis XIV. showed in whatever con- 
 cerned the affairs of King James, and where, accordingly, 
 they received for some time pay and subsistence, in pro- 
 portion to the rank which they had severally enjoyed in 
 the exiled King's service. 
 
 But when the battle of La Hogue had commenced the 
 train of misfortunes which France afterwards experienced, 
 and put a period to all hopes of invading England, it could 
 not be expected that Louis should continue the expense 
 of supporting this body of officers, whom there was now 
 so little prospect of providing for in their own country. 
 They, therefore, petitioned King James to permit them 
 to reduce themselves to a company of private soldiers, 
 with the dress, pay, and appointments of that rank, assur- 
 ing his Majesty, that they would esteem it a pleasure to 
 continue in his service, even under the meanest circum- 
 stances, and the greatest hardships. 
 
 James reluctantly accepted of this generous offer, and, 
 with tears in his eyes, reviewed this body of devoted loy- 
 alists, as, stript of the advantages of birth, fortune, and 
 education, they prepared to take upon them the duties of 
 the lowest rank in their profession. He gave every man 
 his hand to kiss, promised never to forget their loyalty, 
 and wrote the name of each individual in his pocket-book, 
 as a pledge, that when his own fortune permitted, he would 
 not be unmindful of their fidelity. 
 
 Being in French pay, this company of gentlemen were 
 of course engaged in the French service ; and wl erever 
 they came, they gained respect by their propriety of be- 
 haviour, and sympathy from knowledge of their circum- 
 stances. But their allowance, being only threepence 
 a-day, with a pound and a half of bread, was totally inad- 
 equate not only for procuring their accustomed comforts, 
 but even for maintaining them in the most ordinary man- 
 ner. For a time, they found a resource in the sale oJ 
 watches, rings, and such superfluous trinkets as had any
 
 JACOBITE OFFICERS. 151 
 
 value. It was not unusual to see individuals among 
 them laying aside some little token of remembrance, 
 which had been the gift of parental affection, of love, or 
 of friendship, and to hear them protest, that with this 
 at least they would never part. But stern necessity 
 brought all these relics to the market at last, and this 
 little fund of support was entirely exhausted. 
 
 About this time the Company served under Marshal 
 Noailles, at the siege of Rosas, in Catalonia, and dis- 
 tinguished themselves by their courage on so many oc- 
 casions, that their general called them his children; 
 and pointing out their determined courage to others, 
 used to say, that the real gentleman was ever the same, 
 whether in necessity or in danger. 
 
 In a subsequent campaign in Alsace, this company of 
 Scottish officers distinguished themselves by their volun- 
 tary attempt to storm a fort upon an island on the Rhine, 
 defended by five hundred Germans. They advanced to 
 the shore of that broad river under shelter of the night, 
 waded into the stream, with their ammunition about their 
 neck, and linked arm-in-arm, according to the Highland 
 fashion. In the middle of the current the water was up 
 to their breasts, but as soon as it grew more shallow, they ' 
 untied their cartouch-boxes, and marching with their 
 muskets shouldered, poured a deadly volley upon the 
 Germans, who, seized with a panic, and endeavouring to 
 escape, broke down their own bridges, and suffered se- 
 vere loss, leaving the island in possession of the brave 
 assailants. When the French general heard of the suc- 
 cess of what he had esteemed a desperate bravado, he 
 signed himself with the cross in astonishment, and de- 
 clared that it was the boldest action that ever had been 
 performed, and that the* whole honour of contrivance arid 
 execution belonged to the company of officers. The 
 place was long called L'Isle d'Ecossois, the Scottish- 
 men's Island, and perhaps yet retains the name. 
 
 In these and similar undertakings, many of this little 
 band fell by the sword ; but their fate was enviable com- 
 pared with that of those who died under the influence of
 
 152 JACOBITE OPFICKKB. 
 
 fatigue, privations, and contagious diseases, which fell 
 with deadly severity on men once accustomed to the de- 
 cency and accommodations of social life, and now reduc- 
 ed to rags, filth, and famine. When at the peace of Rys- 
 wick, this little company was disbanded, there remained 
 out sixteen men out of their original number ; and few 
 of these ever again saw the country, whose fame had been 
 sustained and extended by their fidelity and courage. 
 
 At length the last faint embers of civil war died away 
 throughout Scotland. The last place which held out for 
 King James was the strong island and castle in the Frith 
 of Forth, called the Bass. This singular rock rises per- 
 pendicularly out of the sea. The surface is pasture land, 
 sloping to the brink of a tremendous precipice, which on 
 all sides sinks sheer down into the stormy ocean. There 
 is no anchorage ground on any point ; and although it is 
 possible, in the present state of the island, to land, (not 
 without danger, however,) and to ascend by a steep path 
 to the table land on the top of the crag, yet at the time 
 of the Revolution a strong castle defended the entrance, 
 and the boats belonging to the garrison were lowered into 
 the sea, or heaved up into the castle, by means of the 
 engine called a crane. Access was thus difficult to friends 
 and impossible to enemies. 
 
 This sequestered and inaccessible spot, the natural 
 shelter and abode of gannets, gulls, and sea-fowl of all 
 descriptions had been, as I have before noticed, converted 
 into a state prison during the reigns of Charles II. and 
 James II. ; and was often the melancholy abode of the 
 nonconformists, who were prisoners to government. The 
 Governor of the Bass held out from 1688 to 1690, when 
 he surrendered to King William: It was shortly after 
 recovered for King James by some Jacobite officers, 
 who, sent thither as prisoners, contrived to surprise and 
 overpower the garrison, and again bid defiance to the new 
 government. They received supplies of provisions from 
 their Jacobite friends on shore and exercised,- by means of 
 their boats, a sort of privateering warfare on such mer- 
 chant vessels as entered the Frith. A squadron of ships-
 
 SURRENDER OF THE BASS. 153 
 
 of-war was sent to reduce the place, which, in their at- 
 tempt to batter the Castle, did so little damage, and re- 
 ceived so much, that the siege was given up, or rather 
 converted into a strict blockade. The punishment ol 
 death was denounced by the Scottish government against 
 all who should attempt to supply the island with provis- 
 ions ; and a gentleman named Trotter, having been con- 
 victed of such an attempt, was condemned to death, and 
 a gallows erected opposite the Bass, that the garrison might 
 witness his fate. The execution was interrupted for the 
 time by a cannon-shot from the island, to the great terror 
 of the assistants, amongst whom the bullet lighted ; but no 
 advantage accrued to Trotter, who was put to death else- 
 where. The intercourse between the island and the shore 
 was in this manner entirely cut oil'. Shortly afterwards 
 the garrison became so weak for want of provisions, that 
 they were unable to man the crane by which they launched 
 out and got in their boats. They were thus ohliged finally 
 to surrender, but not till reduced to an allowance of two 
 ounces of rusk to each man per day. They were admit- 
 ted to honourable terms, with the testimony of having 
 done their duty like brave men. 
 
 We must now return to the state of civil affairs in Scot- 
 land, which was far from being settled. The arrange- 
 ments of King William had not included in his adminis- 
 stration Sir James Montgomery and some other Presby- 
 terians, who conceived their services entitled them to such 
 distinction. This was bitterly resented ; for Montgomery 
 and his friends fell into an error very common to agents 
 in great changes, who often conceive themselves to have 
 been the authors of those events, in which they are only 
 the subordinate and casual actors. Montgomery had con- 
 ducted the debates concerning the forfeiture of the crown 
 at the Revolution, and therefore believed himself adequate 
 to the purpose of dethroning King William, who, he thought, 
 owed his crown to him, and of replacing King James. 
 This monarch, so lately deprived of his realm on account 
 of his barefaced attempts to bring in Popery, was now 
 supported by a party of Presbyterians, who proposed to
 
 J54 SETTLEMENT OF CHURCH AFFAIRS. 
 
 render him the nursing father of that model of church 
 government, which he had so often endeavoured to stifle 
 jn the blood of its adherents. As extremes approach to 
 each other, the most violent Jacobites began to hold inter- 
 course with the most violent Presbyterians and both par- 
 ties voted together in Parliament, from hatred to the ad- 
 ministration of King William. The alliance, however, 
 was too unnatural to continue ; and King William was only 
 so far alarmed by its progress, as to hasten a redress 01 
 several of those grievances, which had been pointed out 
 in the Declaration of Rights. He also deemed it prudent 
 to concede something to the Presbyterians, disappointed 
 as many of them were with the result of the Revolution in 
 ecclesiastical matters. 
 
 I have told you already that King William had not hes- 
 itated to declare that the National Church of Scotland 
 should be Presbyterian ; but, with the love of toleration, 
 which was a vital principle in the King's mind, he was 
 desirous of permitting the Episcopal incumbents, as well 
 as the forms of worship, to remain in the churches of such 
 parishes as preferred that communion. Moreover, he 
 did not deem it equitable to take from such proprietors 
 as were possessed of it, the right of patronage, that is, of 
 presenting to the presbytery a candidate for a vacant 
 charge ; when, unless found unfit for such a charge, upon 
 his life and doctrine being inquired into by formal trial, 
 the person thus presented was of course admitted to the 
 
 A great part of the Presbyterians were much discon- 
 tented at a privilege, which threw the right of electing a 
 clergyman for the whole congregation into the hands of 
 one man, whilst all the rest might be dissatisfied with his 
 talents, or with his character. They argued also, that 
 very many of these presentations being in the hands of 
 gentry of the Episcopal persuasion, to continue the right 
 of patronage, was to afford such patrons the means of in- 
 troducing clergymen of their own tenets, and thus to main- 
 tain a perpetual schism in the bosom of the church. To 
 this it was replied by the defenders of patronage that as
 
 THE ASSURANCE. 153 
 
 the stipends of the clergy were paid by the landholders, 
 the nomination of the minister ought to be left in theif 
 hands ; and that it had accordingly been the ancient law 
 of Scotland, that the advovvson, or title to bestow the 
 church living, was a right of private property. The ten- 
 dency towards Episcopacy, continued these reasoners, 
 might indeed balance, but could not overthrow, the su- 
 premacy of the Presbyterian establishment, since every 
 clergyman who was in possession of a living, was bound 
 to suscribe the Confession of Faith, as established by the 
 Assembly of Divines at Westminster, and to acknowledge 
 that the General Assembly was invested with the full gov- 
 ernment of the church. They further argued, that in 
 practice it was best this law of patronage should remain 
 unaltered. The Presbyterian church being already form- 
 ed upon a model strictly republican, they contended, that 
 to vest the right of nominating the established clergy in the 
 hearers, was to give additional features of democracy to a 
 system, which was already sufficiently independent both 
 of the crown and the aristocracy. They urged, that to 
 permit the flocks the choice of their own sLepherd, was 
 to encourage the candidates for church preferment rather 
 to render themselves popular by preaching to sooth the 
 humours of the congregation, than to exercise the whole- 
 some but unpleasing duties, of instructing their ignorance, 
 and reproving their faults ; and that thus assentation and 
 flattery would be heard from the pulpit, the very place 
 where they were, most unbecoming, and were likely to be 
 most mischievous. 
 
 Such arguments in favour of lay patronage had much 
 influence with the King ; but the necessity of doing some- 
 thing which might please the Presbyterian party, induced 
 his Scottish ministers, not, it is said, with William's en- 
 tire approbation, to renew a law of Cromwell's time 
 which placed the nomination of a minister, with some slight 
 restrictions, in the hands of the congregation. These, 
 upon a vacancy, exercised a right of popular election, grat- 
 ifying unquestionably to the pride of human nature, but 
 tending to excite, in the case of disagreement, debates
 
 156 THE ASSURANCE. 
 
 and strife, which were not always managed with the de- 
 cency and moderation that the subject required. 
 
 King William equally failed in his attempt to secure tol- 
 eration for such of the Episcopal clergy, as were disposed 
 to retain their livings under a Presbyterian supremacy. 
 To have gained these divines, would have greatly influ- 
 enced all that part of Scotland which lies to the north 01 
 the Forth ; but in affording them protection, William was 
 desirous to be secured of their allegiance, which in gen- 
 eral they conceived to be due to the exiled sovereign. 
 Many of them had indeed adopted a convenient political 
 creed, which permitted them to submit to William as King 
 de facto, that is, as being actually in possession of the royal 
 power, whilst they internally reserved the claims of James 
 as King de jure, that is, who had the right to the crown, 
 although he did not enjoy it. 
 
 It was William's interest to destroy this sophistical spe- 
 cies of reasoning, by which, in truth, he was only recog- 
 nised as a successful usurper, and obeyed for no othei 
 reason but because he had the power to enforce obedience. 
 An oath, therefore, was framed, called the Assurance, 
 which, being put to all persons holding offices of trust, 
 was calculated to exclude those temporizers who had con- 
 trived to reconcile their immediate obedience to King 
 William, with a reserved acknowledgement, that James 
 possessed the real right to the crown. The Assurance 
 bore, in language studiously explicit, that King William 
 was acknowledged, by the person taking the oath, not only 
 as King in fact, but also as King in law and by just title. 
 This oath made a barrier against most of the Episcopal 
 preachers who had any tendency to Jacobitism ; but there 
 were some who regarded their own patrimonial advanta- 
 ges more than political questions concerning the rights of 
 monarchs, and in spite of the intolerance of the Presby- 
 terian clergy, (which, considering their previous sufferings, 
 is not to be wondered at,) about a hundred Episcopal 
 divines took the oaths to the new government, retained 
 their livings, and were exempted from the jurisdiction oi 
 the courts of Presbytery.
 
 THE MASSACRE OF GIENCOK. 16" 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Massacre of Gler.coe. 
 
 I AM now to call your attention to an action rf the Scot- 
 tish government, which leaves a stain on the memory ol 
 King William ; although he probably was not aware of the 
 full extent of the -baseness, treachery, and cruelty, for 
 which his commission was made a cover. 
 
 I have formerly mentioned, that some disputes arose 
 concerning the distribution of a large sum of money, with 
 which the Earl of Breadalbane was intrusted, to procure, 
 or rather to purchase, a peace in the Highlands. Lord 
 Breadalbane and those with whom he negotiated disa- 
 greed, and the English government, becoming suspicious 
 of the intentions of the Highland chiefs to play fast and 
 loose on the occasion, sent forth a proclamation in the 
 month of August 1691, requiring them, and each of them, 
 to submit to government before the first day of January 
 1692. After this period, it was announced that those 
 who had not submitted themselves, should be subjected to 
 the extremities of fire and sword. 
 
 This proclamation was framed by the Privy Council, 
 under the influence of Sir John Dairy rnple, (Master ol 
 Stair, as he was called,) whom I have already mentioned 
 as holding the place of Lord Advocate, and who had in 
 1690 been raised to be Secretary of State, in conjunction 
 with Lord Melville. The Master of Stair was at this 
 time an intimate friend of Breadalbane, and it seems that 
 he shared with that nobleman the warm hope and expec- 
 tation of carrying into execution a plan of retaining a 
 Highland army in the pay of Government, and accom- 
 plishing a complete transference of the allegiance of the 
 chiefs to the person of King William. This could not
 
 158 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE 
 
 have fti led to be a most acceptable piece of service, upoc 
 which, if it could be accomplished, the Secretary might 
 justly reckon as a title to his master's further confidence 
 and favour. 
 
 But when Breadalbane commenced his treaty, he was 
 mortified to find, that, though the Highland chiefs express- 
 ed no dislike *to King William's money, yet they retained 
 their secret fidelity to King James too strongly to make it 
 safe to assemble them in a military body, as had been 
 proposed. Many chiefs, especially those of the Mac- 
 Donalds, stood out also for terms, which the Earl of 
 Breadalbane and the Master of Stair considered as ex- 
 travagant ; and. the result of the whole was, the breaking 
 off the treaty, and the publishing of the severe proclama- 
 tion already mentioned. 
 
 Breadalbane and Stair were greatly disappointed and 
 irritated against those chiefs and tribes, who, being re- 
 fractory on this occasion, had caused a breach of their 
 favourite scheme. Their thoughts were now turned to 
 revenge ; and it appears from Stair's correspondence, that 
 he nourished and dwelt upon the secret hope, that several 
 of the most stubborn chiefs would hold out beyond the 
 term appointed for submission, in which case it was de- 
 termined that the punishment inflicted should be of the 
 most severe and awful description. That all might be 
 in readiness for the meditated operations, a considerable 
 body of troops were kept in readiness at Inverlochy, and 
 elsewhere. These were destined to act against the re- 
 fractory clans, and the campaign was to take place in the 
 midst of winter when it was supposed that the season and 
 weather would prevent the Highlanders from expecting an 
 attack. 
 
 But the chiefs received information of these hostile 
 intentions, and one by one submitted to government within 
 ihe appointed period, thus taking away all pretence of 
 acting against them. It is said that they did so by secret 
 orders from King James, who having penetrated the de- 
 signs of Stair, directed the chiefs to comply with the
 
 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 159 
 
 proclamation, rather than incur an attack which they had 
 no means of resisting. 
 
 The indemnity ; which protected so many victims, and 
 excluded both lawyers and soldiers from a profitable job. 
 seems to have created great disturbance in the mind ol 
 the Secretary of State. As chief after chief took the 
 oath of allegiance to King William, and one by one put 
 themselves out of danger, the greater became the anxiety 
 of the Master of Stair to find some legal flaw for exclud- 
 ing some of the Lochaber clans from the benefit of the 
 indemnity. But no opportunity occurred for exercising 
 these kind intentions, excepting in the memorable, but 
 fortunately the solitary instance, of the clan of the Mac- 
 Donalds of Glencoe. 
 
 This clan inhabited a valley formed by the river Coe, 
 which falls into Lochleven not far from the head of Loch- 
 Etive. It is distinguished even in that wild country by 
 the sublimity of the mountains, rocks and precipices, in 
 which it lies buried. The minds of men are formed by 
 their habitations. The MacDonalds of the Glen were 
 not very numerous, seldom mustering above two hundred 
 armed men ; but they were bold and daring to a proverb, 
 confident in the strength of their country, and in the pro- 
 tection and support of their kindred tribes, the MacDon- 
 alds of Clanranald, Glengarry, Keppoch, Ardnamurchan, 
 and others of that powerful name. They also lay near 
 the possessions of the Campbells, to whom, owing to the 
 predatory habits to which they were especially addicted, 
 they were very bad neighbours, so that blood had at dif- 
 ferent times been spilt between them. 
 
 Maclan of Glencoe (this was the patronymic title of 
 the chief of this clan) was a man of a stately and vene- 
 rable person and aspect. He possessed both courage and 
 sagacity, and was accustomed to be listened to by the 
 neighbouring chieftains, and to take a lead in their delibe- 
 rations. Maclan had been deeply engaged both in the 
 campaign of Killiecrankie, and in that which followed 
 imder General Buchan ; and when the insurgent Highland 
 chiefs held a meeting with the Earl of Breadalbane, at a
 
 160 MASSACUK OF GLENCOK. 
 
 place calied Auchallader, in the month of July 1691, fci 
 the purpose of arranging an armistice, Mac I an was pres- 
 ent with the rest, and, it is said, taxed Breadalbane with 
 the design of retaining a part of the money lodged in his 
 hands for the pacification of the Highlands. The Ear) 
 retorted with vehemence, and charged Maclan with a 
 theft of cattle, committed upon some of his lands by a party 
 from Glencoe. Other causes of offence took place, in 
 which old feuds were called to recollection ; and Maclan 
 was repeatedly heard to say, he dreaded mischief from 
 no man so much as the Earl of Breadalbane. Yet this 
 unhappy chief was rash enough to stand out to the last 
 moment, and decline to take advantage of King William's 
 indemnity, till the time appointed by the proclamation was 
 well-nigh expired. 
 
 The displeasure of the Earl of Breadalbane seen's 
 speedily to have communicated itself to the Master of 
 Stair, who, in his correspondence with Lieutenant-Colo- 
 nel Hamilton, commanding in the Highlands, expresses 
 the greatest resentment against Maclan of Glencoe, for 
 having, by his interference, helped to mar the bargain be- 
 tween Breadalbane and the Highland chiefs. Accord- 
 ingly, in a letter of 3d December, the Secretary intimated 
 that government was determined to destroy utterly some 
 of the clans, in order to terrify the others, and that he 
 hoped that, by standing out and refusing to submit under 
 the indemnity, the MacDonalds of Glencoe would fall into 
 the net. This was a month before the time limited by the 
 indemnity, so long did these bloody thoughts occupy the 
 mind of this unprincipled statesman. 
 
 Ere the term of mercy expired, however, Maclari's 
 own apprehensions, or the advice of friends, dictated to 
 him the necessity of submitting to the same conditions 
 which others had embraced, and he went with his princi- 
 pal followers to take the oath of allegiance to King Wil- 
 liam. This was a very brief space before the 1st of Jan- 
 nary, when, by the terms of the proclamation the oppoi- 
 tunity of claiming the indemnity was to expire. Maclan 
 was, therefore, much alarmed to find that Colonel Hill
 
 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 161 
 
 ihe governor of Fort William, to whom he tendered his 
 oath of allegiance, had no power to receive it, being a 
 military, and not a civil officer. Colonel Hill, however, 
 had sympathy with the distress and even tears of the old 
 chieftain, and gave him a letter to Sir Colin Campbell of 
 Ardkinlas, Sheriff of Argyleshire requesting him to re- 
 ceive the " lost sheep," and administer the oath to him, 
 that he might have the advantage of the indemnity,' though 
 so late in claiming it. 
 
 f Maclan hastened from Fort William to Inverary, with- 
 out even turning aside to his own house, though he passed 
 within a mile of it. But the roads, always very bad, were 
 now rendered almost impassable by a storm of snow ; so 
 that, with all the haste which the unfortunate chieftain 
 could exert, the fatal 1st of January was past before he 
 reached Inverary. 
 
 The Sheriff, however, seeing that Maclan had com- 
 plied with the spirit of the statute, in tendering his sub- 
 mission within the given period, under the sincere, though 
 mistaken belief, that he was applying to the person order- 
 ed to receive it ; and considering also, that, but for the 
 tempestuous weather, it would after all have been offered 
 in presence of the proper law-officer, did not hesitate to 
 administer the oath of allegiance, and sent off an express 
 to the Privy Council, containing an attestation of Mac- 
 Jan's having taken the oaths, and a full explanation of the 
 circumstances which had delayed his doing so until the 
 lapse of the appointed period. The Sheriff also wrote 
 to Colonel Hill what he had done, and requested that he 
 would take care that Glencoe should not be annoyed by 
 any military parties until the pleasure of the Council 
 should* be known, which he could not doubt would be 
 favourable. 
 
 Maclan, therefore, returned to his own house, and re- 
 sided there, as he supposed, in safety, under the protec- 
 tion of the government to which he had sworn allegiance. 
 That he might merit this protection, he convoked his clan, 
 acquainted them with his submission and commanded 
 17*
 
 162 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 
 
 them to live peaceably, and give no cause of oflence, im- 
 ler pain of his displeasure. 
 
 In the meantime, the vindictive Secretary of State had 
 procured orders from his Sovereign respecting the meas- 
 ures to be followed with such of the chiefs as should not 
 have taken the oaths within the term prescribed. The 
 first of these orders, dated 1 1 th January, contained pe- 
 remptory directions for military execution, by fire and 
 sword, against all who should not have made their sub- 
 mission within the time appointed. It was, however, pro- 
 vided, in order to avoid driving them to desperation, that 
 there was still to remain a power of granting mercy to 
 those clans who, even after the time was past, should still 
 come in and submit themselves. Such were the terms 
 of the first royal warrant, in which Glencoe was not 
 named. 
 
 It seems afterwards to have occurred to Stair, that 
 Glencoe would be sheltered under this mitigation of the 
 intended severities, since he had already come in and ten- 
 dered his allegiance, without waiting for the menace of 
 military force. A second set of instructions were there- 
 fore made out on the 16th January. These held out the 
 same indulgence to other clans who should submit them- 
 selves at the very last hour, but they closed the gate of 
 mercy against the devoted Maclan, who had already done 
 all that was required of others. The words are remark- 
 able : " As for Maclan of Glencoe, and that tribe, il 
 they can be well distinguished from the rest of the High- 
 landers, it will be proper, for the vindication of public 
 justice, to extirpate that set of thieves." 
 
 You will remark the hypocritical clemency and real 
 cruelty of these instructions, which profess a readiness to 
 extend mercy to those who needed it not. (for all the 
 other Highlanders had submitted within the limited time,) 
 and deny it to Glencoe, the only man who had not been 
 able literally to comply with the proclamation, though in 
 all fair construction he had done what it required. 
 
 Under what pretence or colouring King William's au- 
 tho"ity was obtained for such cruel instructions, it would
 
 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 1G3 
 
 be in vain to inquire. The Sheriff of Argyle's letter had 
 never been produced before the Council ; and the certifi- 
 cate of Marian's having taken the oath, was blotted out, 
 and, in the Scottish phrase, deleted. It seems probable 
 lhat the fact of that chief's submission was altogether con- 
 cealed from the King, and that he was held out in the light 
 of a desperate and incorrigible leader of banditti, who was 
 the main obstacle to the peace of the Highlands ; but ii 
 we admit that William acted under such misrepresenta- 
 tions, deep blame will still attach to him for so rashly 
 issuing orders of an import so dreadful. It is remarkable 
 lhat these fatal instructions are both superscribed and sub- 
 scribed by the King himself, whereas, in most state papers, 
 the sovereign only superscribes, and they are countersign- 
 ed by the Secretary of State, who is answerable for their 
 tenor ; a responsibility which Stair, on that occasion, was 
 not probably ambitious of claiming. 
 
 The Secretary's letters to the military officers, direct* 
 ing the mode of executing the King's orders, betray the 
 deep and savage interest which he personally took in their 
 tenor, and his desire that the bloody execution should be 
 as general as possible. He dwelt in these letters upon the 
 proper time and season for cutting off the devoted tribe. 
 " The winter," he said, " is the only season in which the 
 Highlanders cannot elude us, or carry their wives, chil- 
 dren, and cattle, to the mountains. They cannot escape 
 you ; for what human constitution can then endure to be 
 long out of house ? This is the proper season to maul 
 them, in the long dark nights." He could not suppress 
 his joy that Glencoe had not come in within the term pre- 
 scribed ; and expresses his hearty wishes that others had 
 followed the same course. He assured the soldiers that 
 yneir powers should be ample ; and he exacted from them 
 proportional exertions. He entreated that the thieving 
 tribe of Glencoe be rooted out in earnest ; and he was at 
 pains to explain a phrase which is in itself terribly signifi- 
 cant. He gave directions for securing every pass by which 
 the victims could escape, and warned the soldiers that it 
 were bette- to leave the thing unattempted, than fail to do
 
 164 MASSACRE OF GLKNCOE 
 
 it to purpose. " To plunder their lands, or drive off their 
 cattle, would," say his letters, " be only to render them 
 desperate ; they must be all slaughtered, and the manner 
 of execution must be sure, secret, and effectual." 
 
 These instructions, such as have been rarely penned in 
 a Christian country, were sent to Colonel Hill, the gov- 
 ernor of Fort William, who, greatly surprised and grieved 
 at their tenor, endeavoured for some time to evade the 
 execution of them. At length, obliged by his situation to 
 render obedience to the King's commands, he transmitted 
 the orders to Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton, directing him 
 to take four hundred men of a Highland regiment belong- 
 ing to the Earl of Argyle, and fulfil the royal mandate. 
 Thus, to make what was intended yet worse, if possible, 
 than it was in its whole tenor, the execution of this cruelt) 
 was committed to soldiers, who were not only the country- 
 men of the proscribed but the near neighbours, and some 
 of them the close connexions, of the MacDonalds of Glen- 
 coe. This is the more necessary to be remembered, be- 
 cause the massacre has unjustly been said to have been 
 committed by English troops. The course of the execu- 
 tion was as follows. 
 
 Before the end of January, a party of the Earl of Ar- 
 gyle's regiment, commanded by Captain Campbell of 
 Glenlyon, approached Glencoe. jMadan's sons went out 
 to meet them with a body of men, to demand whether 
 they came as friends or foes. The officer replied, that 
 they came as friends, being sent to take up their quarters 
 for a short time in Glencoe, in order to relieve the garri- 
 son of Fort William, which was crowded with soldiers. 
 On this they were welcomed with all the hospitality which 
 the chief and his followers had the means of extending to 
 them and they resided for fifteen days amongst the un- 
 suspecting MacDonalds, in the exchange of every species 
 of kindness and civility. That the laws of domestic af- 
 fection might be violated at the same time with those of 
 humanity and hospitality, you are to understand that Alas- 
 ter MacDonald, one of the sons of Maclan, was married 
 to a neice of Glenlyon, who commanded the part) of
 
 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 165 
 
 soldiers. It appears also, that the intended cruelty was 
 to be exercised upon defenceless men ; for the MacDon- 
 alds, though afraid of no other ill treatment from their 
 military guests, had supposed it possible the soldiers might 
 have a commission to disarm them, and therefore had sent 
 their weapons to a distance, where they might be out of 
 reach of seizure. 
 
 Glenlyon's party had remained in Glencoe for fourteen 
 or fifteen days, when he received orders from his com- 
 manding officer, Major Duncanson, expressed in a manner, 
 which shows him to have been the worthy agent of the 
 cruel Secretary. They were sent in conformity with 
 orders of the same date, transmitted to Duncanson by 
 Hamilton, directing that all the MacDonalds, under seven- 
 ty years of age, were to be cut off, and that the govern- 
 ment was not to be troubled with prisoners. Duncanson's 
 orders to Glenlyon were as follows : 
 
 " You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, and 
 put all to the sword under seventy. You are to have 
 especial care that the old fox and his cubs do on no ac- 
 count escape your hands : you are to secure all the aven- 
 ues, that no man escape. This you are to put in execution 
 at four in the morning precisely, and by that time or very 
 shortly after, I will strive to be at you with a stronger 
 party. But if I do not come to you at four you are not 
 to tarry for me, but fall on. This is by the King's special 
 command, for the good and safety of the country, that 
 these miscreants be cut off root and branch. See that 
 this be put into execution without either fear or favour, 
 else you may expect to be treated as not true to the King 
 or government, nor a man fit to carry a commission in tho 
 King's service. Expecting that you will not fail in the 
 fulfilling hereof, as you love yourself, I subscribe these 
 with rny hand, ROBERT DUNCANSON." 
 
 This order was dated 12th February, and addressed, 
 ' For their Majesties service, to Captain Robert Camp 
 bell of Glenlyon."
 
 166 MASSACRE ON GLENCOE. 
 
 This letter reached Glenlyon soon after it was written ; 
 and he lost nc time in carrying the dreadful mandate into 
 execution. In the interval, he did not abstain from any 
 of tliose acts of familiarity which had lulled asleep the 
 suspicions of his victims, he took his morning draught, as 
 on every former day since he came to the Glen, at the 
 house of Alaster MacDonald, Maclan's second son, who 
 was married to his (Glenlyon's) niece. He and two ol 
 his officers named Lindsay, accepted an invitation to din- 
 ner from Maclan himself, for the following day, on which 
 they had determined he should never see the sun rise. 
 To complete the sum of treachery, Glenlyon played at 
 cards in his own quarters, with the sons of Maclan, John 
 and Alaster, both of whom were also destined for slaughter. 
 
 About four o'clock, in the morning of 13th February, 
 the scene of blood began. A party commanded by one 
 of the Lindsays, came to Maclan's house and knocked 
 for admittance, which was at once given. Lindsay, one 
 of the expected guests at the family meal of the day, 
 commanded this party, who instantly shot Maclan dead 
 by his own bedside, as he was in the act of dressing him- 
 self, and giving orders for refreshments to be provided for 
 his fatal visiters. His aged wife was stript by the savage 
 soldiery, who, at the same time, drew off the gold rings 
 from her fingers with their teeth. She died the next day, 
 distracted with grief, and the brutal treatment she had 
 received. Several domestics and clansmen were killed 
 at the same place. 
 
 The two sons of the aged chieftain had not been alto- 
 gether so confident as their father of the peaceful and 
 friendly purpose of their guests. They observed, on the 
 evening preceding the massacre, that the sentinels were 
 doubled, and the mainguard strengthened. John, the 
 elder brother, had even heard the soldiers muttering 
 amongst themselves, that they cared not about fighting the 
 men of the Glen fairly, but did not like the nature of the 
 e~vice they were engaged in ; while others consoled 
 uiemselves with the military logic, that their officers must 
 be answerable for the orders given, they having no choice
 
 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 167 
 
 save to obey them. Alarmed with what had been thus 
 observed and heard, the young men hastened to Glenlyon's 
 quarters, where they found that officer and his men pre- 
 paring their arms. On questioning him about these sus 
 picious appearances, Glenlyon accounted for them by a 
 story, that he was bound on an expedition against some of 
 Glengarry's men j and, alluding to the circumstance of 
 their alliance, which made his own cruelty more detesta- 
 ble, he added, " If any thing evil had been intended, 
 would I not have told Alaster and my niece ?" 
 
 Re-assured by this communication, the young men re- 
 tired to rest, but were speedily awakened by an old do- 
 mestic, who called on the two brothers to rise and fly for 
 their lives. " Is it time for you," he said, " to be sleeping, 
 when your father is murdered on his own hearth ?" Thus 
 roused, they hurried out in great terror, and heard through- 
 out the glen, wherever there was a place of human hab- 
 itation, the shouts of the murderers, the report of the 
 muskets, the screams of the wounded, and the groans of 
 the dying. By their perfect knowledge of the scarce 
 accessible cliffs amongst which they dwelt, they were en- 
 abled to escape observation, and fled to the southern 
 access of the glen. 
 
 Meantime, the work of death proceeded with as little 
 remorse as Stair himself could have desired. Even the 
 slight mitigation of their orders respecting those above 
 seventy years, was disregarded by the soldiery in their in- 
 discriminate thirst for blood, and several very aged and 
 bed-ridden persons were slain amongst others. At the 
 hamlet where Glenlyon had his own quarters, nine men, 
 including his landlord, were bound and shot like felons ; 
 and one of them, MacDonald of Auchentriaten, had gen- 
 eral Hill's passport in his pocket at the time. A fine lad 
 of twenty had by some glimpse of compassion on the part 
 of the soldiers, been spared, when one Captain Drum- 
 mond came up, and demanding why the orders were 
 transgressed in that particular, caused him instantly to be 
 put to death. A boy, of five or six years old, clung to 
 Glenlyon's knees entreating for mercy, and offering to
 
 168 MASSACRE OF GLKNCOE. 
 
 become his servant for life, if he would spare him. Glen- 
 lyon was moved ; but the same Drummond stabhed the 
 child with his dirk, while he was in this agony of suppli 
 cation. 
 
 At a place called Auchnaion, one Barber, a sergeant, 
 with a party of soldiers, fired on a group of nine Mac- 
 Donalds, as they were assembled round their morning fire, 
 and killed four of them. The owner of the house, a 
 brother of the slain Auchentriaten, escaped unhurt, and 
 expressed a wish to be put to death rather in the open air 
 than within the house. " For your bread which I have 
 eaten," answered Barber, " I will grant the request." 
 MacDonald was dragged to the door accordingly ; but he 
 was an active man, and when the soldiers were presenting 
 their firelocks to shoot him, he cast his plaid over their 
 faces, and, taking advantage of the confusion, escaped up 
 the glen. 
 
 The alarm being now general, many other persons, 
 male and female, attempted their escape in the same man- 
 ner as the two sons of Maclan and the person last men- 
 tioned. Flying from their burning huts, and from their 
 murderous visiters, the half-naked fugitives committed 
 themselves to a winter morning of darkness, snow, and 
 storm, amidst a wilderness the most savage in the West 
 Highlands, having a bloody death behind them, and before 
 them tempest, famine, and desolation. Bewildered in the 
 snow-wreaths, several sunk to rise no more. But the 
 seventies of the storm were tender mercies compared to 
 the cruelty of their persecutors. The great fall of snow, 
 which proved fatal to several of the fugitives, was the 
 means of saving the remnant that escaped. Major Dun- 
 canson, agreeably to the plan expressed in his orders to 
 Glenlyon, had not failed to put himself in mot'on with four 
 hundred men, on the evening preceding the slaughter ; 
 and had he reached the eastern passes out of Glencoe by 
 four in the morning, as he calculated, he must have inter- 
 cepted and destroyed all those who took that only way of 
 escape from Glenlyon and his followers. But as this re- 
 inforcement awived so late as eleven in the forenoon, they
 
 MASSACRK OF GLKNCOK. 169 
 
 found no MucDonald alive in Glencoe, save an old man 
 of eighty, whom they slew ; and after burning such houses 
 as were yet unconsumed, they collected the property of 
 the tribe, consisting of twelve hundred head of cattle and 
 'lorses, besides goats and sheep, and drove them off to the 
 garrison. 
 
 Thus ended this horrible deed of massacre. The nucn- 
 oer of persons murdered was thirty-eight ; those who 
 escaped might amount to a hundred and fifty males, who, 
 with the women and children of the tribe, had to fly more 
 than twelve miles through rocks and wildernesses, ere 
 they could reach any place of safety or shelter. 
 
 This detestable execution excited general horror and 
 disgust, not only throughout Scotland, but in foreign coun- 
 tries, and did King William, whose orders, signed and 
 superscribed by himself, were the warrant of the action, 
 incredible evil both in popularity and character. 
 
 Stair, however, seemed undaunted, and had the infamy 
 to write to Colonel Hill, while public indignation was at 
 the highest, that all that could be said of the matter was, 
 that the execution was not so complete as it might have 
 been. There was, besides, a pamphlet published in his 
 defence, offering a bungled vindication of his conduct ; 
 which indeed amounts only to this, that a man of the 
 Master of Stair's high place and eminent accomplishments, 
 who had performed such great services to the public, of 
 which a laboured account was given ; one also, who, it is 
 particularly insisted upon, performed the duty of family 
 worship regularly in his household, ought not to be over- 
 severely questioned for the death of a few Highland Pa- 
 pists, whose morals were no better than those of English 
 highwaymen. 
 
 No public notice was taken of this abominable deed 
 until 1695, three years after it had been committed, when, 
 'ate and reluctantly, a Royal Commission, loudly demand- 
 ed by the Scottish nation, was granted, to inquire into the 
 particulars of the transaction, and to report the issue 01 
 their investigations to Parliament. 
 90,5
 
 170 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 
 
 Tlve Commission was of a different opinion from the 
 apologist of the Secretary of State, and reporter, that the 
 letters and instructions of Stair to Colonel Hill and others, 
 were the sole cause of the murder. They covered the 
 King's share of the guilt by reporting, that the Secretary's 
 instructions went beyond the warrant which William had 
 signed and superscribed. The royal mandate, they stated, 
 only ordered the tribe of Glencoe to be subjected to mil- 
 itary execution, in case there could be any mode found ol 
 separating them from the other Highlanders. Having 
 thus found a screen, though a very flimsy one, for Wil- 
 liam's share in the transaction, the report of the Commis- 
 sion let the whole weight of the charge fall on Secretary 
 Stair, whose letters, they state, intimated no mode of sep- 
 arating the Glencoe men from the rest, as directed by the 
 warrant ; but, on the contrary, did, under a pretext of 
 public duty, appoint them, without inquiry or distinction, 
 to be cut off and rooted out in earnest and to purpose, 
 and that " suddenly, secretly, and quietly." They re- 
 ported, that these instructions of Stair had been the war- 
 rant for the slaughter ; that it was unauthorized by his 
 Majesty's orders, and, in fact, deserved no name save that 
 of a most barbarous murder. Finally, the report named 
 the Master of Stair as the deviser, and the various military 
 officers employed as the perpetrators, of the same, and 
 suggested, with great moderation, that Parliament should 
 address his Majesty to send home Glenlyon and the other 
 murderers to be tried, or should do otherwise as his 
 Majesty pleased. 
 
 The Secretary, being by this unintelligible mode of 
 reasoning thus exposed to the whole severity of the storm, 
 and overwhelmed at the same time by the King's displeas- 
 ure, on account of the Daricn affair, (to be presently men- 
 tioned,) was deprived of his office, and obliged to retire 
 from public affairs. General indignation banished him so 
 entirely from public life, that, having about this period 
 succeeded to his father's title of Earl of Stair, ho dared 
 not take his seat in Parliament as such, on account of the 
 Oireat of the Lord Justice Clerk, that if he did so, he
 
 MASSACRE OF GLENCOE. 171 
 
 would move that the address and report upon the Ghncoe 
 Massacre should be produced and inquired into. Ii vvtis 
 the year 1700 before the Earl of Stair found the affair 
 so much forgotten, that he ventured to assume the place 
 in Parliament to which his rank entitled him : and he died 
 in 1707, on the very day when the treaty of Union was 
 signed, not without suspicion of suicide. 
 
 Of the direct agents in the massacre Hamilton abscond- 
 ed, and afterwards joined King William's army in Flan- 
 ders, where Glenlyon, and the officers and soldiers con- 
 nected with the murder, were then serving. The King, 
 availing himself of the option left to him in the address 
 of the Scottish Parliament, did not order them home for 
 trial ; nor does it appear that any of them were dismissed 
 the service, or punished for their crime, otherwise than by 
 the general hatred of the age in which they lived, and the 
 universal execration of posterity. 
 
 Although it is here a little misplaced, I cannot refrain 
 from telling you an anecdote connected with the preced- 
 ing events, which befell so late as the year 1745-6, during 
 the romantic attempt of Charles Edward, grandson ot 
 James II., to regain the throne of his fathers. He march- 
 ed through the Low Countries, at the head of an army 
 consisting of the Highland clans, and obtained for a time 
 considerable advantages. Amongst other Highlanders, 
 the descendant of the murdered Maclan of Glencoe joined 
 his standard with a hundred and fifty men. The route 
 of the Highland army brought them near to a beautiful seat 
 built by the Earl of Stair, so often mentioned in the pre- 
 ceding narrative, and the principal mansion of his family. 
 An alarm arose in the councils of Prince Charles, lest 
 the MacDonalds of Glencoe should seize this opportunity 
 of marking their recollection of the injustice done to their 
 ancestors, by burning or plundering the house of the de- 
 scendant of their persecutor; and, as such an act of vio- 
 lence might have done the Prince great prejudice in the 
 eyes of the people of the Low Country, it was agreed 
 that a guarc slioulc. be posted to protect the house of 
 Lord Stair.
 
 172 MASSACRE OF GLKNCOE. 
 
 MacDouald of Glencoe heard the resolution, and 
 3d liis honour and that of his clan concerned. He de- 
 manded an audience of Charles Edward, and admitting 
 the propriety of placing a guard on a house so obnoxious 
 to the feelings of the Highland army, and to those of his 
 own clan in particular, he demanded, as a matter of right 
 rather than favour, that the protecting guard should be 
 supplied by the MacDonalds of Glencoe. If this request 
 was not granted, he announced his purpose to return home 
 with his people, and prosecute the enterprise no further. 
 " The MacDonalds of Glencoe" he said, " would be dis- 
 honoured by remaining in a service where others than 
 their own men were employed to restrain them, under 
 whatsoever circumstances of provocation, within the line 
 of their military duty." The Royal Adventurer granted 
 the request of the high spirited chieftain, and the Mac- 
 Donalds of Glencoe guarded from the slightest injury the 
 liouse of the cruel and crafty statesman who had devised 
 and directed the massacre of their ancestors. Consid- 
 ering how natural the thirst of vengeance becomes to 
 men in a primitive state of society, and how much it was 
 interwoven with the character of the Scottish Highlander, 
 Glencoe's conduct on this occasion is a noble instance oi 
 a high and heroic preference of duty to passion. 
 
 We must now turn from this terrible story to one which, 
 though it does not seize on the imagination with the same 
 force of the narrative, yet embraces a far wider and more 
 extensive field of death and disaster. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The. Darien Scheme Death of William, and Accession 
 of Queen Anne. 
 
 HUMAN character, whether national or individual, pre- 
 sents often to our calm consideration the strangest incon- 
 sistencies ; but there are few more striking than that which
 
 I1ARIEN SCHEME. 173 
 
 Scotchmen exhibit in their private conduct, contrasted 
 with their \iews when united together for any general or 
 national purpose. In his own personal affairs the Scotch- 
 man is remarked as cautious, frugal, and prudent, in an 
 extreme degree, not generally aiming at enjoyment or 
 relaxation till he has realized the means of indulgence, 
 and studiously avoiding those temptations of pleasure, to 
 which men of other countries most readily give way. 
 But when a number of Scotchmen associate for any spec- 
 ulative project, it would seem that their natural caution 
 becomes thawed and dissolved by the union of their joint 
 hopes, and that their imaginations are heated and influ- 
 enced by any splendid prospect held out to them. They 
 appear, in particular, to lose the power of calculating and 
 adapting their means to the end which they desire to ac- 
 complish, and are readily induced to aim at objects mag- 
 nificent in themselves, but which they have not, unhappily, 
 the wealth or strength necessary to attain. Thus the 
 natives of Scotland are often found to attempt splendid 
 designs, which, shipwrecked for want of the necessary 
 expenditure, give foreigners occasion to smile at the great 
 error and equally great misfortune of the nation, I mean 
 their pride and their poverty. There is no greater instance 
 of this tendency to daring speculation, which rests at the 
 bottom of the coldness and caution of the Scottish char 
 acter, than the disastrous history of the Darien colony. 
 
 Paterson, a man of comprehensive views and great 
 sagacity, was the parent and inventor of this memorable 
 scheme. In youth he had been an adventurer in the West 
 Indies, and it was said a bucanier, that is, one of a sprcirs 
 of adventurers nearly allied to pirates, who, consisting o' 
 different nations, and divided into various bands, made 
 war on the Spanish commerce and settlements in the 
 South Seas, and among the West Indian islands. In this 
 roving course of life, Paterson had made himself intimately 
 acquainted with the geography of South America, the 
 pioduce of the country, the nature of its commerce am'
 
 174 IIVIilKN ,S( UKME. 
 
 the manner in which the Spaniards governed that exten- 
 sive region. 
 
 On his return to Europe, however, the schemes which 
 he had formed respecting the New World, were laid aside 
 for another project, fraught with the most mighty and im- 
 portant consequences. This was the plan of that great 
 national establishment, the Bank of England, of which he 
 had the honour to suggest the first idea. For a time he 
 was admitted a Director of that institution, but it befell 
 Patersori as often happens to the first projectors of great 
 schemes. Other persons, possessed of wealth and influ- 
 ence, interposed, and, taking advantage of the ideas of the 
 obscure and unprotected stranger, made them their own 
 by alterations or improvements more or less trivial, and 
 finally elbowed the inventor out of concern in the institu- 
 tion, the Foundation of which he had laid. 
 
 Thus expelled from the Bank of England, Paterson 
 turned his thoughts to the plan of settling a colony in 
 America ; a country so favoured in point of situation, thai 
 it seemed to him formed to be the site of the most flour- 
 ishing commercial capital in the universe. 
 
 The two great continents of North and South America, 
 are joined together by an isthmus, or narrow tract of land, 
 called Darien. This neck of land is not above a day's 
 journey in breadth, and as it is washed by the Atlantic 
 Ocean on the eastern side, and the Great Pacific Ocean 
 on the west, the isthmus seemed designed by nature as a 
 common centre for the commerce of the world. Pater- 
 son ascertained, or at least alleged that he had ascertained 
 tbat the isthmus had never been the property of Spain, 
 but was still possessed by the original natives, a tribe ol 
 fierce and warlike Indians, who made war on the Span- 
 iards. According to the law of nations therefore, any 
 slate nad a right of forming a settlement in Darien, pro- 
 viding the consent of the Indians was first obtained ; nor 
 could their doing so be justly made subject of challenge 
 even by Spain, so extravagantly jealous of all interference 
 with her South American provinces. This plan of a set- 
 tlement, with so many advantages to recommend it, was
 
 DAIUEN SCHEME. 175 
 
 proposed by Patersori to the merchants of Hamburgh, to 
 the Dutch, and even to the Elector of Brandenburgh ; 
 but it was coldly received by all these states. 
 
 The scheme was at length offered to the merchants ol 
 London, the only traders probably in the world who had 
 the means of realizing the splendid visions of Paterson. 
 But when the projector was in London, endeavouring to 
 solicit attention to his plan, he became intimate with the 
 celebrated Fletcher of Salton. This gentleman, one oi 
 the most accomplished men, and best patriots, whom Scot- 
 land has produced in any age, had, nevertheless, some 
 notions of her interests which were more fanciful than real, 
 and, anxious to do his country service, did not sufficiently 
 consider the adequacy of the means by which her welfare 
 was to be obtained. He was dazzled by the vision of 
 opulence and grandeur which Paterson unfolded, and 
 thought of nothing less than securing, for the benefit of 
 Scotland alone, a scheme which promised to the state 
 which should adopt it, the keys, as it were, of tiie New 
 World. The projector was easily persuaded to give his 
 <wn country the benefit of his scheme of colonization, 
 and went to Scotland along with Fletcher. Here the plan 
 found general acceptation, and particularly with the Scot- 
 tish administration, who were greatly embarrassed at the 
 time by the warm prosecution of the affair of Glencoe, 
 and who easily persuaded King William that some free- 
 dom and facilities of trade granted to the Scotch, would 
 divert the public attention from the investigation of a 'nat- 
 ter, not very creditable to his Majesty's reputation any 
 more than to their own. Stair, in particular, a paity 
 deeply interested, gave the Darien scheme the full support 
 of his eloquence and interest, in hope to regain a part oi 
 his lost popularity. 
 
 The Scott sh ministers obtained permission, according- 
 ly, to grant such privileges of trade to the Scotch as might 
 not be prejudicial to that of England. In June 1695, these 
 influential persons obtained a statute from Parliament, and 
 afterwards a charter from the Crown, for creating a cor- 
 porate body, or stock company, by name of the Company
 
 176 
 
 DAK1KN M Uh.MK. 
 
 uf Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, vv.ih power 
 to plant colonies and build forts in places not possessed by 
 other European nations, the consent always of the inhab- 
 itants of the places where they settled being obtained 
 
 The hopes entertained of the profits to arise from this 
 speculation, were in the last degree sanguine ; not even 
 the Solemn League and Covenant was signed with more 
 eager enthusiasm. Almost every one who had, or could 
 command, any sum of ready money, embarked it in the 
 Indian and African Company ; many subscribed their all ; 
 maidens threw in their portions, and widows whatever 
 sums they could raise upon their dower, to be repaid a 
 hundred fold by the golden shower which was to descend 
 upon the subscribers. Some sold estates to vest the money 
 in the Company's funds, and so eager was the spirit of 
 speculation, that, when eight hundred thousand pounds 
 formed the whole circulating capital of Scotland, half of 
 that sum was vested in the Darien Stock. 
 
 But it was not the Scotch alone whose hopes were ex- 
 cited by the rich prospects held out to them. An offei 
 being made by the managers of the Company, to share 
 the expected advantages of the scheme with English and 
 foreign merchants, it was so eagerly grasped at, that three 
 hundred thousand pounds of stock was subscribed for in 
 London within nine days after opening the books. The 
 merchants of Hamburgh and of Holland subscribed two 
 hundred thousand pounds. 
 
 Suchvwas the hopeful state of the new Company's af 
 fairs, when the English jealousy of trade interfered to 
 crush an adventure which seemed so promising. The 
 idea which then and long afterwards prevailed in England 
 was, that all profit was lost to the British empire which 
 did not arise out of commerce exclusively English. The 
 increase of trade in Scotland or Ireland they considered, 
 not as an addition to the general prosperity of the united 
 nations, but as a positive loss to England. The com- 
 merce of Ireland they had long laid under severe shackles, 
 to secure their own predominance ; but it was not so easy 
 io deal with Scotland, who had not only a separate Icgis
 
 DAIIIKX SCHEME. 177 
 
 I a tu re, but acknowledged no subordination or fealty to 
 England, being to all effects a foreign country, though 
 governed by the same King. 
 
 This new species of rivalry on the part of an old enemy, 
 was both irritating and alarming. The English had hith- 
 erto thought of the Scotch as a poor and fierce nation, 
 who, in spite of fewer numbers and far inferior resources, 
 was always ready to engage in war with her powerful 
 neighbour ; and it was embarrassing and provoking to find 
 the same nation display, in spite of its proverbial caution, 
 a hardy and ambitious spirit of emulating them in the paths 
 of commerce. 
 
 These narrow-minded, unjust, and ungenerous appre- 
 hensions, prevailed so widely throughout the English 
 nation, that both Houses of Parliament joined in an ad- 
 dress to the King, stating that the advantages given to the 
 newly-erected Scottish Indian and African Company, 
 would ensure that kingdom so great a superiority over the 
 English East India Company, that a great part of the 
 stock and shipping of England would be transported to 
 the north, and Scotland would become a free port for all 
 East Indian commodities, which they would be able to 
 furnish at a much cheaper rate than the English. By this 
 means, it was said, England would lose all the advantages 
 of an exclusive trade in the Eastern commodities, which 
 had always been a great article in her foreign commerce 
 and sustain infinite detriment in the sale of her domestic 
 manufactures. The King, in his gracious answer to this 
 address, acknowledged the justice of its statements, though 
 as void of just policy as of grounds in public law. It 
 bore, that " the King had been ill served in Scotland, but 
 hoped some remedies might still be found to prevent the 
 evils apprehended." To show that his resentment was 
 serious against his Scottish ministers, King William de- 
 prived Stair of his office as Secretary of State. Thus a 
 statesman, who had retained his place in spite of the 
 bloody deed of Gleocoe, was deprived of it for attempting 
 to serve his country, by extending her trade and national 
 importance. 
 
 18 2d SER.
 
 178 DARIKN SCHK.Mi:. 
 
 Tlie English Parliament persisted in the attempt to find 
 remedies for the evils which they were pleased to appre- 
 hend from the Darien scheme, by appointing a Committee 
 of Inquiry, with directions to summon before them such 
 persons as had, by subscribing to the Company, given en- 
 couragement to the progress of an undertaking, so fraught, 
 as they alleged with danger to th ! trade of England. 
 These persons being called before Parliament, and men- 
 aced with impeachment, were compelled to renounce their 
 connexion with the undertaking, which was thus deprived 
 of the aid of English subscriptions, to the amount, as al- 
 ready mentioned, of three hundred thousand pounds. 
 Nay, so eager did the English Parliament show themselves 
 in this matter, that they even extended their menace of 
 impeachment to some native-born Scotchmen, who had 
 offended the House by subscribing their own money to a 
 Company formed in their own country, and according to 
 their, own laws. 
 
 That this mode of destroying the funds of the concern 
 might be yet more effectual, the weight of the King's in- 
 fluence with foreign states was employed to diminish the 
 credit of the undertaking, and to intercept the subscrip- 
 tions which had been thence obtained. For this purpose, 
 the English envoy at Hamburgh was directed to transmit 
 to the Senate of that commercial city a remonstrance on 
 the part of King William, accusing them of having en- 
 couraged the commissioners of the Darien Company ; 
 requesting- them to desist from doing so ; intimating that 
 the plan, said to be fraught with many evils, had not the 
 support of his Majesty ; and protesting, that the refusal 
 of the senate to withdraw iheir countenance from the 
 scheme, would threaten an interruption to the friendship 
 which his Majesty desired to cultivate with the good city 
 of Hamburgh. The Senate returned to this application a 
 spirited answer : " The city of Hamburgh," they said, 
 " considered it as strange that the King of England should 
 dictate to them, a free people, with whom they were to 
 engage in commercial arrangements ; and were yet moi\J 
 Astonished to find themselves blamed for having entfn-d
 
 DAKIEN SCIIEMK. 179 
 
 into such engagements with a body of his own Scottish 
 subjects, incorporated under a special act of Parl'uiiient." 
 But as the menace of the envoy showed that the Darien 
 Company must be thwarted in all its proceedings by the 
 superior power of England, the prudent Hamburghers, 
 ceasing to consider it as a hopeful speculation, finally with- 
 drew their subscriptions. The Dutch, to whom Hilliam 
 could more decidedly dictate, from his authority with the 
 States of Holland as Stadtholder, and who were jealous, 
 besides, of the interference of the Scotch wtfh their own 
 East Indian trade, adopted a similar course, without re- 
 monstrance ; and thus the company, deserted both by 
 foreign and English associates, were crippled in their un- 
 dertaking, and left to their own limited resources. 
 
 The managers of the scheme, supported by the general 
 sense of the people of Scotland, made warm remonstran- 
 ces to King William on the hostile interference of his 
 Hamburgh envoy. In William's answer, he was forced 
 meanly to evade what he was resolved not to grant, and 
 yet could not in equity refuse. " The King," it was 
 promised, " would send instructions to his envoy, not to 
 make use of his Majesty's name or authority for obstruct- 
 ing their engagements with the city of Hamburgh." The 
 Hamburghers, on the other hand, declared themselves 
 ready to make good their subscriptions, if they had any 
 assurance from the King of England, that in so doing they 
 would be safe from his threatened resentment. But, in 
 spite of repeated promises, the envoy received no power 
 to make such declaration. Thus the Darien Company 
 lost the advantage of support, to the extent of two hundred 
 thousand pounds, subscribed in Hamburgh and Holland, 
 and that by the personal and hostile interference of their 
 own Monarch, under w r hose charter they were embod ed. 
 
 Scotland left to her unassisted resources would have 
 acted with less spirit but more wisdom, in renouncing Her 
 ambitious plan of colonization, sure as it now was to be 
 thwarted by the hostile interference of her unfriendly 
 neighbours. But those engaged in the scheme, compris- 
 ing great part of the nation, could not be rxprrtnl easii>
 
 (80 n VKII.V -< m. MI.. 
 
 * 
 
 to renounce hopes which had been so highly excited, and 
 enough remained of the proud and obstinate spirit with 
 which their ancestors had maintained their independence, 
 to induce the Scotch, even when thrown back on their lim- 
 ited means, to determine upon the establishment of their 
 favourite settlement at Darien, in spite of the desertion of 
 their English and foreign subscribers, and in defiance of 
 the invidious opposition of their powerful neighbours. 
 They caught the spirit of their ancestors, who, after losing 
 so many dreadful battles, were always found ready with 
 sword in hand, to dispute the next campaign. 
 
 The contributors were encouraged in this stubborn re- 
 solution, by the flattering account which was given of the 
 country to be colonized in which every class of Scotch- 
 men found something to flatter their hopes, and to capti- 
 vate their imagination. The description giving of Darien 
 by Paterson, was partly derived from his own knowledge, 
 partly from the report of bucaniers and adventurers, and 
 the whole was exaggerated by the eloquence of an able 
 man, pleading in behalf of a favourite project. 
 
 The climate was represented as healthy and cool, the 
 tropical heats being mitigated by the height of the coun- 
 try, and by the shade of extensive forests, which yet pre- 
 sented neither thicket nor underwood, but would admit a 
 horseman to gallop through them unimpeded. Those 
 acquainted with trade were assured of the benefits of a 
 safe and beautiful harbour, where the advantages of iree 
 commerce and universal toleration, would attract traders 
 from all the world, while the produce of China, Japan, 
 the Spice Islands, and Eastern India, brought to the bay 
 of Panama in the Pacific Ocean, might be transferred by 
 a safe and easy route across the Isthmus to the new set- 
 tlement, and exchanged for all the commodities of Eu- 
 rope. " Trade," said the commercial enthusiast, " will 
 beget trade money will beget money the commercial 
 world shall no longer wanTwork for their hands, but wil. 
 rather want hands for their work. This door of the seas, 
 and key of the unit erse, will enable its possessors to be- 
 come the legislators of both world?, and the aibitrators of
 
 DAKIEN SCHEME J81 
 
 commerce. The settlers at Darien will acquire a noblei 
 empire than Alexander or Caesar, without fatigue, ex- 
 pense, or danger, as well as without incurring the gui'lt and 
 bloodshed of conquerors." To those more vulgar minds 
 who cannot separate the idea of wealth from the precious 
 metals, the projector held out the prospect of golden 
 mines. The hardy Highlanders, many of whom embark- 
 ed in the undertaking, were to exchange their barren moors 
 for extensive savannahs of the richest pasture, with some 
 latent hopes of a creagh (or foray) upon Spaniards or In- 
 dians. The Lowland laird was to barter his meagre her- 
 itage, and oppressive feudal tenure, for the free possession 
 of unlimited tracts of ground, where the rich soil, three 
 or four feet deep, would return the richest produce for 
 the slightest cultivation. Allured by these hopes, many 
 proprietors actually abandoned their inheritances, and 
 many more sent their sons and near relations to realise 
 their golden hopes, while the poor labourers, who desired 
 no more than bread and freedom of conscience, shoul- 
 dered their mattocks, and followed their masters in the 
 path of emigration. 
 
 Twelve hundred men, three hundred of whom were 
 youths of the best Scottish families, embarked on board 
 ol five frigates, purchased at Hamburgh for the service 
 of the expedition ; for the King refused the Company 
 even the trifling accommodation of a ship of war, which 
 lay idle at Burntisland. They reached their destination 
 in safety, and disembarked at a place called Acta, where, 
 by cutting through a peninsula, they obtained a safe and 
 insulated situation for a town, called New Edinburgh, and 
 a fort named Saint Andrew. With the same fond re- 
 membrance of their native land, the colony itself was 
 called Caledonia. They were favourably received by 
 the native princes, from whom they purchased the land 
 they required. The harbour, which was excellent, was 
 proclaimed a free port ; and in the outset the happiest 
 result? were expected from the settlement.
 
 182 DARIEN SCHEME. 
 
 The arrival of the colonists took place in winter, wh^n 
 the air was cool and temperate ; but with the summei 
 returned the heat, and with the heat came the diseases of 
 a tropical climate. Those who had reported so favour- 
 ably of the climate of Darien, had probably been persons 
 who had only visited the coast during the healthy season, 
 or mariners, who, being chiefly on shipboard, find many 
 situations healthy, which prove pestilential to Europeans 
 residing on shore. The health of the settlers accustom- 
 ed to a cold and mountainous country, give way fast un- 
 der the constant exhalations of the sultry climate, and 
 even a more pressing danger arose from the want of food. 
 The provisions which the colonists had brought from 
 Scotland were expended, and the country afforded them 
 only such supplies as could be procured by the precarious 
 success of fishing and the chase. 
 
 This must have been foreseen ; but it was never doubted 
 that ample supplies would be procured from the English 
 provinces in North America, which afforded superabund- 
 ance of provisions, and from the West India colonies, 
 which always possessed superfluities. It was here that 
 the enmity of the King and the English nation met the 
 unfortunate settlers most unexpectedly, and most severely. 
 In North America, and in the West India Islands, the 
 most savage pirates and bucaniers, men who might be 
 termed enemies to the human race, and had done deeds 
 which seemed to exclude them from intercourse with 
 mankind, had nevertheless found repeated refuge, had 
 refitted their squadrons, and, supplied with every means 
 of keeping the sea, had set sail in a condition to commit 
 new murders and piracies. But no such relief was ex- 
 tended to the Scotch colonists at Darien, though acting 
 under a charter from theii Sovereign, and establishing a 
 peaceful colony according to the law of nations, and for 
 the universal benefit of mankind. 
 
 The governors of Jamaica, Barbadoes, and New York, 
 published proclamations, setting forth, that whereas it had 
 been signified to them (the governors) by the English 
 Secretary of State, that his Majesty was unacquainted
 
 nvim N SCHEME. 183 
 
 with the purpose and design of the Scotch settlers at 
 Daricn, (which was a positive falsehood,) and that it was 
 contrary to the peace entered into with his Majesty's al- 
 lies, (no European power having complained ol it,) and 
 that the governors of the said colonies had heen command- 
 ed not to afford them any assistance ; therefore, they did 
 strictly charge the colonists over whom they presided, to 
 hold no correspondence with the said Scots, and to give 
 them no assistance of arms, ammunition, provisions, or 
 any other necessary whatsoever, either by themselves or 
 any others for them ; as those transgressing the tenor of 
 the proclamation, would answer the breach of his Majes- 
 ty's commands at their highest peril. 
 
 These proclamations were strictly obeyed ; and every 
 species of relief, not only that which countrymen may 
 claim of their fellow-subjects, and Christians of their fel- 
 low-Christians, but such as the vilest criminal has a right 
 to demand, because still holding the same human shape 
 with the community whose laws he has offended, the 
 mere supply, namely of sustenance, the . meanest boon 
 granted to the meanest beggar } - was denied to the colo- 
 nists of Darien. 
 
 Famine aided the diseases which swept them off in 
 large numbers ; and undoubtedly they, who thus perish- 
 ed for want of the provisions for which they were willing 
 to pay, were as much murdered by King William's gov- 
 ernment, as if they had been shot in the snows of Glen- 
 coe. The various miseries of the colony became alto- 
 gether intolerable, and, after waiting for assistance eight 
 months, by far the greater part of the adventurers having 
 died, the miserable remainder abandoned the settlement. 
 
 Shortly after the departure of the first colony, another 
 body of fifteen hundred men, who had been sent out 
 from Scotland, arrived at Darien, under the hope of find- 
 ing their friends alive, and the settlement prosperous. 
 This reinforcement suffered by a bad passage, in which 
 one of their ships was lost, and several of their number 
 died. They took possession of the deserted settlement 
 with sad anticipations, and were not long in experiencing
 
 184 DARIEN SCHEME. 
 
 the wme miseries which had destroyed and dispersed 
 their predecessors. Two months after, they were joined 
 by Campbell of Finnab, with a third body of three hun- 
 dred men, chiefly from his own Highland estate, many 
 of whom had served under him in Flanders, where he 
 had acquired an honourable military reputation. It was 
 time the colony should receive such support, for, in addi- 
 tion to their other difficulties, they were now threatened 
 by the Spaniards. 
 
 Two years had elapsed since the colonization of Darien 
 had become a matter of public discussion, and notwith- 
 standing their feverish jealousy of their South American 
 settlements, the Spaniards had not made any remonstrance 
 against it. Nay, so close and intimate was the King of 
 Spain's friendship with King William, that it seems pos- 
 sible he might never have done so, unless the colonists 
 had been disowned by their sovereign, as if they had 
 been vagabonds and outlaws. But finding them so treat- 
 ed by their Prince, the Spaniards felt themselves invited 
 in a manner to attack them, and not only lodged a remon- 
 strance against the settlement with the English cabinet, 
 but seized one of the vessels wrecked on the coast, con- 
 fiscated the ship, and made the crew prisoners. The 
 Darien Company sent an address to the King by the 
 hands of Lord Basil Hamilton, remonstrating against this 
 injury ; but William, who studied every means to dis- 
 countenance the unfoitunate scheme,, refused, under the 
 most frivolous pretexts, to receive the petition. This be- 
 came so obvious, that the young nobleman determined 
 that the address should be received in season or out of 
 season, and, taking a public opportunity to approach the 
 King as he was leaving the saloon of audience, he obtrud- 
 ed himself and the petition upon his notice, with more 
 bluntness than ceremony. " That young man is too 
 bold," said William ; but, doing justice to Lord Basil's 
 motive, he presently added, " if a man can be too bold 
 in the cause of his country." 
 
 The fate of the colony now came to a crisis. The 
 Spaniaids had brought from the Pacific a force of six-
 
 DARIEN SCHEME. 185 
 
 teen hundred men, who were stationed at a place called 
 Tubucantee, waiting the arrival of an armament of eleven 
 ships, with troops on board, destined to attack Fort St. 
 Andrew. Captain Campbell, who, by the unanimous 
 consent of the settlers, was chosen to the supreme mili- 
 tary command, marched against them with two hundred 
 men, surprised and stormed their camp, and dispersed 
 their army, with considerable slaughter. But in return- 
 ing from his successful expedition, he had the mortifica- 
 tion to learn that the Spanish ships had arrived before 
 the harbour, disembarked their troops, and invested the 
 place. A desperate defence was maintained for six 
 weeks ; until loss of men, want of ammunition, and the 
 approach of famine, compelled the colonists to an hon- 
 ourable surrender. The survivors of this unhappy set- 
 tlement were so few, and so much exhausted, that they 
 were unable to weigh the anchor of the vessel in whict 
 they were to leave the fatal shore, without assistance from 
 the conquering Spaniards. 
 
 Thus ended the attempt of Darien, an enterprise splen- 
 did in itself, but injudicious, because far beyond the force 
 of the adventurous little nation by which it was under 
 taken. Paterson survived the disaster, and, even when 
 all was over, endeavoured to revive the scheme, by allow 
 ing the English three-fourths in a new Stock Company 
 But national animosities were too high to suffer his pro- 
 posal to be listened to. He died at an advanced age, 
 poor and neglected. 
 
 The failure of this favourite project, deep sorrow for 
 the numbers who had fallen, many of whom were men 
 of birth and blood, the regret for pecuniary losses, which 
 threatened national bankruptcy, and indignation at the 
 manner in which their charter had been disregarded, all 
 at once agitated from one end to the other a kingdom, 
 ivhich is to a proverb proud, poor, and warm in their 
 domestic attachments. Nothing could be heard through- 
 out Scotland but the language of grief and of resentment 
 Indsmnification, redress, revenge, were demanded by 
 906
 
 186 DARIKX SCHEME. 
 
 every mouth, and each hand seemed ready to vouch for 
 the justice of the claim. For many years, no such uni- 
 versal feeling had occupied the Scottish nation. 
 
 King William remained indifferent to all complaints oi 
 hardship and petitions of redress, unless when he showed 
 himself irritated by the importunity of the suppliants, and 
 hurt at being obliged to evade what it was impossible for 
 him, with the least semblance of justice, to refuse. The 
 motives of a Prince, naturally just and equitable, and 
 who, himself the President of a great trading nation, 
 knew well the injustice which he was committing, seem 
 to have been, first, a reluctance to disoblige the Kin? oi 
 Spain, but secondly, and in a much greater degree, what 
 William might esteem the political necessity of sacrificing 
 the interests of Scotland to that of her jealous neighbours 
 But what is unjust can never be in a true sense necessary 
 and the sacrifice of principle to circumstances will, in 
 every sense, and in all cases, be found as unwise as it is 
 unworthy. 
 
 It is, however, only justice to William to state that 
 though in the Darien affair he refused the Scots the jus- 
 tice which was unquestionably their due, he was never- 
 theless the only person in either kingdom who proposed, 
 and was anxious to have carried into execution, a union 
 between the kingdoms, as the only effectual means of 
 preventing in future such subjects of jealousy and con- 
 tention. But the prejudices of England as well as Scot- 
 land, rendered more inveterate by this unhappy quarrel, 
 disappointed the King's wise and sagacious overture. 
 
 Notwithstanding the interest in her welfare which King 
 William evinced by desiring the accomplishment of a 
 union, the people of Scotland could not forget the wrongs 
 whi-h they had received concerning the Darien project ; 
 and their sullen resentment showed itself in every man- 
 ner, excepting open rebellion, during the remainder of 
 his reign. 
 
 In this humour, Scotland became a useless possession 
 ro the King. William could not wring from that king- 
 dom one penny for the public service, or, what he would
 
 DEATH OF KING AYILLIAM. 1S7 
 
 nave valued more, one recruit to carry on his continental 
 campaigns. These hostile feelings subsisted to a late 
 period. 
 
 William died in 1701, having for six years and up- 
 wards survived his beloved consort Queen Mary. This 
 great King's memory was, and is justly honoured in 
 England, as their deliverer from slavery, civil and reli- 
 gious, and is almost canonized by the Protestants of Ire- 
 land, whom he rescued from subjugation, and elevated to 
 supremacy. But in Scotland, his services to church and 
 state, though at least equal to those which he rendered 
 to the sister countries were in a considerable degree ob- 
 literated by the infringement of their national rights, on 
 several occasions. Many persons, as well as your grand- 
 father, may recollect, that on the 5th of November 1788, 
 when a full century had elapsed after the Revolution, 
 some friends to constitutional liberty proposed that the 
 return of the day should be solemnized by an agreement 
 to erect a monument to the memory of King William, 
 and the services which he had rendered to the British 
 kingdoms. At this period an anonymous letter appeared 
 in one of the Edinburgh newspapers, ironically applaud- 
 ing the undertaking, and proposing as two subjects of 
 the entablature, for the base of the projected column, the 
 massacre of Glencoe, and the distresses of the Scottish 
 colonists at Darien. The proposal was abandoned as 
 soon as this insinuation was made public. You may ob- 
 serve from this how cautious a monarch should be of 
 committing wrong or injustice, however strongly recom- 
 mended by what may seem political necessity ; since the 
 recollection of such actions cancels the sense of the most 
 important national services, as in Scripture it is said, 
 " that a dead fly will pollute a rich and costly unguent." 
 
 James II. died only four months before his son-in-law 
 William. The King of France proclaimed James's son, 
 that unfortunate Prince of Wales, born in the very storm 
 of the Revolution, as William's successor in the king- 
 doms of England, Scotland, and Ireland ; a step which
 
 188 STATE OF AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 greatly irritated the three nations, to whom Louis seemed 
 6y this act disposed to nominate a sovereign. Anne, the 
 sister of the late Queen Mary, ascended the throne of 
 these kingdoms, according to the provision made at the 
 Revolution, by the legislature of both nations. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 State of Parties in Scotland English Act of Succes- 
 sion Opposition to it in Scotland, and Act of Secu- 
 rity Trial and Execution of Captain Green The 
 Union. 
 
 AT the period of Queen Anne's accession, Scotland 
 was divided into three parties. These were, first, the 
 Whigs, staunch favourers of the Revolution, in the former 
 reign called Williamites ; secondly, the Tories, or Jaco- 
 bites, attached to the late King ; and thirdly, a party 
 sprung up in consequence of the general complaints 
 arising out of the Darien adventure, who associated 
 themselves for asserting the rights and independence of 
 Scotland. 
 
 This latter association comprehended several men of 
 talent, among whom Fletcher of Salton, already men- 
 tioned, was the most distinguished. They professed, 
 that providing the claims and rights of the country were 
 ascertained and secured against the encroaching influence 
 of England, they did not care whether Anne or her 
 brother, the titular Prince of Wales, was called to the 
 throne. These statesmen called themselves the Country 
 Party, as embracing exclusively for their object the in- 
 terests of Scotland alone. This party, formed upon a 
 plan and principle of political conduct hitherto unknown 
 in the Scottish Parliament, was numerous, bold, active, 
 and eloquent ; and as a critical period had arrived, in 
 whim the measures to be taken in Scotland must neces- 
 sari I v greatly affect the united empire, her claims could
 
 THE ACT OP SUCCESSION. 
 
 169 
 
 no longer be treated with indifference or neglect, and her 
 patriots must be listened to. 
 
 The conjuncture which gave Scotland new conse 
 quence, was as follows : When Queen Anne was named 
 to succeed to the English throne, on the death of her 
 sister Mary, arid brother-in-law William III., she had a 
 family. But the last of her children had died before 
 her accession to the crown, and there were no hopes of 
 her having more ; it became therefore, necessary to 
 make provision for the succession to the crown when the 
 new Queen should die. The titular Prince of Wales, 
 was undoubtedly the next heir ; but he was a Catholic, 
 bred up in the Court of France, inheriting all the extrav- 
 agant claims, and probably the arbitrary sentiments, of 
 his father ; and to call him to the throne, would be in all 
 likelihood to undo ihe settlement between king and peo- 
 ple which had taken place at the Revolution. The Eng- 
 lish legislature therefore turned their eyes to another 
 descendant of King James VI., namely, Sophia, the 
 Electress Dowager of Hanover, grand-daughter of James 
 the First of England and Sixth of Scotland, by the mar- 
 riage of his daughter, Elizabeth, with the Prince Pala- 
 tine. This Princess was the nearest Protestant heir in 
 blood to Queen Anne, supposing the claims of the son of 
 James 1.1. were to be passed over. She was a Protestant, 
 and would necessarily, by accepting the crown, become 
 bound to maintain the civil and religious rights of the 
 nation, as settled at the Revolution, upon which her own 
 right would be dependent. For these weighty reasons 
 the English Parliament passed an act of Succession, 
 settling the crown, on the failure of Queen Anne ami her 
 issue, upon the Princess Sophia, Electress Dowager ol 
 Hanover, and her descendants. This act, most important 
 in its purport and consequences, was passed in June 1700. 
 It became of the veiy last importance, to induce the 
 legislature of Scotland to settle the crown of that king- 
 dom on the same series of heirs to which that of Eng- 
 land was destined. If, after the death of Queen Anne, 
 the Scottish nation, instead of uniting in choosing the
 
 190 orrosi TION TO 
 
 Electress Sophia, should call to the crown her >rother, 
 Uie titular Prince of Wales, the two kingdoms would 
 again be separated, after having been under the same sway 
 for a century, and all the evils of mutual hostilities, en- 
 couraged by the alliance and assistance of France, must 
 again distract Great Britain. It became necessary, 
 therefore, to try every species of persuasion to prevent 
 a measure fraught with so much mischief. 
 
 But Scotland was not in a humour to be either threat- 
 ened or soothed into the views of England on this impor- 
 tant occasion. The whole party of Anti-Revolutionists, 
 Jacobites, or, as they called themselves, Cavaliers, al- 
 though they thought it prudent for the present to submit 
 to Queen Anne, entertained strong hopes that she herself 
 was favourable to the succession of her brother after her 
 own death, while their principles dictated to them, that 
 the wrong, as they termed 'it, done to James II. ought as 
 speedily as possible to be atoned for by the restoration ot 
 his son. They were of course hostile to the proposed 
 Act of Settlement in favour of the Electress Sophia. 
 
 The country party, headed by the Duke of Hamilton 
 and the Marquis of Tweeddale, opposed the Act of Suc- 
 cession for different reasons. They resolved to take this 
 favourable opportunity to diminish or destroy the ascen- 
 dency' which had been exercised by England respecting 
 the affairs of Scotland, and which, in the case of Darien, 
 had been so unjustly and unworthily employed to thwart 
 and disappoint a national scheme. They determined to 
 obtain for Scotland a share in the plantation trade of Eng- 
 land, and a freedom from the clogs imposed by the Nav- 
 igation Act, and other regulations enacted to secure a 
 monopoly of trade to the English nation. Until these 
 points were determined in favour of Scotland, they re- 
 solved they would not agree to pass the Act of Succes- 
 sion, boldly alleging, that, unless the rights and privileges 
 of Scotland were to be respected, it was of little conse- 
 quence whether she chose a King from Hanover or Saint 
 Germains.
 
 THE ACT OF SUCCESSION. 191 
 
 The whole people of Scotland, excepting those actually 
 engaged in the administration, or expecting favours from 
 the court, resolutely adopted the same sentiments, and 
 seemed resolved to abide all the consequences of a sep- 
 aration of the two kingdoms, nay of a war with England, 
 rather than name the Electress Sophia successor to the 
 crown, till the country was admitted to an equitable por- 
 tion of those commercial privileges which England retain- 
 ed with a tenacious grasp. The crisis seemed an oppor- 
 tunity of Heaven's sending, to give Scotland consequence 
 enough to insist on her rights. 
 
 With this determined purpose, the country party in the 
 Scottish Parliament, instead of adopting, as the English 
 ministers eagerly desired the Protestant Act of Succes- 
 sion, proposed a measure called an Act of Security. By 
 this it was provided, that in case of Queen Anne's death 
 without children, the whole power of the crown should for 
 the time, be lodged in the Scottish Parliament, who were 
 directed to choose a successor of the royal line and pro- 
 testant religion. But the choice was to be made with this 
 special reservation, that the person so chosen should take 
 the throne only under such conditions of government as 
 should secure, from English or foreign influence, the hon- 
 our and independence of the Scottish crown and nation. 
 It was further stipulated, that the same person should be 
 incapable of holding the crowns of both kingdoms, unless 
 the Scottish people were admitted to share with the Eng- 
 lish the full benefits of trade and navigation. That the 
 nation might assume an appearance of strength necessary 
 to support such lofty pretensions, it was provided by the 
 same statute, that the whole men in Scotland capable of 
 bearing arms, should be trained to the use of ihem by 
 monthly drills ; and that the influence of England might 
 expire at the same time with the life of the Queen, it was 
 provided that all commissions of the offices of state, as 
 well as those of the military employed by them, should 
 cease and lose effect so soon as Anne's death took place. 
 
 This formidable act, which in fact hurled the gauntlet 
 of defiance at the far stronger kingdom of England, was
 
 192 THE ACT OF SECURITY. 
 
 debated in the Scottish Parliament, clause by clause, and 
 article by article, with the utmost fierceness and tumult. 
 " We were often," says an eye witness, " in the form 01 
 a Polish Diet, with our swords in our hands, or at least 
 our hands on our swords." 
 
 The Act of Security was carried in Parliament by a 
 decided majority, but the Queen's Commissioner refused 
 the royal assent to so violent a statute. The Parliament 
 on their part would grant no supplies, and when such were 
 requested by the members of administration, the hall rung 
 with the shouts of " Liberty before subsidy !" The Par- 
 liament was adjourned amidst the mutual discontent of both 
 ministers and opposition. 
 
 The dispute betwixt the two nations was embroiled 
 during the recess' of Parliament by intrigues. Simon 
 Fraser of Beaufort, afterwards Lord Lovat, had under- 
 taken to be the agent of France in a Jacobite conspiracy, 
 which he afterwards discovered to government, involving 
 in his accusation the Duke of Hamilton, and other noble- 
 men. The persons accused defended themselves by al- 
 leging that the plot was a mere pretext, devised by the 
 Duke of Queensberry, to whom it had been discovered 
 by Fraser. The English House of Peers, in allusion to 
 this genuine or pretended discovery, passed a vote, that a 
 dangerous plot had existed in Scotland, and that it had its 
 origin in the desire to overthrow the Protestant succession 
 in that nation. This resolution was highly resented by 
 the Scotch, being considered as an unauthorized interfer- 
 ence on the part of the English Peers, with the concerns 
 of another kingdom. Every thing seemed tending to a 
 positive rupture between the sister kingdoms ; and yet, 
 my dear child, it was from this state of things that the 
 healing measure of an incorporating Union finally took 
 its rise. 
 
 In the very difficult and critical conduct which the 
 Queen had to observe betwixt two high-spirited nations 
 whose true interest it was to enter into the strictest friend- 
 ship and alliance, but whose irritated passions for the 
 present breathed nothing but animosity, Arne had the good
 
 THE ACT OF SECURITY. 193 
 
 fortune to be assisted by the wise counsels of Godolphinj 
 one of the most sagacious and profound ministers who 
 ever advised a crowned head. By his recommendation, 
 the Queen proceeded upon a plan, which, while at first 
 sight it seemed to widen the breach between the two na- 
 tions, was in the end to prove the means of compelling 
 both to lay aside their mutual prejudices and animosities. 
 The scheme of a Union was to be proceeded upon, like 
 that of breaking two spirited horses to join in drawing 
 the same yoke, when it is of importance to teach them, 
 that by moving in unison, and at an equal pace, the task 
 will be easy to them both. Godolphin's first advice to 
 the Queen was, to suffer the Scottish Act of Security to 
 pass. The English, in their superior wealth and impor- 
 tance, had for many years looked with great contempt on 
 the Scottish nation as compared with themselves, and 
 were prejudiced against the Union, as a man of wealth 
 and importance might be against a match with a female 
 in an inferior rank of society. It was necessary to change 
 this feeling, and to show plainly to the English people, 
 that, if not allied to the Scotch in intimate friendship they 
 might prove dangerous enemies. 
 
 The Act of Security finally passed in 1704, having, 
 according to Godolphin's advice, received the Queen's 
 assent ; and the Scottish Parliament, as the provisions ot 
 the statute bore, immediately began to train their coun- 
 trymen, who have always been attached to the use of arms, 
 and easily submit to military discipline. 
 
 The effect of these formidable preparations, was to 
 arouse the English from their indifference to Scottish af- 
 fairs. Scotland might be poor, but her numerous levies, 
 under sanction of the Act of Security, were not the less 
 formidable. A sudden inroad on Newcastle, as in the 
 great Civil War, would distress London by interrupting 
 the coal trade ; and whatever might be the event, the 
 prospect of a civil war, as it might be termed, after so long 
 a tract of peace, was doubtful and dangerous.
 
 19 1 TRIAL OF CAPTAIN GUIiEIV. 
 
 The Englisli Parliament, therefore, showed a mixture 
 of resentment tempered with a desire of conciliation. 
 They enacted regulations against the Scottish trade, and 
 ordered the Border towns to be fortified and garrisoned ; 
 but they declined, at the same time, the proposed measure 
 of inquiring concerning the person who advised the Queen 
 to consent to the Act of Security. In abstaining from this, 
 they paid respect to Scottish independence, arid at the same 
 time, by empowering the Queen to nominate Commis- 
 sioners for a Union, they seemed to hold out the olive 
 branch to the sister kingdom. 
 
 While this lowering hurricane seemed to be gaining 
 strength betwixt the two nations, an incident took place 
 which greatly inflamed their mutual resentment. 
 
 A Scottish ship, equipped for a voyage to India, had 
 been seized and detained in the Thames, at the instance 
 of the English East India Company. The Scots were 
 not in a humour to endure this ; and by way of reprisal, 
 they took possession of a large Indian trader called the 
 Worcester, which had been forced into the Frith of Forth 
 by unfavourable weather. There was something suspi- 
 cious about this vessel. Her men were numerous, and had 
 the air of pirates. She was better provided with guu- 
 and ammunition, than is usual for vessels fitted out mere- 
 ly for objects of trade. A cipher was found among her 
 papers, for corresponding with the owners. All this inti- 
 mated, that the Worcester, as was not uncommon, under 
 the semblance of a trader, had been equipped for the pur- 
 pose of exercising, when in remote Indian latitudes, the 
 profession of a bucanier, or pirate. 
 
 One of the seamen belonging to this ship, named Haines, 
 having been ashore with some company, and drinking 
 rather freely, fell into a fit of melancholy, an effect which 
 liquor produces on some constitutions, and in that humour 
 told those who were present, that it was a wonder his 
 captain and crew were not lost at sea, considering the 
 wickedness which had been done aboard that ship which 
 was lying in the roadstead. Upon these and similar hints 
 of something do ibtful or illegal, the Scottish authorities
 
 TRIAL OF CAPTAIN GUEKtf. 195 
 
 imprisoned the officers and sailors of the Worcester, and 
 examined them rigorously, in order to discover what the 
 expressions of their shipmate referred to. 
 
 Among other persons interrogated, a black slave of the 
 Captain, (surejy a most suspicions witness,) told a story, 
 Jiat the Worcester, during their late voyage, had, upon the 
 Coromandel coast, near Calicut, engaged, and finally 
 ooarded and captured, a vessel bearing a red flag, and 
 manned with English, or Scotch, or at least with people 
 speaking the English language ; that they had thrown the 
 crew overboard, and disposed of the vessel and the cargo 
 to a native merchant. This account was in some degree 
 countenanced by the surgeon of the Worcester, who, in 
 confirmation of the slave's story, said, that, being on shore 
 in a harbour on the coast of Malabar, he heard great guns 
 at sea $ and saw the Worcester, which had been out on 
 a cruize, come in next morning with another vessel under 
 her stern, which he understood was afterwards sold to a 
 native merchant. Four days afterwards he went on board, 
 and finding her decks lumbered with goods, made some 
 inquiry how they had come by them, but was checked for 
 doing so by the mate. Farther, the surgeon stated, that 
 he was called to dress the wounds of several of the men, 
 but the captain and mate forbade him to ask, or the pa- 
 tients to answer, how they came by their hurts. 
 
 Another black servant, or slave, had not himself seen 
 the capture of the supposed ship, or the death of the 
 crew, but had been told of it by the first informer, short- 
 ly after it happened. Lastly a witness declared that 
 Green, the captain of the vessel, had shown him a seal 
 bearing the arms of the Scottish African and Indian 
 Company. 
 
 This story was greatly too vague to have been admitted 
 to credit upon any occasion when men's minds were cool 
 and their judgments unprejudiced. But the Scottish 
 nation was almost frantic with resentment on the subject 
 of Darien. One of the vessels belonging to that unfor- 
 tunate Company, called the Rising Sun, and commanded 
 by Captain Robert Drummond, had been amissing foi
 
 196 TRIAL OF CAPTAIN GREEN. 
 
 some time ; and it was received as indisputable truth, thai 
 this must have been the vessel taken by the Worcester, 
 and that her master and men had been murdered, accord- 
 ing to the black slave's declaration. 
 
 Under this cloud of prejudice, Green, with his mate 
 and crew, fifteen men in all, were brought to trial for 
 their lives. Three of these unfortunate men, Linstead, 
 the supercargo's mate, Bruckley, the cooper of the Wor- 
 cester, and Haines, whose gloomy hints gave the first 
 suspicion, are said to have uttered declarations before trial, 
 confirming the truth of the charge, and admitting that ihe 
 vessel so seized upon was the Rising Sun, and that Cap- 
 tain Robert Drum mood and his crew were the persons 
 murdered in the course of that act of piracy. But Haiues, 
 seems to have laboured under attacks of hypochondria, 
 which sometimes induce men to suppose themselves spec- 
 tators and accomplices in crimes which have no real ex- 
 istence. Linstead, like the surgeon May, only spoke to a 
 hearsay story, and that of Bruckley was far from being 
 clear. It will hereafter be shown, that if any ship were 
 actually taken by Green and his crew, it could not be that 
 of Captain Drummond, which met a different fate. This 
 makes it probable, that these confessions were made by 
 the prisoners only in the hope of saving their own lives, 
 endangered by the fury of the Scottish people. And it 
 is certain that none of these declarations were read, or 
 produced as evidence, in court. 
 
 The trial of these persons took place before the High 
 Court of Admiralty ; and a jury, upon the sole evidence 
 of the black slave, for the rest was made up of sug- 
 gestions, insinuations, and reports, taken from hearsay, 
 brought in a verdict of Guilty against Green and all his 
 crew. The government were disposed to have obtained a 
 reprieve from the crown for the prisoners, whose guilt was 
 so very doubtful ; but the mob of Edinburgh, at all times 
 a fierce and intractable multitude, arose in great numbers, 
 and demanded their lives with such an appearance of un- 
 controllable fury, that the authorities became intimidated, 
 and yielded. Captain Green himself, his principal mate
 
 THE UNION. 197 
 
 and another of the condemned persons, were dragged to 
 Leith, loaded by the way with curses and execrations, 
 and even struck at and pelted by the furious populace ; 
 and finally executed in terms of their sentence, denying 
 with their last breath the crime which they were accus- 
 ed of. 
 
 The ferment in Scotland was somewhat appeased by 
 this act of vengeance, for it has no title to be called a 
 deed of justice. The remainder of Green's crew were 
 dismissed after a long imprisonment, during the course of 
 which cooler reflection induced doubts of the validity of 
 the sentence. At a much later period it appeared, that, 
 if the Worcester had committed an act of piracy upon 
 any vessel, it could not at least have been on the Rising 
 Sun, which ship had been cast away on the island of 
 Madagascar, when the crew were cut off by the natives, 
 excepting Captain Drummond himself, whom Drury, an 
 English seaman in similar circumstances found alive upon 
 the island.* 
 
 This unhappy affair, in which the Scotch, by their pre- 
 cipitate and unjust procedure, gave the deepest offence 
 to the English nation, tended greatly to increase the mu- 
 tual prejudices and animosity of the people of both coun- 
 tries against each other. But the very extremity of their 
 mutual enmity inclined wise men of both countries to be 
 more disposed to submit to a Union, with all the incon- 
 veniences and difficulties which must attend the progress 
 of such a measure, rather than that the two divisions of the 
 same island should again engage in intestine war. 
 
 The principal obstacle to a Union, so far as England 
 was concerned, lay in a narrow-minded view of the com- 
 mercial interests of the nation, and a fear of the loss which 
 might accrue by admitting the Scotch to a share of their 
 plantation trade, and other privileges. But it was not 
 difficult to show, even to the persons most interested, thai 
 
 * Tb.s, however, sur poses Drury's Adventures in Madagascai to be a gen- 
 aim production, of winch there may be doubts.
 
 193 Tin; UNION 
 
 public credit and private property would suffer immeas- 
 urably more by a war with Scotland, than by sacrificing 
 to peace and unity some share in the general commerce. 
 It is true, the opulence of England, its command of men, 
 the many victorious troops which she then had in the field, 
 under the best commanders in Europe, seemed to ensure 
 final victory, if the two nations should come to open war. 
 But a war with Scotland was always more easily begun 
 than ended ; and wise men saw it would be better to se- 
 cure the friendship of that kingdom by an agreement on 
 the basis of mutual advantage, than to incur the risk of 
 invading, and the final necessity of securing it as a con- 
 quered country, by means of forts and garrisons. In the 
 one case, Scotland would become an integral part of the 
 empire ; in the other, must long remain a discontented 
 and disaffected province, in which the exiled family of 
 James II. and his allies the French, would always find 
 friends and correspondents. English statesmen were 
 therefore desirous of a Union. But they stipulated that 
 it should be of the most intimate kind ; such as should 
 free England from the great inconvenience arising from 
 the Scottish nation possessing a separate legislature and 
 constitution of her own ; and demanded that the supreme 
 power of the state should be reposed in a Parliament of 
 the united countries, to which Scotland might send a cer- 
 tain proportion of members, but which should meet in the 
 English capital, and be of course more immediately under 
 the influence of the English councils and interests. 
 
 The Scottish nation, on the other hand, which had of 
 late become very sensitive to the benefits of foreign trade, 
 were extremely desirous of a federative union, which 
 should admit them to these advantages. But while they 
 grasped at a share in the English trade, they desired that 
 Scotland should retain her rights as a separate kingdom, 
 making as heretofore her own laws, and adopting her own 
 public measures, uncontrolled by the domination of En-. 
 e;land. Here, therefore, occurred a point of dispute, 
 which was necessarily to be settled previous to the farthei 
 progress of the treaty.
 
 THE UNION. J99 
 
 In order to adjust the character of the proposed Union- 
 treaty in this and other particulars, Commissioners for 
 both kingdoms were appointed to make a preliminary in- 
 quiry, and report upon the articles which ought to be 
 adopted as the foundation of the measure. 
 
 The English and Scottish Commissioners being both 
 chosen by the Queen, that is, by Godolphin and the Queen's 
 ministers, were indeed taken from different parties, but 
 carefully selected so as to preserve a majority of those 
 who could be reckoned upon as friendly to the treaty, and 
 who would be sure to do their utmost to remove such ob- 
 stacles, as might arise in the discussion. 
 
 I will briefly tell you the result of these numerous and 
 anxious debates. The Scotch Commissioners, after a 
 vain struggle, were compelled to submit to an incorporat- 
 ing Union, as that which alone would ensure the purposes 
 of combining England and Scotland into one single nation, 
 to be governed in its political measures by the same Par- 
 liament. It was agreed, that, in contributing to the sup- 
 port of the general expenses of the kingdom, Scotland 
 should pay a certain proportion of taxes which were ad- 
 justed by calculation. But in consideration that the Scotch, 
 whose revenue, though small, was unencumbered, must 
 thereafter become liable for a share of the debt which 
 England had incurred since the Revolution, a large sum 
 of ready money was to be advanced to Scotland as an 
 equivalent for thnt burden, which sum, however, was to be 
 repaid to England gradually from the Scottish revenue. 
 So far all went on pretty well between the two sets of 
 Commissioners. The English statesmen also consented, 
 with no great scruple, that Scotland should retain her own 
 national Presbyterian Church, her own system of civil and 
 municipal laws, which is totally different from that of 
 Enghnd, and her own courts for the administration of jus- 
 tice. The only addition to her judicial establishment; 
 was the erection of the Court of Exchequer, to decide in 
 fiscal matters, and which follows the English forms. 
 
 But the treaty was nearly broken off, when the English 
 announced, that, in the Parliament of the United King-
 
 200 THE UNION. 
 
 doms, Scotland should only enjoy a representation equal 
 to one thirteenth of the whole number. The proposal 
 was received by the Scottish Commissioners with a burst 
 of surprise and indignation. It was loudly urged that a 
 kingdom resigning her ancient independence, should ;it 
 least obtain in the great national council a representation 
 bearing the same proportion which the population of Scot- 
 land did to that of England, which was one to six. It 
 this rule, which seems the fairest that could be found, had 
 been adopted, Scotland would have sent sixty-six mem- 
 bers to the United Parliament. But the English refused 
 peremptorily to consent to the admission of more than 
 forty-five at the very utmost ; and the Scottish Commis- 
 sioners were informed that they must either acquiesce in 
 this proposal, or declare the treaty at an end. With more 
 prudence, perhaps, than spirit, they chose to yield the 
 point, rather than run the risk of frustrating the Union 
 entirely. 
 
 The Scottish Peerage were to preserve all the other 
 privileges of their rank, but their right of sitting in Parlia- 
 ment was to be greatly limited. Only sixteen of their 
 number were to enjoy seats in the British House of Lords, 
 and these were to be chosen by election from the whole 
 body. Such Peers as were amongst the number of Com- 
 missioners were induced to consent to this degradation of 
 their order, by the assurance that they themselves should 
 be created British Peers, so as to give to them personally 
 by charter, the right which the sixteen could only acquire 
 by election. 
 
 To smooth over the difficulties, and reconcile the Scot- 
 tish Commissioners to the conditions which appeared hard 
 to them, and above all, to afford them some compensation 
 for the odium which they were certain to incur, they were 
 given to understand that a considerable sum out of the 
 equivalent money would be secured for their peculiar 
 gratification. We might have compassionated these states- 
 men, Tiany of whom were able and eminent men, had 
 they, from the sincere conviction that Scotland was under 
 vhe necessity of submitting to the Union at all even's, ap-
 
 THE UNION. 201 
 
 repted the terms which the English Commissioners dic- 
 tated. But when they united with the degradation of their 
 country, the prospect of obtaining personal wealth and 
 private emoluments, we cannot acquit them of the charge 
 of having sold their own honour and that of Scotland. This 
 point of the treaty was kept strictly secret, nor was it fixed 
 how the rest of the equivalent was to he disposed of. So 
 there remained a disposable fund of about three hundred 
 and sixty thousand pounds, which was to be bestowed on 
 Scotland in indemnification for the losses of Darien, and 
 other gratuities, upon which all those inclined to sell their 
 votes, and whose interest was worth purchasing, might fix 
 their hopes and expectations. 
 
 When the articles, agreed upon by the Commissioners 
 as the basis of a Union, were made public in Scotland, it 
 became plain that few suffrages would be obtained in fa- 
 vour of the measure, save by menaces or bribery, unless 
 perhaps from a very few, who, casting their eyes far be- 
 yond the present time, considered the uniting of the island 
 of Britain as an object which could not be purchased too 
 dearly. The people in general, had awaited, in a state 
 of feverish anxiety, the nature of the propositions on 
 which this great national treaty was to rest j but even 
 th-se who had expected the most unfavourable terms, 
 were not prepared for the rigour of the conditions which 
 had been adopted, and the promulgation of the articles 
 gave rise to the most general expressions, not only of 
 discontent, but of rage and fury against the proposed 
 Union. 
 
 There was indeed no party or body of men in Scotland, 
 who saw their hopes or wishes realized in the plan adopted 
 by the Commissioners. I will show you, in a few words 
 their several causes of dissatisfaction : 
 
 The Jacobites saw in the proposed Union, an effectual 
 bar to the restoration of the Stewart family. If the treaty 
 was adopted, the two kingdoms must necessarily be gov- 
 erned by the English act, settling the succession of the 
 rrown on the Electors of Hanover. They were there- 
 fore resolved to oppose it to the utmost. The Episco- 
 007
 
 202 THE UNION. 
 
 palian clergy could hardly be said to have had a separate 
 interest from the Jacobites, and, like them, dreaded the 
 change of succession which must take place at the death 
 of Queen Anne. The Highland chiefs, also, the most 
 zealous and formidable portion of the Jacobite interest, 
 anticipated in the Union a fall of their own patriarchal 
 power. They remembered the times of Cromwell, who 
 bridled the Highlands by garrisons filled with soldiers, and 
 foresaw that when Scotland came to be a part of the 
 British nation, a large standing army, at the constant com- 
 mand of Government, must gradually suppress the war- 
 like independence of the clans. 
 
 The Presbyterians of the Church of Scotland, both 
 clergy and laity, were violently opposed to the Union, 
 from the natural apprehension, that so intimate an incor- 
 poration of two nations was likely to end in a uniformity 
 of worship, and that the hierarchy of England would, in 
 that case, be extended to the weaker and poorer country 
 of Scotland, to the destruction of the present establish- 
 ment. This fear seemed -the better founded, as the 
 Bishops or Lords Spiritual formed a considerable por- 
 tion of what was proposed to be the legislation of both 
 kingdoms ; so that Scotland, in the event of the Union 
 taking place, must to a certain extent, fall under the do- 
 minion of prelates. These apprehensions extended to 
 the Cameronians themselves, who, though having so many 
 reasons to dread the restoration of the Stewarts, and to 
 favour the Protestant succession, looked, nevertheless, on 
 the proposed Union as almost a worse evil, and a still 
 further departure from the engagements of the Solemn 
 League and Covenant, which, forgotten by all other par- 
 ties in the nation, was still their professed rule of action. 
 
 The nobility and barons of the kingdom were alarmed, 
 lest they should be deprived, after the example of Eng- 
 and, of those territorial jurisdictions and privileges which 
 preserved their feudal influence ; while, at the same time, 
 ihe transference of the seat of government to London, 
 must necessarily be accompanied with the abolition ol 
 nany posts and places of honour and profit, ronne -.ted
 
 THE UN10Y. 203 
 
 the administration of Scotland, as a separate king- 
 dom, and which were naturally bestowed on her nooility. 
 The Government, therefore, must have so much less to 
 giveaway, the men of influence so much less to receive ; 
 and those who might have expected to hold situations ol 
 power and authority in their own country while indepen- 
 dent, were likely to lose by the Union both power and 
 patronage. 
 
 The persons who were interested in commerce com- 
 plained, that Scotland was only tantalised by a treaty, 
 which held out to the kingdom the prospect of a free 
 trade, when, at the same time, it subjected them to all the 
 English burdens and duties, raising the expenses of du- 
 ties to a height which the country afforded no capital to 
 defray ; so that the apprehension became general, that 
 they would lose the separate trade which they now pos- 
 sessed, without obtaining any beneficial share in that of 
 England. 
 
 Again the whole body of Scottish trades-people, arti- 
 snns, and the like, particularly those of the metropolis, 
 foresaw, that in consequence of the Union, a large pro- 
 portion of the nobility and gentry would be withdrawn 
 from their native country, some to attend their duties in 
 the British Parliament, others from the various motives of 
 ambition, pleasure, or vanity, which induce persons of 
 comparative wealth to frequent courts and reside in cap- 
 itals. The consequences to be apprehended were, that 
 the Scottish metropolis must be deserted by all that were 
 wealthy and noble, and deprived at once of the consider- 
 a'ion and advantages of a capital ; and that the country 
 nr/ist suffer in proportion, by the larger proprietors ceasing 
 i<- reside on their estates, and going to spend their rents 
 i.i England. 
 
 These were evils apprehended by particular classes of 
 Tien. But the loss and disgrace to be sustained by the 
 ancient kingdom, which had so long defended her liberty 
 and independence against England, was common to all her 
 chilli en ; and should Scotland at this crisis voluntarily 
 sun 3nder her rank among nations, for no immediate ad-
 
 204 1 HE UNION. 
 
 vantages that could be anticipated, excepting su/h &s 
 night be obtained by private individuals, who had votes 
 to sell, and consciences that permitted them to traffic in 
 such ware, each inhabitant of Scotland must have his 
 .hare in the apprehended dishonour. Perhaps too, those 
 ielt it most, who, having no estates or wealth to lose, 
 t.laimed yet a share, with the greatest and the richest, in 
 the honour of their common country. 
 
 The feelings of national pride were inflamed by those 
 of national prejudice and resentment. The Scottish peo- 
 ple complained that they were not only required to sur- 
 render their public rights, but to yield them up to the very 
 nation who had been most malevolent to them in all re- 
 spects ; who had been their constant enemies during a 
 thousand years of almost continual war ; and who, since 
 they were united under the same crown, had shown in the 
 massacre of Glencoe, and the disasters of Darien, at what 
 a slight price they held the lives and rights of their north- 
 ern neighbours. The hostile measures adopted by the 
 English Parliament, their declarations against the Scot- 
 tish trade, their preparations for war on the Border, 
 were all circumstances which envenomed the animosity or 
 the people ; while the general training which had taken 
 place under the Act of Security, made them confident in 
 their own military strength, and disposed to stand their 
 ground at all hazards. 
 
 Moved by anxiety, doubt, and apprehension, an unpre- 
 cedented confluence of people, of every rank, sex, and age, 
 thronged to Edinburgh from all corners of Scotland, to 
 attend the meeting of the Union Parliament, which met 
 3d October, 1706. 
 
 The Parliament was divided, generally speaking, into 
 three parties. The first were the courtiers or followers 
 of Government, determined at all events to carry through 
 the Union, on the terms proposed by the Commissioners. 
 This party was led by the Duke of Queensberry, Lord 
 High Commissioner, a person of talents and accomplish- 
 ments, and great political address, who had filled the 
 highest situations during the ast reigns. He wa? assisted
 
 THE UNION. 205 
 
 by the Earl of Mar Secretary of State, who was ins- 
 pected to be naturally much disposed to favour the exiled 
 family of Stewart, but who, sacrificing his political prin- 
 ciples to love of power or of emolument, was deeply con- 
 cerned in the underhand and private management by which 
 the Union was carrying through. But it was chiefly the 
 Earl of Stair, long left out of administration on account of 
 his scandalous share in the massacre of Glencoe, and the 
 affair of Darien, but now trusted and employed, who, by 
 his address, eloquence, and talents, contributed to accom- 
 plish the Union, and gained on that account, from a great 
 majority of his displeased countrymen, the popular nick- 
 name of the Curse of Scotland. 
 
 The party opposing the Union consisted of those who 
 were attached to the Jacobite interest, joined with the 
 country party, who, like Fletcher of Salton, resisted the 
 Union, not on the grounds of the succession to the crown, 
 but as destructive of the national independence of the 
 kingdom. They were headed by the Duke of Hamilton, 
 the premier Peer of Scotland, an excellent speaker, and 
 admirably qualified to act as the head of a party in ordi- 
 nary times, but possessed of such large estates as render- 
 ed him unwilling to take any decisive steps by which his 
 property might be endangered. To this it seems to have 
 been owing, that the more decided and effectual meas- 
 ures, by which alone the Union treaty might have been 
 defeated, though they often gained his approbation for a 
 time, never had his hearty or effectual support in the end. 
 
 There was a third party, greatly smaller than either of 
 the others, but which secured to themselves a degree of 
 consequence by keeping together, and affecting to act in- 
 dependently of the rest, from which they were termed 
 the Squadrone Volante. They were headed by the Mar- 
 quis of Tweeddale, and consisted of the members of an 
 administration of which the Marquis had been the head, 
 but which were turned out of office to make way for the 
 Duke of Queensberry and the present ruling party 
 These politicians were neither favourers of the Court which
 
 206 THK UNION. 
 
 had dismissed them, nor of the opposition party. Tu 
 speak plainly, in a case where their country demanded of 
 them a decisive opinion, the Sijuadrone seem to have 
 waited to see what course of conduct would best serve 
 their own interest. We shall presently see that they were 
 at least decided to support the treaty hy a reconciliation 
 with the court. 
 
 The unpopularity of the proposed measure throughout 
 Scotland in general, was soon made evident by the temper 
 of the people of Edinburgh. The citizens of the better 
 class exclaimed against the favourers of the Union, as 
 willing to surrender the sovereignty of Scotland to tier 
 ancient rival, whilst the populace stated the same idea in 
 a manner more obvious to their gross capacities, and cried 
 out that the Scottish crown, sceptre, and sword, were 
 about to be transferred to England, as they had been in 
 the time of the usurper, Edward Longshanks. 
 
 On 23d October, the popular fury was at its height. 
 The people crowded together in the High Street and Par- 
 liament Square, and greeted their representatives as friends 
 or enemies to their country, according as they opposed or 
 favoured the Union. The Commissioner was bitterly re- 
 viled and hooted at, while, in the evening of the day, sev- 
 eral hundred persons escorted the Duke of Hamilton to 
 his lodgings, encouraging him by loud huzzas to stand by 
 the cause of national independence. The rabble next 
 assailed the house of the Lord Provost, destroyed the 
 windows, and broke open the doors, and threatened him 
 with instant death as a favourer of the obnoxious treaty. 
 
 Other acts of riot were committed, which wero not ul- 
 timately for the advantage of the anti-unionists, since they 
 were pleaded as reasons for introducing strong bodies ol 
 troops into the city. These mounted guard in the prin- 
 cipal streets ; and the Commissioner dared only pass to 
 his coach through a lane of soldiers under arms, and was 
 then driven to his lodgings in the Canongate amidst re- 
 peated volleys of stones and roars of execration. The 
 l)uke of Hami'ton continued to have his escort of shout 
 ing apprentices, who attended him home every evening.
 
 THE UNION. 207 
 
 But the posting of the guards overawed opposition both 
 within and without the Parliament ; and, notwithstanding 
 the remonstrances of the opposition party, that it was an 
 encroachment both on the privileges of the city of Ed- 
 inburgh and of the Parliament itself, the hall of meeting 
 continued to be surrounded by a military force. 
 
 The temper of the kingdom of Scotland at large was 
 equally unfavourable to the treaty of Union with that oi 
 the capital. Addresses against the measure were poured 
 into tne House of Parliament from the several shires, 
 counties, burshs, towns, and parishes. Men, otherwise 
 the most opposed to each other, Whig and Tory, Jacobite 
 and Williamite, Presbyterian, Episcopalian, and Camero- 
 nian, all agreed in expressing their detestation of the treaty, 
 and imploring the Estates of Parliament to support and 
 preserve entire the sovereignty and independence of the 
 Crown and kingdom, with the rights and privileges of 
 Parliament, valiantly maintained through so many ages, 
 so that the succeeding generations might receive them 
 unimpaired ; in which good cause the petitioners offered 
 to concur with life and fortune. While addresses of this 
 description loaded the table of the Parliament, the pro- 
 moters of the Union could only procure from a few per- 
 sons in the town of Ayr a single address in favour of the 
 measure, which was more than overbalanced by one of 
 an opposite tendency, signed by almost all the inhabitants 
 of the same burgh. 
 
 The Unionists., secure in their triumphant majorities, 
 treated these addresses with scorn. The Duke of Ar- 
 gyle said, they were only fit to be made kites of, while 
 the Earl of Marchmont proposed to reject them as sedi- 
 tious, and, as he alleged, got up collusively, and express- 
 ing the sense of a party rather than of the nation. To 
 this it was boldly answered by Sir James Foulis of Col- 
 linton, that, if the authenticity of the addresses were chal- 
 lenged, he had no doubt that the parties subscribing would 
 attend the right honourable House in person, and enforce 
 their petitions by their presence. This was an alarming 
 suggestion, and ended the debate.
 
 208 
 
 HIE UNIOV. 
 
 Amongst these addresses against the Union, there w.'s 
 one from the commission of the General Assembly, which 
 was supposed to speak the sentiments of most of the cler- 
 gymen of the Church of Scotland, who saw great danger 
 to the Presbyterian Church in the measure under delib- 
 eration. But much of the heat of the clergy's opposition 
 was taken off by the Parliament's passing an act for the 
 Security of the Church of Scotland as by law established 
 at the Revolution, and making this declaration an integral 
 part of the treaty of Union. This cautionary measure 
 seems to have been deemed sufficient ; and although some 
 presbyteries sent addresses against the Union, and manv 
 ministers continued to preach violently on the subject, yet 
 the great body of the clergy ceased to vex themselves and 
 others with the alarming tendency of the measure, so far 
 as religion and church discipline were concerned. 
 
 But the Cameronians remained unsatisfied, and not 
 having forgotten the weight which their arms had produced 
 at the time of the Revolution, they conceived that such a 
 crisis of public affairs had again arrived as required their 
 active interference. Being actually embodied and pos- 
 sessed of arms, they wanted nothing save hardy and dar- 
 ing leaders to have engaged them in actual hostilities. 
 They were indeed so earnest in opposing the Union, that 
 several hundreds of them appeared in formal array, 
 marched into Dumfries, and, drawing up in military order 
 around the cross of the town, solemnly burnt the articles 
 of Union, and published a testimony, declaring that the 
 Commissioners who adjusted them must have been either 
 silly, ignorant, or treacherous, and protesting, that if an 
 attempt should be made to impose the treaty on the na- 
 tion by force, the subscribers were determined that they 
 :md their companions would not become tributaries and 
 bond slaves to their neighbours, without acquitting them- 
 Bolves as became men and Christians. After publishing 
 this threatening manifesto, the assembly dispersed. 
 
 Tin's conduct of t ae Cameronians led to a formidable 
 conspiracy. One Cunningham of Eckatt, of that sect al 
 die tune of the Revolution, afterward a settler at Darirn.
 
 THE UMO.V. 209 
 
 offered his services to the heads of the opposition party, 
 to lead to Edinburgh such an army of Cameronians as 
 should disperse the Parliament, and break off the treaty 
 of Union. He was excited with money and promises, 
 and encouraged to collect the sense of the country on his 
 proposal. 
 
 This agent found the west country ripe for revolt, and 
 ready to join with any others who might take arms against 
 the Government. Cunningham required that a body of 
 the Athole Highlanders should secure the town of Stirling, 
 in order to keep the communication open between the 
 Jacobite chiefs and the army of western insurgents, whom 
 he himself was in the first instance to command. And 
 had this design taken effect, the party which had suffered 
 so much during the late reigns of the Stewarts, and the 
 mountaineers, who had been ready agents in oppressing 
 them, would have been seen united in a common cause, 
 so strongly did the universal hatred to the Union over- 
 power all other party feelings at this time. 
 
 A day was named for the proposed insurrection in the 
 west, on which Cunningham affirmed he would be able to 
 assemble at Hamilton, which was assigned as the place of 
 rendezvous, seven or eight thousand men, all having guns 
 and swords, several hundreds with musket and bayonet, 
 and about a thousand on horseback ; with which army he 
 proposed to march instantly to Edinburgh, and disperse 
 the Parliament. The Highlanders were to rise at the same 
 time ; and there can be little doubt that the country in 
 general would have taken arms. Their first efforts would 
 probably have been successful, but the event must have 
 been a bloody renewal of the wars between England and 
 Scotland. 
 
 The Scottish Government were aware of the danger, 
 and employed among the Cameronians two or three agents 
 of their own, particularly one Ker of Kersland, who pos- 
 sessed some hereditary influence among them. The pet- 
 sons so employed did not venture to cross the humour of 
 the people, or argue in favour of the Union ; but thoy
 
 210 THK UNION. 
 
 endeavoured in various ways to turn the suspicion oi the 
 Cameronians upon the Jacobite nobility and gentry, tc 
 awaken hostile recollections of the persecutions they had 
 undergone, in which the Highlanders had been willing ac- 
 tors, and to start other causes of jealousy amongst people 
 who were more influenced by the humour of the moment 
 than any reasoning which could be addressed to them. 
 
 Notwithstanding the underhand practices of Kersland, 
 and although Cunningham himself is said to have been 
 gained by the Government, the scheme of rising went 
 forward, and the day of rendezvous was appointed ; \\ hen 
 the Duke of Hamilton, either reluctant to awaken the 
 flames of civil war, or doubting the strength of Eckatt's 
 party, and even its leader's fidelity, sent messengers into 
 the west country to counte/mand and postpone the intend- 
 ed insurrection ; in which he so far succeeded, that only 
 four hundred men appeared at the rendezvous, instead of 
 twice as many thousands ; and these, finding their pur- 
 pose frustrated, dispersed peaceably. 
 
 Another danger which threatened the Government 
 passed as easily over. An address against the Union had 
 been proposed at Glasgow, where, as in every place ol 
 importance in Scotland, the treaty was highly unpopular. 
 The magistrates, acting under the directions of the Lord 
 Advocate, endeavoured to obstruct the proposed petition, 
 or at least to resist its being expressed in the name of the 
 city. At this feverish time there was a national fast ap- 
 pointed to be held, and a popular preacher made choice 
 of a text from Ezra, ch. viii. 21, " Then 1 proclaimed 
 a fast there, at the river of Ahava, that we might afflict 
 ourselves before our God, to seek of him a right way lor 
 us and for our little ones, and for all our substance." Ad- 
 dressing himself to the people, who were a'ready suffi- 
 ciently irritated, the preacher told them that prayers would 
 riot do, addresses would not do prayer was indeed a 
 duty, but it must be seconded hy exertions of a very differ- 
 ent nature ; " wherefore," he concluded, " up, and be 
 valiant for the city of our God." 
 
 The populace of the city, taking this as a direct en-
 
 THE UNION. 21 J 
 
 couiagement to insurrection, assembled in a state of up- 
 roar attacked and dispersed the guards, plundered the 
 houses of the citizens of arms ; in short took possession 
 of the town, and had every body's life and goods at their 
 mercy. No person of any consequence appeared at the 
 head of these rioters ; and, after having put themselves 
 under the command of a mechanic named .Finlay, wlic 
 had formerly been a sergeant, they sent small parties tc 
 the neighbouring towns to invite them to follow their ex- 
 ample. In this they were unsuccessful ; the proclama- 
 tions of Parliament and the adjournment of the rendez- 
 vous appointed by the Cameronians, having considerably 
 checked the disposition to insurrection. In short, the 
 Glasgow riot died away, and the insurgents prevented 
 bloodshed by dispersing quietly ; Finlay and another ol 
 their leaders were seized by a party of dragoons from 
 Edinburgh, conveyed to that city, and lodged in the 
 castle. And thus was extinguished a hasty fire, which 
 might otherwise have occasioned a great conflagration. 
 
 To prevent the repetition of such dangerous examples 
 as the rendezvous at Hamilton and the tumults at Glas- 
 gow, the Parliament came to the resolution of suspending 
 that clause of the Act of Security which appointed gen- 
 eral military musters throughout Scotland ; and enacted 
 instead, that in consideration of the tumults which had 
 taken place, all assembling in arms, without the Queen's 
 special order, should be punished as an act of high treason. 
 This being made public by proclamation, put a stop to 
 future attempts at rising. 
 
 The project of breaking off the treaty by violence be- 
 ing now wholly at an end, those who opposed the meas- 
 ure determined upon a more safe and moderate attempt to 
 frustrate it. It was resolved, that as many of the nobility, 
 barons, and gentry of the realm as were hostile to the 
 Union, should assemble at Edinburgh, and join in a peace- 
 ful, but firm and personal remonstrance to the Lord Coni- 
 rnissioner, praying that the obnoxious measure might be 
 postponed until the subscribers should receive an answer 
 to a national address which they designed to presnit to
 
 THK UNIO.V. 
 
 the Queen at this interesting crisis. It was supposed lha 
 the intended application to the Commissioner would be 
 BO strongly supported, that either the Scottish Government 
 would not venture to favour a Union in the face of such 
 general opposition, or that the English ministers them- 
 selves might take the alarm, and become doubtful of ihe 
 efficacy or durability of a treaty, to which the bulk of 
 Scotland seemed so totally averse. About four hundred 
 nobles and gentlemen of the first distinction assembled at 
 Edinburgh, for the purpose of attending the Commission- 
 er with the proposed remonstrance ; arid an address was 
 drawn up, praying her Majesty to withdraw her counte- 
 nance from the treaty, and to call a new Parliament. 
 
 When the day was appointed for executing the intended 
 plan, it was interrupted by the Duke of Hamilton, who 
 would on no terms agree to proceed with it, unless a clause 
 was inserted in the address expressive of the willingness 
 of the subscribers to settle the succession on the House 
 of Hanover. This proposal was totally at variance with 
 the sentiments of the Jacobite part of those who support- 
 ed the address, and occasioned great and animated dis- 
 cussions among them, and considerable delay. In the 
 meanwhile, the Commissioner, observing the city unusu- 
 ally crowded with persons of condition, and obtaining in- 
 formation of the purpose for which so many gentlemen 
 had repaired to the capital, made an application to Parlia- 
 ment, setting forth that a convocation had been held at 
 Edinburgh of various persons, under pretence of requiring 
 personal answers to their addresses to Parliament, which 
 was likely to endanger the public peace ; and then ob- 
 tained a proclamation against any meetings under such 
 pretexts during the sitting of Parliament, which he rep- 
 resented as both inexpedient and contrary to law. 
 
 While the Lord Commissioner was thus strengthening 
 his party, the anti-unionists were at discord among them- 
 selves. The Dukes of Hamilton and Athole quarrelled 
 on account of the interruption given by the former to the 
 original plan of remonstrance ; and the country gentle* 
 aien who had attended on their summons, returned home
 
 THIS UMOX. 21? 
 
 mortified, disappointed, and, as many of them thought, 
 deceived by their leaders. 
 
 Time was meanwhile flying fast, and Parliament, in 
 discussing the separate articles of the Union, had reach- 
 ed the twenty-second, being that designed to fix the amount 
 of the representation which Scotland was to possess in the 
 British Parliament, and, on account of the inadequacy 
 of such representation, the most obnoxious of the whole. 
 
 The Duke of Hamilton, who still was, or affected to be, 
 firmly opposed to the treaty, now assembled the leaders 
 of the opposition, and entreated them to forget all former 
 errors and mismanagement, and to concur in one common 
 effort for the independence of Scotland. He then pro- 
 posed that the Marquis of Annandale should open their 
 proceedings, by renewing a motion formerly made for the 
 succession of the crown in the House of Hanover, which 
 was sure to be rejected if coupled with any measure in- 
 terrupting the treaty of Union. Upon this the Duke pro- 
 posed, that all the opposers of the Union, after joining in 
 a very strong protest, should publicly secede from the 
 Parliament ; in which case it was likely, either that the 
 government party would hesitate to proceed farther in a 
 matter which was to effect such total changes in the con- 
 stitution of Scotland, or that the English might become of 
 opinion, that they could not safely carry on a national 
 treaty of such consequence with a mere faction, or party 
 of the Parliament, when deserted by so many persons of 
 weight and influence. 
 
 The Jacobites objected to this course of proceeding, 
 on account of the preliminary motion, which implied a 
 disposition to call the House of Hanover to the success- 
 ion, provided the Union were departed from by the Gov- 
 ernment The Duke of Hamilton replied, that as the 
 proposal was certain to be rejected, it would draw with i> 
 no obligation on those by whom it was made. He said 
 that such an offer would destroy the argument for forcing 
 on the Union, which had so much weight in England, 
 where it was believed that if the treaty did not take place 
 the kingdoms of England and Scotland would pass tudit-
 
 214 THE UNION. 
 
 ferent monarchs. He then declared frankly, that if the 
 English should not discontinue pressing forward the Union 
 alter the formal protestation and succession which lie pro 
 posed, he would join with the Jacobites for calling in the 
 son of James II., and was willing to venture as far as any 
 one for that measure. 
 
 It is difficult to suppose that the Duke of Hamilton was 
 not serious in this proposal ; and there seems to he little 
 doubt that if the whole body opposing the Union had 
 withdrawn in the manner proposed, the Commissioner 
 would have given up the treaty, and prorogued the Par- 
 liament. But the Duke lost courage, on its being inti- 
 mated to him, as the report goes, by the Lord High Com- 
 missioner, in a private interview, that his Grace would he 
 held personally responsible, if the treaty of Union was 
 interrupted by adoption of the advice which he had given, 
 and that he should be made to suffer for it in his English 
 property. Such at least is the general report ; and such 
 an interview could be managed without difficulty, as both 
 these distinguished persons were lodged in the Palace of 
 Holyrood. 
 
 Whether acting from natural instability, whether intim- 
 idated by the threats of Queensberry, or dreading to en- 
 counter the difficulties when at hand, which he had de- 
 spised when at a distance, it is certain that Hamilton was 
 the first to abandon the course which he had himself re- 
 commended. On the morning appointed for the execution 
 of their plan, when the members of opposition had mus- 
 tered all their forces, and were about to go to Parliament, 
 attended by great numbers of gentlemen and citizens, pre- 
 pared to assist them if there should be any attempt to 
 arrest any of their number, they learned that the Duke of 
 Hamilton was so much afflicted with the toothach, that he 
 could not attend the House that morning. "His friends 
 hastened to his chambers, and remonstrated with him so 
 bitterly on this conduct, that he at length came down to 
 the House ; but it was only to astonish them by asking 
 whom they had pitched upon to present their protestation. 
 They answered, with extreme surprise, that they had
 
 THE UNIOJf. 215 
 
 reckoned on his Grace, as the person of the first rank in 
 Scotland, taking the lead in the measure which he had 
 himself proposed. The Duke persisted, however, in re- 
 fusing to expose himself to the displeasure of the court 
 by being foremost in breaking their favourite measure, but 
 offered to second any one whom the party might appoint 
 to offer the protest. During this altercation the business of 
 the day was so far advanced, that the vote was put and 
 carried on the disputed article respecting the representa- 
 tion, and the opportunity of carrying the scheme into ef- 
 fect was totally lost. 
 
 The members who had hitherto opposed the Union, 
 oeing thus three times disappointed in their measures by 
 the unexpected conduct of the Duke of Hamilton, now 
 felt themselves deserted and betrayed. Shortly after- 
 wards, most of them retired altogether from their attend- 
 ance on Parliament ; and those who favoured the treaty 
 were suffered to proceed in their own way, little encum- 
 bered either by remonstrance or opposition. 
 
 Almost the only remarkable change in the articles of 
 the Union, besides that relating to Church government, 
 was made to quiet the minds of the common people, dis- 
 turbed, as I have already mentioned, by rumours that the 
 Scottish regalia were to be sent into England. A special 
 article was inserted into the treaty, declaring that they 
 should on no occasion be removed from Scotland. At 
 the same time, lest the sight of these symbols of national 
 sovereignty should irritate the jealous feelings of the Scot- 
 tish people, they were removed from the public view, and 
 secured in a strong chamber, called the Crown-room, in 
 the Castle of Edinburgh, where they remained so long 
 in obscurity, that their very existence was generally doubt- 
 ed. But his present Majesty having directed that a Com- 
 mission should be issued to search after these venerable 
 relics, they were found in safety in the place where hey 
 had been deposited, and are now made visible to the public 
 under proper precautions. 
 
 It had been expected that the treaty of Union would 
 have mrt with delays or alterations in the English Par-
 
 216 THE 17NIO.V. 
 
 liament. But it was approved of there by a large major- 
 ity ; and the exemplification or copy was sent down to he 
 registered by the Scottish Parliament. This was done 
 on the iI5th March ; and on the 22d April, the Parlia- 
 ment of Scotland adjourned for ever. Seafield, the Chan- 
 cellor, on an occasion which every Scotchman ought to 
 have considered as a melancholy one, behaved himself 
 with a brutal levity, which in more patriotic times would 
 have cost him his life on the spot, and said that " there 
 was an end of an auld sang." 
 
 On the 1st of May, 1707. the Union took place, amid 
 the dejection and despair which attends on the downfall 
 of an ancient state, and under a sullen expression of dis- 
 content, which was far from promising the course of pros- 
 perity which the treaty finally produced. 
 
 And here I must point out to you at some length, that, 
 though there never could be a doubt that the Union in 
 itself was a most desirable event, yet all parties concerned, 
 by the erroneous mode in which it was pushed on and 
 opposed, threw such obstacles in the way of the benefits 
 it was calculated to produce, as to interpose a longer in- 
 terval of years betwixt the date of the treaty and the 
 national advantages arising out of it, than the term spent 
 by the Jews in the wilderness ere they attained the prom- 
 ised land. In both cases the frowardness and passions ot 
 men rejected the blessings which Providence held out to 
 them. 
 
 To understand this, you must know, that while the va- 
 rious plans for interrupting the treaty were agitated with- 
 out doors, the debates in Parliament were of the most 
 violent kind. " It resembled," said an eye-witness, " not 
 the strife of tongues, but the clash of arms ; and the hatred, 
 rage, and reproach which we exhausted on each other, 
 seemed to be those of civil war rather than of political 
 discussion." Much talent was displayed on both sides. 
 The promoters of the Union founded their arguments not 
 merely on the advantage, but the absolute necessity, ol 
 associating the independence of the two nations for theii 
 mutual honour and defence ; arguing, that otherwise they
 
 THE UNION. 2 IT 
 
 must renew the scenes of past ages, rendered dreadful by 
 the recollection of three hundred and fourteen battles 
 fought between two kindred nations, and more than a mil- 
 lion of men slain on both sides. The imaginary sacrifice 
 of independent sovereignty, was represented as being in 
 reality an escape from the petty tyranny of their own pro- 
 vincial aristocracy, and a most desirable opportunity of 
 having the ill-defined, and worse administered, government 
 of Scotland, blended with that of a nation, the most jeal- 
 ous of her rights and liberties which the world ever saw. 
 
 While the Unionists pointed out the general utility of 
 the amalgamation of the two nations into one, the oppo- 
 sition dwelt on the immediate disgrace and degradation 
 which the measure must instantly and certainly impose on 
 Scotland, and the distant and doubtful nature of the ad- 
 vantages which she was to derive from it. 
 
 Lord Belhaven, in a celebrated speech, which made 
 the strongest impression on the audience, declared that he 
 saw, in prophetic vision, the peers of Scotland, whose 
 ancestors had raised tribute in England, now walking in 
 the Court of Requests like so many English attorneys, 
 laying aside their swords lest self-defence should be called 
 murder he saw the Scottish barons with their lips pad- 
 locked, to avoid the penalties of unknown laws he saw 
 the Scottish lawyers struck mute and confounded at being 
 subjected to the intricacies and technical jargon of an 
 unknown jurisprudence he saw the merchants excluded 
 from trade by the English monopolies the artisans ruined 
 for want of custom the gentry reduced to indigence 
 the lower ranks to starvation and beggary. " But above 
 all, my lord," continued the orator, " I think I see our 
 ancient mother Caledonia, like Caesar, sitting in the midst 
 of our Senate, ruefully looking round her, covering her- 
 self with her royal mantle, awaiting the fatal blow, and 
 breathing out her last with the exclamation, ' And thou 
 too, my son !' ' 
 
 These prophetic sounds made the deepest impression 
 on the House, until the effect was in some degree dispelled 
 
 908
 
 21 S THE UNIOW. 
 
 by Lord Marchmont, who, rising to reply, said, he too had 
 been much struck by the noble Lord's vision, but that he 
 conceived the exposition of it might be given in a few 
 words, " I awoke, and behold it was a dream." But 
 though Lord Belhaven's prophetic harangue might be 
 termed in one sense a vision, it was one which continued 
 to exist for many years ; nor was it until half a century 
 had passed away, that the Union began to produce those 
 advantages to Scotland which its promoters had fondly 
 hoped, and the fruits of which the present generation has 
 so fully reaped. We must seek in the temper of the va- 
 rious parties interested in carrying on and concluding this 
 great treaty, the reasons which for so many years pre- 
 vented the incalculable benefits which it was expected to 
 bestow, and which have been since realized. 
 
 The first, and perhaps most fatal error, arose out of the 
 conduct and feelings of the English, who were generally 
 incensed at the conduct of the Scotch respecting the Act 
 of Security, and in the precipitate execution of Green 
 and his companions, whom their countrymen, with some 
 reason, regarded as men murdered on a vague accusation, 
 merely because they were Englishmen. This, indeed, 
 was partly true ; but though the Scotch acted cruelly, it 
 should have been considered that they had received much 
 provocation, and were in fact only revenging, though rashly 
 and unjustly, the injuries of Darien and Glencoe. But 
 the times were unfavourable to a temperate view of the 
 subject in either country. The cry was general through- 
 out England, that Scotland should be conquered by force 
 of arms, and secured by garrisons and forts, as in the 
 days of Cromwell. Or, if she was to be admitted to a 
 Union, there was a general desire on the part of the Eng- 
 lish to compel her to receive terms as indifferent as could 
 be forced upon an inferior and humbled people. 
 
 These were not the sentiments of a profound states- 
 man, and could not be those of Godolphin. He must 
 have known, that the mere fact of accomplishing a treaty 
 could no more produce the cordial and intimate state ol 
 unity which was the point he aimed at, than the putting a
 
 THE UJVION. 219 
 
 pair of quarrelsome hounds into the same (ouples could 
 reconcile the animals to each other. It may, therefore, 
 be supposed, that, left to himself, so great a statesman 
 would have tried by the most gentle means, to reconcile 
 Scotland to the projected measure ; that he would have 
 been studious to efface every thing that appeared humil- 
 iating in the surrender of national independence ; would 
 have laboured to smooth those difficulties which prevented 
 the Scotch from engaging in the English trade ; and have 
 given her a more adequate representation in the national 
 Parliament, which, if arranged according to her propor- 
 tion of public expenses would only have made the incon- 
 siderable addition of fifteen members to the House of 
 Commons. In fine, the English minister would probably 
 have endeavoured to arrange the treaty on such terms of 
 advantage for the poorer country, as should, upon its being 
 adopted, immediately prove to the Scotch, by its effects, 
 that it was what they ought for their own sakes to have 
 desired and concurred in. In this manner, the work of 
 many years would have been, to a certain degree antici- 
 pated, and the two nations would have felt themselves 
 united in interest and in affection also, soon after they had 
 become nominally one people. Whatever England might 
 have sacrificed in this way, would have been gained by 
 Great Britain, of which England must necessarily be the 
 predominant part, and as such would receive the greatest 
 share of benefit by whatever promoted the good of the 
 whole. 
 
 But though Godolphin's wisdom might have carried 
 him to such conclusions, the passions and prejudices of 
 the English nation would not have permitted him to act 
 upon them. They saw, or thought they saw, a mode of 
 subjecting entirely a nation, which had been an old enemy 
 aiid a troublesome friend, and they, very in) politically, 
 were more desirous to subdue Scotland than to reconcile 
 her. In this point the English statesman committed a 
 gross error, though rendered perhaps inevitable, by the 
 temper acd prejudices of the nation.
 
 220 THE UNION. 
 
 The Scottish supporters of the Union might, ou their 
 part, have made a stand for better terms in behalf of their 
 country. And it can scarcely be supposed that the Eng- 
 lish would have broken off a treaty of such importance, 
 either for the addition of a few members, or for such ad- 
 vantages of commerce as Scotland might reasonably hav6 
 demanded. But these Scottish Commissioners, or a large 
 part of them, had, unhappily, negotiated so well for them- 
 selves, that they had lost all right of interfering on the 
 part of their country. We have already explained the 
 nature of the equivalent, by which a sum of four hundred 
 thousand pounds, or thereabouts, presently advanced by 
 England, but to be repaid out of the Scottish revenue 
 within fifteen years, was to be distributed, partly to repay 
 the losses sustained by the Darien Company, partly to 
 pay arrears of public salaries in Scotland, most of which 
 were due to members of the Scottish Parliament j and 
 finally, to satisfy such claims of damage arising out of the 
 Union, as might be stated by any one whose support was 
 worth having. 
 
 The distribution of this money constituted the charm 
 by which refractory Scottish members were reconciled to 
 the Union. I have already mentioned the sum of thirty 
 thousand pounds, which was apportioned to the Commis- 
 sioners who originally laid the basis of the treaty. I may 
 add, there was another sum of twenty thousand pounds, 
 employed to secure to the measures of the court the party 
 called the Squadrone Volante. The account of the mode 
 in which this last sum was distributed has been published, 
 and it may be doubted whether the descendants of the 
 noble lords and honourable gentlemen who accepted this 
 gratification, would be most shocked at the general fact of 
 their ancestors being corrupted, or scandalized at the 
 paltry amount of the bribe. One noble lord accepted of so 
 low a sum as eleven guineas, and the bargain was the more 
 hard, as he threw his religion into the bargain, and from 
 Catholic turned Protestant, to make his vote a good one, 
 
 Other disgraceful gratuities might be mentioned, anu 
 there were manv more which cannot be traced. The
 
 THE UNION. 221 
 
 treasure for making good the equivalent was sent down in 
 wagons from England, to be deposited in the Castle ol 
 Edinburgh, and never surely was such an importation re- 
 ceived with such marks of popular indignation. The 
 dragoons who guarded the wains were loaded with exe- 
 crations, and the carters, nay, even their poor horses, were 
 nearly pelted to death for being accessory in bringing to 
 Edinburgh the price of the independence of the kingdom. 
 
 The statesmen who accepted of these gratuities, under 
 whatever name disguised, were marked by the hatred of 
 the country, and did not escape reproach even in the 
 bosom of their own families.* The advantage of their 
 services was lost by the general contempt which they had 
 incurred. And here 1 may mention, that while carrying 
 on the intrigues which preceded the passing of the Union, 
 those who favoured that measure were obliged to hold 
 their meetings in secret and remote places of rendezvous, 
 lest they should have been assaulted by the rabble. There 
 is a subterranean apartment in the High Street, (No. 177,) 
 called the Union-Cellar, from its being one of their haunts ; 
 and the pavilion in the garden belonging to the Earl ot 
 Murray's hotel in the Canongate, is distinguished as hav- 
 ing been used for this purpose. 
 
 Men who had thus been bought and sold, forfeited every 
 right to interfere in the terms which England insisted up- 
 on, and Scotland, therefore, lost that support, which, had 
 these statesmen been as upright and respectable as some 
 of them were able and intelligent, could not have failed 
 to be efficacious. But, despised by the English, and de- 
 tested by their own country, fettered, as Lord Belhaven 
 expressed it, by the golden chain of equivalents, the 
 Unionists had lost all freedom of remonstrance, and had 
 no alternative left, save that of fulfilling the unworthy bar- 
 gain they had made. 
 
 The opposition party also had their share of error on 
 
 * The Chancellor, Lord Seafield, objected to his brother, Colonel I'iUncx 
 Og-ilvie, that he derogated from his rank, by traflirking in cattle in ~omo 
 extent. " Take your own tale hame, my lord ;md brother," answered tin; 
 Colonel, 'n his Angus-shire dialect. " I only sell notet (nolt,) but you seJ' 
 uaations '
 
 222 THE UNIOX. 
 
 this occasion. If they had employed a part of tiat zea 
 \viili which they vindicated the shadowy rights of Scot- 
 land's independence, (which after all, resolved itself into 
 the title of being governed like a province, by a viceroy,) 
 in order to oDtain some improvement upon the more un- 
 favourable clauses of the treaty ; if, in other words, they 
 had tried to make a more advantageous agreement instead 
 .rf breaking it off entirely, they might perhaps have gained 
 considerable advantages for Scotland. But the greater 
 part of the anti-unionists were also Jacobites, and there- 
 fore, far from desiring to render the treaty more unex- 
 ceptionable, it was their object that it should be as odious 
 to the people of Scotland as possible, so that the discontent 
 excited by it, should turn to the advantage of the exiled 
 family. 
 
 Owing to all these adverse circumstances, the interests 
 of Scotland were considerably neglected in the treaty ol 
 Union ; and the nation, instead of regarding it as an iden- 
 tification of the interests of both kingdoms, considered it 
 as a total surrender of their independence, by their false 
 and corrupted statesmen, into the hand of their proud and 
 powerful rival. The gentry of Scotland looked on them- 
 selves as robbed of their natural consequence, and dis- 
 graced in the eyes ol' the country ; the merchants and 
 tradesmen lost the direct trade between Scotland and for- 
 eign countries, without being for a length of time able to 
 procure a share in that with the English colonies. The 
 populace in ihe towns, and the peasants throughout the 
 kingdom, conceived the most implacable dislike to the 
 Union ; factions, hitherto most bitterly opposed to each 
 other, seemed ready to rise on the first opportunity which 
 might occur for breaking it ; and the cause of the Stewart 
 family gained a host of new adherents, more from dislike 
 to the Union than any partiality to the exiled prince. A 
 long train of dangers and difficulties was the consequence, 
 which tore Scotland to pieces with civil discord, and ex- 
 posed England also to much suffering. Three rebellions, 
 two of which assumed a very alarming character, may, 
 w a great measure be 5et down to the unpopularity o/
 
 THE UNION. 223 
 
 this national act ; and the words, " Prosperity to Scot- 
 land, and No Union," is the favourite inscription to be 
 found on Scottish sword-blades, betwixt 1707 and J7K> 
 
 But although the passions and prejudices of mankind 
 could for a time delay and interrupt the advantages to be 
 derived from this great national measure, it was not the 
 gracious will of Providence that, being thus deferred, they 
 should be ultimately lost. 
 
 The unfortunate insurrection of 1745-6, destroyed en- 
 tirely the hopes of the Scottish Jacobites, and occasioned 
 the abolition of the hereditary jurisdictions and military 
 tenures, which had been at once dangerous to the gov- 
 ernment, and a great source of oppression to the subject. 
 This, though attended with much individual suffering, was 
 the final means of at once removing the badges of feudal 
 tyranny extinguishing civil war, and assimilated Scotland 
 to the sister-country. After this period, the advantages 
 of the Union were gradually perceived and fully expe- 
 rienced. 
 
 It was not, however, till the accession of his late Ma- 
 jesty, th-it the beneficial effects of this great national treaty 
 were generally felt. From that period there was awaken- 
 ed a spirit of industry formerly unknown in Scotland ; 
 and ever since, the two kingdoms of England and Scot- 
 land, incalculably to their mutual benefit, have been grad- 
 ually forgetting former subjects of discord, and uniting 
 cordially, as o*ne people, in the improvement and defence 
 of the island which they inhabit. 
 
 This happy change from discord to friendship, from 
 war to peace, and from poverty and distress to national 
 prosperity, was not attained without much peril and haz- 
 ard ; and should 1 continue these volumes from the period 
 of the Union to that of the Accession of George the Third, 
 I can promise you, the addition will be neither the least 
 interesting, nor the least useful of your Grandfather's 
 labours in your behalf. 
 
 FINIS.
 
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