THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 
 1 
 
 ^Dc^^.w^ ^^ 
 
 c-<_ 
 
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 C
 
 f itt f nss Series. 
 
 BACON'S 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 
 
 OF 
 
 KING HENRY VII. 
 
 WITH NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 THE REV. J. RAVVSON LUMBY, D.D. 
 
 NORRISIAN PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY, 
 FELLOW OF ST CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 EDITED FOR THE SVNDICS OF THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 OTambntige : 
 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 ?LonDou: C J. CLAY and SONS, 
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 
 
 AVE MARIA LANE. 
 
 1889 
 
 {AH Kif^hts reserved.^
 
 €ambril)gc 
 
 VRINTEU BY C. J. CLAV M.A. AND SONS 
 AT THE ONIVERSITV PRESS
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 m 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 . V XVI 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Chronological Table xvii— xx 
 
 Text •. . i— 221 
 
 Notes 223—299 
 
 Index of Names 301—307 
 
 Glossary . • 308— 3 iS 
 
 100.8SG7
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. Of the Aidhor. 
 
 Franxis Bacon, afterwards Baron Verulam and Viscount 
 St Albans, was born 22nd Jan., 1560— i, at York House, 
 in the Strand. His father was Sir Nicholas Bacon, Queen 
 Elizabeth's Lord Keeper, and his mother, who was the 
 second wife of Sir Nicholas, was Anne, daughter of Sir 
 Anthony Cooke. She was a lady of considerable learning, as 
 was shewn by her translation of Jewel's Apology from Latin 
 into English. Bacon's youth was passed partly in London, 
 and partly at the country residence of the family at Gorham- 
 bury near St Albans. At twelve years old he became a member 
 of Trinity College, Cambridge, and continued his studies in 
 that University until his sixteenth year. The father designed 
 his son for diplomatic life, and therefore after entering him of 
 Gray's Inn, sent him to France as one of the suite of Sir 
 Amyas Paulet, who went to Paris as English ambassador in 
 September, 1576. But after little more than two years of such 
 life, the prospects of young Bacon became utterly changed 
 by the sudden death of his father in February, 1578—9. By this 
 event Bacon was compelled to return to London, and settled 
 down at Gray's Inn to the study of the law as the profession 
 by which he was to live, his father's death having occurred 
 before it had been possible for him to make provision for the 
 children of his second marriage. Bacon was admitted to the 
 bar in 15S2, but strove, along with his legal occupations, to 
 carry on those studies in which his soul delighted, and con- 
 
 B. H. b
 
 VI lA^TR OD UCTION. 
 
 ceived at this early time the plan of his great work, and began 
 to put some contributions towards it into form, to the first of 
 which he gave the ambitious title of '''■Teviporis Partus Maxi- 
 jniis." Two years later he became a member of Parliament, 
 his first constituency being Melcombe Regis in Dorsetshire, 
 and his parliamentary duties for various boroughs (Taunton, 
 Liverpool, Middlesex, Ipswich, St Albans, Sec.) continued with- 
 out a break for more than thirty years. \n 1589 the gift of the 
 reversion of the sinecure office of Clerk of the Council in the 
 Star Chamber seemed to promise an income which would 
 relieve him from the necessity of following the law as his 
 career, but the office did not become vacant for nearly twenty 
 years, and thus the world was deprived in great part of 
 those services to philosophic research which unbroken leisure 
 would have enabled Bacon to render. Endeavours were made, 
 between 1594 and 1596, to obtain for him one of the offices of 
 Attorney-General, Solicitor-General, or Master of the Rolls, 
 which were all vacant during those two years, but the reign of 
 Elizabeth came to an end before such fortune fell to Bacon's 
 lot. 
 
 It was in January, 1597, that he published the first edition 
 of his Essays, the first of those works by which his name 
 became famous in the list of English men of letters. This 
 edition comprised only ten essays, nor were the essays in- 
 creased to their present number or brought into their present 
 form till the third edition in 1625. These short compositions 
 are masterpieces both of thought and expression ; every sen- 
 tence is replete with ideas enough for a sermon, and each 
 expression is as polished as if the author had designed it to 
 become a maxim. In 1605 appeared, in English, his two books, 
 " 0/ the Proficiencc and Advatmccment of Learning^ They 
 were dedicated to King James, and form the basis of what was 
 afterwards expanded into the nine books (in Latin), '■'■ De 
 Angmentis SciciitiarumP This was meant to form one section 
 of the great work which Bacon planned, but never was able 
 to complete, the " Instauratio Magna," or a great reconstruc- 
 tion of Science.
 
 INTRODUCTION. vii 
 
 In 1606 Bacon married Alice Barnham, the daughter of a 
 London merchant, and in the next year he was made Solicitor- 
 General. Soon after (in 1608), when it was not so much 
 needed, the long expected Clerkship of the Star-chamber fell 
 vacant, and thus an addition of from ^1500 to ^2000 a year was 
 made to Bacon's income. We cannot here do more than 
 enumerate his further legal promotions and the names of his 
 chief works. In 1613 he was advanced to be Attorney-General, 
 in 161 7 to be Lord Keeper, and in the January of the following 
 year he was made Lord Chancellor. In this year too, on 
 July 9, he became a Peer, taking the title of Baron Verulam, 
 from the ancient name of the borough near which he had lived 
 in youth and with which a long period of his parliamentary 
 life had also been connected. In 1620 he presented to the 
 king his '"'•Novum Organum" a work (a fragment only of his 
 great design) on which he had been engaged, in such leisure 
 as he could find, for thirty years, and which forms the second, 
 and most complete, section of the '''' InstaiiratioP In January, 
 1620 — I, he was created Viscount St Albans; but his career, 
 Avhich for more than a dozen years had been growing more 
 and more illustrious, was soon to be terribly changed. On the 
 15th March in this year he was charged, in the Report of a 
 Parliamentary Committee, with certain acts of corruption in 
 the administration of justice, and the enquiry terminated on 
 May 3rd in a sentence which removed him for ever from 
 official life. In a brief notice like the present no examination 
 of Bacon's conduct can be given, either in the prosecution of 
 the Earl of Essex, for his part in which he has been severely 
 censured, or in those matters which brought about his 
 fall. But it is due to the memory of so great a man to 
 record that the latest and most complete examinations into 
 his whole conduct prove that neither in one case nor in the 
 other does Bacon deserve the blame which has been cast 
 upon him. He was desirous to serve Essex so long as he could 
 be true to the calls of friendship without being false to his 
 higher duty as a citizen. And in his office of judge the faults 
 which he admitted were faults of his age and not of the man. 
 
 h2
 
 viii INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 He did no more than fall in with a practice which had prevailed 
 for generations, and concerning which every judge on the 
 bench was as guilty as himself. No instance can be pointed 
 out among his judgments where justice was warped by his 
 favour to either side, nor in connection with which any one 
 has ever arisen to say that Bacon's decision was bought. 
 
 The remainder of Bacon's life was given to literature and 
 philosophy, and, among his other works, the " History of King 
 Henry F//" was put forth in 1622. With the exception of 
 Sir Walter Raleigh's ''History of the World," and Knolles' 
 ''History of the Ticr/cs,^' there is no historical work produced 
 at or near this period which will in any degree bear comparison 
 with the polished style of Bacon. That the student may com- 
 pare with this work the historical writings of those who were 
 Bacon's immediate predacesscrs, some passages have been 
 inserted in the notes pp. 287 and 296 from Hall's and Grafton's 
 Chronicles. The perusal of a few lines will suffice to shew 
 what a great stride had been made in English prose com- 
 position during the reign of Elizabeth, and to what a degree 
 of perfection it had been brought by the powers of such 
 writers as Bacon and Hooker. 
 
 Beside the History of Henry VII, Bacon, during this retire- 
 ment at the close of his life, wrote the "New Atlantis,^' an 
 incomplete work, which may be called a philosophical ro- 
 mance, and which describes an imaginary realm where the per- 
 fection of which Plato only gave an augury in his "Republic," 
 was set forth as achieved. He also wrote several separate 
 treatises intended to take their places in the completed 
 " Instauratio,''' among which may especially be mentioned the 
 " Silva Silvariivi; or, Natural His toy in Ten Centuries^'' 
 which was to make a part of the third division in the 
 "Instauraiio," which division had received from its designer 
 the title of the "Phenomena of the Universe^ He also worked 
 at a scheme which he had previously laid before King James 
 for a Digest of the Laws of England. He collected a volume of 
 witty sayings from all quarters, which he sent forth with the 
 title of " Apophthegmata^'' and he issued a third edition of his
 
 INTR on UCTION. ix 
 
 Essays. This was the last work which he was able to ac- 
 complish. It came forth in 1625, and on April 9th (Easter- 
 Day), 1626, Francis Bacon died. 
 
 For more information on the details of Bacon's life, the 
 student may consult the life of him put forth by Dr Rawley, 
 who was his chaplain ; also the carefully written life in the 
 edition of Bacon's Works by Mr Spedding ; and a short 
 digest of the main events of Bacon's career, both legal, 
 political and literary, will be found appended to Mr W. Aldis 
 Wright's Edition of " The Advancement of Learning'"' (Claren- 
 don Press Series). 
 
 II. Of the History. 
 
 Though the History of Henry VII was put into the form 
 in which we possess it in 1621 and the following year, immedi- 
 ately after Bacon's downfall, and was probably undertaken as 
 a solace in this great reverse of fortune, the thought of such 
 a work had been long before his mind. Mr Spedding has 
 published in his edition of Bacon's v/orks, (Vol. vi. pp. 17 seqq.) 
 a fragment of such a history, of the existence of which Speed 1, 
 whose history was published in 1609, knew and had made 
 good use. This fragment was probably composed when 
 Bacon conceived the idea of putting forth a history of England 
 that should begin with the union of the Houses of York and 
 
 ^ John Speed (1552 — 1629) was one of the most industrious wiiters 
 of this period on the subjects of antiquities and history, and his 
 compilations, derived in great part from the collections in the libraries 
 of Sir Robert Cotton, and the contributions of Sir Henry Spelman 
 and other antiquaries, are of considerable value. Speed was originally 
 a tailor and so had not great advantages from education, but yet his 
 '^ History of Gi'cat Brilaine''' was long the best in existence. He 
 wrote also the " Thaifre of the Empire of Great £)-itain,'' and a work 
 on the Genealogies of Holy Scripture under the title of "^ cloud oj 
 IFitnesses."
 
 X INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 Lancaster, and be brought down as closely as was possible to 
 the times at which he was writing. 
 
 For such an undertaking the materials at the command of 
 any writer were various. First, was the work of Fabyan*, 
 which is a sort of Annals, whereof the most important parts 
 concern the city of London, in which its author passed the 
 most of his life. Of this work Bacon does not seem to have 
 largely availed himself. But of the Latin History of Polydore 
 VergiP he seems to have made great use, and to have been 
 led by its inaccuracies into several errors, which in some few 
 points, to be noticed hereafter, have impaired the otherwise 
 accurate character of his work. The mistakes of Polydore are 
 such as might be expected in the work of a foreigner writing a 
 history of England. Bacon seems also to have consulted another 
 Latin writer, Bernard Andrd^ for some few points in his history. 
 The three chronicles also, of Hall*, Grafton', and Stow" sup- 
 
 1 Robert Fabyan (d. 15 12) was an alderman, and in 1493 was 
 chosen one of the sheriffs of London. He is in some sort connected 
 with our history of Heniy VH, as in 1496 he was one of a deputation 
 chosen to ride to the king " for redress of the new impositions raised 
 and levied upon English cloth" in the lands of the Archdul;c Philip. 
 This was an impost of a florin for every piece of EngHsh cloth imported 
 into the Netherlands. The duty was withdrawn in 1497. P'abyan's 
 work " The Concordance of Histories," which at first is a mere com- 
 pilation from monkish chronicles, becomes towards its close a very im- 
 portant record of many events which, in London, came under the 
 writer's immediate obser\'ation. 
 
 '^ Polydore Vergil (d. 1555) was an Italian ecclesiastic, born at 
 Urbino. He was sent over to England for the collection of Peter's 
 Pence, and while in England was preferred to the Archdeaconry of 
 Wells. His History of England in Latin consists of twenty-seven 
 hooks, and was begun by him in the latter years of Henry VH, and 
 finished in the following reign. 
 
 3 Bernard Andre (d. about 1521) was born at Toulouse and was an 
 Augustinian friar. He was present in London when Henry VII 
 entered tiie city after the Battle of Bosworth Field. In 1496 he be- 
 came tutor to Prince Arthur, and wrote a Latin Life of Henry VII, 
 
 and also in the same language some short notices of events in the 
 
 reign of Henry VIII. 
 
 * Edward Hall (d. 1547) was a lawyer, and ultimately became one 
 
 of the judges of the Sheriffs Court. His History of the Union of the 
 
 7\vo Noble and Jllnstre faviilics of Lancastre and Yorke''' brings the
 
 INTR on UCTION. xi 
 
 plied him with material which he used in such wise as best 
 suited his purpose. He has also drawn some few matters from 
 Sir Thomas Mora's^ ^'•History of the Life and Death of King 
 Edward V, and of the usurpation of Richard III." Bacon 
 must also have made some use of the manuscript treasures of 
 Sir Robert Cotton, even though under the sentence which was 
 imposed upon him he was excluded from London. The result 
 proves abundantly how much greater was the genius which he 
 brought to his labour than that of any of his predecessors in 
 the field of historical labour. But it is clear that with materials 
 of such a character, and so irregularly and imperfectly col- 
 lected, the same correctness of statements is not to be looked 
 for as might fairly be expected when Rymer has made all the 
 texts of treaties and details of negotiation easily accessible, 
 and the Calendars of State Papers form a trusty guide through 
 the maze of conflicting statements. In several places in the 
 notes such errors as have, from this want of trustworthy 
 information, found their way into the text of Bacon's History, 
 have been noticed, but the details of Henry Vllth's connection 
 with France and Brittany, and the character of his intervention 
 
 history down to the year 1532. It was not published till 1548, the 
 year "after the death of the author, and had been completed by 
 Grafton. 
 
 * Richard Grafton produced in 1569 Avhat he calls "A Chronicle 
 at large and mecre History of tlie affayrcs of Englande and Kinges of the 
 same, deduced from tlie Creatio7i of tJie worlde, 6^r." Grafton had more 
 facilities than his contemporaries for tlie production of his works, for 
 he was a printer as well as an author. 
 
 ^ John Stow (1525 — 1605) was a most diligent, accurate, and 
 impartial recorder of public events. He, like Speed, was a tailor, 
 but his decided turn for antiquarian research soon asserted its power, 
 and he abandoned his trade, and is said to have travelled on foot 
 through a large part of England for the purpose of a personal in- 
 spection of tlie historical treasures of the cathedrals and large libraries. 
 He published a "■ Smninary of English Chronicles" s.nA ''A Survey of 
 London," wliich latter is the best known of his works. He wrote, but 
 was never able to publish, a large Chronicle or History of England. 
 He fell into great poverty towards the end of his life. 
 
 1 Sir Thomas More (147S— 1535), the famous author of the Utopia, 
 and the friend of Colet and Erasmus. Afterwards he was made Lord 
 Chancellor, and was put to death for his religious opinions along with 
 Bishop Fisher.
 
 xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in support of the Duke of Brittany, seem to need more comment 
 to put them in their true light than could be given in a note. 
 
 It was late in the summer of 1487 that the ambassadors 
 of Charles VIII came to England to pray for the King's 
 assistance for France against Brittany, " or at least that he 
 would stand neutral." Now it is to be noted that in Bacon's 
 account of the king's reply it is stated that he " was utterly 
 unwilling to enter into war with France." It is probable that 
 the reason for this unwillingness is to be discovered in the 
 entries in the Calendar of Patent Rolls for this third year of 
 the king's reign. We find there notices of preparation (Feb. 
 1487 — 8) of forces against the King's enemies congregating on 
 the sea. Now that the danger apprehended was connected 
 with Ireland we may gather from subsequent entries where 
 mention is made (May 25th) of those who " come from Ireland 
 to treat on matters concerning the sound rule of peace in that 
 land," and at the same place is found a list of general pardons 
 for Irishmen. So that Henry's mind was full of his own 
 affairs at the time of the French embassy. But he sent 
 Urswick over to France and to Brittany likewise, and as 
 Bacon's narrative represents the story (p. 49), it was after the 
 mission of Urswick that the siege of Nantes took place. 
 But we know now that the siege of Nantes was commenced 
 on June 19th, 1487 (only three days after ihe battle of Stoke), 
 and raised on the 6th of August following, at which time the 
 King was too busily concerned with his own disturbed realm 
 either to receive or send ambassadors to France. We see 
 therefore that when the French ambassadors did come Henry 
 would be aware that the French had just before been com- 
 pelled to raise the siege of Nantes, and might be pardoned 
 for supposing that the strength of Brittany was sufficient to 
 hold out for some time, arid that therefore there would be an 
 opportunity for negotiations so as to conclude the difficulty 
 without engaging England in a war, for which, owing to recent 
 troubles, she was little fit. 
 
 Lord Woodville's crossing into Brittany, which we know 
 from the Paston Letters (May, 1488) the king had counter-
 
 INTR OD UCTION. xiii 
 
 manded, took place in time for the small succours, which that 
 nobleman brought with him, to be present at the battle of 
 St Aubin, July 28th, 1488. But these were the only English 
 engaged in the cause of Brittany up to that date, and by the 
 treaty of Verger (21 Aug., 1488) hostilities between France and 
 Brittany were brought to a close. 
 
 It was in the following November, "after keeping his 
 All Hallow-tide at Windsor" (see Herald's narrative, Cott. MSS. 
 Jul. XII. fol. 49, quoted by Mr Spedding), that Henry sum- 
 moned not a parliament, as stated in the text (p. 53), but a 
 great council at Westminster, to debate on what was to be 
 done in the matter of Brittany. For the duke of Brittany 
 had died on Sept. 9th, 1488, and Charles's claim of wardship 
 now began to be asserted over the young duchess Anne. We 
 find from Rymer (xil. 347 seqq.) that ambassadors were sent in 
 December after this great council to France, Brittany, Spain, 
 and Flanders, and Henry's third parliament met Jan. 13th, 
 1488—9, and voted supplies for the succour of Brittany. It 
 seems therefore that the result of the battle of St Aubin, which 
 had upset all Henry's calculations about the power of Brittany, 
 ended the first part of the war of France against that duchy, 
 and in that Henry had taken no active part, and it was not 
 until the death of the Duke that any new claim was put 
 forward by Charles, and then Henry felt that he must prepare 
 for the helping of Brittany. The speech therefore put into the 
 mouth of Chancellor Morton as uttered at the great council in 
 November (p. 53) is wrongly conceived. The army of the 
 French king was not before Nantes, but making its way 
 through Brittany, and taking town after town by way of en- 
 forcing Charles's claim to be the guardian of the young Duchess. 
 This, Bacon, misled by Polydore, did not know, and so could 
 not put into the mouth of his speaker. 
 
 The statement likewise (p. 60) about the sending of new 
 solemn ambassadors to France just at the time of the battle of 
 St Aubin is another error. These ambassadors (Urswick and 
 Frion being members of the embassy) were sent Dec. nth, 
 1488, to treat about terms between P'rance and England and
 
 xiv INTROD UCTION. 
 
 Brittany, a course needful enough for the succour of the duchy, 
 and preparatory to the sending of an army if nothing came 
 of the embassy. 
 
 All the account therefore (pp. 60—61) of Henry's conduct 
 in sending succours to Brittany immediately after the battle 
 of St Aubin, which succours came too late, and returned almost 
 immediately, is entirely incorrect. No English troops, except 
 those with Lord Woodville, had been sent at all, nor was 
 Henry in a position to send any till the commencement of the 
 next year, when he did dispatch a force, which arrived in 
 Brittany in April, 1489, and was acting in behalf of the duchy, 
 while other English succours were engaged in Flanders in the 
 cause of Maximilian. We learn also from Rymer (xil, 337) 
 that in the August of that year reinforcements were being 
 sent to these troops in France, and that commissions were 
 issued for raising soldiers " destined for Brittany " may be seen 
 from the Calendar of Patent Rolls for the 14th, 15th, and i6th 
 of August, 1489. The effect of these double operations of 
 English troops in Flanders and Brittany was that Charles 
 consented to make peace with Maximilian at the treaty of 
 Frankfort, and agreed thereby to give back to Brittany all the 
 towns which had been taken since the death of the Duke, and 
 to this treaty Anne of Brittany gave her acceptance in Nov., 
 14S9. During all this time the project of marriage between 
 Maximilian and Anne was maintained, and it was probably 
 about this period that the proxy marriage (see p. 77) took 
 place; and had Maximilian really taken the Duchess to wife, 
 as he might have done, there would have been an end to 
 Charles's scheme of annexing Brittany to the French crown. But 
 taking advantage of the remissness of the Archduke, Charles ef- 
 fected by marriage what he had not been able to achieve by war. 
 
 It was in the winter of this year 1489—90 that the commis- 
 sioners from France came to England and made the proposi- 
 tions contained in the speech recorded on pp. 79 seqq., in 
 consequence of which Henry appears to have made up his mind 
 that he must go to war with France, and during the whole of 
 that year he was busily engaged in levying troops and forming
 
 INTR OD UCTION. x v 
 
 9, confederation with Maximilian and Ferdinand and Isabella 
 to make actual war against Charles if he should invade them or 
 the territories of the duchess of Brittany^ Public proclamation 
 of this convention was made in England, on 17th Sept., 1490, 
 Now it was not till 6th Dec, 1491, that Charles married Anne, 
 and so brought matters to an end, so far as the possession of 
 Brittany was concerned. The proceedings of the year and a 
 quarter which intervened between these two dates seem to have 
 been somewhat as follows. The Duchess on the strength of the 
 proxy marriage, and in consequence of the convention just 
 mentioned, assumed the title of Queen of the Romans (cf. 
 D'Argentre, xiil. 57), and this caused Charles, from whom all 
 knowledge of the marriage had been, kept secret, to determine 
 on taking some decisive step. He renewed the hostilities 
 which had been suspended since the treaty of Frankfort, and ■ 
 in February, 1490 — r, made himself master of the town of 
 Nantes, the siege of which on a former occasion he had been 
 obliged to raise. (See Rymer, 12 June, 1490, for an account of 
 the commencement of this second investment of the town.) 
 The tidings of this new movement on the part of the French 
 king roused Maximilian to send his embassy (see p. 89) to 
 England, and in the middle of the year 1491 Henry called not 
 a parliament, as it seems, but, in accordance with a former 
 precedent, a great Council as precursor of a parliament (for the 
 parhament proper did not meet till 17th October, 1491), and to 
 them he made his speech about his intention to go to war with 
 France. The subsidies needful seem to have been voted (con- 
 ditionally no doubt) by this assembly, for a commission for 
 levying them exists dated 7th July, 1491. The narrative of 
 Bacon is easily intelligible from this point (p. 93). The par- 
 liament when it assembled was in every sense merely a war 
 parliament. The troops prepared were sent over as described, 
 
 '' For the numerous authorities which may be cited in evidence of 
 the activity of Henry in his preparations for war with France, see 
 Spedding, VI. no, to whose guidance for an explanation of these 
 events the editor desires here to make very full acknowledgment. 
 Mr Spedding's notes leave little to be said on points connected with 
 the elucidation of the history.
 
 xvi INTR OD UCTION. 
 
 on Sept. 9, 1492 (p. 100), and the failure of all assistance from 
 Maximilian, as well as the conclusion of a peace between 
 Ferdinand and Charles, made the overtures of peace from the 
 French king and the conditions therein contained appear, as 
 Bacon has it, " to the king's taste." The treaty of Estaples 
 was concluded on Sunday, Nov. 3, 1492. For the better ap- 
 preciation of the sequence of events throughout the reign a table 
 is appended of the principal events of the reign of Henry VII, 
 ranged according to the regnal years of the king, which are so 
 frequently alluded to in the text w^ithout the date A. D. being 
 given. Of course it will be seen that as the reign of Henry 
 commenced Aug. 22nd, 1485, his first regnal year did not end 
 till Aug. 2ist, i486, and therefore an event in his first year may 
 have occurred in the latter half of 1485, or in the former half of 
 i486, and so for every other year. It svill also be observed 
 that between the ist of January and the 25th of March in any 
 year the date is given with double figures ; thus : Marriage of 
 Henry VII and Elizabeth of York, Jan. iSth, 1485—6. The 
 reason for this notation is, that the historical year has for a 
 very long period begun on January ist, but the calculation of 
 years used in ecclesiastical and legal documents made the 
 year to commence on March 25tb, until the two beginnings 
 of the year were brought into conformity on Jan. ist, 1753. In 
 the date above quoted, of Henry's marriage, the historical entry 
 thereof would speak of it as having taken place Jan. i8th, i486, 
 but the ecclesiastical year i486 had not yet commenced, and 
 therefore in the registers of the Church or of the courts of law 
 this day would be entered as part of the year 1485. To express 
 this the form 1485 — 6 is used. It will be seen that in the notes 
 large use has been made of the Latin translation of the Life of 
 Henry Vllth, which was certainly made under Bacon's super- 
 vision, and perhaps partly by himself (as is indicated in the 
 dedication which precedes the Sennones Fideles), and was 
 designed to make the history accessible to foreigners who 
 knew no English. It appeared that no better method could be 
 adopted for explaining the language of our author, than this 
 use of what may be called his own commentary on the work.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Regnal 
 
 Years of 
 
 Henry VII. 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 Battle of Bosworth Field 
 
 Issue of Commissions to the Nor- 
 thern Counties in anticipation of 
 a war with Scotland 
 
 Coronation of Henry VII 
 
 Henry's _/^'rj'/ Parliament 
 
 Marriageof Henry VII and Eliza- 
 beth of York 
 
 Truce with Scotland for three 
 years 
 
 Birth of Prince Arthur 
 
 Council at Shene 
 
 Lambert Simnel lands in Lanca- 
 shire 
 
 Battle of Stoke 
 
 Siege of Nantes commenced 
 „ „ afterwards raised 
 
 Embassy sent to England from 
 Charles VIII about 
 
 Henry's second - Parliament 
 
 Coronation of Queen Elizabeth 
 
 Murder of James III of Scot- 
 land 
 
 Battle of St Albans (St Aubin) 
 
 22 1 Aug. 1485. 
 
 25 Sep. — 
 30 Oct. — 
 7 Nov. — 
 
 18 Jan. 1485 — 6. 
 
 3 July, i486. 
 
 Sept. — 
 Feb. 14S6 — 7. 
 
 4 June, 1487. 
 16 June, — 
 
 19 June, — 
 6 Aug. — 
 
 Sept. — 
 9 Nov. — 
 25 Nov. — 
 
 II June, 1488. 
 28 July, - 
 
 ^ It is worth notice that August 2 r (the day before the battle of 
 Boswortli) is mentioned as the first day of the King's reign, in the act 
 concerning those attainders spoken of in the text, p. 16. 1. 19. Whether 
 this be an accident or an intentional ante-dating of Henry's reign it is 
 impossible to discover. (See Statutes at large i Hen. VH. c. 6.) 
 
 ^ The acts of this parliament are confused in Bacon's narrative 
 with those of the third Parliament (see notes). He seems to have had 
 no information about this parliament of 1487.
 
 XVIH 
 
 CUR ONOL GICAL TABLE. 
 
 IV. 
 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Treaty oC Verger i 
 
 Death of the Duke of Brittany 
 
 Great Council at which the 
 Speech of Chancellor Morton 
 (p. 53) was made 
 
 Solemn Embassy from England 
 to France 
 
 Henry's t/iird'^ Parliament 
 
 First succours sent by Henry to 
 Brittany 
 
 Northern subsidy riot 
 
 Embassy from Charles VIII to 
 England 
 
 Third Parliament ends 
 
 Prince Henry (afterwards Hen. 
 VIII) born 
 
 Henry'sy;;//;/'/^ Parliament 
 
 Charles VIII marries Anne of 
 Brittany 
 
 Thanksgivint^in St Paul's for the 
 Conquest of Granada 
 
 Pope Innocent VIII died 
 
 Pope Alexander VI elected 
 
 English troops sent overto France 
 
 Henry VII goes over to France 
 
 Treaty of Estaples 
 
 Embassy of Poynings and War- 
 ham to Flanders 
 
 Commerce with Flanders for- 
 bidden 
 
 Raid by the Scots on the North- 
 ern border 
 
 Poynings made Lord Deputy of 
 Ireland 
 
 Execution of .Sir William Stanley 
 
 Italian league against Charles 
 . VIII 
 
 King Henry visits his mother at 
 Latham 
 
 Warbeck on the coast of Kent 
 
 21 Aug. i^SS. 
 9 Sep. — 
 
 Nov. — 
 
 1 1 Dec. — 
 13 Jan. 148S— 9. 
 
 March, — 
 April, 1489. 
 
 Nov. — 
 
 27 Feb. 1489—90. 
 
 22 June, 1491. 
 
 17 Oct. — 
 
 6 Dec. — 
 6 April, 1492. 
 
 25 July, — 
 
 II Aug. — 
 
 9 Sept. — 
 
 6 Oct. — 
 
 3 Nov. — 
 
 July, 1493. 
 
 18 Sep. — 
 
 Nov. — 
 
 13 Sep. 1494. 
 16 Feb. 1494 — 5. 
 
 25 March, 1495. 
 
 25 June, — 
 
 3 July, — 
 
 ^ This was the treaty under wliicli the hostile operations of France 
 against Drittany were terminated till after the death of the Duke of 
 Brittany. 
 
 - This parliament was prorogued on 23rd February and met again 
 on the 14th October foUowmg.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 XIX 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 XV 
 
 XVI. 
 XVII. 
 
 Henry's yJ/Z/i Parliament 
 
 Warbeck arrives at Stirling 
 
 Commissioners sent from Flan- 
 ders to England {intentcr:>us 
 magnits) 
 
 Intercursus magnus ratified 
 
 Henry VII ratifies the Italian 
 league 
 
 Great Council at Westminster 
 
 Cap of Maintenance sent from 
 the Pope 
 
 Henry's sixth Parliament 
 
 Subsidy granted 
 
 Cornish rebellion begins 
 
 Encampment on Blackheath 
 
 Battle of Blackheath 
 
 Lord Audley beheaded 
 
 Cabot's first voyage 
 
 The Scotch attack Norham 
 
 Warbeck leaves Scotland 
 
 Perkin besieges Exeter 
 
 Treaty with Scotland concluded 
 
 King Henry at Exeter 
 
 Warbeck carried in procession in 
 London 
 
 Palace of Shene burnt 
 
 Irish Parliament meets 
 
 Charles VIII of France dies 
 
 Warbeck's confession read pub- 
 licly 
 
 Prince Edward born 
 
 Ralph Wilford hanged 
 
 Treaty with Scotland (containing 
 arrangements about letters com- 
 mendatory) 
 
 Fox commissioned to treat of a 
 marriage with Scotland, King 
 James with Princess Margaret 
 
 Perkin Warbeck executed at Ty- 
 burn 
 
 Earl of Warwick beheaded 
 Prince Edmund died 
 Death of Cardinal Morton 
 Earl of Suffolk leaves England 
 Marriage of Prince Arthur with 
 
 14 Oct. 1495. 
 20 Nov. — 
 
 Feb. 1495 — 6. 
 April, 1496. 
 
 13 Sept. — 
 24 Oct. — 
 
 I Nov. — 
 16 Jan. 1496--7. 
 Feb. — 
 May, 1497. 
 
 16 June, — 
 
 17 June, — 
 28 June, — 
 June, — 
 luly, - 
 
 6 July, — 
 17 Sept. — 
 30 Sept. — 
 
 7 Oct. — 
 
 20 Nov. — 
 
 21 Dec. — 
 
 28 March, 1498. 
 7 April, 
 
 9 June, — 
 
 Feb. 149S— 9. 
 13 Feb. 1499 
 
 12 July, 
 
 11 Sept. — 
 
 23 Nov. — 
 29 Nov. — 
 
 12 June, 1500. 
 Oct. — 
 Aug. 1501.
 
 XX 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 the Princess Catharine of Ara- 
 
 gon 
 Arrest of the friends of the Earl 
 
 of Suffolk 
 
 Death of Prince Arthur 
 Sir James Tirrell executed 
 Marriage of Princess IVIargaret 
 
 to King James IV. 
 Prince Henry created Prince of 
 
 Wales 
 Henry's seventh Parliament 
 Death of Queen Isabella of Spain 
 English Ambassadors at Segovia 
 Earl of Suffolk brought to London 
 Death of Philip of Castile 
 
 Treaty for marriage of Princess 
 
 Mary with Charles of Castile 
 Henry VII. dies 
 
 14 Nov., 1501 
 
 March, 1501 — 2. 
 2 April, 1502. 
 6 May, — 
 
 25 Jan. 1502—3. 
 
 18 Feb. — 
 
 16 Jan. 1503 — 4. 
 
 26 Nov. 1504. 
 14 July, 1505. 
 March, 1505 — 6. 
 25 Sept. 1506. 
 
 17 Dec. 1508. 
 22 April, 1509.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY of the REIGN 
 
 OF 
 
 King HENRY the Seventh. 
 
 B. H.
 
 TO THE 
 
 Most Illustrious and Most Excellent 
 
 PRINCE 
 
 CHARLES, 
 
 PRINCE of WALES, 
 
 DUKE of CORNWALL, 
 EARL of CHESTER, etc. 
 
 It may please Your Highness, 
 
 IN part of my acknowledgment to your Highness, 
 I have endeavoured to do honour to the memory 
 of the last King of England, that was ancestor to 
 the King your father and yourself; and was that 5 
 King to whom both unions may in a sort refer : that 
 of the roses being in him consummate, and that of 
 the kingdoms by him begun : besides, his times 
 deserve it. For he was a wise man, and an excellent 
 King; and yet the times were rough, and full of lo 
 mutations, and rare accidents. And it is with times, 
 as it is with ways : Some are more up-hill and down- 
 hill, and some are more flat and plain ; and the one 
 
 I 2
 
 4 DEDICATION. 
 
 is better for the liver, and the other for the writer. 
 I have not flattered him, but took him to life as well 
 as I could, sitting so far off, and having no better 
 light. It is true, your Highness hath a living pat- 
 5 tern, incomparable, of the King your father : But it is 
 not amiss for you also to see one of these ancient 
 pieces. God preserve your Highness. 
 
 Your Highness's most humble 
 and devoted servant, 
 Francis St. Alban.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY of the REIGN 
 
 OF 
 
 King HENRY the Seventh. 
 
 AFTER that Richard, the third of that name, 'King in fact 
 i. only, but tyrant both in title and regiment, and so com- 
 monly termed and reputed in all times since, was, by the 
 divine revenge favouring the design of an exiled man, over- 
 thrown and slain at Bosworth-field ; there succeeded in the 5 
 kingdom the earl -of -Richmond, thenceforth styled Henry 
 the seventh. The King, immediately after the victory, as 
 one that had been bred under a devout mother, and was in 
 his nature a great observer of religious forms, caused Te 
 Deum laudanms to be solemnly sung in the presence of the i o 
 whole army upon the place, and was himself with general 
 applause and great cries of joy, in a kind of military election 
 or recognition, saluted King. Meanwhile the body of 
 Richard, after many indignities and reproaches, the dirigcs 
 and obsequies of the common people towards tyrants, was 15 
 obscurely buried. For though the King of his nobleness 
 gave charge unto the friars of Leicester to see an honour- 
 able interment to be given to it, yet the religious, people 
 themselves, being not free from the humours of the vulgar) 
 neglected it; wherein nevertheless they did not then incur 20
 
 6 HISTORY GF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 any man's blame or censure: no man thinking any ignominy 
 or contumely unworthy of him, that had been the execu- 
 tioner of King Henry the sixth, that innocent Prince, wjth 
 his own hands; the contriver of the death of the duke of 
 5 Clarence his brother; the murderer of his two nephews, one 
 of them his lawful King in the present, and the other in 
 the future, failing of him, and vehemently suspected to have 
 been the impoisoner of his wife, thereby to make vacant his 
 bed, for a marriage within the degrees forbidden. And al- 
 
 lo though he were a Prince in-military virtue approved, jealous 
 of the honour of the English nation, and likewise a good 
 law-maker, for the ease and solace of the common people ; 
 yet his cruelties and parricides, in tlie opinion of all men, 
 weighed down his virtues and merits; and, in the opinion 
 
 I - of wise men, even those virtues themselves were conceived 
 to be rather feigned-and -affected things to serve his am- 
 bition, than true qualities ingenerate in his judgment or 
 nature. And therefore it was noted by men of great under- 
 standing, who seeing his after-acts, looked back upon his 
 
 20 former proceedings, that even in the time of King Edward 
 his brother he was not without secret trains-and-mines to 
 turn envy and hatred upon his brother's government ; as 
 having an expectation and a kind of divination, that the 
 King, by reason of his many disorders, could not be of long 
 
 25 life, but was like to leave his sons of tender years; and 
 then he knew well, how easy a step it was, from the place 
 of a protector and first Prince of the blood to the crown. 
 And that out of this deep root of ambition it sprung, that 
 as well at the treaty- of-peace that passed between Edward 
 
 30 the fourth and Lewis the eleventh of France, concluded by 
 interview of both Kings at Piqueny, as upon all other oc- 
 casions, Richard, then duke of Gloucester, stood ever upon 
 the side of honour, raising his own reputation to the disad-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 7 
 
 vantage of the King his brother, and drawing the eyes of 
 all, especially of the nobles and soldiers, upon himself; as if 
 the King, by his voluptuous life and mean marriage, were 
 become effeminate and less sensible of honour and reason 
 of state than was fit for a King. ' And as for the politic and 5 
 wholesome laws which were enacted in his time, they were 
 interpreted to be but the brocage of an usurper, thereby to 
 woo and win the hearts of the people, as being conscious to 
 himself, that the true obligations of sovereignty in him 
 failed, and were wanting. But King Henry, in the very 10 
 entrance of his reign, and the instant of time when the 
 kingdom was cast into his arms, met with a point of great 
 difficulty, and knotty to solve, able to trouble and confound 
 the wisest King in the newness of his estate ; and so much 
 the more, because it could not endure a deliberation, but 15 
 must be at once deliberated and determined. There were 
 fallen to his lot, and concurrent in his person, three several 
 titles to the imperial crown. The first, the title of the lady 
 ElTzabeth, with whom, by precedent pact with the party 
 that brought him in, he was to marry. The second, the 20 
 ancient and long disputed title, both by plea and arms, of 
 the house of Lancaster, to which he was inheritor in his 
 own person. The third, the title of the sword or conquest, 
 for that he came in by victory of battle, and that the king 
 in possession was slain in the field. The first of these was 25 
 fairest, and most like to give contentment to the people, 
 who by two and twenty years reign of King Edward the 
 fourth had been fully made capable of the clearness of the 
 title of the white rose or house of York; and, by the mild 
 and plausible reign of the same King toward his latter time, 30 
 were become affectionate to that line. But then it lay plain 
 before his eyes, that if he relied upon that title, he could be 
 but a King at courtesy, and have rather a matrimonial than
 
 8 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 a regal power ; the right remaining in his Queen, upon 
 whose decease, either with issue, or without issue, he was to 
 give place and be removed. And though he should obtain 
 by parliament to be continued, yet he knew there was a 
 5 very great difference between a King that holdeth his crown 
 by a civil act of estates, and one that holdeth it originally 
 by the law of nature and descent of blood. Neither wanted 
 there even at that time secret rumours and whisperings, 
 which afterwards gathered strength and turned to great 
 
 10 troubles, that the two young sons of King Edward the 
 fourth, or one of them, which were said to be destroyed in 
 the Tower, were not indeed murdered, but conveyed secretly 
 away, and were yet living: which, if it had been true, had 
 prevented the title of the lady Elizabeth. On the other 
 
 15 side, if he stood upon his own title of the house of Lan- 
 caster, inherent in his person, he knew it was a title con- 
 demned by parliament, and generally prejudged in the com- 
 mon opinion of the realm, and that it tended directly to the 
 disinherison of the line of York, held then the indubitate 
 
 20 heirs of the crown. So that if he should have no issue by 
 the lady EHzabeth, which should be descendants of the 
 double line, then the ancient flames of discord and intestine 
 wars, upon the competition of both houses, would again re- 
 turn and revive. 
 
 25 As for conquest, notwithstanding Sir William Stanley, 
 after some acclamations of the soldiers in the field, had put 
 a crown of ornament, which Richard wore in the battle and 
 was found amongst the spoils, upon King Henry's head, as 
 if there were his chief title; yet he remembered well upon 
 
 30 what conditions and agreements he was brought in ; and 
 that to claim as conqueror, was to put as well his own part)-, 
 as the rest, into terror and fear; as that which gave him 
 power of disannulling of laws, and disposing of mens for-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 9 
 
 tunes and estates, and the like points of absolute power, 
 being in themselves so harsh and odious, as that William 
 himself, commonly called the conqueror, howsoever he used 
 and exercised the power of a conqueror to reward his Nor- 
 mans, yet he forbore to use that claim in the beginning, but 5 
 mixed it with a titulary pretence, grounded upon the will 
 and designation of Edward the confessor. But the King, 
 out of the greatness of his own mind, presently cast the die; 
 and the inconveniences appearing unto him on all parts, 
 and knowing there could not be any interreign or suspension 10 
 of title, and preferring his affection to his own line and 
 blood, and liking that title best which made him indepen- 
 dent ; and being in his nature and constitution of mind 
 not very apprehensive or forecasting of future events afar 
 off, but an entertainer of fortune by the day; resolved to 15 
 rest upon the title of Lancaster as the main, and to use the 
 other two, that of marriage, and that of battle, but as sup- 
 porters, the one to appease secret discontents, and the other 
 to beat down open murmur and dispute; not forgetting that 
 the same title of Lancaster had formerly maintained a pos- 20 
 session of three descents in the crown; and might have 
 proved a perpetuity, had it not ended in the weakness and 
 inability of the last prince. Whereupon the King presently 
 that very day, being the two and twentieth of August, as- 
 sumed the style of King in his own name, without mention 25 
 of the lady Elizabeth at all, or any relation thereunto. In 
 which course he ever after persisted; which did spin him a 
 thread of many seditions and troubles. The King, full of 
 these thoughts, before his departure from Leicester, dis- 
 patched Sir Robert Willoughby to the castle of Sheriff-Hut- 30 
 ton in Yorkshire, where were kept in safe custody, by King 
 Richard's commandment, both the lady Elizabeth, daughter 
 of King Edward, and Edward Plantagenet, son and heir to
 
 10 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 George duke of Clarence. This Edward was by the King's 
 warrant dehvered from the constable of the castle to the 
 hand of Sir Robert Willoughby; and by liim with all safety 
 and diligence conveyed to the Tower of London, where he 
 5 was shut up close prisoner. Which act of the king's, being 
 an act merely of policy and power, proceeded not so much 
 from any apprehension he had of doctor Shaw's tale at Paul's 
 cross, for the bastarding of Edward the fourth's issues, in 
 which case this young gentleman was to succeed, for that 
 
 lo fable was ever exploded, but upon a settled disposition to 
 depress all eminent persons of the line of York. Wherein 
 still the King, out of strength of will or weakness of judg- 
 ment, did use to shew a little more of the party than of the 
 king. 
 
 ] - For the lady Elizabeth, she received also a direction to 
 repair with all convenient speed to London, and there to 
 remain with the Queen dowager her mother; which accord- 
 ingly she soon after did, accompanied with many noblemen 
 and ladies of honour. In the mean season the King set 
 
 20 forwards by easy journeys to the city of London, receiving 
 the acclamations and applauses of the people as he went, 
 which indeed were true and unfeigned, as might well appear 
 in the very demonstrations and fulness of the cry. For 
 they thought generally, that he wiLS a Prince, as ordained 
 
 25 and sent down from heaven, to unite and put to an end 
 the long dissensions of the two houses; which although they 
 had had, in the times of Henry the fourth, Henry the fifth, 
 and a part of Henry the sixth, on the one side, and the 
 times of Edward the fourth on the other, lucid intervals and 
 
 30 happy pauses; yet they did ever hang over the kingdom, 
 ready to break forth into new perturbations and calamities. 
 And as his victory gave him the knee, so his purpose of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. ii 
 
 marriage with the lady Elizabeth gave him the heart; so 
 that both knee and heart did truly bow before him. 
 
 He on the other side with great wisdom, not ignorant 
 of the affections and fears of the people, to disperse the 
 conceit and terror of a conquest, had given order, that there 5 
 should be nothing in his journey like unto a warlike march 
 or manner ; but rather like unto the progress of a King in 
 full peace and assurance. 
 
 He entered the city upon a Saturday, as he had also ob- 
 tained the victory upon a Saturday; which day of the week, 10 
 first upon an observation, and after upon memory and fancy, 
 he accounted and chose as a day prosperous unto him. 
 
 The mayor and companies of the city received him at 
 Shoreditch ; whence with great and honourable attendance, 
 and troops of noblemen, and persons of quality, he entered 15 
 the city ; himself not being on horseback, or in any open 
 chair or throne, but in a close chariot, as one that having 
 been sometimes an enemy to the whole state, and a pro- 
 scribed person, chose rather to keep state, and strike a 
 reverence into the people, than to fawn upon them. 
 
 He went first into St. Paul's church, where, not meaning 
 that the people should forget too soon that he came in by 
 battle, he made offertory of his standards, and had orisons 
 and Te Dewn again sung; and went to his lodging prepared 
 in the bishop of London's palace, where he stayed for a 25 
 
 time. 
 
 During his abode there, he assembled his council and 
 other principal persons, in presence of whom he did renew , 
 again his promise to marry with the lady Elizabeth. This 
 he did the rather, because having at his coming out of 30 
 Britain given artificially, for serving his own turn, some 
 hopes, in case he obtained the kingdom, to marry Anne, in- 
 heritress to the duchy of Britain, whom Charles the eighth 
 
 20
 
 12 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 of France soon after married, it bred some doubt and sus- 
 picion amongst divers that he was not sincere, or at least 
 not fixed in going on with the match of England so much 
 desired: which conceit also, though it were but talk and 
 5 discourse, did much afflict the poor lady Elizabeth herself. 
 But howsoever he both truly intended it, and desired also 
 it should be so believed, the better to extinguish envy and 
 contradiction to his other purposes, yet was he resolved in 
 himself not to proceed to the consummation thereof, till 
 
 1 o his coronation and a parliament were past. The one, lest a 
 joint coronation of himself and his Queen might give any 
 countenance of participation of title ; the other, lest in the 
 entailing of the crown to himself, which he hoped to obtain 
 by parliament, the votes of the parliament might any ways 
 
 15 reflect upon her. 
 
 About this time in autumn, towards the end of Septem- 
 ber, there began and reigned in the city, and other parts of 
 the kingdom, a disease then new: which by the accidents 
 and manner thereof they called the sweating sickness. This 
 
 20 disease had a swift course, both in the sick body, and in the 
 time and period of the lasting thereof; for they that were 
 taken with it, upon four and twenty hours escaping, were 
 thought almost assured. And as to the time of the malice 
 and reign of the disease, ere it ceased ; it began about the 
 
 25 one and twentieth of September, and cleared up before the 
 end of October, insomuch as it was no hindrance to the 
 King's coronation, which was the last of October; nor, which 
 was more, to the holding of the parliament, which began 
 but seven days after. It was a pestilent fever, but, as it 
 
 30 seemeth, not seated in the veins or humours, for there fol- 
 lowed no carbuncle, no purple or livid spots, or the like, 
 the mass of the body being not tainted ; only a malign va- 
 pour flew to the heart, and seized the vital spirits ; which
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 13 
 
 stirred nature to strive to send it forth by an extreme sweat. 
 And it appeared by experience, that this disease was rather 
 a surprise of nature than obstinate to remedies, if it were 
 in time looked unto. For if the patient were kept in an 
 equal temper, both for clothes, fire, and drink, moderately 5 
 warm, with temperate cordials, whereby nature's work were 
 neither irritated by heat, nor turned back by cold, he com- 
 monly recovered. But infinite persons died suddenly of it, 
 before the manner of the cure and attendance was known. 
 It was conceived not to be an epidemic disease, but to 10 
 proceed from a malignity in the constitution of the air, 
 gathered by the predispositions of seasons ; and the speedy 
 cessation declared as much. 
 
 On Simon and Jude's eve, the King dined with Thomas 
 Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury and cardinal; and from 75 
 Lambeth went by land over the bridge to the Tower, where 
 the morrow after he made twelve knights bannerets. But 
 for creations he dispensed them with a sparing hand. For 
 notwithstanding a field so lately fought, and a coronation so 
 near at hand, he only created three: Jasper, earl of Pem- 20 
 broke, the King's uncle, was created duke of Bedford ; 
 Thomas, the lord Stanley, the King's father-in-law, earl of 
 Derby ; and Edward Courtney, earl of Devon ; though the 
 King had then nevertheless a purpose in himself to make 
 more in time of Parliament; bearing a wise and decent 25 
 respect to distribute his creations, some to honour his coro- 
 nation, and some his parliament. 
 
 The coronation followed two days after, upon the thirtieth 
 day of October, in the year of our Lord 1485 ; at which time 
 Innocent the eighth was Pope of Rome; Frederick the third 30 
 Emperor of Almain ; and Maximilian his son newly chosen 
 King of the Romans ; Charles the eighth King of France; 
 Ferdinando and Isabella Kings of Spain; and James the third,
 
 14 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 King of Scotland : with all which Kings and States the King 
 was at that time in good peace and amity. At which day also, 
 as if the crown upon his head had put perils into his thoughts, 
 he did institute, for the better security of his person, a band 
 5 of fifty archers, under a captain, to attend him, by the name 
 of yeomen of his guard : and yet, that it might be thought 
 to be rather a matter of dignity, after the imitation of what 
 he had known abroad, than any matter of diffidence appro- 
 priate to his own case, he made it to be understood for an 
 
 10 ordinance not temporary, but to hold in succession for 
 ever after. 
 
 The seventh of November the King held his parliament 
 at Westminster, which he had summoned immediately after 
 his coming to London. His ends in calling a parliament, 
 
 15 and that so speedily, were chiefly three ; first, to procure the 
 crown to be entailed upon himself Next, to have the 
 attainders of all of his party, which were in no small 
 number, reversed, and all acts of hostility by them done in 
 his quarrel remitted and discharged; and on the other side, 
 
 20 to attaint by parliament the heads and principals of his 
 enemies. The third, to calm and quiet the fears of the rest 
 of that party by a general pardon ; not being ignorant in 
 how great danger a King stands from his subjects, when most 
 of his subjects are conscious in themselves that they stand in 
 
 25 his danger. Unto these three special motives of a parliament 
 was added, that he, as a prudent and moderate Prince, made 
 this judgment, that it was fit for him to hasten to let his 
 people see, that he meant to govern by law, howsoever he 
 came in by the sword ; and fit also to reclaim them to know 
 
 30 him for their King, whom they had so lately talked of as an 
 enemy or banished man. For that which concerned the 
 entailing of the crown, more than that he was true to his 
 own will, that he would not .endure any mention of the lady
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 15 
 
 Elizabeth, no not in the nature of special entail, he carried 
 it otherwise with great wisdom and measure : for he did not 
 press to have the act penned by way of declaration or recog- 
 nition of right; as, on the other side, he avoided to have it 
 by new law or ordinance, but chose rather a kind of middle 5 
 way, by way of establishment, and that under covert and 
 indifferent words; " that the inheritance of the crown should 
 rest, remain, and abide in the King," etc., which words might 
 equally be applied, that the crown should continue to him ; 
 but whether as having former right to it, which was doubt- 10 
 ful, or having it then in fact and possession, which no man 
 denied, was left fair to interpretation either way. And again, 
 for the limitation of the entail, he did not press it to go 
 farther than to himself and to the heirs of his body, not 
 speaking of his right heirs ; but leaving that to the law to i .s 
 decide: so as the entail might seem rather a personal favour 
 to him and his children, than a total disinherison to the 
 house of York. And in this form was the law drawn and 
 passed. Which statute he procured to be confirmed by the 
 Pope's bull the year following, with mention nevertheless, by 20 
 way of recital, of his other titles, both of descent and con- 
 quest. So as now the wreath of three, was made a wreath 
 ^f five; for to the three first titles of the two houses, or 
 lines, and conquest, were added two more, the authorities 
 parliamentary and papal. 25 
 
 The King likewise, in the reversal of the attainders of his 
 partakers, and discharging them of all offences incident to 
 his service and succour, had his will; and acts did pass 
 accordingly. In the passage whereof, exception was taken 
 to divers persons in the house of commons, for that they 30 
 were attainted, and thereby not legal, nor habilitate to serve 
 in parliament, being disabled in the highest degree; and that 
 it should be a great incongruity to have them to make laws.
 
 1 6 ni STORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 who themselves were not inlawed. The truih was, that 
 divers of those, which had in the time of King Richard 
 been strongest, and most declared for the King's party, were 
 returned knights and burgesses for the parliament; whether 
 5 by care or recommendation from the state, or the voluntary 
 inclination of the people ; many of which had been by 
 Richard the third attainted by outlawries, or otherwise. The 
 King was somewhat troubled with this; for though it had a 
 grave and specious shew, yet it reflected upon his party. 
 
 I o But wisely not shewing himself at all moved therewith, he 
 would not understand it but as a case in law, and wished 
 the judges to be advised thereupon ; who for that purpose 
 were forthwith assembled in tlie exchequer-chamber, which 
 is the council-chamber of the judges, and upon deliberation 
 
 15 they gave a grave and safe opinion and advice, mixed with 
 law and convenience ; which was, that the knights and bur- 
 gesses attainted by the course of law should forbear to come 
 into the house, till a law were passed for the reversal of 
 their attainders. 
 
 20 It was at that time incidently moved amongst the judges 
 in their consultation, what should be done for the king him- 
 self, who likewise was attainted ? But it was with unanimous 
 consent resolved, " That the crown takes away all defects 
 and stops in blood : and that from the time the King did 
 
 25 assume the crown, the fountain was cleared, and all attain- 
 ders and corruption of blood discharged." But nevertheless, 
 for honour's sake, it was ordained by parliament, that all 
 records, wherein there was any memory or mention of the 
 King's attainder, should be defaced, cancelled, and taken off 
 
 30 the file. 
 
 But on the part of the King's enemies there were by par- 
 liament attainted, the late duke of Glocester, calling himself 
 Richard the third; the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Surrey,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 17 
 
 viscount Lovel, the lord Ferrers, the lord Zouch, Richard 
 Ratcliffe, William Catesby, and many others of degree and 
 quality. In which bills of attainders, nevertheless, there were 
 contained many just and temperate clauses, savings, and pro- 
 visoes, well shewing and fore-tokening the wisdom, stay, and 5 
 moderation of the King's spirit of government. And for the 
 pardon of the rest, that had stood against the King, the King, 
 
 _upon a second advice, thought it not fit it should pass by 
 parliament, the better, being matter of grace, to impropriate 
 the thanks to himself: using only the opportunity of a par- 10 
 liament time, the better to disperse it into the veins of the 
 kingdom. Therefore during the parliament he published 
 his royal proclamation, offering pardon and grace of restitu- 
 tion to all such as had taken arms, or been participant of 
 any attempts against him; so as they submitted themselves 15 
 to his mercy by a day, and took the oath of allegiance and 
 fidelity to him. Whereupon many came out of sanctuary, 
 and many more came out of fear, no less guilty than those 
 that had taken sanctuary. 
 
 As for money or treasure, the King thought it not season- 20 
 able or fit to demand any of his subjects at this parliament ; 
 both because he had received satisfaction from them in 
 matters of so great importance, and because he could not 
 remunerate them with any general pardon, being prevented 
 therein by the coronation-pardon passed immediately before: 25 
 but chiefly, for that it was in every man's eye, what great 
 forfeitures and confiscations he had at that present to help 
 himself; whereby those casualties of the crown might in 
 reason spare the purses of the subject; especially in a time 
 when he was in peace with all his neighbours. Some few 30 
 laws passed at that parliament, almost for form sake : 
 amongst which there was one, to reduce aliens, being made 
 
 denizens, to pay strangers customs; and another, to draw to 
 B. H. 2
 
 1 8 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 himself the seizures and compositions of Itahans goods, for 
 not employment, being points of profit to his coffers, whereof 
 from the very beginning he was not forgetful ; and had been 
 more happy at the latter end, if his early providence, which 
 5 kept him from all necessity of exacting upon his people, 
 could likewise have attempered his nature therein. He 
 added, during parliament, to his former creations, the enno- 
 blement or advancement in nobility of a few others; the 
 lord Chandos of Britain, was made earl of Bath ; Sir Giles 
 
 lo Daubeney, was made lord Daubeney; and Sir Robert 
 Willoughby, lord Brook. 
 
 The King did also with great nobleness and bounty, 
 which virtues at that time had their turns in his nature, 
 restore Edward Stafford, eldest son to Henry duke of Buck- 
 
 1 5 ingham, attainted in the time of King Richard, not only to 
 his dignities, but to his fortunes and possessions, which were 
 great : to which he was moved also by a kind of gratitude, 
 for that the duke was the man that moved the first stone 
 against the tyranny of King Richard, and indeed made the 
 
 2o King a bridge to the crown upon his own ruins. Thus the 
 parliament broke up. 
 
 The parliament being dissolved, the King sent forthwith 
 money to redeem the marquis Dorset, and Sir John Bourchier, 
 whom he had left as his pledges at Paris, for money which 
 
 25 he had borrowed, when he made his expedition for England. 
 And thereupon he took a fit occasion to send the lord 
 Treasurer and master Bray, whom he used as counsellor, to 
 the lord mayor of London, requiring of the city a prest of 
 six thousand marks : but after many parleys, he could 
 
 30 ol)tain but two thousand pounds ; which nevertheless the 
 King took in good part as men use to do, that practise to 
 borrow money when they have no need. About this time 
 ihe King called unto his privy council John Morton and
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 19 
 
 Richard Fox, the one bishop of Ely, the other bishop of 
 Exeter; vigilant men, and secret, and such as kept watch 
 with him almost upon all men else. They had been both 
 versed in his affairs, before he came to the crown, and were 
 partakers of his adverse fortune. This Morton soon after, 5 
 upon the death of Bourchier, he made archbishop of Can- 
 .. terbury. And for Fox, he made him lord Keeper of his 
 privy-seal, and afterwards advanced him by degrees, from 
 Exeter to Bath and Wells, thence to Durham, and last to 
 ,_Winchester. For although the King loved to employ and 10 
 advance bishops, because having rich bishopricks, they 
 carried their reward upon themselves; yet he did use to 
 raise them by steps, that he might not lose the profit of 
 the first fruits, which by that course of gradation was multi- 
 plied. ^5 
 
 At last, upon the eighteenth of January, was solemnized 
 the so long expected and so much desired marriage, be- 
 tween the King and the lady Elizabeth : which day of 
 "■^rnarriage was celebrated with greater triumph and demon- 
 strations, especially on the people's part, of joy and gladness, 20 
 than the days either of his entry or coronation ; which the 
 King rather noted than liked. And it is true, that all his 
 life time, while the lady Elizabeth lived with him, for she 
 died before him, he shewed himself no very indulgent hus- 
 band towards her, though she was beautiful, gentle, and 25 
 fruitful. But his aversion towards the house of York was 
 so predominant in him, as it found place not only in his 
 wars and councils, but in his chamber and bed. 
 
 Towards the middle of the spring, the King, full of con- 
 fidence and assurance, as a prince that had been victorious 3° 
 in battle, and had prevailed with his parliament in all that 
 he desired, and had the ring of acclamations fresh in his 
 ears, thought the rest of his reigii should be but play, and
 
 20 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 the enjoying of a kingdom : yet, as a wise and watchful 
 King, he would not neglect any thing for his safety; think- 
 ing nevertheless to perform all things now, rather as an 
 exercise than as a labour. So he being truly informed, that 
 5 the northern parts were not only affectionate to the house 
 of York, but particularly had been devoted to King Richard 
 the third, thought it would be a summer well spent to visit 
 those parts, and by his presence and application of himself 
 to reclaim and rectify those humours. But the King, in his 
 
 lo account of peace and calms, did much over-cast his for- 
 tunes, which proved for many years together full of broken 
 seas, tides, and tempests. For he was no sooner come to 
 Lincoln, where he kept his Easter, but he received news, 
 that the lord Lovel, Humphrey Stafford, and Thomas Staf- 
 
 15 ford, who had formerly taken sanctuary at Colchester, were 
 
 ^ departed out of sanctuary, but to what place no man could 
 tell : which advertisement the King despised, and continued 
 his journey to York. At York there came fresh and more 
 certain advertisement, that the lord Lovel was at hand with 
 
 20 a great power of men, and that the Staffords were in arms 
 in Worcestershire, and had made their approaches to the 
 city of Worcester, to assail it. The King, as a prince of 
 great and profound judgment, was not much moved with it; 
 for that he thought it was but a rag or remnant of Bosworth- 
 
 25 field, and had nothing in it of the main party of the house 
 of York. But he was more doubtful of the raising of forces 
 to resist the rebels, than of the resistance itself; for that he 
 was in a core of people, whose affections he suspected. But 
 the action enduring no delay, he did speedily levy and send 
 
 30 against the lord Lovel, to the number of three thousand 
 men, ill armed, but well assured, being taken some few out 
 of his own train, and the rest out of the tenants and follow- 
 ers of such as were safe to be trusted, under the conduct of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 21 
 
 the duke of Bedford, And as his manner was to send his 
 pardons rather before the sword than after, he gave com- 
 mission to the duke to proclaim pardon to all that would 
 come in: which the duke, upon his approach to the lord 
 Lovel's camp, did perform. And it fell out as the King 5 
 expected; the heralds were the great ordnance. For the 
 lord Lovel, upon proclamation of pardon, mistrusting his 
 men, fled into Lancashire, and lurking for a time with 
 Sir Thomas Broughton, after sailed over into Flanders to 
 the lady Margaret. And his men, forsaken of their captain, 10 
 did presently submit themselves to the duke. The Staffords 
 likewise, and their forces, hearing what had happened to 
 the lord Lovel, in whose success their chief trust was, de- 
 spaired and dispersed. The two brothers taking sanctuary 
 at Colnham, a village near Abingdon; which place, upon 15 
 view of their privilege in the King's bench, being judged 
 no sufficient sanctuary for traitors, Humphrey was executed 
 at Tyburn ; and Thomas, as being led by his elder brother, 
 was pardoned. So this rebellion proved but a blast, and 
 the King having by this journey purged a little the dregs 20 
 and leaven of the northern people, that were before in no 
 good affection towards him, returned to London. 
 
 In September following, the Queen was delivered of her 
 first son, whom the King, in honour of the British race, of 
 which himself \vas, named Arthur, according to the name 25 
 of that ancient worthy King of the Britains, in whose acts 
 there is truth enough to make him famous, besides that 
 which is fabulous. The child was strong and able, though 
 he was born in the eighth month, which the physicians do 
 prejudge. 30 
 
 There followed this year, being the second of the King's 
 reign, a strange accident of state, whereof the relations
 
 2 2 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 which we have are so naked, as they leave it scarce cre- 
 dible; not for the nature of it, for it hath fallen out often, 
 but for the manner and circumstance of it, especially in the 
 beginnings. Therefore we shall make our judgment upon 
 
 5 the things themselves, as they give light one to another, 
 and, as we can, dig truth out of the mine. The King was 
 green in his estate ; and, contrary to his own opinion and 
 desert both, was not without much hatred throughout the 
 realm. The root of all was the discountenancing of the 
 
 lo house of York, which the general body of the realm still 
 affected. This did alienate the hearts of the subjects from 
 him daily more and more, especially when they saw, that 
 after his marriage, and after a son born, the King did never- 
 theless not so much as proceed to the coronation of the 
 
 1 5 Queen, not vouchsafing her the honour of a matrimonial 
 crown; for the coronation of her was not till almost two 
 years after, when danger had taught him what to do. But 
 much more when it was spread abroad, whether by error, or 
 the cunning of malcontents, that the King had a purpose 
 
 2o to put to death Edward Plantagenet closely in the Tower : 
 whose case was so nearly paralleled with that of Edward the 
 fourth's children, in respect of the blood, like age, and the 
 very place of the Tower, as it did refresh and reflect upon 
 the King a most odious resemblance, as if he would be 
 
 25 another King Richard. And all this time it was still 
 whispered every w-here, that at least one of the children of 
 Edward the fourth was living : which bruit was cunningly 
 foniented by such as desired innovation. Neither was the 
 King's nature and customs greatly fit to disperse these 
 
 30 mists; but contrariwise, he had a fashion rather to create 
 doubts than assurance. Thus was fuel prepared for the 
 spark : tlie spark, that afterwards kindled such a fire and 
 combustion, was at the first contemptible.
 
 HIS TOR V OF KING HENRY VI L 23 
 
 There was a subtle priest called Richard Simon', that 
 lived in Oxford, and had to his pupil a baker's son, named 
 Lambert Simnell, of the age of some fifteen years, a comely 
 youth, and well favoured, not without some extraordinary 
 dignity, and grace of aspect. It came into this priest's 5 
 fancy, hearing what men talked, and in hope to raise him- 
 self to some great bishopric, to cause this lad to counterfeit 
 and personate the second son of Edward the fourth, sup- 
 posed to be murdered; and afterward, for he changed his 
 intention in the manage, the lord Edward Plantagenet, then 10 
 prisoner in the Tower, and accordingly to frame him and 
 instruct him in the part he was to play. This is that which, 
 as was touched before, seemeth scarcely credible; not that 
 a false person should be assumed to gain a kingdom, for it 
 hath been seen in ancient and late times ; nor that it should 1 5 
 come into the mind of such an abject fellow, to enterprise 
 so great a matter; for high conceits do sometimes come 
 streaming into the imaginations of base persons; especially 
 when they are drunk with news, and talk of the people. 
 But here is that which hath no appearance: That this priest, 20 
 being utterly unacquainted with the true person, according 
 to whose pattern he should shape his" counterfeit, should 
 think it possible for him to instruct his player, either in ges- 
 ture and fashions, or in recounting past matters of his life 
 and education; or in fit answers to questions, or the like, 25 
 any ways to come near the resemblance of him whom he 
 was to represent. For this lad was not to personate one, that 
 had been long before taken out of his cradle, or conveyed 
 away in his infancy, known to few; but a youth, that till 
 
 ^ The priest's name was William Simonds, and the youth was the 
 
 son of an organ-maker in Oxford, as the priest declared 
 
 before the whole convocation of the clergy at Lambeth, Feb. 17, 14S6. 
 Vide Reg. Morton, f. 34. 1\IS. Sancmft.
 
 2 4 HISTORY OF KING HENRY III. 
 
 the age almost of ten years had been brought up in a court 
 where infinite eyes had been upon him. For King Edward, 
 touched with remorse of his brother the duke of Clarence's 
 death, would not indeed restore his son, of whom we speak, 
 5 to be duke of Clarence, but yet created him earl of War- 
 wick, reviving his honour on the mother's side ; and used 
 him honourably during his time, though Richard the third 
 afterwards confined him. So that it cannot be, but that 
 some great person that knew particularly and familiarly 
 
 I o Edward Plantagenet, had a hand in the business, from whom 
 the priest might take his aim. That which is most probable, 
 out of the precedent and subsequent acts, is, that it was the 
 Queen dowager, fiom whom this action had the principal 
 source and motion. For certain it is, she was a busy nego- 
 
 i5ciating woman, and in her withdrawing-chamber had the 
 fortunate conspiracy for the King against King Richard the 
 third been hatched; which the King knew, and remembered 
 perhaps but too well ; and was at this time extremely dis- 
 content with the King, thinking her daughter, as the King 
 
 20 handled the matter, not advanced but depressed : and none 
 could hold the book so well to prompt and instruct this 
 stage-play, as she could. Nevertheless it was not her mean- 
 ing, nor no more was it the meaning of any of the better 
 and sager sort that favoured this enterprise, and knew the 
 
 25 secret, that this disguised idol should possess the crown ; 
 but at his peril to make way to the overthrow of the King ; 
 and that done, they had their several hopes and ways. That 
 which doth chiefly fortify this conjecture is, that as soon as 
 the matter brake forth in any strength, it was one of the 
 
 30 King's first acts to cloister the Queen dowager in the nun- 
 nery of Bermondsey, and to take away all her lands and 
 estate ; and this by a close council, without any legal pro- 
 ceeding, upon far fetched pretences that she had delivered
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 25 
 
 her two daughters out of sanctuary to King Richard, con- 
 trary to promise. Which proceeding being even at that 
 time taxed for rigorous and undue, both in matter and man- 
 ner, makes it very probable there was some greater matter 
 against her, which the King, upon reason of pohcy and to 5 
 avoid envy, would not publish. It is likewise no small 
 argument that there was some secret in it, and some sup- 
 pressing of examinations, for that the priest Simon himself, 
 after he was taken, was never brought to execution ; no not 
 so much as to public trial, as many clergymen were upon 10 
 less treasons, but was only shut up close in a dungeon. 
 Add to this, that after the earl of Lincoln, a principal person 
 of the house of York, was slain in Stoke-field, the King 
 opened himself to some of his council, that he was sorry for 
 the earl's death, because by him, he said, he might have 15 
 known the bottom of his danger. 
 
 But to return to the narration itself: Simon did first 
 instruct his scholar for the part of Richard, duke of York, 
 second son to King Edward the fourth ; and this was at 
 such time as it was voiced, that the King purposed to put 20 
 to death Edward Plantagenet, prisoner in the Tower, 
 whereat there was great murmur. But hearing soon after a 
 general bruit that Plantagenet had escaped out of the 
 Tower, and thereby finding him so much beloved amongst 
 the people, and such rejoicing at his escape, the cunning 25 
 priest changed his copy, and chose now Plantagenet to be 
 the subject his pupil should personate, because he was more 
 in the present speech and votes of the people ; and it pieced 
 better, and followed more close and handsomely, upon the 
 bruit of Plantagenet's escape. But yet doubting that there 30 
 would be too near looking, and too much perspective into 
 his disguise, if he should shew it here in England ; he 
 thought good, after the manner of scenes in stage-plays and
 
 26 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 masks, to shew it afar off; and therefore sailed with his 
 scholar into Ireland, where the affection to the house of 
 York was most in height. The King had been a little 
 improvident in the matters of Ireland, and had not removed 
 5 officers and counsellors, and put in their places, or at least 
 intermingled, persons of whom he stood assured, as he 
 should have done, since he knew the strong bent of that 
 country towards the house of York; and that it was a 
 ticklish and unsettled state, more easy to receive distemjjers 
 
 lo and mutations than England was. But trusting to the repu- 
 tation of his victories and successes in England, he thought 
 he should have time enough to extend his cares afterwards 
 to that second kingdom. 
 
 Wherefore through this neglect, upon the coming of 
 
 1 5 Simon with his pretended Plantagenet into Ireland, all 
 things were prepared for revolt and sedition, almost as if 
 they had been set and plotted beforehand. Simon's first 
 address was to the lord Thomas Fitz-Gerard, earl of Kildare 
 and deputy of Ireland ; before whose eyes he did cast such 
 
 30 a mist, by his own insinuation, and by the carriage of his 
 youth, that expressed a natural princely behaviour, as joined 
 perhaps with some inward vapours of ambition and affection 
 in the earl's own mind, left him fully possessed, that it was 
 the true Plantagenet. The earl presently communicated the 
 
 25 matter with some of the nobles, and others there, at the first 
 secretly ; but finding them of like affection to himself, he 
 suffered it of purpose to vent and pass abroad ; because 
 they thought it not safe to resolve, till they had a taste of 
 the people's inclination. But if the great ones were in for- 
 
 30 wardness, the people were in fury, entertaining this airy 
 body or phantasm with incredible affection ; partly, out of 
 their great devotion to the house of York ; partly out of a 
 proud humour in the nation, to give a King to the realm of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 27 
 
 England. Neither did the parly, in this heat of affection, 
 much trouble themselves with the attainder of George duke 
 of Clarence ; having newly learned by the King's example, 
 that attainders do not interrupt the conveying of title to the 
 crown. And as for the daughters of King Edward the 5 
 fourth, they thought King Richard had said enough for 
 them ; and took them to be but as of the King's party, 
 because they were in his power and at his disposing. So 
 that with marvellous consent and applause, this counterfeit 
 Plantagenet was brought with great solemnity to the castle 10 
 of Dublin, and there saluted, served, and honoured as King; 
 the boy becoming it well, and doing nothing that did be- 
 wray the baseness of his condition. And within a few days 
 after he was proclaimed King in Dublin, by the name of 
 King Edward the sixth ; there being not a sword drawn in 1 5 
 King Henry his quarrel. 
 
 The King was much moved with this unexpected acci- 
 dent when it came to his ears, both because it struck upon 
 that string which ever he most feared, as also because it was 
 stirred in such a place, where he could not with safety 20 
 transfer his own person to suppress it. For partly through 
 natural valour, and partly through an uni\'ersal suspicion, 
 not knowing w^hom to trust, he was ever ready to wait 
 upon all his achievements in person. The King therefore 
 first called his council together at the charter-house at 25 
 Shene; which council was held with great secrecy, but the 
 open decrees thereof, which presently came abroad, were 
 three. 
 
 The first was, that the Queen dowager, for that she, 
 contrary to her pact and agreement with those that had 30 
 concluded with her concerning the marriage of her daughter 
 Elizabeth with King Henry, had nevertheless delivered her 
 daughters out of sanctuary into King Richard's hands,
 
 28 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 should be cloistered in the nunnery of Bermondsey, and 
 forfeit all her lands and goods. 
 
 The next was, that Edward Plantagenet, then close 
 prisoner in the Tower, should be, in the most public and 
 2 notorious manner that could be devised, shewed unto the 
 people : in part to discharge the King of the envy of that 
 opinion and bruit, how he had been put to death privily in 
 the Tower ; but chiefly to make the people see the levity 
 and imposture of the proceedings of Ireland, and that their 
 
 lo Plantagenet was indeed but a puppet or a counterfeit. 
 
 The third was that there should be again proclaimed 
 a general pardon to all that would reveal their offences, and 
 submit themselves by a day. And that this pardon should 
 be conceived in so ample and liberal a manner, as no high- 
 
 15 treason, no not against the King's own person, should be 
 excepted. Which though it might seem strange, yet was it 
 not so to a wise King, that knew his greatest dangers were 
 not from the least treasons, but from the greatest. These 
 resolutions of the King and his council were immediately 
 
 20 put in execution. And first, the Queen dowager was put 
 into the monastery of Bermondsey, and all her estates seized 
 into the King's hands : whereat there was much wondering ; 
 that a weak woman, for the yielding to the menaces and 
 promises of a tyrant, after such a distance of time, wherein 
 
 25 the King had sliewed no displeasure nor alteration, but 
 
 ■ much more after so happy a marriage between the King and 
 
 her daughter, blessed with issue male, should, upon a sudden 
 
 mutability or disclosure of the King's mind, be so severely 
 
 handled. 
 
 30 This lady was anrongst the examples of great variety of 
 fortune. She had first from a distressed suitor, and desolate 
 widow, been taken to the marriage bed of a bachelor King, 
 the goodliest personage of his time; and even in his reign she
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 29 
 
 had endured a strange eclipse by the King's flight, and tempo- 
 rary depriving from the crown. She was also very happy, in 
 that she had by him fair issue ; and continued his nuptial 
 love, helping herself by some obsequious bearing and dis- ' 
 sembling of his pleasures, to the very end. She was much 5 
 affectionate to her own kindred, even unto faction ; which 
 did stir great envy in the lords of the King's side, who 
 counted her blood a disparagement to be mingled with the 
 King's. With which lords of the King's blood joined also 
 the King's favourite, the lord Hastings; who, notvvithstand- 10 
 ing the King's great affection to him, was thought at times, 
 through her malice and spleen, not to be out of danger of 
 falling. After her husband's death she was matter of tra- 
 gedy, having lived to see her brother beheaded, and her two 
 sons deposed from the crown, bastarded in their blood, and 15 
 cruelly murdered. All this while nevertheless she enjoyed 
 her liberty, state, and fortunes : but afterwards again, upon 
 the rise of the wheel, when she had a King to her son-in- 
 law, and was made grandmother to a grandchild of the best 
 sex ; yet was she, upon dark and unknown reasons, and no 20 
 less strange pretences, precipitated and banished the world 
 into a nunnery ; where it was almost thought dangerous to 
 visit her, or see her; and where not long after she ended 
 her life : but was by the king's commandment buried with 
 the King her husband at Windsor. She was foundress of 25 
 Queen's college in Cambridge. For this act the King sus- 
 tained great obloquy, which nevertheless, besides the reason 
 of state, was somewhat sweetened to him by a great confis- 
 cation. 
 
 About this time also, Edward Plantagenet was upon 30 
 a Sunday brought, throughout all the principal streets of 
 London, to be seen of the people. And having passed the 
 view of the streets, was conducted to Paul's church in
 
 30 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 solemn procession, where great store of people were assem- 
 bled. And it was provided also in good fashion, that divers 
 of the nobility, and others of quality, especially of those 
 that the King most suspected, and knew the person of 
 5 Plantagenet best, had communication with the young 
 . gentleman by the way, and entertained him with speech 
 and discourse; which did in effect mar the pageant in Ireland 
 with the subjects here, at least with so many, as out of error, 
 and not out of malice, might be misled. Nevertheless in 
 
 10 Ireland, where it was too late to go back, it wrought little 
 or no effect. But contrariwise, they turned the imposture 
 upon the King ; and gave out, that the King, to defeat the 
 true inheritor, and to mock the world, and blind the eyes of 
 simple men, had tricked up a boy in the likeness of Edward 
 
 15 Plantagenet, and shewed him to the people; not sparing to 
 profane the ceremony of a procession, the more to counte- 
 nance the fable. 
 
 The general pardon likewise near the same time came 
 forth ; and the King therewithal omitted no diligence, in 
 
 20 giving strait order for the keeping of the ports, that fugitives, 
 1 malcontents, or suspected persons, might not pass over 
 into Ireland and Flanders. 
 
 Mean while the rebels in Ireland had sent privy messen- 
 gers both into England and into Flanders, who in both 
 
 25 places had wrought effects of no small importance. For in 
 England they won to their party John earl of Lincoln, son 
 of John de la Pole duke of Suffolk, and of Elizabeth, King 
 Edward the fourth's eldest sister. This earl was a man of 
 great wit and courage, and had his thoughts highly raised 
 
 30 by hopes and expectations for a time : for Richard the third 
 had a resolution, out of his hatred to both his brethren, 
 King Edward and the duke of Clarence, and their lines, 
 having had his hand in both their bloods, to disable their
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 31 
 
 issues upon false and incompetent pretexts ; the one of 
 attainder, the other of illegitimation : and to design this 
 gentleman, in case himself should die without children, for 
 inheritor of the crown. Neither was this unknown to the 
 King, who had secretly an eye upon him. But the King, 5 
 having tasted of the envy of the people for his imprisonment 
 of Edward Plantagenet, was doubtful to heap up any more 
 distastes of that kind, by the imprisonment of de la Pole 
 also ; the rather thinking it pohcy to conser\-e him as a 
 co-rival unto the other. The earl of Lincoln was induced 10 
 to participate with the action of Ireland, not lightly upon 
 the strength of the proceedings there, which was but a 
 bubble, but upon letters from the lady Margaret of Bur- 
 gundy, in whose succours and declaration for the enterprise 
 there seemed to be a more solid foundation, both for repu- 1 5 
 tation and forces. Neither did the earl refrain the business, 
 for that he knew the pretended Plantagenet to be but an 
 idol. But contrariwise, he was more glad it should be the 
 false Plantagenet than the true ; because the false being 
 sure to fall away of himself, and the true to be made sure of 20 
 by the King, it might open and pave a fair and prepared 
 way to his own title. With this resolution he sailed secretly 
 into Flanders, where was a little before arrived the lord 
 Lovel, leaving a correspondence here in England with Sir 
 Thomas Broughton, a man of great power and dependencies 25 
 in Lancashire. For before this time, when the pretended 
 Plantagenet was first received in Ireland, secret messengers 
 had been also sent to the lady Margaret, advertising her 
 what was passed in Ireland, imploring succours in an enter- 
 prise, as they said, so pious and just, and that God had so 30 
 miraculously prospered the beginning thereof; and making 
 offer, that all things should be guided by her will and 
 direction, as the sovereign patroness and protectress of the
 
 32 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 enterprise. Margaret was second sister to King Edward 
 the fourth, and had been second wife to Charles, surnamed 
 the Hardy, duke of Burgundy; by whom having no children 
 of her own, she did with singular care and tenderness intend 
 5 the education of Philip and Margaret, grandchiklren to her 
 former husband ; which won her great love and authority 
 among the Dutch. This princess, having the spirit of a 
 man, and malice of a woman, abounding in treasure by the 
 greatness of her dower and her provident government, and 
 
 lo being childless, and without any nearer care, made it her 
 design and enterprise, to see the majesty royal of England 
 once again replaced in her house ; and had set up King 
 Henry as a mark, at whose overthrow all her actions should 
 aim and shoot ; insomuch as all the counsels of his succeed- 
 
 15 ing troubles came chiefly out of that quiver. And she bare 
 such a mortal hatred to the house of Lancaster, and person- 
 ally to the King, as she was no ways mollified by the 
 conjunction of the houses in her niece's marriage, but 
 rather hated her niece, as the means of the King's ascent to 
 
 20 the crown, and assurance therein. Wherefore with great 
 violence of affection she embraced this overture. And upon 
 counsel taken with the earl of Lincoln, and the lord Lovel, 
 and some other of the party, it was resolved, with all speed 
 the two lords, assisted with a regiment of two thousand 
 
 25 Almains, being choice and veteran bands, under the com- 
 mand of Martin Swart, a valiant and experimented captain, 
 should pass over into Ireland to the new King; hoping, 
 that when the action should have the face of a received and 
 settled regality, with such a second person as the earl of 
 
 30 Lincoln, and the conjunction and reputation of foreign 
 succours, the fame of it would embolden and prepare all 
 the party of the confederates and malcontents within the 
 realm of England to give them assistance when they should
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII -^i 
 
 come over there. And for the person of the counterfeit it 
 was agreed, that if all things succeeded well he should be 
 put down, and the true Plantagenet received; wherein 
 nevertheless the earl of Lincoln had his particular hopes. 
 After they were come into Ireland, and that the part}' took 5 
 courage, by seeing themselves together in a body, they 
 grew very confident of success ; conceiving and discoursing 
 amongst themselves, that they went in upon far better cards 
 to overthrow King Henry, than King Henry had to over- 
 throw King Richard : and that if there were not a swcrd 10 
 drawn against them in Ireland, it was a sign the swords in 
 England would be soon sheathed or beaten down. And 
 first, for a bravery upon this accession of power, they 
 crowned their new King in the cathedral church of Dublin ; 
 who formerly had been but proclaimed only; and then sat 15 
 in council what should farther be done. At which council, 
 though it were propounded by some, that it were the best 
 way to establish themselves first in Ireland, and to make 
 that the seat of the war, and to draw King Henry thither in 
 person, by whose absence they thought there would be great 20 
 alterations and commotions in England ; yet because the 
 kingdom there was poor, and they should not be able to 
 keep their army together, nor pay their German soldiers, 
 and for that also the sway of the Irishmen, and generally of 
 the men of war, which, as in such cases of popular tumults -5 
 is usual, did in effect govern their leaders, was eager, and in 
 affection to make their fortunes upon England; it was con- 
 cluded with all possible speed to transport their forces into 
 England. The King in the mean time, who at the first 
 when he heard what was done in Ireland, though it troubled 30 
 him, yet thought he should be well enough able to scatter 
 the Irish as a flight of birds, and rattle away this swarm of 
 bees with their King; when he heard afterwards that the 
 
 B. H. 3
 
 34 HISTORY OF KING HEXKY VII. 
 
 earl of Lincoln was embarked in the action, and that the 
 lady Margaret was declared for it ; he apprehended the 
 danger in a true degree as it was, and saw plainly that his 
 kingdom must again be put to the stake, and that he must 
 5 fight for it. And first lie did conceive, before he understood 
 of the earl of Lincoln's sailing into Ireland out of Flanders, 
 that he should be assailed both upon the east parts of the 
 kingdom of England, by some impression from Flanders, 
 and upon the north-west out of Ireland. And therefore 
 
 lo having ordered musters to be made in both parts, and 
 having provisionally designed two generals, Jasper earl of 
 Bedford, and John earl of Oxford, meaning himself also to 
 go in person where the affairs should most require it, and 
 nevertheless not expecting any actual invasion at that time, 
 
 1 5 the winter being far on, he took his journey himself towards 
 Suffolk and Norfolk, for the confirming of those parts. And 
 being come to St. Edmond's-Bury, he understood that 
 Thomas marquis Dorset, who had been one of the pledges 
 in France, was hasting towards him, to purge himself of 
 
 20 some accusations which had been made against him. But 
 the King, though he kept an ear for him, yet was the time 
 so doubtful, that he sent the earl of Oxford to meet him, 
 and forthwith to carry him to the Tower; with a fair 
 message nevertheless, that he should bear that disgrace with 
 
 25 patience, for that the King meant not his hurt, but only to 
 preser\'e him from doing hurt, either to the King's service, 
 or to himself; and that the King should always be able, 
 when he had cleared himself, to make him reparation. 
 
 From St. Edmond's-Burv he went to Norwich, where he 
 
 30 kept his Christmas. And from thence he went, in a manner 
 of pilgrimage, to Walsingham, where he visited our lady's 
 church, famous for miracles, and made his prayers and vows 
 for help and deliverance. And from thence he returned by
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 35 
 
 Cambridge to London. Not long after the rebels, with their 
 King, under the leading of the earl of Lincoln, the earl of 
 Kildare, the lord Lovel, and colonel Swart, landed at Foul- 
 drey in Lancashire ; whither there repaired to them Sir 
 Thomas Broughton, with some small company of English. 5 
 The King by that time, knowing now the storm would not 
 divide, but fall in one place, had levied force? in good num- 
 ber ; and in person, taking with him his two designed gene- 
 rals, the duke of Bedford, and the earl of Oxford, was come 
 on his way towards them as far as Coventry, whence he sent i o 
 forth a troop of light horsemen for discovery, and to inter- 
 cei)t some stragglers of the enemies, by whom he might the 
 better understand the particulars of their progress and pur- 
 poses, which was accordingly done ; though the King other- 
 wise was not without intelligence from espials in the camp. 1 5 
 
 The rebels took their way toward York, without spoiling 
 the country or any act of hostility, the better to put them- 
 selves into favour of the people, and to personate their 
 King : who, no doubt, out of a princely feeling, was sparing 
 and compassionate towards his subjects : but their snow-ball 20 
 did not gather as it went. For the people came not in to 
 them ; neither did any rise or declare themselves in other 
 parts of the kingdom for them ; which was caused partly by 
 the good taste that the King had given his people of his 
 government, joined with the reputation of his felicity; and 25 
 partly for that it was an odious thing to the people of Eng- 
 land, to have a King brought in to them upon the shoulders 
 of Irish and^Dutch, of which their army was in substance 
 compounded. Neither was it a thing done with any great 
 judgment on the party of the rebels, for them to take their 30 
 way towards York : considering that howsoever those parts 
 had formerly been a nursery of their friends • yet it was 
 there, where the lord Lovel had so lately disbanded, and 
 
 3—2
 
 36 HISTORY OF KING IIEXRY VII. 
 
 where the King's presence had a little before qualified dis- 
 contents. The earl of Lincoln, deceived of his hopes of the 
 country's concourse unto him, in which case he would have 
 temporised, and seeing the business past retract, resolved to 
 5 make on where the King was, and to give him battle ; and 
 thereupon marched towards Newark, thinking to have sur- 
 prised the town. But the King was somewhat before this 
 time come to Nottingham, where he called a council of war, 
 at which w^as consulted whether it were best to protract 
 
 lo lime, or speedily to set upon the rebels. In which council 
 the King himself, whose continual vigilancy did suck in 
 sometimes causeless suspicions, which few else knew, in- 
 clined to the accelerating a battle : but this was presently 
 put out of doubt, by the great aids that came in to him in 
 
 15 the instant of this consultation, partly upon missives, and 
 partly voluntaries, from many parts of the kingdom. 
 
 The principal persons that came then to the King's aid, 
 were the earl of Shrewsbury, and the lord Strange of the 
 nobility; and of knights and gentlemen, to the number of 
 
 20 at least threescore and ten persons, with their companies, 
 making in the whole, at the least, six thousand fighting men, 
 besides the forces that were with the King before. Where- 
 upon the King, finding his army so bravely reinforced, and 
 a great alacrity in all his men to fight, was confirmed in his 
 
 25 former resolution, and marched speedily, so as he put him- 
 self between the enemy's camp and Newark ; being loth 
 their army should get the commodity of that town. The 
 earl, nothing dismayed, came forwards that day unto a little 
 village called Stoke, and there encamped that night, upon 
 
 30 the brow or hanging of a hill. The King the next day pre- 
 sented him battle upon the plain, the fields there being open 
 and champaign. The earl courageously came down and 
 joined battle with him. Concerning which battle the rela-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 37 
 
 tions that are left unto us are so naked and negligent, 
 though it be an action of so recent memory, as they rather 
 declare the success of the day, than the manner of the fight. 
 They say, that the King divided his army into three batdes ; 
 whereof the van-guard, only, well strengthened with wings, 5 
 came to fight: That the fight was fierce and obstinate, and 
 lasted three hours, before the victory inclined either way; 
 save that judgment might be made by that the King's van- 
 guard of itself maintained fight against the whole power of 
 the enemies, the other two battles remaining out of action, 10 
 what the success was like to be in the end : That Martin 
 Swart with his Germans performed bravely, and so did those 
 few English that were on that side ; neither did the Irish fail 
 in courage or fierceness; but being almost naked men, only 
 armed with darts and skeins, it was rather an execution than 15 
 a fight upon them ; insomuch as the furious slaughter of 
 them was a great discouragement and appalement to the 
 rest : That there died upon the place all the chieftains; that 
 is, the earl of Lincoln, the earl of Kildare, Francis lord 
 Lovel, Martin Swart, and Sir Thomas Broughton; all making 20 
 good the fight, without any ground given. Only of the lord 
 Lovel there went a report that he fled, and swam over Trent 
 on horseback, but could not recover the farther side, by 
 reason of the steepness of the bank, and so was drowned in 
 the river. But another report leaves him not there, but that 25 
 he lived long after in a cave or vault. The number that was 
 slain in the field, was of the enemy's part four thousand at 
 the least; and of the King's part, one half of his van-guard, 
 besides many hurt, but none of name. There were taken 
 prisoners, amongst others, the counterfeit Plantagenet, now 30 
 Lambert Simnell again, and the crafty priest his tutor. For 
 Lambert, the King would not take his life, both out of mag- 
 nanimity, taking him but as an image of wax, that others
 
 38 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 had tempered and moulded ; and likewise out of wisdom, 
 thinking that if he suffered death, he would be forgotten too 
 soon ; but being kept alive, he would be a continual spec- 
 tacle, and a kind of remedy against the like enchantments of 
 5 people in time to come. For which cause he was taken 
 into service in his court to a base office in his kitchen; so 
 that, in a kind of inatiacitia of human fortune, he turned a 
 broach, that lud worn a crown ; whereas fortune commonly 
 doth not bring in a comedy or farce after a tragedy. And 
 
 lo afterwards he was preferred to be one of the King's fal- 
 coners. As to the priest, he was committed close prisoner, 
 and heard of no more ; the King loving to seal up his own 
 dangers. 
 
 After the battle the King went to Lincoln, where he 
 
 15 caused supplications and thanksgivings to be made for his 
 deliverance and victory. And that his devotions might go 
 round in circle, he sent his banner to be offered to our lady 
 of Walsingham, where before he made his vows. And thus 
 delivered of this so strange an engine, and new invention of 
 
 20 fortune, he returned to his former confidence of mind ; 
 thinking now, that all his misfortunes had come at once. 
 But it fell out unto him according to the speech of the com- 
 mon people in the beginning of his reign, that said, It was a 
 token he should reign in labour, because his reign began 
 
 25 with a sickness of sweat. But howsoever the King thought 
 liimself now in a haven, yet such was his wisdom, as his 
 confidence did seldom darken his foresight, especially in 
 things near hand. And therefore, awakened by so fresh 
 and unexpected dangers, he entered into due consideration, 
 
 30 as well how to weed out the partakers of the former rebel- 
 lion, as to kill the seeds of the like in time to come : and 
 withal to take away all shelters and harbours for discontented 
 persons, where they might hatch and foster rebellions, which
 
 HISTORY OF KING ITENRY VII. 39 
 
 afterwards might gather strength and motion. And first, he 
 did yet again make a progress from Lincoln to the northern 
 parts, though it were indeed rather an itinerary circuit of 
 justice than a progress. For all along as he went, with 
 much severity and strict inquisition, partly by martial law, 5 
 and partly by commission, Avere punished the adherents and 
 aiders of the late rebels. Not all by death, for the field had 
 drawn much blood, but by fines and ransoms, which spared 
 life, and raised treasure. Amongst other crimes of this na- 
 ture, there was diligent inquiry made of such as had raised 10 
 and dispersed a bruit and rumour, a little before the field 
 fought, "that the rebels had the day; and that the King's 
 army was overthrown, and the King fled." Whereby it was 
 supposed that many succours, which otherwise would have 
 come unto the King, were cunningly put off and kept back. 1 5 
 Which charge and accusation, though it had some ground, 
 yet it was industriously embraced and put on by divers, who 
 having been in themselves not the best affected to the 
 King's part, nor forward to come to his aid, were glad to 
 apprehend this colour to cover their neglect and coldness, 20 
 under the pretence of such discouragements. Which cun- 
 ning nevertheless the King would not understand, though 
 he lodged it, and noted it in some particulars, as his manner 
 was. 
 
 But for the extirpating of the roots and causes of the 25 
 like commotions in time to come, the King began to find 
 where his shoe did UTing him, and that it was his depressing 
 of the house of York that did rankle and fester the affections 
 of his people. And therefore being now too wise to disdain 
 perils any longer, and willing to give some contentment in 30 
 that kind, at least in ceremony, he resolved at last to pro- 
 ceed to the coronation of his Queen. And therefore at his 
 coming to London, where he entered in state, and in a kind
 
 40 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 of triumph, and celebrated his victory with two days of ile- 
 votion, for the first day he repaired to Paul's and had the 
 hymn of Te Dcum sung, and the morrow after he went in 
 procession, and heard the sermon at the cross, the Queen 
 5 was with great solemnity crowned at Westminster, the five 
 and twentieth of November, in. the third year of his reign, 
 which was about two years after the marriage : like an old 
 christenmg, that had stayed long for godfathers. Which 
 strange and unusual distance of time made it subject to 
 
 lo every man's note, that it was an act against his stomach, 
 and put upon him by necessity and reason of state. Soon 
 after, to shew that it was now fair weather again, and that 
 the imprisonment of Thomas marquis Dorset was rather 
 upon suspicion of the time, than of the man, he, the said 
 
 15 marquis, was set at liberty, without examination or other 
 circumstance. At that time also the King sent an ambas- 
 sador unto Pope Innocent, signifying unto him this his 
 marriage ; and that now, like another .^ncas, he had passed 
 through the floods of his former troubles and travels, and 
 
 20 was arrived unto a safe haven : and thanking his Holiness 
 that he had honoured the celebration of his marriage with 
 the presence of his ambassador; and offering both his per- 
 son and the forces of his kingdom, upon all occasions, to 
 do him service. 
 
 25 The ambassador making his oration to the Pope, in the 
 presence of the cardinals, did so magnify the King and 
 Queen, as was enough to glut the hearers. But then he did 
 again so extol and deify the Pope, as made all that he had 
 said in praise of his master and mistress seem temperate 
 
 30 and passable. But he was very honourably entertained, and 
 extremely much made on by the Pope : who knowing him- 
 self to be lazy and unprofitable to the Christian world, was 
 wonderfully glad to hear that there were such echoes of him
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 41 
 
 sounding in remote parts. He obtained also of the Pope a 
 very just and honourable bull, qualifying the privileges of 
 sanctuary, wherewith the King had been extremely galled, 
 in three points. 
 
 The first, that if any sanctuary man did by night, or 5 
 otherwise, get out of sanctuary privily, and commit mischief 
 and trespass, and then come in again, he should lose the 
 benefit of sanctuary for ever after. The second, that how- 
 soever the person of the sanctuary man was protected from 
 his creditors, yet his goods out of sanctuary should not. 10 
 The third, that if any took sanctuary for case of treason, 
 the King might appoint him keepers to look to him -in 
 sanctuary. 
 
 The King also, for the better securing of his estate 
 against mutinous and malcontented subjects, whereof he 15 
 saw the realm was full, who might have their refuge into 
 Scotland, which was not under key, as the ports were ; for 
 that cause rather than for any doubt of hostility from those 
 parts, before his coming to London, when he was at New- 
 castle, had sent a solemn ambassage unto James the third 20 
 King of Scotland, to treat and conclude a peace with him. 
 The ambassadors were, Richard Fox, bishop of Exeter, and 
 Sir Richard Edgcombe, comptroller of the King's house, 
 who were honourably received and entertained there. But 
 the King of Scotland labouring of the same disease that 25 
 King Henry did, though more mortal, as afterwards ap- 
 peared, that is, discontented subjects, apt to rise and raise 
 tumult, although in his own affection he did much desire to 
 make a peace with the King; yet finding his nobles averse, 
 and not daring to displease them, concluded only a truce 30 
 for seven years ; giving nevertheless promise in private, that 
 it should be renewed from time to time during the two 
 Kings' lives.
 
 42 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 Hitherto the King had been exercised in settHng his 
 
 affairs at home. But about this time brake forth an occasion 
 
 that drew him to look abroad, and to hearken to foreign 
 
 business. Charles the eighth the French King, by the virtue 
 
 5 and good fortune of his two immediate predecessors, Charles 
 
 the seventh his grandfather and Lewis the eleventh his 
 
 father, received the kingdom of France in more flourishing 
 
 and spread estate than it had been of many years before ; 
 
 being redintegrate in those principal members, which an- 
 
 lo ciently had been portions of the crown of France, and were 
 
 afterward dissevered, so as they remained only in homage, 
 
 and not in sovereignty, being governed by absolute Princes 
 
 of their own, Anjou, Normandy, Provence, and Burgundy. 
 
 There remained only Britain to be re-united, and so the 
 
 1 5 monarchy of France to be reduced to the ancient terms and 
 
 bounds. 
 
 King Charles was not a little inflamed with an ambition 
 
 I to re-purchase and re-annex that duchy : which his ambition 
 
 was a wise and well-weighed ambition ; not like unto the 
 
 20 ambitions of his succeeding enterprises of Italy. For at 
 
 that time, being newly come to the crown, he was somewhat 
 
 guided by his father's counsels, counsels not counsellors, 
 
 for his father was his own council, and had few able men 
 
 about him. And that King, he knew well, had ever dis- 
 
 25 tasted the designs of Italy, and in particular had an eye 
 
 upon Britain. There were many circumstances that did 
 
 feed the ambition of Charles with pregnant and apparent 
 
 hopes of success : the duke of Britain old, and entered 
 
 into a lethargy, and served with mercenary counsellors., 
 
 30 father of two only daughters, the one sickly and not like to 
 
 continue : King Charles himself in the flower of his age, and 
 
 the subjects of France at that time well trained for war, both 
 
 for leaders and soldiers ; men of service being not yet worn
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 4.3 
 
 out since the wars of Lewis against Burgundy. He found 
 himself also in peace with all his neighbour Princes. As 
 for those that might oppose to his enterprise, Maximilian 
 King of the Romans, his rival in the same desires (as well 
 for the duchy, as the daughter) feeble in means; and King 5 
 Henry of England as well somewhat obnoxious to him for 
 his favours and benefits, as busied in his particular troubles 
 at home. There was also a fair and specious occasion 
 offered him to hide his ambition, and to justify his warring 
 upon Britain ; for that the duke had received and succoured 10 
 Lewis duke of Orleans, and other of the French nobility, 
 which had taken arms against their King. Wherefore King 
 Charles, being resolved upon that war, knew well he could 
 not receive any opposition so potent, as if King Henry 
 should, either upon policy of state, in preventing the grow- 15 
 ing greatness of France, or upon gratitude unto the duke of 
 Britain, for his former favours in the time of his distress, 
 espouse that quarrel, and declare himself in aid of the duke. 
 Therefore he no sooner heard that King Henry was settled 
 by his victory, but forthwith he sent ambassadors unto him 20 
 to pray his assistance, or at least that he would stand 
 neutral. Which ambassadors found the King at Leicester, 
 and delivered their ambassage to this effect : They first im- 
 parted unto the King the success that their master had had 
 a little before against Maximilian, in recovery of certain 25 
 towns from him : which was done in a kind of privacy, and 
 inwardness towards the King; as if the French King did not 
 esteem him for an outward or formal confederate, but as 
 one that had part in his affections and fortunes, and with 
 whom he took pleasure to communicate his business. After 5° 
 this compliment, and some gratulation for the King's vic- 
 tory, they fell to their errand ; declaring to the King, That 
 their master was enforced to enter into a just and necessary
 
 44 HISTORY OF KIXG HENRY ITL 
 
 war with the duke of Britain, for that he had received and 
 succoured those that were traitors and declared enemies 
 unto his person and state. I'hat they were no mean, dis- 
 tressed, and calamitous persons that fled to him for refuge, 
 5 but of so great quality, as it was apparent that they came 
 not thither to protect their own fortune, but to infest and 
 invade his; the head of them being the duke of Orleans, the 
 first Prince of the blood and the second person of France. 
 That therefore, rightly to understand it, it was rather on 
 
 ID their master's part a defensive war than an offensive ; as that 
 that could not be omitted or forborn, if he tendered the 
 conservation of his own estate ; and that it was not the first 
 blow that made the war invasive, for that no wise Prince 
 would stay for, but the first provocation, or at least the first 
 
 15 preparation ; nay, that this war was rather a suppression of 
 rebels, than a war with a just enemy ; where the case is, 
 that his subjects, traitors, are received by the duke of Britain 
 his homager. That King Henry knew well what went upon 
 it in example, if neighbour Princes should patronize and 
 
 20 comfort rebels against the law of nations and of leagues. 
 Nevertheless that their master was not ignorant, that the 
 King had been beholden to the duke of Britain in his ad- 
 versity ; as on the other side, they knew he would not forget 
 also the readiness of their King, in aiding him when 
 
 25 the duke of Britain, or his mercenary counsellors, failed 
 him, and would have betrayed him ; and that there was a 
 great difference between the courtesies received from their 
 master, and the duke of Britain : for that the duke's might 
 have ends of utility and bargain ; whereas their master's 
 
 30 could not have proceeded but out of entire affection ; for 
 that, if it had been measured by a politic line, it had been 
 better for his affairs that a tyrant should have reigned in 
 England, troubled and haled, than such a Prince, whose
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 45 
 
 virtues could not fail to make him great and potent, whenso- 
 ever he was come to be master of his affairs. But howsoever 
 it stootl for the point of obligation which the King might 
 owe to the duke of Britain, yet their master was well 
 assured, it would not divert King Henry of England from 5 
 doing that that was just, nor ever embark him in so ill- 
 grounded a quarrel. Therefore, since this war, which their 
 master was now to make, was but to deliver himself from 
 imminent dangers, their King hoped the King would shew 
 the like affection to the conservation of their master's estate, 10 
 as their master had, when time was, shewed to the King's 
 acquisition of his kingdom. At the least, that according to 
 the inclination which the King had ever possessed of peace, 
 he would look on, and stand neutral; for that their master 
 could not with reason press him to undertake part in the 15 
 war, being so newly settled and recovered from intestine 
 seditions. But touching the mystery of re-annexing of the 
 duchy of Britain to the crown of France, either by war, or 
 
 - by niurriage with the daughter of Britain, the ambassadors 
 bare aloof from it as from a rock, knowing that it made most 20 
 against them. And therefore by all means declined any 
 mention thereof, but contrariwise interlaced, in their con- 
 ference with the King, the assured purpose of their master 
 to match with the daughter of Maximilian ; and entertained 
 the King also with some wandering discourses of their 25 
 King's purposes, to recover by arms his right to the kingdom 
 
 .of Naples, by an expedition in person ; all to remove the 
 King from all jealousy of any design in these hither parts 
 upon Britain, otherwise than for quenching of the fire, which 
 he feared might be kindled in his own estate. 30 
 
 The King, after advice taken with his council, made 
 answer to the ambassadors : and first returned their compli- 
 ment, shewmg he was right glad of the French King's
 
 46 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 reception of those towns from Maximilian. Then he fami- 
 liarly related some particular passages of his own adventures 
 and victory passed. As to the business of Britain, the King 
 answered in kw words: that the French King, and the duke 
 5 of Britain, were the two persons to whom he was most obliged 
 of all men ; and that he should think himself very unhappy, 
 if things should go so between them, as he should not be 
 able to acquit himself in gratitude towards them both ; and 
 that there was no means for him as a Christian King, and a 
 
 10 common friend to them, to satisfy all obligations both to 
 God and man, but to offer himself for a mediator of an 
 accord and peace between them ; by which course he 
 doubted not but their King's estate, and honour both, would 
 be preserved with more safety and less envy than by a war ; 
 
 1 5 and that he would spare no cost or pains, no if it were to go 
 on pilgrimage, for so good an effect ; and concluded, that in 
 this great affair, which he took so much to heart, he would 
 express himself more fully by an ambassage, which he would 
 speedily dispatch unto the French King for that puqjose. 
 
 2o And in tiiis sort the French ambassadors were dismissed : 
 the King avoiding to understand any thing touching the re- 
 annexing of Britain, as the ambassadors had avoided to 
 mention it : save that he gave a little touch of it in the word 
 einy. And so it was, that the King was neither so shallow, 
 
 25 nor so ill advertised, as not to perceive the intention of the 
 French for the investing himself of Britain. But first, he 
 was utterly unwilling, howsoever he gave out, to enter into 
 war with France. A fame of a war he liked well, but not 
 an achievement; for the one he thought would make him 
 
 30 richer, and the other poorer; and he was possessed with 
 many secret fears touching his own people, which he was 
 therefore loth to arm, and put weapons into their hands. 
 Yet notwithstandmg, as a prudent and courageous Prince,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 47 
 
 he was not so averse from a war, but that he was resolved 
 to choose it, rather than to have Britain carried by France, 
 being so great and opulent a duchy, and situate so oppor- 
 tunely to annoy England, either for coast or trade. But the 
 King's hopes were, that partly by negligence, commonly 5 
 imputed to the French, especially in the court of a young 
 King, and partly by the native power of Britain itself, which 
 was not small ; but chiefly in respect of the great party that 
 the duke of Orleans had in the kingdom of France, and 
 thereby means to stir up civil troubles, to divert the French 10 
 King from the enterprise of Britain. And lastly, in regard 
 of the power of Maximilian, who was co-rival to the French 
 King in that pursuit, the enterprise would either bow to 
 a peace, or break in itself In all which the King measured 
 and valued things amiss, as afterwards appeared. He sent 1 5 
 therefore forthwith to the French King, Christopher Urswick, 
 his chaplain, a person by him much trusted and employed : 
 choosing him the rather, because he was a churchman, as 
 best sorting with an ambassy of pacification : and giving him 
 also a commission, that if the French King consented to 20 
 treat, he should thence repair to the duke of Britain, and 
 ripen the treaty on both parts. Urswick made declaration 
 to the French King, much to the purpose of the King's 
 answer to the French ambassadors here, instilling also ten- 
 derly some overture of receiving to grace the duke of 25 
 Orleans, and some taste of conditions of accord. But the 
 French King on the other side proceeded not sincerely, but 
 with a great deal of art and dissimulation in this treaty ; 
 having for his end, to gain time, and so put off the English 
 succours under hope of peace, till he had got good 30 
 footing in Britain by force of arms. Wherefore he answered 
 the ambassador, that he would put himself into the King's 
 hands, and make him arbiter of the peace; and willingly
 
 48 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 consented, that the ambassador should straightways pass 
 into Britain, to signify this his consent, and to know the 
 duke's mind Hkewise ; well foreseeing, that the duke of 
 Orleans, by whom the duke of Britain was wholly led, taking 
 5 himself to be upon terms irreconcileable with him, would 
 admit of no treaty of peace. Whereby he should in one, 
 both generally abroad veil over his ambition, and win the 
 reputation of just and moderate proceedings ; and should 
 withal endear himself in the affections of the King of 
 
 10 England, as one that had committed all to his will: nay 
 and, which was yet more fine, make faith in him, that 
 although he went on with tlie war, yet it should be but with 
 his sword in his hand, to bend the stiffness of the other 
 party to accept of peace ; and so the King should take no 
 
 1 5 umbrage of his arming and prosecution ; but the treaty to 
 be kept on foot to the very last instant, till he were master 
 of the field. 
 
 Which grounds being by the French King wisely laid, 
 all things fell out as he expected. For when the English 
 
 20 ambassador came to the court of Britain, the duke was then 
 scarcely perfect in his memory, and all things were directed 
 by the duke of Orleans, who gave audience to the chaplain 
 Urswick, and upon his ambassage delivered made answer in 
 somewhat high terms : That the duke of Britain having 
 
 25 been an host, and a kind of parent or foster-father to the 
 King, in his tenderness of age and weakness of fortune did 
 look for at this time from King Henry, the renowned King 
 of England, rather brave troops for his succours, than a vain 
 treaty of peace. And if the King could forget the good 
 
 30 offices of the duke done unto him aforetime ; yet he knew 
 well, he would in his wisdom consider of the future, how 
 much it imported his own safety and reputation, both in 
 foreign parts, and with his own people, not to suffer Britain,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 49 
 
 the old confederates of England, to be swallowed up by 
 France, and so many good ports and strong towns upon the 
 coast be in the command of so potent a neighbour King, 
 and so ancient an enemy: And therefore humbly desired 
 the King to think of this business as his own : and there- 5 
 with brake off, and denied any farther conference for 
 treaty. 
 
 Urswick returned first to the French King, and related 
 to him what had passed. Who finding things to sort to his 
 desire, took hold of them, and said \ That the ambassador 10 
 might perceive now that, which he for his part partly 
 imagined before. That considering in what hands the duke 
 of Britain was, there would be no peace, but by a mixed 
 treaty of force and persuasion : and therefore he would 
 go on with the one, and desired the King not to desist 15 
 from the other. But for his own part, he did faithfully 
 promise to be still in the King's power, to rule him in the 
 matter of peace. This was accordingly represented unto the 
 King By Urswick at his return, and in such a fashion, as if 
 the treaty were in no sort desperate, but rather stayed for a 20 
 better hour, till the hammer had wrought and beat the party 
 of Britain more pliant. Whereupon there passed continu- 
 ally packets and despatches between the two Kings, from 
 the one out of desire, and from the other out of dissimula- 
 tion, about the negotiation of peace. The French King 2> 
 mean while invaded Britain with great forces, and distressed 
 the city of Nantz with a strait siege, and as one, who 
 though he had no great judgment, yet had that, that he 
 could dissemble home, the more he did urge the prosecu- 
 tion of the war, the more he did, at the same time, urge the xo 
 solicitation of the peace. Insomuch as during the siege of 
 Nantz, after many letters and particular messages, the better 
 to maintain his dissimulation, and to refresh the treaty, 
 
 B. H. 4
 
 50 HISTORY OF KIXG HENRY VII. 
 
 he sent Bernard D'Aubigny, a person of good quality, to 
 the King, earnestly to desire him to make an end of the 
 business howsoever. 
 
 The King was no less ready to revive and quicken the 
 
 5 treaty; and thereupon sent three commissioners, the abbot 
 of Abingdon, Sir Richard Tunstal, and chaplain Urswick 
 formerly employed, to do their utmost endeavours to man- 
 age the treaty roundly and strongly. 
 
 About this time the lord Woodvile, uncle to the Queen, 
 
 to a valiant gentleman, and desirous of honour, sued to 
 the King that he might raise some power of voluntaries 
 under-hand, and without licence or passport (wherein the 
 King might any ways appear) go to the aid of the duke 
 of Britain. The King denied his request, or at least seemed 
 
 15 so to do, and laid strait commandment upon him, that he 
 should not stir, for that the King thought his honour would 
 suffer therein, during a treaty, to better a party. Neverthe- 
 less this lord, either being unruly, or out of conceit that the 
 King would not inwardly dislike that, which he would not 
 
 20 openly avow, sailed directly over into the isle of Wight, 
 whereof he was governor, and levied a fair troop of four 
 hundred men, and with them passed over into Britain, and 
 joined himself with the duke's forces. 'J'he news whereof, 
 when it came to the French court, put divers young bloods 
 
 25 into such a fury, as the English ambassadors were not with- 
 out peril to be outraged. But the French King, both to 
 preserve the privilege of ambassadors, and being conscious 
 to himself, that in the business of peace he himself was the 
 greater dissembler of the two, forbad all injuries of fact 
 
 30 or word against their persons or followers. And presently 
 came an agent from the King, to purge himself touching 
 the lord Woodvile's going over ; using for a principal argu- 
 ment, to demonstrate that it was without his privity, for that
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 51 
 
 the troops were so small, as neither had the flice of a suc- 
 cour by authority, nor could much advance the Briton 
 affairs. To which message although the French King gave 
 no full credit, yet he made fliir weather with the King, and 
 seemed satisfied. Soon after the English ambassadors re- 5 
 turned, having two of them been likewise with the duke of 
 Britain, and found things in no other terms than they were 
 before. Upon their return, they informed the King of the 
 state of the affairs, and how far the French King was from 
 any true meaning of peace; and therefore he was now to 10 
 advise of some other course : neither was the King himself 
 led all this while with credulity merely, as was generally 
 supposed : but his error was not so much facility of belief, 
 as an ill measuring of the forces of the other party. 
 
 For, as was partly touched before, the King had cast 15 
 the business thus with himself. He took it for granted in 
 his own judgment, that the war of Britain, in respect of the 
 strength of the towns and of the party, could not speedily 
 come to a period. For he conceived, that the counsels of a 
 war, that was undertaken by the French King, then childless, 20 
 against an heir apparent of France, would be very faint and 
 slow ; and, besides, that it was not possible, but that the 
 state of France should be embroiled with some troubles and 
 alterations in flivour of the duke of Orleans. He conceived 
 likewise that Maximilian King of the Romans was a Prince 25 
 warlike and potent ; who, he made account, would give 
 succours to the Britons roundly. So then judging it would 
 be a work of time, he laid his plot, how he might best make 
 use of that time for his own affairs. Wherein first he thought 
 to make his vantage upon his parliament ; knowing that they 30 
 being affectionate unto the quarrel of Britain, would give 
 treasure largely : which treasure, as a noise of war might 
 4raw forth, so a peace succeeding might coffer up. And 
 
 4—2
 
 52 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 because he knew his people were hot upon the business, he 
 chose rather to seem to be deceived, and lulled asleep by 
 the French, than to be backward in himself; considering 
 his subjects were not so fully capable of the reasons of 
 5 state, which made him hold bark. Wherefore to all these 
 purposes he saw no other expedient, than to set and keep 
 on foot a continual treaty of peace, laying it down, and 
 taking it up again, as the occurrence required. Besides, he 
 had in consideration the point of honour, in bearing the 
 
 10 blessed person of a pacificator. He thought likewise to 
 make use of the envy that the French King met with, by 
 occasion of this war of Britain, in strengthening himself 
 with new alliances ; as namely, that of Ferdinando of Spain, 
 with whom he had ever a consent even in nature and cus- 
 
 15 toms; and likewise with Maximilian, who was particularly 
 interested. So that in substance he promised himself money, 
 honour, friends, and peace in the end. But those things 
 were too fine to be fortunate and succeed in all parts ; for 
 that great affairs are commonly too rough and stubborn to be 
 
 20 wrought upon by the finer edges or points of wit. The King 
 was likewise deceived in his two main grounds. For al- 
 though he had reason to conceive that the council of France 
 would be wary to put the King into a war against the heir 
 apparent of France; yet he did not consider that Charles 
 
 25 was not guided by any of the principal of the blood or 
 nobility, but by mean men, who would make it their master- 
 piece of credit and favour, to give venturous counsels, which 
 no great or wise man durst or would. And for Maximilian, 
 he was thought then a greater matter than he was; his un- 
 
 ^o stable and necessitous courses being not then known. 
 
 After consultation with the ambassadors, who brought 
 him no other news than he expected before, though he 
 would not seem to know it till then, he presently summoned
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 53 
 
 his parliament, and in open parliament propounded the 
 cause of Britain to both houses, by his chancellor Morton 
 archbishop of Canterbury, who spake to this effect. 
 
 " MY lords and masters, the King's grace, our sovereign 
 " lord, hath commanded me to declare unto you the causes 5 
 " that have moved him at this time to summon this his 
 "parliament; which I shall do in few words, craving pardon 
 "of his grace, and you all, if I perform it not as I would. 
 
 " His grace doth first of all let you know, that he 
 "retaineth in thankful memory the love and loyalty shewed 10 
 " to him by you, at your last meeting, in establishment of 
 "his royalty; freeing and discharging of his partakers, and 
 "confiscation of his traitors and rebels; more than which 
 " could not come from subjects to their sovereign, in one 
 "action. This he taketh so well at your hands, as he hath 15 
 " made it a resolution to himself, to communicate with so 
 " loving and well approved subjects, in all affairs that are of 
 " public nature, at home or abroad. 
 
 " Two therefore are the causes of your present as- 
 "serabling: the one, a foreign business; the other, matter of 20 
 " government at home. 
 
 " The French King, as no doubt ye have heard, maketh 
 "at this present hot war upon the duke of Britain. His 
 " army is now before Nantz, and holdeth it straitly besieged, 
 "being the principal city, if not in ceremony and preemi- 25 
 " nence, yet in strength and wealth, of that duchy. Ye may 
 " guess at his hopes, by his attempting of the hardest part of 
 " the war first. The cause of this war he knoweth best. 
 " He allegeth the entertaining and succouring of the duke 
 " of Orleans, and some other French lords, whom the King 30 
 " taketh for his enemies. Others divine of other matters. 
 " Both parts have, by their ambassadors, divers times prayed 
 "the King's aids; the French King aids or neutrality; the
 
 54 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 " Britons aids simply; for so their case requireth. The King, 
 " as a Christian Prince, and blessed son of the holy church, 
 " hath offered himself, as a mediator, to treat of peace 
 " between them. The French King yielded to treat, but 
 r "will not stay the prosecution of the war. The Britons, 
 •'that desire peace most, hearken to it least; not upon con- 
 '•fidence or stiffness, but upon distrust of true meaning, 
 '' seeing the war goes on. So as the King, after as much 
 " pains and care to effect a peace, as ever he took in any 
 
 lo "business, not being able to remove the prosecution on the 
 " one side, nor the distrust on the other, caused by that i)ro- 
 "secution, hath let foil the treaty; not repenting of it, but 
 '' despairing of it now, as not likely to succeed. Therefore 
 " by this narrative you now understand the state of the 
 
 15 " question, whereupon the King prayeth your advice; which 
 " is no other, but whether he shall enter into an auxiliary 
 " and defensive war for the Britons against France ? 
 
 " And the better to open your understandings in this 
 " affair, the King hath commanded me to say somewhat to 
 
 20 "you from him, of the persons that do intervene in this 
 "business; and somewhat of the consequence thereof, as it 
 " hath relation to this kingdom, and somewhat of the ex- 
 " ample of it in general : making nevertheless no conclusion 
 " or judgment of any point, until his grace hath received 
 
 25 " your faithful and politic advices. 
 
 " First, for the King our sovereign himself, who is the 
 " principal person, you are to eye in this business ; his grace 
 " doth profess, that he truly and constantly desireth to reign 
 " in peace. But his grace saith, he will neither buy peace 
 
 30 " with dishonour, nor take it up at interest of danger to 
 " ensue ; but shall think it a good change, if it please God 
 " to change the inward troubles and seditions, wherewith he 
 " hath been hitherto exercised, into an honourable foreign
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 55 
 
 "war. And for the other two persons in this action, the 
 " French King and the duke of Britain, his grace doth 
 "declare unto you, that they be the men unto whom he is 
 "of all other friends and allies most bounden: the one 
 '•having held over him his hand of protection from the 5 
 "tyrant; the other having reached forth unto him his hand 
 " of help for the recovery of his kingdom. So that his 
 "affection toward them in his natural person, is upon equal 
 " terms. And whereas you may have heard, that his grace 
 "was enforced to fly out of Britain into France, for doubts 10 
 "of being betrayed; his grace would not in any sort have 
 " that reflect upon the duke of Britain, in defacement of his 
 "former benefits; for that he is thoroughly informed, that it 
 " was but the practice of some corrupt persons about him, 
 " during the time of his sickness, altogether without his con- 1 5 
 " sent or privity. 
 
 " But howsoever these things do interest his grace in 
 " this particular, yet he knoweth well, that the higher bond 
 " that tieth him to procure by all means the safety and 
 " welfare of his loving subjects, doth disinterest him of these 20 
 "obligations of gratitude, otherwise than thus; that if his 
 " grace be forced to make a war, he do it without passion 
 " or ambition. 
 
 " For the consequence of this action towards this king- 
 " dom, it is much as the French King's intention is. For if 25 
 " it be no more, but to range his subjects to reason, who 
 " bear themselves stout upon the strength of the duke of 
 " Britain, it is nothing to us. But if it be in the French 
 " King's purpose, or if it should not be in purpose, yet if it 
 " should follow all one, as if it were sought, that the French 30 
 " King shall make a province of Britain, and join it to the 
 "crown of France; then it is worthy the consideration, how 
 " this may import England, as well in the increasement. of
 
 56 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 " the greatness of France, by the addition of such a country, 
 " that stretcheth his boughs into our seas, as in depriving 
 " this nation, and leaving it naked of so firm and assured 
 " confederates as the Britons have always been. For then 
 5 "it will come to pass, that whereas not long since this realm 
 " was mighty upon the continent, first in territory, and after 
 *• in alliance, in respect of Burgundy and Britain, which were 
 "confederates indeed, but independent confederates; now 
 " the one being already cast, partly into the greatness of 
 
 lo "France, and partly into that of Austria, the other is like 
 "wholly to be cast into the greatness of France; and this 
 " island shall remain confined in effect within the salt waters, 
 " and girt about with the coast countries of two mighty 
 " monarchs. 
 
 ic '' For the example, it resteth likewise upon the same 
 "question, upon the French King's intent. For if Britain 
 "be carried and swallowed up by France, as the world 
 "abroad, apt to impute and construe the actions of Princes 
 "to ambition, conceive it will; then it is an example very 
 
 20 " dangerous and universal, that the lesser neighbour state 
 " should be devoured of the greater. For this may be the 
 " case of Scotland towards England ; of Portugal towards 
 "Spain; of the smaller estates of Italy towards the greater; 
 " and so of Germany ; or as if some of you of the commons 
 
 25 "might not live and dwell safely besides some of these 
 "great lords. And the bringing in of this example will be 
 " chiefly laid to the King's charge, as to him that was most 
 "interested, and most able to forbid it. But then on the 
 " other side, there is so fair a pretext on the French King's 
 
 30 " part, and yet pretext is never wanting to power, in regard 
 "the danger imminent to his own estate is such, as may 
 " make this enterprise seem rather a work of necessity than 
 " of ambition, as doth in reason correct the danger of the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 57 
 
 " example. For that the example of that which is done in 
 "a man's own defence, cannot be dangerous; because it is 
 " in another's power to avoid it. But in all this business, 
 " the King remits himself to your grave and mature advice, 
 " whereupon he purposeth to rely." 5 
 
 This was the effect of the lord Chancellor's Speech 
 touching the cause of Britain ; for the King had commanded 
 him to carry it so, as to affect the parliament towards the 
 business; but without engaging the King in any express 
 declaration. ^° 
 
 The Chancellor went on : 
 
 " For that which may concern the government at home, 
 •'the King hath commanded me to say unto you; that he 
 " thinketh there was never any King, for the small time that 
 "he hath reigned, had greater and juster cause of the two 15 
 " contrary passions of joy and sorrow, than his grace hath. 
 " Joy, in respect of the rare and visible favours of Almighty 
 " God, in girding the imperial sword upon his side, and 
 "assisting the same his sword against all his enemies; and 
 " likewise in blessing him with so many good and loving 20 
 " servants and subjects, which have never failed to give him 
 " faithful counsel, ready obedience, and courageous defence. 
 " Sorrow, for that it hath not pleased God to suffer him to 
 " sheathe his sword, as he greatly desired, otherwise than for 
 " administration of justice, but that he hath been forced to 25 
 " draw it so oft, to cut off traitorous and disloyal subjects, 
 " whom, it seems, God hath left, a few amongst many good, 
 "as the Canaanites amongst the people of Israel, to be 
 "thorns in their sides, to tempt and try them; though the 
 " end hath been always, God's name be blessed therefore, 30 
 " that the destruction hath fallen upon their own heads. 
 
 " Wherefore his grace saith ; That he seeth that it is not 
 " the blood spilt in the field that will save the blood in the
 
 58 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 "city; nor the marshal's sword that will set this kingdom in 
 ''perfect peace: but that the true way is, to stop the seeds 
 '• of sedition and rebellion in their beginning ; and for that 
 " purpose to devise, confirm, and quicken good and whole- 
 5 " some laws against riots, and unlawful assemblies of people, 
 " and all combinations and confederacies of them, by live- 
 "ries, tokens, and other badges of factious dependence, 
 "that the peace of the land may by these ordinances, as by 
 " bars of iron, be soundly bound in and strengthened, and 
 
 lo "all force, both in court, country, and private houses, be 
 
 "supprest. The care hereof, which so much concerneth 
 
 "yourselves, and which the nature of the times doth in- 
 
 " stantly call for, his grace commends to your wisdoms. 
 
 "And because it is the King's desire, that this peace, 
 
 1 5 " wherein he hopeth to govern and maintain you, do not 
 " bear only unto you leaves, for you to sit under the shade 
 " of them in safety; but also should bear you fruit of riches, 
 "wealth, and plenty: therefore his grace prays you to take 
 " into consideration matter of trade, as also the manufactures 
 
 2o "of the kingdom, and to repress the bastard and barren 
 "employment of n.oneys to usury and unlawful exchanges; 
 " that they may be, as their natural use is, turned upon 
 "commerce, and lawful and royal trading. And likewise 
 " that our people be set on work in arts and handicrafts ; 
 
 25 "that the realm may subsist more of itself; that idleness be 
 " avoided, and the draining out of our treasure for foreign 
 " manufactures stopped. But you are not to rest here only, 
 "but to provide forther, that whatsoever merchandise shall 
 " be brought in from beyond the seas, may be employed 
 
 3° " upon the commodities of this land ; whereby the king- 
 " dom's stock of treasure may be sure to be kept from being 
 " diminished by any over-trading of the foreigner. 
 
 " And lastly, because the King is well assured, that you
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 59 
 
 " would not have him poor, that wishes you rich ; he doubt- 
 " eth not but that you will have care,, as well to maintain his 
 " revenues of customs and all other natures, as also to sup- 
 " ply him with your loving aids, if the case shall so require. 
 " The rather, for that you know the King is a good husband, 5 
 "and but a steward in effect for the public; and that what 
 " comes from you, is but as moisture drawn from the earth, 
 " which gathers into a cloud, and falls back upon the earth 
 " again. And you know well how the kingdoms about you 
 " grow more and more in greatness, and the times are stir- 1 
 "ring; and therefore not fit to find the King with an empty 
 "purse. More 1 have not to say to you; and wish, that 
 " what hath been said, had been better expressed : but that 
 "your wisdoms and good affections will supply. God bless 
 "your doings." 15 
 
 It was no hard matter to dispose and affect the parlia- 
 ment in this business ; as well in respect of the emulation 
 between the nations, and the envy at the late growth of the 
 French monarchy; as in regard of the danger to suffer the 
 French to make their approaches upon England, by obtain- 20 
 ing so goodly a maritime province, full of seatowns and 
 havens, that might do mischief to the English, either by in- 
 vasion or by interruption of traffic. The parliament was also 
 moved with the point of oppression : for although the French 
 seemed to speak reason, yet arguments are ever with multi- 25 
 tudes too weak for suspicions. Wherefore they did advise 
 the King roundly to embrace the Britons' quarrel, and to 
 send them speedy aids; and with much alacrity and for- 
 wardness granted to the King a great rate of subsidy, in 
 contemplation of these aids. But the King, both to keep a 30 
 decency towards the French King, to whom he professed 
 himself to be obliged, and indeed desirous rather to shew
 
 6o HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 war, than to make it ; sent new solemn ambassadors to inti- 
 mate unto him the decree of his estates, and to iterate his 
 motion, that the Frencli would desist from hostility ; or if 
 war must follow, to desire him to take it in good part, if at 
 5 the motion of his people, who were sensible of the cause of 
 the Britons as their ancient friends and confederates, he did 
 send them succours ; with protestation nevertheless, that, to 
 save all treaties and laws of friendship, he had limited his 
 forces, to proceed in aid of the Britons, but in no wise to 
 
 lo war upon the French, otherwise than as they maintained 
 the possession of Britain. But before this formal ambassage 
 arrived, the party of the duke had received a great blow, 
 and grew to manifest declination. For near the town of 
 St. Alban in Britain, a battle had been given, where the 
 
 15 Britons were overdirown, and the duke of Orleans, and the 
 prince of Orange taken prisoners, there being slain on the 
 Britons' part six thousand men, and amongst them the lord 
 Woodvile, and almost all his soldiers, valiantly fighting. 
 And of the French part, one thousand two hundred, with 
 
 20 their leader James Galeot a great commander. 
 
 When the news of this battle came over into England, it 
 was time for the King, who now had no subterfuge to con- 
 tinue farther treaty, and saw before his eyes that Britain 
 went so speedily for lost, contrary to his hopes ; knowing 
 
 25 also that with his people, and foreigners both, he sustained 
 no small envy and disreputation for his former delays, to 
 despatch with all possil)L' speed his succours into Britain; 
 which he did under the conduct of Robert lord Brook, to 
 the number of eight thousand choice men and well armed ; 
 
 30 who having a fair wind, in few hours landed in Britain, and 
 joined themselves forthwith to those Briton forces that re- 
 mained after the defeat, and marched straight on to find the 
 enemy, and encamped fast by them. The French wisely
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 6i 
 
 husbanding the possession of a victory, and well acquainted 
 with the courage of the English, especially when they are 
 fresh, kept themselves within their trenches, being strongly 
 lodged, and resolved not to give battle. But meanwhile, to 
 harass and weary the English, they did upon all advantages 5 
 set upon them with their light horse ; wherein nevertheless 
 they received commonly loss, especially by means of the 
 English archers. 
 
 But upon these achievements Francis duke of Britain 
 deceased; an accident that the King might easily have fore- lo 
 seen, and ought to have reckoned upon and provided for, 
 but that the point of reputation, when news first came of the 
 battle lost, that somewhat must be done, did overbear the 
 reason of war. 
 
 After the duke's decease, the principal persons of Britain, 15 
 partly bought, partly through faction, put all things into 
 confusion ; so as the English not finding head or body with 
 whom to join their forces, and being in jealousy of friends, 
 as well as in danger of enemies, and the wmter begun, re- 
 turned home five months after their landing. So the battle 20 
 of St. Alban, the death of the duke, and the retire of the 
 English succours, were, after some time, the causes of the 
 loss of that duchy; which action some accounted as a 
 blemish of the King's judgment, but most but as the misfor- 
 tune of his times. 25 
 
 But howsoever the temporar>^ fruit of the parliament, in 
 their aid and advice given for Britain, took not, nor pros- 
 pered not ; yet the lasting fruit of parliament, which is good 
 and wholesome laws, did prosper, and doth yet continue to 
 this day. For, according to the lord Chancellor's admo- 30 
 nition, there were that parliament divers excellent laws or- 
 dained concerning the points which the King recommended. 
 
 First, the authority of the star-chamber, which before
 
 62 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 subsisted by the ancient common laws of the reahn, was 
 confirmed in certain cases by act of parliament. This court 
 is one of the sagest and noblest institutions of this kingdom. 
 For in the distribution of courts of ordinary justice, besides 
 5 the high court of parliament, in which distribution the 
 King's bench holdeth the pleas of the crown, the common- 
 place pleas civil, the exchequer pleas concerning the King's 
 revenue, and the chancery the Pretorian power for mitigating 
 the rigour of law, in case of extremity, by the conscience 
 
 I oof a good man; there was nevertheless always reserved 
 a high and preeminent power to the King's council, in 
 causes that might in example or consequence concern the 
 state of the commonwealth ; which if they were criminal, 
 the council used to sit in the chamber called the star- 
 
 15 chamber; if civil, in the white-chamber or white-hall. And 
 as the chancery had the Pretorian power for equity ; so the 
 star-chamber had the Censorian power for offences under 
 the degree of capital. This court of star-chamber is com- 
 pounded of good elements, for it consisteth of four kinds of 
 
 20 persons, counsellors, peers, prelates, and chief judges. It 
 discerneth also principally of four kinds of causes, forces,^ 
 frauds, crimes various of stellionate, and the inchoations or 
 middle acts towards crimes capital or heinous, not actually, 
 committed or perpetrated. But that which was principally 
 
 2- aimed at by this act was force, and the two chief supports 
 of force, combination of multitudes, and maintenance or 
 headship of great persons. 
 
 From the general peace of the country the King's care 
 went on to the peace of the King's house, and the security 
 
 30 of his great officers and counsellors. But this law was 
 somewhat of a strange composition and temper. That if 
 any of the King's servants under the degree of a lord, do 
 conspire the death of any of the King's council or lord of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 63 
 
 the realm, it is made capital. This law was thought to be 
 Ijrocured by the lord Chancellor, who being a stern and 
 haughty man, and finding he had some mortal enemies in 
 court, provided for his own safety; drowning the envy of it 
 in a general law, by communicating the privilege with all 5 
 other counsellois and peers, and yet not daring to extend it 
 farther than to the King's servants in check-roll, lest it 
 should have been too harsh to the gentlemen, and other 
 commons of the kingdom ; who might have thought their 
 ancient liberty, and the clemency of the laws of England 10 
 invaded, if the will in any case of felony should be made 
 the deed. And yet the reason which the act yieldeth, that 
 is to say, that he that conspireth the death of counsellors 
 may be thought indirectly, and by a mean, to conspire the 
 death of the King himself, is indifferent to all subjects as 15 
 well as to servants in court. But it seemeth this sufficed 
 to serve the lord Chancellor's turn at this time. But yet he 
 lived to need a general law, for that he grew afterwards as 
 odious to the country, as he was then to the court. 
 
 From the peace of the King's house, the King's care 20 
 extended to the peace of private houses and families. For 
 there was an excellent moral law moulded thus ; the taking 
 _and carrying away of women forcibly and against their will, 
 except female-wards and bond-women, was made capital. 
 The parliament wisely and jusdy conceiving, that the 25 
 obtaining of women by force into possession, howsoever 
 afterwards assent might follow by allurements, was but a 
 rape drawn forth in length, because the first force drew on 
 all the rest 
 
 There was made also another law for peace in general, 30 
 and repressing of murders and manslaughters, and was in 
 amendment of the common laws of the realm ; being this : 
 That whereas by the common law the King's suit, in case of
 
 64 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 homicide, did expect the year and the day, allowed to the 
 party's suit by way of appeal ; and that it was found by 
 experience, that the party was many times compounded 
 with, and many times wearied with the suit, so that in the 
 5 end such suit was let fall, and by that time the matter was 
 in a manner forgotten, and thereby prosecution at the 
 King's suit by indictment, which is ever best, flagrante 
 crimine, neglected ; it was ordained, that the suit by indict- 
 ment might be taken as well at any time within the year and 
 lo the day, as after; not prejudicing nevertheless the party's 
 suit. 
 
 The King began also then, as well in wisdom as in 
 justice, to pare a little the privilege of clergy, ordaining that 
 clerks convict should be burned in the hand ; both because 
 i^ they might taste of some corporal punishment, and that 
 might carry a brand of infamy. But for this good act's 
 sake, the King himself was after branded by Perkin's pro- 
 clamation, for an execrable breaker of the rites of holy 
 church. 
 20 Another law was made for the better peace of the coun- 
 try ; by which law the King's officers and farmers were to 
 forfeit their places and holds, in case of unlawful retainer, or 
 partaking in routs and unlawful assemblies. 
 
 These were the laws that were made for repressing of 
 25 force, which those times did chiefly require; and were so 
 prudently framed, as they are found fit for all succeeding 
 times, and so continue to this day. 
 
 There were also made good and politic laws that parlia- 
 ment, against usury, which is the bastard use of money ; and 
 30 against unlawful chievances and exchanges, which is bastard 
 usury ; and also for the security of the King's customs ; and 
 for the employment of the procedures of foreign commo- 
 dities, brought in by merchant-strangers, upon the native
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 65 
 
 commodities of the realm ; together with some other laws of 
 less importance. 
 
 But howsoever the laws made in that Parliament did 
 bear good and wholesome fruit ; yet the subsidy granted at 
 the same time bare a fruit that proved harsh and bitter. All 5 
 was inned at last into the King's barn, but it was after 
 a storm. For vv^hen the commissioners entered into the 
 taxation of the subsidy in Yorkshire, and the bishopric of 
 Durham ; the people upon a sudden grew into great mutiny, 
 and said openly, That they had endured of late years 10 
 a thousand miseries, and neither could nor would pay the 
 subsidy. This, no doubt, proceeded not simply of any 
 present necessity, but much by reason of the old humour of 
 those countries, where the memory of King Richard was so 
 strong, that it lay like lees in the bottom of men's hearts; 15 
 and if the vessel was but stirred, it would come up. And, 
 no doubt, it was pardy also by the instigation of some 
 factious malcontents, that bare principal stroke amongst 
 them. Hereupon the commissioners being somewhat asto- 
 nished, deferred the matter unto the earl of Northumber- 20 
 land, who was the principal man of authority in those parts. 
 The earl forthwith wrote unto the court, signifying to the 
 King plainly enough in what flame he found the people of 
 those countries, and praying the King's direction. The 
 King wrote back peremptorily. That he would not have one 25 
 penny abated, of that which had been granted to him by 
 parliament; both because it might encourage other coun- 
 tries, to pray the like release of mitigation; and chiefly 
 because he would never endure that the base multitude 
 should frustrate the authority of the parliament, wherein 30 
 their votes and consents were concluded. Upon this de- 
 spatch from court, the earl assembled the principal justices 
 and freeholders of the country; and speaking to them in 
 B. H. 5
 
 66 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 that imperious language, wherein the King liad written to 
 him, which needed not, save that an harsh business was 
 unfortunately fallen into the hands of a harsh man, did not 
 only irritate the people, but make them conceive, by the 
 5 stoutness and haughtiness of delivery of the King's errand, 
 that himself was the author or principal persuader of that 
 counsel : whereupon the meaner sort routed together, and 
 suddenly assailing the earl in his house, slew him, and divers 
 of his servants : and rested not there, but creating for their 
 
 lo leader Sir John Egremond, a factious person, and one, that 
 had of a long time borne an ill talent towards the King; and 
 being animated also by a base fellow, called John a Cham- 
 ber, a very Iwiitrfiii, who bare much sway amongst the 
 vulgar and popular, entered into open rebellion ; and gave 
 
 15 out in flat terms, that they would go against King Henry, 
 and fight with him for the maintenance of their liberties. 
 
 When the King was advertised of this new insurrection, 
 being almost a fever that took him every year, after his 
 manner little troubled therewith, he sent Thomas earl of 
 
 20 Surrey, whom he had a little before not only released out of 
 the Tower, and pardoned, but also received to special fa- 
 vour, with a competent power against the rebels, who fought 
 with the principal band of them, and defeated them, and 
 took alive John a Chamber their firebrand. As for Sir John 
 
 25 Egremond, he fled into Flanders to the lady Margaret of 
 Burgundy, whose palace was the sanctuary and receptacle 
 of all traitors against the King. John a Chamber was exe- 
 cuted at York in great state; for he was hanged upon a 
 gibbet raised a stage higher in the midst of a square gal- 
 
 30 lows, as a traitor paramount; and a number of his men that 
 were his chief complices, were hanged upon the lower story 
 round about him ; and the rest were generally pardoned. 
 Neither did the King himself omit his custom, to be first or
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 67 
 
 second in all his warlike exploits, making good his word, 
 which was usual with him when he heard of rebels, that he 
 desired but to see them. For immediately after he had sent 
 down the earl of Surrey, he marched towards them himself in 
 person. And although in his journey he heard news of the 5 
 victory, yet he went on as far as Vork, to pacify and settle 
 those countries : and that done, returned to London, leaving 
 the earl of Surrey for his lieutenant in the northern parts, and 
 Sir Richard Tunstal for his principal commissioner, to levy 
 the subsidy, whereof he did not remit a denier. 10 
 
 About the same time that the King lost so good a ser- 
 vant as the earl of Northumberland, he lost likewise a faith- 
 ful friend and ally of James the third, King of Scotland, by 
 a miserable disaster. For this unfortunate Prince, after a 
 long smother of discontent, and hatred of many of his nobi- 15 
 lity and people, breaking forth at times into seditions and 
 alterations of court, was at last distressed by them, having 
 taken arms, and surprised the person of Prince James his 
 son, partly by force, partly by threats, that they would other- 
 wise deliver up the kingdom to the King of England, to -o 
 shadow their rebellion, and to be the titular and painted 
 head of those arms. Whereupon the King, finding himself 
 too weak, sought unto King Henry, as also unto the Pope, 
 and the King of France, to compose those troubles between 
 him and his subjects. The Kings accordingly interposed 2--, 
 their mediation in a round and princely manner : not only 
 by way of request and persuasion, but also by way of pro- 
 testation and menace ; declaring, That they thought it to be 
 the common cause of all Kings, if subjects should be suffered 
 to give laws unto their sovereign; and that they would ac- 3c 
 cordingly resent it, and revenge it. But the rebels, that had 
 shaken off the greater yoke of obedience, had likewise cast 
 away the lesser tie of respect. And fury prevailing above 
 
 5—2
 
 68 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VH. 
 
 fear, made answer ; That there was no talking of peace, ex- 
 cept the King would resign his crown. Whereupon, treaty 
 of accord taking no place, it came to a battle of Bannocks- 
 bourn by Strivelin : in which battle the King, transported 
 5 with wrath and just indignation, inconsiderately fighting and 
 precipitating the charge, before his whole numbers came up 
 to him, was, notwithstanding the contrary express and strait 
 commandment of the Prince his son, slain in the pursuit, 
 being fled to a mill, situate in the field, where the battle was 
 
 lo fought. 
 
 As for the Pope's ambassy, which was sent by Adrian 
 de Castello an Italian legate, and perhaps as those times 
 \\ere, might have prevailed more, it came too late for the 
 ambassy, but not for the ambassador. For passing through 
 
 15 England, and being honourably entertained, and received of 
 King Henry, who ever applied himself with much respect to 
 the see of Rome, he fell into great grace with the King, and 
 great familiarity and friendship with Morton the Chancellor : 
 insomuch as the King taking a liking to him, and finding 
 
 20 him to his mind, preferred him to the bishopric of Hereford, 
 and afterwards to that of Bath and Wells, and employed 
 him in many of his affairs of state, that had relation to 
 Rome. He was a man of great learning, wisdom, and dex- 
 terity in business of state ; and having not long after as- 
 
 25 cended to the degree of cardinal, paid the King large tribute 
 of his gratitude, in diligent and judicious advertisement of 
 the occurrents of Italy. Nevertheless, in the end of his 
 time, he was partaker of the conspiracy, which cardinal Al- 
 ]jhonso Petrucci and some other cardinals had plotted 
 
 30 against the life of Pope Leo. And this offence, in itself so 
 heinous, was yet in him aggravated by the motive thereof, 
 which was not malice or discontent, but an aspiring mind to 
 the papacy. And in this height of impiety there wanted not
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 69 
 
 an intermixture of levity and folly; for that, as was generally 
 believed, he was animated to expect the papacy by a fatal 
 mockery, the prediction of a soothsayer, which was, " That 
 "one should succeed Pope Leo, whose name should be 
 " Adrian, an aged man of mean birth, and of great learning 5 
 "and wisdom." By which character and figure he took 
 himself to be described, though it were fulfilled of Adrian 
 the Fleming, son of a Dutch brewer, cardinal of Tortosa, 
 and preceptor unto Charles the fifth ; the same that, not 
 chansins: his christian name, was afterwards called Adrian 10 
 the sixth. 
 
 But these things happened in the year following, which 
 was the fifth of this King. But in the end of the fourth 
 year the King had called again his parliament, not, as it 
 seemeth, for any particular occasion of state : but the former 1 5 
 parliament being ended somewhat suddenly, in regard of 
 the preparation for Britain, the King thought he had not 
 remunerated his people sufficiently with good laws, which 
 evermore was his retribution for treasure. And finding by 
 the insurrection in the north, there was discontentment 20 
 abroad, in respect of the subsidy, he thought it good to give 
 his subjects yet farther contentment and comfort in that • 
 kind. Certainly his times for good commonwealths' laws 
 did excel. So as he may justly be celebrated for the best 
 lawgiver to this nation ; after King Edward the first : for his 25 
 laws, whoso marks them well, are deep, and not vulgar; not 
 made upon the spur of a particular occasion for the present, 
 but out of providence of the future, to make the estate of 
 his people still more and more happy; after the manner of 
 the legislators in ancient and heroical times. 30 
 
 First therefore he made a law, suitable to his own acts 
 and times : for as himself had in his person and marriage 
 made a final concord, in the great suit and title for the
 
 70 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 crown ; so by tliis law he settled the like peace and quiet in 
 the private possessions of the subjects : ordaining, " That 
 '• fines thenceforth should be final, to conclude all strangers' 
 "rights;" and that ujjon fines levied, and solemnly pro- 
 q claimed, the subject should have his time of watch for five 
 years after his title accrued ; which if he forepassed, his 
 right should be bound for ever after ; with some exception 
 nevertheless of minors, married women, and such incompe- 
 tent persons. 
 
 I o This statute did in effect but restore an ancient statute 
 of the realm, which was itself also made but in affirmance of 
 the common law. The alteration had been by a statute, 
 comnionly called the statute of non-claim, made in the time 
 of Edward the third. And surely this law was a kind of 
 
 J - prognostic of the good peace, which since his time hath, for 
 the most part, continued in this kingdom until this day : for 
 statutes of n07i-claim are fit for times of war, when men's 
 heads are troubled, that they cannot intend their estate ; 
 but statutes that quiet possessions, are fittest for tmies of 
 
 20 peace, to extinguish suits and contentions, which is one of 
 the banes of peace. 
 
 Another statute wa3 made, of singular policy, for the 
 population apparently, and, if it be thoroughly considered, 
 for the soldiery and military forces of the realm. 
 
 2' Inclosures at that time began to be more frequent, 
 whereby arable land, which could not be manured without 
 jieople and families, was turned into pasture, which was 
 easily rid by a few herdsmen ; and tenances for years, lives, 
 and at will, whereupon much of the yeomanry lived, were 
 
 00 turned into demesnes. This bred a decay of people, and, by 
 consequence, a decay of towns, churches, tithes, and the 
 like. The King likewise knew full well, and in no wise 
 foro-ot, that there ensued withal upon this a decay and dimi-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 71 
 
 nutioii of subsidies and taxes ; for the more gentlemen, ever 
 the lower books of subsidies. In remedying of this incon- 
 venience the King's wisdom was admirable, and the parlia- 
 ment's at that time. Inclosures they would not forbid, for 
 that had been to forbid the improvement of the patrimony 5 
 of the kingdom ; nor tillage they would not compel, for that 
 was to strive with nature and utility: but they took a course 
 to take away depopulating inclosures and depopulating 
 pasturage, and j'et not by that name, or by any imperious 
 express prohibition, but by consequence. The ordinance 10 
 was, " That all houses of husbandry, that were used with 
 " twenty acres of ground and upwards, should be maintained 
 " and kept up for ever ; together with a competent propor- 
 " tion of land to be used and occupied with them ;" and in 
 no wise to be severed from them as by another statute, made 15 
 afterwards in his successor's time, was more fully declared : 
 this upon forfeiture to be taken, not by way of popular 
 action, but by seizure of the land itself by the King and 
 lords of the fee, as to half the profits, till the houses and 
 lands were restored. By this means the houses being kept 20 
 up, did of necessity enforce a dweller ; and the proportion 
 of land for occupation being kept up, did of necessity 
 enforce that dweller not to be a beggar or cottager, but a man 
 of some substance, that might keep hinds and servants, and 
 set the plough on going. This did wonderfully concern the 25 
 might and mannerhood of the kingdom, to have farms as it 
 were of a standard, sufficient to maintain an able body out 
 of penury, and did in effect amortise a great part of the 
 lands of the kingdom unto the hold and occupation of the 
 yeomanry or middle people, of a condition between gentle- 30 
 men and cottagers or peasants. Now, how much this did 
 advance the military power of the kingdom, is apparent by 
 the true principles of war and the examples of other king-
 
 72 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 doms. For it hath been held by the general opinion of men 
 of best judgment in the wars, howsoever some few have 
 varied, and tliat it may receive some distinction of case, 
 that the i)rincipal strength of an army consisteth in the 
 5 infantry or foot. And to make good inflintry, it requireth 
 men bred, not in a servile or indigent fashion, but in some 
 free and plentiful manner. Therefore if a state run most to 
 noblemen and gentlemen, and that the husbandmen and 
 ploughmen be but as their workfolks and labourers, or else 
 
 lo mere cottagers, which arc but housed beggars, you may have 
 a good cavalry but never good stable bands of foot ; like to 
 coppice woods, that if you leave in them staddles too thick, 
 they will run to bushes and briars, and have little clean 
 underwood. And this is to be seen in France and Italy, 
 
 I c and some other parts abroad, where in effect all is noblesse 
 or peasantry, I speak of people out of towns, and no 
 middle people ; and therefore no good forces of foot : inso- 
 much as they are enforced to employ mercenary bands of 
 Switzers, and the like, for their battalions of foot. "Whereby 
 
 20 also it comes to pass, that those nations have much people, 
 and few soldiers. Whereas the King saw, that contrariwise 
 it would follow, that England, though much less in territory, 
 yet should have infinitely more soldiers of their native forces 
 than those other nations have. Thus did the King secretly 
 
 2c sow Hydra's teeth ; whereupon, according to the poet's 
 fiction, should rise up armed men for the service of this 
 kingdom. 
 
 The King also, having care to make his realm potent, as 
 well by sea as by land, for the better maintenance of the 
 
 30 navy, ordained ; " That wines and woads from the parts of 
 " Gascoign and Languedoc, should not be brought but in 
 " English bottoms;" bowing the ancient policy of this estate, 
 fron; consideration of plenty to consideration of power. For
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 73 
 
 that almost all the ancient statutes incite by all means 
 merchant-strangers, to bring in all sorts of commodities ; 
 having for end cheapness, and not looking to the point of 
 state concerning the naval power. 
 
 The King also made a statute in that parliament, moni- 5 
 tory and minator}^ towards justices of peace, that they should 
 duly execute their office, inviting complaints against them, 
 first to their fellow-justices, then to the justices of assize, 
 then to the King or Chancellor; and that a proclamation 
 which he had published of that tenor, should be read in 10 
 open sessions four times a year, to keep them awake. 
 Meaning also to have his laws executed, and thereby to 
 reap either obedience or forfeitures, wherein towards his 
 latter times he did decline too much to the left hand, he 
 did ordain remedy against the practice that was grown 15 
 in use, to stop and damp informations upon penal laws, 
 by procuring informations by collusion to be put in 
 by the confederates of the delinquents, to be faintly 
 prosecuted, and let fall at pleasure; and pleading them 
 in bar of the informations, which were prosecuted with 20 
 effect. 
 
 He made also laws for the correction of the mint, and 
 counterfeiting of foreign coin current. And that no pay- 
 ment in gold should be made to any merchant stranger, the 
 better to keep treasure within the realm, for that gold was 25 
 the metal that lay in the least room. 
 
 He made also statutes for the maintenance of drapery, 
 and the keeping of wools within the realm; and not only so, 
 but for stinting and limiting the prices of cloth, one for the 
 finer, and another for the coarser sort. Which I note, both 30 
 because it was a rare thing to set prices by statute, especi- 
 ally upon our home commodities ; and because of the wise 
 model of this act, not prescribing prices, but stinting them
 
 74 HISTORY OF KING HENRY I'll 
 
 not to exceed a rate ; that the clothier might drape accord- 
 ingly as he might afford. 
 
 Divers other good statutes wera made that parliament, 
 but these were the principal. Aaid here I do desire those 
 5 into whose hands this work shall fall, that they do take in 
 good part my long insisting upon the laws that were made 
 in this King's reign. Whereof I have these reasons ; both 
 because it was the preeminent virtue and merit of this King, 
 to whose memory I do honour ; and because it hath some 
 
 10 correspondence to my person ; but chiefly because, in my 
 judgment, it is some defect evec in the best writers of 
 hi-story, that they do not often enough summarily deliver 
 and set down the most memorable laws that passed in the 
 times whereof they writ, being indeed the principal acts of 
 
 15 peace. For though they may be had in original books of 
 law themselves; yet that informeth not the judgment of 
 Kings and counsellors, and persons of estate, so well as to 
 see them described, and entered in the table and portrait 
 of the times. 
 
 20 About the same time the King had a loan from the city 
 of four thousand pounds ; which was double to that they 
 lent before, and was duly and orderly paid back at the day, 
 as the former likewise had been : the King ever choosing 
 rather to borrow too soon, than to pay too late, and so 
 
 25 keeping up his credit. 
 
 Neither had the King yet cast off his cares and hopes 
 touching Britain, but thought to master the occasion by 
 policy, though his arms had been unfortunate; and to 
 bereave the French King of the fruit of his victory. The 
 
 30 sum of his design was, to encourage Maximilian to go on 
 with his suit, for the marriage of Anne, the heir of Britain, 
 and to aid him to the consummation thereof But the affairs 
 of Maximilian were at that time in great trouble and com-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 75 
 
 bustion, by a rebellion of his subjects in Flanders; espe- 
 cially those of Bruges and Gaunt, whereof the town of 
 Bruges, at such time as Maximilian was there in person, had 
 suddenly armed in tumult, and slain some of his principal 
 officers, and taken himself prisoner, and held him in durance, 5 
 till they had enforced him and some of his counsellors, to 
 take a solemn oath to pardon all their offences, and never 
 to question and revenge the same in time to come. Never- 
 theless Frederick the emperor would not suffer this re- 
 proach and indignity offered to his son to pass, but made 10 
 sharp wars upon Flanders, to reclaim and chastise the rebels. 
 But the lord Ravenstein, a principal person about Maxi- 
 milian, and one that had taken the oath of abolition with 
 his master, pretending the religion thereof, but indeed upon 
 private ambition, and, as it was thought, instigated and cor- 15 
 rupted from France, forsook the emperor and Maximilian 
 his lord, and made himself an head of the popular party, and 
 seized upon the towns of Ypres and Sluice with both the 
 castles : and forthwith sent to the lord Cordes, governor of 
 Picardy under the French King, to desire aid ; and to move 20 
 him, that he, on the behalf of the French King, would be 
 l)rotector of the united towns, and by force of arms reduce 
 the rest. The lord Cordes was ready to embrace the occa- 
 sion, which was partly of his own setting, and sent forthwith 
 greater forces than it had been possible for him to raise on 25 
 the sudden, if he had not looked for such a summons 
 before, in aid of the lord Ravenstein and the Flemings, with 
 instructions to invest the towns between France and Bruges 
 The French forces besieged a little town called Dixmude, 
 where part of the Flemish forces joined with them. While •50 
 they lay at this siege, the King of England, upon pretence 
 of the safety of the English pale about Calais, but in truth 
 being loth that Maximilian should become contemptible, and
 
 76 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 thereby be shaken off by the states of Britain about this 
 marriage, sent over the lord Morley with a thousand men, 
 unto the lord Uaubeney, then deputy of Calais, with secret 
 instructions to aid Maximilian, and to raise the siege of Dix- 
 5 niude. The lord Daubeney, giving it out that all was for 
 the strengthening of the English marches, drew out of the 
 garrisons of Calais, Hammes and Guines, to the number of a 
 thousand men more. So that with the fresh succours that 
 came under the conduct of the lord Morley, they made up 
 
 loto the number of two thousand or better. Which forces 
 joining with some companies of Almains, put themselves 
 into Dixmude, not perceived by the enemies ; and passing 
 through the town with some reinforcement, from the forces 
 that were in the town, assailed the enemies' camp negligently 
 
 1 5 guarded, as being out of fear ; where there was a bloody 
 fight, in which the English and their partakers obtained the 
 victory, and slew to the number of eight thousand men, 
 with the loss on the English part of a hundred or there- 
 abouts; amongst whom was the lord Morley. They took 
 
 20 also their great ordnance, with much rich spoils, w^iich 
 they carried to Newport ; whence the lord Daubeney re- 
 turned to Calais, leaving the hurt men and some other 
 voluntaries in Newport. But the lord Cordes being at Ypres 
 with a great power of men, thinking to recover the loss and 
 
 25 disgrace of the fight at Dixmude, came presently on, and sat 
 down before Newport, and besieged it; and after some days' 
 siege, he resolved to try the fortune of an assault. Which 
 he did one day, and succeeded therein so far, that he had 
 taken the principal tower and fort in that city, and planted 
 
 30 upon it the French banner. Whence nevertheless they were 
 presently beaten forth by the English, by the help of some 
 fresh succours of archers, arriving by good fortune, at the 
 instant, in the haven of Newport. Whereupon the lord
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 77 
 
 Cordes, discouraged, and measuring the ne'.v succours, which 
 were small, by the success, which was great, levied his siege. 
 By this means matters grew more exasperate between the 
 two Kings of B^ngland and France, for that, in the war of 
 Flanders, the auxiliary forces of French and English were 5 
 much blooded one against another. Which blood rankled 
 the more, by the vain words of the lord Cordes, that declared 
 himself an open enemy of the English, beyond that that 
 appertained to the present service; making it a common by- 
 word of his, " That he could be content to lie in hell seven 10 
 " years, so he might win Calais from the English." 
 
 The King having thus upheld the reputation of Maxi- 
 milian, advised him now to press on his marriage with 
 Britain to a conclusion. Which Maximilian accordingly 
 did, and so for forth prevailed, both with the young lady 15 
 and with the principal persons about her, as the marriage 
 was consummated by proxy, with a ceremony at that time in 
 these parts new. For she was not only publicly contracted, 
 but stated, as a bride, and solemnly bedded. This done, 
 Maximilian, whose property was to leave things then when 20 
 they were almost come to perfection, and to end them by 
 imagination; like ill archers, that draw not their arrows up 
 to the head; thinking novv all assured, neglected for a time 
 his further proceeding, and intended his wars. Meanwhile 
 the French King, consulting with his divines, and finding 25 
 that this pretended consummation was rather an invention 
 of court, than any ways valid by the laws of the church, 
 went more really to work, and by secret instruments and 
 cunning agents, as well matrons about the young lady as 
 counsellors, first sought to remove the point of religion and 3a 
 honour out of the mind of the lady herself, wherein there 
 was a double labour. For Maximilian was not only con- 
 tracted unto the lady, but Maximilian's daughter was like-
 
 78 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 wise contracted to King Charles. So as the marriage halted 
 upon both feet, and was not clear on either side. But for 
 the contract with King Charles, the exception lay plain and 
 fair ; for that Maximilian's daughter was under years of con- 
 5 sent, and so not bound by law, but a power of disagreement 
 left to either part. But for the contract made by Maximilian 
 with the lady herself, they were harder driven: having 
 nothing to allege, but that it was done without the consent 
 of her sovereign lord King Charles, whose ward and client 
 
 lo she was, and he to her in place of a father; and therefore it 
 was void and of no force for want of such consent. So 
 that the young lady, wrought upon by these reasons, finely 
 instilled by such as the French King, who spared for no 
 rewards or promises, had made on his side; and allured 
 
 15 likewise by the present glory and greatness of King Charles, 
 being also a young King, and a bachelor, and loth to 
 make her country the seat of a long and miserable war; 
 secretly yielded to accept of King Charles. But during 
 this secret treaty with the lady, the better to save it from 
 
 20 blasts of opposition and interruption, King Charles resort- 
 ing to his wonted arts, and thinking to carry the marriage 
 as he had carried the wars, by entertaining the King of 
 England in vain belief, sent a solemn ambassage by 
 Francis lord of Luxemburg, Charles Marignian, and Ro- 
 
 25 bert Gagvien, general of the order of the bons-hommcs 
 of the Trinity, to treat a peace and league with the King ; 
 accoupling it with an article in the nature of a request, 
 that the French King might with the King's good-will, ac- 
 cording unto his right of seigniory and tutelage, dispose 
 
 30 of the marriage of the young duchess of Britain, as he 
 should think good ; offering by a judicial proceeding to 
 make void the marriage of Maximilian by proxy. Also all 
 this while, the better to amuse the world, he did continue in
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 79 
 
 his court and custody the daughter of Maxhiiilian, who 
 formerly had been sent unto him, to be bred and educated 
 in France; not dismissing orrenvoying her, but contrariwise 
 professing and giving out strongly, that he meant to proceed 
 with that match. And that for the duchess of Britain, he 5 
 desired only to preserve his right of seigniory, and to give 
 her in marriage to some such ally as might depend upon 
 him. 
 
 When the three commissioners came to the court of 
 England, they delivered their ambassage unto the King, 10 
 who remitted them to his council ; where some days after 
 they had audience, and made their proposition by the prior 
 of the Trinity, who though he were third in place, yet was 
 held the best speaker of them, to this effect. 
 
 "My lords, the King our master, the greatest and 15 
 " mightiest King that reigned in France since Charles the 
 '• Great, whose name he beareth, hath nevertheless thought 
 •' it no disparagement to his greatness at this time to pro- 
 " pound a peace ; yea, and to pray a peace with the King 
 " of England. For which purpose he hath sent us his com- 20 
 '■ missioners, instructed and enabled with full and ample 
 " power to treat and conclude ; giving us further in charge, 
 "to open in some other business the secrets of his own 
 " intentions. These be indeed the precious love tokens be- 
 "tween great Kings, to communicate one with another the 25 
 •'true state of their affairs, and to pass by nice points of 
 "honour, which ought not to give law unto affection. This 
 " I do assure your lordships ; it is not possible for you to 
 " imagine the true and cordial love that the King our mas- 
 " ter beareth to your sovereign, except you were near him 30 
 "as we are. He useth his name with so great respect; he 
 "remembereth their first acquaintance at Paris with so great 
 'contentment; nay, he never speaks of him, but that pre-
 
 8o HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 " sently lie falls into discourse of the miseries of great 
 " Kings, in that they cannot converse with their equals, but 
 "with servants. This affection to your King's person and 
 " virtues God hath put into the heart of our master, no 
 5 " doubt for the good of Christendom, and for purposes yet 
 " unknown to us all. For other root it cannot have, since 
 " it was the same to the earl of Richmond, that it is now to 
 " the King of England. This is therefore the first motive 
 " that makes our King to desire peace and league with your 
 
 10 "sovereign: good affection, and somewhat that he finds in 
 " his own heart. This affection is also armed with reason 
 " of estate. For our King doth in all candour and frankness 
 " of dealing open himself unto you ; that having an honour- 
 " able, yea, and an holy purpose, to make a voyage and war 
 
 15 "in remote parts, he considereth that it will be of no small 
 "effect, in i)oint of reputation to his enterprise, if it be 
 "known abroad that he is in good peace with all his neigh- 
 " bour Princes, and especially with the King of England, 
 " whom for good causes he esteemeth most. 
 
 20 " But now, my lords, give me leave to use a few words 
 "to remove all scruples and misunderstandings, between 
 " your sovereign and ours, concerning some late actions ; 
 " which if they be not cleared, may perhaps hinder this 
 "peace ; to the enJ, that for matters past neither King 
 
 25 "may conceive unkindness of other, nor think the other 
 " conceiveth unkindness of him. The late actions are two ; 
 " that of Britain, and that of Flanders. In both which it is 
 "true, that the subjects' swords of both Kings have encoun- 
 " tered and stricken, and the ways and inclinations also of 
 
 30 " the two Kings, in respect of their confederates and allies, 
 " have severed. 
 
 " For that of Britain, the King your sovereign knoweth 
 " best what hath passed. It was a war of necessity on our
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 8i 
 
 ** master's part. And though the motives of it were sharp 
 "and piquant as could be, yet did he make that war rather 
 "with an olive-branch, than a laurel-branch in his hand, 
 " more desiring peace than victory. Besides, from time to 
 " time he sent, as it were, blank papers to your King, to 5 
 " \vrite the conditions of peace. For though both his 
 "honour and safety went upon it, yet he thought neither 
 " of them too precious to put into the King of England's 
 "hands. Neither doth our King on the other side make 
 " any unfriendly interpretation of your King's sending of i o 
 " succours to the duke of Britain ; for the King knoweth 
 *' well, that many things must be done of Kings for satis- 
 " faction of their people ; and it is not hard to discern what 
 " is a King's own. But this matter of Britain, is now, by 
 "the act of God, ended and passed; and, as the King 15 
 " hopeth, like the way of a ship in the sea, without leaving 
 " any impression in either of the Kings' minds : as he is sure 
 " for his part it hath not done in his. 
 
 " For the action of Flanders : as the former of Britain 
 "was a war of necessity, so this was a war of justice ; which 20 
 "with a good King is of equal necessity with danger of 
 " estate, for else he should leave to be a King. The sub- 
 "jects of Burgundy are subjects in chief to the crown of 
 " France, and their duke the homager and vassal of France. 
 " They had wont to be good subjects, howsoever Maximilian 25 
 "hath of late distempered them. They fled to the King for 
 "justice and deliverance from oppression. Justice he could 
 " not deny ; purchase he did not seek. This was good for 
 " Maximilian, if he could have seen it in people mutinied, 
 " to arrest fury, and prevent despair. My lords, it may be 30 
 " this I have said is needless, save that the King our master 
 "is tender in anything, that may but glance upon the friend- 
 " ship of England. The amity between the two Kings, no 
 
 B. H. 6
 
 82 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 " doubt, stands entire and inviolate : and that their subjects' 
 " swords have clashed, it is nothing unto the public peace of 
 " the crowns ; it being a thing very usual in auxiliary forces 
 " of the best and straitest confederates to meet and draw 
 5 " blood in the field. Nay, many times there be aids of the 
 " same nation on both sides, and yet it is not, for all that, a 
 '' kingdom divided in itself. 
 
 " It resteth, my lords, that I impart unto you a matter, 
 "that I know your lordships all will much rejoice to hear; 
 
 I o "as that which importeth the Christian commonweal more, 
 " than any action that hath happened of long time. The 
 " King our master hath a purpose and determination to 
 "make war upon the Kingdom of Naples; being now in the 
 " possession of a bastard slip of Aragon, but appertaining 
 
 15 "unto his Majesty by clear and undoubted right; which if 
 " he should not by just arms seek to recover, he could nei- 
 " ther acquit his honour nor answer it to his people. But 
 "his noble and Christian thoughts rest not here: for his 
 "resolution and hope is, to make the reconquest of Naples, 
 
 20 " but as a bridge to transport his forces into GriEcia ; and 
 " not to spare blood or treasure, if it were to the impawning 
 " of his crown, and dispeopling of France, till either he hath 
 " overthrown the empire of the Ottomans, or taken it in his 
 " way to paradise. The King knoweth well, that this is a 
 
 25 "design that could not arise in the mind of any King, that 
 " did not stedfastly look up unto God, whose quarrel this is, 
 "and from whom cometh both the will and the deed. But 
 " yet it is agreeable to the person that he beareth, though 
 " unworthy, of the thrice Christian King and the eldest son 
 30 " of the church. Whereunto he is also invited by the e.x- 
 " ample, in more ancient time, of King Henry the fourtli of 
 " England, the first renowned King of the House of Lan- 
 " caster ; ancestor, though not ])rogcnitor to your King,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 83 
 
 who had a purpose towards the end of his time, as you 
 know better, to make an expedition into the Holy Land ; 
 and by the example also, present before his eyes, of that 
 honourable and religious war which the King of Spain 
 now maketh, and hath almost brought to perfection, for 5 
 the recovery of the realm of Granada from the Moors. 
 And although this enterprise may seem vast and unmea- 
 sured, for the King to attempt that by his own forces, 
 wherein heretofore a conjunction of most of the Christian 
 Princes hath found work enough ; yet his Majesty wisely x'o 
 considereth, that sometimes smaller forces being united 
 under one command, are more effectual in proof, though 
 not so promising in opinion and fame, than much greater 
 forces, variously compounded by associations and leagues, 
 which commonly in a short time after their beginnings 15 
 turn to dissociations and divisions. But, my lords, that 
 which is as a voice from heaven, that calleth the King to 
 this enterprise, is a rent at this time in the house of the 
 Ottomans. I do not say but there hath been brother 
 against brother in that house before, but never any that 20 
 had refuge to the arms of the Christians, as now hath 
 Gemes, brother unto Bajazet that reigneth, the far braver 
 man of the two, the other being between a monk and a 
 philosopher, and better read in the Alcoran and Averroes, 
 than able to wield the sceptre of so warlike an empire. 25 
 This therefore is the King our master's memorable and 
 heroical resolution for an holy war. And because he cai- 
 rieth in this the person of a Christian soldier, as well as of 
 a great temporal monarch, he beginneth with humility, 
 and is content for this cause to beg peace at the hands of 30 
 other Christian Kings. There remaineth only rather a 
 civil request than any essential part of our negotiation, 
 which the King maketh to the King your sovereign. The 
 
 6—2
 
 84 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 " King, as all the world knoweth, is lord in chief of the 
 " duchy of Britain. The marriage of the heir belongeth to 
 "him as guardian. This is a private patrimonial right, and 
 " no business of estate : yet nevertheless, to run a fair 
 5 " course with your King, whom he desires to make another 
 " himself, and to be one and the same thing with him, his 
 " request is, that with the King's favour and consent he may 
 " dispose of her in marriage, as he thinketh good, and make 
 " void the intruded and pretended marriage of Maximilian, 
 
 lo "according to justice. This, my lords, is all that I have 
 " to say, desiring your pardon for my weakness in the 
 " delivery." 
 
 Thus did the French ambassadors, with great shew of 
 their King's affection and many sugared words, seek to ad- 
 
 ■15 dulce all matters between the two Kings, having two things 
 for their ends ; the one to keep the King quiet till the mar- 
 riage of Britain was past ; and this was but a summer fruit, 
 which they thought was almost ripe, and would soon be 
 gathered. The other was more lasting; and that was to put 
 
 20 him into such a temper, as he might be no disturbance or 
 impediment to the voyage for Italy. The lords of the coun- 
 cil were silent ; and said only, "That they knew the ambas- 
 "sadors would look for no answer, till they had reported to 
 "the King;" and so they rose from council. The King 
 
 25 could not well tell what to think of the marriage of Britain. 
 He saw plainly the ambition of the French King was to im- 
 patronise himself of the duchy; but he wondered he would 
 bring into his house a litigious marriage, especially consider- 
 ing who was his successor. But weighing one thing with 
 
 30 another he gave Britain for lost ; but resolved to make his 
 profit of this business of Britain, as a quarrel for war ; and 
 that of Naples, as a wrench and mean for peace ; being well 
 advertised, how strongly the King was bent upon that action.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 85 
 
 Having therefore conferred divers times with his council, 
 and keeping himself somewhat close, he gave a direction to 
 the Chancellor, for a formal answer to the ambassadors, and 
 that he did in the presence of his council. And after call- 
 ing the Chancellor to him apart, bade him speak in such e 
 language, as was fit for a treaty that was to end in a breach; 
 and gave him also a special caveat, that he should not use 
 any words to discourage the voyage of Italy. Soon after 
 the ambassadors were sent for to the council, and the lord 
 Chancellor spake to them in this sort : 10 
 
 " My lords ambassadors, I shall make answer by the 
 "King's commandment, unto the eloquent declaration of 
 " you, my lord prior, in a brief and plain manner. The 
 " King forgetteth not his former love and acquaintance with 
 "the King your master: but of this there needeth no repe- tc 
 " tition. For if it be between them as it was, it is well ; if 
 "there be any alteration, it is not words that will make 
 "it up. 
 
 " For the business of Britain, the King findeth it a little 
 " strange that the French King maketh mention of it as a 20 
 " matter of well deserving at his hand : for that deserving 
 " was no more, but to make him his instrument to surprise 
 " one of his best confederates. And for the marriage the 
 " King would not meddle with it, if your master would 
 " marry by the book, and not by the sword. 2 c 
 
 " For that of Flanders, if the subjects of Burgundy had 
 " appealed to your King as their chief lord, at first by way 
 " of supplication, it might have had a shew of justice : but 
 "it was a new form of process, for subjects to imprison 
 " their Prince first, and to slay his officers, and then to be ^o 
 "complainants. The King saith, That sure he is, when 
 " the French King and himself sent to the subjects of Scot- 
 "land, that had taken arms against their King, they both
 
 86 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 " spake in another style, and did in princely manner signify 
 " their detestation of popular attentates upon the person or 
 "authority of Princes. But, my lords ambassadors, the 
 " King leaveth these two actions thus : that on the one side 
 5 " he hath not received any manner of satisfaction from you 
 " concerning them ; and on the other, that he doth not ap- 
 " prehend them so deeply, as in respect of them to refuse to 
 " treat of peace, if other things may go hand in hand. As 
 " for the war of Naples, and the design against the Turk ; 
 
 lo "the King hath commanded me expressly to say, that he 
 " doth wish with all his heart to his good brother the 
 " French King, that his fortunes may succeed according to 
 "his hopes and honourable intentions. And whensoever 
 " he shall hear that he is prepared for Graecia, as your 
 
 15 "master is pleased now to say that he beggeth a peace of 
 " the King, so the King will then beg of him a part in 
 •' that war. 
 
 " But now, my lords ambassadors, I am to propound 
 " unto you somewhat on the King's part : The King your 
 
 20 " master hath taught our King what to say and demand. 
 " You say, my lord prior, that your King is resolved to 
 " recover his right to Naples, wrongfully detained from him. 
 " And that if he should not thus do, he could not acquit his 
 " honour, nor answer it to his people. Think, my lords, 
 
 25 '• that the King our master saith the same thing over again 
 " to you touching Normandy, Guienne, Anjou, yea, and the 
 " kingdom of France itself. I cannot express it better than 
 " in your own words : If therefore the French King shall 
 " consent, that the King our master's title to France, at least 
 
 30 " tribute for the same, be handled in the treaty, the King is 
 " content to go on with the rest, otherwise he refuseth to 
 " treat." 
 
 The ambassadors, being somewhat abashed with this
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII S7 
 
 demand, answered in some heat; That they doubted not, 
 but the King their sovereign's sword would be able to main- 
 tain his sceptre : and they assured themselves, he neither 
 could nor would yield to any diminution of the crown of 
 France, either in territory or regality : but, howsoever, they 5 
 were too great matters for them to speak of, having no com- 
 mission. It was replied, that the King looked for no other 
 answer from them, but would forthwith send his own ambas- 
 sadors to the French King. There was a question also asked 
 at the table; whether the Fiench King would agree to have 10 
 the disposing of the marriage of Britain with an exception 
 and exclusion, that he should not marry her himself? 
 To which the ambassadors answered ; That it was so far out 
 of their King's thoughts, as they had received no instructions 
 touching the same. Thus were the ambassadors dismissed, 1 5 
 all save the prior ; and were followed immediately by 
 Thomas earl of Ormond, and Thomas Goldenston prior of 
 Christ-Church in Canterbury, who were presently sent over 
 into France. In the mean space Lionel bishop of Concordia 
 was sent as nuncio from Pope Alexander the sixth to both 20 
 Kings, to move a peace between them. For Pope Alexan- 
 der, finding himself pent and locked up by a league and 
 association of the principal states of Italy, that he could not 
 make his way for the advancement of his own house, which 
 he immoderately thirsted after, was desirous to trouble the 25 
 waters in Italy, that he might fish the better; casting the 
 net, not out of Saint Peter's, but out of Borgia's bark. And 
 doubting lest the fears from England might stay the French 
 King's voyage into Italy, despatched this bishop, to compose 
 all matters between the two Kings, if he could : who first 30 
 repaired to the French King, and finding him well inclined, 
 as he conceived, took on his journey towards England, and 
 found the English ambassadors at Calais, on their way
 
 88 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 towards the French King. After some conference with 
 them, he was in honourable manner transported over into 
 England, where he had audience of the King. But not- 
 withstanding he had a good ominous name to have made a 
 5 peace, nothing followed : for in the mean time the purpose 
 of the French King to marry the duchess, could be no 
 longer dissembled. Wherefore the English ambassadors, 
 finding how things went, took their leave, and returned. 
 And the prior also was warned from hence to depart out of 
 
 lo England. Who when he turned his back, more like a 
 pedant than an ambassador, dispersed a bitter libel, in Eatin 
 verse, against the King; unto which the King, though he 
 had nothing of a pedant, yet was content to cause an answer 
 to be made in like verse ; and that as speaking in his own 
 
 1 5 person, but in a st}-le of scorn and sport. About this time 
 also was bom the King's second son Henry, who afterwards 
 reigned. And soon after followed the solemnization of the 
 marriage betAveen Charles and Anne duchess of Britain, with 
 whom he received the duchy of Britain as her dowr)% the 
 
 2o daughter of Maximilian being a little before sent home. 
 Which when it came to the ears of Maximilian, who would 
 never believe it till it was done, being ever the principal in 
 deceiving himself, though in this the French King did very 
 handsomely second it, in tumbling it over and over in his 
 
 25 thoughts, that he should at one blow, with such a double 
 scorn, be defeated, both of the marriage of his daughter and 
 his own, upon both which he had fixed high imaginations, he 
 lost all patience, and casting off the respects fit to be con- 
 tinued between great Kings, even when their blood is 
 
 30 hottest, and most risen, fell to bitter invectives against the 
 person and actions of the French King. And, by how 
 much he was the less able to do, talking so much the more, 
 spake all the injuries he could devise of Charles, saying;
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 89 
 
 That he was the most perfidious man upon the earth, and 
 that he had made a marriage compounded between an 
 advowtry and a rape ; which was done, he said, by the just 
 judgment of God ; to the end that, the nullity thereof being 
 so apparent to all the world, the race of so unworthy a 5 
 person might not reign in France. And forthwith he sent 
 ambassadors as well to the King of England as to the King of 
 Spain, to incite them to war, and to treat a league offensive 
 against France, promising to concur with great forces of his 
 own. Hereupon the King of England, going nevertheless 10 
 his own way, called a parliament, it being the seventh year 
 of his reign ; and the first day of opening thereof, sitting 
 under his cloth of estate, spake himself unto his lords and 
 commons in this manner : 
 
 " MY lords, and you the commons, when I purposed to 1 5 
 " make a war in Britain by my lieutenant, I made declara- 
 " tion thereof to you by my Chancellor. But now that 
 " I mean to make a war upon France in person, I will 
 " declare it to you myself. That war was to defend 
 " another man's right, but this is to recover our own ; 20 
 " and that ended by accident, but we hope this shall end 
 " in victory. 
 
 " The French King troubles the Christian world : that 
 " which he hath is not his own, and yet he seeketh more. 
 " He hath invested himself of Britain : he maintaineth the 25 
 " rebels in Flanders : and he threateneth Italy. For our- 
 " selves, he hath proceeded from dissimulation to neglect ; 
 " and from neglect to contumely. He hath assailed our 
 " confederates : he denieth our tribute : in a word, he seeks 
 •' war: so did not his father, but sought peace at our hands; 30 
 " and so perhaps will he, when good counsel or time shall 
 " make him see as much as his father did. 
 
 " Mean while, let us make his ambition our advantage ;
 
 €p HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 " and let us not stand upon a few crowns of tribute or 
 " acknowledgement, but, by the favour of Almighty God, try 
 " our right for the crown of France itself; remembering that 
 " there hath been a French King prisoner in England, and 
 5 " a King of England crowned in France. Our confederates 
 " are not diminished. Burgundy is in a mightier hand than 
 " ever, and never more provoked. Britain cannot help us, 
 " but it may hurt them. New acquests are more burden 
 " than strength. The malcontents of his own kingdom 
 
 ID "have not been base, popular, nor titulary impostors, but 
 " of an higher nature. The King of Spain, doubt ye not, 
 " will join with us, not knowing where the French King's 
 " ambition will stay. Our holy father the Pope likes no 
 " Tramontanes in Italy. But howsoever it be, this matter 
 
 15 "of confederates is rather to be thought on than reckoned 
 " on. For God forbid but England should be able to get 
 " reason of France without a second. 
 
 " At the battles of Cressy, Poictiers, Agincourt, we were 
 " of ourselves. France hath much people, and few soldiers. 
 
 20 " They have no stable bands of foot. Some good horse 
 " they have ; but those are forces which are least fit for a 
 " defensive war, where the actions are in the assailant's 
 " choice. It was our discords only that lost France ; and, 
 " by the power of God, it is the good peace which we now 
 
 25 " enjoy, that will recover it. God hath hitherto blessed my 
 " sword. I have, in this time that I have reigned, weeded 
 " out my bad subjects, and tried my good. My people and I 
 " know one another, which breeds confidence : and if there 
 " should be any bad blood left in the kingdom, an honour- 
 
 30 " able foreign war will vent it or purify it. In this great 
 " business, let me have your advice and aid. If any of you 
 " were to make his son knight, you might have aid of your 
 " tenants by law. This concerns the knighthood and spurs
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 91 
 
 " of the kingdom, whereof I am father ; and bound not only 
 " to seek to maintain it, but to advance it : but for matter 
 " of treasure, let it not be taken from the poorest sort, but 
 " from those to whom the benefit of the war may redound. 
 " France is no wilderness ; and I, that profess good hus- 5 
 " bandr>% hope to make the war, after the beginnings, to 
 " pay itself. Go together in God's name, and lose no time ; 
 " for I have called this parliament wholly for this cause." 
 
 Thus spake the King ; but for all this, though he shewed 
 great forwardness for a war, not only to his parliament and lo 
 court, but to his privy-council likewise, except the two 
 bishops and a few more, yet nevertheless in his secret in- 
 tentions he had no purpose to go through with any war 
 upon France. But the truth was, that he did but traffic 
 with that war, to make his return in money. He knew 15 
 well, that France was now entire and at unity with itself, . 
 and never so mighty many years before. He saw by the 
 taste that he had of his forces sent into Britain, that the 
 French knew well enough how to make war with the Eng- 
 lish, by not putting things to the hazard of a battle, but 20 
 wearing them by long sieges of towns, and strong fortified 
 encampings. James the third of Scotland, his true friend 
 and confederate, gone ; and James the fourth, that had 
 succeeded, wholly at the devotion of France, and ill af- 
 fected towards him. As for the conjunctions of Ferdinando 25 
 of Spain and INIaximilian, he could make no foundation 
 upon them. For the one had power, and not will; and 
 the other had will, and not power. Besides that, Ferdi- 
 nando had but newly taken breath from the war with the 
 Moors ; and merchanded at this time with France for the 30 
 restoring of the counties of Russignon and Perpignian, op- 
 pignorated to the French. Neither was he out of fear of 
 the discontents and ill blood within the realm; which
 
 92 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 having used always to repress and appease in person, he 
 was lodi they should find him at a distance beyond sea, 
 and engaged in war. Finding therefore the inconveniences 
 and difficulties in the prosecution of a war, he cast with 
 2 himself how to compass two things. The one, how by the 
 declaration and inchoation of a war to make his profit. 
 The other, how to come off from the war with saving of 
 his honour. For profit, it was to be n;ade two ways ; 
 upon his subjects for the war, and upon his enemies for 
 
 lo the peace ; like a good merchant, that maketh his gain 
 both upon the commodities exported and imported back 
 again. For the point of honour, wherein he might suffer 
 for giving over the war; he considered well, that as he 
 could not trust upon the aids of Ferdinando and Maxi- 
 
 12 milian for supports of war; so the impuissance of the one, 
 and the double proceeding of the other, lay fair for him for 
 occasions to accept of peace. These things he did wisely 
 foresee, and did as artificially conduct, whereby all things 
 fell into his lap as he desired. 
 
 2o For as for the parliament, it presently took fire, being 
 affectionate, of old, to the war of France ; and desirous 
 afresh to repair the dishonour they thought the King sus- 
 tained by the loss of Britain. Therefore they advised the 
 King, with great alacrity, to undertake the war of France. 
 
 25 And although the parliament consisted of the first and 
 second nobility, together with principal citizens and towns- 
 men, yet worthily and justly respecting more the people, 
 whose deputies they were, than their own private persons, 
 and finding by the lord Chancellor's speech the King's 
 
 30 inclination that way ; they consented that commissioners 
 should go forth for the gathering and levying of a bene- 
 volence from the more able sort. This tax, called a bene- 
 volence, was devised by Edward the fourth, for which he
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 93 
 
 sustained much envy. It was abolished by Richard the 
 third by act of parhament, to ingratiate himself with the 
 people ; and it was now revived by the King, but with 
 consent of parliament, for so it was not in the time of 
 King Edward the fourth. But by this way he raised ex- 5 
 ceeding great sums. Insomuch as the city of London, in 
 those days, contributed nine thousand pounds and better ; 
 and that chiefly levied upon the wealthier sort. There is 
 a tradition of a dilemma, that bishop Morton the Chan- 
 cellor used, to raise up the benevolence to higher rates; 10 
 and some called it his fork, and some his crutch. For he 
 had couched an article in the instructions to the commis- 
 sioners who were to levy the benevolence ; " That if they 
 "met with any that were sparing, they should tell them, 
 "that they must needs have, because they laid up; and if 15 
 " they were spenders, they must needs have, because it was 
 " seen in their port and manner of living." So neither 
 kind came amiss. 
 
 This parliament was merely a parliament of war ; for it 
 was in substance but a declaration of war against France 20 
 and Scotland, with some statutes conducing thereunto : as, 
 the severe punishing of mort-pays and keeping back of sol- 
 diers' wages in captains : the like severity for the departure 
 of soldiers without licence ; strengthening of the common 
 law in favour of protections for those that were in the 25 
 King's service ; and the setting the gate open and wide 
 for men to sell or mortgage their lands, without fines for 
 ahenation, to furnish themselves with money for the war; 
 and lastly, the voiding of all Scottish men out of England. 
 There was also a statute for the dispersing of the stand- 30 
 ard of the exchequer throughout England ; thereby to 
 size weights and measures ; and two or three more of less 
 importance.
 
 94 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 After the parliament was broken up, which lasted not 
 long, the King went on with his preparations for the war 
 of France ; yet neglected not in the mean time the affairs 
 of Maximilian for the quieting of Flanders, and restoring 
 5 him to his authority amongst his subjects. For at that 
 time the lord of Ravenstein, being not only a subject re- 
 belled, but a servant revolted, and so much the more 
 malicious and violent, by the aid of Bruges and Gaunt, 
 had taken the town and both the castles of Sluice ; as we 
 
 TO said before : and having, by the commodity of the haven, 
 gotten together certain ships and barks, fell to a kind of 
 piratical trade ; robbing and spoiling, and taking prisoners 
 the ships and vessels of all nations, that passed along that 
 coast towards the mart of Antwerp, or into any part of 
 
 15 Brabant, Zealand, or Friesland ; being ever well victual- 
 led from Picardy, besides the commodity of victuals from 
 Sluice, and the country adjacent, and the avails of his own 
 prizes. The French assisted him still under-hand ; and 
 he likewise, as all men do that have been of both sides, 
 
 20 thought himself not safe, except he depended upon a third 
 person. 
 
 There was a small town some two miles from Bruges 
 towards the sea, called Dam ; which was a fort and ap- 
 proach to Bruges ; and had a relation also to Sluice. This 
 
 25 town the King of the Romans had attempted often, not for 
 any worth of the town in itself, but because it might choke 
 Bruges, and cut it off from the sea, and ever failed. But 
 therewith the duke of Saxony came down into Flanders, 
 taking upon him the person of an umpire, to compose 
 
 30 things between Maximilian and his subjects ; but being, in- 
 deed, fast and assured to Maximilian. Upon this pretext 
 of neutrality and treaty, he repaired to Bruges ; desiring 
 of the states of Bruges, to enter peace.ably into their town,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 95 
 
 with a retinue of some number of men of arms fit for his 
 estate ; being somewhat the more, as he said, the better to 
 guard him in a country that was up in arms : and bearing 
 them in hand, that he was to communicate with them of 
 divers matters of great importance for their good. Which c 
 having obtained of them, he sent his carriages and har- 
 bingers before him, to provide his lodging. So that his 
 men of war entered the city in good array, but in peaceable 
 manner, and he followed. They that went before inquired 
 still for inns and lodgings, as if they would have rested 10 
 there all night ; and so went on till they came to the gate 
 that leadeth directly towards Dam ; and they of Bruges 
 only gazed upon them, and gave them passage. The cap- 
 tains and inhabitants of Dam also suspected no harm from 
 any that passed through Bruges; and discovering forces 15 
 afar off, supposed they had been some succours that were 
 come from their friends, knowing some dangers towards 
 them. And so perceiving nothing but well till it was too 
 late, suffered them to enter their town. By which kind of 
 sleight, rather than stratagem, the town of Dam was taken, 20 
 and the town of Bruges shrewdly blocked up, whereby they 
 took great discouragement. 
 
 The duke of Saxony, having won the town of Dam, sent 
 immediately to the King to let him know, that it was Sluice 
 chiefly, and the lord Ravenstein, that kept the rebellion of 25 
 Flanders in life : and that if it pleased the King to besiege 
 it by sea, he also would besiege it by land, and so cut out 
 the core of those wars. 
 
 The King, willing to uphold the authority of Maximilian, 
 the better to hold France in awe, and being likewise sued 30 
 unto by his merchants, for that the seas were much infested 
 by the barks of the lord Ravenstein ; sent straightways 
 Sir Edward Poynings, a valiant man, and of good service,
 
 96 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 with twelve ships, well furnished with soldiers and artillery, 
 to clear the seas, and to besiege Sluice on that part. The 
 Englishmen did not only coop up the lord Ravenstein, that 
 he stirred not, and likewise hold in strait siege the maritime 
 5 part of the town ; but also assailed one of the castles, and 
 renewed the assault so for twenty days' space, issuing still 
 out of their ships at the ebb, as they made great slaughter 
 of them of the castle ; who continually fought with them 
 to repulse them, though of the English part also were 
 
 lo slain a brother of the earl of Oxford's, and some fifty 
 more. 
 
 But the siege still continuing more and more strait, and 
 both the castles, which were the principal strength of the 
 town, being distressed, the one by the duke of Saxony, and 
 
 15 the other by the English ; and a bridge of boats, which the 
 lord Ravenstein had made between both castles, whereby 
 succours and relief might pass from the one to the other, 
 being on a night set on fire by the English ; he despairing 
 to hold the town, yielded, at the last, the castles to the 
 
 20 English, and the town to the duke of Saxony, by compo- 
 sition. Which done, the duke of Saxony and Sir Edward 
 Poynings treated with them of Bruges, to submit themselves 
 to Maximilian their lord ; which after some time they did, 
 paying, in some good part, the charge of the war, whereby 
 
 25 the Almains and foreign succours were dismissed. The 
 example of Bruges other of the revolted towns followed ; 
 so that Maximilian grew to be out of danger, but, as his 
 manner was to handle matters, never out of necessity. And 
 Sir Edward Poynings, after he had continued at Sluice some 
 
 30 good while till all things were settled, returned unto the 
 King, being then before Boulogne. 
 
 Somewhat about this time came letters from Ferdinando 
 and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain; signifying the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 97 
 
 final conquest of Granada from the Moors; which action, 
 in itself so worthy, King Ferdinando, whose manner was 
 never to lose any virtue for the shewing, had expressed and 
 displayed in his letters at large, with all the particularities 
 and religious punctos and ceremonies, that were observed 5 
 in the reception of that city and kingdom : shewing amongst 
 other things, that the King would not by any means in 
 person enter the city, until he had first aloof seen the cross 
 set up upon the greater tower of Granada, whereby it be- 
 came Christian ground. That likewise, before he would 10 
 .enter, he did homage to God above, pronouncing by an 
 herald from the height of that tower, that he did acknow- 
 ledge to have recovered that kingdom by the help of God 
 Almighty, and the glorious Virgin, and the virtuous Apostle 
 Saint James, and the holy father Innocent the eighth, 15 
 together with the aids and services of his prelates, nobles, 
 and commons. That yet he stirred not from his camp, 
 till he had seen a little army of martyrs, to the number 
 of seven hundred and more Christians, that had lived in 
 bonds and servitude, as slaves to the Moors, pass before 20 
 his eyes, singing a psalm for their redemption ; and that 
 he had given tribute unto God, by alms and relief extended 
 to them all, for his admission into the city. These things 
 were in the letters, with many more ceremonies of a kind 
 of holy ostentation. 25 
 
 The King, ever willing to put himself into the consort 
 or quire of all religious actions, and naturally affecting 
 much the King of Spain, as far as one King can affect 
 another, partly for his virtues, and partly for a counterpoise 
 to France; upon the receipt of these letters sent all his 30 
 nobles and prelates that were about the court, together 
 with the mayor and aldermen of London, in great solemn- 
 ity to the church of Paul ; there to hear a declaration 
 
 B. H. 7
 
 q8 history of king HENRY VII. 
 
 from the lord Chancellor, now cardinal. When they were 
 assembled, the cardnial, standing upon the uppermost step, 
 or half-pace, before the quire, and all the nobles, prelates, 
 and governors of the city at the foot of the stairs, made a 
 q speech to them ; letting them know, that they were assem- 
 bled in that consecrated place, to sing unto God a new 
 song. For that, said he, these many years the Christians 
 have not gained new ground or territory upon the Infidels, 
 nor enlarged and set farther the bounds of the Christian 
 
 10 world. But this is now done by the prowess and devotion 
 of Ferdinando and Isabella, Kings of Spain ; who have, 
 to their immortal honour, recovered the great and rich 
 kingdom of Granada, and the populous and mighty city 
 of the same name, from the Moors, having been in pos- 
 
 15 session thereof by the space of seven hundred years and 
 more : for which, this assembly and all Christians are to 
 render laud and thanks unto God, and to celebrate this 
 noble act of the King of Spain ; who in this is not only 
 victorious but apostolical, in the gaining of new provinces 
 
 20 to the Christian faith. And tiie rather, for that this victory 
 and conquest is obtained without much effusion of blood. 
 Whereby it is to be hoped, that there shall be gained not 
 only new territory, but infinite souls to the church of Christ, 
 whom the Almighty, as it seems, would have live to be 
 
 25 converted. Herewithal he did relate some of the most 
 memorable particulars of the war and victory. And after 
 his speech ended, the whole assembly went solemnly in 
 procession, and Te Dcuvi was sung. 
 
 Immediately after the solemnity, the King kept his 
 
 30 May-day at his palace of Shene, now Richmond, Where, 
 to warm the blood of his nobility and gallants against the 
 war, he kept great triumphs of jousting and tourney, during 
 all that month. In which space it so fell out, that Sir James
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 99 
 
 Parker, and Hugh Vaughan, one of the King's gentlemen 
 ushers, having had a controversy touching certain arms that 
 the king at arms had given Vaughan, were appointed to run 
 some courses one against another. And by accident of a 
 faulty helmet that Parker had on, he was stricken into the 5 
 mouth at the first course, so that his tongue was borne unto 
 the hinder part of his head, in such sort, that he died pre- 
 sently upon the place. Which, because of the controversy 
 precedent, and the death that followed, was accounted 
 amongst the vulgar as a combat or trial of right. The King 10 
 towards the end of this summer, having put his forces, 
 wherewith he meant to invade France, in readiness, but so 
 as they were not yet met or mustered together, sent 
 Urswick, now made his almoner, and Sir John Riseley, to 
 Maximilian, to let him know that he Avas in arms, ready to 15 
 pass the seas into France, and did but expect to hear from 
 him, when and where he did appoint to join with him, ac- 
 cording to his promise made unto him by Countebalt his 
 ambassador. 
 
 The English ambassadors having repaired to Maximilian, 20 
 did find his power and promise at a very great distance; he 
 being utterly unprovided of men, money, and arms, for any 
 such enterprise. For Maximilian, having neither wing to 
 fiy on, for that his patrimony of Austria was not in his 
 hands, his father being then living, and on the other side, 25 
 his matrimonial territories of Flanders being partly in dowry 
 to his mother-in-law, and partly not serviceable, in respect 
 of the late rebellions ; was thereby destitute of means to 
 enter into war. The ambassadors saw this well, but wisely 
 thought fit to advertise the King thereof, rather than to re- 30 
 turn themselves, till the King's farther pleasure were known; 
 the rather, for that Maximilian himself spake as great as 
 ever he did before, and entertained them with dilatory 
 
 7—2
 
 loo HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 answers : so as the formal part of their ambassage might well 
 warrant and require their farther stay. The King hereupon, 
 who doubted as much before, and saw through his business 
 from the beginning, wrote back to the ambassadors, com- 
 5 mending their discretion in not returning, and willing them 
 to keep the state wherein they found Maximilian as a secret, 
 till they heard farther from him : and meanwhile went on 
 with his voyage royal for France, suppressing for a time 
 this advertisement touching Maximilian's poverty and dis- 
 
 lo ability. 
 
 By this time was drawn together a great and puissant 
 army into the city of London ; in which were Thomas mar- 
 quis Dorset, Thomas earl of Arundel, Thomas earl of Derby, 
 George earl of Shrewsbury, Edmond earl of Suffolk, Edward 
 
 15 earl of Devonshire, George earl of Kent, the earl of Essex, 
 Thomas earl of Ormond, with a great number of barons, 
 knights, and principal gentlemen ; and amongst them 
 Richard Thomas, much noted for the brave troops he 
 brought out of Wales. The army rising in the whole to the 
 
 20 number of five and twenty thousand foot, and sixteen hun- 
 dred horse ; over which the King, constant in his accus- 
 tomed trust and employment, made Jasper duke of Bedford 
 and John earl of Oxford generals under his own person. 
 The ninth of September, in the eighth year of his reign, he 
 
 25 departed from Greenwich towards the sea; all men wonder- 
 ing that he took that season, being so near winter, to begin 
 the war; and some thereupon gathering, it was a sign that 
 the war would not be long. Nevertheless the King gave 
 out the contrary, thus ; " That he intending not to make a 
 
 30 ''summer business of it, but a resolute war, without term 
 "prefixed, until he had recovered France; it skilled not 
 " much when he began it, especially having Calais at his 
 '• back, where he might winter, if the season of the war so
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. loi 
 
 •'required." The sixth of October he embarked at Sand- 
 wich ; and the same day took land at Calais, which was the 
 rendezvous, where all his forces were assigned to meet. But 
 in this his journey towards the sea-side, wherein, for the 
 cause that we shall now speak of, he hovered so much the 5 
 longer, he had received letters from the lord Cordes, who 
 the hotter he was against the English in time of war, had 
 the more credit in a negociation of peace ; and besides was 
 held a man open and of good faith. In which letters there 
 was made an overture of peace from the French King, with 10 
 such conditions as were somewhat to the King's taste ; but 
 this was carried at the first with wonderful secrecy. The 
 King was no sooner come to Calais, but the calm winds of 
 peace began to blow. For first, the English ambassadors 
 returned out of Flanders from Maximilian, and certified the 1 5 
 King, that he was not to hope for any aid from Maximilian, 
 for that he was altogether unprovided. His will was good, 
 but he lacked money. And this was made known and 
 spread through the army. And although the English were 
 therewithal nothing dismayed, and that it be the manner of 20 
 soldiers, upon bad news to speak the more bravely ; yet 
 nevertheless it was a kind of preparative to a peace. In- 
 stantly in the neck of this, as the King had laid it, came 
 news, that Ferdinando and Isabella, Kings of Spain, had 
 concluded a peace with King Charles; and that Charles had 25 
 restored unto them the counties of Russignon and Perpig- 
 nian, which formerly were mortgaged by John King of Ara- 
 gon, Ferdinando's father, unto France, for three hundred 
 thousand crowns ; which debt was also upon this peace by 
 Charles clearly released. This came also handsomely to 30 
 put on the peace; both because so potent a confederate was 
 fallen off, and because it was a fair example of a peace 
 bought ; so as the King should not be the sole merchant in
 
 102 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 this peace. Upon these airs of peace, the King was content 
 that the bishop of Exeter, and the lord Daubeney, governor 
 of Calais, should give a meeting unto the lord Cordes, for 
 the treaty of a peace. But himself nevertheless and his 
 5 army, the fifteenth of October, removed from Calais, and in 
 four days' march sat him down before Boulogne. 
 
 During this siege of Boulogne, which continued near a 
 month, there passed no memorable action, nor accident of 
 war; only Sir John Savage, a valiant captain, was slain, 
 
 lo riding about the walls of the town, to take a view. The 
 town was both well fortified and well manned ; yet it was 
 distressed, and ready for an assault. Which, if it had been 
 given, as was thought, would have cost much blood ; but 
 yet the town would have been carried in the end. Mean- 
 
 15 while a peace was concluded by the commissioners, to con- 
 tinue for both the Kings' lives. Where there was no article 
 of importance; being in eff'ect rather a bargain than a treaty. 
 For all things remained as they were, save that tliere should 
 be paid to the King seven hundred forty-five thousand du- 
 
 20 cats in present, for his charges in that journey; and five and 
 twenty thousand crowns yearly, for his charges sustained in 
 the aids of the Britons. For which annual, though he had 
 Maximilian bound before for those charges ; yet he counted 
 the alteration of the hand as much as the principal debt. 
 
 25 And besides, it was left somewhat indefinitely when it 
 should determine or expire; which made the English esteem 
 it as a tribute carried under fair terms. And the truth is, it 
 was paid both to the King and to his son King Henry the 
 eighth, longer than it could continue upon any computation 
 
 30 of charges. There was also assigned by the French King, 
 unto all the King's principal counsellors, great pensions, be- 
 sides rich gifts for the present. Which whether the King 
 did permit, to save his own purse from rewards, or to com-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 103 
 
 municate the envy of a business, that was displeasing to his 
 people, was diversely interpreted. For certainly the King 
 had no great fancy to own this peace. And therefore a 
 little before it was concluded, he had under-hand procured 
 some of his best captains and men of war to advise him to a 5 
 peace, under their hands, in an earnest manner, in the 
 nature of a supplication. But the truth is, this peace was 
 welcome to both Kings. To Charles, for that it assured 
 unto him the possession of Britain, and freed the enterprise 
 of Naples. To Henry, for that it filled his coffers ; and that 10 
 he foresaw at that time a storm of inward troubles coming 
 upon him, which presently after brake forth. But it gave 
 no less discontent to the nobility and principal persons of 
 the army, who had many of them sold or engaged their 
 estates upon the hopes of the war. They stuck not to say, 1 5 
 "That the King cared not to plume his nobility and people, 
 " to feather himself" And some made themselves merry 
 with that the King had said in parliament : " That after the 
 " war was once begun, he doubted not but to make it pay 
 "itself;" saying, he had kept promise. 20 
 
 Having risen from Boulogne, he went to Calais, where 
 he stayed some time. From whence also he wrote letters, 
 which was a courtesy that he sometimes used, to the mayor 
 of London, and the aldermen his brethren ; half bragging 
 what great sums he had obtained for the peace; knowing 25 
 well that full coffers of the King is ever good news to Lon- 
 don. And better news it would have been, if their benevo- 
 lence had been but a loan. And upon the seventeenth of 
 December following he returned to Westminster, where he 
 kept his Christmas. 30 
 
 Soon after the King's return, he sent the order of the 
 garter to Alphonso duke of Calabria, eldest son to Ferdi- 
 nando King of Naples. An honour sought by that Prince
 
 104 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 to hold him up in the eyes of the Italians ; who expecting 
 the arms of Charles, made great account of the amity of 
 England for a bridle to France. It was received by Al- 
 phonso with all the ceremony and pomp that could be 
 5 devised, as things use to be carried that are intended for 
 opinion. It was sent by Urswick ; upon whom the King 
 bestowed this ambassage to help him after many dry em-- 
 ployments. 
 
 At this time the King began again to be haunted with 
 
 lo spirits, by the magic and curious arts of the lady Margaret ; 
 who raised up the ghost of Richard duke of York, second 
 son to King Edward the fourth, to walk and vex the King. 
 This was a finer counterfeit stone than Lambert Simnel ; 
 better done, and worn upon greater hands ; being graced 
 
 15 after with the wearing of a King of France, and a King of 
 Scotland, not of a duchess of Burgundy only. And for 
 Simnel, there was not much in him, more than that he was 
 a handsome boy, and did not shame his robes. But this- 
 youth, of whom we are now to speak, was such a mercurial, 
 
 20 as the like hath seldom been known ; and could make his 
 own i)art, if at any time he chanced to be out. Wherefore 
 this being one of the strangest examples of a personation, 
 that ever was in elder or later times ; it deservcth to be dis- 
 covered, and related at the full. Although the King's 
 manner of shewing things by pieces, and by dark lights, 
 
 25 hath so muffled it, that it hath left it almost as a mystery 
 to this dav. 
 
 The lady Margaret, whom the King's friends called 
 Juno, because she was to him as Juno was to ^neas, 
 stirrmg both heaven and hell to do him mischief, for a 
 
 30 foundation of her particular practices against him, did 
 continually, by all means possible, nourish, maintain, and
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 105 
 
 divulge the flying opinion, that Richard duke of York, 
 second son to Edward the fourth, was not murdered in 
 the Tower, as was given out, but saved alive. For that 
 those who were employed in that barbarous fact, having 
 destroyed the elder brother, were stricken with remorse 5 
 and compassion towards the younger, and set him privily 
 at liberty to seek his fortune. This lure she cast abroad, 
 thinking that this fame and belief, together with the fresh 
 example of Lambert Simnel, would draw at one time or 
 other some birds to strike upon it. She used likewise a 10 
 farther diligence, not committing all to chance : for she 
 had some secret espials, like to the Turks' commissioners 
 for children of tribute, to look abroad for handsome and 
 graceful youths, to make Plantagenets, and dukes of York. 
 At the last she did light on one, in whom all things met, 15 
 _as one would wish, to serve her turn for a counterfeit of 
 Richard of York. 
 
 This was Perkin ^^"arbeck, whose adventures we shall 
 now describe. For first, the years agreed well. Secondly, 
 he was a youth of fine favour and shape. But more than 20 
 that, he had such a crafty and bewitching fashion, both to 
 move pity, and to induce belief, as was like a kind of 
 fascination and enchantment to those that saw him or 
 heard him. Thirdly, he had been from his childhood such 
 a wanderer, or, as the King called him, such a land-louper, 35 
 as it was extreme hard to hunt out his nest and parents. 
 Neither again could any man, by company or conversing 
 with him, be able to say or detect well what he was, he 
 did so flit from place to place. Lastly, there was a cir- 
 cumstance, which is mentioned by one that Avrote in the 30 
 same time, that is very likely to have made somewhat to 
 the matter; w'hich is, that King Edward the fourth was 
 his godfather. Which, as it is somewhat suspicious, for a
 
 io6 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 wanton prince to become gossip in so mean a house, and 
 might make a man think, that he might indeed have in 
 him some base blood of the house of York ; so at the 
 least, though that were not, it might give the occasion to 
 5 the boy, in being called King Edward's godson, or perhaps 
 in sport King Edward's son, to entertain such thoughts into 
 his head. For tutor he had none, for ought that appears, 
 as Lambert Simnel had, until he came unto the lady Mar- 
 garet, who instructed him. 
 
 lo Thus therefore it came to pass: There was a townsman 
 of Tournay, that had borne office in that town, whose name 
 was John Osbeck, a convert Jew, married to Catharine de 
 Faro, whose business drew him to live for a time with 
 his wife at London, in King Edward the fourth's days. 
 
 15 During which time he had a son by her, and being known 
 in court, the King either out of a religious nobleness, be- 
 cause he was a convert, or upon some private acquaintance, 
 did him the honour to be godfather to his child, and named 
 him Peter. But afterwards proving a dainty and effeminate 
 
 20 youth, he was commonly called by the diminutive of his 
 name, Peter-kin, or Perkin. For as for the name of War- 
 beck, it was given him when they did but guess at it, before 
 examinations had been taken. But yet he had been so 
 much talked on by that name, as it stuck by him after his 
 
 25 true name of Osbeck was known. While he was a young 
 child, his parents returned with him to Tournay. Then 
 was he placed in a house of a kinsman of his, called John 
 Stenbeck, at Antwerp, and so roved up and down between 
 Antwerp and Tournay, and other towns of Flanders, for a 
 
 30 good time ; living much in English company, and having 
 the English tongue perfect. In which time, being grown a 
 comely youth, he was brought by some of the espials of 
 the lady Margaret into her presence. Who viewing him
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 107 
 
 well, and seeing that he had a face and personage that 
 would bear a noble fortune ; and finding him otherwise of 
 a fine spirit and winning behaviour ; thought she had now 
 found a curious piece of marble, to carve out an image of 
 a duke of York. She kept him by her a great while, but 5 
 with extreme secrecy. The while she instructed him by 
 many cabinet conferences. First, in princely behaviour 
 and gesture ; teaching him how he should keep state, and 
 yet with a modest sense of his misfortunes. Then she 
 informed him of all the circumstances and particulars that 10 
 concerned the person of Richard duke of York, which he 
 ■was to act ; describing unto him the personages, lineaments, 
 and features of the King and Queen his pretended parents; 
 and of his brother, sisters, and divers others, that were 
 nearest him in his childhood; together with all passages, 15 
 some secret, some common, that were fit for a child's 
 memory, until the death of King Edward. Then she 
 added the particulars of the time from the King's death, 
 until he and his brother were committed to the Tower, as 
 well during the time he was abroad, as while he was in 20 
 sanctuary. As for the times w^hile he was in the Tower, 
 and the manner of his brother's death, and his own escape ; 
 she knew they were things that a very few could control. 
 And therefore she taught him only to tell a smooth and 
 likely tale of those matters; warning him not to vary from 25 
 it. It was agreed likewise between them, what account he 
 should give of his peregrination abroad, intermixing many 
 things which were true, and such as they knew others could 
 testify, for the credit of the rest ; but still making them to 
 hang together with the part he was to play. She taught 30 
 him likewise how to avoid sundry captious and tempting 
 questions, which were like to be asked of him. But in 
 this she found him of him.self so nimble and shifting, as
 
 3o8 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 she trusted much to his own wit and readiness; and there- 
 fore laboured the less in it. Lastly, she raised his thoughts 
 with some present rewards, and farther promises; setting 
 before him chiefly the glory and fortune of a cro\vn, if 
 5 things went well, and a sure refuge to her court, if the 
 worst should fall. After such time as she thought he was 
 perfect in his lesson, she began to cast with herself from 
 what coast this blazing star should first appear; and at what 
 time. It must be upon the horizon of Ireland ; for there had 
 
 ro the like meteor strong influence before. The time of the 
 apparition to be, when the King should be engaged into a 
 war with France. But well she knew, that whatsoever should 
 come from her, would be held suspected. And therefore, 
 if he should go out of Flanders immediately into Ireland, 
 
 15 she might be thought to have some hand in it. And be- 
 sides, the time was not yet ripe ; for that the two Kings 
 were then upon terms of peace. Therefore she wheeled 
 about ; and to ])ut all suspicion afar off, and loth to keep 
 him any longer by her, for that she knew secrets are not 
 
 20 long-lived, she sent him unknown into Portugal, with the 
 lady Brampton, an English lady, that embarked for Por- 
 tugal at that time ; with some privado of her own, to have 
 an eye upon him, and there he was to remain, and 
 to expect her farther directions. In the mean time she 
 
 25 omitted not to prepare things for his better welcome and 
 accepting, not only in the kingdom of Ireland, but in the 
 court of France. He continued in Portugal about a year ; 
 and by that time the King of England called his parliament, 
 as hath been said, and declared ojien war against France. 
 
 30 Now did the sign reign, and the constellation was come, 
 under which Perkin should appear. And therefore he was 
 straight sent unto by the duchess to go for Ireland, ac- 
 cording to the first designment. In Ireland he did arrive
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 109 
 
 at the town of Cork. When he was thither come, his own 
 tale was, when he made his confession afterwards, that the 
 Irishmen, finding him in some good clothes, came flocking 
 about him, and bare him down that he was the duke of 
 Clarence that had been there before. And after, that he 5 
 was Richard the third's base son. And lastly, that he was 
 Richard duke of York, second son to Edward the fourth. 
 But that he, for his part, renounced all these things, and 
 offered to swear upon the holy Evangelists, that he was 
 no such man; till at last they forced it upon him, and 10 
 bade him fear nothing, and so forth. But the truth is, that 
 immediately upon his coming into Ireland, he took upon 
 him the said person of the duke of York, and drew unto 
 him complices and partakers by all the means he could 
 devise. Insomuch as he wrote his letters unto the earls of 15 
 Desmond and Kildare, to come in to his aid, and be of 
 his party ; the originals of which letters are yet extant. 
 
 Somewhat before this time, the duchess had also gained 
 unto her a near servant of King Henry's own, one Stephen 
 Frion, his secretary for the French tongue ; an active man, 20 
 but turbulent and discontented. This Frion had fled over 
 to Charles the French King, and put himself into his ser- 
 vice, at such time as he began to be in open enmity with 
 the King. Now King Charles, when he understood of the 
 person and attempts of Perkin, ready of himself to embrace 25 
 all advantages against the King of England, instigated by 
 Frion, and formerly prepared by the lady Margaret, forth- 
 with despatched one Lucas and this Frion, in the nature of 
 ambassadors, to Perkin, to advertise him of the King's good 
 inclination to him, and that he was resolved to aid him to 30 
 recover his right against King Henry, an usurper of England, 
 and an enemy of France ; and wished him to come over 
 unto him at Paris. Perkin thought himself in heaven now
 
 no HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 that he was invited by so great a King in so honourable a 
 manner. And imparting unto his friends in Ireland for their 
 encouragement, how fortune called him, and what great 
 hopes he had, sailed presently into France. When he was 
 5 come to the court of France, the King received him with 
 great honour ; saluted, and styled him by the name of the 
 duke of York ; lodged him, and accommodated him in great 
 state. And the better to give him the representation and 
 the countenance of a Prince, assigned him a guard for his 
 
 lo person, whereof the lord Congresall was captain. The cour- 
 tiers likewise, though it be ill mocking with the French, 
 applied themselves to their King's bent, seeing there was 
 reason of state for it. At the same time there repaired unto 
 Perkin divers Englishmen of quality; Sir George Nevile, 
 
 15 Sir John Taylor, and about one hundred more; and amongst 
 the rest, this Stephen Frion, of whom we spake, who fol- 
 lowed his fortune both then and for a long time after, and 
 was indeed his principal counsellor and instrument in all his 
 proceedings. But all this on the French King's part was 
 
 20 but a trick, the better to bow King Henry to peace. And 
 therefore, upon the first grain of incense, that was sacrificed 
 upon the altar of peace at Boulogne, Perkin was smoked 
 away. Yet would not the French King deliver him up to 
 King Henry, as he was laboured to do, for his honour's 
 
 25 sake, but warned him away, and dismissed him. And 
 Perkin on his part was as ready to be gone, doubting he 
 might be caught up under-hand. He therefore took his way 
 into Flanders, unto the duchess of Burgundy; pretending 
 that having been variously tossed by fortune, he directed his 
 
 30 course thither as to a safe harbour: no ways taking know- 
 ledge that he had ever been there before, but as if that had 
 been his first address. The duchess, on the other part, 
 made it as new and strange to see him ; pretending, at the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. iii 
 
 first, that she was taught and made wise by the example of 
 Lambert Simnel, how she did admit of any counterfeit stuff; 
 though even in that, she said, she was not fully satisfied. 
 She pretended at the first, and that was ever in the presence 
 of others, to pose him and sift him, thereby to try whether 5 
 he were indeed the very duke of York or no. But seeming 
 to receive full satisfaction by his answers, she then feigned 
 herself to be transported with a kind of astonishment, mixt 
 of joy and wonder, at his miraculous deliverance; receiving 
 him as if he were risen from death to life: and inferring, 10 
 that God, who had in such wonderful manner preserved 
 him from death, did likewise reserve him for some great 
 and prosperous fortune. As for his dismission out of 
 France, they interpreted it not, as if he were detected or 
 neglected for a counterfeit deceiver ; but contrariwise that it 1 5 
 did shew manifestly unto the world, that he was some great 
 matter; for that it was his abandoning that, in effect, made 
 the peace ; being no more but the sacrificing of a poor dis- 
 tressed Prince, unto the utility and ambition of two mighty 
 monarchs. Neither was Perkin, for his part, Avanting to 20 
 himself, either in gracious or princely behavio.ur, or in ready 
 and apposite answers, or in contenting and caressing those 
 that did apply themselves unto him, or in pretty scorn and 
 disdain to those that seemed to doubt of him ; but in all 
 things did notably acquit himself; insomuch as it was gene- 25 
 rally believed, as well amongst great persons, as amongst 
 the vulgar, that he was indeed duke Richard. Nay, himself, 
 with long and continual counterfeiting, and with oft telling 
 a lie, was turned by habit almost into the thing he seemed 
 to be; and from a liar to a believer. The duchess therefore, 30 
 as in a case out of doubt, did him all princely honour, 
 calling him always by the name of her nephew, and giving 
 him the delicate title of the white rose of England ; and
 
 112 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 appointed him a guard of tliirty persons, halberdiers, clad 
 in a party-coloured livery of murrey and blue, to attend his 
 person. Her court likewise, and generally the Dutch and 
 strangers, in their usage towards him, expressed no less 
 5 respect. 
 
 The news hereof came blazing and thundering over into 
 England, that the duke of York was sure alive. As for the 
 name of Perkin ^V'■arbeck, it was not at that time come to 
 light, but all the news ran upon the duke of York; that he 
 
 lo had been entertained in Ireland, bought and sold in France, 
 and was now plainly avowed, and in great honour in Flan- 
 ders. These fames took hold of divers; in some upon dis- 
 content; in some upon ambition; in some upon levity and 
 desire of change ; in some few upon conscience and belief, 
 
 15 but in most upon simplicity; and in divers, out of depend- 
 ence upon some of the better sort, who did in secret favour 
 and nourish these bruits. And it was not long ere these 
 rumours of novelty had begotten others of scandal and 
 murmur against the King and his government ; taxing him 
 
 20 for a great taxer of his people, and discountenancer of his 
 nobility. The loss of Britain, and the peace with France, 
 were not forgotten. But chiefly they fell upon the wrong 
 that he did his Queen, in that he did not reign in her right. 
 Wherefore they said, that God had now brought to light a 
 
 25 masculine branch of the house of York, that would not be 
 at his courtesy, howsoever he did depress his poor lady. 
 And yet, as it fareth in the things which are current with 
 the multitude, and which they affect, these fames grew so 
 general, as the authors were lost in the generality of speakers. 
 
 30 They being like running weeds, that have no certain root ; 
 or like footings up and down, impossible to be traced : but 
 after a while these ill humours drew to an head, and settled 
 secretly in some eminent persons ; which were Sir William
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 113 
 
 Stanley lord chamberlain of the King's household, the lord 
 Fitzwalter, Sir Simon Mountfort, and Sir Thomas Thwaites. 
 These entered into a secret conspiracy to favour duke 
 Richard's title. Nevertheless none engaged their fortunes 
 in this business openly, but two ; Sir Robert Clifford, and 5 
 master William Barley, who sailed over into Flanders, sent 
 indeed from the party of the conspirators here, to understand 
 the truth of those things that passed there, and not without • 
 some help of moneys from hence ; provisionally to be deli- 
 vered, if they found and were satisfied, that there was truth 10 
 in these pretences. The person of Sir Robert Clifford, 
 being a gentleman of fame and family, was extremely wel- 
 come to the lady Margaret. Who after she had conference 
 with him, brought him to the sight of Perkin, with whom he 
 had often speech and discourse. So that in the end, won 15 
 either by the duchess to affect, or by Perkin to believe, he 
 ^vrote back into England, that he knew the person of Richard 
 duke of York, as well as he knew his own ; and that this 
 young man was undoubtedly he. By this means all things 
 grew prepared to revolt and sedition here, and the con- 20 
 spiracy came to have a correspondence between Flanders 
 and England. 
 
 The King on his part was not asleep ; but to arm or levy 
 forces yet, he thought would but shew fear, and do this idol 
 too much worship. Nevertheless the ports he did shut up, 25 
 or at least kept a watch on them, that none should pass to 
 or fro that was suspected : but for the rest, he chose to work 
 by countermine. His purposes were two ; the one to lay 
 open the abuse; the other, to break the knot of the conspi- 
 rators. To detect the abuse, there were but two ways ; the 30 
 first, to make it manifest to the world that the duke of York 
 was indeed murdered ; the other, to prove that were he 
 dead or alive, yet Perkin was a counterfeit. For the firsts 
 
 E. H. 8
 
 114 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 thus it stood. There were but four persons that could speak 
 upon knowledge to the murder of the duke of York ; Sir 
 James Tirrel, the employed man from King Richard, John 
 Dighton and Miles Forrest his servants, the two butchers or 
 5 tormentors, and the priest of the tower that buried them. 
 Of which four, Mile's Forrest and the priest were dead, and 
 there remained alive only Sir James Tirrel and John 
 Dighton, These two the King caused to be committed to 
 the Tower, and examined touching the manner of the death 
 
 lo of the two innocent princes. They agreed both in a tale, as 
 the King gave out to this effect : That King Richard having 
 directed his warrant for the putting of them to death, to 
 Brackenbury the lieutenant of the Tower, was by him re- 
 fused. "W'hereupon the King directed his warrant to Sir 
 
 15 James Tirrel, to receive the keys of the Tower from the lieu- 
 tenant, for the space of a niglit, for the King's special 
 service. That Sir James Tirrel accordingly repaired to the 
 Tower by night, attended by his two servants aforenamed, 
 whom he had chosen for that purpose. That himself stood 
 
 20 at the stair foot, and sent these two villains to execute the 
 murder. That they smothered them in their bed ; and, that 
 done, called up their master to see their naked dead bodies, 
 which they had laid forth. That they were buried under the 
 stairs, and some stones cast upon them. That Avhcn the re- 
 
 25 port was made to King Richard, that his will was done, he 
 gave Sir James Tirrel great thanks, but took exception to the 
 place of their burial, being too base for them that were 
 King's children. Whereupon, another night, by the King's 
 warrant renewed, their bodies were removed by the priest of 
 
 30 the Tower, and buried by him in some place, which, by 
 means of the priest's death soon after, could not be known. 
 Thus much was then delivered abroad, to be the effect of 
 those examinations : but the King, nevertheless, made no
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 115 
 
 use of them in any of his declarations ; whereby, as it seems, 
 those examinations left the business somewhat perplexed. 
 And as for Sir James Tirrel, he was soon after beheaded in 
 the Tower-yard for other matters of treason. But John 
 Dighton, who, it seemeth, spake best for the King, was forth- 5 
 with set at liberty, and was the principal means of divulging 
 this tradition. Therefore this kind of proof being left so 
 naked, the King used the more diligence in the latter, for 
 the tracing of Perkin. To this purpose he sent abroad into 
 several parts, and especially into Flanders, divers secret and 10 
 nimble scouts and spies, some feigning themseh^es to fly 
 over unto Perkin, and to adhere unto him ; and some under 
 other pretences, to learn, search, and discover all the circum- 
 stances and particulars of Perkin's parents, birth, person, 
 travels up and down; and in brief, to have a journal, as it 15 
 were, of his life and doings. He furnished these his em- 
 ployed men liberally with money, to draw on and reward 
 intelligences ; giving them also in charge, to advertise con- 
 tinually what they found, and nevertheless still to go on. 
 And ever as one advertisement and discovery called up 20 
 another, he employed other new men, where the business 
 did require it. Others he employed in a more special na- 
 ture and trust, to be his pioneers in the main countermine. 
 These were directed to insinuate themselves into the fami- 
 liarity and confidence of the principal persons of the party 25 
 in Flanders, and so to learn what associates they had, and 
 correspondents, either here in England, or abroad; and how 
 far every one engaged, and what new ones they meant after- 
 wards to try or board. And as this for the persons, so for 
 the actions themselves, to discover to the bottom, as they 30 
 could, the utmost of Perkin's and the conspirators, their 
 intentions, hopes, and practices. These latter best-be-trust 
 spies had some of them farther instructions, to practise 
 
 . S~2
 
 ii6 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 and draw off the best friends and servants of Perkin, by 
 making remonstrance to them, how weakly his enterprise 
 and hopes were built, and with how prudent and potent a 
 King they had to deal ; and to reconcile them to the King, 
 5 with promise of pardon and good conditions of reward. 
 And, above the rest, to assail, sap, and work into the con- 
 stancy of Sir Robert Cliftbrd; and to win him, if they could, 
 being the man that knew most of their secrets, and who 
 being won away, would most appal and discourage the rest, 
 
 lo and in a manner break the knot. 
 
 There is a strange tradition ; that the King, being lost 
 in a wood of suspicions, and not knowing whom to trust, 
 had both intelligence with the confessors and chaplains of 
 divers great men; and for the better credit of his espials 
 
 15 abroad with the contrary side, did use to have them cursed 
 at Paul's, by name, amongst the bead-roll of the King's ene- 
 mies, according to the custom of those times. These espials 
 plied their charge so roundly, as the King had an anatomy 
 of Perkin alive ; and was likewise well informed of the par- 
 
 20 ticular correspondent conspirators in England, and many 
 other mysteries were revealed ; and Sir Robert Cliftbrd in 
 especial won to be assured to the King, and industrious and 
 officious for his service. The King therefore, receiving a 
 rich return of his diligence, and great satisfaction touching a 
 
 25 number of particulars, first divulged and spread abroad the 
 imposture and juggling of Perkin's person and travels, with 
 the circumstances thereof, throughout the realm : not by 
 proclamation, because things were yet in examination, and 
 so might receive the more or the less, but by court-fames, 
 
 30 which commonly print better than printed proclamations. 
 Then thought he it also time to send an ambassage unto 
 archduke Philip into Flanders, for the abandoning and 
 dismissing of Perkin. Herein he employed Sir Edward
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 117 
 
 Poynings, and Sir William Warham doctor of the canon law. 
 The archduke was then young, and governed by his council : 
 before whom the ambassadors had audience: and doctor 
 Warham spake in this manner : 
 
 '' MY lords, the King our master is very sorry, that 5 
 " England and your country here of Flanders, having been 
 "counted as man and wife for so long time; now this coun- 
 " try of all others should be the stage, where a base counter- 
 "feit should play the part of a King of England; not only 
 "to his grace's disquiet and dishonour, but to the scorn and 10 
 " reproach of all sovereign Princes. To counterfeit the dead 
 " image of a King in his coin, is an high offence by all laws ; 
 " but to counterfeit the living image of a King in his person, 
 "exceedeth all falsifications, except it should be that of a 
 " Mahomet, or an Antichrist, that counterfeit divine honour. 1 5 
 " The King hath too great an opinion of this sage council, 
 " to think that any of you is caught with this fable, though 
 " way may be given by you to the passion of some, the thing 
 " in itself is so improbable. To set testimonies aside of the 
 "death of duke Richard, which the King hath upon record, 20 
 " plain and infallible, because they may be thought to be in 
 " the King's own power, let the thing testify for itself. Sense 
 "and reason no power can command. Is it possible, trow 
 " you, that King Richard should damn his soul, and foul his 
 "name with so abominable a murder, and yet not mend his 25 
 " case ? Or do you think, that men of blood, that were his 
 "instruments, did turn to pity in the midst of their execu- 
 " tion ? Whereas in cruel and savage beasts, and men also, 
 "the first draught of blood doth yet make them more fierce 
 "and enraged. Do you not know, that the bloody execu- 30 
 "tioners of tyrants do go to such errands with an halter 
 "about their neck; so that if they perform not, they are sure 
 "to die for it? And do you think that these men would
 
 "; 
 << 
 
 ii8 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 " hazard their own Hves, for sparing another's ? Admit they 
 " should have saved liini ; what should they have done with 
 "liini? Turn him into London streets, that the watchmen, 
 " or any passenger that should light upon him, might carry 
 5 " him before a justice, and so all come to light? Or should 
 "they have kept him by them secretly? I'hat surely would 
 "have required a great deal of care, charge, and continual 
 fears. But, my lords, I labour too much in a clear busi- 
 ness. The King is so wise, and hatli so good friends 
 
 JO "abroad, as now he knoweth duke Perkin from his cradle. 
 " And because he is a great Prince, if you have any good 
 "poet here, he can help him with notes to write his life; and 
 " to parallel him with Lambert Sininel, now the King's fal- 
 " coner. And therefore, to speak plainly to your lordships, 
 
 J r "it is the strangest thing in the world, that the lady Mar- 
 "garet, excuse us if we name her, whose malice to the King 
 " is both causeless and endless, should now when she is old, 
 " at the time when other women give over child-bearing, 
 "bring forth two such monsters; being not the births of 
 
 20 " nine or ten months, but of many years. And whereas 
 " other natural mothers bring forth children weak, and not 
 " able to help themselves ; she bringeth forth tall striplings, 
 "able soon after their coming into the world to bid battle 
 " to mighty Kings. My lords, we stay unwillingly upon this 
 
 25 "part. We would to God, that lady would once taste the 
 "joys which God Almighty doth serve up unto her, in 
 " beholding her niece to reign in such honour, and with so 
 " much royal issue, which she might be pleased to account 
 "as her own. The King's request unto the archduke, and 
 
 30 "your lordships, might be; that according to the example 
 " of King Charles, who hath already discarded him, you 
 " would banish this unworthy fellow out of your dominions. 
 " But because the King may justly expect more from an
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 119 
 
 "ancient confederate, than from a new reconciled enemy, 
 "he maketh his request unto you to deHver him up into 
 "his hands: pirates, and impostors of this sort, being fit to 
 " be accounted the common enemies of mankind, and no 
 "ways to be protected by the law of nations." r 
 
 After some time of deliberation, the ambassadors received 
 this short answer : 
 
 "THAT the archduke, for the love of King Henry, 
 " would in no sort aid or assist the pretended duke, but in 
 "all things conserve the amity he had with the King: But 10 
 " for the duchess dowager, she was absolute in the lands 
 " of her dowry, and that he could not let her to dispose of 
 " her own." 
 
 The King, upon the return of the ambassadors, was 
 nothing satisfied with this answer. For well he knew, that 15 
 a patrimonial dowry carried no part of sovereignty or 
 command of forces. Besides, the ambassadors told him 
 plainly, that they saw the duchess had a great party in the 
 archduke's council ; and that howsoever it was carried in 
 a course of connivance, yet the archduke underhand gave 20 
 aid and furtherance to Perkin. Wherefore, partly out of 
 courage, and partly out of policy, the King forthwith 
 banished all Flemings, as well their persons as their wares, 
 out of his kingdom; commanding his subjects likewise, and 
 by name his merchants adventurers, which had a resiance 25 
 at Antwerp, to return ; translating the mart, which com- 
 monly followed the English cloth, unto Calais ; and em- 
 barred also all farther trade for the future. This the King 
 did, being sensible in point of honour, not to suffer a 
 pretender to the crown of England to affront him so 30 
 near at hand, and he to keep terms of friendship with the 
 country where he did set up. But he had also a farther 
 reach : for that he knew well, that the subjects of Flanders
 
 I20 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 drew so great commodity from the trade of England, as by 
 this embargo they would soon wax weary of Perkin ; and 
 that the tumults of Flanders had been so late and fresh, as 
 it was no time for the Prince to displease the people. Never 
 5 theless for form's sake, by way of requital, the archduke 
 did likewise banish the English out of Flanders ; which in 
 effect was done to his hand. 
 
 The King being well advertised, that Perkin did more 
 trust upon friends and partakers within the realm than 
 
 ID upon foreign arms, thought it behoved him to apply the 
 remedy where the disease lay; and to proceed with severity 
 against some of the principal conspirators here within 
 the realm; thereby to purge the ill humours in Eng- 
 land, and to cool the hopes in Flanders. Wherefore 
 
 15 he caused to be apprehended, almost at an instant, 
 John Ratcliffe, lord Fitzwalter, Sir Simon Mountfort, Sir 
 Thomas Thwaites, William Daubeney, P^obert Ratcliffe, 
 Thomas Cressenor, and Thomas Astwood. All these were 
 arraigned, convicted, and condemned for high-treason, in 
 
 20 adhering and promising aid to Perkin. Of these the lord 
 Fitzwalter was conveyed to Calais, and there kept in hold, 
 and in hope of life, until soon after, either impatient or 
 betrayed, he dealt with his keeper to have escaped, and 
 thereupon was beheaded. But Sir Simon Mountfort, Robert 
 
 25 Ratcliffe, and William Daubeney, were beheaded imme- 
 diately after their condemnation. The rest were pardoned, 
 together with many others, clerks and laics, amongst which 
 were two Dominican friars, and William Worsley dean of 
 Paul's ; which latter sort passed examination, but came not 
 
 30 to public trial. 
 
 The lord chamberlain at that time was not touched ; 
 whether it were that the King would not stir too many 
 humours at once, but, after the manner of good pliysicians.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 121 
 
 purge the head last ; or that Clifford, from whom most of 
 these discoveries came, reserved that piece for his own 
 coming over; signifying only to the King in the mean 
 time, that he doubted there were some greater ones in the 
 business, whereof he would give the King farther account 5 
 when he came to his presence. 
 
 Upon Allhallows-day even, being now the tenth year of 
 the King's reign, the King's second son Henry was created 
 duke of York ; and as well the duke, as divers others, 
 noblemen, knights-bachelors, and gentlemen of quality, 10 
 were made knights of the Bath according to the ceremony. 
 Upon the morrow after twelfth-day, the King removed from 
 Westminster, where he had kept his Christmas, to the 
 Tower of London. This he did as soon as he had ad- 
 vertisement that Sir Robert Clifford, in whose bosom or 15 
 budget most of Perkin's secrets were laid up, was come 
 into England. And the place of the Tower was chosen to 
 that end, that if Clifford should accuse any of the great 
 ones, they might without suspicion, or noise, or sending 
 abroad of warrants, be presently attached; the court and 20 
 prison being within the cincture of one wall. After a day 
 or two, the King drew unto him a selected council, and 
 admitted Clifford to his presence ; who first fell down at 
 his feet, and in all humble manner craved the King's 
 pardon ; which the King then granted though he were in- 25 
 deed secretly assured of his life before. Then commanded 
 to tell his knowledge, he did amongst many others, of 
 himself, not interrogated, impeach Sir William Stanley, the 
 lord chamberlain of the King's household. 
 
 The King seemed to be much amazed at the naming 30 
 of this lord, as if he had heard the news of some strange 
 and fearful prodigy. To hear a man that had done him 
 •service of so high a nature, as to save his life, and set the
 
 122 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 crown upon his head ; a man, that enjoyed, by his favour 
 and advancement, so great a fortune both in honour and 
 riches ; a man, that was tied unto him in so near a band 
 of aUiancc, his brother having married the King's mother; 
 5 and lastly, a man, to whom he had committed the trust of 
 his person, in making him his chamberlain : that this man, 
 no ways disgraced, no ways discontent, no ways put in 
 fear, should be false unto him. Clifford was required to 
 say over again and again the particulars of his accusation; 
 
 lo being warned, that in a matter so unlikely^ and that con- 
 cerned so great a servant of the King's, he should not in 
 any wise go too far. But the King finding that he did 
 sadly and constantly, without hesitation or varying, and 
 with those civil protestations that were fit, stand to that 
 
 ^5 that he had said, offering to justify it upon his soul and 
 life ; he caused him to be removed. And after he had not 
 a little bemoaned himself unto his council there present, 
 gave order that Sir William Stanley should be restrained 
 in his own chamber where he lay before, in the square 
 
 2o tower: and the next day he was examined by the lords. 
 Upon his examination he denied little of that wherewith 
 he was charged, nor endeavoured much to excuse or ex- 
 tenuate his fault : so that, not very wisely, thinking to 
 make his offence less by confession, he made it enough 
 
 25 for condemnation. It was conceived, that he trusted 
 much to his former merits, and the interest that his bro- 
 ther had in the King. But those helps were over-weighed 
 by divers things that made against him, and were pre- 
 dominant in the King's nature and mind. First, an over- 
 
 30 merit ; for convenient merit, unto which reward may easily 
 reach, doth best with Kings. Next the sense of his power; 
 for the King thought, that he that could set him up, was 
 the more dangerous to pull him down. Thirdly, the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 123 
 
 glimmering of a confiscation ; for he was the richest sub- 
 ject for value in the kingdom : there being found in his 
 castle of Holt forty thousand marks in ready money and 
 plate, besides jewels, household-stuff, stocks upon his 
 grounds, and other personal estate exceeding great. And 5 
 for his revenue in land and fee, it was three thousand 
 pounds a year of old rent, a great matter in those times. 
 Lastly, the nature of the time ; for if the King had been 
 out of fear of his own estate, it was not unlike he would 
 have spared his life. But the cloud of so great a rebellion 10 
 hanging over his head, made him work sure. Wherefore 
 after some six weeks' distance of time, which the King did 
 honourably interpose, both to give space to his brother's 
 intercession, and to shew to the world that he had a con- 
 flict with himself what he should do ; he was arraigned of 1 5 
 high-treason, and condemned, and presently after beheaded. 
 Yet is it to this day left but in dark memory, both what 
 the case of this noble person was, for which he suffered ; 
 and what likewise was the ground and cause of his defec- 
 tion, and the alienation of his heart from the King. His case 20 
 was said to be this ; That in discourse between Sir Robert 
 Clifford and him he had said, " That if he were sure that 
 " that young man were King Edward's son, he would never 
 " bear arms against him." This case seems somewhat an 
 hard case, both in respect of the conditional, and in respect 25 
 of the other words. But for the conditional, it seemeth the 
 judges of that time, who were learned men, and the three 
 chief of them of the privy-council, thought it was a dan- 
 gerous thing to admit ijs and ands, to qualify words of 
 treason ; whereby every man might express his malice, 30 
 and blanch his danger. And it was like to the case, in 
 the following times, of Elizabeth Barton, the holy maid of 
 Kent ; who had said, " That if King Henry the eighth did
 
 124 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 " not take Catharine his wife again, he should be deprived 
 " of his crown, and die the death of a dog." And infinite 
 cases may be put of hke nature; v/hich, it seemeth, the 
 grave judges taking into consideration, would not admit of 
 5 treasons upon condition. And as for the positive words, 
 " That he would not bear arms against King Edward's 
 "son;" though the words seem calm, yet it was a plain 
 and direct over-ruling of the King's title, either by the line 
 of Lancaster, or by act of parliament : which, no doubt, 
 
 lo pierced the King more, than if Stanley had charged his 
 lance upon him in tlie field. For if Stanley would hold 
 that opinion, that a son of King Edward had still the 
 better right, he being so principal a person of authority 
 and favour about the King, it was to teach all England to 
 
 15 say as much. And therefore, as those times were, that 
 speech touched the quick. But some writers do put this 
 out of doubt ; for they say that Stanley did expressly pro- 
 mise to aid Perkin, and sent him some help of treasure. 
 Now for the motive of his falling off from the King; 
 
 20 it is true, that at Bosworth-field the King was beset, and 
 in a manner inclosed round about by the troops of King 
 Richard, and in manifest danger of his life ; when this 
 Stanley was sent by his brother, with three thousand men 
 to his rescue, which he performed so, that King Richard 
 
 25 was slain upon the place. So as the condition of mortal 
 men is not capable of a greater benefit, than the King 
 received by the hands of Stanley ; being like the benefit 
 of Christ, at once to save and crown. For which service 
 the King gave him great gifts, made him his counsellor 
 
 30 and chamberlain ; and, somewhat contrary to his nature, had 
 winked at the great spoils of Bosworth-field, which came 
 almost wholly to this man's hands, to his infinite enriching. 
 Yet nevertheless, blown up with the conceit of his merit,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 125 
 
 he did not think he had received good measure from the 
 King, at least not pressing down and running over, as he 
 expected. And his ambition was so exorbitant and un- 
 bounded, as he became suitor to the King for the earldom 
 of Chester : which ever being a kind of appendage to the 5 
 principality of Wales, and using to go to the King's son, 
 his suit did not only end in a denial, but in a distaste : 
 the King perceiving thereby, that his desires were intem- 
 perate, and his cogitations vast and irregular, and that his 
 former benefits w^ere but cheap, and lightly regarded by him. 10 
 Wherefore the King began not to brook him well. And 
 as a little leaven of new distaste doth commonly sour the 
 whole lump of former merits, the King's wit began noAv to sug- 
 gest unto his passion, that Stanley at Bosworth-field, though 
 he came time enough to save his life, yet he stayed long 15 
 enough to endanger it. But yet having no matter against 
 him, he continued him in his places until this his fall. 
 
 After him was made lord chamberlain Giles lord Dau- 
 beney, a man of great sufficiency and valour ; the more 
 because he was gentle and moderate. 20 
 
 There was a common opinion, that Sir Robert Clifford, 
 who now was become the state informer, was from the 
 beginning an emissary and spy of the King's ; and that he 
 fled over into Flanders with his consent and privity. But 
 this is not probable ; both because he never recovered that 25 
 degree of grace, which he had with the King before his 
 going over; and chiefly, for that the discovery which he 
 had made touching the lord chamberlain, which was his 
 great service, grew not from anything he learned abroad, 
 for that he knew it well before he w^ent. 30 
 
 These executions, and especially that of the lord 
 chamberlain, which was the chief strength of the party, 
 and by means of Sir Robert Clifford, who was the most
 
 126 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 inward man of trust amongst them, did extremely quail 
 the design of Perkin and his complices, as well through 
 discouragement as distrust. So tliat they were now, like 
 sand without lime, ill bound together; especially as many 
 
 5 as were English, who were at a gaze, looking strange one 
 upon another, not knowing who was faithful to their side; 
 but thinking, that the King, what with his baits, and what 
 with his nets, would draw them all unto him that were any 
 thing worth. And indeed it came to pass, that divers came 
 
 lo away by the thread, sometimes one, and sometimes another. 
 Barley, that was joint commissioner with Clifford, did hold 
 out one of the longest, till Perkin was far worn ; yet made 
 his peace at the length. But the fall of this great man, 
 being in so high authority and favour, as was thought, with 
 
 15 the King; and the manner of carriage of the business, as 
 if there had been secret inquisition upon him for a great 
 time before ; and the cause for which he suffered, which 
 was little more than for saying in effect, that the title of 
 York was better than the title of Lancaster; Avhich was 
 
 20 the case almost of every man, at the least in opinion, was 
 matter of great terror amongst all the King's servants and 
 subjects ; insomuch as no man almost thought himself 
 secure, and men durst scarce commune or talk one with 
 another, but there was a general diffidence every where : 
 
 25 which nevertheless made the King rather more absolute 
 than more safe. For " bleeding inwards, and shut vapours, 
 " strangle soonest, and oppress most." 
 
 Hereupon presently came forth swarms and volleys of 
 libels, which are the gusts of liberty of speech restrained, 
 
 30 and the females of sedition, containing bitter invectives and 
 slanders against the King and some of the council : for the 
 contriving and dispersing whereof, after great diligence of 
 inquiry, five mean persons were caught up and executed.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 127 
 
 Mean while the King did not neglect Ireland, being the 
 soil where these mushrooms and upstart weeds, that spring 
 up in a night, did chiefly prosper. He sent therefore from 
 hence, for the better settling of his affairs there, commis- 
 sioners of both robes, the prior of Lanthony, to be his 5 
 chancellor in that kingdom ; and Sir Edward Poynings, 
 with a power of men, and a martial commission, together 
 with a civil power of his lieutenant, with a clause, that the 
 earl of Kildare, then deputy, should obey him. But the 
 wild Irish, who were the principal offenders, fled into the 10 
 woods and bogs, after their manner; and those that knew 
 themselves guilty in the pale fled to them. So that Sir 
 Edward Poynings was enforced to make a wild chase upon 
 the wild Irish : where, in respect of the mountains and 
 fastnesses, he did Httle good. Which, either out of a sus- 15 
 picious melancholy upon his bad success, or the better to 
 save his service from disgrace, he would needs impute unto 
 the comfort that the rebels should receive underhand from 
 the earl of Kildare; every light suspicion growing upon 
 the earl, in respect of the Kildare that was in the action 20 
 of Lambert Simnel, and slain at Stokefield. Wherefore he 
 caused the earl to be apprehended, and sent into England; 
 where, upon examination, he cleared himself so well, as 
 he was replaced in his government. But Poynings, the 
 better to make compensation of the meagreness of his 25 
 service in the wars by acts of peace, called a parliament ; 
 where was made that memorable act, which at this day is 
 called Poyning's law, whereby all the statutes of England 
 were made to be of force in Ireland : for before they were 
 not, neither are any now in force in Ireland, Avhich were 30 
 made in England since that time ; which was the tenth 
 year of the King. 
 
 About this time began to be discovered in the King
 
 128 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 that disposition, which afterwards, nourished and whet on 
 by bad counsellors and ministers, proved the blot of his 
 times ; which was the course he took to crush treasure out 
 of his subjects' purses, by forfeitures upon penal laws. At 
 5 this men did startle the more at this time, because it ap- 
 peared plainly to be in the King's nature, and not out of 
 his necessity, he being now in float for treasure : for that he 
 had newly received the peace-money from France, the 
 benevolence-money from his subjects, and great casualties 
 
 lo upon the confiscations of the lord chamberlain, and divers 
 others. The first noted case of this kind was that of 
 Sir William Capel, alderman of London ; who, upon sundry 
 penal laws, was condemned in the sum of seven and twenty 
 hundred pounds, and compounded with the King for six- 
 
 15 teen hundred: and yet after, Empson would have cut 
 another chop out of him, if the King had not died in the 
 instant. 
 
 The summer following, the King, to comfort his mother, 
 whom he did always tenderly love and revere, and to make 
 
 20 open demonstration to the world, that the proceedings 
 against Sir William Stanley, which were imposed upon him 
 by necessity of state, had not in any degree diminished the 
 affection lie bare to Thomas his brother, went in progress 
 to Latham, to make merry with his mother and the carl, and 
 
 25 lay there divers days. 
 
 During this progress, Perkin Warbeck finding that time 
 and temporising, which, whilst his practices were covert and 
 wrought well in England, made for him ; did now, when 
 they were discovered and defeated, rather make against him, 
 
 30 for that when matters once go down the hill, they stay not 
 without a new force, resolved to try his adventure in some 
 exploit upon England ; hoping still upon the affections of 
 the common people towards the house of York. Which 
 
 I
 
 HISTORY 01^ KING HENRY VI I. 129 
 
 body of common people he thought was not to be practised 
 upon, as persons of quality are ; but that the only practice 
 upon their affections was to set up a standard in the field. 
 The place where he should make his attempt, he chose to 
 be the coast of Kent. 5 
 
 The King by this time was grown to such a height of 
 reputation for cunning and policy, that every accident and 
 event that went well, was laid and imputed to his foresight, 
 as if he had set it before: as in this particular of Perkin's 
 design upon Kent. For the world would not believe after- 10 
 wards, but the King, having secret intelligence of Perkin's 
 intention for Kent, the better to draw it on, went of purpose 
 into the north afar off, laying an open side unto Perkin, to 
 make him come to the close, and so to trip up his heels, 
 having made sure in Kent beforehand. jr 
 
 But so it was, that Perkin had gathered together a power 
 of all nations, neither in number, nor in the hardiness and 
 courage of the persons, contemptible, but in their nature 
 and fortunes to be feared, as well of friends as enemies : 
 being bankrupts, and many of them felons, and such as .-?o 
 lived by rapine. These he put to sea, and arrived upon 
 the coast of Sandwich and Deal in Kent, about July. 
 
 There he cast anchor, and to prove the affections of the 
 people, sent some of his men to land, making great boasts 
 of the power that was to follow. The Kentish men, per- 25 
 ceiving that Perkin was not followed by any English of 
 name or account, and that his forces consisted but of 
 strangers born, and most of them base people and tree- 
 booters, fitter to spoil a coast, than to recover a kingdom ; 
 resorting unto the principal gentlemen of the country, pro- 30 
 fessed their loyalty to the King, and desired to be directed 
 and commanded for the best of the King's service. The 
 gentlemen entering into consultation, directed some forces 
 
 B. H. Q
 
 130 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 in good number to shew themselves upon the coast; and 
 some of them to make signs to entice Perkin's soldiers to 
 land, as if they would join with thcin ; and some others to 
 appear from some other places, and to make semblance as 
 5 if they fled from them, the better to encourage them to land. 
 But Perkin, who by playing the Prince, or else taught by 
 secretary Prion, had learned thus much, that people under 
 command do use to consult, and after to marcli in order; 
 and rebels contrariwise run upon an head together in con- 
 
 1 o fusion, considering the delay of time, and observing their 
 orderly and not tumultuary arming, doubted the worst. 
 And therefore the wily youth would not set one foot out of 
 his ship, till he might see things were sure. Wherefore the 
 King's forces, perceiving tliat they could draw on no more 
 
 , r than those that were formerly landed, set upon them and 
 cut them in pieces, ere they could fly back to their ships. 
 In which skirmisli, besides those that fled and were slain, 
 there were taken about an hundred and fifty persons. 
 Which, for that the King thought, that to punish a few for 
 
 20 example was gentleman's pay ; but for rascal people, they 
 v/ere to be cut off every man, especially in the beginning of 
 an enterprise; aiid likewise for that he saw, that Perkin's 
 forces would now consist chiefly of such rabble and scum of 
 desperate people, he therefore hanged them all for the 
 
 25 greater terror. U'hey were brought to London all railed in 
 ropes, like a team of horses in a cart, and were executed 
 some of them at l^ondon and Wapping, and the rest at 
 divers places upon the sea coast of Kent, Sussex, and Nor- 
 folk, for sea-marks or lighthouses, to teach Perkin's people 
 
 ^o to avoid the coast. The King being advertised of the land- 
 ing of the rebels, thought to leave his progress : but being 
 certified the next day, that they were partly defeated and 
 partly fled, he continued his progress, and sent Sir Richard
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 131 
 
 Guildford into Kent in message ; who calling the country 
 together, did much commend from the King their fidelity, 
 manhood, and well handling of that service ; and gave 
 them all thanks, and, in private, promised reward to some 
 particulars. 5 
 
 Upon the sixteenth of November, this being the eleventh 
 year of the King, was holden the Serjeants' feast at Ely- 
 place, there being nine Serjeants of that call. The King, 
 to honour the feast, was present with his Queen at the 
 dinner; being a Prince that was ever ready to grace and 10 
 countenance the professors of the law; having a little of 
 that, that as he governed his subjects by his laws, so he 
 governed his laws by his lawyers. 
 
 This year also the King entered into league with the 
 Italian potentates for the defence of Italy against France. 15 
 For King Charles had conquered the realm of Naples, and 
 lost it again, in a kind of felicity of a dream. He passed 
 the whole length of Italy without resistance ; so that it was 
 true which Pope Alexander was wont to say, That the 
 Frenchmen came into Italy with chalk in their hands, to 20 
 mark up their lodgings, rather than with swords to fight. 
 He likewise entered and won, in effect, the whole king- 
 dom of Naples itself, without striking stroke. But presently 
 thereupon he did commit and multiply so many errors, 
 as was too great a task for the best fortune to overcome. 25 
 He gave no contentment to the barons of Naples, of the 
 faction of the Angeovines ; but scattered his rewards ac- 
 cording to the mercenary appetites of some about him. 
 He put all Italy upon their guard, by the seizing and hold- 
 ing of Ostia, and the protecting of the liberty of Pisa; which 30 
 made all men suspect, that his purposes looked farther than 
 his title of Naples. He fell too soon at difference with 
 Ludovico Sfortia, who was the man that carried the keys 
 
 9—2
 
 132 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 which brought him in, and shut him out. He neglected 
 to extinguish some reHcs of the war. And lastly, in regard 
 of his easy passage through Italy without resistance, he 
 entered into an overmuch despising of the arms of the 
 5 Italians ; whereby he left the realm of Naples at his de- 
 parture so much the less provided. So that not long after 
 his return, the whole kingdom revolted to Ferdinando the 
 younger, and the French were quite driven out. Never- 
 theless Charles did make both great threats, and great 
 
 lo preparations to re-enter Italy once again. Wherefore at 
 the instance of divers of the states of Italy, and espe- 
 cially of Pope Alexander, there was a league concluded 
 between the said Pope, Maximilian King of the Romans, 
 Henry King of England, Ferdinando and Isabella King 
 
 1 5 and Queen of Spain, for so they are constantly placed in 
 the original treaty throughout, Augustino Barbadico duke 
 of Venice, and Ludovico Sfortia duke of Milan, for the 
 common defence of their estates: wherein though Ferdi- 
 nando of Naples was not named as principal, yet, no doubt, 
 
 20 the kingdom of Naples was tacitly included as a fee of the 
 church. 
 
 There died also this year Cecile duchess of York, 
 mother to king Edward the fourth, at her castle of Bark- 
 hamsted, being of extreme years, and who had lived to 
 
 25 see three Princes of her body crowned, and four murdered. 
 She was buried at Foderingham, by her husband. 
 
 This year also the King called his parliament, where 
 many laws were made of a more private and vulgar nature, 
 than ought to detain the reader of an historj'. And it may 
 
 30 be justly suspected by the proceedings following, that as 
 the King did excel in good commonwealth laws, so never- 
 theless he had, in secret, a design to make use of them, as 
 well for collecting of treasure, as for correcting of manners;
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 133 
 
 and so meaning thereby to harrow his people, did accu- 
 mulate them the rather. 
 
 The principal law that was made this parliament, was 
 a law of a strange nature ; rather just than legal ; and more 
 magnanimous than provident. This law did ordain ; That 5 
 no person that did assist in arms, or otherwise, the King 
 for the time being, should after be impeached therefore, or 
 attainted, either by the course of the law, or by act of 
 parliament. But if any such act of attainder did happen 
 to be made, it should be void and of none effect; for that 10 
 it was agreeable to reason of estate, that the subject should 
 not inquire of the justness of the King's title, or quarrel ; 
 and it was agreeable to good conscience, that, whatsoever 
 the fortunes of the war were, the subject should not suffer 
 for his obedience. The spirit of this law was wonderful 15 
 pious and noble, being like, in matter of war, unto the 
 spirit of David in matter of plague ; who said. If I have 
 sinned, strike me ; but iv hat have these sheep dofie ? Neither 
 wanted this law parts of prudent and deep foresight : for 
 it did the better take away occasion for the people to busy 20 
 themselves to pry into the King's title ; for that howso- 
 ever it fell, their safety was already provided for. Besides, 
 it could not but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts 
 of the people, because he seemed more careful for them 
 than for himself. But yet nevertheless it did take off from 25 
 his party that great tie and spur of necessity, to fight and 
 go victors out of the field ; considering their lives and for- 
 tunes were put in safety and protected, whether they stood 
 to it, or ran away. But the force and obligation of this 
 law was in itself illusory, as to the latter part of it, by a 30 
 precedent act of parliament to bind or frustrate a future. 
 For a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude itself, 
 neither can that which is in nature revocable be made
 
 134 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 fixed, no more than if a man should appoint or declare 
 by his will, that if he made any later will it should be 
 void. And for the case of the act of parliament, there is 
 a notable precedent of it in King Henry the eighth's time; 
 5 who doubting he might die in the minority of his son, 
 procured an act to pass, That no statute made during the 
 minority of a King, should bind him or his successors, 
 except it were confirmed by the King under his great seal 
 at his full age. But the first act that passed in King 
 
 lo Edward the sixth's time, was an act of repeal of that 
 former act ; at which time nevertheless the King was minor. 
 But things that do not bind, may satisfy for the time. 
 
 There was also made a shoring or under-propping act 
 for the benevolence : lo make the sums' which any person 
 
 jc had agreed to pay, and nevertheless were not brought in, to 
 be leviable by course of law. Which act did not only bring 
 in the arrears, but did indeed countenance the whole busi- 
 ness, and was pretended to be made at the desire of those 
 that had been forward to pay. 
 
 20 This parliament also was made that good law, which 
 gave the attaint upon a false verdict between party and 
 party, which before was a kind of evangile, irremediable. 
 It extends not to causes capital, as well because they are 
 for the most part at the King's suit ; as because in them, 
 
 25 if they be followed in course of indictment, there passeth 
 a double jury, the indictors, and the triers; and so not 
 twelve men, but four and twenty. But it seemeth that 
 was not the only reason ; for this reason holdeth not in 
 the appeal. But the great reason was, lest it should tend 
 
 30 to the discouragement of jurors in cases of life and death; 
 if they should be subject to suit and penalty, where the 
 favour of life maketh against them. It extendeth not 
 also to any suit, where the demand is under the value of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 135 
 
 forty pounds ; for that in such cases of petty value it would 
 not quit the charge, to go about again. 
 
 There was another law made against a branch of in- 
 gratitude in women, wlio having been advanced by their 
 husbands, or their husbands' ancestors, should alien, and 5 
 thereby seek to defeat the heirs, or those in remainder, of 
 the lands, whereunto they had been so advanced. The 
 remedy was, by giving power to the next, to enter for a 
 forfeiture. 
 
 There was also enacted that charitable law, for the ad- 10 
 mission of poor suitors in fortna pauperis, without fee to 
 counseller, attorney, or clerk, whereby poor men became 
 rather able to vex than unable to sue. There were divers 
 other good laws made that parliament, as we said before : 
 but we still observe our manner, in selecting out those, that 15 
 are not of a vulgar nature. 
 
 The King this while, though he sat in parliament, as in 
 full peace, and seemed to account of the designs of Perk in, 
 who was now returned into Flanders, but as a may-game; 
 yet having the composition of a wise King, stout without, 20 
 and apprehensive within, had given order for the watching 
 of beacons upon the coasts, and erecting more where they 
 stood too thin, and had a careful eye where this wandering 
 cloud would break. But Perkin, advised to keep his fire, 
 which hitherto burned as it were upon green wood, alive 25 
 with continual blowing ; sailed again into Ireland, whence 
 he had formerly departed, rather upon the hopes of France, 
 than upon any unreadiness or discouragement he found in 
 that people. But in the space of time between the King's 
 diligence and Poynings's commission had so settled things 30 
 there, as there was nothing left for Perkin, but the blustering 
 affection of wild and naked people. Wherefore he was ad- 
 vised by his council, to seek aid of the King of Scotland, a
 
 136 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 Prince young and valorous, and in good terms with his 
 nobles and people, and ill affected to King Henry. At this 
 time also both Maximilian and Charles of France began to 
 bear no good will to the King: the one being displeased 
 5 with the King's prohibition of commerce with Flanders ; the 
 other holding the King for suspect, in regard of his late 
 entry into league with the Italians. Wherefore, besides the 
 open aids of the duchess of Burgundy, which did with sails 
 and oars put on and advance Perkin's designs, there wanted 
 
 10 not some secret tides from Maximilian and Charles, which 
 did further his fortunes : insomuch as they, both by their 
 secret letters and messages, recommended him to the King 
 of Scotland. 
 
 Perkin therefore coming into Scotland upon those hopes, 
 
 I c with a well-appointed company, was by the King of Scots, 
 being formerly well prepared, honourably welcomed, and 
 soon after his arrival admitted to his presence, in a .solemn 
 manner : for the King received him in state in his cham- 
 ber of presence, accompanied with divers of his nobles. 
 
 20 And Perkin well attended, as well with those that the King 
 had sent before him, as with his own train, entered the 
 room where the King was, and coming near to the King, 
 and bowing a little to embrace him, he retired some paces 
 back, and with a loud voice, that all that were present niight 
 
 2c hear him, made his declaration in this manner: 
 
 " High and mighty King, your grace, and these your 
 " nobles here present, may be pleased benignly to bow your 
 " ears, to hear the tragedy of a young man, that by right 
 " ought to hold in his hand the ball of a kingdom ; but by 
 
 30 " fortune is made himself a ball, tossed from misery to 
 " misery, and from place to place. You see here before you 
 " the spectacle of a Plantagenet, who hath been carried from 
 " the nursery to the sanctuary ; from the sanctuary, to the
 
 HISTORY OP KING HENRY VIL 137 
 
 "direful prison; from the prison, to the hand of the cruel 
 "tormentor; and from that hand to the wide wilderness, as 
 " I may truly call it, for so the world hath been to me. So 
 " that he that is born to a great kingdom, hath not ground 
 " to set his foot upon, more than this where he nowstandeth 5 
 " by your princely favour. Edward the fourth, late King of 
 " England, as your grace cannot but have heard, left two 
 " sons, Edward, and Richard duke of York, both very young. 
 " Edward the eldest succeeded their father in the crown, by 
 "the name of King Edward the fifth : but Richard duke of 10 
 " Gloucester, their unnatural uncle, first thirsting after the 
 "kingdom, through ambition, and afterwards thirsting for 
 " their blood, out of desire to secure himself, employed an 
 "instrument of his, confident to him, as he thought, to 
 "murder them both. But this man that was employed to 15 
 "execute that execrable tragedy, having ciuelly slain King 
 " Edward, the eldest of the two, was moved partly by re- 
 " morse, and partly by some other means, to save Richard 
 "his brother; making a report nevertheless to the tyrant, 
 " that he had performed his commandment to both brethren. 20 
 "This report was accordingly believed, and published gene- 
 " rally : so that the world hath been possessed of an opinion, 
 "that they both were barbarously made away; though ever 
 " truth hath some sparks that fly abroad, until it appear in 
 " due time, as this hath had. But Almighty God, that stop- 25 
 " ped the mouth of the lion, and saved little Joasli from the 
 " tyranny of Athaliah, when she massacred the King's chil- 
 " dren ; and did save Isaac, when the hand was stretched 
 " forth to sacrifice him ; preserved the second brother. For 
 " I myself, that stand here in your presence, am that very 30 
 " Richard duke of York, brother of that unfortunate Prince 
 " King Edward the fifth, now the most rightful surviving 
 "heir male to that victorious and most noble Edward, of
 
 138 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 " that name the fourth, late King of England. For the 
 " manner of my escape, it is fit it should pass in silence, or, 
 " at least, in a more secret relation ; for that it may concern 
 " some alive, and the memory of some that are dead. Let 
 5 " it suffice to think, that I had then a mother living, a 
 " Queen, and one that expected daily such a commandment 
 " from the tyrant, for the murdering of her children. Thus 
 " in my tender age escaping by God's mercy out of London, 
 " I was secretly conveyed over sea : where, after a time, the 
 
 10 " party that had me in charge, upon what new fears, change 
 " of mind or practice, God knoweth, suddenly forsook me. 
 "Whereby I was forced to wander abroad, and to seek 
 " mean conditions for the sustaining of my life. Wherefore 
 " distracted between several passions, the one of fear to be 
 
 15 "known, lest the tyrant should have a new attempt upon 
 "me ; the other of grief and disdain to be unknown, and to 
 " live in that base and servile manner that I did ; I resolved 
 " with myself to expect the tyrant's death, and then to put 
 " myself into my sister's hands, who was next heir to the 
 
 20 " crown. But in this season it happened one Henry Tudor, 
 " son to Edmund Tudor earl of Richmond, to come from 
 " France and enter into the realm, and by subtile and foul 
 " means to obtain the crown of the same, whicirto me right- 
 " fully appertained : so that it was but a change from tyrant 
 
 25 "to tyrant. This Henry, my extreme and mortdl enemy, so 
 " soon as he had knowledge of my being alive, imagined 
 " and wrought all the subtile ways and means he could, to 
 " procure my final destruction : for my mortal enemy hath 
 " not only falsely surmised me to be a feigned person, giving 
 
 30 " me nick-names, so abusing the world ; but also, to defer 
 " and put me from entry into f^ngland, hath offered large 
 " sums of money to corrupt the Princes and their ministers, 
 "with whom I have been retained; and made importune
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 139 
 
 labours to certain servants about my person, to murder or 
 poison me, and others to forsake and leave my righteous 
 quarrel, and to depart from ray service, as Sir Robert Clif- 
 ford, and others. So that every man of reason may well 
 perceive, that Henry, calling himself King of England, ^ 
 needed not to have bestowed such great sums of treasure, 
 nor so to have busied himself with importune and inces- 
 sant labour and industry, to compass my death and ruin, 
 if I had been such a feigned person. But the truth of my 
 cause being so manifest, moved the most Christian King 10 
 Charles, and the lady duchess dowager of Burgundy my 
 most dear aunt, not only to acknowledge the truth thereof, 
 but lovingly to assist me. But it seemeth that God above, 
 for the good of this whole island, and the knitting of these 
 two kingdoms of England and Scotland in a strait concord 15 
 and amity, by, so great an obligation, hath reserved the 
 placing of me in the imperial throne of England for the 
 arms and succours of your grace. Neither is it the first 
 time that a King of Scotland hath supported them that 
 were bereft and spoiled of the kingdom of England, as of 20 
 late, in fresh memory, it was done in the person of Henry 
 the sixth. Wherefore, for that your grace hath given clear 
 signs, that you are in no noble quality inferior to your 
 royal ancestors ; I, so distressed a Prince, was hereby 
 moved to come and put myself into your royal hands, de- 25 
 siring ydlir assistance to recover my kingdom of England ; 
 promising faithfully to bear myself towards your grace no 
 otherwise, than if I were your own natural brother; and 
 will, upon the recovery of mine inheritance, gratefully do 
 you all the pleasure that is in my utmost power." 30 
 
 After Perkin had told his tale. King James answered 
 bravely and wisely ; " That whatsoever he were, he should 
 " not repent him of putting himself into his hands." And
 
 I40 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 from tliat time forth, though there wanted not some about 
 him, that would have persuaded him that all was but an 
 illusion ; yet notwithstanding, either taken by Perkin's 
 amiable and alluring behaviour, or inclining to the recom- 
 5 mendation of the great Princes abroad, or willing to take 
 an occasion of a war against King Henry, he entertained 
 him in all things, as became the person of Richard duke 
 of York; embraced his quarrel; and, the more to put it 
 out of doubt, that he took him to be a great Prince, and 
 
 lo not a representation only, he gave consent, that this duke 
 should take to wife the lady Catharine Gordon, daughter 
 to the earl of Huntley, being a near kinswoman to the 
 King himself, and a young virgin of excellent beauty and 
 virtue. 
 
 1 ; Not long after, the King of Scots in person, with Perkin 
 in his company, entered with a great army, though it con- 
 sisted chiefly of borderers being raised somewhat suddenly, 
 into Northumberland. And Perkin, for a perfume before 
 him as he went, caused to be published a proclamation' 
 
 20 of this tenor following, in the name of Richard duke of 
 York, true inheritor of the crown of England : 
 
 " IT hath pleased God, who putteth down the mighty 
 " from their seat, and exalteth the humble, and suffereth 
 " not the hopes of the just to perish in the end, to give us 
 
 25 " means at the length to shew ourselves armed unto our 
 " lieges and people of England. But far be it from us to 
 " intend their hurt or damage, or to make war upon them, 
 " otherwise than to deliver ourself and them from tyranny 
 " and oppression. For our mortal enemy Henry Tudor, a 
 
 30 ^ The original of this proclamation remaineth with Sir Robert 
 Cotton, a worthy preserver and treasurer of rare antiquities : from 
 whose manuscripts I have had much light for the furnishing of this 
 work.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 141 
 
 " false usurper of the crown of England, which to us by 
 " natural and lineal right appertaineth, knowing in his own 
 " heart our undoubted right, we being the very Richard duke 
 " of York, younger son, and now surviving heir male of the 
 " noble and victorious Edward the fourth, late King of 5 
 " England, hath not only deprived us of our kingdom, but 
 " likewise by all foul and wicked means sought to betray 
 " us, and bereave us of our life. Yet if his tyranny only 
 " extended itself to our person, although our royal blood 
 "teaches us to be sensible of injuries, it should be less 10 
 "to our grief But this Tudor, who boasteth himself to 
 " have overthrown a tyrant, hath, ever since his first en- 
 " trance into his usurped reign, put little in practice, but 
 " tyranny and the feats thereof. 
 
 " For King Richard, our unnatural uncle, although 1 5 
 "desire of rule did blind him, yet in his other actions, 
 " like a true Plantagenet, was noble, and loved the honour 
 " of the realm, and the contentment and comfort of his 
 " nobles and people. But this our mortal enemy, agree- 
 " able to the meanness of his birth, hath trodden under 20 
 "foot the honour of this nation; selling our best con- 
 " federates for money, and making merchandise of the 
 " blood, estates, and fortunes of our peers and subjects, 
 " by feigned wars, and dishonourable peace, only to enrich 
 "his coffers. Nor unlike hath been his hateful misgovern 25 
 "ment, and evil deportments at home. First, he hath to 
 " fortify his false quarrel, caused divers nobles of this our 
 " realm, whom he held suspect and stood in dread of, to 
 " be cruelly murdered ; as our cousin Sir William Stanley, 
 " lord chamberlain. Sir Simon Mountfort, Sir Robert Rat- 30 
 " cliffe, William Daubeney, Humphrey Stafford, and many 
 " others, besides such as have dearly bought their lives 
 " with intolerable ransoms : some of which nobles are now
 
 142 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 " in the sanctuary. Also he hath long kept, and yet 
 " keepeth in j^rison, our right entirely well-beloved cousin, 
 " Edward, son and heir to our uncle duke of Clarence, 
 " and others ; withholding from them their rightful in- 
 
 c " heritance, to the intent they should never be of might 
 " and power, to aid and assist us at our need, after the 
 " duty of their legiances. He also married by compulsion 
 " certain of our sisters, and also the sister of our said 
 " cousin the earl of Warwick, and divers other ladies of 
 
 lo "the royal blood, unto certain of his kinsmen and friends 
 " of simple and low degree ; and, putting apart all well- 
 " disposed nobles, he hath none in favour and trust about 
 " his person, but bishop Fox, Smith, Bray, Lovel, Oliver 
 " King, David Owen, Riseley, Turberville, Tiler, Chomley, 
 
 15 " Empson, James Hobart, John Cut, Garth, Henry Wyat, 
 " and such other caitiffs and villains of birth, which by 
 " subtile inventions, and pilling of the people, have been 
 " the principal finders, occasioners, and counsellors of the 
 " misrule and mischief now reigning in England. 
 
 20 " ^Ve remembering these premises, with the great and 
 " execrable offences daily committed and done by our 
 " foresaid great enemy and his adherents, in breaking the 
 " liberties and franchises of our mother the holy church, 
 " upon pretences of wicked and heathenish policy, to the 
 
 25 "high displeasure of Almighty God, besides the manifold 
 " treasons, abominable murders, manslaughters, robberies, 
 " extortions, the daily pilling of the people by dismes, 
 " taxes, tallages, benevolences, and other unlawful imposi- 
 " tions, and grievous exactions, with many oilier heinous 
 
 30 " effects, to the likely destruction and desolation of the 
 " whole realm : shall by God's grace, and the help and 
 " assistance of the great lords of our blood, with the counsel 
 " of other sad persons, see that the commodities of our
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 143 
 
 " realm be employed to the most advantage of the same ; 
 " the intercourse of merchandise betwixt reahn and realm 
 " to be ministered and handled as shall more be to the 
 " common weal and prosperity of our subjects; and all such 
 '' dismes, taxes, tallages, benevolences, unlawful imposi- 5 
 " tions, and grievous exactions, as be above rehearsed, to 
 " be fordone and laid apart, and never from henceforth 
 " to be called upon, but in such cases as our noble pro- 
 " genitors. Kings of England, have of old time been ac- 
 " customed to have the aid, succour, and help of their 10 
 " subjects, and true liege-rnen. 
 
 " And farther, we do, out of our grace and clemency, 
 " hereby as well publish and promise to all our subjects 
 *' remission and free pardon of all by-past offences what- 
 " soever, against our person or estate, in adhering to our 15 
 " said enemy, by whom, we know well, they have been 
 " misled, if they shall within time convenient submit them- 
 " selves unto us. And for such as shall come with the 
 " foremost to assist our righteous quarrel, we shall make 
 " them so far partakers of our princely favour and bounty, 20 
 " as shall be highly for the comfort of them and theirs, 
 " both during their life and after their deatli : as also we 
 " shall, by all means which God shall put into our hands, 
 " demean ourselves to give royal contentment to all degrees 
 " and estates of our people, maintaining the liberties of 25 
 " holy church in their entire, preserving the honours, privi- 
 " leges, and preeminences of our nobles, from contempt 
 " of disparagement, according to the dignity of their blood. 
 " We shall also unyoke our people from all heavy burdens 
 " and endurances, and confimi our cities, boroughs and 30 
 " towns, in their charters and freedoms, with enlargement 
 " where it shall be deserved ; and in all points give our 
 " subjects cause to think, that the blessed and debonair
 
 144 insrORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 "government of our noble father King Edward, in his 
 " last times, is in us revived. 
 
 " And forasmuch as the putting to death, or taking alive 
 " of our said mortal enemy, may be a mean to stay much 
 5 " effusion of blood, which otherwise may ensue, if by 
 " compulsion or fair promises he shall draw after him any 
 " number of our subjects to resist us, which we desire to 
 " avoid, though we be certainly informed, that our said 
 " enemy is purposed and prepared to fly the land, having 
 
 lo "already made over great masses of the treasure of our 
 " crown, the better to support him in foreign parts, we 
 " do hereby declare, that whosoever shall take or distress 
 " our said enemy, though the party be of never so mean 
 " a condition, he "shall be by us rewarded with a thousand 
 
 15 "pound in money, forthwith to be laid down to him, and 
 "an hundred marks by the year of inheritance; besides 
 " that he may otherwise merit, both toward God and all 
 " good people, for the destruction of such a tyrant. 
 
 " Lastly, we do all men to wit, and herein we take also 
 
 20 " God to witness, that whereas God hath moved the heart 
 " of our dearest cousin, the King of Scotland, to aid us 
 " in person in this our righteous quarrel ; it is altogether 
 " without any pact or promise, or so much as demand of 
 " any thing that may i)rejudice our crown or subjects : 
 
 25 "but contrariwise, with jjromise on our said cousin's part, 
 " that whensoever he shall find us in sufficient strength to 
 " get the upper hand of our enemy, which we hope will 
 " be very suddenly, he will forthwith peaceably return into 
 "his own kingdom; contenting himself only with the glory 
 
 3 c "of so honourable an enterprise, and our true and faithful 
 " love and amity : which Ave shall ever, by the grace of 
 " Almighty God, so order, as shall be to the great comfort 
 " of both kingdoms."
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 145 
 
 But Perkin's proclamation did little edify with the 
 people of England ; neither was he the better welcome 
 for the company he came in. Wherefore the King of 
 Scotland seeing none came in to Perkin, nor none stirred 
 any where in his favour, turned his enterprise into a rode ; 5 
 and wasted and destroyed the country of Northumberland 
 with fire and sword. But hearing that there were forces 
 coming against him, and not willing that they should find 
 his men heavy and laden with booty, he returned into 
 Scotland with great spoils, deferring farther prosecution 10 
 till another time. It is said, that Perkin, acting the part 
 of a Prince handsomely, when he saw the Scottish fell to 
 waste the countr}', came to the King in a passionate man- 
 ner, making great lamentation, and desired, that that might 
 not be the manner of making the war; for that no crown 15 
 was so dear to his mind, as that he desired to purchase it 
 \vith the blood and ruin of his country. Whereunto the 
 King answered half in sport, that he doubted much he was 
 careful for that that was none of his, and that he should 
 be too good a steward for his enemy, to save the country 20 
 to his use. 
 
 By this time, being the eleventh year of the King, the 
 interruption of trade between the English and the Flemish 
 began to pinch the merchants of both nations very sore: 
 which moved them by all means they could devise, to 25 
 aftect and dispose their sovereigns respectively, to open 
 the intercourse again ; wherein time favoured them. For 
 the archduke and his council began to see, that Perkin 
 would prove but a runagate and citizen of the world ; and 
 that it was the part of children to foil out about babies. 3° 
 And the King on his part, after the attempts upon Kent 
 and Northumberland, began to have the business of Perkin 
 in less estimation ; so as he did not put it to account 
 
 B. H. 10
 
 146 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 in any consultation of state. But that that moved him 
 most was, that being a King that loved wealth and trea- 
 sure, he could not endure to have trade sick, nor any 
 obstruction to continue in tlie gate-vein, which disperseth 
 5 that blood. And yet he kept state so far, as first to be 
 sought unto. Wherein the merchant-adventurers likewise, 
 being a strong company at that time, and well under-set 
 with rich men, and good order, did liold out bravely : 
 taking oft" the commodities of the kingdom, though they 
 
 lo lay dead upon their hands for want of vent. At the last, 
 commissioners met at London to treat : on the King's 
 part, bishop Fox lord privy seal, viscount Wells, Kendal 
 prior of saint John's, Warham master of the rolls, who 
 began to gain much upon the King's opinion ; Urswick, 
 
 ] 5 who was almost ever one ; and Riseley : on the archduke's 
 part, the lord Bevers his admiral, the lord Verunsel pre- 
 sident of Flanders, and others. These concluded a perfect 
 treaty, both of amity and intercourse, between the King 
 and the archduke ; containing articles both of state, com- 
 
 2o merce, and free fishing. This is that treaty which the 
 Flemings call at this day iufercnrsus inagiii/s ; both be- 
 cause it is more complete than the precedent treaties of 
 the third and fourth year of the King; and chiefly to give 
 it a difterence from the treaty that followed in the one 
 
 25 and twentieth year of the King, which they call intercursus 
 wains. In this treaty, there was an express article against 
 the reception of the rebels of either Prince by other ; pur- 
 porting, That if any such rebel should be required, by the 
 Prince whose rebel he was, of the Prince confederate, that 
 
 30 forthwith the Prince confederate should by proclamation 
 command him to avoid the country: which if he did not 
 within fifteen days, the rebel was to stand proscribed, and 
 put out of protection. But nevertheless in this article
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VH. 147 
 
 Perkin was not named, neither perhaps contained, because 
 he was no rebel. But by this means his wings were chpt 
 of his followers that were English. And it was expressly- 
 comprised in the treaty, that it should extend to the 
 territories of the duchess dowager. After the intercourse 5 
 thus restored, the English merchants came again to their 
 mansion at Antwerp, where they were received with pro- 
 cession and great joy. 
 
 The winter following, being the twelfth year of his reign, 
 the King called again his parliament; where he did much 10 
 exaggerate both the malice, and the cruel predatory war 
 lately made by the King of Scotland : That that King, 
 being in amity with him, and no ways provoked, should 
 so burn in hatred towards him, as to drink of the lees and 
 dregs of Perkin's intoxication, who was every where else 15 
 detected and discarded : and that when he perceived it 
 was out of his reach to do the King any hurt, he had 
 turned his arms upon unharmed and unprovided people, 
 to spoil only and depopulate, contrary to the laws both of 
 war and peace: concluding, that he could neither with 20 
 honour nor with the safety of his people, to whom he did 
 owe protection, let pass these wrongs unrevenged. The 
 parliament understood him well, and gave him a subsidy, 
 limited to the sum of one hundred and twenty thousand 
 pounds, besides two fifteenths : for his wars were always to 25 
 him as a mine of treasure, of a strange kind of ore ; iron 
 at the top, and gold and silver at the bottom. At this 
 parliament, for that there had been so much time spent in 
 making laws the year before, and for that it was called 
 purposely in respect of the Scottish war, there were no laws 30 
 made to be remembered. Only there passed a law, at the 
 suit of the merchant-adventurers of England, against the 
 merchant-adventurers of London, for monopolizing and 
 
 10 — 2
 
 148 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 exacting upon the trade : which it seemeth they did a 
 little to save themselves, after the hard time they had 
 sustained by want of trade. But those innovations were 
 taken away by parliament. 
 5 But it was fatal to the King to fight for his money ; and 
 though he avoided to fight with enemies abroad, yet he was 
 still enforced to fight for it with rebels at home : for no 
 sooner began the subsidy to be levied in Cornwall, but the 
 people there began to grudge and murmur. The Cornish 
 
 10 being a race of men, stout of stomach, mighty of body and 
 limb, and that lived hardly in a barren country, and many 
 of them could, for a need, live under ground, that were tin- 
 ners. They muttered extremely, that it was a thing not to 
 be suffered, that for a little stir of the Scots, soon blown 
 
 15 over, they should be thus grinded to powder with payments: 
 and said it was for them to pay that had too much, and 
 lived idly. But they would eat their bread that they got 
 with the sweat of their brows, and no man should take it 
 from them. And as in the tides of people once up, there 
 
 20 want not commonly stirring winds to make them more 
 rough ; so this people did light upon two ringleaders or cap- 
 tains of the rout. The one was Michael Joseph, a black- 
 smith or farrier of Bodmin, a notable talking fellow, and no 
 less desirous to be talked of. The other was Thomas Flam- 
 
 25 mock, a lawyer, who, by telling his neighboilrs commonly 
 upon any occasion that the law was on their sitle, had got- 
 ten great sway amongst them. This man talked learnedly, 
 and as if he could tell how to make a rebellion, and never 
 break the peace. He told the people, that subsidies were 
 
 30 not to be granted, nor levied in this case ; that is, for wars 
 of Scotland : for that the law had provided another course, 
 by service of escuage, for those journeys ; much le.ss when 
 all was quiet, and war was made but a pretence to poll and
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 149 
 
 pill the people. And therefore that it was good they should 
 not stand now like sheep before the shearers, but put on 
 harness, and take weapons in their hands. Yet to do no 
 creature hurt ; but go and deliver the King a strong petition, 
 for the laying down of those grievous payments, and for the 5 
 punishment of those that had given him that counsel ; to 
 make others beware how they did the like in time to come. 
 And said, for his part he did not see how they could do the 
 duty of true Englishmen, and good liege-men, except they 
 did deliver the King from such wicked ones, that would 10 
 destroy both him and the country. Their aim was at arch- 
 bishop Morton and Sir Reginald Bray, who were the King's 
 screens in this envy. 
 
 After that these two, Flammock and the blacksmith, 
 had by joint and several pratings found tokens of consent 1 5 
 in the multitude, they offered themselves to lead them, until 
 they should hear of better men to be their leaders, which 
 they said would be ere long : telling them farther, that they 
 would be but their servants, and first in every danger ; but 
 doubted not but to make both the west-end and the east-end ?o 
 of England to meet in so good a quarrel \ and that all, 
 rightly understood, was but for the King's service. The 
 people upon these seditious instigations, did arm, most of 
 them with bows, and arrows, and bills, and such other 
 weapons of rude and country people, and forthwith undei 25 
 the command of their leaders, which in such cases is ever 
 at pleasure, marched out of Cornwall through Devonshire 
 unto Taunton in Somersetshire, without any slaughter, vio- 
 lence, or spoil of the country. At Taunton they killed in 
 fury an officious and eager commissioner for the subsidy, 30 
 whom they called the provost of Perin. Thence they 
 marched^o Wells, where the lord Audley, with whom their 
 leaders nad before some secret intelligence, a nobleman of
 
 I50 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 an ancient fomily, but unciuiet and popular, and aspiring to 
 ruin, came in to them, and was by them, with great gladness 
 and cries of joy, accepted as their general; they being now 
 proud that they were led by a nobleman. The lord Audley 
 5 led them on from ^Vells to Salisbury and from Salisbury to 
 Winchester. Thence the foolish people, who, in effect, led 
 their leaders, had a mind to be led into Kent, fancying that 
 the people there would join with them ; contrary to all rea- 
 son or judgment, considering the Kentish men had shewed 
 
 10 great loyalty and affection to the King so lately before. 
 But the rude people had heard Flammock say, that Kent 
 was never conquered, and that they were the freest people 
 of England. And upon these vain noises, they looked for 
 great matters at their hands, in a cause which they conceited 
 
 15* to be for the liberty of the subject. But when they were 
 come into Kent, the country was so well settled, both by 
 the King's late kind usage towards them, and by the credit 
 and power of the earl of Kent, the lord Abergavenny, and 
 the lord Cobham, as neither gentleman nor yeoman came 
 
 20 in to their aid ; which did much damp and dismay many of 
 the simpler sort; insomuch as divers of them did secretly 
 fly from the army, and went home : but the sturdier sort, 
 and those that were most engaged, stood by it, and rather 
 waxed proud, than failed in hopes and courage. For as it 
 
 25 did somewhat appal them, that the people came not in to 
 them ; so it did no less encourage them, that the King's 
 forces had not set upon them, having marched from the west 
 unto the east of England. Wherefore they kept on their 
 way, and encamped upon Blackheath, between Greenwich 
 
 30 and Eltham ; threatening either to bid battle to the King, 
 for now the seas went higher than to Morton and Bray, or 
 to take London within his view ; imagining with themselves, 
 there to find no less fear than wealth.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 151 
 
 But to return to the King. \Vhen first he heard of this 
 commotion of the Cornish men occasioned by the subsidy, 
 he was much troubled therewith ; not for itself, but in regard 
 of the concurrence of other dangers that did hang over him 
 at that time. For he doubted lest a war from Scotland, a 5 
 rebellion from Cornwall, and the practices and conspiracies 
 of Perkin and his partakers, would come upon him at once : 
 knowing well, that it was a dangerous triplicity to a mo- 
 narchy, to have the arms of a foreigner, the discontents of 
 subjects, and the title of a pretender to meet. Nevertheless 10 
 the occasion took him in some part well provided. For as 
 soon as the parliament had broken up, the King had pre- 
 sently raised a puissant army to war upon Scotland. And 
 King James of Scotland likewise, on his part, had made 
 great preparations, either for defence, or for new assailing of i 5 
 England. But as for the King's forces, they were not only 
 in preparation, but in readiness presently to set forth, under 
 the conduct of Daubeney the lord chamberlain. But as 
 soon as the King understood of the rebellion of Cornwall, 
 he stayed those forces, retaining them for his own service 20 
 and safety. But therewithal he despatched the earl of Sur- 
 rey into the north, for the defence and strength of those 
 parts, in case the Scots should stir. But for the course he 
 held towards the rebels, it was utterly differing from his for- 
 mer custom and practice; which was ever full of forwardness 25 
 and celerity to make head against them, or to set upon them 
 as soon as ever they were in action. This he was wont to 
 do. But now, besides that he was attempered by years, and 
 less in love with dangers, by the continued fruition of a 
 crown; it was a time when the various appearance to his ^ci . 
 thoughts of perils of several natures, and from divers parts, 
 did make him judge it his best and surest way, to keep his 
 strength together in the seat and centre of his kingdom :
 
 152 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI f. 
 
 according to the ancient Indian emblem, in such a swelling 
 season, to hold the hand upon the middle of the bladder, 
 that no side might rise. Besides, there was no necessity put 
 upon him to alter his counsel. For neither did the rebels 
 5 spoil the country, in which case it had been dishonour to 
 abandon his people : neither on the other side did their 
 forces gather or increase, which might hasten him to preci- 
 pitate and assail them before they grew too strong. And 
 lastly, both reason of estate and war seemed to agree 
 
 J Q with this course: for that insurrections of base people are 
 commonly more furious in their beginnings. And by this 
 means also he had them the more at vantage, being tired 
 and harassed with a long march ; ami more at mercy, being 
 cut off far from their country, and therefore not able by any 
 
 , r sudden flight to get to retreat, and to renew the troubles. 
 
 When therefore the rebels were encamped on Black- 
 heath upon the hill, whence they might behold the city 
 of London, and the fair valley about it ; the King knowing 
 well, that it stood him upon, by how much the more he had 
 
 20 hitherto protracted the time in not encountering them, by 
 so much the sooner to despatch with them, that it might 
 appear to have been no coldness in fore-slowing, but wisdom 
 in choosing his time ; resolved with all speed to assail them, 
 and yet with that providence and surety, as should leave 
 
 2i little to venture or fortune. And having very great antl 
 puissant forces about him, the better to master all events 
 and accidents, he divided them into three parts ; the first 
 was led by the earl of Oxford in chief, assisted by the earls 
 of Essex and Suffolk. These noblemen were appointed, 
 
 ^o with some corners of horse, and bands of foot, and good 
 store of artillery, wheeling about to put tliemselves beyond 
 the hill where the rebels were encamped ; and to beset all 
 the skirts and descents thereof, except those that lay to-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 153 
 
 wards London ; thereby to have these wild beasts, as it 
 were, in a toil. The second part of his forces, which were 
 those that were to be most in action, and upon which he 
 relied most for the fortune of the day, he did assign to be 
 led by the lord chamberlain, who was appointed to set upon 5 
 the rebels in front, from that side Avhich is towards London. 
 The third part of his forces, being likewise great and brave 
 forces, he retained about himself, to be ready upon all 
 events to restore the fight, or consummate the victory ; and 
 mean while to secure the city. And for that purpose he 10 
 encamped in person in Saint George's Fields, putting himself 
 between the city and the rebels. But the city of London, 
 especially at the first, upon the near encamping of the 
 rebels, was in great tumult : as it useth to be with wealthy 
 and populous cities, especially those which for greatness 15 
 and fortune are queens of their regions, who seldom see out 
 of their windows, or from their towers, an army of enemies. 
 But that which troubled him most, was the conceit, that 
 they dealt with a rout of people, with whom there was no 
 composition or condition, or orderly treating, if need were; 20 
 but likely to be bent altogether upon rapine and spoil. 
 And although they had heard tliat the rebels had behaved 
 themselves quietly and modestly by the way as they went ; 
 yet they doubted much that would not last, but rather make 
 them more hungry, and more in appetite to fall upon spoil in 25 
 the end. Wherefore there was great running to and fro 
 of people, some to the gates, some to the walls, some to 
 the water-side ; giving themselves alarms and panic fears 
 continually. Nevertheless both Tate the lord mayor, and 
 Shaw and Haddon the sheriffs, did their parts stoutly and 30 
 well, in arming and ordering the people. And the King 
 likewise did adjoin some captains of experience in the wars, 
 to advise and assist the citizens. But soon after, when they
 
 154 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 understood that the King had so ordered the matter, that 
 the rebels must win three battles, before they could approach 
 the city, and that he had put his own i)erson between the 
 rebels and them, and that the great care was, rather how to 
 5 impound the rebels that none of them might escape, than 
 that any doubt was made to vanquish them : they grew to 
 be quiet and out of fear ; the rather, for the confidence they 
 reposed, which was not small, in the three leaders, Oxford, 
 Essex, and Daubeney ; all men well famed and loved 
 
 lo amongst the people. As for Jasper duke of Bedford, whom 
 the king used to employ with the first in his wars, he was 
 then sick, and died soon after. 
 
 It was the two and twentieth of June, and a Saturday, 
 which was the day of the week the King fancied, when the 
 
 15 battle was fought ; though the King had, by all the art he 
 could devise, given out a false day, as if he prepared to give 
 the rebels battle on the Monday following, the better to 
 find them unprovided, and in disarray. The lords that were 
 appointed to circle the hill, had some days before planted 
 
 20 themselves, as at the receit, in places convenient. In the 
 afternoon, towards the decline of the day, which was done, 
 the better to keep the rebels in opinion that they should 
 not fight that day, the lord Daubeney marched on towards 
 them, and first beat some troops of them from Deptford- 
 
 25 bridge, where they fought manfully; but, being in no great 
 number, were soon driven back, and fled up to their main 
 army upon the hill. The army at that time, hearing of the 
 approach of the King's forces, were putting themselves in 
 array, not without much confusion. But neither had they 
 
 30 placed, upon the first high ground towards the bridge, any 
 forces to second the troops below, that kept the bridge ; 
 neither had they brought forwards their main battle, which 
 stood in array far into the heath, near to the ascent of the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 155 
 
 hill. So that the earl with his forces mounted the hill, and 
 recovered the plain, without resistance. The lord Daubeney 
 charged them with great fury ; insomuch as he had like, by 
 accident, to have brandled the fortune of the day: for, by 
 inconsiderate forwardness in fighting at the head of his 5 
 troops, he was taken by the rebels, but immediately rescued 
 and delivered. The rebels maintained the fight for a small 
 time, and for their persons shewed no want of courage ; but 
 being ill armed, and ill led, and without horse or artillery, 
 they were with no great difficulty cut in pieces, and put to 
 to flight. And for their three leaders, the lord Audley, the 
 blacksmith, and Flammock, as commonly the captains of 
 commotions are but half couraged men, suffered themselves 
 to be taken alive. The number slain on the rebels' part 
 were some two thousand men ; their army amounting, as it 15 
 is said, unto the number of sixteen thousand. The rest 
 w'ere, in eftect, all taken ; for that the hill, as was said, Avas 
 encompassed with the King's forces round about. On the 
 King's part there died about three hundred, most of them 
 shot with arrows, which were reported to be of the length of 20 
 a tailor's yard ; so strong and mighty a bow the Cornish 
 men were said to draw. 
 
 The victory thus obtained, the King created divers ban- 
 nerets, as w'ell upon Blackheath, where his lieutenant had 
 won the field, whither he rode in person to perform the said 25 
 creation, as in St George's Fields, where his own person 
 had been encamped. And for matter of liberality, he did, 
 by open edict, give the goods of all the prisoners unto those 
 that had taken them ; either to take them in kind, or com- 
 pound for them, as they could. After matter of honour 30 
 and liberality, followed matter of severity and execution. 
 The lord Audley was led from Newgate to Tower-hill, in a 
 paper coat painted with his own arms ; the arms reversed,
 
 156 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 the coat torn, and he at Tower-hill beheaded. Flammock 
 and the blacksmith were hanged, drawn, and quartered at 
 Tyburn : the blacksmith taking pleasure upon the hurdle, as 
 it seemeth by words that he uttered, to think that he should 
 5 be famous in after-times. The King was once in mind to 
 have sent down Flammock and the blacksmith to have been 
 executed in Cornwall, for the more terror : but being adver- 
 tised that the country was yet unquiet and boiling, he 
 thought better not to irritate the people farther. All the 
 
 10 rest were pardoned by proclamation, and to take out their 
 pardons under seal, as many as would. So that, more than 
 the blood drawn in the field, the king did satisfy himself 
 with the lives of only three offenders, for the expiation 
 of this great rebellion. 
 
 jc It was a strange thing to observe the variety and ine- 
 quality of the King's executions and pardons : and a man 
 would think it, at the first, a kind of lottery or chance. But, 
 looking into it more nearly, one shall find there was reason 
 for it, much more, perhaps, than after so long a distance of 
 
 20 time we can now discern. In the Kentish commotion, 
 which was but an handful of men, there were executed to 
 the number of one hundred and fifty : and in this so mighty 
 a rebellion but three. Whether it were that the King put 
 to account the men that were slain in the field, or that he 
 
 25 was not willing to be severe in a popular cause, or that the 
 harmless behaviour of this people, that came from the west 
 of England to the east, without mischief almost, or spoil of 
 the country, did somewhat mollify him, and move him to 
 compassion ; or lastly, that he made a great dift'erence 
 
 30 between people that did rebel upon wantonness, and them 
 that did rebel upon want. 
 
 After the Cornish men were defeated, there came from 
 Calais to the King an honourable embassage from the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 157 
 
 French King, which had arrived at Calais a month before, 
 and there was stayed in respect of the troubles, but honour- 
 ably entertained and defrayed. The King, at their first 
 coming, sent unto them, and prayed them to have patience, 
 till a litde smoke, that was raised in his country, were over, 5 
 which would soon be : slighting, as his manner was, that 
 openly, which nevertheless he intended seriously. 
 
 This embassage concerned no great affair, but only the 
 piolongation of days for payment of moneys, and some 
 other particulars of the frontiers. And it was, indeed, but a 10 
 wooing embassage, with good respects to entertain the King 
 in good affection ; but nothing was done or handled to the 
 derogation of the King's late treaty with the Italians. 
 
 But during the time that the Cornish men were in their 
 march towards London, the King of Scotland, well adver- 15 
 tised of all that passed, and knowing himself sure of a 
 war from England, whensoever those stirs were appeased, 
 neglected not his opportunity; but thinking the King had his 
 hands full, entered the frontiers of England again with an 
 army, and besieged the castle of Norham in person, with 20 
 part of his forces, sending the rest to forage the country. 
 But Fox bishop of Durham, a wise man, and one that 
 could see through the present to the future, doubting as 
 much before, had caused his castle of Norham to be strongly 
 fortified, and furnished with all kind of munition : and had 25 
 manned it likewise with a very great number of tall soldiers, 
 more than for the proportion of the castle, reckoning rather 
 upon a sharp assault, than a long siege. And for the coun- 
 try likewise, he had caused the people to withdraw their 
 cattle and goods into fast places, that were not of easy 30 
 approach ; and sent in post to the earl of Surrey, who was 
 not far off, in Yorkshire, to come in diligence to the succour. 
 So as the Scottish King both failed of doing good upon the
 
 15S HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 castle, and his men had but a catching harvest of their 
 spoils : and when he understood that the earl of Surrey was 
 coming on with great forces, he returned back into Scotland. 
 The earl, finding the castle freed, and the enemy retired, 
 5 pursued with all celerity into Scotland, hoping to have over- 
 taken the Scottish King, and to have given him battle; but, 
 not attaining him in time, sat down before the castle of 
 Aton, one of the strongest places, then esteemed, between 
 Berwick and Edinburgh, which in a small time he took. 
 
 10 And soon after, the Scottish King retiring farther into his 
 country, and the weather being extraordinary foul and 
 stormy, the earl returned into England. So that the expe- 
 ditions on both parts were, in effect, but a castle taken, and 
 a castle distressed ; not answerable to the puissance of the 
 
 15 forces, nor to the heat of the quarrel, nor to the greatness of 
 the expectation. 
 
 Amongst these troubles, both civil and external, came 
 into England from Spain, Peter Hialas, some call him Elias, 
 surely he was the forerunner of the good hap that we enjoy 
 
 20 at this day: for his embassage set the truce between England 
 and Scotland; the truce drew on the peace; the peace the 
 marriage; and the marriage the union of the kingdoms; 
 a man of great wisdom, and, as those times were, not un- 
 learned ; sent from Ferdinando and Isabella, Kings of 
 
 25 Spain, unto the King, to treat a marriage between Catha- 
 rine, their second daughter, and Prince Arthur. This treaty 
 was by him set in a very good way, and almost brought to 
 perfection. But it so fell out by the way, that upon some 
 conference which he had with the King touching this busi- 
 
 30 ness, the King, who had a great dexterity in getting sud- 
 denly into the bosom of ambassadors of foreign Princes, 
 if he liked the men ; insomuch as he would many times 
 communicate with them of his own affairs, yea, and employ
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 159 
 
 them in his service, fell into speech and discourse incidently, 
 concerning the ending of the debates and differences with 
 Scotland. For the King naturally did not love the barren 
 wars with Scotland, though he made his profit of the noise 
 of them. And he wanted not in the council of Scotland, 5 
 those that would advise their King to meet him at the half 
 way, and to give over the war with England ; pretending to 
 be good patriots, but indeed favouring the affairs of the 
 King. Only his heart was too great to begin with Scotland 
 for the motion of peace. On the other side, he had met 10 
 with an ally of Ferdinando of Arragon, as fit for his turn as 
 could be. For after that Kmg Ferdinando had, upon 
 assured confidence of the marriage to succeed, taken upon 
 him the person of a fraternal ally to the King, he would not 
 let, in a Spanish gravity, to counsel the King in his own j - 
 atfairs. And the King on his part, not being wanting to 
 himself, but making use of every man's humours, made his 
 advantage of this in such things as he thought either not 
 decent, or not pleasant to proceed from himself; putting 
 them off as done by the counsel of Ferdinando. Where- 20 
 fore he was content that Hialas, as in a matter moved and 
 advised from Hialas himself, should go into Scotland, to 
 treat of a concord between the two Kings. Hialas took it 
 upon him, and coming to the Scottish King, after he had 
 with much art brought King James to hearken to the more 25 
 safe and quiet counsels, wrote unto the King, that he hoped 
 that peace would with no great difficulty cement and close, 
 if he would send some wise and temperate counsellor of 
 his own, that might treat of the conditions. Whereupon 
 the King directed bishop Fox, who at that time was at 30 
 his castle of Norham, to confer with Hialas, and they 
 both to treat with some commissioners deputed from the 
 Scottish King. The commissioners on both sides met.
 
 i6o HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 But after much dispute upon the articles and conditions 
 of peace, propounded upon either part, they could not 
 conclude a peace. The chief impediment thereof was the 
 demand of the King to have Perkin delivered into his 
 5 hands, as a reproach to all Kings, and a person not pro- 
 tected by the law of nations. The King of Scotland, on 
 the other side, peremptorily denied so to do, saying, that 
 he, for his part, was no competent judge of Perkin's title : 
 but that he had received him as a suppliant, protected him 
 
 ID as a person fled for refuge, espoused him with his kins- 
 woman, and aided him with his arms, upon the belief that 
 he was a prince ; and therefore that he could not now with 
 his honour so unrip, and, in a sort, put a lie upon all that 
 he had said and done before, as to deliver him up to his 
 
 15 enemies. The bishop likewise, who had certain proud in- 
 structions from the King, at the least in the front, though 
 there were a pliant clause at the foot, that remitted all to 
 the bishop's discretion, and required him by no means to 
 break off in ill terms, after that he had failed to obtain 
 
 20 the delivery of Perkin, did move a second point of his 
 instructions, which was, that the Scottish King would give 
 the King an interview in person at Newcastle. But this 
 being reported to the Scottish King, his answer was, that 
 he meant to treat a peace, and not to go a begging for 
 
 25 it. The bishop also, according to another article of his 
 instructions, demanded restitution of the spoils taken by 
 the Scottish, or damages for the same. But the Scottish 
 commissioners answered, that that was but as water spilt 
 upon the ground, which could not be gotten up again; 
 
 30 and that the King's people were better able to bear the 
 loss, than their master to repair it. But in the end, as 
 persons capable of reason, on both sides they made rather 
 a kind of recess than a breach of treaty, and concluded
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. i6i 
 
 upoh a truce for some months following. But the King 
 of Scotland, though he would not formally retract his 
 judgment of Perkin, wherein he had engaged himself so 
 far ; yet in his private opinion, upon often speech with the 
 Englishmen, and divers other advertisements, began to 5 
 suspect him for a counterfeit. Wherefore in a noble 
 fashion he called him unto him, and recounted the bene- 
 fits and favours that he had done him in making him his 
 ally, and in provoking a mighty and opulent King by an 
 offensive war in his quarrel, for the space of two years to- 10 
 gether; nay more, that he had refused an honourable peace, 
 whereof he had a fair offer, if he would have delivered 
 him; and that, to keep his promise with him, he had 
 deeply offended both his nobles and people, whom he 
 might not hold in any long discontent: and therefore re- 15 
 quired him to think of his own fortunes, and to choose 
 out some fitter place for his exile : Telling him withal, 
 that he could not say, but the English had forsaken him 
 before the Scottish, for that, upon two several trials, none 
 had declared themselves on his side; but nevertheless he 20 
 would make good what he said to him at his first receiv- 
 ing, which was that he should not repent him for putting 
 himself into his hands ; for that he would not cast him 
 off, but help him with shipping and means to transport 
 him where he should desire. Perkin, not descending at 25 
 all from his stage-like greatness, answered the King in 
 few words, that he saw his time w'as not yet come ; but 
 whatsoever his fortunes were, he should both think and 
 speak honour of the King. Taking his leave, he would 
 not think on Flanders, doubting it was but hollow ground 30 
 for him since the treaty of the archduke, concluded the 
 year before ; but took his lady, and such followers as would 
 not leave him, and sailed over into Ireland. 
 
 B. H, . II
 
 1 62 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 This twelfth year of the King, a little before this time, 
 Pope Alexander, who loved best those Princes that were 
 furthest off, and with whom he had least to do, taking very 
 thankfully the King's late entrance into league for the 
 5 defence of Italy, did remunerate him with an hallowed 
 sword and cap of maintenance, sent by his nuncio. Pope 
 Innocent had done the like, but it was not received in 
 that glory : for the King appointed the mayor and his 
 brethren to meet the Pope's orator at London-bridge, and 
 
 10 all the streets between the bridge-foot and the palace of 
 Paul's, where the King then lay, were garnished with the 
 citizens, standing in their liveries. And the morrow after, 
 being AUhallows day, the King, attended with many of his 
 prelates, nobles, and principal cotirtiers, went in procession 
 
 15 to Paul's, and the cap and sword were borne before him. 
 And after the procession, the King himself remaining 
 seated in the quire, the lord archbishop, upon the greece 
 of the quire, made a long oration: setting forth the great- 
 ness and eminency of that honour which the Pope, in 
 
 20 these ornaments and ensigns of benediction, had done the 
 King ; and how rarely, and upon what high deserts, they 
 used to be bestowed : And then recited the King's prin- 
 cipal acts and merits, which had made him appear worthy, 
 in the eyes of his Holiness, of this great honour. 
 
 25 All this while the rebellion of Cornwall, whereof we 
 have spoken, seemed to have no relation to Perkin ; save 
 that perhaps Perkin's proclamation had stricken upon the 
 right vein, in promising to lay down exactions and pay- 
 ments, and so had made them now and then have a kind 
 
 30 thought on Perkin. But now these bubbles by much 
 stirring began to meet, as they use to do upon the top 
 of water. The King's lenity by that time the Cornish 
 rebels, who were taken and pardoned, and, as it was said,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 163 
 
 many of them sold by them that had taken them, for 
 twelve pence and two shillings apiece. Avere come down 
 into their country, had rather emboldened them, than re- . 
 claimed them \ insomuch as they stuck not to say to their 
 neighbours and countrymen, that the King did well to 5 
 pardon them, for that he knew he should leave few sub- 
 jects in England, if he hanged all that were of their mind : 
 and began whetting and inciting one another to renew the 
 commotion. Some of the subtilest of them, hearing of 
 Perkin's being in Ireland, found means to send to him to 10 
 let him know, that if he would come over to them, they 
 would serve him. 
 
 When Perkin heard this news, he began to take heart 
 again, and advised upon it with his council, which were 
 principally three; Heme a mercer, that had fled for debt; 15 
 Skelton a tailor, and Astley a scrivener ; for secretary Frion 
 was gone. These told him, that he was mightily overseen, 
 both when he went into Kent, and when he went into 
 Scotland ; the one being a place so near London, and 
 under the King's nose; and the other a nation so dis- 20 
 tasted with the people of England, that if they had loved 
 him never so well, yet they would never have taken his 
 part in that company. But if he had been so happy as 
 to have been in Cornwall at the first, when the people 
 began to take arms there, he had been crowned at West- 2^ 
 minster before this time. For, these Kings, as he had 
 now experience, would sell poor Princes for shoes. But 
 he must rely wholly upon people ; and therefo'-e advised 
 him to sail over with all possible speed into Cornwall : 
 which accordingly he did ; having in his company four 30 
 small barks, with some sixscore or sevenscore fighting men. 
 He arrived in September at Whitsand Ba)', and forthwith 
 came to Bodmin, the blacksmith's town ; where there 
 
 II — 2
 
 1 64 TIT STORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 assembled unto him to the number of three thousand men 
 of tlie rude people. There he set forth a new proclamation, 
 stroking the i)eople with fair promises, and humouring them 
 with invectives against the King and his government. And 
 5 as it fareth with smoke, that never loseth itself till it be at 
 the highest ; he did now before his end raise his style, en- 
 titling himself no more Richard duke of York, but Richard 
 the fourth, King of England. His council advised him by 
 all means to make himself master of some good walled 
 
 10 town; as well to make his men find the sweetness of rich 
 spoils, and to allure to him all loo.se and lost people, by 
 like hopes of booty ; as to be a sure retreat to his forces, 
 in case they should have any ill day, or unlucky chance 
 in the field. Wherefore they took heart to them, and went. 
 
 15 on, and besieged the city of Exeter, the principal town for 
 strength and wealth in those parts. 
 
 When they were come before Exeter, they forbare to use 
 any force at the first, but made continual shouts and outcries 
 to terrify the inhabitants. They did likewise in divers places 
 
 20 call and talk to them from under the walls, to join with 
 them, and be of their i)arty ; telling them, that the King 
 would make them another London, if they would be the 
 first town that should acknowledge him. But they had not 
 the wit to send to them, in any orderly fashion, agents or 
 
 ?5 chosen men, to tempt them and to treat with them. The 
 citizens on their part shewed themselves stout and loyal 
 subjects : neither was there so mucii as any tumult or di- 
 vision amongst them, but all i)repared themselves for a 
 valiant defence, and making good the town. For well they 
 
 30 saw, that the rebels were of no such number or power, that 
 they needed to fear them as yet ; and well they hoped, that 
 before their numbers increased, the King's succours would 
 come in. And, howsoever, they thought it the extremest of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 165 
 
 evils, to put themselves at the mercy of those hungry and 
 disorderly people. Wherefore setting all things in good 
 order within the town, they nevertheless let down with 
 cords, from several parts of the walls privily, several mes- 
 sengers, that if one came to mischance, another might pasr. 5 
 on, which should advertise the King of the state of the 
 town, and implore his aid. Perkin also doubted, that suc- 
 cours would come ere long ; and therefore resolved to use 
 his utmost -force to assault the town. And for that purpose 
 having -mounted scaling-ladders in divers places upon the 10 
 w^alls, made at the same instant an attempt to force one of 
 the gates. But having no artillery nor engines, and finding 
 that he could do no good by ramming with logs of timber, 
 nor by the use of iron bars, and iron crows, and such other 
 means at hand, he had no way left him but to set one of 15 
 •the gates on fire, which he did. But the citizens well per- 
 ceiving the danger, before the gate could be fully consumed, 
 blocked up the gate, and some space about it on the inside, 
 with faggots and other fuel, which they likewise set on fire, 
 and so repulsed fire with fire ; and in the meantime raised 20 
 up rampiers of earth, and cast up deep trenches, to serve 
 instead of wall and gate. And for the scaladoes, they had 
 so. bad success, as the rebels were driven from the walls 
 with the loss of two hundred men. 
 
 The King when he heard of Perkin's siege of Exeter, 25 
 made sport with it, and said to them that were about him, 
 that the King of rake-hells was landed in the west, and that 
 he hoped now to have the honour to see him, which he 
 could never yet do. And it appeared plainly to those that 
 were about the King, that he was indeed much joyed with 2,'^ 
 the news of Perkin's being in English ground, where he 
 could have no retreat by land; thinking now, that he should 
 be cured of those privy stitches, which he liad long had
 
 i66 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 about his heart, and at some times broken liis sleeps, in the 
 midst of all his felicity. And to set all men's hearts on fire, 
 he did by all possible means let it appear, tliat those that 
 should now do him service to make an end of these troubles, 
 5 should be no less accepted of him, than he that came upon 
 the eleventh hour, and had the whole wages of the day. 
 Therefore now, like the end of a play, a great number came 
 upon the stage at once. He sent the lord chamberlain, and 
 the lord Brook, and Sir Rice ap Thomas, with expedite 
 
 lo forces to speed to Exeter, to the rescue of the town, and to 
 spread the fame of his own following in person with a royal 
 army. The earl of Devonshire, and his son, with the 
 Carews, and the Fulfords, and other principal persons of 
 Devonshire, uncalled from the court, but hearing that the 
 
 i5 King's heart was so much bent upon this service, made 
 haste with troops that they had raised, to be the first that 
 should succour the city of Exeter, and prevent the King's 
 succours. The duke of Buckingham likewise, with many 
 brave gentlemen, put themselves in arms, not staying either 
 
 20 the King's ov the lord chamberlain's coming on, but making 
 a body of forces of themselves, the more to endear their 
 merit ; signifying to the King their readiness, and desiring 
 to know his pleasure. So that according to the proverb, in 
 the coming down, every saint did help. 
 
 2-t Perkin, hearing this thunder of arms, a)id preparations 
 against him from so many parts, raised his siege, and 
 marched to Taunton ; beginning already to squint one eye 
 upon the crown, and another upon the sanctuary : though 
 the Cornish men were become like metal often fired and 
 
 30 quenched, churlish, and that would sooner break than bow; 
 swearing and vowing not to leave him, till the uttermost 
 drop of their blood were spilt. He was at his rising from 
 Exeter between six and seven thousand strong, many haying
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 167 
 
 come unto him after he was set before Exeter, upon' fame of 
 so great an enterprise, and to partake of the spoil ; though 
 upon the raising of the siege some did sHp away. "When he 
 was come near Taunton, he dissembled all fear, and seemed 
 all the day to use diligence in preparing all things ready to 5 
 fight But about midnight, he fled with threescore horse to 
 Bewdly in the New Forest, where he and divers of his 
 company registered themselves sanctuary men, leaving his 
 Cornish men to the four winds; but yet thereby easing them 
 of their vow, and using his wonted compassion, not to be 10 
 by when his subjects' blood should be spilt. The King as 
 soon as he heard of Perkin's flight, sent presently five hun- 
 dred horse to pursue and apprehend him, before he should 
 get either to the sea, or to that same little island, called a 
 sanctuary. But they came too late for the latter of these. 15 
 Therefore all they could do, was to beset the sanctuary, and 
 to maintain a strong watch about it, till the King's pleasure 
 were farther known. As for the rest of the rebels, they, 
 being destitute of their head, without stroke stricken, sub- 
 mitted themselves unto the King's mercy. And the King, 20 
 who commonly drew blood, as physicians do, rather to save 
 life than to spill it, and was never cruel when he was secure j 
 now he saw the danger was past, pardoned them all in the 
 end, except some Itw desperate persons, which he reserved 
 to be executed, the better to set off his mercy towards the 25 
 rest. There were also sent with all speed some horse to 
 Saint Michael's mount in Cornwall, where the lady Catharine 
 Gordon was left by her husband, whom in all fortunes she 
 entirely loved ; adding the virtues of a wife to the virtues of 
 her sex. The King sent in the greater diligence, not know- 30 
 ing whether she might be with child, whereby the business 
 would not have ended in Perkin's person. \\'hen she was 
 brought to the King, it was commonly said, that the King
 
 1 68 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VJT. 
 
 received her not only with compassion, but with affection; 
 pity giving more impression to her excellent beauty. Where- 
 fore comforting her, to serve as well his eye as his fame, he 
 sent her to his Queen, to remain with her ; giving her very 
 5 honourable allowance for the support of her estate, which 
 she enjoyed both during the King's life, and many years 
 after. The name of the White Rose, which had been given 
 to her husband's false title, was continued in common speech 
 to her true beauty. 
 
 ID The King went forwards on his journey, and made a 
 joyful entrance into Exeter, where he gave the citizens great 
 commendations and thanks ; and taking the sword he wore 
 from his side, he gave it to the mayor, and commanded it 
 should be ever after carried before him. There also he 
 
 15 caused to be executed some of the ringleaders of the Cor- 
 nish men, in sacrifice to the citizens whom they had put in 
 fear and trouble. At Exeter the King consulted with his 
 council, whether he should offer life to Perkin if he would 
 quit the sanctuary, and voluntarily submit himself The 
 
 '20 council were divided in opinion : some advised the King to 
 take him out of sanctuan' perforce, and to put him to death, 
 as in a case of necessity, which in itself dispenseth with con- 
 secrated places and things : wherein they doubted not also 
 but the King should find the Pope tractable, to ratify his 
 
 25 deed, either by declaration, or, at least, by indulgence. 
 Others were of opinion, since all was now safe, and no far- 
 ther hurt could be done, that it was not worth the exposing 
 of the King to new scandal and envy. A third sort fell 
 upon the opinion, that it was not possible for the King ever, 
 
 20 either to satisfy the world well touching the imposture, or to 
 learn out the bottom of the conspiracy, except by promise 
 of life and pardon, and other fair means, he should get 
 Perkin into his hands. But they did all in their preambles
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 169 
 
 much bemoan the King's case, with a kind of indignation at 
 his fortune ; that a Prince of his high wisdom and virtue, 
 should have been so long and so oft exercised and vexed 
 with idols. But the King said, that it Avas the vexation of 
 God Almighty himself to be vexed with idols, and therefore 5 
 ■ that that was not to trouble any of his friends: and that for 
 himself, he always despised them; but was grieved that they 
 had put his people to such trouble and misery. But in con- 
 clusion, he leaned to the third opinion, and so sent some to 
 deal with Perkin : who seeing himself prisoner, and destitute 10 
 of all hopes, having tried princes and people, great and 
 small, and found all either false, faint, or unfortunate, did 
 gladly accept of the condition. The King did also, while 
 he was at Exeter, appoint the lord Darcy, and others com- 
 missioners, for the fining of all such as were of any value, 15 
 and had any hand or partaking in the aid or comfort of 
 Perkin, or the Cornish men, either in the field or in the 
 flight. 
 
 These commissioners proceeded with - such strictness 
 and severity, as did much obscure the King's mercy in 20 
 sparing of blood, with the bleeding of so much treasure. 
 Perkin was brought into the King's court, but not to the 
 King's presence; though the King, to satisfy his curiosity, 
 saw him sometimes out of a window, or in passage. He 
 was in shew at liberty, but guarded with all care and watch 25 
 ■that was possible, and willed to follow the King to London. 
 But from his first appearance upon the stage, in his new 
 person of a sycophant, or juggler, instead of his former per'- 
 son of a prince, all men may think how he was exposed to 
 the derision, not only of the courtiers, but also of the com- 30 
 mon people, who flocked about him as he went along; that 
 one might know afar off where the owl was, by the flight of 
 birds : some mocking, some wondering, some cursing, some
 
 I70 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 prying and picking matter out of his countenance and ges- 
 ture to talk of: so that the false honour and respects which 
 he had so long enjo3'ed, was plentifully repaid in scorn and 
 contempt. As soon as he was come to London, the King 
 5 gave also the city the solace of this may-game : for he was 
 conveyed leisurely on horseback, but not in any ignominious 
 fashion, through Cheapside and Cornhill, to the Tower ; 
 and from thence back again to Westminster with the churm' 
 of a thousand taunts and reproaches. But to amend the 
 
 lo show, there followed a little distance off Perkin, an inward 
 counsellor of his, one that had been serjeant-farrier to the 
 King. This fellow, when Perkin took sanctuary, chose 
 rather to take an holy habit than an holy place, and clad 
 himself like an hermit, and in that weed wandered about 
 
 15 the country, till he was di.scovered and taken. But this 
 man was bound hand and foot upon the horse, and came 
 not back with Perkin, but was left at the Tower, and within 
 few days after executed. Soon after, now that Perkin could 
 tell better wlaat himself was, he was diligently examined; 
 
 20 and after his confession taken, an extract was made of such 
 parts of them, as were thought fit to be divulged, which was 
 printed and dispersed abroad: wherein the King did himself 
 no right : for as there was a laboured tale of particulars, of 
 Perkin's fiither and mother, and grandsire and grandmother, 
 
 25 and uncles and cousins, by names and surnames, and from 
 what places he travelled up and down ; so there was little 
 or nothing to purpose of anything concerning his designs, 
 or any practices that had been held with him ; nor the 
 duchess of Burgundy herself, that all the world did take 
 
 30 knowledge of, as the person that had put life and being into 
 the whole business, so much as named or pointed at. So 
 that men missing of that they looked for, looked about for 
 
 ^ Cum choro.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 171 
 
 they knew not what, and were in more doubt than before : 
 but the King chose rather not to satisfy, than to kindle 
 coals. At that time also it did not appear by any new 
 examinadons or conmiitmcnts, that any other person of 
 quality was discovered or appeached, though the King's 5 
 closeness made that a doubt dormant. 
 
 About this time a great fire in the night-time suddenly 
 began at the King's palace at Shene, near unto the King's 
 own lodgings, whereby a great part of the building was con- 
 sumed, with much costly household stuff; which gave the 10 
 King occasion of building from the ground that fine pile of 
 Richmond, which is now standing. 
 
 Somewhat before this time also, there fell out a me- 
 morable accident : There was one Sebastian Gabato, a 
 Venetian, dwelling in Bristol, a man seen and expert in jr 
 cosmography and navigation. This man seeing the success, 
 and emulating perhaps the enterprise of Christophorus Co- 
 lumbus in that fortunate discovery towards the south-west, 
 which had been by him made some six years before, con- 
 ceited with himself, that lands might likewise be discovered 20 
 towards the north-west. And surely it may be he had more 
 firm and pregnant conjectures of it, than Columbus had of 
 this at the first. For the two great islands of the old and 
 new world, being, in the shape and making of them, broad 
 towards the north, and pointed towards the south; it is 2c 
 likely, that the discovery first began where the lands did 
 nearest meet. And there had been before that time a dis- 
 covery of some lands, which they took to be islands, and 
 ■were indeed the continent of America, towards the north- 
 west. And it may be, that some relation of this nature -.q 
 coming afterwards to the knowledge of Columbus, and by 
 him suppressed (desirous rather to make his enterprise the 
 child of his science and fortune, than the follower of a
 
 172 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 former discovery), did give him better assurance, that all waS 
 not sea, from the west of Europe and Africa unto Asia, than 
 either Seneca's prophecy or Plato's antiquities, or the nature 
 of the tides and landwinds, and the like, which were the 
 5 conjectures that were given out, whereupon he should have 
 relied : though I am not ignorant, that it was likewise laid 
 tinto the casual and wind-beaten discovery, a little before, of 
 a Spanish pilot, who died in the house of Columbus. But 
 this Gabato bearing the King in hand, that he would find 
 
 lo out an island endued with rich commodities, procured him 
 to man and victual a ship at Bristol, for the discovery of 
 that island ; with whom ventured also three small ships of 
 London merchants, fraught with some gross and slight 
 wares, fit for commerce with barbarous people. He sailed, 
 
 15 as he affirmed at his return, and made a chart thereof, very 
 far westwards, with a quarter of the north, on the north side 
 of Tierra de Labrador, until he came to the latitude of sixty 
 seven degrees and a half, finding the seas still open. It is 
 certain also, that the King's fortune had a tender of that 
 
 20 great empire of the West Indies. Neither was it a refusal 
 on the King's part, but a delay by accident, that put by so 
 gi-eat an acquest : for Christophorus Columbus, refused by 
 the King of Portugal, who would not embrace at once both 
 east and west, employed his brother Bartholomosus Colum- 
 
 25 bus unto King Henry, to negotiate for his discovery: and it 
 so fortuned, that he Avas taken by pirates at sea, by which 
 accidental impediment he was long ere he came to the 
 King : so long, that before he had obtained a capitulation 
 with the King for his brother, the enterprise by him was 
 
 3c achieved, and so the West Indies by providence were then 
 reserved for the crown of Castile. Yet this sharpened the 
 King so, that not only in this voyage, but again in the six- 
 teentli year of his reign, and likewise in the eighteenth
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 173 
 
 thereof, he granted forth new commissions for the discovery 
 and investing of unknown lands. 
 
 In this fourteenth year also, by God's wonderful provi- 
 dence, that bowetli things unto his will, and hangeth great 
 weights upon small wires, there fell out a trifling and unto- r 
 ward accident, that drew on great and happy effects. During 
 the truce with Scotland, there were certain Scottish young 
 gentlemen that came into Norham town, and there made 
 merry with some of the Englisli of the town : and having 
 little to do, went sometimes forth, and would stand looking 10 
 upon the castle. Some of the garrison of the castle, ob- 
 serving this their doing twice or thrice, and having not their 
 minds purged of the late ill blood of hostility, either sus- 
 pected them, or quarrelled them for spies : whereupon they 
 fell at ill words, and from words to blows; so that many iq 
 were wounded of either side, and the Scottish men, being 
 strangers in the town, had the worst ; insomuch that some 
 of them were slain, and the rest made haste home. The 
 matter being complained on, and often debated before the 
 wardens of the marches of both sides, and no good order 20 
 taken ; the King of Scotland took it to himself, and being 
 much kindled, sent a herald to the King to make protesta- 
 tion, that if reparation were not done, according to the 
 conditions of the truce, his King did denounce war. The 
 King, who had often tried fortune, and was inclined to jr 
 peace, made answer, that what had been done, was utterly 
 against his will, and without his privity ; but if the garrison 
 soldiers had been in fault, he would see them punished, and, 
 the truce in all points to be preserved. But this answer 
 seemed to the Scottish King but a delay, to make the com- ^g 
 plaint breathe out with time ; and therefore it did rather 
 exasperate him than satisfy him. Bishop Fox, understand- 
 ing from the King that the Scottish King was still discontent
 
 174 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 and impatient, being troubled that the occasion of breaking 
 of the truce should grow from his men, sent many humble 
 and deprecatory letters to the Scottish King to appease him. 
 Whereupon King James, mollified by the bishop's submis- 
 5 sive and eloquent letters, wrote back unto him, that he was 
 in part moved by his letters, yet he should not be fully 
 satisfied, except he spake with him, as well about the com- 
 pounding of the present diff'erences, as about other matters 
 that might concern the good of both kingdoms. The 
 
 lo bishop, advising first with the King, took his journey for 
 ScotLind. The meeting was at Melross, an abbey of the 
 Cistercians, where the King then abode. The King first 
 roundly uttered unto the bishop his offence conceived for 
 the insolent breach of truce, by his men of Norham castle : 
 
 15 whereunto bishop Fox made such humble and smooth an- 
 swer, as it was like oil into the wound, whereby it began to 
 heal : and this was done in the presence of the King and 
 his council. After, the King spake with the bishop apart, 
 and opened himself unto him, saying, that thes*^ temporary 
 
 20 truces and peaces were soon made, and soon broken, but 
 that he desired a straiter amity with the King of England ; 
 discovering his mind, that if the King would give him in 
 
 ■ marriage the lady Margaret, his eldest daughter, that indeed 
 might be a knot indissoluble. That he knew well what 
 
 25 place and authority the bishop deservedly had with his mas- 
 ter : therefore, if he would take the business to heart, and 
 deal in it eft'ectually, he doubted not but it would succeed 
 well. The bishop answered soberly, that he thought himself 
 rather happy than worthy to be an instrument in such a 
 
 30 matter, but would do his best endeavour. Wherefore the 
 bishop returning to the King, and giving account what had 
 passed, and finding the King more than well disposed in it, 
 gave the King advice; first to proceed to a conclusion of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 175 
 
 peace, and then to go on with the treaty of marriage by 
 degrees. Hereupon a peace was concluded, which was 
 pubHshed a Httle before Christmas, in the fourteenth year 
 of the King's reign, to continue for both the Kings' lives, 
 and the over-liver of them, and a year after. In this peace 5 
 there was an article contained, that no Englishman should 
 enter into Scotland, and no Scottishman into England, 
 without letters commendatory from the Kings of either 
 nation. This at the first sight might seem a means to con- 
 tinue a strangeness between the nations; but it was done to lo 
 lock in the borderers. 
 
 This year there was also born to the King a third son, 
 who was christened by the name of Edmund, and shortly 
 after died. And much about the same time came news of 
 the death of Charles the French King, for whom there were 15 
 celebrated solemn and princely obsequies. 
 
 It was not long but Perkin, who was made of quicksilver, 
 which is hard to hold or imprison, began to stir. For de- 
 ceiving his keepers, he took him to his heels, and made 
 speed to the sea-coasts. But presendy all corners were laid 20 
 for him, and such diligent pursuit and search made, as he 
 was fain to turn back, and get him to the house of Bethle- 
 hem, called the priory of Shene (which had the privilege of 
 sanctuary), and put himself into the hands of the prior of 
 that monastery. The prior was thought an holy man, and 25 
 much reverenced in those days. He came to the King, and 
 besought the King for Perkin's life only, leaving him other- 
 wise to the King's discretion. Many about the King were 
 again more hot than ever, to have the King to take him 
 forth and hang him. But the King, that had a high stomach 30 
 and could not hate any that he despised, bid, " Take him 
 "forth, and set the knave in the stocks;" and so promising 
 the prior his life, he caused him to be brought forth. And
 
 176 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 within two or three days after, upon a scaffold set up in the 
 palace-court at Westminster, he was fettered and set in the 
 stocks for the whole day. And the next day after, the like 
 was done by him at the cross in Cheapside, and in both 
 5 places he read his confession, of which we made mention 
 before ; and was from Cheapside conveyed and laid up in 
 the Tower. Notwithstanding all this, the King was, as was 
 partly touched before, grown to be such a partner with for- 
 tune as nobody could tell what actions the one, and 
 
 lo what the other owned. For it was believed generally, that 
 Perkin was betrayed, and that this escape was not without 
 the King's privity, who had him all the time of his flight in 
 a line ; and that the King did this, to pick a quarrel to him. 
 to put him to death, and to be rid of him at once : but this 
 
 15 is not probable. For that the same instruments who ob- 
 served him in his flight, might have kept him from getting, 
 into sanctuary. 
 
 But it was ordained, that this winding-ivy of a Plantagenet 
 should kill the true tree itself For Perkin, after he had 
 
 20 been a while in the Tower, began to insinuate himself into 
 the favour and kindness of his keepers, servants to the 
 lieutenant of the Tower Sir John Digby, being four in 
 number ; Strangeways, Blewet, Astwood, and Long Roger. 
 These varlets, with mountains of promises, he sought to 
 
 25 corrupt, to obtain his escape; but knowing well, that his 
 Own fortunes were made so contemptible, as he could feed 
 no man's hopes, and by hopes he must work, for rewards he 
 had none, he had contrived with himself a vast and tragical, 
 plot ; which was, to draw into his company Edward Plan- 
 
 30 tagenet earl of Wanvickj then prisoner in the Tower; whom 
 the weary life of a long imprisonment, and the often and 
 renewing fears of being put to death, had softened to take 
 any impression of counsel for his liberty. This young Prince.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 177 
 
 he thought these servants would look upon, though not upon 
 himself: and therefore, after that by some message by one 
 or two of them, he had tasted of the earl's consent ; it was 
 agreed that these four should murder their master the lieu- 
 tenant secretly in the night, and make their best of such 5 
 money and portable goods of his, as they should find ready 
 at hand, and get the keys of the Tower, and presently let 
 forth Perkin and the earl. But this conspiracy was revealed 
 in time, before it could be executed. And in this again the 
 opinion of the King's great wisdom did surcharge him with 10 
 a sinister fame, that Perkin was but his bait, to entrap the 
 earl of Warwick. And in the very instant while this con- 
 spiracy was in working, as if that also had been the King's 
 industry, it was fatal, that there should break forth a coun- 
 terfeit earl of Warwick, a cordwainer's son, whose name was 15 
 Ralph Wilford ; a young man taught and set on by an 
 Augustin friar, called Patrick. They both from the parts of 
 Suftblk came forwards into Kent, where they did not only 
 privily and underhand give out, that this Wilford was the 
 true earl of Warwick, but also the friar, finding some light 20 
 credence in the people, took the boldness in the pulpit to 
 declare as much, and to incite the people to come in to his 
 aid. Whereupon they were both presently apprehended, 
 and the young fellow executed, and the friar condemned to 
 perpetual imprisonment. This also happening so oppor- 25 
 tunely, to represent the danger to the King's estate from the 
 earl of Warwick, and thereby to cover the King's severity 
 that followed ; together with the madness of the friar so 
 vainly and desperately to divulge a treason, before it had 
 gotten any manner of strength ; and the saving of the friar's 30 
 life, which nevertheless was, indeed, but the privilege of his 
 order ; and the pity in the common people, which if it run 
 in a strong .stream, doth ever cast up scandal and envy, 
 
 B. H. 12
 
 rjS HISTORY OF KIXG HENRY VII. 
 
 made it generally rather talked than believed, that all was' 
 but the King's device. But howsoever it were, hereupon 
 Perkin, that had offended against grace now the third time, 
 was at the last proceeded with, and by commissioners of 
 5 oyer and ddermuicr arraigned at Westminster, upon divers 
 treasons committed and perpetrated after his coming on 
 land within this kingdom, for so the judges advised, for that 
 he was" a foreigner, and condemned, and a few days after 
 executed at Tyburn ; where he did again openly read his 
 
 lo confession, and take it upon his death to be true. This was 
 the end of this little cockatrice of a King, that was able to 
 destroy those that did not espy him first. It was one of the 
 longest plays of that kind that hath been in memory, and 
 might perhaps have had another end, if he had not met with 
 
 15 a King both wise, stout, and fortunate. 
 
 As for Perkin's three counsellors, they had registered 
 themselves sanctuary men when their master did ; and 
 whether upon pardon obtained, or continuance witliin the 
 privilege, they came not to be proceeded with. 
 
 20 There were executed with Perkin, the mayor of Cork 
 and his son, who had been principal abettors of his treason.s. 
 And soon after were likewise condemned eight other per- 
 sons about the Tower conspiracy, whereof four were the 
 lieutenant's men : but of those eight but two were executed. 
 
 25 And immediately after was arraigned before the Earl of Ox- 
 ford, then for the time high steward of England, the poor 
 Prince, the Earl of Warwick ; not for the attempt to escape 
 simply, for that was not acted ; and besides, the imprison- 
 ment not being for treason, the escape by law could not be 
 
 30 treason, but for conspiring with Perkin to raise sedition, and 
 to destroy the King : and the earl confessing the indict- 
 ment, had judgment, and was shortly after beheaded on 
 Tower-hill.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 179 
 
 This was also the end, not only of this noble and com- 
 miserable person Edward the earl of Warwick, eldest son to 
 the duke of Clarence : but likewise of the line male of the 
 Plantagenets, which had flourished in great royalty and re- 
 nown, from the time of the famous King of England, King 5 
 Henry the second. Howbeit it was a race often dipped in 
 their own blood. It hath remained since only transplanted 
 into other names, as well of the imperial line, as of other 
 noble houses. But it was neither guilt of crime, nor treason 
 of state, that could quench the envy that was upon the King 10 
 for this execution : so that he thought good to export it out 
 of the land, and to lay it upon his new ally, Ferdinando 
 King of Spain. For these two Kings understanding one 
 another at half a word, so it Avas that there were letters 
 shewed out of Spain, whereby in the passages concerning 15 
 the treaty of marriage, Ferdinando had written to the King 
 in plain terms, that he saw no assurance of his suc- 
 cession, as long as the earl of Warwick lived ; and that 
 he was loth to send his daughter to troubles and dangers. 
 But hereby, as the King did in some part remove the envy 20 
 from himself; so he did not observe, that he did withal 
 bring a kind of malediction and infausting upon the 
 marriage, as an ill prognostic : which in event so far ' 
 proved true, as both Prince Arthur enjoyed a very small 
 time after the marriage, and the lady Catharine herself, 25 
 a sad and a religious woman, long after, when King Henry 
 the eighth his resolution of a divorce from her Avas first 
 made known to her, used some words, that she had not 
 offended, but it was a judgment of God, for that her former 
 marriage was made in blood; meaning that of the earl of 3° 
 Warwick. 
 
 This fifteenth year of the King, there was a great 
 plague both in London and in divers parts of the kingdom. 
 
 1 2 — 2
 
 I So HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 Wherefore the King, after often change of places, whether 
 to avoid the danger of the sickness, or to give occasion 
 of an interview with the archduke, or both, sailed over with 
 his Queen to Calais. Upon his coming thither, the arch- 
 5 duke sent an honourable embassage unto him as well to 
 welcome him into those parts, as to let him know, that, if 
 it pleased him, he would come and do him reverence. 
 But it was said withal, that the King might be pleased to 
 appoint some place, that were out of any walled town oi 
 
 lo fortress, for that he had denied the same upon like occasion 
 to the French King : and though, he said, he made a great 
 difference between the two Kings, yet he would be loth 
 to give a precedent, that might make it after to be expected 
 at his hands, by another whom he trusted less. The King 
 
 15 accepted of the courtesy, and admitted of his excuse, and 
 appointed the place to be at Saint Peter's church without 
 Calais. But withal he did visit the archduke with am- 
 bassadors sent from himself, which were the lord Saint 
 John, and the secretary ; unto whom the archduke did the 
 
 20 honour, as going to mass at Saint Omer's, to set the lord 
 Saint John on his right hand, and the secretary on his 
 left, and so to ride between them to church. The day 
 
 • appointed for the interview the King went on horseback 
 some distance from Saint Peter's church, to receive the 
 
 2- archduke : and upon their approaching, the archduke 
 made haste to light, and offered to hold the King's stirrup 
 at his alighting; which the King would not permit, but 
 descending from horseback, they embraced with great af- 
 fection ; and withdrawing into the church to a place pre- 
 
 20 pared, they had long conference, not only upon the 
 confirmation of former treaties, and the freeing of com- 
 merce, but upon cross marriages, to be had between the 
 duke of York the King's seconJ son, and the archduke's
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. iSi 
 
 daughter; and again between Charles the archduke's son 
 and heir, and Mary the King's second daughter. But these 
 blossoms of unripe marriages were but friendly wishes, and 
 the airs of loving entertainment ; though one of them came 
 afterwards to conclusion in treaty, though not in effect. 5 
 But during the time that the two Princes conversed and 
 communed together in the suburbs of Calais, the demon- 
 strations on both sides were passing hearty and affectionate, 
 especially on the part of the archduke : who, besides that 
 he was a Prince of an excellent good nature, being con- lo 
 scious to himself how drily the King had been used by 
 his council in the matter of Perkin, did strive by all means 
 to recover it in the King's affection. And having also his 
 ears continually beaten with the counsels of his father and 
 father-in-law, who, in respect of their jealous hatred against 15 
 the French King, did always advise the archduke to anchor 
 himself upon the amity of King Henry of England ; was 
 glad upon this occasion to put in ure and practice their 
 precepts, calling the King patron, and father, and protector, 
 these very words the King repeats, when he certified of 20 
 the loving behaviour of the archduke to the city, and what 
 else he could devise, to express his love and observance to 
 the King. There came also to the King, the governor of 
 Picardy, and the bailiff of Amiens, sent from Lewis the 
 French King to do him honour, and to give him knowledge 25 
 of his victory, and winning of the duchy of Milan. It 
 seemeth the King was well pleased with the honours he 
 received from those parts, while he was at Calais ; for he 
 did himself certify all the news and occurrents of them in 
 every particular, from Calais, to the mayor and aldermen 30 
 of London, which, no doubt, made no small talk in the 
 city. For the King, though he could not entertain the 
 good-will of the citizens, as Edward the fourth did ; yet by
 
 1 82 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 affability and other princely graces did ever make very 
 much of them, and ai)ply himself to them. 
 
 This year also died John Morton, archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, chancellor of England, and cardinal. He was a 
 5 wise man, and an eloquent, but in his nature harsh and 
 haughty ; much accepted by the King, but envied by the 
 nobility, and hated of the people. Neither was his name 
 left out of Perkin's proclamation for any good will, but 
 they would not bring him in amongst the King's casting 
 
 lo counters, because he had the image and superscription 
 upon him of the Pope, in his honour of cardinal. He won 
 the King with secrecy and diligence, but chiefly because 
 he was his old servant in his less fortunes : and also for 
 that, in his affections, he was not without an inveterate 
 
 15 malice against the house of York, under whom he had 
 been in trouble. He was willing also to take envy from 
 the King, more than the King was willing to put upon 
 him : for the King cared not for subterfuges, but would 
 stand envy, and api)ear in any thing that was to his mind ; 
 
 20 which made envy still grow upon him more universal, but 
 less daring. But in the matter of exactions, time did after 
 shew, that the bishop in feeding the King's humour did 
 rather temper it. He had been by Richard the third 
 committed, as in custody, to the duke of Buckingham, 
 
 25 whom he did secretly incite to revolt from King Richard. 
 But after tlie duke was engaged, and thought the bishop 
 should have been his chief pilot in the tempest, the bishop 
 was gotten into the cock-boat, and fled over beyond seas. 
 But whatsoever else was in the man, he deserveth a most 
 
 30 happy memory, in that he was the principal mean of join- 
 ing the two Roses. He died of great years, but of strong 
 health and powers. 
 
 Th"^ next year, which was the sixteenth year of the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 1S3 
 
 King, and the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred, 
 was the year of jubile at Rome. But Pope Alexander, 
 to save the hazard and charges of men's journeys to Rome, 
 thought good to make over those graces by exchange, 
 to such as would pay a convenient rate, seeing they e 
 could not come to fetch them. For which purpose was 
 sent into England, Jasper Pons, a Spaniard, the Pope's 
 commissioner, better chosen than were the commis- 
 sioners of Pope Leo afterwards employed for Germany : 
 for he carried the business with great wisdom, and sem- 10 
 blance of holiness : insomuch as he levied great sums 
 of money within this land to the Pope's use, with 
 little or no scandal. It was thought the King shared in 
 the money. But it appeareth by a letter which cardinal 
 Adrian, the King's pensioner, wrote to the King from 15 
 Rome some few years after, that this was not so. For 
 this cardinal, being to persuade Pope Julius, on the King's 
 behalf, to expedite the bull of dispensation for the mar- 
 riage between Prince Henry and the lady Catharine, finding 
 the Pope difficile in granting thereof, doth use it as a 20 
 principal argument concerning the King's merit towards 
 that see, that he had touched none of those deniers which 
 had been levied by Pons in England. But that it might 
 the better appear, for the satisfaction of the common 
 people, that this was consecrated money, the same nuncio 25 
 brought unto the King a brief from the Pope, wherein the 
 King was exhorted and summoned to come in person 
 against the Turk : for that the Pope, out of the care of an 
 universal father, seeing almost under his eyes the successes 
 and progresses of that great enemy of the faith, had had 30 
 in the conclave, and with the assistance of the ambassador, 
 of foreign Princes, divers consultations about an holy war 
 and a general expedition of Christian Princes against thd
 
 J 84 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIT. 
 
 Turk : wherein it was agreed and thought fit, that the 
 Hungarians, Polonians, and Bohemians, should make a 
 war upon Thracia; the French and Spaniards upon Graecia; 
 and that the Pope, wiHing to sacrifice himself in so good a 
 5 cause, in person and in company of the King of England, 
 the Venetians, and such other states as were great in mari- 
 time power, would sail with a puissant navy through the 
 Mediterranean unto Constantinople. And that to this end, 
 his Holiness had sent nuncios to all Christian Princes ; as 
 10 well for a cessation of all quarrels and differences amongst 
 themselves, as for speedy preparations and contributions 
 of forces and treasure for this sacred enterprise. 
 
 To this the King, who understood well the court of 
 Rome, made an answer rather solemn than serious : sig- 
 
 7 5 nifyiiig, 
 
 •' That no Prince on earth should be more forward and 
 "obedient, both by his person, and by all his possible forces 
 " and fortunes, to enter into this sacred war, than himself. 
 " But that the distance of place was such, as no forces that 
 
 2o " he should raise for the seas, could be levied or prepared 
 " but with double the charge, and double the time at the 
 " least, that they might be from the other Princes, that had 
 " their territories nearer adjoining. Besides, that neither the 
 " manner of his ships, having no galleys, nor the experience 
 
 25 "of his i)ilots and mariners, could be so apt for those seas 
 " as theirs. And therefore that his Holiness might do well 
 " to move one of those other Kings, who lay fitter for the 
 " purpose, to accompany him by sea. Whereby both all 
 "things would be sooner put in readiness, and with less 
 
 30 " charge, and the emulation and division of command, 
 " which might grow between those Kings of France and 
 "Spain, if they should both join in the war by land upon 
 "Gisecia, might be wisely avoided : and that for his part he
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 1S5 
 
 "would not be wanting in aids and contribution. Yet not- 
 " withstanding, if both these Kings should refuse, rather 
 " than his Holiness should go alone, he would wait upon him 
 " as soon as he could be ready : always provided, that he 
 "might first see all differences of the Christian Princes 5 
 "amongst themselves fully laid down and appeased, as for 
 " his own part he was in none, and that he might have some 
 "good towns upon the coast in Italy put into his hands, for 
 " the retreat and safeguard of his men." 
 
 With this answer Jasper Pons returned, nothing at all 10 
 discontented: and yet this declaration of the King, as super- 
 ficial as it was, gave him that reputation abroad, as he was 
 not long after elected by the knights of Rhodes protector of 
 their order; all things multiplying to honour in a prince, 
 that had gotten such high estimation for his wisdom and 15 
 sufiiciency. 
 
 There were these two last years some proceedings against 
 heretics, which was rare in this King's reign, and rather by 
 penances, than by fire. The King had, though he were no 
 good schoolman, the honour to convert one of them by 20 
 dispute at Canterbury. 
 
 This year also, though the King were no more haunted 
 with sprites, for that by the sprinkling, partly of blood, and 
 partly of water, he had chased them away; yet nevertheless 
 he had certain apparitions that troubled him, still shewing 25 
 themselves from one region, which was the house of York. 
 It came so to pass, that the earl of Suffolk, son to Elizabeth 
 eldest sister to King Edward the fourth, by John duke of 
 Suffolk, her second husband, and brother to John earl of 
 Lincoln, that was slain at Stoke-field, being of an hasty and 30 
 choleric disposition, had killed a man in his fury; whereupon 
 the King gave him his pardon. Butj either willing to leave 
 a cloud upon him, or the better to make him feel his grace,
 
 1 86 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 produced him openly to plead his pardon. This wrought 
 in the earl, as in a haughty stomach it useth to do ; for the 
 ignominy printed deeper than the grace. Wherefore he 
 being discontent, fled secretly into Flanders unto his aunt 
 5 the duchess of Burgundy. The King startled at it ; but, 
 being taught by troubles to use fair and timely remedies, 
 wrought so with him by messages, the lady Margaret also 
 growing, by often failing in her alchemy, weary of her ex- 
 periments ; and partly being a little sweetened, for that the 
 
 lo King had not touched her name in the confession of Perkin, 
 that he came over again upon good terms, and was recon- 
 ciled to the King. 
 
 In the beginning of the next year, being the seventeenth 
 of the King, the lady Catharine, fourth daughter of Fer- 
 
 15 dinando and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain, arrived in 
 England at Plymouth the second of October, and was 
 married to Prince Arthur in Paul's the fourteenth of Novem- 
 ber following : the Prince being then about fifteen years of 
 age, and the lady about eighteen. The manner of her 
 
 20 receiving, the manner of her entry into London, and the 
 celebrity of the marriage, were performed with great and 
 true magnificence in regard of cost, shew, and order. The 
 chief man that took the care was bishop Fox, who was not 
 only a grave counsellor for war or peace, but also a good 
 
 25 surveyor of works, and a good master of ceremonies, and 
 any thing else that was fit for the active part, belonging to 
 the service of the court or state of a great King. This 
 marriage was almost seven years in treaty, which was in 
 part caused by the tender years of the marriage-couple, 
 
 30 especially of the Prince; but the true reason was, that these 
 
 two Princes, being Princes of great policy and profound 
 
 judgment, stood a great time looking one upon another's 
 
 ■fortunes, how they would go; knowing well, that in the
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 187 
 
 mean time the very treaty itself gave abroad in the world 
 a reputation of a strait conjunction and amity between 
 them, which served on both sides to many purposes, that 
 their several affliirs required, and yet they continued still 
 free. But in the end, when the fortunes of both the Princes 5 
 did grow every day more and more prosperous and assured, 
 and that looking all about them, they saw no better con- 
 ditions, they shut it up. 
 
 The marriage money the Princess brought, which was 
 turned over to the King by act of renunciation, was two 10 
 hundred thousand ducats : whereof one hundred thousand 
 were payable ten days after the solemnization, and the other 
 hundred thousand at two payments annual ; but part of it to 
 be in jewels and plate, and a due course set down to have 
 them justly and indifferently prized. The jointure or advance- 1 5 
 ment of the lady, was the third part of the principality of 
 Wales, and of the dukedom of Cornwall, and of the earldom 
 of Chester, to be after set forth in severalty : and in case 
 she came to be Queen of England, her advancement was left 
 indefinite, but thus; that it should be as great as ever any 20 
 former Queen of England had. 
 
 In all the devices and conceits of the triumphs of this 
 marriage, there was a great deal of astronomy : the lady 
 being resembled to Hesperus, and the Prince to Arcturus, 
 and the old King Alphonsus, that was the greatest astro- 25 
 nomer of Kings, and was ancestor to the lady, was brought 
 in, to be the fortune-teller of the match. And whosoever 
 had those toys in compiling, they were not altogether pe- 
 dantical: but you may be sure, that King Arthur the Britain, 
 and the descent of the lady Catharine from the house of 30 
 Lancaster, was in no wise forgotten. But, as it should 
 seem, it is not good to fetch fortunes from the stars : for 
 this young Prince, that drew upon him at that time, not
 
 1 88 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 only the hopes and affections of his country, but the eyes 
 and expectation of foreigners, after a itw months, in the 
 beginning of April, deceased at Ludlow Castle, where he 
 was sent to keep his resiance and court, as Prince of Wales. 
 5 Of this Prince, in respect he died so young, and by reason 
 of his father's manner of education, that did cast no great 
 lustre upon his children, there is little particular memory : 
 only thus much remaineth, that he was very studious and 
 learned beyond his years, and beyond the custom of great 
 
 lo Princes. 
 
 The February following, Henry duke of York was 
 created Prince of Wales, and earl of Chester and Flint : 
 for the dukedom of Cornwall devolved to him bv statute. 
 The King also being fast-handed, and loth to part with a 
 
 15 second dowry, but chiefly being affectionate both by his 
 nature, and out of politic considerations to continue the 
 alliance with Sj)ain, prevailed with the Prince, though not 
 without some reluctation, such as could be in those years, 
 for he was not twelve years of age, to be contracted with 
 
 20 the Princess Catharine : The secret providence of God or- 
 daining that marriage to be the occasion of great events 
 and changes. 
 
 The same year were the espousals of James King of 
 Scotland with the lady Margaret the King's eldest daughter; 
 
 25 which was done by proxy, and published at Paul's cross 
 the five and twentieth of January, and To Dcum solemnly 
 sung. But certain it is, that the joy of the city thereupon 
 shewed, by ringing of bells and bonfires, and such other 
 incense of the people, was more than could be expected, 
 
 30 in a case of so great and fresh enmity between the nations, 
 especially in London, which was far enough off from feeling 
 any of the former calamities of the war : and therefore 
 might be truly attributed to a secret instinct and inspiring,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 1S9 
 
 which many times runneth not only in the hearts of Princes, 
 but in the pulse and veins of people, touching the happiness 
 thereby to ensue in time to come. This marriage was in 
 August following consummated at Edinburgh : the King 
 bringing his daughter as far as CoUiweston on the way, 5 
 and then consigning her to the attendance of the earl of 
 Northumberland ; who with a great troop of lords and 
 ladies of honour brought her into Scotland, to the King 
 her husband. 
 
 This marriage had been in treaty by the space of almost 10 
 three years, from the time that the King of Scotland did 
 first open his mind to bishop Fox. The sum given in 
 marriage by the King, was ten thousand pounds : and the 
 jointure and advancement assured by the King of Scotland, 
 was two thousand pounds a year, after King James his 15 
 death, and one thousand pounds a year in present, for the 
 lady's allowance or maintenance. This to be set forth in 
 lands, of the best and most certain revenue. During the 
 treaty, it is reported, that the King remitted the matter to 
 his council ; and that some of the table, in the freedom 20 
 of counsellors, the King being present, did put the case ; 
 that if God should take the King's two sons without issue, 
 that then the kingdom of England would fall to the King 
 of Scotland, which might prejudice the monarchy of Eng- 
 land. Whereunto the King himself replied ; that if that 25 
 should be, Scotland would be but an accession to England, 
 and not England to Scotland, for that the greater would 
 draw the less : and that it was a safer union for England 
 than that of France. This passed as an oracle, and silenced 
 those that moved the question. 30 
 
 The same year was fatal, as well for deaths as mar- 
 riages, and that with equal temper. For the joys and feasts 
 of the two marriages were compensed with the mournings
 
 I go HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIT. 
 
 ami funerals of Prince Arthur, of whom we have spoken,- 
 and of Queen Elizabeth, who died in child-bed in the 
 Tower, and the child lived not long after. There died also 
 that year Sir Reginald Bray, who was noted to have had 
 5 with the King the greatest freedom of any counsellor; but 
 it was but a freedom the better to set off flattery. Yet he 
 bare more than his just part of envy for the exactions. 
 
 At this time the King's estate was very prosperous; 
 secured by the amity of Scotland, strengthened by that of 
 
 '° Spain, cherished by that of Burgundy, all domestic troubles 
 quenched, and all noise of war, like a thunder afar off, 
 going upon Italy. Wherefore nature, which many times 
 is happily contained and refrained by some bands of for- 
 tune, began to take place in the King; carrying, as with 
 
 15 a strong tide, his affections and thoughts unto the gathering 
 and heaping up of treasure. And as Kings do more easily 
 find instruments for their will and humour, than for their 
 service and honour ; he had gotten for his purpose, or 
 beyond his purpose, two instruments, Empson and Dudley, 
 
 20 whom the people esteemed as his horse-leeches and shearers, 
 bold men and careless of fame, and that took toll of their 
 master's grist. Dudley was of a good family, eloquent, and 
 one that could put hateful business into good language. 
 But Empson, that was the son of a sieve-maker, triumphed 
 
 25 always upon the deed done, putting off all other respects 
 whatsoever. These two persons being lawyers in science, 
 and privy counsellors in authority, as the corruption of the 
 best things is the worst, turned law and justice into worm- 
 wood rapine. For first, their manner was to cause divers 
 
 30 subjects to be indicted of sundry crimes, and so far forth 
 to proceed in form of law ; but when the bills were found, 
 then presently to commit them : and nevertheless not to 
 produce them in any reasonable time to their answer, but
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 191 
 
 to suffer them to languish long in prison, and by sundry 
 artificial devices and terrors to extort from them great 
 fines and ransoms, which they termed compositions and 
 
 mitigations. 
 
 Neither did they, towards the end, observe so much as 5 
 the half-face of justice, in proceeding by indictment ; but 
 sent forth their precepts to attach men and convent them 
 before themselves, and some others, at their private houses, 
 in a court of commission ; and there used to shuffle up a 
 summary proceeding by examination, without trial of jury; 10 
 assuming to themselves there, to deal both in pleas of the 
 crown, and controversies civil. 
 
 Then did they also use to enthral and charge the sub- 
 jects' lands with tenures in capite, by finding false offices, 
 and thereby to work upon them for wardships, liveries, pre- 15 
 mier seisins, and alienations, being the fruits of those tenures, 
 refusing, upon divers pretexts and delays, to admit men to 
 traverse those false offices, according to the law. Nay, the 
 King's wards, after they had accomplished their full age, 
 could not be suffered to have livery of their lands, without 20 
 paying excessive fines, far exceeding all reasonable rates. 
 They did also vex men with informations of intrusion, upon 
 scarce colourable titles. 
 
 When men were oudawed in personal actions, they 
 would not permit them to purchase their charters of pardon, 25 
 except they paid great and intolerable sums ; standing upon 
 the strict point of law, which upon outlawries giveth for- 
 feiture of goods : nay, contrary to all law and colour, they 
 maintained the King ought to have the half of men's lands 
 and rents, during the space of full two years, for a pain in 30 
 case of outlawry. They would also ruffle with jurors, and 
 inforce them to find as they would direct, and, if they did 
 not, convent them, imprison them, and fine them.
 
 192 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 These and many other courses, fitter to be buried than 
 repeated, they had of preying upon the people; both like 
 tame hawks for their master, and hke wild hawks for them- 
 selves; insomuch as they grew to great riches and substance: 
 5 but their principal working was upon penal laws, wherein 
 they spared none, great nor small ; nor considered whether 
 the law were possible or impossible, in use or obsolete : but 
 raked over all old and new statutes, though many of them 
 were made with intention rather of terror than of rigour, 
 
 10 having ever a rabble of promoters, questmongers, and lead- 
 ing jurors at their command, so as they could have any 
 thing found either for fact or valuation. 
 
 There remaineth to this day a report, that the King was 
 on a time entertained by the earl of Oxford, that was his 
 
 15 principal servant both for war and peace, nobly and sump- 
 tuously, at his castle at Henningham. And at the King's 
 going away, the earl's servants stood, in a seemly manner, 
 in their livery coats, with cognisances, ranged on both sides, 
 and made the King a lane. The King called the earl to 
 
 20 him, and said, " My lord, I have heard much of your hos- 
 " pitality, but I see it is greater than the speech : These 
 "handsome gentlemen and yeomen, which I see on both 
 " sides of me, are sure your menial servants." The earl 
 smiled, and said, " It may please your grace, that were not 
 
 25 "for mine ease: they are most of them my retainers, that 
 "are come to do me service at such a time as this, and 
 " chiefly to see your grace." The King started a little, and 
 said, " By my faith, my lord, I thank you for my good 
 "cheer, but I may not endure to have my laws broken in 
 
 30 " my sight : my attorney must speak with you." And it is 
 part of the report, that the earl compounded for no less 
 than fifteen thousand marks. And to shew farther the 
 King's extreme diligence, I do remember to have seen long
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 193 
 
 since a book of accompt of Empson's, that had the King's 
 hand almost to every leaf, by way of signing, and was in 
 some places postilled in the margin with the King's hand 
 likewise, where was this remembrance. 
 
 " Item, Received of such a one, five marks, for a pardon 5 
 " to be procured ; and if the pardon do not pass, the 
 " money to be repaid ; except the party be some 
 " other ways satisfied." 
 
 And over against this Memorandum, of the King's own hand, 
 
 " Other\vise satisfied." 10 
 
 Which I do the rather mention, because it shews in the 
 King a nearness, but yet with a kind of justness. So these 
 little sands and grains of gold and silver, as it seemeth, 
 helped not a little to make up the great heap and bank. 
 
 But meanwhile, to keep the King awake, the earl of 15 
 Suffolk, having been too gay at Prince Arthur's marriage, 
 and sunk himself deep in debt, had yet once more a mind 
 to be a knight-errant, and to seek adventures in foreign 
 parts; and taking his brother with him, fled again into 
 Flanders. That, no doubt, which gave him confidence, was 20 
 the great murmur of the people against the King's govern- 
 ment: and being a man of a light and rash spirit, he thought 
 every vapour would be a tempest. Neither wanted he some 
 party within the kingdom : for the murmur of people awakes 
 the discontents of nobles; and again, that calleth up com- -5 
 monly some head of sedition. The King resorting to his 
 wonted and tried arts, caused Sir Robert Curson, captain of 
 the castle at Hammes, being at that time beyond sea, and 
 therefore less likely to be wrought upon by the King, to fly 
 from his charge, and to feign himself a servant of the earl's. 30 
 This knight, having insinuated himself into the secrets of 
 the earl, and finding by him upon whom chiefly he had 
 R. H.
 
 194 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 either hope or hold, advertised the King thereof in great 
 secrecy: but nevertheless maintained his own credit and in- 
 ward trust with the earl. Upon whose advertisements, the 
 King attached William Courtney earl of Devonshire, his 
 c brother-in-law, married to the lady Catharine, daughter to 
 King Edward the fourth; William de la Pole, brother to the 
 earl of Suffolk ; Sir James Tirrel, and Sir John Windham, 
 and some other meaner persons, and committed them to 
 custody. George lord Abergavenny, and Sir Thomas Green, 
 
 I o were at the same time apprehended ; but as upon less sus- 
 picion, so in a freer restraint, and were soon after delivered. 
 The earl of Devonshire being interested in the blood of 
 York, that was rather feared than nocent ; yet as one that 
 might be the object of others' plots and designs, remained 
 
 15 prisoner in the Tower, during the King's life. William de 
 la Pole was also long restrained, though not so straitly. But 
 for Sir James Tirrel, against whom the blood of the innocent 
 Princes, Edward the fifth and his brother, did still cry from 
 tinder the altar, and Sir John Windham, and the other 
 
 20 meaner ones, they were attainted and executed ; the two 
 knights beheaded. Nevertheless, to confirm the credit of 
 Curson, who belike had not yet done all his feats of activity, 
 there was published at Paul's cross, about the time of the 
 said executions, the Pope's bull of excommunication and 
 
 25 curse against the earl of Suffolk and Sir Robert Curson, and 
 some others by name ; and likewise in general against all 
 the abettors of the said earl : wherein it must be confessed, 
 that heaven was made too much to bow to earth, and re- 
 ligion to policy. But soon after, Curson, when he saw 
 
 30 time, returned into England, and withal into wonted favour 
 with the King, but worse fame with the people. Upon 
 whose retcirn the earl was much dismayed, and seeing him- 
 self destitute of hopes, the lady Margaret also, by tract of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 195 
 
 time and bad success, being now become cool in those at- 
 tempts, after some wandering in France and Germany, and 
 certain little projects, no better than squibs of an exiled 
 man, being tired out, retired again into the protection of the 
 archduke Philip in Flanders, who by the death of Isabella 5 
 was at that time King of Castile, in the right of Joan his 
 wife. 
 
 This year, being the nineteenth of his reign, the King 
 called his parliament : wherein a man may easily guess 
 how absolute the King took himself to be with his parlia- i o 
 ment, when Dudley, that was so hateful, was made speaker 
 of the house of commons. In this parliament there were 
 not made any statutes memorable touching public govern- 
 ment. But those that were, had still the stamp of the 
 King's wisdom and policy. i r 
 
 There was a statute made for the disannulling of all 
 patents of lease or grant, to such as came not upon lawful 
 summons to serve the King in his wars, against the enemies 
 or rebels, or that should depart without the King's licence; 
 with an exception of certain persons of the long robe : 20 
 providing nevertheless, that they should have the King's 
 wages from their house, till their return home again. There 
 had been the like made before for offices, and by this 
 statute it was extended to lands. But a man may easily 
 see by many statutes made in this King's time, that the 25 
 King thought it safest to assist martial law by law of 
 parliament. 
 
 Another statute was made, prohibiting the bringing in 
 of manufactures of silk wrought by itself, or mixt with any 
 other thread. But it was not of stuffs of whole piece, for 30 
 that the realm had of them no manufacture in use at that 
 time, but of knit silk or texture of silk ; as ribbons, laces, 
 cauls, points, and girdles, &c. which the people of England 
 
 13—2
 
 1 9^1 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 could then ■vvcll skill to make. This law pointed at a true 
 principle ; " That where foreign materials are but super- 
 " fluities, foreign manufactures should be prohibited." For 
 that will either banish the superfluity, or gain the manu- 
 5 facture. 
 
 There was a law also of resumption of patents of gaols, 
 and the reannexing of them to the sheriffwicks ; privileged 
 officers being no less an interrui)tion of justice, than pri- 
 vileged places. 
 
 lo There was likewise a law to restrain the by-laws, or 
 ordinances of cbrporations ; which many times were against 
 the prerogative of the King, the common law of the realm, 
 and the hberty of the subject, being fraternities in evil. 
 It was therefore provided, that they should not be put in 
 
 15 execution, without the allowance of the chancellor, treasurer, 
 and the two chief justices, or three of them, or of the two 
 justices of circuit where the corporation was. 
 
 Another law was, in effect, to bring in the silver of the 
 realm to the mint, in making all clipped, minishcd, or im- 
 
 20 paired coins of silver, not to be current in ]xayments ; with- 
 out giving any remedy of weight, but with an exception 
 only of reasonable wearing, which was as nothing in respect 
 of the uncertainty ; and so, upon the matter, to set the mint 
 on work, and to give way to new coins of silver, which 
 
 25 should be then minted. 
 
 There likewise was a long statute against vagabonds, 
 wherein two things may be noted ; the one, the dislike the 
 parliament had of gaoling of them, as that which was charge- 
 able, pesterous, and of no open exami)le. The other, that 
 
 30 in the statutes of this King's time, for this of the nineteenth 
 year is not the only statute of that kind, there are ever 
 coupled the punishment of vagabonds, and the forbidding 
 of dice and cards, and unlawful games, unto servants and
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 197 
 
 mean people, and the putting down and suppressing of 
 alehouses, as strings of one root together, and as if the one 
 were unprofitable without the other. 
 
 As for riot and retainers, there passed scarce any par- 
 liament in this time without a law against them ; the King 5 
 ever having an eye to might and multitude. 
 
 There was granted also that parliament a subsidy, both 
 from the temporality and the clergy. And yet nevertheless, 
 ere the year expired, there went out commissions for a 
 general benevolence, though there were no wars, no fears. 10 
 The same year the city gave five thousand marks, for con- 
 firmation of their liberties; a thing fitter for the beginnings 
 of Kings' reigns, than the latter ends. Neither was it a 
 small matter that the mint gained upon the late statute, 
 by the recoinage of groats and half-groats, now twelve- 15 
 pences and six-pences. As for Empson and Dudley's mills, 
 they did grind more than ever : so that it was a strange 
 thing to see what golden showers poured down upon the 
 King's treasury at once : the last payments of the mar- 
 riage-money from Spain ; the subsidy ; the benevolence ; 20 
 the recoinage ; the redemption of the city's liberties ; the 
 casualties. And this is the more to be marvelled at, be- 
 cause the King had tJien no occasions at all of wars or 
 troubles. He had now but one son, and one daughter 
 unbestowed. He was wise ; he was of an high mind ; he 25 
 needed not to make riches his glory ; he did excel in so 
 many things else; save that certainly avarice doth ever 
 find in itself matter of ambition. Belike he thought to 
 leave his son such a kingdom, and such a mass of treasure, 
 as he might choose his greatness where he would. 30 
 
 This year was also kept the Serjeants' feast, which was 
 the second call in this King's days. 
 
 About this time Isabella Queen of Castile deceased ;
 
 198 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 a right noble lady, and an honour to her sex and times, 
 and the corner-stone of the greatness of Spain that hath 
 followed. This accident the King took not for news at 
 large, but thought it had a great relation to his own affairs; 
 5 especially in two points : the one for example, the other 
 for consequence. First, he conceived that the case of 
 Ferdinando of Aragon, after the death of Queen Isabella, 
 was his own case after the death of his own Queen ; and 
 the case of Joan the heir unto Castile, was the case of his 
 
 10 own son Prince Henry. For if both of the Kings had their 
 kingdoms in the right of their wives, they descended to 
 the heirs, and did not accrue to the husbands. And 
 although his own case had both steel and parchment, 
 more than the other, that is to say, a concjuest in the 
 
 1 - field, and an act of parliament, yet notwithstanding, that 
 natural title of descent in blood did, in the imagination 
 even of a wise man, breed a doubt, that the other two 
 were not safe nor sufficient. Wherefore he was wonderful 
 diligent to inquire and observe what became of the King 
 
 20 of Aragon, in holding and continuing the kingdom of 
 Castile ; and whether he did hold it in his own right ; or 
 as administrator to his daughter; and whether he were 
 like to hold it in fact, or to be put out by his son-in-law. 
 Secondly, he did revolve in his mind, that the state of 
 
 25 Christendom might by this late accident have a turn. 
 For whereas before time, himself, with the conjunction of 
 Aragon and Castile, which then was one, and the amity 
 of Maximilian and Philip his son the archduke, was far 
 too strong a party for France ; he began to fear, that now 
 
 30 the French King, who had great interest in the affections 
 of Philip the young King of Castile, and Philij* himself, 
 now King of Castile, who was in ill terms with his father- 
 in-law about the present government of Castile, and thirdly,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 199 
 
 Maximilian, Philip's father, who was ev^er variable, and 
 upon whom the surest aim that could be taken was, that 
 he would not be long as he had been last before, would, 
 all three being potent Princes, enter into some strait league 
 and confederation amongst themselves : whereby though 5 
 he should not be endangered, yet he should be left to the 
 poor amity of Aragon. And whereas he had been here- 
 tofore a kind of arbiter of Europe, he should now go less, 
 and be over-topped by so great a conjunction. He had 
 also, as it seems, an inclination to marry, and bethought 10 
 himself of some fit conditions abroad : and amongst others 
 he had heard of the beauty and virtuous behaviour of the 
 young Queen of Naples, the widow of Ferdinando the 
 younger, being then of matronal years of seven and twenty: 
 by whose marriage he thought that the kingdom of Naples, 1 5 
 having been a goal for a time between the King of Aragon 
 and the French King, and being but newly settled, might 
 in some part be deposited in his hands, who was so able 
 to keep the stakes. Therefore he sent in embassage or 
 message three confident persons, Francis Marsin, James 20 
 Braybrooke, and John Stile, upon two several inquisitions 
 rather than negotiations. The one touching the person 
 and condition of the young Queen of Naples. The other 
 touching all particulars of estate, that concerned the for- 
 tunes and intentions of Ferdinando. And because they 25 
 may obser\'e best, who themselves are observed least, he 
 sent them under colourable pretexts ; giving them letters 
 of kindness and compliment from Catharine the Princess, 
 to her aunt and niece, the old and young Queen of Naples, 
 and delivering to them also a book of new articles of peace; 30 
 which notwithstanding it had been delivered unto doctor 
 de Puebla, the lieger ambassador of Spain here in England, 
 to be sent; yet for that the King had been long without
 
 200 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 hearing from Spain, he thought good those messengers, 
 when they had been with the two Queens, should Hke- 
 wise pass on to the court of Ferdinando, and take a copy 
 of the book with them. The instructions touching the 
 ^ Queen of Naples were so curious and exquisite, being as 
 articles whereby to direcf a survey, or framing a parti- 
 cular of her person, for complexion, favour, feature, stature, 
 health, age, customs, behaviour, conditions, and estate, as, 
 if the King had been young, a man would have judged 
 
 lo him to be amorous; but, being ancient, it ought to be 
 interpreted, that sure he was very chaste, for that he meant 
 to find all things in one woman, and so to settle his affec- 
 tions without ranging. But in this match he was soon 
 cooled, when he heard from his ambassadors, that this 
 
 i£ young Queen had had a goodly jointure in the realm of 
 Naples, well answered during the time of her uncle 
 Frederick, yea and during the time of Lewis tlie French 
 King, in whose division her revenue fell ; but since the 
 time that the kingdom was in Ferdinando's hands, all was 
 
 20 assigned to the army and garrisons there, and she received 
 only a pension or exhibition out of his coffers. 
 
 The other part of the incjuiry had a grave and diligent 
 return, informing the King at full of the present state of 
 King Ferdinando. By this report it appeared to the King, 
 
 25 that Ferdinando did continue the government of Castile, as 
 administrator unto his daughter Joan, by the title of Queen 
 Isabella's will, and partly by the custom of the kingdom, as 
 he pretended. And that all mandates and grants were ex- 
 pedited in the name of Joan his daughter, and himself as 
 
 30 administrator, without mention of Philip her husband. And 
 that King Ferdinando, howsoever he did dismiss himself of 
 the name of King of Castile, yet meant to hold the kingdom 
 without account, and in absolute command.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 201 
 
 It appeareth also, tliat he flattered himself with hopes, 
 that King Philip would permit unto him the government of 
 Castile during his life ; which he had laid his plot to work 
 him unto, both by some counsellors of his about him, which 
 Ferdinando had at his devotion, and chiefly by promise, that 5 
 in case Philip gave not way unto it, he would marry some 
 young lady, whereby to put him by the succession of Aragon 
 and Granada, in case he should have a son ; and lastly, by 
 representing unto him that the government of the Burgun- 
 dians, till Philip were by continuance in Spain made as 10 
 natural of Spain, would not be endured by the Spaniards. 
 But in all those things, though wisely laid down and con- 
 sidered, Ferdinando failed ; but that Pluto was better to 
 him than Pallas. 
 
 In the same report also, the ambassadors being mean 15 
 men, and therefore the more free, did strike upon a string 
 which was somewhat dangerous ; for they declared plainly, 
 that the people of Spain, both nobles and commons, were 
 better affected unto the part of Philip, so he brought his 
 wife with him, than to Ferdinando; and expressed the reason 20 
 to be, because he had imposed upon them many taxes and 
 tallages ; which was the King's own case between him and 
 his son. 
 
 There was also in this report a declaration of an over- 
 ture of marriage, which Amason the secretary of Ferdinando 25 
 had made unto the ambassadors in great secret, between 
 Charles Prince of Castile and Mary the King's second 
 daughter ; assuring the King, that the treaty of marriage 
 then on foot for the said Prince and the daughter of France, 
 would break : and that she the said daughter of France 30 
 should be married to Angolesme, that was the heir apparent 
 of France. 
 
 There was a touch also of a speech of marriage between
 
 202 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 Ferdinando and Madame de Fois, a lady of the blood of 
 France, which afterwards indeed succeeded. But this was 
 reported as learned in France, and silenced in Spain. 
 
 The King by the return of this embassage, which gave 
 5 great light unto his affairs, was well instructed, and pre- 
 pared how to carry himself between Ferdinando King of 
 Aragon and Philip his son-in-law King of Castile ; resolving 
 with himself to do all that in him lay, to keep them at one 
 within themselves; but howsoever that succeeded, by amode- 
 
 lo rate carriage, and bearing the person of a common friend, to 
 lose neither of their friendships ; but yet to run a course 
 more entire with the King of Aragon, but more laboured and 
 officious with the King of Castile. But he was much taken 
 with the overture of marriage with his daughter Mary ; both 
 
 J 5 because it was the greatest marriage of Christendom, and 
 for that it took hold of both allies. 
 
 But to corroborate his alliance with Philip, the winds 
 gave him an interview : for Philip choosing the winter sea- 
 son, the better to surprise the King of Aragon, set forth 
 
 20 with a- great navy out of Flanders for Spain, in the month 
 of January, the one and twentieth year of the King's reign. 
 But himself was surprised with a cruel tempest, that scat- 
 tered his ships upon the several coasts of England. And 
 the ship wherein the King and Queen were, with two other 
 
 25 small barks only, torn and in great peril, to escape the fury 
 of the weather thrust into Weymouth. King Philip himself, 
 having not been used, as it seems, to sea, all wearied and 
 extreme sick, would needs land to refresh his spirits, though 
 it was against the opinion of his council, doubting it might 
 
 30 breed delay, his occasions requiring celerity. 
 
 The rumour of the arrival of a puissant navy upon the 
 coast, made the country arm. And Sir Thomas Trenchard, 
 with forces suddenly raised, not knowing what the matter
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 203 
 
 might be, came to Weymouth. Where understanding the 
 accident, he did in all humbleness and humanity invite the 
 King and Queen to his house; and forthwith despatched 
 posts to the court. Soon after came Sir John Carew like- 
 wise, with a great troop of men well armed ; using the like 5 
 humbleness and respects towards the King, when he knew 
 the case. King Philip doubting that they, being but sub- 
 jects, durst not let him pass away again without the King's 
 notice and leave, yielded to their intreaties to stay till they 
 heard from the court. The King, as soon as he heard the 10 
 news, commanded presently the earl of Arundel to go to . 
 visit the King of Castile, and let him understand that as he 
 was sorry for his mishap, so he was glad that he had escaped 
 the danger of the seas, and likewise of the occasion himself 
 had to do him honour; and desiring him to think himself 15 
 as in his own land ; and that the King made all haste pos- 
 sible to come and embrace him. The earl came to him in 
 great magnificence, with a brave troop of three hundred 
 horse ; and, for more state, came by torch-light. After he 
 had done the King's message. King Philip seeing how the 20 
 world went, the sooner to get away, went upon speed to the 
 King at Windsor, and his Queen followed by easy journeys. 
 The two Kings at their meeting used all the caresses and 
 loving demonstrations that were possible. And the King of 
 Castile said pleasantly to the King, "that he was now pun- 25 
 " ished for that he would not come within his walled town 
 " of Calais, when they met last." But the King answered, 
 "that walls and seas were nothing where hearts were open ; 
 "and that he was here no otherwise but to be served." 
 After a day or two's refreshing, the Kings entered into 30 
 speech of renewing the treaty ; the King saying, that though 
 King Philip's person Avere the same, yet his fortunes and 
 state were raised : in which case a renovation of treaty was
 
 204 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 used amongst Princes. But while these things were in 
 handHng, the King choosing a fit time, and drawing the 
 King of Castile into a room, where they two only were 
 private, and laying his hand civilly upon his arm, and 
 5 changing his countenance a little from a countenance of en- 
 tertainment, said to him, " Sir, you have been saved upon my 
 " coast, I hope you will not suffer me to wreck upon yours." 
 The King of Castile asked him, "what he meant by that 
 " speech ?" ".I mean it," saith the King, "by that same hare- 
 
 I o " brain wild fellow, my subject, the earl of Suffolk, who is pro- 
 " tected in your country, and begins to play the fool, when 
 "all others are weary of it." The King of Castile answered, 
 " I had thought, Sir, your felicity had been above those 
 " thoughts : but, if it trouble you, I will banish him." The 
 
 1 5 King replied, " those hornets were best in their nest, and 
 " worst when they did fly abroad ; and that his desire was 
 "to have him delivered to him." The King of Castile 
 herewith a little confused, and in a study, said, "That can I 
 " not do with my honour, and les.s with yours ; for you will 
 
 2o"be thought to have used me as a prisoner." The King 
 presently said, " Then the matter is at an end : for I will 
 " take that dishonour upon me, and so your honour is 
 " saved." The King of Castile, who had the King in great 
 estimation, and besides remembered where he was, and 
 
 25 knew not what use he might have of the King's amity, for 
 that himself was new in his estate of Spain, and unsettled 
 both with his father-in-law and with his people, composing 
 his countenance, said, " Sir, you give law to me, but so will 
 "I to you. You shall have him, but, upon your honour, 
 
 30 " you shall not take his life." The King embracing him, 
 said, " Agreed." Saith the King of Castile, " Neither shall 
 " it dislike you, if I send to him in such a fashion, as he 
 " may partly come with his own good will." The King said,
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 205 
 
 " It was well thought of; and if it pleased him, he would 
 "join with him, in sending to the earl a message to that 
 " purpose." They both sent severally, and mean while they 
 continued feasting and pastimes. The King being, on his 
 part, willing to have the earl sure before the King of Castile 5 
 went ; and the King of Castile, being as willing to seem to 
 be enforced. The King also, with many wise and excellent 
 persuasions, did advise the King of Castile to be ruled by 
 the counsel of his father-in-law Ferdinando ; a Prince so 
 prudent, so experienced, so fortunate. The King of Castile 10 
 who was in no very good terms with his said father-in-law, 
 answered, "That if his father-in-law would suffer him to 
 "govern his kingdoms, he should govern him." 
 
 There were immediately messengers sent from both 
 Kings, to recall the earl of Suffolk ; who upon gentle words 1 5 
 used to him was soon charmed, and willing enough to re- 
 turn ; assured of his life, and hoping of his liberty. He was 
 brought through Flanders to Calais, and thence landed at 
 Dover, and with sufficient guard delivered and received at 
 the Tower of London. Meanwhile King Henry, to draw 20 
 out the time, continued his feastings and entertainments, 
 and after he had received the King of Castile into the fra- 
 ternity of the Garter, and for a reciprocal had his son the 
 Prince admitted to the order of the Golden Fleece, he 
 accompanied King Philip and his Queen to the city of 25 
 London ; where they were entertained with the greatest 
 magnificence and triumph, that could be upon no greater 
 warning. And as soon as the earl of Suffolk had been con- 
 veyed to the Tower, which was the serious part, the jollities 
 had an end, and the Kings took leave. Nevertheless during 30 
 their being here, they in substance concluded that treaty, . 
 which the Flemings term intercursus mains, and bears date 
 at Windsor; for there be some things in it, more to the
 
 2o6 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 advantage of the English, than of them ; especially, for that 
 the free-fishing of the Dutch upon the coasts and seas of 
 England, granted in the treaty of undecimo, was not by this 
 treaty confirmed. All articles that confirm former treaties 
 5 being precisely and warily limited and confirmed to matter 
 of commerce only, and not otherwise. 
 
 It was observed, that the great tempest which drove 
 Philip into England, blew down the golden eagle from the 
 spire of Paul's, and in the fall it fell upon a sign of the 
 
 lo black eagle, which was in Paul's church-yard, in the place, 
 where the school-house now standeth, and battered it, and 
 brake it down : which was a strange stooping of a hawk 
 upon a fowl. This the people interpreted to be an ominous 
 prognostic upon the imperial house, which was, by intcr- 
 
 15 pretation also, fulfilled upon Philip the emperor's son, not 
 only in the present disaster of the tempest, but in that that 
 followed. For Philip arriving into Spain, and attaining the 
 possession of the kingdom of Castile without resistance, in- 
 somuch as Ferdinando, who had spoke so great before, was 
 
 20 with difficulty admitted to the speech of his son-in-law, 
 sickened soon after, and deceased. Yet after such time, as 
 there was an observation by the wisest of that court, that if 
 he had lived, his father would have gained upon him in that 
 sort, as he would have governed his counsels and designs, 
 
 25 if not his affections. By this all Spain returned into the 
 power of Ferdinando in state as it was before ; the rather, 
 in regard of the infirmity of Joan his daughter, who loving 
 her husband, by whom she had many children, dearly well, 
 and no less beloved of him, howsoever her father, to make 
 
 30 l^hilip ill-beloved of the people of Spain, gave out that 
 Philip used her not well, was unable in strength of mind to 
 bear the grief of his decease, and fell distracted of her wits. 
 Of which malady her father was thought no ways to en-
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 207 
 
 deavour the cure, the better to hold his regal power in 
 Castile. So that as the felicity of Charles the eighth was 
 said to be a dream ; so the adversity of Ferdinando was 
 said likewise to be a dream, it passed over so soon. 
 
 About this time the King was desirous to bring into the 5 
 house of Lancaster celestial honour, and became suitor to 
 Pope Julius, to canonise King Henry the sixth for a saint; 
 the rather, in respect of that his famous prediction of the 
 King's own assumption to the crown. Julius referred the 
 matter, as the manner is, to certain cardinals, to take the 10 
 verification of his holy acts and miracles : but it died under 
 the reference. The general opinion was, that Pope Julius 
 was too dear, and that the King would not come to his 
 rates. But it is more probable, that that Pope, who was 
 extremely jealous of the dignity of the see of Rome, and of 1 5 
 the acts thereof, knowing that King Henry the sixth was 
 reputed in the world abroad but for a simple man, was 
 afraid it would but diminish the estimation of that kind of 
 honour, if there were not a distance kept between innocents 
 and saints. 20 
 
 The same year likewise there proceeded a treaty of mar- 
 riage between the King and the lady Margaret duchess 
 dowager of Savoy, only daughter to Maximilian, and sister 
 to th€ King of Castile ; a lady wise, and of great good fame. 
 This matter had been in speech between the two Kings at 25 
 their meeting, but was soon after resumed ; and therein was 
 employed for his first piece the King's then chaplain, and 
 after the great prelate, Thomas Wolsey. It was in the end 
 concluded, with great and ample conditions for the King, 
 but with promise de futiiro only. It may be the King was 30 
 the rather induced unto it, for that he heard more and more 
 of the marriage to go on between his great friend and ally 
 Ferdinando of Aragon, and Madame de Fois, whereby that
 
 2o8 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 King began to piece witli tlie French King, from whom he 
 had been always before severed. So fatal a thing it is, for 
 the greatest and straitest amities of Kings at one time or 
 other, to have a little of the wheel : nay, there is a farther 
 
 5 tradition in Spain, though not with us, that the King of 
 Aragon, after he knew that the marriage between Charles 
 the young Prince of Castile and Mary the King's second 
 daughter went roundly on, which though it was first moved 
 by the King of Aragon, yet it was afterwards wholly ad- 
 
 To vanced and brought to perfection by Maximilian, and the 
 friends on that side, entered into a jealousy, that the King 
 did aspire to the government of Castilia, as administrator 
 during the minority of his son-in-law ; as if there should 
 have been a competition of three for that government ; 
 
 1 5 Ferdinando, grandfather on the mother's side ; Maximilian, 
 grandfather on the father's side ; and King Henry, father- 
 in-law to the young Prince. Certainly it is not unlike, but 
 the King's government, carrying the young prince with him, 
 would have been perhaps more welcome to the Spaniards 
 
 20 than that of the other two. For the nobility of Castilia, 
 that so lately put out the King of Aragon in favour of King 
 Philip, and had discovered themselves so far, could not be 
 but in a secret distrust and distaste of that King. And as 
 for Maximilian, upon twenty respects he could not have 
 
 25 been the man. But this purpose of the King's seemeth to 
 me, considering the King's safe courses, never found to be 
 enterprising or adventurous, not greatly probable, except he 
 should have had a desire to breathe warmer, because he had 
 ill lungs. This marriage with Margaret was protracted from 
 
 30 time to time, in respect of the infirmity of the King, who 
 now in the two and twentieth of his reign began to be 
 troubled with the gout : but the defluxion taking also into 
 his breast, wasted his lungs, so that thrice in a year, in a
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 209 
 
 kind of return, and especially in the spring, he had great 
 fits and labours of the phthisic : nevertheless, he continued 
 to intend business with as great diligence, as before in his 
 health : yet so, as upon this warning he did likewise now 
 more seriously think of the world to come, and of making 5 
 himself a saint, as well as King Henry the sixth, by treasure 
 better employed, than to be given to Pope Julius : for this 
 year he gave greater alms than accustomed, and discharged 
 all prisoners about the city, that lay for fees or debts under 
 forty shillings. He did also make haste with religious foun- 10 
 dations ; and in the year following, which was the three and 
 twentieth, finished that of the Savoy. And hearing also of 
 the bitter cries of his people against the oppressions of 
 Dudley and Empson, and their complices ; partly by devout 
 persons about him, and partly by public sermons, the 15 
 preachers doing their duty therein, he was touched with 
 great remorse for the same. Nevertheless Empson and 
 Dudley, though they could not but hear of these scruples in 
 the King's conscience ; yet, as if the King's soul and his 
 money were in several offices, that the one was not to inter- 20 
 meddle with the other, went on with as great rage as ever. 
 For the same three and twentieth year was there a sharp 
 prosecution against Sir William Capel now the second time; 
 and this was for matters of misgovernment in his mayoralty : 
 the greater matter being, that in some payments he had 25 
 taken knowledge of false moneys, and did not his diligence 
 to examine and beat it out, who were the offenders. For 
 this and some other things laid to his charge, he was con- 
 demned to pay two thousand pounds ; and being a man of 
 stomach, and hardened by his former troubles, refused to 30 
 pay a mite ; and belike used some untoward speeches of 
 the proceedings, for which he was sent to the Tower, and 
 there remained till the King's death. Knesworth likewise, 
 
 B. H 14
 
 2IO HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 that had been lately mayor of London, and both his sheriffs, 
 were for abuses in their offices questioned, and imprisoned, 
 and delivered, upon one thousand four hundred pounds 
 paid. Hawis, an alderman of London, was put in trouble, 
 5 and died with thought and anguish, before his business 
 came to an end. Sir Lawrence Ailmer, who had likewise 
 been mayor of London, and his two sherifts, were put to 
 the fine of one thousand pounds. And Sir Lawrence, for 
 refusing to make payment, was committed to prison, where 
 lo he stayed till Empson himself was committed in his place. 
 It is no marvel, if the faults were so light, and the rates 
 so heavy, that the King's treasure of store, that he left at 
 his death, most of it in secret places, under his own key 
 and keeping, at Richmond, amounted, as by tradition it is re- 
 1 5 ported to have done, unto the sum of near eighteen hundred 
 thousand pounds sterling ; a huge mass of money even for 
 these times. 
 
 The last act of state that concluded this King's temporal 
 felicity, was the conclusion of a glorious match between his 
 20 daughter Mary, and Charles Prince of Castile, afterwards 
 the great emperor, both being of tender years : which treaty 
 was perfected by bishop Fox, and other his commissioners 
 at Calais, the year before the King's death. In which alli- 
 ance, it seemeth, he himself took so high contentment, as in 
 25 a letter which he wrote thereupon to the city of London, 
 commanding all possible demonstrations of joy to be made 
 for the same, he expresseth himself, as if he thought he had 
 built a wall of brass about his kingdom : when he had for 
 his sons-in-law, a King of Scotland, and a prince of Castile 
 30 and Burgundy. So as now there was nothing to be added 
 to this great King's felicity, being at the top of all worldly 
 bliss, in regard of the high marriages of his children, his 
 great renown throughout Europe, and his scarce credible
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 211 
 
 riches, and the perpetual constancy of his prosperous suc- 
 cesses, but an opportune death, to withdraw him from any 
 future blow of fortune : which certainly (in regard of the 
 great hatred of his people, and the title of his son, being 
 then come to eighteen years of age, and being a bold Prince 5 
 and liberal, and that gained upon the people by his very 
 aspect and presence) had not been impossible to have come 
 upon him. 
 
 To crown also the last year of his reign, as well as his 
 first, he did an act of piety, rare, and worthy to be taken 10 
 into imitation. For he granted forth a general pardon : as 
 expecting a second coronation in a better kingdom. He 
 did also declare in his will, that his mind was, that restitu- 
 tion should be made of those sums which had been unjustly 
 taken by his officers. 1 5 
 
 And thus this Solomon of England, for Solomon also 
 was too heavy upon his people in exactions, having lived 
 two and fifty years, and thereof reigned three and twenty 
 years, and eight months, being in perfect memory, and in 
 a most blessed mind, in a great calm of a consuming sick- 20 
 ness passed to a better world, the two and twentieth of 
 April 1508, at his palace of Richmond, which himself had 
 built. 
 
 THIS King, to speak of him in terms equal to his 
 deserving, was one of the best sort of wonders; a wonder 25 
 for wise men. He had parts, both in his virtues and his 
 fortune, not so fit for a common-place, as for observation. 
 Certainly he was religious, both in his affection and ob- 
 servance. But as he could see clear, for those times, 
 through superstition, so he would be blinded, now and 30 
 then, by human policy. He advanced churchmen ; he 
 was tender in the privilege of sanctuaries, though they 
 
 14 — 2
 
 212 IITSTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 wrought him much mischief. He built and endowed 
 many rehgious foundations, besides his memorable hospital 
 of the Savoy: and yet was he a great almsgiver in secret; 
 which shewed, that his works in public were dedicated 
 5 rather to God's glory than his own. He professed always 
 to love and seek peace : and it was his usual preface in 
 his treaties, that when Christ came into the world, peace 
 was sung ; and when he went out of the world, peace was 
 bequeathed. And this virtue could not proceed out of 
 
 ID fear or softness; for he was valiant and active, and there- 
 fore, no doubt, it was truly Christian and moral. Yet he 
 knew the way to peace was not to seem to be desirous to 
 avoid wars : therefore would he: make offers and fames 
 of wars, till he had mended the conditions of peace. It 
 
 15 was also much, that one that was so great a lover of peace, 
 should be so happy in war. For his arms, either in foreign 
 or civil wars, were never unfortunate ; neither did he know 
 what a disaster meant. The war of his coming in, and 
 the rebellions of the earl of Lincoln, and the lord Audley, 
 
 20 were ended by victory. The wars of France and Scotland, 
 by peaces sought at his hands. That of Britain, by acci- 
 dent of the duke's death. The insurrection of the lord 
 Lovel, and that of Perkin at Exeter, and in Kent, by flight 
 of the rebels before they came to blows. So that his 
 
 25 fortune of arms was still inviolate : the rather sure, for 
 that in the quenching of the commotions of his subjects, 
 he ever went in person : sometimes reserving himself to 
 back and second his lieutenants, but ever in action ; and 
 yet that was not merely forwardness, but partly distrust of 
 
 30 others. 
 
 He did much maintain and countenance his laws; 
 which, nevertheless, was no impediment to him to work 
 his will : for it was so handled, that neither prerogative
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 213 
 
 nor profit went to diminution. And yet as he would some- 
 times strain up his laws to his prerogative, so would he also 
 let down his prerogative to his parliament. For mint, and 
 wars, and martial discipline, things of absolute power, he 
 would nevertheless bring to parliament. Justice was well 5 
 administered in his time, save where the King was party: 
 save also, that the council-table intermeddled too much 
 with meum and tieiun. For it was a very court of justice 
 during his time, especially in the beginning; but in that 
 part both of justice and policy, which is the durable part, 10 
 and cut, as it were, in brass or marble, which is the making 
 of good laws, he did excel. And with his justice, he was 
 also a merciful prince : as in whose time, there were but 
 three of the nobility that suffered ; the earl of Warwick, 
 the lord chamberlain, and the lord Audley : though the 1 5 
 first two wxre instead of numbers, in the dislike and ob- 
 loquy of the people. But there were never so great re- 
 bellions, expiated with so little blood, drawn by the hand 
 of justice, as the two rebellions of Blackheath and Exeter. 
 As for the severity used upon those which were taken in 20 
 Kent, it was but upon a scum of people. His pardons 
 went ever both before and after his sword. But then he 
 had withal a strange kind of interchanging of large and 
 inexpected pardons, with severe executions : which, his 
 wisdom considered, could not be imputed to any incon- 25 
 stancy or inequality ; but either to some reason which we 
 do not now know, or to a principle he had set unto himself, 
 that he would vary, and try both ways in turn. But the 
 less blood he drew, the more he took of treasure. And, 
 as some construed it, he was the more sparing in the one, 30 
 that he might be the more pressing in the other ; for both 
 would have been intolerable. Of nature assuredly he 
 coveted to accumulate treasure, and was a httle poor in
 
 214 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 admiring riches. The people, into whom there is infused, 
 for the preservation of monarchies, a natural desire to 
 discharge their princes, though it be with the unjust charge 
 of their counsellors and ministers, did impute this unto 
 5 cardinal Morton and Sir Reginald Bray : wlio, as it after 
 appeared, as counsellors of ancient authority with him, 
 did so second his humours, as nevertheless they did temper 
 them. Whereas Empson and Dudley that followed, being 
 persons that had no reputation with him, otherwise than 
 
 ID by the servile following of his bent, did not give way only, 
 as the first did, but shape him way to those extremities, 
 for which himself was touched with remorse at his death, 
 and which his successor renounced and sought to purge. 
 This excess of his had at that time many glosses and 
 
 15 interpretations. Some thought tlie continual rebellions 
 wherewith he had been vexed, had made him grow to 
 hate his people : some thought it was done to pull down 
 their stomachs, and to keep them low : some, for that he 
 would leave his son a golden fleece : some suspected he 
 
 20 had some high design upon foreign parts : but those per- 
 haps shall come nearest the truth, that fetch not their 
 reasons so far off; but rather impute it to nature, age, 
 peace, and a mind fixed upon no other ambition or pursuit. 
 Whereunto I should add, that having every day occasion 
 
 25 to take notice of the necessities and shifts for money of 
 other great Princes abroad, it did the better, by com- 
 parison, set off to him the felicity of full coffers. As to 
 his expending of treasure, he never spared charge which 
 his affairs required ; and in his buildings was magnificent, 
 
 30 but his rewards were very limited : so that his liberality was 
 rather upon his own state and memory than upon the 
 deserts of others. 
 
 He was of an high mind, and loved his own will and
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 215 
 
 his own way : as one that revered himself and would reign 
 indeed. Had he been a private man, he would have been 
 termed proud. But in a wise Prince, it was but keeping 
 of distance, which indeed he did towards all ; not admitting 
 any near or full approach, either to his power, or to his 5 
 secrets : for he was governed by none. His Queen, not- 
 withstanding she had presented him with divers children, 
 and with a crown also, though he would not acknowledge 
 it, could do nothing with him. His mother he reverenced 
 much, heard little. For any person agreeable to him for 10 
 society, such as was Hastings to King Edward the fourth, 
 or Charles Brandon after to King Henry the eighth, he 
 had none : except Ave should account for such persons. 
 Fox, and Bray, and Empson, because they were so much 
 with him: but it was but as the instrument is much with 15 
 the workman. He had nothing in him of vainglory, but 
 yet kept state and majesty to the height : being sensible, 
 that majesty maketh the people bow, but vainglory boweth 
 to them. 
 
 To his confederates abroad he was constant and just, 20 
 but not open. But rather such was his inquiry, and such 
 his closeness, as they stood in the light towards him, and 
 he stood in the dark to them. Yet without strangeness, 
 but with a semblance of mutual communication of affairs. 
 As for little envies, or emulations upon sovereign princes, 25 
 which are frequent with many Kings, he had never any; 
 but went substantially to his own business. Certain it is, that 
 though his reputation was great at home, yet it was greater 
 abroad. For foreigners that could not see the passages of 
 affairs, but made their judgments upon the issues of them, 30 
 noted that he was ever in strife, and ever aloft. It grew also 
 from the airs which the princes and states abroad received 
 from their ambassadors and agents here; which were attend-
 
 2 1(3 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 ing the court in great number: whom he did not only content 
 with courtesy, reward, and privateness; but, upon such con- 
 ferences as passed with them, put them in admiration, to 
 find his universal insight into the affairs of the world : which 
 5 though he did suck chiefly from themselves, yet that which 
 he had gathered from them all, seemed admirable to every 
 one. So that they did write ever to their superiors in high 
 terms, considering his wisdom and art of rule : nay, when 
 they were returned, they did commonly maintain intelligence 
 
 lo with him. Such a dexterity he liad to impropriate to him- 
 self all foreign instruments. 
 
 He was careful and liberal to obtain good intelligence from 
 all parts abroad : wherein he did not only use his interest in 
 the liegers here, and his pensioners, which he had both in the 
 
 15 court of Rome, and other the courts of Christendom; but the 
 industry and vigilance of his own ambassadors in foreign 
 parts. For which purpose his instructions were ever ex- 
 treme, curious and articulate ; and in them more articles 
 touching inquisition, than touching negotiation : requiring 
 
 20 likewise from his ambassadors an answer, in particular dis- 
 tinct articles, respectively to his questions. 
 
 As for his secret spials, which he did employ both at 
 home and abroad, by them to discover what practices and 
 conspiracies were against him, surely his case required it; 
 
 25 he had such moles perpetually working and casting to 
 undermine him. Neither can it be reprehended ; for if 
 spials be lawful against lawful enemies, much more against 
 conspirators and traitors. But indeed to give them cre- 
 dence by oaths or curses, that cannot be well maintained ; 
 
 30 for those are too holy vestments for a disguise. Yet surely 
 there was this farther good in his employing of these flies 
 and familiars ; that as the use of them was cause that many 
 conspiracies were revealed, so the fame and suspicion of
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 217 
 
 them kept, no doubt, many conspiracies from being at- 
 tempted. 
 
 Towards his Queen he was nothing uxorious, nor scarce 
 indulgent; but companiable and respective, and without 
 jealousy. Towards his children he was full of paternal 5 
 affection, careful of their education, aspiring to their high 
 advancement, regular to see that they should not want of 
 any due honour and respect, but not greatly willing to cast 
 any popular lustre upon them. 
 
 To his council he did refer much, and sat oft in person; 10 
 knowing it to be the way to assist his power, and inform his 
 judgment. In which respect also he was fairly patient of 
 liberty, both of advice, and of vote, till himself were de- 
 clared. He kept a strait hand on his nobility, and chose 
 rather to advance clergymen and lawyers, which were more 15 
 obsequious to him, but had less interest in the people ; 
 which made for his absoluteness, but not for his safety. 
 Insomuch as, I am persuaded, it was one of the causes of 
 his troublesome reign ; for that his nobles, though they were 
 loyal and obedient, yet did not co-operate with him, but let 20 
 every man go his own way. He was not afraid of an able 
 man, as Lewis the eleventh was : but contrariwise, he was 
 served by the ablest men that were to be found; without 
 which his affairs could not have prospered as they did. For 
 war, Bedford, Oxford, Surrey, Daubeney, Brook, Poynings : 25 
 for other affairs, Morton, Fox, Bray, the prior of Lanthony, 
 Warham, Ursv/ick, Hussey, Frowick, and others. Neither 
 did he care how cunning they were that he did employ ; for 
 he thought himself to have the master-reach. And as he 
 chose well, so he held them up well; for it is a strange 30 
 thing, that though he were a dark prince, and infinitely sus- 
 picious, and his times full of secret conspiracies and troubles; 
 yet ill twenty-four years' reign, he never put down, or dis-
 
 2iS HISTORY GF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 composed counsellor, or near servant, save only Stanley the 
 lord chamberlain. As for the disposition of his subjects in 
 general towards him, it stood thus with him ; that of the 
 three affections which naturally tie the hearts of the subjects 
 5 to their sovereigns, love, fear, and reverence ; he had the 
 last in height, the second in good measure, and so little of 
 the first, as he was beholden to the other two. 
 
 He was a Prince, sad, serious, and full of thoughts, and 
 secret observations, and full of notes and memorials of his 
 
 loown hand, especially touching persons. As, whom to em- 
 ploy, whom to reward, whom to inquire of, whom to beware 
 of, what were the dependencies, what were the factions, and 
 the like; keeping, as it were, a journal of his thoughts. 
 There is to this day a merry tale; that his monkey, set on as 
 
 15 it was thought by one of his chamber, tore his principal note- 
 book all to pieces, when by chance it lay forth : whereat the 
 court, which liked not those pensive accounts, was almost 
 tickled with sport. 
 
 He was indeed full of apprehensions and suspicions : 
 
 20 but as he did easily take them, so he did easily check them 
 and master them ; whereby they were not dangerous, but 
 troubled himself more than others. It is true, his thoughts 
 were so many, as they could not well always stand together; 
 but that which did good one way, did hurt another. Neither 
 
 25 did he at some times weigh them aright in their proportions. 
 Certainly, that rumour which did him so much mischief, 
 that the duke of York should be saved, and alive, was, at 
 the first, of his own nourishing; because he would have 
 more reason not to reign in the right of his wife. He was 
 
 30 affable, and both well and fair-spoken ; and would use 
 strange sweetness and blandishments of words, where he de- 
 sired to effect or persuade any thing that he took to heart. 
 He was rather studious than learned ; reading most books
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 219 
 
 that were of any worth, in the French tongue, yet he under- 
 stood the Latin, as appeareth in that cardinal Adrian and 
 others, who could very well have written French, did use to 
 write to him in Latin. 
 
 For his pleasures, there is no news of them : and yet by 5 
 his instructions to Marsin and Stile, touching the Queen of 
 Naples, it seemeth he could interrogate well touching beauty. 
 He did by pleasures, as great Princes do by banquets, come 
 and look a little upon them, and turn away. For never 
 Prince was more wholly given to his affairs, nor in them 10 
 more of himself : insomuch as in triumphs of jousts and tour- 
 neys, and balls, and masks, which they then called disguises, 
 he was rather a princely and gentle spectator, than seemed 
 much to be delighted. 
 
 No doubt, in him, as in all men, and most of all in 15 
 Kings, his fortune wrought upon his nature, and his nature 
 upon his fortune. He attained to the crown, not only from a 
 private fortune, which might endow him with moderation ; but 
 also from the fortune of an exiled man, which had quickened 
 in him all seeds of observation and industry. And his times 20 
 being rather prosperous than calm, had raised his confidence 
 by success, but almost marred his nature by troubles. His 
 wisdom, by often evading from perils, was turned rather 
 into a dexterity to deliver himself from dangers, when they 
 pressed him, than into a providence to prevent and remove 25 
 them afar off. And even in nature, the sight of his mind 
 was like some sights of eyes ; rather strong at hand, than to 
 carry afar off. For his wit increased upon the occasion ; 
 and so much the more, if the occasion were sharpened by 
 danger. Again, whether it were the shortness of his fore- 30 
 sight, or the strength of his will, or the dazzling of his sus- 
 picions, or what it was; certain it is, that the perpetual 
 troubles of his fortunes, there being no more matter out of
 
 2 20 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 which they grew, could not have been witliout some great 
 defects and main errors in his nature, customs, and pro- 
 ceedings, which he had enough to do to save and help with 
 a thousand little industries and watches. But those do best 
 5 appear in the story itself. Yet take him with all his defects, 
 if a man should compare him with the Kings his concur- 
 rents in France and Spain, he shall find him more politic 
 than Lewis the twelfth of France, and more entire and sin- 
 cere than Ferdinando of Spain. But if you shall change 
 lo Lewis the twelfth for Lewis the eleventh, Avho lived a little 
 before, then the consort is more perfect. For that Lewis 
 the eleventh, Ferdinando, and Henry may be esteemed for 
 the tres magi of Kings of those ages. To conclude, if this 
 King did no greater matters, it was long of himself; for what 
 15 he minded he compassed. 
 
 He was a comely personage, a little above just stature, 
 well and straight limbed, but slender. His countenance was 
 reverend, and a litde like a churchman : and as it was not 
 strange or dark, so neither was it winning or pleasing, but 
 20 as the face of one well disposed. But it was to the dis- 
 advantage of the painter, for it was best when he spake. 
 
 His worth may bear a tale or two, that may put upon 
 him somewhat that may seem divine. When the lady 
 Margaret his mother had divers great suitors for marriage, 
 25 she dreamed one night, that one in the likeness of a bishop 
 in pontifical habit did tender her Edmund earl of Richmond, 
 the King's father, for her husband, neither had she ever any 
 child but the King, though she had three husbands. One 
 day when King Henry the sixth, whose innocency gave hini 
 3° holiness, was washing his hands at a great feast, and cast his 
 eye upon King Henry, then a young youth, he said ; " This 
 "is the lad that shall possess quietly that, that we now strive 
 for." But that, that was truly divine in him, was that he
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 221 
 
 had the fortune of a true Christian, as well as of a great 
 King, in living exercised, and dying repentant : So as he 
 had an happy warfare in both conflicts, both of sin, and the 
 cross. 
 
 He was born at Pembroke castle, and lieth buried at West- 5 
 minster, in one of the stateliest and daintiest monuments of ' 
 Europe, both for the chapel, and for the sepulchre. So that 
 he dwelleth more richly dead, in the monument of his tomb, 
 than he did alive in Richmond, or any of his palaces. I 
 could wish he did the like in this monument of his fame. i o
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Dedication, p. 3. Prince Charles, son of James I, and afterwards 
 King Ctiarles I. The History of Henry VH was written in 1622, three 
 years before the death of James I. Prince Henry the eldest son of 
 James I died in 1612, whereupon Charles became Prince of Wales, &c. 
 
 Prince of Wales. This title was first bestowed on the heir to the 
 English throne by Edward I, who created his son Edward, bom at 
 Caernarvon, Prince of Wales in 1284. 
 
 Duke cf Cormvall. This title was first given to the Prince of Wales 
 when Edward HI created the Black Prince duke of Cornwall in 1335. 
 
 Earl of Chester. This title existed in early times, and was not at 
 first a title of the royal house, but was made such by Henry IH, who 
 bestowed it on his son Prince Edward in 1245. On an attempt which 
 was made during this reign to obtain it for other than the royal family 
 see p. 125, 1. 4. 
 
 Line i. It may please, ^c. The more usual order in modern times 
 is, May it please. In the older form some expression, as I hope, is to be 
 mentally supplied. For an example of a similar character see p. 136, 
 line 27. 
 
 4. last King of England, that was ancestor, ^c. Henry VH was 
 father of Margaret, who married James IV of Scotland. Their son was 
 James V, the father of Mary, Queen of Scots, who was mother of 
 James VI of Scotland and I of England. 
 
 6. both unions, i. e. first, the union of the two families of York and 
 Lancaster by the marriage of Henry VII, the representative of the 
 Lancastrian house, with Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV, of the 
 Yorkist line ; and secondly, in later times, the union of the two king- 
 doms of England and Scotland under the same monarch, which was 
 brought about by the succession of James I to the English throne on 
 the death of Queen Elizabeth. Both these events may be referred to 
 Henry VII. 
 
 P. 4, line r. better for the liver, i. e. more comfortable for those who 
 live in them. Uneventful times may be said to be such, while stirring 
 times supply more details for the writer of history. The Latin text is : 
 alterum genus tempormn viventibits conimodius, alterum scribentibus gra- 
 tius. The noun liver is not of frequent occurrence. It is found in
 
 22 4 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 Shakespeare, Cymb. in. 4. 15: "Prithee, think there's livers out of 
 Britain." 
 
 1. look. In modem English we should write taken. But this con- 
 fused use as a participle of the form which has since been confined to 
 the past tense was not uncommon in Bacon's time. Cf. Shakespeare, M. 
 for M. II. 2. 74 : "and he that might the vantage best have took." 
 
 5. incomparable. It must be remembered that Bacon wrote this in 
 the year after his condemnation by the House of Lords. King James 
 had remitted lioth parts of the sentence, the fine and the imprisonment, 
 and so the strength of this epithet may be due in some measure to that 
 circumstance, but compare the dedication of the Advancement of Learn- 
 ing, written in 1605, where even stronger language than that in our text 
 appears. Cf p. .^ (Clarendon Press Series), " I am well assured that 
 this which I shall say is no amplification at all, but a positive and 
 measured truth ; which is that there hath not been since Christ's time 
 any king or temporal prince which hath been so learned in all literature 
 and erudition divine and human, &c." The dedication of the Authorized 
 Version of the Bible to this same King is in a like laudatory and flatter- 
 ing style, which was, as it seems, the common mode of addressing this 
 pedantic monarch. 
 
 7. pieces, i. e. pictures, keeping up the metaphor from painting 
 which he had employed in the previous sentence. The Latin te.xt has 
 exemplar. For the English word in this sense cf. Shaks. Timon, I. i. 28 : 
 "Let's see your piece; 'Tis a good piece. ..what a mental power this 
 eye shoots forth." 
 
 10. Francis St Alban. Bacon was created Viscount St Alban Janu- 
 ary 27th, 1620 — I. 
 
 Text, p. 5. Henry the Sez'enth. The connection of the King with 
 the house of Lancaster will be seen from the following table : 
 
 Edward III 
 I 
 John of Gaunt and Catharine Swynford 
 
 John Beaufort (earl of Somerset) 
 
 Owen Tudor m. Catharine widow John Beaufort (duke of Somerset) 
 of Henry V 
 
 Edmund Tudor married Margaret Beaufort 
 
 U ^ 1 
 
 Henry VII. 
 
 John Beaufort (earl of Somerset) was one of several natural children 
 of John of Gaunt by Catharine Swynford, who subsequently became his 
 third wife. The children were called Beaufort from the name of the 
 castle in France where they were born. These illegitimate children 
 were legitimated by an Act of Parliament in 1397, and no restriction 
 was then put upon their claim to the throne.
 
 NOTES. 225 
 
 Line i. in fact. An English representation of the Latin phrase de 
 facto, as opposed to de jure. See below, p. 15, 1. ii. 
 
 1. regiment = x\Aq., government. Cf. the title of John Knox's \york, 
 "The first blast of the trumpet against the monstrous regiment of 
 women," a work in which he assails the rule of the three Marys, Mary 
 of Guise, queen-dowager and regent of Scotland; Mary queen of Scots 
 and queen Mary of England. The Latin has regimen. 
 
 8. a dn'oiit niolhcr. The name of Lady Margaret, the mother of 
 Henry VH, still survives in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, 
 in the titles bestowed upon the readers in divinity, the chairs for which 
 she endowed. Christ's College and St John's in Cambridge are also 
 monuments of her devotion. She was likewise a benefactress to the 
 monasteries of Thorney, Peterborough, Croyland, Bourn and Spalding. 
 See Cooper's Lady Margaret, lately edited by Professor Mayor. Her 
 parentage is seen from the pedigree on the previous page. She was 
 first given in marriage, at the age of nine, by her guardian William de 
 la Pole, duke of Suffolk, to his son John who afterwards became duke 
 of Suffolk. But when her guardian was attainted in 1450, this marriage 
 was regarded as a nullity, and she afterwards married Edmund Tudor 
 the father of Henry VII. Her husband dying before their son was 
 born, she afterwards married lord Henry Stafford, a younger son of 
 Humphrey Stafford first duke of Buckingham. This second husband 
 died in 1482, and she soon after was married to Thomas, second lord 
 Stanley. Lady Margaret was born in 1441 and died in 1509. 
 
 13. the body of Richard. The body of the late king was stripped, 
 laid across a horse behind a pursuivant-at-arms, and conveyed to 
 Leicester, where, after it had been exposed for two days, it was buried 
 with little ceremony in the church of the Grey Friars. Ten years later 
 Henry VII caused a tomb to be erected over the grave. 
 
 14. diriges, funeral-hymns. The name is said to be derived from 
 the Latin word dirige which occurs in the first line of a solemn Latin 
 hymn of the Romish Church : Dirige gressiis meos. Ii ence the modern 
 word dirge. This etymology has been disputed but no better has been 
 suggested in its place. The word occurs in Spenser, Mother Hubbard's 
 Tal6, line 454: "Their diriges, their trentals and their shrifts." 
 
 18. religious people. Monks and nuns are frequently thus spoken of, 
 as being more devoted to a life of religion than others. Cf. Roy's 
 "Read me and be not wroth" (Arber's Reprints), p. 152: "The 
 apostles had all thynges in comone, lyke as soche clarkes and 7-eligyous 
 saye they have nowe. In tokenynge whereof no man sayd...thys ys 
 myne, so our clarkes and namely [i. e. especially] relygyous people when 
 they will speak in terms of their religyon." 
 
 P. 6, line 2. itmuorthy (?/"= inappropriate to, unmeet for, undeserved, 
 in the sense of being too bad for. Latin, injuriosiis. Cf. Shakespeare, 
 Richard III, I. 2. 88 : 
 
 ... doing worthy vengeance on thyself 
 Which didst umvorthy slaughter upon others. 
 
 executioner of King Henry VI. Edward IV had the report cir- 
 C. H. . 15
 
 2 26 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 ciliated lliat Henry VI died of grief, as liad formerly been reported of 
 l\ic!iard II ; but the writers under the next dynasty all agree in stating 
 that he was niiirderc<l, if not by the hand, at all events by the direction, 
 of Richard, duke of Gloucester. 
 
 4. contriver of tlw death of the duke of Clarence. The reason why 
 this has been laid at the door of the duke of Gloucester is doubtless 
 because of the disputes between him and Clarence about the disposal of 
 the wealth of the earl of Warwick, one of whose daughters they had 
 each married, Clarence the eldest, and Gloucester the younger. 
 
 5. his t7i.<o nephe-os, i.e. Edward V and Richard duke of York. 
 
 7. failing of /lint ^^howhX he die without issue. 
 
 8. iiii poisoner of his wife. Richard's wife was Anne the younger 
 daughter of Warwick the king-maker. She died i6th March, 14S5. 
 It was rumoured that her death was by ]">oison, and that Richard wished 
 to marry his niece Elizabeth of York, eklcst daughter of lulward IV. It 
 is said that in the festivities of the previous Christmas the princess 
 Elizabeth had been dressed in robes of the same fashion and colour as 
 those of the queen. Ratcliffe and Catesby, the king's confidants, are 
 credited with having represented to Richard that this marriage of so 
 near a kinswoman would be an oliject of horror to the jicople, and 
 bring on him the condemnation of the clergy. 
 
 9. degrees forbidden, i. e. degrees of kinship or affmity within which 
 marriages are forbidden to take place. 
 
 10. iri, military virtue approved. Even the writers who are loudest 
 in the praise of Henry VII, do not deny to Richard the merit of great 
 bravery. 
 
 jealous. ..la-i'inaker. In his address to his jiarliament Richard is 
 reported to have said, "We be determined rather to adventure and 
 commit us to the peril of our life and jeopardy of death, than to live 
 in such thraldom and bondage as we have lived long time heretofore, 
 oppressed and injured by extortions and new impositions against the 
 laws of God and man, and liberty, old policy and laws of tliis realm 
 wherein every Englishman is inherited." Among his good laws may 
 be mentioned one against the arbitrary exactions of money under the 
 name of " I'cnevolcnces " which had been so common in the reign 
 of Edward IV. He regulated the laws relating to bail, and enacted 
 that the goods of suspected persons should not be seized before their 
 conviction. He made good laws to secure the rights of buyers to any 
 ])roperty which they had purchased, and facilitated the transfer of 
 landed property by the act known as "the Statute of Fines." 
 
 13. parricides. This \\'ord derived from fater, a father, and cado, 
 to kill, was originally ai)plied to the murder of parents, but even in 
 Latin its signification was extended till it came to be used of any 
 murder. 
 
 21. trains and mines, schemes and underhand plans. For trains 
 cf. Shaksp. Macbeth, IV. 3. 118: 
 
 Macbeth by many of these trains hath sought to win me. 
 
 24. disorders = \\o\.o\\?> living. I.ingard sums up this part of the 
 character of Edward IV thus:— "The love of pleasure was his ruling
 
 NOTES. 227 
 
 fassion. Few princes have been more magiiificent in their dress, or 
 more licentious in their amours ; few have mdulged more freely in the 
 luxuries of the table." His voluptuous life is again mentioned by 
 Bacon, p. 7. Towards the latter part of his life he became veiy 
 imwieldy in body, and incapacitated for any active exertion. 
 
 31. Fiqueny. (Modern orthography Picquigny.) On the Somme, 
 a little N.W. of Amiens. The treaty made at this place was in 1475. 
 Edward the IVth had been urged by Charles, duke of Burgundy, to 
 prosecute his claims on France, and aid from Burgimdy had been 
 promised him. But the duke was far from fulfilling his promises, and 
 Louis XI found means to persuade the King of Eno;land to return 
 home. The treaty was made on a wooden bridge hastily thrown over 
 the Somme, on which two lodges were erected for the royal interview. 
 There was much murmuring in England at the turn of events, the King 
 was accused of avarice, and his counsellers of having sufiered themselves 
 to be bribed by Louis. These are the circumstances of which Bacon 
 states that Richard took advantage. 
 
 P. 7, line 3. 7ncan 7?iarriage. The wife of Edward IV was 
 Elizabeth Wydeville, daughter of Sir Richard Wydeville, Lord Rivers, 
 and his wife Jaquetta duchess of Bedford. She had previously been 
 manied to Sir John Grey a Lancastrian who was killed at the second 
 battle of St Albans. Her marriage with Edward was kept secret from 
 May 1464 till the following September. When the King acknowledged 
 his wife there were many who murmured, and could ill disguise their 
 jealousy at the elevation to the throne of one whose father a few years 
 ago was no more than a simple knight. Sir Richard Wydeville had 
 been created Lord Rivers in 1448. For further notice of this queen and 
 her family see pp. 28, 29, and the notes thereon. 
 
 7. brocage. This M'ord is from the same root as bivker. It W23 
 applied in contempt to the mean trafficking of a petty dealer, and 
 then came to be applied to any mean arts or practices, as here to the 
 designing conduct of the duke of Gloucester. Cf. Warner, Albion's 
 England, viii. 41 : 
 
 And should he know (I shame he should) 
 
 Of this your brokage base. 
 He would acquaint you what it were 
 
 Your sovereign to disgrace. 
 
 13. able to trouble, i. e. enough to trouble, calculated to trouble. 
 Latm posset pertiirbare. Cf. Bacon's Essays (the edition by Mr W. 
 Aldis Wright is that which is always referred to, and I here acknow- 
 ledge a multitude of obligations to his valuable volumes which it would 
 be endless to mention as they recur). Essay XXix. p. 129, "Donatives 
 and largesses upon the disbanding of the armies were things able to 
 enflame all men's courages." 
 
 19. precedent pact, i. e. previous compact or agreement. See p. 8, 
 line 30. A compact of this kind had been known to the duke of 
 Bucjiingham before his revolt against Richard III. The crown was
 
 2 2S HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 to be settled on Henry cail of Richmond and Elizabeth daughter of 
 Edward IV, now the nearest representatives of the Houses of Lancaster 
 and York. See Dugdale, Vol. i. p. i68. For an account of the first 
 movement in this compact and of the Lady Margaret's consent thereto 
 in the name of her son, see Lingard iv. pp. 119, 120. Grafton (p. 864) 
 says that Henry wlien in Brittany took an oath to Elizabeth queen of 
 Edward IV to marry her eldest daughter. 
 
 21. by plea and arms. The plea which had always been put 
 forward on behalf of the Lancastrian line was that there had been a 
 wrong succession since the time of Edward I. The line of descent was 
 as follows : — 
 
 Henry HI 
 
 I ' 1 
 
 Edward I Edmund, earl of Lancaster 
 
 I 1 
 
 Edward II Henry, earl of Lancaster 
 
 I I 
 
 Edward HI Henry, duke of Lancaster 
 
 I .1 
 John of Gaunt married Blanche, duchess of Lancaster 
 1 1 
 
 Henry IV. 
 
 It was pretended that Edmund earl of Lancaster was the elder of 
 the sons of Henry III, but being deformed, had been set aside by his 
 own consent. Yet through Edmund's great-granddaughter Blanche 
 Henry IV might on this ground claim to be the rightful heir, and set 
 aside any of the children of Edward HI, of whom only the family of 
 Lionel duke of Clarence could claim before him. 
 
 The claim by arms was through the dc facto Kings Henry IV, 
 Henry V and Henry VI. 
 
 30. plausible, here not used in any derogatory sense, but meaning 
 praiseworthy. Of. Earle's " Microcosmographie" (Arber's Reprints), 
 p. tor : "AH men put on to him (the poor man) a kind of churlisher 
 fashion, and even raoxo. plausible natures [are] churlish to him. 
 
 33. at courtesy, i.e. by sufferance. We now call the titles given 
 in compliment to younger sons of nobility courtesy titles. 
 
 P. 8, line 6. civil act of estates. The parliament was (and is) 
 spoken of as the three estates of the realm, which were in these times 
 Lords, Commons, and Convocation. A King by an act of estates is 
 therefore a King by act of parliament. 
 
 16. a title condemned by parliament. This condemnation of the 
 title of the House of Lancaster took place in the parliament which 
 met in November, 1461, after the coronation of Edward the IVth. 
 Henry IV, Henry V and Henry VI were declared late, in fact, but 
 not of right, Kings of England. A bill of attainder was passed at 
 the same time whereby all the distinguished supporters of the House 
 of Lancaster, as well as the King and his kinsfolk were adjudged 
 to suffer the penalties of treason, the loss of their honours, the 
 forfeiture of their estates and an ignominious death. Rot. Pail. '^'!q\. v. 
 PP- 463. 476, 486.
 
 NOTES. 229 
 
 19. j«(/«(5/Vrt/^ = undoubted. It is worth while to notice the number 
 of Latin words whicli were, by the revival of learning, imported into 
 the English of this and the previous century, with a mere modification 
 of termination. As the language advanced in vigour these fell away 
 and had their places supplied by other words, less Latin in form. 
 Cf. casualties, 17, 28: prejudge, 21,30: person (in the sense of cha- 
 racte)), 23, 14 : office, 38, 6, and many more. 
 
 25. Sir William Stanley, brother of Thomas, Lord Stanley, and 
 so uncle to Lord Strange. Sir William Stanley was chamberlain of 
 North Wales under Richard III and engaged in concert with Lord 
 Strange and Sir John Savage to join the army of the earl of Richmond, 
 which they eventually did, though they continued to wear the appear- 
 ance of hostility till the field of Bosworth because Richard had posses- 
 sion of the person of Lord Strange. More particulars concerning Sir 
 William Stanley will be found on pp. 124, 125, and the notes thereon. 
 
 28. atid was found, i. e. and zvhich (crown) was found. Both 
 relatives and personal pronouns were frequently omitted in Bacon's 
 time, though a sentence containing another nominative intervened be- 
 tween the pronoun and its verb, where now for greater clearness we 
 repeat them. Cf. infra, p. 24, line 18 : " She was a busy negociating 
 woman, and in her withdrawing-chamber had the fortunate conspiracy 
 for the King against King Richard the third been hatched ; which the 
 King knew, and remembered perhaps but too well : and was (where 
 now we should say and she was)... extremely discontent with the King." 
 Cf. also p. 72, line 16, where to make the sense clear there are must be 
 inserted before no vtiddle people. 
 
 P. 9, line 5. foj-bore to ttse that claim. William the Conqueror 
 put forward his claims to the English crown on the right he had by 
 the bequest of Edward the Confessor and also his personal claim on 
 Harold as his sworn man. See Freeman's Norman Conquest, Vol. III. 
 p. 431. 
 
 8. cast the die. This phrase in the active form is rare in English. 
 The passive form, the die zvas cast, is common enough. Cf. North's 
 Plutarch, p. 549: "Crying out. ..let the die be cast. ..he (Julius Caesar) 
 passed over with his army. " 
 
 10. interreign. The more completely Latin form inierregnutn has, 
 contrary to most other instances, won its way to general acceptance. 
 
 15. an entertainer of fortune by the day, one who took fortune 
 as it came without great attempts at provision for the distant future. 
 
 21. three descents, i.e. Henry IV, Henry V and Henry VI, the 
 three successive monarchs of the house of Lancaster. 
 
 30. Sir Robert IVilloughby, created in 1485 Lord Willoughby of 
 Brook (p. 18). This nobleman commanded the forces sent over in 
 1488 to the aid of the duke of Brittany. See page 60. 
 
 33. Edward Plantagenet. It may be convenient to give here a 
 genealogical table which will make plain the relationship of all those 
 persons who were interested in the succession to the crown at the death 
 of Edward the IVth and afterwards at the death of Richard HI.
 
 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
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 NOTES. 231 
 
 p. 10, line 7. doctor Skald's tale at PaiiPs cross. While Richard 
 duke of Gloucester was protector, and was preparing; his way to the 
 throne, he appointed Dr Shaw (the brother of the Lord ^Iayor) to 
 preach at St Paul's Cross. He (says Lingard) "selected for his text the 
 following passage of the Book of Wisdom (iv. 3) : ' Bastard slips shall 
 not strike deep roots.' Having maintained from different examples 
 that children were seldom permitted to enjoy the fruits of their father's 
 iniquity, he proceeded to describe the well-known libertinism of the 
 late King." The preacher after this proceeded to state that previous 
 to the King's marriage with Lady Grey, he had been privately married 
 to Eleanor, the widow of the Lord Boteler of Sudely, and therefore 
 the children bom to the King and Lady Grey were illegitimate and 
 so could have no claim to the succession of their father. 
 
 10. «'«'= utterly. For this emphatic use of the adverb ez'er, 
 of, Shakespeare, Pericles, v. i. 204: 
 
 Truth can never he confirm 'd enough, 
 Though doubts did ever sleep. 
 
 13. did use — was wont. Cf. Shaksp. J. Ca;s. i. 2. 72 : 
 Were I a common laugher, or did use 
 To stale with ordinary oaths my love. 
 
 20. fo)~Li'ards._ The j at the end of this and other similar words 
 compounded with ward is the genitive case-ending. But the compounds 
 of ward are formed with the accusative ending as well, and so we 
 have pairs of forms, forward and forwards, toward and towards, i.\:c. 
 
 24. as = as if. Cf Shaksp. Macbeth, 11. 4. 5: "Thou seest the 
 heavens, as troubled with man's act, threaten his bloody stage." 
 
 P. II, line 8. assurance, security. Cp. p. 32, line 20, also Deu- 
 teronomy xxviii. 66 : "Thou shalt fear dav and night, and shalt have 
 none assurance of thy life." 
 
 11. Jirst u/>on an observation, i.e. first because he had noticed the 
 circumstance, that Saturday was always a lucky day. For another mention 
 of this idea of King Henry's and of an action regulated thereby see p. 
 J54, line 14. 
 
 13. mayor. The orthography in the original edition is major, 
 which exhibits the etymology better than our present form. The word 
 is Lat. w(7/'(?r = greater. 'I'he mayor at this time was Thomas Hill, 
 who died afterwards in the sweating sickness (see p. 12), and Thomas 
 Bretay and Richard Chester were the Sheriffs. 
 
 companies of the city. At a meeting of the Common Council 31 
 Aug. 1485, it was agreed that 435 persons representing 66 companies 
 of guilds should ride to meet the King in cloaks of bright murrey (i.e. 
 dark red). The mayor and aldermen wore cloaks of scarlet. (See 
 Materials for History of Henry VH, Rolls Series, pp. 4, 5.) 
 
 ly. ^^-f/ j/'a/c' = maintain dignity. The expression is a common one 
 ■withBacon. Seep. 107, 1.8 and p. 146, 1.5. Cf Shaksp. Hen. V,i. 2. 273: 
 *'But tell the Dauphin I will keep my state, 
 Be like a king, and shew my sail of greatness."
 
 232 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 25. bishop of London. The Bishop ofLondon at this time was Thomas 
 Kemp, who had been previously Archdeacon of Middlesex and Chan- 
 cellor of York. The palace of the Jiishop was then, as now, at Fulham. 
 
 31. Britain, i. e. Brittany. This orthography has been preserved 
 throughout, and Britons for the people of the duchy. 
 
 P. 12, line 6. /wzfj^t"'tr = although. A frequent use of the word 
 in Bacon. See p. I4, 1. ^S. Cf. Shaksp. Cymbeline, I. i. 64 : 
 Howsoe'er 'tis strange, yet it is true. 
 
 15. reflect upon her, look towards, have regard unto her. The 
 word is not common in this sense, and is no doubt due to the Latin 
 text, which has "ne vota ordinum ullatenus in Elizabetham reflecterent." 
 
 19. siiieatins[ sickness. Two lord mayors (Thomas Hill and Sir 
 William Stokker) and six aldermen died of this disease in one week in 
 London (see Hall's Chronicle), and it is said that of those whom it at- 
 tacked not more than one in a hundred escaped. The disease appeared 
 afterwards in 1517, and occasioned also great mortality in Oxford in 1575. 
 
 P. 13, line 3. swprise 0/ nature, i.e. an attack of sickness for which 
 nature was unprepared and which therefore was the more severely felt. 
 
 5. /^w/('r = temperature. The Latin text has /cv/z/^ivv^w^;;/////.-. The 
 English word in this sense I have not found until a much later date, as 
 Dryden, Ovid, Met. I. 59: 
 
 Betwixt the extremes two happier climates hold 
 The temper that partakes of hot and cold. 
 See also Warton, Virgil, Georg. I. 489. 
 
 8. infinite persons. This adjective is more commonly used of things 
 than of persons. The only passage in Shakespeare which at all corre- 
 sponds with this use is Hen. VHI, III. i. 82, "Your hopes and friends 
 are infinite," where, however, the adjective is as much connected with 
 the first noun as the second. 
 
 14. Simon and yitde's eve, i. e. 27th of October. 
 
 Thomas Boiirchier, Archbishop from 1454 to i486, j^reviously 
 Bishop of Worcester and then of Ely. He had taken a prominent part 
 in the stirring times of the \Vars of the Roses, and had at one time 
 effected a tem]iorary reconciliation between the two rival Houses. He 
 attended the Yorkist army to Northampton. He was also one of the 
 ambassadors to France at the peace of Picquigny. He was created a 
 cardinal in 1467. He crowned both Richard 111 and Henry VH, and 
 officiated at the marriage of Henry. Fuller describes this his last official 
 act as the holding of " the posie on which the White Rose and the Red 
 were tied together." Bourchier was a benefactor to the Cathedral at 
 Ely, and to poor scholars at both the Universities. 
 
 16. Latiibeth, where is the palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 17. kniglUs bannerets. This is the title given originally to knights 
 who are created by the King in person, on the battle-field under the 
 royal banner in a time of open war. If so created the knight ranks 
 after knights of the Garter. If not created on the field (as was the 
 case here) he ranks after baronets. For an account of such creations 
 on the field see p. 155, at the conclusion of the Cornish rebellion by the 
 victory at Blackheath.
 
 NOTES. 233 
 
 ■20. Jasper, earl of Pembroke. This was Jasper Tudor the brother 
 of Edmund Tudor, and second son of Owen Tudor. It was in his 
 castle, at Pembroke, that Henry VII was born after his father's death, 
 the Lady Margaret having retired thither. The title was extinct in 1497. 
 
 22. Thomas, the lord Stanley. This was the third husband of the 
 Countess of Richmond, the King's mother. He was the second Lord 
 Stanley, and was third cousin of the Lady Margaret, so that a papal 
 dispensation was needed to sanction the marriage. He had deserted the 
 side of Richard III at Bosworth. He acted as high constable at the 
 King's coronation and played a distinguished part during the whole of 
 Henry the Vllth's reign. 
 
 ■23. Edward Courtney In the patent of his creation he is described 
 as Edward Courtenay, knight, heir male of Hugh Courtenay, whilom 
 earl of Devon, and Margaret his wife, daughter of Elizabeth, daughter 
 of Edward I. 
 
 30. l7inocent the eighth, Pope of Rome (1484 — 1492). 
 Frederick the third. Emperor of Almain (1440 — 149.^)- 
 
 Almain. This name for Germany, which the French still retain 
 in EAlleinagne, is derived from Alemanni the name of an ancient 
 German people dwelling between the Danube, the Rhine and the Maine. 
 
 31. Maxitnilian his son. King of the Romans. He became emperor 
 in 1493—1519, succeeding his father. The title King of the Romans 
 belonged to the heir apparent to the empire of Germany, known in old 
 times as the Holy Roman Empire. Maximilian was at this time a 
 widower : his wife had been Mary daughter of Charles the Bold, duke 
 of Burgimdy. She left him a son and daughter, the latter betrothed to 
 Charles King of France, and living in France for her education. See 
 p. 32. 
 
 32. Charles the eighth. King of France {lifi}, — r498). He had been 
 betrothed to the daughter of Maximilian, while he was dauphin, after 
 the peace of Arras. 
 
 33. Ferdinaiido and Isabella, Kings of Spain (1476 — 1516)- Fer- 
 dinand was son of John, King of Aragon ; and on his marriage with 
 Isabella, queen of Castile, the two monarcliios of Spain were united 
 and have never been severed. 
 
 James the third, A'ing of Scotland {1460-SS). Fcrhisfate, seep. 68. 
 
 P. 14, line 6. yeomen of his guard. This is the first occasion of the 
 appointment of a royal body guard. Grafton says of it : " Men thought 
 'that he learned this president [precedent] of the French King when he 
 was in France, for men remembre not anye King of Englande before 
 that tyme which used such a furniture of daylye souldiours." 
 
 25. in his danger, at his mercy. Cf Shakespeare, Merch. of 
 Venice, IV. i. 180: "You stand within his danger." 
 
 29. reclaitn = \.2em!S., subdue, make gentle, one of the many technical 
 terms which were used in hawking. Cf. Shakespeare, Rom. and Juliet, 
 IV. 2. 47 : "This wayward girl is so reclaimed." 
 
 32. fnore than ///<;/ = except that. The Latin has prceterquam quod. 
 
 P. 15, line 3. the act. The words of the bill are as follows, and 
 quite bear out the statement in the text : " To the pleasure of Ahnighiy
 
 234 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 God, tlie wealth, prosperity, and surety of this realm of England, to 
 the singular comfort of all the King's subjects of the same, and in 
 avoiding of all ambiguities and questions, be it ordained, slablished 
 and enacted by the authority of this present Parliament that the in- 
 heritance of the crowns of England and of France with all the pre- 
 eminence and dignity royal to the same pertaining, and all other 
 seigniories to the King belonging beyond the sea, with the appur- 
 tenances thereto in any wise due or pertaining, be, rest, remain and 
 abide in the most royal person of our new sovereign lord King Harry 
 the Vllth and in the heirs of his body lawfully coming perpetually 
 with the grace of God so to endure and in none others." 
 
 \2. fair, i.e. open. Latin in medio reliiiquehatur. 
 
 P. 1 6, line 3. tlie Kin/s party, i.e. the party of him who was now 
 King Henry VH, but then earl of Richmond. 
 
 exclwipicr-chainbcr. This court has no original jurisdiction over 
 crimes or offences, but only u[)on writs of error to rectify any injustice 
 or mistake of the law. It is therefore called in the text the council 
 chamber of the judges. 
 
 26. corruption of blood. This was the effect of a bill of attainder 
 till the reign of William IV. An attainted person in conse(|uence 
 could neither inherit lands from his ancestors, nor retain those of which 
 he was already in [lossession nor transmit them to any heir. 
 
 33. duke of A'orfolk. This was John, Lord Howard, who had 
 become in 14S3 duke of Norfolk in right of his wife, Margaret, coheir 
 of John Mowbray, duke of Norfolk. The title forfeited in 1485 wag 
 restored in 15 13. 
 
 Earl of Sumy. Thomas Howard, .son of the above-named duke ot 
 Norfolk. He was created earl of Surrey when his father became duke. 
 His dignity, now forfeited, was restored to him in 1489. See p. 66. 
 
 P. 17, line I. Viscount Lovel. Francis, Lord Lovel. He had 
 been created Viscount Lovel in 1482. He had been one of the chief 
 advisers of Richard HI. It was of him and RatclifTe and Catesby, 
 mentioned below, that the rhyme was made in Richard's reign, 
 
 The rat, the cat, and Lovel our dog 
 Rule all England under the hog. 
 
 "By whiche," says Fabyan, fol. ccxxx., "was ment that Catisby, 
 Ratclyffe and the Lord Lovell ruled the lande under the Kynge which 
 baretiiewhyte Bore for his conysaunce." " But," adds Grafton, " because 
 the first line ended in dog, the Metrician could not ende the second 
 verse in Bore, but called the Bore an hog." The metrician was a 
 certain William Colyngbourne who was executed for his metre. 
 
 Lord Ferrers. Walter Devereux, who became lord Ferrers of 
 Chartley in 1470 in right of his wife Anne, daughter of William, lord 
 Ferrers. 
 
 Lord Zouch. John le Zouch. lord Zouch of Ilarringworth. This 
 barony, forfeited in 1485, was restored in 1509. 
 
 Richard Ratcliffe. Knight of the body to Richard III. 
 
 2. William Catesby. Esquire of the body to Richard HI. He
 
 NOTES. 235 
 
 was one of the three persons executed by order of Henry VII, from the 
 prisoners taken at Bosworth fiekl. 
 
 viany others. The number of persons included in this act of 
 attainder was thirty, see Lingard, IV. 132. 
 
 5. stay. The Latin has temperantia. The English word, which I 
 have not met with elsewhere in this sense, is used to indicate the know- 
 ledge of when to stop in any business, a knowledge which Henry VII 
 possessed in a high degree in the matter of the punishment of offenders. 
 
 13. grace of restitiitiofi = s.n opportunity of repairing their offence 
 by submission, and of being restored to their possessions again. The 
 Latin has restitutionefii fortiinantm. 
 
 •28. cast(alties = \.\xmgs. which had fallen in, windfalls as we now call 
 them. Lat. casiialia. the English of Bacon's time was largely mixed 
 with Latin words only Anglicised in the termination. This use of 
 casualties seems to be peculiar to Bacon. 
 
 31. form sake. The omission of the s of the^ genitive case in 
 nouns followed by a word beginning with a sibilant letter can be readily 
 understood, from the desire of getting rid of the too great amount of 
 hissing sounds. In Skelton, I. 261, we have "For my fansy sake," 
 and in Shaks. Love's L. L. IV. i. 37, "Only for praise sake when they 
 strive to be lords o'er their lords." See Matzner, Eng. Grammatik, I. 235. 
 
 32. reduce aliens, is^c. i.e. to make foreign-born persons, although 
 they have become naturalized in England, yet remain on the same 
 footing as mere unnaturalized foreigners, in the matter of the customs 
 and dues which they might have to pay. 
 
 P. 18, line I. compositions, &c. The political economy of Heniy 
 the Vllth's time aimed at letting as little coin of the realm go out 
 of the country as possible. It was therefore enacted that Italian and 
 other merchants who brought the commodities of their own countries to 
 England, should be fined if they did not expend the receipts in English 
 products to carry away instead of coin. These fines were the coin- 
 positions for fwt-employment. On the warrant of a similar statute 
 Erasmus when returning to his own country was only allowed to carry 
 six angels in money with him, the rest being seized for the royal 
 exchequer. See Seebohm's Oxford Reformers, p. 161. 
 
 9. Lo7-d Chajidos. His creation is dated 6 Jan. i486. He is 
 therein called Philibert de Shaunde, and along with his title he is 
 granted 100 marks out of the issues of the counties of Somerset and 
 Dorset for the support of his estate. The preamble of the creation 
 recites the exertions which had been made by the recipient on behalf 
 of the restoration of Henry. The title became extinct with the death 
 of the first earl. 
 
 10. Lord Daubeney. This title descended through two generations 
 and became extinct in 1548. This first lord Daubeney afterwards 
 became deputy of Calais, see p. 76. 
 
 14. Edward Stafford. This was the duke of Buckingham who 
 was afterwards attainted and executed in 1521. He was descended 
 from Edward HI both by father and mother. The subjoined table 
 will show his close relationship to King Henry VII, and the connection 
 of both with the line of Edward III.
 
 236 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 O 
 (4 
 
 
 c 
 
 X 
 
 § 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 g 
 
 
 tr. o 
 
 ■go' 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 :: rt 
 
 c 
 
 5i 
 
 
 
 -,k4- 
 
 
 
 0^ 
 
 
 s 
 
 ;_ 
 
 rS 1) 
 
 rt 
 
 rt 
 
 ^ ON 
 
 iT.'^ 
 
 
 C- Q 
 
 t3 ^- 
 
 s 
 
 r3 
 
 4) 
 
 <u 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 TJ^^ 
 
 
 C J;^ 
 
 i- 
 
 S 'I t. 
 
 G V- r- 
 
 
 •T3 rt C 
 
 rt 
 
 wE:°. 
 
 
 iff 
 
 
 I ^ . 
 
 c 
 
 i2 
 
 rt 
 
 
 t; 
 
 
 
 v2 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 ci 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 cq 
 
 
 
 ■«-> 
 
 
 
 1) 
 
 
 
 }-« 
 
 1— 1 
 
 J-» 
 
 ':i 
 
 }—^ 
 
 ^- g 
 
 ^ 
 
 > 
 
 S ^ ij — 
 
 
 - >> 
 C 
 
 1— i^ 
 
 ^C/2 
 
 
 
 H-1 

 
 NOTES. 237 
 
 53. Marquis Dorset. This was Sir Thomas Grey (a son by her 
 first marriage of Elizabeth, queen of Edward IV) who had been 
 attainted by King Richard III in his first year, and was restored in 
 J4S5. His petition to the King for reversal of the attainder sets forth 
 that it had been incurred by " the true service which he owed and did 
 unto the now King's Grace." (See Materials for History of Hen. VII, 
 Rolls Series, p. 138.) Before he became Marquis Dorset in 1475, he 
 had been earl of Huntingdon, and previously Lord Grey of Groby. 
 For his further history see p. 34, and the notes thereon. 
 
 Sir John Bourchicr (afterwards Lord Berners). His grandfather 
 had been knight of the garter and constable of Windsor Castle. Sir 
 John distinguished himself in 1495 in the suppression of the Cornish 
 rebellion. He was made lieutenant of Calais by Henry VIII. He 
 conducted the Princess Mary, sister to Henry VIII, to France when 
 she was married to Louis XII. He died at Calais in 1532. _\Ye owe 
 to him a noble translation of Froissart's Chronicle, printed in 1523. 
 He also wrote several other works, among the rest "The History of 
 Arthur of Lytell Brytayne." 
 
 27. Master Bray. This was Sir Reginald Bray, who had taken 
 an active part in the plans for placing Henry on the throne. He was 
 formerly steward of the household to Lady Margaret, and a trustee 
 under her marriage with Lord Stanley. He died in 1503. In Kippis's 
 Biographia Britannica is a memoir of Sir Reginald Bray, II. 572. 
 
 28. prcst, here = a loan. The word is very common (as might be 
 expected) in the documents connected with the early part of this reign, 
 but not quite in the sense in which it is here used. For examples of the 
 word = loan, see North's Plutarch (1595), p. 638, "It chanced the 
 King was without money : whereupon he sent to all his friends to 
 take up money in prest, and among others unto Eumenes, of whom 
 he requested three hundred talents. Eumencs lent him but a hundred." 
 Cf. Cooper's Lady Margaret (Mayor), Glossary, p. 278. In the Ma- 
 terials for History of Hen. VII, the word seems to imply a fine or 
 deduction. See I. pp. 97, 262, 264, 265. Thus p. 262, '^Mandate to 
 the treasurer and chamberlains of the Exchequer to pay (without delay, 
 upon the sight hereof, in ready money without prcst or other charge) to 
 Nicolas Warley of London, goldsmith, &c." 
 
 29. six thousand marks. The value of the mark was 13^-. \d. So 
 that the sum asked for was ;^4000, of which the King obtained only 
 one half. It must be borne in mind that the value of money was then 
 more than twelve times what it is now. See Froude, History of England, 
 Vol. I. p. 26. 
 
 33. John Morton was now bishop of Ely, but in i486 succeeded 
 Bourchier as archbishop of Canterbury, which see he held till his 
 death in 1500. He commenced life as a lawyer, which may perhaps 
 account for the position which he afterwards occupied among the 
 influential advisers of Henry VII. He espoused the cause of the house 
 of Lancaster, and was present at their defeat at the battle of Towton. 
 He fled into Flanders with Queen Margaret, and did not return till the 
 battle of Barnet. But when the Lancastrian cause was utterly over-
 
 23 S JUS TORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 thrown at Tewkesbury Morton submitted, and sent in his adhesion to 
 the victoiious family, and was advanced by Edward tlie IVth in the 
 most lavisli manner. His preferments are far too numerous to register 
 here. He was (among many otlier offices) Master of the Rolls in 1472, 
 archdeacon of Winciiester and archdeacon of Chester both in 1474, and 
 became bishop of Ely in 1479. He attended the deathbed of King 
 Edward IV. He was arrested by Richard duke of Gloucester when 
 protector, after that scene which occurred when Lord Hastings was 
 seized anrl executed, which .Shakespeare sets forth so graphically, 
 Richard HI, Act 3, Sc. 4. After his arrest he was committed to the 
 charge of the duke of Buckingham, and with him entered into a cor- 
 respondence with Lady Margaret for the purpose of raising Henry, 
 earl of Richmond, to the throne. It was not long after this that 
 Morton escaped from Brecknock, where he was in custody, and left 
 England for Flanders. He did not join Henry in Brittany, but kept 
 up a communication between England and Flanders, which enabled him 
 to supply the earl of Richmond with valuable information. After the 
 coronation of Henry VII, Morton's attainder was reversed, and on 
 his return he was made one of the Privy Council, and throughout 
 the whole reign of Henry was one of that king's chief counsellers. 
 He was made Lord Chancellor of England and Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury in the same year. On the dilemma termed Morton's fork see p. 
 93, and for a notice of his death and character, p. 182. 
 
 P. 19, line I. Kichard Fox. At this time bishop of Exeter and 
 Lord Privy Seal, but afterwards promoted first to be bishop of 
 Durham and afterwards bishop of Winchester. He was a trusted 
 friend of Lady Margaret and was appointed one of her executors, and, 
 with Morton, Bray and Daubeney, was of much influence with 
 Henry VII during his whole reign. 
 
 12. carried their re'^uard upon themselves. Those ^\■ho received, 
 as rewards for their services, rich bishoprics had reward enough therein, 
 and needed no more from the King's bounty. 
 
 14. first fruits {annates or priniiliic) was the value of every 
 spiritual living by the year, which the Pope, claiming the disposition of 
 all ecclesiastical livings within Christendom, reserved out of eveiy living. 
 As to what Pope first imposed first fruits historians do not agree. Black- 
 stone ascribes the im])osition to Pope Innocent IV. In the 34 Edward I 
 in a parliament held at Carlisle a complaint was made of the intolerable 
 oppressions by the pa])al legate, i^rincipally concerning first fruits, and 
 the King hereupon denied the payment of first fruits, and the pope relin- 
 Cjuished his demand of first fruits of abbeys, in which parliament the first 
 fruits for two years were granted to the King. There were many altera- 
 tions in the period between that parliament and the 25 Henry VIII, 
 when the first fruits were expressly annexed to the Crown. The text 
 indicates that the first fruits of bishoprics were in Henry the Vllth's 
 time paid to the down. For full particulars on this subject, see Bum's 
 Eccl. Law (by Phillimore), Vol. ll. p. 273seqq. 
 
 17. long expected and so much desii-ed marriage. On the roth 
 Dec. 148 = , the Commons in full Parliament prayed the King "that he
 
 NOTES. 239 
 
 would please to take tlie noble Lady Elizabeth, daughter of King 
 Edward the IV, as his wife and consort. Whereupon the Lords Spiri- 
 tual and Temporal being present at the same Parliament, rose from 
 their seats, and standing before the King as he sjlt on his royal throne 
 with their heads bowed and with lowly voice made unto the King the 
 same request. To whom, with his own lips, he replied that he was 
 content to proceed according to their desire and request." Trans- 
 lated from Materials for History of Hen. VII. (Rolls Series), Vol. I. 
 p. 209. 
 
 Tile marriage, which took place on the i8th January, 1485 — 6, was 
 thought by some to have been too long delayed, and historians have 
 declaimed against Henry on this account. He had pledged himself by 
 a solemn oath taken on Christmas day 1483, at the church of Rennes, to 
 marry the princess Elizabeth, or, in case of her death or previous union 
 with another, her sister Cecilia. Dean Hook {lives of Archbishops, 
 V. 384) thinks that the delay was partly attributable to the prevalence 
 of the sweating sickness. Perhaps also, as the papal dispensation was 
 required for their marriage, the application may have consumed some 
 part of the time. The text of this dispensation is given in Mat. for 
 Hist, of Hen. VII, p. 392. It is noteworthy that in the same records 
 very little is found in tiie way of entries for expenses on the marriage, 
 though there are several connected with the queen's coronation, as we 
 shall hereafter have to notice. 
 
 24. no very indulgent husband. The charge of coldness and 
 severity towards his consort, which has been so frequently urged by 
 historians against Henry VII, is far from true (see Nicolas's Memoir 
 of Elizabeth of York, LXXXII. Excerpta Historica, 86). "There is 
 ample proof that he lived with all his family in the greatest harmony." 
 Excerpta Historica, 286, quoted by Prof. Mayor in The Lady Mar- 
 garet, p. 33. 
 
 27. so...as = so...that. This is the usual form in Bacon's language. 
 Cp. pp. 22. I : 28. 14, et passim. 
 
 P. 20, line 5. the northern parts. Richard III. was crowned a second 
 time at York, and the inhabitants had been instructed on that occasion 
 to shew by their conduct how they rejoiced at his accession, so "that 
 the southern lords might mark the receiving of their Graces." This 
 second coronation was held to please the men of the North, among 
 whom Richard had for some years been popular. See Lingard, IV. 117. 
 
 10. over-cast. The word is used as we now employ cast in the 
 phrase "to cast accounts," and signifies, to add up to too large a total, 
 to count too much on. The Latin text is in fortimcE sua: siippntatione 
 et calciilis judicio sito viagnopere falsiis est. I have not found the 
 English word elsewhere in this sense. 
 
 14. Lord Lovel. Some interesting particulars connected with this 
 nobleman's share in the rebellion may be gathered from the Paston 
 Lette7-s (Gairdner), Vol. III. Letters 889 seqq. Lord Lovel had married 
 Anne, the daughter of Alice Lady Fitzhugh, one of Paston's correspond- 
 ents. In letter 890, he is said, contrary to the statement in our text, 
 p. 21, line S, to have fled into the Isle of Ely to provide, if he could,
 
 240 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 means for escaping out of the country, or else to betake himself to the 
 sanctuary again. But this may perhaps have been before he made his 
 way into Lancashire. Of his death see p. 37 and the note there. 
 
 14. Jlmnphny Stafford and Thomas Stafford. These were tlie sons 
 of that Humphrey Stafford (Stafford and llastang) who was slain by 
 Jack Cade, 1450, and wlio was buried at ]5romsgrove, with which place 
 (see Nash's IVorasters/iire, I. 157) the family was connected. For the 
 circumstances of the father's death see Lingard, iv. 49. The elder son 
 Humphrey, who had fought for Richard IH at Bosworth, left a family 
 of two sons and three daughters, but their property was seized to the 
 crown in consequence of their father's attainder, and was granted to Sir 
 Gilbert Talbot. Thomas the younger brother was the founder of the 
 family of Stafford of Tottenho in Buckinghamshire. When these bro- 
 thers were first seized they were brought to Worcester to be executed at 
 once, but the abbot of Abingdon arrived at Worcester in time to 
 prevent their immediate execution, and their case was brought in conse- 
 quence, as is related by Bacon, before the King's Bench. 
 
 25. had nothing in it of the main party of the house of York. The 
 Latin text says "had no connection with the cause of the Yorkist 
 family :" nee ad catisam familicz Eboracensis qitidqttam pertinere. 
 
 28. core, used for midst, as we now use it of the central seed-pods 
 of apples and such fniits. The word itself is derived from cor = \\\G. 
 heart. The Latin text is in medio popnli sibi snspecti. 
 
 31. -well assured, i. e. on whose fidelity he could rely. 
 
 P. 21, line 6. the heralds -wei-e the great ordnance. The proclama- 
 tions of pardon which they made were the most effective engines of war 
 that were emjjloyed. Lat. : heraldl enim pro tor mentis bell ids crant. 
 The history of the word ordnance is peculiar, and somewhat like that of 
 the word artillery. It is the French ordonnance, and was at first 
 applied to the ordinary men of arms of France when formed into cer- 
 tain companies under particular orders by King Charles VH in X444. 
 These men must be archers, and the bow being in medieval warfare 
 the most potent arm, the name at first applied to bowmen, came after 
 the introduction of cannon to be used for those engines. Artillery, used 
 of bows and arrows, as in i Sam. xx. 40, " And Jonathan gave his 
 artillery unto his lad," and in i Mace. vi. 51, has imdergone a similar 
 change of application. 
 
 9. Sir Thomas Broughton. He was of Broughton in Lancashire. 
 Afterwards he was induced to join Lamljert Simnel's party in 1487, 
 and is said by some to have been slain at Stoke, by others to have 
 escaped and lived in concealment with a retainer of his family in West- 
 morland, and to have died without issue in J 495. His property was 
 added to the possessions of the house of Stanley by Henry VII {Itine- 
 rary of Lancashire, p. 312). 
 
 1 4. despaired and dispersed. There may frequently be found in 
 Bacon's English traces of the influence of Euphuism in his employment 
 of alliteration. A like tendency is to be found in much of the language 
 of this period, and is very perceptible in the diction of the Book of 
 Common Prayer. For another instance see p. 22, 1. 24, refresh and
 
 NOTES. 241 
 
 reflect ; also p. 26, 1. 30, If the great ones were in forwardness the 
 people were in fury. Examples may be found in every two or three 
 pages, 
 
 15. upon vieiv of their privilege in the K'mg's Bench, i. e. When 
 the judges of the King's Bench had enquired whether the Sanctuary at 
 Colnham was sufficient protection for such a crime as theirs. Lat. 
 inspectd ejus loci cha>-td privilcgii per judices de Banco regis. 
 
 When the judges were first consulted by the King whether Colnham 
 had the privilege of a sanctuary, they replied that it was liard to give 
 an opinion on a matter which they would afterwards have to decide 
 judicially. This was the reason why the point was argued before all 
 the judges, when the claim of sanctuary was rejected. 
 
 18. Tyburn, a place in London at which felons were generally 
 executed. 
 
 24. in honour of the British racc.natncd Arthur. The famous 
 King Arthur to whom allusion here is made was the son of King Uther 
 , Pendragon, and Igerna, a lady celebrated for her beauty, and who had 
 formerly been the wife of Gorlois duke of Cornwall. Arthur was 
 crowned King at the age of fifteen at Silchester by vSt Dubricius, and is 
 celebrated as the hero of a long series of conquests, many of which are 
 doubtless fabulous, but, as is intimated in the text, tiie marvellous 
 history of this king has a substratum of truth. For a full knowledge 
 of the many legends connected with him the student should read the 
 Alort d' Arthur of Sir Thomas Malory, now accessible in the Globe 
 series. 
 
 26. Britains, i. e. people of Britain. Bacon's orthography is here 
 retained to prevent confusion, as in the text Britons always means 
 people of Brittany. 
 
 30. prejudge, i. e. entertain a prejudice against, doom prematurely. 
 The verb has well-nigh died out, but its noun /;-,!7>/r//V^ remains. The 
 verb is found Reliq. Wotton, p. 576: "Yet I will not anticipate or 
 prejudge mine own mishaps." Bacon's Latin is fnale ominantur. 
 
 r. 22, line 2. /'/ hath fallen out often, i. e. there have been frequent 
 instances of persons assuming a false name and character to gain a king- 
 dom, as Bacon repeats on the next page. In ancient times the most 
 well-known instance is that of the usurper Smerdis. He was a Magian 
 named Oropastes, and after Cambyses King of Persia had murdered his 
 brother and heir presumptive Smerdis, this impostor assumed the name 
 of the murdered prince, and succeeded to the kingdom for a brief 
 period. See Herod. III. c. 61. In modem times the most conspicuous 
 instances have been those of this reign of Henry VII. 
 
 7. green in his estate, i. e. inexperienced in his new position as 
 King. This metaphorical use of the word was common and classical 
 enough in Shakespeare's time. Cf. Ant. and Cleop. i. 5. 74, 
 
 " My salad days, 
 \Vhen I was green in judgement." 
 
 The Latin text has novus in regno sua. 
 
 1 1 . affected, clung to with liking. Hence the noun affection, which 
 
 B. H. 16
 
 242 HISTORY OF KIXG HENRY VII. 
 
 remains, though the verb has nearly passed out of use in this sense. 
 The Latin \\7ls prosequi. Cf. Shaks. Cym. v. 5. 37, 
 
 "First she confessed she never loved you, only 
 
 Affected greatness got by you, not you : 
 
 Married your royalty." 
 
 16. the coroitntion. This took iilace after an unaccountably long 
 delay at Westminster, on the feast of St Catharine (Nov. •25), 1487, On 
 the previous Friday the queen went in a triumphant j^rocession by water 
 from Greenwich to the tower of London. There was a grand corona- 
 tion banquet afterwards in Westminster Hall. In the Mat. for Hist of 
 Hen. VII there is much more notice of the expenditure on the corona- 
 tion than on the marriage of the Queen. 
 
 The two following extracts from pp. 253, 254 may suffice as speci- 
 mens. 
 
 "Memorandum, that ther is due and owing unto John Bromhall, 
 joynour, of London for canapye slaves and in the tymber work of 
 ii cherez (chairs) of estate, of hym boughte, ayenste [against] the coro- 
 nacion of our souvcrayne lady the queue, the somme of xxuij^" 
 
 "Memorandum that there is due and owing unto William Rowthe- 
 welle, mercer, of London, for skarlet by hym delyvered unto the 
 Kynges grcte warderobe ayenst the coronacion of our souverayne lady 
 the queue the somme of ;^54. 12. 9." The last item would represent 
 a sum of more than six hundred pounds of our present money. 
 
 20. r/(75r/)'= secretly. The Lat. has (r/rt«c/////w. P'or this sense cf. 
 Shaks. Romeo, v. 3. 255, 
 
 "Meaning to keep her closely at my cell.'* 
 
 r. 23, line 2. had to his pupil. For this use of the preposition to 
 where we should now ^■^y for or as; cf Judges xvii. 13: "Then said 
 Micah, Now know I that the Lord will do me good, seeing I have a 
 Levite to my jjriest." 
 
 4. ivell favoured, i.e. of good looks. Cf. Gen. xxxix. 6: "Joseph 
 was a goodiy person, and well favoured." 
 
 10. in the 7nanage—zs the plan was being carried out, in the pro- 
 cess. The Latin is inter rem agendajn consi/itiin vinta-'it. 
 
 14. person. From Latin persona ; whicli originally meant a mask 
 with a mouth]iiece contrived as a speaking-trumpet to aid the actor in 
 making himself heard, [per througli, and sonare—\.o sound): then any 
 assumed character. 
 
 19. drunk with naus and tali = excited by fresh events and public 
 rumours. 
 
 2C. hath nc appearance = does not seem at all likely to occur. An 
 atten]]5t like this appears on the face of it improbable. Lat. tnininte 
 videtur probabile. 
 
 P. 24, line '■\ on the mother s side. His mother being the daughter 
 of the Earl of Warwick and Salisbury the K'ng-maker. The son of 
 Clarence received one part of his grandfather's title, the daughter, the 
 Countess of Salisbury (who afterwards married Sir Richard Pole and 
 one of whose sons became Cardinal Pole), the other.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 ?43 
 
 13. Queen dowager, i.e. Elizabeth tlie widow of Edward IV. Slie 
 had lived at court up to this time. Lingard (iv. 136 iiotc) suspects that 
 the whole story, told in the text of the arrest of the Queen dowager, 
 has no other foundation than the fact that for the three or four last year.5 
 of her life Queen Elizabeth chose to Yixe in retirement at Bermondsey. 
 This is the more probable from what Bacon says below, that there was 
 no legal proceeding taken for her seclusion. 
 
 15. withdraiving-chanibcr. This form is the original of the modern 
 draunng-room = \v\'(hAxa.\\'mg-xoom, but by aphoeresis the first syllable 
 has disappeared. 
 
 18. ff«^ w«j-=:and she was. See note on p. 6. 1. 28. 
 
 23. 7tor no more. Such instances of double negatives are not 
 imcoannon in the language of this period. See p. 71, I. 6, and note 
 there. 
 
 16. at his peril =\\%\x\g\i\\\\ as their tool and instrument. The in- 
 finitive to make way depends on the clause it was the vieaning of the 
 bettei- and sager sort. I'hey intended to use Lambert as a means to 
 overthrow the king, but did not intend to crown their idol. 
 
 3r. Bermondsey. This was a nunnery of the Cluniac order, founded 
 in 1082, by Ahvinus Child, a citizen of London. It was connected with 
 the monastery of St Saviour's, Bermondsey. See Dugdale's Monastieon, 
 Vol. I. p. 639. 
 
 _ 32. close=%tcx&\.. See note on p. 22, 1. 20. The Latin has con- 
 siliiiin ostiis elansis habitiim. 
 
 P. 25, line 10. many clergymen. The clergy were exempt froni 
 temporal jurisdiction, by reason of a privilege called "benefit of clergy." 
 This privilege was not entirely abolished till 1828, and was origina'lly 
 devised to shield from civil penalties all who could plead their clerkshijj 
 (privilegium clericale), and in an age of very general ignorance all were 
 held to be clerks who could read. Indeed to such a length had the 
 claimbeen allowed that the ability to repeat a sint;le verse o'fthe Psalter 
 (Ps. li. I) was held sufficient proof of a man's clerkship, and this verse 
 was hence called in common phrase the neck-verse, because the know- 
 ledge of it saved the culprit's neck from the halter : see Sir Walter Scott"s 
 Lay of the Last Minstrel, Canto I, Stanza xxiv. 
 
 "Letter nor line know I never a one 
 VVer't my neck-verse at Hairibee." 
 
 Hairibee was the place on the Scotch border at which prisoners taken in 
 the border feuds were wont to be executed. 
 
 13. Stoke-field. The battle of Stoke was fought 16 Tune, 14S7. 
 For the family connection of the Earl of Lincoln, see Table in notes 
 p. 230. 
 
 20. it was voiced, i.e. noised abroad. Cf. Shaks. Timon, IV. 3. Si, 
 
 " Is this the Athenian minion whom the world 
 Voiced so regardfully ?" 
 
 ■28. it pieced better =\\'z.% 2l vanxQ. z.^\. arrangement, and suited the 
 circumstances of the supposed escape of the Earl of Warwick. 
 
 16 — 2
 
 244 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 p. 26, line 2. affection to the house of York. Among the English 
 settlers in Ireland the partisans of the house of York had maintained a 
 decided ascendancy ever since the administration of Richard duke of 
 ^'ork in that island in the reign of Henry the Vlth. The Butlers alone 
 liad dared to unsheathe the sword in favour of the Lancastrians. 
 Richard duke of York was lord lieutenant in Ireland from 1449 — 1459. 
 (Beatson's Political Index, III. 295). 
 
 15. Ireland. At the commencement of the reign of Henry VII, 
 half Louth, half Dulilin, half Meath and half Kildare were the only 
 parts of Ireland which could be said to be really subject to the English 
 law. This district was called the "Pale." Outside these limits, the 
 house of Fitzgerard (or Fitzgerald), sometimes spoken of as the Gerald- 
 ines, exercised a rude supremacy in Leinster and Munster, the O'Briens 
 in Clare, the Butlers in Kilkenny, and the O'Neils and O'Donnells in 
 the north. 
 
 18. Thomas Fitz-Gcrald. His first appointment as Lord Deputy 
 was in 1478. 
 
 P. 27, line 6. had said enotn^h for them, i.e. there was no need to 
 regard the claim of these daughters, as by the act of Richard III in 
 betting them aside their claim had been shown to be easily disposed of 
 
 26. Shene (now Richmond), a favourite residence of Henry VII, 
 who, when it was destroyed by fire, built the present palace of Rich- 
 mond. 
 
 P. 28, line ^r. a distressed suitor. ^Vhen Edward IV visited the 
 duchess of Bedford at Grafton, Elizabeth, the widow of Sir John Gray, 
 and daughter of the duchess, seized the opportunity to appeal to the 
 King for a reversal, in favour of her children, of the attainder of her 
 husband who had fallen in fighting on the Lancastrian side at the second 
 battle of St Albans. 
 
 P. 29, line I. Kinqs flight, i.e. when Edward IV was obliged to 
 flee, and Henry VI was restored in 1470. At that time Queen Eliza- 
 beth took refuge in the sanctuary at Westminster. 
 
 5. tnuch = \'c\-y. For an example of much thus used as qualifying 
 an adjective, cf. Shakespeare, Troilus, iv. i. 45, 
 
 ..."I fear 
 We shall be much unwelcome." 
 
 6. her own kindred. Richard Wydville was created Earl of Rivers 
 in 1 466; Anthony Wydville, his eldest son. Lord Scales in 1469; and 
 many other promotions of the families of Gray and Wydville occur in 
 the reign of Edward IV. 
 
 10. Lord Hastings. William, Lord Hastings of Ashby-de-la- 
 Zouche, put to death by Richard duke of Gloucester in 1483. 
 
 14. her brother beheaded. Lord Rivers, beheaded, at Pontefract in 
 1 483, by order of the duke of Gloucester. 
 
 26. Queen's College in Cambridge, really founded by Queen Mar- 
 garet of Anjou, wife of Henry VI, in 1448, but refounded by Queen 
 Elizabeth wife of P'dward IV, in 1465. Grafton adds to his account of 
 the foundation : " Queen's College, a name surely meet for such a place
 
 NOTES. 245 
 
 vherein scholars diligently studying in all doctrine and sciences, prove 
 excellent clerks and come to great honours." 
 
 P. 30, line 16. ceremony 0/ a procession. As the procession was 
 made to the cathedral of St Paul's, it might be looked upon as a reli- 
 gious act, and if it were made with a mere pretender in the procession, 
 would be a sort of profanation of religion. 
 
 16. John Earl of Lincoln. See the genealogical table, notes 
 p. 230. 
 
 P. 31, line I. lucom/ielenl />relex/s = groundless reasons. 
 
 16. refrain the business ^VoXA back from the undertaking. We 
 generally say 'refrain from.' For an example without this preposition see 
 Shakespeare, 3rd pt. lien. VI. 2. ii. no: 
 
 ..." For scarce I can refrain 
 The execution of my big-swoln heart 
 Upon (hat Clifford. " 
 
 ■24. leaving a correspondence— ■axxviXigmgiox a means of communi- 
 cation. 
 
 P. 32, line 2. Charles, snrnamed the Hardy. This duke of Bur- 
 gundy, to whom Margaret the younger daughter of Richard duke of 
 York became the second wife, died 1477 (in the battle of Nancy), 
 leavhig an only daughter, Mary, who was married afterwards to Maxi- 
 milian, King of the Romans, and the two children mentioned in the 
 text, Philip and Margaret, were Maximilian's children. 
 
 26. Martin Swart. Of this captain little more can be said than 
 is found in the text. 
 
 P. 33, line 8. tipon far better cards. The Latin is copiis 7nidto 
 majoribus instnicti, furnished with far more abundant resources. 
 
 26. and in affection, i.e. were possessed with desire. Lat. mnlta 
 ciipiditate ferebantnr. 
 
 P. 34, line 21. kept an twr=was disposed to listen kindly and re- 
 ceive him. Lat. aurem ei benignant reservare. 
 
 31. lValsingha77i in Norfolk, famous for the shrine of the Virgin 
 Mary. There is an amusing account of a visit made to this shrine by 
 Erasmus, given in his Colloquy of the Religions Pilgrimage. 
 
 P. 35, line I. Cambridge. There is a mention of this visit in 
 Leland's Collectanea, IV. 209, where it is said the King went from Cam- 
 bridge by Huntingdon and Northampton to Coventry, and kept the 
 feast of St George at the last-named town. See Cooper's Annals, 
 
 I. 233- 
 
 3. Fouldrey, in the southern extremity of Furness in Lancashire, 
 called by Grafton "The pyle of Fowdrey." 
 
 9. Earl of Oxford. This was John de Vere, who having suffered 
 attainder in 1461, was restored in 1485, and made Admiral of England, 
 Ireland and Acquitaine. 
 
 1 1 . for discovery, to spy out the position of the foe. Lat. ad Jios- 
 tium res explorandas. 
 
 18. personate, to cause a good impression concerning their King. 
 Lat. ut regis siii decus tiierentur.
 
 246 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 18. their army, i.e. the army of Simnel and liis supporters. 
 
 1*. 36, line 4, past retract = gone beyond wiiiidrawal. The noun 
 is not common, the French form retreat having soon supplanted the 
 more Latin form of the word. 
 
 15. 7nissives, letters of summons. Shakespeare always uses this 
 word of messengers, Cf. Macbeth, i. v. 7, "While I stood rapt in the 
 wonder of it came missives... who all-hailed me." 
 
 18. ILarl 0/ Shreiusbury. I'his was George Talbot son of John, 
 late earl of Shrewsbury. He had been a ward of the crown and licence 
 of entry on his inheritance was granted to him in Nov. 1485. 
 
 Lord Strartge, i.e. George Stanley, son of Thomas Stanley, step- 
 father to Henry VH, on which account in grants made to him George 
 .Stanley is sometimes called the King's brother. See Mat- for Hist, of 
 Hen. VII (Rolls Series), p. 296. 
 
 •27. commodity — use, advantage. The word is common in this 
 sense in Shakespeare. It occurs several times in a speech of the Bas- 
 tard Faulconbridge, King John, il. 2 ; the last words of which are 
 
 " Since kings break faith upon commodity. 
 Gain be my lord ! for I will worship thee." 
 
 V. 37, line 4. iftree UUtles, i.e. three divisions. Cf. Hen. V. iv. 
 3- 69, 
 
 " The French are bravely in their battles set. 
 And will with all expedience charge on us." 
 
 15. skein, a kind of knife or dagger used by the Irish and the 
 Highlanders. G:ke\iC sgian. 
 
 P. 38, line 7. mattacina (Italian) is a pantomime, a mockery or 
 satire. Lat. liidibriitm. 
 
 19. ^•;/^'m^= contrivance, plot. Cf. Shakespeare, Othello, iv. 2. 
 219, "Take me from this world with treachery, and devise engines 
 for my life." 
 
 P. 39, line 5. martial law, i.e. inflicting summary penalties, as is the 
 custom in the army, where the offender is tried and punished imme- 
 diately on the discovery of his offence. 
 
 6. commission, i.e. in the onlinary way of justice, by apixiinting 
 commissioners to try, in due form of law, some of those who had 
 offended. 
 
 P. 40, line 4. at the Cross. At St Paul's Cross, where special 
 sennons were preached in the open air while the congregation sat under 
 the shrouds which were attached to the side of the church. In lliis 
 place were p.-'eached some of Latimer's sermons before King EdwarJ 
 the Vlth, and Dr Shaw's sermon already noticed, p. 10, I. 7, and the 
 note thereon. 
 
 17. Fope Innocent. Pope Innocent had granted a dispensation for 
 the marriage, and therefore it might seem fit that he should be formally 
 apprised of the coronation which placed the queen on the throne as 
 queen consort with her husband.
 
 NOTES. 247 
 
 18. Another ALiieas, alluding to the storm-beaten course of that 
 hero before his arrival in Italy as recited in Virgil's yEneid. 
 
 12. his ambassador. This was the bishop of Imola, who was the 
 legate of Innocent VIII. He first granted the needful dispensation, 
 but Henry applied for another to the Pontiff himself, and the lapse of 
 time which ensued, may perha]^s explain this late acknowledgment of 
 the ambassador's presence at the royal marriage. The dispensations 
 are both given in extenso in Rynier, xii. pp. 294 and 313. 
 
 31. wi^if/i «/rt(/6'tf;i = received with great honour. Cf. Shakespeare, 
 Cor. IV. 5, 203, " Why, he is so made on here within, as if he were 
 son and heir to Mars." 
 
 knozving himself to be lazy and unprofitable. The pontificate of 
 Innocent VIII was a time of great depravity, in which it was said 
 that immunity from all punishment was to be bought, if only a sufficient 
 price were offered. The feuds of the Colonna and Orsini factions were 
 distracting Rome, and in 1485 the Pope increased the disorders by 
 allowing all vvlio had been banished for whatever cause to return. In 
 consequence Rome became the haunt of villains of every kind, who 
 eagerly flocked to avail themselves of the papal clemency. Robbery 
 and murder were frequent ; churches were plundered of their plate and 
 ornaments; every morning's light discovered in the sti-eets the bodies of 
 men who had been assassinated during the night. After a time the 
 Pope found it necessary to withdraw his clemency and banish offenders, 
 but the spirit of his administration was sarcastically expressed by one 
 who said, "God willeth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he 
 should pay and live." Such a Pope deserves even stronger language 
 than is used by Bacon. 
 
 P. 41, line 3. sanctuary. According to the ancient customs of Eng- 
 land, sanctuary denoted an asylum or place privileged for the safeguard 
 of the lives of men guilty of capital crimes. Different degrees of pro- 
 tection were afforded according to the characterof the grant by which each 
 sanctuary was established. Down to the time of Henry VIII all 
 churches and churchyards were sanctuaries. It was required that the 
 sanctuary-man should within forty days of his taking sanctuary go in 
 sackcloth and declare his offence to the coroner. After which he made 
 a solemn oath to abjure the realm, and to leave by tiie nearest port 
 assigned to him. In his journey to the sea-side, which was to be made 
 with a cross in his hand, he had the privilege of a sanctuary man. The 
 abuses of these asylums had been very great, and were in some degree 
 abated by the bull mentioned in the text. The Acts 27 Hen. VIII. 
 c. 19, and 32 Hen. VIII. c. 12, made further curtailments of the privi- 
 leges, and by 21 Jas. I. c. 28, they were abolished altogether. 
 
 12. appoint /^m = appoint for himself. For an instance of this 
 dative use cf. Shakespeare, Macb. v. 4. 4, "Let eveiy soldier hew him 
 down a bough." 
 
 20. James the third. This monarch had long cherished a marked 
 partiality for the English, so marked indeed that it formed the prin- 
 cipal of the charges alleged against him by the rebels, who afterwards
 
 2 48 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 deprived him of life. lie had sent a deputation to assist at the corona- 
 tion of Henr)' VII. 
 
 23. Sir Kichai'd Edgcombe. In the Mr.tc'iitils for Ilist. of Henry 
 VII there are numerous entries of grants to Sir Richard Eiigcombe, 
 two of which may be quoted, p. 19, Sep. 20, 1485, "Grant for life to 
 Richard Edgecombe gent, of the office of one of the chamberlains of the 
 receipt of the exchcciuer, or of one of the chamberlains of the exchequer 
 (viz. that office which William Catesby lately had by grant from King 
 Edward IV), together with the appointment and ordering of one of the 
 ushers of the exchequer when a vacancy shall hapjien." The next entry 
 quoted shews the value set on the services of this knight. 7 June, i486, 
 p. 448, "Grant in tail male, to Richard Edgecombe Knt. (in considera- 
 tion of services as well in the parts beyond the sea as in the Kingdom 
 of England) of the castle, honour and lordship or manor of Totenesse, 
 the lordsliip and manor of Corneworthy, the manors of Huesshe and 
 Lodeswell with their members and ajipurtenances," &c. He wjis also 
 on the same day apjiointed controller of the King's mines of silver 
 within the counties of Devon and Cornwall. 
 
 P. 42, line S. sfifcad estate, i. e. more extended in territory, by the 
 recovery of the provinces mentioned below in line 1 3. 
 
 P. 43, line 6. obnoxious, going back to one of the original meanings 
 of the Latin word obnoxiics = mi\tih\ei\ to. 
 
 1 1. Lnvis duke of Orleans. This prince was the first noble of the 
 blood royal, and afterwards became Lewis XII of Erance. At this 
 time he among others was a suitor for the hand of Anne of Brittany, 
 whom he did afterwards marry when she was the widow of Charles VIII. 
 
 I'l, inwardness = conlidential connnunication. 
 
 P. 44, line I. Duke of Britain. This was Erancis, the last duke of 
 Brittany. Grafton says that Charles "and his counsaile knew well that 
 duke Erancis was an impotent man sore diseased and well stricken in 
 age, and had never an heir male, wherefore they determined by some 
 means to compass the duchy of Brittany." Erancis died in 148S. 
 
 18. lohat loent upon it in example = \\o\\ much evil would come of 
 such an example. The Lat. has quam pemiciosi exempli res sit. 
 
 20. ft>wy(';-/ = strengthen, support with their aid. Thus is the origi- 
 nal force of the word, to give material support. Cf. Wickliffc's trans- 
 lation of Is. xli. 7, "And he coumfortide hym with nailes that it shulde 
 not be moved." Eor an example closely resembling that in the text, see 
 Shaks. Tit. And. 11. 3.209, "Why dost not comfort me and help me out?" 
 
 P. 45, line 3. hoTvsoever it stood for the point of obligation, i.e. under 
 whatever degree of obligation King Henry might be to the duke of 
 Brittany. 
 
 II. ■ivhe)i time was, i. e. when the opportunity offered. 
 
 24. daughter of A/axi?nilian. This was Margaret the daughter of 
 Maximilian and of his first wife, Mary of Burgundy. She was at this 
 time living at the court of Erance, and being educated as the future wife 
 of Charles. She was sent back to her father before Charles' marriage 
 with Anne of Briltanw
 
 NOTES, 249 
 
 •27. kingdom of Naples. The ground on which Charles VIII 
 rested his claim to the Kingdom of Naples was that it had been be- 
 queathed by the last count of Provence to Lewis XI King of France, 
 and the conquest of Naples was to be a step towards the recovery 
 of Constantinople and Jerusalem from the infidels. 
 
 ■28. hither pm-ts, the parts nearest to England. 
 
 r. 46, line I. 7-eception, recovery. A word due entirely to the 
 Latinized character imparted to the English of this period by the nume- 
 rous translations of the classics. 
 
 5. most obliged. When Henry (as earl of Richmond) was attainted 
 by Edward IV, he fled with his uncle Jasper, and intending to make 
 for France was driven by stress of weather into Brittany, where he lived 
 till the death of Edward IV. The duke of Brittany not only sheltered 
 him, but promised his aid to the scheme for putting Henry on the 
 throne of England. Charles VIII also supplied him with French 
 auxiliaries, who fought for him on the field of Bosworth. Hence the 
 expression in the text. 
 
 26. French, i. e. French King. This kind of ellipsis is not very 
 common. But cf. the use oi Dane for Danish King, Hamlet, I. 1. 15, 
 " Liegemen to the Dane." 
 P. 47, line 1. carried— gained as a prize, conquered. Cf. Shaks. 
 Cor. IV. 7. 27, 
 
 '■'Lieut. Sir, I beseech you, think you he'll carry Rome? 
 Aiif. All places yield to him ere he sits down." 
 
 6. a young King. Charles VIII ascended the throne of France in 
 1483 at the age of fourteen, so that he was now about eighteen. The 
 duke of Orleans was about ten years his senior. The young King was 
 sickly and almost deformed and feeble in mental power, but yet had his 
 imagination fdled with visions of crusading exploits and renown. 
 
 16. Christopher Urswick. Dr Christopher Ursvvick was sometime 
 master of King's Hall in Cambridge. He was chaplain to the King's 
 mother, and was employed by Henry as his own chaplain, great almoner 
 and ambassador. 
 
 18. churchman, an ecclesiastic. Cf. Shakespeare, Merry Wives, II. 
 3. 49, "Though we are justices and doctors and churchmen, we have 
 some salt of our youth in us. " 
 
 P. 48, line I. straigktzvays, not now so usual a form as straight-vay, 
 but the same double sets of compounds exist with luay as with ivard ; 
 so that we have alway and always, and straightway and straightways 
 side by side. See note on p. 10, 1. 20. 
 
 6. in one= :it one and the same time. Lat. simiil. 
 
 1 1, make faith in /«'/« = cause him to believe. Lat. regem Anglice 
 in opinionc persliturum. 
 
 15. the treaty to be kept on foot. The dependence of this clause is 
 not clear. The sentence is elliptical, and some expression like would be 
 able must be understood after the word treaty. 
 
 21. perfect in his memory. Grafton (p. 872) says on this matter, 
 "The Duke (because himseife had beene long sick e, and thereby his
 
 250 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 memory ami wyt was decayed and appaired) he appointed to hearc the 
 message with oihcr of his counsellors, Lewis Duke of Orlcaunce." 
 
 P. 40, line 9. sort to /lis desiir, fall out accoriiing to his wish. Lat. 
 secHuJiini exspectationem suam ccdere. Cf. Shaks. 2d Hen. VI. I. 2. 107, 
 
 " Sort how it will, I shall have gold for all." 
 
 10. took hold 0/ them = 5c\zG([ the opportunity. 
 
 14. /nv?/y = treatment or handlmg of the matter. This is a very 
 unusual sense of the English word. The I-atin has tractatus. In the 
 next clause the one means force, the other, persuasion. 
 
 17. to rule him — i\\:i\. he (Henry) might rule him (Charles). 
 
 27. A'aiitz (modern spelling Nantes), on the Loire, in the extreme 
 south of the duchy of Brittany. 
 
 29. dissemble home, i. e. dissemble in such a way as to produce the 
 intended effect. Cf. Shaks. Tempest, v. i. 70, 
 
 " I will pay thy graces 
 Home both in word and deed." 
 
 The Latin text has a curious variation here. It runs thus : "qui 
 simitlatiomim artes in sinu patris optime perdidicerat" who had learnt 
 the arts of dissimulation under his father's tuition and fostering. 
 
 P. 50, line I. Bernard D'Aiibigny. Grafton (p. 873) calls him 
 Earnarde, a Scot borne, called the Lorde Daubeny. This cajitain, 
 whose name occurs frequently in the history of the wars between France 
 and Italy at this period, was Bernard Stuart, Sieur d'Aubign)'. He is 
 mentioned in a letter on the negotiations of the English ambassadors 
 with Maximilian, Gairdner's Letters, ^'c. Vol. I. p. 199. 
 
 5. the Abbot of Abiu'^don. Tiiis was John Saint. 
 
 6. Sir Riehard Timstal. In Grafton there is no mention of this 
 person as an ambassador, but instead of him \\e find Sir Richard Edge- 
 combe, of whom see notes on p. ^\. He is called a fatherly, wise, and 
 grave personage. 
 
 Urswiek. Urswick was not of the first appointment to this em- 
 bassy, but "John Lilye, borne in Luke [Lucca] the Bishop of Rome's 
 Ccjllector and Doctor of lawe, but he fell sick on the gowte so that 
 he was not aljle to travayle in so long a jorney, and so weightie a 
 business." So chaplain Urswick was scut in his slead. 
 
 9. Lord Woodvile. This was I'Jlward Wydville, the brother of 
 Elizabeth queen of Edward IV, at this time governor of the Isle of 
 Wight. There is a notice of this expedition, Pastoii Letters (Gairdner), 
 Vol. III. p. 344. 
 
 17. to better a pai-ty — \.Q take the side of, and give help to either 
 party. The Latin has merely anxilia submiltere. 
 
 27. pri7'ilege of ambassadors, i.e. that they should be safe from all 
 violence during their embassy. 
 
 P. 51, line 4. made fair weather, i. e. he replied with calmness and 
 with a shew of friendship. Cf. Shakspeare, 2d Hen. VI. v. i. 30, 
 
 " But I must make fair weather yet a while, 
 Till Henry be more weak and I more strong ! "
 
 NOTES. 251 
 
 15. faj-/ = estimated, calculated, as in the phrase to cast accounts. 
 Lat. Ita rex cpgitaverat. See Shalvs. 2d Hen. IV. i. i. 166, 
 
 "You cast the event of war, my noble lord, 
 And summ'd the account of chance, before you said, 
 'Let us make head'." 
 
 20. childless. Charles VIII died without issue, and his widow 
 became the queen of his successor. 
 
 21. heir-appareiit, i.e. the duke of Orleans. No party in France 
 would be anxious to side with great zeal against the prince who was, in 
 all probability, to be their future King. 
 
 31. affectionate jinto the quarrel, well disposed towards, and anxious 
 to take part with the duke of Brittany. Cf supra, p. 20, line 4, affec- 
 tionate to the House of York. 
 
 P. 52, line 4. capable of, able to comprehend and appreciate. Lat. 
 capaces. See Sliaks. Haml. III. 4. 127, 
 
 " His fomi and cause conjoin'd, preaching to stones 
 Would make them capable." 
 
 10. blessed person, the character of a peacemaker, on whom a 
 blessing is pronounced in the Sermon on the Mount (St Matth. v. 9). 
 
 14. consent, agreement, sympathy. 
 
 15. particnlarly interested. As being betrothed to Anne the daugh- 
 ter of the duke of Brittany. 
 
 25. principal, i. e. chief persons. Cf. Ps. Ixxviii. 52 (Prayer Book 
 Version), "And smote all the firstborn in Egypt, the most principal 
 and mightiest in the dwellings of Ham." 
 
 P. 53, line 12. his partakers, those \\'ho had taken his part in the 
 struggle for the crown, his partizans. The word occurs often in the 
 text; for references see Glossary. 
 
 23. this present = this present time. Cf. the Absolution in the 
 Book of Common Prayer, "which we do at this present." 
 
 31. taketh for his enemies— 'yxA^^Ca. to be his enemies. Cf. Shaks. 
 Temp. V. I. 296, 
 
 " \Vhat a thrice-double ass 
 Was I, to take this drunkard for a god." 
 
 P. 54, line 4. yielded to treat, consented to treat. Cf. Shakespeare, 
 Richard III. iii. 7. 145, 
 
 *' Tonguetied ambition, not replying, yielded 
 To bear the golden yoke of sovereignty." 
 
 6. not upon, &c. , not by reason of any confidence they have in 
 (heir own powers of resistance, or through stubbornness, but because 
 they distrust the true meaning. 
 
 27. to eye, to have regard to. So Shaks. Temp. III. 1. 40, 
 
 " Full many a lady 
 I Tiave eyed with best regard." 
 
 30. at interest of danger. The idea is that future dangers are like
 
 252 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 the interest paid for a sum of money Iiorrowcd. The King says he will 
 not have peace on such condition that lie mu'^t pay a kind of interest in 
 the shape of dangers to come for the immediate advantage of a pacifica- 
 tion. 
 
 P. 55. line 5. hand of protection — in allusion to the asylum wliich 
 Henry found in Urittany during the reigns of Edward IV and 
 Richard III. 
 
 6. hand of hilp. In the form of auxiliaries to aid in the conquest 
 of England. Of this I.ingard says (iv. 125) Henry "had raised, with 
 the permission of Charles, an army of three thousand adventurers, most 
 of them Normans." 
 
 10. enforced, in the sense in which we now use the simple verb 
 force. Cf. Shaksp. Two Gentlemen, iv. 3. if), 
 
 ..." My father would enforce me marry 
 Vain Thurio, whom my very soul abhors." 
 
 14. some corrupt persons about him. King Richard III spared no 
 expense to ])rocure the most accurate information about the numbers and 
 projects of Henry's partizans whde the Earl of Richmond was resident 
 in Brittany, and the useful aid of Lanilois the Breton minister was 
 purchased with valual)le presents. The duke Francis listened by 
 degrees to the suggestions of his favourite, an armistice between 
 England and Ikittany jirepared the way for more frequent intercourse, 
 the King raised a body of a thousand archers for his new made friend 
 the duke, and a plot was formed for the apprehension of Henry and 
 his principal adherents (Rymer, XII. 226, 229I. They would have 
 been caught in the toils of their wily adversary had they not been 
 warned of their danger early in 1484, and found a new and safer asylum 
 in the dominions of Ciiarles VIII, where they employed more than a 
 year in making preparations for their intended expedition. 
 
 ■20. disinterest -io relieve from a claim. In the use of this word 
 Bacon has sought a contrast to the word interest used in line 17. 
 Interest (noun) means often a right or claim (cf. ist Hen. IV. III. 2. 98, 
 "He hath more worthy interest to the state than thou the shadow of 
 succession") ; thus dis-interest comes to signify to do away with a claim. 
 So Henry means to .say that his regard for his own subjects outweighs 
 (and so removes) any obligations of gratitude to Brittany or France. 
 A like compound is found in dis-quantity. Shakespeare, Lear, I. 4. ajo, 
 " A little to disquantity your train." 
 
 25. it is much as = \\. very much depends upon. The consequences 
 to England would vary according to the intentions of the King of 
 P^-ance. If he meant only to reduce his rebels and not to annex 
 Brittany, then the war was nothing to England; but if he .aimed at 
 permanent conquest, then English interests were most seriously involved 
 bv the nearer proximity to this country of the French power, and by 
 the large increase of seaboard which the French King would thus 
 acquire. 
 
 26. range, i.e. reduce, bring to order. The Latin has m ordinetn 
 
 redigere.
 
 NOTES. 253 
 
 30. follmu oil one, result as a natural consequence. Lat. spoute 
 icaitiinnn. We should ^a.y now, follow all the sdiiie. Cf. Bacon, ^(zVa 
 0/ Learning (Clarendon Tress), p. 158, 1. i : "The same action of the 
 mind which inventeth, judijelh ; all one as in the sense." 
 
 33. import, to be of consequence to. The verb is more frequently 
 followed by a preposition, to or unto, liut cf. Bacon Adv. p. 163, 1. 24 : 
 "Tlie caution of them [i.e. of fallacies] doth extremely import the true 
 conduct of human judgment." 
 
 P. 56, line 2. strctchetk his boughs. An imitation of the language 
 of Ps. Ixxx. I r. 
 
 7. Burgundy. This duchy had of course been an ally of England, 
 as the duke Charles the 15old had for his second wife Margaret, the sister 
 of Edward IV, who wrouglit so much trouble for Henry in this reign. 
 But when duke Charles was slain at the battle of Nancy in January, 
 1477, Louis XI sent forces to seize Burgundy and the Franche-Comte, 
 and others to occupy Picardy and Artois, and by the beginning of April 
 in that year Louis was recognized as sovereign of Burgundy. This is 
 what is meant by Burgundy being already cast partly into the greatness 
 of France. Then by the marriage of Mary, the daughter of Charles the 
 Bold, to Maximilian. King of the Romans and Archduke of Austria^ 
 the districts whicli formed her dower were cast into the greatness of 
 Austria. 
 
 20. universal, one which touches eveiybody, and is of general con- 
 cern. This Bacon exemplifies by the instances which he gives a few 
 lines below. 
 
 23. Italy. The states wliich maintained the balance of power in 
 Italy at this period were Milan (wliere the Sforza had established them- 
 selves) ; Venice, which possessed half of Lombardy; Florence, governed 
 by the Medici; the States of the Church, and the Kingdom of Naples 
 and Sicily. 
 
 P. 57, line 24. as he greatly desired, otheriuise than, as he greatly 
 desired to do, except when he was obliged to use it for the administra- 
 tion of justice. For otherwise than the Lat. \\7)a frccterquam. 
 
 29. thor7is in their sides. An allusion to the threatening of Numb. 
 xxxiii. 35. 
 
 30. therefore. This word is here used in the sense q{ prropterca — 
 on account of that, rather than in the more usual sense of igitur= 
 therefore, so. The old Englisli word fortlii was really an ablative case 
 ////, from the pronoun se, seo, thcet (a like form to which is still preserved 
 in 7uhy = qua. re), and preceded by the governing preposition yi'r. Per- 
 haps the distinction might be preserved in English by writing the word 
 in such instances as that in the text, in the form therefor. 
 
 P. '8, line i. the vuirshaVs swoj-d. The Lat. has gladius mar- 
 (talis = the sword drawn in warfare. 
 
 6. liveries, tokens. Lat. vestium distinctiones, tesserae. The distinc- 
 tive dresses and badges were used as party symbols, and the wearing 
 thereof tended greatly to keep alive the quarrels between different 
 clans and followings in this age. To put them down in Ireland was one 
 aim of Poynmgs' Law, which will hereafter be noticed.
 
 254 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 13. ivisdoms : not of very common occurrence in the plural, but it 
 is again found on the next page, 1. 14. 
 
 10. bastard and barren employment of moneys to usury. For a 
 long time language like that in the text was employed concerning loans 
 of money on contract to receive not only the principal sum again, but 
 also an increase by way of compensation for the use. The objectors to 
 such employment of money rested their objection on the prohibition 
 containeil in the law of Moses, and also on the doctrine of Aristotle, 
 that money is naturally barren, and to make it breed money is prepos- 
 terous, anti a perversion of the end of its institution, which was only to 
 serve the purpose of exchange and not of increase. In the Merchant of 
 Venice Sliylock describes such objections as being made by Antonio to 
 his calling of money-lender. The modern study of political economy 
 has tauglit us that the rate of interest may best be left to regulate itself 
 by the demand for money and the nature of the circumstances under 
 which it is borrowed. 
 
 23. royal trading. The Latin text calls this merely nobile com- 
 nierciitm. 
 
 16. avoided, got rid of, extirpated. Cf. Shaksp. Merry Wives, III. 
 5. 152, "What I am I cannot avoid." 
 
 30. employed upon the commodities of the land. Notice has already 
 beeu taken of this maxim of the national economy in early times, which 
 was enforced by statute to prevent the withdrawal of coin from the 
 realm in exchange for foreign merchandise. See note On p. 18, 1. 1. 
 The Lat. text says the money received is to be employed ad merces 
 nativas nostras coemendas. 
 
 P. 59, line 4. aids. These, which are also called subsidies (see 
 line 29) and supplies, constitute the extraordinary, as distinguished from 
 the ordinary revenue of the Crown. They are granted by Parliament, 
 and the mode in which they sliall be raised is settled by what is now 
 called a committee of ways and means. 
 
 5. good husband. Lat. 7iostis rcgem frugi esse, i. e. an economical 
 and thrifty monarch. Cf. Shaks. Taming of Shrew, V. i. 71, "While 
 I jilay the good husband at home my son and servant spend all at the 
 university.'' 
 
 11. not fit to find the Kino. An idiomatic way of saying, not times 
 wherein the King should lie found. 
 
 27. roundly, spiritedly and without ceremony. Cf. Letter to the 
 Mayor of Coventry in Cooper's Lady Margairt (Mayor), p. 230, " Wher- 
 for we wol [will] and in the Kinges name commaunde you to call befor 
 you the said parties and roitndely to examyn them." 
 
 P. 60, line 8. limited, bidden, commanded. The Latin has impc- 
 rare. Cf. Shaks. Macbeth, Ii. 3. 56, "Tis my limited service." 
 
 13. ^rcM to inanifiiSt declination = c\c?a\y began to decline. 
 
 14. St Alban (modern orthography St Auliin), a town to the west 
 of Rennes in Briitany. The battle was fought July 27, 1488. 
 
 15. duhe of Orleans. Grafton says (p. 876) of the result of this 
 battle to the duke, " Tlie duke of Orliaunce was taken prisoner, whicli 
 duke (although he were next heyrc ajipaiaunt to the Crownc of Fraunce)
 
 NOTES. 255 
 
 should have lost his head, if Ladie Jane his wife which was sister to the 
 French King, had not obteyned perdon and remission of his trespasse 
 and offence, llowbeit he was long after kept prisoner in the great 
 tower at Bourges in Berry." This Lady J^'^ne was Jeanne daughter of 
 Lewis XI, and was the first wife of the duke of Orleans, from whom he 
 procured a divorce when he ascended the throne as Lewis XII; the 
 second wife of this prince was Anne duchess of Brittany, widow of 
 Charles VIII, and his third, Mary daughter of Henry VII of England. 
 
 -20. James Galcot. Grafton calls him "Lord James Galeas," and 
 adds that he was "borne in Naples." He was a captain of great fame 
 in the fifteenth century. He was attached to the House of Anjou, 
 and particularly to John duke of Calabria. He next served in the wars 
 of Charles the Bold of Burgundy, and lastly under Charles VIII of 
 France. He fell as related in the text in the battle of St Aubin, and is 
 buried at Angers. See Phil, de Commines, lib. IV. c. 13. 
 
 24. went.. .for lost. The Latin has pc-rditiim iri, in which sense the 
 text must evidently be understood. Brittany was on the point to be lost. 
 
 33. fast — c\o%Q, near. 
 
 P. 61, line 9. Francis duke of Britain deceased. His death took 
 place Sept. 9, 1488. His elder daughter Anne, to whom his estates 
 devolved, as the deceased duke had no son, was at this time in her 
 thirteenth year. Charles VIII immediately claimed the guardianship 
 of the young duchess, and required that she should not assume her title 
 till the question of succession had been judicially settled between her 
 and the crown. This demand was rejected, and an invasion of Brittany 
 by a French army was the consequence. On the steps by which Brittany 
 became united to the French crown, see pp. 77 seqq. and notes there. 
 
 11. r^//rf = withdrawal. C, Shakespeai-e, K. John, V. 5, 4, 
 
 "When English measure backward their own ground 
 In faint retire." 
 
 22. after some time. The marriage of Charles VIII with Anne of 
 Brittany did not take place till Dec. 6, 1491. 
 
 27. took not = ^\A not succeed. The Lat. has 7nale ccsscrunt, Ci. 
 Shakespeare, Hen. VIII. iii. 2. 218, 
 
 "I know 
 A way, if it take right, in spite of fortune 
 Will bring me off again." 
 
 33. star-chamber. This court, originally composed of all the mem- 
 bers of the King's ordinary council, had in old times jurisdiction in both 
 civil and criminal causes. Its name is most probably derived from the 
 Hebrew word shetar, a bond. In the early Norman times the bonds and 
 business documents of Jews, whom the Conqueror found it convenient 
 to protect, were deposited for safety in a room at Westminster, hence 
 called shetar-cliamber, and then star-chamber. (See Hist. MSS. Com- 
 mission, Fourth Report, p. 182. Among things relating to the estates 
 of the Jews are mentioned "Eleven Hebrew stars," "Ninety-three 
 pieces of parchment being Hebrew stars.'" See also p. 458 for a star
 
 •25^ HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 preserve:! .imong the MS. treasures of Magd. Coll. Oxford.) The name 
 was coiitimicd after the place had been devoted to other uses. By the 
 time of Kdward III the juri>diclioii of this court had become so oppres- 
 sive that various statutes were made to restrain it, as was necessary in a 
 court where there was no jury, and the judicial members whereof were 
 the sole judges alike of law, of fact, and oi prnalfy. The regulations 
 introduced by this act of Henry Vll were virtually the erection of a new 
 court of star-chamber on the ruins of the old. This court consisted of 
 the chancellor, the lord treasurer, the lord privy seal, together with a 
 spiritual lord and a temporal lord, and the two chief justices, or in iheir 
 absence two other justices. The nature of their jurisdiction is men- 
 tioned in the text below, on which see the notes. The jurisdiction of 
 the Star-Chamber was greatly extended in the reign of Henry VHI, 
 and its exercise of criminal jurisdiction rendered it a most odious insti- 
 tution under the succeeding monarchs. It was abolished by the Long 
 Parliament in 1641. 
 
 P. 62, line I. common Unvs. That is, those laws of which the 
 original institution and authority are not set down in writing, though 
 the decisions which have sprung out of them are contained in the 
 records of the courts of justice. Such law receives its binding power 
 from immemorial usage, and from its universal reception. It thus 
 differs from statute law, which is the creation of acts of parliament. 
 
 •2. act of parliament. The new Court of Star-Chamber had its 
 origin from parliament, and so depended on statute, not on common law. 
 
 4. besides, hQre = other t/ian, with the exception of. Bacon means 
 that over all the courts of ordinary justice there had always been reserved 
 to the King's Council a high and jireeminent ]iower, but such power 
 had not been given them over the high court of parliament. 
 
 6. King's Bench (called in the reign of a Queen, Queen's Bench) 
 is the sujireme court of common law in the kingdom. Blackstone says 
 of it, "It keeps all inferior jurisdictions within the bounds of their 
 authority: it superintends all the civil corporations in the kingdom: it 
 commands magistrates and others to do what their duty recpiires in 
 every case where there is no other specific remedy. It protects the 
 liberty of the subject, by speedy and sunnnary interposition." It takes 
 cognizance of criminal causes and civil likewise wherever they savour of 
 a criminal nature, as for instance, trespass forcibly committed, or actions 
 wherein any fraud is alleged. 
 
 Common-place. This is the other branch into which the aula 
 I'Cfpa of old times was <lividcd. It is now frequently called Common 
 Bench, as the former is called King's Bench, but its most usual name is 
 Court of Common Pleas. It takes cognizance of all civil actions which 
 depend between subject and subject. These are called common pleas, 
 as distinguished from pleas of the croTon, which comjirehend all crimes 
 and misdemeanors wherein the sovereign is the plaintilT. 
 
 7. Exchequer. This court, which was reduced almost to its pre-
 
 NOTES. 257 
 
 sent order in tlie reign of E'lwnrd T, deals with all matters connected 
 with the revenue of the crown, and recovers all the sovereign's debts 
 and duties. One branch is called the receipt, the other the court 
 or judicial section of the business of the ex'chequer. 
 
 8. Chancery. The High Court of Chancery is presided over by 
 the Lord Chancellor, who is the highest legal authority in the realm, 
 and his court is a court o'i equity as distinguished from la-uK He miti- 
 gates the severity or supplies the defects of the judgments |)ronounced 
 in the courts of law on weighing the circumstances of the case, or, 
 as Bacon says in the text, "by the conscience of a good man." Among 
 the Romans a like power was given to one of their magistrates called 
 Pmtor, and the ji/s pmfc>ri//w, or the decisions given by this magistrate, 
 were distinct from the standing laws of the nation. This is the distinc- 
 tion to which Bncon alludes. 
 
 1 1. A7;/;'V Cimitcil. Bacon is here speaking of the time anterior 
 to Henry VH, who remodelled the Star-Chamber and appointed special 
 per?,ons as judges there. 
 
 17. Censorian. Among the Romans an officer called Censor was 
 appointed every five years, and his office was considered the highest 
 dignity in the Republic. Among other functions the Censors exercised 
 a moral jurisdiction and superintendence which extended itself in time 
 over the whole public and private life of the citizens. We have in- 
 stances where the Censors punished people for not mnnying, for break- 
 ing a promise of marriage, for divorce, for bad conduct during marriage, 
 for improper education of children, for extravagance, and for other 
 irregularities of private life. They also punished magistrates for bribery 
 or neglect of duty, and persons who had committed perjury, or were 
 neglectful of their civil or military duties. Bacon compares the juris- 
 diction of the .Star-Chamber to the court of the Roman t'ensor. 
 
 19. consisteth of four ki>ids of persons, i. e. by the regulations of 
 Henry VH. The first kind was the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Trea- 
 surer and the Lord Privy Seal as judges ; then (2) one Bishop; (3) one 
 Temporal Lord ; and (4) the two Chief Justices, or, in their absence, 
 two other justices. 
 
 21. forces, i. e. the unlawful use of force, as it is explained below, 
 the combination of multitudes for unla\^•ful purposes and the patronage 
 bestowed by great men and men of influence on such combinations. 
 All the laws which relate to the keeping of a large number of retainers 
 have in view the suppression of illegal outbreaks and faction fights. 
 The Lat. explains this by siippressio tiirbarum illicitariim. 
 
 22. stellionate, any cozening or counterfeiting of merchandise, any 
 unjust or deceitful gaining, a malicious or fraudulent bereaving another 
 of his money, wares, due provision or bargain (see Cotgrave's Diet. s. v.). 
 
 inchoations, i.e. the prompting, aiding, and abetting, and being 
 what is called an accessory before the fact. 
 
 P. 63, line 2. f.ord C/iaiieellor, i. e. the Arclibishop Morton ap- 
 pointed Lord Chancellor in 14S6. 
 
 7. in check-roll, i.e. ihose only who were actually enrolled in the 
 king's household. The L.it. c\\Ti\m\i hy funnlitinin conscriptinn. 
 
 B. H. 
 
 17
 
 258 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 II. /;/ any case 0/ felony, i.e. in any case under the degree of 
 treason, wlierein the will is taken for the deed. Lat. alias quum in 
 criminibus lacsae viajcslatis. 
 
 15. is indijflre/it, i.e. applies equally. 
 
 31. and was, i.e. and ,\vhicli) was. Cf. note on p. 8, 1. 28. 
 
 P. 64, line I. expert, wait till the lapse of. It was arranged by this 
 act that the murderer should, without wailing, be arraigned at the king's 
 suit, while the crime was fresh, but even if the accused were acquitted 
 on such trial he should not be set at liberty till the year and the day 
 were expired wherein the wife or heir of the murdered man was allowed 
 the right of appeal to the law. See Statutes at Large, 3 Hen. VII. c. i. 
 
 7. flagrante criinine, while the crime is fresh. 
 
 1 3. privilege of clergy, was the exenqnions of tlie persons of clergy- 
 men from criminal proceeiiings before a secular judge. At first it 
 applied only to a few cases but was gradually extended, till it was 
 interpreted to apply to all cases, and to comprehend under us protec- 
 tion every little subordinate officer of the church, and many that were 
 totally laymen. The brand appointed was to be M if the person had 
 been convicted of murder, and T fur any other crime. .See 4 Hen. VH. 
 c. 13. (This is 141S9 — (JO, and not in the same session as the law about 
 the repression of murders and manslaughters.) 
 
 I 7. -vas after branded by Perkin' s proclamation. See p. 142, 1. 23. 
 
 22. uitlavfnl rttainer. In case they were retained by liveries as 
 servants of others, and so constituted themselves partizp.ns of their sui:;e- 
 riors in routs and unlaw ul assemblies. The Lat. explains si Jainulitiis 
 nobiliutn ant aliornin, nisi domestici essent, se a^gregareni. 
 
 29. against nsury. The act 3 Hen. VII. c. 6, says, all unlawful 
 chevisance and usury shall be extirpate. All brokers of such bargains 
 shall be set on the pilloiy, put to open shame, be half-a-year imprisoned, 
 and pay twenty pounds. 
 
 30. chievances. The word is the noun akin to the latter part of the 
 verb achieve (Fr. achever='io bring to a head), and means a bargain or 
 purchase. The more common form of the word is chevisance. See 
 previous note. 
 
 32. procedures, i.e. money produced by the sale. The act on this 
 subject was a confinnation of that of 17 Edw. IV. c. r. 
 
 P. 65, line 6. ivas inned, i.e. gathered in as a harvest, messis coacta 
 est. For the use of this verb cf. Shakesp. All's Well, l. 3. 48, "To in 
 the crop". 
 
 14. memory of King Richard, see note on p. 20, 1. 5. 
 18. bare principal stroke, \i(i\<tTLno'iX\n'^\xv^x\\\^. 
 
 20. Earl of Noi-thumberland. This was Henry Percy, fourth earl. 
 He was one of those who deserted from the side of Richard III. at 
 Bosworth field. 
 
 31. zvere concluded, i.e. were included. The votes of the multi- 
 tude were represented by the votes of Parliament. 
 
 P. 66, 1. 2. tohich needed not ^ for which there was no necessity. 
 
 6. himself, i.e. the Earl of Northumberland. 
 
 7. routed, not common as a verb = assemble in a rout or rabble.
 
 NOTES. 259 
 
 10. Sir yohn Egremond. He had had an annuity of forty marks 
 sterling granted him (3 May, 1486) out of the forfeited lands of Francis 
 Lord Lovel. Mat. for Hist, of Hcii. J'll. Voh I. p. 422. 
 
 I r. borne an ill talent, Lat. iiifcnsiis crat, had borne a grudge at. 
 
 13. boiitefeu, Fr. firebrand. 
 
 14. popular. Mr Speeding alters this word into populace, and 
 says, "The Ed. of 1622 has popular. In the MS. (which is pre- 
 served in the British Museum) the word seems to have been originally 
 popiilare, but the ;■ has apparently been corrected into c" 
 
 19. Ea7-l of Surrey, see note on p. 16, 1. 33. 
 
 30. paraviottnt, preeminent. Lat. transcendcns. 
 
 V. 67, line 4. He inarched taivards thetn. Mr Spedding observes 
 in his notes that Henry "departed from Hereford towards the north 
 (Lei. IV. p. 246) on the 22nd of May, about two months after the forces 
 had sailed for Brittany ". We are to remember, therefore, that the war 
 in Brittany was going on at the same time as this rebellion. Bacon 
 thought that the forces had returned to England two or three months 
 before, and was not aware that Henry had any other important business 
 on his hands at this time. On this see Introduction. 
 
 9. Sir Richard Tunstal. He had previously proved himself a 
 faithful servant to King Henry, for which he is granted, on 18 June, 
 1480, an annuity of ;i^ioo sterling out of the customs and subsidies in 
 the port of Hull. He was also appointed (with others) to admit into 
 the King's grace the rebels about I-'urness Fells and Cartmell after 
 Simnel's overthrow. ^&t. Mat. for Hist of Hen. VII. (r. 541). 
 
 13. ally of we should now say ally in. For this use of the prepo- 
 sition of=in, cf. Shakespeare, All's Well, v. 3. 1, "We lost a jewel 
 of her ". 
 
 James the Third. The date here must not be closely pressed, when 
 Bacon says "about the same time". James HI. was killed as described 
 in the text, on the 11 June, 1488, nearly seven weeks before the battle 
 of St Aubin, while Henry was endeavouring to mediate between the 
 king of France and the duke of Brittany. So that there was nearly a 
 year between the death of the Scotch king and the events which led to 
 the death of the duke of Northumberland. Mr Spedding traces the 
 error back to I'olydore Vergil. See his note. 
 
 18. yames his son, afterwards James lY, who married Margaret, 
 elder daughter of King Henry VII. 
 
 19. partly by force, &c. The meaning of this very involved sen- 
 tence is, that the rebels got prince James into their power, partly by 
 force, and partly by threats that they would give over the kingdom to 
 the English monarch, and then used the prince as a shadow lor their 
 rebellion, and conducted it in his name as though he were their leader. 
 
 P. 68, line 3. taking no place, i.e. not being successful. The Lat. 
 explains tractatu pads abrupio, the treating for peace being broken off. 
 
 4. Strivelin, i.e. the modern Stirling. The mill where James II I 
 was killed was the mill of Beaton. 
 
 11. Adj-ian de Castello. Grafton calls him "a man of Heturia, 
 borne in the towne of Cornete, called in the old lime Newcastell." lie 
 
 17 2
 
 2 6o HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI I. 
 
 'i\x^\. was made a prebendary of St Paul's; lie became Bishop of Here- 
 ford in 1502, and of Bath and Wells in 1504. lie was deposed by 
 I'ope Leo, for his conspiracy in 1518, and Wolsey succeeded him. It 
 was for him that the palace, now known as Giraud Torlonia, was built. 
 He gave it to King Henry VHI, and it afterwards became the residence 
 of the Knglisii ambassadors to Rome. Adrian lived .it Venice till the 
 death of Leo X, and is supposed to have been murdered on his way to 
 the election of a successor. .See further, Gairdiiers Ricltd. JI I. auJ 
 Ilai. I'J/. (Chron. and Mem ), II. 121. 
 
 29. Alplwnso Pdrucci, cardinal of St Theodore, and son of the lord 
 of Siena. He hafl been very influential in securing the election of Leo 
 X as successor to Julius H. 
 
 30. Pope Li'Of i.e. Leo X. He was John de Medici, and reigned 
 from 15 13 to 1522. 
 
 P. 6y, line 10. Adrian the sixth, Pope 1522 — 1523. 
 
 13. fi/ch. The fifth year of Henry VII extended from 22 August, 
 1489, to 21 August, 1490. These tilings must therefore mean the favour 
 and first preferment of Adrian. 
 
 end of the fourth year, meaning the session of October 14S9. 
 
 15. ihe former Parliament, i.e. the session of January, 1488 — 9. 
 Bacon supposed this parliament to have been called in June or July. 
 14S8, and refers to it the acts passed by the Parliament of Nov. 1487. 
 Cf. Spedding, Bacon, Henry VII. (vi. 92), and the previous note on 
 p. 64, 1. 13. 
 
 25. Edward the first. From the wisdom of his legislation often 
 spoken of as the English Justinian. His laws were directed to the 
 restraint of tlie clergy in their acquisition of lands for the church, which 
 lie did by Uie statute of mortmain ; he enacted the statute of Winches- 
 ter, which was for regulating the militia, and for the jMotcction of the 
 person and property of the subjects from robbery ; he provided for the 
 creation of entail, appointed justices of peace, prohibited the subdivi- 
 sion of manors, granted a statute de tallagio non concedendo, by which 
 the King was prevented from imposing taxes or tolls witiiout consent of 
 ]iarliament. These and some similar statutes made his name justly 
 famous as a legal reformer. 
 
 30. heroical times: allu''ing to such legislators as Solon in jVthens, 
 and Lycurgus in Sparta, and Minos in Crete. 
 
 P. 70, 1. 3. fines. A translation of the Latin text written to make 
 the history of Henry VII accessible to foreigners, will make the 
 meaning of this sentence more intelligible to the reader who is not 
 learned in the law. " It was ordained that fines, as they are called 
 (which is a certain solemn legal process), should be in reality final, and 
 should extinguish not only all rights of parties concerned but of all 
 others, so that after fines of this nature had been levied and solemnly 
 proclaimed, the subject should-have a space of five years after his title 
 accrued, wherein to recover his right or at least to make his claim, and 
 if that time lapsed, he should be excluded from his right for ever." 
 Thus a fine (which is described by Hallarn as a fictitious process of law, 
 of the same nature as what is called a common recovery) when levied
 
 NOTES. 261 
 
 with proclamations in a public court of justice, shall after five years 
 (except in particular cases, as of minors, &c., mentioned below) be a 
 bar to all claims upon land. See Hallam, Const. Hist. \'ol. I. p. 13. 
 
 The index Vocabnlorum to Bacon describes a Fine as "a legal 
 instrument whereby inheritances are transfeiTcd, and which is of force to 
 extinguish the claims of all persons who do not make them within the 
 prescribed period." 
 
 10. An ancient statute of the realm, i. e. the statute de finibus of 1 7 
 Edward I. c. r. 
 
 13. Statute of non-claim. This statute, which was abolished by 
 the statute of fines of Henry VII, had been passed 34 Edward III. 
 c. 16. The words of Henry's enactment speak of Edward Ill's statute 
 as " the universal trouble of the King's subjects." 
 
 id. manured, i. e. worked, tilled. The word is a shortened form 
 of tnatiKuvreJ, and in Bacon's time had not come to be used in the 
 limited signification in which it is now employed. 
 
 28. rid. This verb, in the sense which it bears here of to dis- 
 patch, to bring to an end, complete, is much more frequently used of 
 persons and states than of things. But cf. .Shaksp. Hen. VI. pt. 3, 
 V. 3- 20, 
 
 " We having now the best at Barnet field 
 Will thither straight, for willingness rids way"; 
 
 i.e. easily completes the work of a journey. 
 
 30. This bred a decay. Sir Thomas More (Utopia, pt. i. p. 33. 
 Pitt Press Series 1 laments over the decay caused by turning arable lands 
 into pasture, and so bringing them all into the owner's sole use. " That 
 one covetous and unsatiable cormorant and very plague of his native 
 country may compass aliout and enclose many thousand acres of ground 
 together within one pale or hedge, the husbandmen be thrust out of 
 their own... by hook or crook they must needs depart away, poor 
 wretched souls, men, women, husbands, wives, fatherless children, 
 widows, wofu! mothers with their young babes, and their whole house- 
 hold small in substance and much in number, as husbandry requireth 
 many hands." The act alluded to in the text is 4 Hen. VII. c. 19. 
 
 P. 71, line 4. improvement of the patrimony, &c. : i.e. by means of 
 a more productive cultivation. (Spedding.) 
 
 6. nor tillage they ivoidd not. Double negatives are very common in 
 early English. Cf. Ascham's Scholetnaster (Prof. Mayor's Edition), p. 37 : 
 " /Vc^ Sonne, were he never so old of yeares, never so great of birth, 
 though he were a kynges sonne, might not mary." 
 
 8. depopulating enclosures. &c. , i. e. such kinds of enclosures and 
 pasturage as manifestly induced depopulation. (Spedding.) 
 
 10. by consequence, i.e. as the practical result. 
 
 1 1, were used with, i.e. had annexed to them. (Spedding ) 
 
 16. his successor's time. The act alluded to was passed in the 6th 
 year of Henry VIII, "Against decaying of husbandry, &c." 
 
 17. tipon forfeiture, i.e. if any one offended against this statute he 
 was not to be proceeded against by a civil action, but the hah' profits of
 
 262 HISTORY OF KIXG JIEXRY VII. 
 
 his lands were to be forfeited till houses and lands were restored as the 
 act directs. 
 
 ^S- 0" .?<''"i^- This is the earlier form, for wliich we now use a 
 going. Thus alive = on live, and afoot — on foot. 
 
 ■26. vianiicrhoo'i. Tlie Latin has no e.xpres.sion for this word. It 
 seems to savour of the ineaninLj contained in tlie motto of William of 
 Wykeham, '' Manners niakLlh man," and to sii^nify iiia)ily chararter. 
 I have never met with the word iitainierhoo'l elsewhere. 
 
 P. 72, line 2. Jnnosoefcr some ffiv, &.C., i.e. although some few men 
 have differed in opinion on the matter, which admits of distinctions 
 between one time or ]ilace and anotiier. 
 
 16. and 910 middle people, i.e. and there is no miildle people. 
 
 2.-. JJydra s teeth. Alludinj; to the fable of Cadmus. The story 
 is told (among other |:)lacesj in Ovid, Met. Ill 15 seqq. 
 
 32. English bottoms, i. e. English vessels. The act was passed in 
 Tebruary, 1489 — 90, and is cited as 4 Hen. VH. c. 10. Under English 
 the act includes vessels belonging to England, Ireland, Wales, Calais, 
 or Berwick-upon-Tweed. The design of the King was to employ as 
 many of his subjects as he could in a seafaring life. 
 
 P. 73, line I. incite. The I.at. text has invitant. invite. 
 
 6. justices of peace. The act is 4 Hen. VH. c. 12. 
 
 14. to the lift hand, in the wrong direction, i.e. he grew culpably 
 greedy of forfeitures. 
 
 17. inforiitotions by collnsion, i.e. wherein the prosecutor is in col- 
 lusion with the defendant, and has arranged not to prosecute in any 
 earnest manner. Such collusive information had before this been 
 allowed to be a bar to any real prosecution commenced afterwards. The 
 act is 4 Hen. VH. c. 23. 
 
 23. foreign coin current, i.e. such as had been allowed to pass 
 current in England. .Spanish doubloons were often allowed to be 
 used as current coins in England. This was the statute 4 Hen. VII. 
 c. 18. 
 
 25. /ceep treasure 7vitliin the realm. This had for some time been 
 a nia.\im of Engli.^h policy, and this act of Henry VII was but a 
 revival for 20 years of the 17 Edward IV. c. 1. 
 
 26. lay in least room, and so could be most easily smuggled out ot 
 the country. 
 
 27. drapery, i.e. the manufacture of cloth. This statute 4 Hen. 
 VII. c. 8, provides that " Whosoever shall sell by retail a broad yard 
 of the hnest scarlet grained or other grained cloth t)f the finest making 
 above i6j-., or a l)road yard of any other coloured cloth above lis., shall 
 forfeit 40^. for every yard so sold. 
 
 P. 74, line I. not to exceed a i-ate, i.e. the maxinnim price was fixed. 
 Then the draper (i.e. the maker of cloth) might either make his cloth of 
 as good quality as he could for the maximum price, or make it of an 
 inferior quality and sell it cheaper, as he found best suited to his 
 market. 
 
 9. some correspondence to my person, i.e. Bacon being himself a 
 lawyer takes interest in the legislative history on this account. The Lat.
 
 NOTES. 263 
 
 lias vitae nostras generz et instituto conjimctum sit: connected with my 
 way and employment in life. 
 
 20. Mr Spedding observes that Fabyan says the King borrowed 
 this sum in his third year, not in the fourth. Also according to an old 
 chronicle (preserved in the British Museum, Cott. Vitell. A. xvi, and of 
 which Mr Spedding has made good use) he borrowed another sum of 
 /"2000 in July, 1488. This would be just after the murder of James 
 III. in Scotland, and was perhaps borrowed for employment in defend- 
 ing the northern border. 
 
 27. toiichin:^ Britain. It has been already pointed out in the notes 
 on p. 61, that liacon had been led astray in his conception of Henry's 
 policy towards Brittany, and that the English troops did not return as 
 he there states, " five months after their landing," having in fact never 
 gone, because the King until after the battle of St Aubin's (July 28, 
 1488), hoped to succeed by negotiation and to have no need to send 
 forces. Commissions to raise archers for the relief of Brittany were 
 issued in December 1488, and musters were commanded to be taken in 
 February, 1489, (See Gairdner, Paston Letters, III. 348.) 
 
 P. 75, line 2. Gaunt, i.e. Ghent. 
 
 t2. Lord Ravenstei7t. Grafton (p. 888) calls him " Philip Mounsure 
 Lord of Ravenstone." Ravenstein was a title of the junior branch of 
 the house of Cleves (from which in the next reign came one of the wives 
 of Henry VHI). The present Philip was son of Adolph, Lord of 
 Ravenstein, and grandson of Adolph IV, duke of Cleves. 
 
 13. oath of abolition, i.e. the oath just mentioned that he would 
 pardon their offences, &c. 
 
 14. p7-etending the religion thereof, i.e. professing to be scrupulous 
 about the observance of his oath. 
 
 19. Lord Cordes. This was Philip Crevecoeur, seigneur d'Es- 
 nnevdes. In the early part of his life he had served in the wars of 
 Charles of Burgundy. After the death of Charles, Lewis XI made him 
 governor of Picardy, and he was afterwards created a marshal of France 
 in 1483. He died in 1494 near Lyons, in the expedition of Charles 
 VHI for the conquest of Naples. 
 
 P. 76, line 2. Lord Morley. This was Henry Lovell, second Lord 
 Morley of that house. He left no issue on his death as described in 
 the text. 
 
 P. 77, line 19. stated, i.e. treated with all the ceremonial of state, 
 as though she were Maximilian's wife. 
 
 26. pretended consummation, the form of man-iage by proxy. 
 
 30. point of religion, the scruple about religion. 
 
 P. 78, line I. the marriage halted upon both feet. The prospect of 
 Charles Vlllth's marriage with Anne of Brittany was open to two 
 objections. She had been married by proxy to the Archduke, and 
 Charles was affianced to the daughter of Maximilian. 
 
 24. Francis, Lord of Luxemburg. Viscount of Martiga. 
 
 Charles Marignian. In Rymer (xil. 432) this member of the embassy 
 is called Wallerandus de Sams, dominus de Marigny. 
 
 Robert GnzT'cn, a learned French churchman, born at Calline in
 
 264 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 Artois, and at one time in charge of the Royal Library in Paris. lie 
 was high in the favour of both Charles VIII. and afterwards of Lewis 
 XII. He died in 1502. A history of France is the best known of his 
 literary works. 
 
 25. bons-hommcs of the Trinily. Tliis order, called also the "Order 
 of the Redemption of Captives" (with which oi)ject it was first founded), 
 was one of the numerous religious orders wlilcii were established in con- 
 nexion with the cnusades. It was founded in 1211 by John de Matha 
 and Felix de V'alois. 
 
 P. 79, line 6 right of seigniory. His right as feudal lord to bestow 
 his ward in marriage as he might see best. See text, p. 84. 
 
 7. depend upon, look up to and be observant of 
 
 i6. Charles the Great, i.e. Charlemagne (768— 81 4). 
 
 P. 8r, line 3. olive-branch, than a laurel-branch, rather seeking for 
 peace, symbolized by the former ; than conquest or victory, of which 
 tiie laurel is tlie token. 
 
 7. went upon it, were involved in it. 
 
 22. The subjects of Burgundy : meaning (it would seem) the Flem- 
 ings. It was tlirough his marriage with the heiress of Burgundy that 
 they became Maximilian's subjects ; and it was as subjects of Hurgundy 
 that the King of France claimed to be their lord in chief (Spedding). 
 
 28. ////cZ/rtJ-f^ gain or profit. \^^\.. einolmnentuin. 
 
 P. 82, line 13. kingdom of Naples. The king at this time was 
 Ferdinand I, the illegitimate son of Alfonso V of Aragon, and I of 
 IS'aples of the line of Aragon. Ferdinand reigned from 1469 to 1494. 
 
 15. by clear and undoubted right. This right Charles claimed to 
 inherit from liis father, to whom tlK- rights of tlie princes of tlic house of 
 Anjou to the kingdom of Naples had been transmitted by the last direct 
 heir, Charles, count of Maine and Provence. 
 
 17. neither acquit, See, i.e. neither leave his honour imtarnished, 
 nor give a satisfactory account to his subjects of his neglect to urge his 
 claim. 
 
 23. Ottomans. Tlie Turkish empire was so called after Othoman, 
 the famous king of the Turks, who died in 1328. Knoiles says of him 
 (p. 177), "Of a poor lordship he left a great kingdom, having subdued 
 a great part of the lesser Asia, and is worthily accounted the first 
 founder of the Turkes great kingdom and empire. Of him the Turkish 
 kings and emperor;, ever since liave been called the Othoman kings". 
 
 29. thrice Christian King and the eldest son of the church. This 
 was the title given by the Popes to the French monarchs, as Defender 
 of the Faitli was conferred on the kings of England. 
 
 31. Hen7y the fourth. Of the purpose of Henry IN' to war against 
 the Mahometan power, Hall's Chronicle has, under the fourteenth year 
 of that king's reign, "He called a great council of the three estates of 
 the realm, in the which he deliberately consulted and concluded, as 
 well for the politic governance of his realm, as also for the war to be 
 made against the infidels, and especially for the recovery of the Holy 
 City of Jerusalem, in which Christian wars ho intended to end his 
 transitory life".
 
 NOTES. 26 
 
 
 
 33. ancestor. The Latin merely says praedecessor, which is the 
 more correct. 
 
 P, 83, line 6. Moors. Roderick, the last Gothic king in Spain, 
 was overcome by the Moors in 714, and the Moorish power continued 
 in Spain till 149 1. 
 
 22. Ge7nes, brother unto Bajazet. This is Bajazet II, who suc- 
 ceeded his father, Mahomet the Great, as emperor of the Turks in 1481. 
 (iemes (who is called also Zemes, and Zizimus). was his younger brother. 
 On the death of Mahomet, the nobles first placed Corcutus, a son of 
 Bajazet, on the throne. But this youth of eighteen presently resigned in 
 favour of his father. Gemes raised an army against his elder brother, 
 and endeavoured to make himself sovereign in the Asiatic part of the 
 Turki;,h empire. He was much favoured in his attempts by the friendly 
 feeling of the people toward him. Bajazet advanced into Asia against 
 him, and defeated him, after which Gemes fled to the Sultan of Egypt. 
 Aftei a short time he, with the aid of the King of Caramania, made 
 a second revolution against his brother, but was again defeated and put 
 to flight. He at first took refuge in Rhodes, and Bajazet endeavoured 
 to persuade the grand master of the Knights of Malta, who then hehl 
 sway there, to deliver him up, but was not successful. He then agreed 
 to pay a yearly sum in consideration that the grand master should keep 
 Gemes in safe custody, so that he should no more trouble the Turkish 
 empire. Of the events alluded to in the text, Knolles, in his History of 
 the Turks, says (pp. 446 — 452), "Many great princes desirous of Gemes 
 laboured by their embassadours to have obtained him of the great 
 master of the Rhodes, first Bajazet, his brother, fearing least he should 
 at one time or other againe breake foorth upon him, or else set up by 
 the Christian princes, trouble his estate, offered great summes of money 
 to have had him delivered into his hands. And Charles, the French 
 king, purposing the conquest of Naples (which he in few yeares after 
 performed), and after that to have invaded Grajcia, thought Gemes 
 a most fit instrument for the furtherance of those his high designes, and 
 was therefore wonderfuU desirous to have had him. Matthias also, 
 king of Hungarie (a fortunat warriour against the Turke), persuaded, 
 that the having of him might be unto him a great furtherance in the 
 course of his victories, sought by all the meanes he could to have 
 obtained him. At which time also Innocentius, the eight of that name, 
 Bishop of Rome, no lesse desirous than the rest, to have in his keeping 
 so great a pledge of peace and warre (the bridle of the Turke's furie) 
 together with the large pension he was sure to receive yearely from 
 Bajazet for the safe custodie of him, so wrought the matter by Lyonell, 
 iMshop of Concordia, his cunning legat, that the great master fearing on 
 the one side to bee constrained by the great power of Bajazet to graunt 
 that he had so often refused, and now so earnestly sollicited on the 
 other side by the bishop, caused Gemes to be delivered to him at Rome 
 in the yeare 1488, for which doing, he was by the bishop honoured with 
 the honour and title of a cardinall. So Gemes, to the great profit of 
 the bishop (who received from Bajazet a yearely pension of 40000 
 duckats), remained in safe custodie at Rome all the time of Innocentius,
 
 266 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 and also of Alexander the sixt, his successor, until tliat tlie French 
 king, Charles the ei_L;ht, passing through the heart of Italy with a strong 
 armie against Alphonsus, king of Naples, in the yeare i4i;5, and niiiking 
 liis way through the citie of Rome, so terrified the great bishop, wiio 
 altogether favoured and furthered the title of Alphonsus, that he was 
 glad to yield to such articles and conditions as pleased the king ; and 
 amongst the rest to give in hostage unto the kiny his gracelesse sonne, 
 Ctesar Borgia Valentinus. and also to deliver unto him Gemes his 
 honourable prisoner. Hut Gi'nies, within three daies after he rtas 
 delivered unto the French, dyed at Caieta, being before his deliverance 
 poisoned (as it was thought) with a powder of wonderfull whitenesse 
 and pleasant tast, whose power was not presently to kill, but by little 
 and little dis])ersing tlie force thereof, did in short time bring most 
 assured death : which pleasant poison, Alexander the bishop, skilfull in 
 that practise, corrujilei-l by liajazet his gokl, and envying so great a 
 goed unto the French, had caused to be cunningly mingled with the 
 sugar wherewith Gemes used to temper the watei" which he commonly 
 tlraiike. His dead bodie was not long after sent to Bajazet, by Musta- 
 pha, his ambassadour, who to the great contentment of his master, had 
 thus contrived his death with the bishop. Not long after, this dead 
 bodie so farre brought, was by the appointment of Bajazet, honourably 
 eiiterred amongst his auncesturs at I'rusa". 
 
 24. Alcoran, tiie Mahomedan Sacred Scriptures, more usually called 
 the Koran, al being the Arabic definite article. 
 
 Averroes, an Arabian writer on medicine in the twelfth century. 
 
 P. 84, line 4. run a fair course, i.e. deal openly and fairly. 
 
 •27. impatroiiize, i.e. make himself patron and master. The Lat. 
 uses potior. 
 
 28. litigious, which would involve him in disputes. His heir-pre- 
 sumptive was the duke of Orleans, who had been the chief adviser of 
 the late duke of Brittany in his latter days, and who was afterwanls 
 Lewis XH. 
 
 P. 8-5, line 25. />V t/u- hook. The Latin explains this by Lititrg'.a. 
 This (says Mr Spedding) "must not be understood as referring to the 
 French king's intention to marrv the duchess himself, for that was not 
 yet in question, but to the right which he claimed of disposing of her in 
 marriage ". 
 
 29. to imprison their Prince first. See text, p. 75, 1. 5, seqq. 
 
 32. sent to the subjects of Scotland. Alluding to the events whicl> 
 preceded the death of James HI of Scotland. See text, p. 67, I. 26. 
 
 P. 86, line 2y. 'I'he King our tnasters title to Fmnce. This claim 
 was made as Henry VI had been crowned king of France. It was not 
 till the parliamentary union of Irelanil with lOngland in 1801, that the 
 title "king of France" was omitted from the style of the English 
 monarch. 
 
 v. 87, line 17. Thomas, earl of Ormond. This was Thomas Butler, 
 the seventh earl. 
 
 20. Pope Alexander the sixth. Roderick Borgia, who succeeded 
 po]ie Innocent \'11I in I49: and sat on the papal throne till 1503.
 
 NOTES. 267 
 
 The moral degi-adation into which the papacy sank under this pope has 
 no parallel either in its earlier or later history. For the expenses of 
 the profligate court, of the wars of Caesar Borgia (a son of the pope), 
 and the establishment of his other children, Alexander was continually 
 in need of money, and no means were too shameful to be employed m 
 raising it. An epigram of the time accuses him of selling all that 
 was most holy, and giving as his excuse that he had first bought it 
 before he sold. 
 
 27. Borgia s hark. In allusion to the family name of the pope, 
 which was borne by his numerous children. 
 
 3.^. found the English a>7ibassadoi-s at Calais. Mr Spedding points 
 out that Bacon has here confused an embassy from pope Innocent with 
 some later embassy. For Alexander VI did not become pope till 
 II August, 1492. The events in our text precede the marriage of 
 Charles VIII and Anne of Brittany (see text, next page), and that 
 event occurred in the Dec. of 149 1. There is a notice of a papal em- 
 bassy from pope Innocent soon after mid-lent in 1490. 
 
 P. 88, line 4. a good ominous name, being the bishop of Concord. 
 
 9. the p-ior. This is Robert Gagvien (see notes on p. 78). He is 
 called the Prior of the Trinity (p. 79, 1. 12). 
 
 16. Henry. Henry ^TII, born 22nd Jnne, 1491. 
 
 18. marriage between Charles, &c. They were married at the castle 
 of Langeais in Touraine, 6th Dec, 1491. 
 
 P. 89, line 13. nnder his cloth of estate, the canopy over the royal 
 throne. The Latin has merely solio siio. 
 
 20. another man's right, i. e. the duke of Brittany's. 
 
 P. 90, line 4. a French king prisoner in England, i.e. King John 
 of France, brought prisoner to England by the Black Prince in 1357. 
 
 5. a King of England crowned in France, i. e. Henry \T, crowned 
 in Paris in 1430. 
 
 14. Tramontanes, Transmontanes. To the pope the French king 
 was Transmontane. In our own day (from a change in the point of 
 view) the Italians are to us Transmontanes. 
 
 19. of oiirse'ves, we should say now by 07ir selves. Cf. Shaksp. 
 2 pt. Hen. VI. I. I. 166 : 
 
 " Why should he then protect our sovereign. 
 He being of age to govern of himself? " 
 
 32. make his son knight. Apparently pointing his hearers to a 
 way in which they might raise money, as this was one of the three 
 occasions on which aids might be demanded from feudal tenants. 
 
 P. 91, line 17. tnany years before, i.e. for many years before. 
 
 31. Riissignon (modem orthography /y'onssillon) was one of the 
 provinces of France in the extreme south, bounded on the south by the 
 Pyrenees. Its chief town was Perpignan. In 1462 Lewis XI acquired 
 possession of this territory, and Cerdagne (a part of Spain adjoining 
 Russignon), in pledge from John II of Aragon, father of Ferdinand, as 
 security for a large sum of money advanced to that prince for the pur- 
 pose of reducing his revolted subjects, the Catalans. See text, p. 10:.
 
 2 68 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 P. 92, line 32. benn-ohnce. This illegal exaction was abolished by 
 Richard III in his first parliament U4'*^3)- 
 
 r. 93, line 7. and bcttcy, i.e. and more. This, the original sense 
 of the word, which implies something additional or to boot, has almost 
 faded out of classical English. It does not occur in Shakespeare. 
 
 21. Scotland. The declaration of war against Scotlantl, of which no 
 mention is made in modern histories, is contained in the preamble of an 
 Act (7 Hen. V'll. c. 6), by which all Scots, not made denizens, were 
 ordered out of the kingdom within forty days (Spedding). Jnfrd, 1. 29. 
 
 22. 7iiort-pays, i. e. taking the King's pay for a larger number of 
 soldiers than a captain had in service, or claiming for men dead (tnortui) 
 or discharged. The Act (7 Hen. VII. c. i) says, "If any captain... 
 hath not his whole number of men and soldiers, according as he shall 
 be retained with the King, or give them not their full wages as he shall 
 receive of the King. ..he .-.hall fur sucii default forfeit to the King all his 
 goods and chattels and his body to prison." Cf. Gascoigne's Sted Glas. 
 p. 63 (Arber's Reprints), 
 
 " J'chold (my lord) these souldiours can I spie 
 Widiin my glasse, within my true Steele glasse. 
 1 see not one therein which seeks to heape 
 A world of pence, by pinching of dead payes. 
 And so beguiles the prince in time of nede, 
 When muster day and foughten lielde are odde." 
 
 27. fines for alienalion. These were due to the crown as feudal 
 lord, but to encourage men to alienate, and thus raise money for the 
 wars, the King remitted these lines. 
 
 30. standard of the excluqicer, i.e. specimens of weights and mea- 
 sures, according to the legal stantlard of tiie exchequer, that there might 
 be uniformity of weight and measure in the land. 
 
 P. 94, line 8. Gaunt, i.e. Ghent. I have left Bacon's orthography 
 here, because the name is familiar in that form as having been the title 
 of John, did<e of Lancaster, son of Edward III. 
 
 17. avails, produce, value, profit, Cf, Shaks, All's Well, HI, i. 22, 
 "V(ni know your places well 
 When better fall, for your avails they fell." 
 
 28. duke of Saxony. Albert, duke of Upper Sa.xony, a great friend 
 of the King of the Romans, see Hall's Chronicle. 
 
 P. 95, line 4. bearing them in /^a;/^/:= making them believe. Cf. 
 Tyndale's Exposition (Parker Soc), p. 28: "Beware. ..of them that would 
 bear thee in hand how that suffering should be satisfaction of thy sins." 
 
 17. from their friends. The Latin explains this, adding, "from 
 the French," who knew that some new dangers were threatening the 
 people of Dam. 
 
 24. to the Kim;, i. e. to the King of England. 
 
 33, Sir Ed^vard Foynings. One of Henry's most able officers, 
 afterwards Lord Deputy of Ireland (1494), in which olfice he drew up 
 the Statute of Drogheda, often called Poynings' Law. See text, p. 127. 
 
 P. 96, line 10. brother of the Earl of Oxforef s, Sir Richard(?)de Vere. 
 
 32, about this time. The ceremony in St Paul's took place, April 
 6t)i, 1492. See Hall (6th year of Hen. VH). 
 
 P, 97, line I. con<juest of Granada. Hall (as his manner is) gives
 
 . NOTES. 269 
 
 an elaborate account of all that took place on the entry of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella (whom he always calls Elizabeth). The religious punctos 
 (i. e. observances) seem to have been very numerous, and Hall's account 
 of the conduct of the Moors at the raising of the cross is worth quoting : 
 "The sayde crosse was iii times devoutly elevate, and at every exalta- 
 tion, the Rloores, beyng within the cytie, roared, howled and cryed 
 prostemyng them selfes grovelynge on the grounde making dolorous 
 noyes and piteful outcryes. " 
 
 9. greater tinver, called Alhambra (Hall). 
 
 15. Saint yai/ies, the patron saint of Spain. 
 
 ■21. a psalm. It was the Benedictus^ Luke i. 68 (Hall). 
 
 P. 98, line I. now cardinal. Archbishop Morton was made a 
 Cardinal in 1493, with the title of St Anastasia (Hook's Lives, v. 
 462). 
 
 II. Kings. This word, applied to both King and Queen, may be 
 compared with Shakespeare's use of Prince for both male and female. 
 See King John, 11. i. 445, "These two princes if you marry them." 
 The first occurrence of tlie word Kings thus used is p. 13. 33, then 
 loi. 24. 
 
 27. ift procession. Using the 7> /)«/;« as a processional hymn. 
 
 P. 99, line 14. Sir Jo/in Riseley. One of the early trusted servants 
 of Henry VII. In a grant of offices made to him, -22 Sept. 1485, it is 
 said to be made " in consideration of the true heart and service that our 
 servant and true liegeman Sir John Riseley, knight, hath borne and 
 done unto us in sundry wise herebefore, as well beyond the sea as 
 at our late victorious field within this realm to his great charge labour 
 and jeopardy and he faithfully intendeth to continue his truth and 
 service unto us during his life." 
 
 18. Cuuntebalt., described by Hall (6 Hen. VII) as "James Conti- 
 bald, a man of great gravity." 
 
 27. His inother in law. i. e. Margaret duchess of Burgundy. 
 
 P. 100, line I. So as the formal part, &c. So that as far as all the 
 forms of an embassy were concerned they might seem to have a good 
 reason for remaining. They had not received an answer, but an ample 
 one was promised. 
 
 13. Thomas eai-l of Arundel. In his first summons to parlia- 
 ment (22 Edw. IV) he is named Thomas Arundal de Matravers. He 
 married a daughter of Richard Wydville, Lord Rivers, and one 
 of his daughters was wife of John, Earl of Lincoln, who fell at Stoke- 
 field. 
 
 14. Grorge earl of .Shrru's/wrj)', son of John, 3rd Earl of Shrews- 
 bury. His mother was a daughter of Humphrey, Earl of Stafford. 
 This nobleman had fought for Henry at Stoke-field. 
 
 Edmond carl of Suffolk, Edmund de la Pole, brother of the Earl 
 of Lincoln. 
 
 15. George earl of Ke7it. George Grey had succeeded his father 
 Edmund in the Earldom in 4 Hen. VII. His mother was a daughter 
 of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, killed in the subsidy-riot in 
 Yorkshire (see p. 66). George, Earl of Kent, took an active part in 
 the suppression of the Cornish rebellion. See Dugdale, I. 718.
 
 2 70 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 The earl of Essex. Henry Kouichicr. He also took part in the 
 suppression of the Cornish rebellion, Dugdale, ii. 130. 
 
 16. Tliomas earl of Onitoitd. This was Tlionias Biillen, he was 
 afterwards created (1495) an English peer as Baron Kochford of Roch- 
 ford in Essex. 
 
 V. 101, line 7. The hotter he 7vas, &c. Cf. p. 77. 10 for an example 
 of this heat. 
 
 3[. so potent a confederate, i. e. Eerdinand of Spain. 
 
 P. 102, line 2. Bishop of Exeter. This was Eox. 
 
 9. Sir Jolm Savage. He had gone (says Hall) privily out of his 
 pavilion with .Sir John Riseley, and was suddenly intercepted and taken 
 of the enemy, antl he being inflamed with ire, ahhout^h he were captain, 
 of his high courage disdained to be taken of such villains, defended his 
 life to the uttermost, and was manfidly (I will not say wilfully) slain. 
 
 15. a peace, known as the Peace of Estaples. It was concluded 
 there Nov. 30, 1492. Eor the articles thereof, see Molinet (Bnchon), 
 IV 328 seqq. The sums mentioned by Molinet are not in accordance 
 with those given below in the text. 
 
 20. ducat, here a])parciuly used vaguely = crown. King Henry's 
 letter, read in the Guildhall, Nov. 9, calls the sum " 745.000 scutis, 
 which amounteth in sterling money to ^^[27,666. 13J. 4'/." The sum was 
 to be paid in consideration of the expenses incurred by the English 
 K'ng in the defence of Brittany, which Henry estimated at 620,000 
 crowns, and to clear off the sum remaining due u]ion the pension 
 granted to Edward IV by Lewis XI (at the peace of Picquigny), which 
 was estimated at 125,000 crowns. Henry agreed now to accejit a pay- 
 ment of 25,000 francs every half-year till the whole should be cleared 
 off. These half yearly payments continued to be made down to the 
 year 15 14, when further claims on the part of the English led to a new 
 treaty with Lewis XII. See Rymer, xin. 428. 
 
 in present (line 20) is a mistake. The large sum was to be paid 
 by instalments. .See Sptxlding, Vol. vi. p. 103 note. 
 
 24. alte7-ation of the hand, i. e. making another person rather than 
 Maximilian responsible for this payment. This Henry counteil to be 
 worth as much as the whole sum. 
 
 P. 103, line 6. under their handi, i. e. in a written document 
 signed by them. 
 
 16. to plume, here = to strip off the feathers, a meaning very differ- 
 ent from the usual sense of the verb. 
 
 32. Alphouso, duke of Calabria, who in 1494, succeeded his father 
 as King of Naples and Sicily by the title of Alphonso II. 
 
 P. 105, line 12. Turk'' s commissioners for children of tribute. The 
 Lat. version ex]5lains this as " those agents of the Turks who exact 
 children as a tribute," i. e. demand from the subject races so many 
 children annually as a tributary payment, and pick out the most pro- 
 mising. 
 
 31. to have viade somCii'hat to the matter, i.e. to have contributed 
 to, or helped on, the proceeding. 
 
 P. 106, line I. Gossip, godfather. The last syllable is common, in 
 the Lowlands of .Scotland, in the form 57'/' = related to, akin.
 
 NOTES. 271 
 
 r:. yohn Osheck. Mr Spedding has pointed out, as Sir FrecK 
 crick Madden (whom he quotes) had done before, tliat Bacon has formed 
 a wrong conception of the meaning of Speed's t-ext on which his narra- 
 tive is based. According to that King Edward was not the godfather of 
 Perkin, but of a certain Jew, who at baptism took the name of Edward. 
 Perkin was the son of John Osbeck as related in the text, but there is 
 no evidence to shew tliat Osbeck was a Jew or was ever in London, but 
 Perkin liis son appears to have been clerk, or apprentice or servant to 
 Edward the converted Jew who hved in London, and in this way he 
 came to be acquainted with tlie court and doings of Edward IV. See 
 Sir Fred. Madden's article in tlie Archoeologia, Vol. xxvri. p. 163. In 
 reference to the variation of the name Osbeck into Warbeck there is a 
 curious form of the word in the provisions of the Irish Parliament of 
 1498, where it is ordered that William Barry, commonly called Lord 
 Barry of Munster, and John Water of Cork, merchant, having of late re- 
 ceived divers letters from Parkyn IVosebek, are to be attainted of high 
 treason. This form may explain the transition from one orthography 
 and pronunciation to the other. For the easy interchange of r and s, 
 cf. ure = use in the text, p. iSi. 17. 
 
 21. Perkin. This termination kin is not only used as a diminutive 
 in proper names, as /r///7« = little Will, lVatli)i=^\\\.\\e Waiter, but in 
 common nouns as Jirkin = a. fourth part of a barrel, tlie word being a 
 diminutive of /oar; so gherkin of which the first syllable is akin to 
 gotn-d, a species of cucumber, and the diminutive ending is the same as 
 in the previous examples. 
 
 P. 107, line 6. The while. Lat. quo teinporis spatio, i. e. in the 
 meanwhile. Cf. Shakespeare, Com. Err. V. I. 174: "My master preaches 
 patience to him, and the while his man with scissors nicks him like a 
 fool." 
 
 23. things that a very few could control— such as only one here and 
 there could venture to dispute. Lat. pauci admodum arguere possent. 
 
 P. 108, line 9. In the first edition there is no stop at time. But the 
 Latin text clearly shews that there ought to be a period here. It runs 
 thus A qua cceli plaga cometa iste se priiiio ostendere deberet et quo tempore. 
 Constituit autem, tr-V". 
 
 30. The metaphor is continued from line 8 where Perkin was com- 
 p>aved to a blazing star. 
 
 P. 109, line 1. aftoii'ards, for an account of this confession see 
 text p. 170, 1. 20. 
 
 4. and bare him doion, i.e. and asserted in spite of all that he could 
 say. The phrase is carried a little farther in sense than is usual, but the 
 idea is the same. It is usually employed to mean, to oz'erturn, to over- 
 -iohelm. Cf. Shaksp. AI. of I'en. iv. i. 2f4, "Malice bears down truth." 
 So that in the text it is implied that the Irishmen would hear nothing 
 that he had to say, and silenced all his protestations. 
 
 £5. Earl of Desmond. This nobleman was one of the Fitzgeralds, 
 a kinsman of the Earl of Kildare. The present Earl of Desmond was 
 Maurice Fitzgerald 
 
 19. Steplien Prion. His grant for life of the office of Clerk of the
 
 272 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VI L 
 
 Sijjnet and Secretary fi)r tlic French tongue to tlic King, with a salary 
 of £i,o a year, is dated 3rd Oct. 1485. 
 
 73. /'/6'= Charles VIll. The Latin leaves no doul)t on the subject, 
 hut has hdlum inter regcs npei'te pullidare ccepissd. ^\'ar between the 
 Kiiii^s had shewn signs of commencement. 
 
 i'. no, line 10. Lord Congresall. The Lord of Congressault. Ik- 
 was of a Scotch family of the name of Monipeny, see Pinkerton's Scot- 
 land, ii. 438. 
 
 11. thoHi^h it be ill mockiii<( with the French, i.e. though they are 
 not adepts at playing a part. Lat. licet apitd (Jallos liidos facere in pro- 
 flivi non sit. 
 
 12. applied themselves to their Kind's bent, humoured their sove- 
 reign's inclination, fashioned their behaviour according to his wish, 
 seeing that a political end was to be served thereby. 
 
 1 4. Sir Geori^e AW'ile. A son of Lord Abergavenny. See Afem. 
 
 for Hist, of Hen. I'll. Vol. I. p. 432, where is a petition to the King 
 
 from Sir George asking tliat power should be granted him to recover 
 
 certain rents and duties due to him from tenants in Wales. He prays 
 
 that this may be done by a letter under the King's Privy Seal. 
 
 26. labo7tred. This use of the word is not common. It means to 
 be hard pressed, much tirged ; Lat. has iiite^-pellatiis, i.e. importuned. 
 P. Ill, line 3. eren in that, i.e. even in the case of Lambert Sinmell. 
 5. pose, to question. The r\o\\n poser is still used for the title of an 
 examiner at some public schools, e.g. Eton. 
 
 r 7. matter. For matter used thus of a person ; cf. Shakespeare 
 Sonn. 87. 14, "In sleep a king, but waking no such ?natter.'' 
 
 20. ivantins; to himself. Nor did he fail to play his part well. 
 28. 7vith oft telling a lie. Cf. for the sentiment, Shakesp. Temp. 
 I. 2. 100. 
 
 " Like one 
 Who having unto Truth, by telling oft 
 Made such a sinner of his memory 
 To credit his own lie, he did believe 
 He was indeed the Duke." 
 
 I'. 112, line I. halberdiers. The nar.ie is derived from the weapon 
 with which they were armed, which was a kind of pole-a.xe. In Old 
 German the word was spelt helmbarte; helm=-po\e. and barte (connected 
 with bart, beard) indicating the hanging form of the iron head. 
 
 3. Dutch. The Latin says /7<2W/-/= Flemings. 
 
 I 2. upon. The Latin in this and the following lines has propter-^ 
 on account of. This meaning oinpon is not rare in Shakespeare. Cf. 
 King John, li. I. .S97. "Kings break faith upon commodity." 
 
 31. footings up and down. i.e. footprints going backward and for- 
 ward and .so leaving only a confused impression. 
 
 P. 1 13, line I. Sir IVilliam Stanley. The first grant to Sir William 
 Stanley as King's Chand^erlain dates 24th Jan 14S6. 
 
 2. Lord Fitzivalter, i.e. .Sir John Ratcliffe, who became Lord Fitz- 
 walter by marrying the daughter and heiress of the last Lord of that
 
 NOTES. 273 
 
 name of the house of Mandeville. He had been employed by Henry 
 VII in connection with Sir Reginald Bray in exercising the office of 
 chief justice of the forests beyond the Trent. He was beheaded for 
 attempting to escape from prison in Calais. 
 
 Sir Si>no7t Moiintfori. Made steward for life of the Lordship of 
 Castle Bromwich, 26 Y)&c. 1485. 
 
 Sir Thomas T/i7oaites. He had been made treasurer of Calais and 
 the marches thereof, 4 March, I4S6. 
 
 5. Sir Robert Clifford. He was the youngest son of Sir Thomas 
 Clifford who was slain in the battle of St Albans. His first employment 
 under Henry VII dates Mar. 15, i486, as chamberlain of the town and 
 port of Berwick upon Tweed. The text explains his after history. 
 Among the Privy Purse expenses of Hen. VII {Excerpta Historica, 
 p. 100) is found an entry of ;^500 paid by Sir Reginald Bray to Sir 
 Robert Clifford as a bribe for his services in betraying Warbeck and his 
 adherents (see text, p. 116). 
 
 6. IVilliiim Barley. These two who negotiated the matter with 
 Sir Robert are also highly paid. In the same place is a notice of the 
 promise of pardon and high reward to Barley. 
 
 7 1. came to have a correspondence. Began- to have a party which 
 favoured it in either country, and who established inter-communica- 
 tion. 
 
 P. 114, line 13. Brackenbury. The account here given is drawn 
 from Sir Thos. More's life of Richard III, (p. 68, ed. 1557) where men- 
 tion is also made of this examination of Tirrel and Dighton. It is also 
 narrated that Tirrel accepted the work of murdering the princes because 
 "the man had an high heart and sore longed upward, not rising yet so 
 fast as he had hoped, being hindered and kept under by the means of 
 Sir Richard Ratcliffe and Sir William Catesby which longing for no 
 more parteners of the princes favour and namely [i.e. especially] not for 
 him whose pride they wist would bere no pere, kept him by secrete 
 driftes out of all secrete trust." In the progress of the story in More, 
 Miles Forrest is described as "a fellow fleshed in murder beforetime," 
 and his fate is noticed thus, "Miles Forest at Sainct Martens pecemele 
 rotted away." Dighton is said to have been Tirrel's horsekeeper, "a big 
 brode square strong knave" and it is added "he indede yet walketh on 
 alive in good possibilitie to be hanged ere he dye. But Sir James Tirrel 
 dyed at Tower Hill beheaded for treason." 
 
 P. 115, line 18. to advertise, i.e. to send him information, to keep 
 him informed. They were not to publish abroad what they found, as 
 the word now mostly signifies. The Lat. makes this clear by expressing 
 the pronoun. 
 
 29. board. The Latin explains this by c///iY;-c'= to entice. 
 
 P. 116, line 13. had intelligence with, i.e. entered into secret cor. 
 respondence with these men, as the Latin explains, in order that 
 through their means he might gain information of the plans of his 
 adversaries. 
 
 15. did use to have than cursed, i.e. although they were in his own 
 employ, he had their names enrolled among those who were accursed as 
 
 B. H iS
 
 2 74 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 the King's foes, that thus their actions abroad might be less suspected of 
 being underlaken at his instigation. 
 
 ■2Q. might receive the more or the less, i. e. as the examinations and 
 enquiries were not completed, some of the statements miglit receive 
 additional confimiation, and others be weakened by further search. It 
 would not therefore have been wise to put forth what had been learnt, 
 in such a formal manner as a proclamation would have assumed. 
 
 30. print, i. e. jienetrate, sink into men's minds. 
 
 32. Archduke Philip, i. e. Maximilian's son who had now become 
 Archduke. His father had become emperor of Germany in 1493. 
 
 P. 117, line I. Sir William Warham. Who was afterwards Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, from 1503 — 32. Although his emljassy on this 
 occasion did not lead to success yet he retained the King's favour and 
 was frequently employed. (See Hook, Lives of the Archbishops, New 
 series, 1. 168.) He is mentioned as Master of the Rolls, p. 146. 
 
 21. thought to be in the King's o~vn pcnver, i.e. to be contrived by 
 the King and so fashioned as to serve his own purposes, and therefore 
 not to be accepted without question. 
 
 P. 119, line 16. a patrimonial dmury. This is the reading of the 
 text of 1622, but the Latin has dotem tnatrimonialem, which is what the 
 sense requires, as the possessions of the L.ady Margaret of I'urgundy 
 were those which she held in virtue of her marriage and under tlie 
 will of her late husband. 
 
 carried no part 0/ sovera'gnty or command 0/ forces, i.e. gave her 
 no rights such as a sovereign possesses to command the forces of the 
 country. 
 
 19. hoTvsoever, ^c. i.e. although the Archduke pretended only to 
 connive at the sheltering of Perkin. 
 
 21. partly out of courage. The Lat. explains : /rtr/Zw (T«/w//w rx- 
 plere cupiens, i. e. desiring to satisfy his own feelings. Cf. line 29, "being 
 sensible in point of honour." 
 
 28. trade, i. e. between England and Flanders. The proclamation 
 was directed to l>e published on i8th Sept. 1483. 
 
 31. The first he in this sentence is of course Henry and the he in 
 the next line refers to the pretender Warheck. 
 
 P. 120, line 7. done to his hand. By Henry's previous command to 
 them to withdraw. 
 
 17. William Daiibeney. Mentioned {Mat. for Hist, of Hen. VII. 
 Vol. I. p. 214) as formerly keeper of the jewels to the "pretenscd" 
 King Richard, Duke of Glocester. This may account for his being 
 found among the adherents of Warheck. 
 
 The list of persons apprehended is considerably enlarged in the 
 chronicles of Hall and Grafton who add to the names here given "cer- 
 tayn priests and religious men as Sir William Richeforde, doctor of 
 divinitee and .Sir Thomas Poynes bothe freers of Sainct Dominikes 
 order, Doctor William Sutton, and Robert Layborne and Sir Richard 
 Lessey. 
 
 23. he dealt with his keeper, i. e. he made proposals to the keeper to 
 allow him to escape.
 
 NOTES. 275 
 
 28. William Worshy. This was the dean of St Paul's, he received 
 his pardon on the 6th June, 1495. 
 
 3[. ivas not touched. l\Ir Spedding notices from Tytler's Hist, of 
 Scotland (iv. 374) a raid made into the North of England by the Scotcli, 
 of which the only mention is found in the record of Justiciary, Nov. 
 1493. Mr Tytler conjectures that this was a movement of the Scotch 
 in concert with Flanders, Ireland and the Yorkists in England, but the 
 Scotch were too hasty in crossing the border, for the treachery of Clif- 
 ford had revealed the whole particulars to Henry, and the apprehension 
 of the chief persons concerned (as stated above) taking place just when 
 it did, broke the whole scheme, and rendered the cause of Perkin hope- 
 less. But it is clear from the absence of all mention of this inroad in 
 our histories that we are not yet in a position to judge of all the circum- 
 stances under which King Henry acted, and we can well see why he 
 might be willing to wait before he arrested Sir Williani Stanley. 
 
 P. 121, line II. nccording to tlie ceremony, i.e. with the usual rites 
 and ceremonies. See for an account of them Beatson's Political Index, 
 Vol. III. pp. 408 — 415. There were twenty-four creations on this 
 occasion, and the names are given in Beatson (ui. 421). The date of 
 the installation was Sunday, May 19, 1495, at which time prince 
 Henry was little more than four years old. 
 
 13. Westminster. The MS. Chronicle (Cott. Vitel. A. XVj) says 
 the king kept his Christmas at Greenwich. Stowe says, as Bacon, at 
 Westminster. 
 
 20. presently attached, i. e. immediately arrested. 
 
 26. assia-ed of his life before. His pardon is dated 22nd Dec. \^\ 
 (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 10 Hen. VII. p. 33). 
 
 P. 122, 13. sadly, steadily, without wavering or change. The 
 adj. sad is from the verb set, and so means fixed, firm, steady. So 
 Wycliffe's translation calls Peter a sad stone, and Chaucer, in the Man 
 of Law's Tale, line 645, says, 
 
 "This messenger drank sadly ale and wine," 
 
 by which he means persistently, going on steadily, without leaving off. 
 Of course the transition of meaning to a look made fixed by sorrow is 
 easy to follow, which is the most usual modern meaning of sad ; though 
 in some parts of England it is still applied to bread, the dough of which 
 has not risen properly, and so the bread is very close, firm, and solid. 
 
 33. dangerous, i. e. a person to be dreaded, a qito periciihim imini- 
 nebat, from whom peril was to be apprehended. 
 
 P. 123, line 3. Holt. The inventory of the money found at Plolt 
 is preserved in the Rolls' House. Chapter- House Records, A. 3. 10. 
 fol. 29 (Spedding). 
 
 7. old 7-ent. The Latin explains by antiijui census, that is, accord- 
 ing to estimates which had been made long before, and of which the 
 worth was now greatly increased. 
 
 16. beheaded. He was arraigned Jan. 31st and executed on the 
 i6th Feb. 1494 — 5. From some entries given in the Excerpta Historica 
 (pp. loi, 102) it is seen that the funeral of Sir \Villiam Stanley was 
 
 18—2
 
 2 76 If I STORY OF KING HENRY III. 
 
 conducted at tlic King's cost. For his burial at Sion tiio charge is 
 ;^i,S. iQr. The sum of ;^io was also given to him at his execylion 
 )>robably as a guerdon to the executioner. Another entry there in con- 
 nection with the funeral is a payment of/"? to one Simon Digby. 
 
 1-,. the coiiJitiouixl, i.e. the conditional jiarticle if, which he used, 
 which rendered his statement only erjuivalent to a statement made upon 
 a supi^osition, and not a direct acknowledgement of W'arbeck. 
 
 28. dangerous thing, i. e. if persons might be allowed to qualify 
 tlieir words of treason, by framing them in sentences with ifs and ands, 
 and so utter any malicious and traitorous words, but yet keep clear of 
 the peril of a trial. 
 
 31. blanch, ]Moperly = to whiten, hence to remove any blackness or 
 darkness, and thus to clear or lighten in any wise, as here of danger. 
 
 yi. Elizabeth Barton. On the history of this woman and her 
 ravings, and how greater people, as More and Fisher, came to suffer 
 for giving credence to her, see Knight's History of England, II. 352 
 seqq. She was executed 21st April, 1534. 
 
 P. 124, line 4. ivotdd not admit of treasons upon condition, i.e. 
 would not allow the shelter of a conditional clause to screen from 
 jninishment those who employed words which without the condition 
 amounted to treason. 
 
 Q. (Tver-ruling. This word is much more frequently used in the 
 sense oi controlling, S7vaying, but the Latin text explains it hy ahnegatio, 
 a denial. I have not found another examiile of the word thus em- 
 ployed. 
 
 15. as those times were, i.e. considering the unsettled nature of the 
 times. 
 
 16. some7C'n'ters. The statement is from Bernard Andre, as quoted 
 by Speed. 
 
 P. 125, line 2. pressing down, &c. , alluding to the expression in 
 I-uke vi. 38. Bacon is rather fond of biblical phrases and allusions. 
 Another occurs in this very page, line 12, "a little leaven," &c. 
 
 15. time enough, i. e. in time enough. For this idiomatic omis- 
 sion of the preposition, cf .Shaks. i Hen. IV (11. 1. 45) : 
 
 Sirrah carrier, what time do you mean to come to London ? 
 Time enough to go to bed with a candle. 
 
 16. stayed long enough to endanger it, i. e. tarried before his coming 
 long enough to let the king come into great danger. 
 
 19. the more because, &c., i.e. whicli qualities were of the greater 
 value because he was gentle and moderate. 
 
 P. 126, line I. (7//(7/7= break down, enfeeble. Cf. Mo re's 67(7/^ 
 (Pitt Press Series), p. 6, "mine old good wil and hartye affection 
 tnwanies you is not by reason of long tract of time. ..at all quayled and 
 liiininishcd." 
 
 5. at a gaze, Lat. attoniti, astounded, terrorstricken. Cf. Shaks. 
 Lucr. 1 149 : 
 
 "As the poor frighted deer that stands at gaze." 
 
 7- "what with ...what with, l^aX. partim...f>artim, jxirtly... partly. Cf-
 
 NOTES. 277 
 
 More's Utopia (Pitt Press Series), p. 5, '^what by the force of his pittliie 
 argumentes...and 7i>hat by hys authority he persuaded me." 
 
 10. by the thread. Lat. sigil/atiin, i.e. singillalim, one by one. 
 
 11. Barley. "William liarlee, (z/zVi'j Barley, of Aldebury (Herts), 
 Esquire," received his pardon on July 12, 1498 (Spedding). 
 
 13. at the length. This expression is not often fcund with the 
 article. l.at. ad extreniuin, at last. But it is found in the first quarto 
 of Shaks. M. of Yen. 11. 2. 84, and is so printed in the Globe edition, 
 "But at the length truth will out." 
 
 P. 127, line 5. of both robes, representatives of the army and of the 
 long robe of the law. For the prior was to act as Chancellor, while 
 Poynings held both a military and civil power. 
 
 both robes. For an illustration of this expression cf. Naunton's 
 Fragmettta Regalia, pp. 31 and 34 (Arber's Reprints). "The Queen 
 began to need and to seek out for men of both Garbs, and so I conclude 
 and rank this great instrument of state (i.e. Lord Burleigh) amongst the 
 Togati ( = civilians, lawyers) for he had not to do with the sword." 
 And again, "Those brave men and plants of honour which acted on 
 the theatre of Mars... of which rank, the number will equal if not exceed 
 that of the gown-9nen." 
 
 the Prior of Lanthojiy. This was Henry Deane, at this time bishop- 
 elect of Bangor. He was subsequently translated to Salisbury, and in 
 I'or succeeded Morton as Archbishop of Canterbury, which see he held 
 till his death, i6th Feb. 1502 — 3. 
 
 19. the earl of Kildare. This earl, Gerald Fitz-morris, was at- 
 tainted 1st Dec. 1494, by Poynings' Parliament, but that attainder was 
 reversed by the English Parliament in October, 1495. 
 
 28. Poynings' lazv, known as the statute of Urogheda. There are 
 two acts known by the name of Sir Edward Poynings, whereby English 
 law was established in Ireland, and the Irish legislature surrendered its 
 pretence to pass measures which had not first been approved in London. 
 See Fronde's Englisli in Ireland, Vol. i. p. 35. 
 
 P. 128, line 12. Sir William Capel. His prosecution occurred in 
 May, 1495. He received a pardon (of course on composition) on Jth 
 Nov. following. On the other chop (see infra, line 16) compare text, 
 p. 209. 
 
 P. 129, line 13. tlie north afar off, i.e. to Latham in Lancashire. 
 
 14. come to tlie close. The metaphor is taken from the action of 
 wrestlers. 
 
 P. 130, line 9. run 7ipon an head, &c. The Lat. explains by 
 omnia confuse agere et miscere, to act confusedly and muddle everything. 
 
 The King visited Latham on 25th June, 1495 (see Pol. Vergil). 
 
 P. 131, line I. Sir Richard Guildford. His employments under 
 Henry were numerous (see Mat. for Hist, of Hen. VII.), where, p. 6S, 
 he is appointed master of the ordinance and master of the armoury. 
 On p. 97 he has to make preparation for the king's coronation. Cf. 
 also pp. 407, 499. 
 
 7. the Serjeants' feast. In old times there were great ceremonies 
 attendant upon the creation of i^erjeants at Law. Numerous notices of 
 these feasts occur in Hall, Holinshed, Grafton, and Stowe. Sir Tphn
 
 2 78 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 I'ortescue in his dc Laiidibiis Legiitn An^llis, p. 114, tells how each new 
 Serjeant held a feast for seven days, like that at a coronation : that he 
 spent £260 pounds, and that he gave gold rings and liveries of cloth. 
 Festivities of so gorgeous a character might well admit of being presided 
 over by the king in person. Bacon notices a second feast (p. 197), 
 where though mention is not expressly made of the presence of the 
 King, yet the event seemed of enough importance to be inckided in the 
 list of marked occurrences. 
 
 i6. King Charles had conquered the realm of Naples. Charles VIII 
 had been encouraged to make good his claim to the throne of Naples 
 by Ludovico Sforza, called, from his swarthy complexion, the Moor, who 
 bad usurped the government of Milan from his nephew John Galeazzo 
 Sforza. The duchess of Milan, who was a granddaughter of the reign- 
 ing king of Naples, appealed to her family to assist her in restoring her 
 husband's power. It was in fear of the Neapolitan intervention in Milan 
 that Ludovico invited the P'rench king into Italy. Charles readily con- 
 sented to an expedition which fell in with his own views. He assembled 
 his army at Lyons, and, after some slight delays in his course, entered 
 Rome 31st Dec. 1494. The Pope (Alexander \ I) was compelled to pro- 
 mise Charles the investiture of the- kingdom of Naples, and placed host- 
 ages in the king's hand, among the rest his own son, Caesar IJorgia (who 
 however speedily absconded in the dress of a groom), until the com- 
 pletion of the conquest. Success attended the further progress of the 
 invasion. The Neapolitans hardly offered any resistance. Alphonso 
 II, who had but lately succeetled his father Ferdinand I, abdicated as 
 soon as the French approached, and fled to Sicily, where he shortly 
 after died. His son, Ferdinand II, finding himself deserted by his 
 troops and threatened by an insurgent population, withdrew in his turn 
 precipitately from Naples, and Charles and his troops entered the city 
 22nd Feb. 1494 — 5. But the conquest, so easily won, intoxicated 
 Charles, and he gave himself up to every kind of voluptuous enjoyment, 
 and totally neglected to secure and consolidate his authority in his 
 newly acquired dominions. Public offices and dignities were distributed 
 exclusively among his French subjects, while the native aristocracy 
 were treated with coldness and disdain, so that feelings of bitter hos- 
 tility were quickly engendered against him among all parties. Two 
 months of frivolity and maladministration had scarcely passed before 
 Charles was made aware of the league mentioned in the text, the parties 
 to which are enumerated on the next page (132). Ludovico, who 
 brought in Charles, had grown alarmed, and devised this alliance 
 among the powers of Europe to cut off the retreat of the French from 
 Italy. The compact between the powers was signed at Venice on 
 March 31st, and Charles was informed of it through his envoy at that 
 ])lace, Philip de Commines. He at once determined to evacuate Naples. 
 He departed from that city on the 30th of May, leaving one half of his 
 army as a garrison under his cousin, the Count of Montpensier, whom 
 he appointed viceroy. The retiring troops rapidly traversed the Roman 
 states and gained the Tuscan border, and finding that Florence (now 
 imder the rule of Peter de Medici) was in a state of revolutionary com- 
 motion turned aside to Pisa and left a garrison there. Tir.ir road
 
 NOTES. 279 
 
 to Parma was obstructed by Gonzaga Marquis of Mantua and the allied 
 troops, but the French, though in much inferior numbers, defeated their 
 opponents at the village of Fornovo. They then pressed forward to 
 Vercelli, where Charles was joined by the Duke of Orleans. He nego- 
 tiated a peace with Ludovico Sforza, which left the latter in peaceable 
 possession of Milan (John Galeazzo had died while Charles was in 
 Italy), and so passing the Alps, by the same route along which they had 
 advanced fourteen months before, the French reached Lyons on gtlx 
 Nov. 1495. 
 
 27. faction of the Angeovines. The kingdom of Naples had be- 
 longed to the house of Anjou, and had only been bequeathed to the 
 French King in the time of Lewis XI, by the last Angeovin prince, 
 Charles, count of Maine and Provence. Of course all favourers of the 
 old line were eager for vengeance on the Aragonese dynasty, and had 
 expected that the French would not treat them in the same manner as 
 they treated the partizans of that dynasty. 
 
 30. Ostia. At the mouth of the Tiber. It was recovered for the 
 Pope by the "great Spanish captain," Gonsalvo de Aguilar, who was 
 the commander on behalf of Ferdinand II. 
 
 P. 132, line 7. Ferdinajido the younger. Ferdinand II. died (Sept. 
 7, 1496) soon after the recovery of his kingdom, and on his death his 
 dominions fell to his uncle Frederick. 
 
 16. Augiistino Barbadico. He was doge of Venice from 1495 
 to 1502. 
 
 20. a fee of the church. The King of Naples was counted a vassal 
 of the pope, and so if the liege-lord were a party to the treaty, his feu- 
 datories would be included in its provisions. 
 
 22. Cecile, duchess of York. She was the daughter of Ralph 
 Nevile, earl of Westmoreland. The three princes crowned were Ed- 
 ward IV, Edward V, and Richard HI. The four murdered were 
 Edmund earl of Rutland her second son, who is said to have been mur- 
 dered in cold blood after the battle of Wakefield, at the age of seven- 
 teen; George, earl of Clarence, put to death by Edward IV; and the 
 two princes Edward V and Richard, duke of York, murdered in the 
 Tower. 
 
 27. parliament. This parliament met October 14th, 1425. 
 
 P. 133, line 4. a law of a strange nature. This act (rr Hen. VII. 
 c. i) exempts from the penalties of treason those who shall henceforth 
 serve a de facto King. Bacon calls this act magnanimous rather than 
 provident, because of the provision which it made for the safety of all 
 those who should henceforth fight on the winning side. If, therefore, 
 some pretender should rise up and by the power of the sword dethrone 
 Henry, his adherents were by this act freed from all penalties if ever 
 Henry should be able to recover his throne. 
 
 17. The quotation is from ii. Sam. xxiv. 17. 
 
 32. conclude itself, =sftX. limits to its future action by any precedent 
 ordinance. 
 
 P. 134, line 13. a shoring or under-propping acj^. This act (11 
 Hen. VII. c. 10) by providing a means whereby a subsidy or benevo-
 
 28o HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 Icnce may be levied, gave to a benevolence a sort of statutory recogni- 
 tion and countenance. 
 
 ■2 1. 7'lie attaint: this was to punish the jury who in any civil action 
 had given a false verdict; which false verdict had liefore this act been 
 ren;ardctl as a final settlement, and the ]iarty ai^'gricved by it had been 
 without remedy. The act is ii Hen. VII. c. 21. 
 
 26. the indictors, i.e. the grand jury, who find the bill. 
 
 32. favour of life. In capital cases the juries ought not to be 
 subjected to the risk of jiains and penalties, lest they should feel 
 imwilling to give due weight to any extenuating circumstances, which 
 might lessen the gravity of tiie offence which they were trying. 
 
 P. 135, line 2. not quit the charge, i.e. the entire sum at issue 
 would not pay the expense of proceeding with an action of attaint. 
 
 4. been advanced, i.e. received lands. I^at. ad terras promota. 
 By this act (11 Hen. VII. c. 20) if any woman had an estate in dower, 
 or for term of life, or in tail, any alienation by such wife of tlic inherit- 
 ance of her deceased husl)and is declared void. 
 
 10. charitable. Tliis law (11 Hen. VII. c. 12) is so called because 
 it regards it as better that the poor man should l)e able to vex than that 
 he should seem to suffer a wrong by being unable to sue. 
 
 21. ivatching of beacons upon the coasts, &c. There are some 
 interesting memoranda published in the last Report (Fiftli) of the His- 
 torical MSS Comtnission, taken from tlie records of the corjioration of 
 New Romney, in reference to this period, e.g. p. 548, " Paid two men 
 watching by the sea shore 4d." p. 549, "Paid a Serjeant of master 
 Ponynges carrying a mandate of our Lord the King as to Peter War- 
 bekke 8d." This last is dated 1497. 
 
 33. King of Scotland, James IV, who began to reign in I488 
 and was killed at Flodden-field in 1513. 
 
 P. 136, line 14. into Scotland. He arrived at Stirling 20th Nov., 
 
 '495- 
 
 27. 7nay be pleased. See note to Dedication, line i. 1 he speech 
 
 here given is taken almost entirely from Speed. 
 
 P. 137, line 25. The allusions are to Daniel vi. 22, ii. Kings xi. 2, 
 and Genesis xxii. 12. 
 
 P. 139, line 21. in the person of Henry the sixth. Alluding to 
 the succour rendered to Queen Margaret, who 1464 was in Scot- 
 land when making preparations previous to the battle of Iledgeley 
 Moor. 
 
 P. 140, line II. Lady Catharine Gordon, daughter of George 
 Gordon, earl of Huntley. She was afterwards married to Sir Matthew 
 Cradock, and was buried with him in the church of Swansea in Wales, 
 where their tomb still exists. 
 
 P. 1 42, line 8. certain of our sisters. Beside Elizalieth, wife of 
 Henry VII, the other daughters of Edward IV who married were (i) 
 Cecilia who married John Lord Wells, (2) Anne who was wife of 
 Thomas Howard, duke of Norfolk, and (3) Catharine who became wife 
 of William Courtney, earl of Devonshire. 
 
 9. sister of the earl of [Varunck. This was Margaret, countess of
 
 NOTES. 281 
 
 Salisbury, who M'as afterwards beheaded 27 May, 1541. Imhoff, {Reg. 
 Mag. fir it. Hist. Gcncal.) page 31, says that she was married by Henry 
 VII to a person below her in degree, a Welshman named Sir Richartl 
 Pole, afterwards made Knight of the Garter and Chamberlain to 
 Arthur Prince of Wales. 
 
 13. Most of the names here given which have not been already 
 noticed are of persons who were among the early adherents of Herry 
 VII, and to whom some of his first grants were made. The Lovel 
 meant here is probably Thomas Lovel, Speaker of the House of Com- 
 mons, elected 8 Nov. 1485 (see Mat. for Hist, of Hen. VII. p. 113). 
 One William Smith was keeper of the hanaper of the chancery [ibid. p. 
 16). Master Oliver King was archdeacon of Oxford {ibid. pp. 192, 356), 
 and was one of the commissioners appointed to meet the commissioners 
 of Charles VIII (3 Dec. 148-,) to agree upon and arrange a truce be- 
 tween England and France, and he was on a second commission 
 appointed to take possession in the King's name of Calais, Rysebank, 
 Guysnes, and Hammes. David Owen was chief carver to the King 
 (ibid. pp. 233, 24-2, 278) and had a grant of £,~,o a year for life. He 
 is styled "the King's beloved Knight." John Turbervill, Knt. is {ibid. 
 pp. 61, 64) constable and keeper of Corffe castle in Dorsetshire, and 
 also coroner and marshal of the King's household. Sir William Tyler 
 is appointed a commissioner and controller of the King's mines of tin, 
 lead, copper, gold and silver in England and Wales {il>id. p. 317). He 
 is also made Constable of the Castle of Sudeley, and has other distinc- 
 tions. Richard Cholmondely is made guardian of the possessions of the 
 late John Eggerton during the minority of his heir {ibid. p. 9^. Empson, 
 no doubt the afterwards notorious Richard Empson. He was made 
 attorney general of the duchy of Lancaster on 13th Sept. 1485 {ibid. 
 p. 549). James Hobart is a member of an important commission ap- 
 pointed to enquire into the extent and other particulars of the English 
 possessions in France {ibid. p. 356). A pardon is granted to John Cutte 
 of London, gentleman, on 29th Nov. 1485, for all manner of offences 
 committed before that date {ibid. p. 187). No doubt the offences were 
 against the house of York, and so were merits in Henry's eyes. Henry 
 Wyot is made bailiff of the lordship of Methwold, parcel of the duchy of 
 Lancaster {ibid. p. 581). 
 
 In Speed and in the MS of Bacon's Life of Hen. VII, which Mr 
 vSpedding has used, the list of names is somewhat longer. Sir Charles 
 Somerset, who was captain of the King's guard (see Mat. Hist, of H. 
 VII, p. 327) is mentioned. Also Robert Lytton, who has an interest 
 in a licence of alienation granted 3rd Dec. 1485 {ibid. p. 193) and Gyl- 
 forde (most likely Sir Richard Gyldforde) who was early employed in 
 Henry's service {ibid. 229, 232, 402). 
 
 P. 144, line 19. do all men to %vit, i.e. proclaim unto all men, 
 make all men to know. Wit is the infinitive mood of the old verb 
 to wit. 
 
 P. 145, line I. edify with, an unusual expression for to prevail with, 
 to move and influence. Lat . permovit. 
 
 3. the company he came in. The feuds between the inhabitants of
 
 282 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 the border land between England and Scotland had created a permanent 
 spirit of dislike between the ])eoples of the two countries. 
 
 5. rode. This word which is more commonly spelt road presents a 
 curious instance of change of meaning. At the present day it is used 
 only in the sense of a highway or well marked path. ]}ut, as may be seen 
 from Macaulay (///>/. Vol. I. \i. 389), roads of this character were very 
 uncommon in the days when Bacon wrote and for some time after ; and 
 the word 7-oad was employed as raid (a dialectic variety of the same 
 word) is now used, to signify an inroad. See i. Saml. xxvii. 10, where 
 Achish, anxious that David should spread havoc among all the enemies 
 of the Philistines, inquires "Whither have ye made a road to-day?" 
 meaning, Against whom has your assault been directed? 
 
 30. babies, i. e. dolls : cf. Macbeth iii. 4. 106, "The ^a/n'of a girl." 
 The Lat. is, circa piipas rixari. 
 
 3t. Bacon having mentioned by anticipation in the previous clause 
 the attack on Northumberland, now alludes to it, though it has not yet 
 taken place. 
 
 P. 146, line 8. good order: the I^tin explains this as vcitz.nmg good 
 contributions ; bouts contributionibtis corroborata. 
 
 10. for want 0/ Z'ciU, i.e. because all exportation had ceased: yet 
 they bought up all the native produce though it had to lie dead in 
 their hands. 
 
 12. Viscount IVells. This was John, Lord Wells, the first husband 
 of Cecilia, the second daughter of Edward IV. He was therefore the 
 King's brother m law. He was made by Henry, steward of the lands 
 of the Duke of Buckingham during the minority of Edward his son and 
 heir. 
 
 Kendal, prior of St foJin's, i.e. Sir John Kendal, Prior of the 
 order of St John of Rhodes (see Gairdner's J.etters, Kichd. HI. and 
 Hen. VII. i. 402, and ii. 87, 104, 318, 323 — 325). 
 
 15. the archduke. The archduke's commissioners were received 
 in London on Candlemas Eve (i Feb.) 1495 — 6, and the treaty was 
 concluded in the following April. (Spedding). 
 
 16. Lord Bevers. Styled by Philip in a letter given in Gairdner's 
 Letters, &c. (ii. p. 6.:;) "Our wellbeloved and faithful cousin, lieutenant 
 and governor-general of our country of Artois, and admiral of the sea, 
 the Lord de Beures. " 
 
 P. 147, line 10. parliament. This met on i6th January, 1496 — 7> 
 and in it there were voted supplies for the Scottish war. 
 
 25. fifteenths. This should be, according to the name, a fifteenth 
 part of men's goods, but it had long before this time been fixed at a 
 definite sum, much less than that amount. 
 
 26. iron at the top, &c., i.e. there was a great shew of arming and 
 preparation for a fight, but generally the result was that the gold and 
 silver was coffered by the Knig. 
 
 P. 1 48, line I. exacting upon the trade, i.e. imposing exactions on 
 all goods which came under their hands, as most of the merchandise of 
 Englantl would do. 
 
 8. subsidy. This was granted 13th Feb. 1496—7.
 
 N'OTES. 283 
 
 ^■2. esaiage. Bacon in his Index Vocahidoriim explains this, as 
 " tlie obligation by which the King's tenants were bound to serve in 
 the wars against tlie Scots." 
 
 P. 149, line 15. joi}it and several pratings, addresses made to 
 the people sometimes in assemblies, and sometimes singly and pri- 
 vately. 
 
 26. n'er at pleasure, i.e. always ready to go where the people 
 
 please. 
 
 3r. praz'ost 0/ Perin. The Latin says Prerpositus Perkiiii='2i.xV\xCs 
 provost. But Hall and Grafton both give Peryn. 
 
 32. Lord Atidley. This was James Touchet, 14th Lord Audley. 
 He is mentioned in Gairdner's Letters and papers illustrative of the reigns 
 of R. III. and II. VIL vol. ii. 326, as one of the adherents of Perkin 
 Warbeck. He had served with Henry in France. See Dugdale's 
 Baronage, vol. ii. 29. 
 
 P. 150, line I. popular, i.e. hunting after popular favour. A not 
 very common use of this word. 
 
 18. Earl of Kent. See notes on p. 100. 15. 
 
 Lord Abergavenny. This was George Nevill, son of the Lord 
 Abergavenny who died in the 7th year of Hen. VH. After his com- 
 mand at Bla'ckheath, this nobleman, in the 14th year of the King, was 
 imprisoned on suspicion of favouring Edmund de la Pole, Earl of Suf- 
 folk, but no guilt being proved against him. he was set free, and came 
 into great favour both with this King and his successor. He died 
 in 27 Hen. VHL (15.^5)- See Dugdale, i. 310. 
 
 19. Lord Cohham. This is John Brooke. In the seventh year 
 of the King's reign this nobleman was in the expedition made into 
 Flanders on behalf of Maximilian against the French. He was kins- 
 man of his coadjutor Lord Abergavenny, having married the daughter 
 of Edward Nevill, a former Lord Abergavenny. He died in 1506. 
 
 29. Elackheath. According to the old Chronicle so frequently cited 
 by Mr Spedding this encampment took place on Friday, June i6th. 
 
 P. 152, line I. ancient Indian emblem. The only explanation of this 
 allusion which I have been able to find is in Plutarch's Life of Alex- 
 ander the Great, chap. 65, in a dialogue between Calanus, one of the 
 Lidian wise men, and Alexander. In North's translation, the words are : 
 " It is reported that this Calanus did shew Alexander a figure and 
 similitude of his kingdom, which was this. He threw down before him 
 a dry scare piece of leather, and then put his foot upon one of the ends of 
 it. The leather being trodden down on that side rose up in all parts else ; 
 and going up and down withal still treading upon the sides of the 
 leather, he made Alexander see that the leather being trodden down on 
 the one side did rise up of all sides else, until such time as he put his 
 foot in the midst of the leather, and then all the whole leather was 
 plain alike. His meaning thereby was to let Alexander understand that 
 the most part of his time he should keep in the midst of his country, 
 and not to go far from it." The idea here is exactly that contained in 
 our text, though a dry skin, and not a bladder, is the emblem made use 
 of.
 
 2S4 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 19. that it stood hint iipon = \.Q. that it was of the liighest import- 
 ance. Cf. for the expression Hamlet v. 2. 63, 
 
 "Doth it not, thinks't thou, stand me now upon?" 
 
 See also Abliot's Shakespearian Gram. p. 138. The preposition is to 
 be closely kept to the vcib. The phrase = It stands upon (is of import- 
 ance) to me. 
 
 30. corners of horse. The Lat. has turim's aliquot eqititum = some 
 squadrons of cavalry. No doubt coriu-rs is due to the Lat. cornii, used 
 frequently in this military sense. 
 
 P. 153, line r i. St Geori^e's fields. The open nature of the country 
 liere at this time may be well seen in the map prefixed to Stow's 
 Survey. 
 
 29. Tate, the lord mayor, John Tate (the younger) mercer, son 
 of Thomas Tate of Coventry. 
 
 30. Shaiu. Sir John Shaw. 
 
 Haddon. Sir Richard lladdon. The King made this Mayor, 
 Robert Shefield the Recorder, and both tiie Sheriffs Knights for their 
 service against the rebels at Blackheath field. (Stow's Survey, vol. v. 
 p. 126). 
 
 P. 154, line 13. two and tiveutieth of June. This is the date given 
 by Stowc. The old Chronicle however calls it the 17th, which is no 
 doubt right. The 22nd of June, 1497, fell on a Thursday. (Speddingi. 
 
 20. as at the receit. The Latin explains ;-t/v//('j' intercepturi, to in- 
 tercept the rebels. 
 
 27. 7 'he army, i.e. the boily of the rebels. 
 
 P. 155, line 2. recovered, here simply 7W«, gained, with no indica- 
 tion that he had been previously disijossessed of it. 
 
 10. cut in pieces. The Latin says dcT'icfi, conquered. 
 
 15. t7ao thousand. .Stowe says oddly three hundred. 
 
 P. 156, line I. beheaded. On Wednesday, June 2Sth. (Old 
 Chron.) 
 
 3. at Tyburn. On Tuesday, June 27th. (OKI Chron.) 
 
 10. and to take out, i.e. and (were permitted) to take out. The 
 governing verb being supplied from the idea of the previous verb tuere 
 pardo)ted. 
 
 P. 157, line 26. tall soldiers, i.e. brave. For this use of the word 
 cf. Shakesp. Rich. III. i. 4. 36, "Spoke like a tall fellow that respects 
 his reputation." The Latm has milituni fortissimorum. 
 
 33. do nig good, i.e. producing any effect. 
 
 P. 158, line 8. Aton, i.e. Ayton on the Eye in Berwickshire. 
 
 18. I'eter I/ialas, i.e. Peter D'Ayala. For notices of him and his 
 mission (see Gairdner's Letters, &c. ; Rich. III. and Hen. VH. i. 118, 
 124; ii. 91. 365, 878). 
 
 P. 159, line 9. heart. l\ cro means pride, dig// ity. 
 
 11. (f. For of in tiiis sense cf. supra, p. 64, 1. 13, and the note 
 there. 
 
 15. let — hesitate. The hat. has 7ton dubitabat. 
 
 33. 'The comtnissioners met ; at Jedburgh (Buchanan, xiii. 17).
 
 NOTES. . 2S5 
 
 P. i6r, line 29. Takint;; his leave. Perkia sailed from Scotland 011 
 July 6th, 1497. (See Tytler, IV. p. 385). After Perkin's departure the 
 commissioners met again, and in the first instance agreed upon a truce for 
 seven years. This was concluded Sept. 30, 1497. Soon after, the term 
 of truce was extended to the lives of the two kings and a year after the 
 death of the survivor. This was proclaimed in London on Dec. 5th 
 next following. 
 
 P. 162, line 6. cap of maintenance — sometimes called cap of state, 
 one of the regalia granted by the Popes to the sovereigns of England. 
 It was carried before the monarch at the coronation or on other occa- 
 sions. In modern times such honours have been granted to private 
 families. 
 
 7. Pope Innocent had done the like, in 1488. See Leland (vol. IV. 
 p. 244). 
 
 10. palace of Paul's. This is called in the Latin palatiiifn Episcopi 
 Londoniensis. It was at the north-v\est corner of St Paul's Churchyard 
 (see Maitland's Hist, of London, ii. 1172). 
 
 13. Allhallows day. All Saints Day (Nov. ist). 
 
 17. greece. The Latin is super gradus, from which latter word 
 greece is derived, passing through the French gre. Puttenham uses the 
 word in the plural [Arte of Eng. Poesie, Arber's Reprints p. 52.) 
 "Theatrum as much to say as a beholding place, which was also in such 
 sort contrived by benches and grecces to stand or sit upon, as no man 
 should empeach another's sight." 
 
 P. 163, line 33. the blacksmith's town, i.e. where Michael Joseph 
 had lived. 
 
 P. 164, line 7. Richard the fourth. Bacon is here quoting from 
 Speed, who is in error. Perkin's Scotch proclamation ran in the name of 
 " Richard, by the grace of God, king of England, Lord of Ireland, 
 Prince of Wales." The Latin translation has omitted the erroneous 
 statement. See Mr Spedding's note. 
 
 15. besieged the city of Exeter. On Sunday, Sept. 17th. 
 
 ■21. the King, i.e. Perkin, who called himself King Richard. 
 
 P. 166, line 6. the eleventh hour, alluding to the parable of the 
 labourers in the vineyard. Matt. xx. 9. 
 
 9. Sir Rice ap 'Jhomas. Made constable, lieutenant and steward of 
 Brecknock in the King's first year, likewise chamberlain of South 
 Wales. Se.Q Materials for Hist, of I/en. FII, pp. 105, 109. 
 
 12. The earl of Devonshire. William Courtney, Earl of Devon- 
 shire, was the queen's brother-in-law, having married Catharine, a 
 daughter of Edward IV. See Text, p. 194. 
 
 13. the Ca7-ews. For a notice of this family, distinguished in 
 Devonshire since 1300 as the Carews of Haccombe, and one branch of 
 which became earls of Totnes, see Lyson's Britannia, vol. vi. p. cxiv. 
 
 the Fitlfords, of Fulford, in the parish of Dunsford. This family 
 can be traced back to the time of Richard I. See Lyson, as above, 
 p. cxlv. 
 
 18. The duke of Buckingham, i.e. Edward Stafford. See p. 18. 
 14, and note.
 
 286 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 23. the proverb. I have not been able to discover the source of 
 tliis proverb, which seems to imply that when all is easy, as in a down- 
 hill joumey, every small assistance is offered and will be of use. 
 
 26. raised his siei^e. On Monday, 1 8th of September. 
 
 P. 167, line 7. Beiudly, i.e. liewley, or Beaulieu. His flight took 
 place on the 21st .September. 
 
 P. 168, line II. entrance into Exeter. The King arrived here on 
 October 7th. 
 
 P. 169, line 14. the Lord Darcy. This was Thomas. Lord Darcy, 
 who succeeded his father in the 3rd year of Henry VH. He was one ot 
 those lords who marched with Thomas, Earl of Surrey to the relief of 
 Norham Castle when it was besieged by the Scots. Beside the commis- 
 sion mentioned in the text he was made Constable of Kamborough Castle, 
 and next year Captain of the town of Berwick, and Warden of the East 
 and Middle Marches of Scotland. In the i8lh year of Henry VH, Lord 
 Darcy was one of the commissioners for receivinj; the oatli of James IV 
 of Scotland upon a treaty of peace. He flourished in the whole of this 
 reign and in the next until the time of the Pilgrimage of Grace, when 
 being, with the Archbishop of York, in the castle of Pontefract, he sur- 
 rendered it to the rebels. For this he was found guilty of treason and 
 beheaded on Tower Hill, June 20, 1539. 
 
 21. treasure. The original return of the fines then levied is pre- 
 served in the British Museum. See Ellis' Letters, 1st Sen VoL L p, 38. 
 (Spedding.) 
 
 P. 170, line 8. chttrm. Murmur, noise, perhaps A. S. cynn = a din, 
 especially the noise of birds. The form charm occurs in this sense, but 
 not chnrm. See Halli well's Diet. (s. v.). Mr Spedding prints chnrmne. 
 The 1622 edition has chitriue. The Latin translator evidently did not 
 know what to do with it and so substitutes cum choro. 
 
 1 2. the King, i. e. to Perkin, who had called himself King Rich- 
 ard IV. 
 
 P. 171, line 7. a great fire. On the night of St Thomas Day (21st 
 Dec.) about nine o'clock. 
 
 14. Sebastian Gabato (generally written in English, Cabot) son of 
 John Cabot, \\as born at Bristol about I477. He was employed by 
 Henry VII in 1495, and in 1497 discovered what is now known as New- 
 foundland. Both father and son were famous as navigators. Sebastian 
 died in 15.S7 after a life of great adventure and success. 
 
 15. seen in, i.e. acquainted with, skilled in. Cf. More's Utopia 
 (Pitt Press Series), p. 7, "In the knowledge of the Latin tongue, he 
 was not so well sene as to be hable to judge of the (inenes or coursenes 
 of my translation." 
 
 17. Christophorus Columbus. Columbus saw the light on St Salva- 
 dor on 3rd October, 1492. 
 
 P. 172, line 3. Seneca's prophecy, alluding perhaps to what Seneca 
 says of the Atlantic, Qutcst. Nat. iv. 2. 
 
 Plato's antiquities. The substance of what Plato says, in his Tivurus, 
 and in the Critias, is that the Atlantis was a large island in the Western 
 Ocean situate opposite to the Straits of Gades (Gibraltar). There were
 
 NOTES. 287 
 
 other islands near it. Neptune settled in it with his ten sons, whose 
 descendants reigned there for 9000 years. At length the island sank 
 under water. For an account of all that has been written on the 
 subject see Rees' Cycloptedia, s. v. Atlantis. 
 
 9. bearing the King in hand, i.e. inducing the King to believe. 
 Lat. Regi fidem faciois. 
 
 23. King of Portugal. Tliis was John II who reigned from 148 1 
 to 1495. The great problem before the navigators of that day v.-as a 
 passage to India by sea. The Portuguese were seeking to solve it by 
 the circumnavigation of Africa. Diaz had already (in 1487) doubled the 
 Cape of Good Hope, and Don John was so much taken up with the one 
 project that he could not listen to the other proposal for crossing the 
 Atlantic and reaching India by sailing westward. 
 
 P. 173, line 14. (]narrdlid, this word, derived from Lat. querela, 
 means in the first instance to bring a complaint against, or as here, to 
 upbraid, or murmur against. Cf. Montagu against Selden (on Tithes) 
 422, "He quareleth the reading," tb. 516, "Except you can quarrell 
 the translation." 
 
 P. 1 74, line II. Meh-oss, i. e. Melrose in Roxburghshire. The abbey 
 here, which is famous still as a magnificent ruin, was founded by King 
 David I in 11 36. 
 
 32. more than well disposed. There had been a commission, for 
 treating on the subject of this match, granted by Henry in the summer 
 of 1496. 
 
 F. 175, line 3. a little b'fore Christmas. Mr Spedding says, "I 
 think this is a mistake." The former treaty (see pp. 160, i6r and 
 notes) was published a little before Christmas, 1497. The treaty now 
 in question, which contains the article concerning the letters commenda- 
 tory (Rymer Xil. 724), was not concluded till the 12th July, 1499. ^^ 
 was ratified by James on the 20th at Strivelin, and immediately after, 
 that is on the i ith September, a commission was granted to Bishop Fox 
 to treat of the marriage. 
 
 10. to lock in the borderers, i.e. to prevent those from coming into 
 collision who had been in old times the cause of all the discords. 
 
 13. Edmund. He was christened 24 Feb. 1 498-9 and died June 
 1 2th, 1500. 
 
 15. Charles the French King. Charles VIII died 7th April 149S. 
 The news reached London in the same month. 
 
 20. all corners 'were laid, i. e. every point was carefully watched. 
 
 22. house of Betlilehem. Hall gives a rather fuller description of 
 this place which he says is "beside Richmond in Southrey" (i.e. Surrey). 
 His flight took place' on Saturday, June 9th, I498, according to the 
 old Chronicle, and he was placed in the stocks on the Friday next 
 following. 
 
 P. 176, line 5. read his confession. That the student may have an 
 opportunity of comparing the style of Hall with that of Bacon, and 
 noticing the advance made within so short a period in English prose 
 composition, the confession of Perkin is subjoined as given in Hall's 
 Chronicle. "It is to be knowen, that I was borne ia the toune of
 
 a88 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 Tunicy in Flaundors, raul my fathers name is John Osbcck, whicli sayd 
 Joiin Osbeck was coniiJliollcr of the sayde tonne of Tuincy, and my 
 mothers name is Katlieiyn de Faro. And one of my grauntsires ujion 
 my fathers side was named Diryck Osbeck which dyed, after whose 
 death my grauntmother was niaryed unto the wilhinnamed Peter 
 Hamme, that was receaver of the forenamed toune of Turney, and 
 deane of the botemen that rowe upon the water or ryver, called 
 I-eschelde. And my grauntsire upon my mothers side was Peter de 
 Faro, whiehe had in liys kepyng the keyes of the gate of sainct Jhons 
 within the same toune of Turney. Also I had an uncle called master 
 Jhon Stalyn, dwelling in the parish of sainct Pyas within the same toune, 
 which had marled my suster, whose name was Jone or Jane, with whome 
 I dwelled a certain ceason. And afterward I was led by my mother to 
 Andwerp for to learne Flemmishe, in the house of a cousyn of myne, 
 an officier of the said toune, called Jhon Stienbeck, with whome 1 was 
 the space of halfe a yere. And after that I returned agayn to Turney, 
 hy reason of the warres that were in I'launders. And within a yere 
 folowing I was sent with a merchaunt of the sayd toune of Turney 
 named Berlo, and his masters name Alexander, to the niarte of And- 
 warpe where I fell sycke, whiche sickenes contynued upon fyve nionelhes. 
 And the sayde llarlo set me to boorde in a skinners house, that dwelled 
 beside the house of the English nacion. Antl by him I was from thence 
 caryed to Barowe marte, and I lodged at tiie signc of the olde man, 
 where I abode the space of two moneihes. And after this the sayde 
 Barlo set me with a merchaunt of Midflelborough too servyce, for to 
 leame the language, whose name wasjhon Strewe, with whom I dwelled 
 frome Christmas tyll Easter, and then I went into Portyngale, in the 
 comjianye of Syr Edward Bramptones wyfe in a shype whiche was 
 called the quenes shippe. And when I was come thether, then I was 
 put in servyce to a knyghte that dwelled in I.usborne, whiche was called 
 Peter Vacz de Cogna, with whome I dwelled a whole yere, \\hiche 
 sayde knyght had but one eye. And because I desyred to see other 
 countryes, I toke lyccnce of him, and then I put myself in servyce with 
 a Bryton, called Pregent Meno, the which brought me with him into 
 Ireland, and when we were there arrived in the toune of Corke, they of 
 the toune, because I was arayed with some clothes of sylke of my saide 
 maistres, came unto me and threcped upon me that I should be the 
 duke of Clarence sonne, that was before lynie at Develyn. And foras- 
 much as I denied it, there was brought unto me the holy evangelist and 
 the Crosse by the Mayre of the toune, wliicii was called Jhon le Wellen, 
 and there in the presence of him and other I toke myne othe as the 
 truth was, that I was not the foresaid dukes sonne, nor none of his 
 blood. And after this came unto me an ICnglishnian, whose name was 
 Stephen Poylron, with one Jhon Water, and saide to me in swearing 
 great othes that they knew wel that I was kynge Rychardes bastard 
 Sonne: to whome I aunswered with like othes that 1 was not. And 
 then they advysed me not to be afearde, but that I should take it upon 
 me boldely, and if I woulde so do they woulde aide and assist m.e with 
 all their powre agaynst the kyng of England, and not only they, but
 
 AZOTES. 289 
 
 they were assured well that the erles of Desmond and Kyldare should 
 do the same. For they forced not what party they toke, so that they 
 might be revenged upon the kyng of EngLind, and so against my will 
 made me to learne English, and taught me what I should do and saye. 
 And after this they called me duke of Yorke, second sonne of kynge 
 Edward the fourth, because king Richardes bastard sonne was in the 
 handes of the king of England. And upon this the said Jhon Water, 
 Stephen Poytron, Jhon Tyler, Ilughbert Lurghe with many other as the 
 foresayd Erles, entred into this false quarrell. And within shorte tyme 
 after, the French king sent an Ambassadour into Ireland, whose name 
 was Loyte Lucas, and master Stephen Fryan, to advertise me to come 
 into Fraunce. And thence I went into Fraunce and from thence into 
 Flaunders, and from Flaunders into Ireland and from Ireland into Scot- 
 land, and so into England." 
 
 12. Sir yohn Dighy. Among the Privy Purse expenses is an item 
 (Sept. 23rd 1494) "for Thomas Digby and four yomen riding to feche 
 Long Roger." These were the persons employed by Sir John, the one 
 named being probably a relative whom he could trust, to arrest the 
 servants whom Perkin had bribed. 
 
 P. 177, line 24. exeath-d. Ralph Wilford was hanged on Shrove 
 Tuesday, Feb. 13th, 1498-9. 
 
 31. of his order, i.e. he was not executed, because he was a clergy- 
 man and so could claina privilege. ■ 
 
 P. 178, line 5. arraigned at Westminsiir. This was November 
 16th, 1499. 
 
 ir. to destroy those that did not espy him first. This power was 
 ascribed to the cockatrice. See Sir Thos. Brown, Vulgar Errors, Book 
 III. ch. 7. 
 
 16. three counsellors, i.e. Heme, Skelton and Astley (see text, 
 p. 163). 
 
 20. the mayor of Coj-k, called in Hall "Jhon Awater." 
 
 32. beheaded on To7uer-hill. The Earl of Warwick was arraigned 
 on the 19th of November, and beheaded on the 29th, 1499. 
 
 P. 179, line 7. transplanted into other natnes. For some of the 
 various families which can trace their origin to the Plantagenet line, see 
 Imhoff, I/ist. Geuealogica, Tab. V. 
 
 26. A'i'ig Henry the eighth his resolution. This use of his as an 
 equivalent for the old es of the possessive case was of common acceptance 
 in Bacon's time. Its mistaken character is at once seen, when it is remem- 
 bered that the same termination belongs to feminine nouns, after which 
 his could of course not be used. We have an instance in the Book of 
 Common Prayer, at the close of the Prayer for all conditions of men, 
 "for Jesus Christ his sake." 
 
 P. 180, line 18. Lord Saint yohn, i.e. Thomas Poynings, Lord 
 St John of Basing. 
 
 31. former t?-eaties. Some new regulations about wool and the 
 sale of cloth had been agreed upon between Plenry and Philip, in the 
 spring of 1499, and proclaimed in London on 29th May in that year. 
 
 33. duke of York, Prince Henry, afterwards Henry VHI. 
 
 E. H. 19
 
 2 90 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 V. i8i, line 5. in treaty. The marriage between Charles the son 
 of Pliilip and the Princess Mary of England became afterwards the 
 subject of a treaty. See Rynier (xill. p. 171). 
 
 II. h<nv drily, i.e. with what curtness and want of courtesy. For 
 the facts see text, p. 1 1 9. 
 
 14. father and father in law, Maximilian and Ferdinand. 
 
 18. in lire. This form of the word tcse was common at this period. 
 Cf. More's Utopia, Arber's Reprints, p. 121, "To kee]) in lire the feale 
 and knowledge of sailing." A similar variation of these consonants 
 may be seen in A.S. inf. forleSsan (to lose) and ^.-^.forlorcn (lost, forlorn). 
 
 24. Lewis, i. e. Lewis XII. 
 
 26. winning of the duchy of Milan. As soon as Lewis XII came 
 to the throne he laid claim not only to the throne of Naples, but also to 
 the duchy of Milan as the representative of his grandmother Valentina 
 Visconti, only daughter of the last duke of that name. Having secured 
 the concurrence of the Pope and the cooperation or neutrality of the 
 other powers, his army led by Stuart D'Aubigny and Trivulcio de- 
 scended into Lonibardy in August, 1499, without opposition. Ludovico 
 Sforza fled to the Tyrol and claimed the protection of Maximilian. The 
 French generals entered Milan in triumph on the 14th of Sept. without 
 having fired a single shot. 
 
 P. 183, line 2. year of jubile. The year of Jubile extended from 
 Christmas, 1499, to Christmas, 1500, therefore it coincided more nearly 
 with the King's fifteenth year. Jas]->er Pons came in 1499 — 3°* ^'^"^ 
 the articles of the bull of the Holy Jubile see Gairdners Letters, &c. 
 (11. 93 — 100), where is an edifying list of the prices to be paid by all 
 sorts of persons for their dispensations. 
 
 7. Jasper Pons, c?i\\<i<\ in the above named document "the right 
 reverend father in God, Jasper Pon, ])rothonotary and doctor of Divinity 
 of our said Holy Father, the pope's ambassador." 
 
 9. Fope Leo. Alluding to those sent in the time of Leo X, to raise 
 money by the sale of indulgences ; whose behaviour was so gross and 
 irreverent as to lead to the demand for a Reformation. Tetzel (Luther's 
 adversary) was one of the most energetic of these commissioners of Pope 
 Leo. 
 
 13. the ICing shared in the money. That this was not so, see 
 Excerpta Ilistorica, p. 128, where is an entry of ^^4000 jiaid to "Caspar 
 Pon " for the Pope's use, which shews that so far from sharing in the 
 Jubile-money the King sent, of his own, a large sum for the Papal use. 
 
 27. in person against the Turk. The old Chronicle quoted by Mr 
 Spedding says, "This year came certain tidings to the King that the 
 Turk had gotten the town Modon and made great destruction of the 
 Christians." 
 
 P. 1S4, line 14. rather solemn than serious, i.e. of a formal charac- 
 ter, but without any serious intention of taking action in the matter. 
 
 31. J\ings of France and Spain. Henry's suggestion is that instead 
 of these two Kings joining in the attack on Gra;cia, in which common 
 action they might disagree, it would be wise to give one of them the 
 command of the navv.
 
 NOTES. 291 
 
 P. 185, line 13. ktiights of Rhodes, the Kniyhts of St John. This 
 order founded in' 104S came and settled in Rhodes in 13 10, where they 
 remained till 1522. 
 
 ■20. to co)ivcrt one of them. See Excerpta Ilistorica, p. 11;, where 
 on April 20, 1498, the King gives "to the herytik at Canterbury 
 6s. 8d." Perhaps this was the man. The old Chronicle says that the 
 convert "died a Christian man whereof His Grace have great honour." 
 In spite of his conversion he was burnt all tlie same. See Fuller. 
 Church Hist. iv. 15. 32. 
 
 ■27. Earl of Suffolk. See the table in notes, p. 230. 
 
 P. 1 86, line 4. being discontent. He fled in the month of August. 
 "It seems," says Mr Spedding, "that the Earl had another cause of 
 discontent. His elder brother John (earl of Lincoln) had been attainted 
 during the duke their father's "lifetime. When the duke died, Edmund 
 (earl of Suffolk) claimed the honour and estate of his father. But 
 Henry persisted in considering him as the heir of his Ijrother, and gave 
 him only the title of Earl with a small portion of his patrimony :— 
 an instance of the troubles which Henry bred for himself from his aver- 
 sion to the House of York." 
 
 14. Ladv Catharine. There see.ns to be some mistake about the 
 age of Catharine of Aragon. Miss Strickland, on the authority of a 
 Spanish MS., says she was born on 15th Dec. 1485. So that she was 
 not quite sixteen at the time of her marriage to Prince Arthur. 
 
 The details which preceded this marriage are given in a note of 
 Mr Spedding's (p. 212). It was first agreed upon on the 27th of 
 March, 1489, before Arthur was three years old. On 2nd Nov. 1491, 
 Catharine's dowry was settled, and it was arranged that she should be 
 brought to England as soon as Arthur had completed his fourteenth 
 year. On Oct. i, 1496, it was settled that if necessary for any urgent 
 cause, the Pope should be applied to for a dispensation that the mar- 
 riage by proxy should take place as soon as Arthur had completed his 
 twelfth year. Arthur was twelve years old in Sept. 1498. The proxy 
 marriage took place 19th May, 1499. On the 20th of Dec. 1499, ^^e 
 proxy marriage was approved by P'erdinand and Isabella, and on the 
 28th May, 1500, the whole proceeding was ratified by Henry." These 
 long previous treaties and contracts make against the idea that there 
 was a very close connection between Warwick's execution and the final 
 settlement of this marriage. 
 
 P. 188, line 3. deceased at Ludloiu. This was 2nd April, 1502, so 
 that Arthur's age was then about fifteen years and a half. 
 
 II. February. The date of Henry's creation as Prince of Wales is 
 i8th Feb. 1503. 
 
 26. the five and twentieth of January, i.e. in 1503. From this 
 marriage was descended James V, father of Mary Queen of Scots, who 
 was mother of James I of England. 
 
 P. 189, line 5. Colliiaeston, in Northamptonshire, about four miles 
 from Stamford. It was a favourite residence of the King's mother, 
 where she finished the house begun by Ralph Lord Cromwell. 
 
 19 2
 
 292 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 6. Earl of Northumberland. Sir Henry Percy, the commander at 
 Elackheath. 
 
 II. three years. More than three years. Fox was formally com- 
 missioned to treat of the marriage on the nth September, 1499. 
 
 P. 190, line 2. Queen Elizabeth. She died Feb. 2nd, 1503. 
 
 6. the better to set off flattery. The Latin gives quod adulationein 
 redderet niagis sapidam, that he might give his flatter)' more flavour. 
 
 19. Etnpson. Richard Empson, the well-known instrument of 
 Henry's exactions. 
 
 Dudley, Edmund Dudley, the father of John Dudley, who became 
 earl of Warwick in the next reign, and duke of Northumberland under 
 Edward VI, and was father of eight sons, among whom the most known 
 are Lord Guildford Dudley, married to Lady Jane Grey, and Lord 
 Robert, the famous Earl of Leicester, of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 24. triuinphed ahuays 7ipon the deed done, i. e. secured the accom- 
 plishment of what he aimed at by any means in his power, and then 
 had his triumph. 
 
 32. to eommit them, i. e. to prison, instead of proceeding with their 
 trial upon the bills found against them. 
 
 33. produce them, i. e. in court, to answer the charges laid against 
 them. 
 
 P. 191, line 6. the half-face. They had a shew of legal proceeding 
 when they caused their victims to be indicted and had bills found, but 
 soon they left off even this. 
 
 9. in a court of commission, proceeding as if they were appointed 
 special commissioners. 
 
 14. tenures in capite. The tenures in capite were subject to the 
 seven following incidents, aids, relief, primer seisin, wardship, marriage, 
 fines for alienation, and escheat. 
 
 false offices, feigned and invented duties to which the tenants were 
 made liable. 
 
 15. -wardships, the right whereby the child of a tenant in capite, 
 while under age, becomes if left fatherless the ward of the feudal lord. 
 
 liveries, sometimes called livery of seisin, which was the formal 
 investiture of the tenant with his possessions, and was held absolutely 
 necessary to complete the donation, and which of course had to be paid 
 for. 
 
 I*;, premier seisins, the right which accrues to the feudal lord to 
 claim a certain sum when the heirs to an estate held from him are of 
 full age. 
 
 22. informations of intrusion, complaints of having encroached on 
 the royal domain, which these men made with little or no ground. 
 
 32. to find, to give such verdicts as they would direct. 
 
 P. 192, line 5. ivorking. The Latin giwesflagellum, a scourge. 
 
 9. than of rigour, i. c. than of being rigorously enforced. 
 
 ID. leading Jurors, who would understand what was expected of 
 them, and lead the rest of their number with them. 
 
 16. Henningham, called also I/ez'eitingham and Hedingham, is in
 
 NOTES. 293 
 
 Essex, and was at this time the seat of the Earl of Oxford. See Paston 
 Letters (Gairdner), Vol. III. p. 352. 
 
 24. // may please. See note on Dedication, line r. 
 
 that were not for mine ease. To have so large a numher of 
 servants to maintain would be a very costly matter even for the Earl of 
 Oxford. 
 
 25. tny retainers. The Latin explains. Servants who render occa- 
 sional extraordinary service, but live at their own cost. 
 
 32. fifteen thousand marks. The King visited Lord Oxford oti the 
 6th of August, 1498 (see Privy Purse Expenses of Hen. VII, p. 119), 
 on which occasion the incident here narrated may have occurred. A 
 heavier fine for a similar offence was exacted from Lord Abergavenny 
 some years afterwards. In a memorandum of obligations and sums of 
 money received by Edmund Dudley for fines and duties to be paid to 
 the King (MS. Harl. 1877, f. 47), the following item appears as belong- 
 ing to the 23rd year of this reign : — 
 
 Item ; delivered three exemplifications under the seal of the Lords 
 of King's Bench of the confession and condemnation of the Lord Burga- 
 venny for such retainers as he was indicted of in Kent ; which amount- 
 eth unto, for his part only, after the rate of the months ^69,900. 
 
 It appears from the Calendar of Patent Rolls (23 Hen. VII, Pt. II. 
 p. 18) that George Nevile Knt. Lord Burgavenny received a pardon of 
 all felonies, offences against the forest laws, &c. , on the 18th Feb. 
 1507—8, two months before Henry's death. Fabyan mentions his 
 being committed to the Tower "for a displeasure which concerned no 
 treason" in May, 1506 (Spedding). 
 
 P. 193, line 16. at Prince Arthur'' s marriage. A mistake. Fabyan 
 and the old Chronicle both state that the Earl of Lincoln went abroad 
 secretly in August, 1501, and in the Calendar of Patent Rolls (17 Hen, 
 VII, Pt. II. p. 4) Sir Robert Lovell is appointed, on Oct. 8, 1501, as 
 receiver and surveyor of all lands, &c., in Norfolk and Suffolk, late the 
 property of the rebel Edmund earl of Suffolk. 
 
 19. his brother. Richard de la Pole. (See Dugdale, II. 191). He 
 was afterwards slain in battle at Pavia in Italy in 1525. 
 
 27. Sir Robert Cur son, sometimes called Lord Curson. Maximilian 
 created him a baron of the Roman empire. On his communications 
 with Maximilian concerning Edmund de la Pole many documents are 
 given in Gairdner's Letters, &c. 
 
 P. 194, line 6. William de la Pole. This is a mistake. The 
 brothers of the Earl of Suffolk alive at this time were only Humphrey, 
 a cleric: Edward archdeacon of Richmond, and the Richard mentioned 
 above. But Hall gives the same name, IVilliam de la Pole. 
 
 7. .SV;- James Tirrel. The murderer of the princes in the Tower. 
 
 Sir John Windhatn. He with Tirrel was executed on May 6th, 
 1502. 
 
 9. George Lord Abergavenny. See note on p. 192, 1. 32. 
 
 Sir Thonuis Green. He is mentioned in Gairdner's Letters, &c. (l. 
 226) in an account of the astrologers who were to be consulted as to the
 
 294 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII 
 
 chances of Edmund de la Pole's success; also ([. 410) as taking part 
 in Ihe preparations for tlie rece])lion of Catharine of Aragon. 
 
 24. bull of cxcoiinnKiiicalioH and curse. That Henry was wont 
 in this way to confirm the credit of his spies see text, p. 116. Fabyan 
 says tliese men were cursed twice, on Sunday, 23rd October, 1502, and 
 again on the fust Sunday in Lent (Marcli 5) 1503. Curson received his 
 ])ardon May 5, 1504. 
 
 ]'. 195, line 6. yoan his wife, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 
 9'. his parliatnent. This was summoned for 25 January, 1503 — 4. 
 
 16. a statute. This was 19 Hen. VII, c. i, and provides that 
 whosoever doth not attend upon the King being in person in wars shall 
 lose such lands as he hath of the King's gift. 
 
 22. from their house, i.e. from the time of leaving their house, as 
 stated in the act. 
 
 28. Another statute. This was 19 Hen. VII, c. 21, defining wliat 
 small things wrouglit of silk may not be imported. Tliose having them 
 in stock were allowed till Whitsunday 1 505 to get them sold. 
 
 P. 196, line 6. patents of gaols. This act is 19 Hen. VII, c. 
 19, providing that the sheriffs shall have the keeping of the common 
 gaols and the prisoners tlierein, and making them responsible for the 
 safe custody ; so all letters patent granting the keeping of any gaols 
 were revoked. 
 
 13. being fraternities in evil, i.e. these corporations being fraterni- 
 ties in evil. This statute is 19 Hen. VII, c. 7, and states that the by- 
 laws against which it was directed had been unlawful and unreasonable 
 ordinances, as well in prices of wares as in other things. 
 
 18. to bring in the silver, &c. This act is 19 Hen. VII, c. 5. It 
 allowed persons to convert their clipped coin into plate or Indlion. 
 It also describes the value at which the coins already in use are to be 
 accepted. 
 
 31. Jiot the only statute. This was 19 Hen. VII, c. 12, but in 
 this reign another statute against vagabonds appears in the eleventh 
 year, c. 2. 
 
 P. 197, line 2. as if the one, &c., i.e. as if the punishment of the 
 •"■ne were of no avail without the putting doun of liie other: as though 
 it were idle to get rid of one unless you got rid of tiie other. 
 
 6. an eye to might and multitude, being on his watch to keep in 
 check the power of the nobles in their retainers, and the gatherings of 
 the people in riot. 
 
 7. a subsidy. The King could at this time claim two reasonable 
 aids, one for the knighting of Iiis son, tiie other for the marriage of 
 his daughter. The Commons offered him/'40,ooo in lieu of them. 
 
 8. the clergy. The clergy at tliis time formed a separate estate 
 and taxed themselves by their own vote independently of the temporal 
 estates of the realm. 
 
 31. the serjeanCs feast. See supra, j). 131, 1. 7 and note. This 
 second feast was ke|";t 13th Nov., 1503. 
 
 33. Isabella Queen of Castile. She died 26th Nov., 1504.
 
 NOTES. 295 
 
 r. 1 98, line 3. not for IIC7VS at large', \.Q. not merely a matter which 
 concerned all persons alike, no piece of ordinary news. 
 
 14. t/if other, i.e. the case of Ferdinand. 
 
 P. 199, line 7. poor amity of Aragon. Poor, because Ferdinand 
 would have lost Castile. 
 
 13. Queen of Naples. This was Joan widow of Ferdinand II of 
 Naples, and niece of Ferdinand of Ara^jon. 
 
 x6. goal=^ matter of contention. 
 
 20. Francis Marsiii. Sir Francis RIarsin was also employed in 
 the communications between Lewis XII and Henry. See Gairdner's 
 Lettirs, &c. (i. 289). He was likewise one of those present at the meet- 
 ing between Henry and the Archduke Philip in 1500. 
 
 James Braybrooke. Braybrooke is mentioned among the grooms 
 and pages of the chamber present at the same meeting. 
 
 21. yohn Stile. Stile is alluded to in the instructions given to 
 Wolsey about the treaty of marriage between Henry and Margaret of 
 Savoy. He must have at some time been in trouble, for he received 
 a pardon 16 June, 1502. See Gairdner, II. 378. 
 
 The commissioners went first to Valencia, where the two Queens 
 were, and then to Segovia, where they arrived on the 14th of July, 1505, 
 and had their interview with Ferdinand shortly afterwards. 
 
 Marsin and Braybooke were paid ^s. a day and Stile 4.r. a day for 
 four months, which was the time occupied by the mission. 
 
 29. the old. ..Queen of iVaples. This was Joan, widow of Ferdinand I 
 of Naples. She was a daughter of John II king of Aragon, and mother 
 of the widowed queen mentioned p. 119, 1. 13. 
 
 31. Doctor de Puchla. Rodrigo de la Puebla. For much of the 
 correspondence of this envoy with Ferdiuand, see Gairdner's Letters, &c. 
 In 1507 King Henry granted to him the office of Master of Sherborne 
 Hospital (Rymer, XIII. 167). 
 
 P. 200, line 5. c?irious and exquisite. The commissioners report 
 in regard to one point of their directions, "to mark and note well the 
 features of her body," that the young queen was so covered with her 
 mantle that they could only see her visage. 
 
 P. 201, line 10. by co)itinua)tce, by a long residence in the country. 
 
 13. Pinto -was better to him than Pallas, i.e. Pluto representing 
 wealth and Pallas wisdom, the phrase implies that his plans did not 
 succeed, though in gain of actual wealth he was very fortunate. 
 
 22. which was the King's o-iun case, i.e. Prince Henry's popularity 
 was greater than that of his father, and for this same reason, that the 
 King had grieved the people by his exactions. See text. p. 21 r. 
 
 25. Amason. Michael Peter d'Almacan, secretary of Ferdinand 
 and Isabella (see Rjmier, xiil. 86). 
 
 27. Charles Prince of Castile: afterwards the famous emperor 
 Charles V. He was born at Ghent 24th February, 1500. 
 
 31. Aitgolesme. This was Francis of Angouleme, duke of Valois, 
 afterwards King Francis I of France. 
 
 P. 202, line I. Madame de Fois, i.e. Germaine de Foix, niece to 
 Lewis XII.
 
 296 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VII. 
 
 12. oi/ire, &c., to act more confidently nnil heartily towards 
 Ferdinand, but to give great outward observance and diligence to his 
 conduct towards P'lilij). 
 
 16. both allies, both Pliilip the father of Charles, and Ferdinand, 
 who was grandfather to tliat prince. 
 
 23. As a specimen of the English of Grafton's Chronicle, a portion 
 of the description of the unintended visit of the Archduke Philip to 
 England is subjoined: "In this very season, and the yere of our Lord 
 1505, ]'"li:'abelh Quecne of Castell, wife to Ferdinand king of Arragon 
 dyed without any issue male, liy reason whereof the inheritaunce of 
 Castell (because that kingdoms be not partible) discended to Lady Jane 
 her eldest daughter by king Fenlinando, the which was maried to 
 Philip Archduke of Austrich and Burgoyne, and Erie of Flaunders. 
 Which kingdome he obtayned by hys wife, and had the possession of 
 the same and was named, reputed, and taken, as king of Castell and 
 Lyn. Wherefore the yere folowyng, about the sixt day of January, 
 havyng a great navy prepared, he sayled out of Flaunders with his 
 wife towarde Spaine, but he had sayled no great way, before that a sore 
 tempest, by reason of contrariety of windes sodainly arose, so that the 
 whole navy was tossed and chafed with the waves and sodaine scourges. 
 In so much the winde havyng the maistry, dispersed and separated the 
 ships asunder into divers places on the coast of En;;land. The kinges 
 ship with two other vesselles were blowen by tempest on the west 
 part of the realme to the porte of Weymouth in Dorsetshire. Then 
 king Philip which was not expert, and had not frequented the seas 
 before, beyng weryed and unquieted both in minde and bodie, enteryng 
 the ship boate to refreshe and repose himselfe a little, came a land con- 
 trary to the mynd of his counsaile and cajiitaynes, which foresaw and 
 knew well that the same landyng should be the occasion of lenger 
 tariyng there. When it was knowen that straunge shippcs were arrived 
 there came thether a great number as well ol noblemen, as of rurall 
 persons that dwelle about that coast, to repulse and bcate away him if 
 he were their enemie. But when they perceyved he was their friend 
 and lover, and driven thether by force of weather, Sir Thomas Trenchard 
 knight, the chiefe of that companie, went to Philip king of Castell 
 with all humanitie and lowlincsse, invityng and desyring him (if he 
 would so vouchsafe) to visite his Manor and Mancion, which was even 
 nighe at hande, trustyng thereby to have great thankes of the king his 
 maister, if he could protract and cause him to tarye there, until such 
 tyme as king Henry were certifyed of his arrivall, to whom with all 
 diligente celeritie, he sent divers postes to notifie to his grace of king 
 Philips landyng. This rumour beyng farther blowne abrode of this 
 straunge Princes comniyng, in a short space there assemliled together a 
 great multitude of people all a long the sea-coast. And among other 
 there came first Sir John Carew with a goodly band of picked men. 
 Which Sir John and Sir Thomas Trenchard entreated the king of 
 Castell, not to depart until such tyme as he had spoken with king Henry 
 his lovyng and faythful friend and allye, assuryng him that he would 
 repayre thether within two or three dales at the most. King Philip
 
 lYOTES. 297 
 
 excused himselfe by the necessitie of his weightie enterprise and impor- 
 tunate cause, aftyrming that long tariyng in matters of gravitie and 
 doubtful}, ought to be excluded : ■wherefore he alleged that protractyng 
 of tyme might turne him to great prejudice, — denying at the first to 
 expect and tary the commyng of the king of England : but yet being per- 
 swaded by reason in himselfe, that he might be let and interrupted, if 
 he v.'oulde proffer once to go abrode to his shippes againe, at their 
 gentle desyre and lovyng contemplation, assented to their humble peti- 
 tion and request. 
 
 32. Sir Thomas Trenchani, of Wolverton. For an account of this 
 family, see Hutchin's Dorset, II. 151. It is there stated tliat John 
 Russell of Berwick was sent for, as having been resident in Spain, to 
 help his relative Sir Thos. Trenchard in interesting the archdulce, and 
 thus his family came into favour with Henry VII and that the foundation 
 of the honours of the illustrious family of the Duke of Bedford dates from 
 this time. 
 
 P. 203, line 4. Sir Johti Carrd). A member of the family of Carew 
 of Haccombe in Devonshire. See Lyson's Brttaiinia (Vol. VI. p. 46). 
 
 II. the Earl of Arundel. Thomas Fitz- Alan. He had served in 
 Flanders in the wars in aid of Maximilian. His wife was a daughter of 
 Earl Rivers, and one of his daughters had been the wife of John Earl of 
 Lincoln. 
 
 27. luhen they met last. See text, p. 180, 1. \G. 
 
 33. were raisea', i. e. by his accession to the kingdom of Castile. 
 
 P. 204, line 5. changing his coHJitenance, &^c. The Latin has I'ul- 
 tiiqi'.e nonuihil ad seriitin composiio, "with his looks some\\hat changed 
 to a solemn cast." 
 
 30. shall not take his life. Henry so far kept his word, but the 
 Earl was put to death in 15 13 by Henry VIII. 
 
 P. 205, line 7. enforced, i. e. forced by Henry to send for the Earl 
 of Suffolk from Flanders. 
 
 19. received at the Tower. This was, according to the old Chronicle, 
 about the end of March, 1505-6. 
 
 24. Golden Fleece. The order of the Golden Fleece was instituted 
 by Philip the Good, duke of Burgimdy, in 1429. The King of Spain as 
 duke of Burgundy became Grand Master of the Order. 
 
 P. 206, line 3. in the treaty of nndecimo, i.e. in Xheintcrcitrsns mag- 
 nus granted in the eleventh year of the King. 
 
 II. the school-ho?tse. Dean Colet's school was established in 15 12 
 between the end of Henry Vllth's reign and Bacon's time. 
 
 21. deceased. Philip died 25 Sept. 1526. 
 
 32. fell distracted. She is reported to have shewn signs of insanity 
 before this time. 
 
 P. 207, line 2. the felicity of Chaj-les the eighth, in his conquest of 
 Naples. 
 
 7. Pope Jiilins, i.e. Julius II who occupied the pontifical throne 
 from 1503 to I5I3' _ _ 
 
 8. his famous prediction, mentioned afterwards in the text, p. 22c, 
 1. 31. He is said to have foretold that Henry of Richmond would be
 
 298 HISTORY OF KING HENRY VIL 
 
 King of England at a time when such a statement seemed most impro- 
 bable. 
 
 12. yidhts ivas too deai: Against this notion, see Hook's Z/^w of 
 the Archbishops (ist scries, Vol. v. p. 460), where it is shewn that Henry 
 Vn did actually pay the sum required (1=00 ducats) for the canonization 
 of Anselm, and sue!) sum he would not have spared to accomplish his 
 end if money could have done it. 
 
 ■2 2. Lady Margaret duchess doivager of Savoy. This was the princess 
 who in the commencement of Henry's reign had been betrothed to Charles 
 Vni of France and called Queen of France. She was sent from the 
 court of France where she was being educated, at the time when Charles 
 married Anne of ISrittany. She was sent to Spain in 1496, and mar- 
 ried the duke of Savoy and was now his widow. 
 
 28. Thomas IVolsey, afterwards the famous archbishop of York. 
 
 P. 208, line 4. a little of the wheel, i.e. to experience a change of 
 fortune. 
 
 12. the gover)imejd of Castilia. Dr Lingard says that, after the 
 death of Philip, Maximilian urged Henry to make this claim. 
 
 P. 209, line 12. the Savoy. Henry VH rebuilt this palace which 
 had first been the residence of Peter duke of Savoy under Eleanor queen 
 (if Henry HI. Henry VII made it a charitable foundation, and by his 
 ^viIl left an endowment for a master and four chaplains. Over the gate 
 were these lines, 
 
 " King Henry the seventh to his merit and honour 
 This hospital founded poor people to succour." 
 
 23. Sir IVilliani Capel. See before p. 128. 
 
 33. Knes-ivorth. Thomas Kneesworth was one of the sheriffs of 
 London in 1495 and mayor in i.-,05. 
 
 P. 210, line 6. Sir Lawrence Ailnier. He was sheriff in 1501. 
 
 10. linipson tuas committed in his place. On the accession of 
 Henry VIH. 
 
 22. was perfected. Dec. 17, 1508. 
 
 P. 2 11, line n. a general pardon, a boon bestowed by Kings at 
 the time of their coronation. 
 
 22. 1508. 'I'his should be 1509, but is thus printed in .Speed and 
 in the edition of 1622. Henry completed his twenty-tliird year on 
 21st Aug. 1508 and dietl 22nd April, 1509. 
 
 P. 214, line 3. to discharge, &^c. i.e. to take the blame a^\■ay from 
 their princes, even though they lay it unfairly upon others. 
 
 13. sought to purge, e.g. by the execution of Empson and 
 
 D.idley- 
 
 P. 215, line II. Ifastiiigs. William, Lord Hastings of Ashby de 
 
 la Zouch, executed by Richard HI. 
 
 12. Charles Brandon, afterwards duke of Suffolk and husband of 
 Mary, Henry Vllth's younger daughter. 
 
 P. 216, line 28. to give them credence, to cause people to believe 
 them to be his real enemies as Henry did by having them cursed. See 
 text, p. 1 16, 1. 15.
 
 NOTES. 299 
 
 P. 217, line 13. till himself were dtxl a red, till he had made his own 
 intention known. 
 
 27. Hnssey. Sir William Hussey was chief justice of the King's 
 Bench. (See Gairdner's Letters, &c. I. 67.) 
 
 Frowick, one of the King's Serjeants at law. 
 
 P. 219, line 2. Cardinal Adrian, i.e. Adrian de Castello. See 
 note on p. 68, I. 11. 
 
 P. 220, line 13. ires viagi, i.e. the three wise men. 
 
 14. long of, i.e. owing to. This expression is not common, but see 
 Shaksp. Cymb. V. 5. 271, 
 
 " O, she was naught : and long of her it was 
 That we meet here so strangely." 
 
 P. 221, line 6. daintiest vionnments. Henry Vllth's chapel will still 
 bear the praise which Bacon here gives to it.
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Abergavenny, loid, 150, i8 : 194, 9 
 Abingdon, 21, 15 
 
 abbot of, 50, 6 
 
 Adrian the Fleming, 69, 7 
 
 the sixth, jiope, 69, 10 
 
 cardinal, 68, 12: 183, 15 : 
 
 219,2 
 
 Ailmer, Sir Lawrence, 210, 6 
 Alexander VI, pope. 87, 20: 131, 
 
 19: 132, 12 : 162. 2: 183, 2 
 Almain, Frederick III, emperor 
 
 of, i3> 31 
 Amason, secretary to Ferdinando, 
 
 201, 25 
 America, 171, 29 
 Angolesme, 201, 31 
 Anjou, 42, 13 
 Anne, duchess of Brittany, 11, 
 
 32 : 45> 19: 74, 31: 7*^, 7: 
 79. 5 : 88, 18 
 Aragon, 82, 14 
 
 John, king of, loi, 27 
 
 Catharine of, 158, 25: 
 
 179, 25: 183, 19: 186, 14 
 
 Arthur, prince, 21, 25: 158, 26: 
 
 179, 24: 186, 17 
 Arundel, Thomas, earl of, 100, 
 
 13: 203, n 
 Astwood, Thomas, 120, 18 
 Aton (i.e. Ayton), castle of, 158, 8 
 Audley, lord, 149, 32 : 150, 4 : 
 
 B. 
 
 Bajazet, 83, 22 
 
 Bannocksbourn, battle at, 6S, 4 
 Earbadico, Augxistino, duke of 
 Venice, 152, 16 
 
 Barley, William, 113, 6: 126, 11 
 
 liarton, Elizabeth, 123, 32 
 
 Bath and Wells, bishopric of, 19, 
 
 9: 68, 21 
 Bath, earl of, 18, 9 
 Bedford, duke of, 13, 21 : 21, i : 
 
 34, 11: 35, 9: 154, 10 
 Berkhamstead, castle of, 132, 24 
 Bermondsey (nunnery of), 24, 31 : 
 
 28, I 
 Bevers, lord admiral, 146, 16 
 Bevvdley (i.e. Beaulieu) in the New 
 
 Forest, 167, 7 
 Bodmin, 163, 33 
 Bosworth-field, 5, 5 : 20, 24 : r 24, 
 
 20 
 Boulogne, 96, 31 
 
 siege of, 102, 7 
 
 Bourchier, Sir John, 18, 23 
 
 Thomas, archbishop of 
 
 Canterbuiy and cardinal i^, 
 15: 19, 6 
 
 Brackenbury, lieutenant of the 
 
 tower, 114, 13 
 Brampton, lady, 108, 21 
 Bray, Reginald, 18, 27 : 149, 12 : 
 
 150, 31 : 190, 4 : 214, 5 
 Braybrooke, James, 199, 21 
 Britain, in France, 11, 31 
 
 — duchy of, II, 33 : 42, 14: 
 
 43, 10 : 56, 7 
 
 — duke of, 42, 28 : 43, 16 : 
 
 44, 1 : 53>23: 61, 9 
 Britains, Arthur, king of the, 21, 26 
 Brook, lord. 18, 11 : 60, 28 : 166, 9 
 Broughton, SirThomas, 21, 9: 31, 
 
 25: 35,5: 37,20 
 Bruges, 75, 2 : 94, 8 
 Buckingham, Edward, duke of, 
 
 166. J 8
 
 ;o2 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Buckingham, Henry, duke of, i8, 
 
 14 : 182, 24 
 Burgundy, 42, 13: 43, \ -. 56, 7 
 
 Charles tlic Hardy of, 
 
 ■ lady Margaret of, 21, 
 
 10: 31, 13, 28: 32, I : 34, 
 2: 66,25: 104, 10, 27: 106, 
 33: 109, 27: no, 28: 113, 
 13: 136,8: 170,29: 186, 5: 
 194. 33 
 
 Calabria, Alphonso, duke of, 103, 
 
 32 
 Calais, 75, 32 : 76, 7 : 77, 11 
 Cambridge, King Henry's visit to, 
 
 35. I 
 
 Queens' college found- 
 ed, 29, 26 
 Canterbury, archbishop of, 19, 6 
 Capel, Sir William, 128, 12 : 209, 
 
 ^3 
 Carew, Sir John, 203, 4 
 Carews, the, t66, 13 
 Castello, Adrian dc, 68, 12 
 Castile, Joan of, 195,6: 200,26: 
 
 206, 27 
 Calcsby, William, 17, 2 
 Catharine, latly, daughter to Ed- 
 ward IV, 194, 5 
 Chamber, John a, 66, 12 
 Chandos, lord, of Britain, 1 8, 9 
 Charles, prince of Castile, 201, 27 : 
 208, 7 : 210, 20 
 
 prince of Wales. Dedi- 
 cation 
 
 the seventh of France, 
 
 42, 5 
 
 the eighth of France, 11, 
 
 33 : I3> 32 : 4^. 4 = 52, 24 : 
 
 78, I : 88, 18 ; 101, 25 : 1-09, 
 
 22 : 136. 3 : 175, 15 
 Clarence, duke of, 6, 5 : 10, i : 
 
 ?4. 3. 5 : 27, 3 
 Clifford, Sir Robert, 1 1 3, 5 : 116, 
 
 7 : 121, I : 123, 21 : 125, 21 : 
 
 126, II : 139, 3 
 
 Cobhani, lord, i-;o, 19 
 Colchester, 20, 15 
 Coiliweston, 189, 5 
 Colnham, village of, 21, i-; 
 Columbus, Bartholoma'us, 172, 
 
 24 
 Christophorus, 171, 
 
 17 : 172, 22 
 Concordia, Lionel, bishop of, 87, 
 
 Congresall, lord, no, 10 
 Cordes, lord, governor of Picardy, 
 
 75. 19.23: ^76, 23: 77, 1 : lo'i, 
 
 6: 102, 3 
 Countebalt, 99, 18 
 Courtney, Edward, 13, 23 
 Coventry, 35, 10 
 Crcssenor, Thomas, 120, 18 
 Curson, Sir Robert, 193, 27 : 194, 
 
 22 
 
 D. 
 
 Dam, town of, 94, 23 : 95, 12 
 Darcy, lord, 169, 14 
 Daubeney, Sir Giles, 18, 10: 125, 
 18: 151,18: 154,9: 155,2 
 
 lord, .76, 3: ro2, 2 
 
 William, 120, 17: 141, 
 
 31 
 
 D'Aubigny, Bernard, 50, i 
 Deal, 129, 22 
 
 Derby, earl of, 13, 23: 100, 13 
 Desmond, earl of, 109, 16 
 Devon, earl of, 13, 23: 100, 15 : 
 
 166, 12 : 194, 4 
 Digby, Sir John, 176, 22 
 Dighton, John, 114, 4 : 1 15, 5 
 Dixmude, 75, 29 : 76, 4 
 Dorset, marquis of, 18, 23 : 34, 
 
 18 : 40, 13: 100, 13 
 Dublin, 27, 14 
 
 castle of, 27, II 
 
 Dudley, 190, 19; 195, 11; 197, 
 
 16 : 209, 14 
 Durham, bishopric of, 19, 9 
 
 Fox, bishop of, 157, 22: 
 
 159. 30: 173. 32 : 174. 15 : 
 189, 12
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 303 
 
 ]'".dgcombe, Sir Richard, 41, 23 
 I'^dmund, son of Henry ^'II, 175, 
 
 '3 
 
 Ldward the confessor, 9, 7 
 
 the first, 69, 25 
 
 the fourth, 6, 20 : 6, 29 : 
 
 7, 27 : 8, 10: 10, 8, 29: 22, 
 21, 27: 23, 8: 24,2: 25, 19: 
 
 ^7> 5 : 92,33 
 
 ■ the sixth, 27, 15 
 
 Plantagenet, 9, 33 : 10, 
 
 I : 22, 20 : 23, 10 : 24, 10 : 
 25, 21 : 142, 3 
 
 Egremont, Sir John, 66, 10 
 Elizabeth, sister to Edward IV, 
 
 30, 27 
 
 8, 14, 
 
 of York, 7, i( 
 
 21 : 9, 26, 32 : 10, 15 : 11, i, 
 29: 12, 5: 15, I : 19, 17, 23 : 
 190, 2 
 Ely, Morton, bishop of, 19, i 
 Empson, 128, 15 : 190,19: 193, 
 
 I : 197, 16 : 209, 14 : 210, 10: 
 214, 8 
 
 Essex, earl of, 100, 15 : 152, 29 : 
 
 ^54, 9 
 Exeter, 164, 15: 166, 10: 108, 
 
 I I 
 
 Fox, bishop of, 19, 2 : 
 
 102, 2 
 
 siege of, 165, 25 
 
 F. 
 
 Fai-o, Catharine de, 106, 13 
 Ferdinando, Kmg of Spain, 13, 
 33: 52, 13: 91, 25 : 96, 32 : 
 97, 2 : 98, II : loi, 24 : 132, 
 14 : 158, 24 : 179, 12 : 200, 
 24: 202, 6 ; 207, 33 
 of Naples, 103, 33 : 
 
 132, 1, 19 
 Ferrers, lord, 17, i 
 Fitzwalter, lord, 113, 2 : 120, 16 
 Flammock, Thomas, 148, 24 : 149, 
 
 14 : 150, II : 155, 12 : 156, 6 
 Foderingham, 132, 26 
 
 Fois, Madame de, 202, i : 207, 33 
 Forrest, Miles, 114, 4 
 Fouldrey, in Lancashire, 35, 4 
 Fox, Richard, bishop of Exeter, 
 
 19, I, 7 : 41, 22 : 146, 12 
 Frederick, the emperor, 75, 9 
 Prion, secretary, 109, 20: no, 
 
 16: 130, 7 : 163- 16 
 Frowick, counseller of Henry ^ II, 
 
 217, 27 
 Fulfordes, the, 166, 13 
 
 G. 
 
 Gabato, Sebastian, 171, 14: 172,9 
 Gagvien, Robert, 7^, 25 
 Galeot, James, 60, 20 
 Gascoign, 72, 31 
 Gaunt, 75, 2 : 94, 8 
 Gemes, 83, 22 
 
 Gloucester, duke of, 6, 32 : 16, 32 
 Goldenston, Thomas, prior of 
 
 Christ Church, 87, 1 7 
 Gordon, lady Catharine, 140, :i : 
 
 167, 28 
 Grajcia, 82, 20 
 Granada, realm of, 83, 6 : 97, i : 
 
 98- 13 
 Green, Sir Thomas, 1Q4, 9 
 
 Guildford, Sir Richard, 131, i 
 
 Guisne, 76, 7 
 
 H. 
 
 Haddon, sheriff of London, 153, 30 
 Hammes, 76, 7 : 193, 28 
 Ilawis, an aldennan of London, 
 
 210, 4 
 Henningham, castle of, 192,16 
 Henry the fourth, 10, 27 : 82, 31 
 
 the fifth, 10, 27 
 
 the sixth, 6, 3 : 10, 28 
 
 the seventh, 
 8, 28 : 132, 14 
 
 the eighth, 88, 16: 121, 8; 
 
 183, 19 . r .c 
 
 Hereford, bishopric of, 68, 20 
 Hialas, Peter, 158, 18 : 1=9, 21
 
 3^4 
 
 Holt, castle of, 123, 3 
 Huntley, earl of, 140, 12 
 Hussey, counseller of Henry ^ H, 
 217,' 27 
 
 Innocent the eighth, 13, 30: 40, 
 
 Isabella, queen of Spam, 13, 33 : 
 y6, 33 : 98, 11: 101,24: 132, 
 14: 15S, 24: 195, 5: 197. 33 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 J- 
 
 James the third of Scotland, 13, 
 
 33 : 4r, 20: 67, 13 
 the fourth of Scotland, 91, 
 
 23 : 135. 33 : 168, 23: 174, 4 
 Joseph, Michael, 148, 22 
 Julius, pope, 183, 17: 207, 7: 
 
 209, 7 
 
 K. 
 
 Kendal, prior of St John's, 146, 
 
 12 
 Kent, earl of, 100, 15 : 150, 18 
 Kildare (Thomas Fitz-Gerard), 
 
 earl of, 26, 18 : 35, 3: 37, 19: 
 
 109, 16 : 127, 9 
 Knesworth, lord mayor, 209, i:, 
 
 L. 
 
 Labrador, Tierra de. 172, 17 
 
 Lambeth, 13, 16 
 convocation at, 23, foot- 
 note 
 
 Lancashire, 21, 8 
 
 Lancaster, house of, 7, 22 : S, 15 
 
 title of, 9, 16, 20 
 
 Languedoc, 72, 31 
 Lanthony, the prior of, 127, 5 
 Latham, 128, 24 
 Leicester, 9, 29: 43, 22 
 
 friars of, 5, 17 
 
 Leo, pope, 68, 30 : 6y, 4 : 183, 
 
 Lewis XI of France, 6, 30 : 42 
 
 6 : 43. I 
 
 XH of France, 181, 23 
 
 Lincoln, 20, 13: 38, 14: 39,2 
 
 earl of, 25, 12 
 
 John, earl of, 30, 26 : 
 
 51, 10: 32, 22 : 33, 4: 34, 1: 
 35, 2: 36, 2 : 37, 19 
 
 London, 10, 16, 20: 14, 14 
 
 bishop of, 11,25 
 
 tower of, 10, 4 
 
 Lovel, viscount, 17, i : 20, 14, 
 19, 30: 21, 5, 7, 13 : 31. ^4 : 
 32, 22: 35, 3, 33 : 37. 19 
 
 Ludlow castle, 188, 3 
 
 Luxemburg, Francis, lord of, 78, 
 
 24 
 
 M. 
 
 Margaret, daughter of Maximi- 
 lian of Austria, 32, 5 : 45, 24: 
 
 79. I 
 
 daughterof Henry VII, 
 
 174, 23: 188, 24 
 Marignian, Charles, 78, 24 
 Marsin, Francis, 199, 20 : 219, 6 
 Mary, daughter of Henry VII, 
 
 181, 2: 201, 27 : 208, 7: 210, 
 
 20 
 Maximilian, king of the Romans, 
 
 13. 31 : 43, 3. 25 : SL 25 : 
 
 52, 15 : 74. 30: 77. 12: 84, 
 y : 91, 26 : 99, 15 : 100, 6: 
 loi, 15 : )o2, 23 : 132, 13: 136. 
 3 : 198, 28 
 
 Melross, abbey of, 1 74, 11 
 Morley, lord, 76, 2 
 Morton, John, bishop of Ely, 18, 
 33 : 19, 5 : 68, 18 : 93. 9 
 
 archbishop of Canterbury, 
 
 53, 2 : 149, 12 : 150, 31 : 182, 
 3 : 214, 5 
 
 Mountfort, Sir Smion, 113, 2: 
 120, 16 : 141, 30 
 
 N. 
 Nantz, city of, 49, 27 : 53, 24
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 305 
 
 Naples, kingdom of, 45, 27 : 82, 
 
 queen of, 199, 13: 200, 
 
 5 
 Nevile, Sir George, no, 14 
 
 Newark, 36, 6, -26 
 
 Newcastle, 41, 19 
 
 Newport in Flanders, 76, 11 
 
 Norfolk, duke of, 16, 33 
 
 Norham, castle of, 157, 20 : 159, 
 
 31 : 174' 14 
 
 town of, 173, 8 
 
 Normandy, 42, 13 
 Northumberland, earl of, 67, 12 
 Norwich, 34, 29 
 Nottingham, council of war at, 
 
 36,8 
 
 O. 
 
 Orange, prince of, 60, 16 
 Orleans, Lewis, duke of, 43, \\ : 
 
 44, 7 : 47, 9 : 48> 4: 5i» 24 : 
 
 53, 30 : 60, 15 
 Ormond, Thomas, earl of, 87, 17: 
 
 100, 16 
 Osbeck, John, 106, 12 
 Ostia, 131, 30 
 Ottomans, empire of the, 82, 23 
 
 house of the, 83, 19 
 
 Oxford, 23, 2 : 23, footnote 
 
 John, earl of, 34, 12, 22 : 
 
 35, 9: 100, 23: 152, 28 : 154, 
 8: 178, 25 : 192, 14 
 
 P. 
 
 Parker, Sir James, 99, r 
 Pembroke, castle of, 221, 5 
 
 Jasper, earl of, 13, 20 
 
 Perpignian, 91, 31 : 101, 26 
 Petrucci, cardinal Alphonso, 68, 
 
 Philip, son of Maximilian of 
 Austria, 32, 5 : 116, 32 : 117, 
 2 : 195, 5 : 19S, 28 : 202, 17; 
 203, 7 : 204, 3 : 206, 8 
 
 Piqueny, treaty of, 6, 31 
 
 Pisa, 131, 30 98, 
 
 Plantagenet, counterfeit, 27, 10 — 
 
 Pole, William de la, 194, 6 
 Pons, Jasper, 183, 7 : 185, 10 
 Pope innocent the eighth, bull of, 
 
 15, 20 
 Poynings, Sir Edward, 95, 33 : 
 
 96, 22 : 117, I : 127, 6 : 135, 
 
 30 
 
 Provence, 42, 13 
 
 Puebla, Dr de (Spanish ambassa- 
 dor), 199, 32 
 
 R. 
 
 Ratcliffe, John, 120, 16 
 
 Richard, 17, 2 
 
 Sir Robert, 120, 17 : 
 
 141, 30 
 Ravenstein, the lord, 75, 12 : 94, 
 
 6: 95, 25 : 96, 3 
 Rhodes, knights of, 185, 13 
 Richard the third, 5, i, 14 : 8, 
 
 27 • 9, 32 : 16, 2, 7, 33 : 18, 
 
 22, 
 
 24. 
 
 15, 19 : 20, 7 
 
 16 : 25, X 
 Richmond, 98, 30: 171, 12 
 
 earl of, 5, 6 : 80, 7 : 
 
 220, 26 
 Riseley, Sir John, 99, 14 : 146, 
 
 15 
 Russignon, 91, 31 : loi, 26 
 
 S. 
 
 Saint John, lord, 180, 18 
 
 Michael's Mount, 167, 27 
 
 Sandwich, 129, 22 
 
 Savage, Sir John, 102, 9 
 
 Savoy, lady Alargaret, 207, 23 ; 
 
 20S, 29 
 Saxony, duke of, 94, 28 : 95, 23 : 
 
 96, 20 
 Scotland, king of, 14, i 
 Sfortia, Ludovico, 131, 33 : 132, 
 
 Shaw, doctor, 10, 7 
 
 — sheriff of London, 153, 30 
 Shene, charter house at, 27, 25 
 
 palace of, now Richmond. 
 50 : 171, 8 
 priory of, 175, 23 
 
 B. H. 
 
 20
 
 jo6 
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 
 
 Sheriff-Hutton, casllo of, 9, 30 
 
 Shoieditch, 11, 1 4 
 
 Shrewsbury, earl of, 36, 18 : 100, 
 
 14 
 
 Simnell, Lambert, 23, 3: 37, 31 : 
 
 1 1 8, 1 3 : 127,21 
 Simon, Richard, 23, 1 : 25, 8, 
 
 17 : 26, 15, 17 
 Simonds, William, 23, footnote 
 Sluice, 75, 18 : 94, 9: 96, 2 
 Spain, kings of, 13, 33 
 Stafford, Edward, 18, 14 
 
 Humphrey, 20, 14, 20 : 
 
 21, II, 17 : 141, l\ 
 
 Thomas, 20, 14 : 21, 
 
 II, rS 
 
 St Alban, Francis, Dedication 
 
 in Brittany, battle near, 
 
 60, 14 : 61, 21 
 
 Stanley, Sir William, 8, 25 : 113, 
 I : 121, 28 : 122, 18 : 124, 10: 
 125, 14: 141, 29 : 218, I 
 
 Thomas, lord, 13, 22 : 
 
 128, 23 
 
 St Edmund's, Bury, 34, 1 7, 29 
 Stenbeck, John, 106, 28 
 Stile, John, 199, 21 : 219, 6 
 Stoke, 36, 29 
 
 Stoke-field, 25, 13: 127, 21 
 Strange, the lord, 36, 18 
 Strivelin in Scotland, 68, 4 
 Suffolk, John de la Bole, duke of, 
 
 30. 27 
 
 — Edmond, duke of, loo, 
 14: 152, 29 : 185, 27 : 193, 
 16 : 204, 10: 205, 15 
 
 Surrey, earl of, 16, 33: 66, 20: 
 67, 8 : 151, 21 : 157, 31 
 
 Swart, Martin, 32, 26 : 35, 3 : 
 37, ir, 20 
 
 T. 
 
 Tate, lord mayor, 153, 29 
 Taunton, 166, 27 
 Taylor, Sir John, no, 15 
 Thomas, Richard, 100, 18 
 Sir Rice ap, 166, 9 
 
 Thwaites, Sir Thomas, 113, 2: 
 
 120, 17 
 Tirrel, Sir James, 114, 3: 115. 3 = 
 
 ,, '94- 7 
 Tournay, 106, 1 1 
 
 Treasurer, the lord, 18, 27 
 
 Trenchard, Sir Thomas, 202, 32 
 
 Tudor, lady Margaret, 220, 24 
 
 Tunstal, Sir Richard, 50, 6 : 67, 
 
 9 
 
 Tyburn, 21, 18 
 
 U. 
 
 Urswick, Christopher, chaplain to 
 Henry VH, 47, 16 : 48, 23 : 
 49, 8 : 50, 6 : 99, 14 : 104, 6: 
 146, 14 
 
 V. 
 
 Vaughan, Hugh, 99, i 
 Venmsel, lord, president of Flan- 
 ders, 146, 16 
 
 W. 
 
 Walsingham, Our Eady's church 
 at, 34, 31 
 
 Our Lady of, 38, 18 
 
 Warbeck, Bcrkin, proclamation 
 
 of, 64, 17 
 
 105, 18: ct 
 
 passim ad i", 8 
 Warham, Sir William, 117, i 
 
 master of the rolls, 146, 
 
 13 
 
 Warwick, earl of, 24, 5 : 176, 30: 
 
 178,27 
 "Wells, 149. 32 
 
 — viscount, 146, 12 
 Westminster, parliament at, 14, 
 
 Q. Elizabeth (wife 
 
 of Henry VII) crowned at, 40, 
 
 5 
 Weymouth, 202, 26 
 Whitsand-Bay, 163, 32
 
 INDEX OF NAMES. 307 
 
 Wilford, Ralph, 177, 16 Y. 
 
 William the conqueror, 9, t. 
 
 Willoughby, Sir Robert, 9, 30: York, house of, 7, i() : 15, 18: 
 
 10, 3: 18, ir 19, 26: 20, 6, 26: 12, 10: 
 
 Winchester, bishopric of, 19, 10 25, 13 
 
 Windham, Sir John, 194, 7 — line of, 8, 19: 10, ir 
 
 Windsor, Elizabeth Woodville — Cecile, duchess of, 132, 22 
 
 buried at, 29, 25 — Richard, duke of, 25, 18 : 
 
 Wolsey, Thomas, 207, 28 105, i : 114, 2 
 
 Woodville, lord, 50, 9 : 60, 18 Ypres, 75, iS : 76, 23 
 Worcester, city of, 20, 22 
 
 Worcestershire, 20, 21 2 
 Worsley, William, dean of Paul's, 
 
 1 20, 28 Zouch, lord, 17, i 
 
 20
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 able, effective, sufficient to produce 
 a result, 7, 13 
 
 abolition, used to signify the for- 
 giving and forgetting injuries, 
 
 75. 13 
 abuse (to), to deceive, to mislead, 
 
 138, 30 
 account [to put anything to), to 
 take account or notice of, 145, 
 
 acquest, an acquisition or gain ; 
 
 used of increase of territories, 
 
 90, 8 : 172, 22 
 addulce, to render palatable, 84, 
 
 advance [to], to put into a position 
 of advantage, 135, 4 
 
 advancement, the maintenance of 
 the dignity of a royal person- 
 age, money allowed for such 
 maintenance, 1S7, 15, 19: 189, 
 
 14 
 
 advertised, instructed, infoimed, 
 46, 25 
 
 advowtiy, adultery, 89, 3 
 
 ajjfeel [to], to shew liking for, 97, 
 28 
 
 rty?t'r= afterwards, 207, 28 
 
 alchemy, the transmutation of me- 
 tals. Here used figuratively of 
 the training given to Warbeck, 
 186, 8 
 
 Allhallo'vs-day, All Saints' day, 
 ist November, i2t, 7 
 
 amortise, to make over, transfer, 
 71, 28 
 
 anatomy, a skeleton, a dissected 
 model, 116, 18 
 
 ancient, used of a person, old, 
 
 200, 10 
 annual, annual payment, 102, 22 
 anstverable, corresponding, accord- 
 ing with, 158, 14 
 ansxvered, of a money payment, 
 
 securely guaranteed, regularly 
 
 paid, 200, 16 
 appalement, a rendering pallid 
 
 through fright, 37, 17 
 appeached, accused, implicated in 
 
 an accusation, 171, 5 
 apposite, suitable, satisfactory, to 
 
 the point, 1 1 1, 22 
 arms, armorial bearing, a coat of 
 
 arms, 99, 2 
 articulate, pointed, particular, clear, 
 
 distinct, 216, 19 
 artificially, artfully, pretendedly, 
 
 II, 31 : 92, 18 
 assigned, appointed, directed, loi, 3 
 assured, pledged, faithfully bound, 
 
 94. 31 
 
 attemper {to), to modify, soften, 
 tone down, 18, 6 : 151, 28 
 
 attentates, attempts, 86, 2 
 
 avails, value produced by any- 
 thing, the worth of anything, 94, 
 
 az'oui (to), to depart from (a coun- 
 try), 146, 31 
 
 babies, dolls, 145, 30 
 
 ball, the orb in the hand of a 
 monarch as an emblem of sove- 
 reignty, 136, 29 
 
 bannerets, knights created under 
 the royal banner, 13, 17
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 309 
 
 base, base-born, illegitimate, 109, 
 
 6 
 bastarded, declared illegitimate, 29, 
 
 r? 
 bead-roll, a prayer-list, register of 
 
 persons to be prayed for, or 
 
 (here) cursed, 116, 16 
 beat {to), to silt thoroughly, in- 
 quire into, 209, 27 
 best-be-trnst, exceedingly trusted, 
 
 in whom most confidence is 
 
 placed, 115, 32 
 bette?; used to express the excess 
 
 over any number ; as ' and bet- 
 
 /'■'-.' 93> 7 
 bid battle {to), to offer battle, to 
 
 challenge to combat, 150, 30 
 blanch {to), lit. to make white, 
 hence to render less serious, to 
 lighten, to take the terror from, 
 
 123. 31 
 blooded, mixed in fatal warfare, 
 stained with each other's blood, 
 
 77, 6 
 bloods, persons of courage and 
 
 spirit, 50, 24 
 board (to), to assail, attack, used 
 
 primarily of attacking ships, 
 
 ii5> 29 
 boiling, in a ferment ; used of a 
 
 country in a state of excitement, 
 
 156, 8 
 brandle {to), to spoil, to make to 
 
 totter, to overthrow, 155, 4 
 bravery, a show or parade, 33, 13 
 broach, a spit for roasting meat, 
 
 38.8 
 brocage, base, mean practices, 7, 7 
 brooh {to), to like ; to put up with, 
 
 125, II 
 bruits, noises, rumours, common 
 
 fame, 22, 27: 25, 23: 112, 17 
 butchers, applied to the murderers 
 
 of the princes in the tower, 1 14, 4 
 
 cabinet, private, secret, confiden- 
 tial 107, 7 
 casualties (Lat. casimlia), wind- 
 
 falls, accidental gains, 17, 28: 
 128, 9 : 197, 22 
 
 catching, in the phrase " a catch- 
 ing harvest," means hurried, 
 hasty, 158, I 
 
 cauls, a net or covering for the 
 head, 195, 33 
 
 caveat, a Latin word meaning let 
 him bezuare, used as an English 
 substantive = a caution, 85, 7 
 
 celestial, divine, belonging to a 
 saint, 207, 6 
 
 cement {to), reflex., to patch itself 
 together, 159, 27 
 
 censo7-ian, belonging to the office 
 of a censor, pertaining to moral 
 discipline, 62, 17 
 
 ceremony, the religious character 
 of any observance, 30, 1 6 
 
 champaign, flat, level (of coun- 
 tries), Lat. campus, 36, 32 
 
 check-roll, an authoritative list, 63, 7 
 
 chievances, more commonly writ- 
 ten achievanees, meaning trade 
 transactions, 64, 30 
 
 churchman, an ecclesiastic, one 
 versed in church controversies, 
 47, 18 : 211, 32 : 220, 18 
 
 churlish, obstinate, 166, 30 
 
 churni, probably A.S. cynn {see 
 notes), but not understood by Ba- 
 con's translator, who renders it 
 by chorus, 1 70, 8 
 
 cincture, compass, enclosure, 121, 
 21 
 
 clerks, clergymen, persons claim- 
 ing the privilege of clergy, 1 20, 
 27 
 
 close, secret, concealed, 24, 32 
 
 cockatrice, an imaginary animal 
 supposed to have been hatched 
 by a cock from the eggs of a 
 viper. Ancient belief attributed 
 to it the power of killing by a 
 glance of the eye, 178, 11 
 
 coffer up (to), to hoard or store in 
 coffers, 51, 33 
 
 cognisances, badges, marks of 
 livery, as retainers, 192, 18
 
 3IO 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 colourable, of a fair outside, satis- 
 factory appearance, but intended 
 to conceal, 191, 23, 27 
 
 comfort (Lat. confortare), to give 
 material strengtii and support, 
 44, 20 : 127, 18 : 169, 16 
 
 cornmiserable, intensely miserable, 
 179, 2 
 
 commission, an appointment of 
 judges, 39, 6 
 
 co'Kmodity, advantage, utility, con- 
 venience, },(i,i't : 94, 10 : 120, I 
 
 commonplace, a hackneyed topic, 
 an ordinary remark, 211, 28 
 
 communicate, to share with others, 
 to let others have a share, 103, i 
 
 ^^/«/rt«/rt/^/£',companionable,friend- 
 ly, social, 217, 4 
 
 compense (to), to compensate, to 
 balance, 189, 33 
 
 complices, accomplices, 109, I4 : 
 126, 2 : 209, 14 
 
 conceit {to), to fancy, to imagine, 
 150, 14 : i-\, 19 
 
 conclave, an assembly, most fre- 
 quently of the pope and his 
 councillors, 183, 31 
 
 conclude (to), to include, 133, 32 
 
 concurrents, contemporaries, those 
 living at the same time, 220, 6 
 
 conditional (n.), the use of condi- 
 tional language, or the language 
 of supposition, 123, 25, 26 
 
 conditions, arrangements, employ- 
 ments; rank, quality (in a con- 
 tract of marriage), 138, 13: 199, 
 1 1 
 
 con/ident to — trusled by, on whom 
 dependence can be placed, 137, 
 
 consort, communion, unity, agree- 
 ment, fellowship, 97, 26: 220, 
 II 
 
 contained, held back, restrained, 
 
 19O' 13 
 
 control (to), to check, refute, dis- 
 prove, 107, 23 
 
 convent, to summon or call before 
 a court, 191, 7, 33 
 
 convert (adj.), converted, 106, 12 
 cordwainer (Fr. cordonnier), a 
 
 worker in leather of Cordova, a 
 
 shoemaker, 177, 15 
 corners, squadrons, troops (Lat. 
 
 cornu), 152, 30 
 correspondence, an arrangement for 
 
 intercommunication, a means of 
 
 communicating, 31, 24: 113,21 
 corroborate (to), to give material 
 
 strength, 202, 17 
 cosmography, the description of 
 
 the world, geographical know- 
 ledge, 171, 16 
 courtesy, sufferance, at his courtesy 
 
 = at his will and pleasure, 112, 
 
 26 
 court-fames, rumours of the palace, 
 
 1 16, 29 
 credence (to give), to cause to be 
 
 believed in, 216, 29 
 
 dangerous, to be feared, exposing 
 to danger, 122, 33 
 
 dark, underhand, secret, 220, 19 
 
 debonair, agreeable, kindly, court- 
 eous, 143, 33 
 
 declared, revealed, of a man whose 
 sentiments are disclosed, 217, 13 
 
 defacement, obliteration, forgetful- 
 ness of kindness, 55, 12 
 
 defrayed, of persons whose ex- 
 penses are paid, 157, 3 
 
 demesnes, lands held by the owner 
 for his own use, 70, 30 
 
 denier, Lat. denarius, a Roman 
 coin of about lod. in value, but 
 used to signify any small coin, 
 67, 10: 183, 22 
 
 f/tv/j, to refuse, 160, 7: 180, 10 
 
 depend upon (to), to be subject 
 unto, or at the bidding of, 79, 7 
 
 determine, to come to an end, 102, 
 26 
 
 difficile, difficult, unmanageable, 
 183, 20 
 
 dile<nma, a position in argument, 
 where your opponent is involved
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 311 
 
 in a difficulty whichever way he 
 
 may reply, 93, 9 
 dirigcs, funeral liymns, 5, 14 
 disagreement, refusal, objection, 
 
 78. 5 . ^ 
 
 discharge {id), to relieve from 
 
 blame, to acquit, '214, 3 
 discompose {to), to interfere with, 
 
 to remove from a position, 217, 
 
 • 33 
 
 discoitntetianccr, a depressor, one 
 who strives to keep others down, 
 112, 20 
 
 discoz'er {to), to unfold, disclose, 
 explain, 104, 24 
 
 discovery, enquiry, espionage, 35, 
 II 
 
 disguises, masks, court entertain- 
 ments of a dramatical kind, 219, 
 12 
 
 disinherison, the disinheriting, 8, 
 
 19: 15. 17 
 
 disinterest {to), to relieve from ob- 
 ligation, 55, 20 
 
 dismes (Fr. disme), tithes, tenth 
 parts, a term employed in taxa- 
 tion, 142, 27: 143, 5 
 
 dismiss hitnself {to), to resign vol- 
 untarily, 200, 31 
 
 dispeopling, the emptying a country 
 of people, 82, 22 * 
 
 distaste, a dislike, dissatisfaction, 
 
 125, 7 
 
 distasted with, out of love with, 
 disliking, 163, 21 
 
 distemper [to), to spoil the charac- 
 ter of, to lead wrong, 81, 26 
 
 dormant, slumbering, ready to be 
 waked up, 171, 6 
 
 doubt {to) — iokz-v, 130, 11 
 
 doubts, fears, 55, 10 
 . drape {to), to manufacture cloth, 
 
 74. • 
 drapery, the manufacturing of 
 
 cloth, 73, 27 
 drily, meanly, scurvily, 18 r, 11 
 dry, profitless, unproductive, 104, 
 
 7 
 
 ducats, coins originally issued by 
 
 the Italian dukes. They were 
 generally of gold, 102, 19 
 
 edify {to), in the phrase to edify 
 -with = to produce an effect upon, 
 
 145. I 
 emhar {to), to put a stop to, for- 
 bid, 119, 27 
 engage {to), to pledge, pawn or 
 
 mortgage, 103, 14 
 engine, a plot or stratagem, 38, 19 
 entertain, to cherish, gratify, please, 
 
 181, 32 
 entertainment {a countenance of), 
 
 manners of society, a company 
 
 face, 204, 5 _ 
 entire [n.), entirety, 143, 26 
 entire, trustworthy, faithful, 220, 8 
 escuage, a tax or feudal duty paid 
 
 in lieu of military service, 148, 
 
 32 
 espials, spies, 105, 12: 106, 32: 
 
 116, 14, 17 
 evading, escaping, getting clear of, 
 
 219. 23 
 evangile, good news, a pledge of 
 
 peace, end of all litigation, 
 
 134, 22 
 exasperate, embittered, exasperated, 
 
 exhibition, maintenance, support, 
 as the term is now used in 
 schools and colleges, 200, 2 1 
 
 expect {to), to wait for, 64, i : 108, 
 24: 138, 18 
 
 expedite (adj.), prepared for the 
 march (of troops), 166, 9 
 
 expedited, issued, sent forth, 200, 
 29 
 
 extraordinary (adv.), extraordina- 
 rily, 158, II 
 
 extreme (adv.), exceedingly, very, 
 202, 28 
 
 eye {to), to have regard unto, 54, 
 27 
 
 fact, act, deed, 50, 29: 105, 4 
 fancy {to), to have a liking for, to 
 think well of, 154, 14
 
 ,12 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 fast, secure, well-guarded, 157, 30 
 fasthandai, grasping, niggardly, 
 
 188, 14 
 fatal, fated, inevitable, 14!^, 5: 
 
 177, 14: 208, 2 
 favour, good looks, 105, 20: 200, 
 
 7 . 
 felicity, good fortune, success, 35, 
 
 25 
 females = mothers, those which 
 
 give birth, 126, 30 
 ffUeiit/is, a tax of a fifteenth part 
 
 of all the moveables of any 
 
 person, 147, 25 
 fired, exposed to the fire, 166, 29 
 flies, a word used of King Henry's 
 
 spies, apparently on account of 
 
 their restless busy character, 
 
 216, 31 
 float {in), n^osX, overflowing, 128, 
 
 7 
 forces, outbreaks of violence, 
 
 niob-iiots, 62, 21 
 fordone, laid aside, resigned, given 
 
 up, 143. 7 
 foj'epasscd, passed over, allowed 
 
 to lapse (of the time for making 
 
 a claim), 70, 6 
 fore-slowing, acting in a dilatory 
 
 manner, dawdling, r.S2, 22 
 forth (to lie), to be lying carelessly 
 
 about, 218, 16 
 fortiDie {to), to chance, to happen 
 
 by accident, 172, 26 
 fjif'.ernls, used, in the plural, of 
 
 one funeral, 190, i 
 
 gaol {to), to imprison, to put in 
 gaol, 196, 27 
 
 gale-vein, the principal vein or 
 artery which conveys most blood, 
 used here metaphorically of the 
 course of trade, 146, 4 
 
 gaze {at a), wonder-struck, 126, 5 
 
 glosses, explanations, interpreta- 
 tions, 214, 14 
 
 goal, an object aimed at, or de- 
 sired, 199, 16 
 
 gossip, godfather, to6, 1 
 
 grace {to fall into), to become a 
 
 favourite, 68, 17 
 greece { Lat. gradiis, Romance, gris), 
 
 stairs or steps, 162, 17 
 groat, a silver fourpence, 197, 15 
 
 habilitate, legally qualified, 15, 31 
 half-coiiraged, faint-hearted, 155, 
 
 half-face, partial resemblance, 191, 
 6 
 
 half pace, the uppermost step be- 
 tween the chancel and the choir 
 of a church, 98, 3 
 hand, signature to a bond, 102, 24 
 hand {to bear in), to make believe, 
 
 95. 4 
 hardly, sparingly, thriftily, 148, 
 
 II 
 harebrain, foolish, mad, perhaps 
 
 in allusion to the proverb " as 
 
 mad as a March-hare," 204, 9 
 harness, armour, coats of mail, 
 
 149,3 
 head {/o run upon a\, to gather 
 
 confusedly together, 130, 9 
 headship, patronage, favouring, 62, 
 
 27 
 hold, prison, confinement, 120, 21 
 homager^ vassal, feudal subject, 
 
 44, 18: 81, 24 
 husband, a man of economy, 59, 5 
 husbandry, economy, thrift, 91, 5 
 
 idol, a sham personage or pre- 
 tender to any character, as 
 opposed to the real person, 
 24, 25: 113, 24: 169, 5 
 ill, weak, diseased, 208, 29 
 impatronise {to), to make oneself 
 
 patron or master, 84, 27 
 iinpoisoner, a poisoner, 6, 8 
 import {to), to be of interest to 
 (followed by an accusative with- 
 out a preposition), 55, 33 
 importune, accepting no refusal, 
 incessant, 138, 33
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 313 
 
 impound (to), to shut up, enclose, 
 
 confine, 154, 5 
 impropriate [to)., to appropriate, 
 
 gain for one's own, 17, 9: 216, 
 
 lO 
 
 impuissance, want of power, weak- 
 ness, 92, 15 
 
 incense, honorary offerings, signs 
 of joy, 188, 29 
 
 inchoation, first efforts, commence- 
 ment, 62, 22 : 92, 6 
 
 incompetent, unfounded, without 
 grounds, unsatisfactoiy, 31, i : 
 unable to sue in a court of 
 justice, as persons not yet of 
 full age and others, 70, 8 
 
 indifferent, applying to all alike, 
 impartial, 63, 15 
 
 indiffej-ently, impartially, fairly, 
 
 187. 15 
 tndiibitate, undoubted, certain, 
 
 true, 8, 19 
 iucxpected, unexpected, 213, 24 
 iiifausting, an omen of ill-luck, 
 
 179, 22 
 ingcnerate, inborn, natural, 6, 17 
 inheritress, heiress, ri, 33 
 inlawed, under the protection of 
 
 the law, opposite to outlawed, 
 
 16, I 
 inn (to), to gather in, as of a 
 
 harvest, 65, 6 
 innocents, idiots, fools, 207, 19 
 intelligences, informations, 115, 18 
 intend (to), to attend to, 70, 18: 
 
 157, 7: 209, 3 
 interested, connected with, con- 
 cerned with, 194, 12 
 interreign, an interregnum, 9, 10 
 invasive, partaking of the nature 
 
 of an invasion, 44, 14 
 investing, taking possession of, 
 
 occupying, 173, 2 
 inviolate, successful, unimpaired, 
 
 unfailing, 212, 25 
 inward, intimate, confidential, 126, 
 
 I 
 inwardness, confidential commu- 
 nication, 43, 27 
 
 itinerary, partaking of the cha- 
 racter of a progress or legal 
 visitation, 39, 3 
 
 Jonstings, tournaments, tilts, com- 
 bats by appointment, 98, 32 
 
 jnbile, a time of festivity or re- 
 joicing, 183, 2 
 
 kindle (to), to provoke, to enrage, 
 173. 22 
 
 king-at-arms, the herald, who 
 regulates (among other duties) 
 the nature and granting of all 
 armorial bearings, 99, 3 
 
 kings, used to signify a king and 
 queen, 13, 33 : 98, 11: loi, 24 
 
 knights-bachelors, a lower order of 
 knighthood than knights-ban- 
 nerets, 12 1, 10 
 
 knot, confederacy, united band, 
 
 113. 29 
 
 knoiuledge (to take), to admit, to 
 let anything be known, no, 30 
 
 labour (to), to urge strongly, to 
 press hard, no, 24 
 
 laiis, laymen, 120, 27 
 
 land (to take)~io land, after a 
 sea- voyage, 10 1, 2 
 
 land-louper, a wandering vaga- 
 bond, man of unsettled life, 
 105, 25 
 
 lay down (to), to put aside, give 
 up, 162, 28 
 
 laying down, the giving up or 
 laying aside, 149, 5 
 
 leave (to), to cease. 8r, 22 
 
 legiances (more usually spelt alle- 
 giances), lawful services, 142, 7 
 
 let (to), to hmder or prevent, 
 119, 12 
 
 to fail, cease, leave off, 
 
 •59> 15 
 levy (to), used of a siege, to raise 
 
 it and depart, 77, 2 
 lie (to), to be imprisoned, 209, 9
 
 |i4 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 //<^<jr(often wniicnlei^cr or leidger), 
 a messenger or ambassador, 199, 
 32 : 216, 14 
 
 like {to have), to be nearly doing, 
 to be ill danger of doing a 
 thing, 155, 3 
 
 likely, imminent, 142, 30 
 
 lili^ous, involving legal disputes, 
 84, 28 
 
 liver (n.), one who lives, 4, i 
 
 livery, the distinctive dress of re- 
 tainers, 191, 20 
 
 long of, owing to, 2:0, 14 
 
 fiiake (to) somewhat for, to con- 
 tribute to, to help on, 105, 31 
 
 malice (used of a disease), malig- 
 nity, 12, 23 
 
 mannerhood, character for manli- 
 ness, 71, 26 
 
 manured, manoeuvred, worked, 70, 
 26 
 
 marches, border lands, as the Eng- 
 lish marches, 76, 6 : signifying 
 those parts round Calais which 
 joined close to the French ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 master-reach, superior penetration, 
 217, 29 
 
 matronal, matronly, womanly, 199, 
 
 14 . 
 
 mattacina (Ital.), a pantomime, or 
 farce, 38, 7 
 
 mean, of middle rank, 201, 15 
 
 means, reason : by means of = by 
 reason of, 114, 31 
 
 merchand [to), to traffic, to bargain 
 for, 91, 30 
 
 mercurial (n.), a subtle, cunning 
 fellow, 104, 19 
 
 minatory, of a threatening cha- 
 racter, 73, 6 
 
 minished, diminished, 196, 19 
 
 mint, the coinage of money, regu- 
 lations of the coinage, 213, 3 
 
 missives, letters of order, des- 
 patches, 36, 15 
 
 nwrt-pays, wages received for sol- 
 
 diers or sailors who are dead, 
 93, 22 
 
 much, in the sense of very quali- 
 fying an adjective, 29, 5 
 
 murrey, a dark red colour, 1 12, 2 
 
 natuitil, naturalized, a settled de- 
 nizen, 201, II 
 
 nearness, niggardliness, parsimo- 
 ny, 193, 12 
 
 tieck {in the) = following close 
 upon. Cf. at the heels, loi, 23 
 
 7iocent, guilty, 194, 13 
 
 noises, rumours, reports, 150, 13 
 
 notorious, conspicuous, for all to 
 see, 28, 5 
 
 obnoxious, indebted to, like Lat. 
 
 obnoxius, 43, 6 
 occasions, circumstances, purposes, 
 
 exigencies, 202, 30 
 occurrents, occurrences, 68, 27: 
 
 181, 29 
 o/=\n, 64, 13 : 159, II 
 offertory, an offering up, n, 23 
 officious, helpful, of good service, 
 
 116, 23 
 often (adj.), frequent, 161, 4 : i 76, 
 
 old, computed at an ancient valua- 
 tion ; so old rent = rents which 
 had not been raised from the 
 old standard, and which might 
 therefore be largely advanced, 
 
 i23> 7 
 opinion, popular repute, common 
 
 fame, 104, 6 
 oppignorated, pledged, given in 
 
 pledge, 91, 31 
 orator, ambassador, 162, 9 
 ordnance, great guns, chief ar- 
 tillery, 21, 6 
 out (to be), not to know one's part, 
 
 to be at fault, 104, 21 
 over-liva; the longer liver of the 
 
 two, 175, 5 
 overmerit, desert so great that no 
 
 reward can repay it, 122, 29 
 oz'er-7-ule {to), to set aside, 124, 8
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 overseen, deceived, mistaken, look- 
 ing beyond the mark, 163, 17 
 
 oz'er-tradi>ig, bringing in too many 
 imports, witliout taking away a 
 corresponding quantity of ex- 
 ports, 58, 32 
 
 over-7ivighcd, out-weiglied, coun- 
 terbalanced, \2i, 11 
 
 oyer and terminer, the French 
 title of courts of assize, having 
 power to hear and decide, 178, 5 
 
 pact, agreement, compact, 7, 19 : 
 
 27, 30: 144, 23 
 pain, penalty, fine, punishment, 
 
 191. 30 
 
 pale, a term used for the parts 
 round Calais, where English 
 rule prevailed, 75, 32. The 
 word is also used of those parts 
 of Ireland where the law of 
 England was recognized 
 
 parricides, used to signify any 
 murderers, 6, 13 
 
 partakers, partizans, confederates 
 38, 30 : 76, 16: 109, 14: 120, 
 
 9\ 151. 7 
 
 particular, a detailed description, 
 200, 6 
 
 ■particjilai-s, some particular per- 
 sons, 131, 5 
 
 party, plaintiff in a legal cause, 
 213, 6 
 
 passable, tolerable, endurable, 40, 
 30 
 
 passages, circumstances which have 
 occurred or come to pass, 107, 
 
 3^5 
 
 phthisis, consumption, 
 
 /cm///^ (adv.), exceedingly, 181, 8 
 
 pedatitical, savouring of the school- 
 master, 187, 29 
 
 peregrination, wandering to and 
 fro, 107, 27 
 
 perforce, by force, 168, 21 
 
 person, character, 23, 1 4 
 
 perspective, inquisition, examina- 
 tion, looking into, 25, 31 
 
 pesterons, pestiferous, pernicious, 
 196, 29 
 
 phthisic, 
 209, 2 
 
 piece, a part to play, 207, 27 
 
 pieces, pictures, 4, 7 
 
 //// [to), to peel, strip bare, 149, i 
 
 pilling, peeling, stripping of the 
 hair {piliim), or skin (pellis), 
 142, 17, 27 
 
 place {to take), to prevail, to assert 
 itself, 190, 1 4 
 
 (to take no) = \.o be unsuc- 
 cessful, 68, 3 
 
 plausible, used in a good sense, as 
 excellent, praiseworthy, 7, 30 
 
 plays, dramas in real life, 178, 13 
 
 phone (to), to pluck off the fea- 
 thers, to strip bare, 103. 16 
 
 points, ribbons or laces wherewith 
 to tie parts of the dress, 195, 33 
 
 poll {to), lit. to cut the hair, and 
 hence, to shear down in any 
 way, 148, 33 
 
 pontifical, priestly or papal, 220, 
 26 
 
 popular, ^'ulgar, belonging to the 
 common people, 90, 10: paying 
 court to the mob, hunting after 
 popularity, 150, i 
 
 port, carriage, behaviour, expendi- 
 ture, 93, 17 
 
 pose, sometimes spelt appose, to 
 question, to examine, to puzzle, 
 
 III. 5 
 
 postilled, labelled, docketed, an- 
 notated, 193, 3 
 
 posts, messengers, post-haste, 203, 
 
 4 
 
 precedetit, previous, going before, 
 
 7, 19 
 
 precept, a legal order or injunc- 
 tion, 191, 7 
 
 prejudge [to), to have a prejudice 
 against, 8, 17: 2 1 , 30 
 
 premier seisins, a feudal tax for the 
 first entry on an inheritance, if 
 the heir-at-law were of full age, 
 191, 16 
 
 prest, a loan (see notes), 18, 28 
 
 pretorian, like the power of the
 
 ,i6 
 
 GLOSSARY 
 
 praetor at Rome, according to 
 the rule of equity, 62, 8, 16 
 prerent, to anticipate, 166, 17 
 principal (n.), chief persons, 52, 
 
 privado, a private and confidential 
 
 retainer, 108, 22 
 pnvateiiess, confidential communi- 
 cation, 216, 2 
 procedures, the money produced by 
 
 any sale, 64, 32 
 progi-ess, a royal journey or tour 
 through the land, 11, 7: 39, 2, 
 4: 128, 23: 130, 3 f 
 pi-operty, peculiarity of character, 
 
 77, 20 
 providence, foresight, 69, 28 
 puissance, might, power, 158. 14 
 puissant, mighty, powerful, 151, 13 
 punctos, nice observances, precise 
 
 ceremonial, 97, 5 
 purchase, gain, emolument, 8t, 28 
 put by (to), to deprive of, or ex- 
 clude from, 2or, 7 
 put on, instigated, prompted, 39, 
 
 J7 
 
 i/uai/ (to), to depress, cast down, 
 
 126, I 
 qjiarrel {td) = io quarrel with, or 
 
 complain against, 173, 14 
 quest mongers, paid spies, 192, 10 
 quiet (to), to set at rest, 70, 19 
 quire, chorus, companionship, 97, 
 
 27 
 quit (to), to pay for, repay, 135, 2 
 
 rake-hell, a reckless, heedless, pro- 
 digal person, perhaps a corrup- 
 tion of the Fr. racaille, 165, 27 
 
 ratnpiers, ramparts, banks of earth 
 raised for protection, 165, 21 
 
 range (to), to regulate, bring to 
 order, 55, 26 
 
 rascal (■xCi]), rabble, 130, 20 
 
 reach, intention, object in view, 
 
 "9. 33 
 ready, in apt condition for: ready 
 
 for assault = in proper state to 
 
 be assaulted, 102, 12 
 rcceit, a place of ambush or lying- 
 in-wait, 154, 20 
 reception, recovery, re-taking, 46, i 
 reciprocal (n.), something given in 
 
 return, a quid pro quo, 205, 23 
 reclaim (to), to tame, or make 
 
 manageable, I4, 29 
 recover (to), to gain, to win (with 
 
 no sense of previous loss), 15=, 2 
 redintegrate, restored, renewed, 
 
 42, 9 
 refrain (to), (v. act.\ to keep in 
 
 check, or put a rein on, 31, 16 : 
 
 19O' 13 
 regality, royal prerogative, 87, 5 
 regiment, rule, government, 5, 2 
 religious, bound by religious vows, 
 
 5, 18 
 reliictation, struggling against, op- 
 position, 188, 18 
 remembrance, a memorandum, 193, 
 
 4 
 
 renvoy (to), to send back again, 
 
 79. 3 
 
 re-purchase (to), to recover, win 
 back again, 42, 18 
 
 ixsiance, residence, place of abode, 
 (called a mansion, 147, 7), 119, 
 25: 188,4 
 
 respect — reason, in the phrase, in 
 respect of=by reason of, be- 
 cause of, 127, 14 
 
 respective, respectful, shewing re- 
 gard, 217, 4 
 
 respects, objects of regard or con- 
 sideration, 190, 25 
 
 retainer, an ailhcrenl, one who 
 forms part of a retinue, 64, 22 
 
 ret re (n. ), the withdrawal (used of 
 an army), 61, 21 
 
 retract (n.), a retreat, opportunity 
 of withdrawal, 36, 4 
 
 retribution, recompense, reward, 
 69, 19 
 
 rid (of land), worked, cultivated, 
 attended to, 70, j8 
 
 robe, used to indicate those who
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 317 
 
 wear the long robes common to 
 acndemic pursuits, hence applied 
 to lawyers and clerics, 127, 5 
 
 rode (more usually now spelt raid), 
 an inroad, invasion, 145, 5 
 
 rou/idjOpev), straightforward, with- 
 out ceremony, 67, 26 
 
 roicndly, openly, without circum- 
 locution, 50, 8: 51, 27; 59, 27: 
 174, 13: 20S, 8 
 
 rout, a gathering of the rabble, 64, 
 
 23: 153, 19 
 
 rout {to), to assemble in a rabble, 
 66, 7 
 
 ri/_ffic [to), to contest, raise a dis- 
 turbance, 191, 31 
 
 runagate, a fugitive and vagabond, 
 145, 29 
 
 sad (p. part, of the verb set), 
 solemn, staid, 179, 26: 218, 8 
 
 sadly, solemnly, persistently, im- 
 moveably, 122, 13 
 
 scaladocs, attempts at scaling walls, 
 165, 22 
 
 schoolman, one skilled in scholastic 
 theology, 185, 20 
 
 seen in (to be), to be skilled in, or 
 well acquainted with, 171, 15 
 
 seigniory, lordship, feudal supe- 
 riority, 78, 29 : 79, 6 
 
 set forth (of money), invested, 
 189, 17 
 
 several (adj. ), separate, 209, 20 
 
 severalty [in), separately, (here) for 
 separate use, 187, 18 
 
 shore [to), to prop, support, 134, 13 
 
 shz/t, confined, kept close, 126, 26 
 
 shut lip {to), to bring to an end, 
 conclude, 187, 8 
 
 silenced, not talked of, 202, 3 
 
 size (to), to bring to one size, to 
 regulate the size of, 93, 32 
 
 skeins, short knives or daggers, 
 used by Irishmen and lligh- 
 landers, 37, 15 
 
 skill (to), to signify, to be of con- 
 sequence; it skills not = it mat- 
 ters not, 100, 31 
 
 skill (to), to know how to do, to 
 understand, 196, i 
 
 jr^/rt/j- = espials, spies, informers, 
 216, 22, 27 
 
 squibs, showy projects, flashy, 
 boastful designs, 195, 3 
 
 staddles, close growths of young 
 trees left uncut, 72, 12 
 
 standard, thefixedgauge of weights 
 and measures, 93, 30 
 
 state (to), to treat with ceremony 
 of state, 77, 19 
 
 state (to keep), to wear a stately or 
 courtly manner, 11, 19: 107,8: 
 146, 5 : 215, 17 
 
 stay (n.), temperance, steadiness, 
 self-control, 17, 5 
 
 stellionate, unlawfully depriving a 
 merchant of his money, wares 
 or bargain ; fraudulent mer- 
 chanting, 62, 22 
 
 stick (to), to hesitate, to have 
 • scmples at, 103, 15 
 
 still, constantly, 96, 6 
 
 stoop (to), (of a hawk), to descend 
 upon its prey, 206, 12 
 
 stoitt — stout-hearted, courageous, 
 164. 26: 178, 15 
 
 stout (adv.), courageously, spirit- 
 edly, 55. 27 
 
 strangeness, an affectation of dis- 
 tance, and superiority, 215, 23 
 
 suddenly, used in the simple sense 
 oi soon, quickly, 144, 28 
 
 sufficiency, capability, mental 
 power, judgment, 185, 16 
 
 sugared (of language), made pa- 
 latable, sweet, acceptable, 84, 
 
 ^+ . . 
 
 summarily , in a brief short form, 
 
 74. 12 
 
 surcharge (to), to impute to an- 
 other what does not belong to 
 him, 177, 10 
 
 sure (interj.), surely, 192, 23 
 
 sure (to -work), to leave no chance 
 for slips or failures, 123, 11 
 
 surmise (to), to deem, judge, 
 suggest, 138, 29
 
 iS 
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 take {Id), to make progress, to 
 
 advance, ^oS, 32 : to succeed, 
 
 to prosper, 61, 27 
 take on, to continue, used of a 
 
 journey, 87, 32 
 tall, courageous, spirited, 1^7, 
 
 26 
 tallages, tolls, taxes, 142, 28: 
 
 143, 5: 201, 22 
 temper, degree, inlluence, amount, 
 
 189, 32 : temperature, 13, 5 
 teiiances, tenancies, occupations of 
 
 land, 70, 28 
 /'c'j:/'/^;v, anything woven, 195, 32 
 therefore, on that account, Lat. 
 
 propterea, 57, 3°: 1 33. 7 
 thread {by Me') = one at a time, 
 
 like beads on a siring, 126, 10 
 toil, mesh, net, entanglement, 153, 
 
 2 
 tokens, symbols of clanship, or 
 
 retainership, badges, 58, 7 
 tourney, tournament, jousting, tilt- 
 ing. 98, 32 
 to'varJs = coming towards, in a 
 
 threatening wise, 95, 17 
 toys, amusements, sports, games, 
 
 1 87, 28 _ 
 tract (of time), length, duration, 
 
 protraction, 194, 33 
 trains, underhand schemes, plots, 
 
 6, 21 
 translating, transferring, removing, 
 
 1 19, 26 
 traverse {to), to offer objection to, 
 
 to plead against, 191, iS 
 triplicity, an union of three, a 
 
 triple band, 151, 8 
 trooi) {to), to think, believe, 117, 
 
 23 
 tutelage, the right of a guardian 
 over his ward, 78, 29 
 
 under-propping, supporting from 
 
 beneath, 134, 13 
 under-set, supported, strengthened, 
 
 146, 7 
 
 71 n rip {to), to undo, tear to pieces, 
 
 160, 13 
 iin~i'orlhy, unsuitable for, inijiroper, 
 
 6, 2 
 upon, on account of, e.g. to act 
 
 upon discontent, 112, 12, 13: 
 
 127, 16 
 
 ?//<;« = against, 215, 25 
 nre (n.), use, 181, 17 
 use (/tf) = to be wont, 130, 8 
 titter {to), to express, give utter- 
 ance to, 174, 13 
 
 2v7;//tf^t' = advantage. 5r, 30: 152, 
 
 12 
 varlets, hired menial servants, 176, 
 
 24 
 vent (n.), outlet, means of bestowal 
 
 or disposing of, 146, 10 
 vent {to), to go forth, 26, ■27: 
 
 also, to send forth, disperse, 
 
 90. 30 
 
 voice, to noise abroad, 25, 20 
 voiding (n.), removal, banishment, 
 
 93. 29 
 voluntaries, volunteers, 76, 23 
 vulgar, commonplace, relating to 
 
 the populace, 132, 2S 
 
 tveed, garments, clothing, 170, 14 
 
 'tuell-appointed, well-furnished or 
 equipped, 136, 15 
 
 'well -favoured, good-looking, hand- 
 some, 23, 4 
 
 7v/iet (p. part.), whetted, incited, 
 
 1 28, I 
 
 -while, the while (as an adv.) = 
 meanwhile, 107, 6 
 
 withdraiuing-chamber, now called 
 drawing-room, a retiring cham- 
 ber, 24, 15 
 
 woad, a plant which is used for 
 dyeing blue, 72, 30 
 
 loonderful (adv.), wonderfully, 198, 
 18 
 
 wrench, a means of compulsion, 
 motive power, 84, 32 
 
 Cambridge: printed by c. j. clav, m.a. and sons, at the university 1're.ss.
 
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