3D CM K3Q - ... ENGLISH LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. No. To the l This Figure , that thou here feed put It was for gentle Sbakfffcare cut; the nwhad a ftrifc Wherein \Vith 3\(ature, to out-doe the Life : O, could he but have drawn his Wit As well in TSrafle, as he has hie His Face ; thcTrint would then (urpafle All, that was ever writ in Erafle But fince he cannot,^Wfr, look Not on hisTitlure, but $.?, SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET Displaying Shakespeare as a Satirist and Proving the Identity of the Patron and the Rival of the Sonnets BY ARTHUR ACHESON With a Reprint of Sundry Poetical Pieces by George Chapman Bearing on the Subject ITY . JOHN LANE: THE BODLEY HEAD LONDON AND NEW YORK M CM III NGL. LIB. FO. rj* COPYRIGHT, igoj, BY ARTHUR ACHESON All rights reserved. PREFACE. The research of text-students of the works of Shakespeare, undertaken with the object of unveil- ing the mystery which envelops the poet's life and personality, has added little or nothing of actual proof to the bare outlines which hearsay, tradition, and the spare records of his time have given us. It has, however, resulted in evolving several plausible conjectures, which, if followed and carried to the point of proof, would lend some form and sem- blance of his personality to these outlines, and ma- terially assist in visualizing for us the actual man. In this class of conjectural knowledge I would place the following questions : The question of the personal theory of the Son- nets with its attendant questions of order and chro- nology, and the identity of the three or four figures, the "Patron," "The Rival Poet," "The Dark Lady," and " The Mr. W. H." of the Dedication. I would also mention in this class the question of the chronology of the plays, for though we have fairly accurate data regarding a few of them, and fairly plausible inferences for nearly the whole of them, we cannot give an actual date for the first pro- duction of any one of them. ili IV PREFACE. Lastly in this class, and attendant upon the Son- net theories, I would mention the question of the intention of the poem called "Willobie His Avisa," regarding Shakespeare and his connections. If any one or two of these things were actually proved, a new keynote to research would be struck, but at present these are all still matters of opinion and dis- pute. The probability that they would always re- main so, has tempted some pseudo-Shakesperians into wild and extravagant inventions, and some honest critics into strange fantasies regarding them. The lengths to which these types of critics have been carried have so reacted upon many others, of a more careful and scientific mind, that they, fearful of being accused of extravagance, have withdrawn behind the barriers of settled fact, and fearfully venture fearful opinions of all that lies be- yond their defenses; or else, with the reactionary and stultifying tendency of aging conservatism, sink back upon the conclusions of the older mas- ter critics, looking askance, if deigning to look at all, at whatever differs from them. The study of which this book is the result was undertaken alto- gether for my own pleasure, and in an honest en- deavor to get, if possible, some new light upon these debated questions. I had, primarily, no idea or intention of writing upon the subject, but was drawn thereto by a strong conviction of the truth and critical value, as well as a plain cognizance of the originality of most of the theory and proof herein set forth. I have endeavored to tell what I have found as clearly and concisely as possible, and PREFACE. V believe I have in some instances converted con- jecture into proof. For the convenience of the reader, I have ap- pended a reprint of certain poems of George Chap- man's connected with my argument. It would be difficult for me to tell to whom or to what sources I am indebted for help in this search, as my reading has been desultory and scat- tered. Professor Minto's conjecture regarding Chapman certainly cannot pass unmentioned; it is undoubtedly the key to my findings. I desire also to acknowledge a very courteous response from the able editor of the excellent Temple Edition, Mr. Israel Gollancz, to an inquiry I made of him re- garding a dark point in my work. ARTHUR ACHESON. CHICAGO, April 7, igoa. CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTORY, i II. THE PERSONAL THEORY, 9 III. AN ANALYSIS OF THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF THE SONNETS, 24 IV. THE PATRON AND THE RIVAL POET OF THE SONNETS, 50 V. THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT AND " LOVE'S LABOR'S LOST," 76 VI. CHAPMAN DISPLAYED AS THE ORIGINAL OF HOLOFERNES, JOO VII. CHAPMAN'S ATTACKS UPON SHAKESPEARE IN 1594-95 116 VIII. CHAPMAN'S ATTACKS CONTINUED IN 1597-98, . 149 IX. SHAKESPEARE'S SATIRE UPON CHAPMAN IN " TROI- LUS AND CRESSIDA" IN 1598, . . .167 X. SHAKESPEARE'S SATIRE UPON CHAPMAN IN " TROI- LUS AND CRESSIDA " IN 1609 189 XL CONCLUSION, 207 REPRINTS. (1594) CHAPMAN'S " SHADOW OF NIGHT," . . . 221 " Hymnus in Noctem " ) ... 223 " Hymnus in Cynthiam " ) . . . 237 ( 1 595) " OVID'S BANQUET OF SENSE," . . . .255 "A CORONET FOR HIS MISTRESS PHILOSO- PHY/' 297 "THE AMOROUS ZODIAC," . . . .303 (1598) CHAPMAN'S POEM TO M. HARRIOTS, . . 312 (1609) " THE TEARS OF PEACE," 318 vtt And though them had'st small Latin, and less Greek, From thence to honour thee I would not seek For names ; but call forth thundering jEschylus, Euripides, and Sophocles to us, Pacuvius, Accius, him of Cordova, dead, To life again, to hear thy buskin tread And shake a stage : or, when thy socks were on, Leave thee alone, for the comparison Of all that insolent Greece, or haughty Rome, Sent forth, or since did from their ashes come." BEN JONSON. 1623. SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY. DURING the past hundred years many attempts have been made at writing a life of Shakespeare. Patient research has brought to light much inter- esting material and many important facts which have greatly enlarged the limited knowledge of the poet's doings which was extant when Steevens wrote : " All that is known with any degree of cer- tainty regarding Shakespeare, is that he was born at Stratford-upon-Avon, married, and had chil- dren there, went to London, where he commenced actor, and wrote poems and plays, returned to Stratford, made his will, died, and was buried." The facts which have been added have, however, merely increased the evidence of these plain out- lines, without casting much new light upon that which would best enable us to understand his works and the spirit in which he wrote, that is his actual personality. We do not grasp the full value of any literary work till we are enabled, by the knowledge which we have of the writer's personality, to put ourselves 2 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. to some extent in his place. It is to this desire to understand thoroughly and enter into the spirit of a writer's work, and not to mere morbid curiosity, that we may impute the public demand for bio- graphical details of popular authors. In the works of most writers the subjectivity of their material and style reveals their point of view and shows us their actual ideas. The highest can- ons of dramatic art, however, demand absolute ob- jectivity of treatment. An author's personality, introduced and plainly recognized by an audience in a drama, destroys the perspective and kills the illu- sion as surely as would the introduction of a Queen Anne cottage in the scenery of a Roman play. Shakespeare, fully conscious of the demands of his art, has so effectually hidden his own person- ality and feelings in his work that it has come to be generally believed that they are not to be found there. Because his art is so exquisite shall we deem him an artificer who chisels puppets, instead of an artist who molds his heart and soul into form and figure? Because he does not wail like Heine and tell us that " Out of my own great woes I make my little songs," may we not by searching find him out? I am convinced that we may, and that while the investigation of moldy records and parish registers has given us some idea of how he bought and sold property, sued his debtors, etc., the real man, the poet and philosopher, lover and hater, friend and foe, may be discerned only by a critical and sympathetic study of his own works. His dramas are so artistically objective, and his in- INTRODUCTORY. 3 dividuality so carefully hidden, that this would be an almost impossible task were it not for the great autobiographical value of the Sonnets, and the side lights which the story they contain throws upon his other works. In the Sonnets Shakespeare becomes entirely subjective; they were not meant for publication, and, looked at in a true light, are two series of po- etic epistles: one to his friend, and one to his mis- tress. The earliest mention we have of the Sonnets is in the year 1598, in Meres' " Palladis Tamia," where they are called, " his sugred sonnets amongst his private friends." There can be little doubt but that Meres refers to the Sonnets which we know, or, at least, to some portion of them. In 1599 two of the Sonnets, Nos. 138 and 144, appeared in a somewhat garbled form, in a collec- tion of poems by various hands, but all attributed to Shakespeare, published by Wm. Jaggard, un- der the title of " The Passionate Pilgrim." We have no other record of any of the Sonnets till 1609, when the whole collection, as we know them, and a poem entitled " A Lover's Complaint," were published by Thomas Thorpe with the follow- ing title-page: " Shake-speares | sonnets. | Never before Imprinted. | At London | By G. Eld for T. T. and are | to be solde by William Aspley. | 1609. I " This edition was ushered to the world by Thorpe with the following dedication : " To the onlie Begetter of these insuing sonnets Mr. W. H. all happinesse and that eternitie promised by our 4 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. ever-living poet wisheth the well-wishing adven- turer in setting forth. T. T." No other edition of the Sonnets appeared until the year 1640, when they were published, along with other poems pur- porting to be by Shakespeare, under the heading: " Poems : written by Wil. Shakespeare. Gent. Printed at London by Tho. Cotes, and are to be solde by John Benson, dwelling at St. Dunstan's Churchyard. 1640." Several of the Sonnets in Thorpe's collection are omitted from this edition, and those that appear are prefixed with titles of the publisher's own invention. Whatever personal touches there may be in the Sonnets were quite lost sight of by this date. Thorpe, in his dedication, plainly recognizes their personal nature when he wishes " Mr. W. H. " " that eternitie promised by our ever-living poet," yet it is very probable that Thorpe was quite in the dark as to their full history, and believed the medium through whom he re- ceived them to be their true begetter. It may be that he was purposely deceived, and allowed to use the term " Mr. W. H." in order to hide their pri- vate nature and to shield the real begetter from the public eye. I shall prove later on that William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, was not the patron addressed in these Sonnets, and shall, I believe, give very convincing evidence that Henry Wriothesley, Earl of South- ampton, was that figure, yet I do not think it at all improbable that Pembroke was the " Mr. W. H." addressed by Thorpe, nor unlikely that the Son- nets were published through his influence and with INTRODUCTORY. . 5 his cognizance. It is reasonable to assume that the favor of Pembroke and his brother Montgomery, mentioned by Hemminge and Condel in the folio dedication as having been shown to Shakespeare, had commenced before the year 1609, and it is also quite possible that this favor was the result of Southampton's influence with these noblemen. We know that Southampton and Pembroke were friends, or at least very intimate acquaintances ; we also know that they both, at some period, gave their countenance and patronage to Shakespeare ; that he and his poems should then be a topic of common interest with them is most likely, and also, that Southampton should bring these Sonnets in manu- script to the notice of Pembroke; they having all, or nearly all, been written previous to his advent at Court in 1598, as I shall prove. Shakespeare was already famous, and openly acknowledged as a literary star of no small magni- tude by this year. Between the end of 1598 and 1 60 1, Southampton, then out of favor with the Court, owing to his marriage with Elizabeth Ver- non in defiance of the Queen's wishes, was, through his friendship with the Earl of Essex, drawn into the political vortex which ended in the death of Essex and his own imprisonment in the latter year, he remaining in prison until March, 1603. By this time the Sonnets in manuscript had, no doubt, ceased to be read, and it may be that Pembroke had never seen them till they were brought to his no- tice by Southampton, in or about the year 1609. Pembroke, recognizing their worth, may have 6 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. brought about their publication, and in this way have become their begetter. I offer this merely as a plausible suggestion. In the light of the evidence which I shall hereafter adduce as to the identity of Southampton as the patron, this theory as to the " Mr. W. H." of Thorpe's dedication is much more reasonable than that set forth by Mr. Sidney Lee in his " Life of Shakespeare," where he endeavors to prove a claim for a certain printer and publisher named William Hall. If William Hall was the procurer of these Son- nets, as suggested by Mr. Lee, why should he do- nate them to a rival publisher? for so Mr. Lee leads us to infer : if he had sold them, Thorpe would not have felt himself under any obligation to flatter him with a dedication. Thomas Thorpe undoubt- edly uses the word " begetter " in the sense of in- spirer; no quibbling will do away with this fact. The words, " To the onlie begetter of the insuing sonnets, Mr. W. H. all happinesse, and that eternitie promised by our ever-living poet," plainly show that Thomas Thorpe fully believed " Mr. W. H. " to be the inspirer of the Sonnets and also the person who in certain of them is promised eternity ; he certainly would not look upon the publisher's hack, William Hall, in this light. Neither publishers nor writers, at that date, made free with the names and titles of noblemen to usher their wares to the world, without having first se- cured that right, or being fully assured, by a pre- vious experience, of their liberty to do so. One year later than the date of the publication IN TROD UCTOR Y. 1 of the Sonnets, we find that Thorpe dedicated Healey's translation of St. Augustine's " Citie of God " to the Earl of Pembroke, in language which strongly suggests a previous similar connection with that nobleman. It has been suggested that a publisher would not dare to take the liberty of addressing a titled no- bleman as " Mr." ; and I have no doubt that Thorpe would much more willingly have published the Sonnets with a flourish of titles, but was probably prevented from doing so by Pembroke himself, for the reasons I have already suggested. The fact that Thorpe issued the Sonnets with a dedication is fair proof that he had not come by them dis- honestly. Mr. Lee assumes that Thorpe was a piratical publisher of no standing, but the fact that he pub- lished matter by Ben Jonson and Chapman, who were both very careful of their literary wares, and fully realized their value, proves that he was a fairly reputable publisher. Mr. Lee goes rather out of his way to abuse the Elizabethan publishers' profession. There were, no doubt, dishonest publishers in those days, but the lack of definite copyright laws at that date makes it difficult to judge what was dishonesty. Publishers then, no doubt, compared quite as favor- ably as in this day with men in other channels of trade ; but we do not find them, either then or now, presenting each other with valuable copyrights gratis, nor writing fulsome dedications to one an- other. $ SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. In working out my theory I have left Thorpe and his dedication out of the question, and searched in the Sonnets themselves for light; I have discussed it here, principally, to show that Thorpe in 1609 recognized their personal tone. This personal idea was quite lost sight of by the year 1640, when Ben- son published them, and was not revived until about a hundred years after their first issue. During that period they were read, when read at all, as imper- sonal literature. CHAPTER II. THE PERSONAL THEORY. FOR about two hundred years now critics and students have given more or less thought and re- search to the Sonnets as personal documents, hop- ing to find therein some light on the poet's person- ality and life. Early in the eighteenth century attention was called to their personal tone, by Gildon, who con- jectured that they were all written by Shakespeare to his mistress. Dr. Sewall, in 1728, reached the same conclusion. Their examination of the Sonnets, however, must have been of a most cursory nature. In 1781 Malone first suggested that the Sonnets were written to two persons, a patron and a mis- tress ; dividing them as they are usually divided by critics at this day ; from I to 126 to the patron, and the remaining twenty-eight to the mistress. Since that period various critics have delved into them, seeking the hidden story ; all sorts of theories have been propounded ; some with a slight show of foun- dation, and some with none. The " Mr. W. H." of Thorpe's dedication has been a fruitful source of conjecture, and has led many students away on a wild-goose chase, and from far richer grounds of research. Nothing in the Sonnets or plays will ever posi- 9 10 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. tively reveal this enigma; outside evidence may; this is quite a different thing, however, from prov- ing the identity of the patron. It is very evident that Thorpe was quite in the dark on that point, and that he believed the " Mr. W. H." to whom he dedi- cated them to be the patron indicated. Shakes- peare certainly had no hand in their publication ; several of the Sonnets are plainly incorrect in places ; one Sonnet No. 145 is undoubtedly the work of another hand, and the canzonette, as L'Envoi to the first series, is mistaken for a sonnet, and is marked as incomplete, with brackets for the supposedly missing lines. These blemishes show that Shakespeare was not consulted as to their ar- rangement for publication ; besides which, we have his own plain statement, in the Sonnets themselves, that they were not written for sale. After Malone's suggestion for the division of the Sonnets into two series, the next conjecture of any value was made by Dr. Drake, in 1817, when he proposed Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, as the patron, offering no other proof, however, than the palpable fact that " Venus and Adonis," and " Lucrece," were dedicated to that nobleman. He would not believe that the Sonnets 127 to 154 were addressed to a real woman, and supposes that they were written, as were many other sonnets of that day, to an imaginary mistress. Dr. Drake has had many followers in this theory; in his recent book Mr. Sidney Lee voiced the same ideas. In 1818 a Mr. Bright conceived the idea that William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, was the patron THE PERSONAL THEORY. II addressed in the Sonnets, taking the " W. H." of Thorpe's dedication for his grounds, coupled with the fact that Shakespeare's fellow actors, Hem- minge and Condel, in 1623, dedicated the first folio to this nobleman. Mr. Bright, while nursing his idea in the hope of finding further light, was fore- stalled in the public announcement of it by Dr. Boaden in 1832. Since that date students of the Sonnets have been divided into two camps, viz.: Southamptonites and Pembrokites. There are some few free lances who attach themselves to neither side; believing that the Sonnets are mere poetical exercises, composed at different times, in an assumed character, by the poet for the amuse- ment of his friends. Much interesting work has been done by the champions of both the former theories. The most voluminous writer on the side of Southampton was Mr. Gerald Massey ( 1864) : on the side of Pembroke, Mr. Thomas Tyler is at this date the undoubted leader. Mr. Sidney Lee has recently espoused the Southamptonite cause, but has not adduced any new nor definite proof in support of the theory. Mr. Lee, in his excellent and painstaking book, makes the mistake, common with many critics who have written on the Sonnets, of neglecting the Sonnets themselves, and adducing all his proof from outside sources. The " dark lady " and her influence he dismisses as a trivial incident, which, while possibly an actual fact in Shakespeare's life, was of so small moment, and such short duration, that it cannot have affected the tenor of his work. 12 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. The story or stories of the Sonnets, as they rest to-day, are built altogether upon inference and con- jecture. Both conjecture and inference are of course valuable, if they work from settled data or known fact, but, so far, little actual fact or conclu- sive data have been adduced. The interesting story which Mr. Tyler builds around the Pembroke theory seemed to me most conclusive; the only things which appeared to ren- der it doubtful were the mistiness of his chronology for the Sonnets and the imputation of ingratitude towards Southampton, with which it inferentially charges Shakespeare. I can much more readily be- lieve a story of even grosser sensuality than that revealed in the " dark lady " Sonnets, on the part of Shakespeare, than believe him capable of the in- gratitude to his early patron with which the Pem- broke theory necessarily charges him, and which, it also would show us, that he himself in the Sonnets has the baseness to extenuate. To Mr. Tyler's ex- cellent book, however, I owe my interest in the Son- nets, and must admit that, for a long time after reading it, I was a confirmed Pembrokite. Of all the arguments used by Mr. Tyler, the one that most interested me was that suggested by Pro- fessor Minto in his " Characteristics of the Eng- lish Poets" (1885), identifying George Chapman as the " rival poet." This, while merely inference, was of a stronger and more olausible nature than any other theory regarding that figure, and seemed to me to offer a good basis for further investiga- tion. THE PERSONAL THEORY. 13 For the last ten years I have, in a haphazard way, and at odd moments, pursued this theory, seldom being without a copy of the Sonnets in my pocket; reading them in my moments of leisure, searching for evidence of their history, till I have come to have them by heart, though never having made any set effort to memorize them. I have also, during these years, read most of Chapman's poems very thoroughly, with the same object in view, though not, I may say, with the same pleasure ; and in the case of Chapman also, I have unconsciously memo- rized many passages. This habit, or trick of mem- ory, has stood me in good stead, in revealing to me parallels which otherwise might have passed un- noticed. It was not long till I made one or two discoveries, which, to my mind, demolished the basis of the Pembroke theory. To this, then, I gave no more thought, and pursued my investiga- tions irrespective of the claims of Southamptonite or Pembrokite. The Pembroke theory is based upon the sugges- tion that the Sonnets to the patron were all written in and after the year 1598; consequently, if conclu- sive evidence be adduced of their earlier produc- tion, the theory straightway falls to the ground. I have not wrought with the idea of supporting the contention of either the Southamptonites or Pem- brokites. Having steeped my mind in the Sonnets, I was forced to a belief in their personal nature and their autobiographical value, and set myself the task of giving, if possible, a definite date for their production ; feeling assured that this would be the 14 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. best manner in which to settle the personality of the patron and friend to whom they were addressed. The opportunities for outside research which I possess being limited, any new light I might find I must look for in the Sonnets themselves, and find- ing any indications there to guide me, follow where they pointed. In this way I have been led to make a study of those plays in which the style and versi- fication, as well as the passionate and poetical treatment of the theme of love, indicated the period of the Sonnets, as containing the same elements. By this method I have made some further discov- eries which will greatly strengthen the basis for a more extended research and a deeper study of Shakespeare's plays, as touching on his own indi- viduality. I shall show conclusively that Professor Minto's conjecture as to Chapman's identity as the " rival poet " is absolutely true. From the same data I shall prove the truth of the contention of the South- amptonites; I shall throw an altogether new light on " Love's Labour's Lost," and " Troilus and Cres- sida," and give a definite date for their production and their revision; I shall show the truth of very interesting internal evidence in the Sonnets, which has hitherto been quite misunderstood or altogether unnoticed, and shall set a fairly definite date for their production. I should like to continue my investigations fur- ther, before publishing any of the results I have at- tained, but my findings are so palpable to anyone who, having the key, follows out the theory, that I THE PERSONAL THEORY. 15 am fearful that someone else may light upon it, and put me in the position of Mr. Bright with Dr. Boaden, for all have the key, which is the happy suggestion of Professor Minto that I have already mentioned. I thought I saw in Shakespeare's references to the " rival poet " something stronger than mere fear of a rival, and searching the Sonnets, have found other references than that suggested by Pro- fessor Minto, which not only more plainly indicate Chapman, but are also of a more satirical character. Being thus thoroughly convinced that Chapman was the poet indicated and attacked, I thought it probable that some indications of the reason for the rivalry, or for Shakespeare's enmity, might be found in Chapman's own poems; I believe that I shall fully establish this fact. If, then, I can positively prove the identity of the rival, and that the rivalry was not a passing phase, but enduring and bitter, the bitterness and duration of the rivalry will plainly prove the fact of the continued and valuable friend- ship and patronage so fought for ; if the patron and rival are seen to have been living actualities, the dark mistress necessarily cannot be an imaginary being, as not only the Sonnets written to her, but also the Sonnets written to the patron, prove that, for a short period at least, she also entered into his life. I shall show very plainly that Shakespeare car- ries his friendship for Southampton and his rivalry against Chapman into certain of his plays. If a platonic masculine friendship and a poetic rivalry 16 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. lead him to this extent, it is even more probable that the passionate love for a woman of such a highly strung, poetic, and sensitive nature as Shakespeare's should still more strongly influence his dramatic work. I have not identified the " dark lady," but do not on that account agree with a recent writer, and many other critics of a like mind, that " it was the exacting conventions of the sonneteering contagion, and not his personal experience, that impelled Shakespeare to give the ' dark lady ' of his Son- nets a poetic being." If there is one figure more real than the others in the Sonnets, it is the "dark lady"; the rival poet is a phantom, and the patron a myth, in com- parison with this black-eyed daughter of Eve. This writer further says : " there is no greater, and no less ground, for seeking in Shakespeare's per- sonal environment the original of the ' dark lady ' in the Sonnets, than for seeking there the original of the Queen of Egypt." To me it seems ex- tremely probable that not only Cleopatra, but also Rosaline and Cressida, are poetic idealizations of this willful, sensuous, and sprightly young woman. Many commentators reject the personal theory of the Sonnets as a whole, yet accept as personal some individual Sonnets that fit their theories and tastes. Either they are, as a whole, mere exercises of poetic imagination, or they are, as Wordsworth, with a poet's keen insight, recognized, " this key " with which " Shakespeare unlocked his heart." Many critics have accepted and followed the per- THE PERSONAL THEORY. I? sonal theory of the Sonnets till they have run foul of this shocking- person, the " dark lady," when, finding that further acquiescence in the theory would topple our unconventional Elizabethan actor- poet from the Bowdlerized pedestal upon which their staid Victorian imagination had placed him, they have abandoned the quest. Mr. Knight and Mr. Massey are notable instances of this class. Mr. Massey did some valuable work in elucidating Dr. Drake's theory as to Southampton's connection with the poet, but in order to preserve Shakespeare intact upon his pedestal, he imagines a most extraordinary tale, without the merest shadow of proof, and in several places takes unwarrantable liberties with the text of the Sonnets, to fit them to his theory. In quoting Mr. Knight as an advocate against the personal theory, he says : "Mr. Knight has found the perplexities of the personal theory so insur- mountable that he has not followed in the steps of those who have jauntily overleaped the difficulties that meet us everywhere, and which ought, until fairly conquered, to have surrounded and protected the poet's personal character as with a chevaux-de- frise. He has wisely hesitated, rather than rashly joined in making a wanton charge of gross immor- ality and egregious folly against Shakespeare." So careful is he of the lay figure into which his imag- ination has transformed that being of bounding, exultant blood, who wrote: " From woman's eyes this doctrine I derive. They sparkle still the true Promethean fire, l8 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. They are the arts, the books, the academies, That show, contain, and nourish all the world " : that remorseful, and deep-seeing spirit that wrote the Sonnets: " Poor soul, the centre of my sinful earth," etc. (146), and " The expense of spirit in a waste of shame," etc. (129). Without fear for Shakespeare, I can wish the matter of the " dark lady " probed to the end ; feel- ing confident that, when all is known, Shakespeare will be none the less Shakespeare; Mr. Browning to the contrary, notwithstanding. I believe, from what I find in the Sonnets, that our poet's connection with this woman commenced at almost the same period as his acquaintance with Southampton, in about 1593, and that it was con- tinued until about the beginning of 1598. I believe, also, that he genuinely loved her, and fired with the passion and intensity of his love, produced in those years the marvelous rhap- sodies of love in " Romeo and Juliet," " Love's La- bor's Lost," and other of his love plays, which have so charmed the world, and still charm it, and shall continue to do so while the language lives. If ever a man lived who sounded the human heart THE PERSONAL THEORY. 1 9 to its depths, and gauged its heights, that man was Shakespeare, and such knowledge as he had, and shows us of life, may not be attained by hearsay, nor at second hand. We know somewhat of the manner in which he produced his plays ; research has shown us in many instances their sources, at least the sources of their plots; we know how he took the bare skeletons of history, the shreds and patches of romance and tra- dition, the " loose feathers of fame," and on them built the splendid structure of his plays, seldom altering the outlines of the plots, yet, withal, so transfiguring them with the light of his genius that in his hands they became new creations. So, we may fairly assume, he, to some extent, took inci- dents of his daily life, and the characteristics of the men and women with whom he came in contact, and clothing them with the radiance of his fancy, in- corporated them in his plays. That this is very true, in at least two plays, I be- lieve I can prove by the light of the Sonnets. That the Sonnets are personal documents, that in them Shakespeare spoke his real feelings to real people, is a conclusion which I think all will reach who will follow my argument, and who will make a study of the Sonnets with their minds cleared of cant. The personality which we find there revealed may, it is true, lose somewhat of the Olympian, but dim, proportions which we have been used to give the poet ; but it will take on a humanity and a near- ness which will vastly enhance both him and his work in our eyes. 90 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. As our greatest men recede into history, while their proportions enlarge in our mental vision, their characteristic lineaments are lost in the glow of the halos with which our regard endows them. This tendency is as old as the race: in remote times, by this process our ancestors made them gods ; in these days we are more like to make them wooden gods. While I contend that the Sonnets are largely autobiographical, and that they reveal a real friend and patron, as well as a real rival, and mistress, yet I fully recognize the fact that the language is that of poetry and may not always be taken at its face value. Many of them, no doubt, are topical, and some of them can be shown by their form and ex- pression to be reflections of more trivial sonnets by other writers, who openly disavowed reality for their goddesses and mistresses, but this, instead of detracting from their personal value, as argued by Mr. Lee and others, rather adds strength to it when we consider the nature and object of the references and reflections noted. Let us take one instance where such a reflection seems very strong: Henry Constable and Bernard Griffin, in the following sonnets, were, no doubt, somewhat influenced in their imagery and ideas by Chapman's " Amorous Zodiac," which preceded their verses in date of production. Constable writes as follows: " OF HIS MISTRESS UPON OCCASION OF HER WALKING IN A GARDEN. " My lady's presence makes the roses red, Because to see her lips they blush for shame: THE PERSONAL THEORY. 21 The lily's leaves, for envy, pale became, And her white hands in them this envy bred. The marigold abroad her leaves doth spread, Because the Sun's and her power is the same ; The violet of purple colour came, Dyed with the blood she makes my heart to shed. In brief, all flowers from her this virtue take: From her sweet breath their sweet smells do pro- ceed, The living heat which her eye-beams do make Warmeth the ground and quickeneth the seed. The rain wherewith she watereth these flowers Falls from mine eyes, which she dissolves in showers." And again, Bernard Griffin writes to his mistress in the following strain: " My lady's hair is threads of beaten gold, Her front the purest crystal eye hath seen, Her eye the brightest star of heaven holds, Her cheeks red roses such as seld have been, Her pretty lips of red vermilion dye, Her hands of ivory the purest white, Her blush Aurora, or the morning sky, Her breast displays two silver fountains bright, The sphere her voice, her grace, the Graces three, Her body is the saint that I adore, Her smiles and favors sweet as honey bee, Her feet fair Thetis praiseth ever more, But, oh, the worst and last is yet behind For of a griffin she doth bear the mind." 22 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. Shakespeare, with one or both of these sonnets very evidently in his mind, writes of his mistress: " My mistress' eyes are nothing like the sun; Coral is far more red than her lips' red : If snows be white, why then her breasts are dun ; If hairs be wires, black wires grow on her head. I have seen roses damask'd red and white, But no such roses see I in her cheeks; And in some perfumes is there more delight Than in the breath that from my mistress reeks. I love to hear her speak, yet well I know That music hath a far more pleasing sound : I grant I never saw a goddess go, My mistress, when she walks, treads on the ground : And yet, by heaven, I think my love as rare As any she belied with false compare." Here we find Shakespeare, far from being governed by the " exacting conventions of the son- neteering contagion " and giving an imaginary " dark lady " " a poetic being," flying directly in the face of conventions, and painting with most strongly realistic strokes a very flesh-and-blood being. In this, as in several other instances in the Sonnets, Shakespeare refers to or parodies other sonneteers, who write to imaginary mistresses, or else write extravagantly to and almost deify real ones; not reflecting nor indorsing their extrava- gances, but directly opposing and mocking them with his reality. While what has been called " the sonneteering THE PERSONAL THEORY. * 3 contagion," lasting in England from about 1590 to 1598, in all probability influenced Shakespeare to the use of this form of verse, and while he neces- sarily is somewhat influenced by the form and ex- pressions used by other writers whose poems he read, these facts do not detract from the value of his Sonnets as personal documents, as it is only in form and expression that he is influenced. To anyone who, having read Shakespeare's Son- nets, fails to find the intimate and personal note, I would say, read them again, and again, and again if necessary; it is there. Shakespeare wrote his Sonnets as private epistles to his patron and to his mistress, who circulated them amongst their friends, but that they were not written for publica- tion or for sale, we have his own plain avowal in the 2 ist Sonnet: " I will not praise that purpose not to sell." That this is the correct meaning of this line I will prove in a later chapter. CHAPTER III. AN ANALYSIS OF THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF THE SONNETS. THE order which Thorpe used in his issue of the Sonnets, in 1609, is still generally recognized as correct by Shakespearean critics. I may, therefore, be deemed presumptuous in assailing that which has been so long accepted without question; how- ever, after many years of interested and analytic study of the Sonnets, I am forced to take issue against the infallibility of Thorpe's arrangement. The regard in which this arrangement has been held has arisen largely from the fact that Thorpe issued the Sonnets during the poet's life, and, there- fore, possibly with his cognizance or under his su- pervision. I am fully convinced, and believe I can give fairly conclusive proof, that Shakespeare had no hand in their arrangement or publication. Someone has said that, if one Sonnet can be shown to be out of its place and away from its con- text, the whole value of Thorpe's order is at once destroyed. I shall adduce several very plain instances where this is the case, and yet I admit a very great se- quential value for his arrangement. In order to properly estimate this value, it is necessary to un- derstand the conditions under which Thorpe pro- duced his edition. 24 THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 25 I believe I shall clearly show that many of the Sonnets were written previous to 1595, and that the period of the production of the whole series ante- dates 1601. As the Sonnets were not published till 1609, they were, then, held in manuscript for from ten to fifteen years. We know that the Son- nets were produced at different times during a period of at least three years. In the io8th Shakespeare says: " What's in the brain that ink may character, Which hath not figured to thee my true spirit? What's new to speak, what new to register, That may express my love, or thy dear merit? Nothing, sweet boy ; but yet, like prayers divine, I must each day say o'er the very same; Counting no old thing old, thou mine, I thine, Even as when first I hallowed thy fair name." This plainly proves that Sonnets were written in the earlier, as well as the later periods of the friend- ship revealed in the Sonnets. Sonnet 104 says: " To me, fair friend, you never can be old, For as you were when first your eye I eyed, Such seems your beauty still. Three winters cold Have from the forests shook three summers' pride, Three beauteous springs to yellow autumns turn'd In process of the seasons have I seen, Three April perfumes in three hot Junes burn'd, Since first I saw you fresh, which yet are green." 36 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. This extract shows that the sonnet-writing had at the date of its production lasted for three years. We may then assume that the manuscripts from which Thorpe worked were detached books or se- quences, and not one large manuscript containing the whole of the Sonnets as we know them. Though they were written as private epistles to the poet's patron, and mistress, they were evidently shown by their recipients to their friends, and passed amongst them to be read. In 1598 Meres mentions Shakes- peare's " Sugred sonnets amongst his private friends'," and I believe I shall show that Chapman had read some of them in manuscript many years before their eventual publication. We see, then, that the Sonnets were passed among Southampton's friends as they were written. If we can get any idea of the number of the groups or sequences, we will begin to understand Thorpe's difficulties in chronologically arranging the whole series: to get any such idea, we must necessarily go to Thorpe's edition. We will, there- fore, begin at the beginning and seek for palpable sequences. We see very clearly that the first seventeen Son- nets are closely connected and plainly of the same group; the i8th and iQth Sonnets, while differing somewhat in subject, are also very evidently con- nected with the first group, but neither the 2Oth, 2 1st, 22d, 23d, 24th, or 25th are in any way related, either in sense or figure ; the 26th Sonnet, however, is very similar in tone, and is plainly the last Sonnet of a sequence. In nearly all of the later Sonnets THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. VJ we find a most distinct avowal of the poet's love for his friend, and also a plain record of that friend's avowal of love for the poet; we find hopes, fears, and even jealousy, and the clearest proofs of a very intimate friendship and close personal relations. In the first group we find none of this; friendship is not once mentioned, the poet's love for the patron is alluded to, but in a most conventional manner, and only two or three times in the whole sequence. There can be little doubt, then, that these were the earliest Sonnets of the whole series. We find only nineteen Sonnets which show continuity: now sequences were not written of this number ; twenty, however, was a very common number for sonnet-se- quences at that period; this, then, was very evi- dently such a sequence: where is the missing Son- net? Certainly not either 20 or 21; I shall prove this couple to be detached and topical, having no connection whatever with the first sequence, nor even with any succeeding Sonnets which come any- where near them. These two Sonnets were writ- ten as an attack upon Chapman and a poem which he published in 1595, called " The Amorous Zo- diac " ; this will be proved in a later chapter. A very casual reading will show that neither the 22d nor 23d Sonnet is connected with the first group, and also that they have no connection with each other; they evidently belong elsewhere. The 24th Sonnet is not connected with this group ; its proper context will be found in Sonnets 46 and 47. I shall give these three Sonnets at length, to prove their connection. 2& SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. SONNET 24. " Mine eye hath played the painter and hath stell'd Thy beauty's form in table of my heart; My body is the frame wherein 'tis held, And perspective it is best painter's art. For through the painter must you see his skill. To find where your true image pictured lies ; Which in my bosom's shop is hanging still, That hath his windows glazed with thine eyes. Now see what good turns eyes for eyes have done : Mine eyes have drawn thy shape, and thine for me Are windows to my breast, where-through the sun Delights to peep, to gaze therein on thee ; Yet eyes this cunning want to grace their art, They draw but what they see, know not the heart." SONNET 46. " Mine eye and heart are at a mortal war, How to divide the conquest of thy sight; Mine eye my heart thy picture's sight would bar. My heart mine eye the freedom of that right. My heart doth plead that thou in him dost lie, A closet never pierced with crystal eyes, But the defendant doth that plea deny, And says in him thy fair appearance lies. To 'cide this title is impanneled A quest of thoughts, all tenants to the heart ; And by their verdict is determined The clear eye's moiety and the dear heart's part: THORPES ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 29 As thus : mine eye's due is thine outward part And my heart's right thine inward love of heart." SONNET 47. " Betwixt mine eye and heart a league is took, And each doth good turns now unto the other : When that mine eye is famish'd for a look, Or heart in love with sighs himself does smother, With my love's picture then my heart doth feast And to the painted banquet bids my heart ; Another time mine eye is my heart's guest And in his thoughts of love doth share a part: So, either by the picture or my love, Thyself away art present still with me; For thou not farther than my thoughts canst move, And I am still with them and they with thee; Or, if they sleep, thy picture in my sight Awakes my heart to heart's and eyes' delight." The sequence of ideas and the connection of these Sonnets, one with another, are too palpable for comment. The 25th Sonnet is very plainly not connected, in either subject or figure, with the first sequence; the concluding lines, " Then happy I, that love and am beloved Where I may not remove nor be removed," show a much more advanced stage in the poet's 30 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. friendship with Southampton than that indicated in the first sequence ; the true context for this Son- net will be found in the 29th Sonnet, which, how- ever, should precede it: SONNET 29. " When in disgrace with fortune and men's eyes, I all alone beweep my outcast state, And trouble deaf heaven with my bootless cries, And look upon myself, and curse my fate, Wishing me like to one more rich in hope, Featured like him, like him with friends possess'd, Desiring this man's art and that man's scope, With what I most enjoy contented least; Yet in these thoughts myself almost despising, Haply I think on thee, and then my state, Like to the lark at break of day arising From sullen earth, sings hymns at heaven's gate ; For thy sweet love remember'd such wealth brings That then I scorn to change my state with kings." SONNET 25. " Let those who are in favour with their stars Of public honour and proud titles boast, Whilst I, whom fortune of such triumph bars, Unlook'd for joy in that I honour most. Great princes' favourites their fair leaves spread But as the marigold at the sun's eye, And in themselves their pride lies buried, THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 3 1 For at a frown they in their glory die. The painful warrior famoused for fight, After a thousand victories once foil'd, Is from the book of honour razed quite, And all the rest forgot for which he toil'd: Then happy I, that love and am beloved Where I may not remove nor be removed." If the two Sonnets here quoted be critically com- pared with their present contexts, it will be seen very clearly that they are out of place. The 26th Sonnet is very palpably the end of the first sonnet-sequence and should be numbered 20. It has no connection with any other Sonnet or Son- nets in the whole series : it undoubtedly belongs to the earliest stage of the poet's connection with the nobleman ; in it he fearfully avows his love, and no love is indicated as being given by Southampton, or even hoped for by the poet. It was very evidently sent to Southampton accompanying some other mat- ter, as we find in the lines : " To thee I send this written ambassage, To witness duty, not to show my wit: Duty so great, which wit so poor as mine May make seem bare, in wanting words to show it, But that I hope some good conceit of thine In thy soul's thought, all naked, will bestow it." By the words " this written ambassage " Shakes- peare certainly does not mean this single Sonnet, 32 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. but very evidently alludes to the group of which this Sonnet is the end. Here, then, we have one sequence of twenty Son- nets intact. This sequence, however, has little per- sonal value ; it is a dissertation upon the advantages of matrimony and a fulsome panegyric upon the physical beauty of this young nobleman. These Sonnets were written at an early stage of the poet's connection with Southampton, not in the spirit of the later Sonnets, as a friend to a friend, and touch- ing upon intimate personal things, but as a poetical exercise, such as any poet might write to any pa- tron. This is the only twenty-sonnet sequence in the whole series; nearly all the remaining Sonnets were written in small groups, as letters in verse, touching upon matters personal to the two friends. The number of Sonnets in these epistles differ ; very often they were written in couples, sometimes in threes, and occasionally in fours. In one case I think I find a sequence of ten Sonnets, and to this sequence I would attach the canzonette, No. 126, as L'Envoi. These small groups or sequences, however, are not always intact : as in the case of the first twenty- sonnet sequence, the last or the first Sonnet of a group is often detached, and to be found far re- moved from its proper context, and mixed in with other Sonnets to which it has no possible relation. I think I have rendered this very plain in the in- stance of the 26th Sonnet and its obvious connection with the first group, also in the case of the 24th Sonnet, when compared with its context in the THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 33 46th and 47th; and again in the 25th and 2Qth Sonnets. I shall now point out a few other instances where such disarrangement is so palpable that a mere comparison will convince the reader; and at the same time I shall indicate several of the small groups of two, three, and four Sonnets, which plainly show that they are whole in themselves and not connected with any long sequence. We have disposed of the Sonnets up to 26, and shall continue from that point. Sonnets 27 and 28 are a very plainly connected couple; they have nothing whatever to do with 26 or 29, as I have previously shown : I do not find in the whole series any other Sonnets connected with this pair, and believe that they together make one of the before-mentioned poetical epistles. Sonnets 30 and 31 are also a separate and distinct pair, treating of one particular subject, or reveal- ing a particular mood of the poet's mind ; this couple is also a letter written during absence. I am in- clined to believe that these two Sonnets were writ- ten from Stratford in 1596, and that they reflect the pathetic gloom of the poet's mind 'caused by his son Hamnet's death at that date. Sonnet 32, though treating of death, as do the two preceding Sonnets, and placed in its present connection by Thorpe, probably on that account, has no connection whatever in sense or style with the two preceding Sonnets, as a comparison will plainly show. The proper connection for this Son- net will be found in Sonnet 81 ; this latter Sonnet, 34 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. when critically compared with its present contexts, Sonnets 80 and 82, will be seen to be out of place : both 80 and 82 treat very plainly of the rival poet ; Sonnet 80 ends with a figure in which the poet, comparing himself to a worthless boat, and his rival to a ship of " tall building and of goodly pride," says: " Then if he thrive and I be cast away, The worst was this, my love was my decay." Here we find no possible reference to the subject of death, and there can be little doubt but that it was the word " decay," at the end of this Sonnet, which misled Thorpe into placing the 8ist Sonnet in its present connection. I shall quote both the 32d and the 8ist Sonnets to show their very plain connection : SONNET 32. " If thou survive my well-contented day, When that churl Death my bones with dust shall cover, And shalt by fortune once more re-survey These poor rude lines of thy deceased lover; Compare them with the bettering of the time, And though they be outstripp'd by every pen, Reserve them for my love, not for their rhyme, Exceeded by the height of happier men. O, then vouchsafe me but this loving thought : * Had my friend's Muse grown with this growing age, THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 35 A dearer birth than this his love had brought, To march in ranks of better equipage: But since he died, and poets better prove, Theirs for their style I'll read, his for his love.' " SONNET 81. "Or I shall live your epitaph to make, Or you survive when I in earth am rotten ; From hence your memory death cannot take. Although in me each part will be forgotten. Your name from hence immortal life shall have, Though I, once gone, to all the world must die : The earth can yield me but a common grave. When thou entombed in men's eyes shall lie. Your monument shall be my gentle verse, Which eyes not yet created shall o'er-read; And tongues to be your being shall rehearse, When all the breathers of this world are dead ; You still shall live such virtue hath my pen Where breath most breathes, even in the mouths of men." Sonnets 33, 34, and 35 are most distinctly of the same sequence. This group forms the poet's first epistle to his friend upon the subject of the " dark lady " ; they were, most probably, written from Stratford in 1596, as were, no doubt, all of the Sonnets touching upon this subject. We find four distinct letters : two to Southampton, and two to the " dark lady." In both the series to the patron and 36 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. the series to the mistress these groups are separated by Sonnets touching on quite different matters ; it is extremely improbable that Shakespeare wrote these intervening Sonnets at that time, or that any Sonnets bearing on other subjects were written be- tween these two epistles. In the series to the pa- tron we find 33, 34, and 35 as one epistle, and 40, 41, and 42 as a second ; both referring to Southamp- ton's indiscretions. In the series to the " dark lady " we find two couples treating on the same subject; and both divided by several Sonnets; as in the case in the patron series Sonnets 133 and 134 for the first epistle, and 143 and 144 for the second. In neither series have these groups any connection with their immediate contexts, consequently they are not parts of larger sequences. Had Thorpe found these Sonnets in detached sheets, there can be little doubt but that he would have placed them all together in each series, as they very plainly treat of one and the same subject. The fact that we find them separated, and divided in both series into two groups, lends very strong color to my contention regarding all the Sonnets following the first se- quence that they were written at different times, in small groups and as poetical letters. It is quite unlikely that either Southampton or the " dark lady," in passing Shakespeare's Sonnets on to their friends, would let these particular groups out of their hands. I have already shown where other small sequences are broken and divided ; here, how- ever, are four small groups quite intact. Thorpe very evidently found these groups quite unimpaired ; *$ ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 37 they, no doubt, owing to their private nature, having been less handled than the other sequences. I do not at present intend to attempt to indicate the sequential misplacement of Sonnets nor the chronological disorder of sequences through the whole series ; I wish merely to prove my contention that the Sonnets were written in small detached groups, of twos, threes, fours, etc., and to show that many of them are away from their proper groups. I desire also to prove that whole sequences are chronologically misplaced. These facts have, I be- lieve, been here sufficiently proved ; however, I shall adduce two more very plain instances. If Son- net 56 be compared with Sonnet 55, it will be clearly seen to be the beginning of a new sequence and 55 the ending of some other group. When we com- pare 56 with 57, no connection whatever is to be found between them. Sonnet 56 reveals a reunion after separation and ends with a figure, in which the poet likens his absence to the winter. The proper connection for this Sonnet will be found in No. 97, which not only continues the simile with which the 56th Sonnet ends, but shows the same reunion, and speaks of the same absence ; these ideas and figures continue on into the 98th and 99th Sonnets, mak- ing a very distinct group of four. I shall quote these Sonnets to prove this very obvious sequence: SONNET 56. " Sweet love, renew thy force ; be it not said Thy edge should blunter be than appetite, & SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. Which but to-day by feeding is allay'd, To-morrow sharpen'd in his former might: So, love, be thou ; although to-day thou fill Thy hungry eyes even till they wink with fulness, To-morrow see again, and do not kill The spirit of love with a perpetual dulness. Let this sad interim like the ocean be Which parts the shore, where two contracted new Come daily to the banks, that, when they see Return of love, more blest may be the view; Or call it winter, which, being full of care, Makes summer's welcome thrice more wish'd, more rare." SONNET 97. " How like a winter hath my absence been From thee, the pleasure of the fleeting year! What freezings have I felt, what dark days seen! What old December's bareness every where! And yet this time removed was summer's time ; The teeming autumn, big with rich increase, Bearing the wanton burthen of the prime, Like widowed wombs after their lord's decease : Yet this abundant issue seemed to me But hope of orphans and unfather'd fruit; For summer and his pleasures wait on thee And, thou away, the very birds are mute; Or, if they sing, 'tis with so dull a cheer That leaves look pale, dreading the winter's THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 39 SONNET 98. " From you have I been absent in the spring, When proud-pied April, dress'd in all his trim, Hath put a spirit of youth in every thing, That heavy Saturn laugh'd and leap'd with him. Yet nor the lays of birds, nor the sweet smell Of different flowers in odour and in hue, Could make me any summer's story tell, Or from their proud lap pluck them where they grew : Nor did I wonder at the lily's white, Nor praise the deep vermilion in the rose ; They were but sweet, but figures of delight, Drawn after you, you pattern of all those. Yet seem'd it winter still, and, you away, As with your shadow I with these did play." SONNET 99. " The forward violet thus did I chide : Sweet thief, whence didst thou steal thy sweet that smells, If not from my love's breath ? The purple pride Which on thy soft cheek for complexion dwells In my love's veins thou hast too grossly dyed. The lily I condemned for thy hand, And buds of marjoram had stol'n thy hair; The roses fearfully on thorns did stand, One blushing shame, another white despair; A third, nor red nor white, had stol'n of both, And to his robbery had annex'd thy breath; But for his theft, in pride of all his growth 4& SHAKESPEARE AND 7'HK RIVAL POET. A vengeful canker eat him up to death. More flowers I noted, yet I none could see But sweet or color it had stol'n from thee." Here is a case in which we find a Sonnet away from its proper context, as well as a sequence out of its chronological order. Thorpe placed these Sonnets as Nos. 97, 98, and 99, not from any rela- tion which he supposed they had to the Sonnets immediately preceding them, but from a connection which he imagined they had with the Sonnets from 100 onwards. If the zooth Sonnet and those that immediately follow be analyzed, they will be seen to indicate, not an absence of the poet's, but of Southampton's, and also to show strong evidence of a recent estrangement. Sonnets 56, 97, 98, and 99, however, display only an absence, and that an absence of the poet's in the country ; the figures and similes therein used plainly reveal Shakespeare's renewed acquaintance with rural life. I am con- vinced that this sequence belongs to a period much earlier than the Sonnets preceding or succeeding it, and think that they were the first Sonnets written after the poet's return from Stratford, upon the oc- casion of his visit in 1596. Sonnets 78 to 86, though probably nearly all of the same period, do not form a connected sequence, though, with one exception, they all refer to the rival poet. The exception I notice is Sonnet 81, which I have hitherto shown should be coupled with the 32d Sonnet. Group 87 to 96, I am inclined to believe, is a THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 41 sequence ; they all refer to the growing coldness of the friend and patron. The later Sonnets of this sequence, 93, 94, 95, and 96, have a tone of admo- nition not to be found in any other group or single Sonnet in the whole series ; the canzonette, No. 126, however, displays the same admonitory tone, and, I am inclined to believe, belongs as L'Envoi to this ten-sonnet sequence: it certainly has no bearing upon its present context. Thus I have shown that Shakespeare, in the earliest stage of his acquaintance with Southampton, addressed him in a more or less formal sequence of twenty Sonnets ; when the acquaintance had rip- ened into friendship, he wrote letters in the form of small sonnet-sequences ; later on, a coldness having arisen, caused no doubt by Chapman's encroach- ments with his Homeric translations, sometime in 1597, when Southampton for a time seems to have been inclined to accept that poet's dedications, Shakespeare expostulates with his friend in the Sonnets running from 78 to 86, and finally bids him farewell in a sequence of ten Sonnets, 86 to 96, with the canzonette 126 as L'Envoi. His return to the use of a long sequence shows formality, caused no doubt by the strained relations between the poet and his friend. A period of silence now intervenes of somewhat lengthened duration. In 1598, upon Southampton's return from the Continent, the friendship is renewed, and Shakespeare welcomes the return of love in several of the Sonnets, from loo onwards. This group, from 100 to 125, were, I believe, 4 2 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. nearly all written in 1598, though some of the later Sonnets may belong to 1599; one or two of them, I am quite convinced, are out of place in this series, and belong to a much earlier period; for instance, Sonnet 103, while apparently of the same nature and dealing with the same subjects as Sonnets 100, 101, and 1 02, when critically read will be found to be quite distinct from this group: the true place for this Sonnet is probably between 76 and 77. The io5th Sonnet is also evidently out of its place, though I do not at present see its proper con- text. With these exceptions I believe that all the Son- nets between 100 and 125 were written after the reunion between the poet and his friend. I am in- clined to the opinion that Sonnets 66, 67, and 68 belong also to this series, and that they refer to Southampton's imprisonment late in 1598, after his marriage to Elizabeth Vernon in defiance of the Queen's commands. In a later chapter I shall prove that Sonnets 69 and 70 are of the same period as Sonnets 20 and 21, and that they refer to Chapman and a poem of his, in which he attacks Shakespeare. Even with- out this proof which I shall adduce, as to the early date of these two Sonnets, they themselves plainly show that they were produced anterior to the date of the incidents revealed in Sonnets 33, 34, and 35, and 40, 41, and 42. The following lines in Son- net 70 have always puzzled critics, seeing that this Sonnet is placed by Thorpe as of a later date than THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 43 those mentioned above which show Southampton's admitted sensuality: " And thou present'st a pure unstained prime. Thou hast passed by the ambush of young days, Either not assailed, or victor being charged." When this Sonnet is fully proved to be of an earlier date, the apparent contradiction is resolved. Though exception may be taken to some of the inferences which I have here drawn, I think it will be admitted that I have proved that many single Sonnets are away from their connections, and groups of sonnets out of their chronological order in Thorpe's arrangement; several of the instances of disorder which I have adduced are so very obvi- ous that they will not be questioned. In the light of the foregoing arguments, we be* gin to get some idea of the difficulties under which Thorpe labored in making his edition. With the exception of the first large sequence of twenty Sonnets, the whole series were written in small groups, and bound together in some crude way; probably either stitched or gummed, in what Shakespeare calls " books " ; in two of the Sonnets he uses this term. In the 23d Sonnet: " O let my books be then the eloquence And dumb presagers of my speaking breast," and in the 77th Sonnet: " And of this book this learning may'st thou taste." 44 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. 'When Shakespeare's rather large and ungainly caligraphy is borne in mind, we may infer that in these books or sequences, each sheet contained a single Sonnet; being read for a period of from ten to fifteen years in this form, it is reasonable to sup- pose that, in passing from hand to hand, the manu- script would become more or less worn, and that the first or the last sheet of a book might often have been detached from its context, and in some in- stances, especially in the case of the older manu- scripts, whole sequences may have become disor- ganized. The continuity, then, which Thorpe gives us in the large groups at the beginning, and in many of the smaller groups, he undoubtedly found in the manuscripts, but, in placing the loosened leaves and dispersed sequences, he had to use his own judgment and was wrong in many in- stances. In placing the groups, we may infer that he went altogether upon his own judgment ; and he has cer- tainly displayed a fairly good idea of the continuity and personal nature of the poems. It took no very great perspicacity to recognize, in the first sequence, the earliest of the Sonnets, and in placing the last series, beginning with the looth and ending with the 1 25th Sonnet, the references in several of these Sonnets to a three-years' friendship, as well as the allusion to the peace of Vervins in the io7th Son- net, guided him in giving them their present po- sition. Thorpe seems also to have recognized the fact that the series referring to the " rival poet," and to THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 45 the temporary coolness of the patron, immediately preceded the rather prolonged period of silence and estrangement shown in some of the later Sonnets to have elapsed. There can be no doubt, however, that between the iQth Sonnet and the canzonette, No. 126, he has misplaced many single Sonnets and also many sequences. The Sonnets in what is known as the " dark lady " series, were also, I believe, written in small detached groups, and sometimes even singly. The i2Qth Sonnet, upon the sexual passion, is very evi- dently a separate exercise, as is also Sonnet 146, this latter being very probably suggested by one of Sir Philip Sidney's upon the same subject, as follows : " Leave me, O love, that reachest but to dust, And thou, my mind, aspire to higher things; Grow rich in that which never taketh rust: What ever fades but fading pleasure brings. Draw in thy beams, and humble all thy might To that sweet yoke where lasting freedoms be, Which breaks the clouds and opens forth the light That doth both shine and give us sight to see. Oh, take fast hold ! let that light be thy guide In this small course which birth draws out to death, And think how evil becometh him to slide Who seeketh heaven, and comes of heavenly breath ; Then farewell, world, thy uttermost I see: Eternal Love, maintain thy life in me," 4$ SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. SONNET 146. " Poor soul, the centre of my sinful earth, Starved by these rebel powers that thee array, Why dost thou pine within and suffer dearth, Painting thy outward walls so costly gay? Why so large cost, having so short a lease, Dost thou upon thy fading mansion spend? Shall worms, inheritors of this excess, Eat up thy charge? is this thy body's end? Then, soul, live thou upon thy servant's loss, And let that pine to aggravate thy store; Buy terms divine in selling hours of dross; Within be fed, without be rich no more : So shalt thou feed on Death, that feeds on men, And Death once dead, there's no more dying then." Sonnet 141 was very evidently written with " Ovid's Banquet of Sense " in mind. This poem was published in 1595, and as I shall show that Sonnets 20 and 21, and 69 and 70 also refer to poems of Chapman's published at the same time, we may infer that the I4ist Sonnet to the " dark lady " is of the same period as the Sonnets above mentioned. The 1 43d Sonnet seems to be a reflection of some verses in the poem of " The Two Italian Gentle- men." As the play, " The Two Gentlemen of Ve- rona," is usually supposed to be founded upon the story in that poem, we may assume that this Son- net is of the same period as that play. The drama- , THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNffs. 47 tization of that subject very probably occurred to Shakespeare because of its resemblance to his own and his friend's actual experience. It has often been remarked that the ending of this play seems strained and unnatural, and quite out of accord with Shakespeare's art ; where he makes Valentine volun- tarily surrender Sylvia to Proteus, who, however, shamed by his friend's magnanimity, refuses the sacrifice and returns to his old love. Here we find the incidents of the Sonnets fully repeated. I shall show that Shakespeare, in two other plays, undoubtedly introduces his own personal feelings, and in one of them quite departs from accepted con- vention in order to do so. I am very strongly of the opinion that this is the case with " The Two Gentlemen of Verona," and that it was written in 1596 while Shakespeare was at Stratford, and at the same time that the two epistles in Sonnets 33, 34, and 35, and 40, 41, and 42, were written to the patron, and the corresponding epistles in the " dark lady " series to the mistress. I shall quote the I43d Sonnet and one verse from " The Two Italian Gen- tlemen," to show the resemblance: SONNET 143. " Lo, as a careful housewife runs to catch One of her feather'd creatures broke away, Sets down her babe, and makes all swift dispatch In pursuit of the thing she would have stay; Whilst her neglected child holds her in chase, Cries to catch her whose busy care is bent 43 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. To follow that which flies before her face, Not prizing her poor infant's discontent: So runn'st thou after that which flies from thee, Whilst I thy babe chase thee afar behind ; But if thou catch thy hope, turn back to me, And play the mother's part, kiss me, be kind : So will I pray that thou mayst have thy ' Will,' If thou turn back and my loud crying still." A verse from " The Two Italian Gentlemen " : " Lo ! here the common fault of love, To follow her that flies, And fly from her that makes her wail With loud lamenting cries." The punning " Will " Sonnets which have been so often read as indicating the patron as well as the poet, under the name of " Will," if properly ana- lyzed, clearly prove the falsity of this reading. No other wills than the poet's name and the woman's individual " will " are indicated. The 1 53d and I54th Sonnets, while probably con- nected with this series, are very evidently mere po- etic exercises and have no particular personal value. The 1 45th Sonnet is undoubtedly by some other hand. Shakespeare certainly did not write it, nor did anyone to whom the title of poet might be ap- plied: it is possibly a flight of Southampton's own muse. The Sonnets to the " dark lady " were produced at the same period as those to the patron, though THORPE'S ARRANGEMENT OF SONNETS. 49 very probably in a more intermittent manner. I am very strongly of the opinion, however, that only a portion of the Sonnets to the " dark lady " have survived, and that many even of the series to the patron have been lost. At some future date I hope to attempt a rear- rangement of the whole series. It will be a com- paratively easy matter to replace single Sonnets in their true contexts, but the chronological placing of misplaced groups may be done only inferentially. The theory which I am here evolving, and which will develop more clearly in the next and later chap- ters, will, however, throw much new light on this problem. CHAPTER IV. THE PATRON, AND THE RIVAL POET OF THE SONNETS. WE have no record that any other noblemen than Pembroke, his brother Montgomery, and South- ampton, ever gave what might be called " patron- age " to Shakespeare. The dedications to " Venus and Adonis " and " Lucrece " plainly prove that Southampton showed him such favor in the years 1593 and 1594. From a passage in Hemminge and Condell's dedi- cation of the first folio of Shakespeare's plays, " To the most noble and incomparable paire of brethren, William, Earle of Pembroke and Philip, Earle of Montgomery," we may infer that these noblemen, at some period, gave their countenance to our poet. The passage to which I refer reads : " But since your lordships have beene pleas'd to thinke these trifles some-thing, heeretofore; and have prosequted both them, and their Author living, with so much favour: we hope, that (they out-living him, and he not having the fate, com- mon with some, to be exequutor to his own writ- ings) you will use the like indulgence toward them, you have done unto their parent." PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS 51 At the age of eighteen, and in the year 1598, Pembroke first came to Court. As I shall give fairly conclusive proof that the first seventeen Sonnets, wherein the poet urges his young friend and patron to marry, were written previous to 1595, it may be taken for granted that a youth of fourteen was not addressd. If any of the Sonnets can be proved to have been written very near the same time as " Lucrece," Southampton must necessarily be considered the patron and friend addressed in these Sonnets, when the dedication to " Lucrece " is born in mind. The dedication to " Lucrece " reads : " The love I dedicate to your Lordship is without end, whereof this pamphlet without beginning is a superfluous moiety. The warrant I have of your honourable disposition, not the worth of my untutored lines, makes it assured of your acceptance. What I have done is yours, what I have to do is yours, being part in all I have devoted yours ; were my worth greater my duty would show greater, meantime as it is, it is bound to your lordship, to whom I wish long life still lengthened with all happiness. " Your lordship's in all duty, " WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE." This dedication was prefixed to " Lucrece " and published with it in 1594. In the light of the words, " What I have done is yours, what I have to do is yours, being part in all I have devoted yours," and, if we would credit Shakespeare with even a shred of sincerity, we must admit that the 52 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. early Sonnets, if they can be proven to have been produced in 1594 or 1595, must also have been ad- dressed to Southampton. If, then, it be admitted that Sonnets written in these years are addressed to Southampton, the later Sonnets of the patron series, 100 to 125, must necessarily be addressed to the same person when we consider their internal evidence. For instance: SONNET 102. " Our love was new, and then but in the spring, When I was wont to greet it with my lays," etc. SONNET 103. " For to no other pass my verses tend Than of your graces and your gifts to tell." SONNET 104. " To me, fair friend, you never can be old, For as you were when first your eye I eyed. Such seems your beauty still. Three winters cold Have from the forests shook three summers' pride, Three beauteous springs to yellow autumn turn'd In process of the seasons have I seen, Three April perfumes in three hot Junes burn'd Since first I saw you fresh, which yet are green," etc. PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SOA T NETS. 53 SONNET 105. " Let not my love be caird idolatry, Nor my beloved as an idol show, Since all alike my songs and praises be To one, of one, still such and ever so," etc. SONNET 108. " What's in the brain that ink may character Which hath not figured to thee my true spirit? What's new to speak, what new to register, That may express my love, or thy dear merit? Nothing, sweet boy ; but yet, like prayers divine, Counting no old thing old, thou mine, I thine. Even as when first I hallowed thy fair name," etc. These extracts prove very clearly that the Sonnets from which they are taken were written to the same person to whom the earlier Sonnets were addressed. In order to approximate the dates for the pro- duction of the Sonnets, and admitting that South- ampton was the patron addressed, it is necessary to consider the earlier dedications of " Venus and Adonis " and " Lucrece " to this nobleman. In 1593 the first fruits of Shakespeare's pen were given to the world. No atom of proof exists to show that, previous to the publication of " Venus and Adonis," Shakespeare had done any serious literary work. He was known as an actor, and it is true, as an actor who had taken upon himself to revamp the literary work of others, thereby calling 54 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. down upon his head, in 1592, the spleen of Robert Greene; but that he had no established fame as a writer, though considerable reputation as an actor, both Greene's attack and Greene's publisher's apol- ogy go to show. Robert Greene died in September, 1592. The last thing he wrote, " A Groat's-worth of Wit Bought with a Million of Repentance," which he addressed to certain fellow-writers for the stage, contained what has been recognized as a spiteful attack upon Shakespeare. Greene warns his fel- lows to " beware of puppets that speak from our mouths and of antics garnisht with our colours," and speaks of " a certain upstart crow beautified with our feathers, that with his ' tygers hart wrapt in a players hide ' supposes he is as well able to bumbast out a blank verse as the rest of you, and being an absolute Johannes factotum, is, in his own conceit, the only Shake-scene in a countrie," etc. The words " tygers hart wrapt in a players hide " parody a line from " Henry VI.," " Oh Tiger's heart wrapt in a woman's hide," and the words " Shake- scene " is evidently intended as a play upon the name of Shakespeare and an indication of his pro- fession. Some time later Greene's publisher, Henry Chettle, published an apology for Greene's attack, in a preface to his book, " Kinde Hartes Dream." He writes : " I am as sory as if the originall fault had beene my fault, because myself hath scene his de- meanour no lesse civill than he excellent in the quali- tie he professes, besides divers of worship have re- ported his uprightnes of dealing, which argues his PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 55 honesty, and his facetious grace in writing that ap- proves his art." While both this attack and this apology prove that Shakespeare, at that period, had tried his hand at the drama, it also proves that he had, as yet, no established place as a dramatist, but was recog- nized as " excellent in the qualitie he professes," that is, the actor's profession. Greene's umbrage was taken largely at the fact that one of Shakes- peare's profession should attempt to encroach upon the dramatist's domain. There are good grounds for believing that Shakespeare, at this period, had tried his hand in improving some old historical plays. In the three plays treating of the reign of Henry VI. his touch is plainly to be seen, but criticism has long ago set- tled that in these works he only amended and re- vised ; therefore, when he, in his dedication to " Venus and Adonis," plainly avows that poem to be " the first heir of my invention," I am inclined to take him at his word. The Sonnets were certainly not written previously, as both these words and the general tone of the dedication prove; in fact, the distant and respectful air of this dedication precludes any previous intimacy and perhaps even acquaintance between Shakespeare and Southamp- ton. Next year, in 1594, " Lucrece " was pub- lished, and dedicated to the same nobleman in a more assured tone, proving that the dedication of the previous poem had been accepted in a friendly spirit by the patron, and also plainly showing that the poet had in some manner been rewarded for his 5 6 SHAKESPEARE AND TtiE RIVAL POET. labor ; but even this dedication does not show a very intimate acquaintance; the words of the dedication " the warrant I have of your honourable dispo- sition," while conveying a suggestion of benefits received, have yet only the manner of a poet to a patron : it is but reasonable to assume, however, that a more intimate acquaintance soon followed the second dedication. It is to this period, then, that I assign the first sonnet-sequence. This is the season in their friendship spoken of in one of the later Sonnets as " When first your eye I eyed." This first sonnet-sequence was evidently finished towards the end of 1593, or early in 1594. In these Sonnets we find the poet urging his young patron to marry : these admonitions, however, break off suddenly in the I7th Sonnet, and in the i8th and 1 9th Sonnets the poet promises the immortality which his perj shall achieve; a strain which runs thereafter through the whole of the remainder of the series to the patron. When we recall the fact that, late in 1594, Southampton became enamored of Elizabeth Vernon, whom he married four years later, the reason for the cessation of the theme of the first seventeen Sonnets becomes apparent. The date which I assign for the first sonnet-sequence (1593 to I 594)> coupled with the internal evidence we find in some of the later Sonnets, where a three-years' term is given for the friendship, brings the beginning of the latest series, from 100 PATRON. AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 57 to 125, to the end of 1597 or the early part of 1598. The intermediate series, Nos. 20 to 99, must, there- fore, have been written between the spring of 1594 and the end of 1597. The last series, from 100 to 125, however, show that there has been a period of silence and perhaps estrangement between Shakes- peare and his friend : the lines in the looth Sonnet, " Where art thou, Muse, that thou forget'st so long To speak of that which gives thee all thy might ? " And, " Rise, resty Muse, my love's sweet face survey If time have any wrinkle graven there," seem to indicate that the period of silence has been rather longer than between any of the previous groups of Sonnets. I would place the duration of this silence at from nine to twelve months, and be- lieve the Sonnets written last, preceding this silence, to be the series from 86 to 96, in which he refers to the growing coldness of his friend. The canzonette, No. 126, was appended as L'Envoi, in all likelihood, to this series, as I have previously suggested. The " rival poet " is the central figure in the series from the 78th to 86th Sonnet, and from the 86th to 96th there is evidence of a growing cold- ness, caused, no doubt, by Chapman's supposed suc- cess with Shakespeare's patron. In Sonnet 86 ap- pears the indication which, Professor Minto con- jectured, pointed at Chapman as the rival. I shall 58 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. take this matter up and discuss it fully in another chapter. In assigning this chronology to the Sonnets, I was for a while nonplused by the io7th. Mr. Gerald Massey's suggestion, that this was Shakes- peare's gratulation upon the liberation of South- ampton in 1603, after his three-years' imprison- ment under Elizabeth, fitted so well into the ap- parent meaning of the words that for some time I accepted it as true, yet all my data and inferences pointed so clearly to the years 1593-1594 to 1599, for the period of the Sonnets, that I could not imagine Shakespeare, after several years' disuse of this form of verse, returning to it to write one gratulatory Sonnet. Upon examining this Sonnet and its context closely, I am quite convinced that Mr. Massey's conjecture is wrong. When properly analyzed the io7th Sonnet will be seen to be a part of a se- quence and closely connected in sense and imagery with 104, 1 06, and 108: the iO4th Sonnet ends with these lines: " Ah, yet doth beauty, like a dial hand, Steal from his figure, and no pace perceived; So your sweet hue, which methinks still doth stand, Hath motion, and mine eye may be deceived : For fear of which, hear this, thou age unbred ; Ere you were born was beauty's summer dead/' Sonnet 106 commences with the lines: PA TKON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONKETS. 59 " When in the chronicle of wasted time I see descriptions of the fairest wights, And beauty making beautiful old rhyme In praise of ladies dead and lovely knights, Then in the blazon of sweet beauty's best, Of hand, of foot, of lip, of eye, of brow, I see their antique pen would have express'd Even such a beauty as your master now. So all their praises are but prophecies Of this our time, all you prefiguring." Sonnet 107 begins, " Not mine own fears." Compare with Sonnet 104, " For fear of which," etc. Sonnet 107 continues: " Nor the prophetic soul Of the wide world dreaming on things to come" Compare this with Sonnet 106: " So all their praises are but prophecies Of this our time, all you prefiguring" Sonnet 107 continues: " Can yet the lease of my true love control, Supposed as forfeit to a confined doom" Compare with 104: " Hear this, thou age unbred ; Ere you were born was beauty's summer dead" 60 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. This comparison clearly proves that Sonnet 107 is not an aftergrowth, but an integral part of this sequence. The remaining lines of this Sonnet " The mortal moon hath her eclipse endured, And the sad augurs mock their own presage; Incertainties now crown themselves assured, And peace proclaims olives of endless age. Now with the drops of this most balmy time My love looks fresh, and Death to me subscribes, Since, spite of him, I'll live in this poor rhyme, While he insults o'er dull and speechless tribes : And thou in this shalt find thy monument, When tyrants' crests and tombs of brass are spent " very evidently refer, as suggested by Mr. Thomas Tyler, to the Peace of Vervins, which definitely put an end to the designs of Spain against England and Elizabeth, which had threatened for many years. If the line, " The mortal moon hath her eclipse endured/' be accepted as referring to Queen Elizabeth, it takes on strong significance from the fact that a danger- ous conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth was nipped in the bud just at this time: two men, Ed- ward Squire and Richard Walpole, being executed after a full confession of the plot. That the dates which I have suggested for the Sonnets have very strong circumstantial evidence, I believe all students of the Sonnets will agree, but PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 6 1 I shall now produce some new facts which will more definitely prove the truth of my contention. In the 2Oth and 2ist Sonnets I have found a clew which not only leads to a full identification of Chap- man as the " rival poet," but gives us also a set- tled date for those two Sonnets which enables us to work out dates for the production of the whole of the remainder of the series, and incidentally, for several of the plays. I believe I may state positively that these Son- nets were written in 1595, they certainly could not have been written before that date, and that they were not written later, other satirical strokes made by Shakespeare against Chapman which I shall show fully prove. A very casual reading of these two Sonnets will show that they are connected one with the other. There are few of the Sonnets which have puzzled critics more than these; the most far-fetched ex- planations have been given for them, and extraor- dinary theories built upon them. Tyrwhitt sug- gested that the elusive " Mr. W. H.," of Thorpe's dedication, was a Mr. Wm. Hughes, taking the sev- enth line of the 2oth Sonnet, "A man in hew, all 'hews' in his controlling," as his key. From the fact that the word " hues " is spelled " Hews " in Thorpe's edition and that it is put in italics and inclosed between inverted commas, we may, in the light of the proof that Southampton is addressed infer two things: one, 62 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. that Shakespeare intended this as an anagram for the initials of Southampton's name and title, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, and the other, that Thorpe, however he came by them, worked from Shakespeare's original manuscripts. The making of anagrams was a common practice with the writers of that period; even Chapman indulges in it, as the following forced and stupid transpo- sition of the name and title of the Earl of Salisbury proves. " Robert Cecyl, Earle of Salisburye. Curb foes ; thy care, is all our erly be." This Sonnet also mystified Coleridge, who be- lieved that the whole series of Sonnets from i to 154 were addressed by the poet to his mistress, and sup- posed that the term " master-mistress " in the sec- ond line, and the references to a man contained in the seventh line, were introduced as a blind, to hide this supposed fact. Professor Dowden suggested that in the 2ist Sonnet Shakespeare satirizes the extravagant conceits of such sonneteers as Daniels, Barnes, Constable, and Griffin. Mr. Wyndham is the only critic who has recognized the fact that Shakespeare in this Sonnet clearly indicates one, and not a number of poets. The concluding couplet of this Sonnet, " Let them say more that like of hearsay well ; I will not praise that purpose not to sell," has proved a stumbling block to all commentators, PA TRON t AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 63 misleading one careful and conservative critic, who supposes that the poet protests that he will not sell his friend. Let us now consider this Sonnet critically: " So is it not with me as with that Muse Stirr'd by a painted beauty to his verse, Who heaven itself for ornament doth use And every fair with his fair doth rehearse, Making a couplement of proud compare, With sun and moon, with earth and sea's rich gems, With April's first-born flowers and all things rare That heaven's air in this huge rondure hems." The words, " that Muse," very distinctly indi- cate one poet, and not a number of poets. This " Muse," being " stirr'd by a painted beauty to his verse," uses " heaven itself for ornament " and com- pares his mistress with the glories he beholds there ; couples her with the " sun and moon, with earth and sea's rich gems " ; with April's flowers and all the rarities of the displayed universe. Shakespeare then protests against such inordinate comparison in the following lines: " O let me, true in love, but truly write, And then believe me, my love is as fair As any mother's child, though not so bright As those gold candles fix'd in heaven's air." What does Shakespeare here mean by the expres- sion "those gold candles fix'd in heaven's air"? 64 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. The only heavenly lights previously alluded to in the Sonnet are the sun and moon ; he certainly would not refer to these bodies as " candles." He then very evidently indicates something mentioned by the " Muse " whom he attacks. In the concluding couplet, " Let them say more that like of hearsay well ; I will not praise that purpose not to sell," he indicates the fact that this poet has attempted to lay some bases for hearsay, that is, reputation or fame; and he protests that he will not make such claims for his own verse, as it is not written for sale. It is little wonder that critics have failed to see the true sense of these last two lines, for, without knowing the object indicated or attacked, they are inscrutable. Some years ago I came to the conclusion that Shakespeare in this Sonnet attacked some one poem and poet ; and the minute descriptive details of the poem, which he gives us in the Sonnet, inclined me to hope that that poet might be identified. I ac- cordingly began a systematic reading of Eliza- bethan verse, to, if possible, find the poem so plainly described. Being struck by the plausibility of Pro- fessor Minto's suggestion regarding Chapman, it occurred to me that that poet might also be referred to in this Sonnet. I had scarcely commenced a reading of Chapman's miscellaneous poems when I found, not only what I sought, but even stronger PA TRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 65 and more interesting evidence connecting that poet with Shakespeare. A poem published by Chapman in 1595, called " The Amorous Zodiac" is unquestionably the poem indicated by Shakespeare in the 2ist Sonnet. In that poem Chapman, addressing his mistress, or, as is much more likely, his imaginary mistress, in thirty verses compares and couples her beauties with the signs of the Zodiac, as representing the months of the year; endowing her with all the graces of the seasons and the glories of the heavens. If the first eight or ten verses of this poem be compared with the first eight lines of the 2ist Son- net, my contention will be fully justified, but should anyone still doubt, when the last four lines of the Sonnet are compared with L'Envoi of the poem, all doubts will cease. To make the Sonnet match the poem, it is not necessary to pick and choose verses or lines ; the sequence of ideas between the poem and the critique runs plainly, from beginning to end. I shall quote enough of this poem to prove the truth of my argument. "THE AMOROUS ZODIAC. I. " I never see the sun but suddenly My soul is moved with spite and jealousy Of his high bliss, in his sweet course discerned: And am displeased to see so many signs, As the bright sky unworthily divines, Enjoy an honour they have never earn'd. 66 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. II. " To think heaven decks with such a beauteous show, A harp, a ship, a serpent, or a crow ; And such a crew of creatures of no prices, But to excite in us th' unshamefaced flames, With which, long since, Jove wrong'd so many dames, Reviving in his rule their names and vices. in. " Dear mistress, whom the gods bred here below, T* express their wondrous power, and let us know That before thee they nought did perfect make; Why may not I as in those signs, the sun Shine in thy beauties, and as roundly run, To frame, like him, an endless Zodiac. IV. " With thee I'll furnish both the year and sky, Running in thee my course of destiny: And thou shalt be the rest of all my moving, But of thy numberless and perfect graces, To give my moons their full in twelve months' spaces, I choose but twelve in guerdon of my loving. v. " Keeping even way through every excellence, I'll make in all an equal residence Of a new Zodiac; a new Phoebus guising. PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 67 When, without altering the course of nature, I'll make the seasons good, and every creature Shall henceforth reckon day, from my first rising. VI. " To open then the spring-time's golden gate, And flower my race with ardour temperate, I'll enter by thy head and have for house In my first month, this heaven Ram-curled tress, Of which Love as his charm-chains doth address, A sign fit for a spring so beauteous. VII. " Lodged in that fleece of hair, yellow and curl'd, I'll take high pleasure to enlight the world, And fetter me in gold, thy crisps implies Earth, at this spring, spongy and languorsome With envy of our joys in love become, Shall swarm with flowers, and air with painted flies. VIII. " Thy smooth embow'd brow, where all grace I see, . My second month, and second house shall be ; Which brow with her clear beauties shall delight The Earth, yet sad, and overture confer To herbs, buds, flowers and verdure-gracing Ver, Rendering her more than summer exquisite. IX. " All this fresh April, this sweet month of Venus. I will admire this brow so bounteous; This brow, brave court of love and virtue builded ; 68 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. This brow, where chastity holds garrison ; This brow, that blushless none can look upon, This brow, with every grace and honour gilded," etc., etc. These verses compared with the following lines from the Sonnet plainly reveal the parallel : " So it is not with me as with that Muse Stirr'd by a painted beauty to his verse, Who heaven itself for ornament doth use And every fair with his fair doth rehearse, Making a couplement of proud compare. With sun and moon, with earth and seas' rich gems, With April's first-born flowers, and all things rare That heaven's air in this huge rondure hems." Chapman ends his poem with two verses as L'Envoi, as follows: L'ENVOI. XXIX. " Dear mistress, if poor wishes heaven would hear, I would not choose the empire of the water; The empire of the air, nor of the earth, But endlessly my course of life confining, In this fair Zodiac for ever shining. And with thy beauties make me endless mirth. xxx. " But, gracious love, if jealous heaven deny My life this truly blest variety, PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 6y Yet will I thee through all the world disperse; If not in heaven, amongst those braving fires, Yet here thy beauties, which the world admires, Bright as those flames shall glister in my verse." If these two verses be compared with the follow- ing six lines from the 2ist Sonnet the whole parallel will be seen to be complete: " O, let me, true in love, but truly write, And then believe me, my love is as fair As any mother's child, though not so bright As those gold candles fi.v'd in heaven's air. Let them say more that like of hearsay well ; I will not praise that purpose not to sell." This latter comparison, not only clearly shows to what Shakespeare refers as " those gold candles fix'd in heaven's air " but plainly reveals his stroke at Chapman's vanity and self-praise, and also proves what I have previously asserted that Shakespeare here avows that his Sonnets were not written for sale. The thrust which Shakespeare in this Sonnet makes at Chapman's laudation of his own work, and his mercenary motives, he repeats several times both in " Love's Labor's Lost " and in " Troilus and Cressida." Though I find that Shakespeare in several other Sonnets seems to indicate or parody other poets and their poems, as in the sonnets of Constable and Griffin already quoted, in none of them do I find the unmistakable animus which is noticeable in nearly 70 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. all Sonnets, and in many passages in his plays, where he refers to Chapman. Why this hostility? All students of the Sonnets will agree with me when I say that Shakespeare's personality, as we find it there revealed, is of much too magnanimous and gentle a spirit to gratuitously assail a fellow poet with such bitterness as we find in many pas- sages indicating Chapman. This caustic tone dis- played in some of the Sonnets, and even more strongly in the two plays I have mentioned, cer- tainly bespeaks provocation. The mere fact that Chapman sought Southampton's patronage would not alone justify it, if at all: many other contempo- rary poets sunned themselves in the beams of this young Maecenas' eye without adverse comment from Shakespeare. The poems of Barnes, Barnfield, and Nash addressed to Southampton prove this; we must, therefore, seek farther for the cause of this hostility ; for that there was a decidedly bitter feel- ing between Chapman and Shakespeare from the very beginning of their recorded contemporary ca- reers, and that each at various times, in prose and verse, sometimes very openly, and often covertly, attacked the other, I shall show so conclusively that I do not think any critic who follows my argument will dispute it. The beginning of this enmity possibly antedates any plain record which we have of the work of either poet, but that the onus of it lay with Chap- man I am prone to believe, from the mass of evi- dence which I find of this strange man's envious disposition and cantankerous temper. The latest PA TRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. Jl thing which we have from his pen, written during his last illness and left incomplete at his death, is a virulent and vulgar attack upon his erstwhile friend and champion, Ben Jonson. The overweening pride of learning and scholastic conceit with which Chapman was filled, and which marks and mars nearly all his original work, made him look with disdain upon aspirants for literary honors who were of less erudition. This disdain developed into stormy and rancorous abuse, when confronted by the success and popularity achieved by one of Shakespeare's comparatively limited scholastic attainments. His abuse reflects, not only upon what he is pleased to call Shakespeare's " ignorance and impiety," but also upon his sup- posed servility to patrons. A hundred years and over of painstaking research has failed to reveal that Shakespeare ever sought patronage, except in the case of Southampton, and then only in the earli- est stage of his literary career: that he had some benefit, material and otherwise, of this patronage, we have good reason for believing, but that he made his own way in the world, by hard and consistent work, unflagging industry, and careful business methods, we have proof more than sufficient. Far otherwise with Chapman. Mr. Swinburne, in his analytic and comprehen- sive introduction to Chapman's miscellaneous and dramatic works, says : " It has been remarked by editors and biographers, that between the years 1574 (at or about which date, according to An- thony Wood, he being well grounded in school ?2 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. learning was sent to the University) and 1594, when he published his first poem, we have no trace or hint to guide us, in conjecturing how his life was spent between the ages of fifteen and thirty- five. This latter age is the least he can have at- tained, by any computation, at the time when he put forth his ' Shadow of Night,' full of loud and angry complaints of neglect and slight, endured at the hands of an unthankful and besotted genera- tion." Thus, in the year 1594, Chapman first comes into our ken, a rancorous and disgruntled man, and though, in the ensuing years, he accom- plished great work in his Homeric translations, and also attained some meed of fame both as a dramatist and a poet, we find him to the last a very Timon in misanthropy. Not only in his prose and verse dedications does he rail against his rivals and curse his fate, but even in the poems for which the dedi- cations are written he strays again and again from his subject to indulge in like abuse and railing. The history of English verse does not reveal in any other poet the self-consciousness manifested by Chapman in his poems ; nor do we find in the work of any other poet or dramatist the absolute effacement of self exhibited by Chapman's great rival : were it not for the Sonnets, and the light which they throw upon some of his plays, his personality would be quite hidden. Though we see that Chapman dedicates his earlier poems of 1594 and 1595 to men of learning and fel- low-writers, and not to men of place and wealth, both the tone of these dedications, and internal evi- PATRON, AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 73 dence in these poems, prove that this was more from necessity than virtue. In " Ovid's Banquet of Sense," dedicated to his friend Matthew Royden, he breaks clean away from his subject to mourn his state, thus: ^ " In these dog-days how this contagion smothers The purest blood with virtues diet fined, Nothing their own, unless they be some other's Spite of themselves, are in themselves confined, And live so poor they are of all despised, Their gifts held down with scorn should be di- vined, And they like mummers mask, unknown, unprized : A thousand marvels mourn in some such breast, Would make a kind and worthy patron blest." Even in his earliest published poem, " The Shadow of Night" (1594), which is also dedi- cated to Royden, he in many passages sounds the same doleful note. " A Coronet for his Mistress Philosophy " is nothing but lament for his friendless condition, and splenetic abuse of a more fortunate poet. There is scarcely an original poem by Chap- man in which this mournful and abusive tone can- not be found. Even in his " Hymn to Christ upon the Cross " it reveals itself, and it is strange that he can abstain from it in his translations. No contemporary poet so persistently supplicated patronage, yet none are so bitter and envious to- wards others who sought it and were successful. In later years we find him not too particular in his 74 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. choice of patrons, so that they were men of position or wealth. He dedicated " Andromeda Liberata " most fulsomely to the notorious Carr, Earl of Somerset, and his still more notorious wife ; in fact, it was written expressly for their nuptials and made Chapman the laughing-stock of the day. In the light of all this, I am inclined to take his strictures upon other poets who sought the patronage of the great with a grain of salt, and to impute his choler to plain envy of their success. His early attacks upon Shakespeare, which I shall demonstrate later on, in all probability arose from this source, and possibly initiated the feud between them; his later attacks clearly reveal jealousy, not only of Shakespeare's literary reputation, but also of his increase in estate and wealth, and were no doubt intensified in virulence by the retaliatory measures adopted by our poet. In Shakespeare's early rejoinders I notice rather an amused disdain than bitterness; in only one in- stance in his early retorts do I find bitterness, and this touch seems to refer to some smallness or treachery on the part of Chapman, which antedates the period at which our history of the enmity be- gins, or else it was introduced at a later date by Shakespeare, upon his revision of the play in which I find it. In " Love's Labor's Lost," in the gulling by Biron and his friends of the actors in the " Nine Worthies," the wit expended upon all the characters, except that which Holofernes personates, is of rather a playful and harmless nature; in the gibes directed at Holofernes, however, a most distinctly , AND RIVAL POET OF SONNETS. 75 bitter and personal tone is discernible, and refer- ences are made that are entirely without point un- less they refer to something not revealed in the play. That Chapman is pilloried in the character of Holofernes and that his ideas and theories are attacked and expressly mentioned in the play, I be- lieve I can prove. Chapman's "Amorous Zodiac," which Shakespeare attacks in the 2ist Sonnet, was published in 1595 along with " Ovid's Banquet of Sense " and " A Coronet for his Mistress Philosophy." I shall in the next chapter prove that Shakespeare indicates and attacks these three poems, and shall also show that he attacks the theories evolved by Chapman in a poem published in the previous year, called " The Shadow of Night." In a still later chapter I shall show the reasons for Shakespeare's attacks, in the covert aspersions which Chapman casts at him in these poems and their dedications. I will show a renewal of this hostility a year or two later, when Chapman again seeks the favor of Southampton, to father the publication of his first Homeric trans- lations, giving both Shakespeare^s attacks and Chapman's rejoinders, and finally shall reveal a new outburst of this latent hostility on both sides, in the year 1609, and in this way not only cast a new light upon many of the Sonnets, " Love's La- bor's Lost," and " Troilus and Cressida," but shall set a definite date for their production and forever place beyond cavil the value of the personal theory of the Sonnets. CHAPTER V. THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT, AND " LOVE'S LABOR'S LOST/' IT has been usual, with Shakespearean critics, to assign a much earlier date for the production of "Love's Labor's Lost" than that for which I shall now contend. Many writers place it in 1591, and others have given it even an earlier date. The earliest known publication of this play is the quarto of 1598. The earliest known references to it are also in this year. Meres mentions it with sev- eral other plays in his " Palladis Tamia," and an obscure contemporary poet, Robert Tofte, al- ludes to it in one of his verses. Tofte's reference, however, is of such a nature as to lead us to infer that it was not a new publication at the time he wrote : " Love's Labor's Lost I once did see, a Play Y-cleped so, so called to my pain. Which I to hear to my small joy did stay, Giving attendance on my f reward Dame: My misgiving mind presaging to me ill, Yet was I drawn to see it 'gainst my will. " Each actor played in cunning wise his part, But chiefly those entrapped in Cupid's snare; Yet all was feigned, 'twas not from the heart, They seemed to grieve, but yet they felt no care: THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 77 'Twas I that grief (indeed) did bear in breast, The others did but make a show in jest." * Many commentators are of the opinion that this play is Shakespeare's earliest complete dramatic effort; it is certainly, I believe, one of his earliest comedies. I have already referred to the distinct assertion which Shakespeare makes in the dedi- cation to " Venus and Adonis," as to that poem be- ing the " first heir " of his " invention." Critics have usually passed over this plain avowal of the poet's, alleging that he did not look upon his plays in this light, as children of his brain, as they were generally built upon plots which he borrowed. I quite repudiate this view in reference to " Love's Labor's Lost." Shakespeare undoubtedly amended old plays by other hands previous to this, but no proof exists to show that he wrote any complete original poem or play, previous to the publication of " Venus and Adonis." If Shakespeare had writ- ten " Love's Labor's Lost " before " Venus and Adonis " he could not truthfully have made the above-mentioned assertion, as this play is even more distinctly an heir of his invention than that poem. The groundwork of " Venus and Adonis," is bor- rowed from Ovid's " Metamorphoses," while in Love's Labor's Lost " there is absolutely no plot or plan to be so borrowed ; it has no previously known basis. Nothing that Shakespeare ever wrote is so entirely his own as this play. Though he intro- f "Alba; or, the Month's Mind of a Melancholy Lover," by Robert Tofte, 1598. 7 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. duces a King Ferdinand of Navarre, and names that King's friends after well-known courtiers of Henry of Navarre, there is palpably no real history in the play, and the interest would be equally as great were purely imaginary names used. As a dramatic fiction, " Love's Labor's Lost " is " Apart from space, withholding time." It is purely a satirical comedy, in which the whole '' interest centers in the dialogue, repartee, and satire. The poetry of the play has all the distinguishing features of the early poems and sonnets; the same limpidity of diction and wealth of imagery. I shall not rehearse the conjectures which are generally used to prove this play an early produc- tion, as the data which I shall adduce shall, I be- lieve, place the date of its production beyond con- jecture. " Love's Labor's Lost " was certainly written later than both " Venus and Adonis " and " Lu- crece," and also after the first twenty-sonnet se- quence, and was very probably produced in 1595. My reason for giving it this date is that I find it to be a distinct satire upon the theories and ideas set forth by Chapman in the two poems which he published in 1594, called "The Shadow of Night." I would be inclined to date the production of "Love's Labor's Lost" in 1594, after the publica- tion of these poems of Chapman's, but that I find in the play references also to other poems which Chap- man published in 1595. It is quite possible, how- ever, that Shakespeare saw these latter poems of THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 79 Chapman's in manuscript previous to their publica- tion, as there can be little doubt, from the tone of the dedication to Matthew Royden, that Chapman had previously sought other and greater names to which to dedicate them, and had very probably made an attempt upon Southampton's favor ; in this event, Shakespeare would probably have seen them in manuscript ; however, even could this be proved, it would alter the date by only a few months. It may be said by some who have read my argu- ments, and agree with the truth of the satire set forth, that while there is full warrant for assign- ing the production of the play to a period later than the poems satirized, there is no such warrant for placing so definite a date. We know, however, from Meres' and Tofte's references, that it was pro- duced before 1598, and it shall be very clearly proved here that it was written later than 1594 or 1595- These poems of Chapman's which are satirized were not of sufficient interest to the public for the satire to be appreciated if produced any consider- able time, say a year, after their issue. Shakes- peare, no doubt, struck while the iron was hot, while the reading world was still laboring through the jumbled construction and cloudy rhetoric of Chapman's earnest, but distorted and impenetrable verses, and not yet quite decided whether a rapt and inspired seer, or a befogged pedant, had appeared in their midst. This satire we must impute to the covert slings and slurs which Chapman makes at Shakespeare in 8o SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. these same poems. It is not now possible to elu- cidate all of the satirical points in the play that Shakespeare intended, but there can be little doubt that the playgoing public of that day recognized the full force of the satire, if we, after three hundred years, can find such strong evidence of it. In " The Shadow of Night " Chapman, in several hundred lines of the most meandering and misty verse, relieved, it is true, by occasional fine lines, endeavors to tell the world some matter of appar- ently great moment ; he incidentally bewails his own woes,. and belabors and slangs his rival, as he in- variably does in his original poems. Mr. Swinburne says of this poem : " I sincerely think and hope that no poem with a tithe of its gen- uine power and merit, was ever written on such a plan or after such a fashion, as ' The Shadow of Night/ " It is not merely the heavy and convulsive movement of its tangled and jarring sentences, that seem to wheeze and pant at every painful step, the incessant byplay of incongruous digressions and impenetrable allusions, that makes the first reading of this poem as tough and tedious a task for the mind as oakum-picking or stone-breaking can be > for the body. Worse than all this is the want of any perceptible center towards which these tangled and raveled lines of thought may seem at last to converge. We see that the author has thought hard and felt deeply; we apprehend that he is charged as it were to the muzzle with some ardent matter of spiritual interest, of which he would fain deliver THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 81 himself in explosive eloquence ; we perceive that he is angry, ambitious, vehement, and arrogant; no pretender, but a genuine seer, bemused and stifled by the oracular fumes which choke in its very ut- terance the message they inspire, and forever pre- clude the seer from becoming properly the prophet of their mysteries. He foams at the mouth with rage through all the flints and pebbles of hard lan- guage, which he spits forth, so to say, in the face of 'the prejudicate and peremptory reader' (his own words), whose ears he belabors with 'very bitter words/ not less turgid than were hurled by Pistol at the head of the ' recalcitrant and contumelious ' Mistress Tearsheet: nor assuredly had the poet much right to expect that they would be received by the profane multitude with more reverence and humility than was the poetic fury of ' such a fustian rascal ' by that ' honest, virtuous, civil gentle- woman.' ' Mr. Swinburne takes leave of this poem saying, that it " is incomprehensible to human apprehen- sion " and that he leaves to others a solution to him insoluble. I do not pretend to have found that which so great a critic has abandoned, the solu- tion of this poem, nor do I think it can be found. I apprehend in a general way that Chapman extols learning, philosophy, religion, etc., all of which he clothes with the garb of darkness and the night; that he attacks " the day and all its sweets," gayety, frivolity, lightness of heart, the love of woman, and very especially, what he calls " ignorance." It is rather curious to notice, in all Chapman's attacks 82 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. upon Shakespeare, how frequently he indicates him by these words " ignorance and impiety " : it is also noticeable that Shakespeare understands the stroke as meant for him and with sardonic humor accepts it to himself in some of the Sonnets where he no- tices Chapman, as, for instance, in Sonnet 78 : " So oft have I invoked thee for my Muse And found such fair assistance in my verse As every alien pen hath got my use And under thee their poesy disperse. Thine eyes, that taught the dumb on high to sing And heavy ignorance aloft to fly, Have added feathers to the learned's wing, And given grace a double majesty. Yet be most proud of that which I compile, Whose influence is thine and born of thee; In other's work thou dost but mend the style, And arts with thy sweet graces graced be; But thou art all my art, and dost advance As high as learning my rude ignorance." In " Love's Labor's Lost " Shakespeare makes Ferdinand, King of Navarre, and his lords, steep their minds in the spirit of " The Shadow of Night," and makes them swear to eschew, for three years, all natural pleasures and the society of wo- men, and give themselves up to study, fasting, and philosophy: but in the character of Biron he in- troduces the " little rift within the lute " ; for Biron, though swearing as do the others to the vows im- posed, mentally resolves to break them at the THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 83 first opportunity. Through the mouth of Biron, Shakespeare, I believe, speaks his own views in at- tacking the unnatural theories of " The School of Night " as set forth by Chapman. In the pedantry and verbosity of Holofernes he caricatures Chapman's style, and in the person of Holofernes excoriates Chapman himself. He pos- sibly ridicules the Euphuistic School in the char- acter of Armado, and may also give us a caricature of a certain noted character, half wit and half fool, known as the " phantastical monarcho," who frequented London somewhere about this time. I shall confine myself, however, to those parts of the play in which I detect the satire upon Chapman and his theories. Act I. scene i opens with the King addressing his fellow ascetics as follows : " King. Let fame, that all hunt after in their lives, Live register'd upon our brazen tombs, And then grace us in the disgrace of death : When, spite of cormorant devouring Time, The endeavour of this present breath may buy That honour which shall bate his scythe's keen edge, And make us heirs of all eternity. Therefore, brave conquerors, for so you are That war against your own affections And the huge army of the world's desires, Our late edict shall strongly stand in force : Navarre shall be the wonder of the world ; 84 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. Our courte shall be a little Academe, Still and contemplative in living art: You three, Biron, Dumain, and Longaville, Have sworn for three years' term to live with me My fellow-scholars, and to keep those statutes That are recorded in this schedule here : Your oaths are pass'd ; and now subscribe your names, That his own hand may strike his honour down That violates the smallest branch herein : If you are arm'd to do as sworn to do, Subscribe to your deep oaths, and keep it too. " Long. I am resolved ; 'tis but a three years* fast : The mind shall banquet, though the body pine : Fat paunches have lean pates ; and dainty bits Make rich the ribs, but bankrupt quite the wits. " Duin. My loving lord, Dumain is mortified : The grosser manner of these world's delights He throws upon the gross world's baser slaves : To love, to wealth, to pomp, I pine and die; With all these living in philosophy. " Biron. I can but say their protestation over ; So much, dear liege, I have already sworn, That is, to live and study here three years : But there are other strict observances; As not to see a woman in that term, Which I hope well is not enrolled there; And one day in a week to touch no food, And but one meal on every day beside, The which I hope is not enrolled there ; And then, to sleep but three hours in the night, THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 85 And not be seen to wink of all the day, When I was wont to think no harm all night, And make a dark night too of half the day, Which I hope well is not enrolled there: O, these are barren tasks, too hard to keep, Not to see ladies, study, fast, not sleep ! " King. Your oath is pass'd to pass away from these. " Biron. Let me say no, my liege, an if you please : I only swore to study with your grace. And stay here in your court for three years' space. " Long. You swore to that, Biron, and to the rest, " Biron. By yea and nay,sir,then I swore in jest, What is the end of study ? let me know. " King. Why, that to know, which else we should not know. " Biron. Things hid and barr'd, you mean, from common sense? " King. Ay, that is study's god-like recompense. " Biron. Come on then ; I will swear to study so, To know the thing I am forbid to know : As thus, to study where I well may dine, When I to feast expressly am forbid; Or study where to meet some mistress fine, When mistresses from common sense are hid; Or, having sworn too hard-a-keeping oath, Study to break it, and not break my troth. If study's gain be thus, and this be so. Study knows that which yet it doth not know: Swear me to this, and I will ne'er say no. 86 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. "King. These be the stops that hinder study quite, And train our intellects to vain delight. " Biron. Why, all delights are vain; but that most vain, Which, with pain purchased, doth inherit pain: As, painfully to pore upon a book To seek the light of truth ; while truth the while Doth falsely blind the eyesight of his look: Light, seeking light, doth light of light beguile: So, ere you find where light in darkness lies, Your light grows dark by losing of your eyes. Study me how to please the eye indeed, By fixing it upon a fairer eye ; Who dazzling so, that eye shall be his heed, And give him light that it was blinded by. Study is like the heaven's glorious sun, That will not be deep-search'd with saucy looks; Small have continual plodders ever won, Save base authority from others' books. These earthly godfathers of heaven's lights, That give a name to every fixed star, Have no more profit of their shining nights Than those that walk and wot not what they are. Too much to know, is to know nought but fame ; And every godfather can give a name." All this points most palpably to the earnest, though vague and impossible, theories set forth by Chap- man in " The Shadow of Night " ; the learning and philosophy which he there endeavors to extol is most certainly " hid and barr'd from common THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 87 sense " ; it is so filled also with phrases and similies borrowed from obscure classics, with what Biron calls, " Base authority from others' books," that Chapman, conscious of their obscurity, and to explain the borrowed conceits, appends a glossary which often but makes the darkness darker. In both of these " Hymns," but especially in the sec- ond one, " Hymnus in Cynthiam," as he calls it, he rolls off the names of the stars and constellations with great glibness and volubility, and sometimes, not content with one name, gives us several for the same heavenly body: for the moon he gives us " Cynthia, Lucinia, Ilythia, Prothyrea, Diana, Luna, and Hecate," proving himself a veritable " Earthly godfather of heaven's lights." So, all through this play, such hints and parallels are numerous. In the first passage in Act IV. scene 3, where Biron, at the invitation of the King and his fellows who have fallen away from their vows, to prove their " loving lawful " and their " faith not torn," speaks for over eighty lines in praise of love and light and a joyous life, Shakespeare brings his heavy guns to bear upon the gloomy brotherhood of night, and in two lines in particular unmistakably paraphrases two of Chapman's own lines, clearly indicating him and his theories as the object of his attack. I shall quote a few lines of Biron's speech and a few from " The 8S SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. Shadow of Night/' to show the antithesis and the paraphrase : " Biron. But love, first learned in a lady's eyes, Lives not alone, immured in the brain; But, with the motion of all elements, Courses as swift as thought in every power, And gives to every power a double power, Above their functions and their offices. It adds a precious seeing to the eye ; A lover's eyes will gaze an eagle blind ; A lover's ear will hear the lowest sound, When the suspicious head of theft is stopp'd: Love's feeling is more soft and sensible Than are the tender horns of cockled snails; Love's tongue proves dainty Bacchus gross in taste : For valour, is not Love a Hercules, Still climbing trees in the Hesperides? Subtle as Sphinx ; as sweet and musical As bright Apollo's lute, strung with his hair; And when Love speaks, the voice of all the gods Make heaven drowsy with the harmony. Never durst poet touch a pen to write Until his ink were temper'd with Love's sighs." Chapman's " Shadow of Night " : " Since day, or light, in any quality, For earthly uses do but serve the eye ; And since the eye's most quick and dangerous use, Enflames the heart, and learns the soul abuse ; Since mournings are preferr'd to banquettings, THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 89 And they reach heaven, bred under sorrow's wings ; Since Night brings terror to our frailties still, And shameless Day doth marble us in ill, All you possess'd with indepressed spirits, Endued with nimble, and aspiring wits, Come consecrate with me to sacred Night Your whole endeavours, and detest the light. No pen can anything eternal write, That is not steep'd in humour of the Night." In these two extracts, as in numerous others I could quote, a very plain antithesis is seen, but I have selected this particular passage from Chapman for comparison, because it contains even more than antithesis ; if the two last lines of each of these ex- tracts be compared, paraphrase also is plainly dis- cernible, in which Shakespeare refutes Chapman in almost his own words. Chapman : " No pen can anything eternal write That is not steep'd in humour of the Night." Shakespeare : " Never durst poet touch a pen to write Until his ink were temper'd with Love's sighs." Another palpable proof of the truth of my con- tention I will adduce ; one which did not occur to me till long after I had become possessed of the idea, but which lends it strong confirmatory evidence. In working out the proof of my theory I have 90 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. kept by me, for reference, Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps' facsimile reprint of the first folio of Shakespeare's plays. In Act IV. scene 3 Biron, praising the beauty of Rosaline, who is represented as being of dark com- plexion, says: "Biron. Where is a book? That I may swear beauty doth beauty lack, If that she learn not of her eyes to look : No face is fair that is not full so black. " King. O paradox ! Black is the badge of hell, The hue of dungeons, and the school of night." This expression " the school of night " has al- ways puzzled commentators, and appeared to all of them so senseless that, to give meaning to an ap- parently meaningless line, the following emenda- tions have, at different times, been proposed : " scowl of night," " shade of night," " seal of night," " scroll of night," " shroud of night," " soul of night," " stole of night." The Cambridge edit- ors have proposed " shoote of night " for " suit." None of these changes add a particularly strong meaning to the line, nor give a fit figure to the ex- pression, and it appears very patent to me that this is one of the many instances in which Shakespeare, since the days of Steevens and Malone, has been misimproved by the critics. The reading of this line as it appears in the first folio, and also in the first quarto, in the light of my theory, as referring to the ideas of Chapman evolved in " The Shadow THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 91 of Night," is full of pith and point. To show the aptness of this phrase in this connection I shall quote a few extracts from this extraordinary poem : " Since day, or light, in any quality, For earthly uses do but serve the eye ; And since the eye's most quick and dangerous use, Enflames the heart, and learns the soul abuse ; Since mournings are preferred to banquettings, And they reach heaven, bred under sorrow's wings ; Since Night brings terror to our frailties still, And shameless Day doth marble us in ill, All you possess'd with indepressed spirits, Endued with nimble, and aspiring wits, Come consecrate with me to sacred Night Your whole endeavours, and detest the light. No pen can anything eternal write. That is not steep'd in humour of the Night/' " Day of deep students, most contentful night." ; " Men's faces glitter, and their hearts are black, But thou (great mistress of heaven's gloomy rack) Art black in face, and glitter'st in thy heart.'* " Rich-taper'd sanctuary of the blest, Palace of ruth, made all of tears, and rest, To thy black shades and desolation I consecrate my life." $2 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. " Ye living spirits then, if any live, Whom like extremes do like affections give, Shun, shun this cruel light, and end your thrall, In these soft shades of sable funeral." " Kneel then with me, fall wormlike on the ground, And from the infectious dunghill of this round, From men's brass wits and golden foolery, Weep, weep your souls, into felicity: Come to the house of mourning, serve the Night To whom pale Day . . . Is but a drudge," etc., etc. There is certainly a distinct enough mental pose exhibited in this poem, as shown in these selections, to warrant the application of the word " school," and Chapman so often applies the word " black " in his praise of the night as sovereign and mistress of his philosophy, that the full gist of Shakespeare's reference becomes clear when we transpose the line and give the plain prose meaning: black is the hue of the school of night. Though Shakespeare attacks Chapman as the spokesman of this " School of Night " and the most eloquent exponent of its theories, there were, no doubt, others like Chapman, so filled with the pride of " The New Learning " that they could see little merit in the literary production of one of Shakes- peare's " Smalle Latine and lesse Greeke," and who, in all probability, took sides with Chapman in this dispute. Years after Shakespeare's death we find Ben Jonson, himself a scholar of even greater THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 93 parts than Chapman, defending himself from the ac- cusation of having attempted to belittle Shakes- peare. We may, then, assume that the rivalry and hostility between Chapman and Shakespeare was no hidden thing, but well known to the literary world, and that each poet had his friends and champions, the scholastic element, to a large extent, probably siding with Chapman. The term " school of night," then, while plainly indicating Chapman and his poems, evidently embraced those others of like views who, while not openly attacking Shakespeare as does Chapman, may have given their countenance to that poet's invectives. In Ben Jonson's allusions to Shakespeare's " Smalle Latine and lesse Greeke " in his verses prefixed to the first folio some critics have found what they have conceived to be a recrudescent glim- mer of Jonson's alleged enmity to Shakespeare dur- ing our poet's life. While Jonson and Shakespeare may at times have crossed swords during the period in which Jonson collaborated in dramatic work with Shakespeare's arch-enemy Chapman, they were never really bad friends in the sense that Chapman and Shakespeare were, but it is well known that Jonson and Chapman were for many years at daggers drawn, and we know that the last thing to which Chapman put his hand, and which was left unfinished by his death, was a bitter attack upon Jonson. With the knowledge of Chapman's en- mity to Shakespeare in mind, added to the fact that, in 1623 (the date of the issue of the first folio), Jonson and Chapman were avowed enemies, Jon- 94 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. son's allusion to Shakespeare's " Smalle Latine and lesse Greeke " takes on quite a new significance. Let us examine the lines: " And though thou had'st small Latin, and less Greek, From thence to honour thee I would not seek For names; but call forth thundering ^schylus, Euripides, and Sophocles to us ; Pacuvius, Accius, him of Cordova, dead, To life again, to hear thy buskin tread And shake a stage: or, when thy socks were on, Leave thee alone, for the comparison Of all that insolent Greece, or haughty Rome, Sent forth, or since did from their ashes come." Here Jonson, while admitting to the full the charge which Chapman constantly brings against Shakespeare, i. e., his ignorance of the clas- sics, yet challenges for Shakespeare a comparison with the best dramatic writers that Rome or Greece produce and with the line : " Or since did from their ashes come," throws his gage directly into the teeth of Chapman and the classicist clique. We may then reasonably impute to the hand of Chapman, and not Jonson, those strokes which have been recognized as leveled at Shakespeare in " Eastward Hoe ! " and one or two other plays in which Jonson, Marston, and Chapman are known to have collaborated at an earlier period. THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 95 With this slight digression, which I have intro- duced here in preference to using footnotes, I will return to a consideration of Shakespeare's allusions to Chapman in the play under discussion. A careful reading of " Love's Labor's Lost " will plainly show many passages quite lacking in either sense, point, or wit, unless they had a topical mean- ing. I have previously shown that, in the 2ist Sonnet, Shakespeare undoubtedly refers to and criticises Chapman's " Amorous Zodiac." In this poem Chapman, after describing in detail the physi- cal beauties of a naked woman through twenty-eight verses, concludes with the two following verses as L'Envoi : " Dear mistress, if poor wishes heaven would hear, I would not choose the empire of the water ; The empire of the air, nor of the earth, But endlessly my course of life confining, In this fair Zodiac for ever shining, And with thy beauties make me endless mirth. " But, gracious love, if jealous heaven deny My life this truly-blest variety; Yet will I thee through all the world disperse; If not in heaven, amongst those braving fires, Yet here, thy beauties, which the world admires, Bright as these flames, shall glister in my verse." The first of these verses, if accepted as having been written by Chapman to an actual woman, would reveal that prosy and stilted moralist as a 96 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POE7\ most reprehensible person. The incongruity and humor of the thing appeal to Shiakespeare, and we find many veiled, though, when analyzed, rather broad allusions to it in " Love's Labor's Lost " ; Shakespeare, however, true to the demands of his art, puts his vulgarisms into the mouths of the homespun yokels Costard and Dull. Many idioms and phrases which we find in Shakespeare may still be found in common use, and retaining their Elizabethan meaning, in primi- tive and remote communities, though they have now quite ceased to be used or even understood in more polite circles. In several of the plays, but espe- cially in " Romeo and Juliet," and " Love's Labor's Lost," I find the word " goose " used in a vulgar sense. I have heard this word used with exactly the same meaning in England, Ireland, Australia, and America; an examination of the plays men- tioned will reveal the sense intended by Shakes- peare. The use of the word in " Love's Labor's Lost," and every allusion to " goose " or " geese," and especially Costard's mistake in supposing the word " L'Envoi " to be synonymous, are directed by Shakespeare at the apparent sensuousness of Chap- man's L'Envoi to the " Amorous Zodiac." The first use of this term is in Act I. scene I, where Shakespeare, speaking through the mouth of Biron, attacks Chapman and his poems, " The Shadow of Night " and those published in the next year. - j THE SCHOOL OF MIGHT. QJ " Biron. Why, all delights are vain; but that most vain, Which, with pain purchased, doth inherit pain: As, painfully to pore upon a book To seek the light of truth ; while truth the while Doth falsely blind the eyesight of his look : Light, seeking light, doth light of light beguile : So, ere you find where light in darkness lies, Your light grows dark by losing of your eyes. Study me how to please the eye indeed, By fixing it upon a fairer eye ; Who dazzling so, that eye shall be his heed, And give him light that it was blinded by. Study is like the heaven's glorious sun, That will not be deep-search 'd with saucy looks : Small have continual plodders ever won, Save base authority from others' books. These earthly godfathers of heaven's lights, That give a name to every fixed star, Have no more profit of their shining nights Than those that walk and wot not what they are. Too much to know, is to know nought but fame; And every godfather can give a name. "King. How well he's read to reason against reading ! " Dum. Proceeded well, to stop all good pro- ceeding ! " Long. He weeds the corn, and still lets grow the weeding. 98 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. " Biron. The spring is near, when green geese are a-breeding. " Dum. How follows that? "Biron. Fit in his place and time. "Dum. In reason nothing. " Biron. Something, then, in rhyme." Farther on in the play, in Act III. scene I, there is another similar allusion, where the word goose is used. Costard with his usual obtuseness confounds it with the word " L'Envoi," which he imagines is synonomous. Armado says: " Sirrah Costard, I will enfranchise thee. " Cost. O, marry me to one Frances : / smell some I 'envoy, some goose, in this." The play on these words " goose " and " 1'envoy " in this passage is entirely without point unless it had some topical meaning. When Armado, amused at Costard's mistake in confounding " salve " and " 1'envoy," says : " Doth the inconsiderate take salve for 1'envoy, and the word Tenvoy for salve ? " Moth replies: "Do the wise think them other? is not 1'envoy a salve?" THE SCHOOL OF NIGHT. 99 apparently alluding to the Latin parting salutation, " salve." Armado answers: " No, page, it is an epilogue or discourse, to make plain Some obscure precedence that hath tofore been sain. I will example it: The fox, the ape, and the bumble-bee, Were still at odds, being but three. There's the moral. Now the 1'envoy. Until the goose came out of the door And stayed the odds by adding four. " Moth. A gool l f envoy, ending in the goose; would you desire more? If Chapman's " Amorous Zodiac " be read with the L'Envoi, and the L'Envoi compared with Cos- tard's and Moth's references, the allusions intended by Shakespeare will, I believe, be recognized. The last passage in this play in which the word " goose " or " geese " appears is as follows, when, Longaville having read his sonnet, Biron says: " This is the liver vein, which makes flesh a deity, A green goose a goddess." I shall in the next chapter show that this is a palpable allusion to Chapman. If this be admitted, the claims I make for the previous passages where the same term appears will, I believe, be justified. CHAPTER VI. CHAPMAN DISPLAYED AS THE ORIGINAL OF HOLOFERNES. THAT Holofernes is a caricature of some one pe- dantic original, and not merely a type of pedants in general, has long been the opinion of the best Shakespearean critics. The strokes with which this character is drawn are too intimate and personal for any other conclusion. Mr. Warburton and Dr. Farmer suggested that John Florio, a well-known Anglo-Italian of that day, was Shakespeare's original for this character; their only grounds for this supposition being the somewhat flowery and Bombastic preface with which Florio introduced his " World of Words " to the public, upon the issue of that work in 1598. This theory necessarily assigns the production of " Love's Labor's Lost " to a period subsequent to the publication of Flor- io's book, which alone proves its inconsistency. We may reasonably infer that Shakespeare held Florio in good estimation ; we know that he made use of his translations in some of his plays and that one of the few authentic autographs which we have of Shakespeare's was found in a copy of Florio's trans- lation of Montaigne's " Essays," which is now pre- served in the British Museum. It is quite likely that Florio and Shakespeare were intimate, as both CHAPMAN AS ORIGINAL OF HOLOFERNES. lot were, to some extent, proteges of the Earl of South- ampton. I am fully convinced that Shakespeare has cari- catured George Chapman in the character of Holo- fernes. Whoever will read Chapman's " Shadow of Night," " Ovid's Banquet of Sense," and the son- net-sequence called " A Coronet for His Mistress Philosophy " with their dedications and glossaries, and will compare them with those parts of " Love's Labor's Lost " in which Holofernes appears, will find such an original for the character there repre- sented as shall not be matched in the whole range of Elizabethan literature; especially when this re- markable likeness is supported by the other evi- dences in this play and the Sonnets which I have already adduced. Every fault and foible caricatured in Holofernes will be found in these poems and dedications of Chapman's; the bombastic verbosity and tautology, the erudition gone to seed, the overweening scorn of ignorance, the extravagant similes and far- fetched conceits, and the pedantic Latinity, are all not only clearly indicated, but, I believe, I can show, actually parodied in the play. Even the alliteration of the " Playful Princess " doggerel is noticeable in these poems, but particularly so in " The Shadow of Night," where it often spoils otherwise fine lines. A few of Holofernes' speeches, compared with extracts from the poems and dedications I have mentioned, will prove the caricature. Holofernes is first introduced into the play, dis- 102 SHAKESPEARE AND THE RIVAL POET. cussing the age and quality of a deer which has been killed by the Princess ; thus : " Holo. The deer was, as you know, sanguis, in blood; ripe as the pomewater, who now hangeth like a jewel in the ear of Caelo, the sky, the welkin, the heaven ; and anon falleth like a crab on the face of terra, the soil, the land, the earth. Nath. Truly, Master, Holofernes, the epithets are sweetly varied, like a scholar at the least; but, sir, I assure ye, it was a buck of the first head." Compare this with the following extract from the dedication to " Ovid's Banquet of Sense " : " Obscurity in affection of words and indigested conceits, is pedantical and childish; but where it shroudeth itself in the heart of his subject, uttered with fitness of figure and expressive epithets, with that darkness will I still labor to be shadowed." And again: " Dull. 'Twas not a haud credo ; 'twas a pricket. " Holo. Most barbarous intimation ! yet a kind of insinuation, as it were, in via, in way, of explication ; facere, as it were, replication, or rather, ostentare, to show, as it were, his inclination, after his undressed, unpolished, uneducated, unpruned, untrained, or, rather, unlettered, or, ratherest, unconfirmed fash- ion, to insert again my haud credo for a deer." Compare this effort of Holofernes with the fol- lowing extract from the dedication to " Ovid's Ban- quet of Sense " : CHAPMAN AS ORIGINAL OF HOLOFERNES. 103 " It serves not a skilful painter's turn, to draw the figure of a face only, to make known who it rep- resents; but he must limn, give lustre, shadow and heightening; which though ignorants will es- teem spiced and too curious, yet such as have the judicial perspective will see it hath motion, spirit and life." And again : " Dull. I said the deer was not a hand credo ; 'twas a pricket. " Hoi. Twice sad simplicity, bis coctus ! O thou monster Ignorance, how deformed dost thou look! " Nath. Sir, he hath never fed of the dainties that are bred in a book ; he hath not eat paper as it were ; he hath not drunk ink : .his intellect is not replen- ished; he is only an animal, only sensible in the duller parts : " And such barren plants are set before us, that we thankful should be, Which we of taste and feeling are, for those parts that do fructify in us more than he." Compare the attitude of these scholars, Holo- fernes and Nathaniel, with the following from Chapman's dedication to " Ovid's Banquet of Sense " : " Such is the wilful poverty of judgements, sweet Matthew, wandering like passportless men, in con- tempt of the divine discipline of poesy, that a man may well fear to frequent their walks. The pro- 1