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)UT MEXIC 
 
 bird's-eye view of political, social, and economic 
 ditions, together with an analysis of past American 
 cy and a suggestion for the future — based on a tour 
 observation in Mexico November- December, 1916. 
 
 David Lawrence 
 
 Washington Correspondent of the 
 
 with the sit- "The most important series 
 > Evening News. which has appeared in some 
 
 ew York time on the ^kject of Mexi ' 
 co." — Daily Financial America. 
 
 "No one has a juster appre- 
 ciation of the complexities of 
 the problem."— Charleston(S. C.) 
 News and Courier. 
 
 The fault is not in our stars, but in ourselv 
 
 the 
 
 v. Post Co, 
 
 Price Ten Ce 
 
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 oreword 
 
 We talk a great deal in this country about the ignorance of the 
 I\,_.Yicans aiid the stupidity of their attitude towards the United 
 Stares. We forget that the people of the United States are almost as 
 '11- informed about Mexico as the Mexicans are about this country. 
 It is iv-jz the fault of the public that this is trueT^ trustworthy infor- 
 mation regarding conditions in Mexico has been very difficult to ob- 
 tain, isinformation has been widely circulated^ It has been hard, 
 indeed, o get the facts on which one could rely. , 
 
 Because this has been the situation, the New York' Evening 
 Post ".en: its Washington correspondent, David Lawrence, to make 
 a mur of observation. He was unusually qualified for the assign- 
 ment. He had not only followed closely the development of 
 American policy, spending some time in intimate touch 'with 
 
 i Mexican- American Joint Commission at New London and At- 
 lantic City, but he had himself visited Mexico as a newspaper cor- 
 respondent several times before. Mr. Lawrence speaks Spanish 
 fluently. Before coming - to the Evening Post a year agp, 
 he was in charge of the Mexican story for the Associated Press 
 while m Washington. Previously — 191 1, 1912, and 1915 — he 
 was sent to Mexico by the Associated Press. He was at the 
 battle of Juarez which decided the Madero revolution in 191 1, 
 winning special recognition from the A. P. for his graphic descrip- 
 lions. He travelled southward with Madero, visiting Zapata and 
 
 il. < i'iiefs and remaining with him until the Presidential campaign 
 began in Mexico that year. In 191 2, Mr. Lawrence was sent again 
 by the Vssociated Pres^ to take charge of the Mexican story in 
 northern Mexico, where Orozco was in revolt and Huerta was mov- 
 ing northward as commander-in-chief for Madero. In September, 
 to 1 ;, before recognition was extended, Mr. Lawrence visited Gen. 
 Carranza at Vera Cruz, getting interviews from the First Chief on 
 his attitude toward the l T nited States. He has known Carranza per- 
 sonally for many years, as well as the other personalities conspicuous 
 in the daily dispatches from Mexico in the last six years. - Mr. Law- 
 rence 'joys the confidence 'of leading Mexicans of all classes, has 
 man. friends in the country, and is an unbiassed observer. He went 
 «.v?th no preconceived theories, but in an effort to tell just what he saw, 
 what ( r >m his knowledge of the past constituted the fundamentals 
 of the situation, whether it had really improved or gotten worse, and 
 he was ready to write the truth no matter which way it; ; cut. We feel 
 that his articles are as nearly impartial as it is humanly possible to 
 obtain. 
 
 ■ 
 
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 Contents 
 
 
 The "Vicious Circle" - 
 
 6 
 
 Effect of Pershing Expedition on 
 
 
 Mexican Internal Politics - 
 
 8 
 
 Ascendency of Civil Power Over 
 
 
 ,' Irresponsible Milif$ty Chiefs - 
 
 10 
 
 Exploitation of Mexico by the For- 
 
 
 eigner a Thing of the Past 
 
 11 
 
 Religious Contention a Factor in 
 
 
 Mexico's Social Upheaval 
 
 13 3| 
 
 Mexico Reborn - 
 
 15 
 
 Graft — Pure and Simple 
 
 16 
 
 Armed Intervention - - • - 
 
 18 
 
 Mexico's Constituent Assembly - 
 
 20 
 
 Educational Reform - - 
 
 22 
 
 Venustiano Carranza — The Man - 
 
 24 
 
 Obregon and Gonzales — Their 
 
 
 Personalities 
 
 26, 
 
 Defects in American Policy - - 
 
 28 
 
 * 
 
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 V 
 
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 The Truth About Mexico 
 
 i. ^ 
 
 THE "VICIOUS CIRCLE" 
 
 Just How Lack of Money and Economic Troubles Affect the 
 Crushing of Banditry and the GuerrillaWarfare of Villa — 
 Difficulties With Official Reports — International Commis- 
 sion Viewed Hopefully in Mexico. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 191 6. 
 
 [T Is a far cry from Washington to 
 Mexico City — some 2,000 miles. But 
 .rains, telegraph wires, mails, all the 
 Utions of the day, do not conquer the 
 sal distance. -fTime — centuries of^ 
 separates the civilizations of two 
 ipring peoples, is it any wonder 
 that there are misunderstandings?) The 
 njrfe thing that can prevent such dif- 
 ferences from leading to wars and blood- 
 ied is a tljnely exercise of the power of 
 "/i-rpref«*^|jj. The higher duty obviously 
 belongs to the nation of more advanced 
 >ili/.ation— -till*. United Suites. 
 (Thero are human beings south of the 
 Grande — SO!$jl- ' sixteen millions of 
 They are of a race that has dem- 
 ted in other parts of the world Its 
 rapacity for s . if -government. There is 
 no good reason on GocPs earth why an- 
 other iiyjentina should not rise at the 
 
 doors of the United States, and there will 
 be such a country, if only the two peo- 
 ples can be brought to understand each 
 otherp^ It ought to be a task ot the 
 mind, an accommodation of view-points, 
 not an obligation of the hand — the use 
 of forced That will everywhere be ad- 
 mitted as a proper sentiment, but fs it 
 ' piactical? Therein is the doubt, 
 fit is very easy to shrug one's shoul- 
 ders and dismiss the Mexican problem 
 .With the phrase— intervention eventual- 
 ly, why not now? \ It is easy also to. 
 sympathize so excessively with the de 
 facto Government and the principles of 
 the revolution as to be Wind to the 
 abuses inflicted upon foreigners and na-J 
 tives alike; Jto tha graft, the dishonesty, 
 the fraud, the dirt, the disease, the ban- 
 ditry, and things even more reprehensi- 
 ble?) 
 
 It is hardest to be fair about the whole 
 business, to make reasonable allowances 
 to see far into the future and say 
 what really ought to be done by the 
 United States to help Mexico to her feet, 
 or what ought not to be done by the 
 United States because it might prevent 
 Mexico from getting her balance once 
 more. 
 
 SEEING IS BELIEVING. 
 
 /if the American people, or any disin- 
 terested number of them, could be trans- 
 ported to Mexico for the sole purpose of 
 study and observation, not through the 
 eyes of financially interested people, but 
 with their own powers of scrutiny and 
 broad judgment alerUy in pHiuy the du- 
 ty of the United States would be as clear 
 in the circumstances as it Is with any 
 problem of our domestic life whereftr 
 opinion crystallizes clearly and potenUy. 
 It is unfortunate that more observers 
 do not come. Seeing is believing. Filled 
 with the stories of starvation on every 
 street-corner, widespread suffering and 
 military chaos, this correspondent went 
 to see how Mexico differed from its con- 
 dition a year ago when the de facto Gov- 
 ernment was recognized; how it differed 
 from the days of the Madero Adminis- 
 tration when he saw a fairly normal 
 state of affairs. Possessed of a knowl- 
 edge of the Spanish tongue gained on 
 several previous sojourns in Mexico, as 
 well as an acquaintance among various 
 classes of M^iicans^lind foreigners, fee 
 travelled Southward/to find the ..acts, to 
 make up his own rhind if indeed there 
 is a hopeless case below the Rio Grande, 
 curable only by physical intervention, 
 or whether after all the thing is evolu- 
 tionary and needs infinite patience while 
 it moves forward.) 
 

 
THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 -THE soLrces of information. 
 But is it moving: forward? Tn Mexico 
 really making headway? \The average 
 American will grit his teeth and put 
 up with,a great deal if he can only see 
 progress^ Much of my time in Mex- 
 ico on "this occasion was spent in 
 searching out the facts of the past, but 
 during the very period of observation it 
 was possible actually to witness a change 
 for the better, a change which even 
 members of the disgruntled American 
 colony admitted was an improvement on 
 times past, on a year ago, for instance. 
 ^ In all fairness to the Americans living 
 in Mexico, to the members of our Con- 
 sular service and diplomats, it can be 
 stated that they are not fully informed. 
 That is only natural. Thfcy have other 
 business to attend to than continuously 
 to survey the political, economic, or so- 
 cial conditions of the country in which 
 they live. The American is busy most 
 of the day with his own profession, his 
 mines, his merchandise. The diplomat 
 or Consul sits in his office, engrossed in 
 a mass of routine, and listens to the gos- 
 sip of the travellers who happen to drop 
 in with the stories they have heard. If 
 the American Embassy in Mexico City 
 were instructed to verify only one of 
 a dozen stories It hears, it would find 
 Itself confronted by an almost hopeless 
 task. 
 
 But the newspaper men, those who are 
 making a bird's-eye view of things every 
 day, those who are talking with the Mexi- 
 can Government officials daily and yet 
 are in contact with the foreigners and 
 are able to judge of the merit of their 
 • complaints, these unofficial but trained 
 observers really know more about what 
 is going on in Mexico than any other 
 class of folks. The resident correspon- 
 dents without a single exception, good 
 American newspaper men, who have put 
 up with a lot of personal inconvenience, 
 too, ftold me that \ Mexico had improved, 
 and that she was moving ahead, and that 
 if the United States and Mexico once 
 composed their border difficulties, there 
 would not bo the slightest doubt about 
 the future of Mexico, for while all her 
 leaders might not be efficient, enough of 
 them were capable, enough were honest, 
 slowly to conquer the graft and the dis- 
 honesty, and to establish a strong' Gov- 
 ernment, though it might take a year and 
 possibly two — because everything moves' 
 slowly in Mexico. 3 This procrastination 
 is usually the American's first point of 
 misunderstanding. He mistakes slow mo- 
 tion for reluctance, self-sufficiency, or 
 unwillingness. 
 
 And are these newspaper men them- 
 selves happy? Are things any bet- 
 ter for them than the other Americans 
 in business? Not at all. The correspon- 
 dents wait hours at a time to see a sub- 
 ordinate Mexican official. They put up 
 
 with vexatious whims of the censor. They 
 work at all hours of the night. They 
 sift out lies and gossip. They run the 
 risks of disease, of being targets for stray 
 bullets in street fights and brawls, of hav- 
 ing their pockets picked, of being- blown 
 up in trains, but they sit down and tell- 
 you in all fairness that, given half a 
 chance, the Carranza Government .will 
 puff through; but the facts are in front 
 of you. 
 
 TALKS WITH CARRANZA AND OTHER LEADERS. 
 
 Without disclosing the purpose of my 
 trip — to form a conclusion as to whether 
 intervention was really necessary at this 
 time — I had the opportunity of talking 
 with Gen. Carranza, then Gens. Obregon 
 and Gonzales, several Government offi- 
 cials whom I had known in the Madero 
 revolution, some "Cientifico" friends who 
 are living quietly in Mexico City and are 
 taking no part in politics; with diplomats, 
 foreign consuls, American business men; 
 in fact, with people of every point of view 
 and of every difference of opinion. 
 
 One. of these "cientincos," who had 
 every reason to hate the de facto Gov- 
 ernment, but whom I had known years 
 before when he was in the diplomatic 
 service, told me privately that the Car- 
 ranza. Government had done much bet- 
 ter than he had ever dreamed if would, 
 and that he believed they would succeed 
 in reestablishing law and order in Mex- 
 ico. Such an opinion, considering the 
 source, is obviously a fair one, especial- 
 ly since the man who gave it was him- 
 self imprisoned on suspicion when he first 
 returned to Mexico City, but is now quiet- 
 ly practicing law, free from harm, yet not 
 at all In sympathy with the existing Ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 MHXICO'S TBOUBLE ECONOMIC. 
 
 f To form a judgment of Mexico as a 
 I whole it is necessary at this time to in- 
 I vestigate Its sociological aspects, what 
 ! has been done toward educating the ig- 
 / norant masses, what is the condition of 
 I the railways and freight transportation, 
 | what is Mexico's real financial condition, 
 \ what do the activities of bandits and 
 j rebels amount to, and a series of other 
 \ subjects that will be described in subse- 
 | quent articles. Yet in twenty-four. 
 • hours it is possible for any one to come 
 to the conclusion that ^Mexico's troubles 
 is nothing more nor less than economic.^* 
 There is a phrase "CircuJo vicioso." used 
 as a rule in connection with the round- 
 about methods of Mexican politicians, 
 but it applies exactly to the present sit- 
 uation. It begins something like this: 
 
 The United States wants Mexico to 
 protect the lives and properties of for- 
 eigners. To do this; military discipline 
 and a sufficient army are necessary. To 
 have an army requires money, because' 
 troops can be organized well only if they 
 
 'are paid. Diaz had the money. Enough 
 officers would abandon grafting if they 
 were paid any decent compensation to 
 handle the few bandits and rebela If 
 the peons are not paid by the Govern- 
 jment, they will join Villa, Felix Diaz, 'or 
 [any other factional leader who happen* 
 ;to come along. 
 
 < But American bankers say they can 
 
 make no loan until Mexico is at peace; 
 
 'the United States Government says the 
 
 'de facto Government cannot have am- 
 
 . munition until the stability of the latter 
 
 is established. The Mexican authorities 
 
 ; declare this to be the "vicious circle" — 
 
 they are denied the very elements which 
 
 it is necessary for them to have in order 
 
 to accomplish the tranquillization of their 
 
 country. 
 
 Again, the United States says, "Crush 
 out banditry in Chihuahua and we will 
 withdraw the Pershing expedition." The 
 Carranza Government feels that Villa is 
 augmenting his forces by appealing to 
 the patriotism of the people, by accusing 
 the de facto Government of standing su- 
 pinely by while foreign troops camp on 
 Mexican soil; that's why Mexico can't 
 understand the United States. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION'S BENEFICENT 
 INFLUENCE. 
 
 The American-Mexican Commission 
 meeting at Atlantic City is the very best 
 thing that has happened in the relations 
 of the two countries. I fofmd everywhere 
 among the Mexicans a confidence that 
 the work of the Commission eventually 
 would be a success. It is incidentally a 
 check on the anti : American spirit. It is 
 enabling the de facto Government to turn 
 its attention to interior problems without 
 fear of a foreign war. 
 
 Alberto J. Pan!, who came here to re- 
 port on the work of the Commission, has 
 explained the American viewpoint elo- 
 quently and comprehensively and In a 
 language that the Mexican leaders un- 
 derstand. ^ 
 
 The international problem is" not ye* 
 solved. There will be more discussion, 
 but the horizon is much clearer than it 
 has been. Gen. Carranza and the thought- 
 ful men about him know and appreciate 
 what help or harm the Unite! states can 
 be to them, and they want to reach a 
 friendly basis with their Northern neigh- 
 bor .CThe desire to^have peace exceeds the 
 wisn of a minority for trouble and con- 
 flict. What more powerful slogan for Gen. 
 Carranza than "he has kept us out Of war 
 with the United States".?/ 
 
 PROGK kss is t^JW^r 
 
 V Mexico is progressing slowly. Her eco- 
 nomic condition, whH« very serious, la 
 better to-day than It was a month ago 
 or a year ago. \AU the paper money has 
 been driven out of circulation, and metal- 
 
 " 
 
lazo 
 
lie money, Mexican gold and silver]] hith- 
 erto hoarded, "has come out. Prices remain 
 high, but people can do business, because 
 metallic currency has a definite value; 
 there is no fluctuation. 
 /American money is accepted in many 
 transactions in Mexico, and for the pres- 
 ent there seems to be enough to meet the 
 circulation needs. It is a curious 
 phenomenon that the American, dollar is 
 •worth less than Mexican silver or gold. 
 In normal times, you could exchange two 
 1 Mexican silver pesos for one American 
 dollar. Now the American dollar bill or 
 silver dollar is worth only one peso and 
 ninety cents in Mexican gold or silver. 
 This is not due to any real depreciation, 
 but to the working of the law of supply 
 and demand. Mexican silver and gold are 
 much scarcer and, of course, are still pre- 
 ferred by most merchants. Eventually, 
 when the American dollar is accepted 
 everywhere or when there is an issue of 
 PRper money based on an actual gold 
 reserve, the old ratio of two paaoB for 
 an American dollar will obtain, feut the 
 vital fact is that the economic situation 
 •has been relieved, that business men 
 know "where they are at" and do not 
 
 E TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 have to calculate their prices on a fluc- 
 tuating paper currency, and that the 
 troops and Government employees are 
 being paid in metallic currency and new 
 Government bondsA <" 
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION AT WORK. 
 
 Other factors have brought about a 
 noticeable change within the last two 
 weeks; the Constituent Assembly at 
 Queretaro has organized and Is revising 
 the Constitution. The general elections 
 will be held in February, and the consti- 
 tutional order has been definitely an- 
 nounced to begin on April 1, when Ve- 
 nustiano Carranwi will be inaugurated 
 President. The Courts of Justice and 
 Congress will be formally opened 
 then. The executive, legislative, and 
 judicial branches of the Government, 
 hitherto combined under the office of 
 First Chief in Charge of the Executive 
 Power, will go into operation again as in 
 the constitutional regime of Madero. 
 which was interrupted by Huerta'r 
 usurpation and illegal overthrow of the 
 Government. The sight of constitutional 
 guarantees, courts of process, and an end 
 of arbitrary decrees only three months 
 
 away, already has had a good moral ef- 
 fect as have the protestations of the 
 Guatemalan Government that It will not 
 permit the followers of Felix Diaz to 
 make of Guatemalan territory a base of 
 supply. 
 
 ST0RIK8 OF STARVATION EXAGGERATED. 
 
 There is no starvation of any ex- . 
 traordinary character. Some isolated 
 places are suffering— these are In the 
 Guanajuato and Zacatecas districts, but 
 it is due as much to interruption of rail- 
 road traffic as the economic conditions of 
 two and three months ago and failure 
 to plant crops on account of military 
 activities. But these situations are being 
 corrected. On the whole, making duo 
 allowance for many disagreeable things, 
 conditions are much better than they 
 have been in some time and the general 
 trend of affairs is decidedly for the bet- 
 ter. ^This does not mean that old com- 
 fortsSire availably that Americans and 
 their families can go back as yet, but 
 simply that Mexico is working out her 
 own problem In her own way, a pain- 
 fully slow process, but not by any means 
 ;>. hopeless one.) 
 
 II. 
 
 EFFECT OF PERSHING EXPEDITION 
 
 ON MEXICAN INTERNAL POLITICS 
 
 Carranza Government Accused of Permitting Foreign "In- 
 vader" to Occupy Mexican Territory— Villa Appeals to 
 Patriotism of People to Get Recruits— While United 
 States Insists on Unlimited Pursuit It Really Desires Effi- 
 Pursuit. 
 
 caci< 
 
 Queretaro, Mex y December, 191 6. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL affairs are usually 
 the least of Mexican worries — there is 
 so m»Ch to he done at home; but just 
 now Gent, yenustiano Carranza -is busied 
 with litaaetee. While not «amltttng it 
 as a rule, most Mexican leaders realize 
 
 nowadays that in a friendly understand- 
 ing with the United .States lies tni key- 
 to success for the dc facto Government. 
 
 Alberto J. Pani, who came here from 
 Atlantic City to advise the First Chief 
 of what had been discussed during the 
 
 eleven weeks of meetings held by tha 
 Mexican-American Commission, has had 
 pretty much the centre of the stage; but 
 with rare discretion he has managed to 
 keep details of his mission a confidential 
 affair between himself, the First Chief, 
 and the head of the Foreign Office. 
 
 And as he started back to the 
 United States, neither the people nor tha 
 press, nor even the officials and mili- 
 tary men knew just what communication 
 he was carrying. Somehow there is a faith 
 in the ability of the First Chief to handle 
 the whol« business in a manner consis- 
 tent with Mexican dignity and pride, and 
 nobody becomes over-curious The only 
 word passed out was that "things ar« 
 going well in international matters." 
 
 One thing, however, Is clear. No one 
 in all Mexico could have presented the 
 American point of view better than has 
 Mr. Pani. He has the confidence and 
 affection of the First Chief and of Mexi- 
 can officials generally, and it was easy 
 to see by the effusive greetings he re- 
 ceived that he is popular., Mr. Pani 
 himself was impressed by the courtesy 
 and altruistic spirit of the American 
 
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wmimmamaa^tUBKUKUMKBttBKKSKBBBB^B^KtKXMS^BS^ 
 
 HE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 9 
 
 Commissioners, ana he did not fail to 
 give an account of the variety of subjects 
 under discussion, clothing his verbal and 
 oral reports with a fine tribute to the 
 cordial spirit displayed by American rep- 
 resentatives. ' 
 
 It was too much to expect that the 
 protocols "which Mr. Panl carried from 
 Atlantic City would be signed here with- 
 out further discussion by the Commis- 
 sion. The stumbling-block is a vital one, 
 but presents no insurmountable difficulty. 
 
 PERSHING EXPEDITION AS VIEWED BOTH WAYS. 
 
 The United States is willing to with- 
 draw its forces within forty days, pro- 
 viding there is a recognition by Mexico 
 of its obligation to protect the frontier. 
 But the United States announced its in- 
 tention to pursue to a finish the bandits 
 who may raid American territory. The 
 Mexicans object to-day, as they al : 
 ways have objected, to granting the 
 unlimited rights of pursuit. They 
 claim, as they have argued in their 
 notes about the Pershing expedition, that 
 the presence of infantry, cavalry, and ar- 
 tillery alarms the populace, making them 
 suspicious that the real purpose is not 
 to catch a few bandits, but military oc- 
 cupation — the much dreaded Interven- 
 tion. 
 
 On its part, the American Government 
 contends that to put qualifications or limi- 
 tations on the right of pursuit is to de- 
 stroy the efficacy of such pursuit, just as 
 happened when the progress of the Per- 
 shing expedition was retarded by failure 
 to permit the free use of railroads or 
 Mexican towns as bases of supply. Nor 
 does the American Government want to 
 give Mexico the reciprocal right of pur- 
 suit, though this right is likely never to 
 be ucsd, because Mexican troops will not 
 have occasion to repel raids started from 
 American territory. . Yet, for the sake of 
 the national dignity, it is desired by the 
 de facto Government, 
 
 CONCESSIONS MEXICO WILL MAKE. 
 
 The Mexican Government realizes that 
 limitations on pursuit might retard the 
 pursuers and enable the bandits to es- 
 cape, and is willing to make several con- 
 cessions. For example, it will permit the 
 Immediate entry of American forces, pro- 
 vided there is prompt notification to the 
 Mexican commander of the district af- 
 j fected, limitation of size of the expedition, 
 }■ and agreement that the forces shall be^ 
 ; withdrawn as soon as sufficient Govern- 
 1 ment troops are brought into the vicinity 
 of the bandit operations to take up the 
 pursuit. Indeed, the Mexicans would not 
 object to the continued presence of the 
 American forces and their cooperation on 
 Mexican soil with the Mexican troops, 
 but the command of such allied columns 
 is naturally wanted by the Mexican au- 
 thorities. To do otherwise, Mexico 
 
 argues, would be to yield sacred rights of 
 sovereignty. 
 
 The American Commissioners insisted 
 on the right of unlimited pursuit, but 
 the, Mexicans refused. It was decided to 
 omit from the protocols themselves the 
 whole business, each Government agree- 
 ing to protect its own frontier. But a 
 public statement was made by the United 
 States threatening to send, in the event 
 of a raid like that at otolumbus, 
 another punitive expedition, of what- 
 ever size it chose, to go whatever 
 distance it thought necessary to pursue 
 the bandits to a finish. But this could 
 lead to war, since the Mexicans again 
 would resent a long-distance pursuit, be- 
 cause the bandits who may have sought 
 to provoke intervention by attacking 
 American towns would not be averse to 
 drawing the American forces ail the way 
 to Mexico City, in *he hope of entangling 
 them with the constituted Government 
 or the populace, and thus precipitating 
 a general conflict. 
 
 /Such a threat or unlimited pursuit 
 might have a deterrent effect on bandits 
 and cause the de facto Government scru- 
 pulously to guard its frontier, but, just 
 the same, the relations between the two 
 countries would not be benefited, for a 
 club would be held over the heads of the 
 Mexican Government which would make 
 everybody, including American bankers, 
 and even foreign residents in Mexico, in- 
 clined to discount the moral support by 
 the United States of the de facto Govern- 
 ment, and keep the international status 
 of things continuously hanging by a hair. 
 Americans might not be willing to re- 
 turn to their accustomed occupations In 
 Mexico. Any moment they might be 
 ordered out, because of the dangers to 
 them involved in dispatching a punitive 
 expedition across the border that might 
 be combated by the Government forces. 
 
 A COMPROMISE PLAN. 
 
 There is no doubt that the United 
 States would be doing more to help Mex- 
 ico by agreeing to some limitation of the 
 right <»f pursuit, but at the same time 
 insisting that the effectiveness of such 
 pursuit must not be impeded, lest tha 
 United States hold itself at liberty to dis- 
 regard the limitations in cases arising 
 subsequent to the one in wnieh the in- 
 efticacy of pursuit will have been demon- 
 strated. Some such compromise seems 
 reasonable and fair. The important point 
 involved, however, in the previous expe- 
 rience of the United States with the mili- 
 tary forces of the de facto Government 
 sent to northern Mexico to lake control 
 of the territory evacuated by the Per- 
 shing expedition has been the alleged re- 
 luctance, indifference, or incapacity of the 
 Car ran za forces. , 
 
 If the Carranza officers have not bean 
 vigilant in their pursuit of Villa (and If 
 
 this is conclusively proved to the Ameri- 
 can army observers), then the Mexican 
 Government should be advised of their 
 delinquency, and the information used as 
 a basis for action. 
 
 Carranza, it must be remembered, has 
 not yet got a competent military ma- 
 chine. He had put faith In' Gen. Jacinto 
 Trevino — a Chapultepec graduate— but , 
 the latter has proved a failure. Gen. 
 Murgia is now being tried out, and his 
 defeat of Villa in Chihuahua City has en- 
 couraged the First Chief to believe that 
 at last he has secured some one who will 
 run Vina down. Should Murgia f«^. 
 Gen. Alvaro Obregon, the Minister of 
 War, will leave his official duties at Mex- 
 ico City and take the field himself. 
 
 THINGS MOVE SLOWLY IN MEXICO. 
 
 Things move slowly in Mexico. It takes 
 time for the Mexican Government to 
 weed out Its own incompetent menu If * 
 the United States can only be assured of 
 the good faith, sincerity, and earnest dis- 
 position of Gen. Carranza and his Gov- 
 ernment to do all that they humanly can 
 to stamp out banditry, forgiveness of 
 mistakes would not be withheld. Such a 
 pressure ought constantly to be exerted by 
 friends of the First Chief. ('Gen. Carranza » 
 is a fair-minded individual and lately Is 
 reported to have shown a much more 
 friendly disposition toward the United 
 States and Americans generally — a will- 
 ingness to go half-way. j 
 
 If there were only more concrete evi- 
 dence of his friendliness all would be 
 well, but obviously he cannot do much 
 while American troops are camping on 
 Mexican soil, any more than an Ameri- 
 can President would dare to be over- 
 friendly with the respective Emperors of 
 Japan and Germany if the troops of either 
 were bivouacked in Texas or California. 
 
 The most friendly thing the United 
 States could do to-day to win the friend- 
 ship and confidence of the Mexicans 
 would be to withdraw the Pershing ex- 
 pedition voluntarily and announce its 
 intention of giving its whole-hearted mo^ 
 ral support to the de facto Government* 
 exchange would rise in Mexico, foreign- 
 ers would have confidence that there was 
 to be international comity, and a con- 
 sequent improvement in economic condi- 
 tions wtiuld soon be apparent. Such an 
 improvement would mean that the Gov- 
 ernment of Mexico would be able to raise 
 the funds wherewith to pay its troops 
 and organize an efficient patrolling forte 
 to prevent border raids and glva lifte nec- 
 essary protection within Mexico to the 
 lives and properties of Americans <atid 
 foreigners. It's agaim the famous "vl- < 
 cious circle"— but the circle must be 
 broken by the United States with just 
 such acts of friendship, or our altruistic 
 words will be, as always, misconstrued 
 and suspected. 
 
pizo 
 
10 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 III. 
 
 ASCENDENCY OF CIVIL POWER OVER 
 
 IRRESPONSIBLE MILITARY CHIEFS 
 
 Constitutionalist Administration Supported by Military Men- 
 Difference Between Carranza and Madero— Dealing with 
 Marauding Bandits and Train-wreckers— Railroad Con- 
 ditions. 
 
 _i_ — , 
 
 • Mexico City, December, 1910. 
 
 POLITICAL intrigue, which is ( as 
 plentiful in Mexico as the green Ca<v 
 tus, and often just as thorny an im- 
 pediment to progress, has not abated a bit 
 under the revolutionary era; but now- 
 adays it is directed, not against the 
 constituted Government, but looks dis- 
 tantly to the elections of 1920, when 
 Venustiano Carranza's term as President 
 is due to expire. 
 
 The election of Mr. Carranza in Feb- 
 ruary and his inauguration in April are 
 foregone conclusions. There is no armed 
 opposition in sight which is of sufficient^ 
 strength to overthrow Carranza, and 
 within his own party there is none whQ 
 would essay such a task. ? Mexico to-day 
 is better off, politically speaking, than it 
 has been in some time. Venustiano Car- ^ 
 ranza started the revolution against 
 Hucrta. He has held his forces Intact 
 throughout It all; he has been recognized 
 ||b Chief Executive of the de facto Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 3?he men of Carranza's party are in 
 complete control of the Constituent As- 
 sembly which is framing a new Constitu- 
 tion for Mexico at Queretaro, and alto- 
 gether his right to the Presidency is 
 questioned neither on legal nor on moral > 
 grounds. % 
 
 The very feet that all the mililary men 
 are giving thj^r political support to Gen. 
 Carranza had stabilized conditions very 
 much. But everybody realizes that in 
 the hands of these same military men 
 ( *ests the fate of the present Administra- 
 jtion. A triumvirate, therefore, rules 
 Mexico — Venustiano Carranza, Alvaro 
 Obregon, and Pablo Gonzales. The last 
 two command the two largest divisions 
 of the\»*rniy. At present both men are 
 in Mexico City, a year ago one heard 
 a good' Heal of talk to the effect that any 
 
 day Gen. Obregon might break with Car- 
 ranza The same gossip is to be had 
 for the asking, but not so many people 
 believe it any more. No one who has 
 talked with Gen. Obregon five minutes 
 would believe it. To be sure, there is 
 more plausibility to the story of jealousy 
 between Obregon and Gonzales, but these 
 proceed from the sycophants and staffs 
 of the two men rather than from them- 
 selves. 
 
 BOTH OBRIXJON AND U0NZAL.E8 ARB PATRIOTS. 
 
 Both are capable, patriotic Mexicans 
 and far too shrewd to disrupt the pres- 
 ent Government and start the revolution- 
 ary business all over again. Mr. Carranza 
 has benefited by such rivalry as has ex- 
 isted between Obregon and Gonzales. At 
 all cents, both are united behind the 
 First Chief, and they talk of his election 
 as an assured fact — as if it had already- 
 happened. Both Gonzales and Obregon 
 may be candidates for the Presidency in 
 1920. Each will set out to make a rec- 
 ord \tnder Carranza. Obregon is now 
 Minister of War; he will probably remain 
 there, for he is an unusually successful 
 military man. Gonzales- is a born ad- 
 ministrator. He, too, will have an oppor- 
 tunity to show his worth. He is per- 
 haps the most popular of all the Consti- 
 tutionalist generals, so far as Mexico City 
 is concerned. Foreigners generally say 
 he is eminently fair and capable, and wish 
 for his return to direct charge of the 
 affairs of the Federal districts. 
 
 But the interesting thing is that, while 
 ambitious, these men are doing nothing 
 to impede the progress of the de facto 
 Government or the political future prog- 
 ress of Don Venustiano. The Constitu- 
 tion provides for a four-year term and no 
 reelection. Both Gonzales and Obregon 
 are under forty, and therefore can wait 
 
 until 1920. Other candidates froi 
 civil ranks are likely to appear in the 
 interim. Which is the way politics 
 
 rould be in a democracy. 
 Provided Carranza hews to the line, 
 ovided he makes no compromises with 
 the foreigners, provided he follows close- 
 ly the principles of the revolution, there- 
 fore, he can be counted upon to have 
 clear .sailing so far as internal politics 
 is concerned 1 !) There is no danger that 
 he will depart from his intense nation- 
 alism. It has been his creed from the 
 start. 
 
 DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CARRANZA AND MADERO. 
 
 /^The difference between Madero and 
 Carranza — for tfte comparison must be 
 made in order to forecast whether the 
 Liberal movement will succeed this time 
 — is the difference between an idealist 
 without administrative ability and a prac- 
 tical man with radical principles, a poli- 
 tician of yore, and a capable executive) 
 
 Madero, who came into power after a 
 very brief revolution, with the physical 
 and economic condition of Mexico hardly 
 changed from the time of Diaz, lasted 
 a year and four months. During his Ad- 
 ministration his forces made little prog- 
 ress against Zapata in the South, and 
 were constantly righting Orozco in the 
 North. The Carranza party has already 
 held itself together longer than that; in 
 fact, it is now a year and a month since 
 the Carranza Administration was recog- 
 nized by the nrincipal nations of the 
 world. And Carranza's battle has been 
 to bring order out of anarchy, to keep 
 intact military men of all classes and 
 descriptions, many of them dishonest, 
 many of them so anti-foreign as to x 
 threaten international complications, and 
 a great many financially dishonest, plain 
 grafters. 
 
 CARRANZA UNDERSTANDS HIS DIFFlfcULTIBS. 
 
 Does General Carranza know the weak 
 spots in his own party? Better than 
 any man in it. But he is skilful and 
 diplomatic. When a general is "acting 
 up" and he cannot be handled by tele- 
 graph without fear that he will sud- 
 denly take up his forces and go off on 
 the war path, Mr. Carranza invariably 
 sends for him, brings him to the capital 
 "for conference." Away from his men, 
 an obstreperous chief is not able to do 
 much mischief, and Mr. Carranza has 
 usually foind a way of placing such men 
 where they are either under the eye 
 of another general or busily occupied 
 fighting Zapatistas or Villistas, instead of 
 loaf>ng, which breeds most abuse. 
 
 /This may sound like craven tactics, but 
 ic-4« the better part of wisdom in Mexico. 
 The Constitutionalist army is really a 
 variation of the old feudal system. The 
 men fight for their majors, their colonels, 
 or their generals. They don't, the ma- 
 
yizo 
 
Jority of them, fight for any principle. 
 Many of the leaders do, and thatfs why 
 a revolutionary army Is such an incon- 
 gruous affair//But it is a necessary in- • 
 strument, ana the hardest task is to dis- 
 band it when it Is once organized. Car- 
 ranza knew from the start that he had 
 to depend on the military men. Little by 
 little grew his own strength, the civil 
 power. It will reach its maximum point 
 with his inauguration as President In 
 April. As his power has increased he 
 has slowly gained the ascendency over 
 the generals, and he is much bolder and 
 far more radical with them, and they 
 obey his orders more diligently to-day 
 than a year ago. Bo not suppose that 
 this means perfect discipline, or that 
 Mexico isn't infested by bands or groups 
 of rebels. Scarcely a state that hasn't 
 *X Its marauders, but the surprising thing 
 is that there are so few trains blown uj>, 
 instead of so many, as the American is 
 likely to think, from reading the reports 
 of these "accidents." But it takes only 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 a half-dozen men to wreck a train and 
 run away. It requires tens of thousands 
 to patrol the railroad lines that run 
 through wild stretches of mountain and 
 the wasted plains of desert land. 
 
 One good thing the Government is do- 
 ing now is its sending of troops to points 
 on the line where it suspects disaffection. 
 Hitherto the Government has waited, as 
 a rule, Until a train was wrecked before 
 regarding the bandits seriously. The new 
 and cautious method saves rolling stock 
 as well as human lives. 
 
 TBLKQRAPH COMMUNICATION IMPROVING. 
 
 Telegraph communication is pretty 
 good, and is constantly improving. The 
 main lines have been restored. Trains 
 arc running regularly to Mexico City from 
 all border points, with the exception of 
 Juarez. In the interior traffic is fairly 
 good to Guadalajara, Aguascalientes, 
 Vera Cruz, and all the larger cities. In u 
 year the Constitutionalists have done re- 
 
 11 
 
 markably well in restoring railroad com- 
 munication. Between San Luis Potosi and 
 Tampico the Cedilla brothers are on the 
 rampage, and trains run Irregularly. Be- 
 tween Vera Cruz and Mexico City only 
 daylight service obtains, with not as 
 much risk as a month ago, but still with 
 a great deal of uncertainty, for freight 
 especially. 
 
 Yet the encouraging thing Is that the 
 de facto Government is fighting these 
 mosquito enemies as well as it can. r And 
 as soon as the mines are reopened and 
 there is more work for the unemployed 
 much of the banditry will disappear^ The 
 Government is doing all that most fair- 
 minded people- in Mexico think it can do 
 with its limited funds; but so long as ths 
 direction of things is forward, and not 
 backward, foreigners and natives alike 
 are hopeful. Patience and hope are Mex- 
 ico's greatest staples, which is why the 
 whole thing hasn't collapsed ere this, and 
 why there is a mighty good chance that 
 It won't. 
 
 IV. 
 
 EXPLOITATION OF MEXICO BY THE 
 
 FOREIGNER A THING OF THE PAST 
 
 Anti-Foreign Attitude of To-day a Natural Outgrowth of Diaz 
 Waste of Resources— Carranza Government Quietly 
 Adopting Foreigners' Methods, However— Administra- 
 tive Changes and New Cabinet Departments. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 191 6. 
 
 MSXICO, for patriotic reasons, just now 
 is anti-foreign, fanatically so. The 
 Diaz regime catered to the foreigners 
 and their wealth, squandering the resources 
 of the country among Americans, English, 
 Germans, etc. (Indeed, Mexicounder the 
 Diaz Administration was cTffFstened "the 
 , iovTnT"m°ther oi the foreign* and the 
 
 brutal stepmother of the Mexicans." This 
 state of affairs' was* one of the causes of 
 the revolution, begun by Madero in 1910 
 and c^£inii"d successfully by Carranza, 
 and now one of the inevitable effects is 
 a natural reaction against all foreigners, 
 a political clamor that foreigners shall 
 not possess more privileges than nationals. 
 
 Such an intense nationalism has devel- 
 oped that all things foreign are held at 
 a distance, and some time will elapse be- 
 fore it will be possible openly to encour- 
 age the development of Mexico's resources 
 by foreign capital — a necessary itep in 
 her internal progress as~ will eventually 
 he discovered, if it is not already known, 
 by the thoughtful Mexican leaders them- 
 selves. VBut "Mexico for Mexicans" is the 
 slogan to-day, and it always is a popular 
 shibboleth in revolutionary days, as a 
 bait-century of Mexican history proves.- 
 I tail way's, for example, used to be or 1 i ;ited • 
 by Americans, Englishmen, or otlier for-^ 
 eigners. On the National Lines to-day yo* v 
 see only Mexican engineers, Mexican tin- 
 men, Mexican conductors, and Mexican 
 porters. All parts of the organization, 
 division superintendents, dispatchers, and 
 clerks, are Mexican, as it is with all other 
 branches of the governmental service to- 
 day. 
 
 Yet, while the Mexican leaders arc not 
 saying much about it. they-sj» auietly 
 looking about the world to incorporate 
 in their governmental system the very 
 best things that the foreigner has mould- 
 ed. ItSs too early to employ foreign ex- 
 perts—that would be resented by the 
 radicals and a political Issue made of it-^; 
 
IZU 
 
12 
 
 but in the next few years you will See 
 a number of Mexican cothrriisslons going 
 abroad to study educational and techni- 
 cal questions, to bring back the benefit 
 of foreign Governments' experience in 
 commercial and industrial problems. 
 
 Indeed. Gen. Venustiano Carranza is 
 planning, together with the Constituent 
 Assembly, which is revising the Constitu- 
 tion at Queretaro, an administrative re- 
 form of far-reaching importance to Mex- 
 ico. The executive branch of the Gov- 
 ernment will be reorganized with an eye 
 to a distinct separation of the executive 
 departments from dangerous political in- 
 fluences. 
 
 s 
 
 TO AB0U8H VICE-PRE8IDENCT. 
 
 In the first place, the Vice-Presidency 
 will be abolished. Why? Simply because 
 it is a constant source of danger. The 
 Vice-President has been next in line of 
 succession to the President in event of 
 death. His ambitions might lead him to 
 intrigue or so to prejudice the status of 
 the President politically as to encourage 
 assassination or other means of depos- 
 ing him. This has happened before. So it 
 has been with other Cabinet Ministers, 
 from the post of Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs down. Realizing that the Min- 
 ister of Foreign Affairs has been sec- 
 ond in succession (or even first, if the 
 Vice-Presidency happened to be vacant), 
 the* portfolio has been too often filled to 
 meet internal political expediency, rather 
 than the needs of the office. Consequent- 
 ly Mexico's foreign Ministers with few 
 exceptions have rarely been diplomats. 
 The temptation is to name one's successor 
 by making him first Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, thus perpetuating a system and 
 denying the people their right to choose 
 their own President 
 
 AH this is now to be change.l, and by 
 the simple and democratic process of 
 having the people through the Congress 
 choose a successor to the President, no 
 Hba tter how the vacancy occurs, by death, 
 ttHignation, or physical disability. The 
 Congress must choose the President. It 
 is much better than our own system In 
 the Unit»'<t States, when a chance, may 
 remove an i fncient President and leave 
 >>untiy in the hands of a man who 
 never -was int< i. . I by the people to be 
 their CttWf° Executive. They have no 
 other rerriedgf. 
 
 Gen. CaFransa thinks, too, that by 
 keeping his Cabinet Ministers out of the 
 line of succesarteik he can appoint a Min- 
 ister for Foreigi Affairs who is really 
 i fit for the place, someone who knows 
 Img&iething about diplomacy and interna- 
 tional affairs.' One more change is need- 
 ed to safeguard the new system. Mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet ought to be ineligible 
 for selection by the Congress to succeed 
 to tttf; president v. ThJ* would put a 
 check*0& intrigues with Congress. It is 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 being discussed and may be adopted, 
 though the objection has been raised that 
 too few men of executive experience will 
 then be available for choice. 
 
 NATIONAL UNIVERSITY TO BE JORMED. 
 
 There are to be several ether changes 
 in the organization of the executive pow- 
 er. Besides suppressing the Vice-Presi- 
 dency, the incumbent of which office 
 could hitherto take over any Cabinet 
 portfolio he desired, the Department of 
 Public Instruction and the Ministry of 
 Justice will be abolished. In order to 
 take the question of education out of 
 politics, a commissionership of education 
 will be created to cooperate with the 
 State Governments in promoting educa- 
 tion. A national university or council 
 will be formed, composed to some ex- 
 tent of foreigners, which will make the 
 question of education an unofficial and 
 less public affair. This will permit of 
 aid from foreign institutions of learn- 
 ing. 
 
 Similarly, in order to correct abuses 
 which have arisen in connection with 
 the Ministry of Justice, a department that 
 had administrative charge of th* courts 
 and too often has influenced them, the 
 portfolio will be done away with entirely. 
 In its place there will be an Attorney- 
 General, but he will not be a member 
 of the Cabinet. He will be merely a gen- 
 eral counsel for the Government, and will 
 not have any more influence before the 
 courts than other attorney* The pur- 
 pose of the move is to make the admin- 
 istration of justice by the courts abso- 
 lutely independent of politics, a judiciary 
 in strength coordinate with the legisla- 
 tive and executive branches of the Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The method of* selecting a President 
 by the Congress has worked successfully 
 in Peru and other Latin- American coun- 
 tries, though to be sure in some of the 
 Latin republics, as Chili, for example, the 
 French system of making the Cabinet 
 responsible to the Congress and depen- 
 dent on its votes of confidence is in op- 
 eration. There has been serious discus- 
 sion here of a parliamentary form of 
 government for Mexico, much along the 
 lines of the French plan, but Gen. Car- 
 ranza in his address to the Constituent 
 Assembly, pointed out several objections 
 to it, proposing instead the Presidential 
 system in vogue in the United States 
 with the right of the people to vote di- 
 rectly for President of Mexico Instead of 
 indirectly through electors. 
 
 WHEN CARRANZA IS PRKSIDKNT. 
 
 Mexico has had many provisional Cab- 
 inets in the last few years, and Ameri- 
 cans who have come in contact even with 
 some of the members of the First Chief's 
 Cabinet to-day are not impressed with 
 the calibre of Mr. Carranea'e 1 aids. But 
 
 a revolutionary government is a different 
 thing from a constitutional government, 
 just as are a de facto administration and 
 a de jure administration in' the laws of 
 ■nations. Mexico will have, beginning 
 about April 1, a de jure government, be- 
 cause by then Venustiano Carranza and 
 a Congress of Deputies and Senators will 
 have been elected. When Mr. Carranza 
 is President, and not First Chief, he will 
 have more real authority, he will not be 
 so dependent on the revolutionary fac- 
 tions or parties or the military groups, 
 but will be free to select a Cabinet fofr its 
 administrative ability rather than its 
 political strength. 
 
 Already, Mr. Carranza has in mind a 
 man for the portfolio of Foreign Affairs 
 who has had some experience in Europe 
 as a Mexican diplomat. A change in 
 the Ministry of Finance also would not 
 be surprising, especially if the right kind 
 of man with banking experience, and a 
 head for finance, who at the same time 
 is thoroughly in sympathy with the prin- 
 ciples of the revolution, can be found. 
 The truth is that most of the financiers 
 and bankers have been "cientiflcos," and 
 the material from which to select a Min- 
 ister of Finance is not all that could be 
 desired or that Mexico is really capable 
 of producing. It is too soon after the 
 close of the revolution to appoint a Min- 
 ister of Finance who hasn't participated 
 politically in the revolution, even though 
 he may not have been active on the oth- 
 er side. But within a year or two it te 
 not unlikely that Mr. Carranza will be 
 compelled after all to choose a non-po- 
 litical person to handle the huge question 
 of finance. 
 
 NEW DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE. 
 
 The Department of Communicatione 
 and Public Works undoubtedly will be 
 headed by Ignacio Bonillas, at present « 
 member of the Mexican-American Com. 
 mission. He is an engineer of experience, 
 and already has initiated some important 
 construction work in harbors and public 
 buildings. At present the management 
 of the railways and the telegrajm and 
 mails is in charge of two general di- 
 rectors, who report directly to the First 
 Chief. These two directors will be kept 
 hereafter entirely independent of the De- 
 partment of Communications, or any 
 other Department in the Government, be- 
 ing responsible only to the Executive. 
 
 The Department of Fomento (colo- 
 nization and development of resources) 
 will continue as before, but it will no 
 longer have charge of industrial affairs 
 or interstate commerce. This is now to 
 be supervised by a new Cabinet officer, 
 who will be known as the Minister of 
 Commerce and Industry. This Depart- 
 ment will be copied closely after the 
 \ Departments of Commerce and Labor in 
 the United States, and an effort will be 
 
1Z0 
 
TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 ■■■■■■1 1 
 
 made through it to solve Mexico'* In- 
 creasing number of strikes and labor 
 troubles, as well as the business of the 
 Federal Government, with mines, foreign 
 concessions, and the enterprises of for- 
 eigners generally. The head of the new 
 Department will try to conserve Mex- 
 ico's equities and at the same time try 
 to encourage the country's development 
 by foreign capital in legitimate ways. 
 There will also be a Federal Bureau of 
 Health and Sanitation, which is a new 
 
 thing for Mexico. The Department of 
 War will continue as before, as will the 
 portfolio of Qobernacion (or interior ad- 
 ministration), the connecting link be- 
 tween the state government and the fed- 
 eral authority. This makes a total of 
 seven Cabinet positions instead of eight, 
 as heretofore. 
 
 From this brief outline, it will be seen 
 that while the outcry against the for- 
 eigner has many political aspects of an 
 internal character, it is bound to be short- 
 
 lived. And as. soon as the Mexican Gov- 
 ernment assures itself that the immense 
 resources of the country are not to b« 
 gobbled up through false titles and spe- : 
 cial privileges, the foreigner will be wel- 
 comed. The radicalism of to-day will 
 inevitably give way to a more equitable 
 and conservative attitude towards for- 
 eigners, but there never wiill be such ex- 
 ploitation by foreigners as that for which 
 the Diaz system was responsible)* 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 V. 
 
 RELIGIOUS CONTENTION A FACTOR 
 
 IN MEXICO'S SOCIAL UPHEAVAL 
 
 Some of the Reasons for the Hostility Against the Catholic 
 Church — Objections Not to Mexican Priests but French 
 and Spanish Clericals — Possibility of an Independent 
 Catholic Church of Mexico. 
 
 «. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 191 6. 
 
 RELIGIOUS contention has played no pecially in El Pueblo, the semi-official 
 
 small part in Mexico's social up- organ of the Government. Of the merits 
 
 heaval, and one need not be a church of the argument it is not necessary here 
 
 partisan to observe that while freedom to speak. (The truth is that most of th 
 of worship is now granted to Roman 
 
 Catholics as well as other rects by the 
 de facto Government in conformity with 
 established law, the fight against the 
 Roman Catholic Church, its alleged intol- 
 erance, and its remarkable hold on the 
 masses here, has only begun. 
 
 {The fact is that unless the Church at 
 Rome sees the handwriting on the wail 
 1 and adopts a more liberal policy in Mexico, 
 permitting Mexican priests and a Mexican 
 hierarchy to conduct its services through- 
 out the country instead' of French and 
 Spanish padres, there will be eventually a 
 Catholic Church of Mexico, separate and 
 distinct from the Church of RomeJ 
 
 This suggestion indeed is being serious- 
 ly advanced in the press of Mexico, es- 
 
 men in the Carranza Government, 
 originally Catholics, are anxious to lib- 
 eralize the Catholic Church, to make it 
 more in sympathy with the national 
 spirit, and if they do not succeed an 
 independent movement may result which 
 would mean that the Church at Rome 
 might lose its church properties here, 
 for the new church might lay claim to 
 them. 
 
 The general expectation is that so rad- 
 ical a step will not be necessary, and 
 that the Church of Rome will make 
 needed changes in the personnel of the 
 clergy. But in the midst of the con- 
 troversy and discussion there is good 
 ground to believe that Protestantism will 
 gain a strong foothold. 
 
 A'rriTrDE toward protrstant missions. 
 
 As a matter of fact officials of the de 
 facto Government feel kindly disposed 
 toward the foreign mission movements of 
 the Protestant churches. The Protestant 
 missionaries help in the establishment of 
 schools and generally in educating the 
 ignorant thousands. Anything that helps 
 to educate Mexicans is considered by 
 the Carranza Administration a good 
 thing, and the particular grudge the 
 party in power to-day has against the 
 Catholic Church is its alleged . obstruc- 
 tion of education and progress. 
 
 The Catholic Church as it has ex 
 here — the institution itself, not its 
 vice — has been charged by the Cam 
 Administration with playing politics. The 
 Church is supposed to have furnished 
 funds to sustain Huerta. is accused now , 
 1.'' supporting Felix Diaz, and. through ! 
 refugee priests In the United States, is i 
 reld to be conspiring for intervention. 
 s.i the enmity is considered in Mexico to 
 ! >. a more or less reciprocal affair. 
 
 And while the controversy is going on 
 some interesting things are happening.^ 
 Most of the Constitutionalist officials do 
 not attend any churches, and say they 
 will not untiK Catholicism is placed on 
 a non-political and broadei basis, All 
 the wives and daughters, however, of 
 these same Government ottii ials are pious 
 Catholics — they never miss mass, and 
 they frown on reii.uious discussion, 
 change,' or reform. The women aj* con- 
 tent with the Chinch as it is, which 
 makes one doui.ii frequently whether the 
 present anti-Catholic movement will 
 make the headway which the Govern- 
 ment authorities predict. 
 
 THK CASl'AR KIKNDO IKCIl-KNT. 
 
 The friction is not without its humor- 
 
 
IZG 
 
js aide. Recently there arrived in Max- 
 co an Italian by name, Gaspar Riendo. 
 Ae claimed when in company with cer- 
 tain church dignitaries to be persona 
 grata to the Pope at Rome, indeed to be 
 the representative of his Holiness. To 
 others, Riendo spoke of the need for a 
 separate church — a Mexican Catholic 
 Church. He is supposed to have talked 
 that way among the Government offi- 
 cials, contending that he had always been 
 in sympathy with the revolution. 
 
 Canon Antonio Paredes, who is the 
 nominal head of the Church in Mexico, 
 having been left in charge by Archbishop 
 Mora y del Rlc, declined to recognize 
 Riendo and openly accused him of being 
 aa impostor. Riendo's credentials were 
 demanded, but he claimed they were stol- 
 en from his baggage by the Constitution- 
 alists at Vera Cruz. Nobody would have 
 paid any attention to Riendo except that 
 Padre Jesus Cortez, head of the most 
 fashionable church in Mexico City, de- 
 clared himself in complete sympathy with 
 Riendo. Then Canon Faredes cabled 
 Rome, and in a few days produced a 
 message from the Vatican, signed by the 
 Papal Secretary, denying all knowledge 
 of Riendo or his mission. 
 
 Still Cortez would not repudiate Rien- 
 do. This led the Canon to denounce Cor- 
 tez and finally to dismiss him. Padre 
 Cortez refused to heed the order, claim- 
 ing Paredes had no such jurisdiction, 
 whereupon the latter announced through 
 the press that any one attending mass 
 celebrated by Padre Cortez would be 
 excommunicated. For a time other priests 
 officiated, but suddenly on Sunday morn- 
 ing Cortez reappeared, which resulted in 
 a panicky exodus of worshippers. Traf- 
 fic on the street in front of the church 
 was stopped for a long time while the 
 crowd waited to see if Cortez would re- 
 main after such a demonstration of dis-^ 
 approval. He stayed, and several hun- 
 dred Catholics didn't celebrate mass that 
 day. Now most of them attend other 
 churches, and the Sagrado Corazon is 
 deserved, though every Sunday people 
 peep in to see if Cortez is still there. 
 Riendo; In the meantime, has disap- 
 peared. 
 
 TH* CHURCH IS BLAMBD. 
 
 From the -&oint of view of the de facto 
 Government Cflcials, the Church is re- 
 sponsible for What is now happening, and 
 that had the Church obeyed the reform 
 vs of 1857, which provided for the sep- 
 ition of church and state, there now 
 be no difficulty. Incidentally the 
 tttutionaliats claim they are to-day 
 merely enforcing those laws. Indeed, 
 these statutes are being incorporated in 
 the tip* Constitution at Querfttaro with- 
 out change. 
 
 Briefly, the laws of 1857 forbid con- 
 vents atfd monasteries and the appear- 
 ance in public of priests in clerical garb. 
 
 ■jjp^pjpjpjpjpjSjBJBJpjBJSJBBaBJSJBJ| 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 The Church is forbidden to hold property 
 and is not permitted directly or indirect- 
 ly to participate in politics or the affairs 
 of the Government Diaz, and then 
 Huerta, winked at the open violation of 
 these laws. Prhe Constitutionalists have 
 enforced these laws rigidly. There have 
 been excesses. Some of the radicals have 
 gone beyond the law, but to-day the boast 
 of the Government is that worship in 
 the Catholic Church is permitted on an 
 equality with all other religions^fThere 
 is no persecution now \>f the priests, 
 though discontent among the Mexican 
 clergy with the Spanish and French 
 priests is growing.) 
 
 OUTCRY A REVOLUTIONIST'S TENDENCY. 
 
 Mexican Government officials do not 
 feel very kindly toward Cardinal Gibbons 
 and others who have attacked them in 
 the public prints or have worked against 
 their recognition by the United States. 
 rThe Mexicans say the American Catho- 
 lic Church has been used by Rome to 
 protect vested interests In Mexico, .. that 
 the quarrel is political, and that if it 
 keeps up there will be a reaction against 
 Catholicism itselfT/ But it is well to re- 
 member that the outcry against the 
 Church in Mexico only comes to the sur- 
 face in revolutionary days. It is a good 
 deal like the anti-Wall Street campaigns 
 which are launched to gain votes in our 
 political campaigns. The lower clergy 
 have a grievance against the French And 
 Spanish priests — the foreigners. (The 
 Church of Rome has undoubtedly been 
 somewhat backward, aa for example, 
 with respect to matrimony, the fees 
 charged being so far beyond the means 
 of the poorer classes that in many States, 
 especially on the ranches and farms, the 
 ceremony has for years been entirely dis- 
 pensed with. Then there have been too 
 many churches and too many priests in 
 some cities. 
 
 There is nothing inherent in the 
 Catholic religion to which the Mexican 
 objects. Its imagery and symbolism is 
 what fits his conception of life. But the 
 
 .-* ■■: .' » ' v. 
 
 management of the whole business, the 
 system, the plethora of foreign priests f 
 and churches, its part in politics— con- 
 stituting a system— is something far dif- 
 ferent from the religion itself, especially 
 a<j it is known in the United States. It 
 is the system, the foreign priests, to 
 which Mexicans object primarily, and 
 from one discontent have arisen many 
 others. 
 
 ATTITUDE OF THE U. 8. GOVERNMENT. 
 The Carranza Administration rode mto 
 power on an anti-Catholic programme 
 which was not altogether unpopular or It 
 never would have been pressed. (All radi- 
 cal administrations become conservative 
 in time. The Carranza Government will 
 be busy with too many things to continue 
 the assault against the Church beyond 
 the lines already laid— an enforcement of 
 the Reform laws of 1857, and If the 
 Church of Rome handles the matter skil- 
 fully, it can prevent a serious schlsfST) 
 For the thing has by no means gottefi 
 out of v id. The Mexican clergy are an 
 import mcleus stiU 
 (in all this It is known that the Unit- 
 ed" States Government has taken a lively 
 interest, but beyond insisting on the 
 principle of religious tolerance and non- 
 discrimination they cannot diplomatically 
 intercede. Even this is stretching a 
 point, for religious questions are strictly 
 internal affairs. The American Govern- 
 ment must phrase its inquiries vaguely 
 arguing merely that religious freedom is 
 a characteristic of civilized nations and 
 that to preserve the friendship of the 
 United States and other nations there 
 should be no persecution of Catholics aa 
 such, or interference with their customs 
 of fcyorshipJ This is given as the advice 
 oc* Mexico's "nearest neighbor." 
 
 But the Mexicans claim they are per- 
 mitting the greatest freedom, are merely 
 enforcing the law, and that if the Cath- 
 olics keep out of- politics, cease support- 
 ing revolutionary movements, and substi- 
 tute Mexican clergy for Spanish and 
 French clergy, the Church will have 
 nothing to fear. 
 
 I / 
 
^0 
 
THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 VI. 
 
 MEXICO REBORN 
 
 Social Aspects of Six Years of Internecine Strife— Country is 
 Paying Dearly for Her Revolution— Curbing Lawless- 
 ness and Immorality. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 1916. 
 
 ' 
 
 ( f\Y /ELL, what of the- people?" Every 
 X^once in a while somebody, in the 
 midst of a discussion j Jexi- 
 can politics or economic conditio .^ here 
 asks that question. It is not necessarily 
 asked in a spirit of criticism, im- 
 plying that the sixteen millions of people 
 are innocent bystanders, helpless victims 
 of 250,000 of their number who comprise 
 the grand total of the whole revolution- 
 ary business, army, officials, politicians, 
 chiefs, et al. But the revolutionists, or 
 Constitutionalists as they prefer to call 
 themselves, sit down themselves occa- 
 sionally—that is. the philosophically in- 
 clined among them do— to discuss what 
 effect six years of internecine strife has 
 had on the younger generation, what it 
 is doing to the civil side of things, what 
 morality or immorality it is producing, 
 and what will the Mexico of to-morrow 
 be like, built as it must be on the foun- 
 dations of to-day. 
 
 Since the subject is sociological and not 
 political, impartial opinion is easily dis- 
 covered. The first effects of the five years 
 at revolution have not been favorable, 
 rrhere has been a retrogression in moral- 
 ity, which includes, of course, Qualities 
 of honesty and uprightness as well as 
 the fundamentals of family life} This 
 ia indisputable because it is obvious. But 
 the Constitutionalists are quite right 
 when, admitting the ill-effects, they argue 
 these to be in conformity merely with 
 the laws of social progress and predict 
 an inevitable trend upward on the chart 
 ' of morality. 
 
 /To inspect Mexico from the point of 
 view of the sociologist, it is necessary 
 to remember that class lines are very 
 indistinct; it is difficult, unless one knows 
 this incongruous population of mixed 
 bloods and racesT to tell Where one class 
 « ends and another begins) Similarly you 
 must take horizontal as wen as perpen- 
 
 dicular cross sections. There is an upper, 
 a middle, and a lower class division in 
 southern Mexico which differs from those 
 same three in the central country, and • 
 is also unlike the classes in the north of 
 the republic. 
 
 NORTHERN PEOPLE 8TURDT. 
 
 The people of the north of Mexico are 
 of the sturdy race— they began this revo- 
 lution, and they are the virile persons 
 who forced -a radical programme on a 
 more or less decadent ruling ciass in the . 
 capital. But that is the geographical 
 division: every large country that begins 
 far outside the tropics and spreads down 
 toward the equator, a land of almost per- 
 petual sunshine, breeds persons of vary- 
 ing complexions and varying energies. . 
 Anyone who has lived in Mexico a week 
 knows what you mean when you refer 
 to the •'Indiana." or the "peons." those 
 primitive, half-clad, dirty, barefooted men, 
 women, girls, boys, babies, of brown face 
 and jet black hair and scarcely any edu-<, 
 cation. Also there are those of the 
 Indian type, just slightly more advanced., 
 —they may wear shoes instead of san- 
 dals and trousers instead of mis-shapen 
 pantaloons rolled to the bare knees. But 
 improvement in dress does not always 
 signify education. . The majority of the 
 people in Mexico are tanned— either by 
 the sun of to-day or the sun which 
 browned their Indian ancestors. Only 
 when you have talked to them and de- 
 termined the limits of their minds can 
 you tell whether you are approaching the 
 upper classes. As a rule the pure whites,* 
 the second generation of Spaniards, 
 those who emigrated from the north of 
 Spain, are people of education and cul- 
 ture. . . 
 
 Still culture Is a hard word to denne 
 with respect to Mexico. Even the lower 
 classes are passionately fond of muBic. 
 
 n 
 
 They have an inborn affinity for flae- 
 art. And gentility, instead of savagenes* 
 characterizes them for the most part. ■ - 
 
 NEED OF EDUCATION. 
 
 Of course, in the tipper classes are 
 /found Mexico's finest-looking men and 
 women, but not necessarily its most ca- • 
 pable people. In the Diaz regime, the more 
 or less well-to-do, the first families, ruled 
 the country. - The Carranza Government 
 is really a mbst representative affair — in 
 an ethnological sense. For in it the mid- 
 dle class, composed of the original Mexi- 
 can type — a combination of Indian aria 
 Spanish — predominates. ~>fhere are in thip. , 
 Government, too, men whose parents hay* 
 been full-blooded Indians— tfcenjseives 
 peons— and there are men also of. tjfce 
 \ cultured class. which has always managed 
 jto keep on top, but their liberalism, not 
 their money, gives them power to-day. 
 
 The Constitutionalists who rule Mexi- 
 co are northerners. Gen. Carranza, Gen. 
 Obregon, Gen. Pablo Gonzales, Ignacio 
 Bonillas. Alberto Pani— all these leaders 
 are from the Mexican states nearest U-e 
 Kio Grande. How much the inlluence *>t 
 contact with the ideals of the United 
 States may have had in giving these men 
 the courage of their convictions is hard 
 to say, but undoubtedly they have caught 
 some of the spirit of the great republic, 
 beyond.) 
 
 1 was walking one day with one of the 
 Constitutionalist leaders, a man of tech- 
 nical education, but interested, too, .in 
 Mexico's social needs. We almost stum- 
 bled over a man and boy asleep, folded la 
 I Sankets under the sky. They lay along- 
 side some freight cars, wherein were 
 troivps, wives, children, and camp follow- 
 ers. 
 
 •It will take generations," he said, "to • 
 make this a rare sight in Mexico. Edu- 
 cation will do it — education that the 
 (ientiflcos" said wasn't good for the 
 people, education that the Catholic 
 church wouldn't give them, education, 
 that we must give them and will. It 
 alone can change all this." 
 
 CURBING THE LAWLESSNESS. 
 
 On the theory that a little knowledge 
 is a dangerous thing, the old regime kept 
 the iower classes in constant ignorance . 
 as well as In constant awe of those 
 r.bove. To-day the peons still impress 
 you as afraid any mi nut. they will be 
 enslaved as happened on one pretext or 
 another in the days of the Porfirmta sys- 
 tem. 
 
 Hasn't liberty given way, as it usual- 
 ly does, to license? There can be no 
 doubt of it. Serious abuse of new-found 
 liberty, excesses of ail kinds, robberies, 
 bandit depredations, and a wave of mur- 
 der and crime have followed in the wake 
 of the revolution. An unscrupulous class 
 
mo 
 
■■■■ 
 
 MMBBHHBMMHSMByMMI 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 usually- rules a revolutionary army, *nd 
 If not savage at the outset, its leaders 
 become so when intoxicated with power. 
 It is simply a drop from ordered life to 
 the primitive state wherein might makes 
 right, wherein self-preservation and 
 selfishness are the .only laws that are 
 recognized. 
 
 But all this was inevitable and the 
 • Constitutionalist leaders are absolutely 
 confident that they will be able to curb 
 lawlessness. In fact, they have already 
 stamped out a good deal of it. Yet it 
 must of necessity leave imprint on the 
 young, the boys of fifteen to twenty. / 
 whose growth has been parallel with 
 anarchy, a disrupted Government, the 
 collapse of courts, and a reign of terror. 
 1 Immorality practiced by so many of 
 the captains, colonels, and generals with 
 impunity has had a correspondingly had 
 effect on the young in those districts 
 I where the revolution jhas trampled un- 
 |der foot the old order of things, but 
 fortunately the fighting has been going 
 on in comparatively few places, in the 
 small towns along the main railroad . 
 lines. The big cities have changed hands 
 frequently, but with few exceptions has 
 there been much fighting in them. On the 
 ranches and farms, on the plantations, in 
 Yucatan, for example, or the stats of 
 Guadalajara, the normal appearance of 
 things is preserved, the social structure, 
 such as it was. is Intact 
 
 msxico crrr and Guadalajara. 
 
 Mexico City and the city of Guadalajara 
 ate the two largest cities of the republic, 
 the former with nearly 600,000 and the 
 latter with at least 120,000 population. 
 Streets have not been kept up and are 
 sadly in need of repair, but the commu- 
 nity life is much the same as it has 
 been. Guadalajara has been least af- 
 fected of all the important cities, and 
 flourishing to-day. Mexico City has 
 ramshackle appearance, but is slowly 
 rig put into habitable condition by the 
 fe lcipal authorities. The chief of po- 
 lice, once a light-opera comedian, lias 
 turned out to be an efficient administrator 
 and One who has reduced the number of 
 street ItOldups and cafe brawls to a rath- 
 er resfSSj^table minimum — at any rate, 
 one that .Compares not unfavorably with 
 what happens on the Bowery in New 
 York or South Clark Street in Chicago. 
 
 Life among the better classes is some- 
 what different. There depressed spirits, 
 prevail. So many friends have been ex- 
 iled! Properties l»ve been taken away. 
 Many of the houses are now being given 
 back to the "cientiflcos." The Constitu- 
 tionalists are really doing a commendable 
 work in correcting the earlier abuses of 
 th$lr 'military commanders, but much is 
 still to be desired before Mexico City 
 will W. able to resume its gay life uf 
 yesteryears. 
 
 Theatres, operas, movlng-pieture shows, 
 and burlesque performances are in full 
 swing in the city. They always have 
 been, no matter what faction held the 
 capital. Mexicans must be amused. A • 
 circus moves about the country, drawing 
 big crowds. And midst all the fighting 
 and the money famine, one of the finest 
 looking edifices in the world— the Na- 
 tional Theatre of Mexico— is slowly being 1 
 completed. 
 
 Is Mexico better off to-day.' are/ the 
 people happier, more contented with the 
 rights and liberties now restored to them 
 by the revolution? The physical facts 
 admit of only one answer: Not yet Revo- 
 lution in established institutions means 
 
 not simply destruction of crops, maraud? 
 ing armies, and the spread of diSSaS^ It 
 means famine and high prices and suf- 
 fering. Mexico has suffered much. The 
 benefits of a revolution are not immediate 
 benefits.. It took a long time to recon- 
 struct France after the Revolution, pur 
 own Civil War brought on a terrible 
 period of hardship for the South. Mex- 
 ico is paying dearly for her revolution, 
 J*ut it was inevitable; it had to happen. 
 \And disturbed by no outside force, the 
 revolution will, as it has in other parts 
 of the world and in other periods of his- 
 tory, prove a godsend to the country, for 
 Mexico is being reborn. A 
 
 VII. 
 
 GRAFT-PURE AND SLMPLE 
 
 Reign of Fraud Makes Internal Problem for Carranza one of 
 Serious Difficulty— His Hand Firmly Set Against Graft- 
 ers _Pani's Contest With the Military. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 1916. 
 
 THIS is a story about graft. And if 
 graft is too generic a term, let it be 
 called loot, fraud, plunder, robbery, 
 burglary— or anything else that expresses 
 the idea of deliberately taking from one 
 person that which belongs to him and 
 calmly taking unto one's self his prop- 
 erty, usufruct and all. 
 
 Graft is not an innovation, however, in 
 Mexico — nor is it peculiarly ende"mic to 
 the tropics. Whispers of it are some- 
 times heard in the United States, but for 
 plain, open, unblushing graft, which in- 
 cludes speculation with a fluctuating 
 currency, the manipulators down here 
 could give tl\e brotherhood up North a 
 long handicap and beat them handily. 
 
 Before proceeding further, however, to 
 explain the devious ways by which graft 
 is practiced here, it ought to be stated at 
 the outset that the honest men in the 
 Carranza Government know who the dis- 
 honest ones are, and that Venustiano 
 Carranza, First Chief, and soon to -be 
 President, knows more about them than 
 any one in the republic. And what he is 
 doing to stamp it out, how he actually 
 is succeeding, the risks he is taking with 
 some of his military chiefs — all this is 
 but a small part of the burdens of the 
 man who is trying to establish a govern- 
 ment in Mexico."; He has an unenviable 
 job. So, when you read reports of loot 
 here and there, of forced loans, of the 
 
 
izo 
 
■BJMtJ| 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 » .«> 
 
 stealing: of horses and cattle, of the loot- 
 ing qf stores, remembe^that there is one 
 man on top whose power is slowly in- 
 creasing, and who will not right away, 
 but in the course of time, get the upper 
 hand and enforce discipline in a manner 
 that will make Porfirlo Diaz seem like a 
 mollycoddle. "\ He has the backbone to do 
 it, but he also has the good sense not to 
 try to reform everything at once. In any 
 revolution such as has to do with funda- 
 mental principles of government, the first 
 task is the actual organization of the 
 government, and after that, after author- 
 ity is once definitely distributed, then at- 
 tention can be paid to the morals of the 
 community. 
 
 WHEN MIGHT MAKES RIGHT. 
 
 But the story of graft is an interesting 
 commentary on what happens when a 
 state is dissolved, when the state disin- 
 tegrates and really for a time sovereignty 
 goes back to the several elements or fac- 
 tions that comprise the people and where 
 might makes right as well as law in the 
 land. 
 
 What is happening now is an evolution, 
 a gradual return to discipline and order, 
 and if the process seems lame and slow, 
 do not forget that the revolution has been 
 going on for five years, and during that 
 time the civil strife, the marauding ar- 
 mies, and raiding bandits have done quite 
 a complete job of it — that is, of disinte- 
 grating the authority and the physical 
 structure of the land. 
 
 Unscrupulous persons exist in all parts 
 of the world, but Latin-America has an 
 abundance of them, especially among the 
 lower classes. One always had to mind 
 his watch and his pocketbook in Mexico 
 City, but to-day he must sew them up 
 in his clothes — and then he isn't sure of 
 keeping them, for just the other day * 
 blithe young Mexican returned to one of 
 the clubs and discovered that somebody 
 in the street car, on the street, somewhere, 
 had cut a neat little slit just above the 
 ,,ocket of his trousers and extracted there- 
 from his neatly arranged packet of bills. 
 
 Street cars arc infested with pickpock- 
 ets, also with germs. Moral: Don't ride on 
 street cars. Ride in the coaches (hacks) 
 or in automobiles, if they are available, 
 though you must spend quite a fortune 
 doing so. Still it may be an economical 
 investment, a wise insurance. \ 
 
 THE THIEVES' MARKET. 
 
 There is a place in Mexico City the 
 Mexicans have named "the Thieves' Mar- 
 ket," recognizing the character of the 
 merchandise sold therein. Prices fluctu- 
 ate merrily. They take anything you will V 
 give almost. It is a cut-rate shop, and : ^ 
 at the entrance thore are dozens of un- 
 intelligible signs. They ought to read, 
 "Nothing but Stolen Property Accepted 
 Here." 
 
 You can't leave a bicycle or an auto 
 around, if perchance you must run in at 
 the telegraph office, the post office, or the 
 theatre. Either you must devise a lock 
 as big as the machine itself or hire an 
 army of brown-faced muchachos to watch 
 the vehicle — boys whom you survey with 
 that comfortable expression of scc^rByi 
 which at heart you know'^s really? a fear 
 that the youths may be in collusion with 
 the thieves themselves! 
 
 But these are petty forms of stealing. 
 They are mere matters for the municipal 
 police to attend to, and little by little the 
 nation's capital is getting a decent force 
 of police and detectives. Some day — pos- 
 sibly another six months or year — things 
 In your pockets may be a little safer than 
 they have been. In fact, the improve- 
 ment in the last six months has been no- 
 ticeable. More autos are on the streets, 
 more bicycles, and more people go stroll- 
 ing at night There hasn't been a hold- 
 up of consequence in several weeks. 
 
 ENGAGING A FREIGHT CAR. 
 
 The real graft in Mexico Is in the 
 money speculation, in the misuse of 
 freight cars, the commandeering of sup- 
 plies by corrupt generals and colonels. 
 Any one who has tried to do business in 
 Mexico in the last few years knows it 
 in graphic detail If you had managed 
 .to get a consignment of goods to Mexico 
 by steamship, the problem was to get 
 it overland by rail to Mexico City. Roll- 
 ing stock is scarce. Perhaps by paying 
 the military commander at the port, or 
 some subordinate, a neat little sum, you 
 could get a freight car for your goods. 
 It may be some one else's freight car, 
 paid for and contracted for weeks in ad- 
 vance, but what matters that — what's a 
 freight car compared to some good old- 
 fashioned silver or gold, especially with 
 paper currency going down, down, down 
 every day? So you yield to the extor- 
 tion, only it is hard to say when the next 
 contribution must be made, that is, who 
 will hold up the car en route and demand 
 his fee. And so it has gone for months. 
 The offenders 'have been the military. 
 Generals and colonels early in tfce revo- 
 lution seized freight cars and day coach- 
 es and Pullmans, and converted them into 
 grotesque private cars. The troop trains 
 — ordinary box cars — were converted into 
 dormitories which for sheer dirt and smcli 
 would drive the average American crazy 
 if he had to live therein twenty minutes. 
 Few people have known of the real 
 fight against these things which the. Car- 
 ranza Government has made. Alberto 
 Pani, president of the National Railways* 
 began last summer a campaign against 
 these military men; and, with the co- 
 operation of ths First Chief, issued the 
 most drastically worded circulars and or- 
 ders. They have been effective, too. Pani 
 defied generals and colonels. Ons night 
 
 the passenger train which was di 
 leave Mexico City for Laredo had a 
 l'ul of passengers. A Mexican anc 
 wife had a ( drawing-room reserved 
 many weeks — it is SO hard to get acv 
 modations. And they had paid for it in 
 metallic currency, too. A general strolled 
 along and ordered them out, proceeding 
 to make himself at home. Mr. Pani hap- 
 pened to be about and heard the discus - 
 sion. He ordered the general out. The 
 latter pointed a pistol at the diminutive 
 form of the director of the railways. Mr. 
 Pani stood his ground, called the general 
 a coward, reminded him of the Firs*. 
 Chief's strict orders on the subject of 
 commandeering , trains, and told him to 
 get out — which be did. Pani has done 
 this same thing over and over again. And 
 employees who don't insist on transpor- 
 tation and tickets from military passen- 
 gers are heavily fined. Slowly the evil 
 has been eradicated until to-day, If you 
 buy a ticket and a berth, it Is yours. And 
 the railroad receipts have Increased tre- 
 mendously. * 
 
 EXCHANGING TOUR MONET. 
 
 Last but not least among the offenders 
 against honesty and other outworn vir- 
 tues here are the coyotes. This name, 
 taken, of course, from the plunderous in- 
 stinct of the animal of that species, is 
 applied to the brokers who buy and sell 
 exchange. If you have American money 
 and want to get Mexican paper cur- 
 rency, they will tell you the rate is go- 
 ing up, that you had better exchange to- 
 day and get more bills than might be 
 forthcoming to-morrow. On the other 
 hand, if you have Mexican money and 
 want to exchange it for American dol- 
 lars, they will lament the general condi- 
 tion of affairs, thoy will tell you Car- 
 ranza is going to fail, that the Govern- 
 ment is collapsing, and that the number 
 of American dollars you can get for your 
 Mexican money to-day will be cut in half 
 to-morrow — any day. 
 
 Then, too, with the Government often 
 decreeing the rate of exchange, knowing 
 in advance what are to be the decree*) 
 with reapect to all other phases of ex- 
 change, officials tip off friends, in fact 
 work with them frequently in acquiring 
 large gains on the very changes them- 
 selves. It la hard to trace this form, of 
 graft, but fortunes have been made that 
 way Any one who knew a month ago that 
 all the paper currency in Mexico would 
 be valueless thirty days afterward, that 
 only Mexican gold and silver would n* 
 in circulation, that the amount of these 
 coins was wofully small, and that they 
 would therefore be at a premium, need 
 only to have quietly exchanged $1,000 in 
 American money for 2,000 Mexican silver 
 pesos. Ordinarily a peso Is worth fifty 
 cents, and two are exchanged evenly 
 an American dollar. But with the Mea 
 
1Z0 
 
■"'■'& .":'•■' ' • i - ' ".'... ■■■ '• '»?'?.. ':'■■ ■'.•-■'" ",'■'' "•"TV,' • • ■' *. "'-"' '•■"' ' ;s . ~ '■"--. 
 
 ■■IIMMHI 
 
 i* 
 
 peso at & tan per cent, premium, the 
 value of your 2,000 pesos at the end of 
 1 hirty days -would be $1,100 in American 
 money, and you would have $100 profit 
 without turning a hand, without doing 
 more than asking your bank to exchange 
 .merican currency for Mexican coin. 
 
 PAPER MONET DRIVEN OUT. 
 
 Some few people, of course some in 
 Government, must have profited 
 j handsomely by all this. The incident 
 Is mentioned merely to illustrate what 
 Don Venustiano must contend with 
 while an impatient group of foreign na- 
 tions prod him for not preventing a 
 handful of ruffians from blowing up a 
 train in some unpronounceable region of 
 the mountain districts where bandits 
 hold sway. 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 i 
 
 To-day all the paper money has been 
 driven out of circulation. Thousands of 
 people have been left with the bills. 
 These are useless because no one accepts 
 them, but, just the same, I heard the 
 other day of an American who bought 
 80,000 peso bills for $80 in gold, and in- 
 tends holding on to them for some mys- 
 terious reason. Maybe he has inside in- 
 formation that these bills some day will 
 be retired at, say, a peso for ten cen- 
 tavos of Mexican money, or a nickel in 
 American money. In that case he would 
 collect $16,000 in good coin of the realm 
 with American eagles inscribed there- 
 on. These may be vague dreams, but 
 the thing to remember is that not a few 
 people in the Government itself con- 
 sider/ these manipulations merely "hon- 
 est graftf' 
 
 /All of which Is a necessary if not in- 
 evitable phase of revolution. And while 
 imposing hardships and sufferings on the 
 people, rich and poor, whose property is 
 subject to such kaleidoscopic change in 
 value, still the comforting thought is that 
 at last a start has been made toward 
 curing these evils. Mexico has been 
 honest in the past, and nothing has hap- 
 pened in the last five years to alter the 
 fundamental character of most o#v*he 
 inhabitants, business men included^! It 
 has been simply a reign of disorder. 
 There has been no law. Therefore, no 
 one has seen fit to obey any. Now, with 
 the early return >or constitutional order 
 and courts of Justice, something different 
 should result J 
 
 VIH. 
 
 ARMED INTERVENTION 
 
 — 
 
 The Pro and Con of It — Revolution Has Put Thousands Under 
 Arms and Seasoned Them— Why Mexican Patriotism 
 Would Produce Bitter Opposition — President Wilson's 
 Popularity in Mexico. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 191 6. 
 
 |-^EOPl^Lin the United States talk 
 \~ about armed intervention in Mexico 
 with a ^tan-'c tn-up spirit of brag- 
 gadocio. AnoVsome Mexican refugees as 
 well as Americans who have lived in 
 Mexico sit abou£in New York and else- 
 where and calmly Jfcell you: Intervention 
 will in- welcomed; there will not be much 
 |Hhl*tance; it will be over soon, because 
 ^■L»eople will be well fed, and— 
 
 Thus runs superficial opinion, hut no 
 one ? !*n really think that way who has 
 P'-netHftted the Mexican character aol 
 This refugee class which is in the United 
 States to-day and wants to conserve its 
 
 Mexican properties, thinking an Ameri- 
 can occupation will prevent confiscation 
 by the radical revolutionists now in 
 power— but the rank and file of the Mex- 
 ican people. 
 vThey talk about intervention here, ab- 
 stractly and academically^ It is, of 
 ijourse, always impending — a possibility. 
 >Most of the foreigners have blown it 
 through thousands of smoke-rings until 
 they believe in its inevitableness just as 
 they believe in the cycle of seasons^ 
 They think it will help them, that ah 
 American occupation will mean freedom 
 of operation and the same privileges they 
 
 used to have under Diaz. But they are 
 mistaken. The American troops were in 
 possession of Vera Cruz a year ago, and 
 the most unpopular names among the 
 American business interests were those 
 of the army officers, who had direct 
 charge of various municipal departments. 
 The army officers Insisted that the 
 Americans must be subject to the same 
 rules and regulations as Mexicans, and 
 considerable chafing ensued which is not 
 yet forgotten in the American colony. 
 
 But what would the Mexican people 
 really do if intervention did come? It is 
 a delicate subject to talk about in Mex- 
 ico — that is, among Mexicans — but I 
 managed to introduce it occasionally in 
 the conversation so as to find out what 
 Mexican folks thought about it. 
 
 MEXICAN PATRIOTISM. 
 
 The most interesting experience was at 
 tea one Sunday afternoon in the home of 
 a leading family. The mother is half- 
 American, and, of course, both she and 
 her son of twenty speak English. We 
 were talking of the political situation. 
 The properties of the family had been 
 taken away, i*nd such as remained yield- 
 ed about ten dollars a month of actual 
 value, though thousands In worthless pa- 
 per currency. It' had compelled big In- 
 roads on savings, for there was not 
 enough income from rents to pay a sin- 
 gle servant Fortunately, the real wealth 
 of the family was more than adequate; 
 but obviously the family felt bitterly to- 
 
1Z0 
 
ward the Carranza Government. The 
 mother spoke of intervention as a, proba- 
 ble remedy. 
 
 "What would really happen if inter- 
 vention did come?" I asked. 
 
 "I would be glad. I don't think there 
 would be opposition. The people would 
 be satisfied with any Government that 
 kept them at work," she replied. But 
 • there was an interruption. The son 
 spoke. 
 
 "Oh, no, mother," he said; "there 
 tcovld be opposition. Why, do you think 
 I would stay at home? Yes. I know we 
 have American blood in us, but, mother, 
 wo are more Mexican than American. 
 And wouldn't Juan go, too?" 
 
 The son was speaking of a younger 
 brother, now at school — but all the 
 schools have now been militarized. And 
 the mother confessed she had been wor- 
 ried many times lest the younger boy 
 should go off with the army before she 
 had a chance to see him. 
 
 Theoretically, therefore, there would be 
 no opposition, but actually, of course, 
 there would. (Mexican patriotism Is as 
 strong and passionate as American pa- 
 triotism. ) One Mexican of a prominent 
 family told me that he had never car- 
 ried a pistol in his life, but if the Amer- 
 ican troops came he would not be with- 
 out one. He would resent any insult, he 
 would fight the hated invader every 
 chance he got. 
 
 BT NO MEANS A WALK-OVER. 
 
 This would mean endless sniping, and 
 before the American forces #ot through 
 they would have to apply practically the 
 same measures or force that the Ger- 
 mans thought it necessary to use in Bel- 
 gium to disarm and conquer the civil 
 population. 
 
 But, from a military point of view, 
 there ought to be no misunderstanding 
 of what sort of righting woflld be en- 
 countered. There would be a good deal 
 of marauding, banditry, and guerrilla 
 warfare. Thousands and thousands of 
 soldiers would have to be used to garri- 
 son the lines of communication, and in 
 the last few years, it must be remember- 
 ed, the Mexicans have become quite ex- 
 pert in blowing up bridges and dynamit- 
 ing \rains. The revolution has taught 
 them much about warfare. 
 
 For five years at least 150,000 men have 
 been under arms, have withstood the rig- 
 ors of the climate, have become seasoned 
 fighters. \The American troops, unused 
 to the country and bushwhacK'.ng, would 
 find their task an unusually difficult on« 
 Nobody — not even the Mexican — hail 
 any doubt that the United States, with 
 Its immense resources, eventually would 
 conquer. But the Mexican can go down 
 with as much resignation, and can take 
 defeat as heroically, as any people in the 
 world. I "to die for one's country is as 
 
 ^ ■BMHBBBBBBMHBBWBBHBMBHBBBBMBBna 
 
 THE TRUTH A$OUT MEXICO 
 
 nobly extolled in Mexico as in the Unit- 
 ed States ot on the battlefields of Europe. 
 Human nature Is not a bit different in 
 Mexico^? 
 
 But/ assuming that intervention did 
 come, assuming that an American occu- 
 pation finally did tranquillize the coun- 
 try, and the United States set itself to 
 putting Mexico's house in order, to set- 
 tle the problems that have caused popu- 
 lar discontent and revolution, to whom, 
 to what class or group, would the admin- 
 istration of affairs lie given? it must 
 be to the Mexicans, for ccrta ; .nly all the 
 professions of the United States that it 
 doesn't want territory would be put to a 
 test, and Latin America would be not 
 the least interested spectator. Would the 
 United States deliver the Government in- 
 to the hands of the "cientificos," the old 
 ruling class? If that was done, there 
 would be peace only while the American 
 forces wore on Mexican soil. Revolution, 
 which had been interrupted by the 
 American intervention, would break out 
 anew. 
 
 ^ LCT MEXICANS WORK IT OUT. 
 
 <The revolution has been baaed on prin- 
 ciple. It is a popular contest It arises 
 from the aspirations of a people to self- 
 mastery, if revolution followed Ameri- 
 can intervention until the people really 
 got possession of their own Government, 
 the natural question is, Why not let the 
 revolutionists, who have finally gotten 
 the upper hand now, work the thing out 
 themselves? It not only saves blood- 
 shed, saves millions of dollars, and does 
 not bring into question before Latin 
 America the real motives of the United 
 States in this hemisphere, but it makes 
 Mexico xolrc her own problem. By so 
 much does it add to Mexico's self-reliance 
 in having patriotically come to her own 
 rescue, but by just so much does it make 
 the successful and popular Government 
 that arises in Mexico the real friend jf 
 its neighbor, the United States — a prac- 
 tical Pan -Americanism^/ 
 
 Let the discussion of intervention con- 
 tinue on theoretical grounds. Let any one 
 
 who doubts Mexico's national spirit make 
 his own inquiries here. It would not be 
 an armed occupation such as was wit- 
 nessed in Cuba, a small country, easily 
 traversed, but a war in a foreign land, in 
 thousands of miles of desert, among 
 mountains, and among a strange hostile 
 people, who would fight to the death. 
 
 President Wilson's policies may not 
 have been popular in Mexico because of 
 things the Mexicans did not and do not 
 yet understand, but throughout Mexico, 
 rightly or wrongly, the impression wa» 
 strong that tho election of Hughes meant 
 certain intervention and war. Never be- 
 fore in the memory of older Mexicans 
 has there been such interest taken in an 
 American election. One of the Mexican 
 newspapers got a bulletin service from 
 the Associated Press, advertised it sev- 
 eral days in advance, and on the night of 
 election the streets were jammed for 
 many blocks. 
 
 WILSON'S POPULARITY IN MEXICO. 
 
 The Mexicans bet heavily on Wilson. 
 They seemed to think he ought to be 
 elected because he was for peace with 
 Mexico. And when he did win, the exul- 
 tation was not concealed. An American 
 President was never more popular in 
 Mexico than when Woodrow Wilson was 
 finally declared reelected. And the expec- 
 tation that Mr. Wilson will keep the Unit- 
 ed States at peace with Mexico is deeply 
 ingrained. He has a great deal more 
 influence in the situation "than he ever 
 had. He has a more powerful instrument 
 than armed intervention. He has a moral 
 power which, if properly exercised, can 
 make Mexico understand the American 
 spirit and the American people in such 
 a way that a better start than ever be- 
 fore can be made to remove anti-Ameri- 
 can feeling. Hostility to the American 
 has existed here ever since the secession 
 of Texas and the War of 1848. It made 
 Mexico nationally suspicious of the Unit- 
 I states. And never did an American 
 l 'resident have such an opportunity to 
 reveal America's real purposes and real 
 motives as has Woodrow Wilson to-day. 
 
120 
 
■HMMHHHHMIMMHMMnUHHaaBHHHMni 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 IX. 
 
 MEXICO'S CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY 
 
 Difference Between de Facto and de Jure Government in 
 Mexico and How the Constitutional Order Interrupted by 
 Huerta is Being Restored— The Outlook as to Suffrage, 
 'ale and Female. 
 
 Queretaro, Mexico, December, 191 6. 
 
 TO most people in the United States 
 the frank admission of the Carranza 
 Government that it is not operating 
 I under the Constitution of Mexico, that 
 It is not the legally constituted govern- 
 ment of the republic, would seem an odd 
 denial of Its own authority. But it does 
 not pretend to be a constitutional gov- 
 ernment, and it never did. Gen. Carranza 
 and his party obtained recognition as a 
 de facto Government. They never asked 
 to be considered otherwise. Only when 
 there is a general election, which will be 
 held in another two months; will a 
 de jure Government arise, and only then 
 will the country resume the constitution- 
 al order, courts of justice, and regular 
 legislative and executive processes. 
 
 The word "resume" is used advisedly 
 and requires a retrospect. The Carranza 
 party never recognized Huerta as a legal 
 iKxecutive— nor did the United States. 
 'Madero was, of course, legally elected 
 igt 1912 to All out the unexpired term 
 ©f Porriiio Diaz, which would have been 
 Utttil 10U. Huerta's coup d'etat, his over- 
 throw of Madero, therefore, was eonsid- 
 e^Hk, Carranza and his adherents as 
 an flferuptiou of the constitutional 
 regime of Madero. In fact, the Carranza 
 n volutloiifats took the name "Constitu- 
 tionalists" and maintain it still as a sym- 
 bol of thetir creed, their programme — to 
 restore constitutional government in Mex- 
 ico. The first' atep was to get military 
 control of the country— to get power. 
 The revolutionist! .succeeded Their or- 
 ganization they called the Co-nstitutional- 
 ist army, and Gen. Carranza. though not 
 a military man, they designated in a con- 
 ference of leaders held at Guadalupe in 
 191S, v as First Chief of the Constitution- 
 alist iMTmy in charge of" the executive 
 power. 'iTho programme of that confer- 
 ence has Jjecome famous as the Plan of 
 
 Guadalupe. It called for the formation 
 of a Constituent Assembly, which was 
 to revise the Constitution and arrange 
 for a general election of President and 
 Congress. It was tried out' at Mexico 
 City and Aguascalientes in 1914, but both 
 conventions were failures because Fran- 
 cisco Villa and his brigades of the Con- 
 stitutionalist army refused to permit 
 them to be carried on without military 
 duress/ And the separation between 
 Carranza and Villa grew out of the con- 
 tested procedure at those conventions. 
 
 THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY. 
 
 Now Gen. Carranza and his followers 
 have succeeded not only in gaining mili- 
 tary control of all but one of the states of 
 the Republic — Chihuahua— but the First 
 Chief has been recognized by the prin- 
 cipal nations of the world as .the Chief 
 
 . Executive of a de facto Government. Mr. 
 Carranza is therefore at the present mo- 
 ment carrying forward his plans for res- 
 toration of constitutional order laid two 
 years ago. 
 
 The. Constituent Assembly is now meet- 
 ing. Its 250 members were recently 
 
 Sl chosen by the people in elections which 
 permitted the widest freedom of discus- 
 sion and the exercise of unrestricted suf- 
 frage. The Assembly is modelled closely 
 after that which followed the end of the 
 French Revolution. The Assembly's work 
 
 \ is to revise the Constitution which Mex- 
 ico adopted in 1857, arrange for the gen- 
 eral elections of President and Congress, 
 and to fix the date for the resumption 
 o? constitutional order. As soon as these 
 things are done, the Assembly auto- 
 matically expires. Some of the mem- 
 bers, no doubt, will be elected as regular 
 Congressmen and Senators when the gen- 
 eral elections are held in February for 
 
 the new Congress, but that, of course, 
 rests with the people. 
 
 The point is that Mexico at last is get- 
 ting back on the foundations of law and 
 order interrupted by Huerta's illegal and 
 arbitrary overthrow of Madero. Strictly 
 speaking, the United States need not have 
 recognized the Carranza Government un- 
 ti'. it established a de jure Government, 
 but in the nature of things the recogni- 
 tion of the Carranza party as a de facto 
 Government was in accord with the ac- 
 cepted principles of International law, be- 
 cause the Carranza party, having gained 
 military supremacy, really possessed the 
 elements of sovereignty in the country. 
 Sovereignty, according to both ancient 
 and modern political theory, resides al- 
 ways In the people, and when their desig- 
 nated spokesman — the President, or king 
 — abuses his power, they rebel. The tri- 
 umphant revolutionary party in effect re- 
 covers possession of the sovereignty, the 
 power previously abused, and then makes 
 up its own mind to what man or group 
 of men the authority should thereafter 
 b. % delegated. 
 
 PURPOSE OF THE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 The Constituent Assembly's purpose is 
 to construct on behalf of the people a 
 new government, to give it a revised Con- 
 stitution, and really procreate a legal 
 Executive, a legal Congress, and a judici- 
 ary of lawful origin. 
 
 The Assembly has had under consid- 
 eration all the decrees and acts of Citi- 
 zen Carranza, First Chief of the Consti- 
 tutionalist army, in charge of the execu- 
 tive power. In his speech to the As- 
 sembly, he gave an account of his cus- 
 todianship of the executive power. Some 
 of these acts will he incorporated in the 
 revised Constitution, being embodied in 
 new principles of authority, and others 
 will be given the sanction of law when 
 the new Congress meets. 
 
 The Constitution will not be completed 
 for another month. It is an interesting 
 document, as tentatively drawn, a rather 
 rrogressive chart of rights. Take, for 
 instance, the woman suffrage article 
 which it is being proposed shall be In- 
 cluded in the Constitution. All women 
 would not be permitted to vote but only 
 unmarried women who are occupied^ i i 
 professional work — such as the law, medi- 
 cine, teaching, bookkeeping, stenography, 
 etc. — but not in manual labor. The 
 daughters of wealthy people would not 
 be permitted to vote, the theory bein~ 
 that they are dependent on others who / 
 exercise a voice in the community. Sim- 
 ilarly, the moment any of these young 
 women, who are entitled to vote because 
 they are self-supporting, become married, 
 they lose their franchise, as the husband 
 thereafter can vote for the family. The 
 argument that is making • headway in 
 the Assembly is that, if an ignorant day- 
 
V?A) 
 
laborer can vote, certainly a school teach- 
 er in the same community ought to have 
 the right of suffrage. 
 
 8UFFRAGS RESTRICTIONS LIKKLT. 
 
 Eventually, of course, not every day- 
 laborer will be permitted to vote. Revo- 
 lution, however, sprung from the people 
 wouldn't dark to incorporate any restric- 
 tions on voting in the Constitution at 
 present, but, after a time, perhaps a few 
 years, doubtless before the 1920 election, 
 suffrage will be restricted to those in the 
 republic who can read and write, and 
 women of all classes may then be grant- 
 ed suffrage. 
 
 It is interesting to observe, however, 
 that the membe'rs of the Constituent As- 
 sembly are anxious to put at the disposal 
 of the republic the intelligent voters so 
 that public opinion will rule, so that it 
 will be impossible for a military dic- 
 tator to drive thousands of ignorant 
 peons to the polls through local military 
 commanders to vote a certain way under 
 penalty of arrest and other punishments 
 in vogue in the days of Diaz. 
 
 Much interest was taken in the elec- 
 tion of Deputies to the Constituent As- 
 sembly. There was plenty of rivalry, and 
 it looked for a time as if Gerzayn Ugarte, 
 Oarranza's own private secretary, might 
 not be elected from his Congressional .iis- 
 trict in Mexico City. Not so many vote3 
 were cast in the general elections for 
 Constituent Assembly, but the interest 
 taken was greater than in any previous 
 election, and an indication that, although 
 the triumph of Mr. Carranza is a fore- 
 gone conclusion, there will be spirited 
 contests for places in the new Congress 
 as well as for Governorships. Indeed, in 
 the state of San Luis Potosi, eight men 
 have announced themselves as candidates 
 for . Governor, and since there are no 
 primaries, the one receiving the highest 
 number of votes in the election will be 
 declared elected. At the same time that 
 elections for the national Congress and 
 Governors. of states are held, the people 
 will vote for members of the State Leg- 
 islatures, every one of which is to be 
 constitutionally organized. 
 
 NATIONAL HOUSE-CLEANING. 
 
 It is a constitutional house-cleaning 
 
 that the Carranza party has brought 
 about — a revolution in every sense of 
 the word. And just now Mexico is in 
 the midst of these organizing processes. 
 Within two months the elections will be 
 held, the date has not yet been set, but 
 inasmuch as the inauguration of Presi- 
 dent is fixed for April 1, everybody ex- 
 pects the elections to be held in Feb- 
 ruary or March. The campaigns already 
 have begun in some states. The Constit- 
 uent Assembly is to fix the^date for the 
 elections, and make all the arrange- 
 ments.. 
 
 Why is the Constituent Assembly be- 
 ing held in'Querdtaro? For sentimental 
 reasons, chiefly. Here in this quaint 
 town ended the dictatorship of Emperor 
 Maximilian, th^ invader. On a lonely 
 hill, a mile from the city, an ancient 
 chapel marks the historic spot where 
 Maximilian was executed in 186 r. The 
 Mexicans consider that their era of lib- 
 ^ erty, their emancipation, began then. 
 They feel inspired that another era of 
 liberty will begin with the revision of 
 'he Constitution here, and arrangements 
 for a resumption of the constitutional 
 regime. 
 
 Querdtaro also was chosen because it 
 is a quiet place, lacking in diversion or 
 distraction. The Assemblymen can be 
 the more easily kept at work. Given a 
 lot of theatres and amusements such as 
 Mexico City has, the Assembly might 
 have by now hardly started its labors. 
 As it is, the Assembly has divided into 
 numerous committees and is moving 
 ahead with an air of sober confidence. 
 
 As a whole, the Congress doesn't look 
 very intellectual, but thei^ that distinc- 
 tion is not always vouchsafed to Con- 
 gressmen In the United States either. 
 Actually there are about fifteen men 
 Vin the 250, who really can be said to 
 lead, which is a good percentage as Mex- 
 ican legislatures go at any time, normal 
 or abnormal. Of course a higher grade 
 of Mexican will sit in the new Congress. 
 The men chosen for the Assembly were 
 in each instance pronounced Constitu- 
 tionalists, men known to be in thorough 
 sympathy with the principles of the 
 Revolution. 
 \ The military have nothing to do with 
 the Constituent Assembly. Few soldiers 
 
 are bivouacked In town — simply a police 
 garrison. The first two weeks of sessions 
 were secret while credentials were ex- 
 amined. The only outsiders admitted 
 were from the press. The discussion was 
 mostly about personalities. I was pres- 
 ent one day when two officers strolled in, 
 thinking the meetings were public. One 
 Deputy made a point of order and the 
 military were politely asked to leave — 
 which they did with apologies. 
 
 FREEDOM OF DEBATE. 
 
 The Assembly meets in the Queretaro 
 Theatre, a typical opera house * of the 
 size which a city of 50,000 would be ex- 
 pected to have. Its seating capacity, bal- 
 conies and all, would not exceed 500. It 
 is an orderly Assembly, but the utmost 
 freedom of debate has characterized the 
 sessions. Mr. Carranza himself has ap- 
 peared before it only once, when he read 
 his address, but since then the leaders 
 have been in consultation with him, as 
 happens in the United States. But in 
 reality, the Assembly is laying down the 
 law. It may not be an imposing-looking 
 affair, but the members know what they 
 want. They know the loopholes in the 
 old Constitution of 1857, whereby dicta- 
 torships were established and the rights 
 of the people wrested from them. They 
 are deliberately closing up those holes 
 how and moulding a democracy, a gov- 
 ernment suited to Mexican conditions of 
 life, a government for which they have 
 shed much blood. 
 
 They have suffered extremely in order 
 to get the opportuhity of reform wb 
 they have to-day. Their eyes are 
 focussed on' international obligations 
 yet They are intensely absorbed in tl 
 internal problems. That's why forei*.. 
 nations are a bit impatient of what seems 
 to them Mexico's slow progress. It is 
 as fast, however, as can be humanly ex- 
 pected, but the prodding by foreign Gov- 
 ernments won't do any harm. It ought to 
 quicken the Mexican leaders and keep 
 them conscious of the breadth of their 
 task as well as the breakers that lie 
 ahead of them. Eternal vigilance, de- 
 manded for the succens of individuals, is 
 not less the obligation of friendly Govern- 
 ments. 
 
\Zi) 
 
— ■— — Mil I — 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 
 
 X. 
 
 
 EDUCATIONAL REFORM 
 
 Each State Controls Education, but Plans Being Laid to Co- 
 ordinate System— Sending Mexicans to United States to 
 Study Aids International Amity — Many Thousands of 
 Children Have No Schooling Whatever. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 1916. 
 
 AS you travel across the Rio Grande, 
 you are immediately impressed 
 with the fact that you have turned 
 the pages of history back a century or 
 two — you are in the midst of a primitive 
 civilisation. It is not that the complexion 
 of the people or their habits of life are 
 different. It is that millions— literally 
 millions — of those around you can neither 
 read nor write, and out of a population 
 of 16,000.000 at least two million still 
 speak Indian dialects and communicate 
 crudely with their countrymen. 
 
 Mexico's greatest problem is how to 
 educate her Illiterate masses— ^for an un- 
 derlying ignorance is always a potential 
 source of revolution. 
 
 Opening schools and planning a uni- 
 form system of education that will take 
 hold throughout the republic is neither a 
 spectacular nor dramatic affair. It 
 doesn't get headlines. But while in 
 Mexico to-day it would seem that im- 
 provement of living conditions, and a 
 stabilisation of the central Government 
 were the most pressing and urgent things , 
 to be done, It is gratifying nevertheless 
 to discover 'that First Chief Carranza Is , 
 personally iuwlstin.i; in educational re- 
 form in Mexico, is directing that liberal 
 appropriations from the funds of the 
 central Governn&ent be made for teach- 
 ers' salaries and new school*, and is also 
 supervising the expenditures as much as 
 possible so that there may be no waste. 
 
 Andres Osuna, who Is general super- 
 intendent of education in Mexico City 
 and Is an intimate friend of the First 
 Chief, having been at the head of the 
 board of Education in the latter's native 
 state — Coahuila — makes it his business 
 to consult the First r-nief af least twice a. 
 week. The more one digs into things 
 here, the more one finds that Venustiano 
 Carranza has upon his shoulders Innu- 
 
 merable burdens. And how he man- 
 ages to do as well as he does with some 
 of the inefficient men be has to deal 
 with, who have not yet learned the fun- 
 damentals of service, is indeed a mystery. 
 
 BOITATED IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 It is fitting that a man like Andres 
 Osuna should be at the right hand of 
 Carranza in educational matters. Osuna, 
 of course, has the confidence of the First 
 Chief. He also is thoroughly familiar 
 with American systems of education, both 
 in the primary and secondary schools and 
 colleges, being himself a graduate of 
 Bridgewater Normal School, at Bridge- 
 water, Mass.. and having received B.A. 
 and M.A. degrees at Vanderbilt Univer- 
 sity, Nashville. Tenn. He has lived for 
 many years in the United States and 
 knows the value of the American plan of 
 education. 
 
 While most Mexicans look suspiciously 
 on all plans for cooperation with the 
 United States. Osuna has no such fear. 
 H~ is in constant correspondence with 
 educators in the United States, seeking 
 for Mexico the best that it is possible to 
 get for existing conditions in the dis- 
 turbed republic. Perhaps the most inter- 
 esting development in this line is the 
 splendid effort of Stanley Yarnell, of the 
 Friends' School, Philadelphia, who has 
 launched a plan for university scholar- 
 ships in leading universities and colleges 
 in the United States for deserving Mexi- 
 can students. Already about fifteen to 
 eighteen scholarships have been obtained, 
 and nearly twenty other colleges have 
 endorsed the plan. Some institutions 
 have offered full scholarships, board, 
 tuition, and all. Oth.-rs have given tuitio.i 
 and suggested opportunities for student 
 self-support. Catalogues and literature 
 from American colleges have been sent 
 
 to the Department of Education here for 
 general distribution, and altogether the 
 Mexicans are quite enthusiastic about the 
 plan. 
 
 Already, too, Gen. Carranza has given 
 his consent for a delegation of Mexican 
 teachers tq accept the invitation gener- 
 ously extended by the National Associa- 
 tion of Teachers to attend their meeting 
 in the United States in June. Unfortu- 
 nately, the vacation for schools in Mexi- 
 co comes in January and February, so It 
 will be difficult to obtain leave of ab- 
 sence for many teachers, but at least 
 twenty-five will make the trip. 
 
 MEXICAN SCHOOL REGISTRATION. 
 
 Mexico's school registration Is far be- 
 low what it ought to be. Based on per- 
 centage estimates in the United States, 
 there ought to be in a place .like Mexico 
 City at least 150,000 children In school; 
 but there are only 120,000. Thirty thou- 
 sand boys and girls, therefore, have never 
 attended school. It is a nucleus of igno- 
 rance — an ultimate instrument for revo- 
 lution and bloodshed or banditry or other 
 lawlessness. In Michoacan, which has 1,- 
 000,000 inhabitants, there ought to be at 
 least 150,000 in attendance, but only 60,- 
 000 are registered. Figures for the en- 
 tire nation, taken in 1910, when Diaz was 
 in power, show that only 1,000,000 chil- 
 dren were In school, out of a total pop- 
 ulation of 15,000,000, which should send 
 3,000,000. or at least 2,000,000 to school. 
 
 The Diaz Government did not believe 
 in spreading common-school education. 
 There was no system. Even Mexico City 
 was never divided Into school wards, and 
 sometimes there were two and three 
 schools in the same block. Sanitation 
 was neglected. All this has now been 
 changed. Not only has the city been di- 
 vided tnto districts, with a superintend- 
 ent directly responsible for each district, 
 but special attention has been given to 
 the health of the children tnd the sani- 
 tation of buildings. A board of physicians 
 — fifteen is all — has been organised, 
 who. together with twenty-six nurses, 
 make constant rounds in the, schools. 
 Also, at least fifteen male teachers, whose 
 Irregular habits did not. in the opinion of 
 the general superintendent, make them 
 fit to teach the young, have been dismiss- 
 ed. 
 
 The curious thing about education in 
 Mexico since the, re volution began In 1S11 
 is that the schools have never been closed 
 by any faction. For a time In the state 
 of Morelos, overrun by Zapatistas, It was 
 dangerous for any employee of the state 
 Government to be about, and It was im- 
 possible to send salaries to the teachers. 
 Classes were suspended, but as soon as 
 the civil authorities were able to recover 
 possession of the cities, schools were 
 promptly reopened. 
 
IZO 
 
I 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 TEACHERS IN DEMAND. \ 
 
 Some splendid things have been done 
 to forward education in the state of 
 Yucatan, from 300 to 400 new schools hav- 
 ing been opened there. A few new schools 
 have been established in Mexico City, 
 but lack of financial resources has been 
 a severe handicap. There are 78,000 chil- 
 dren enrolled In the 450 primary schools 
 and 93,000 in the private schools of the 
 capital. 
 
 Teachers are in demand. The Carranza 
 Government has raised the salaries of 
 male instructors 25 per cent., in order to 
 attract men of education to pedagogy. 
 From five to six million dollars of Mex- 
 ican gold ($2,500,000 to J3.000.000 in 
 American money) has been spent by the 
 Carranza Government in each of its two 
 years of Governmental control over the 
 schools. And. in spite of the pressure 
 of other things, Gen. Carranza has found 
 time to visit the schools regularly— in 
 fact, he has visited them already more 
 times than did any Executive or Minis- 1 
 ter of Public Instruction before him. 
 
 Unfortunately, the need for economy 
 has forced the closing of one large normal 
 school here. The Government had been 
 spending $87,500 in American money for 
 the support of a school which had only 
 130 students. So it was decided to take 
 $20,000 of this money and send these 130 
 students to normal schools in other cities, 
 paying all their expenses, and yet sav- 
 ing $57,000 by closing down the normal 
 school in the capital. Teachers, as a rule, 
 don't want to go to normal schools outside 
 of the cities, but the Carranza Govern- 
 ment is about to establish sectional nor- 
 mal schools, so that teachers will be 
 drawn from them for surrounding rural 
 communities. Puebla, Vera Cruz. Guada- 
 lajara and Jalisco have fine normal 
 schools. Some of the normal-school grad- 
 uates who stand highest in their work 
 will be sent to the United States for post- 
 graduate work. Six are now in Massa- 
 chusetts, studying at the expense of the 
 Carranza AdmiAist ration— two at Wor- 
 cester, one at Bridgewater, and three at 
 Boston. 
 
 WANTS UNIFORMITY OF SYSTEM. 
 
 Essentially the problem of education in 
 S \ Mexico as In the United States is in the 
 
 hands of state authorities. States' rights 
 is Constitutionalist doctrine here. Gen. 
 Carranza many years* ago while Governor 
 of Coahuila engaged in a long contro- 
 versy with the central Government as 
 to the right of the state of Coahuila to 
 run its own educational system without 
 interference by the Federal authorities. 
 He still stands for that principle, but rec- 
 ognizes the value of informal cooperation' 
 and the need for uniformity in system. 
 He hopes to obtain this, however, through 
 the unanimous approval by the state*, of 
 the plans now being unofficially recom- 
 mended to the different Governors. 
 
 Osuna, who was at the head of the 
 School Department of the state of Coa- 
 huila for many years, Is the author of 
 the plan which has been approved in 
 principle, though not in detail, by First 
 Chief Carransa. Its object is to divorce 
 the schools from politics. Instead of hav- 
 ing one man at the head of the educa- 
 tional machinery of every state, Osunas 
 proposal is to substitute state and mu- 
 nicipal boards of education. The mem- 
 bers would be chosen by the governors of 
 the city councils, respectively. Of the 
 Ave members of each board, one would 
 hold office for a single year, a second for 
 two years, a third for three years, and 
 so on, so that there would be but one va- 
 cancy each year, and political changes 
 would not so easily affect the continuity 
 of educational work. There would be, of 
 course, a general superintendent and as- 
 sistants, but these men would be select- 
 ed by the state of municipal boards and 
 would map out courses of study and sub- 
 mit textbooks for the approval of the 
 governing boards. - 
 
 MN1NO UP STATE GOVERNORS. 
 
 In the United States many cities have 
 solved the problem of education versus 
 local politics by abandoning the electoral 
 method of choosing a superintendent of 
 schools and appointing a non-partisan 
 school board to supervise the entire sys- 
 tem for a city. In Mexico, particularly, 
 where school-teachers occasionally get 
 prominent in local politics, it is desirable 
 to remove their positions as far as pos- 
 sible from the political spoilsmen. The 
 Massachusetts plan of selecting superin- 
 
 28 
 
 tendents by examination ia a conspicuous 
 part of Mr. Osuna's plan. He has written 
 a long prospectus on the whole thing, 
 and Is soon to make a tour of the coun- 
 try urging the different governors to 
 adopt the plan he has sponsored. He has 
 asked the governors to convene a com- 
 mittee of the educators of each state so 
 that he may present the merits of the 
 plan. Of course, the Federal Govern- 
 ment is interested in the adoption of the 
 plan, but each state will of course have 
 the right to reject the same if it desires- 
 Mr. Osuna hopes to persuade the state 
 authorities to make permanent provision 
 for educational funds. Hitherto, there 
 has been appropriation only when a sur- 
 plus existed in state revenues. He la 
 suggesting that each state fix by law that 
 a certain percentage of the income be 
 applied for educational needs. 
 
 Mexico's educational future is, theo- 
 retically speaking, a bright one. The de- 
 sire to educate is a sincere one, but the 
 only question is how funds are to be ob- 
 tained with the Government so desperate- 
 ly in need of money for military and 
 other administrative purposes of prime 
 importance. 
 
 ■STABUSHINQ INTERNATIONAL AMITT. 
 
 It ia a marvellous thing that out of lta 
 limited funds, the Constitutionalist Gor- 
 ernment has been able not only to keep 
 the schools going but actually to open 
 new ones and show conspicuous prog- 
 ress in so many localities. But the work 
 is hardly begun. Millions of children 
 are not yet in schools, and it will probably 
 be another year before this phase of Mei- 
 ico's reconstruction will get the attention 
 it deserves. 
 
 On the whole, the efforts of the Con- 
 stitutionalist Government in educational 
 lines have borne much fruit. And the 
 willingness to send Mexican young men 
 and women north of the Rio Grande to 
 study is not the least important part of 
 it all. These future principals and su- 
 perintendents should be effective mission- 
 aries for the cause of international amity, 
 i -lose cooperation between the educators 
 
 of the United s£ates and Mexico will do 
 
 a great deal toward making the people* 
 of the two countries sincere friends. 
 
IZO 
 
■ -■ V . '■> ■ ' sV '--"■ 
 
 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 XI. 
 
 VENUSTIANO CARRANZA— THE MAN 
 
 Some Aspects of His Political Philosophy— T^e Struggle for 
 Individual Liberty as Opposed to Oligarchy— Preach- 
 ments Based on Experience with Diaz Group. 
 
 Queretaro, Mex., December, 1916. 
 
 WHAT kind of a man is Gen. Car- 
 ranza? Does he hate Americans, 
 does he breathe anti-Americanism 
 at you, does he grow furious over the 
 prolonged stay of the Pershing expedi- 
 tion; in short, is he reasonable at all. is 
 he the kind of man that ought to be 
 President of a republic? These questions 
 flitted through my mind as I strolled 
 toward the house of the First Chief for 
 an interview. They were questions which, 
 I knew, issued from the curiosity of the 
 average American, but on which any one 
 who had had the opportunity of really 
 knowing the First Chief could not have 
 the slightest doubt. 
 
 Six years ago, just this month, I met 
 Venustiano Carranza for the first time. 
 He was in Washington incognito. He 
 was a Senator in the Congress under 
 Diaz, but fled the capital to join the Ma- 
 dero revolution. He was of impressive 
 presence, tall, characteristically slow of 
 .. speech, serious — almost solemn. I have 
 seen him many times since, but I doubt 
 Hfcftether he ever looked the part of Chief 
 Executive of a republic more than he 
 did to-day He is big. broad-shouldered, 
 firm of grip, his face browned by the 
 sun, .'■Ijtii eyes lialf-obscured by his heavy 
 blue ftfjjictaek's —a strong-looking, erect 
 figure. And as 1 stepped forward to shake 
 hands he Smiled, it was a sympathetic 
 smile, yet as he rose, he plainly showed 
 fatigue. He had been sit it from 5 A. M. 
 He had seen ^constant .stream of callers 
 from all parU'ii the republic. He had 
 dispatched a mass of domestic business, 
 and he had spent two hours discussing 
 with Alberto Pani f$& -international situ- 
 ation as it was being handled by the 
 joint Mexk an-Amerlcan Commission. 
 
 WANTS TO bf; fkiendlx WITH VS. 
 Wetalked a long time. The First Chief 
 gives, of cnu-.se, the usual stereotyped 
 interview of prepared questions and an- 
 
 swers, but sometimes he will talk freely 
 with the understanding that he is speak- 
 ing privately, and not for quotation. I 
 carried away the impression that he 
 wanted to be friendly with the United 
 States, but that he didn't dare be so. no 
 matter how advantageous it might seem, 
 until the American troops were with- 
 drawn from Mexican soil. I told him out- 
 forces had been anxious for some time 
 to leave, provided the Commission could 
 come to some agreement about it, that 
 hardly anybody in the United States 
 wanted the Pershing expedition to re- 
 main, and that public opinion favored 
 the withdrawal, and had left the whole 
 business to the Commission to arrange. 
 The First Chief looked at me with an 
 expression which, translated into words, 
 meant : "I'd like to believe you, but I've 
 heard that story before." For the fact 
 of the matter is, the Mexicans do not 
 trust the United States, they don't real- 
 ly put any faith in our promises, and if 
 you are alone with them, in their con- 
 fidence, under circumstances which will 
 draw from them their private opinions, you 
 will discover that, however unintentional 
 it may have been on the part of the Unit- 
 ed States, the American Government has 
 made some moves which to the Mexicans 
 look very suspicious. Jumping into Mex- 
 ico without even asking the permission 
 of the dr facto Government, and then 
 apologizing for the "error" may have 
 become stale news in the United States, 
 but it still rankles here. And again, the 
 statement issued by the Secretary of War 
 at the direction of President Wilson, a 
 day or two after the Pershing expedi- 
 tion was ordered into Mexico, and say- 
 ing the American forces would be with- 
 drawn as soon as sufficient Government 
 forces arrived on the scene to take con- 
 trol of the situation, is remembered for 
 its non-fulfilment. Enough Mexican 
 forces were soon concentrated in that 
 
 vicinity, but the American troops kept 
 on and on toward Parral, disregarding 
 the Mexican Government's efforts to put 
 some limitation on the pursuit. The Car- 
 ranza Government had feared that Vil- 
 la's game was to draw the American 
 forces through the sparsely populated 
 regions all the way to the City of Mex- 
 ico, and thereby precipitate a general 
 war. 
 
 KEEPS HIS WORD. 
 
 Gen. Carranza is not narrow. He is 
 simply the inflexible kind who, when he 
 gives his word, keeps it, and when you 
 give him your word, expects you to keep 
 it. He wants to know why the Pershing 
 expedition has stayed so long on Mexi- 
 can soil, what has it been doing for the 
 last three months, and why must Mexico 
 be forced into the humiliating position 
 of promising a score- of things in order 
 to rid her territory of foreign troops who 
 by no right of international law. can 
 occupy the soil of a nation with whom 
 relations of peace exist unless specific 
 consent therefor is given. And certain- 
 ly Mexico never consented to the entry 
 of (he Pershing expedition. That is his 
 viewpoint. ». 
 
 But while Gen. Carranza was in a 
 more or less you-must-show-me attitude, 
 somewhat skeptical that the United 
 States was really sincere about withdraw- 
 ing Pershing since it had entangled the 
 Commission with so many other ques- 
 tions which it was his understanding 
 would not be discussed while American 
 troops were on Mexican soil, neverthe- 
 less I really believe that If the United 
 States, by its acts, showed a genuine 
 friendship for Mexico, it would have in 
 Venustiano Carranza a real friend. 
 
 The First Chief is no ordinary indi- 
 vidual. None but a man of his fibre 
 could have kept his motley forces In- / 
 tact for a whole year without funds, 
 without much support from foreign gov- 
 ernments, with internal intrigue, with 
 graft, with bad crops, and with economic 
 conditions of a distressing character. He 
 is a type of Mexican statesman of the 
 old cultured class in Mexico, long in 
 public life, yet thoroughly progressive 
 and liberal in his views. Probably the 
 best exposition of his political philosophy 
 was contained in his opening address to 
 the Constituent Assembly here, which Is 
 now revising the Constitution. It was 
 not fully reported in the newspapers be- 
 cause cable' tolls were high, but it gives 
 as good an insight into Venustiano Car- 
 ranza as anything he has ever written 
 or spoken. It was a speech of 9,000 
 words, but I have selected some excerpts 
 here which illustrate the breadth of vis- 
 ion of the man, his liberalism, his keen 
 desire to rid the people of dictatorships 
 and tyrannical oligarchies — his creed of 
 democracy. He said In part: 
 
20 
 
HIS REFORM PLANS. 
 
 "I cannot say to you that the project 
 I present to you is perfect, as nothing 
 human can be perfect; but, believe me, 
 gentlemen, the reforms I propose are the 
 outcome of sincere conviction, personal 
 experience, and the expression of my 
 deep and ardent wish that the Mexican 
 people may attain to an enjoyment of 
 liberty, education, enlightenment, and 
 progress which will earn It respect abroad 
 and peace at home. Gentlemen, I will 
 summarize the reforms to which I re- 
 fer, 'in order to give you a brief and clear 
 idea of the principles that have guided 
 me, so that you may decide whether I 
 have attained the object I have had be- 
 fore me. The object of every Govern- 
 ment being to protect the individual — that 
 is to say, the varied elements in society 
 which go to make up the whole, unques- 
 tionably the first requisite to be filled by 
 a political constitution must be the pro- 
 tection given to individual liberty. 
 
 "The 1 Constitution of a nation should 
 not seek, if it is to be long-lived,. to estab- 
 lish artificial restrictions between the 
 state and the individual, as if it were de- 
 sired to increase free action on one part 
 and limit it on the other, in such a way 
 that what is granted to one shall be a 
 condition for the protection of the other, 
 but should seek to arrange matters so 
 that the authority given by the people 
 to their representatives (seeing that the 
 people cannot exercise such authority di- 
 rectly) be not used aaainst the society 
 or public which appoints it, and whose 
 rights must remain intact. Because wo 
 must not for a moment lose sight of the 
 fact that a government is necessarily a 
 means towards realizing all conditions 
 without which human rights cannot exist 
 and develop. Starting out with this fun- 
 damental conception, social institutions 
 will then be assigned their real value, and 
 a suitable course will be given to the 
 exercise of the public powers whereby 
 social and political habits and customs 
 will be determined. 
 
 "Government procedure up to the pres- 
 ent has not been able to establish itself, 
 due to the fact that the Mexican peo- 
 ple have not believed in a social pact 
 that placed all political organization in 
 the divine origin of a monarch, a master 
 of life and property. They have relied 
 on institutions which, although embody- 
 ing high principles, are not adapted to 
 their manner of thinking and feeling, and 
 are fir from satisfying their needs. These 
 institutions at present completely lack 
 vitality, because they have been dominat- 
 ed by an enervating ijhllitary despotism 
 and by iniquitous exploitation, which has 
 thrown the most populous classes into 
 dejpair and ruin. 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 FOR INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY. 
 
 "I have already stated that the first 
 duty of government is to assist in bring- 
 ing about the necessary conditions for 
 the organization of legislation, or, what 
 amounts to the same thing, to be careful 
 to maintain intact individual liberty. For 
 this reason, the first thing the political 
 constitution of a nation should do is to 
 prevent the government, on the pre- 
 text of preserving peace and order (rea- 
 sons always alleged by tyrants to Justify 
 their actions), from restricting individual 
 rights and arrogating to itself the ex- 
 clusive right to direct individual initiative 
 and social activity by enslaving the in- 
 dividual and society. The Constitution 
 of 1857, as I have already stated, declared 
 that the rights of the individual are the 
 basis and object of all social institutions; 
 but, with few exceptions, did not grant 
 such rights or sufficient guarantees. The 
 secondary laws did not severely punish 
 the violation of such guarantees, because 
 they only provided insignificant penalties, 
 which were hardly ever enforced. So 
 that, without fear of exaggeration, it may 
 be said that, in spite of the aforesaid 
 Constitution, individual liberty remained 
 entirely at the mercy of the rulers. The 
 numerous attempts against individual 
 rights and their various manifestations 
 during the period in which the Constitu- 
 tion of 1857 has been in force are sur- 
 prising. Not a day had passed without 
 complaints against the abuses and ex- 
 cesses of the authorities from one end to 
 the other of the republic, and, notunth- 
 standing the frequency of the evil and the 
 trouble it constantly caused the Federal 
 judicial authority made no effort to put 
 an end to this state of affairs or to punish 
 those guilty for it. Imagination cannot 
 even form an idea of the innumerable 
 cases of appeals from being drafted into 
 the army, or against the arbitrary ac- 
 tions of justices of the peace. The mere 
 declaration of a right, the mere proclama- 
 tion of a basic principle of social and 
 political order, is a futile bulwark with 
 which to contest long-established tradi- 
 tion and the inveterate habits and cus- 
 toms of an authority invested with om- 
 nipotent powers. These have been so far- 
 reaching that often the people have had 
 no other alternative but silence and obe- 
 dience. 
 
 TO CORRBCT EVILS. 
 
 "It is to correct these evils that my 
 Administration brings forward the vari- 
 ous reforms bearing on the first section 
 of the first part of the Constitution of 
 1857, and I hope that with them and the 
 severe penalties imposed by the Penal 
 Code for the violation of individual guar- 
 antees, the public authorities will be com- 
 pelled to be what they should be, namely, 
 the safeguards of society, instead of what 
 they have been, the oppressors of those 
 
 25 
 
 who have had the misfortune to fall into 
 their hands. 
 
 "The Government emanating from the 
 revolution— and this is known through- 
 out the republic— has taken particular 
 care to encourage education in all social 
 spheres. I firmly believe that this im- 
 pulse will not only continue, but will be 
 intensified day by day, so that the Mexi- 
 cans will become a cultured people, capa- 
 ble of realizing their high destinies, and 
 able to give to their national Government 
 such solid and efficacious cooperation :j 
 will make anarchy, on the one hand, and 
 a dictatorship, on the other, impossible. 
 The independent municipality is undoubt- 
 edly one of the great achievements of 
 the revolution, as well as the basis of a 
 free Government, a conquest which not 
 only gives political freedom to municipal- 
 life, but also economic independence, 
 since the municipality will have its own 
 funds and resources with which to me?t 
 it* needs, thus being taken out of reach 
 of the insatiable greed generally shown 
 by governors. 
 
 "Tocqueville observed in his study of 
 the history of the American peoples of 
 Spanish origin that the latter turn to 
 anarchy when they are tired of obedience, 
 and to a dictatorship when tired of de- 
 struction, and he considers that this osciri 
 lation between order and violence is the 
 fatal law which governed and will govern 
 for a long time those nationa This theo- 
 rist did not say what, in his opinion, 
 would be the means of getting rid of tho ' 
 evil, which he could quite easily 
 done had he observed really the 
 cedents of each case and the cii 
 stances under which revolution inva 
 
 occurs." i H 
 
 - 
 
 Here (Jen. Carranza launched into an 
 analysis of "strong governments" as con- 
 trasted with "despotic governments," and 
 pointed out that certain superior classes 
 have always blundered in thinking that 
 the way to produce order was to ignore 
 tho law. 
 
 'That, and nothing else," continued Mr. 
 Carranza, "was the cause of the fatal 
 habit of which Tocqueville spoke, be- 
 cause a dictatorship will no more product 
 peace or order than darkness will pro- 
 duce light." 
 
 Tht First Chief, who is soon to bo 
 President of Mexico, is a man of rars 
 political ability. He is undoubtedly, of 
 all the revolutionists produced in the last 
 six years in Mexico, by far the most 
 learned and the most cultured. He was 
 a Senator from, as well as Governor of, 
 the state of Coahuila in the days of Diaz. 
 He has seen Mexico under conditions old 
 and new. He is proceeding slowly, and, 
 disturbed by no outside influence, is bound 
 to be remembered in Mexican history as 
 one of its greatest statesmen. 
 
0216: 
 
THE THUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 XII. 
 
 BREGON AND GONZALES 
 
 -THEIR PERSONALITIES 
 
 Generals of the Revolution Support Carranza Loyally— Both 
 are Thoroughgoing Constitutionalists Who Enlisted 
 Against Huerta on Principle. 
 
 Mexico City, December, 1916. 
 
 U 
 
 TNTIL revolutionary governments 
 take the form of stable administra- 
 tions ruled by a chief executive 
 whose words and commands become in- 
 violate. It is not unusual to find the body 
 politic governed by a group of military 
 chiefs. Mexico is no exception, but to- 
 day the southern republic is passing 
 through that evolutionary stage wherein 
 the lesser chiefs have become incorporat- 
 ed in the military strength or prestige 
 of a few greater ones. \ 
 
 Next to Gen. Carranza there are two 
 men in Mexico to-day whose political 
 and military power constitutes an essen- 
 tial part of the whole fabric of the Con- 
 stitutionalist Administration. They are 
 Gen. Alvaro Obregon and Gen. Pablo 
 Gonzales. Without their cooperation, 
 without their consent, Gen. Carranza 
 could not administer the office of chief 
 ij&executive — a central government would 
 
 t virtually hopeless. And whenever two 
 A ascend to such strategic heights, it 
 is as natural as it is inevitable in Mexico 
 that doubt should at once be cast on 
 their individual loyalty to the higher au- 
 thority^- frequently subordinate colonels 
 or chiefs through hopes of self-advance- 
 ment, spur th^eu leaders on to revolt; 
 they engage in intrigue and sooner or 
 later, by creating an atmosphere of jeal- 
 ousy and suspicion, easily discover a pre- 
 text tor a quarrel and urge It upon their 
 superiora If the tatter be unscrupulous 
 f "and without moral character, ambitious 
 and fearless, as wat Huerta, no obstacle, 
 not even assassination, will be permitted 
 to stand In the way of accomplishing a 
 usurpation. 
 
 Many persons have thus worked on 
 Gena Gonzales and Obregon, some of 
 them On the pretence of deep friendship, 
 in an effort to effect a break with Car- 
 
 ranza, but with no success. The con- 
 spirators have, however, been able to stir 
 up jealousy between the staffs of the 
 two generals, and to contribute no little 
 embarrassment to both. But neither gen- 
 eral is himself unscrupulous, neither is 
 a fool, and neither wants to start a revolt 
 of arms. The certainty alone of an Amer- 
 ican occupation as a sequel does not 
 make the responsibility for a aew revo- 
 lution seem particularly attractive. 
 
 BOTH SUPPORT CARRANZA. 
 
 As a matter of fact, Alvaro Obregon 
 and Pablo Gonzales are thoroughgoing 
 Constitutionalist* They enlisted in the 
 revolt against Huerta purely on principle. 
 It they have any ambitions, they will de- 
 sire to satisfy -them through the regular 
 electoral processes some day, but not 
 through another arbitrary overthrow of 
 constitutional government. And both 
 men are earnest and sincere in their 
 support of Gen. Carranza's candidacy for 
 President, which is unopposed. 
 
 Both Gens, Obregon and Gonzales were 
 in the city during my stay here, and I 
 spent an hour or more with each, talk- 
 ing about domestic troubles, the effect 
 of the reelection of President Wilson, the 
 Pershing expedition, and other subjects 
 of mutual interest. I found Gen. Gonza- 
 les at Tacubaya, a suburb, where he and 
 his staff had occupied the home of Fer- 
 nando de Teresa, a millionaire now in 
 Europe. I had heard a great deal about 
 requisitioning houses, but after a stroll 
 through this immense estate, I came to 
 the conclusion that not only had Don 
 Pablo taken good care not to destroy 
 anything in the big dwelling, but he ac- 
 tually had detailed several men to trim 
 the gardens daily and generally clean it 
 up, for the place had been unoccupied for 
 
 several years. And wh> ■ ndo de 
 Teresa comes home, he'l • . . . i man- 
 sion, furniture, gardens pools, 
 swimmtag tank, bowling heatre, 
 art gallery, stable* mir illway, 
 trees, and arbors in jus. 1 con- 
 dition as when he left. 
 
 Don Pablo is fond of ho ponies 
 
 and must needs show me : iction. 
 
 A few minutes he spent r< litary 
 
 telegrams and then he sat talk. 
 
 He had a rather disagrees ience 
 
 with Gregory Mason's int i the 
 
 Outlook — a bona-fide intej the 
 
 way,) because copies of it -\ i also 
 
 to all the newspaper corr 'a in 
 
 Mexico City, but containing : ther 
 
 indiscreet to say during tht y of 
 
 a Presidential election in dted 
 
 States. So Gen. Gonzales i ' of 
 
 quoted interviews. As a_m; ' fact, 
 
 what he said in that intervit nt- 
 
 ed what he actually felt — tl pen 
 
 enmity of Hughes was to be \to 
 
 the incomprehensible friends 7 ll- 
 
 son. It was a typical vie> v .he 
 
 Mexicans wanted to know if t.irs* 
 
 States really was planning on 
 
 or occupation and wanted to I to 
 
 prepare against it. Or they to 
 
 know what to be sure was fc le 
 
 many conflicting moves on t )f 
 their northern neighbor. 
 
 QLAD WILSON WON. 
 
 But Pablo Gonzales really 1 
 
 Wilson won. On the whole, tl ■••ion 
 was considered favorable to M < 
 the feeling prevailed that if V.. 
 cans really were sincere, they r 
 withdraw the Pershing exped. 
 there would be no international 
 Gen. Gonzales is a man of coi 
 character and integrity. He e ■ 
 little, but you can rely on his wo -1. e 
 is very popular among the f< 
 He was in the milling busine: 
 the revolution began, and his m 
 success has resulted merely fron 
 plication of business sense to a 
 ganization. He has been in th< 
 States a great deal, has done 
 with Americans and foreigners, a 
 dies himself very well indeed. . . 
 m6st disgruntled member of the 
 can colony in Mexico City an •.; ■ a 
 say: "Oh, Gen. Gonzales is all rU 
 a good administrator. If there ~\ 
 more like him." The same is 3 
 Tampico, San Luis Potosl— eve 
 that he has been stationed. 
 
 Don Pablo is a favorite of Ge. 
 ranza. Both come from the same 
 Coahuila — and their friendship date 
 many years. Friction between th 
 any serious character is very impro 
 In a sense, Gen. Gonzales is a creatu ■< 
 Gen. Carranza, and throughout all 
 ructions with Villa and the dissensio 
 
 
Q21GZ 
 
• 
 
 the Constitutionalist camp, not a bit of 
 doubt prevailed that Gonzales would stick 
 to the First Chief through thick and thin. 
 His square jaw,_in fact the lines of face, 
 are those of a man of character. It is 
 what we are accustomed to call a strong 
 face. His hair is jet black and runs 
 somewhat to the football crop. He wears 
 gold spectacles and a black fedora hat, a 
 plain sack suit and polka-dot vest — at 
 least this was his Sunday morning garb, 
 and I noticed that he was the only man 
 at headquarters who didn't wear a uni- 
 form, which is a fact of no small signifi- 
 cance, because in Mexico there seems to 
 be some kind of contest or rivalry on 
 among the generals and colonels, cap- 
 tains and lieutenants to see who can 
 design the most distinctive uniform out 
 of khaki, or olive drab, an abundance of 
 brass buttons and gold lace, and a study 
 of military fashion plates of generations. 
 Indeed, the Interesting thing to tho 
 casual observer of both Obregon and 
 Gonzales would be that they didn't look 
 like military men at all. .They might be 
 business men, bankers, or merchants for 
 all the outsider knew. Gen. Obregon, for 
 instance, when I visited him at his home 
 in the military school alongside Chapul- 
 tepec Castle, wore a heavy gray sweater 
 and mufti of the plainest. 
 
 OBnBOON HAS "PUNCH." 
 
 Alvaro Obregon is an engaging figure 
 and a winning personality. He can bo 
 Just as anti-American as any one else in 
 Mexico and as simpatico, too, though, to 
 be sure, whenever I investigate the ef- 
 fects of our crudely worked out policy to- 
 ward Mexico, I am not surprised th«it 
 anti-Americanism is so infectious. Obre- 
 gon is a man of force. He has the punch 
 Americans love to admire. He is honest. 
 He is good-hearted. He is a*brave com- 
 mander and a tactful one. He has never 
 lost a battle in nearly three years of con- 
 stant campaigning. When I saw him he 
 was going through a rather excruciating 
 experience. The stub of his left arm 
 which had parted company with a pow- 
 erful right hand at the last battle of 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 Celaya against Villa was in a cast. He 
 had slipped on the stairway a few days 
 before and fractured the upper arm. Yet 
 he was up and about carrying on his du- 
 ties of Minister of War from hfs resi- 
 dence. And he had time to work on a 
 book that he is writing covering his ex- 
 periences in the campaigns of the present 
 revolution, his"' thousands of miles of 
 marches and countermarches, his sweep 
 from the Arizona border through Sonora 
 and along the Pacific Coast to Mexico 
 City against Huerta — he was the first to 
 enter there in"-l914 — and his northward 
 pursuit and spectacular defeat of Villa, 
 after which the latter took to the moun- 
 tains. If Gen. Murgia fails in Chihuahua, 
 Gen. Obregon expects to take the field 
 himself against the northern bandit. 
 
 Gen. Obregon is what Americans would 
 call a reasonable man. He has neither 
 the wisdom nor the profundity of a 
 statesman — and doesn't pretend to have. 
 He is a man of utter simplicity, a man 
 without guile, direct, emphatic, energetic, 
 and true blue. People who gossip of in- 
 trigue and disloyalty in his connection 
 simply do not know the man. I like 
 his good-humor. Some people say he has 
 inherited it from Irish ancestors. Cer- 
 tainly his spirit is a youthful one; his 
 years arc thirty-six. He has just married 
 and with him lives an older sister. 
 
 HIS VIEW ON OUR PEARS. 
 
 We talked about the embargo on arms 
 and international questiona Gen. Obre- 
 gon was matter-of-fact and frank. I told 
 him that ever since Carrizal people in the 
 United States had been so uncertain 
 about the future status of their relations 
 with Mexico, however well disposed the 
 American Government might be, public 
 opinii n would not sanction the arminu 
 of a possible foe. Gen. Obregon under 
 stood that in an instant; — it was merely 
 military necessity. But he was just a* 
 sure American apprehensions about M 
 ico were ill-founded, and that there wis 
 to be peace, not war. And, moreover. : he 
 embarrassment about arms was over he 
 confessed, because machinery had Seen 
 
 Imported, and Mexican arsenals wert 
 turning out thousands and thousand 
 cartridges every day— sufficient at u 
 rate with which to conduct the various 
 campaigns against bandits. 
 
 By his conversation it was easy to e.e 
 that Gen. Obregon had |»erfeci; confidence 
 in Gen. Carranza's ability tc handle the 
 international situation. He did not insist 
 on knowing details or interjecting a po*r> 
 of view. Don Venustiano could intp 
 the Mexican point of view or. sueii ma 
 ters. Nationalism is neve an amblgv 
 ous thing, anyway. It permits of no su 
 render of any of the sacred right* 
 sovereignty, no yielding of the nation 
 independence — and these principles, r. 
 thing more and nothing less, under* 
 Mexico's cautious, even suspicious, at' 
 tude toward her big, powerful, resource! 
 neighbor — the United States. 
 
 Obregon and Gonzales a'e from t 
 north of Mexico, virile personal ties. TV" 
 combined military strength., distxibut. 
 through a lot of lesser generals an 
 chiefs, was the Instrument by which V 
 revolution was won first against Hueru 
 and then against the organized warfar» 
 of Villa Their tasks are not dona Bar 
 ditry, the sequel of organised flghtmfc 
 still prevails, as it did in Madero's time, 
 as it ever will until the central author- 
 ity has been firmly enough established i 
 get money wherewith to supply and trai 
 an efficient force for bandit hunting, 
 job many times as difficult as an out-»v. 
 out fight, as our own experience -^ith J 
 dian forays and bushwhacking will te 
 tify. All of this takes time. And 
 America can once be assured that Mexico 
 has in her leadership men of capacity, the 
 moral help necessary to enablB the de 
 facto Government to obtain credit and 
 the elements wherewith to combat ban.- 
 ilitry, industrial troubles, and other dis- 
 turbances, ought not to be long withheld 
 Again, seeing is believing, and fair-mimt 
 ed observations will bring convincing 
 proof that Mexico indeed has the mora! 
 capacity, needing only certain material 
 aid or elements to become master of her- 
 self. 
 
 \ 
 
02166 
 
THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 XIII. 
 
 :CTS IN AMERICAN POLICY 
 
 Prim;, ie of Wilson Policy of Altruism Correct, but Execution 
 ClumsyMomt of the Disastrous Mistakes of the Past— 
 Conductive Suggestions for the^Future. 
 
 Washington, D. C, December, 191 6. 
 
 TT is ,i ^ ry well to interpret Mexico 
 ■ s it evolutionary development, 
 
 * to H;va, ie at true values the dis- 
 'urbaueea herfe^JPi PO» nt out the 
 •ertain movement forward 
 facto Government and 
 the MexicaxMople; but, you will ask, 
 ,ov can tbeftJnlted States solve Its im- 
 tkfedlato pr blem, what about banditry, 
 about jfco Americans being: killed 
 .1 ii, and what of Villft, the 
 pedition, and the Interna - 
 , dssion? To put these aues- 
 •fct.s nucdrjB&t What policy would be 
 / this correspondent or any 
 <tihc ■■; tor t iat matter, who had made a 
 a- tour Jtoboervation ? Suppose one 
 ty given by the United-State s 
 nm«nt Hp' responsibility of han- 
 dling the s inle business, what would be 
 tfc«. fiist stt ps taken? 
 
 u j% can be simply stated. It 
 
 r> t, a sincere desire to. ander- 
 
 1 the atla- character, and, *Beond, 
 
 1 1 recute the obvious policy 
 
 an understanding dictates 
 
 ^hen the curtain is lifted ami 
 
 record of our dealings with 
 
 ^•evealed to the naked eye, 
 
 I not feel very proud* of her 
 
 There is in them every 
 
 honest, patriotic wish to 
 
 ^her feet, but a regrettable 
 
 blunders, and miscon- 
 
 ivp wounded Mexico and 
 
 prestige of the United 
 
 jj|i- American spirit and 
 
 |grnrnents to-day mu- 
 
 ^each other, respec- 
 
 § far from under- 
 
 :h other aJLthey were nearly 
 
 ago when the trouble started. 
 
 i occasions when the higher 
 
 1 to write in criticism of one's 
 
 irhent "The king can do no 
 
 •at. abili 
 which 
 
 place in the vocabulary of republican 
 peoples. America's policy toward Mex- 
 ico has not been at fault in principle, but 
 disastrously ■ lumsy in execution thereof. 
 We have expressed ourselves crudely, 
 and we have acted inconsistently. But 
 fortunately we have not lost our oppor- 
 tunity. We can still convince Mexico 
 that the United States is her best friend, 
 if we will but be big enough, aye gen- 
 erous enough, to deal with. her as only 
 a great and powerful nation like ours 
 can act toward a weak and struggling 
 neighbor or as one honorable nation 
 should act toward another of similar in- 
 tegrity. 
 
 NEITHKH Slhfe; TRUSTS Tt** OTHER. 
 
 1 have just come from Mexico City and 
 queretaro, where I sat down with many 
 old friends, in and out of the Govern- 
 ment, discussing for many hrurs, Mexico's 
 attitude toward the United States. I 
 have talked many hours here, too, with" 
 officials of the United States. Government 
 in the last five years. The two Govern- 
 ments are far apart, too far. They have 
 not -even reached the point of actual 
 trust. Heither believes in the other. Nei- 
 ther will take the word of the other. On 
 the surface, friendship, the hypocritical 
 kind that leads to tears, prevails; under - 
 
 <ath ore the bitterest of resentments, 
 
 ten ill-concealed enmity. It is just as 
 hue, in both capitals — in Washinpton as 
 u '71 as Mexico City. 
 
 it would be superfluous here to analyse 
 the Land mission, the odd spectacle of the 
 American Government layiag down spe- 
 cific conditions for the holding of an elec-' 
 tlon in sovereign Mexico; it' would serve 
 no good purpose now to tell what harm 
 the occupation of Vera Cruz did, what 
 doubt it cast upon America's intentions, 
 but there are things happening to-day be- 
 fore our very eyes that are doing harm 
 ""■? t hat "~t" > ^iv may fnrre war on an 
 
 unwilling American people if a halt Is 
 not soon called by an alert American pub- 
 lic opinion. 
 
 OUR ABSURDLY INADEQUATE REPRESENTATION. 
 
 Does the average American know, for 
 example, that the business of the great 
 United States Government is being han- 
 dled in Mexico by one or two clerks, neith- 
 er of whom is accredited to the Carranza 
 Government, neither of whom is in the 
 diplomatic service, neither of whom has 
 had the training or experience to express 
 to Mexico the many good purposes which 
 the United States has in mind toward her 
 neighbor? Who talks to Carranza for 
 vs.: who explains our purposesf No one. 
 
 Does the average American know, too, 
 that friendly diplomatic relations were 
 renewed with the recognition of the de 
 facto Government a year ago, and yet in 
 all that time an American Ambassador 
 has not been sent to Mexico nor even a 
 Cliarpe" d' Affaires — no one except a special 
 agent or two, whose status differed not a 
 bit from the status of the special agents 
 sent before a Government was recognized 
 In Mexico. 
 
 Is Mexico to be blamed for suspecting 
 the good faith of the United States wfcen 
 the latter hesitates to shake hands, to 
 make good the promise to send an am- 
 bassador, a promise given more than a 
 year ago? What is the real explanation 
 In Washington of the failure to send 
 Ambassador Fletcher? Well, first, the 
 Republicans filibustered and his confir- 
 mation was delayed several weeks. When 
 he was finally confirmed, last spring, the 
 American Government decided that it 
 wouldn't be "dignified" to send an Am- 
 bassador to Mexico "just yet." In other 
 words, it was decided to wait until Mex- 
 ico was In complete peace, when an 
 Ambassador would be of only one-hun- 
 dredth as much good to Mexico or to the 
 United States as he could be to-day. v An 
 American Ambassador should have been 
 in Mexico for many months, dignity to 
 the contrary notwithstanding. He should 
 have been rendering help to Mexico, as 
 well a-s looking ,out for Americans and 
 their interests, but above all, he should 
 have been giving the United States Gov- 
 ernment and the American people the 
 benefit of his observation and his judg- 
 ment. We haven't even known the facts 
 from unbiassed sources. 
 
 No better man than Henry P. Fletcher 
 could have been chosen Amhassador. He 
 has had long experience in Latin coun- 
 tries. He Is a former Rough Rider, but a 
 versatile diplomat, a man of charm. He 
 talks the language o£ LrfUin America, and 
 grasps its thought. He is simpatico. He 
 is tactful; he Is resourceful. He would 
 be able from Mexico City — on the ground 
 — to advise the President and Secretary of 
 State on matters of policy. Mexico wants 
 him to come. He is young and enthusias- 
 
0216' 
 
tic. Why shouldn't he go at once? And 
 wouldn't that very act carry to the Mexi- 
 can mind, as well as the whole world, the 
 conviction that peace, and not a break 
 in relations, was contemplated by the 
 United States? Would it not remove 
 doubt as to American plans? 
 
 A HOT AND COU> POLICY. 
 
 The policy of the Administration at 
 Washington ever since it recognized Car- 
 ranza has been intermittently hot and 
 cold. We have never whole-heartedly 
 given our moral support to the de facto 
 Government. This has always been held 
 back while we were waiting for some- 
 thing—peace and order, perhaps — waiting 
 for the very things to happen which the 
 United States ought to have ungrudgingly 
 helped Mexico to make happen. 
 
 Let us look at the Pershing expedition. 
 It entered Mexico without Mexico's per- 
 mission. When it crossed the line a 
 statement was issued by the War De- 
 partment at the direction of the Presi- 
 dent, saying the American troops would 
 be withdrawn as soon as Carranza Gov- 
 ernment forces could arrive on the scene 
 to take control. Enough Carranza troops 
 arrived, but the American Government 
 did not withdraw. Instead, it brushed 
 against Mexican forces at Carrlzal, and 
 then It settled down to a quiet occupa- 
 tion of Mexican territory without accom- 
 plishing Its original object. Its quarrel 
 had been with Villa. Carranza certainly 
 had not raided American territory. But 
 falling to catch Villa, the American 
 troops were held on Mexican soil as a 
 bargaining lever with Carranxa, as a 
 means of getting something out % of weak 
 and struggling Mexico — getting whatf 
 Why, promises of protection for foreign- 
 ers, and effective patrol of the "border. 
 Yet any one who knows Mexico knows 
 that such promises are not worth the 
 paper they are written on unless there 
 Is a strong central Government to en- 
 force them, unless there is a stable Gov- 
 ernment, financially able to pay its 
 troops and organize them as was Diaz. 
 But did the United States keep sight 
 of that dominant fact? Did it take ac- 
 count of the injury it was doing the 
 central Government, the embarrassment 
 It was imposing before the world by cast- 
 ing doubt upon its own friendliness or 
 moral support of the Government it had 
 only a few months before recognized? 
 Mexicans do not like foreign troops on-*, 
 their soil any more than we do. Turn 
 to the Far East, where Japan on the 
 slightest provocation sends troops Into 
 the territory of helpless China, while a 
 suspicious world looks^on, if you want 
 to understand what Mexico and Latin 
 America secretly think when the Pun- 
 «ton forces or the Pershing expeditions 
 axe roaming on the sovereign territory 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 of the Mexican republic in Vera Cruz or 
 Chihuahua. 
 
 BARGAINING ABOUT SOVEREIGNTY RIGHTS. 
 
 The United States did not withdraw 
 the troops, as so frequently promised. 
 Mexico threatened, but soon realized the 
 futility of threats. Mexico, like China, 
 was too feeble to resist. A commission 
 was appointed really to bridge the crisis 
 that arose at Carrlzal. The Presidential 
 campaign here delayed matters. The 
 Mexican indulgently understood. Now 
 the campaign is over. Gen. Carranza 
 had been promised that If he agreed to 
 discuss all the points involved in the 
 Mexican problem, the question of with- 
 drawal of American troops would be 
 discussed "preferentially." It would be 
 tr.ken up and disposed of first. Privately 
 he suggested a wide discussion later. He 
 wanted this procedure so that Mexico 
 would not be In the position of bargain- 
 ing with her Northern neighbor for 
 rights of sovereignty, so that Mexico's 
 territory could be free of foreign troops 
 when a discussion •* other matters was 
 begun. 
 
 Was that promise of the United States 
 to withdraw the American troops and 
 then discuss the other questions real- 
 ly kept In letter or in spirit ? 
 There are doubts. The Joint Com- 
 mission, acting presumably under In- 
 struction from Washington, asked for 
 the settlement of many other questions 
 along with the border problem. It took 
 up a variety of other subjects, and only 
 lately drew up a protocol about the with- 
 drawal of Pershing. Has it taken Mex- 
 ico's word that as soon as the troops 
 were withdrawn she would discuss other, 
 problems of international importance? Not 
 yet. Mexico isn't to be trusted, says Wash- 
 ington. Why, as soon as the Pershing 
 expedition is withdrawn, the Mexicans 
 wouldn't care anything about the other 
 problems, and would hem and haw and 
 do nothing— that is the real American 
 point of view. Is Mexico to be given a 
 chance to prove her good faith? No. the 
 assumption upon which action Is based is 
 the same assumption that the White 
 Papers and the Orange Papers and the 
 Red Books reek with. 
 
 And when the protocols are submitted. 
 a statement Is Issued separately by the 
 United States threatening unlimited pur- 
 suit of bandits In Mexico. That was a 
 threat of more punitive expeditions. It 
 was a warning that in withdrawing 
 Pershinsr now. Mexico might have other 
 expeditions to worry about if sV didn't 
 do what ' if she didn't stop border raids. 
 And Mexico is powerless to stop bor- 
 der raids so long as her Government is 
 weak. The Government of Mexico can- 
 not be strong if it is at odds with the 
 United States, if the United States keeps 
 
 casting doubt on Its capacity. Its ere.. 
 remains depressed. Was the statement 
 of unlimited pursuit consistent with 
 "moral support"? On the contrary, it re- 
 acted in Mexico in a way quite differ- 
 ent from that which was supposed. It y 
 was construed as an official threat. That's \ 
 why Gen. Carranza didn't sign the Amer- 
 ican protocols. What is the use of 
 signing a deed for a lot the sale of which 
 you are just completing, when the seller 
 reminds you that if your children play 
 In his front yard, he will come over and 
 lick your whole family? That Isn't 
 nelghborliness. That depreciates^ the 
 value of the lot. deed and all. Gen. 
 Carranza had to point out that he could 
 not let such a statement of hostile In- 
 tention pass unnoticed. His commis- 
 sioners will probably have to accept, af- 
 ter all. the American programme, and 
 discuss questions of various kinds while 
 the Pershing expedition is on Mexican 
 soil. What remedy has Gen. Carranra? 
 He can't go to war about it. But is It 
 any wonder that Americans are not 
 liked in Mexico? Is this the way to build 
 international friendships? The methods 
 used sound strangely like Japanese coer- 
 cion of China, like the ultimatum which 
 China was compelled to accept In 1915 
 because there was no alternative. 
 
 UNEQUAL TREATMENT OK SMUGGLING. 
 
 While I was in Mexico, a bitter anti- 
 American speech was made in the Constit- 
 uent Assembly at Queretaro by a member 
 of the Carranza Cabinet, Candido Aguilar. 
 This was why: Although Mexico has to- 
 day a constituted Government, and by all 
 our laws Is entitled to ammunition, the 
 embargo, declared after Carrlzal, never has 
 been lifted. Villa smuggles on the north- 
 ern border, largely because of the ineffi- 
 cient secret service and some corrupt 
 state officials in Texas and New Mexico. 
 Carranza's military men decide to do some 
 smuggling, too. A cargo of ammunition 
 is consigned as machinery on board the 
 Ward liner JSsperanza. As the boxes are 
 being unloaded at Vera Cruz, a crane 
 breaks, and one box falls, spilling car- 
 tridges on the docks. Promptly American 
 officials are advised. The captain of the 
 Illinois, lyittg in the harbor, orders no 
 further unloading until he can communi- 
 cate with Washington. He should have 
 known that the place to prevent smug- 
 gling was In New York harbor. There is 
 some delay. The Mexican Government at 
 Queretaro is advised That same dav 
 Villa defeats the Carranza garrison at 
 Chihuahua. The Mexican leaders at Que- 
 retaro infer that the Cnited States is do- 
 ing all it can to prevent the de facto Gov- 
 ernment from succeeding Yet the Unit- 
 ed States wants the northern eampai*.i 
 against bandits prosecuting vigorously. I« 
 it any wonder that the simple Mexican 
 mind evolves the idea of double dealing 
 
02168 
 
sn 
 
 *rom that incident? The ammunition at 
 Vera Cruz is finally released to the Mex 
 leans, but the effect of the manoeuvre is 
 not lost. It creates much ill-feeling in 
 Mexico. \"et in the United States this 
 has probably never been printed. It il- 
 lustrates why the two nations do not trust 
 each other. 
 
 But here is another illustration: The 
 United States is not content to keep am- 
 munition from 'being exported to Mexico 
 from the United States. The Government 
 of Salvador is approached by the State 
 Department and warned against selling 
 any ammunition to the Carranza Govern- 
 ment. A protest Is made. The State De- 
 partment finally yields. Is this the pro- 
 cedure of friendship? Is this "moral sup- 
 port' 
 
 ire of frie 
 "? X 
 
 MBXICO MANUFACTURING AMMUNITION. 
 
 To-day the Mexicans are manufactur- 
 ing enough ammunition themselves to get 
 along. But if they succeed in establish- 
 ing a strong Government, will they forget 
 who embarrassed them as they were 
 struggling to their feet? Mexicans nev.;r 
 forget. 
 
 The Mexican Government is in, its in- 
 fancy. It no doubt has handled its foreign 
 affairs sometimes in a fashion exasperat- 
 ing to our State Department There arc 
 no trained diplomats versed in interna- 
 tional etiquette in the Mexican Foreign 
 Office as yet. These things come in later 
 stages of a new Government. They take 
 time. Instead of bearing patiently with 
 these faults of etiquette, and putting in 
 Mexico an Ambassador who, is himself 
 tactful enough to overcome such handi- 
 caps, the officials of our Gijvernment 
 chafe because their representations air 
 not promptly attended to, representations 
 handled by men not even accredited offi- 
 cially to the de facto Government, and 
 who have neither the initiative nor the 
 authority to push those representations 
 along with the proper authorities. 
 
 Mexico must be dealt with honorably, 
 as one man expects another to deal with 
 him. Let us ask Mexico what she wants. 
 The answer will be this: Withdrawal of 
 Pershing, a vigilant patrol of the border, 
 and enforcement of neutrality in Un- 
 united States; preventing refugee Mexi- 
 cans from financing and plotting ne v 
 revolutionary movements, and the issu- 
 ance of a warm pronouncement by the 
 United States of moral support of th<- 
 de facto Government. The United States 
 
 THE TRUTH ABOUT MEXICO 
 
 ought - to grant this without asking a 
 thing in return. The sense of honor of 
 the Mexican is as highly developed as 
 that of an American. When you loan a 
 man money, you usually; don't ask him if 
 he will loan you some when you need it 
 You don't want that stipulated In ad- 
 vance. You inwardly expect it,- and if he 
 is able, you trust he will reciprocate. 
 
 By nisentangling ourselves from bar- 
 gains^ and ceasing to treat Mexico as a 
 ■^uspVct, as some one' who will not keep 
 her word, we will lay a new foundation 
 for Mexican-American relations. 
 
 THB SLATE SHOULD BE CLEANBD. 
 
 We ought to start out with a clean 
 slate. We should withdraw Gr>n. Persh- 
 ing's- forces at once, and not try to drive 
 any bargains. His work is over. Let 
 the United States stop embarrassing Car- 
 ranza, who is being held up every day 
 before the ignorant masses in Mexico 
 by Villa as the traitor who. sits supinely 
 by while American troops camp on the 
 sacred soil of Mexico. Villa has been is- 
 suing proclamation after proclamation to 
 the people of north Mexico, claiming that 
 he is about to attack the "foreign in- 
 vader." He appeals to their patriotic pas- 
 sions, telling: them Mexico is at war with 
 the United States, and the masses in 
 northern Mexico, having, no newspapers 
 with which to verify the report, naturally 
 credit it. Then Villa recruits a few thou- 
 sand men, descends on a small garrison at 
 Chihuahua or Torreon, holds the city for 
 a few days until the Carranza forces in 
 greater numbers arrive on the scene, and 
 then retreats to the mountains. 
 
 It costs much money for the Carranza 
 Government to carry on a campaign 
 against one who simply robs foreigners of 
 their gold bullion, and gives it to the peon 
 troops as pay. The Carranza authorities 
 need a loan wherewith to equip their 
 army, yet in the United States the mere 
 capture of Chihuahua or Torreon for a 
 few days makes the Government of the 
 United States hesitant about continuing 
 to support the de facto Government, and 
 thereby gives to these incidents an impor- 
 tance which they ought never to have. 
 For in Mexico the state of Chihuahua is 
 looked upon as a wild country, the dis- 
 turbances in which bear no real relation 
 to the score of states of the republic 
 where almost normal conditions prevail. 
 Some people have an idea that the pres- 
 ence of Pershing has a salutary effeot on 
 
 Villa, and that with the latter's small 
 success, the Pershing expedition should 
 not now of all times be withdrawn; but 
 by keeping Pershing in Mexico, we 
 strengthen Villa's hand and antagonize 
 Carranza, encouraging conditions of an- 
 archy. Gen. Pershing is hundreds of 
 miles north of Torreon, where Villa is 
 operating, and Villa, will keep that dis- 
 tance between them if Pershing is with- 
 drawn to the American line. He will 
 never come close again for a raid, be- 
 cause the American troops have learned 
 a lesson and will not be caught napping a 
 second time. 
 
 And simultaneous with the with- 
 drawal of our troops let Ambassador 
 Fletcher start for Mexico to carry , 
 forward this programme of construc- 
 tive friendship. Let us stop issuing 
 threats hnd informing bandits exactly how 
 they can provoke international compli- 
 cations. Let us stand by the Government 
 we have recognized and help it mak« 
 good by not asking a thing for ourselves. 
 But, some American officials will say, 
 isn't this giving Mexico her own way; 
 isn't this giving up our "rights?" The* 
 answer is to be found in this question: 
 Aren't we big enough to give Mexico 
 what she wants, what she thinks will 
 give her internal peace and stability? 
 Can't we afford once to take her word 
 for it? For certainly if Mexico is right 
 and a strong central government issues, 
 there will be no border raids-, no further 
 assault on Americans in Mexico, but 
 peace and order. And if the Carranza 
 Government is wrong and fails, having 
 been sincerely helped, would the Amer- 
 ican Government not find a unanimous 
 opinion later, instead of the divided opin-- 
 ion of to-day as to certain other drastic 
 measures that might then be inevit- 
 able? 
 
 But Mexico knows her own problem 
 and peculiar conditions, and will never 
 consciously furnish a pretext for inter- 
 vention. She needs American help, and 
 if she gets it, will reciprocate. Her 
 self-respect <and honor will compel it. Let 
 America deal with Mexico on a basis of 
 honor, as nations should, and the results 
 that will flow therefrom will be a revela- 
 tion in diplomacy — the actual fulfilment 
 of the ideals we describe -so eloquently 
 in words, but all too seldom translate 
 in deeds. 
 
02169 
 
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