Jii\MPl?^.i ^l^' REFLECTIONS ON THE PRESENT MATTERS IN DISPUTE BETWEEN Great Britain and Ireland; AND ON THE Means of converting thefe Arf'cles into mutual Benefits to both Kingdoms. By JOSIAH TUCKER, D. D. DEAN OF GLOUCESTER. / LONDON: PRINTED FOR T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND, MDCCLXXXV. [ Price One Shilling. ] URl ADVERTISEMENT. THESE papers were originally drawn up for the ufe of a few friends, who wiflied to know the Author's fen- timents on a fubjedl which is now fo much debated in both kingdoms, and perhaps fo Uttle underftood by the great majority in either. The requeft of my friends was, to have fome eafy clue in their enquiries, which might direct them to right conclufions, amidfl the contra- di(ftory afTertions, and the clailiing evi. dences of contending partizans. Whe- ther the Author has been able, in the following fbeets, to anfwer the expe(5la- tion of his friends, is not for him to judge ; but as it was their earned re- queft, that he fliouldlofe no time at this critical juncture, in laying his thoughts a befor'=» 114.0503 ( iv ) before the Public, he now fubmits them to general examination, with that de- ference which is due from a man, who writes for no party, is truly and literally independent of all, and wifhes no ill to any. One thing he begs leave to add, that had he originally intended to have given thefe papers to the prefs, he would have enlarged on fome heads, which are at prefent only touched upon. He would have (hewn, in particular, from the evi- dence of Facts, that a poor country, where wages are low, provillons cheap, and raw materials in the greateft plenty, has neverthelefs a manifefl difadvantage in contending with a rich one, in work- ing up co?nplefe manu failures, in the price of thofe manufactures at market, the exrenfion of commerce, and in fhip- ping and navigation. He would have 2 produced ( V ) produced examples of attempts having been unfuccefsfuUy made, feme of them recently, to tranfplant the woollen, the woriled, the iron and metal, the cotton, the pottery, and feveral other branches of manufa(5lure,from richer into poorer countries ; all of them having failed in a courfe of years, notwithftanding the great natural advantages belonging to the one, the poorer country, and the feeming difadvantages attending the richer. But at prefent he can only re- fer his readers to a tra(5l written ex- prefsly on this fubjeiSt, which has flood the teft of the mod rigorous examina- tion as to the theoretic part, and (what is much better) which has been proved to be founded on fadl and experience. The tradl referred to is the firft of his Four on Political and Commercial Sub- jects, printed for Cadell, entituled, The Great Queftion refolved, Whether a rich ( vi ) rich country can fland a competition with a poor country (of equal natural advantages), in raifing of provifions, and cheapnefs of manufa(5lures ? — With fuitable inferences and dedudions. N. B. The reader, by the perufal of this tradl, will immediately obferve, that every part of the reafoning, and of the fadls there mentioned refpedling Scotland, conclude in a much ilronger degree in regard to Ireland, REFLEC REFLECTIONS, IRELAND being now an independent kingdom, is as much intitled to trade to any foreign country, as England her- felf: Confequently fhe hath a right (or foon will have, when her own ill-judged ad: of fub- jeding herfelf to the reftridions of the Eaft India Company fhall expire) to trade to all the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and particularly to Indoftan, and to China. She has alfo a full right to trade to Egypt, and to all parts of the Mediterranean, the Archipelago, and the Levant ; not to men- tion the Ruffian dominions bordering on the ^lack Se;^. B Being [ 2 ] Being now no longer bound to fubmit to the Englifli monopolies of fugar, rum, &c< &c. fhe is free to refort to any market what- ever for the purchafe of thefe commodities, inftead of being confined to the Englifli plant- ations, the dearcli in the known world. She is totally at liberty to employ what- ever {hipping, Englifli or foreign, flie may find the mofl: conducive to her mercantile in- terefl:, for exportation, or importation of any goods or manufadlures, being happily releafed from thofe burdens and impofitions on a free trade, which are contained in that famous Monopoly, called The A€i of Navigation. She is not now hampered by any Englifh laws (and it is her own fault, if (he will hamper herfelf) relative to the exportation or importation of grain, but is at full liberty to confult the general intereft of the whole kingdom, and not the partial intereft either of the corn-grower, or of the corn-dealer. Laftly, Ireland is not as yet infeded with that ftrange phrenzy which has infeded the whole Englifh nation for fo many ages, viz. That [ 1 j That all people, nations, and languages, ought to acknowledge England to be the fole miftrefs and fovereign of the feas, and to pay homage and fubmiflion to her pavi- lion. Ireland is hitherto untainted with that fpecies of madnefs, and confequently has provoked no other maritime power to reta- liate the affront upon her. Now all thefe fortunate circumftances, free-* doms, and exemptions, might foon be made to operate to the general advantage of both kingdoms, were a judicious application to be made of felf-intereft, the ftrongeft principle in human nature. But the benefits from hence arifmg, and every other benefit, mufi: havs been furrendered up on the part of Ireland, without obtaining any other com- penfation, than what was fuppofed to be con- tained in thofe imaginary favours, fpecified in the bill which lately paffed the Irifh Houfe of Commons ; but which the Englifh merchants and manufadurers, moft happily for Ireland, have oppofed with much vio- lence and indignation. Thefe favours may be truly ftyled imaginary, becaufe they are chiefly of fuch a nature, as make it impoffible B 2 (in t 4 J (in a commercial fenfe) for the Irlfh nation to avail itfelf of them. In fhort, they are no equivalent for what was to be furrendered up ; and they grant nothing which can be reduced to pradice for at leaft a century to come. On the contrary. The FjRST Monopoly to he opened for the Benefit of both Kingdoms^ 'will foon be a free Tirade to all the Countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope* The moft fortunate circumftance which could have happened for Ireland is, that fhe is hitherto unincumbered with reftridions on her foreign trade, unfettered by joint-flock companies, or exclufive privileges : confe- quently, as Ireland either has, or foon will have, a free navigation from the Cape of Good Hope to the extremities of China, there is not a doubt to be made, but that many, perhaps moft of thofe Englifh merchants and manufadurers, who are the moft zealous againft the Irifti bill, will be among the fore- moft to fit out Englifti fhips and cargoes, and to clear and vidual from fome of the ports 4 of [ 5 ] of Ireland, in order to trade under the fanc- tion of the Irifh flag. In fuch a fituation, the face of things will be changed ; no evils will be foreboded to fall on poor Old Eng- land, even though the merchants of London, Briftol, Liverpool, and Glafgow, and the manufadturers of Birmingham, Manchefter, Etruria, and Paifley, fhould fend their goods to Arabia and Perfia, to the Eaft India and China markets, through this new channel : nor will there be any great lamentation, fhould the returns be made in tea and china- ware, in raw filk, cotton wool, camels hair, ivory, drugs, indico, falt-petre, and various other articles neceflary for the manufadures of this kingdom. In fad:, when thefe goods and raw materials fliall be once landed in Ireland, the necefTary confequences will foon be felt in England : for our monopolizing Eaft India Company will be compelled either to lower their prices on the like articles to an equal ftandard, or to become bankrupts. And no honeft man, no lover of his country, or of mankind, can truly fay, that either of thefe alternatives would be the worft thing that could have happened either to Afia, or to Europe, \/i Second [ 6 ] yf Second Monopoly to he opened for the Benefit of both Kwgdoms is — A Free Trade to Egypt, the Levant^ &c. The fame obfervations which were made relative to the reftridions of the Eaft India Company, may be made refpeding our Englifh Turkey Company, with this only difference, that, whereas the Eaft India Com- pany do not fo much as pretend to grant a permiffion to any fhlps to trade from any port but from the port of London, the Turkey Company, when the laft ftruggle was made for opening that trade, were obliged to grant a permiffion of a free trade in ijuordsy but took care to clog it with fuch difficulties as rendered it impracticable infaSl. The Iri/h nation is not bound by any of thefe reftridive claufes; and though not capable of profiting greatly herfelf on her own ftock, yet fhe can transfer an entire freedom to any Englifh adventurer (and thereby obtain an inter- mediate profit to herfelf), who fliall, with a proper affortment of Englifh manufadures, clear out from fome Irifh port, and hoift the Irifh flag. Here, therefore, let it be afked. Were [ 7 ] Were this to prove a lucrative branch of commerce, ivho or which among our moft violent Anti'IriJlj Patriots would refufe to fubmit to the indignity of trading under bor- rowed colours ? — Nay, ivhoy or which of our ' Englifh merchants, or manufacturers, made any fcruple of doing the like, when the profpe6t of gain was before their eyes ? The writer of this paper long ago foretold, that the Englifli and American traders would foon be reconciled to each other, notwithftanding their violent and hoftile declarations, when felf-intereft became the load-ftone of at- traction. His opinion was then treated as a foolifh paradox : The mercantile people, al- moft to a man, were pleafed to fcout at it; but the event has fhewn, that he was not fuch a dreamer, or fo wild in his conje(^ures, as they imagined him to be« ^ Third C 8 ] A Third Monopoly to he opened for the Benefit of both Kingdoms, uoillbe — A Free Importation of Sugars, and of other ProduHs of the 'warmer Climates^ from the cheapeft Market, ivherever it can be found: and by that means a Foundation be laid for the gradual Abolition of the prefent inhuman Slave ^rade, t It was obferved, in the foregoing article, that felf-intereft eafily reconciles all differ- ences, and quickly extinguiflies national an- tipathies. If it went no farther, it would do no harm; nay, it would be an excellent fuc- cedaneum to true and genuine benevolence. But, alas! it often goes much too far; it often fteels the heart agalnft the cleareft con- vidions of honour and confcience. In fa£t, the plained didate of morality, viz. Do as YOtJ WOULD BE DONE BY, lofes its influence in many cafes, when oppofed by felf-intereft. There is not a man that breathes, who would approve of his being m.ade a flave, in the manner that the Englifli carry on the flave- trade on the coaft of Africa, and then tranf- port tbefe poor wretches, to fell them to the Weft [ 9 ] Weft India planters. The murders commit- ted in the courfe of this pra^ing .them the profits of tv?o days labour in each week, to purchafe their own liberty in the courfe of a few years. And it may be obferved in general, that though abfolute governments are tyrannical themfelves, yet they-a*e a great check on the tyranny of their intermediate fubje6ls; being ready to protect the helplefs from being op- prefTed by any but themfelves. This is re- markably verified in the cafe of thofe flaves who live under the Ruflian, Fruflian, and Aufirian governments, compared with the C S bard [ 12 ] hard fate of others, who ftill groan under the bondage of the nobles of Poland.] sdly, Many of the Engliih planters conftantly refide in England, and therefore confign the care of their eftates to thofe tyrants at fecond hand, called baiUffs or overfeers. Now this race of mortals hath a ftronger interefl: than any others, to ftlfle all complai^nts againfl: them- felves, and to keep their principals as much in the dark as poffible, refpeding the ma- nagement and profits of their own eftates. Add to this, 4thly, That the planters them- felves, knowing that they have a monopoly againft the mother country, becaufe we are not permitted to refort to any other market, will keep up the price of fugars, and of the other produce of their own lands, as high as poffible: at the fame time, that they do not think themfelves bound to purchafe corn, pro- vifion, or any other merchandize at an Eng- lifh market, if they can buy the like article^ cheaper in America, or any where elfe. From all thefe circumftances, no man can be at a lofs to know the true reafon, how it comes to pafs, that the fugars, and other produce of the Britifli planters, are much dearer than» thofe [ 13 ] thole of any other nation ; notwithftanding that our planters have many advantages in the purchafe of theirnegroes, of their boilers, their mills, and of various utenfils, which others have not. But the matter oi fa6l puts this affair be- yond the pofTibility of a doubt. For while the common price of fugars in the Britifli iflands, in times of peace, is generally found to be about 25 fliillings fterling the Cwt. — that of the French is about 16 fhillings— that of the Portuguefe about 12 fhillings — and that of the Eaft Indies, as I have been credibly in- formed, no more than two fhillings and fixpence ; — ^being, N. B. raifed or manufac-' tured hy freemen only. Now, though the inhabitants of Great Britain are tied down at prefent to fuch ex- orbitant prices, as the monopolifing planter or his agent fhall be pleafed to extort from them ; the inhabitants of Ireland are totally free, and may at any time refort to the cheapeft market: confequently, by a judicious ufe and application of this freedom, they may become the means, not only of emancipating the un- happy [ H. ] happy natives of Guinea fom their prefent galling yoke (though I own, by flow and almoft imperceptible degrees), but may alfo convince mankind in general of the momen- tous truth, not yet thoroughly underRood, That of all monopolies, flavery is the moll prejudicial to the true interefts of a trading nation. Suppofe, therefore, that flups were fitted out from Cork, or Waterford, or from any other Irifh port, with cargoes of Englifh ma- nufadures (becaufe the Englilh are by far the heft and cheapeft that can be got, and may be procured vi the longe/i credit),- and pro- perly lorted for the French, Spanifn, Portu- guefe, Danifh, or Dutch Plantations ; or in- deed for any of the newly erected free ports in thofe feas ; in that cafe, is there a doubt to be made, but that the Englifh merchants and manufadurcrs, with their large capitals, would be the principal adventurers ? and can you imagine that the difference in the re- fpedlve prices between 25/. i6.f. and 12 s. per Cwt. would not be a ftrong temptation to them to make the trial ? not to mention the additional circumflance arifing from the greater ^ [ '5 J greater profits to be made on the fale of the manufadures or outfets, when fent to thefe neiju markets. But this is not all : for If the fugars raifed by flaves in the French, and other iflands, where flavery is of the milder kind, are much cheaper than thofe which are raifed in our Englifh plantations, the fugars which free^ vien cultivate in the Eaft Indies (working on their own account), are by far the cheapefl of all. An evident proof this, that the cheapnefs of manufactures is to be obtained by freedom only, and not by the chains and fetters, ftripes and lalhes, of the labourers employed therein ! Now, laying all thefe circumftihces toge* ther, no man can be fo blind, but he muft fee, that the principles of morality, and of natfonal commerce, agree in this refpeCt ia perfe<^ " harmony ; and therefore, that iti {proportion as fuch fyftems of freedorti, and of humanity, fhall gain ground, in the fame proportion will every planter, or fugar- grower, be compelled, by the neceffity of the cafe, to lighten the yoke from off the necks of his Haves, and to emancipate them by JIttle [ i6 ] little and little, till at laft a general revolu- tion will enfue (as was, N. B. formerly the cafe here in England), and flavery be no more. Moreover, to facilitate this good work, let It be further obferved, that the fugar-cane grows fpontaneoufly, and that rice, cotton, indico, and other articles of great value, may be raifed with vely little trouble in thofe parts of Africa, from whence the flaves are ufually imported. What, therefore, remains to be done for the completion of this good work, but to point out to the inhabitants of thefe regions fuch circumftances, wherein their own advantage and commercial inte- refts do properly confift ? and to prove to them, by obvious fadls, that they will get more by manufacturing the fugar-cane at home, and by raifmg rice, indico, cotton, co- chineal. Sec. &c. on their own lands, than they can receive by trucking for their own flefh and blood, their fons and their daugh- ters, or by making wars on their innocent neighbours, in order to fell their prifoners for flaves, fome thoufands of miles from their native homes ? If any thing more could be added, i: 17 ] added, to caufe them to feel the horror and iniquity of fuch proceedings, it fhould be this, to inform them, that one-third at leafl: of thefe unhappy victims die in their pafTages, and of the difeafes contraded on board the fhips, by being flowed fo clofe together : that one-third more are generally loft by the fea- foning of the climate ; and that the remainder linger out a wretched life, till that death, which has been fo often wifhed for, fhall re- leafe them from their mifery. Be it therefore remembered, and be it duly attended to, that thefe, and many other evils, may be totally prevented by the methods here propofed. Be it, I fay, never to be for- gotten (at leaft for the fake of felf-intereft, if not for better motives), that in a courfe of years, perhaps in little more than half a cen- tury, not only Great Britain and Ireland, but alfo'all Europe, may be fupplied (if they pleafe) with fugars, and all the products of the warmer climates, without flavery, with- out colonies, without governments and place- men, without fees and perquifites, without forts and guarda-coftas, without contracts, and without jobbs. D A Fourth t J8 ] A Fourth Monopoly to he opened for the Beit' fit of both Kingdo7ns, nvill be a free Navigation, exempted from thofe Clogs and Reflriclions ivhich are required by the famous A5i of Navigation. The precife Idea of a Monopoly is ihls> that it is a privilege, or exclufive charter granted to ferve a feiv, at the expence, and to the detriment of the many. According to this definition, it is impoflible that that fa- mous Monopoly, called The KQi of Naviga- tion, can be vindicated on the footing of com^ mercial utility. National prejudices, indeed, are ftrongly in its favour ; but prejudice and reafon are not always the fame thing ; and it doth not follow that nations, any more than individuals, have ever been infallible in their judgments, or have confulted their own in* terefts in the courfe of their proceedings; England alone can furaifh examples without number of this melancholy truth. This l?eing premifed, we have two points now to confider, viz. I ft, Whether it can be for the benefit of the public in general (ab- ftraded from any particular confideration), that [ 19 ] that the landed and trading interefts fhoiild be circumfcribed, or limited by a monopoly in the freight, carnage, or tranfport of their own goods and merchandize ? and then, adly. Whether the excufes ufually brought for making this facrifice, namely, that it in-- creafis the breed offeamen^ hath a ju ft found- ation in fa£l:, or can be warranted by expe- rience ? The difcuffion of which two queftions will, it is apprehended, contain the whole fubftance of what can be faid on this fubjedt ; I mean, as far as reafon and argument are to have any Ihare therein. Now, refpeding the firft inquiry, if any doubt can be ftarted on this head, it muft be this, that mankind in ge- neral have not the fame fenfe to judge of what is, or is not for their own hnmediate advan- tage in this cafe, as they have in all others; and therefore ought to be fubje(£l to the re- flraints of tutors and guardians, to prefcribe terms" for the regulation of their conduct. But as this is a proportion too glaringly falfe, and too abfurd to be ferioufly maintained, re- courfe muft therefore be had to the fecond point, namely, That the great body of the people muft be abridged of their natural rights and liberties of employing whomfoever they D 2 pleafe, [ =o ] plcafe, for the fake of keeping up, and encreaf- ing the number of failors to man our navy. Now, this is the firft inftance which oc- curs in hiftory, of monopolies and reftraints being judged to be a proper mode of muhi- plying the numbers of perfons employed in the condudl and execution of them. The ufual train of reafoning hath been quite the reverfe : however, to give the matter a fair hearing, let us try the efFefts of the prefent Monopoly, in a cafe of which every man is a competent judge, and which is exadly pa- rallel to this before us. A nierchant-fhip is nothing more than a fca-waggon for the exportation and importa- tion of its lading; the ufe of which is corre- fpondent to the carriage or re-carriage of goods by land-waggons. Or, to come ftill clofer to the point, it anfwers the idea of the freight, both forwards and backwards, of ■wares and merchandize fent along our navi- gable rivers, and inland canals. Now, can any man be fo loft to common fenfe, as to maintain, that were exclufive patents to be granted either to our waggons by land, or to our barges and trows by water, this would be [ 21 ] be a means of multiplying the number of thofe who fhould be employed on either ele- ment? And yet this he mufl: maintain, and ^rove Wkcwife, before he can juftify theadl of navigation, as a proper meafure for encreafmg the breed of Tailors. The only rational and effedual m.ethod of encreafmg the numbers to be employed either by land or water, is to encreafe the quantity of produce, of raw ma- terials, and of all kinds of bulky manufac- tures, which require to be conveyed from place to place. For thefe v/ill of courfe create a demand for more waggons, more trows, barges, and veflels for the carriage or tranf- portation of them, than otherwife would have been neceflary. Whereas, to begin with fchemes to increafe the number of waggons, or quantity of (hipping, without having a prior regard, or without giving due encou- ragement to encreafe the quantity of goods to be carried, is furely to begin at the wrong end ; and, as the old proverb exprefles it, to put the cart before the horfe. In fadt, every thing in trade Ought to be left to find its own level; and no monopoly, or exclufive pri- vilege, ought to be granted to one fet of traders in preference to another. When the fea- [ »2 ] fea-carrier finds that he is encouraged, and, as it were, exhorted by means of an exclufive privilege, to raife his price of freight, as having no rivals to contend with, can it be fuppofed that he will not avail hinifelf of this circumftance? Or, is there an inftance to be produced of any number of men, when knit together, and united by a legal monopoly, who facrificed their own intereft to that of the Public? Whereas emulation between rival carriers, rival merchants, and rival manu- facturers of every fort and kind, operates by a ratio juft the reverfe. The price of freight, of goods, merchandize, labour, wages, and provifions, is then reduced to its juft ftandard. And every individual, by ftriving to outdo his neighbour, and to get the moft cuftom, ferves the Public by his endeavours to ferve himfelf. This has ever been the fa(3:, and ever will be, according to the reafon and nar ture of things. Now, is far as the encreafe of fhipping, and confequently of failors, is concerned, one example, and Sijiriking one it is, may ferve inftead of a thoufand. Since the peace has been concluded with America, our trade between Great Britain and the Ameri- can continent hath greatly encreafed. And what [ =3 3 what hath been the confequence? More Eng- lifh (hipping, and larger fhips (I fay EngUJh^ not American), have been employed in that fervice, than ever were employed during the fame fpace of time before. Now, this I aver has been the fadt, notwithftanding the a£t of navigation itfelf has been fuperfeded in favour of thefe revolted colonies; and every indul- gence hath been fhewn to them, which hath been hitherto denied to other nations, though they moft certainly have a better claim. However, an opening is now made: and in the prefent enlightened ftate of things, fuch an affair as this cannot recede, but muft go forward. Other nations will think them- felves extremely ill-ufed (and with great juftice) unlefs they, our friends and heft cuf- tomers, fhall be put on an equal footing with the Americans, fo lately our bittereft enemies, and at prefent far, very far from being our moft pundual paymafters, or beft cuftomers. But above all, the independence of Ireland 'will neceflarily give a coup de grace to this injurious monopoly, as well as to feveral others. The Irifh are not bound by our a6t 5 ^^ f =4 ] of navigation, or by any other of our reftraln- ing laws. They are therefore at full liberty to employ what fhipping they may find the moft conducive to their own intereft; and the Englifh adventurers, who will have the chief fhare in the fitting out of fuch fliips and cargoes, will rejoice to find, that they enjoy that liberty in the ports of Ireland, which is denied to them in their own. At laft, in- deed, the Englifh leglflature itfelf will grov7 wifer by experience, and learn, from the ex- ample before their eyes, that trade ought not to be circumfcribed, and that the heft and fureft means of encouraging the breed of failors, is to encourage the cheapnefs of freight, and to promote rivalfhip and emulation among all ranks and clafTes in fociety, more efpecially among the commercial. A Fifth I ^s ] ^ Fifth Monopoly to he opened for the Benefit of both Kingdoms y njuill coyifift in the free Exportation and Importation of Grain, When men fet out wrong in any fcheme, the farther they proceed, the more diftanc they are from the right courfe. This hath been remarkably verified in the regulations, which have obtained the confent of the legif- lature refpe£ting the exportation and import- ation of corn. Corn is a raw jnaterial^ in the moft ex ten- five fenfe of the word. Confequently every encouragement which ought to be given for encreafing the quantity of any material, the moft neceflary and ufeful, and for. which there is a never-ceafmg demand, ought to be given to the growth of corn at home, and for the importation of it from abroad. The moft proper method for encouraging the growth of oorn at home, is ^o multiply the number of inhabitants and eaters of bread. The moft effedual way of doing this, £ is. [ =6 ] is, to render the means of fubfiftence fo eafy and comfortable, that the common people may not find the weight of an encreafmg family a burden too heavy for them to bear. Population will then be the ncceffary confe- qucuce. This is the order of Providence. The proper method for encouraging the im- portation of corn from abroad, is to admit the unconditional importation of it at all times and feafons, without any reftraint or limita- tion whatfoever. But corn is not only a raw material, the increafe whereof is in that fenfe, and on that account to be encouraged, but it is alfo a ma- terial of a perifliable nature, which daily grows worfe by keeping. Therefore it ought to be exported, whilft it remains good and wholefome; otherwife the vender will be a great lofer, and tlie eater of fuch bread, if he can eat it, will be materially injured. For thefe reafons, were there no others, it is very evident that the exportation of corn ought- never to be reftrained, unlefs under fuch an unhappy and uncommon circum- itance, where crops have failed in every other country, r 27 ] country, and a general famine is likely to en- fue. As to the importation of it, it is abfurd to fuppofe, that any raw material, and more efpecially the moft momentous of all others, fhould be prohibited from being brought in, and the ufes of it retrained, for the fake of enriching a few monopolizers. Thefe points being admitted, it becomes a matter of aftonifhment to the unbiafled en- quirer after truth, how it comes to pafs, that, in fo plain a cafe, men of judgment and re- fledlion could mifs the right path, and be continually deviating in error. But, alas ! thofe of thegreateft fagacity and difcernment are as eafily fwayed by the confideration of profit and lofs, as any others; and are, there- fore, too generally blind to any thing refpe£t- ing the public good, if in oppofition to their own immediate intereft. This is a melan- choly truth, which needs no illuftration. All the corn laws now in being, were formed on ' one and the fame general principle, viz. That the good of the whole was to be facrificed to the interefts of particular monopolizers : and the feveral alterations, explanations, or fup- pofed amendments which have been made E 2 froni [ 28 ] from time to time, were evidently not intend- ed to go to the root of the evil, but to tem- per: fe; fo that the opportunities of committing frauds by one fet of men, fhould, for the future, be transferred to that of another. The bill nov7 depending (April 17B5), pro- pofes to reftrain the abufes, or fuppofed abufes, faid to be pradifed by the exporters or im- porters of corn, belonging to thofc parts of the kingdom which are far diftant from the me- tropolis. A good hearing this ! But what is the cure of the evil, and the remedy pro- pofed? Why truly, that the exporters and importers belonging to the port of London, fhall have an exclufive right of committing the like frauds for the future; and that the price of corn in all other parts of the king- dom, as to exports and imports, fhall be re- gulated by the price, or fuppofed price of the London market. A moft patriotic method! and likely to do much good ! Yet when the matter is traced to its confequences, this pro- pofed amendment of the prefent evil will turn out to be nothing better than as here repre- fented, viz. an artful fcheme for engroffing the whole trade of the kingdom, relative to ^ the [ 29 ] the export or import of corn, into the hands of a dozen, or a fcore- of over-grown corn- fadors, belonging to the capital. Indeed the very idea of opening or of fhutting the port of London, or of any other port, according as the private intereft of thofe individuals, who are engaged in the corn-trade, fhall fuggeft, is fufficient to explain the whole myftery, and to account for that uncommon zeal, which is difplayed on either fide in this controverfy. As to the f)lemnity of an oath (which is al- ways 'required), we know but too well, from fatal experience, that this is not to be relied upon, becaufe it is but a feeble barrier againft the temptation of felf-intereft, and the pro- fpe£t of greater gain; and where a profecution for perjury is in a manner impoffible. Put the cafe, that the corn factor, whether in London, or any other fea-port town, it matters not, has either a great (lock in his own warehoufes, or has engaged the corn- growers in the adjacent counties under con- trad:, to fupply him with large quantities at a certain price. In either cafe it is manifeftly his intereft to {hut up the ports againft im- ports, in order that he may fell at an higher price, [ 30 ] price, and prevent any foreign corn from rivaling him at market. Therefore he con- trives ways and means, at the cheap expence of a few oaths, to get the ports clofed up by law, till his fleck can be fold off; and if you can believe him, he has no other view in fo doing, than to promote the landed interejly and to alleviate the burdens under which they now groan. But when the quantity of his ftores are confiderably leflened, then he changes his note, and having received intel- ligence from his agents abroad, that ladings are fecured, and his fhips ready to fail, then he feels (though not before) for the ^iftreffes of the manufadluring poor (the landed in- tereft being at that jundure to be forgot) ; and he applies for opening the ports, by the very fame methods which had been ufed for {hutting them before. But when his cargoes are fafely landed, and his ftorehoufes are filled, the ports are to be fhut again, and the landed intereft is to be again promoted, — till thepre- fent ftock ihall be fold off, — and thus the farce goes round ; in which, while public good is the cry, private intereff is the real mover behind the fcenes. Indeed, I do not fay but that both may fometimes coincide. But [ 31 ] But it is evident from the tenor of the pre- fent bill, and from the frauds which are faid to have been deteded in the whole bufinefs both of exports and imports, that the fyftem itfelf, which adminifters fuch continual temptations to fraud and chicane, and even bare-faced perjury, muft be totally wrong, and that no cure can be adminiftered, but that which is radical, viz. A general permiflion both for the exportation and importation of grain at all times and feafons, and to and from all places. And till this is done, much may be pretended, while little is efFeded. London may accufe the out-ports, and the out-ports may retort the accufation. But every difin- terefted, impartial man muft be obliged to confefs, that there is too much truth in the criminations and recriminations on both fides, and that to each of them it may be truly faid. Thou art the tnan. The writer of this paper will not pay fo bad a compliment to the intelleds of any of his readers, as to fuppofe them not convinced, that the prefent corn-laws ought to be in a manner totally changed; and that, if the general good was to be the point to be confulted, both the exportation and importa- tion t 32 1 tion of corn ought to be left to take their own free courfe, without any interference of the legiflature. But, alas ! when felf-in- tereft holds the balance, reafon, and convic- tion, and the public good, are too often found to be trifles light as air. He doth not there- fore depend on the ftrength of his argument for the fuccefs of this caufe. The independence of Ireland is his fheet- anchor in this refpedt, as well as in the for- mer : for when the corn-trade between North America and Ireland (together with fome other articles connected with and dependent on it) fhall be left to fettle itfelf into a fyftem ; then the Britifh corn-fa£tors, when prohibited from importing into Great Britain, will certainly import into fome of the weftern or northern ports of Ireland, if they fhall find it their interefl fo to do ; provided the Irifh will have the good fenfe to give them leave. Ireland will thereby become a kind of magazine or granary for the middle and fouth- ern parts of Europe ; fo that the fcarclty of one country will be fupplied by the fuper- abundance of another. This will awaken the attention, and excite the jealoufy and emula-- tion of Great Britain ; and then the Englifh 4 traders t 33 1 traders themfelves will be among the foreraofi: to apply for a repeal of all thefe monopolizing laws, when they (hall find that they can no longer make any ufe of them to their own private advantage, but, on the contrary, that this monopolizing fyftem will neceflarily ope- rate to the benefit of their rivals. Upon the whole, it is evidently for the ia- tereft of both kingdoms, that the prefent bill Ihould be deferred. Matters are not yet ripe enough for either country to avail itfelf of thofe advantages, which may be enjoyed on both fides in the courfe of ten or fifteen years hence, were every thing till then to remain injlatu quo ; and were the confideration of the whole affair to be poftponed to that diftant period. New lights would then arife ; new interefts and connexions would be formed ; and it is not improbable, but that the mod violent oppofers of a realnnio?!^ would be then the moft zealous to promote it. At prefent* an alliance, fuch as is propofed by the bill now depending, may be truly faid to hang out falfe colours to both nations : for it buoys the Irilh up with delufive hopes, which canno: be realized according to the fyfte'm now pro- pofed > and it fills the Englifh with terrors and f panics^ [ 34 ] panics, which have no foundation but in the artifice of ihtfew^ and the credulity of the 77iany. Happily for the world, it is the pre- rogative of Providence to bring good out of evil. This may be clearly feen in a thoufand inftances ; and it will be our faults (I include the Irilh, as well as Englifti), if we do not turn to our own profit and advantage the evil which is now before us. A real union and incorporation with Ire- land is certainly a moft defirable thing ; but, according to the prefent fituation of affairs, and men's tempers and difpofitions, this is an event more to be wifhed for, than to be ex- peded. Neverthelefs, when many of thofe obftacles, which now appear fo formidable, fhall be fmoothed by the lenient hand of time, and when a mutual intercourfe be- tween England and Ireland (according as above defcribed) fhall confer mutual benefits on each other ; it will then be found, that the only thing remaining towards com- pleting the commercial and political fyftem, and towards giving ftrength and fecurity, confiftence and liability to the whole, will be to unite under one legiflature, to form one parliament, and to become one people. AP- t S5 3 P P E N D I X. Subje(5ls for Difiertations and Per- miums, to be offered to the Gra- duate Students of the Univer- sities of England and Scotland* Written December 1784. T T is a juft compialntj and hath been of long (landing, that the general tenor of acade- mical ftudies hath very little tendency towards inftruding the rifing generation in the civil, political, and commercial interefts of their pwn country, when they come abroad into the world, and are to take fome active part on the ftage of life. On the contrary, it Is obfervable, that a young gentleman may even excel in almoft every one of thofe exercifes, which are either required of him for his pub- F 2 IIq [ 36 ] lie degrees, or prefcribed by his tutor for pri- vate inftrudtion ; and yet be very deficient in that kind of knowledge, which is neceflf^ry to form the public-fj.oirited citizen, the enlighten- ed fenator, and the real patriot; and, what is fiill worfe, the greater his zeal, vvithout fuch knowledge, the more liable he will be to pur- ine wrong meafures, injurious to his country and to mankind, though with the beft inten** lions of doing what is right. To remedy thefe inconveniences, at leaft in part, the following propofals are humbly fub- mitted to the judgment of the Public — The Auihor himfelf hath been long of the opinion, that the fubjeclshere propofed,or fome others of the fame tendency, are proper for inftrudt- ing young men of letters of every denomi- nationj in the real interefts and true policy, not only of Great-Britain, but of all the nations upon earth. But as he makes no pretenfions to infallibility, he (hall await the public decifion, with that deference and re- fpedt which duty enjoins, and decency re- quires; happy in the confcioufnefs of his own xnind, of having meant the ^^/, FIRST [ 37 3 FIRST SUBJECT, Whether a ftrld attention to agriculture and manufadures, and to their infeparable concomitant, a free, extended, and national commerce, can be made compatible with a fpirit of heroifm, and great military glory? and in cafe there fhould be found an incon- gruity between them, which ought to have the preference?— conquefts, colonies, and a widely extended empire ? or, domeftic in- duitry and frugality, a free trade, and great; internal population ? SECOND SUBJECT. What kind^ and quantity of military force feem to be fufEcient for guarding, from foreign invafion, or domeftic robbery, the agriculture and manufadures, the fhipping and com- merce of that particular country^ whofe fole aim is to excel in the arts of peace, without attempting to give laws to other nations, or to exult over them either by land or fea, and not pretending to regulate the balance of power between the contending nations of the world ? THIRD [ 38 ] THIRD SUBJECT. Whether an examination into the nature of the .above fubjeds doth or doth not lea4 to conclufions favourable to the interefts of this country in particular, and to the good of mankind in general ? And if it fhould be found to be favourable to the good of all, whether a fyftem of politics and commerce, built on fuch a plan, would promote or dif- courage the employing oi Jlaves inftead of hiringyr^^ men^ for the purpofes of agricul- ture, manufacture, and national commerce r FOURTH SUBJECT. In cafe it fhould be found, on due examina- tion, that flavery is repugnant not only to humanity, but alfo to the general interefts of agriculture, manufadures, and national com- merce, — Quere, What methods ought to be devifed for fupplying Great Britain with fu- gars, and other produdions of the Weft In- dies, which are now raifed by flaves only ? and how might fuch a benevolent fcheme be carried into execution by gentle means, fure and [ 39 ] and progreflive in their operation, but free from violence ? FIFTH SUBJECT. Suppofing fuch alterations in the com- mercial fyftem as above fuggefted, and ac- companied by the rei)ocation of all monopolies ^whatever — would fuch a fcheme, if put in pradice, be attended with any additional expence to government ? would it obftrud: the colledion of the feverai duties and taxes at home ? or would it be any impediment to the prote 30 To ditto, for the fecond beft 20 To the univerfity of Cambridge, for the beft - - 30 To ditto, for the fecond beft 20 100 IN SCOTLAND. To the univerfity of Edinburgh, for the beft - - i^ To ditto, for the 'fecond heft 10 To the univerfity of Glafgov^, for the beft - - i r To ditto, for the fecond beft i o To the univerfity of St. Andrew's, for the beft - « i^ To ditto, for the fecond beft 10 Carried forward jT. 75 8 [ 41 ] Brought forward £, 75 To the univerfitles of old, and new Aberdeen, for the beft - 15 To ditto, for the fecond beft i o — 25 £.100 N. B. The propofer of the above fcheme will himfelf give twenty pounds towards it ; and will engage for twenty more from his friends, if found neceflary. Moreover, he will continue the fame fubfcription for life, if the public voice fhould be favourable /or the continuance of fuch a fet of annual pre- miums. ' ' FINIS. *