A Ai : j Ol 9 i 2 i 1 i 3 i 9 I LIBRARY- 1 UNIVEi:SltY Of I CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO < -^ W U ^ JZi/X^ C^^Cy^ U/-* (i>^ /VW-^- ^ A-'i^*-^^ /t/f^ _--^— - .^^*^ ^ A MANUAL OF THE POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE, HISTORICALLY CONSIDERED. FROM THE GERMAN OF CHARLES FREDERICK HERMANN, PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HEIDELBERG. AeT Se rbv ayaQov Kpirrjv oi/k Ik tJHv TrapaXinTOn'fvwv ^0Kt/ta^£iv Toiig ypatpovrag, aW Ik tuIv Xtyoiisviov' Kav fiiv iv rovroig Xa^fidvy rt ^tvSo^, elSevai Siori KaKtiua irapciKuTnTai Si ayvoiav lav Sk vav to Xiyofiivov oKiiQiQ y, avy^^wpilv ciori KUKelva TrapaffiuTrarai Kara. Kpiaiv, ovK ayvoiav. Polybius. OXFORD: D. A. TALBOYS. LONDON: SOLD BY WHITTAKER AND CO.; SIMPKIN AND MARSHALL; AND FRANCIS MACPHERSON. MDCCC XXXVI. TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. For an account of the plan and pretensions of the work of which a translation is now offered to the public, the reader is referred to the author's own pre- face. If the translator has succeeded in giving a faithful version, he ventures to expect that the opinion of the public at large will confirm the idea of the merits of this work which first induced him to attempt a translation for his own improvement, and which, he has the satisfaction of knowing, is concurred in by eminent scholars in this country *. The original form and ar- rangement of the work have been scrupulously adhered to, no liberties having been taken with it, excepting the omission of a few bibliographical notices from the notes of some of the earliest sections, and occasionally afterwards, when the reference was merely to a German translation of an English work, referred to in the same place without any pretension to correction or improve- ment of its original. In the second note on the fourth section, the translator was induced to substitute a reference to Clinton's Fasti Hellenici in lieu of a lono- list of old writers on the date of the Trojan war, whose opinions will be found given by him. But even such alterations as this have been avoided throughout the remainder of the work. Additions and corrections furnished by the author himself have been embodied in the translation, which will claim, in this respect, a preference over the present German edition. The author has himself defended in his preface the length * See, for instance, the Rev. Connop Tliirlwall's History of Greece, vol. i. p. 443. iv TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. of the notes ; the Enghsh reader will perhaps wish that they were less intricate : some cautious attempts have been made towards rendering them less so than they are in the original, by breaking up, into two or more, sentences in which several parentheses occurred, sometimes one within another, and a sentence has oc- casionally been substituted for a note of interrogation or surprise, by which the Author often criticises the opinions or authorities he cites. On all such occasions, however, the Translator deemed it requisite to refer to those opinions and authorities in their originals ; and hence, to have done it uniformly throughout the work would have increased unreasonably the labour of translation and the bulk of the notes themselves ; these, moreover, not being intended for the general or superficial reader, the translator feared to incur the charge of officiousness by doing it too often. The references to Heeren, Muller, and Boeckh, have been accommodated to the English translations of their works. In the version of the text he has adhered to the original as closely as he covild ; some may be inclined to think that a little more freedom wovild have been advisable, but as he neither undertakes to defend nor to impugn the positions of his author, a close ad- herence to the text was the only safe course in a work of this character. Oxford, Jane 18, 1836. THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. That this compendium, like numberless others, is chiefly indebted for its existence to the desire of saving the time and trouble of oral instruction, the author is willing at the outset to acknowledge. He is not, how- ever, aware that he need follow up, or attempt to gloss over this acknowledgement, as is so generally done in books of this description, by specifying his reasons and excuses for having added another to the already numerous list of elementary works. Although far from wishing to detract from the praise due to former writers on this branch of antiquities, he need not re- mind those conversant with the study, of the gigantic progress which has been made in it, within the last twenty or thirty years, by means of deeper research, fresh discoveries of essentially important matter, and the more elevated and extended view which has been taken of the subject in general. They are also well aware how few of the conclusions thus arrived at have been brought familiarly home to the great body of the philological public. These considerations seem to justify an attempt, the object of which is to collect, as it were into one focus, results which are either buried under a superabundance of learned disquisition in voluminous and costly works, dispersed in scarce treatises, or obscured by the discordance of conflicting opinions and systems. It has been his endeavour to give a concise view of the science in its present stage, in a form calculated to faciUtate its general considera- vi PREFACE. tion, as well as its examination in detail. Some may regard this attempt as premature or precipitate, and charge the author with an unseasonable cacoethes scr'ibendi ; he himself, however, is not conscious of having performed his task superficially or carelessly. The very nature of such a composition precludes the possibility of its appearing, at first at least, in any- thing like a perfect shape, nay more, in the opinion of many, the science itself may seem to comprise many points which have never yet been satisfactorily ex- amined, and to be still too much in its infancy to admit of being systematically treated in a series of compre- hensive sketches. In reply to the first objection, the author is well assured that his book will gain more in one year, by exposure to the open light of public cri- ticism, than it would in ten, if imprisoned in the dark- ness of his desk. Defective then as it is, he ventures to submit it, as he would a manuscript, to the judgment of the philological pviblic, entreating them to aid, by their advice and active co-operation, in giving it a more finished character, than, he freely acknowledges, he can ever give it without further aid from others. As regards the other point, it is his hope and wish to contribute, by means of this work, to bring into clearer juxtaposition the many hiatuses and obscurities, which, while other parts have been copiously treated of, have hitherto been but imperfectly supplied, or partially illustrated, and to incite those whose minds only want a subject for active antiquarian enquiry, to the task of making good these deficiencies. With this view he has neither passed over difficulties not hitherto cleared up, nor concealed new obstacles he himself has met with. To have come to a decision on these several points, would have required a maturer judgment, more ample resources, and greater authority, than his age, his talents, or his situation, warrant him in assuming ; PREFACE. vii still he trusts he has not only brought forward a con- siderable amount of new matter, but rescued from oblivion much that had been previously ill understood. Even this could be done only cursorily, his leading idea having been to lay before the learned world, for their acceptance or rejection, not subjective view^s, con- jectures, and conclusions, but a faithful objective re- presentation of the existing facts, which should be cal- culated to serve as a basis and starting-point for any favourite view of their own, which may prove to be consistent with historical truth. A mere colourless outline, or simply mechanical connection, is not what one thinking man desires from another ; the Author has therefore everywhere mentioned the opinions of others, though erroneous, and, when entirely deserted by historical authority, has endeavoured at least to hold fast the principle of historical fidelity, by candidly setting forth the state of the case, together with the conflicting views on the subject, and the foundations on which they rest. Hence naturally follows the re- lation this attempt bears to the great classical work on the same subject, the "Hellenic Antiquities" of Wachs- muth. The present treatise so far entirely agrees with that work in the main design of combining, in one regularly connected series, all the results of previous antiquarian research, though it would be presumptuous to institute any further comparison between the two works. If considered merely as a clue through those researches, this work may escape the charge of being superfluous, but must also in that case disclaim the merit of the original disquisitions and reflections by which the above-mentioned highly gifted and deeply learned enquirer has rendered his work so peculiarly valuable, and of the high finish he has also imparted to its details. Only a few^ points have been treated more at length than by Wachsmuth, the author's ob- viii PREFACE. ject having, in general, been to furnish an introduction to that author's elaborate work ; and this object he has endeavoured to attain by constant reference to it. The careful examiner, however, will not fail to observe that he is nowhere dependent upon Wachsmuth, and that his materials and manner of treating them are de- rived from a diligent study of the originals ; still, his thanks are due to those who have gone before him, without whose previous labours an undertaking like the present would have been naturally impossible. The author's object has been twofold ; to give the philological public a comprehensive survey of the political institutions and internal history of the lead- ing nations of ancient Greece, so far as existing anti- quarian remains and the most approved modern in- vestigations have rendered our knowledge of them certain, or tantamount to certain : and, at the same time, to supply the want of a satisfactory abstract of a study so generally interesting to the scientific spirit of the age. Hence arises the consideration of the aspect under which he should wish its use and execution to be viewed by competent judges ; and he accordingly subjoins some more detailed particulars of his plan, as well of selection and treatment, as of division and arrangement of the materials. His first request is, that the three parts, the text, the authori- ties quoted, and the bibliographical information con- tained in the notes, may be each separately consi- dered. He has endeavoured so to frame the text, as the heart and kernel of the subject, that it may form of itself a connected whole, and be read at pleasure without the notes ; whether the reader, not being particularly bent on learned research, is willing to take the information it contains upon trust, or is seek- ing points of view and connecting links to apply to what he has learned, or has yet to learn. He hopes PREFACE. ix that the labour he has bestowed on the attainment of clearness and pregnant brevity, will not pass entirely unnoticed ; though he is conscious of having rarely satisfied himself in this particular. However this may be, he has treated the whole subject in a compendious manner, and has himself throughout regarded the text, and wishes it to be regarded and judged of by others, as the principal part, to M'hich the notes are merely supplemental ; and whilst in the latter he lays no claim to extraordinary erudition, he trusWs on the other hand that he shall not be charged with an idle and wasteful display of quotation. The wish that this work might lead to, and in some degree facilitate re- newed individual research and progress, made it ap- pear necessary to print at length the confirmatory or otherwise applicable passages, as often as the limited space permitted; and to furnish as complete a list of authorities as possible, which is, generally, considered indispensable in compendiums, and the use of which in furthering and directing enquiry the author knows by experience. He unreservedly communicates, as public property, whatever bibliographical notices he has collected with this view during some years, though well aware that such information on a subject which has at all times claimed whole treatises for its exclu- sive discussion, can hardly be ample enough to satisfy the professed bibliographer. From the absurd afi^ec- tation of making a display of extensive reading, he is as free as from the anxiety to quote nothing unless from actual perusal; and will confidently leave the discerning critic to determine how much he has read and to what purpose. Had Wachsmuth decidedly followed up from the first such a plan of reference as he appears to have conceived in the course of his work, the author would perhaps have modestly kept back his mite ; though he believes that the correct biblio- b X PREFACE. graphical information this work contains may of itself prove serviceable to many. For its general accnracy he thinks he can vouch, as well as for that of the quotations, as far as is possible in a work of such endless labour. He might, indeed, have spared him- self a part of this trouble by curtailing the extracts, but it may be doubted whether this would have been to the advantage of the majority of his readers. For the introduction of confirmatory passages from the original texts, he reckons on the thanks of all, who, feeling with himself the necessity of actual perusal, together with personal and connected examination, of the sources of information, cannot obtain access to the most important of them. Although more might be desired in this particular, he is not aware of having omitted much that is essential; under the head of Attica, for instance, but few of the most important and applicable passages in Petit's collection will be found wanting, and should the indulgence and support of the public reward his exertions, a new edition might easily satisfy every reasonable wish. Some years ago, Graff pursued the same object with regard to external his- tory ; notwithstanding which, the author flatters him- self that his labours will not be considered super- fluous, even if the historical order which he has fol- lowed should occasionally lead him into this pre-occu- pied department. When the book is used and judged of, it should not be forgotten, that, as the title an- nounces, it considers the subject with respect to the established facts of history : a method which the pre- dominant scientific inclination of the age will amply justify in the opinion of the learned. This will ac- count for the permanent institvitions which he has un- dertaken to describe, being here represented as mere "momenta" of a great and continuous political move- ment and necessary development on the one hand, PREFACE. xi and as in a constant state of alternate operation with the occurrences of political history on the other. To the learning portion of the public for whom he writes, he assumes the particular events, as far as their external connection goes, to be already known, and always mentions them with this understanding. He doubts not, however, but that a teacher might here find the groundwork for a lecture on external history adapted to a more mature audience, inasmuch as a comprehensive inspection of the consequences of events in the external relations of nations on their in- ternal condition, and the mode in which those conse- quences are produced, and vice versa, cannot fail of heightening the interest inherent in the former. Epit- omes of political history but too frequently succeed only partially, or fail altogether, in the attempt to elu- cidate this internal connection ; and the author con- sequently thought it might prove far from useless to direct here and there some rays of light on external events, so many of which require the concentration into one focus of every gleam that can be rescued from the darkness of antiquity, and the rather as the domestic history of Greece as a whole is the mere reflex of the poHtical history of its leading states. It is clear, however, that an historical representation of the civil and political institutions of the Greeks cannot begin before the era of historical certainty, and if the author has devoted a preliminary chapter to the ex- pedition of the Heraclidae and its consequences, he most positively disclaims the idea of thereby satisfying any demands which may be made upon him for a de- scription of the ante-historical times. He has in^general •acted on the principle of discussing each institution separately, and at the time when it first became an ef- fective part of a regularly organized system, even though it may have continued to exist long after, under dif- xii PREFACE. ferent circumstances, and he has for this purpose put forward some general points of view, from which the remains and traditions which survived till the histori- cal age may be properly considered. He would by no means be thought to imagine that he has summarily despatched the great questions of the Pelasgi, the iEtolians, and Hellenes, Hellenism, Orientalism, and so forth, though he has made no secret of his own opinions on these subjects. He will not, for instance, conceal that he has never been able to convince himself of the necessity of the civilisation of Greece having come from the East, and that he is more inclined with Ritter *, to refer the indisputable points of resemblance, on which the probability that such was the case rests to internal rather than to external connection : yet, on the other hand, he is not one of those, who, in order to carry out a principle, seek at any cost to explain away the historical proofs of theyac^. To the /Etolians, whose importance appears to him to be as yet far from suffi- ciently appreciated, he may at some future time de- vote his particular attention, as also to several other enquiries, which his present plan does not allow him to pursue further. On the subject of the Amphic- tyons alone has he taken a somewhat wider range, chiefly with the view of fulfilling a promise announced in his notice of the third number of the Corpus In- scriptionum, (published in the Heidelb. Jahrb. 1829, April,) by stating his views of the functions of the de- puties of the confederacy. His having placed the Homeric age not at the end of the ante-historical, but at the commencement of the historical age, will, he thinks, surprise those only who would consider the morning-dawn a part of the night, and not of the coming day. At the same time he would have pre- * Gesch. d. Philos. i. p. 60. Compare also, Sclielling on Wagner's Bericht iiber die iiginet. Bildwerke, p. 7, »qq. (Sttultg. 1817.) PREFACE. xiii ferred discussing it before the constitution of Sparta, from his perceiving in the original elements of the lat- ter no essential difference from the general character of the rest of the Grecian states, however alien its subsequent development may appear to that cha- racter. He would refer the subsequent changes it underwent to the obstacles which Lycurgus, by the establishment of the Gerusia, threw in the way of the incipient struggle between the democratic and mon- archic principles, out of which gradually arose all the various forms of government in the rest of Greece. No one who considers the plan of the work and the nature of the task, [will blame the author for not dwelling as long on each particular state as he has on the leading ones of Greece; the collections of Tittmann and Pastoret, show the present defective state of the materials, and even if more might be made of them than those authors either could or would, distinct dis- sertations would be a more proper form for such sub- jects than a compendium. Whatever fiirther may be worthy of remark on this head is given in the shape of example in the third chapter, which attempts to supply the want of detailed notices in a manner more suited to a general survey, by a connected sketch of those general forms of laws of which (however they may have been modified by particular circumstances) the internal constitutions of the several states were but the oft repeated and constantly recurring expres- sions. Herein he has followed Aristotle's Politics, that authentic source from which is also derived pur most valuable knowledge of the particulars of this subject, and which is, in the present instance, parti- cularly adapted for supplying the place of historical testimony, since not the least part of the wisdom of that great thinker consists in his profound and true conception of life in its full reality. xW PREFACE. The few particulars respecting the colonies con- tained in the fourth chapter, must not be looked upon as an attempt at a detailed history of them, for they have not the slightest pretensions to be such ; indeed, after the causes and accompanying circumstances of their foundation have been considered, it suited the author's plan to dwell only on the positive character assumed by many of their constitutions, by which they themselves, so to speak, were distinguished, as posi- tive states, from the mother country. To prevent this chapter from being disproportionably short, he consi- dered that the insertion of a review of the origin and time and place of the foundation of the principal colo- nial towns, considered in connection with the parent states, together with the necessary references, might be acceptable to many readers. A few hints on their gradual aggrandisement and final fortunes are also in- terspersed, which may be enlarged upon at pleasure. Having nothing further to remark on the other chap- ters of the work, the author concludes this preface with the cordial wish, that his work may contribute its share towards increasing that scientific interest with which it has been written, and with which he trusts it will be received. Heidelberg, March, 1831. THE POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. INTRODUCTION. §. 1. The science of Greek Antiquities — apx^ioXoyta^ — has, strictly speaking, for its subject the pecuharities and productions of the whole Grecian world of old, riar- ERRATA. §. \3.for Amphictyonie, read Amphictyonic. — 24. n. 9. for Phylas, read Phyle. — 104. extr.,yor they held a fourth court to take cognizance, etc., read they held a fourth court in the Prytaneuni to take cognizance, etc. — 133. extr., /or judge, read arbiter. — 162. n. 17, extr., read ibid. ii. p. 288, sqq. — 185. n. 6, for before the sole command of Cerynea was ob- tained by Marcus, 7-ead before the sole command was ob- tained by Marcus of Cerynea. N. B. In the quotations from Wachsmuth, Tittmann, and others, it will be observed that in the first half of this translation §., in the latter p. has been used; the latter mark should have been used throughout. The error arose from a confusion of the German mark for page with the Roman mark for section. xiv PREFACE. The few particulars respecting the colonies con- tained in the fourth chapter, must not be looked upon as an attempt at a detailed history of them, for they have not the slightest pretensions to be such ; indeed, after the causes and accompanying circumstances of their foundation have been considered, it suited the author's plan to dwell only on the positive character assumed by many of their constitutions, by which they themselves, so to speak, were distinguished, as posi- tive states, from the mother covmtry. To prevent this chapter from being disproportionably short, he consi- dered that the insertion of a review of the origin and ,1 ^ , ^4. ii-,^ -^'••I'-^oii-fp I nolo- THE POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. INTRODUCTION. §. 1. The science of Greek Antiquities — a/jj/ajoXoy/a ^ — has, strictly speaking, for its subject the peculiarities and productions of the whole Grecian world of old, par- ticularly those which are known to us only from his- tory, and not by any remaining works of art-. Relics of the last description, irrespective of their value as specimens of art, which is independent of time, are of importance as sources and confirmations of history. History is learnt from them, but they themselves re- quire description, and the name archceography has con- sequently been proposed for the science which treats of them 3. These sources of history are either written records — monmnenta literata — such as manuscripts, coins*, and inscriptions*; or unwritten, as works of sculpture, architecture, and the arts in general ^ Both are of use to the student of antiquity, but the latter description can be understood and explained only by means of the former : hence the term archceology has been appropriated to them in contradistinction to the more general term antiquities '^. It is moreover evi- dent that antiquarian knowledge, properly so called, is but one branch of that science which, embracing the whole range of the literature and arts of the an- cients, comprises also their mythology, philosophy, statistics, and so forth ^. These several subjects be- ing considered apart, there remains for the antiquarian only to take cognizance of those particulars and pecu- B 2 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. liarities which, although they, in reahty, constitute the individuaUty of a people, seem at first sight the result of mere caprice and chance; whilst religion, learning, arts, and even political history, are recognised at once as common to mankind at large, and so far necessarily existent in every state. 1) On the word "antiquitates," see F. A. Wolf's Museum d. Alterthums- wissenchaft, vol. i. p. 54. The oldest authority for the term ap)^aio\oyta, occurs in Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 285. D : Trtpi rwv yevCJv, w Sw/cparff, rwv T£ I'lpwwv Kal Twv dvBpwTTwv Kai TUiv KaToiiciiTHov, tJQ TO apxalov Ikti- aQrjaav aX tzoXhc, Kal avXXr]l3Si]v Trocrj/g rj/g apxaioXoyiag j/^iirra (iKpowvTai, K.T.X. Diodor. Sic. i. 4, distinguishes between rag 7rp6 twv TpioiKtliv Trpa^HQ Kal i.iv9oXoyiaQ, and rdg twv 'FAXijvwi' np^atoXoyiaC' Comp. also Dionys. Hal. i. p. 13. 6; Plut. V. Thes. c. 1. extr., and Ast's Grundriss der Philologie, (Landshut, 1808,) p. 34. 2) J. A. Ernesti, Archaeologia Literaria, (Lips. 1768,) p. 1 : Antiquitatis cognoscendaB duplex ratio est : quarum altera instituta, ritus sacros civi- lesque, mores item publicos privatosque persequitur, ad usum doctrinae liberalis et prudentioe civilis ; altera autem operum antiquorum reiiquias spectat et ad eruditionis copiam et ad ingenil elegantiam ; quam Archaeo- logiam literariam appellemus licet. Comp. A. L. Millin, Introduction ;i I'etude des Monumens antiques, (Paris, 1796,) p. 2- 3) Spohn, Preface to his Miscell. Antiq. (Lugd. 1685, fol.) F. A. Wolf, ut sup. p. 71. 4) Comp. Ezech. Spanheim's Dissertationes de usu et prasstantia Nu- mismatum Antiquorum ; and the collections of Rasche, Sestini, Eckhel, Mionnet, and others. J. G.Lipsii BibliothecaNummaria — usque ad finem Saec. xviii. (Lips. 1801.) Beck's Grundriss der Archaiologie, §.119 — 131. On the value and standard of ancient coins, consult the works of J.F.Gron., Jo. Casp. Eisenschmidt, Arbuthnot, J. J. Rambach, Rome de I'lsle, Letronne, J. Fr. Wurm, de pondd. Numm. etc. rationibus apud Gra?cos et Romanos, (Lips. 1821.) Also Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. of Athens, vol. i. p, 11 — 44; and Wachsmuth's Antiquities of Greece, ii. 1. §. 69, 70*. 5) Comp. Franc. Oudendorpii Oratio de Veterum Inscriptionum et Mo- numentorum usu. (L. B. 1745.) See (besides the collections of Gruter, Reinesius, Fabretti, Muratori, and Donati,) Rich. Pococke, Inscr. An- tiq. Graec. et Latin, liber. (Lond. 1752;) P. ]\L Paciaudi, Monumenta Peloponnesia, (Rom. 1761;) Ben. Passionei, Inscr. Antiche, (Luce. 1763, fol.;) Rich. Chandler!, Inscr. Antiquag plera'que nondum edita^. in Asia Minore et Gra;cia, praesertim Athenis collectae, (Oxon. 1774 ;) Fr. Osanni Sylloge Inscr. Antiq. Gra?c. et Latin., (Jenas, 1822;) H. .T. Rose, Inscr. Graecae vctustissimiB, (Cantabr. 1825;) A. Boeckliii Corpus Inscr. Graecarum, auctoritate et impensis Academiaj Literarum Borussicae, vol. i. (Berl. 1828 ;) C. Viduae Inscr. Antique in Turcico ilinere coUectae, (Paris, 1828.) On their interpretation see Scip. Maffei, Siglai Graecorum Lapidaria;, (Verona;, 1746.) 6) Besides the elaborate works and engravings of Gori, Visconti, d'Han- carville, Winkelmann, Zoega, Becker, and others, see Montfaucon's An- tiquite expliquee et representee en figure, (Paris, 1719); de Caylus, ^ And the Rev. R. Hussey's Essay on the Ancient Weights and Money, (Oxon. 1836.) Thans. INTRODUCTION. 3 Recueil d'Antiquit^s Egyptiennes, Etrusques, Grecques et Romaines, (Paris, 1752-67;) and the Antichita di Ercolano (Napoli, 1757.) The best manual is that by K. Kaercher, (Karlsruhe, 1825.) 7) By J.Ph.Siebenkees.Handbuch derArchaeologie, (Nuremberg, 1799.) C. A. Bottiger, Andentungen zu Yortriigea iiber die Archa;ol. (Dresden, 1806 ;) C. D. Beck, Grundriss der Archaeologie, (Leipz. 1816 ;) G. B. Ver- miglioli, Lezioni Elementari di Archeoiogia, (Perugia, 1822;) K. O. Mueller, Lehrbuch der Archaeologie und Kunst (Gcittingen, 1830.) Comp. J. C. Gruber's Encyclop. of Greek Antiquities, (Leipz. 1801,) part i. §, 1—40. 8) See F. A. Wolfs Museum, vol. i. §. 1—145 ; Fr. Creuzer's Acad. Studium des Alterthums, (Heidelberg, 1807.) A. von Steinbiichel, in his Abriss der Alterthumskunde, (Vienna, 1829.) ranges nearly every thing under the two heads of the Arts and Religion. §. 2. Hence what passed for Greek antiquities be- fore their appropriate and national character had been recognised, was contained chiefly in learned but spirit- less compilations, such as the works of Meursius and other early writers collected by J. Gronovius ^ The formal division, found in most of the systematic works on antiquities of that time ", into the heads of re- ligious, domestic, civil, and military antiquities, does not compensate for the absence of all information con- cerning the internal condition of the several states ; whilst the want of critical discrimination has in some instances propagated errors for centuries. The same remarks hold good of the treatises and dissertations of that time on particular branches of antiquity, re- ligious^, military*, etc. Barthelemy, by his attempt at a uniform connected picture of the domestic life of the ancient Greeks ^, claims the praise of originating a new style of treating that particular branch of antiquity, although a similar attempt was made in Germany almost at the same time, but of a scientific and critical description which the plan of his work did not gene- rally admit. The seeds sown by F. A. Wolf, less, it is true, as an author than as an academical lecturer", have grown up fast under the cherishing influence of this age of mighty undertakings ; and the exertions now made to consider all the richly varied particulars 4 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES OF GREECE. of Hellenic life as connected with history 7, and to press them all into its service, in order to obtain thereby a more accurate notion of the national spirit of the Greeks, and of their idea of a state, must ever be con- sidered as affording a classical model of philosophical and scientific industry ^. 1) Thesaurus Antiquitatum Graecaruin, contextus et designatus ab Jacobo Gronovio, (Lugd. B. 1694—1702.) 2) The chief works I would here except from this censure are those of Jo. Ph. Pfeiffer, (Kcinigsb. and Lips, 1689,); Potter's Archaeologia; and P. Fr. Ach. Nitsch, (Erfurt, 1791,) on the domestic, religious, civil, political, military, and scientific condition of the Greeks, at different epochs. The best manual was for a long time Lambert Bos's Antiquita- tum Grfficarum, preecipue Atticarum, descriptio brevis, (Franc. 1714;) last edited by Zeune, (Leipz. 1787.) 3) J. A. Steinhofer, Graecia Sacra, (Tubing. 1734 ;) J. G. Lakemacher, Antiquitates Graecorum Sacrae, (Helmst. 1734;) Chr. Brunings, Compen- dium Antiquitatum Grascarum e profanis sacrarum, (Franc. 1734.) 4) I must here, however, recommend J. J. H. Nast's Einleitung in die Griech. Kriegsalterth. (Stuttg. 1780.) Consult also G. G. S. Kopke iiber das Kriegwesen der Griechen im Heroischen Zeitalter ; with its Ap- pendix on the impiovements in tactics after Homer's time, (Berlin, 1807.) 5) J. J. Barthelemy, Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Grece vers le milieu du 4ieme siecle avant I'ere vulgaire, (Paris, 1788.) 6) Comp. the Epistola ad Reizium, prefixed to the edition of Demosthen. Leptin. p. v. ; and Hanhart's Recollections of F. A. Wolf, (Basle, 1825.) §. 53 — 55. His Antiquities of Greece (Halle, 1787,) were intended solely as college lectures, and never completed. 7) Wolf says, (Museum, §. 55,) " in this science the circumstances and governments of nations form the leading idea ; history, on the other hand, merely details the succession and order of events. History can take cognizance of passing events, the science of antiquity only of the past. Antiquities are however best considered according to historical periods, since many statements lose much of their probability, unless taken in con- nection with a certain period." 8) Besides the works of A. Boeckh, and K. O. Mueller, see W. Wachs- muth's Antiquities of Greece, A. H. L. Heeren's Res. vol. iv.; F. (Jhr. Schlosser's Uebersicht der Gesch. der alten Welt, (Frankf. on the Maine, 1826.) The best manual for general readers is that of H. Hase, (Dresd. 1828;) or the still shorter work by J. IM. Rappenegger, Sitten und Ge- briiuche der Gr. im Alterth. (Heidelb. 1828.) §. 3. The political and legal antiquities of the Hel- lenic nation, being the centre to which all other branches of the study converge, must be allowed worthy of distinct consideration, particularly, as, from possessing more ample sources of information respect- INTRODUCTION. 5 ing them, we can approach nearer to certainty in these branches of our subject than in most others. The treatises of the ancients themselves' on their man- ners, institutions, and governments, are, it is true, with the exception of a few fragments, wholly lost^; but, independently of the historians and orators, who form in their absence our chief authority, there is scarcely a writer of the better period of Greek litera- ture, but contains numerous allusions to the public life of his times ^ and when this description of literature began to fail, its place was supplied by the diligence of compilers, the fruits of whose industry remain to us in the works of the scholiasts on the classics, and of the lexicographers Pollux, Harpocration, Hesychius, Suidas, and others *. After the revival of literature too, the learned soon turned their attention to the institutions of the Greek states^, and though the spe- cies of compilations we have noticed neglected and excluded criticism, still several collections remain^ to attest the interest that was taken in the study of the internal condition of ancient states. About the end of the seventeenth century, however, this spirit decayed, and the attention of the learned was turned exclusively to subjects which suited the rhetorical moralizing ge- nius of the times ''. The period of its revival begins with the awakened interest respecting the political his- tory of Greece, which arose, particularly in England, in the latter half of the eighteenth century ^ ; and the works which appeared in that country, notwithstand- ing their defects, are far superior to the pert dogmatism of the generality of French writers ^. Still some points of the internal history of Greece have been most ably handled by the latter, both among the earlier contri- butors to their Academy, and still more by the later. But the literature of Germany, responding to the summons already noticed, has by far surpassed that 6 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. i. of all other countries, both in excellent essays and in learned and original developments of the political antiquities of the ancients, although it is probable many have taken erroneous views of their subject^". 1) Comp. Heynii Opusc. Academ. t. ii. p. 383, sq.; Boeckh, in Platon. Minciem, p. 81 ; Wachsmuth, Ant. ii. 1. p. 438, sqq, 2) Aristotelis Rerumpublicarum reliquiae ; collegit, illustravit atque prolegomena addidit C. F. Neumann, (Heidelb. 1827;) Heraclidis Pontici Fragmenta de rebus publicis, ed. G. D. Koeler, (Hal. 1804.) 3) W. Wachsmuth de Pindaro ReipubliciE constituendae et gerendae preeceptore, dispp. i. et ii. (Kiliae, 1823-24.;) A. L. G. Jacob, de Tra- gicorum Graecorum cum Republica necessitudine, in his Quaestt. Sopho- cleis, (Varsav. 1821,) p. 159, sqq.; H. Th. Rbtscher, Aristophanes und sein Zeitalter, (Berlin, 1827.) 4) The fTTixwptai ypa(pai, as they are called by Dionys. Halic, such as the Krt(T«ic, ArQiSeCt and others. See Siebelis de ArQidoiv scriptoribus, (Budissae, 1812;) also prefixed to the Fragments of Phanodemus, (Lips. 1812.) 5) See Gron. Thes. t. iv — vi. The great Sigonius led the way. 6) Grjecorum Respublicae ab Ubbone Emmio descript See Clinton, F. H. vol. i. p. 23. n. s. Thans. 14 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. i. 10) Even the ancients were not agreed concerning the connection be- tween these two names, Strabo, vii. p. 495. B.: Toite ^« AkXeyag Tivie H^^v Toi'Q avToi'Q Kaocrtv ttKaZovsiv' oi St avvoiKOVQ /xovov Kai avcTTpanurag. Comp. Raoul-Rochette, i. pp. 378—390; Wachsmuth, i. 1. §. 30; Piiilol. Mus. Camb. 1831, vol. 1. p. 109. 11) Comp. I. Meursii Greta, Cyprus et Rhodus, (Amstel. 1675.) iii. 3. p. 127, sqq. ; Jo. Henr. Boecleri Diss., Minos maris dominus (Argent. 1710.) in Dissert. Acad. t. ii. p. 1073 ; Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 69, sqq.; Hoeck's Creta, Bd. ii. (Giittingen, 1828) §. 181, sqq. Was Minos the legislator (Davis, ad Cic. Tusc. ii. 13; Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 7.) a distinct personage from JMlnos the sovereign of the seas? Comp. Plut. v. Thes. c. 20 ; Diodor. Sic. iv. 60, (but comp. v. 78.) — See Banier, Distinc- tion des deux Minos, in Hist, de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. iii. p. 49, sqq.; Larclier, Herodote, t. vii. p. 338, sqq. ; Manso, i. 2. §. 99 ; Beck, Welt-u. Volkergeschichte, §. 885; Ste. Croix des Gouv. feder, p. 335—338. 12) According to Eusebius ; three generations before the capture of Troy according to Herod, i. 171 ; conf. Hom. 11. xiil. 450 ; Odyss. xix. 178. 13) Herod, i. 171 ; Thucyd. i. 4. 8 ; Arist. Polit. ii. 7. 2; Strab. xiv. p. 976, A. ; Diod. Sic. (v. 84.) is wrong. §. 7. Accordingly, as far as history can direct our view, we see the inhabitants of the interior sepa- rated into as many independent clans as the country itself was divided by its mountain chains into valleys and disti-icts ; a state of separation which, whether it existed in the period just alluded to, or first resulted from revolutions in which that period terminated, ex- erted a real and extensive influence on the whole sub- sequent history of Greece, notwithstanding its partial disappearance on the rise of larger states formed by coalitions against a foreign enemy ^, or arising from increased intercourse. Again, although the prevalence of the same language argues a common origin, there is no historical evidence of the fact 2, and the Pelasgi cannot be considered as the parent stock, since be- sides them we meet with the Leleges ^ and Carians * already mentioned, the Curetes*, Epaei^, Caucones^, and numerous other independent races ^ ; so that no more can be asserted of the Pelasgi than that, owing partly to the greater extent of their possessions^, (comprising the Peloponnesus and Thessaly ^^,) and partly, it would seem, to their greater civilisation ", they were far superior to the others '*. SECT. 8,] OF GREECE. 15 1) It was well observed even by Thucydides that Homer did not use jSap^apog in its classical sense: did to fii]Ct"E\\r]i'ag ttoj avriVaXov iig 'iv ovofia airoKiKplaQcu. He certainly calls the Carians j3api3ap6(pwi'oi, Iliad, B. 867 ; but from that very passage, the original import of the word (strange) is made apparent ; comp. Strab. xiv. p. 977. B. ; Heyne ad Hiad. t. iv. p. 435 ; Goeller. in Actt. Philoll. jMonacc. t. ii. p. 208. Subse- quently all mankind was distinguished into Hellens and barbarians ; see Platon. Politic, p. 262. D. ; Strab. i. p. 116. A.; Fabric, ad S. Empir. adv. Math. viii. 187. p. 493; and the Hellen was by birth not only the foe, (Demosth. adv. INlid. c. 14 ; Platon. Republ. v. p. 470. C; Isocr. Panalh. c. 66. p. 634,) but also the lord of the barbarian, Arist. Polit. i. 1. 5 : £i6 faaiv o'l Troi/jrar f3cipl3apwv S'"EX\r]i>aQ ap^fiv eiKog (Eur. Iph. Aul. 1379), u)Q TaiiTo (pvaii jiapjiapov Kai oovXov 6v. Conf. ibid. i. 2. 18. and J. L. G. de Geer diatr. in l^lit. Platon. Princ. (Traj. ad Rh. 1810.) p. 182. On this subject in general, see F. Roth iiber Sinn und Ge- brauch des Wortes /3ap/3apoc. (Niirnberg, 1814;) C. Ritter's Erdkunde, i, p. 554, sqq. ; Wachsmuth's Antiq. i. 1. §. 139, sqq. 2) Comp. H.G.Plass, Vor-und Ur-geschichte der Hellenen (Leipz. 1831) §. 13—41. 3) Who were scattered over almost all Central Greece; according to Aristot. ap. Strab. vii. p. 495. C, as far as Acarnania, where were the Teleboae of their race, Strab. x. p. 708. A. ; also in Laconia, comp. Pans, iii. 1. 1. 4) In Megara, whence the Demus Caria, Paus. i. 39. 4 ; 40. 5 ; in Her- mione and Epidaurus, Strab. viii. p. 574. C; comp. Plass, §. 182. 5) In ^tolia (Hom. II. ix. 529) and Euboea ; consult Strab. x. p. 713, sqq. ; Uiouys. Hal. i. 17, unites them with the Leleges; comp. Titt- mann on the Amphictyonic League, §. 56. On the difference between them and the Corybantes in Crete, see Hoeckh's Creta, i. 3. 198, sqq. ; Lobeck's Aglaoph. ii. p. 1111, sqq. Plass, indeed, gives a very different account, deriving all Hellenic civilisation from Crete through them (B. C. 1500—1300). 6) In Elis, Strab. viii. p. 524. 7) In Messenia and Southern Elis, Strab. viii. pp. 525, 531 ; Plass (§. 70) makes them to have extended over all Elis. 8) Strab. viii. pp. 494,495, and Wachsmuth, i. l.§. 31, sqq. Heyne's hypothesis of only three primitive races, viz. Thraco-Phrygian, Pelasgic, and Hellenic, (Nov. Comm. Soc. GcJtt. t. i. p. 89, sqq.) throws all into confusion. 9) Attii Atreus, ap. Senec. Epist. Ixxx. : En impero Argis, regna mihi liquit Pelops Qua Ponto ab Helles atque ab lonio mari Urgetur Isthmus. See ilLsch. Suppl.256, et sqq., with the excursus of C. G. Haupt (Quscstt. p. 91, sqq.) and Strab. v. p. 337, sqq. ; comp. Plass, j. 44. Evidence of their presence is furnished by the ever-recurring names of Argos (" the plain ;" comp. Strab. viii. p. 568, sqq., particularly 571. A.) and Larissa I" the fort," comp. Strab. ix. p. 672. A. ; xiii. p. 921, D. ; Dionys. Hal. i. 21). On this subject in general see Dupuis, sur les Pelasges, in the Mem. de I'lnstitut. t. ii. p. 58, sqq., where several other instances of si- milarity of name are given, and Miiller's Orchom. §. 125, sqq. ; the latter derives the names we have cited from nkXtiv and dpyog (see Buttm. Lexil. 16 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. i. i. 68). As to other etymologies, ntXat^tiv (Sturz, de Dial iMaced.) has been well refuted by Lobeck, ad Phryn. Eel. p. 109. As to the Greek fancy respecting the stork, TrtXapybg, see Strab. v, p. 239. A. ; Dionys. Hal.i. 28 ; rhilocii. Fgm. p. 23. ed. Siebel ; Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 347. The wide extent of the Pelasgian stttlements naturally suggested the idea of a passion for wandering. What Herodotus (1..'j6) says of the Dorians in contrast vvitii the Pelasgi, that they were 'iOvoQ irovXvTrXdvijrov Kupra, others applied to the Pelasgi themselves ; comp. Strab. i.x. p. 608. B. ; xiii. p. 922. C. ; Dionys. llal. i. 17 ; Eustath. ad Odyss. T. p. 1861. 22. The notion of their descent from Plialet; had the same origin, comp. Salmas. de Hellen. p. 342; Hiillmann, §. 112, sqq. on the same grounds considers that the name was only a common designation of migratory tribes in general. 10) Which of these they first possessed depends on the question whe- ther Greece was first peopled overland or by sea. See above, $.4. note 6, and Salmas. de Hellen. p. 235, sqq. ; Geinoz, sur I'Origine des Pelasges, avec I'Histoire de leurs jNIigrations, in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. xiv. p. 154, sqq. ; xvi. p. 106, sqq. ; Dupuis, ut sup. iii. p. 48 — 150 ; Herb. Marsh Horae Pelasgicae, (Cantab. 1815.) Plass, §.59, decides positively in favour of Thessaly ; but in $. 68 he has made them first appear in the Peloponnesus as AchcEans. 11) IMiiller's Dorians, vol. i. p. 15 ; VVachsm. Ant. i. 1. §. 28, sqq. The first definite notions in religion are said to have been received from them. Her. ii. .50—52 ; cf. Plat, Cratyl. p. 397. C. ; Varro, ap. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, vii. 28. To them were ascribed the massive structures, RvkAwttw)/ ipya in Mycenae and Tirynth ; CApollod. ii. 2 ; Strab. viii. 567. A. ; 572. B.; Paus. ii. 16. 4; 20.5; 25.7; vii. 25. 3 ;) cf. Petit Radel in the Mag. Encycl. t. v. p. 446, sqq. ; Hirt, in Wolf's Anal. i. p. 156 ; Miil- ler's Orchom. §. 240, sqq. ; Schlosser, i. 1. §. 300, sqq. Schubarth, ut sup. §. 60. 287, sqq., introduces the Pelasgi after the Trojan war. Comp. also ftl. VV. Heffter's Gotterdienste auf Rhodus, ii. §. 56. Plass, on the other hand, §. 72 — 79, represents the Pelasgi to have been pure abori- ginals, and derives their civilisation from the Phoenicians (the Telchines, Idaei Dactyli, etc.) ; comp. §. 93 — 154 (between 1700 and 1500 B. C. ;) to whom also he ascribes the Cyclopic works we have mentioned. So also Klenze (iiber die Architectur der Alten) in Bbttiger's Amalthea, vol. iii. 12) Strab. vii. p. 504. C. : o'l Si Tlikaayol rwi' vrepi ti)v 'EWdSa Sv- vaarivacivTtov dp^oiorarot Xeyovrai, conf. Her. viii. 44 : TliKaayCiv lyov- ruv T)]v vvv "EXXd^a KaXsofikftjv, and Thucyd. i. 3. §. 8. Most difficult to distinguish are the tribes possessing those rich plains of Thessaly which were at a very early period the scene of numerous migra- tory movements^, and were, according to tradition, the cradle of most of the nations of the historical, that is, Hellenic times. Here in particular we first meet with the Hellenes whose extension at the cost of the Pelasgi^ caused these last to be eventually considered a barbarian race^ At the period, however, of which we are now speaking, the name was peculiar to a few SECT. 8] OF GREECE. 17 small clans in the south of Thessaly (Pthiotis*) whose original settlement may perhaps be further traced back^ to Dodona^ in Epirus. As soon as one of the clans (the Dorian^) had echpsed the renown of the rest, the epic poets of the time^ appear to have vied with each other in the invention of genealogies claim- ing alliance with the superior tribe ^ by a common descent from Deucalion and Hellen, not only for the iEolians^*' and their kinsmen the Achasans'^, but also for the lonians ; although both are by other accounts expressly declared to be Pelasgi^^. 1) Comp. Beck. §. 359. 807, sqq. ; Raoul-Rochette, Hist. Crit. de r^tablissement des colonies gr., i. pp. 168 — 180; ii. pp. 282 — 293; J. Th. Voemel de incolis Thessalise antiquissimis, (Franc, ad M., 1829.) 2) Comp. Salmas de Hellenistica, ii. 1. p. 267, sqq. ; De la Nauze sur la difference des F61asges et Hellenes, in the INlem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xxiii. p. 1 16, sqq. ; t. xxv.pp. 1 1 — 28, of the same ; also the commenta- ries on Herod, i. 56; Thucyd. i. 3. According to Schubarth on Homer, §. 69, sqq., the whole distinction was nothing more than a philosophical fiction, intended to mark the distinction between the old and the new state of things. 3) So Hecataeus ap. Strab. vii. 494 (conf. ix. 629) and Herodot. i. 58. According to the latter, there were still in his time scattered portions of them, speaking a dialect unintelligible to their Greek neighbours, in Cres- tonia and elsewhere. On this point in general, comp. Sturz. 1. c. p. 11, sqq. On the language of the Pelasgi, in the Museum Criticum, or Cam- bridge Classical Researches, vol. vi. pp.234 — 236; Volney.sur I'etude phil. des Langues, (Paris, 1820,) p. 39; Micali's Italia av. il dominio dei Ro- mani, i. p. 73 ; Plass, $. 31. Ihe greater number however of those who remained, as the xArcadians and others, easily mingled with the other Greeks, and it is evident from the relics of their language found in the Latin, that it cannot have been altogether foreign to the Greeks; com- pare Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. i. p. 27, 28, with the review of the same by Gottling, in the Berl. Jahrb., 1830 ; INliiller's Dor. i. p. 7. Even some of the writers of antiquity entertained this opinion, comp. Dionys. Hal. i. 17 : j)v yap ct) Kai rb twv YliXaayuv ykvoi^ 'E\\}]mKdv tK Hi\o- TTowTjaov TO dpxa^ov; and Tittmann, Amphict. j. 113, 114. 4) Homer (11. ii. 683 ; xvi. 595) is the chief authority on this point. Comp. A. W. Schlegel, Schlichthorst, and Schbnemann, on the geography of Homer ; also Salmas, 1. c. p. 438, sqq. ; Doig, on tiie Ancient Hel- lenes, in the Edinb. Transs. vol. iii. p. 131 ; Sturz de dial. Maced. p. 10 ; Miiller, .5:ginet. p. 15 ; Schubarth, ut supra, ^.295 ; Plass. §. 197. The oldest Hellas lay between Pharsalus and Rlelitaea; comp. Dicaearch. (Biog "EW. in Creuzer's JNIelet. iii. p. 195); was it any other than Pthial See Strabo, ix. pp. 659, 660. 5) We must not here forget that antiquity recognised another Dodona in Thessaly ; and was divided in opinion only as to their comparative an- tiquity. See Steph. Byzant. Fragm. de Dodone, ed. Jac. Gronov. (L. B. D 18 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. i. 1641;) (Thes. t. vii.) ; and comp. Clavier, Apollodoie, ii. p. 78, sqq.; Hist. d. pr. t. ii. p. 39; Mdller's ^^^.ginet. p. 139; Dissen. ad Pindar. Nem. iv. p. 385 ; Creuzer's Symbol, ii. 473 ; iv. 151 . 6) Aristot. Meteor, i. 14. p. 548. C. ed. Duvall. : khI yap uvtoq (6 KoXovixn'OQ fTTi AjDKaXiw j'oc KoroKXwfT/ioe) Trtpi Tov 'EWiiviKov tytvero jU(i\t(TTa TOTfov Kci'i TovTov TTtpi T)/i^'EX\dca TijV rtpxttitt!'" «i;rjj 5 tOTlV »'/ TTipl Ti)v Aoj^Mvi]!' (cni TOV ' A\t\ihov ovTOQ jcip Tro\\a\ov TO ptvfia I^STaj3'f.l3\r]Ktv' tpKovv yap o'l StXXoi tvravBa kcii ol KaXoi');U£?^ot tote fiiv Fpai/coi, viip vi "E\\rjvi<;. The SeXXoi are recognised as priests of the Dodona-an deity by Ilomer, 11. xvi. 233, and after him by Sophocl. Trach. 1257, where, according to the Scholiast, some read'EXXoi. The territory was called 'EXXoTria ; comp. Strab. vii. p. 505. A.; Prideaux ad jNIann. Oxon. p. 128, sqq. ; Wachsm. Antiq. 1. i. §. 310, sqq. On the name TpniKoi, see Sturz, ut supra, p. 8, and Creuzer and G. Hermann's Briefen iiber Homer und Hesiodus (Heidelb. 1818,) §. 179. Clavier (iii. $.18 — 22) has shovirn that there is no earlier authority for it than Aristotle. 7) Herod, i. 56; comp. Hiillmann's Anf. d. gr. G. p. 113, sqq., par- ticularly p. 118 ; Clavier, Hist. i. p. 46; Plass, §. 227, sqq. 8) First in Hesiod's 'Hoiai. See the Scholiast on Lycophr. v. 204, and Midler's Prolegg. §. 179. The chief authorities are Apollodor. i. 7. 3, and Strab. viii. pp. 537, 588. Comp. Beck.§. 724 ; Clavier, i. 58, sqq.; Plut. Symposs. ix. 15. 9) According to Strabo, viii. p. 568. C. "EWrjvfQ and Hai'sWijvig first occurred as collective names in Hesiod, (comp. 'Epy. icai 'lift. vv. 530, 655, ed. Spohn,) and next in Archilochus. See Miiller's yEginet. p. 155, and Goeiler, 1. c. p. 209. Plass omits Ion and Achieus from the gene- alogy we have referred to, but considers llellen and his sons to have been real historical personages, and the Hellenes to have been a coalition of warrior Cuietes with a Pelasgo-Lelegic horde (§. 201, sqq.) formed be- tween 1450 and 1300 B. C. 10) Conf. Eur. ap. Dic.-earch.ut supra: "EWrfv yap, wc ^oiks, yiyvsrat Atof, rov S" AioXoc TroTf. Ai'oXou Ss S/ffv^oc, 'ASajUat; t£ KpijOivg 9' oc r i-rr ' A.\(ptiov poaig Btuv jxavtig 'ippitpt "^aX/xioi/evg (pXoya. Hesiod (quoted by Schol. on Pind. Pyth. iv.252) adds a fifth, Perieres ; ApoUo- dorus a sixth, De'i'o, and a seventh, Magnes, as well as five daughters, of whom Calyce is the most lemarkable as the mother of Endymion, the my- thical patriarch of the Epa;ans in Elis and JEtolians in Pleuron and Caly- don (Clavier, i. p. 107, sqq). i'hose sons or their descendants, reigned, according to tradition, as follows : Sisyphus in Corinth ; Salmoneus in Elis ; Perieres in JNIessenia ; Neleus, grandson of Salmoneus through I'yro, in Pylos; and afterwaids the Neleid Melanthus, in Attica; Deioin Phocis; Athamas in Orchomenos ; Cretheus, his son ALaon, and then Pelias, in lolcos ; Pheres, son of (jrethcus, in Pliera; ; Magnes in ISlagnesia, etc. With them were connected the ancient and far-famed races of the MinyoB, Phlegy;r, and LapilhiB, (some, however, reckon the Lapithaj to have been Pelasgi as well as the Centaurs, see Voemel. p. 20 ; Plass, §. 592,) the Boeotians, Cephallenians, (Ulysses,) and even the Myrmidons in ^'Egina, (through yEacus, the father of Actor and son of DeVo., comp. INIiiller's yEginet. p. 12, sqc].,) and the Macedonians (so llellanicus, comp. Sturz, pp. 81, 82). The chieftains who commanded the expedition against Thebes, except the yEtolian Tydeus, were of this race, being the descend- ants of Amythaon, the son of Cretheus, through Melampus and Abas, (see Clavier, i. p. 219, sqq.,) viz. Adrastus, I'arthenopajus, Hippomedon, Ca- paneus, and Amphiaraiis. Two descendants of the latter, Amphilochus SECT. 9.] OF GREECE. 19 and Acarnan, afterwards withdrew from Hellas and settled in the far west, so that, according to Strabo (viii. p. 513. C.) : iravrtQ ol Iktoc iaOf^wv, ttXijv 'A6i)raiojv Kai Miyapkivv Kai tuiv Trcpl tov U apvacbv Atiipuwv, Kai vvv in AtoXiig icaXovvrai. Comp. Ilumphr. Prideaux, 1. 1. pp. 134 — 146; Reck, $. 815. sqq. ; 831, sqq. ; Ilaoul-Rochette, ii. 11—62; Cla- vier, i. 62, sqq. ; Midler's Orchom. §. 139, sqq. ; Plass, $. 231, sqq. 11) According to the common account, (see Paus. vii. 1,) Achaeus being the son of Xuthus, is brother of Ion ; but in Eur. Ion. 63, it is said of Xuthus, ouK tyyu'rjQ wr, AioXov £i roii Aioq yiyiog 'A^aiof ; and in Strabo (viii. p. 514. B.) we read, oi "lajvtQ k^k-rreaov inro 'Ax,a'ojv Ai'oXt- Kov Idi'ovQ. Accordingly, the colony of the descendants of Orestes in Les- bos and on the coast of Mysia is called /Eolian. Dionys. Hal. i. 17, in order to connect the two head quarters of the race, Pthiotis and the Pelo- ponnesus, introduces another Acha;us, son of Neptune and Larissa, and brother of Pthius and Pelasgus. See on this subject at large Beck, §.829, sqq., and, on the connection between the Achseans and Pthians, Meyne ad II. t. iv. p. 263 ; Voernel, 1. c. p. 13. Plass (§. 48, sqq.) makes them to have been distinct, but both Pelasgians, (see §. 7. n. 10,) whilst his ^o- lians are Hellenes ; comp. §. 212. of his work. 12) The lonians, for instance, in the well-known passage, Herod, i. 56; (comp. vii. 94 ;) Plass, §. 64, 65, conjectures they very probably were Le- leges ! The Pelasgic origin of the .'Eolians is favoured by Herod, vii. 95, and Strabo, v. p. 337. C. (though he says, xiv. p. 997. D. XiyknQixKTav Kai 01 Aaipiiig Kai ol AioXuQ ot avroi) ; comp. Paus. iv. 36. 1 : vtto N»j\fwg Kai Toiv t$ 'IwXkou TliXaaywv tKliXiiBtig. See also Clavier's Digression sur les Pelasges, appended to his Apollodorus, ii. p. 489, sqq. §. 9. The immediate consequence of the above- mentioned division into clans was necessarily the idea that they were outlaws to each other ; and this prin- ciple, though more or less mitigated in individual in- stances, must be considered as the basis of Greek international law i. Right and law, according to the ideas of antiquity, protected only those whom they bound, that is, only subjects of the same state : fo- reigner and foe were expressed by the same term-. Strictly speaking, there prevailed a perpetual hostility between the several states 3, menacing all that is holy and dear to man *, and held in check only by positive contracts *. Of the natural law of nations as little ac- count was made as of the natural rights of the indi- vidual, who, beyond the bounds of his native land, was beyond the pale of law*^, and was not only obliged, if he would possess estates or property in a foreign state, to marry one of its citizens, but needed an ex- 20 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. i. press pledge on its part to ensure his personal safety. On this state of society was in particular founded the slavery of the ancients, as well as the considerations which made perpetual exile, being in fact civil death, equivalent to capital punishment. 1) Compare on this subject in general, W. Wachsmuth, de Jure Gen- tium, quale obtlnuerit apud Graecos ante bellorum cum Persis gestorum initium, (Kiliai, 1822,) and his Antiq. i.l. $.92—139; ii. 1. §.194—198. Si^ijpo^opia, Thucyd. i. 6. 2) Cic. de Offic. i. 12, with Beier's Excurs. xiii. The Persians are called Stivoe, Herod, ix. 11 ; Plut. v. ; Aristid. c. 10. 3) Plat, de Legg. i. p. 625. C. : TroXfjUoe ad ttckti Sia j3iov ^vvtxrjQ iffri TTpoQ cnraaaQ raq ttoXiiq. Compare Drumann's Versuch einer Ge- schichte des Verfalls d. gr. Staaten (Berl. 1820.) §. 185—198. 4) Xen. Cyr. vii. 5. 73 : vofioc yap iv naijiv ayppwiroig atSiog iariv, orav TToXEfiovpTcov noKig aX(p, rwv tKovruv tlvai koi to. awiiara tSjv tv ry TcoXit Kcit TCI xP'y/'"'"'''* Conf. Arist. Polit. i. 2. 16; Polyb. ii. 58. 9; Drumann, §. 749, sqq. Every war endangered ra Upci iraTpt^a kuI tovq Twv ■KpoyovMv Tucpovg. Vide Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. 3. p. 141, and Lobeck's Aglaoph. i. 276. The slaughter of captives prevailed even during the Peloponnesian war, Thucyd. i. 30 ; ii. 67 ; iii. 32, etc. But see Eurip. Heracl. v. 961 and 1005 ; and, on this point at large, Heyne de Bellis in- ternecinis, (Opuscc. iv. p. 462, sqq.) 5) Isocr. adv. Callim. p. 900: wote rd TrXtiara tov /3i'ow kui To'tg"E\- \r](n Kui Toig l5ap(3dpoig Sia (jvvOtjkuiv ilvai. Every treaty of peace was made only for a limited time : anovSal rpiaKOVTaertig, TTivTrtKOVTakretg, etc., Thucyd. iv. 63. 6) 'ATiHTjTog fiiTavctarrtg. 11. ix. 684. "Ev fiiv ixsyiirrop' ovk txn irappqaiav. Eurip. Phoen. 401 ; conf. Ion, 673. See Klotz. ad Tyrt. p. 11, sqq., and Plut. de Exilio, (t. x. p. 366, sqq. ed. Hutt.,) who, how- ever, there speaks of a different period. 7) 'ETTtyajui'a, yrjg Kai oUing tyKTr]ffig, dai'Xia, k. r. X. Comp. Wachs- muth's Antiq. i. I. §. 124, and below, ch. vi. part i. 8) J. F. Reitemeier, Geschichte und Zustand der Sclaverei und Leib- eigenschaft in Griechenland, (Berlin, 1789.) The chief authority con- cerning slaves, legally considered, is Arist. Polit. i. 2; historically, Athen. vi. 84, sqq. There was a distinction between the SopvaXioroi or SopvKTijroi ( Lobeck ad Soph. Aj. v. 214,) and the dpyvpd>vt]Tor, Wachsm. Antiq. i. 1, §.171. 9) 'Ati(t>vyia, comp. Meier de Bonis damn. p. 98. Miiller (Dor. ii. §. 224, 225.) says, " exile was a certain escape from all even the heaviest punishments, and, according to Hellenic principles, afforded safety from all pursuit." See also Plato's Crit. p. 52. C. ; but in particular, Drumann, ut sup. §. 607—632. §. 10. At an early period, however, the feelings of humanity came to soften these stern views of right, and Religion, the nurse of every loftier sentiment in SECT. 10.] OF GREECE. 21 man, sanctioned them by her rites. Thus the sanctity of Hospitahty \ and respect for supphants ^, began to protect the individual ; reverence for the herald could suspend the fiercest conflict, and ensvu-ed, at all times, the possibility of reconciliation ^. Besides the fact that all contracts were made under the sanction of some deity*, a species of international law, such as probably had at first existed only between kindred clans, was gradually developed and acknowledged as the creeds of various tribes were blended into one great system of polytheism. It was considered no less impious for victors to refuse the last honours to the slain, than for the vanquished to neglect to pay them, though the requesting permission to perform them was an acknowledgment of defeat^. Temples and con- secrated territories were considered inviolable even by invading armies •". But the grand religious festivals presented at an early period opportunities for the cul- tivation of peace and amity between neighbouring states, who met, as it were, beneath the hospitable roof of that by which the festival was celebrated 7; and these occasions were the more effectual from offering not merely festivities but opportunities for trade and commerce^; for which particular purpose it not un- frequently happened that a special festival was an- nounced^, and even hostilities already commenced were suspended ^^. The greater number of these fes- tivals were, even in late times, confined almost exclu- sively, to the immediate neighbourhood of their place of celebration '-. The Olympic, Pythian, Nemaean, and Isthmian games alone were at all times grand na- tional festivals to the whole of Greece ^^ : but even these, it is probable, belonged originally to particular confederacies ^*, as, for instance, the Pythian continued to do to the Amphictyons of Delphi. 22 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. i. 1) See Plat Crit, p. 45. C: tiaiv ifioi tKti ^evoi, o'i ct irepi iroWov ■ TToirjaoi'Tai Kai da(pd\Huv ffoi na^)E^ovrai loaTe as /xriStva Xvtthv. Com- pare Faith's Antiq. Horn. p. 374, et sqq. ; Periz. ad ^El. V. Ilist. iv. 1 ; F. W. Ullrich de Proxenia, (Berl. 1822.) Even the prisoner of war, after paying his ransom, was SopvS,tvos. See Valck. ad Amnion, p. 109, et sqq. 2) ApoUon. Rhod. Argonaut, ii. 1134 : 'AXX' tKirag ^.tivovg Awq t'ivs- Kiv a'lSsaaaffOt Stii'i'ou iiceiyiov re' Aibg S' u^KpiO licerat rt Kai ^tXvoi' 6 M TTOV Kai ETToipiof otju/ii TiTVKTai, See Feith, 1. c. p. 382; Wachsm. i. 1. p. 79. 3) I'h. Chr. Harless de prjEcouibus apud Grascos, ( Jenae, 1765.) Hence TToXfjuog aniTov^oQ Kai aic/;()yicro£ or uSidWaKTOQ, s. Abresch. Diluc. Thu- cyd. p. 556 ; Ast, ad Plat, de Legg. p. 14. 4) Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 197, sqq., and concerning the pillars on which they were inscribed in temples, see in particular Drumann, 1. c. p. 210. r 5) See in general VVachsmuth, ii. 1. §. 424, and in particular Eurip. / Suppl. V. 19; Isocr. Panath. p. 638 ; Plat. Republ. v. p. 469. E. An- tisth. or. Ulyx. t. viii. p. 61, Rsk. says: Tovg yap vtKpovg ov toIq ovk avaipovn'ivoiQ aiaxpov, oKKd toIq fiij aTTodidovai. 6) Thucyd. iv. 97 : Trdffi yap dvai KaBenrriKbQ, Iovtuq iiri rfiv aWi}' Xijiv, ifpuiv 7"wv tvoi'Twv aTrt)(iadai. Conf. Polyb. v. c. 9 — 1 1. 7) Strabo, ix. p. 642. B. : (piXiKov yap iravrb toiovtov itTrb twv bfiorpa- TTE^oiv ap^aiiivov Kai biioan6vSu)v Kai bixopioipiiov, Conf. Ph. G. van Heusde, Diatr. in Civitates antiquas, (1817,) p. 3, sqq. 8) See Wachsm. Antiq. i. 1. j. 104, sqq., and Tittm. on the Amphic- tyonic League, §. 89, sqq. By no means amiss is the classification of those who resorted to them ascribed to Pythagoras, (Diogen. viii. &,) according to the three main springs of human action, (Plat. Rep. ix. p. 580, E. F.) tig Travr]yvpiv oi ptv dyoji'iovntvoi, ol Si Kar tinropiav, ol Ts ys f5t\riaroi ipxovrai Qiarai : conf. Menand. p. 166, ed. ."(leinek., and Dio Chrysost. Or. xxvii. p. 287. ed. Morell. The same clatsifination is found in Philo Judaeus, de Animalibus adv. Alexandrum, p. 152. edit. Venet. Armen. Hence the expressions, ayopd TcvXaiKr), mercatus Olympiitcas, (Veil. Pa- terc. i. 8 ; Justin, xiii. 5), in Delo, (Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 11 ; Pans. iii. 23.2; Spanheim. ad Callim. H. in Del. v. 16. 316), as at tho Fanum Feroniffi et Capena, Liv. i. 30. See also Paus. x. 32. 9 ; Strab. x. p. 744. B. : 7) Trai'ljyvpig ijttTropiicov Trpoy^ta. 9) 'Ifpojujji'ia, (Dorv. ad Char. p. 514. ed. Lips.) or, tKexn-pia, (Ca- saub. ad Strab. viii. p. 529. ed. Almel.), also (rnovSai, as, for instance, 'OXujK TTtaicai ap. /Eschin. de Fals. Leg. c. 4, and Schol. ; hence, mrovSotpo- poi'HXtToi, conf. Dissen. ad Pind. Isthm. ii. p. 494, sqq., andMiiller's Do- rians, vol. i. p. 280. In the case also of the Eleusinian festivals, ^Eschin, 1. 1. c. 37, mentions cr7rovSo(l)6povg rag ixvarrjpiiiJTtdag (nrovSag onrayykX- Xovrag (or, tTrayy. : comp. Thucyd. v. 49 ; viii. 10.) See Pollux, i. 36 ; Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. p. 108. 10) 'EmiiiVa, Polyain. viii. 35; conf. Photii Biblioth. p. 524. ed. Hoepnel. (p. 321. 1. 4. Bekkeri,) Koivrjg ajxipolv topTijg ' AvoXXtiJvog iv- (TTUffrig dvoxdg tdivro. 11) Tfavrjyvptig, comp. Isocr. Paneg. c. 12, and the enumeration of them by Boeckh ad Pind. 01. vii. p. 175, sqq. ; Wachsm. i. 1. $. 107. 12) Hence, v~iKai Ik ■mpiKTibfuji', Pindar. Nem. xi. 19 ; Isthm. vii. 64; comp. Nem. vi. 40 : iv dp,iKrt6v(ov rawpo^orr^J rpuTtjpiSi. SECT. 11.] OF GREECE. 23 13) On this subject in general, see P. Fabri Agonisticon s. de re athletica ludisque veterum libri iii. (Lugd. 1592,) (and in Gron, Thes. viii.,) E. Corsini Dissertaliones Agonisticae. (Lips. 1752,) and jNlanso, iiber den Antheil d. Griechen an den Olynip. Spielen, (Bresl. 1792.) 14) So likewise the Nemean are connected by tradition with the Expedi- tion of the Seven against Thebes, (Ophelias, conf. Heyne ad Apollod. iii. 6.4;) in the Isthmian, Athens afterwards had a place of honour in the name of the Ionian race. On the former in general see Villoison in the Hist, de I'Acad. des Inscr. xxxviii. p. 29, sqq. ; on the latter, INIassieu, ibid. t. V. p. 214, sqq. They were founded by Sisyphus in memoiy of Me- licerta (Palaemon.) Comp. Apollod. iii. 4, 1 ; Pans. ii. 1. 3. Theseus sub- sequently dedicated them to Neptune, and ensured to his own nation the Trpof^pi'a oaov di' ToTTOv tTTiaxy KciTairiTaaQiv to rtji; Geiopi^oQ viutc; lariov, Plut. Thes. 25; conf. filiiller's Orchom. §. 176. In considering the cha- racter of these institutions it must not be overlooked that they were founded by the two exterminators of aS,it'oi, such as Busiris, Sinnis, Sciron, etc. (comp. Xen. Mem. ii. 1. 14 ; Plut. v. ; Thes. c. 6, sqq.) Theseus and Hercules (see below, §. 23.) Compare also Rochefort, Observations gene- rales sur I'etat de la Grece avanl le regne de Thesee, pris pour I'epoque de la naissance des siecles heroiques, in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xxxvi. p. 481, sqq. ; and Plass, §. 353, sqq., 387, sqq. §.11. Even :;he Amphictyonies were but the stated meetings of tribes possessing some common sanc- tuary, v/ithout regard to difference of origin \ for the sole purpose of promoting harmony and celebrating common festivals, not from motives of foreign policy or party views ^ In these respects they were distin- guished not only from leagues offensive and defen- sive 3, but also, thovigh often confounded with them *, from coalitions of kindred clans, which, although mu- tually independent, continued to transact affairs of common interest in general assemblies, at the same time honouring the deity of their race by a common fes- tival ^ It is far more difficult to ascertain the distinc- tion between Amphictyonic assemblies and irregular festivals, since little is known of most of the Am- phictyonies beyond the fact of their existence ^ whilst their appearance in historical times, under totally altered circvnnstances and relations, affords scarcely a trace of their original distinctive character. Among the Amphictyonies must, for instance, be reckoned the confederacy of ^Egina, Athens, Prasia, Nauplia, 24 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Cchap. i. and the Boeotian Orchomenos, of which the assem- bhes were held in the temple of Neptune, in the island Calauria^; and that which met at Onchestus in the Haliartian territory ^ : although the periods in which these two Amphictyonies rose and flourished belong to a very remote antiquity, we first read of them in Strabo. The assemblies at the temple of Apollo in Delos ^ probably acquired the Amphictyonic character after the restoration of the temple by the Athenians ^^ With these may be connected, but only on conjecture, the assemblies held, even as late as the time of Livy ^^, in the temple of Diana at Amaryn- thus in Euboea ; where, according to Strabo, there was extant in his time, engraved on a pillar, a law prohibiting the use of missile weapons in hostilities between Chalcis and Eretria '^. But the most cele- brated Amphictyonic assembly, and that of which we can speak most positively, was held at Thermopylae in the temple of the Pythian Apollo : its importance in history demands for it a more particular consider- ation ^^. 1) 'AfinQ Kal iro- XiiQ a/0oj' tKnary lovvai, ry fiiu Ka9' avTr)v, ry ct fii6' tTtpag f; fxtTci vXewi'ow iXTroSiiKai Si koi rdg 'AfxipiKTvoviKaQ SiKag (conf. Dem. Cor, p. 331. 28 ; Plut. Cimon. c. 8) oaai TToKiai Trpbg TroXttc ftVi" vcrfpov S' dWai TrXtiowc SiaTC!S.sig yeyo- vaaiy 'ioig KartKvOy] k«i tovto to avfrayfia, KaBc'nrtp koi to Toir 'Ax^iuov. The Scholiast on Eur. Or. 1087, makes him to have founded (B. C. 1361) the Delphic Amphictyony on the plan of that at Thermopyla;, and to have then united the two. Comp. Tittm. $.29, and the conjectures of VVachsm. Ant. i. 1. §. 118, and Miiller, Dorians, vol. i. p. 412. The name Acri- sius was probably nothing more than a personification of the inseparable union of the Amphictyony: Jnxeparantius ; cotnp. G. Hermann, de hist. Gr. prim. p. 13. Ilelianicus, indeed, makes Acrisius to have resided in Larissa of Thessaly ; see Sturz, 1. c. p. 149 ; Mliller's Dor. i. p. 24. 2) Strabo : a'l /liv ovv irpwrai SwSiKa Xsyovrai KvvfXOttv 'iroXiig' iKcKTrt} S' iTTenipt TTvXayupav, dig Kor' irog ov(Ji]g ri/g avvoSov, lupog rt Kai [iiTO- TTupov vvnpov Si Kai nXtiovg ^vvfjXdov noXeig, It used to be the opinion SECT. 14.] OF GREECE. 31 that the iapivt) irvKaia was held at Delphi, the fiiro-irioQivt) at Thermo- pylae ; but see Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 119.; and Bbckh adC.Inscr. i. p. 808. 3) Her. vii. 200 ; cornp. Hiillmann's Anf. d. gr. G. $. 164. 4) jEschin. adv. Ctesiph. 38 ; tKKXijaiav yap Xiyovaiv, orav [li) fiovov Tovg TTvXayopag Kal tovq itQOf.ivS)fxovaQ avyKaKkaojaiv uWa Kai tovq avv- Qvovraq icai ^pw/nti/ovc r(p 06(p. Comp. Tittmann, §. 89; also to koivov Twv 'AiKpiKT., Dem. de Cor. p. 278. 5) WvXayopca and — oi, conf. Bremi ad iEschin. adv. Ctesiph. 35 ; Schffif. App. ad Demosth. ii. p. 216. 6) Letronne 6claircissemens sur les fonctions des magistrats appeles Mnemons, Hieromnemons, Promnemons, et sur la composition de I'assem- blee Amphictyonique, Mem. de ITnst. (Acad, des Inscr.) t. vi. (1822), p. 221 — 261. According to him the Fylagorae were charged with the po- litical, the Hieromnemons with the religious duties of the league. 7) C. Inscr. t. i. p. 807, 1. 40: a tvoXiq, i% dg k y 6 tapo/xva'/xwj'. Conf. Dem. Cor. p. 276. 22 : ti nkv tovtov roiv Trap' tavrov ireiXTrojj.ipwv Uponvi]fi6r(jjv elfjijytlro Tig. 8) ^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 36. 9) Hence also called iipoypap^aTilg. Among the Dorians any person in office was called fivdiiui', Comp. Gcittling ad Arist. Polit. p. 421 ; Titt- mann, §, 84. 10) See in particular the decree in the C. Inscr. p. 807. H) .(Esch. 1. 1. c. 38 : rtXog dk i^?j0i^ovr«t i'jKEiv tovq icpojxvy'jfiovag TTpb Tfjg (.TTiovaijg irvXaiag tp pf)Tii> XP^^V *'C HuXag tyovTag d6yp.a, K. T. \. 12) As Cottyphus, ibid. Comp. Tittm. §, 87. But the decree mentions as eponymus a upivc, or the archon of Delphi. See Boeckh ad C. I. p. 808.823 ; Tittm. gr. Staatsv. §. 384 ; Letronne (p. 246) is wrong. 13) Comp. Valois, iii. p. 224, sqq. ; Letronne, p. 249, sqq. 'ispofivi)- fiMv iXiyETo 6 ■Kip.noj.if.vog avvtdpog tig Tovg ' AiKpiKviovag VTrkp Ti)g tto- Xewg, Ulpian. ad Demosth. (adv. Tiraocr. p. 747. 2.) t. v. p. 239. B. ed. Wolf. The phrase in Dem. Cor. p. 278. 23 : tTrtXOs'iv rovg wXayopag Kal Tovg avviSpovg, is expressed by ^Esch. I.e., Tovg upofivi^piovag kuI TTvXayopag i'lKtiv ilg rbv ahrov totzov : and, 'iSo^t Toig TrvXayopaig Kal Toig avviSpotg, runs in the C. Insc. p. 816, tSo^t Totg itpofivijixocn Kal Toig ayoparpolg, which reminds one exactly of the Attic, iSo^i Ty ^ovXy Kal T(f £)jpi{t. 14) ^schin. 1. c. 36—38. 15) Accordingly in Dem. pro Cor. 1. c, we hear of av9p(t>Trovg avei- povg Xdywi', k. r. X. Was the office for life! Aristoph. Nubb. 619: Xa- XiJ^P Tf/rfc hponvt]fiov(iv. 16) Dem. 1. c. p. 276 ; iEschin. 1. 1. c. 35 : whence o'l dtl nvXayo- povvTcg, c. 39 ; conf. Weisk. ad Longin. p. 487. 17^ iEschin. F. L. c. 32 : ... tovtmv tSti^a iKauTov iQvog iaoxpij^ov yivofiivov, TO psyiffTov T(p iXaxiOTtj}, Tov TjKovTa iK Aiopiov (!) Kal ILvTiviov I'cro*' Svvdfttvov AaKiSaifiovioig' £vo yap \l/))(povg (KaaTov )v tots ftiv AioXida, vvv Sk QeTTokiav (caXov- fi'evr)v; comp. also Herod. 1. c. According to Veil, these were the Myrmi- dons, whom Homer indeed, Iliad ii. 681, calls masters of tlie llfXaayiKov "Apyng. On this name see Strabo, viii. 568. B.; ix. 659. B.; 676. B.; it belonged, however, to only one part of the population. Homer recognises ten independent principalities in that territory. The other general names, such as Hffimonia, etc. are entirely mythical. 12) See above, §. 12. n. 7. 13) Besides, Diodor. I.e.; Thucyd. vii. 57; Pausan, x. 8. 3 ; Plut. Quaest. Symp. vi. 8. 1, and others, call the Boeotians yEolians. On the holism of their dialect, see Boeckh, ad C. Inscr. i. p. 717 — 726. 14) Sixty years after the fall of Troy ; Thucyd. i. 12 ; conf. Plut. v. Cimon. 1 ; Strab. ix. 630. C; Phot. Bibl. 1. c. 15) Were they already in possession of part of that country? see Horn. II. ii. 494, sqq. ; and on the uncertainty of the situation of Arne, Facius ad Pausan. ix. 12. But on this subject in general, consult Miiller's Or- chom. §. 391—396. 16) Not to mention the mythical Hectenes, Acnes, Hyantes, and others. Comp. Strab. vii. 494. C; ix. 609. A.; 615. C; Pausan. ix. 5. 1. On JEonia. as a poetical common name, see Serv. ad Virg. Eclogg. x. 12 j Valcken. ad Eurip. Phoen. v. 645. 17) Comp. Strab. ix. p. 635, sqq.; Pausan. ix. 34, sqq.; and Buttmann on the Minyae; Abh. d. Berl. Acad. 1820; Mythologus, ii. 194—245; O. Miiller's Orchomenos. 18) Herod, v. 57 ; Diodor. iv. 66, etc.; cf. Mailer's Orchom. §. 118. 19) The Schol. on Eurip. Orest. v. 902, Qp^^ tK AiXfwi'^, refers to these, who must (with Thucyd. ii. 29,) be clearly distinguished from the barbarous Thracians of the north. They spread over Phocis (Daulis) and Euboea, (the Abantes, Strab. x. p. 682. A.) See Wachsm. Ant. i. 1. §. 33 ; and Miiller, Orchom. §. 379 — 390, who attempts to explain all the myths concerning Orpheus, Musjeus, Eumolpus, etc., by referring to this people and their worship of the Muses on Helicon and in its vicinity: comp. also Strab. ix. p. 629. A.; and Hiillmann, Anfange, §. 46, who however seems to identify them with the Cadmeans. 20) The iEgidae in Sparta, (Herod, iv. 149 ; comp. Miiller's Orchom. §. 329, sqq.;) the Gephyrasi in Athens, (Herod, v. 57, sqq.; cf. Ruhnk. ad Veil. Paterc. p. 8 ; Creuzer's Symbol, iv. 421;) also the Cadmeans, Minya;, and Abantes, in the Dorian and Ionian settlements in Asia Minor, in Thera, etc.; see Herod, i. 146; Pausan. vii. 2 — 4. A weak remnant of the Minyae (originally however from Lemnos) continued to form a dis- tinct state in the district called Triphylia or Parorea, between Messenia and Elis,(Lepreata;,) Herod, iv. 148 ; vui.73; Strab. viii. 519. C; 534. A.; comp. Muller, Orch, §. 360—376. '^ The Delphians used the Thracian names of the months. See Mui. Crit. vol. ii. p. 539. Tuans. SECT. 16.] OF GREECE. 35 21) Ephor. ap. Strab. ix. p. 616. A.; coll. p. 629, A.; Diodor. xix. 53. These Pelasgi, as the legend ran, were a branch of the Tyrrheni ; comp. Uionys. Hal. i. 28. Miiller, Orchom. §. 437, sqq., gives a very different account, declaring them to be identical with the Cadmeones, whilst those authors make the latter to have become incorporated with the Boeotians, and to have returned with them. 22) Compare Raoul Rocliette, i. 418 — 429, and the authorities cited above, §. 6. n. 9. §. 16. Whether these events were in any way con- nected with the Dorian invasion, which so soon fol- lowed, is the more difficult to ascertain, because the generally received account makes the first attempt of the Dorians, under Hyllus the son of Hercules, to have happened if not before ', at any rate during ^ the Trojan war. The information we possess con- cerning this people, gives us no clear insight into their history previous to this attempt ^. Phthiotis, the most ancient Hellas, is pointed out as their original abode under Deucalion, the mythical father of their race. We next find them in Histiaeotis engaged in a contest with the Lapithae, to whom, apparently, the Perrhaebi had been forced to yield the territory an- ciently possessed by the Pelasgi about the Peneus*. Being driven from Histiaeotis by the fugitive Cad- meones^, the Dorians seem to have settled for a time about mount Pindus, where they obtained the name of Macedones, and at length to have conquered the Dryopian district^, between Parnassus and mount CEta, whence we see them advancing to the south in the train of the Heraclidae 7. The Isthmus, however, appears to have long presented an insurmountable barrier to their progress; but at last, (B. C. 1104,) in conjunction with the ^Etolians, under Oxylus, they forced tlieir way into the Peloponnesus by crossing the strait at Rhium^. 1) Conf. Herod, ix. 26; and Larcher, Chron. d'H^rodote, t. vii. p. 492, sqq.; Manso's Sparta, i. 2, §. 60 — 62. The genealofry ran thus; Her- cules, Hyllus, Cieodaius, Aristomachus, Temenus and his brothers. Hyl- lus fell by the hand of Echemus before Tegea. From Eurystheus (see 36 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ir. Eurip. Heracl. ; coll. Plat. Menex. p. 239. B.; Diodor. iv. 57 ; Paus. i. 32. 5,) descended (Thucyd. i. 9,) Atreus, Agamemnon, Orestes, Tisame- nus. In the interval between the two attempts, Tlepolemus went to Rhodes. See Horn. II. ii. 653, sqq.; Pind. Olymp. vii. 36, sqq. 2) According to Clavier, Hist. d. pr. t. ii. p. 4. 3) Ilerod. i. 56 ; comp. Clavier, ii. 9 ; Beck, §. 826 ; Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 51—66. 4) Strab. ix. p. 671, sqq, 5) Diodor. iv. 67. 6) Herod, vrii. 43. The Dryopes (see above, §. 12. n. 4) formed nev? settlements in Hermione and Asine in the Peloponnesus, at Styra and Ca- rystus in Euboea, in Cythnus and elsewhere. Comp. Paus. iv. 34. 6, Raoul-Rochette, i. 434, sqq. ; MliUer's Dorians, i. p. 97. 7) That district continued still to be considered their mother-country, (fit)Tf)6iTo\iQ,) Herod, viii. 31 ; Thucyd. iii. 92. It contained four cities, (rjrprtTToXic. comp. Strab. ix. 954. A.; Scymn. Chius, v. 591): viz. Erineus, Boion, Cytinium, and Pindus or Acyphas. The fourth is omitted by Thucyd. i. 107, Diodor., and others; some, on the other hand, mention as many as six. Comp. IVIeurs. Misc. Lace. iii. 9 ; Hemsterh. ad Schol. Aristoph. Plut. v. 385; Raoul-Rochette, 11. p. 249—256. c; Add. iv. p. 392 ; Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 41 — 45. 8) Vid. ApoUod. ii. 8 ; Paus. v. 3, 5, et plur. ap. Clavier, ii. 43, sqq. §. 17. The Arcadians were at this time the only surviving remnant of the Pelasgi \ according to tradi- tion the earliest possessors of the Peloponnesus^. These, although weakened by their division into a number of petty states ^, successfully maintained their independence against the Dorian intruders*. The empire of the iEgiates in Sicyon^ had fallen into decay since the settlement of the vEolic family of the Sisyphidae^ in Corinth, and of the lonians in the twelve cities on the northern coast ^. The Achaean family ^ of the Atridae reigned, in Mycenae ^, over Ar- golis and Lacedaemon, which the marriage of Orestes the son of Agamemnon with Hennione the daughter of Menelaus ^^ had united under the same monarch. Messenia was governed by a branch of the same family ". The kingdom of the Nelidae in Pylos ^^, on the coast, comprised Triphylia and southern Elis or Pisa^^: northern Elis^"* was inhabited by the Epeans^, who, being of the same race with the ^^tolians ^^, readily SECT. 17.] OF GREECE. 37 amalgamated with the followers of Oxylusi?. From this point the march of the Dorians appears to have lain along the coast ^^ ; sixty years after Melanthus had abandoned Pylos to them ^^ we find them on the frontiers of Attica, where his son Codrus fell in op- posing them. The Achaeans, driven from their pos- sessions by these intruders, wrested, in their turn, the northern parts of the Peloponnesus from the lonians. The latter, after finding shelter for a time in Attica, migrated to Asia Minor : the territory from which they had been expelled ever afterwards bore the name of Achaia^^ 1) Compare Beck, §. 349, sqq. ; Clavier, i. p. 43, sqq. 2) Thus much of real history seems concealed in the ancient genealogy given by Apollod. ii. 1. The sons of Inachus, /Egialeus and Phoroneus, represent two main divisions of one and the same people, although other accounts date the kings of Sicyon from 235 years before Inachus, (Euseb. Chron. p. 121.) The state of Argos commences with Phoroneus, (Pans, ii. 15. 5,) whose son Apis is a personification of its ancient name Apia, (comp. Siebel. ad Istri Fragm. p. 71 ; Buttm. Lexil. i. §. 67, 68,) which is as wrongly applied to the whole of the Peloponnesus as ^Egiala;a in Syncell. p. 78. b. Argos and Pelasgos, the grandsons of Phoroneus, (see other JMyths in Sturz ad Ilellan. Fgm. p. 50, 51,) represent the separation of Argos from Arcadia, which at all events was an historical fact even if considered (see Clavier, and Raoul-Rochette, i. 202) a result of the changes which the name Danaiis mythically intimates. See below. 3) This rests on the genealogy of Pelasgus in Paus. viii. 1, sqq. Comp. Rabaut. de St. Etienne sur I'hist. prim. p. 162 — 178 ; Clavier, i. 122, sqq. ; Kortiim hell. Staatsv. p. 156—164. 4) See Herod, ii. 171 ; Strab. viii. p. 514. B, and the legendary causes in Paus. viii. 5. 4 ; I'olysen. Strategg. i. 7. flence they were called Au- tochthones, Herod, viii. 73; Xen. Flell. vii. 1. 23 ; Demosth. de F. L, p. 424. extr. Paus. v. 1.1; and irpoaikrivoi, Apollon. Rhod. iv. 264 ; Lu- cian. Astrol. 26; Schol. Aristoph. Nubb. 397 ; conf. Heyne de Arcadibus luna antiquioribus, in his Opusc. Acad. ii. p. 332 — 353, and Gottling in the Hermes, 1824 ; vol. xxiii. $. 90. 5) For the lists of its kings see Paus. ii. 5, 6 ; and more fully in Euseb. Chron. pp. 122, sqq. ed. Armen. 6) Comprising six generations, according to Paus. ii. 4. 3. Comp. Beck, $. 865, 8G6. The more ancient kings, [Marathon, Polybus, etc. are found again in Sicyon. Compare on this subject in general, Cic. Nonnen spec, antiq. Corinth. (Bremae, 1747,) C. Wagner rer. Corinth, spec. (Uarmst. Iil24.) Sicyon itself became subject to Argos after the death of Polybus, (or of Adrastus, comp. Herod, v. 67,) or to Mycenae, (Paus. ii. 6. 4.) 7) The chief authority is Herod, vii. 94: 'luiviq ft, oaov ^iv XP'"'0»' tv Tlt\oTrov%'i)(Ttf) o'lKiov Tijv vvv Ka\(Ofi(x>t]v 'Axadtiv, Kai irpiv rj Aa- 38 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. vaov Tt Kai aovOov cnriKSffdai tig HtXoTrovvrjffov, iKoKeovro UtXaayoi AiytaXng, tni di "liovog rov SovOov "liovtg. Comp. i. 145, and Strabo, viii. p. 587, sqq., who brings them out of Attica. 8) On the Acha-ans see Beck, §. 830 ; and on the sons of Achasus, Archander and Architeles, in particular, see Manso's Sparta, i. 2. (J. 52 — 54 ; Clavier on Apollod. ii. 87. Paus. vii. 1. 3 ; Svvi]9fi'riov St ti^'Apyti (cat AaKtSaij^tovi tiov 'Axaiov TraiSiov, tovq dvOpioTTovg IvTaiiOa f^tinKi]- ctv 'AxciiovQ K\r]Brii'ar tovto jitv (jcpiaiv '6%/ofia rjv tv Koivi^, Aavaoi Sk 'Apytioig iSiq,. According to Strabo, however, (viii. 561. C.) the Achaans fiist appeared with Pelops, comp. Clavier, Hist. d. pr. t. i. p. 292, sqq. Their name is also closely connected in the Peloponnesus with the royal family of the AtridaB, although the Heraclid Cleomenes in Herod, v. 72. calls himself an Achaean. JMiiller indeed, Orchom. 109 — 113, (comp. Pro- legg. §. 184, sqq.) considers the DanaV, who are generally brought from Egypt, as Achaans. The genealogy from Danaiis to Heracles ran thus, (Clavier, i. p. 185, sqq.) : Hypermnestra and Lynceus — Abas — Acrisius — Danae — Perseus — Alcaaus — Amphitryon — Hercules. 9) Strab. viii. 571. B. ; Euseb. Chron. p. 125. 10) Eurip. Orest. 1649; Paus. ii. 18. 5. The partition of Argolis be- tween Atreus and Thyestes (Euseb. Chron. ii. p. 75. ed. Armen.) ceased on the accession of Agamemnon, Iliad, ii. 108; "Apyt'i Travrl dvdffmov. But in what relation did he stand to Diomed of Argos'? (Iliad, ii. 559 — 580; Clavier, i. p. 312, sqq.) Did it depend on the still more ancient division of the country between Proetus, the brother of Acrisius, and the sons of the .lEolid Amythaon, Bias and Melampus, the ancestors of the seven chiefs who commanded against Thebes (comp. Diodor. iv. 68 ; Paus. ii. 18. 4)? 11) Diodor. xv. 66 ; Strab. viii. 541. D. ; but comp. p. 550. A. : fitrd Sk TijV Mfj'fXaou TiXtvTriv, i^affOtvijffdvroiv rwv SiaSi^itfisvojv t})v dp- X^v, ol titiXilSai TTJg Mta(Tt}viag kirfjpxov. 12) iEolians ; see Apollod, i. 9. 9 ; Diodor. iv. 68 ; Paus. iv. 2, 3. 13) Is Homer's Pylos the Messenian or rather the Triphylian? Schiine- mann, Geogr. Homer, p. 35, sqq. ; Rliiller, Orchom. §. 363, sqq, ; comp. Strab. xiv, p. 938, C. : oirt Mtaaljvioi /cai ol IlvXioi avyykvtidv Tiva irpocnroiovvTai, Kad' rjv /cot Mtaffljpiov top NsoTopa o'l vtojTipoi Troii]Tai \A) Strab. viii. p. 519. It was not till afterwards that the name Elis was extended as far as the frontiers of JMessenia. Id. p. 545. B. 15) .(Eolians consequently, Strab. viii. p. 514. B. 16) Comp. IManuerl's Geogr. viii. §. 483 ; Heyne ad Iliad, t. iv, p. 342. 17) Herod, viii, 73, Paus. v, 1, 2, and others, call the I^leans of a later period a colony of ^itolians, led by Oxylus ; and it is very possible that an attempt to reconcile the discrepancy of history by a genealogy made Epeus and .^Etolus sons of Eudymion and great grandsons of /Eolus, although the common tradition rather made the /Etolians a branch of those Epeans who had taken refuge in Acarnania, when expelled from Elis by the Curetes. 'Ihe dilhculty was perceived even by Strabo, x. p. 711. 8. Hence Oxylus is sometimes represented to have formed the settlement only after a struggle — sometimes, unopposed. Comp, Paus, v. 18, 2, and Strabo, viii. 543. D, with 548, A. sqq. ; also Miiller's Dorians, i p, 70 — 74. SECT. 18.] OF GREECE. 39 18) Pausanias, indeed, (iv. 5. 1,) makes them to have been led by Oxylus right through Arcadia. 19) Strabo, viii. p. 550. A. ; ix. 602. A. ; Paus. ii. 18. 7. More will be said on this point in treating of Athens. 20) Herod, i. 145 ; Polyb. ii. 41 ; Strab. viii. 561. D. ; Paus. vii. 1. 3. Comp. Raoul-Rochette, iii. p. 9, sqq. §. 18. The three provinces governed by the Atridae ' were thereupon divided among the sons of the king Aristomachus^ : Temenus, being the eldest, had Argos, the seat of the former government^; Cresphontes is said to have gained the best share, Messenia, by craft*; Procles * and Eurysthenes, the infant sons of Aristo- demus, were put off with Laconia, the worst lot of the three. Dorian adventurers from Argos ^ formed various independent settlements in its neighbourhood; Deiphontes'' at Epidaurus, Phalces^ at Sicyon, Aletes^ at Corinth. Attica lost at least the Megarid ^^, which from this time ranked as a Dorian state, at first de- pendent on Corinth, as JEgina, was on Epidaurus i^, but afterwards independent ^^. It is not, however, to be concluded that all these conquests were achieved at once ; it appears, on the contrary, that a consider- able number of the Achaeans, retreating to the fast- nesses of the country, boldly held out against the in- vaders i^, whilst others entered into peaceable and friendly relations with them^*. It is certain that Amy- clae and other cities were not reduced by the Spartans till a full century later '^, and that Achaean colonies continued to issue from Lacedasmon so late as the eighth and seventh centuries B. C. ^^ 1) On the traditions that Hercules had possessed all that territory partly by right of inheritance and partly by conquest, (Isocr. Archid. p. 284 ; Apollod. ii. 7. 3 ; A-LVmn. Vet. Hist. iv. 5 ; Paus. ii. 18. 6 ; comp. Cla- vier, i. p. 251, sqq.), see Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. pp. 53. 285. 425. 2) See, besides the authorities already given. Plat, de Legg. iii. 5. p. 683. D.; Wachsm. Ant. i. 1. §. 319, and Kortdm Gesch, Hell. Staatsv. $.33. 3) Herod, i. 1 : to Si 'Apyog tovtov top xP°'^^'^' "■pott^j airaai ruiv iv ry vvv 'EWciSt KaXtofjifvy X'*'Py* 40 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. 4) See Eurip. ap. Strab. viii. p. 563. B. The stratagem is variously related ; comp, Apollod. ii. 8. 4 ; Paus. iv. 3. 3 ; Schol. Soph. Ajac. v. 1285 ; Polyaen. i. 6. The fox was the symbol of Messenia. 5) Another reading is Patrocles. But see Marx, ad Eph. pp. 109, 110. 6) Compare Miiller, i. p. 94, sqq. ; Raoul-Rochette, iii. p. 21, sqq. 7) Paus. ii. 26. 2 ; comp. Miiller, JEgin. p. 40. 8) Paus. ii. 6. 4. 9) Diodor. Frag. L. vii. (t. iv. p. 13. ed. Bipont.) According to the Scholiast on Pind. 01. xiii. 17, thirty years after the first arrival of the Heraclidas. It is to be remarked that this genealogy ascends in a distinct line from that of the others directly to Hercules. Compare on this subject in general, Ruhnk. ad Veil. Paterc. i. 3 ; Marx, ad Eph. p. 112 ; Wagner, 1. c. p. 80. 10) Herod, v. 76 ; Strab. ix. p. 602. B. ; xiv. p. 965. C. ; Paus. i. 39. 4 ; comp. Raoul-Rochette, iii. §. 55 ; Reinganum's Megaris, §. 64 j Welcker's Prolegg. ad Theogn. Reliq. p. xviii. 11) Herod, v. 83 ; comp. Miiller, J^ginet. p. 43, sqq. 12) See Miiller, i. p. 218, and the interpretations of the proverb Awq Kopivdog, given on Pind. Nem, vii. 155, and Aristoph. Ran. 442. See also Wagner, 1. c. sub. fin. 13) Compare Miiller, i. p. 90, sqq. ; Temenion in Argos (Pausan. ii. 38. 1) ; and Solygios in Corinth (Thucyd. iv. 42). But were MycenK and Tiryns still Achaean in the time of the Persian war, as he asserts {i.§. 83, coll. ii. §. 56) 1 Is not their independence at that time (Herod, ix. 28) rather connected with the events related by Herod, vi. 83."? Herod, viii. 73 is also adverse to Miiller's hypothesis. 14) Some accounts make the earliest kings of the invaders to have in- curred the hatred of their Dorian followers by lenity to the vanquished, and hence some explain the circumstance that the names of neither Cres- phontes, Procles, nor Eurysthenes were assumed by their descendants, who are called ^pytidae, Eurypontidaj, and Agidae respectively (Buttra. Mythol. ii. 267.) See Ephor. ap. Strab. viii. p. 555. A. ; 563. A. ; coll. Paus. iv. 3. 4. In Corinth Aleles allowed the dethroned kings, Doridas and Hyantidas, to live in his neighbourhood (Paus. ii. 4. 3.) But may we venture so far as to recognise the Nelida; as independent in Pylos so late as the second Messenian war, as Miiller has done, vol. i. p. 114, on the au- thority of Strab. viii. p. 545. A. ; coll. Paus. iv. 18. 1. and 23. 1. 15) Paus. iii. 2; comp. Manso's Sparta, i. 2. §. 138—140; Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 405. This is generally explained to have been in consequence of a revolt. Comp. Clavier, ii. ^. 168, sqq. 16) A further account will be given below, chap. iv. Meantime comp. Raoul-Rochette, iii. pp. 113. 188. 195. §. 19. In the treatment of the inhabitants of the countries conquered, a striking difference is very visible. Part of them^ remained in the enjoyment of personal freedom and retained their lands, but were compelled to pay tribute and to bear a portion of all SECT. 19,] OF GREECE. 41 the burdens of the state '^j without participating in the rights of citizenship. They bore the general name of Perioeci^, as forming the rustic population around the capital. In Argos they appear to have been distin- guished by the appellation Orneatag * ; in Laconia they were called Lacedaemonians by way of distinction from the pure Spartan race 5. They were distributed into certain districts^; subsequently, after the com- plete reduction of the country, we read of one hun- dred such 7. But the inhabitants of the conquered cities experienced a much harder lot, differing in fact from that of slaves in other countries only in the cir- cumstance that their owners were not at liberty to kill or to sell them out of the country S; they tilled the soil, paying their masters a fixed portion of the annual produce 9; attended them on military service as servants, OepdcTrovrei;'^'^, acting at the same time as light armed troops ", whence they were called Kopv- vQfopoi in Sicyon, and in Argos Tvjxv^rei; or rt;/AV7j ^ovKivovTMv, and Wachsm. i. 1. ^. 322. PART II. Of the internal Institutions of the Dorians. Of the Governments of Crete and Lacedesmon. §. 20. Tradition connects with a king named ^^g\- mius, son of Dorus, all that we know concerning the primitive institutions of the Doric race ^ He appears to have ceded a third part of his dominions to Her- cules, in return for assistance against the Lapithse^. From Hyllus, the son of the hero, and the monarch's two sons, are said to have arisen the names of the three Doric Phylae, viz. Hyllasi, Dymanes, and Pam- phyles^, which were found in every Doric settlement*. Hence Homer ^ mentions a threefold division of even the Dorians of Crete, who are represented to have settled there under Tectamus, a son of Dorus ^ ; so that even the legislation of Minos must be considered Dorian 7. Should however the colonies M'hich were led by PoUis and Althaemenes from the Peloponnesus to Lyctos, Gortyna, and other parts of the island, sixty or eighty years after the invasion of the Hera- 44 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. clidae^, be considered as the first Dorian settlements in Crete, still the great resemblance between their in- stitutions ^ and the subsequent enactments of Lycur- gus, clearly indicates a Doric origin. 1) Find. Pyth. i. J24 ; conf. Miiller, ii. p. 12. There was an epic poem on iEgimius ; comp. Valck. Emend, i. 32 ; Valck. ad. Eurip. Phce- niss. p. 735 ; G. E. Groddeck in the 13ibl. fUr a. Lit. u. Kunst, ii. p. 84, sqq. 2) Apollod. ii. 7. 7 ; Diodor. iv. 37. On Hercules as the national deity of the Dorians, comp. Miiller, i. 446. 455. Are the Heraclidae to be con- sidered Achaeans, with Herodotus, (v. 72,) or Dorians, as Miiller main- tains (i. 56, sqq.) ■? Hdllmann also calls them a Doric clan, Anfiinge der Gr. Gesch. §. 122. 3) Conf. Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 114 ; Marx, ad Ephori Frgm. p. 97; Bockh in the Heidelb. Jahrb. 1818, §. 307 ; expl. Find. p. 234 ; ad C. Inscr. i. p. 579 and 609 ; Miiller's Orchom, §. 314 ; Dorians, ii. p. 76 ; Wachsm. Ant. ii. 1. §. 15. 4) Here and there united with a Phyle of the natives, as with the ^gi- aleis in Sicyon, Herod, v. 68 ; the Hyrnethii in Argos, Steph. Byz. s. v. AvfjLdv, coll. Boeckh. ad. C. 1. p. 579. 5) Odyss. xix. 177: rpixaiKec', conf. Hesiod. ap. Etymol. M. p. 768 ; Sylb. and Strab. x. p. 728. C. sqq. ; Hoeck's Creta, ii. 17, sqq. ; Miiller, i. p. 35, and Frolegg. §. 399. 6) Diodor. iv. 60; v. 80; Raoul-Rochette, Hist, des col. Gr. ii. 132, sqq. ; Clavier, Hist. d. pr. t. i. 338. On the several Teutami, see Miil- ler's Etrusker, i. 94. 7) Minos is the adoptive son of Asterius, son of Tectamus. Compare Miiller, i. 38; and on Minos as legislator (in Gnossus) and the relation he bore to Rhadamanthus, see Diod. v. 78, 79 ; Strab. x. pp. 729, 730; also Hoeck. ii. 181 — 200, who however (§. 15 — 39) is decidedly opposed to the whole tradition, and denies that before the invasion of the Heraclidae Crete was at all under Doric influence ; comp. also Schlosser's Univ. histor. i. 1. §. 308 ; C.H. Weisse, de diversa naturas et rationis in civitati- bus constituendis indole, (Lips. 1823,) p. 118. On the other hand, see Buttm. Mythologus, ii. §. 211. 8) Althamenes issued from Argos, (Str. x. p. 735. A. ; xiv. p. 965. C.,) and also peopled Rhodes; (Conon. Narrat. 47; Apollod. iii. 2. 1. gives another account;) Pollis, from Laconia ; (Flat. qu. Gr. 21, and de Mull. Virt. p. 273, t. viii. Hutt. ;) whether he founded Gortyna (Conon. c. 36.) or Lyctos is uncertain ; the latter is at any rate considered a daughter state of Laceda^mon ; (Aristot. Polit. ii. 7. 1 ; Strabo, x. p. 737. A.); and strictest in maintaining the old Doric customs, from which Gnossus de- viated greatly. Both Althamenes and Pollis led out with their Dorian fol- lowers Minyas (Tyrrhenians'! see Miiller, Orch. §. 317,) and Achasans ; hence we find in C'rete the names of Peloponnesian cities, as Amyclag, My- cenaj, TherapnaB, and others. See Hoeck. ii. 417 — 477. 9) Plato calls them a5e\(povQ vofiovg, de Legg. iii. p. 683. A. Ac- cording to a common account, the Dorians had in fact only adopted the enactments of Minos : tvpfjaOai ^ty vit' tKtivoiv, ^K|0i/3wk£v«i Si tovq Siraprtara^ : compare Aristot. and Strab. 11. cc. Polybius (vi. 45, sqq.) SECT. 21.] OF GREECE. 45 Polybius's denial of all resemblance between them has reference to quite another period. §.21. The similarity which appears in the internal organisation^ of the Lacedaemonian and Cretan states^ is still, however, confined to the powers the magis- trates possessed, and the relation in which they stood to the general assembly of the people, which had merely to ratify or reject the decisions of the senate by a simple aye or no^. Crete was ruled by kings only in the earliest times ; in their stead arose ten cosmi, chosen without respect to merit'* out of particular families. They are commonly compared with the Spartan ephori^, but whatever execvitive powers the latter may have usurped in after times, they never had, like cosmi, the chief command in war. Of such cosmi as had discharged their duties blamelessly was composed the council of thirty, (yepova-ta, jSovX^,) who possessed the supreme executive and judicial power, without being either bound to follow any written system of law, or accountable for their proceedings ^. Cosmi were, however, not unfrequently deposed by their colleagues, or by powerful families ; occasionally the office was even wholly suspended, (aKoa-fAta,) a circum- stance which must have proved ruinous to those states '^, but for their isolated condition. 1) The chief authorities on the Cretan institutions are, Ephorus ap. Strabo, x. p. 735, sqq.; and Aristot. Pol. ii. 7; with Gottling's Excursus, §. 472, sqq.; Pastoret, Hist, de la Legisl. vol. v. pp. 63 — 196; Meurs. Greta, iii. c. 8 — 14. pp. 162—192 ; P. J. Bitaube in Mem. de I'lnst. Lit. et B. A. T. iii. p. 332, sqq.; Sainte-Croix des anciens gouv, federatifs, p. 329, sqq. ; Manso's Sparta, i. 2. §. 98 — 121 ; C. F. iS'eumann rerum Creticarum specimen. (Gcitt. 1820;) Tittmann's Gr. Staatsv. §. 412 — 420; Hoeck, iii. 1—139. 2) Although the several states were independent, their institutions were in all essential points the same. Miiller's Dorians, ii. 313, sqq.; Hoeck, iii. 21 ; Tittmann, §. 734. In cases of danger there was the (jvyKpijriafioQ. Plut. de Frat. Amor. c. 19. t. x. p. 64 ; Etymol. M. p. 732. 55. 3) '"EKKKriclaQ ^6 jutrs^offft -rravTiq' Kvpia 5' ovSevog irrriv d\X' fi rrvvtwiil/rf^iaai to. SoKovvra roig ykpovm Kai Toig Koafioig. Aristot. §. 4. 46 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ir. 4) riyvovrai ydf) ol Tuxovng., Aristotle, §. 5. Was it annually 1 Polyb. vi. 46 j conf. Hoeck, §. 48 ; Valck. ad Theocr. p. 272 : ol ad k. 5) Conf. Cic.de Rep. ii. 33; et plur. ap. Van. Dale Diss. ix. 2. p. 747—760; see, on tiie other hand, Miiller, ii. 130; Hoeck, §. 49. There was one point of resemblance between them, in that the year was named after the first Cosmus, vpioTOKoryjiog. 6) To yap diWTrtvGvvoi' kqI to Sui fiiov i.iti<^6v tffri y'spag ri]Q d^iag avTolg Kai to [it) (card ypufijiaTa dpxuv dW avToyvujf.toi>ag tmacpaXeg. Aristot. §. 6. 'J'he chief was called llptiyi(jTog ; conf. Valck. ad Iheocr. Adoniaz. p. 319,320. 7) Still these convulsions must have eventually brought on the demo- cracy which even Polybius reprobates. Several inscriptions (see, in par- ticular, Chishull, Antiq. Asiatt. Lond. 1728) show that though the names of the offices were retained, their relation to the state underwent a great change, and with this must have been connected the decay of that ancient discipline which had become proverbial among the ancients : comp. Wet- sten. ad Pauli Epist. ad Titum, t. ii. p. 370 ; Sainte-Croix, ut sup. p. 426, sqq.; and A. Mai ad Diodor. Fragm. Vat. p. 119, 120. §. 22. The resemblance between the manners and customs of the Cretans and LacediEmonians in private life is still greater : we may instance the warlike cha- racter of their education 2, the legal sanction of Pae- derasty^, the contempt of agriculture, which was left entirely to the perioeci and slaves, and a custom inti- mately connected with this state of things, that of common public tables, called ayiXat'^ (of youths), and avipeTa^ (of men). The land was not however in Crete, as in Sparta, equally divided, nor was it unalienable : the expenses of the syssitia were defrayed from a common fund, to which every one contributed a tenth of his income, and the government a portion of its revenues, which were derived partly from the pro- duce of public lands, partly from the tribute exacted of the periceci. The vassal population consisted of three classes, Cnc'^Kooi, corresponding to the Lacedae- monian periceci ; (^vuhai or iz-vZ-rai ', slaves belonging to the state; and KXapuTcci or afa-fA-iuTat, the property of individuals"; to whom must be added the x/»"^«J"?to*, .slaves purchased for domestic service in the cities. SECT. 22, 23.] OF GREECE. 47 1) Compare Sainte-Croix, p. 413 — 426. 2) Aristot. Polit. vii. 2. 5; Plat, de Legg. i. p. 625. D. ; ii. 666. E. j iv. 705. D. : comp. Ch. Engel, de lepublica militaii sive comparatio Lace- dsemoniorum, Cretensiutn et Cosaccorum, (Gtitl. 1790.) On the war- dances, TTvppixai, of the Curetes, see Lobeck. Aglaoph. p. 1126. 3) Plat, de Legg. i. p. 636. C; viii. p. 836. B.; Per. ad .^1. Vet. Hist, iii. 9 ; Miiiler, ii, p. 306—310 ; Hoeck. ill. 106—119. B. List, de amore Laeedaem. erga pueros honesto, (Lips. 1743.) Among both wrestlers at first contended naked, see Plat, de Republ. v. p. 452. C; comp. Thucyd. i. 6; Dionys. Hal. vii. 72 : " Flagiti principium est, nudare inter cives corpora." Ennius ap. Cic. Tuscul. iv. 33. 4) From their eighteenth year; comp. Hoeck. iii. 100, sqq. ; Miiiler, ii. p. 307 ; Children of a more tender age sat at their father's feet in the Sys- sita, JMiiller, ii. p. 295. 5) An important authority, besides those already quoted, is Athen. iv. 22. For a detailed aecount, see Hoeck, §. 120—139; MuUer, ii. 290, sqq. On the Syssitia in general, see Hiillmann's Anfiinge, §. 138, sqq. 6) Sosicrates ap. Athen. vi. 84 : r>]v juh' Koivrjv SovXiiav oi K.piJTfg KaXovcn p,voiav, TTfv Sk iciav CKpafULOTag, tovc ^f TrepwiKovg v7rT]K('>oL 7roX\))u avofiiav tv Ty TTUTplSi Kal XapiXaov TvpavviKwQ dpxoi'Ta (conf. Aristot. Pol. v. 10. 3) K. r, \. ; Plut. V. Lycurg. 2 : tov fikv S!]fiov Opaavvonevov, tuiv Ik vcTTtpov (iamXkiijv ra fikv aTnj(Qavofjikvit)v t<^ f^id^KrOai Tovg ttoWovq, tu Sk TTpbg X'^'^P''''' V ^'' uffdkveiav vTTo(pipofikv(ut', dvofiia Kal dra^ia KaTSffxs rriv 'ZirdpTtjv iivl 7ro\i;v %porov. Strabo indeed gives a quite different account, viii. p. 562. A. Plutarch (de Mjisicil, c. 42) also speaks of sedi- tion in Lacedaemon. 4) Plut. ibid. c. 7 : (iVrs fifj iraQtiv, a Mtffff/jvtot Kal 'Apyiioi roiiq Trap' avroig (iaffiXtiQ tSpaaav firjSkv ej'Sovvai firjdk xn^daai rrjg k^ov'/ iroXirtia Kat airoKKivovaa vvv fiiv U}q tovq jiaiJiXiig tTTi -vpai'viSa, vvv Si wg to TrXTyOoe tJrt hijyLOKpar'iav, o'lov ipfici Ti)v Twv yepovTwv ap\iiv tv p.(.(T(i) ^t^iivi] Kai i(7oppoir))(Tacfa ti]v atj^a- XtaTCLTTiv rd^iv t^x^ '^'^^ KUTciaTaaiv. 7) Hesjchius: 'VriTpai = (rvvQ^Kai ciaXoyiov. Conf. Ruhnk. adTim. Lex. Platou. p. 228 ; Sturz. Lex. Xenopb. t. iv. p. 7 ; Boeckh. ad C. Inscr. t. i. p. 28. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. xv. 1 : jSovXofiai ci Kai, ag ftaaiXii TTpbg T))v TToXiv (7vi>Qi)Kac 6 AvKovpyog iTroirjffs, CitjyijaaaOai, conf. Isocr. I. c: {'Hiig fiiv oiV /.lexP' Tavrrjg rT/f l]pipag tf^ifiii'tTt Tulg cvvBi)KuiQ Kai Tolg opKoig, oug iTroiijaaryQe irpog rovg npoyovovg Tovg ijjxtTipnvg, — Meffff/jvioi ci eig tovt' aertjitiag i/XOov, k. t. X. 'i'he king swore, on ascending the throne (Nicol. Damasc. p. 525) and at the commencement of every month, Kara Toi'g r»)c TroXiwg vojiovg jSamXttitiv, the people pledged themselves, sfnriSopKovi'Tog tKtivov acrrt'^fXticroi^ ti)v jiaaiXtiav Traps^tiv, see Xen. 1. 1. §. 7, and Plat, de Legg. iii. p. 684. A. 8) So Plut. V. Lye. c. 13. Others take it in a wider sense; Etymol. M. p. 703 : pijTpa yap Kara Awpulg 6 vofjiog ; see the anonymous writer in Spengel's Artium Scr. p. 224 ; and Mazocchi ad Tabb. Heracl. p. 235 ; also Muller, i. p. 153. 9) Herod, i. 65; Xen. Rep. Lac. viii. 5; Strab. xvi. p. 1105. C. et plur. ap. Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 6. 10) See, on this subject in general, INIerxlo de vi et efficacia oraculi Del- phici in Graecorum res. (Ultraj. 1822) and Piotrowski de gravitate oraculi Delphici, (Lips. 1829,) particularly §. 61, sqq. Hence the TlvOtoi in the royal train, dionpoiroi ig AiX(povg, Herod, vi. 57 ; comp. Miilier, ii. p. 13. 11) Plut. V. Lycurg. 23 ; conf. Muller, i. p. 151. sqq. On the Ue- j^iipia, see above, §. 10. n. 6. 12) See Pausan. v. 4. 4, and on the mythical founders, v. 7. 4, sqq. ; comp. Clavier, ii. p. 230, sqq. Most autiiorities mention Hercules, Diod. iv. 14; ApoUod. ii. 7. 2 ; comp. Strab. viii. p. 544. A.; others, as Veil. Paterc. i. 8, Atreus ; according to Strabo, viii. p. 548, C, the games were at an earlier period under the superintendence of the Achaeans before they came into the hands of the Eleans. 13) Compare Plut. Y. Lycurg. 1 ; Euseb. Chron. pp. 131—133, ed. Armen. ; Meurs. Misc. Lace. ii. 5. p. 123, sqq. ; Miilier, i. 151 ; ii. 512 ; Clinton, F.H.ii. pp. 403 — 410. Apollodorus and Eratosthenes (ap.Clem. Alex. Stromatt. i. p. 336, B.) say he flourished 219 years after the inva- sion of the Heraclidce, consequently 884 B. C, which agrees with the statement of Aristodemus of Elis, that between Iphitus and the first Olyra- {)iad (that in which Coroebus of Elis was victor) twenty-seven Olympiads lad elapsed, the victors in which had not been recorded. Callimachus indeed says only thirteen, and Clinton is consequently inclined (see how- ever Pref. p. viii.) to set him, with Thucydides (i. 18) not much more than 400 years before the end of the Peioponnesian war. Plato's Minos, p. 318, C, goes for nothing; but if, as Herodotus asserts, (i.65,) Labotas was his ward, his time falls earlier (B. C. 994) ; Aristot. however, Polit. 50 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Cchap. ii. ii. 7. 1, and the genealogy in Strabo, x. p. 737, are in favour of Charilaus. See also De la Barre Eclaircissemens sur I'histoire de Lycurgue, in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. vii. p. 262, sqq. 14) Compare Goeller de situ Syrac. p. 252 ; Cic. Kep. ii. 10. Are we however, on account of these difficulties, to agree with IMiiller in consider- ing him a fabulous character. §. 24. The first Rhetra^ enacted the institution of a senate to act with the kings, the distribution of the people into Phylas and Obes, and the time and place of their assemblies, in which they were moreover to decide by a simple aye or no^ concerning the mea- sures laid before them ^ : when subsequently these as- semblies attempted to amend the measures proposed, the senate and kings were empowered by a new clause * to stop the proceedings on such occasions. The Obes ^ were thirty in number, the Phylee only four, Pitana, Limnae, Mesoa, and Cynosura^, named simply from places in the capital or its vicinity '. The preva- lence of the number five in many offices^ justifies however the attempt to distinguish a fifth Phyle^. Every Spartan was entitled to take part in the public assemblies on attaining his thirtieth year ^^ ; the Pe- riceci were, in all probability, wholly excluded ^^ Fo- reigners were very rarely admitted to the rights of citizenship ^^ ; Helots certainly often obtained their freedom ^^ for state reasons ^*, but whether they were admitted to the full privileges of citizens is very doubtfuP^, even though ojwo»o< and viioiji.etovei;^'^ be consi- dered as different denominations from those of old and new citizens ^'^. 1) Plut. Lycurg. e. 6 : Aioe 'EWaviov Kai 'AQavdc RWavia^ Upbv iSpvrxdixevov, (pi'XaQ (pvXd^avra Kcii (>j/3«c lojid^avra rpu'cKOpra, ytpovtriav S' dvu- ytii' ilfiev Kai Kpdrog. 2) l3oy Kai ov ^ijpq), Thucyd. i. 87 ; conf. Plat. 1. 1. c. 26. 3) As in Crete ; comp. above, §. 21. n. 3, and what Aristotle states, by way of contrast, respecting Carthage, ii. 8. 3 ; see also iv. 11. 9. But does this amount to a democracy, as 'I'ittmann argues? Comp. Aristot. Polit. iv. 7. 5. SECT. 24.] OP GREECE. 51 4) Tacit. Didl. de Orator, c. 40: quem enim oratorem Lacedajuioniuni, quern Cietensem accepimus ? Plut. 1. I.e. 6 : IloXvdiopoc: kuI BtoTrojLtTrof oi jSamXilc race Ty p))Tp(f Trapivkypa^av ai Sk aKoXiav 6 ddfioc aipoiro, Tovg TTptajSvytviag km ap)(ayirag c'nrocrTaTrjpag tl/jLtv. But orators afterwards arose, comp. Thucyd. i. 85 ; yEschin. adv. Timarch. c, 73 ; Liban. Declam. 24 : vojjloq tv Aaic£^nijuoi/i, tov titroj rpuiKovTa irwv fit) Stifirjyopilv. Compare, however, Miiller, ii. p. 92. 5) Miiller, ii. p. 79, sqq. 6) Paus. iii. 16. 6. 7) Strabo, viii. 559. B,; he had just before (558. B.) called Limnae irpodrrTiwv, but there can scarcely have been an darv in Sparta, ov i,v- voiKia^dcrig -KoXitxjg, Kara Kwfiag Sk Tif TraXaiqi Ti)g 'EXXdSog Tpont^ oiKOVfikvYjg, Thucyd. i. 10. Hence Miiller, ii. p. 50, (differing from the opinion he had expressed in Orchom. §. 314,) rightly recognises these KMjxai in the Phylae. Wachsm. ii. 1. §. 19, maintains that the name is never applied to them in its proper sense. 8) Muller, ii. p. 120. 9) The ancients, following Herod, iv. 149, reckoned the Agidae (see above, $. 15. n. 20) as a fifth Phylse; Barthelemy (Anach. note to chap, xli.) also retains it as such, rejecting with reason the sixth, (that of the Heraclidaj,) which Cragius would introduce, (see P>]anso,i.2. §. 122, sqq.) In Miiller, Amyclre (Orchom. §. 316) makes the sixth. Boeckh however more correctly refers (Comp. Inscr. i. p. 609) to Hesychius, Ai'iju?/ iv '!£Trdpry ^vXi} Kal totzoq. Tittm, (§. 137) asserts that there were six; Hiillmann, Urgeschichte d. Staatsv. (Kciuigsb. 1817) §. 7., and after him Gottling, 1. c. p. 466, contend for ten ; there is not sufficient ground for either hypothesis. Was the division into three kindred tribes (§. 20) still preserved, or was it superseded (Plainer, ul sup. §. 24) by the divi- sion according to the localities of the country 1 10) Plut. Vit. Lycurg. c. 25. 11) See above, §. 19. n. 2. Clavier, ii. p. 167, considers them as Mu- nicipes entitled to the rights of citizenship whenever they settled in the city itself. ? What however is meant by the /uKpd sKKXrjcia in Xen. Hellen. iii.3.8.'? Comp. Tittm. §. 99 ; Miiller's Dorians, ii. p. 21, sqq. ; Wachsm. i.2. $.212. 12) Herod, ix. 35 ; but see Aristot, Polit. ii. 6. 12. 13) The chief authority is Myro, apud Athen. vi. 102 : IloWa/ctc i)Xiv- Qkpioaav AaKtSaijxovioi SoiiXovg, ical ovg jxkv dftrdg tKaXeffav, ovg Sk dStairoTOvg, o'iig Sk tpvKTiipag, SiGTroawvavTag S' dXXovg, ovg ilg tuvq (TToXovg KaTfTaaffov, dXXovg ce vtuSctfjiioStig, tTipovg ovrag twv ttXwrwv. Comp. Meurs. Misc. ii. 7. p. 131, sqq.; Miiller, ii. p. 44; and on the Neodamodes in particular, Thucyd. v. 67 ; vii. 58 ; and Sturz. Lex. Xen. iii. 192 ; also Manso, i. 1. §. 234, and Tittmann, §. 598. 14) No private citizen could emancipate his Helots; comp. Strab. viii. p. 561. B. 15) Manso, i. 2. §. 155 ; compare l)io Chrysost. Or. xxxvi. p. 446. B.; ovSk vndpxH roig EiXwrotf; yiyviaOai 'SlTrapTuiTaig. Phylarchus apud Athen. 1. c. asserts the same even of those called IMothaces, or INlothones (rpoi^ijitoi, otKoytviig, verna;), although Gylippus, Callicratidas, and Ly- sander are represented to have been of that class. Comp. /Elian. V. Hist, xii. 43 ; Meurs. 1. 1. ii. 6. p. 129 ; and Schneid. ad Xen. Ilellcn. v. 3. 9. 52 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. 16) See the authorities cited by Schneid. ad Xen. Hellen. iii. 3. 5 ; and comp. Manso, i. 1. §. 231, sqq. (especially §. 239, n. h); Tittmann, §. 584—586; Miiller, ii.p.85 ; and Wachsm. i". 2. §. 210, are not explicit. The 6/torijuot, mentioned in the Cyropaedia, i. 2. 15, and elsewhere, afford the best parallel. 17) See Wachsm. i. 1. §.218. §. 25. Another Rhetra forbad the use of written laws^ This, whilst on one hand it evinced Lycurgus' wish to impart to his enactments the imperceptible influence of custom, formed on the other the foundation of that unlimited power ^ which the higher magistrates possessed of deciding irresponsibly in all individual cases according to their own judgment or caprice^. The highest authority ^ of the state was vested in the yepova-la, or council of twenty-eight elders. None could be a member of this till he had reached the age^ of sixty ; the office was held for life. In this assembly the two kings of the race of the Heraclidag presided^; that however they had each a double vote was de- nounced as an erroneous opinion as early as the time of Thucydides ^. Their insignia were splendid^, their political influence, compared with that of the senate, trifling^. It was only when engaged in military ser- vice beyond the frontiers, that they possessed unli- mited^*' power; and the Ephori succeeded in limiting it even on these occasions ". As to the Ephori them- selves, who in the end so greatly diminished the power of the kings, they were in the time of Lycurgus mere police magistrates forming a court of justice ^-, espe- cially charged with the decision of ordinary civil cases ", which was also their office in other Doric states ; the yepovala tried criminal causes ; family dis- putes came before the kings ; the other public officers exercised powers both judicial and correctional in their respective departments. 1) Plut. V. Lycurg. 13 : vofiovQ St yiypafjifitvovg 6 AvKOVpyog ovk tOjjKtv, aXXd Ilia tmv KaKov\itvwv pi\rpC>>v eOTiV nvr>;, k. r. \. SECT. 25, 26.] OF GREECE. 53 2) Hence their immutability. Comp. Thucyd. i. 18 ; Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 284. B.; Cic. pro Flacco, c. 26; Plut. Lycurg. 29. 3) AxiToyvii)f.iovEQ Kui avvTTiiQvvoi, as in Crete. Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 16 ; 7. 6 : comp. RlUller, ii. p. 235 ; Weisse, 1. c. p. 127 j and my Diss, de Jure et Auct. RIagg. p. 61. 4) See F. A. Wolf, ad Demosth. Leptin. $. 88. p. 324: tjjc aptriJQ d9\ov, Tijg TroXiTitag Kvoif/j yivsaOai jxito. twv (')^to('wj'. Conf. Aristot. ii. 6. 15; Xenoph. Rep. Lac. c. 10. 5) Comp. Tittmann, $. 117; Hiillmann's Staatsr. §. 309; Miiller, ii. p. 94, sqq. The mode of election is described by Hlut. c. 26 : comp. Aristot. ii. 6. 18. . . . Kara Tt rfji' Kphiv tari TraiOapidiCTji; Kai to avrbv alriiadai Tov d^iwOrjcTOfiivov tIjq «|0x»}(,' ovk opduJg i'x^'* 6) For a detailed history of the kings, see Cragius, ii. 2. 7) Thucyd. i. 20. It certainly is not implied in what Herod, (vi. 57.) saysi Lucian, Harmon, c. 3, proves nothing. 8) Herod, vi. 52 — 58 ; Xenoph. Rep. Lac. c. 13, 15. Particularly, St/x- voTspa i] KUT dvBpojTTov Ta(pi], Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 3. 1. Comp. jNIiiller, ii. p. 103, sqq.; and on their train in war, (oi Tripi tuv Sapoaiav, Morus, ad Xen. Hellen. iv. 5. 8.) p. 255. BamXiKog c'nro ntXtKiojc; tlpyafffiivriv, Tag dt GvpciQ c'nrd Trpiovog fJLuvoj> ; comp. Rliiller, vol. ii. p. 271, sqq.) j in their clothing, Manso, i. 2. §. 196, sqq.; Miilier, vol. ii. p. 277, sqq.; Zell. ad Aristot. Eth. p. 156.); in their meals, (see J. D. Winkler, de Lac. vet. continentia in victu, in Act. Soc. Lat. .Jen. vol. v. p. 60, sqq.) 2) Miilier, Dor. vol. ii. p. 405, sqq.; Gottling in the Hermes for 1825, XXV. §. 124 ; Platner, ut sup. vol. i. §. 18. In considering this subject, we must not overlook the external influence of the situation and poverty of SECT. 27.] OF GREECE. 55 the country — Ta KaKug Tpkxa^nv ov to^J fttyfOei t(/c TroXeioc oiici ry 7rXi]9u ToJv avt'piov, aW on Tt)v TroXirfi'ai' bi^ioiav KartirrtjoafitOa ffrpa- TOTriS(i) KciXiiJs dioiKovntvf}) kcu TruQap^tiv OfXovri rolg dp)(ovai. 3) See Plut. Lycurg. c. 25; and Tittm. §. 17—20: Miiller, ii. p. 1, sqq. ; and Rotscher, ut sup. ^. 85, sqq., whose characteristics of the an- cient principles of government are far more applicable to Sparta than to Athens. 4) Plut, c. 16. The exposition of infants, see P. Petiti, Obss. Misc. iii. 16. 5) Valcken. ad Theocr. Adoniaz. p. 274. 6) Xen. Rep. Lac. ii. 12 ; comp. Miiller, ii. p. 316. 7) Plat. Legg. ii. p. 659. D.: ■iraictia fikv lariv r) TraiSojv oXki) t£ (cat ayo)y>i Tcpog rbv vno ruv vofiov Xoyov 6p9dp tiptj^h'ov, k. t. X. For particulars, comp. Xen. Rep. Lac. c. 2 ; Rlliller, ii. p. 246, sqq. On the SianaffTiydXTiQ, at the altar of Diana Orthia, comp. Pausan. iii. 16. 7 ; and for a further account, see INIeurs. Gracia fer. s. v. ; Davis, ad Cic. Tuscul. V. 27 ; Manso, i. 2. §. 183 ; Muller, ii. p. 313, sqq. 8) 'Ofiovoia Kal irtiQapxia ■ conf. Xenoph.Mem. Socrat. iv. 4. 5; Rep. Lac. c. 8 ; Diodor. Fgm. Vat. vii. 2 ; Plut. Lycurg. c. 30 ; Agesil. c. 1 ; Cleom. c. 9 ; reip. ger. praec. c. 20. extr. 9) Aristot. Polit. vii. 13. 13: ayavaKrCi Ii ovStig kuO' i)XiKiav apxo- fiivoQ—aXXwg re Kcd fiiXXwv di'TiXaijj3dvHV tovtov tov epavov, orav Tvxy Ttie iKvovfitvTjg i)XiKiag. 10) To ^iXoTijiov Kai (piXoviiKov, Plut. Lysand. c. 2 ; Agesil. c. 5. 11) Plut. Lycurg. c. 17 ; conf. Meurs. Misc. Lace. ii. 3. 12) i. e. apxoiv, according to Herod, ix. 85; INIiiller, ii. p. 315. 13) Thence called Bovayoi: in course of time proper oflBcers were ap- pointed. Comp. Boeckh. ad C. Inscr. i. p. 612, 14) But especially to the TlaidovofiOQ. Comp. Xen. Rep. Lac. iii. 10, sqq. 15) Compare Klotz, ad Tyrt. Rell. p. 95, 96 ; Ast, ad Plat. Rerap. p. 483, 484, Lacedccmon honestissinnan domicilium senectutis. Cic. de Senect. c. 18; Dionys. Hal. Exc. Archaeol. (ed. Maj.) xx. 2: AuKtSai- fiovioi on toIq '!rpe(7jivTaT0iQ tirsrptTTov tovq aKoanovvTag rwv iroXiTdv Iv ortit nvi St) rwv dtjixoaiwv tottuv ralg liaKTtjpiaig Traitiv. §. 27. As to the three branches ^ of Greek educa- tion, which were in a general way recognised even in Lacedaemon «, the Hterary instruction (7pa/*jt««T»/<^) was 56 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. very scanty 3, and even music* and gymnastics^ were less attended to than in the rest of Greece ; yet the Spartan genius sufficiently displayed its energy in the striking brevity of their expressions^, nor were they strangers '' to epic poetry ; but the simple Dorian lyric^ in particular pervaded all branches of their pub- lic life, whilst more pains were bestowed than any where else on producing activity and strength of body by a variety of exercises ^. It was with an immediate view to the improvement of the whole population in this respect^'*, (an all-important object with their legis- lator ^^,) that even the youth of the female sex took part in most of these exercises : although he may also have intended to simplify education in general, by making it as nearly as possible the same for all. But whilst, on the one hand, this system gradually effaced every characteristic of female excellence from the Spartan women ^-; on the other, the common exercises which not only served to train the young, but formed the business of the old men, together with their com- mon repasts and entertainments were the bane of all domestic life^^ The occupations of the gymnasium, the chase, the pheiditia and leschae^^, brought the day to its close : and the night was spent even by the married men, for a length of time after marriage, in the dormitories of the a^i\ai and i\ai. 1) Compare Wyttenb. ad Plut. de Educ. pp. 37. 38 ; Creuzeri Or. de Athen. Civit. Human. Princ. (Franc. 1826,) pp. 55. 56; and C. F. H. Hochheimer's Versuch eines Systems d. Erziehung d. Gr. (Dessau. 1788,) ; F. D. Gciss, Erziehungswissenchaft nach den Grundsiitzen der Griechen und Homer. (Ansbach, 1808.) 2) S. G. T. Schmidt, praes. Jacobs, de cura Laconum circa institu- tionem, exercitia et studia suorum, (Jenae, 1704J ; A. Krigel Diss, de Lycurgi legibus, quas Lacediemone de puerorum educatione tulit, (Lips. 1726) ; M. Norberg de educatione puerili apud Spartanos, (Lund. 1796); Messerschmidt de Spartanorum vett. TraiSayioyia, in Act. Soc. Lat. Jen. t. V. p. 72, sqq.; and Manso, i. 2. §. 156, sqq.; Miiller, vol. ii. p. 313, sqq. 3) Plut. Institt. Lace. t. vlii. p. 247 : ygamxara 'iviKu rTtq xP^'^^C tfiaOov Twv S' d\\(i)v iraiSiviidraJv i,tvi]Kaaiav iiroiovvro. Hence they SECT. 27.] OF GREECE. 57 were called cnraicevroi. Comp. Perlz. ad .^1. Vet. Hist. xii. 50; Ast iiber Platon's Lehren u. Schriften, §. 74 ; and, de la Nauze sur I'etat des sciences chez les Lac; Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. xix. p. 166, sqq. 4) Athen. xiv. 33; jNIiiller's Dorians, vol. ii. p. 329, sqq. See the story of liniotheus the Milesian, ( Plut. Agis. c. 10; Paus. iii. 12. 8: on the authenticity of the decree, consult Boethius de Musica, and Mid- ler's Doriaas, 1. c. ; Plat. Rep. iv. p. 424. C. : ovdajxov ydp kivovvtui fiovaiKtig rpoTTOt dvfv ttoXitikwv rpoTTiov nZi/ fj,iyi(7T0Ji'. Comp. Hein- rich's Epimenides, §. 163, sqq.; Rotscher, ut sup. §. 184, sqq. ; Jacob's Academ. Reden, (Leipz. 1829), §. 274, sqq. 5) Plut. Lj'curg. c. 19 : ravra fiuva fxt) KwXvaavTOQ ayoivi^iffOai rovq "TToXiraQ, tv olf x^'P owk avaTtivtrai: conf. Seneca de Benef. v. 3; Plat. Lach. p. 183. A. 6) Compare Meurs. Misc. Lace. iii. 3; J. G. Hauptmann de Lace. Eloquentia (Gerae, 1779;) Ast. ad Plat. Legg. p. 67; Mliller, vol. ii. p. 393. 7) Plat, de Legg. iii. p. 680 ; on the connection between Lycurgus and Homer, see F. A. Wolf's Prolegg. in Horn. p. 139 ; and comp. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 285. D. 8) See Boeckh de Metris Pind. p. 238 ; and the commentators on Plat. Rep. iii. 10. p. 399. A. 9) Compare Crag. iii. 9. On their warlike games, see Lucian. Ana- chars, c. 38; Paus. iii. 14. 8. On the practice of theft, Xen. Anab. iv. 6. 4; and comp. Lochmann " de furti apud Lace, licentia;" also Rliiller, vol. ii. p. 324, sqq. On the Gymnopsdia, see Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 4. 16 ; Davis, ad Max. Tyr. vi. 8; Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 43; Creuzeri Coram. Herod, i. p. 230. 10) Cic. Tuscul. ii. 19; Plut. Lycurg. 14. Did they perform their exercises alone, or witli the men ; Midler, vol. ii. p. 325 ; but comp. Jacob's Academ. Reden. §. 202. 11) See the marriage laws in Plut. Vit. Lycurg. 15 ; Xen. Rep. Lac. 1 ; and comp. Miiller, ii.p. 298, sqq.; Wachsm.ii. 1. 317. Certain privileges were allowed to fathers of three or more sons, Aristot. Pol. ii. 6. 13 ; Ai,\. Vet. Hist.vi.6. There were A'lKai KaKoyafxiov and aya/itiov ; comp. Crag, iii. 4 ; Meurs. Misc. Lace, ii. 3. p. 108; J. H. Wacker de Lycurgi ad matrimonium pertinentibus inslitutis, (Lips. 1743) ; J. C. Schl.Tgeri sche- diasma de jure caelibatus apud Lacedagmonios, prefixed to his Diss, rari- orum fascic. nov. (Helmst. 1743) ; F. Osanni de coelibum apud veteres populos conditione Comm. i. (Gissae, 1827,) p. 5, sqq. 12) Eurip. Androm. v. 588, sqq.; Plat, de Legg. i. 637. C; vi. 781. A.; Arist. Polit. ii. 6. 5 ; Rhetor, i. 5. 6. TvvalKsg apyol raXarriac, Plat. 1. c. vii. 806. A. ; comp. Xen. Ilep. Lac. i. 4. Women possessed great influ- ence, Plut. Lycurg. 14; comp. Agis. c. 7 : urs Si tovq An/cEOat/ton'ouj; iinoi yap rtj'«ff rj^iovv dva^aarov noitii' ti)v x^pcuv- There had previously been, accord- ing to some, 600, others say 4500 lots. Isocr. Panath. p. 680, assumes that there were at first only 2000 Spartans. Comp. Manso, i. 1. §. 110. Were there any common lands in Lacedcemon'? See Kortiim, §. 17. 7) Periz. ad 2E\. Vet. Hist. vi. 6. 3. On their industry, compare Miil- ler, ii. p. 24. 8) Plut. Lycurg. 24. — 'Apyin ah\H^iTia, (from the jusXac Zi^fibc, and mo- deration in drinking, comp. Critias ap. Athen. x. 41 ; Xen. Rep. Lac. v. 4,) or (piXiTia, which GbttUng, ad Aristot. fficon. p. 190, asserts should always be read for (pHCiria. See Meurs. Misc. i. 9, 10 ; Manso, i. 2. §. 188, sqq.; Muller, vol. ii. p. 293 ; Wachsm. ii. 2. $. 21—25. 12) Xen. Rep. Lac. vii. 4. 13) Plat, de Legg. i. p. 636. B.: ra yv^vaaia Kai rd avaairia ttoXXo ftfv otXXrt i)(pi\ti rag ttoXiiq, Trpbg Si araaitg i^;aX£7ra : comp. Plut. Qu. Symp. vii. 9. 14) Herod, i. 65: rd Ig -KoXtfiov txovra, iviofioriag kuI rpitjKddag Kai avaaiTia, Hence they were subordinate to the Polemarchs. §. 29. The great and ultimate object of all the polit- ical institutions of Sparta, namely, the formation of an army \ was altogether based upon that nicely gra- duated system of subordination, which gave to almost every individual a degree of authority, rendering the 60 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ir. whole military force a community of commanders ^, an organisation so perfect, that the signal given by the king ran in an instant through the whole host. The foundation of this system lay in the enomoties^ like- wise instituted by Lycurgus. Thvicydides "* seems to reckon them at thirty-two men each ; other writers say twenty-five. Two enomoties formed a pente- costys, two of these a lochos, and four lochi made a mora^. At the head of each mora was a polemarch^, of whom there were six in Sparta'^. It is to be re- marked, that the morae seem to have likewise been civil distinctions^; but what relation the divisions of the army bore to the phylae and obes can scarcely be ascertained, since even Thucydides denied the exist- ence of the Xoxo^ Unavdryii, which Others admitted^. The cavalry was divided into oulami of fifty men each ^'*, but this portion of the Lacedaemonian army was unimportant, and served only to cover the wings of the infantry, as we know, for instance, the Sci- rita; ^^ did. The oOO knights forming the king's body guard must not be confounded with the cavalry ^^. They were the choicest of the Spartan youths ^^, were posted in the centre with the king^*, and fought either on horseback or on foot as occasion might require ^^ 1) See especially, Crag. iv. 4; Meurs. Miscell. ii. 1, 2 ; Manso, i. 12. §. 224, sqq.; Muller, ii. p. 246—268. 2) Thucyd. v. 66: irj^sSbv yap roi itav 7r\))v uXlyov rb arparoTriSov Twv AaKiSainovi-wv upxovTiQ apj^orrwv t'tai Kni to lwi)xtktQ row ^pwjuEVOU TToXXoTc TTpoariKti. (Jomp. Xen. Cyr. viii. 1. 14; Plut. Vit. Pelop. 23; Meurs. 1. c. p. 98 ; Wachsm. ii. 1. §. 383, sqq. 3) Herod, i. 65. Brotherhoods, rd^tic Siu aipayiwv Ivwfioroi, as Hesy- chius calls them. 4) Thucyd. v. 68 : according to Xen. Hellen. vi. 4. 12 : it contained thirty-six men. 5) Xen. Rep. Lac. xi. 4 : conf. Vales, ad Harpocr. p. 309. Thucydides, in reckoning tour Enomotiae and Pentecosties, probably included the Pe- riocci who fought in the ranks witii the Spartans, (see §. 19. n. 2,) and then it is likely that, like the Roman sor ii, they doubled the numbers of the several divisions of the army. SECT. 30.] OF GREECE. 61 6) Not /xopayog : see Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. pp. 89. and 578. 7) See G. H. Martini de Spartiatarum mora, (Ratisb. 1771,) and Sturz Lex. Xenoph. iii. pp. 172 — 174 ; Meurs. Lectt. Att. i. 16, who however confounds nopa and Xo^^oc- As to their strength, even the ancients were divided between 500, 700, and 900 men, (Plut'. Vit. Pelop. 17 ;) the num- ber probably varied according as all or only part of the population of age for service (from twenty to sixty) was called out. See Xen. Hellen. vi. 4. 17 : compare too Thucyd. v. 68. 8) Tittmann, j. 136. 9) Compare Thucyd. i. 20, and, on the other hand, Herod, ix. 53. Ac- cording to ftliiller, ii. p. 49, '1 hucydides does not admit its existence. 10) Plut. Vit. Lycurg. 23 ; but in Xenoph. we find cavalry divided into \6,Yot and /.lopai : comp. also Wachsm. ii. 1. J. 400. Did this regulatioa date from B. C. 424 ? See Thucyd. iv. 55. 11) Who were constantly posted by themselves on the left wing, Thu- cyd. V. 67. That they were cavalry is certain from Xen. Cyr. iv. 2. 1 ; although it is disputed by Manso, i. 2. §. 228 ; Tittm. §. 595 ; Miiller, ii. §. 242. They came from a district on the borders of Arcadia. See Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 403, sqq. 12) As Diodor. xv. 32, has shown. 13) Compare Larcher, Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xlviii. p. 96 — 103. On their selection by three of the ephors called iinrdypeTai, see Xen. Rep. Lac. iv. 3. These youths are probably the same as the three o/^oTot, who were in constant attendance on the king. Comp. Xen. 1. c. xiii. 1 ; Miiller's Dorians, ii. p. 111. Herodotus, (i. 67,) mentions five aya- Ootpyoi. 14) Conf. Thucyd. v. 72; Isocr. Epist. p. 976, et plur. ap. Meurs. Misc. Lace. ii. 4. pp. 117, 118, sqq.; Leopold, ad Plut. Vit. Lycurg. c. 25. What however is meant by the TtaaaptQ Xo^oi, dig tKexptjTO 6 /3aafiii Trpoi'xovTsg. 5) Herod, vii. 203, sqq. The Thebans in particular, who atKovrtg if.uvov Kal ov jSovXajxtvor /cartixE yap (Kpsag AsojviStjg iv ofiypwv Xoyy ■KouvfiivoQ, (c. 222) ; the Locrians (Diodor. xi. 4.) and others. See Plat, de Legg. iii. p. 692. E., F., and more in G. A. Kliitz de Feed. Boeotico, (Berl. 1821,)p. 29— 39. 6) To Koivov rixiv 'EXX^vwj' ffvvk^piov. Miiller's Prolegg. §. 406, sqq. ; comp. above, §. 12. n. 13. At first on the Isthmus, then in Sparta, whither, for instance, Themistocles was summoned, Diodor. xi. 55. Afterwards Sparta continued to consider the council of its confederacy as a supreme court of judicature for all Hellas, as in the case of Philocles, (B. C. 405,) see Plut. Lysand. 13; and in that of Ismenias, (B. C. 382,) see Xen. Hell. V. 2. 35. Hence also their court martial of 'EX\avo^('Kal^ Xen. Rep. Lac. xiii. 11. 7) Herod, ix. 106. Is it to this we must refer the iraXaiai Uavaaviov fttrd rbv Mri^ov airov^al (Thucyd. iii. 68) "! Comp. INliiller's Dorians, i. p. 210. Eleutheria in Plataea ; Plut. Aristid. c. 19 and 21 ; conf. Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. p. 904. §. SQ. However glorious this state of things might be for Lacedaemon, it was not to be expected that an empire so extensive, and comprising so many hetero- geneous elements, could be long swayed in the same simple way as heretofore, or be preserved for any length of time entire. Lacedaemon could the less calculate on this when some attempts to consolidate it met with an unexpected opposition from the Athenians^, whose political independence and internal strength had not been in the least diminished by their union with others against the common enemy, and whose politics were guided by such men as Aristides and Themistocles with unparalleled sagacity and precaution ^ Hence, whilst Thebes atoned for its share in the Persian in- vasion by the loss of its influence as head of the Boeo- SECT. 36] OF GREECE. 71 tian confederacy 3, Athens had emerged from the war with increased glory and power. Its navy fully ba- lanced the land force of Lacedaemon, and in the re- cently liberated colonies in Asia Minor, it had gained allies over whom, in the absence of the Lacedaemo- nians, it already claimed the command at sea'*. The Lacedaemonians determined (B. C. 477) to re-assert their authority on that element °, but the result of the attempt convincing them that foreign expeditions were incompatible with the spirit of their institutions ^, they voluntarily and tacitly resigned to the Athenians ^ what Themistocles had already resolved to win at any cost ^. Still the defensive alliance between the two states was as yet unimpaired ^, and the fall of Themistocles (B. C. 471) raising Cimon to the head of the Athenian affairs ^^, seemed to re-establish the Lacedaemonian in- fluence, for (B. C. 464) we find that a contingent was required of Athens as well as of the other allies of Sparta to act against Ithome ^^ The slight shown to the Athenians at that siege caused the first rupture ^^. They immediately formed an alliance with the Argives who had been regaining strength by long repose and the incorporation of the adjacent petty states ^^, and another with the Aleuadae in Thessaly, whom the Spartans had failed to overthrow, B. C. 470, through the corruption of their king Leotychides ^^, and soon attained such power ^^ as to be little inferior to Lace- daemon even by land. 1) The settlement, for instance, of the lonians on the coasts of those states of the mother country which had medized, (Herod, ix. 106 ; Diodor. xi. 37.) The exclusion of those states from the Amphictyonic council, (Plut. Them. c. 20.) and the occupation of all the strongholds out of the Peloponnesus, (Thucyd. i. 90.) 2) Drumann, Gesch. des Verfalls, §. 226, sqq. ; Wachsm. i. 2. §. 52 — 57. Themistocles' character is drawn, Thucyd. i. 138 ; Diodor. xi. 59. 3) Diodor. xi. 81 ; Justin, iii. 6. 4) Immediately after the victory of Mycale ; Thucyd. i. 89 j Diodor. xi. 37 ; comp. 41. 72 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. 5) Thucyd. i. 94, sqq. ; Diodor. xi. 44, sqq. 6) Hetoemaridas ; compare Diodor. xi. 50, and Isocr. de Pace, c. 25; Plat, de Legg. iv. pp. 706, 707. 7) Thucyd. i. 95 : dWovg ovksti t^sTrifi-ipav, (pofiovfievoi fii) atp'iaiv ol I'^iovrtQ xfiponf yiyi'oivro. Comp. i. 77, and iMiiller, i. p. 210. On the date see Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 248, sqq., against Dodwell and Corsini, who had placed it B. C. 470. 8) As, for instance, when he planned burning the Peloponnesian fleet; Cic. Offic. iii. 11 ; Plut. Them. c. 20; Aristid. c. 22. 9) Thucyd. i. 18: 6/xa(xjUt«. 10) Thucyd. i. 135, sqq.; Diodor. xi. 64. 11) Thucyd. i. 102; iii. 54, 12) Diodor. xi. 64; Pausan. i. 29. 7. 13) Pausan. viii. 27. 1 : Orneae, Tiryns, Hysias, and others, but par- ticularly Mycense, (B. C. 468 ; comp. Diodor. xi. 65; Strabo, viii. p. 579. B. ; Pausan. ii. 16. 4,) which from that time entirely disappears, (Thucyd. i. 10 ; Strab. viii. p. 571. C. ; Luc. Charon. 23 ;) Ornea? seems not to have been totally destroyed till B. C. 415, (Thucyd. vi. 7). Compare Midler, i. p. 96. 182 ; Wachsm. i. 2. §. 86. 14) Herod, vi. 72; Pausan. iii. 7, 8; Plutarch, indeed, (de Malign. Herod, c. 21), gives another account. 15) Diodor. xi. 85. (in 01. 81. 2) : Kara tovtov rov iviavrov ttXei'otwv TToXewi' 01 'A9r]valoi fip'iav. Thev were already in possession of Eion, Scyros, (Thucyd. i. 98 ; Diodor. xi.'60; Plut. Vit. Thes. 36,) Naxos, and Thasos, B. C. 465—462 ; (Thucyd. i. 100, 101 ; Diodor. xi. 70 ;) they next, B. C. 457, got possession of Megara, with its ports Pegae and Nisaea, (Thucyd. i. 103;) B. C. 456, they got ^gina (Thucyd. i. 105; comp. Miiller's ^ginet. 175—180) ; B. C. 455, Naupactus (Thucyd. i. 103) ; and finally Achaia (in the Megarid? Poppo, 1. c. p. 175; Miiller, i. p. 193; Wachsm. i. 2. §. 118 ;) and Trcezen, (Thucyd. i. 115.) Comp. Clinton, F. H., vol. ii. p. 253, sqq. §. 37. The inactivity with which the Lacedaemo- nians at first looked on whilst Athens thus increased in power is to be ascribed partly to their natural pre- caution ^, partly to wars nearer home, in which they were at this time engaged, as well with their neigh- bours in the Peloponnesus ^, as their revolted vassals. A dreadful earthquake, B. C. 465, having spread dis- may and confusion over Laconia^, the Messenians had seized that moment for a revolt, and for ten years nearly the whole power of Lacedsemon was engaged on the siege of Ithome*. At length, B. C. 457, an opportunity occurred for creating a counterpoise to SECT. 37.] OF GREECE. 73 the power of Athens by re-establishing the sovereignty of Thebes over the Boeotian states ^. This plan being favoured by the intrigues of the oligarchical parties in Athens itself^ as well as in the Boeotian states, a considerable force was sent into central Greece under pretext of reinforcing the parent state of Doris; all the advantages however which the enemies of Athens imagined they had gained by their victory at Tanagra, were reft from them sixty-two days after- wards by Myronidas at the battle of CEnophytce ; an engagement which made the Athenians masters of Phocis, Locris, and Boeotia^. After an interval often years, the overthrow which they, in turn, experienced at Coronea, B. C. 447, from the forces of banished Boeotian oligarchs ^, not only deprived them of the fruits of this battle, but occasioned the defection of Megara and Euboea ^, laid Attica open to the incur- sions of the Peloponnesians, and brought about the thirty years' truce of 445 B. C. ^^, when Pericles, for the sake of, at all events, preserving Euboea, relin- quished the establishments which Athens had hitherto possessed on the Peloponnesian coasts. On these terms Lacedaemon and Athens guaranteed each other .their respective ■/■lyefjt.oviai, thereby making this fac- titious condition of Greece the basis of their political connection ^^, though the proviso that neutral states might join either party '^, laid the sure foundation for new dissensions. Notwithstanding the exhausted con- dition of the Peloponnesus, such soon broke out ; the high pretensions, restlessness, and grasping spirit of Athens ^^ exciting the mistrust an^J hatred no less of its own allies than of Sparta. 1) Thucyd. i. 118 : ovriQ fiiv (cai irporov fiij ra^^slf levai tig rove ""o- Xtftori,', ii (ifj avayKCi^oivro, to Sk ri Kat TroXffioig olKtioiQ t^ftpyofifvoi. On the tardiness of their measures, see also viii. 96, and Isocr. de Pace, c. 25. 2) Argives and Arcadians ; according to Herod, ix. 35 ; Pausan.iii.il. 6. Conf. Miiller, i. p. 188 ; Wachsmuth, i. 2. §. 111. L 74 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. 3) See Diodor. xi. 63 ; Plut. Vit. Cimon. c. 16 ; Pausan. iv. 24. 2 ; ^lian. Var. Hist. vi. 7, and more in Meier de bonis damn. p. 199. 4) Thucyd. i. 101, sqq. ; Miiller, i. 1.9. 5) Diodor. xi. 81, sqq. ; Justin, iii. 6. 6) Thucyd. i. 107 ; conf. Meier, 1. c. p. 4. 7) Thucyd. i. 108. Diodorus abounds with inaccuracies; conf. Mit- ford, ii. p. 493 of Eichstadt's translation. 8) Thucyd. i. 113 : tovq fikv Sd^Oaipav riuv 'A97]vaiu)v, roiic dt ^uJvrag iXafiov. Krti Ttjv Botwri'ai' iKsXnrov 'A9i)vaXoi iraffav (cai avro- vofxoi irdXii' iyevovTo. Conf. iii. 62 ; Plat. Ale. i. p. 112, B.; Plut. Vit. Ages. 0. 19. 9) Thucyd. i. 114. 10) At TpuiKovTovTHQ (iiTci 'Ev(3oiaQ akwcriv (nroi'Sat, Thucyd. i. 115; conf. i. 23. 81 ; iv. 21 ; the confounding (Andocid. de pace, cc. 3. 6, and still more vEschin.de F.L. c. 50) this peace with the fifty years truce con- cluded by Cimon, (B. C. 451—446,) see Thucyd. i. 112; Plut. Cimon. c. 18,) has occasioned great perplexity. See Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 257. 11) Thucyd. i. 140: ilprii-ikvov ydp S'lKaQ fiiv tojv dia^opojv dWrjXotc SiSovat Kal SEXi(TOai, ix^iv Si tKarkpovg a ixofitv. 12) Thucyd. i. 35. 13) Colonies at Thurium (B.C. 444 ; see Diodor. xii. 10,) and Amphi- polis (437 ; see Thuc. iv. 102 ; Diod. xii. 32) ; proceedings against Samos (441 ; see Thucyd. i. 115—117,) and Potidaa (432 ; Thucyd. i. 56, sqq.) ; treaty with Corcyra (433; Thucyd. i. 24, sqq.); decree against INIegara (Thucyd. i. 67. 139; Aristoph. Acharn. 520 ; Diodor. xii. 39 ; Gell. Noct. Att. vi. 10; Plutarch. Vit. Pericl. c. 30); Views on Italy and Sicily (Thucyd. 1. 44.) §. 38. Under these circumstances the Peloponnesian war, B. C. 431, united under the banners of Lacedae- mon all its old allies ^, with better will than they had- ever before displayed, and opened the prospect of acquiring others, inasmuch as the war was proclaimed to be in behalf of the liberties of Greece ^ ; when how- ever the expected results failed^, and Lacedaemon, weakened by various reverses'*, concluded (B. C. 421) a peace with Athens regardless of the remonstrances made by the Corinthians, Boeotians, Megarians, and Eleans, it had well nigh lost all its influence ^ The Boeotians, after the victories of Coronea and Delium**, thought themselves a match for Athens ''. The Pelo- ponnesian states suspected the designs of their head, which had reserved to itself in one clause of the treaty SECT. 38.] OF GREECE. 75 the exclusive power of modifying its terms ^. When then Lacedasmon proceeded to consult its own se- curity by a formal treaty with Athens ^, Corinth called upon the Argives to reassert their claim to the i]yei^.oyi'a they once possessed, and to afford the states that might wish to shake off the yoke of Spartan tyranny, the shelter of a new alliance ^". Mantinea, Elis, and even the Chalcidian states in Thrace, immediately joined this new confederacy ^•. Tegea, however, re- mained in its allegiance ; and Megara and Boeotia, being deterred by the influence of their oligarchies from siding with the democratical Argos, Lacedaemon seized this opportunity to renew its alliance with them at the commencement of the next year, B. C. 420, on terms by which the Boeotians were declared not sub- ject, but independent allies; such in fact as Athens was at that moment '^. The revival of a good under- standing between Sparta and Thebes naturally de- stroyed the amity between the former and Athens ; and whilst the latter again coalesced with Argos, Co- rinth withdrew from its alliance with that state ^^ ; two years afterwards their defeat at Mantinea compelled even the Argives to make peace with Sparta^*. 1) They are enumerated by Thucyd. ii. 9. Conf. Poppo^ 1. c. p. 89, sqq. ; Wachsm. i. 2. 129 — 133. According to Thucyd. v. 31, it would seem a special treaty was formed, iv y tiprjro, ci tx^vTic tig rbv 'Attikov ■jTctXtjiov KciOiffravTo Tivtg, ravra txovrag Kai t^tXOilv. 2) Thucyd. ii. 8 : y) St ivvoia irapaTroXv (ttijh twv avGptljTrwv /xrtXXov ig Toiig AaKtoai^oviovg, dWiog rt kcu Trpneiirovrwv, oti Tr)v 'EWcida kXevQtpovcnv ovrtog opyy tlxot' oi TrXkovg rovg 'AQijvaiovg, oi fiiv Trig apxi]g cfKoXvQrivaL jSovXofiivoi, oi Sf fxr) apx^iiKTi (pojSovfjievoi. Conf. iv. 85 and 108. 3) Pylos and Sphacteria, B. C. 425 (Thucyd. iv. 4—38), Cythera, B.C. 424 (Thucyd. iv. 53). 4) Thucyd. v. 17, sqq. 6) Thucyd. V. 28 : Kara yap rbv ^^poi/ov rovrov >'/ AaKtdaijxoji' fxaXiara Si] KaKwg ijKovt Sid rcig avfi)v 'icitaGai ^iij-ij-iaxovQ attTovof-iovg, ovg dv ■jrpoig (popovg, ovg Si 'A9>}valovQ dnb tCov 'EXXijv(Jfc>v TTdhi}v tlvai ravTrji' tS, cnravTiov jiiv, fifi rbv rpoirov 5e tovtov, oi> vvv' iratSapuoSTjc y«p i] twv i(p6pi>)v apx^) Traffag tvOvvuv Tag apxag, k. t. X, 6) For they decided avToyvwuoveg, not koto ypaixfiuTa icai vofiovg, Aristot. §. 16 : comp. above, §. 25. n. 1. But Aristot. Rhetor, iii. 18. 6; and Plut. Agis. c. 12, imply the liability of even the Ephors to be called to account after the expiration of their term of office. 7) Rep. Lac. viii. 4 : 'faivov : see Sturz. 1. 1. iv. p. 420. 4) On these, comp. Plut. Lysand. c. 19; Gell. N. A, xvii. 9 ; Schol, Find. Olymp. vi. 156 ; and Meurs. Misc. Lace. iii. 4. p. 212, sijq.; .1, A. Bos ad Cornel. Nep. Pausan. c. 3 ; Beck, ad Aristoph. Aves. v. 1283. 5) Thucjd. V. 63 ; Diodor. xii. 78. As early as 446 B. C. Cleandridas accompaDied the young king Pleistoanax in that capacity; see Plut. Pericl. c. 22. Subsequently, however, we find Agis again uncontrolled, Thucyd. viii. 5. 6) Xen. Hell. ii. 4. 36; Rep. Lac. xiii. 5 ; Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 20. 88 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. 7) Comp. Herod, vi. 52 ; Xen. Hell. v. 3. 20 ; Pausan. iii. 1.7; in fact, according to Aristot. 1. c, ffo)T7]piav l%>6jiiZ,ov ry ttoXei tlvai to arama- Kiiv Tovi; [3a(n\'Eag. Hence also the prohibition of joint military command, which existed at a very early period, Herod, v. 75. 8) Plut. Agis. c. 12. 9) Aristot. ii. 6. 14: Sia rb rt)v apxW i^vai \iav fitydXrjv Kai ifforv- pavvov ST]fiay(i)ytiv avrovQ r}vayKa^ovTO oi ^amXiig. 10) Yet most of the kings, from B. C. 500 to 400, were more or less unsuccessful in their endeavours. Comp. Tittm. §. 130. §. 46. Whilst the ephoralty was thus assuming a pure despotic form^ instead of the democratic cha- racter by which it had once obtained for the Spartan constitution the praise ^ of a wise combination of all the three forms of government, the old aristocracy established by Lycurgus was ever tending to become an oppressive oligarchy^; from which the oracle fore- telling that avarice alone should work the fall of Sparta ultimately received its fulfilment*. The main causes of this corruption were the political circum- stances which involved Sparta in foreign wars and naval expeditions, thereby not only familiarizing its citizens with foreign customs, contrary to the design of their legislator, but occasioning several actual de- partures from his institutions ^. The very necessity of dispatching other generals than the kings to the various scenes of warfare, was contrary to the spirit of Lycurgus' enactments ; new dignities were created, such as harmosts for the conquered cities, navai'chs ** and epistoleis'' for the fleet. The restrictions at first imposed on these offices were progressively eluded or dispensed with^; and that characters such as Clearchus ^ and Lysander ^" could not but yield to the temptations presented by such a state of things, is shown by the case of Pausanias " at a period when Sparta was as yet comparatively sound within, and a stranger to the temptations of the precious metals. SECT. 47.] OF GREECE. 89 1) Plat, de Legg. iv. 712. D.: to yap twv L(p6pu)v davfiaarov Wi,- rv- pavviKov iv avry ykyove ; conf. Aristot. 1. 1. 2) Plat, de Legg. ili. p. 692. A. ; Aristot. Polit. ii. 3. 10 ; 6. 15 ; iv. 5. 11 ; 7. 4 ; Isocr. Panath. p. 630; Polyb. vi. 3. 8; 10. 6; Stob. Serm. xli. p. 267. 3) Aristot. Pollt. V. 6. 7 ; see the usual process of such a change in Plat. Republ. viii. p. 547. D.; 551. B. 4) 'A (piXo-x^prinaTia 27r«prav oXtl, dWo Si ovSev. See the Commen- tators on Cic. de Offic. ii. 22. 77 ; Neumann, ad Aristot. Frag. p. 132 ; Mai ad Diodor. Frag. Vat. p. 3 ; Pausan. ix. 34. 3. 5) Thucyd. i. 71 : ri(Tv\aL,ovcnj jilv ttoKh ra aKivrjTa vupijxa upiara, TtpoQ ■KoKKa di avayKaZopii'oig i'ivai TroWrJQ Kai rijc iiTiT(.xvi]cno}Q Sel, Comp, above, §. 36, and particularly Polyb. vi. 49. 7. 6) 'ExfSov tripa ISamXtia, Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 22, They were, in fact, generally held in check by crvfijSovXoi, Thucyd. ii. 85 ; iii. 69 ; viii, 39. 7) Sturz, Lex. Xenoph. ii. p. 321. On the Harmosts, see above, §. 39. n. 8. 8) Strictly, none of these offices could be held for more than one year, nor a second time. Xenoph. Hellen. ii. 1. 7. 9) Diodor. xiv. 12. 10) Diodor. xiv. 13 ; Plut. Lysand. c. 24, sqq. 11) Thucyd. i. 128 — 133. He fell in attempting to produce a revolt of the Helots and the overthrovs' of the ephors, as did Lysander in aiming at that of the kings. Comp. Aristot. Polit. v. 1. 5 ; 6. 2. §. 47. Lysander is generally pointed out as the first who made his countrymen familiar with coined money by the booty he brought home \ and the open demo- ralisation of Sparta dates from that fact. The pre- cious metals had long before found their way to indi- viduals^; and now that the state itself began to amass treasure^, no prohibitory measure could restrict the possession of wealth to the public coffers ^. The very highest bodies of the magistracy, favoured by their independent position, were not unfrequently foremost in corruption, and in the infringement of public dis- cipline. Such was the case with the members of the senate in general^, and above all with the ephors, belonging, as they generally did, to the poorer ranks 6. The original equal distribution of property 7 began N 90 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. moreover to give way to one oppressively dispropor- tionate s. In the case of numerous families the ori- ginal lot became inadequate to the maintenance of all, and, occasionally, by marriages, or through the changes of inheritance, caused by the constant wars, two or more lots came into the hands of one individual, who, it might happen, left no offspring or none but females 9. Amid these circumstances the law of Epi- tadeus^", prohibiting the alienation of property by piu-- chase, but allowing of its disposal by way of gift or by will, was a decisive step towards ruin ; large dowries, which Lycurgus had strictly forbidden", became common, and whilst the rich contracted alliances and made bequests among themselves only ^^, a distinction of ranks arose founded on wealth ^^, which gained ground the more easily, from the circumstance that Lycurgus himself had excluded from the exercise of his rights as citizen^*, whoever could not contribute his due quota to the syssitia^^, or afford to go through with the education and lead the life of a pure-born Spartan. Thus, eventually, of only seven hundred re- maining Spartans, not more than one hundred found themselves in full enjoyment of all their rights as such 16; at the same time the female sex, which, in the time of Aristotle, was in possession of two-fifths of the whole landed property '^^ was ever gaining new influence from the circumstance that there existed no legal check to the arrogance of its pretensions. 1) Conf. Plut. Lysand. c, 17 ; iElian. Var. Hist.xiv.29.— Bockh.Publ. Qicon. i. p. 43, sqq. (comp. C. Inscr. i. p. 697, on Athen. vi. p. 233. F.) and Miiller, ii. p. 219, conjecture that money existed in Sparta before his time; but Thucyd. i. 80 and 141, certainly states that they had no trea- sury before him. On the fines, see Meier de bonis damn. p. 198. 2) Pausanias hoped for a bribe, Thucyd. i. 131. Leotychidas was bribed (B. C. 470), Herod, vi. 72 ; Paus. iii. 7, 8 ; Plistoanax and Clean- dridas, (B. C. 446 ;) Thucyd. ii. 21 ; v. 16. Pericles expended ten talents among them, tig rb deov, (Plut. Vit. Pcricl. c. 22, sq.: comp. Schol. Arist. Nub. 858). Gylippus was charged with embezzlement, Plut. Lysand. SKCT. 48.] OF GREECE. 91 c. 16; Diodor. xiii. 106. Compare Aristoph, Pac. v. 620, sqq., and Levesque in Mem. de I'lnst. t. iii. p. 365. 3) Plat. Ale. i. p. 122. E: j^piitnov dt Kai apyvpwv ovk tariv tv Ttd- aiv"EX\t}(nv oaov iv AaKtSaijiovt i^ig. Conf. Hipp. Maj. p. 283. D, and Bitaube sur la richesse de Sparte, (Mem. de Berlin, 1781,) p. 559, sqq. ; Wachsm. ii. 1. §. Ill, sqq. 4) Aristot. Polit. ii. 8.7: '6 ti S' av viro\df3y ti^iov tlvai to Kvpuv, dvdyKti Kal tOjv dXKwv ttoXitwv So^av aKoXovOtiv rovrotg. 5) Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 18. 6) Aristot. ibid. §. 14. 16. 7) As to how this can have been maintained for a time, see the Con- jectures of Manso, i. 1. §. 121 ; i. 2. §. 129 — 134, who does not however meet all the difficulties. See also Tittm. §. 660. 8) Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 10. 9) We read of heiresses; see above, §. 25. u. 14. 10) Plut. Agis, c. 5. — Manso (iii. 1. §. 263) sets him later than Agesi- laus ; Miiller, more correctly, (ii. p. 205,) after Lysander ; although we certainly meet with rich heiresses in the times of Archidamus, (Athen. xiii. 20. p. 566. A.) and Lysander (Plut. Lysand. c. 30; yElian. Var. Hist, vi. 4). What we read in Plut. Ages. c. 4, seems at all events to indicate such a law ; from the anecdote in his Narr. Amat. c. 5. t. xii. p. 77, it would seem to have existed before 01. 77. 4 ; but compare Meier de bonis damn. p. 199. 11) Justin, iii. 3 ; iElian. Var. Hist. vi. 6 ; Hermippus ap. Athen. xiii. 2. 12) Aristot. Polit. v. 6. 7 ; Plut. Agis, c. 5. 13) Accordingly we find Aristotle mentioning yinopifxoi, kroXoi KayaGoi, etc., in contradistinction to the ^Tihoq, although the latter must have in- cluded Spartans, the ephors being elected from it. Comp. ii. 6. 15. — Even Thucyd. i. 6, recognises distinctions in Laced^emon founded on property. We read of tTTTrorpo^irti, Plut. vVges. c. 20. Compare Xen. Hell. vi. 4.21. 14) Xenoph. Republ. 1. x. 7. Compare above, §. 24. n. 16. 15) Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 21. 16) Plut. Agis, c. 5. extr. 17) Polit. ii. 6. 11 ; comp. Plut. Agis, c. 7, and above, §. 27. n. 12. §. 48. Another consequence of the progressive di- minution of the male citizens by continual warfare \ was danger from the Helots, which of necessity in- creased in proportion to the attempts made to debase them 2 and thin their numbers by every means that craft and violence could suggest. Extermination en masse ^ was naturally had recourse to only in extreme 92 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Cchap. ii. cases, but numbers were yearly despatched in the petty warfare, through which the Kfvnreta. sank from its original design of training the Spartan youth to mili- tary operations*, to a system of assassination ^ On the other hand, the diminution of their own numbers compelled the Spartans to emancipate and arm Helots in order to make up the complement of their armies. The success of the first experiment of this kind^, B. C. 424, was such that after that period it became usual to enlist citizens only for service in Greece, whilst Perioeci and Neodamodes were sent on foreign or dis- tant expeditions ''. Only when the king himself took the command, thirty Spartans accompanied him as a guard of honour ^ ; on other occasions it was consi- dered sufficient that a Spartan should have the com- mand, though we even find Perioeci at the head of lochi^. Notwithstanding all this, the Spartans, di- minished as their numbers were, persisted in their old system of exclusion and oppression, exciting the deadly and undisguised hatred of all their subjects. This, but for the precaution of Agesilaus, would have effected the overthrow of the established con- stitution, B. C. 397, by the conspiracy under Cina- don^o. 1) On the oXiynvOptoTTia of Lacedamon, see Aristot. Polit. ii. 6. 12, and Clinton's Fasti, vol. ii. p. 407, sqq. 2) See, on this subject at large, Athen. xiv. 74, p. 657. D., and on the practice of intoxicating them, Meurs. Misc. ii. 6. pp. 128, 129 ; Leopold, ad Plut. Vit. Lycurg. p. 251. It is contradicted by Miiller, Dorians, vol. ii. p. 39. 3) Thucyd. iv. 80. On another occasion the Lacedaemonians rejoiced at the desertion of 50000 (?) slaves in the train of tlie ^-Etolians, Plut. Vit. Cleom. c. 18. For the particulars of the decay and fall of Sparta, see Polyb. iv. 349, and comp. Manso, iii. 2. §. 128—132, 4) See Plut. de Legg. i. p. 633. B.; comp. vi. p. 763. B. ; Plut. Vit. Cleom. c. 28 ; Miiller, ii. p. 40. 5) Plut. Vit. Lycurg. c. 28. Vide plur. ap. Manso, i, 2. §. 141 — 153. 6) The TipnaiStioi, Thucyd. iv. 80 ; v. 34. 7) So with Gylippus, Thucyd. vii. 58 ; Thimbron, Xenoph. Hell, iii. 1. 4 ; Ludamidas, ibid. v. 2. 24. SECT. 49.] OF GREECE. 93 8) Conf. Xenoph. Hell. iii. 4. 2 ; v. 3. 8 ; Diodor, xiv. 79. Were they sent as ffifil3ov\oi (Plut. Lysand. 23.) ? 9) Thucyd. viii. 22. Were Helots ever made Harmosts 1 Xeaoph. Hell, iii. 5. 12. 10) Xenoph. Hell. iii. 3. 4—11 ; conf. Aristot. Polit. v. 6. 2. §. 49. The reign of this Agesilaus, who, after having raised the pohtical power of Sparta to the greatest height it ever attained, outhved its total downfall, forms a remarkahle epoch in the history of that state, inasmuch as the struggles between the kings and ephors ceased with him, and the latter attained an un- disputed supremacy in the government ^ ; particularly after the kings and princes became adventurers on foreign service at the head of mercenaries ^, or para- sites at foreign courts ^. Thus everything contributed to annihilate the creation of Lycurgus ; the impover- ishment and overwhelming debts of the majority* of the citizens, was augmented by the loss of Messenia about this time. Such of his institutions as still ex- isted were reduced to empty formalities, and the decay of warlike spirit was sufficiently attested by the forti- fication of the city^ against the attacks of Demetrius and Pyrrhus, B. C. 296 and 272. The attempt of Agis III. to effect a redivision of the land after an abolition of debts, and recruit the members of the Spartan citizens, ended in his own destruction^: it was only on the ruins of the ephoralty that Cleomenes III. 7 could found the renovation, which, by restoring the ancient discipline in conjunction with the new Macedonian tactics^, excited some expectation that Lacedeemon might regain its sway over the Pelopon- nesus ^, but in reality contributed to hasten its down- fall. The league between the Achaeans and Antigo- nus Doson of Macedonia ^*^, compelled the youthful hero to surrender all his conquests ; and his defeat at 94 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. ii. Sellasia", B.C. 222, shortly afterwards put an end to the Herachde dynasty in Lacedaemon ^^. 1) Plut. Vit. Ages. c. 4 : to TroXefiiiv Kai TfpoaKpoluv avroig iaffag iOepaTTtvs, k, t, X. 2) As Archidamus III. B. C. 338, at Tarentum ; Diodor. xvi. 63 ; Strab. vi. p. 429. B. ; Agis II. B. C. 332, in Crete ; Diodor. xvii. 48 ; Cleonymus, B. C. 303, at Tburium ; Diodor. xx. 105 ; Liv. x. 2. 3) As Acrotatus, Diodor. xix. 71 ; Leonidas II. Plut, Agis,c.3 ; Athen. iv. 20. 4) Plut. Agis, c. 5 ; see above, §. 47. 5) Pausan. i. 13. 5; vii. 8. 3 ; Justin, xiv. 5 ; Liv. xxxiv. 38. Conf. Manso, iii. 1. §. 252, sqq. On the unfortified condition of tbe city in earlier times, see Meurs. Misc. p. 285, sqq.; Cragius, iii. 2. 5; couf.Plat.de Legg. vi. 778. D. ; ^aX/ca kuI aiSrjpd dtlv dvai to. rtixv jxaWov ?} yijiva. 6) Plut. Agis, c. 6, sqq. Conf. Manso, iii. i. §. 277, sqq. 7) Plut. Vit. Cleom. c. 7, sqq. ; Wachsmuth, i. 2. §. 421. 8) Plut. 1. 1. c. 11 ; Manso, iii. 1. §. 311, sqq. 9) Polyb. ii. 46, sqq. ; Plut. 1. 1. c. 14, sqq. Comp. Manso on Poly- bius and Plutarch respecting Cleomenes, Spart. iii. 2. §. 133, sqq. ; and Chr. Lucas, iiber Polybius Darstellung d. atolischen Bundes, (Kcinigsb. 1827,) $. 53. 85, sqq. 10) Plut. Vit. Arat. c. 38, sqq. After three defeats, Polyb. ii. 51. 11) Plut. Vit. Cleom. c. 28, sqq. ; Polyb. ii. 64, 65. He died in exile at Alexandria, three years afterwards. Plut. c. 35, sqq. ; Polyb. v. 35 — 39. 12) Pausan. iii. 6. 5. The race of the Heraclidae was not however yet extinct ; see Polyb. iv. 35, and Clinton's F. H. vol. ii. p. 218. There were persons who claimed descent from Hercules so late as in the second cen- tury of the Christian era ; see Boeckh. ad C. Inscr. i. p. 655. §. 50. The victor generously allowed the Spartans to retain their independence, and re-established the ephoraltyS by that very means sowing the seeds of fresh convulsions^ which soon led the Lacedaemonians to side with the yEtolians against Macedonia and Achaea. A certain Lycurgus usurped the throne to the detriment of the more lawful claimants of the Heraclide race^, one of whom named Chilon made an unsuccess- ful attempt to effect a reaction* by conspiring to over- throw the ephoralty ; Lycurgus continued to reign, in dependence on the ephors'', till B. C. 211, when the kingly power was usurped by Machanidas^, and, after SECT. 50.] OF GREECE. 95 his fall at Mantinea, B. C. 207, by the renowned Na- bis8. The latter, though he had been at an earlier period the ally of Rome ^, was involved in the fall of Philip of Macedon by his hostility to the Achaeans, who at that time joined the Roman interest ^^•, Quinc- tius Flamininus compelled him, B, C. 195, to surren- der the sea-ports of Laconia to their keeping ^\ and his murder by the ^tolians^^, B. C. 192, gave the Achaean general, Philopcemen, an opportunity of win- ning over Sparta to the Achaean league. Three years afterwards that commander also availed himself of an insurrection to abolish what relics still remained of the institutions of Lycurgus, intending to substitute those of the Achaeans ^^ ; the oppressed Spartans however obtained protection from the Romans ^'*, whose jea- lousy readily seized this opportunity of meddling with the internal affairs of the League. Sparta did indeed again formally join the confederacy^^, B. C. 182, but a renewal of her grievances at last brought about the war^*' which ended, B. C. 146, in the subjugation of the Peloponnesus by the Romans, but left her in possession of such a degree of freedom as a Greek state could enjoy under the supremacy of Rome ^''. The sea-coast towns seem however to have continued independent of Sparta ; Augustus subsequently limited the number of these free towns (Eleutherolacones) to twenty- four ^^. Their chief magistrates were styled ephors^^; in Sparta meantime the Patronomi^*' insti- tuted by Cleomenes ^i continued to exist, together with the ephors and the senate. 1) Polyb. ii. 70 ; v. 9. 8 ; xx. 5. 12 ; jPausan. ii. 9. 2. 2) Polyb. iv. 22. 3) Polyb. iv. 34, sqq. Agesipolis III. being a minor, was at first only nominally king with him. 4) Polyb. iv. 81. 5) Polyb. V. 29; conf. 91. 6) Manso, iii. 1. §. 369. 96 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. hi. 7) Polyb. xi. 11, sqq. ; Plut. Vit. Philopoem. c. 10; Pausan. viii. 50. 2. 8) Polyb. xiii. 6; xvi. 13; Pausan. iv. 29. 4. 9) Liv. xxix. 12. 10) Polyb. xvii. 5. 7; Liv. xxxii. 20, sqq.; Pausan. vii. 8. 11) Liv. xxxiv. 36 ; conf. xxxv. 13 ; Achaeis omnium maritimorum La- conum tuendorum a T. Quinctio demandata cura erat. On the battle of Sellasia, see Leake, vol. ii, p. 530. 12) Liv. xxxv. 35, sqq.; Plut. Vit. Philop. c. 15; Pausan. viii. 50, 51. 13) Liv. xxxviii. 30 — 34; Pausan. vii. 8. 3. 14) Polyb. xxiii. 1.11; xxiv. 4. 10 ; conf. Manso, §. 424. 15) Polyb. XXV. 2 : oi 'Axaiol tKpivav ■Kpoaka^kaQai TrjV ttoXiv, Kai fXiTO. Tavra aTr}\riQ Trpoypa(p6i(TTjg avviTToXinvtro fitTo. tHiv 'Axacwv »/ 16) See Polyb. xxx. 1, sqq.; Pausan. vii. 9, sqq., for the conduct of the traitor Callicrates, and the praetors Menalcidas and Diaeus. 17) Strab. viii. p. 562. B.: fiiKpa fikv riva irpoasicpovffav roig irtfiiiro- fi'cvoiQ vTTo 'Pwju«(ojv <7TpaT)]yoic> Tvpavvovfitvoi TOTE Kal iroXirevofievoi fio-)(Gr]pwc' c'lvaXajSoi'Tfg Sf (ic, tTii^i)9ri(rai' diafepovTiog Kal t/xtivav iXivOspoi, ttX/jv rojv fiXiKiov XeiTovpyiiov (iXXo nvi'TeXovvng ovSkv. See a further account in INIanso, $. 444, sqq. On the permanency of the in- stitutions of Lycurgus, see Dio Chrysost. xxv. p. 281 ; and others quoted by Meurs. Misc. ii. 5. p. 121. 18) Besides Strabo, 1. c. see in particular Pausan. iii. 21. 6, in whose time some had already fallen anew under the power of Sparta. 19) Boeckh. ad C. Inscr. i. p. 608 : to koivov twv ' EXiv9EpoXaKioviov, ibid. p. 670. Comp. also Tittmann, §. 138. 20) The first of them accordingly was iviowfioQ. On the magistracy of Lacedaemon at this period, see Boeckh. 1. c. i. p. 604 — 613. 21) Pausan. ii. 9. 1 ; conf. Meurs. 1. c. ii. 4. p. 113. SECT. 51.] OF GREECE. 97 CHAPTER III. HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE VARIOUS FORMS OF GOVBRNMENT AMONG THE GREEKS, WITH THEIR RESPECTIVE CHARACTERISTICS. §. 51. Aristotle S in publishing his opinion, that the notion of a state is antecedent to that of an individual, and that the existence of the latter is modified by the former, as the part by the whole, was the first who explicitly declared the principle on which, though not clearly recognised, the whole political system of Greece was originally founded. The individual was respected as a man, and considered as possessed of civil rights, only within the boundaries of the state to which he belonged. Hence the state was the sole object of that system^, and the citizen, whose exist- ence was purely relative and dependent, had no legal claims oh the state ^, but only on the individuals who were like himself subject to its absolute will. But while, on the one hand, the Greek state thus seemed to assume the character of the Asiatic despot, it is easy on the other, to distinguish the practical difference between the despotism of an autocrat, and despotism, in the abstract, as possessed and exercised by the public. In the latter case, the law, being only the incorporated will of the state, prevails as the lawful sovereign* of the land, the constituted authorities of which are merely its instruments and representa- tives®. All the legally established governments of Greece may therefore be considered free republics ^ o 98 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Qchap. hi. if freedom be defined to mean no more than the cer- tainty of depending on the will of no one individual who is not, equally with his fellow-citizens, subject and responsible to the absolute authority of the laws, to the will of the body politic. The degree in which the individual himself participates as member of the state in its powers, defines the degree of his political independence''; but it seems essential to the idea of citizen, that he should in some way or other parti- cipate in all debates and decisions on public matters^; accordingly, it is only a community of persons thus privileged (respect being had in every case to the re- strictions and modifications peculiar to particular com- munities^) that constitutes the voXii or state ^^ 1) Politic, i. 1. 11. 2) Tittm. §. 15. " In modern times the state pays more regard to the rights of the individual than was the case among the Greeks, who rather consulted the interests of the community at large, and the maintenance of general equality." 3) Plat. Criton. c. 12 ; conf. Demosth. pro Cor. p. 296. 16 j and my Diss, de Jure et Auct. Magg. ap. Athenienses, p. 65, sqq. Antiquissima et sanctissima parens patria ; Cic. ad Att. ix. 9; conf. Catil. i. 7; Philipp. V. 5 ; OfBc. i. 17 ; Mai. ad Cic. de Rep. i. 4. extr. 4) Herod, vii. 104 : IXtvOtpoi yap Iovtsq ov iravra iXtvOtpoi tlac tTreari yap acpi StaTrorrjg vofiog, ov virodtifiaivovcn iroWip tri i^iaWov fi oi aoi aL Comp. Plat. Rep. ix. p. 590. E.; de Legg. iii. p. 700. A.; iv. 714. A.; vi. 762. E.; Epist. viii. p. 354. C; Aristot. Polit. iii, 613; 11. 3; iv. 4. 6; Menand. Frag. inc. CL. p. 241. Meinek.; Philem. ap. Stob. Serm. Ix. p. 381. Gesn. (p. 366. Meinek.) Comp. also Weisse div. civit. const, ind. p. 123; and Rbtscher's Aristoph. und seine Zeit, §. 85 — 93. Thence, oi rCJv iroXtiov jSaaiKtlg vofioi ; see Boeckh. ad Pindar. Frag. 48. p. 641 ; Spengel. Art. Scr. p. 177. 5) Aristot. Polit. iii. 11.3: Kciv tl rivaq apxtiv jSeXnov, tovtovq kutu- OTar'tov vofiO(pi\aKag Kal virripkraQ rolg vonoig. Conf. Plat, de Legg. iv. p. 715. D. : apxovTiQ SovXoi rov v6}iov. 6) This is what Tittm. (§. 626,) and Vollgraff (§. 112, sqq.) mean, when they assert that all the governments of Greece were quite detno- cratical. 7) Hence Aristot. Polit. iii. 1.6: 6 Iv SfjuoKpari^ fiaXiaTa ttoXittjq. 8) IloXirtjf; 6 /xsrs^wr Kpifftiog Kai apxi)Gt Aristot. Polit. iii. ]. 4. See instances in Wachsm. i. 1. §. 162 — 167. 9) Aristot. Polit. iii. 5. 14: iroXig »/ ytviuv Kal kio/xwv Koiviovia ^w^f TtXtias Kai avrapKOVt; : conf. Plat. Republ. ii. p. 369. B. sqq. SECT. 52.] OF GREECE. 99 10) Ibid. iii. 1. 8: (^ yap i^ovaia Koivwviiv apx^JC /SovXturtK^C ij KpiriKTJg, iroXiTTjv iiSr] Xiyofiiv iivai TavTT)Q ttiq iroXtioQ' ttoKiv de to tuiv TOiovTojv TrXfjOoc, iKavbv Trptic avrapKiiav ?a»^e. Conf. iii. 7. 13 : ttoXitijc de KOivy fiiv 6 fitrixi^i' ~ov apxftv Kai apxirtQai iari' Ka9' tKUffTtjv Sk TToXirtiav irepog : for, (iii. 1. 14.) ^aXiara XtKTtov rijv avTtjv TroXtv tig Tjjv TToXiTtiav jiXeTfovTag. §. 52. It is on the more accurate definition of the mode and extent of this participation that the differ- ences of constitutions, iroXireTat, rest ; these are not dcr pendent on the laws, which serve but to regulate the intercourse of citizens and conduct of magistrates, but turn more on the relations subsisting between the state itself and its members ^. They may be classed under three comprehensive denominations, according as the supreme power is vested in the hands of an individual, of a part, or of a general assembly of the free citizens. Of these three, however, each branches out into two forms of opposite characters 2. If, for instance, the ruling power in each, abiding faithfully by the principle we have explained above, acknow- ledges laws and a power above itself, deriving thence alone its own strength, and taking the interest of all and the public voice for its guide, then each of the three forms is valid and good^, and their excellence and permanency depend merely on external circum- stances and the spirit of the times'*, which in the early stages of society favours an hereditary mon- archy or aristocracy, in the later a moderate demo- cracy ^ On the other hand, that arbitrary caprice and contempt of law, which makes might to be right, exalts private interest to the importance of a national object, and urges its demands as law upon the indi- vidual citizen^, may be developed under each of the three forms'', although the more private the interest which is substituted for that of the public, the more violent is the spirit with which it is urged. We thus obtain six forms of government, which, taken in 100 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. in. couples, exhibit a legitimate form and its abuse, {■jtap€Kpav Ta%iQ iffTC TavT7]v Si Siavinovrai -irdvTtQ f) KaTCt ttjv Svva- fiiv Twv u.tTixovTo)v, T] KUTCL Tivo avTwv i(j6T7]Ta Koivijv, \£yw Si olov Twv ivnopuv Tj TbJv dnSpujv, i] Kotvr]v Tiv ajMipolv : and Plat. Legg. v. p. 735. A. 2) Herod, iii. 80—82; Xen. M. S. iv. 6. 12; Plat. Polit. p. 291. D. sqq. ; Republ. viii. p. 543. C— IX. p. 580. B. ; Aristot. Rhet. i. 8 ; Pol, iii. 5. sqq. ; Eth. Nic. viii. 10 ; Mor. Eud. vii. 9 ; Polyb. vi. 3 — 9; Cic. de Republ. i. c. 26—29 ; Strab. i. p. 20. B. ; Dio Chrysost. iii. p. 43, 44 ; Plut. de Monarchia, etc. t. xii. p. 203—206. Hutt. ; Menand. Rhet. de Encom. iii. 1. p. 94. Hear.; Sallust. deMundo, c. 11; with the notes of Orelli, p. 146, sqq. Comp. Hiillmann's Staatsr. des Alterth. §. 117 — 123; and Fr. Schleiermacher, iiber die Begriffe der verschiedenen Staalsformen, in Abh. der Berl. Acad. 1814—15; Philos. CI. §. 17—59; Ph. Guil. van Heusde, Diatribe in civitates antiquas, 1817; Lud Jos. Delwarde, de formis rerum publice gerendarum, in Annal. Acad. Lovan. 1821 — 22 ; but see particularly, in connection with this and the following sections, Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 136, sqq.; Tittmann, §. 520 ; Kortiim, §. 1 ; Wachsm. ii. 1. §.5. 3) Aristot. Polit. iii. 4. 7 : ) rpia jxopia roJv TroXtrfidv wacriliv — Hiv iXovTiov KaXioQ avayKT) t>)v TroXiTiiav ixi^v KaXuig Kal tccq TToXtTtiag diaipipiiv aXXijXtov tv ry Sia^spuv sKaffTOv tovtojv. 'Eort £e tHiv rpidv TOVrUJV SV flEV Tl TO ^OvXtVOfltVOV TTlpi Tibv KQIVWV SEVTSpOV 5k t6 TTfpt rac apxag, tovto S' taTtv ag Sti Kai tivwv elvai Kvpiag Kal iroiav rivd lin yiveaOai Tt)v aiptaiv airuv rpirov Se ti to SiKatiov, On which see Tittmann, §. 533, sqq. 2) According to Aristot. 1. c, Kvpiov 5i iffTi to ^ovXtvofitvov irtpl TToXknov Kai iip'i)vr\Q Kal avfifiaxiag Kal SiaXvatojg /cat iripl vofiwv Kal TTtpl davciTov Kal (pvyrjQ Kai Sijfxivatwg Kal tCov ivdvi'wv. Conf. Cic. de Rep. i. 32. It would perhaps be more accurate to call it the " decretive," but I have preferred Aristotle's expression, on account of what remains to be said respecting it. 3) Demosth. Lept. §. 47. Hence Thucyd. iii. 37 : x^'^po'^i vofioig oKt- vrjTOig xpoinkvYf ttoXiq Kptiaawv ioTiv, rf KaXutQ lyovcnv aKvpoig, But compare Aristot. Polit. ii. 5. 10, and the saying of Zaieucus : vtt' av6p- TTuiv fifv y'lTrdaQai rovg KiiixEvovg vofiovg ov KaXbv ovSi avyiEpov, vtto Si vofiov jStXriovoc I'lTTaffQai KaTaKpivofiivov kuXov : Stob. Serm. xlii. p. 280, coll. Diod. xii. 16. 4) Aristot. Polit. iii. 11.6: t'ri KvpiwTspoi Kal Trepl KvpKOTspwv twv KUTct ypafifxara vofiwv o'l KaTci tci i9tj tirriv. Hence we hear ot dypa^oi I'ofxoi, see Thucyd. ii. 37 ; Plat, de Legg. vii. p. 793. A. ; Cic. de Inv. ii. 22; iv. 2; plur. ap. Ast, ad Plat. Remp. p. 591, sqq., and my Diss, de jure magg. p. 56. Comp. Weisse,|l.c.p.27: " Omnino sic tenendum est, eas.quas nos proprie leges dicimus, normas quippe constantes agendi libero arbitrio per potestatem civitatis propositas, tunc plane fuisse ignotas ; eaque omnia qua; viderentur arbitraria, non nisi de singulis rebus singulis occasionibus fuisse disposita; ea vero qua; continerent regulam constantem, non ex ar- bitrio sed ex natura et consuetudine manasse." 5) On this subject at large, see Wachsm. i. 1. §. 197, sqq., and compare Chr. G. Richter, Spec, animadvv. de vett. legg. latt. ad J. A. Fabr. Bibl. gr. 1. ii. c. 14, (Lips. 1786), and Weisse 1. c. p. 103, sqq. 6) Compare Tittmann, §. 10; Weisse, 1. c. p. 54, sqq.; Midler's Do- rians, ii. p. 235. Hence vofiog ifi^pvxog 6 (iaaiXevg, see Krabinger on Sy- SECT. 54.] OF GREECE. 103 nesius, p. 176, also Cic. de Legg. iii. 1 : vere did magistratum esse legem loquentem, legem autem mutiim mugistratum. 7) Aristot. Polit. iii. 11.4 : rd Xoiird ry SiicaioTaTy yvwuy Kpivttv Kai SioiKtlv rove iipxovrag ; conip. iii. 6, 13, and 11.7; also, in particular, the judges' oath, given by F. A. Wolf ad Demosth. Leptin. p. 339 ; Matthise Miscell. Philoll. i. 3. p. 256. Hence Lysias even (ap. Stob. Serro. xliv.): Tjjv avrfiv yv(init)v 2%'**' SiKa'^ovraQ aliov ijvwep vof-ioOerovvTag ; Ly- curg. adv. Leocr. c. 3. and Plat, de Legg. xi. p. 934. B. 8) Whether it were for the promotion of individual interests, or for the protection of the public against the ambitious aims of individuals. 9) The case consequently appears most uncommon, and in the highest degree anomalous, in which rci SiKaaT-ffpia \ifi Ik tov TroXirtvfiaTog tariv, Aristot. Polit. v. 5. 5 ; since oaai opxai Kvpiai Ti)g TroXirtiag, ravrag Tolg tK Trig TToXireiag lyxiipiZdv [.lovoig rj TrXtiom, v. 7. 13. 10) Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 767. A.; comp. Diss, de jure magg. p. 54, sqq. 11) For the important reason given Aristot. Polit. iv. 4. 7 : Stl yap rbv [liv vofiov apxuv TravTwv, twv Se KaO' 'iKaara rag dp^ug, t>)v Sf ttoXi- Ti'iav KpivHv : comp. iv. 11. 1. For a detailed account of the tvOvvrj, see Wachsm. i. 1. §. 192. 12) To (iovXivTiKov Kvpiov TTJg -TroXiniag, Aristot. iv. 12. 1. and vi. init. §. 54. In the primitive monarchy, the sovereignty is as yet completely in the hands of the executive ^ and hence coincides with a tyranny, with this distinction only, that the latter, strictly speaking, uniting in itself all the three forms of power, does not, as the mon- archy, admit an established council as its rightful col- league in the government ^. An aristocracy, standing midway between a monarchy and an oligarchy, ap- proximates more closely to the one or to the other, in proportion as it allows a greater or less influence to the voice of the commonalty. The transitions of the oligarchical form again are decided by the influence of the deliberative power, whose privileges, perpetually growing more extensive through the variovis degrees of democracy, prevail at last to the destruction of the independence of all state dignitaries ^. In a democracy the deliberative power resides in the general assem- bly ; in an oligarchy, in the council, which is not to be confounded with the ^ovX-q of the democracy, this latter 104 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [[chap. hi. being nothing more than a committee of the mob*. The pecuhar principles on which this council may be constituted, the relations it may bear to the two other powers, the share it may have in appointing the repre- sentatives of these, and the mode of appointment, whether by lot or election, for a longer or a shorter period, with more extensive or more limited powers, all serve further to mark the differences between mo- dified or absolute constitutions of each description, of which combinations are thus formed in almost endless variety^. Of these, however, history affords us but a few solitary and defective specimens ^ ; so that we must here confine ourselves to the six fundamental forms 7 before mentioned. 1) Hence the kings were properly avvwtvdvvot, see Phavor. s. v. j3a(n- Xiia; comp. Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 761. E. 2) Dionys. Hal. ii. 12: toTq yap (iaaiKtvaw, otrot rs ■KcirpiovQ apxaq irapaXa^uitv, Kai oaovg r; ttXijOv^ avn) KararTTi'jffaiTo I'jyej.iovaQ, jSovXev- Tjjpiov t]v tK ToJv Kpariarwv — Kai oii)^ winrtp iv Toig Kad' tjudc xpo- voiQ avOdSti^ Kai novoyvtii^oviq fjoav a\ twv dpxaiojv jSacriXAwv Svi/a- (TTeiai, 3) Aristot. Polit. iv. 4. 6 ; 1 1. 5; vi. 1. 8. On this subject at large, compare my Dissertatio Quaestionum de jure et auctoritate magistratunm apud Alhenienses, (Heidelb. 1829). We must not here overlook the written codes of law which put an end to the avroTeXoJg SiKc'cZfiv of the public officers (de jure magg. pp. 60, 61 ). Weisse, p. 58 and 144 : Graci leges scriptas semper habueruut pro palUidio democratiie. Conf. Eurip.Suppl. V. 449, sqq. ; ^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 2. Hence the laws at Athens: aypcKpif) vofiij} rag dpxdg fit) xpj)(T0at ntjSk irtpl ivog, Andoc. de JVlyster. §.85. 4) As, for instance, Tittm. has done (§. 536, sqq.) Aristot. Polit. vi. 5. 13 : rpiwv 5' ovaiLv dp\iov, dg a'lpoiiVTai rivig ap-^dg rag Kvpiovg, vo- HotpukaKuv, TrpojSoiiXwv, (SovXijg, oi (ilv vofiocpvXaKig dpnTTOKpariKov, oXiyapxiKov ^' o'l 7rpo/3ot;\oi, (iovXr) Se Stjuotikov. Comp. iv. 12. 8 ; vi. 5. 10, and on the irp6(iovXoi in particular, iv. 11. 9. Strictly speaking, only members of the gerusia held their office for life ; but we meet with TrpojSovXoi for life, Plut. Qu. Gr. c. 4. Compare also Thucyd. viii. 1 ; Lysias adv. Eratosth. c. 65; Aristot. Rhetor, iii. 18. 5; Harpocr. p. 278. Who, liowever, were the ffvyKXrirol whom Aristot. (Polit. iii. 1. 7) men- tions in contradistinction to the Siifiog and ecclesia, and Wachsm. (iii. l.§, 188) makes to have constituted with the -n-p6[iovXoi a kind of popular re- presentative body in oligarchical states'! See also Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 147, sqq.; Hullmann's Staatsr. §. 327 — 329; and on the senate in particular, Kortiim §. 8. 9. In absolute democracies even this assembly disappears, Aristot. Polit. iv. 12. 9; vi. 1. 9. 5) Aristot. Polit. iv. 11—13; vi. 1, sqq. SECT. 55.^ OP GREECE. 105 6) Besides the learned collection of matter in Tittm. §. 335 — 518, see on this point the tables appended to Kortiim's Staatsverf., and those in Poppo's Status Graeciae civ. et mil. p. 48 — 56, 93 — 97 ; also Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 136, sqq. ; Hlillmann, §. 285 — 289 ; and especially Wachsm. i. 1. §, 186 — 196; also Pastoret, Hist, de la Legisl. tt. viii. ix. (Paris, 1827). 7) Polyb. vi. 9, 10: Avrrj TroXtrtiwv dvaKvKXiocnc, a'vTr] (pvffeuQ oiko- vofiia, KaO' i)v fitTajiaWti Kal (itOlaTaraL kcu ttoXiv iIq ahra Karavrq. to. Kara rdf ttoXiteioc, uev rait; dWaig TruXeffi Gvcxiat Kart\tii.idriov iopa j-nWorcrrig aptT)J£ I'lvOog Kai oiorfi Trpooifiiov, Max. Tyr. XXV. 2 ; conf. Lucret v. 1111, et plur. ap. Ruhnk. ad Veil. Paterc. ii. 69;) Platon. Menex. p. 237. A.: dyaOol Sk iyfvovTo did to (pvvai iK dyaOojir T))v thytviiav ovv Trpiorov nvTMv tYKiofitd'Cioj^itv. C'ratyl. p. 394. A.: tarai yap ttov Ik fiaaiXkwQ jiaaiXtvg Kai tS, ayaOov dyaObg Kal tK KuXov KaXbg, Kai rdXXa Trdvra ovrio(;, (^ tKarrrov yst'ovg 'snpov toiov- Tov iKyovov. idv ^u) Tipag yiyvtjTui. Republ. iii. p. 415. A.; Aristot. Rhetor, i. 9. 33 : tiKog ydp t^ dyaQoJi' dyaObv Kal rbv ovto) Tpaftvra ovTio th'at. Polit. i. 2. 19; iii. 7.7; Anaxim. Rhetor, (ad Alexandr.) XXXV. 4. Comp. Drumann's Verfall, §. 530 ; Luzac. Lectt. Att. p. 88 ; the commentators on Plat. Phsdr. p. 246. B.; Theogn. v. 845. ed. Welcker, (v. 537. ed. vulg.) and his Prolegg. p. liv. 6) Aristot. Polit. iv. 6. 2 : dpidTOKpariag, Sid to fidXXov aKoXovOttv Traidi'iav Kal tvy'ivtiav Toig ivTropwTtpoig, conf, iv. 4. Ij 10. 1; 12.7; Rhetor, i. 8. 4. §. 58, It is only by referring to these narrow views and relations of society, that we perceive how the expression " the government of the best," employed in later times by philosophers in developing their ideal systems of government^, historically designates an oligarchy of certain families privileged by birth ^. For when, even in an aristocracy, agreeably to the principles just laid down, the public interest was im- partially studied^, and the offices filled by elections of the most talented"*, in which the whole people sometimes took part^, still an active share in the ad- ministration, and eligibility to office, were confined to the narrow circle of families, who were already dis- tinguished by names which marked them out as the only real and substantial citizens^', all others being regarded as base and incapable^. Perfect equality, however, existed within the several orders of the state, and each, in its narrow sphere, presented the features of a democracy", in which a majority of SECT. 58.] OF GREECE. Ill voices was decisive*', and the influence of any single individual, or body of individuals, was opposed with as much care and spirit as in great democracies ^^, in order to prevent the rise of a tyranny or establish- ment of a dynasty"; results of interested measures or corrupt ambition, by no means unheard of in the his- tory of aristocracies ^^. Union among themselves was above all things necessary to their existence, and even the private feuds of ruling families assuming a politi- cal character often entailed the ruin of the govern- ment '^. 1) See Plat, de Republ. iv. p. 445. E.; viii. p. 545. D.; Aristot. Polit. iv. 5. 10, 11 ; Xen. Mem. Socr. iv. 6. 12 ; Plat. Menex. p. 238. C. ; de Legg. iii. p. 681. I).; Diogen. L. viii. 3. Even in Aristotle the terms are often interchanged ; although F. Eggo's censure (§. 104,) on that account is too severe. C'omp. on this subject at large, Gbttling's Discourse " de Aristocratia veterum," in Actt. Acad. Jenens. vol. i. p. 465, sqq.; and Hiillmann, §. Ill, sqq., who designates aristocracy in its historical sense by the fictitious term genocracy. See also Luzac de Socr. cive, p. 63 — 74, who is wrong however in denying that the word dpicrTOKparia was not used in its common sense before the time of Aristotle, as is clear from Plat, llep, i. p. 338. D. 2) Wachsm. i. 1. §. 149, sqq. 3) Polyb. vi. 8. 3 ; Cic. de Republ. i. 42 : est enim quasi regium id est patrium consilium populo bene consnlentium principum. 4) M)) p.6vov TrXovTtvSrjv, dWa sat dpiarivdriv, Aristot. Polit. iv. 5. 10 ; conf. ii. 8. 5 ; Polyb. vi. 4, 3 ; and on dpiarivlriv, Ruhnk. ad Tim. p. 49; Wytt. ad Plut. iNlorr. p. 957, with the commentaries on Longin. p. 298. \Vsk. Sometimes, however, it denotes nothing more than rank by birth. 5) Aristot. iv. 12. 13: to Ik rirojv atpkffti izavraQ dpiffTOKpariKov. Coinp. also c. 11. 7. 6) IloXirai fidWov ol yevvaiortpoi twv dytvvCjv, ibid. iii. 7. 7. 7) According to the phraseology of all antiquity, the nobles were called ■yj'wpi/toi, (caXoi KayaQoi, yivi'moi, laOXoi, jiiXriiTTOi, tTnuKtiQ, k. t. X.; the common people, ^tiXoi, kciko], Trovrjpoi. See Aristot. iv. 6.2, et plur. ap. Des. Herald. Obss. ad Jus. A. et K. p. 252—255; Korliim, §. 14, sqq.; Welcker, 1. c. p. XX. sqq.; Wachsm. i. 2. ^. 439 — 441. Hence too dpiffToKparia came to be u.sed euphemistically for oXiyapx'ia ; comp. Thucyd. iii. 82 ; Xenoph, Hellen. v. 2. 7. 8) Aristot. Polit. v. 7. 4 : tern yap uxrirtp Sijuog -^Si] o'l o^ioior ^i6 Kai tj' TovToiQ iyylyvovTat Cijpaywyoi TToXXoKit; : comp. v. 5. 4 ; vi. 4. 6. 9) Ibid. iv. 6. 4 : dpiffTOKpariag fiev yap opog dptr)), oXtyapx'iag Sk irXoiJTog, dt]pov S' tXtvOipUr to c^e o ti dv coty roTf TrXfiocriv iv ndaaig VTcapxit' o Tt dv do^y ti[i TrXti'oj'i fispti tCji' ustixovtojv ti/c ttoXi- Tiiag, tovt' eoti Kuptov. Comp. iv. 3. 6. 112 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iir. 10) Ibid. V. 5. 2. and 8 : KaToXiovrai Sk Kat 'drav sv ry 6Xiyapxi)/>ia, cen- sus,) to a par with that of his rulers ^. 1) Aristot. Polit. v, 6, 2) Ibid. §. 3 : Aia ri/v Iv avrTj ry voXirtig. rov SiKaiov vapajiacnv, comp. iii. 10. 8 : tTrti Si x^i^povQ yiyi'Ofievoi ixpr]jxaTiZ,ovTo airo twv KOivHJv, ivTtvQiv iroQev ivXoyov ytviffOai Tug 6\iyapT(iag. Polyb. vi. 8. 4; Wachsm. ii. 1. $. 9, 10. 3) Isocr. Paneg. c. 30: — eti da Koivtjg tyiq iraTpidoQ oixttjq tovq fitv TVpavvtiv , TOVQ de fjitToiKtiv, Kal fvffii TroXiVog ovrac vofiq) /lij fieTk-<(^tiv iroXiTtiag, k. t. X. Conf. Plat. Republ. viii. p. 551. D.: /i// /iiav aXXa Svo avdyKt] dvai ti)v roiavrip' TzoXiv, ti)v \ilv TrevijTuiv, rrjv de ttXov- aio)v, K. T. X., and Aristot. Polit. iv. 9. 6. 4) As, for instance, the Bacchiada? iu Corinth, Herod, v. 92 ; comp. Tittm. $. 361 ; and Theogn. v. 183, sqq. (ap. Welcker, v. 1, sqq.) 6) Aristot. Polit. iii. 5. 12. and 14. 6) See Feodor Eggo Untergang der Naturstaaten, ^. 108. and 115. Hence came the patronymic titles of many of these ruling families ; comp. Wachsm. i. 1. §. 150, sqq., and 174, sqq. 7) Wealth became the prominent and characteristic feature of oligarchy. Rights and honours were enjoyed irXtwrivcr^v, axicov yap, says Aristotle, Polit. iv. 6, 4, TTrtprt TfHQ TrXiirrToig o'l tviropoi tiov KuXiov Kc'iyaOiuv SoKovai KctTtx^iv xwp«" : comp. also Lucret. v. lll'i, sqq.; and Cic.de Republ. i. 34: vemm Inutc optimum stutiim pravis hominum opinioiiibus eve/sum esse dicutit, i/iu' ignoratione virtutis — opnlentos homines et copiosos, turn genere nohili uatos, esse optimos putant. See Plat. Politic, p. 301. A.; Republ. viii. p. 550. C. ; Aristot. Polit. ii. 8. 5; iv. 6. 4 ; vi. 1. 11. Comp. Wachsm. i. 1. §. 156. sqq. Hence though the j3dvav(7oe might be a citizen, the Bye never could, Aristot. Polit. iii. 3. 4. 8) For the various degrees of democracy, see Aristot. Polit. iv. 5. 1 ; and comp. Kortiim, §. 18. Between oligarchy and a politeia stood the timocracy, (otto Tiptjparojv iroXirtia ; conf. Wessel. ad Diodor. xviii. 16; Hiillmann's Staatsr. §.101—107; Delwarde, 1. c. p.225— 228). Plato (Rep. I.e.) calls it oligarchy, understanding by timocracy (viii. p.545.C.) the sovereignty of the ambitious, (row (piXorlpov) ; Aristotle calls it 6Xi- yapx'ia ttoXitiki), Pol. iv. 11. 6; comp. vi. 4. 1 ; but in the Ethics (ad Nicom. viii. 10. 1) makes it a TroXiTtia. See Tittm. §. 663, and my Diss, de jure magg. p. 10. Xenophon's TrXovroKpaTia (INIem. Socr. iv. 6. 12) is synonymous. Q ]14 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iii. §. GO. But very different, and far more oppressive still, must have been the social relations in those states, where foreign conquerors and their descend- ants had supplanted the legitimate owners of the soiP. Even though they might, in some instances, incor- porate the native nobility with their own families 2, the common people sunk into an absolute depend- ence, which must have been the more keenly felt, since the vanquished in spite of the actual deteriora- tion of their rights and property, were generally al- lowed to retain the name of freedom, and with it a perpetual memento of their pretensions to the rights and usages of the olden time. Under such circum- stances there could be no idea of one common in- terest, since the lines of separation between the two parties were so strongly marked as to keep them ever apart as distinct nations, maintaining not unfrequently different laws and institutions. As to the dominant party, it in some instances retained within itself the ancient form of regal or hereditary power; but in others, a purely democratic form was early developed, resulting from the establishment of a complete oli- garchy 3 to keep the conquered in awe. The victors possessed by right of conquest the whole landed pro- perty*; its original inhabitants sunk from the con- dition of free proprietors to that of copyhold tenants, or tilled the soil for daily hive^; legal and established rights made way for those of the stronger party, whose interest^ became the sole standard of the pub- lic and private relations of the ruler and the ruled. 1) MuUer's Orchomenos, §. 186. 2) See above, §. 15. n. 20 ; 18. n. 14. 3) Comp. Aristot. Polit. iv. 3. 8, on Apollonia and Thero. 4) Hence the name ytiofiopoi, (i. e. tcXj^povYoi, conf. Ruhnk. ad Tim. p. 67, sqq.; Wachstn. i. 1. §. IS.'i;) see Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 256 ; Platner's Beitr. zur Kenntniss des att. llrchts, §. 19. Is Kortiim (§. 101) correct in assuming that they were (in Samos) a merchant noblesse? SECT. 60,61.] OF GREECE. 115 5) UtXaTai, or Otirtg, vide supra, §. 19. n. 22 ; et plur. ap. Casaub. ad Alhen. xii. p. 738 ; Ruhtik. ad Tim. p. 211 ; Fischer, ad Platon. Eu- thyphr. c. 4; VVelcker ad Iheogn. p. xix. 6) See above, $. 52. a. 6. §.61. It will easily be perceived that under the circumstances we have described, this state of things could only last till the Demos grew the strongest party, or had discovered the secret of its own power as the majority ; this crisis, however, in may states was long delayed, in some it never arrived. The cir- cumstances, which, independent of the respect na- turally paid to hereditary rights and renown, and the preponderance of wealth and intelligence, made the oligarchical the stronger party \ were the possession of the arms ^, castles, and fortresses ^ and of all the knowledge relative to the history, laws, and religious institutions of the land ; superabundant resources of every kind ; connections with other states ; and lastly, a firm union among themselves, whilst the isolated people could not attain to any common spirit, nor ascertain its own pov»^ers. Hence those districts were particularly favourable to oligarchy, in which the na- ture of the localities rendered agriculture the chief occupation'*, binding the commoners to their farms, and dispersing them over the country in scattered villages and hamlets*; wherever, on the other hand, the barrenness of the soil, or peculiar advantages of situation^ invited to trade or navigation 7, in the crowded emporium or rising city ^, those never failing resorts of the destitute wanderer^, the struggle be- tween the democratical and oligarchical principles would early commence ^^ — a struggle, which, springing from the two conflicting effects of selfishness, the effort to gain, and the effort to preserve, soon leads, on the one hand, to a blind enthusiasm for every thing new, and, on the other, to as blind an attachment to every thing old". 116 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. hi. 1) Compare Aristot. Polit. iv. 10. 3: onov to tHjv tvTropwv ical yvut- pifiu)v i.ta\\ov vrnprtivti rt^ TToup, y Xiintrai tnri^bv, and i9vT}^bv, Schol. Find. 01. xi. 18; p. 242. ed. Boeckh.) ; comp.Thucyd.i. 10; Plut. Qu. Gr. c. 37, etc. Thence came dioiKtaixoi ilg Kiofiag, see Xenoph. Hell. v. 2. 7 ; Demosth. de Falsa Legal, p. 366. 27 ; Diodor. xvi. 60 ; compare Aristot. Polit. v. 8. 7., and Meier de bonis damn. p. 185. 6) See Wachsmuth, ii. 1. §. 50. 7) 'H tpiXt) dvi'ajjiig Kal vavTiKt) ^jjjuoKpariK*) iranTrav, Aristot. Polit. vi.4. 3; conf. ibid. vii. 5.3 ; Plat, de Legg. iv. p. 706. B. ; Isocr. Panath. p. 608, sq. ; and, respecting Athens, Aristot. Polit. v. 2. 12 ; jxdXXov StijioTiKoi 01 Tov Ilttpaid oiKovvTtg tCov to dcTV : also v. 3. 5 ; Ihucyd. viii. 73 (on the Paralii) ; and Plut. Vit. Them. c. 19 : Ty)v iroXiv l^tii\/t tov JlttpaMg Kal Tt)v yrjv Trig QaXaTTijg' o Kal tov Sfjixov 7]v^i)ffE kutu tuiv dpiffTcov Kal Qpdaovg tv'tTrXriffe, iig i>avTag Kal KtXsvcTTdg Kal Kv(iepv)]Tag TTJg Evvdjinog dtpiKvovfjievrig. The Athenians consequently were ever for- ward in enabling other towns to communicate with the coast by means of long walls, Thucyd. i. 103; v. 53 and 82. Compare Wachsm. ii. 1. j. 405, sqq., and on the subject at large, i. 1. §. 162. 8) ^vvoiKifffibg or (svf.ivoXi(7fxog, compare Hiillmann, Anf. $. 189, sqq. ; Poppo ad Thucyd. i. 2. p. 13 ; Weisse, 1. c. p. 131 — 136 ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 100 and 160; Strab. viii. p. 519. The one was the d ovv rh ytupyiKov Kai to KtKTri}.i'ii'ov jii- rpiav oixj'iav Kvptov y TiJQ Tro\iriiac, TroXirfvovrni Kara I'o^tovc, t^ovm yap ipyal^ofxti'oi c,>P', oii Cvvavrai ^t CYoXoi^fii'* {oart tov vofioy twiff- TrffTavTtQ fKK\i](Tiatov(n tuq avayKaicic; tKicXifCFiag. Compare iv. 10. 2 ; vi. 2, I, and 7j and Eur. Suppl. v. 435, sqq. 118 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. hi. 4) Ibid. V. 5. 5 : orav rov ox> Xoyoi. 'OfioXoyovrrig ^i aTrXwg to 'laov th'ai Siicaiov, Iv T(^ kut d^iav hafipovTaf ot p,ir, tin, lav Kara n "i(7oi ibmv, '6X^x)g "trroi j'ojui'^owctij' tlvai' oi ^i, oti, tdv KaTa rt dvirroi, TrdvTwv dvi(ro)v d^ioiimv iavTovg. Comp. v. 2. 11; and Zell. ad Eth. Nic. v. 3. p. 173 ; likewise my Diss, de jure magg. p. 8, et sqq. 10) Aristot. iv. 6. 2; v. 6. 3, 4; comp. above, §. 52. n. 5. 11) Hence Aristot. Polit. iii. 11. 11 ; rroXcri/civ ^e irXyiQog, Iv )v oi'crav, iS,Ej3a\tv — sTreifffiyayt 5k T)]v yiwptTpiKi)v, K. t.X. Plat. Rep. viii. p. 558. C: iffOTtjTCi Tiva bpoiwQ 'iaoig Kal uviffoiQ Ciavepovffa, 13) Such as ostracism, (aTrodrjprjTtKt/ Tr-apdfframc, Aristot. Polit. v. 7. 8) ; practised not only in Athens, but also in Argos, ( Aristot. Polit. v. 2. 5); Megara, Miletus, (Schol. Aristoph. Equ. v. 852; Phavor. s. v, offrpaKiv^a,) and Syracuse, where it was called Petalism ; Diod. xi. 87 ; compare the Dissertation of Andr. Rivinus (Lips. 1654,) in Schleegeri Dissert. Rarior. Fascic. Nov. (Helmst. 1743,) p. 107—160; and Theoph. Lud. Miinter in Parerg. (Gott. 1749,) p. 85, sqq. Comp. Aristot. Polit. iii. 8. 2 ; and see below, chap. v. part 3. §. 67. Hence, while in the moderate democracy, participation in state-offices was regulated by the amount of property V, and generally by the possession of arms^; the absolute form gave to all elegibility to office, and in the cases where all could not share equally and simultaneously, sought to increase to the utmost the number of the employed, and to insure a perpetual change and rotation, by the formation of new offices^, and by other means, whilst the distribution of these offices by lot * secured to all at least the pos- sibility of power. The moderate form confined the regular and constant influence of the sovereign com- monalty to the election and controul of their minis- ters*, but entrusted the administration of affiiirs solely to the judgment and loyalty of those ministers, when once elected ; the absolute form made almost every measure immediately dependent upon the decision of the general assembly^, leaving to the officials the mere task of framing and announcing the definitive sen- tence of the meeting 7. Hence while in the former case, every interest was represented and protected, in the latter only one was regarded ; whilst in the one the people were only supreme, in the other they were the sole and exclusive judge, it is scarcely too much 126 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. hi. to presume that in the moderate democracy right and law would flourish inviolate and effective ; in the ab- solute form, the caprice of the commonalty and the hasty and crude decisions of a moment ^, would usurp the place of the deliberate judgment of a responsible executive. 1) So verging to timocracy, see above, §. 59. n. 8, and differing from an oligarchy only in the amount of the qualification, TifirjuaTa. Aristot. Polit. iv. 4. 3 : ciWo Se (tiSog cruioKpariac) to rag ap^ag airb Ttfit]fid- TOJV slrai, (3paxi(i)v de tovtiov ovtojv del dk Ttp ktw^sv*^ t^ovijiav th'ai ^UTixf^v KOI Tov aTToj3a\6vTa jii] ju«re^£tv. Conf. v. 2. 9 ; 5. 1 1 ; 7. 6 ; and vi. 1. 8. Also to an aristocracy in the sense noticed, §. 58. n. 1 ; see Isocr. Panath. p. 616; and for a further account, Luzac de Socr. cive, ( L. B. 1796,) p. 63 — 74, who, be it observed, considers Aristotle's authority paramount in every thing. 2) Ibid. iii. 5. 3 : Kara ravrriv rr/v TToXirtiav Kvpiwrarov to Trpoiro- Xtjxovv Kal ixtTtxovtjiv avTrjg oi K£Kr»}jU£i'Ot to, OTrXa. Conf. ii. 3. 9; iv. 10. 9 — 11; Thucjd. viii. 97. Such vi'ere the sk KUToXSyov arpaTiv- ovTig; conf. Schneider, ad Aristot. Polit. p. 295; Kriiger ad l)ionys. Hal. p. 109; and Geel's Anecdota Hemsterh. p. 190; in contradistinction to the (irjjiioe xpiXbg, (Aristot. vi. 4. 4,) or the OiJTtg, (Thucyd. vi. 43); compare also Aristot. iii. 2. 8. 3) Compare Aristot. vi. 1.8: to, TOiavra SijfioTiKa' to aipiiaOai Tag cipxtiQ TTcivTag Ik TrdvTwV to ap^£iv TrdvTcig fih' iKaffTOV, 'iKaarov 5' iv ixspei TTcii'TwV TO KXijpdJTCig ilvai Tcig dpxdg j) Trdcrng, »j ocrca fit) efjLTrnpiag SiovTai (cat Ttx^'tlC to jd) dnb Tifii'ifiarog fiijOsvog thmi rdf dpxdg j) on fiiKpoTaTov to fir) Sig tov avTOV u.px^*-V firjdtiiiav rj oXiyd- Kig f] bXiyag, 'i^M tSjv kutu ttoXejuov" to oXiyoxpoviovg dvai Tag dpxdg f] Trdffag i] ocrag tv^txtTac to SiKa^eiv TtdvTag Kai Ik irdvTcov Kai vrepl TrdvTiov ri Tnpi toiv TrXeiffTiov, k. t. X. In many places the offices were held in rotation, ewg dv SikXQ-g Sid. TrdvTwv, Aristot. iv. 11.3. 4) Anaxim. Rhet. ii. 7, states indeed that only the majority of petty offices were filled by lot, the more important by public nomination, by a show of hands, ^fiporoj'ia ; of which latter class were the (Trporjjyoi ; but see my Dissertation de jure magg. p. 15- — 24, and, on the subject at large, Herod, iii. 80 ; Plat. Republ. viii. p. 657. A.; Aristot. Polit. iv. 7. 3. In cases of nomination a pecuniary qualification, T-ijiirjjuara, was considered essential to the public safety ; Aristot. Polit. v. 4. 6. 5) Aristot. Polit. iii. 6. 11; iv. 6. 4; 11. 4; vi. 2. 2; Isocr. Areop. p. 442, sq.; Panath. p. 626. These were the dvayKoiai tKKXrjaiai, comp. above, §. 62. n. 3. 6) Aristot. vi. 1.8: r6 tijv iKKXr]aiav Kvpiai> tlvai TrdvTwv rj rCJv liiyiffTiov, dpx>]V Si firiSefiiav iiiiSivog »/ twv oXtyioTMV, k. t. X. Conf. iv. 4. 6; tTi St ol Tcilg dpxaig iyKaXoviTtg tov Si]p,6v (pacn Selv Kpivuv, 6 S' dafifi'Mg ctxtTai Tr/v TrpoKXrjaiv, iaaTt KaToXvovTiu naffat ai dpxai' and above, §. 54. n. 3. 7) llpoavaKpivtif, Aristot. iv. 11. 5. SECT. 68.] OF GREECE. 127 8) Ibid. iv. 4. 3 : tripov S' il^og ^rj^ioKparlac, raWa niv sTvai tciutu, Kvpiov S' livai TO TrXi'iOog Ka't fji) tuv vojxov tovto ?k y'lvirai, oruv ra xptjcpiffnaTa Kvpia y, aWa n>) 6 vofiog, (TVfil3aivei ci tovto Sia Tovr Prj- (laywyovc. Comp. iv. 1 1. 8 ; v. 4. 5 ; 7. 19. On the difference between vofiog and i^!]fitiq yap irov oJtQ' oti ovl\ tiov vojuwi' cppovri- i^ovm yiypafifih'iov ij dypd(pwv, 'iva Srj fiijStic /oy^a/iy avTo7g ij dta-TTOTijg, See, for a further account, de jure magg. p. 4. Hence ^Eschin. adv. Ctesiph. p. 494 : SrjfioKpaTovfisviov twv 'QptiTwv Kal iruvTa TrpuTTOVTiov fifTO, -iptjcphiMiTog. Cic. de Rep. i. 27 : Athenienses qiiibusdam temporibus sublato Areopago nihil nisi populi scitis agebant. Compare Demosth. adv. Neaer. p. 1375 : 6 yap Sijixog twv 'AOrjvaiiov, Kvpiwrarog wv rwv iv ry ■TToXei avdvTdJV Kal i^ov avT(f iroitiv o ri av jSovXriTai, k. t. X. §. 68. From such a state of things it would natu- rally and inevitably result, that so soon as party in- terests interposed, this so much lauded equality would exist less in reality than in semblance ; for it ap- peared, in fact, that not the whole people governed with equal rights, but a numerical majority lording it with unlimited sway over a minority ^ ; and seeing that in most states the poorer classes constituted this ma- jority^, an absolute democracy would form the oppo- site extreme to oligarchy ^ The great injustice im- puted to the latter was plainly forced upon them, since not to be outvoted they would be required to exclude the commonalty from all share in public affairs. The democracy, on the other hand, though it permitted the rich to retain their individual votes, did not therefore cease to be what the unanimous definition of Greek statists represented it, a su- premacy of the indigent over the wealthy*. Hence the oppression of the wealthier classes is inseparable from this form of government, whilst the decisive ma- jority not only burdened them with all the exigencies of the state, but resorted to every expedient for fill- ing at the cost of their opponents the public coffers, which formed the private purse of the sovereign ^ 128 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [^hap. in. Demos ^ This was the result of the general prin- ciple, that in discussing measures of government the majority must be right ; and hence the Demos gained a twofold end ^ : its rivals were weakened in the very point upon which they fovinded a claim to superiority, and the means were obtained ^ for devoting, without injury to its private concerns, its undivided time and attention to the attainment of supreme power ; the wealthy meantime being deprived of the leisure neces- sary for this object^. 1) Cic. de Republ. i. 27 : Quum omnia per yiopulum geruntiir, qvamvis justum atque jiwderatum ; iamen ipsa (rquabilitas est iniqua, qititm habet vullos gradus dignitatis. Comp. Xenoph. Cyr. ii. 2. 17 ; and Plin. Epist. ii. 12 : Sed hoc pluribus visum est. Kitmerantur enim sententice, noii ponderantnr ; nee aliud in publico co7isilio potest fieri, in quo nihil est tarn inaqaale, quam aquulitas ipsa. Nam quum sit impar prudentia, par o»i- niumjus est. 2) For exceptions, see Aristot. Polit. iv. 3. 8. 3) Hence Aristot. vi. 1. 9 : tirei^)) oXiyapxIa Kai yevei Kal irXovrip Koi nai^iiq. bp[Z,iTai, to, Srj^ioriKu ^okiI rdvavTia tovtwv ilvai' ayki'vua, ■Trivia, ^avavffia. Comp. Xenoph. Mem. Socr. iv. 2. 37 ; Plat, de Eepub. viii. p. 565. A. 4) Aristot. Polit. iii. 5. 4 : • . . »; ^tjfioKpaTia irpoQ to avfifipov riHv aTTupuiV, Trpbg Ct to tc^ KOirqi XvaiTtXoiiv ovSinia avTioi'. 'OXiyapxia St, oTav (Iiffi Kvpioi Tijc TToXireiaQ ot tciq ovaiaQ txot'TfQ, d7]poKpaTia di TOvvavTiov OTav ot jii) KEKTrif-iivoi TrXfiOog ovniaQ aXX' aiTopoi. Comp. iv. 3.6 — 9; 4. 2; de jure magg. p. 11. On the SijjioQ.plebs, see Wachsra. i. 1. §. 315—318. 5) Aristot. Polit. vi. 1. 12 : . . . tl S' o ti av oi ttXiiovq kut apiQpov, SiKaiov, aSiKTiaovai StjfiivovTeQ to, riSjv nXovaiwv Kai tXarToj'wv, Ka9d- TTip t'lprjTai npoTtpov. Conf. iii. 6. 1 ; and particularly, Xenoph. fficon. ii. 6: in Sk kui Tt)v rroXiv aiadavopiai to. niv i'lCi] trot TrpouTaTTovcrav fiiydXa TiXiiv, iTTTTorpo^iac re kul xopriyiag Kal yvfxvaoiapxiaq Kai •KpodTaTiiaQ' fjv Se di) iroXifioQ ytvi]Tai, olS' on Kal rpiripapxiag fiiaOovg Kal tig (popdg roaavTag croi avvrd^ovaiv orrag av oil pc^diwg VTroiatig' ottov S' av ivStuig Tl TOVTiov So^yg ttoiiIv, o7^' oti ai rijuwprjtrojTat 'AOTjvaToi ovSiv tJttov j) £t 7rt avTwi' XajSoiti' KXiTTTOvra. Hence Isocr. de Pace, C. 33 : wot' dXyiov ^yv Toiig rag ovfflag KfKT>]pivovg r) Tovg (Tvvixi^C t£- vajxevovg. See below, chap. vii. 6) Xenoph. Republ. Athen. i. 13: ... 'Iva aiiTog rt ixy Kal oi ttXov- (Ttoi TTiviaTtpoi ylyvuivrai. 7) Aristot. Polit. iv. 12. 9 : avfi^alvtiv I'lwOtv, orav ivTropia rig y »; fiiaGbc Tolg iKKXt](ndZ,ov;juaywy6c, comp. Valcken. Diatr. in Eurip. Fragm. p. 253— 257: Wyttenb. ad Plut. Morr. p. 251—253; Manso ijber die att. Demagogen, (Breslau, 1794); Passow, Geschichte der att. Demagogic, in Wachler's Philomathie (Frankf. a. M. 1822); Wachsm. i. 2. §. 24—26, and 153—166; Rbtscher, ut sup. $. 154, sqq. 3) See $. 66. n. 6. Comp. Eurip. Suppl. 454, sqq. 4) TlpoffTciTijQ Tov Sljfiov, patroiius plehis ; see de jure magg. p. 14; and Wachsm. i. 2. $. 435 — 438. Were there ever special magistrates so called'? in Argos for instance? Miiller's Dorians, ii. p. 149. Plat. Re- publ. viii. p. 565. C: Oukovv 'iva riva ati 6 dtii.iog dwQt Sia(ptp6vT(i)g ■jrpoioTaaQai tavrov Kai tovtov rpe^tiv n koI av'^itv fikyav. 5) As Thucyd. ii. 65, says of Pericles : ijiyviTo Sk X6y(p fiiv Srjfio- KpaTia, tpy(^ St vnb tov Trpwrov dvSpbg ap^x^t), 6) Hermog. tt. ^£0. Ssiv. p. 405. 9 : Srjfxijyoptiv yap to tv Siji-iq) ayo- psveiv, iSi.(i)g de to Ksxaptcrixeva Xeytiv kuI cnraidtVTa. Conf. Aristoph. Equ. 191, 7) Aristot. Polit. iv. 4. 6 : (rvju.j8aiV£t yap avroTg yivtaOai jjityaKoig, Sid TO TOV jxiv dT][iov ilvai Kvpiov, Tijg dk tov Sijfiov S6S.i]g TovTovg' irsi- OtToi yap TO TrXijQog TOVTOig. Conf. Plat. Republ. viii. p. 565. A.: kuQ' oaov hvvavTai oi TrposoTcortg, Tovg t^ovTag t>)v ovaiav d(j)aipovfievoi, Siav'ifiovTEg T({j Si-jjxii), rh TtXiiaTov avToi f'xfu'. Lysias de publ. bon. Eucr. c. 16. p. 608. Rsk.; Demosth. Olynth. iii. p. 34. 23; Sext. Emp. adv. INIathem. ii. 41. Hence, xpvaovv Oipog to [iiifia, Plutarch, t. xii. p. 139. Hutt. 8) Aristot. iv. 4. 5: 6 S' ovv ToiovTog Srifiog uts fxovapxog u)v ^»;r£i fiovapxiXv, Sid TO ju?) apxiaQai virb v6}.iov, Kai yiviTai StaTTOTiKog' uJOTe ol KoXaKtg tvTifioi. Kai iaTiv b TOiuVTog Siijjiog dvuXoyov tCjv iuovap)(iwv Ty Tvpai'viSi — Kai b Srfiiayiijybg Kai o (coXa? ol avroi Kai dvdXoyov Kai fidXiffra 5' EKaTtpoi Trap' iKUTepotg Iffxvovai, k. t. X, Conf. iv. 11.5; v, 8. 18; 9.6. 9) Eurip. Suppl. v. 427, says of monarchy : ovk o^X'^j KpaTin'srai, ovS' lOTiv, avTfjv ooTig iKxavvwv Xoyoig Tzpbg Ktpcng 'iSiov dXXog dXXocre GTp'i ovrt irXovTivorii' u-KiSi'iKVVt Tovg dpxovTag, dXXd fratpiaig Kai ^epiaig xo-pi'Coiitvog tu Trpdy/iaTa. §.71. Such is the general outline of the picture presented by the internal condition of the Greek states from the middle of the fifth century before Christ SECT. 71.] OF GREECE. 133 downwards ^ Tlie hostile factions were perpetually contending for opposite extremes, each vigilant to seize every opportunity of weakening or destroying the influence of the other — every interest was deemed subordinate to the prosecution of this deadly strife, and the influence which this position of affairs within exerted upon those without, rendered any permanent respite from civil war impossible ^. Every advantage won by either party dispersed a crowd of exiles^, who taking refuge with one or other of the leading powers of Greece, usually involved their native country in the general war prevailing at the time, and in case of victory the power that success in the field ensured, and the fury of party spirit were exerted in the most frightful and cruel excesses of tyranny and blood- shed*. It must be acknowledged to the honour of the Greek Demos that its reactions were on some oc- casions characterised by the greatest moderation'; but in others it refused to recognise the least claim of its opponents ^ to share that equality of which it had proclaimed itself the champion, and supplied the deficiency of numbers so caused by incorporating and admitting to civil privileges both foreigners and slaves '. 1) See the dreadful picture drawn by Thucyd. iii. 82; and compare VVachsmuth, i. 2. $. 141—146; also §. 298—307. 2) Athens and Lacedajmon ; see J. 39 note 3. 3) ^vyaciQ, or the abstr. (/)Dy?) (Oudend. ad Thom. JVI. p. 902) ; see Drumann, §. 627, sqq. ; also lleyne de exulum reditu in patriam, in Opuscc. Acadd. t. iv. p. 485, sqq. 4) See Thucyd. iii. 81 ; viii. 21, and the last §. note 7. — The (x^vtoKkt- fioQ in Argos, 01. 102. 3, Diodor. xv. 58. 5) As in the well known case of the amnesty at Athens. See also Thu- cyd, viii. 73 ; Xenoph. Hell. v. 4. 64. 6) As in Samos, Thucyd. viii. 21 : — cat roiq yewfiopoig fiirtSi^offav ovT aWov ovSivoi;, ovTt eKSoiivai, ovrt ayayiaOai nap' iictitnov ovd' tg (Kiivovg ov^tvt in tov (^(//iiok iK^v. 7) Diodor. xiii. 48 (in Corcyra, 01. 92. 3) : iiroi))(TauTo ^t rove M*" 134 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. hi. SovXovQ iXtvOepovc, tovq Se ^kvovg TroXiTag, tuXa^ovfitvoi to rt TrXfjQof Kul rifv Svvaf.nv twv (pvydSwv : comp. Thucyd. iii. 73, and Aristot. Polit. vi. 2. 9. §. 72. From all these causes public demoralisation proceeded so far that the citizen considered freedom to consist not in the equal subjection of all to law, but in his own equal and unlimited right to all ^ Pa- triotism and respect for justice and morality were supplanted by the basest selfishness, so that it was no longer a ruling party in the nation considered as a whole, but every individual alike, who set up his own caprice and inclination as natural rights, for the at- tainment of which he was justified in employing every means at his command ^. That such a principle of action must ultimately generate a tyranny, cannot for one moment be doubted ^ ; and it was this spirit that gave rise to most of the monarchies, which from B. C. 400 and downwards arose in many of the states of Greece, as the natviral result of their civil broils *, and continued till either a general revolt or a bold assas- sin ^ put an end to the abominations, which in the his- tory of mankind have inseparably associated with in- famy the name of the tyrannies ''. But besides this, there was no lack of men who were ready to sacrifice the public weal to the vilest motives of self-interest ; and long ere the fortune of war made Philip of Mace- don master of Greece, his gold had prevailed in the covuicils of most of her states 7. 1) Aristot. Polit. v. 7. 22 : tXtvOepov ct kuI tffor> to o ti dv jiovXtfTai TiQ, rrroitlv' {iaTt Z,y h> toiq TOtavTaig ^rifioKpaTiaic iKaCTOQ wt; fiovXt- Tai, conf. vi. 1. 7; Plat, de Rep. riii. p. 563 ; Uiodor. Fragm. Vat. p. 10; and the saying (Schott's Prov. Metr. v. 563): tXevOipa KopKvpa, \i'C o-Kov OiXtic. Vide plura ap. Potscher ut sup. §. 100, sqq. 2) On this opposition of the fvffii (^ikwiov with the vop(i> ^iK-niov, see the reasonings in Plat. Gorg. p. 482, E.sqq., and Ilepubl.ii. p.358, E.sqq. ; also de Lcgg. x. p. 889, E. F. : kuI Si) Kai tci kuXo. (hvnti f^iiv dXXa iivai, vopii> H irtpn' TO. Si St) StKaia ovS' tlvai to Trapairav (jivrrti, I'tXX' a/i- tn> ot Trartpeg vapa Tojv tyyoviijv, roaavTijg o'l KriaavTig Tag Tvokug Tvapa tCov cnroi- Kwv. Conf. Polyb. xii. 10. 3 : wg yovevai npog riKva, and Poppo on Thucyd. t. i. part 2. p. 21. 5) Herod, viii. 22 : av^p(.g''liovig, ov TroutTe Siicaia, stti roi'f rrarspag arpaTEvofievoi, Thucyd. i. 38 : ovc dv i-KtaTpaTihofitv tvirpsTraig, [irj dia(pep6vrwg n aciKov^iivoi, Conf. v. 106. 6) Thucyd. i. 34 : ov yap liri rep doiiXoi dW itti rcji o/ioioi roig Xtiiro- fiivotg tJvai iKTve^TToixtOa. Compare also Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 754. A. §. 74. The perpetuity of these kindred duties was symbohcally set forth by taking fire from the Pryta- neum of the parent city ^, and particularly in a reli- gious view by establishing in the new settlement the worship of the same deities^, associating with them the founder as a hero ^ ; also by participation in the principal festivals of the parent state, by deputations and contributions to them * ; by adopting the same emblems on the coinage s, and so forth. Ambassa- dors, and other members of the parent state, were distinguished at festivals, sacrifices, and on similar T 138 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iv. occasions, by places of honour, and various other marks of respect^; according to one account 7, the office of high-priest in a colony was constantly filled from the mother country, just as a leader was sought from it whenever the colony itself formed new settle- ments^; the case of Potidaea, where the chief magis- trate came annually from Corinth, seems to have been unique ^ ; in a political point of view, the mother coun- try and colony were properly quite distinct ^'^, and the former never interposed but on extraordinary emer- gencies, when its aid was implored against foreign enemies, or its mediation required in civil broils i^ 1) See Herod, i. 146, and Larcher, t. i. p. 440—444 ; Etymol. M. p. 694. 28 ; Schol. Aristid. Panath. t. iii. p. 43. Dind. ; and, in addition to the authorities quoted, §. 56. n. 11, Casaub. ad Athen. xv. p. 700. D. ; Spanheim ad Callim. h, in Cer. v. 129 ; Uissen. ad Find. Nem. xi. 1. p. 477 ; Clavier, Hist. d. pr. temps, t. ii. p. 87 ; Hiillmann, p. 222, sqq. ; in particular, p. 232; Wachsm. ii. 2. §. 118. 2) Vid. Spanheim de Usu, etc. p. 572, and numerous instances in Strabo. 3) See Herod, vi. 38; Thucyd. v. 11 ; Diodor. xi-. 66; xx. 102, and a further account in Spanheim, p. 565 , Raoul-Roch. i. p. 57 ; Goeller de situ Syracus. p. 24. The founder was buried in the forum, Schol. Find. Olympion. i. 149 ; conf. Tafel, dilucc. Find, ad Fyth. v. 87. 4) Diodor. xii. 30 : Sid to /iovovq tCjv cnro'iKiov fitj Tr'efiirtiv rci Karei- Bifffieva upiia nj fi7]Tpo7r6\H, with Wesseling's note. Did all send 'ATTapxail comp. Aristid. Eleusin. p. 416. t. i. Dind. ; and a further ac- count in Spanheim, p. 581 ; Raoul-Roch. i. p. 42; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 102. — So likewise the Carthaginians to Tyre, Folyb. xxxi. 20. 12 ; Curt. iv. 2. 5) Spanheim, p. 568, sqq. 6) Thucyd. i. 25 : ovts yap iv iravrfyvpem tcuq koii'Mq SiSovrtg y'^pa TO. voni^nfitva, ovTt KopivOitiJ c'lvSpi TrpoKarapxofitvoi rwv 'upiov, iornrfp ai aXXai aTToiKiai, et Schol. in loc. On TrpoKaTcipxtcOai, see Heyne, I.e. p. 326, coll. Buttm. Lexil. i. §. 102. 7) Schol. Thucyd. 1. c coll. Tac. Annal. ii. 53 1 See also Eckhel, Doctr. Numm. Vett. t. iv. p. 206. 8) Thucyd. i. 24 ; Strab. vi. p. 406. A.; Muller, ^gin. p. 53. 9) Thucyd. i. 56. The KvOijpooiKr}^ (iv. 53) is not a case in point. 10) Reciprocity of civil rights was always conditional, and the result of mutual compact. Folyb. xii. 10. 4. 11) Vid. Miiller, ^gin. p. 45. n.n); Poppo, ubi sup. SECT. 75.] OF GREECE. 139 §. 75. All this however, let it be remembered, holds good only in those colonies which did not arise from violent schism in the parent state ^, but were counte- nanced, prepared^, and sent out by it with all due formalities^, among which the sanction of an oracle was held to be indispensable*. Still we find that co- lonies would often acknowledge for their founders states of kin^ to those from which they had really issued; and it could scarcely happen otherwise in the case of emigrations en masse. The usual object in founding a colony 6, was either to rid the state of some individual^, or relieve it of a redundant population, cases of common occurrence in oligarchies ; or the motives were commercial ^, as when it was desirable to afford protection and secure havens for commerce in remote seas and on inhospitable shores, to facilitate an acqaintance with the advantages or dangers of the spot, above all to open a market for trade with the natives, and either to rear or procure by tribute or plunder what it would otherwise be requisite to pur- chase. Hence nearly all colonies were planted on the coast ^, and very frequently found obstinate enemies in the inhabitants of the interior ; if these were sub- dued there generally arose a class of Periceci^^; many settlements fell sooner or later victims in the strug- gle i\ but most, from the advantages of their situation, struck root quickly and deep, and rose to a pitch of prosperity far surpassing that of their parent states ; nay, many had bloomed and were on the decline be- fore the latter had begun to develope their powers. 1) Serv. ad Virgil, ^ti. i. 12 : est pars civiuin aut sociorum missa, ubi rempublicain habeant, e.r consensu sua: civitatis aut publico ejus populi, unde profecta est, consilio. He autem coioni(E sunt, qu Si] Kal KriafiaTa tltrh' ai TrXtiffTa t&v kutoikiuiv. Did they found their claim on its having been conquered by Agamemnon "! Herod, v. 94. We find .^iLolians at a subsequent period even in Ilium. Pausan. i. 35. 3; viii. 12. 5. 15) Ephor. ap. Strab. xiii. p. 896. B.; and Marx, p. 201. 16) Sestos (Herod, ix. 115); iEnos (Thucyd. vii. 57.) Will this serve to explain the account which states Penthilus to have settled in Thrace 1 Strab. xiii. p. 872. D.; but comp. Miiller's Orchom. §. 386. 17) See Strabo, xiv. 957. C; and, for a further account, Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 46 — 48. lias not this state been confounded with Magnesia ad Sipylum, by Ruhnk. ad Veil. Paterc. i. 4 ? 18) Being conquered by Colophon; see Herod, i. 150; Pausan. vii. 5, 4 ; comp. Plut. Qu. Symp. vi. 8. 1. It had originally been called Ephcsus, Strab. xiv. p. 939, sq. Smyrna Melite, Vitruv. iv. I ; comp. Wachsm. i. 1. <$. 114. SECT. 77] OF GREECE. J 4.3 §. 77. These were the lonians ; who, on being ex- pelled from the northern parts of the Peloponnesus, had taken refuge among their kinsmen in Attica^; whence, sixty years after the invasion of the Hera- clidae, they issued under the sons of Codrus^ in search of new settlements. Whether those made at Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea^, under Cothus and iEclus, were connected with this emigration is not decided ; indeed, as those cities appear to have been founded by Athens even before the Trojan war *, they are perhaps rather to be reckoned among the original Ionian settlements. Delos ^ however, and the adja- cent islands ^ received their Ionian population at the period of which we are treating, but the twelve Asiatic cities 7, Miletus, Myus, Priene in Caria, Ephesus, Co- lophon, Lebedus, Teos, Erythrag, Clazomente, Pho- caea in Lydia, with Samos^ and Chios ^, on the islands so called, were the chief Ionian colonies, and the name of the race was afterwards almost peculiar ^** to them, although they contained a great intermixture of Abantes ", Minyae ^^, Cadmaeans ^^, Dryopians ^*, Pho- cians ^^ Molossians, Arcadians ^^, Epidaurians ^'^, and others. The festival of the Panionia^^, held at the temple of the Heliconian Neptune ^^ at Mycale, where matters of general interest were discussed ^*', served as a bond of union, but generally speaking these cities were not only independent of each other, but often engaged in mutual hostilities ^^ 1) Comp. above, §. 17. n. 20; and Clavier, ii. p. 69, sqq. 2) For their names and respective settlements, see Strab. xiv. p. 938, sq. ; and Pans. vii. 2 — 4. INlost of them are called v69oi, Strabo makes Androcles to have been the chief, most other writers A'eleus (not 'StiXtvQ, see Slurz de Dial. Mac. p. 13, sq.) see ^-El. Var. Hist. viii. 5, with the Notes of Periz., and further details in Spanheim ad Callim. 11. in Dian. V. 226 ; Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 75, sqq.; some mal^e Ion himself to have been chief! corap. Ruhnk. ad Veil. Paterc. i. 4; Clavier, ii. p. 83. 3) Raoul-Roch. ii. p. 432, sqq. 144 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iv. 4) Strab. x. p. G85. B.: ajxiportpai Se izpo rCov TpioV/cwv vtt' 'A9tj- vaiiuv iKTtaBai \iyovrai, icai jxeTii Tci TpojiKci AikXoq Kai K69oq t? 'A9r]- vuiv opfiyOsi'TtQ o /(£!' T>)v 'EpiTp'iav ipKrine, 6 de t))v XaXKi^a' Kai rwv AloXiuJi' H riveg (itto ri)g Tlei'9i\ov arpaTiuQ Karf^iuvav iv ti] I'l'jm^j. Comp. Veil. Paterc. i. 4. But Strabo had just before, p. 683. B. called tliem both brothers of Ellops, son of Ion, from whom he asserts that the island Ellopia derived its name, and, p. 495. A. he pronounces their names barliarian, (did he mean Pelasgian?) comp. also Plut. Qu. gr. c. 22 : KoOog Kill "AiKXog ot Sov9ov Tralcig tig EvfSciav ?)kov oiKtjaovreg, AioXUov TOTS ra TrXtlara ryg 2n)(rov KarexovTioi'. On this subject in general, see Pfiugk rer. Euboic. spec. (Gedani, 1829.) Raoul-Roch. ii. p. 102, makes even the Abantes to have been Athenians. 5) See, in general, Sallier's hist, de I'isle de Delos in the M6m. de I'Acad. des Tnscr. iii. p. 376, sqq.; and Dorville's Exercitatio, qua in- scriptionibus Deliacis certa fetas assignatur et alia ad Delum spectantia obltur tanguntur et illustrantur, in Misc. Obss. t. vii. C. Schwenck's Deliacorum Panic, i. (Franc, ad M. 1825,) treats only of the names the island had borne. 6) Cyclades (ai j'jjcot, at Tt)v A?}\oj' iKVKXilyaavTo, Eustath.ud Dionys. Perieg. v. 525), in particular, Ceos, Cythnos, Seriphos, Siphnos, Rhenea, Faros, Syros, Naxos, Andros, Myconos. See Strab. x. p. 743, and more in Spanh. ad Callini. p. 376; Poppo, p. 271, sq.; the names of their re- spective KTKTrai are given by the Scholiast, ad Dionys. 1. 1. p. 355, sq. ed. Bernh. Comp. Raoul-Roch. iii. 79, sq. On their Travt'iyvpig at De- los, see above, §. 11. n. 9 ; and Clavier, ii. p. 106, sqq., who however makes the first settlers in Delos to have been Dorians ? 7) Herod, i. 142 ; Vitruv. iv. 1 ; ^1. Var. Hist. viii. 5. Conf. Poppo, p. 446—468 ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 52. 8) Consult Th. Panofka's Res Samiorum, (Berl. 1822). 9) r. UpvcrriiSov 'Apx^'oXoyia rfjg Xiov, Xoyog i:K(pwvt]9eig — (iv Xi({), 1820); a treatise of little merit; consult Koray's XiaKTig'Apxaio- Xoyiag vXrjv, in his"Ara/cro, vol. iii. (Paris, 1830). 10) Herod, i. 143 : ot /tsv vvv dXXoi "Iwveg Kai ot 'A9rira7oi tj- fftwj/ 0a(T()', oiTTfp Kai "AfSvSov Kai TlpoKovviiaov avvi^Kinav Kara rbv avTov Kaipov. Compare VVasse ad Thucyd. viii. 61 ; Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 253, sqq. 20) See Scymn. Ch. Frgm. v. 19, sqq., and more in Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 314, sqq. — Ephorus, ap. Ath. xii. p. 523, E., Mik)]moi 'iajq jxiv ovk tTpv^wv, iv'iKojv '2Kv9ag, bears upon this. 21) Also called Borysthenes, Strab. vii. p. 470, A.; compare Herod, iv. 18 ; IP'lin. Hist. N. iv. 26 ; but especially the delightful description in Die Chrysost. Or. xxxvi. 22) Compare Strab. vii. p. 491, and more in Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 386, sqq. On Apollonia also. Per. ad .^lian. Var. Hist, iii, 17. 23) Strab. vii. p. 475, sqq.; compare Heyne, rerum Chersonesi Tauricae memoria breviter exposita, 1787, in Opuscc. Acadd. t. iii. p. 334 — 397. — It was afterwards the seat of the Bosphoric kingdom of the AchaeanactidjB (B. C.480 — 432 ; Dira tie jxvpiurnv avtpojv (so likewise Jambl, V. Pythag. $. 260 ; but Scymn. v. 340, only 100,000) iiri KpioTioviaTag taTpciTivaav, TrevTrjKOVTa St (TTaSioJV kvk\ov (yvvtTrXijpovv oiKovvTig iiri Tavi(TGT) S' inrb '2avviTwv' 'AvTioxog tf ipi'iniv, IxXtifOivTa tvv Tonov tTToiKTiani tu>v 'Axaiwr rivag, iitTctTrffKj)- Oiivai ti KUTu filfrog Tb ■jrpbg Taprn'Tivoiig tCjv 'Ax«iwj' fKTrtaovTMv Lk Ti)g AoKwi'iKi'ig, referring to an earlier settlement than that mentioned by SECT. 81.] OF GREECE. 155 Heyne, p. 209, and Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 39, who make the first founders to have been from Tliurii ; in which case we must only understand the Sy- barites who were expelled from that colony, Aristot. Polit. v. 2. 10 : for Scymn. Ch. v. 328, and Liv. xxv. 15, both call it an Achasan state. 26) Strab. v. p. 384. C; conip. Pasqu. Magnoni de Paesti origg ; ]\Ia- zocchi, p. 498 — 515 ; Joann. Crosse, comm. brevis qua in Paesti, anti- quissimae Lucanias civitatis, origines et vicissitudines inquiritur, (Halis, 1768,) and Major's Ruins of Paestum, etc. (Lond. 1768.) 27) Strab. vi. p. 393, sq. §. 81. Next in antiquity^ and renown to these co- lonies, which may almost all be considered as resulting either immediately or ultimately from the Dorian con- quest of the Peloponnesus, were those planted by the Ionian cities of Eubcea, whose importance and pros- perity is attested by the interest which all Greece, ac- cording to Thucydides^, took in a war between Chalcis and Eretria, previous to the conquest of the former by Athens 3, and the destruction of the latter by the Per- sians*. Of those colonies Chalcis founded by far the greater number, some beyond the western seas, others on the Thracian coasts^; Eretria also ^ had settlements on the latter about Mount Athos and in the district of Pallene, but those of Chalcis so far preponderated that, although colonies from other states were formed in the same territory, as, for instance, Stagirus and Acanthus from Andros^, the whole peninsula situate between the Thermaic and Strymonic gulfs obtained the common name of Chalcidice^ ; at a later period we find Olynthus^ at the head of a confederacy of thirty- two ^"^ of its cities. The islands los, Seriphus, Pepare- thus, and others, were also called Chalcidian colonies". 1) Strab. X. p. 685. C. : taraXtjcrav ^^ ai cnroiKiai avrai, KaOuwiii upt}Ktp 'Api(TroT(\i]g, iji'iKct t) tuii> 'iTTTro/^orwj' (§. 57. n. 2) tiriKparti TToXiTiia. Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 198, sqtj. places them 01. x. 1. B. C. 740. 2) I. 15. See above, §.11. n. 13. 3) Ilcrod. V. 77 ; .Elian. V. Hist. vi. 1 ; comp. Wachsni. i. \.§. 323. About 01. Ixviii. B. C. 506. 156 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Qchap. iv. 4) Herod, vi. 101 ; I'lat. Rlenex. p. 240. B, ; de Legg. iii. p. 698. D. (B. C. 490). It was however afterwards restored. Comp. Strab. x. p. 687. C. 5) Ta iTTt QfjciKTji; x'^P'"' comp. Gatterer de Thracia Herodoti et Thu- cydidis (Comm. Gcitt. a. 1781, sqq.) t. vi. p. 5—9 ; Gail, le Philologue, P. 3. p. 315—335 ; Poppo Prolegg. Thucyd. t. i. P. 2. p. 346; Schsefer Appar. crit. et exeg. ad Demosth. t. i. p. 535 ; Weiske de hyperb. in hist. Phil. P. 3. p. 11 ; Vcemel, Prolegg. ad Demosth. Philipp. p. 23. 6) Strab. x. p. 685. C. Mende, for instance, see Thucyd. iv. 123, with Ducker's notes, and Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 204. Was Scione also founded by Eretrians? (Thucyd. iv. 120.) According to Plut. Queest. Gr. ii., they settled Methone in the Thermaic gulf. 7) Thucyd. iv, 84. 88 ; coll. Plut.Quaest. Gr. 30. Founded 01. xxxi. according to Eusebius. 8) See Mannert's Geogr. d. Gr. und R. vii. p. 344 — 465 ; Poppo, 1. c. p. 344-375. 9) Thucyd. i. 58 ; Xenoph. Hell. v. 2. 12 ; comp. Tittman, §. 733, and Vcemel de Olynthi situ, civitate, potentia et eversione (Franc, ad M. 1827,) or his Prolegg. ad Demosth. Philipp. Orat. Y. (Franc. 1829.) 10) Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 117.21. They subsequently shared the fate of Olynthus when it was destroyed by Philip of Macedon, (01. cviii. 2. B. C. 347 ; Diodor. xvi. 53.) and first reappear at the settling of Cassan- dria, (01. cxvi. 2. B. C. 315 ; Diodor. xix. 52 ; Pausan. v. 23. 2). 11) Scymm. Ch. v. 585. §. 82. But the most ancient of the Chalcidian, and indeed of all the western Greek settlements, was Cuma in the territory of the Opici^, or rather originally on the Insulae Pithecusae, whence it subsequently ex- tended to the mainland ^ From it issued the other Chalcidian establishments in that neighbourhood-^, of which however only Dicaearchia"* and Naples^ appear in history as Greek cities. The history of Cuma, if the episode of the tyrant Aristodemus*' be excepted, is involved in great obscvirity '^ ; the progress of the Samnite arms put an end^ to its independence B. C. 421. Rhegium^is mentioned as a second Chal- cidian colony in Italy, but not only did it contain a considerable admixture of Messenians, who on several occasions took refuge in it ^" after the conquest of their own country, but its government continued entirely in the hands of an oligarchy of that nation until Anaxi- laiis made himself tyrant". Notwithstanding the nu- SECT. 83.] OF GREECE. 157 mevous vicissitudes these colonies experienced^", tliey, next to Tarentum and Naples ^^, continued longest, as Strabo testifies^*, to be the seats of Greek influence and manners in Italy, whilst their sister cities had all either fallen victims to the relentless policy of the tyrants of Syracuse, or sunk beneath the attacks of the Lucanians and Bruttians'^. 1) Veil. Palerc. i. 4: nee viulto post Chalcidenses, orti, ut pradiximus, Atticis, Hippocle et Megasthene ducibus, Cumasin Italia (iv 'OniKig,, Thu- cyd. vi. 4) condidenttit. Comp. Liv. viii. 22 ; Dion. Hal. vii. 3, who adds the Eretiians, as does also Serv. ad Virg. .^n. iii.441. There is a different account in Strab. v. p. 372. B. : Kv/jli] XaXKiSiwv kciI KvjjLctiwv TraXato- rarov KTtffna' irafrwv yap irrri Trpicyfiv-drri twv te Si/ceXiKoir Kai rwv 'lTa\i(i)TiSwv. Ot Se rbv aroKov ayovrtQ'lTnroKKriQ b K-vpalog Kai Mf- yaaOkvriq 6 'S.aKKi^tvQ SiojfioXoyifaavro ifpoq ff^ag aiirovg, tuii' pir airoi- Kiav elvai, rwv ^£ r/)j' tTrwvvpiav o9tv vvv piv irpoaayoptviTai Kvptf, KTiffai S" avTTji' XaXKiSilg SoKoixTi : which is utterly irreconcileable with Eusebius' statement that it was founded 131 years after the fall of Troy. Ancient authors had recourse to two expedients in order to escape from this difficulty, some, as Scymn. Ch. v. 235. made the .i-Eolians arrive there from Cuma at a later period, and others, see Steph. Bye. in v., adopted the hypothesis of a Cuma in Euboea. The first are followed by Salmas. ad Solin. p. 72 ; Cluver, Italia ant. t. ii. p. 1104; Raoul-Koch. iii. p. 110, sqq. ; the other view is preferred by Cam. Pellegrino Apparato alle anti- .chita di Capua, ovvero discorsi della Campania felice (Neap. 1651, and again in 2 vols. 1771 ; and translated into Latin by Alex. Ducker in Graj- vius' and Burmann's Thes. Ant. Ital. t. ix. p. 2) Diss. ii. c. 15, where the author appeals to Strab. x. p. 685. B. : Kai ruiv AloXeiuv St nt'cg anb riiQ YlivOiXov arpuTiag Karkpiivav iv Ty vi)v (jjKiadt], 'v(7Tipov Si cltto XaX- KiCog Kai TTJg dXXrig Kvjioiag 7rX»j9ot,' iXOuv 'ivyKaTtvd^avTO rr)v yT}v' Kul oiKiaral Yltpu'ipjjg ical KpaTaiixevijg iytvovTO avrrjg, 6 fxiv dwo KvfiTjg {Kparamivrjc '^dpiog, Pausan.?) o Si XaXKiSog, vvofin Si to /.liv TTpioTov YjdyKXrj iji' vtto tHjv Y,iKtXix)t> KXi}dtlrra,OTi SptTrarotiSig (Strab. c^ia T))i' aKoXioTijTa) to xMp'iov Tt)v IS'iav idTi, k. r. X. Conf. Pausan. iv. 23. 3. The (jhalcidians were invited by the Zanclmans, Strab. vi. p. 395. B.; whence also we may gather that Zancle was founded before Rhegium. SECT. 84.] OF GREECE. 161 6) Founded B. C 649. See Thucyd. vi. 5. According to Strab. vi. p. 418. C: 01 Iv MvXaTf tKriaav ZayKXa7oi. But IMylee was only a fort belonging to Zancle, Thucyd. iii. 96; Diodor. xiv. 87, etc. See Cluver p. 386, sq. 7) Ka\j) CLKT)), Herod, vi. 23; conf. Diod. xii. 8. Afterwards Calacta, Cluver, p. 291. 8) After the battle at Lade, B. C. 494, Herod, vi. 22. 9) Herod. Thucyd. Strab. Pausan. 11. cc: conf. Aristot. Polit. v. 2. 12. — The anachronism in Pausanias (see last §. n. 11,) has misled even Mauso on this point, Sp. i. 2. j. 288, and others. Anaxilalis remained master of both cities (Diod. xi. 48), and so did the guardian of his son Leophron (Dionys. Hal. xix. 4; Justin, xxi. 3). According to Herod, vii. 170; Diod. xi. 66; Justin, iv. 2; Pausan. v. 24. I; 26. 2, sqq. ; Macrob. Saturn. 1. 11 ; Schol. Aristoph. Equ.964, etc., this man had been a slave. Strabo (vi. p. 388. A.) states his name to have been Micythus. The cities revolted and regained their freedom, B. C. 466. See Diod. xi. 76. 10) "EvfijiiKToi avOpcoTToi, even in the time of Anaxilaiis, Thucyd. vi. 5; comp. Diodor. 1. 1. The Locrians next had it (I'hucyd. v. 5); after its destruction by the Carthaginians, B. C. 396, Dionysius settled in it Locrians, Medmaeans, and emigrants from IMessenia itself, Diodor. xiv. 78 : finally, the Mamertines got possession of it, B. C. 282, Polyb. i. 7 ; Diodor. Frag. 1. xxi. t. ix. p. 283. Bip. 11) Strab. vi. p. 411. B. : oiKtirai 5' Ikch'Cjq t] ttoXiq, [laWov d' »'/ Ka- TavTj, Kai yap oiKijTopa^ ^sStKTca 'Poj^aiovg (conf. p. 417. B), fJTTov 5" afi(poiv TO Tavpoix'einov. 12) Diodor. xiv. 15. 59. 88; by Siculi (Strab. vi. p. 411. C: twv iv 'YfSXy ZajKXaiwvl) B. C. 396, on the hill Taurus which overhung the old Naxos ; in B. C. 358, it was increased by the inhabitants still remain- ing in the latter. See Diod. xvi. 7, and more in Goeller de situ, etc. p. 180; Cluver, p. 90, sqq.; Raoul-Roch. iv. p. 91. 13) Strab. vi. p. 420. A.: KiKaKwrni ct icat i) AtovTti't] Traaa — rwv fiir yap aTV)(^t]fiuTix)%> iKoiviiivrjaav dti to~iq HvpaKOvaioig, tujp S' tvT~vxt}- fiarwi' oi'ic c'ui. See Herod, vii. 154; Diod. xi. 49; Thucyd. v. 5; vi. 50; Xen. Hell. ii. 3. 5 ; Pausan. vi. 17. 5. On its situation, see Polyb. vii. 6. 14) Callipolis, Eubcea, etc. Strab. vi. p. 418. C. sq. 15) In revenge for the defeat they had suffered there from Gelo and Thero, B. C. 480, (Herod, vii. 165 ; Diod. xi. 20, sqq.); B. C. 409. two hundred and forty years after its foundation ; Diodor. xiii. 59 — 62. 16) Diodor. xiii. 79 ; Cic. Yerrin. ii. 35. §. 84. The Dorian colonies in Sicily were on the whole more fortunate * : of these, Syracuse was founded only one year later than Naxos -, and Megara Hy- blaea^, according to some authorities, in the same year with it*. The Corinthian Archias^ founded Syracuse^, at first on the island Ortygia-^, which was afterwards Y 162 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iv. united to the continent by a mole ; but the new state soon became powerful, and increased so greatly in extent, by repeated incorporations of the whole popu- lation of other cities, that it was considered to consist of five towns ^ The enlargement^ of the city and ex- tension of its territory were the principal objects of its tyrants ; as soon as the tyranny was abolished the van- quished recovered their freedom ^^, as happened after the death of Hiero^^, who had supplanted by Syracusan settlers the population of most of the adjacent towns, the name even of one of which, viz. Catana, he changed to JEtna ^^, and this again afterwards made way for the more ancient Ines^a^^. The same was the case after the expulsion of Dionysius the younger by Timoleon, whom Sicily long continued to honour as its liberator ^^. Syracuse had three more ancient colonies, Acrse, Casmenae, and Camarina^^, the first two however never attained to importance, and the last was repeatedly laid in ruins by its parent state ^*'. 1) Compare Heyne, 1. c. p. 255 — 262 ; Miiller's Dorians, i, p. 118, sqq. 2) Thus Thucyd. vi. 3 ; i. e. according to the common calculation 01. xi. 2. B. C. 735 ; if it were settled at the same time as Crotona (see §. 80, n. 11) a later date must be assigned it ; according to the Parian Chron. it was earlier (01. ii. 4). See Goeller de situ, etc. p. 6 ; Raoul-Roch. iii. p. 178, sqq.; Clinton's F. II. vol. ii. p. 264, sqq. 3) To distinguish it from the parent state, the Nisasan Rlegara, in the Peloponnesus. 1 he original Sicilian name of the place was Hybla, com- mon to many towns in the interior, which were distinguished by surnames, as Major, Heraea, Geleatis or Galeotis. This last is confounded with the Megara Hyblaea of which we are speaking, by Steph. Byzant, Cluver, p. 131, sqq., Goeller de situ Syr. p. 159, 160, and others ; but that tliey were distinct is evident from 'ihucyd. vi. 62, coll. 45 and 75. See Poppo, p. 524. It is more likely that Hybla Heraea was the same with the Hybla Major; compare Paus. v. 23. 5. 4) Strab. vi. 410. B. coll. 414. B. — According to Thucyd. vi. 4, not till B.C. 727, two hundred and forty-five years, that is, before its destruc- tion ; but consult Larcher, Herod, vii. p. 452; Clinton, 1. c. ; Miiller's Dorians, vol. i. p. 140, n. q. 5) See §. 75, note 7. 6) See Letronne's Essai critique sur la topographic de Syracuse, etc. ; Fr. Goeller dc situ et origine Syracusarum (Lips. 1818); Capodieci an- tichi Monument! di Siracusa (Sirac. 1813). SECT. 85.] OF GREECE. 163 7) Also simply called Nasos, Nfjffoc, comp. Thucyd. vi. 3 ; Strab. vi. 413 — 417, et plur. ap. bei GiJller, $. 43 — 48 ; on the name Ortygia ,see Dissen ad Find. Nem. i. p. 350, Boeckh. — It was afterwards the site o the citadel. 8) Strab. vi. p. 415, A.: TrivrdTroXig yap r/v to TraKaibv, tKarbv Koi oySofjKovTa ora^'nov ixovaa to TiT\og. The five cities were : Nasos or Ortygia, Achradina, 'lycha, Neapolis (Temenites), and Epipolae ; but this last quarter does not appear to have ever been completely built, conf. Dorv. Sice. p. 180, sqq. — See at large, Cic. Verr. iv. 53; and more in Goller, p. 49, sqq. 9) See, in particular, the enrolments of citizens by Gelo mentioned by Herod, vii. 156; Diod. xi. 72 ; the fortification of Epipolae by Dionysius, Diod. xiv. 18, comp. ibid. xv. 13: rtixof TnpiilSaXt Ty ttoXei tijXikovto TO (iBytOoQ, axTTt yeriaOai tov Trepij3o\ov {.dyicTToi' tUv "EXXr/viOoiv tto- Xfiov, Senec. Consol. ad IMarcian. c. 17, ingens civitas et laxius turrita quam multarum urbium fines sunt. \0) Strab. 1. c. p. 414. B.: r]ii^)]OT) dk Kai Std ti)v ti]q x'^P'^Q tvSai- fioviav ■)) TToXig Kai £id Tr^v twv Xinivuv tixpviav oi dv^ptg qyijioviKoi KaTiffTt](TaV Kai ffwe^ri 'SvpaKovffioig Tvpavvovfitvoic t£ SecfTrot^tiv Tujv dXXiov, Kai tXcvQipioOtiffiv iXtvOtpovv tovq vtto twv jiapjidpoju KUTadv- vacTTtvonivovg. 11) Diodor. xi. 76. 12) Strab. vi. p. 412. A. ; Diod. xi. 49, and more in Goller, §. 20, sq.; and the commentt. on Find. Fyth. i. 13) Or Ennesia. See Cluver, p. 122, sq. 14) Diodor. xvi. 82 ; Flut. Vit. Timol. c. 24. 35, etc. 15) Acrse, B. C. 665; Gasmen^, B. C. 645 ; Camarina, B. C. 660. Thucyd. vi. 5 ; Kaoul-Roch. iii. p. 354. 16) Thucyd. 1. c. : ' AimtrTaTiov Sk Kojuapivai'wv ytvofi'tixov rroXififp v-rrb ^vpctKovaiwv Si dnodTaaiv (B. C. 554, conf. Scymn. Ch. v. 295) Xpov({> Itt IT OK pdTi]g voTtpov TtXag Tvpavvoq . . . Kar({>KiGt Kaj.iapivav (B.C. 495; see Herod, vii. 154) Kai avQiq virb FeXwvoc dvddTaTOQ ytvo- fiivr) TO Tpirov KaTioKiaOr) virb FeXwvoc {TtXuMvl conf. Goeller, p. 157 ; Boeckh. ad Schol. Find. 01. v. 19, p. 121). §. 85. Megara Hyblaea was also incorporated with Syracuse by the tyrant Gelo, two hundred and forty- five years after its foundation ^ ; nor does it appear to have recovered its independence as other cities did after the death of Hiero -. Gela, which was the third Doric settlement in Sicily, (liaving been founded, forty- five years after Syracuse'', by Antiphemus from Rhodes and Entimus from Crete "*,) was sacrificed by Gelon and Hiero, though their native city, to the new seat they had chosen for their government ^ Its ty- 164 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iv. rants, Cleander and Hippocrates^ had, but a short time before, raised it to sovereignty over all its neigh- bours. Though it regained its independence B. C. 467, its prosperity never revived^. Selinus^, founded from Megara B. C. 627, and Agrigentum^, from Gela B. C. 582, were more fortunate, especially the latter. Its greatness commenced with the share which its so- vereign, Thero the Emmenid^^, had in the victory over the Carthaginians at Himera ^^ ; and appears to have eclipsed even that of Syracuse '^ during the pe- riod of its democracy, which was established by Em- pedocles ^^ The return of the Carthaginians, B. C. 410, and the devastations they committed, checked the prosperity of both '^; but whilst Selinus never re- covered, its habitants being removed by the Cartha- ginians to Lilybaeum^^, Agrigentum, on the other hand, became again so flourishing that it ventured, though unsuccessfully, to compete with Agathocles for the supremacy of Sicily ^^ ; and Polybius shows ^' that not even the losses it sustained in the two Punic wars caused it any material injury ^^. 1) Thucyd. vi. 4, conf. Herod, vii. 156; B. C. 482, according to Lar- cher, on Herod, vii. p. 458. 2) Thucyd. vi. 49 : vav' dKpoaTi)v hiiKovpyov Kal ZdXevKOv, ZaXtv- Kov ds Xapuv^av. 'AXXd Taiira fiivXEyovaiv affKeTrrorepov nov xpovMV XeyovTfg. May we with Weisse, 1. c. p. 130, believe the Cretans to have had a college of legislators 1 are we with Miiller, Dorians, vol. ii. p. 244, sqq., to consider the enactments of Zaleucus of Doric origin? Ephorus (Strab. vi. 398. B.) : Tjv {voi.ioypa(piai') avvira^tv ik re twv Kp7]TiK(lJv vo/iifKov Kai AaKiotnKuJv Kai tK tCjv 'ApeoTrayiriKwv, so also Diodor. xii. 11, speaking of Charondas : tTriffKi-^dixivog Tag dirdvTiov vofioOtaiag i^iXi^aro tu Kpariara k. t. X, §. 89. The time at which these men flourished may be pretty accurately fixed to the middle of the seventh century before the Christian era^; and however un- certain the particulars^ of the life of Zaleucus may be, there is yet no reason to join Timaeus in even the shghtest doubt of his having actually existed^. Even if Charondas be considered with Diodorus* to have been a citizen of Thurii, yet, independently of the tes- timony of Aristotle, the great similarity between him and Zaleucus, which has even caused them to be con- founded one with the other ^, is a proof of their having been contemporary. A similar^ and much more recent case is afforded by the confusion of the enactments of the Syracusan Diodes (B. C. Ill) with those of other legislators. Thurii may very easily, like Mazaca in Cap- padocia*^, have adopted" the regulations of Charondas, suitable as they were to so mixed a colony; other writers, indeed, name the sophist Protagoras^ as the legislator of that place. As to the real character of these laws, though the introduction and fragments given by Sto- baeus'^ are probably to be rejected as forgeries of the 172 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iv. Ptolemaic age", the united testimony of other writers sufficiently attests the wisdom of both as moralists and jurists. We know, for instance, in the case of Za- leucus, that he first exerted himself in criminal laws to put an end to the arbitrary sentence of the judge by defining the punishments^^ to be inflicted in various cases, and to lay down simple but positive regulations for the decision of civil suits. A particular magistrate, called /cofT/AoVoX*?*^ in Locri, and vo/^ySos among the Ma- zacenes, appears to have decided authoritatively on points respecting which the laws were not clear. Al- though neither legislator had absolutely forbidden all changes of his code ^^ they guarded against the innova- tions of caprice and a mere love of change by imposing the most rigorous conditions ^^ on the innovator. 1) According to Euseb. Zaleucus flourished 01. xxix, B. C. 660 ; others make him to have been the disciple of Pythagoras, see Diodor. xii. 20 ; Per. ad ^lian. Var. Hist. iii. 17 ; Heyne, 1. c. p. 170 ; on the other hand see Bentley, Opuscc.p. 340; Ste. -Croix, 1. c. p. 290, 291, who very cor- reetly appeals to Dicsearch. ap. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. §. 56. 2) According to Aristotle (quoted by the Scholiast on Find, Olymp. xi. 17. comp. Neumann's Rerump. Fragra. p. 134) he was a slave and herds- man ; according to Diodor, 1. c. av7)p ivyivtjg Kal kuto. iraiSeiav rtdav- 3) Cic. ad Att. vi. 1. 14 : Q,uis Zaleucum leges Locris scripsisse von dixit ? Num igitur jacet Theophrastus, si id a TinuEo reprebensum est ? conf. de Legg. ii. 6. 15 ; Bentley, 1. c. pp. 337, 338 ; on the other hand see Heyne, 1. c. p. 62 — 70; Ste. -Croix, p. 292; Goeller, de situ Syrac. pp. 259, 260. 4) Diodor. xii. 11 — 19; conf. Val. Max. vi. 5. Others make him to have been a Pythagorean; the Scholiast on Plato (p. 193. Ruhnk.) is very confused : Xapwvdag t/c KaTuvtjg ttoXeioq SifCfXioc, Sidcrtjuog vofioQiTtiQ tCjv A6i]vgaiv (conf. Steph. Byz. s. v. Korru'jj) iKQovriov tig OovpiovQ InoiKwv. ^ivyovToiv St, rip Trarpl avv'ii]KoKovQi](n KaTOiKtfcsaQ iv XnXKiSr Tr/v Sk 6\l/iv tKiv9epiog t/v. rtvopivog Si rCJv UvOayoptiwv tig SiyjvtyKt Tip TrpoTpiTTTiKtp. But see here lientley, p. 354 — 364 ; Heyne, p. 155-171. — Ste. -Croix, p. 317, assumes that there were two of the name! 5) Thus Theodoret, de Cur. GriEC. Aff. ix. p. 608. C, makes Charondas the most ancient of legislators ; Athen. xi. p. 508, make Zaleucus legislate for the Thurians, so also Ephorus, ap. Strab. 1. c. says they adopted his laws. Instead of Thurii Scymn. C'h. v. 346, has Sybaris. The Locrian law in Demosth. ul)i sup. is ascribed to Charondas by Diodorus, xii. 17 ; the death of Charondas, as described by Diodor. xii. 19; Val. Max. 1. 1. and others, is by Eustathius, ad Iliad. A. 197. p. 83. 18, mentioned as that of Zaleucus. SECT. 90.] OF GREECE. 173 6) Diodor. xii. 35, sqq. ; comp. Wachsm. i. 2. §. 446. 7) Strab. xii. p. 813. C : xpwvrat ^t oi MaZaicijvoi toIq XapwvSa vo- fioiQ a'lpovfiivoi Kai vo[it{)£6p, of iariv avroTg i^T]yr]Tt)g twv vofiiov, KaOd- TTtp 01 Trapd 'PtofiaioiQ vofiiKoi. 8) Wachsm. i. 2. §. 98. — What Ephorus, 1. 1. says of the Thurians : vffTtpov aKpifiovv OiXovTOQ irepl twv uKpotv ivSo^orkpovQ fitv yivtaOai, Xtipovat; Si, exactly suits Charondas, according to Aristot. Polit. ii. 9. 8 : ry aKpijiiiq. tUv vofiwv iffH yXacpvpuTepog rwv vvv vofioQirdiv. 9) Heracl. Pont. ap. Diogen. Laert. ix. 50. 10) Stob. Serm. xlii. p. 279, sqq. ; coll. Diodor. xii. 20. On Proamioe in general see Cicero de Legg. 1. c. 11) See Bentley, 11. cc. He is opposed by Warburton, Divine Legation of Moses, t. i. p. 165, and by Ste. -Croix, p. 293, sqq ; Heyne, on the whole, favours him, p. 69 — 72. and 164, sqq. ; so does Wyttenb. ad Plut. Morr, p. 154. 12) 'E^opoe, says Strab. I. c, (pijmv iv toIq irpwroig Kaiviaai tovto Tov ZdXtVKOv, oTi, TWV nportpov Tag ^ijniag toIq SiKaaraTg tTrirptrpdvTwv opi^tiv i^' iicdaTotg toiq dSiKfjjiaaiv, iKsivog tv Tolg vofioig Siw^iatv • Koi TO aTrXovffTipiog Trepi twv avTwv avjx^oXa'iwv SiaTd^ai. Conf. Diodor. xii. 21, and for further particulars see Polyb. xii. 16; Heracl. Pont. c. 32, and others. — According to Aristot. 1. c. Charondas introduced nothing original but thei7ri(TKr]\pig -iptvSoiiapTvpiwv (conf. Eentley, 1. 1. p. 358 ; Schbmann u. Meier's att. Process, p. 385) ; but see Aristot. himself, i. 1. 6; iv. 10. 6; Dionys. Hal. ii, 26; Diodor. xii. 12, sqq. 13) Polyb. xii. 16. 14) See above, §. 53. n. 3. Zaleucus had also represented his laws as derived from Pallas Athene herself; see Plut. de sui laude, c. 11, also Creuzer, Symb. ii. p. 804, and Heyne, 1. c. p. 65. 15) 'Ev f3p6x TOV TpdxriXov txwv, Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 744; conf. Polyb. 1. c; Diodor. xii. 17, 18, et plur. ap. Heyne, p. 30. — In above 200 years only three instances occurred in Thurii, only one in Locri. §. 90. Quite different, on the other hand, and per- fectly anomalous were the changes which Pythagoras, by means of his doctrines, effected in some of the colonies of Magna Graecia, and which, although posi- tive inasmuch as they were the result of abstract theories, were yet indebted solely to their oligarchical tendency for the political importance they obtained ; and which, though of ephemeral duration, had the most lamentable consequences*. Pythagoras '^ found, as it seems, a timocracy in Crotona, but his philosophy gained ground so rapidly, and particularly among the young men of rank and wealth, that he 174 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. iv. succeeded, both there and m some adjacent cities, in laying the groundwork of an aristocracy nuich on the plan 3 in which it is subsequently found developed in Plato's Republic, where internal harmony is made to result from the absolute sway of the wise, and the per- fect mechanical obedience of all the other members of the body politic*. The community of goods and sim- plicity of life which the members of the society main- tained^ at first prejudiced the people in their favour ; but, though their claims to the conquered lands of Sybaris were the apparent occasion of the hostility that broke out against them^, yet it was rather the high idea entertained by the people of their own im- portance, and apprehensions for their freedom^, that occasioned the dreadful persecution of the Pytha- goreans which commenced under the guidance of Cylon^ B. C. 504, and spread the horrors of civil warfare over lower Italy ^, wherever the sect had ex- tended its influence, until the "Achaeans, of the mother country, interposed and tranquillised the states : in- ducing them to form a treaty of alliance, and institute a 'Ttav^jvpt:; at the temple of Jupiter Homorius. 1) See at large, Meiners Gesch. d. Ursprungs der Wissenschaften (Lemgo, 1781) i. §. 304—510 ; Ste.-Croix, M6m. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xlv. p. 295 — 315 ; also Ileyne, 1. c. p. 187 — 199 ; Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 248, sqq. ; Miiller's Dorians, vol. ii. p. 185, sqq. and 197 ; Schlosser, i. 1. §. 398 — 400 ; Welcker ad Theogn. p. xlv — xlix. I cannot understand why Ritter is so sceptical on this point in his Gesch. d. Philo- sophic, 1. §. 350 — 358. — The chief authority is lamblichus de Vita Pytha- gorica (ed. L. Kiister, Amst. 1707 ; ed. Th. Kiessling, Lips. 1815), especially in what he has preserved to us out of Apollonius Nicomachus and Aristoxenus. 2) The period at which he flourished depends partly on the date as- signed to Polycrates, on whose usurpation he quitted his native island Samos. Some make him to have been an Etrurian ! See Fil. Laparelli diss, sopra la nazione e la patria di Pittagora in Diss, dell' Acad, di Cortona, t. vi. p. 82, sqq., and more in Miiller, Etrusker, ii, §. 345. Euseb. places his death at 01. Ixx. li.C. 500; his arrival in Italy, accord- ing to Cicero de Rep. ii. 15, (comp. also lamb). §. 35; Aul. Gell. xvii. 21) took place about 15. C. 530, but accounts vary concerning his age at his death, some stating it at eighty, others at one hundred years. See Dodwell de ('yclis (Oxon. 1701,) p. 137, s(iq., and iiis Diss. ii. de astate Phalaridis et Pytiiagorac, (Lond. 1704); Bentl. Opuscc. p. 173—203; SECT. 90.] OF GREECE. 175 de la Xauze and Freret, in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xiv. p. 375, sqq.; Larcher, Herodote, t. vii. p. 549 — 554; Schultz, App. ad Ann. p. 32, sqq.; Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. xxviii. 3) Iambi. §. 254 : iTrura Kai twv veaviffKwi' oiruiv Lk twv iv roiq ci^iwficKn Kcil TcCiQ ovciaiQ TTpovxovTwv, ovvij3aivt Trpoayoi'ffjje rjjc 'yXt- Kia^ (if) fiovov avTovQ iv Tolg iSioig o'Ikoic TrpwTtvtiv, aWa Koivy rriv TToXiv oiKOfOfieli', iisya.\i]v fiiv iraifieiav avvayrjoxoaiv, ijoav yap virep TpiaKoaiovQ, ^UKpov li fiipog rrjg TroXeiog oixn rdig ovk iv Toig avrolg ijOtaiv ovS' iinTi]liivjia(nv iiceivoig iroXirfvofisvoig. Conf. Justin, xx. 4; Diog. Laert. viii. 3. But can these three hundred be considered to have formed a regular government? Comp. Iambi. §. 45; 126; 260. (ot XiXtoi). 4) Iambi. §. 259 : Tovg (piXovg locnrtp Tovg Geovg csi^iaQaL, rovg Si dXXovg wffTTtp TO. Brjpia x^'PoSff^ai, k. t. X. Comp. also the extracts from Diotogenes and others in Stob. Serm. xlvi. sq., with the excellent comment on the same in Ste. -Croix, 1. c. p. 309, sqq. 5) See, besides lamblichus and the other authorities already given, Diod. Frag. i. x., and comp. Wachsm. ii. 2. §. 12 — 14. The proverb, Koivd TO. Tuv fiXwv, is virell known; see Beier ad Cic. de Off. i. 16. p. 124 ; Meinek. ad Menandr. p. 8 ; Goeller de situ Syrac. p. 218 ; Ast. ad Platon. t. i. p. 620, etc. 6) Iambi. §. 155: inti Si '^v^apiv ixiip'!j<^avTo (see above, §, 80. n. 20,) KOKe'ivog awrjXOe (on the other hand, Forphyr. V. Pylhag. §. 56 : AiKaiapxog Si Kal o'l aKpt/Setrrfpoi Kcd rbv JlvOayopav ^aai Tvaptivai) Kai Tt)v copiKTTjTOv Sii{)K)](TavTO fi)) KaTaKXrjpovxtjQ^lvai KaTO, t7]v tTriOv- fiiav tHiv TzoXXiiiv, i^ippdyij to (Xianvtlofitvov iJucog, k. t. X. 7) Diog. Laert. viii. 39 ; .Tustin. 1. 1. ; but especially, Iambi. §. 260 : KaOdiraK Si r?/v (piXoffQ(piav aiirdv (Tvvwfioffiav diri^aivt Kara rwv iroX- Xwv alffxpov iivai rovg TpuiKovra ^vpidSwv TTfpl tov TtrpdtvTa TTOTafibv vtpiyivofjiivovg vivo rov T^iXioffrow fiipovg tKtivojv iv avrij tij iroXet (pavfivai Kanffracnaafiivovg. 8) See Diodor. Fragm.l. x. t. iv. p. 57. ed. Bipont.; Iambi. §. 248, sqq.; Porphyr. ^.54, sqq.; Plut. de Dajm. Socr. c. 13. Dodwell (de fet. Pythag. §. 27. p. 211,) and Ste.-Croix (p. 305) set Cylon after the first revolt; but the anachronisms into w;hich those writers have fallen respecting Ar- chytas. Lysis, and Philolaus are easily remedied by assuming that the contest between Cylon's party and the Pythagoreans was not a transient collision, but a long continued struggle. See Bockh's Philolaos, (Berlin, 1819,) j. 7, sqq. 9) Crotona, Metapontum, Caulonia, and others. The history of their greatness being involved in much that is fabulous (Iambi. §. 33. 129, sqq.) the extent of their respective territories in after times cannot be ascertained, and is as uncertain as are the proper limits of JNIagna Grecia itself. Comp. Cic. de Orat. iii. 34, and more in Mazocchi ad Tabb. Heracl. p. 47, sqq. On Tarentum, see Strab. vi. p. 429. A. 10) See Polyb. ii. 39; Strab. viii. p. 589. A.; and on a similar iravt)- yvpig held at Heraclasa, ibid. vi. p. 429. C. 176 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. CHAPTER V. DOMESTIC HISTORY OF ATHENS DOWN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ITS DEMOCRACY. PART I. Ante-historical Period, till Theseus. §.91. Considering how Attica, from the peculiari- ties ^ of its situation and soil, was exempt from the convulsions to which we have seen that the rest of Hellas was subject at the commencement of the his- torical period, we are led to expect that it would have a history of its own at a much earlier period, did not this very fact of its having been so exempt and ist)lated, augment extremely the difficulty of dis- tinguishing what is really historical from mere local legends and religious types ^. Independently of Plato's assertion^, that Athens surpassed Egypt in antiquity, the existence of many other cities of the same name *, indicates an originally extensive establishment of that branch^ of the Pelasgic race whose deity was called Athene and Hero-founder Cecrops^; and, in Attica itself, the various names of its people '^ and territory ^ mark the occurrence of changes to which the traditions respecting various kings have no more relation than they have to its original division into twelve indepen- dent communities 9, which though most certainly an- terior to the historical period ^*^, was never at any time doubted or dispiited ". The idea of foreign conquest is excluded by the reputation ^^ enjoyed exclusively by the inhabitants of Attica and Arcadia ^^, of being SECT. 91.] OF GREECE. 177 aiJTo'x^ove?, a reputation to which their right was con- firmed by the testimony of antiquity, so far at least as it impHed the legitimate right of the inhabitants to their territory, assigning for its commencement a date by far anterior to all record '*. The colony which, ac- cording to the common opinion of later times '^, Attica received from Sais in Egypt ^^, was never acknow- ledged by the Athenians themselves ^"^ ; Cecrops and Erechtheus, the representatives of their earliest ex- istence, who were connected with that colony ^^, are mentioned at a still earlier period as Autochthones and Children of the Earth ^^ 1) Thucyd. i. 2 : Tt)v yoiij/ 'Attikyiv Ik row iiri irXtlaTov ha to Xett- Toytojv dcTTaaiaarov ovaav uvOpanrui <^kovv oi avroi ati ; conf. Strab. ix. p. 602. C: t(jTL li ■)) Xiopa twv Meyctpcojv TrapaXwrpog, KaQcnrep Kai ri 'ArriK»). See Jo. Fr. Gronov. ad Sen. Ilippol. v. 13 ; Reisig Enarr. Soph. CEd. Col. V. 663; and especially K. O. Miiller's Attika in Ersch and Gruber's Encykl. d. Wiss. u. Kiinste, vol. vi. §. 515, sqq. — Its area was forty square miles ; see Bbckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 45. 2) See the fragments of the 'Ar^/c^eg of Hellanicus (ed. Sturz, Lips. 1826, p. 53, sqq.); Philocorus, Androtion (coll. Lenz, ed. Siebelis Lips. 1811) ; Phanodemus, Demo, Klitodemus, Ister (by the same, 1812) ; see Heyne ad Apollod. iii. 14 ; .1. Rleursius, de Fortuna Athenarum (Lugdun. B. 1622); and Lectiones AtlicaB (1617). 3) Tim. p. 23. C. sqq. ; conf. Critias, p. 109, sqq. — War with Atlantis (Arcadia ■? vide Mviller de Sacris Min. Pol. p. 6) ; conf. Per. ad 2E\. Var. Hist. iii. 18 ; Baudelot in Hist, de I'Acad. d. Insc. v. p. 49, sqq; Bailly, Lettres sur I'Atlantide de Platon (Paris, 1779), $. 356, sqq. ; Ast. Platon's Leben und Schriften, ^. 374, etc. 4) Eight are enumerated by Steph. Byz. s. v., among which are that on Lake Copais in Boeotia, which, with an ancient Eleusis, appears to have been engulfed in that lake, Strab. ix. p. 624. A., Pausan. ix. 24. 2 ; and Athenae Diades in Euboea, Strab. x. p. 684. A.; and Marx, ad Ephori, Fragm. p. 135, sqq. — Hence the Athena' Attica: of the Roman writers; vide Meurs. de Athen. Att. c. 1. 5) See Herod, i. 56, and Platner's Beitriige (Marb. 1820), j. 12 ; Lar- cher's opposition (H6rodote, vii. pp. 262 — 277) arose from his prejudice against the Pelasgians. 6) See JNliiller's Orchom. §. 123, sqq. — Was the goddess named from the city, or the city from the goddess 1 See Em. Riickert, der Deinst der Athena, nach seinen cirtlichen Verhiiltnissen dargestellt (Ilildburghausen, 1829), §. 5, sqq. 7) Herod, viii. 44 : ' AQrivaloi Si liri fiiv IliXaffywv ixovTcjv Tt)v vvv 'EXXcioa KuXioixfV)]!' laav ntXaffyoi oiivo^a^ojutj'oi Kpavaoi' itti Se Ki- KpoTTog jiaffiKijoQ iTriK\i)Qr\(jav KfKpoiriSai' tKStKansvov Sk 'Ep^x^ijog Trjv a.px)]v ' Ad)\vcuoi [itTwiwiictaOijaav 'Iwj^ot; Si tov SovOov aTparap- Xfw yivofiivov 'AOt]vaioi(ji, tK\i]dt\(Tav drro tovtov "lujvig. A a 178 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. 8) Strab. ix. p. 608. A.: iroXv S' av irXeiwv tit) \6yoQ, d tovq apxv •vEraf rov Kriffnarog l%iTaZ,oi ng, ap^o/ttsvoc airb KsKpoTrof ov^l yap ojxo'noQ Xeyovcnv aTTavTiQ' rovro dk Kai cnrb twv 6vof.iaT(i)v SijXov. 'Ak- rtKt]v ^liv yap Atto ' AKraiiovoc (pacriv, 'ArQiSa Sk /cat 'ArrtK>/v cnrb 'At- BiSog rijc Kpavaov, o.v owixa avSpbg Kal SpaKovrog, Apollod. iii. 14. 1. — Erechtheus, 6 yriysv>)g Xtyofiivog, Herod, viii. 55 ; Dionys. Hal. Frgm. xiv.4, which must have had a symbolical import. See Cieuzer's Symbol, ii. p. 653. §. 92. The whole series of kings with which the earhest history of the land is connected ', consists of a mere maze of mythical personages, and personifica- tions of locahties^; and its fabulousness is evident from the inconsistencies and want of connection ob- servable in it ^. Most writers make it commence with Cecrops, (Ogyges* belongs to Boeotia^,) but some place a certain Actajus first, whom Cecrops succeeded in consequence of having married his daughter. In it, Cecrops is succeeded (his son Erysichthon having died young) by Cranaus, Amphictyon, and Erichthonius, without any pretension to being kinsmen; but with the last an hereditary dynasty is commenced, in which, between the names Erichthonius and Erectheus (ac- knowledged as identical even by antiquity 7), Pandion I., Cecrops II., and Pandion II., are thrust in, evi- dently to fill up the blank between that point and the time of Theseus and his father, /Egeus. The divi- sion of the territory among the sons of Pandion ^, ap- pears however to be founded on fact : Nisus received 180 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. Megara, which Pandion had obtained by marriage, and which the Dorians subsequently rent from At- tica^; i^geus had the western coast, uktyi, the seat of his father's government ; the two other brothers, Pal- las and Lycus, received the eastern division, Aja/c/j/a, and the southern extremity, TrapaX/a; this division is not only agreeable to the physical peculiarities of the country ^^, but recurs '^, at a much later period, and in so prominent a manner, in the account of the dissen- sions in the time of Solon and Pisistratus, that it must be allowed to have been that which prevailed before the time of Theseus ^^ and the union he is said to have effected. 1) Apollod. iii. 14, sqq. ; Justin, ii. 6, and the chronicles contained in the Marm. Oxen, and Eusebius, which Corsini, Fast. Att. t. iii. p. L, sqq., and Larcher, t. vii. p. 277, sqq., have made fruitless endeavours to reconcile. See at large, J. Meursii Regnum Atticum s. de Regibus Athe- niensium ( Amstel. 1633), libb. i. ii.; also Clavier, i. p. 133 — 165. 2) Thus Erichthonius, the son of Hephaestus by the Earth, or, as others said, by Athene, was fabled to have been educated by the daughters of Ce- crops, Herse, Agraulos (or Aglauros), and Pandrosos ; see Meurs. 1. c. i. 1 1 ; Creuzer's Symbol, ii. p. 726 — 735 ; Miiller de Sacris Min. Pol. p. 5. Erechtheus was worshipped as Neptune in the sacred enclosure of Athene Polias by the Eteobutadas, the mythical descendants of his brother Butas, Pausan. i. 26. 6 ; Heyne ad Apollod. iii. 15. 1 ; Miiller, 1. c. p. 8, sqq. In like manner, local relations were expressed in the names Cranaus (the hamlet Kpavaa occurs Aristoph. Lysistr. 480 ; comp. Acharn. 75, and more in VVachsm. i. 1. §. 24. n. 42), and Actsus {'AKrrj, the coast, more par- ticularly the western, see Steph. Byz. s. v. and below, n. 8). 3) Wachsm. i. 1.§.225. "The drudges in Attic legends have with vast pains drawn up a list of kings ; the thread of lineal descent fails them now and then, but is recovered by means of an Autochthon, like Craniius, or the son of some deity, as Erectheus." — Senec. de Benef. iii. 28 : qui, qinim majores snos recensent, ubi illiistre nomen deficit, illo deum infulciunt, 4) Euseb. Chron. i. p. 226, Armen.; Pn-ep. Evang. x. 10. p. 489; conf. Sturz. ad Hellan. p. 56; ad Acusil. p. 218 ; Siebel. ad Philoch. p. 15. 5) Near the lake Copais; see last §.n.4, and compare Miiller, Orchom. $. 129, 130, and the quotations in Meurs. i. 1 ; Beck. i. §. 358; Reisig Enarr. Soph. Q'^dip. Col. v. 1761. 6) Pausan. i. 2. 5. 7) See Meurs. ii. 1 ; Iliillmann's Anf. d. gr. G. §. 49 ; Creuzer's Sym- bol, ii. p. 726, sqq. Justin also mentions only Amphictyon, Erechtheus, and .'Egeus; for the IlomiSiHv 'EpixOovioi; of Apollod. iii. 15. 1, others have noaiiStJv ' Kpix^ti'xj ; compare Crcuz. ad Cic. dc Nat. D. iii. 19. p. 575. — i'hey were first distinguished by Eurip. (Ion, v. 280), and not, as Miiller says, (Orchom. §. 123) by Plato in the Critias, p. 110. A. SECT. 93.] OF GREECE. 181 8) Sophocl. ap. Strab. ix. p. 601. C; conf. Heyne, ad Apollod. iii. 15. 6. 9) Whence the famous boundary pillars between Megara and Corinth : Tcid' ovxl IltXo7r6vvt]ffog, aXK' 'lojvia, k, t, X. Compare Plut. Thes. c. 24, and Reingauum's Megaris, §. 62. 10) Compare Schcimann de Com. Ath.p. 342, sqq.; Ersch and Gruber's Encykl. ubi sup. $. 217 ; Thucyd. ii. 55, 56. 11) Pediffii, Paralii, and Diacrii, Herod, i. 59; Plut. Solon, c. 13; comp. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1223 : Kara yap tovq SoXwj/o^ I'ofiovQ (1) Tptiq ijaav a'l tcl^hq Tfjv Si \wpav Tijv AiaKpiai' IlavSioi'd ^aai Toiq vioiQ SiaviifiavTa Tt)v ap\})v Avkoj Sovvai, Aiyti £k t))v irtpi to aarv, XlciWavri ti)v TJapnXtav, Ni'cr^^j St ti)i> Miyapica. — Platner, de gentibus Atticis earumque cum tribubus nexu (Marb. 1811, and in Beck's Acta Sem. Reg. Lips. t. ii. p. 473, sqq.), fancies he discovers in them three different races. 12) The fate of Nisus (against Minos) is well known ; Lycus had pre- viously been expelled by ^geus (Herod, i. 173), Pallas by Theseus; Plut. Vit. Thes. c. 13 ; conf. Schol. Eurip. Hippol. v. 35. §. 93. Traces of the same territorial division are also found in the four tribes (fvXoc)) into which tradi- tion distributes the Atticans as early as Cecrops and Cranaus, although two mythical are always in juxta- position with two local names ; thus under Cecrops we have Cecropis and Autocthon — Actaea and Paralia ; under Cranaus, Cranais and Atthis, Mesoraea and Diacris ^ Whether the name of the next monarch denote an Amphictyony consisting of the independent communities of Attica^ is uncertain; however obscure, again, may be the new relations implied by the names which those tribes assumed under Erichthonius, namely, Dias, Athenais, Posidonias, and Hephsestias, still they too indicate a very early territorial division ; for, although Minerva and Jupiter afterwards passed for the deities of the whole country^, Vulcan was in various ways connected with its myths'*, and Minerva herself, according to Strabo, was once called Posido- nia. It is just as improbable in this as in the foregoing cases, that poetical designations of the whole country should, in course of time, have been restricted to sin- gle tribes ^. Much rather may we suppose the early 182 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. designations of individual races to have been appro- priated to the whole nation at the period when they coalesced into one. It is thus very easy to see how the legendary contest between Athene and Poseidon^ may have had a politico-historical as well as a physico- religious import ; for in the Metionide Daedalus^, and others, whom Pandion II. is said to have expelled, it is impossible not to recognise the race of Hephasstus, to whom, at a later period, a branch of the Daedalidas ^ traced their origin ; whilst the name Pandion reminds one of the festival Pandia^, of which the etymology seems to indicate ^*^ the same relation to the tribe Dias, as that which existed between the Panathenaea and the tribe Athenais. 1) Pollux, viii. 109; conf. Piatner, ubl sup, §. 4, sqq.; Schbmann de Com. Ath. p. 345, sqq.; Tittmann, §. 207 ; Gbttling, in the Hermes, xxiii. §. 106. 2) So among others, Bbckh, Abh. d. Berl. Acad. v. 1816, §. 117; Miiller de Sacris Min. Pol. p. 1 ; compare also Ste.-Croix des gouv. fed. p. 116; but see above, §. 12. n. 18. 3) On Athene, see §.91. n. 16; on Ztiig epKHog especially, see Piatner, §. 91, sqq. ; did they worship him as Trarpipog'^. comp. Piatt. Euthyd. p. 302. D. with Heindorf's note ; also Hevm. ad Soph. Trachin. v. 287, and ad Aristoph. Nubb. v. 1472 ; he was worshipped also as MsiXi'xtoe (the Uiasia), Thucyd. i. 126; as IloXuvg (the Uipolia and Bouphonia), Paus. i. 24. 4 ; iElian. Var. Hist. viii. 3, and the commentt. on Aristoph. Nubb. V. 982. 4) See Creuzer ad Cic. de Nat. D. iii. 22. p. 599 ; and Symbol, ii. j. 653—660. — Hence the Hepheestaja, Andoc. Myster. §. 135; Xenoph. Re- publ. Ath. iii. 4. 5) So Schbmann, 1. c. p. 349, and after him Illgen de Tribb. Athen. p. 7; also F. G. Welcker, alt-attischer Feuerdienst (in his i^schylische Tri- logie Prometheus, Darmst. 1824), §. 302, who is of opinion that such mythical names were invented solely for the purpose of investing the several parties mentioned above, §. 92. n. 11, with a semblance of antiquity. 6) See the authorities cited by Creuzer, Symb. iv. p. 343. 7) Apollod. iii. 15. 5 ; Pausan. i. 5.3. — The genealogy ran thus (Diod. iv.76) ; Erechtheus — Eupalamus — Metion — Da;dalus. Compare Welcker, ubi sup. §.291, sqq. 8) Plat. Ale. i. p. 121. A.; comp. Euthyphr, p. 11. C. 9) Demosth. Mid. p. 517, and Buttm. §. 120 ; comp. Hbckh in Abhh. (1. Berl. Acad. v. 1818, p. 65, where they are properly distinguished from the Diasia, in contradiction of Taj»lor. i SECT. 94.] OF GREECE. 183 10) Thus also Welcker, §. 302, sq. ; who, however, considers the Pan- dia to have been a general festival to Jupiter preparatory to the Panathe- naea. But is there not good reason to conclude that they were originally called Aiia, just as the Panathenaea were at first simply 'A9i)vcaa 1 Com- pare Paus. viii. 2. 1 ; Apollod. iii. 14. 6 ; Harpocr. s. v., and Rleursii Panathenaea (L. B. 1619), c. 3. — Not to forget the name Athenaa Diades ($.91. n. 4). §. 94. But of far greater importance, and historically authenticated by their continuance down to the time of Clisthenes, (B. C. 510,) are the four Ionian tribes^ of the Geleontes or Teleontes, Hopletes, Argadenses, and ^Egicorenses. Tradition^ says that in the time of Erechtheus, Xuthus, son of Hellen, settled in the Tetrapolis, and obtained the hand of his daughter Creusa in return for certain services ; his, or rather Apollo's, son Ion is said to have so far won the con- fidence of the population of the whole country, that he was commissioned to frame a constitution for the state, and thereupon made four divisions of the people, ac- cording to their several professions ^. It is very evi- dent that the names of the tribes we have just men- tioned, and which some derive from the sons of Ion, denoted nothing else than such castes, as we may call them* (see above, §. 5), although authorities vary as to their respective appellations. Plutarch, for instance, enumerates them as husbandmen, warriors, mechanics, and herdsmen ; whilst Strabo, instead of the last, has priests. AlytKopeTi; as plainly denotes goatherds as onXyiTei warriors ; the 'ApyaSej? may easily denote husbandmen, notwithstanding Plutarch's interpretation, since he seems to have been misled by the false reading of TeSeovTe? for TeKeovrei;^ • still it is Confessed that the dif- ficulty respecting both the meaning and the etymology of this last name is not thus fairly disposed of. Sup- posing that TeXfovT€i be the right reading, it is uncer- tain whether we are to understand by it serfs ^, or a priesthood'^; but as the former appears the better au- thenticated ^ and none of the meanings hitherto as- 184 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. signed refer to a priesthood^, we must follow the majority of authorities''' and not enumerate them as a distinct caste. 1) Herod. V. 66 : fieTci de TsrpaipvXovg tovrag ' AGrjvaiovg SiKatpiXovg fTToijjfre, Twv"l(ji)vog iraidoiv, TtkiovTog Koi AiyiKop'siog Kal 'Apyddtoj Kai "OirXijTog, (t— «XX«?ae rag iTTiovviilag. Conf. Eurip. Ion, v. 1596, sqq. and Poll. viii. 109 : . . . otto It tujv "lun'og TraiSiov Itvi 'Epexfitwc TtXs- ovTtg (olim Tt kui Atoi'rog)"07r\t]reg, Aiyucopeig, 'ApydStig. 2) Vid. Eurip. Ion passim ; Pausan. vii. 1. 2, and a further account in Meurs. de Regg. Athen. ii.cc.8. 10 j Lectt, Attic, vi. 21 ; Schcemann, de Com. Athen. p. 351. 3) Strab. viii. p. 588. A. : 6 Si Trpwrov fitv kg rscraapag (pvXdg SitiXe TO TrXrjOog, ilra tig rkaaapag (3wvg' rovg fiiv yap ysoijoyoiic dniSei^s, Tovg Se Sij^iiovpyovg, rovg Si ispoTroiovg, rerdpTovg Si rovg (pvXctKag' Toiavra Si ttXeioj ciard^ag Tt)v x^^pav iiruvvfiov iavrov KaTiXiire. Conf. Plut. V. Solon, c. 23 : kui tuc vXdg iialv ol Xkyovreg oii/c aTTo tSiv 'loJi'og v'taiv dXX' ctTrb twv ytvwv tig a SnjpiOijffav oi j3ioi to TTpwrov, MvofidcTOaf TO fiiv fidx^ov oTrXlrag, to S' spyaTiKov ipydSeig, Svtiv Si ruti' XoiTTuv yiS'iovrag fxiv TOvg yEojpyovg, alyiKopiig St rovg iiri vojiaig Kai npofiaTtiaig SiOTpij^ovrtg. 4) Vide supra, §. 5. n. 2—4 ; coll. Plat. Crit. p. 110. C. : ym Si tot iv TySt Tij X'^P<} ''" H-^^v dXXa 't9vT] raiv iroXirojv Trepl rag Sriixiovpyiag ovra Kai ti]v Ik T)}g yf]g rpoi> yipofikvwv reXovvreg, Plut. V. Solon. c. 13; see also Feodor Eggo Unterg. d. Naturst. §. 143 ; Illgen, p. 38, sqq. 7) Platner, §. 52 ; Tlttmann, §. 570 ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 327.— Welcker, on the other hand, refers to riXi], offices including those of the priesthood also. 8) TtXitov is the reading in the INISS. of Eurip. and Steph. Byz. in voce AiyiKoptwg. Inscriptions from Cyzicus and Teos, cities of the same Ionic race, have on the other hand VtXkovrig. See, in particular, G. Ilermanni, Praef. ad Eur. Ion, p. 21 , sqq. 9) The derivation usually given is from ytXih', id. q. ytXciv, splendere, Xdfnrtw, Heysch. i. p. 811 ; whence "splendidi, illustres," is proposed as the meaning; see Wessel.adHerod.v.66 ; Lennep.ad Phalar. Epistt.p.308; SECT. 95.] OF GREECE. 185 Hiillmann's Anfange, §. 239, sqq. ; Creuzer's Symbol, iii. §. 53 ; iv. ^. 153 ; Schomann de Com. Ath. p. 356; GottlinjT in the Hermes, xxiii. p. 107; Welcker, ut sup. ; and \\'achsm. i. 1. §. 228 ; who all consider the word a title of the TtXiovrtQ. The same is lioeckh's opinion, but he derives it from ViwXeiog, landed proprietors. Iljgen's attempt, §. 34, sqq., to show it is only an older form for TiXiovrti-, as ytyyfi is found for rty/d, in Hesych., is ingenious; but it must be remembered that Ilesychius oc- casionally lakes the trouble to explain as glosses mere errors of the copyist; conf. Taylor, Lectt. Lys. p. 279, sqq., 284. 10) We thus have — Husbandmen, JXIechanics, Herdsmen, Warriors. Strabo alone introduces the Priests, who are omitted in Plutarch and Plato ; the passage of the Timaeus (p. 24. A. ; see above, 5. 5. n. 2) has reference only to the Egyptians. All the authorities have the Husbandmen, whom Schomann includes under the Herdsmen, and Welcker incorporates with the Priests. §. 95. There is internal evidence in support of this opinion. For instance, as the actual existence of a priesthood among the Atticans in the earliest period of their history, and of its remnants in historical times cannot be disputed^, so the legends concerning the accession of Ion seem to import the loss of its influence as a constituent portion of the state — the expulsion, in fact, of a priestly dynasty by kings of the warrior caste. Hence in other accounts Ion figures not merely as a military commander and framer of a government^, but as really a prince^, and Erectheus is represented as the last of his line, with which many even of the ancient authorities declared that neither .^geus nor Theseus were connected*, notwithstanding the pains taken to prove their relationship. If this be ad- mitted, it will not be necessary to make Cecrops an Ionian^, in order to explain the identity of the lonians and Athenians, nor need the political change he effected be confounded with the Ionian invasion in the time of Codrus^. Ion himself is, in fact, only a general personification ; but Theseus and his father ^Egeus display such evident proofs of their Ionian origin 7, that their names must be recognised as indications of the time at which Athens assumed this its peculiarly his- torical character, and began to develope in an order Bb 186 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. of free knighthood ^ the purely Hellenic character as a nation and a state. 1) Comp. above, §. 5. n. 5 ; and Spanh. ad Callim. h. in Pall. v. 34. 2) ^TociTapx^Q' Herod, viii. 44; conf. Strab. viii. p. 588. A.; 'Iwj' Si TOVQ jiir EvjxoXTrov viK))rrac Op(fKac ovtioq svSoKifijjmv, war iTrkrpt\\/av avTtf rfiv iroXtTsiav ' ABiyvaloi, 3) Eur. Ion. v. 1592; Conon. Narr. c. 27. Comp. Miiller, Orchom. $. 124, coll. 229. 4) Plut. Thes. c. 13 ; Aiytvg Qtrbg yivojXivoQ UavSiovi Kal firjSkv 'EjO£x0£i^aic TTpoffi'jKOJv. Conf. Miiller, de Sacris Min. Pol. p. 2 ; Meurs. de Regg. Athen. ii. 15; Heyne ad Apollod. iii. 15. 5. extr. 5) As Buttmann has done in v. (pparpia, Mythol. ii. §. 324, and after him lllgen, 1. c. p. 56. 6) As by Plainer, §. 43—49 ; conf. Clavier, ii. p. 71—77. 7) See Wachsm. i. 1. $. 227, sqq. 8) Independently of the general character which Ion bears in history (comp. Schumann de Com. p. 358. n. 32) there are several circumstances favourable to the hypothesis which makes the lonians to have been origin- ally Hoplites, and afterwards a class of nobles forming the cavalry. Such as their residence in the Tetrapolis (Herod, vi. 102 : MapaOwv iTvirr]S(i6- Tarov xwpi'oj' rfjc 'Amic^je ivnnrivrTai, comp. §. 57. n. 2) ; and the in- troduction of the festival Boedromia ascribed to Ion ; Spanheim ad Callim. h. Apoll. V. 69 , comp. Mliller's Dorians, vol. ii. p. 444 ; /Egeus is said to have been the son-in-law of Hoples, Miiller, Orchom. §. 184 ; Tittmann, $. 570. §. 96. And here recurs the question whether the superiority ohtained by the lonians in Attica was the result of a foreign invasion, or of internal commotions. And with this question is closely connected another — whether the lonians were, according to the commonly received hypothesis, Hellenes and kinsmen of the Dorians and Achaeans, or whether they, as well as the first population of Attica, were not rather, as Hero- dotus asserts, Pelasgi? In the first case they must have conquered the country, as the Dorians did the Peloponnesus, and have made the original inhabitants tributary * ; but the inconsistencies in the genealogy of Hellen and his three sons have already been noticed^, and the manner in which tradition attempts to adjust that genealogy to the sudden appearance of Xuthus in Attica is not calculated to increase its credit^. Several other circumstances lead us to conjecture as SECT. 96.] OF GREECE. 187 much more prol)able, that the oldest Ionian settle- ments* were in this country ; and although ^Egialea and Euboea may have received their first Ionian settlers from Attica^ yet the Cynurii, who, equally with the Arcadians, claimed to be the original inhabitants of the Peloponnesus^, strongly attest the autochthony of their kinsmen in Attica. The etymology of the name lones is obscure^ ; the identity of the deity of their clan, Apollo*', of whom there is no trace in the early Myths of Athens^, would seem to mark a connection between them and the Dorians i*', did not a difficulty here arise in the fact that Neptune, who is no less intimately connected in legendary story with the first Ionian princes", subsequently vanishes, almost wholly, from among the Dorians, a circumstance which re- minds us of the interchange of the worship of the two deities which tradition represents to have occurred in several other places ^^, and leads us to prefer that hy- pothesis by which that change is considered to have resulted rather from internal divisions, terminating in history with the appearance of the name of Theseus, than from foreign invasion. 1) So Boeckh, ubi sup., and Miiller, Orchom. §. 307, 308, whose argu- ments however rest chiefly on the reading TtXtovrtg. Comp. also Illgen, 1. c. and Welcker, §. 296. 2) See above, §. 8. n. 11. Aristotle appears to support Herodotus, Metaph. iv. p. 118. 14. ed. Brandis : ovno yap Xiyoi'mi ol nsi'"EXXT)i'is TO yivog, oi Sk "Iwveg, ry oi fiiv cnro'EXXijvoQ, oi Sk aTTo "Iwvog ilvai TrpwTov ytvvitaavTOQ. 3) Strabo, viii. 587. C. D. ; Pausan. vii. 1. 2. But Schcimann also, de Com. pp. 351 — 358, makes the lonians refugees in Attica, and assigns them the Tetrapolis in return for military service. (Eur. Ion. 59). 4) Epidaurus, Troezen, etc. See iMiiller's Dorians, i. p. 94, and Wachs- muth, i. 1. §. 48, according to whom indeed they first settled in Attica under Theseus, i, 1. §. 226. 5) On Euboea, see §. 77. n. 4 ; according to Scymn. Ch. v. 573, Chal- cis had been previously founded by a son of Erechtheus. On ^-Egialea, see Herod, vii. 94 ; Strabo and Pausan. 11. cc. In the latter, Xuthus dis- appears after his expulsion from Attica by the sons of Erechtheus, but, as Ion's tomb was shown in the Uemus of the Potamii, he makes Ion to have returned to help the Athenians in the war with Eleusis, which however oc- curred during the lifetime of Erechtheus himself. Strabo makes the other 188 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. son, Achaeus, to have withdrawn to Lacedaemon ; Pausan. says he went into Thessaly — so inconsistent is the whole legend. Compare Clavier ad Apollodor. ii. p. 87, sq.; Beck, §. 828, sqq. 6) Herod, viii. 73 : oi St Kvvovpioi avToxOovEC iovTtg, SoKsovcn novvoi tlvai"l(>)i'((;, iKStCMpiivvTai St, k. t. X. Conf. §. 33. n, 8. 7) See Beck, §. 348. Bultraann, iiber d. myth. Verb. Griechenlands mit Asien (Mythol. ii. §. 197, sqq.), connects it with lo, lasos, etc., making the Pelasgic Argives to have been lonians; Illgen, 1. c. p. 58, deriving it from i'tvai, considers it to have denoted a migratory tribe ; it might with as good reason be considered synonymous with ir»;e (Heind. ad Plat. Protag. p. 608 ; Jacobs, Lectt. Stobb. p. 12). According to Miiller, Prolegg. |. 274, Sou96c was equivalent to 'iSavQoQ, and conse- quently Xuthus was identical with Apollo. 8) If notlhe'ATToXXwj' TrarpipOQ, seePlaton. Euthyd. p. 302. C, with the commentt., at any rate the Delphian Apollo, Republ. iv. p. 427, B. ; conf. Demosth. de Cor. c. 46, p. 247, 27 ; Aristid. Panath. p. 181, Dind.; Ephorus indeed, ap. Strab. ix. p. 646. C, makes Apollo to have come to Delphi from Athens. See at large, Platner, §. 88, and Baehr de Apolline Patricio, etc., who identifies him with the Egyptian Horus, following Cic. de Nat, D. iii. 22 . Vulcanus . . . ex quo et Minerva Apollinem eum, cujus in tutelu Arhenas antiqui historici esse voluerunt — ? ? 9) Vide Miiller de sacris Min. Pol. p, 3. 10) Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 243—272. 11) Theseus, for instance, seeMiiller'sDorians, i. p. 267.; Prolegg, §.272. (JEgeus is made the same with Neptune, see Welcker, §. 296, coll. 149) ; and compare Creuzer's Symbol. Iv. p. 110, sqq. — Thus the Isthmian games continued to be celebrattd in his honour (see above, §. 10. n. 14) ; and he was worshipped as Neptune Heliconius at Mycale {§. 77. n. 19). — To the Dorians, on the other hand, he appears to have been quite a stranger: see Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 417. — On the decline of his worship in Attica, see Wachsm.ii. 2. §. 141. 12) Apollo and Neptune are fabled to have exchanged Delos and Ca- laurea, Taenarum and Delphi ; see Strabo, viii. p. 574. A., and a further account in Miiller, yEgin. p. 26, sqq. The latter author, indeed, derives the worship paid to Apollo at Delos from Crete, Dorians, i. p. 243, sqq. ; compare Kaoul-Iloch. ii. p. 149 — 152; but see Hock's Kreta, ii. ^. 108, sqq., particularly §. 130, and comp. above, §. 20. n. 7. Creuzer, Symbol, ii. p. 659, sq., gives a different explanation. — The legend respecting the transfer to Hercules of the honours paid to Theseus, even in Attica, is very remarkable. Eurip. Here. Fur. 1300 ; Plut. Thes. c. 34 ; Aristid. Panath. t. i. p. 58, Dind.; comp. Miiller's Dorians, i, p. 445, sqq. PART II. From Theseus to Solon. §. 97. Although no authentic history can be ima- gined without a knowledge of the chronology and de- finite information respecting the acts and fate of the individual of which it is to treat, (and Theseus and his SECT. 970 OF GREECE. 189 immediate successors are anterior to all such informa- tion',) still the name Theseus can hardly be considered as merely the personification of a period of regulations and enactments^; and the history of Athens may be said to commence with liim as much as the institutions on which its subsequent greatness was founded are ascribed to him. To consider Theseus as the actual framer of the democracy, would be an anachronism^ similar to that which some have made in the case of Servius Tullius*; but, inasmuch as he collected the scattered commonalty of Attica at one Pry taneum ®, and formed a town at the foot of the old Cecropian citadel^, he made the first advance towards it'^; nor was it without reason that the Attic Demos perpe- tuated the yearly festival of the 2^yoj/c/a*^ in commemo- ration of the event. It was natural that with the ter- mination of the Ionian revolution and the fall of the old regime, the distinction of castes should vanish ; and their names, v/hich continued in use till the time of Clisthenes ^, became mere statistical, perhaps even local, distinctions ^^ 1) On this subject in general, see Isocr. Laud. Helen, pp. 496 — 504; Diodor. iv. 59—63 ; Plut. Vit. Tliesei ; and a more detailed account in J. Meursii Theseus (Ultraj. 1684, and in Gron. Thes. t. x.) ; Phil. Bernard, Comm. hist. crit. de Archontibus reip. Atheniensis, in Ann. Acad. Lova- niensis, a. 1823 — 24, p. 12 — 20. On the mythical import of the name, see Creuzer's Symbol, iv. p. 108, sqq. — According to Euseb. he flourished fifty-four years before the fall of Troy. 2) See Creuzer, ut sup. §. 119; from QtaQai. — Hiillmann, Anfange, p. 215, conjectures that it was from 9})q. 3) Pausan. i. 3. 2 : 'Etti Ik rqi roix'f* tijJ nspav Qi](jiVQ ian yeypan- IXEVog Kal Aiji^ioKpaTia Kai Aijixog. AtjXoi H i) ypacpi), Brjaia tlvai rbv KaTa!}f.ir] (cat aXXwf ff rove ttoWovq, wf QtiatvQ TrapaSoir] to. 7rp«yjuar« t<^ ^hhV '<^"' wf «^ iKiivovi ^iinoKparoviityoi Ci'iiitivav, k.t.X. See further, INIeuvs. 1. 1. c. 18; Tittmann, (J. 71. 4) Niebuhr, II. II. i. p. 425, sqq. — " Tullius, qui tibertutem civibus sta- biliierat," Attius apud Cic. pro Sextio, c. 58. 5) Thucyd. ii. 15; Plut. Vit. Thes. c. 23. Conf. Hemsterh. ad Aris- toph. Plut. p. 209. lie eft'ected wliat Thales afterwards proposed without success to the lonians of Asia Minor (Herod, i. 170) ; ag htXtve 'ii> (iov- 190 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Hchap. v. \iVTiipwv"liovag tKTtiffOai tAq di dWag ttoXiciq otKtofisvas [iriSiv rjaaov t'OfiiZtaQai KaTainp si dijiioi tliv- 6) riut. 1. c. : TO dcTTV ri]v n ttoXlv 'AOfjvaQ 7rpo(T7]y6ptvffi, by way of distinction, as Liv. xxxiv. 1 : in urbe oppidiwe. "Acttv, astu, kut' i^o- X>)v, Athens, conf. Ast. ad Plat. Remp. p. 317 ; Geel Anecdd. Hemsterh. p. 147, and in particular the commentt. on Cicero de Legg. ii. 2 : prius- quam Thesus — in at-tu, quod appellatur, omnes se cnnferre jussit. — rioXi*; continued to be used in the sense of aKpovroXig, comp. liemsterh. ad Plu- tum, p. 261 ; Jacob ad Lucian. Alex. p. 124 ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 316, and iNIeursii Cecropia, s. de arce Athenarum (L. B. 1622). On the city of Athens itself, see also Meursii Athense Atticas s. de prascipuis Athenarum antiq. lib. iii. (ibid. 1624); Hawkins, in VValpole's Memoirs, t. i. p. 480, sqq., and W. M. Leake's Topography of Athens, with some remarks on its antiquities (Lond. 1821 ) ; J. Stuart and N. Revett's Antiquities of Athens (Lond. 1762, and reprinted 1825) ; and W. Wilkins, Atheniensia, or Re- marks on the topography and buildings of Athens (Lond. 1816) ; Bar- thelemy, Voy. d'Anach. chap. xii. ; and K. O. Miiller, in Ersch u. Gru- ber's Encykl. vi. pp. 228—241. 7) See above, §. 61. n. 8 ; and the Oligarch in Theophr. Charact. xxix. 4 : TO]' Qrjcrea o7K-oi, as it were, Patricians and Plebeians. Illgen also refers to the passage in Hesychius : 'AypoiuJrai = aypcuKoi, Kai yivoQ 'ABfjvymv, of avTiSuffreWoi'To irpog rovg EvvrarpiSag. ^Hv £t to Twv ynx)pywv Kai rpirov to toiv Sijpiovpyuiv : and Etymol. M. p". 395. 50 : 'EvTTaTpi^ai tKaXovvTO ol avrb to aarv oiKovvTcg Kai ^£rEX'"''''£t' (iaffiXiKov ysvovg, ti)v twv \ipwv tTTiutXetav Trowvpiroc ynopyoi ck o'l tTjc dXXijg \wpaQ olKi'jToptg' tTrtyciopopcii ct to Ti\viKdi' iQt'og. Wachsmuth, indeed, i. 1. §. 233, on these very authorities, asserts that the Demiurgi were not natives, not even domiciliated in the country. See also Schomann, part V. who however identifies them with the OiiTig, whilst Wachsmuth considers that the Geomori rather corresponded to these. See below, §. 101. n. 8 and 9. 5) Pollux, viii. 111. 192 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. 6) See Boeckh. ad C. Inscr. p. 465. — The chief authority in favour of the view mentioned is Pollux, 1. c, who, having first said, ore [ikvroi. rtff- oapic iiaav a'l (livXai, tig rpia f-ikpi] iKciaTr] CiijpijTO, Kai to fifpog rovro iKoXtiro TpiTTvg Kai 'iOvog Kai (pparpia, adds at the end of the section, rpia £i J]v TCL tOvt} vciKat, EvTrarpiSai, reiofjiopoi, Aijuiovpyoi. In fact lOvog was a denomination common to every division of the people (estate). See Stallb. ad Plat. Kemp. t. i. p. 78, and ^^'achsm. himself. Ant. i. 1. §. 232. The Scholiast given by Kuhnk. ad Plat. Axioch. p. 253, has pro- bably best preserved the testimony of Aristotle: ' ApiJ, for Aristotle certainly does not assert that Clisthenes did actually make new phratriaD^. The same remark holds good of their subdivisions, the yev^ (clans), of which thirty^, each again consisting of thirty houses'*, composed a phratria. Another division of the tribes, into twelve r^t-rrvei; and forty-eight Naucrariae, cannot be referred to so early a period, since the latter, con- sisting of divisions of the citizens for the payment of contributions, and meeting other public burdens, clearly belong to a more advanced state of civil or- ganisation^ The early division into clans, brother- SECT. 99.] OF GREECE. 193 hood, and houses, clearly indicates the infancy of a community 6, and may be considered under two points of view, either as actually resulting from the extension of family ties, or as merely an organisation of society in imitation of and named after them. The latter view was generally adopted by the ancients themselves 7, al- though all the forms and institutions, as well as the names, of the phatrias and clans bear every appearance of family distinctions^. Thus the law considered the phratores at large to be no less interested in revenging a murder than the nearest relations of the deceased^ ; not to mention that they participated in the same sacra privata, in reference to which they were some- times called oj)765>€?. 1) See, besides the treatises of Ignara and Buttmann, Hiillmann's An- fange, §. 125—137 ; Platner's Beit, f 101—186; Tittraann. §. 268, sqq., especially §. 282 ; Wachsm. i. 1. $. 235—239, and ii. 1. §. 17. 2) Thus in particular Platner, ^. 66 — 77 ; but see Tittmann, §. 271, and Wachsm. i. 1. $. 270. — The passage in Aristotle occurs Polit. vi. 2. 1 1 . tn Vi Kcii Tu Tuiavra Kara(TKivct(Tf.iara xp>j(Ti//a rrpoQ tijv SrjjxoKpaTiav T))v ToiavT7]v, oic; K\ii(Tdsvr)C TS ' AOifinjmi' ixpr](7aT0 jSoi'Xofitvoi; av'i7]parpia 1 see Hiill- mann, Anfiinge, §. 128; Plainer, Beitr. §. 101 ; Buttmann, Mythol. ii. §. 306, sqq., and on the origin of the terms (pater, frater, ^pdrtptg i. q. ippdro- pec, Eustath. ad Iliad. B. p. 239 ; comp. Schsef. ad Demosth. t. v. p. 561), see especially the same work, §, 331 ; consult also Wachsm. i. 1. |. 312 — 315. 7) See Pollux, 1. c. : ysvei j-dv ov Trpofft'jKOVTeg, ix t?£ rijg avvoSov ovTU) irpoffayopivo^iivoi, and more in Salmas. 1. c. p. 138 — 142 ; Titt- mann, §. 572 ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 236. " Consequently," to use the words of Platner, (Beitrage, §. 103,) " not genealogical but local tribes, set how- ever on an equality with the former, for political reasons, or under some reli- gious sanction ;" comp. Hiillmann, Anf. d. gr. G. $. 125 — 135; Urges- chichte des Staats, §. 103, sqq. ; Staatsr. des Alterthums, §. 13, sq. : but es- pecially Niebuhr, R. H. i. p. 301, sqq. ; Cic Top. c. 6. Meier's opposi- tion to JSiebuhr's view (de bonis damn. p. 104) is not to be overlooked. 8) 'OfioydXaKTig i.q. ytv%n]Tai, see Pollux, 1. c, and Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. 41 ; comp. Salmas. 1. c. p. 107. — Isaeus pro Euphileto (ap. Dionys. Hal. t. v. p. 622), c. 8 : /caJ ifioi Kal rip a^sX^y Kal Tolg tppd- Topai Kal irday ry rn^arepcf ffwyytrfia.— Niebuhr, 11. H. i. p. 311, seems to assert that they had originally, like the Roman gentiles, the right of suc- ceeding to the property of members who died intestate, and were bound to assist each other in difficulties. 9) Demosth. adv. Macart. p. 1069 : <7t»i/5'iw/ctta' 5k Kal dvtipiuiv iraHdag, Kal yajjifipovg, Kal dvtipioiig, Kal irsvOspovg, Kal dvttpiaSovg Kal (ppdropag. Comp. HefFter's Athen. Gerichtsverf. $. 146. 10) Vivvyirai, i. q. opytSJvig, see the lexicographers in voce, and Plat- ner, Beitr. §. 83 ; it was not however the fact, that all opyiiLytg were necessarily yivi'j)Tai, any more than that all fpdroptg were OiacrioTai, as Martorelli asserts, de Theca Calam. ii. p. 591 — 606. Comp. at large Van Dale de Fratriis, 'i'hiasis, Orgeonibus, etc. in Diss. Antiq. et Marm. illustr. ix. p. 728 — 804 ; and particularly on the law of Solon in Gaius, lib. iv. Digg. de Colleg. et Corpor. (xlvii. 22) : tdv St cfji^iog fj cppuTopeg j) iipCiv opyiujv (forte opytwvtg, vid. Siebel. ad Philoch. p. 126), rj vavTai ?) avacrt- TOi f) dfi6ra ri^t] 6 SCifioQ OTrnvrwr, Kai TTpoa'sOijKev, ear' uxnv Ik yvvaiKog dcTrrJQ Kal iyyvrjTrjg Kara rov v6- fiov. Conf. p. 1380, and for further details see below, chap. vi. part i. 5) 'ATToWiovog irarpi^ov Kal Aibg 'BpKsiov yevj/jjrat, Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1319. 27, with Taylor's note, 1. c. p. 467 ; conf. Plainer, j, 88, sqq. 6) On this subject in general, see Platner, §. 128 — 131, whom Titt- niann, 1. c. is wrong in contradicting. Compare Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. p. 140. — Is Meier correct in saying, de bonis damn. p.60 : " Communicantur autem cum eo, qui in civitateni recipitur, Jovis potissirmim Hercei sacra." 7) Isffius de Ciron. hered. c. 19 : o re irari^p r'luuiv, sttei^j) kytvofxtOa, tiQ Tovg fpaTopag ijixdg tiai^yayiv, ofxoffag Kara, rovg vo/xovg rovg Kti- l^iivovg i) [lijv t^ affTtig Kal iyyvqrrig yvvaiKog eicrd eiv twv £e (pparo- pwv ovl'dg avTiiTT-iv ovS' rifig rd ToiavTa GKOTrovp'tvwv. Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1315, etc. 8) Demosth. adv. Macart. p. 1054 : Kai avrbg ovrog Kal oi tppdropig — 01 dpi(TTa liSoTEg wspi rov ysi'ovg, bpS)vTtg avTov fiiv tovtov ovk tOkXov- ra KivSuviveiv oiiS' d-Kayovra to Uptiov dirb rov /3wjuou, £t jii>} Trpoarj- KovTwg itrriiyfTO b valg ovroal, avrovg 5' d^iovvra tiriopKilv , XafSbvTtQ Trjv tprifov, Kaiofiivuv twv iEpti(i)v, utto tov jSujixov (pkpovrtg rov Atbg Tov'PpaTpiov — tiptjcpiaavTO rd diKata,6p9Mg Kai Trpoa^KovTwg tov TraXSa rovTovl ficrdyeaQai Ev(3ovXi£y vibv tig rbv oIkov rbv 'Ayviov. 9) 'Etti pjjroTg, conf. Isasus, de Philoctem. hered. c. 21 — 25. The case mentioned in Demosth. c. Boeot. de nomine, p. 995, sqq. is different. See also Platner, §. 142. 10) In the month Pyanepsion ; the three days were severally called AopTTtta, 'Avdppvaig, KovptwTig. ('onf. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. v. 146; Procl. ad Platon. Tim. i. p. 27, and a further account in ]Meurs. Grac. fer. p. 33 — 45; Corsin. Fast. Att. ii. p. 306 ; Hiillmann's Anfiinge, §, 131; Creuz. Symbol, iii. p. 505 — 511; Meier de bonis damn. p. 62; Welcker, Tril. Prom. §. 289. — The word is derived from o7r«T>; by the Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 885, but much more probably from biioiraTovpia, conf. Miiller's Dorians, i. 95, and in particular, Prolegg. §. 401 ; Wachsm, i. 1. §.237. — The passage in Herod, i. 147, is also important: Eici ^^ ■iTdiiTtg"\())vig,'6aoi air' ' AQi]vixiv ytyovaai Kal ' AiraTOvpia dyovffi bprijv, 11) MfToi/, whence fiiiayioytTv. See Poll. iii. 52 ; Schol. Aristoph. Ran. v. 797, and more in Meurs. Lectt. Att. iii. 1. 12) OlvKTTiipta, Pollux, vi. 22. Mtpif rutv KptSjv, Demosth. adv. Mac. p. 1078. 22; conf. Isaeus, Astyphil. c. 33. 13) Isapus de Apollod. her. c. 15 : Kal liru^fi Bapyt]Xia f)ii (Platner, SECT. 101.] OF GREECE. 197 §, 150), -tj-fays fii eirl tovq /3wjuore sig tovq yevvrfTag rs Kai (pparopaq. Effrt S' aiiToiQ vofiog 6 avTog, idv re Tiva ^vati yeyovora tlaayy tiq idv T£ TTOiriTOV, iniTiOtvai niffTiv Kara twi' iipwi', i) ju/)v t^ dffTiig tindytiv Kai ytyovorn 6p9w<; — Troit'iaai'Toc t^i rov tiTc'iyovTog ravra nr]Cti> ijTTov dia\pr)(piZi fKiivoig tKra rwv yivojikinijv TikovvTig, tKTTJiiopioi. ■Kpo(7ayop(v6fitvoi Kai Bt}Ttg' f/ xp(-a Xafifiavovng etti roig OMjxaaiv dywyifioi Toig Savii^ovaiv iiaav, k. r, X. Schoemann (de Com. p. 362) pronounces Plut. to be wrong. Conip. also Ruhnk. ad Schol. Platon. p. 256. §. 102. As to the transition of the Athenian mon- archy into a democracy, tradition informs us of en- croachments on the kingly power as early as the reign of Theseus. Menestheus, the son of the Peteos whom Homer makes the leader of the Athenian forces before SECT. 102.] OF GREECE. 199 Troy^, is represented to have dethroned Theseus by aid of the Tyndaridse^ Theseus is stated to have shortly afterwards met his death at the court of Lyco- medes, king of Scyros ^ ; but his son Demophon even- tually regained the crown*, and was succeeded by Oxyntas ; Oxyntas by Aphidas, and the latter by his brother Thymoetas, the last of the Theseidae. About that time occurred the great migrations by which the population of Bceotia, as well as of the Peloponnesus was changed ; and it so happened that Melanthus, a descendant of Nestor, in his flight from Pylos reached Attica at the very moment when the inhabitants were engaged in defending their frontiers against the in- truders from Bceotia^. It is said, that having slain the Boeotian king Xanthus, whom Thymoetas had de- clined to meet in single combat, the crown was trans- ferred to him ^, and descended to his son Codrus ; an account we have the less reason to doubt, from the circumstance that the admission of fugitive noble fa- milies to the rights of citizens is fully authenticated by other instances. The history of Rome, between which and the Athenian at this period many points of re- semblance may be perceived, presents us with an exact parallel in the case of the Claudii^. A dispute which arose between the two sons of Codrus concerning the right of succession^, appears to have furnished the Eupatridae with an opportunity of effecting the final overthrow of the kingly power. Neleus, irritated at the preference given to his brother, headed the Ionian migrations to Asia Minor; but Medon and his de- scendants held the reins of government only as re- sponsible officers of the aristocracy, the Eupatrida? ^^. 1) Plut. Thes. c. 31 : tv Sk rif xpo^'V t'^i'I'V Mivia9iv<; 6 Heriw, tov 'OpvkuiQ, TOV 'Mpe^OcwQ, TTpCjrog wt,' f^xif^v avdpioTriov tTTtOff^iU'og r

jiTajU7ji/. C'onf. Periz. ad Julian. Var. Hist, v. 13 ; Tittinann, ^. 70. Particularly in respect to their priestly functions, (comp. above, §. 56, n, 10); on which, in parti- cular, see also Demosth. adv. Na-er. p. 1370. 3) 01. vii. 1 ; conf. Dionys, Hal. i. 71. 4) Forthe occasion tradition assigns, see Suidas and the Paroemiographi, in vv. 'iTTTTOjuii'ije, and 7r«p' 'iinroi> Kai Kopijv '■ conf. iNIeurs. 1. c. i. 6, and the commentators on ^i'.schin. adv. Timarch. p. 175, Rsk. 5) According to Larcher, sur I'archontat de Cr^on, in Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xlvi. p. 51, sqq. — According to Pausan. iv. 15. 1, coll. cc. 5, 16, some years earlier ; comp. Corsini Fast. Att. i. pp. 6 — 11. 6) 'Apx^J', fiamXivc, TroXtfiapxog, and six Offf/ioOlrai. See a further account below, chap. vi. part 3 ; and comp. Hiillmann's Anfange der gr. Dd 202 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. Gesch. $. 267, sqq. Is he right in considering the I'hesmothetae to have been added to the others at a subsequent period 1 7) Bsffffoi, vid. Julian. Var. Hist. viii. 10, and Menage ad Diogen. Laert. i. 53. 8) Vid. Bentleii Opuscc. p. 339, and Meurs. Solon, c. 13 ; Dan. Frid. Jani de Dracone legislatore Athen., (Lips. 1707) ; Gundlingiana (Halle, 1727"), xxxix. p. 326—367 ; VVachsm. ii. 1. §. 239, sqq. 9) Aristot. Polit. ii. 9. 9 : ApaKovroQ de vofioi fikv fi'fft, TroXirti^ Si vTrapxo('(T7j Toi'C ^'Of-iovg tOrjKev (vid. Plat, de Legg. iv. p. 714. C)' iSiov S' iv roTt" vojxoiQ oiiokv tariv, o ri icai fivtiag d^iov, ttXiji/ i) ^ct^c forijt," Sia TO rijQ Zi]lJ.iag fxsytdog, 10) Vid. Bekker. Anecdd. p. 449. 23, in v. : apxovng oi hn'ta : Kvpioi Si Jjnav HxjTt rag diKag avTOTtXtig (i. e. a^' uv fjirj inTiv tr. God. Grabener de Epimenide Athenarum lustratore observationes anticjuaria;, Misn. (1742), C. F. Heinrich's Epimenides aus Kreta (Lips. 1 801 ,) ^. 77 — 1 18 ; also Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 69. SECT. 104.] OF GREECE. 203 §. 104. Under these circumstances most of Draco's laws soon fell into disuse ^ ; if Solon retained those re- lating to homicide-, together with the court of the Ephetae, so far as it took cognizance of them^, it clearly was because Draco had, in such cases, only asserted principles sanctioned by antiquity, religion, and cus- tom*, and which continued unimpeached and unaltered amid all subsequent revolutions. Thus the right and duty of pursuing the manslayer was limited to the next of kin^, and lapsed, whenever the avenger renounced the execution of vengeance, or the deceased had him- self forgiven the homicide before expiring ^ ; if how- ever the perpetrator of the deed could not be taken, the pursuer was allowed to seize some of his kinsmen in his stead as hostages^ (avSpoX^^'/a). Death was the penalty of murder ^ and the prosecutor was bound to attend the execution^. If, however, the Ephetas, in their court of the Palladium '^ decided that there had been no malice prepense, the homicide was still obliged to quit the country for a season, until he obtained leave of the relations of the deceased to return " ; if, during this interval, he committed a second offence, a point on the ^^ coast was fixed, at which, standing in a boat, which was not allowed to touch the shore, he was examined by the Ephetae. Draco had awarded death as the pimishment of adultery ^^, and also of homicide even in self-defence'*. The Ephetse judged all such cases at the Delphinium '^ ; they held a fourth court to take cognizance of all cases of death occasioned by inanimate objects, which were, on such occasions, sent out of the country with legal for- malities '^. 1) Gell. N. Att. xi. 13: Ejus igilurlef^es, quia videbatitiirimpeudioacei-bi- ores, non decreto jussoque, sed tacito iliiteratoque Atheniensium consensu oblilerata sunt, 2) Trt (poviKU, Pint. V. Solon, c. 17 ; .Elian. V. Hist. viii. 10. Conf. Meurs. Them. Att. i. 15—20 ; S. Petiti legg. Att. vii. 1. p. 605—630, ed. 204 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. Wessel. ; Heffter's Athen. Gerichtsverfassungen, §. 133 — 146 ; Wachsm. ii. 1. §. 268, sq. 3) On the Ephetae after the time of Solon see Matthias de iudiciis Athen. i. pp. 149—158 ; HiiUinann's Staatsr. der Alterth. §. 388—391 ; Tittmann, §. 222—224. 4) Antipho de caade Herod. 14 ; de Choreuta, c, 2 : virapxti fitv yap aiiroig ap^niOTdroig livai iv ry yy ravry, iTrtira tovq avTOV£ aei Trepl rwv avToiv, k. t. X. On the primitive law of homicide, see, in particular, Wachsm. ii. 1. §. 60, and Plato de Legg. ix. pp. 865—874: coll. Pheed. p. 114. B. — Hence particular interpreters of such laws, itr}yr}Tai, sec Platon. Euthyphr. p. 4. with Stallbaum's note, p. 27, after Ruhnk. ad Tim. p. 109 J also Meier de bonis, p. vii. and Heflfter, ^. 109, sq. 5) See Demosth. adv. Everg. et Mnesib. p. 1160.25. In the case of freemen, the relatives, (/it£%pt avtilf/iaSiDv'l Dem. adv. Macart. p. 1069), in the case of slaves, the owner. Pollux, viii. 1 18. 6) Demosth. adv. Pantaen. p. 983. 18 ; conf. Nausin. et Xenopith. p. 991. 2 : Ka\ tovQ' ovtu) to SiKaiov iv ■Kaaiv tcr%w£t, oicrrf, cLv ekivv tiq a.Kov(jiov] KaOapbv, fitTci ravT aiSsffrjrca Kal a tiq fSut'uf) QavaTi^ diro- Gavy, VTTtp tovtov Toig irpo(jS]Kovan> tlvai Tag di>5po\r]ipiag, scog dv fi Siicag TOV vy)jg jjiorov KaTtSiKa'CtTO, idv juEirot dcTov, OavaTog ■>) Krjfiia. 9) Demosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 642, extr. : — t(^ Si tTriSeli' diSovra diKijv i^taTiv, »)?' iTU^iv 6 vofMog, tov dXopTa, 10) On this point see Siebel. ad Phanod. Fragm. p. 11 ; Creuzer's Sym- bol, ii. p. 690, sqq. ; and for a more particular account of the courts of the Ephetae, Demosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 643 — 646 ; coll. Aristot. Pol. iv. 13. 2 ; Pausan. i. 28. 9-12 ; ^lian. Var. Hist. v. 15 ; Poll. viii. 118— 120 ; conf. Sluiteri lectt. Andoc. pp. 131, sq. 11) "Ewg dv aiv'i(Tr}Tai Tiva (nel see Schiifer ad Dem. t. iv. p. 65} TMV tv yfva TOV TreTToi'OoTog : conf. Demosth. adv. Macart. p. 1069.5; and more in Matthia3, 1. c. pp. 169 — 171 ; INIiiller's Dorians, i. p. 351 — 354. 12) 'Ev^piaTTol OT^ptctTTvi; was this name derived from KOfievoiQ tv toXq tr'f.vTi SiKaaTijpioig. SoXoij/ S' avroig TrpoffKarsaTtjut rfiv e^ 'Apiiov 7ra- yov /3ov\/;v. 2) For the spot where its sittings were held, see Herod, viii. 52 ; Paus. i. 28. 5. 3) So Krebs, 1. c. p. 12 ; Miiller's Dorians, i. p. 352 ; Meier and Schom. Att. Process, §. 17 ; Platner, Process, i. §. 19, sqq. — Wachsmuth, i. 1. §. 243, suggests that it was in the harbour Zta, (Bekk. Anecdd. p. 311, 17 : tvTav9a Kpiverat 6 lir' aKOV(Ti(i> fiiv (povij) (jxvyojVjaiTiav Sk t'xwv ia ap^ai, vXf/v '6(701 i% ' Aptiov Tzayov i] tic tiov 'E^tToii' >] iK Tlpvraviiov kutuSi- KaaGivng vtto twv (iaaiXewv Itti 6v(KK\7](na^Eiv Kal hKaK,Hi', Plut. Vit. Solon, c. 18 ; conf. Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 768. 13. : 6 yap ciKoivdjvijTOC ojv t^ovaiag rov ffvvSiKa^eiv iiytirai to Trapc'nrav tTjc TruXutig ju>) fikroxog dvai, 5) Aristot. Pol. ii. 9. 4: tTrit 'SloXojv yt toiKi Ti]V dvayKaiordTtjv aTToh^ovai Tij) (i]mi) Sivaiiiv, to rag apxiic aiptiaGca Kal tvQvviiv /.ajSt yap rovTwv KvpiOQ uiv 6 crifwc 5oS\oc dv t'lT] Kal TroXfjutof. Conf. iii. 6, 7, et Isocr. Panath. p. 626: i^irids-TroT dv ytvkffOai Sj}i.ioKpariav dXtjOts- rkpav TviQ Twv fxiv ToiovTwi' ■trpayj.uiTtiCjv uTikiiav r(^ ^>'lfi<{> SiSovarjQ, Toil dt rag dpxdg KaTadTijaai Kal Siktiv \af3Hv Trapd twv i^afiapTavdv- rwv Kvpiov Tzoiovat]Q. See above, §. 67. n. 5; and my Diss, de jure Magg. p. 3. 6) Plut, Solon, c. 18 : . . . o kut dpxdq fiiv ovSkv, vcrTepov ^« Tranfik- yiOiQ t(pdi'7f Tu yap irKiiaTa twv dia(p6pwv ivsTvnrTev elg Tovg SiKdarag. Kal yap offa ralg dpxalg tTa^E Kpivsiv, Ofioiwg Kal vspl tKiivwv tig to SiKaaT-qpiov l(pk(nig tCovg yap virb twv vofiwv SiaXnOfjvai irepl wv SufepuvTO (rvvtjiaivsv dil Si7a9ai. SiKaarwv Kal irdv dytiv njU0i(T/3)j- TJjjiirt TTpog tKtivov^, TWV I'o/tojj' TpoTvov Tivd KvpitiKTovTag. Heft'ter, ^. 288, and Plainer, Beitr. ^. 59, Proc. u. Klagen, i. ^. 23, are wrong in li- miting the functions of the archons, so early as this, to the mere dvdKpiaig, §. 108. The same observation is applicable to the ordinary affairs of the administration, which were ma- naged by a senate ^ of four hundred members, selected from the four Ionic tribes, and who had attained at least their thirtieth year 2. Although, strictly speak- ing, it was only an annual committee of the people, still it appears to have been so far modified, by the exclusion of the very lowest orders, as to have checked, for a time, the tendency to pure democracy, even in the general assemblies, which were held on its sum- mons and vinder its superintendence^. But even in this instance, Solon broke down the defences of the old aristocracy, by substituting for birth, the standard of wealth and the amount of contributions to the state burdens *. With this view he divided the whole body of citizens into four property classes, WXij or Ti/x-^'/^aTa, called severally Pentacosiomedimni, Knights, Zeugitae, 212 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. y. andTlietes*, whose estates severally produced to them incomes of above five hundred, or more than three hundred, and above, or less than, one hundred and fifty ^ medmini of dry, or metretes of liquid, produced Hence in Solon's time, the minimum assessment^ of the first class amounted to a talent, of the second, to three thousand drachmae ; of the third, to one thousand; the fourth class was not required to contribute to the wants of the state ^^, being excluded, in turn, from all offices and posts of honour, as well as exempt from military service ^^, except as light armed troops in cases of great emergency. In after times they were required to serve at sea ^^. 1) Plut. Vit. Solon, c. 19: dtvrkpav TrpocTKarivcifit (iovXijv, cnrb (pv- XijQ (KctaTrig, rsTTopoiv ovaSjv, iKarbv avdpag ETriXt^dfievoQ, ovg irpo- (iovXtvdv iTa^e rov Sfji-iov Kal iJ.T]Stv i^v cnrpojiovXivrov tig tKKXrioiav flfffeptaOai. 2) Xen. Mem. Socr. i. 2. 35. 3) For a more particular account of the constitution of the council, see below, ch. vi. pt. 2. I'he form given it by Solon underwent many modifica- tions. Whether its members were chosen airo Kvcifiov, by lot, as Wachs- muth has, to say the least, too confidently asserted, cannot, on that account, be positively ascertained ; Aristotle's testimony, Polit. ii. 9, 2, that Solon did not abolish tt/i' tCjv cipxiov a"ipi(nv, seems to indicate election by open vote. If we do not include tlie senate among the apxal (comp. my Diss, de jure magg. pp. 34 — 36) the exclusion of the Theles, which even Tittmann has in fact called in question, (pp. 240 and 653) cannot be proved. 4) Creating consequently a timocracy or TroXirei'a, (see above, §. 59, n. 8 ; §. 67, n. 1 ; and Luzac's work there quoted; also Platner's i5eitr. §. 58, sqq. ; Hiillmann's Staatsr. d. Alt. ^. 104; 'littniann, $. 649—658 ; Wachsm. i. 1. $. 255, sqq. — But are we to ascribe to him also the prohibi- tion in Aristot. Polit. ii. 4. 4 : KrdaQai yr]v OTroarjv civ (5ovXr]rai rig 1 5) Vid. Plut. Solon, c. 18 : Pollux, viii. 130, et plur. ap. Bbckh, Publ. (Econ. Ath. ii. p. 272. 6) Thus Boeckh, ubi sup. But writers give 200 as the amount. 7) On these measures see the authorities quoted above, §. 1. n. 4 ; Wachsm. ii. 1 . ^. 77 ; and on their proportionate value in money, Boeckh. i. p. 127, sqq. It must suffice heie to remark, that if not their very invention, at least their regulation was due to Solon ; comp. the decree of Tisainenus, ap. Andoc. de Myst. $. 83 : vofioig ci ;^p»}o■(Ja^ rolg l^oXioi'og Kal fiirpoig Kai (TTciBfiolg. 8) Thus Boeckh, ii. p. 261, computes the aviiiXi(TKOv tg to crfiiomov of J'ollux. lUillmann, in his Urspriinge der Besteuerung (Colin, 1818), p. 33, is wrong in differing from him ; compare Gbttling, in the Hermes, xxiii, «. 121. SECT. 109.] OF GREECE. 213 9) Pollux, 1. c. : oi ?£ TO QtjTiKov (riKovvrto) ovSefilav apxfiv ijpxov ovo avqXtaKov ovliv. On Oijtikvv reXilv, see Bockh, ii. p. 2fi7, and Gott- ling (against Hiillmann), pp. 92, 93 ; compare on this point in general, Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 523 ; Krabinger on Synesius, p. 246 ; Grauert ad Aristid. Decl. Lept. p. 105 ; Wachsm. i.\.§, 324—327. 10) Aristot. Polit. ii. 9. 4 : raQ ct cipxo-Q tK to>v yvwpiiiojv Kai rwv tvTTopu)!' KciriffTTjne TTciffaQ, iK rijjv TTtt'TaKOffiojitcifivuiv Kai 'CtvyirHiv Kai Tp'lTOV TiXoVQ TIJQ KaXoVflhnjQ tTTTTddoQ, TO ?£ TlTapTOV GtJTIKOV, olf Ol»- ff/aae apxijs ft^errjv. Conf. Plut. Vit. Solon, c. 18. 11) 'Ek KaTaXoyov, like the others ; see above, §. 67. n. 2 ; on the ser- vice among the knights, also §. 57. n. 2, and, in particular, Larcher, de Tordre equestre chez les Atheniens, in IM6m.de I'Acad deslnscr. xiviii.p, 83—96; also Petit, viii. 1. p. 657, sqq.; Tittmann, $. 35, 36. 12) See Aristophanes, ap. Harpocr. in v. QiiTig, and more in Tittmann, §. 655. The higher classes served as marines (sTri^arai) only on extra- ordinary occasions, Thucyd. viii. 24, coll. iii. 16. Compare the vavTiKog ox^oC) above, §. 61. n. 7. §. 109. Finally, two of the most important posts re- mained in the sole possession of the Pentacosiome- dimni, even after Solon's legislation ; namely, the ar- chonship^ and the court of the Areopagus^, inasmuch as this was composed of ex-archons who had filled their office blamelessly. We have already spoken of the obscurity that exists concerning the origin of this institution ; but the constitution and form in which it appears in history^ is certainly not more ancient than the time of Solon, though he certainly appears to have availed himself of the sanctity already attached to the name and place to ensure to it that influence and inviolability which were essential to the attainment of its chief object, the maintenance, namely, of his laws*. Its original right of judging all cases of homi- cide continued, though evidently the least important part of its duties, since when Ephialtes ^ had deprived it of all but that^, the Areopagus was thought to be annihilated. It was not restored to its dignity of guardian of the laws, till the fall of the Thirty Ty- rants''. Its office as such, was, in principle, directly op- posed to an absolute democracy, and must have appear- ed the more formidable to the partizans of that form, 214 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap, v, from the indefinite and arbitrary nature of the merely moral power ^ on which its authority was founded, and which rendered it impracticable clearly to define the extent of its influence. In later times it is found par- ticularly active as a censorship of morals, and in seve- ral respects may be viewed as a superior court of police^, making it its business to direct public atten- tion to men who might endanger the state ^^, though its own power to inflict punishment in such cases was very limited. 1) Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 1. 2) Conf. Meurs. Areop. c. 5 ; Bernard de Archout. p. 56, sqq. One of the chief authorities is found in Arguin. Demosth. adv. Androt. p. 588 : ticji ^'i TovTwv Stacpopal rpfic' Kai Trpt'orr} tart to ttjv twv $ rd Sr]fi6 apiOfii^ vvoTr'nrrei wpifffi'ivtii, i] 5s dopi(fT({)' cjg yap nvec rdv prfTopiov X'syovffi, Kar' iroQ oi ivv'ta dp\ovr(Q avry TrpofferiOivro, mq Ss Tii'tg, on ot £? ^lovov Qtajiodkrai (comp. Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 707, 5 ; adv. Aristog. i. p. 802. 6, etc., though his name sometimes denotes archons in general ; see Meier de bonis, p. 43 ; Bernard, 1. c. p. 89 ; Wachsm. i. 1. $. 263) Kai ti diKaiiog w(p6t] Kar Iviavrbv SitSkxiro, t] dk rojv ' ApnoTrayiroJV »;r dSidSoxoC tl fxt) yap tiq ijiiapri jusyaXtof, ovK fXifiaWero. — As to their number, I need here only remark, that Plat. Apol. Socr. p. 36. A, and Diogen. L. ii. 41, on which Canaye founds his argument (R^cherches sur I'Areopage in Mem. de 1' Acad, des Inscr. vii. p. 198, sqq.) do not bear on this point ; conf. Freret, ibid. t. xlvii. p. 263, sq. Tittmann, $. 252, reckons that they were about ninety in number. 3) Matthiaj de judiciis, p. 148 : " in qutestione de Areopago diligenter distiiigueiidum, quid ad eum tanquam judicium, quid ad eundein tanquam senatum pertineat." 4) Plut. Solon, c. 19 : rr/v Se dvo) ^ov\i)v sTriffKOTrov Travroiv Kai (pi- XaKa tCjv vojkov iKd9i(Ttv,oi6p.fvog i-n-i Svai j^ovXalg wsTTtp dyKvpaig bp- fiovaav rjrrov iv adXq) rijv ttoXiv tcjtaQui Kai pdXXov drptfiovvra rbv Srjixov irap'ttuv. Conf. Isocratis Areopagiticus, cum Commentar. J. T. Bergmann (Lugd. Bat. 1819), and Wichers van Swinderin Conim. de Se- natus Areopagitici auctoritate, in Ann. Academ. Groningensis, a. 1818 — 19; also Hiillmann's Staatsr. d. Alt. §. 177 — 185 ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 264. 5) Aristot. Polit. ii. 9. 3 : rt)v iv ' Apiiq) irdyip ^ovXrjv 'E^iaXri/e eko- Xov(T£ Kai Htpi/cXfjc; conf. Diodor. xi. 77 : d[xn 5k rovroig Trparrofikvoig (01. Ixxx. 1, i.e. 460, B. C.) Iv fikr ralg ' Kdi]vaig 'Vl(pidXri]g b ^ijxiot'iSov, ctiftayioybg lov Kai rb irXiiOog vapo'^iJvag Kara rwv ' Xptioirayiriov, tTTiint rbv 5fjpo7' ■ KarKTraniati rfiv ^ovXffv, SECT. 110.] OF GREECE. 215 uart Tt]v [ikv a(paipe6TJvai tclq irKiiffTag Kpicreig (Aristot. Polit. iv. 11. 2) ^i' 'EipidXTtjv, K. r. \. vid. plur. ap. jNIeurs. Areop. c. 9. extr.; Forchham- mer de Areopago, pp. 12 — 14 ; Wachsm. i. 2. §. 60. 6) See Demosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 642: rovro [lovov to hKaaTi'jpiov ovx' TvpavvoQ, oi)K oXiyapx'ct, ov C)]i.ioKpaTui rag (poviKUQ I'lKaq dftXea- 6ai TiToXi-iTjKiv, K. T. X., and Lex. Rhetor, appended to Porson's Photius, p. 585, edit. Lips. : Kcirt\(ot'TaL ' ABijvaiwv tivu KoXdaai. It seems that such power was extraordinary, and only occasionally exercised by virtue of a decree of the people. Conf. Dinarch. adv. Dem. c. 62. §. 110. But however great and permanent the ser- vices Solon rendered his native city as a legislator, his 216 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. enactments, in consequence perhaps of the vei'y spirit of moderation which pervaded them^, did not, at first, serve even to maintain peace and union during his ab- sence ; and the usurpation of absohite power by Pisis- tratus, B. C. 560, supported by the Demos ^, proved fortunate at that juncture of affairs, inasmuch as it prevented a renewal of the contests with the oH- garchical party. It is true that the term tyrant, in the full sense which it bore among the Greeks, may well be applied 3 to Pisistratus, after he had regained, by force of arms, his twice shattered throne, and secured it to his sons after him ; but the laws and constitution were never better maintained * than under their sway, and history abounds with proofs of their mildness and con- cern for the common weal. It was not till the incon- tinence of Hipparchus had occasioned the deed of Harmodius and Aristogiton^, that Hippias, excited, by severity, the hatred which brought on his ruin '' ; al- though, strictly speaking, it was the Alcmaeonidae who expelled him by means of Delphian gold and Spartan arms, B. C. 510. This success of the oligarchical party, and their consequent reinstatement in power, could not however ensure their superiority; the people were on the alert, and the dissensions of their antago- nists gave them a new leader in the person of Clis- thenes^, whose decisive measures soon perfectly de- veloped the democracy which Solon had left but half formed ^. It was in vain that the aristocracy, headed by Isagoras, had recourse again to Lacedaemon ; Cleo- menes, the Spartan king, did indeed, at first, succeed in expelling Clisthenes, but on his proceeding to re- model the senate constituted by Solon, the populace rose, compelled him to withdraw, and leave the party of Isagoras to their vengeance. 1) Tac. Ann. iv. 33: Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut pri- mores aut singuli regunt ; delecta ex his aut consociata rei publico: forma SECT. 111.] OF GREECE. 217 laudari facilius qnum evenire, ant, si evenit, liaud diuturna esse potest. Conf. VVachsm. i. 1. $. 267. 2) Herod, i. 59, sqq. On the chronology, see Bouhier's Diss. (JMem. de Trevoux, 1709), with Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. pp. 201—203 ; and on the subject at large, see J. Meursii Pisistratus (Lugd. Bat. 1623); F. Th. Voemel, Exercc. Chronol. de aetate Solonis et Croesi (Francof. 1832). 3) For instances see Aristoph. Lysistr. 1154, with the commentt. ; Aristot. Polit. v. 9. 4 ; Dio Chrysost. xxv. p. 281 ; Max. Tyr. xxix. 3, etc. Comp. also Wachsm. ii. 1. j. 108. 4) Thucyd. vi. 54 ; Pint. V. Solon, c. 31. 5) See the instances adduced by JNIeurs. c. 6 ; Diodor. Exc. Vat. p. 28 Mai. — On their patronage of education, literature, and the fine arts, see Plat. Hipparch. p. 228. B. sqq., and comp. Per. ad /El. viii. 2. 6) Thucyd. vi. 55 — 59, and Ilerod. v. 62 — 96. 7) The son of Megacles, and himself one of the Alcma?onld{e ; conf. Isocr. IT. avTiS. p. 108. Orell., and the authorities quoted by Davis, ad Max. Tyr. xxv. 1 . 8) Schcimann de Com. p. xv. ; Wachsm. i. 1. j. 265 — 273. — Plutarch (Pericl. 3 ; Cim. 15), gives as erroneous an idea of him as he does of Aristides. §. 111. Clisthenes' first step on his return was to abolish the four Ionic Phylae ; an essential change, in- asmuch as it dissolved all the bands which could remind the citizens of the old system, and revolution- ized the entire constitution i. In place of the four Phyla? arose ten, called Erectheis, y?igeis, Pandionis, Leontis, Acamantis, vEneis, Cecropis, Hippothoontis, iEantis, and Antiochis^; the number ten was also made prevalent in most of the public offices, since these were filled by elections made by, or at least from, the several Phylai^. The senate was also in- creased to five hundred, and the number of Nau- crariae^ from forty-eight to fifty; the former duties of the Naucrarias, such as the raising subsidies of money or troops for the public service, were made over, by Clisthenes, to Demarchs^, as presidents of the Demi or hamlets^. These were subdivisions of the Phylai^, and were one hundred and seventy-four in number ^ Herodotus, in stating their number^ at one hundred, seems as wrong as in calling the heads of the Phylae F f 218 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. v. Phylarchs, instead of et:i(A.e'kt]Tai t5v fv\Zv ^^ ; the numbers of the Demi varied with the nature of the locahties^i, on which that new division was exclusively based ^2. The resemblance between the names of the Demi and the old clans {jiv-q) was quite accidentals^. But it would certainly appear that subsequently all citizens were reckoned to belong to the Demi, in which their families had been included at the time of the Clisthenic enactments s*, irrespectively of their actual place of residence. Clisthenes further strengthened the ci- tizens by the admission of Metics and foreigners s^; to him also 1^ is ascribed the institution of Ostracism, which enabled the people to rid itself, by a species of honourable exile, of any individual whose presence in the state might seem incompatible ^^ with the principle on which it ruled, that namely, of universal equality of rights '^ 1) Herod, v. 66—69; Aristot. Polit. vi. 2. 11. 2) For the origin of these names vid. Demosth. Epitaph, p. 1397, sqq.; Pausan. i. 5, et plur. ap. Meurs. Lectt. Att. v. 5. 'ETrwvt'juoi, and ap\r)- ykrai, Bekk. Anecdd. p. 449. 14. On the rotation of offices among the Phylae, see, in particular, Corsini Fast, Att. t. i. p. 114 — 185. 3) See Tittmann, §. 302, and, on the political importance of such divi- sions in general, Wachsm. ii. §. 14. 4) See above, §. 99. n. 5, and on the subject of the Naucraris after Clisthenes, Boeckh. Publ. CEc. Ath. i. p. 341, sq.; ii. p. 327, sq. 5) Harpocr. in v., see Platner's Beit. $. 156—172; 207—233; Meier de bonis damm. p. 204 ; also Boeckh. i. p. 212 ; ii. p. 281, sq., and on the independent administration of the communities in general, see Tittmann, p. 284, sqq. ; Schumann de Com. pp. 376 — 378. 6) A»j/xoc i. q. (cwyLtj;, Aristot. Poet. iv. 3 ; consequently pog-ws ; or op pi - dum (Cic. ad Att. vii. 3) ; but Latin writers occasionally render it by po/.it/i/s. Conf. Gronov. ad Cell. N. A. iii. 13, and Corsini, 1. c. p. 194, and Lamius ad Meursii 0pp. t. i. p. 233 ; Schiim. de Com. p. 341, renders it curia ; Sigonius, Rep. Ath. p. 473. 18, vicus. 7) On these see at large J. Meursius de populis Attica;, ( Lugd. Bat. 1616), and his Reiiqua Attica (Paralipomena), (,T''''^J' 1^'84) ; Spon, Voyage, t. ii. p. 363, sqq. ; Corsini, 1. c. p. 192, sqq., especially pp. 223 — 247 ; and Wachsm. ii. 1. §. 431 — 436. who however could not have been indebted to C. L. Grotefend de demis and pagis Attica;, (Gcitt. 1829). 8) Polemo, ap. Strab. ix. p. 607. A ; Eustath. ad Iliad. B. p. 284. 16. 9) Herod, v, 69 ; Grotefend, p. 10, and Wachsm. ii. 1. §. 22, are right SECT. 112.] OF GREECE. 219 in considering a subsequent increase of their number, as assumed by Scho- mann, de Com. p. .364, sq., quite inexplicable. The manner however in which Wachsm. i. 1. p. 271, following Corsini, t. iii. p. 128, explains the words dtKa ct kcu Tovg Sr]i.iovQ KaTtvtfii kg rag (^vXag is quite inadmissi- ble. 10) On these see Schoman;i, 1. c. p. 369. Phylarchs are found only among the knights ; comp. de jure magg. p. 42, and below, chap. vi. part iv. 11) Hence greater and less STijioi. Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1316. 12. 12) See Miiller ap. Ersch. u. Gruber, vi. p. 220 — 227 ; this was espe- cially true of the districts on the coast, mentioned in Strabo, ix. p. 610 — 612. On the geographical relations of the tribes see Grotefend, p. 11. sq. 13) The assertion made by Grauert, Rhein. Mus. i. p. 180, that all which have a patronymic form, as ry Kvafi(f) XctxMv, Herod, vi. 109 ; Lu/ac, de Socr. cive, p. 62, says, " Certc vel mlate Aristidis, vel (intequam Pericles auctoritate valerel, hac olitinuit mutatin." Tittmann, p. 308, also considers it to have been subsequent to the timeof Clistiienes; but Wachsm.i. 1. j. 273, and Hernardde Archont. SECT. 112.] OF GREECE. 221 p. 43, ascribe it to bim; the error of Sigonius, (Rep. Ath.i. 5), in ascribing it to Solon has been already refuted by Ubbo Eraniius, (24 — 27.) 2) Herod, v. 78 : Ar;\ot ^£ ov kot iv fiovvov, aWd irav-axi] i) lat]- yopit] tJQ tcTTi XPVH-C' ffTTovcaiov ei kuI 'AOtjvoIoi Tvpavvtvoiuvoi fikv ov- Safiaiv riov tv ^tifioKpnTia TroXiTtvofih'oiq »/ ch'actiopd irtpi ttuvtwv 6i'f rov vofiov tarl : ubi vulg. fiV tuv ui/iov. — On the ypa(p)) Traparo/twi', see below, §. 132. 6) 'Evff((if(TTaToi Twv 'KXXJjj'WJ' Kai hKauWaroi : see Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. 5 ; Reisig ad (Ed. Col. p. Ixi ; Schubert de .^Edil. p. 44 ; IMeier in the Rh. Mus. ii. p. 277, and on their hKri^aifiovia, Valcken. Schol. in Actt. Apost. xvii. 22. p. 551. 224 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. 7) Thucyd. ii. 37 : ra dtjfioffia Sia Seog ixdXiara ov TrapavojiovfiEv, Twv re aci Iv apXV oi'tujv aKpoaati Kai Tiov 7>6fiio}>, k. t. X. Demosth. adv. Aristog. i. p. 776 ; ii. p. 802. 10 ; 808. 4 ; adv. Timocr. p. 742. 29 ; also 739. 6 : vndc, yap ra ini np TrXljOtt vtvofioOiTrju'sva Sttva , . , , ov XvsTi, K. r. \. Piut. Sept. Sapp. Conv. c. 7. Couf, de jure maggr. pp. 30, 31. 8) See in particular Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. vol. i. p. 276, sqq., and Tittmann.p. 29, for the reasons why the Athenians could dispense with a regular police. §. 114. Before however we proceed to consider the Athenian citizen as participating in the power of the community according to the three distinctions of that power laid down in a former part of this work ^, we must take a view of the conditions under which that participation took place, and clearly distinguish the class of persons to which, though not citizens, the Athenians, with greater liberality than any other peo- ple 2, ensured various degrees of legal protection and privileges belonging, strictly, to the real citizen alone. Even the slaves enjoyed no unimportant share of the general freedom^, not merely in the circumstance that in daily life little distinguished them from the common citizen^, but in consequence of legal enactments, which, it is true, were due in all probability to some dread of so large a portion of the population as they formed^. The murder, or wanton ill-treatment of a slave, was punished as in the case of a freeman "^ ; he might also take shelter from the cruelty of his actual master, in the temple of Theseus, and could there claim the pri- vilege of being sold by him 7; nor could he be pu- nished with death without a previous legal sentence^. It appears that his owner, however unwilling'', was bound to liberate him for a certain sum ; and manu- missions were frequent on other groimds. The freed- man^o was classed with the Metics ^\ and was bound to honour his former master as his patron ^^; neglect of this duty entailed the 8*^17 aTtoa-Taa-tov, by which the offender was again sold to slavery '^. SECT. 114] OF GREECE. 22S 1) See ^. 63, n. 1. Compare Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. 19: Tpia yap iffrii' it all' t'l — oAirtia (Tvvt'r-rjKit', u up\u)v, 6 SiKa(Tr))c, 6 iciwr»/c. I lence the definitiou in Sigonius, i. 5. p. 484 : cirem Athememem esse defend- imiis, qui piihliconim consUiornm, judicuinim, magistratiiumqiie particeps fuit, on which both his division and that 1 have adopted rest. 2) t'ivai kuI drtXeiav tvpricrOai. On the duties of the TTpo^ivog, see Demosth. adv. Callipp. p. 1237. 17 ; comp. Valcken. ad Ammon. iii. 10 ; Ste-Croix sur les anc. col. p. 89 ; Pliillm. Anfringe, p. 153 ; and, besides the authorities given by Schumann, p. 56, and Platner, Proc. u. Klagen. i. $. 89, F. \V. Ullrich de Proxenia, p. i. (Berl. 1822) ; Wachsm. i. 1. §. 122, and Boeckh. ad C. Inscr, i. pp. 731, 732. 5) 2uju/3oXa, says Harpocrat. rag ffvvOrjKcig, ag av dWrjXaig a'l tto- Xiig 9ei.uvai TcirTojryi Tolg nuXiratQ, uian hSovai Kat Xapiiaveiv to. ?i- Kaia, on which see Valesius, p. 332 — 334 ; comp. Andoc. c. Alcib. c. 18 : TTpog fiiv Tag aXXag iroXtig tv roig avfi^oXoig avvTiQ'i^iiQa fit) i^iivai fii]9' tip^ai iir]Te S)j dk fifj tlvai ayxiartiav, Trai^ojv ov- Tiov yvrjffiuiv tdv Si iraXSe^ fii) Stat yvijffioi, roig lyyvrdTio tov yei'o?^^ fiirH)^ai Twv xp»jfi«''wv, afterwards revived under Euclides. See Bunsen, 1. 1. p. 15. 3) Harpocr. p. 208, and Meurs. Lectt. Att.i. 21. 4) No author asserts that foreigners were admissible to the Gymnasia ; slaves were expressly excluded by the law in ^■Eschin. adv. Timarch. c. 56 ; comp. Petiti Legg. Attic, p. 387 ; the exceptions in the Corp. Inscr. n, 1122, 1123, belong to a later period. 5) Plut. Themist. c. 1 ; this was an ancient custom in the time of De- mosth. (adv. Aristocr. p. 691. \8.) On the position of the Cynosarges see O. Miiller on Leake's Topography, p. 460. 232 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. 6) Movovg 'A9T]vaiovQ i2vai tovq ^k SvuXv ' AOtjvaidJv yeyovorag, Plut. Pericl. c. 37 ; .Elian. Var. Hist. vi. 10. 7) On the uncertainty respecting citizenship prevailing at that time, see Elmsl. ad Aristoph. Acharn. .523 ; Doderlein, in Philol. Beitr. aus d. Schweiz, i. p. 39. 8) Vide Athen. xiii. 38. p. 577. B. ; Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1308. 2.5 : role xpo''otc ovTio (paiverai ysyorwc, wort it Kal Kara OciTipa aaroQ »/)', tlvai TToXiriji' TrpoatiKsiv avTvv' ysyove yap npo EuxXfi'^ow : conf. Isffius de Ciron. haered. c. 43. §. 119. The requisites to constitute a lawful mar- riage were, in general, the same as prevailed through- out the civilised west^ ; the fable of the permission of bigamy 2 is founded, at the best, on the remedy the Athenian law provided against concubinage 3. With respect, however, to degrees of kindred, marriage with half, provided they were not uterine, sisters, was not considered incesf*; alliances with more distant relatives were sought and esteemed^ That a marriage might be perfectly lawful, the previous consent was required of those who had legal power over the bride ^ : that is, of her father or grandfather, or, if neither were alive, of her brother, or nearest male relative, or her guardian?. Neglect of this formality excluded the children, as illegitimate, from their father's Phratria^, and from all claims on his estate^ ; but it can scarcely have entailed any other civil disadvantages on the off- spring of two citizens'*'; and, so far, such persons, as well as the vodoi'^^ already mentioned, (previous to the law which expressly denied them citizenship,) appear to have been legitimatised by a species of adoption, and admitted to the full enjoyment of their rights, at least when the father had not other strictly legitimate children '2. 1) See Meier de bonis, p. 65, sqq. ; Plainer, Proc. ii. p. 24G, sqq. ; Cans, das Erbrecht in weltgeschichtl. Entwickelung (Berlin, 1824.) i. p. 295, sqq.; Waclism. ii. 1. p. 204, sqq., and on the marriage law of the Greeks in general, see Jacobs, Abh. iiber Gegenst. d. Alterthums (Eeipz. 1830), p. 165—307. 2) See Hardion in M6m. de I'Aead. des Inscr. viii. p. 282, sqq. ; SECT. 120.] OF GREECE. 233 J. LuzacdeDiganiiaSocratis(LectionesAtticae, ed. J. O.Sluiter, Lugd.B. 1809,) p. 54 — 77. — OvSe yap koKov, dvoTv yvvaiKOiv avCp 'iv t)viag £X"»'. Eurip. Androm. v. 178; conf. v. 465: ovSiTror dv Sicvfia XtKTp' inaiveao) ftportjv. 3) Tajitlv fifv cKJTi/v ftiav, TraiSoirou^aOai Si Kai t^ tTipac, Diogen. Laert. ii. 26 ; comp. Waclism. i. 2. p. 148; ii. 1. p. 208; Jacobs, 1. c. pp. 215—219. 4) Cornel. N. Cimon. c. 1 : Kam Atheniensibus licet eodem palre natas (germanas, fii) bjiofiriTpiag) mores diicere. For the passage in Andoc. c. Alcib. c. 33 : t^M(TTpaKiiS(f) nf) Ifiavrov, ottwc, idv vyiaivojcri, Kai o'l tK tovtwi' ik tuv cwtov ysrovg wrtiv ' Ayv'ia. Conf. Isaeus de Apollod. her. c. 12; Plant. Rud. iv. 6. 8; Wachsm.'ii. 1. p. 170 ; Gans, i. p. 262. 6) '¥.yyvr]atQ, see Plainer, Beitr. p. 109, and Gron. Thes. t. vili. init. 7) The Kvpiog, comp. the law in Demosth. adv. Steph. ii. p. 1134. 17: i]v dv iyyvrjay iiri SiKaioiQ Sdfiapra tlvai r) Trarfjp r) dStK in^ov, 6 TTaT))p SinOtjTat, tuv uTToOtivwaiv oi vulg, Trpiv tTrf ^urig »//3^ti', t)jv tov TrciTpbg ^iaQi]Ki)v Kvpiai' tlvai. 4) Isasus de Philoctem. c. 63 : diapplj^tjv kv ti^ vo/Kft ysypairTui, Idv iroiTjirafi'^pii) TraiSig iTTiyiviovTai, to fikpog (Kd.Tfpov tx^tv Trig ovffiag icai KXrjpovofxelv ofioiwg djxipOTkpovg. 5) Isajus de Apollod. c. 30: TzdvTig yap o\ TtXivTi'iaitv /.uXXot'Teg irporoiai' TToiovt'Tai (70wi' avTdv, orroig /.ii) i^ipt]jJM(rovm Tovg afiTtpovg avTwv o'iKovg, dXX' larai Tig Kal 6 ii'uyiaiv Kal iravTci r« vofii^oixfva aiiTitig Troijjiraiv cib k&v aTraiSeg TtXiVTrfauaiv, dXX' ovv Troiijadixtvoi KaTuXi'nrovai. 6) 'Ek twv Kara ykvog iyyvTUTU) t'lmroulv v'lbv T(^ TiTeXcvrrjKon, 'vTCiog dv 6 oTicog fit) t^ipijjiioOy, Demosth. adv. Leochar. p. 10S3. 13 ; SECT. 121.] OF GREECE. 235 compare Platner's Beitr. p. 139. Also 'iva /i»/ avwWfioQ yivqrai o oIkoq, Isasus de JMenecl. c. 36, since the name of the grandfather was generally revived in the grandson; compare Ucmosth. adv. Boeot. de nom. p. 1002, 19; adv. Macart. pp. 1075, 1076; see also Spanheim, ad Aristoph. Nubb. 65 ; Sluiteri Leclt. Andoc. p. 80 ; Marx ad Ephor. Fragm. p. 11. 7) Isaeus de ApoUod. 1. c: Kai ov /xovov (Oi^ ravra yivMrJKovaiv, aWit Kcd dt]HO(ri(f to (Cou'ov TrJt" TroXtwf ovno ravr' tyvMKt' voytf) yap Ttf UpXOVTl TWV o'lKWl', OTTMg, (tV (iff iKfpj]flUIVTai, TTpOaTc'lTTtl Tl)v tTTlfli- \itav. Another reason probably was that it might not lose any oT/coc Xft- Tovpyixtv. See ibid. c. 42. 8) But see Demosth. adv. Phajnipp. p. 1045. 14 : iKavov yap \povou Su oixjiaq KapTroi'fitvog SiartXtlf^, ti)v piv rou (piirra irarpoq, Ti)r ci Ttw TTOiriaajiivov (re? and adv. Macarl. p. 1077. 7. — But pj)Tpoq oi'ff/t; ioriv tKTToiijToc, Isceus de ApoUod. c. 25, comp. Platner's Beitr. p. 112. 9) Harpocrat. p. 222 ; comp. jNIeurs. Lectt. Att. ii. 4. 10) Demosth. adv. Leochar. extr. : rolg ^s yt ■Koir]Qii y ivrbg rovroiv, tov Trpbg TcaTpbg iyyvTUTii) Kvpiov ilvat, on which see Petit, and Wessel. p. 584, sqq.; and Gans, p. 343, sqq., with the paraphrase of the same, ap. Isae. de Plagn. init. 3) Demosth. ibid. p. 1058. 14 ; the children of the dvii\/MV -TralSeg are i^MTfjg dyxiffTtiog, IsKusde liagn. c.9, whence, both in the citation con- tained in last note and in Isa>us, ibid. c. 11. /(fXP' dvtxpiwv TraiScov, must be the correct reading. Compare Schbmann de cognatorum, qui hodie collaterales dicuntur, hereditate, prefixed to the Ind. lectt. Gryphisw. a;st. 1830. — Unless indeed we may, with Phrynich. I?ekkeri, p. 15. 19, take di'tipiudovg to mean dct\(pov Tralg as well as d)'fiptov rralg. Klenze's doubts (iiber die Cognaten und Affinen, in der Zeitschr. fiir gescliichtl. Rechtsw. vol. vi. p. 138 — 163, especially p. 144, sqq.) are as unfounded as is the hypothesis of Bunsen, which extends the limitation even to the third degree descending and ascending. 4) 'F^TTiKXripog and lyKXrjpng (Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 664), or fTri^Kog, comp. Budtri, Comm. 1. gr. p. 114, sqq. ; Meurs. Them. Att. i. 13 ; Petit, vi. 2. p. 534—543 ; Sluileri Lectt. Andoc. p. 80—93 ; Bunsen, p. 44— 49 ; also Hiillmann's Urgesch. d. Staatsr. p. 67 — 71. The best account is given by the Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 583 ; iniKXripoQ XeytTai »'/ I'vv kXij- povofiog KuXovf^iivrf oTctv Si Trmg op^nv}], nnrpbg Kai fiijrpbg dl^tXcjiiov Tt ovrra tptj/ing, Kai Toiny rl'xy i"ro»cf(/(fi'»; ovrria, TuvTtjv KaXovffiv ini- KXtjpov' bfioiMg Si njv i'l^t] yeya^irifiivtiv orar y irri ry ovaiq, oXy Kara- SECT. 122.] OF GREECE. 237 \(\itHfiEVTj' KaXovffi yap Kai ti)v ovaiav KXr^poV KoKiiTai Sk iiriKXripog Kai 7) lirjcsTTdj yeyaiiT]fiivT} dWa vapd ri^ irarpl ovffa, KaOori »ca0>;Ktt aiiry Traaa rj ovaia. KaXovvTai Si tTri'icXrjpot Kav dvo oxn kuv TrXti'ovf. Tivig Si ti)v tTriKXijpot' KoXovcriv iTrnraf.iaTiSa Kai iraTpovxov (see above, §. 25. n. 14). No/tog Si yv ' AOijvyffi, yvr]aiag fiiv oixjtjq 9vya- rpoQ, voQov Si v'lov, in) K\>]povoftelv top v69ov to. irarpqja. For in- stances of two or more heiresses to the same property, see Andoc. de Mys- ter. c. 117 — 120; Isaeus de Philoctem. c. 46 ; de Ciron. c. 40; hence the expression, ittikX. iiri iravTi rcjj o'ik^, ibid, de Aristarch. c. 4. .5) 'EmSiKal^effOai Tijg iTTiKXijpov, Platner's Proc. u. Kl. ii. p. 254, sqq. If he were himself already married, the wife was sometimes dismissed, that he might marry the heiress. See Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1311. 16. and the Arg. adv. Onetor. p. 863. 4. 6) See IsaEus de Pyrrh. c. 64: tclq p.iv virb ruiv Traripiov iKSoQiiaaq Kai (TvvoiKovffag avSpuci yvva~iKaQ — av 6 irarfjp avruiv TtXevTrjcry fiij KaraXnnov avralg yvtjaiovg dStX(povg, roig lyyvrara ykvovg IntSiKovg ilvai KiXevti 6 vojiog. 7) Demosth. adv. Steph. ii. p. 1135. extr. : dviiriSiKov jxij i^elvai txnv fi{]rt KXfjpoi' iiifTi iTv'iKXrjpoi'. Even adopted children were bound to ob- serve this formality ; Meier is wrong (att. Proc. p. 462) in restricting its occurrence to particular cases. See Isjeus, de Pyrrh. p. 61 : irpog Toiig tiffTTOiriTovg airavrtg o'l Kara yevog Trpom'jKOTTfg dii(pia^r]THV a^tovcn : de Philoctem. c. 3. If the claim was really disputed, the proceeding was called SiaSiKaaia. Compare at large, Ileffter, p. 272, sqq. ; Meier u. Sch6m. p. 459—470; Platner's Proc. u. Kl. ii. p. 309—317. 8) Isaeus, de Pyrrh. c. 68 : 6 yap vofjiog SiappySrjv Xkyti i^tivai Sia- OsffOai OTr(i)g av iOtXrj rig rd avTov, idi> fitj TralSag yviiaiovg KaTuXiiry appd'ag, av Si QrfKtiag KaraXiTry, avv ravTaig. The courts sometimes annulled such wills, but it was in defiance of the law. See Aristoph. Vesp. 603. 9) 6>j(T(Tat, see Meurs. Lectt. Att. v. 1 ; Dio Chrysost. p. 638. D. ed. Morell. 10) Terent. Phorm. i. 2. 75 : Lex est, ut orhut, qui sunt genere proxumi, lis nubant, et illos ducere eadem hcEC lex jubet. See the law in Demosth, adv. Macart. p. 1067, sq. ; comp. Diodor. xii. 18. 11) Demosth. adv. Macart. p; 1076. 15; Plut. Vit. Solon, c. 20.— On the indulgence shown by the state in the cases of heiresses, iTriKXijpoJv KaKiocreojg, etc., see Herald. Obss. ad. J. A. et R. p. 251 ; Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 79, sqq.; Heflfter, p. 191 — 194 ; Meier u. Schbmann, p. 290 ; Plainer, ii. p. 224, sqq. 12) Demosth. adv. Steph. ii. p. 1135. 5 : Kai idv IK iiriKXtjpov Tig yk- vtjrai, afia Kai rj^rjcry irri Surig, Kpartiv twv xpi]fidTMv , rov Si alrov fitTOHv ry iij]Tpi. Compare Isaeus, de Ciron. c. 3 1 , and on the case of the children of an adopted person, jitT kinKXypov, ibid, de Pyrrh. c. 50. §. 122. In all other cases the females of a family could clahn only a dowry proportioned to their rank', with which their Kvfio<; was bound to provide them on disposing of them in marriage '^. If they had no off- SSa POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vr. spring 3, or in case of divorce, which was both fre- quent and readily obtained*, the dowry returned to him, and he accordingly generally exacted security for it of the husband^, who, if unable to return it at once, was bound to do so by monthly instalments of nine obols *'. On the death of the husband, his widow had, it seems, the option of returning to the house of her guardian (xvpiof) '', or of remaining in that of her chil- dren, on whom, in that case, her portion devolved with every other right ^ . Women were,, in fact,, throughout their life in a state of nonage, and could not be parties to any act of importance without the concurrence of their guardians^, whose place the hus- band naturally supplied during his lifetime^''. Tlie relation the father bore to his son, whilst yet a minor, was also designated by the term Kvpio^, implying how- ever no more than that he was his natural guardian — very different from the sternness of the Roman doc- trine on this point ^^. Legal guardians were called iTsirfoitoi ; their appointments rested with the archon, when the Kvfiov fiijTpi fii) ffvvotKtiv, jU7;5' tniTpo- TTtviiv, tig ov »/ ovaia 'ipxtrai riov 6po Boeckh, p. 7), at the close of the year, (tv apxcapicriaif;, Isajus, de Apollod. c. 28 ; Demosili. c. Leochar. p. 1092. 12), the exact age must have been different in diftierent individuals. Compare also Teles ap. Stob. Serm. xcvi. p. 533: i^ iTif3oi yh'wvrai, f^irjTt to. itpa OTrXa Ka-cnaxwtlv ^ijrt Ti)%> rd^w Xtixl/iiv, dfxiivtiv £f. ry Trarpici Kai antivio Trapacwneii'. Comp. Schcimann de Com. p. 379 , Clinton, 1. c. p. 352, where also may be seen the etymology of the name {up-^^^tiu riig Xrj^tojg or Xrt;;^£Tj' tciq «px"C ^ ) — Schubert de yfedil. p. 1 18, erroneously connects the Lexiarchs with this ceremony, see below, §. 128. 7) In the sacred inc'osure of Agraulos, see Pollux, 1. 1., and more in Schomannde(;om. p. 331,sq. ; Baehrad Plut. V. Alcib. c.15. p. 142—144. On the subject at large, consult Wachsm. i. 1. p. 252, sq. 8) See .Aristot. ap. Harpocr. p. 241 , tov cturepov tviavrhv, iKK\i]a'iaQ iv Tiji Btc'iTpni yivo^dvrjQ, c'nrohKdfisi'oi t(^ SijiJitp Trepi rag rdttig Kai \a- ftoi'reg acnrica Kai fopv Trapd tov Sfif.iov TripnroXovai Ttjv \iopav Kai dta- rpifiov(7iv iv rolg (f>v\aKTtipioig, and a further account in Boeckh, de mili- taribus epheborum tirocinns, in the Ind. Lectt. hib. Ibl9 — 20, who, be it observed, considers that tlie presentation in the theatre, mentioned by ^Esch. adv. Ctesiph. c. 48, was an honour paid only to those whose fathers had died in battle; on this point see Plat. Rlenex. p. 249. A., with the commentt., and Meurs. 1 hem. Att. i. 10. 9) See Petiti Legg. viii. i. p. 655 ; Ducker. ad Thucyd. iv. 67 ; Neum. ad Aristot. Fragm. p. 92 ; Geel, Anecdd. Hemsterh. p. 257 ; conf. Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 760. C. 10) Xenoph. JMem. Socr. iii. 6. 1, conf. Meier, de setate Alcibiadis in the Ind. Lectt. Gryphisw. a;st. 1821 . — Did they whilst Ephebi, f^uXaivag ivijii- n'ivoi rag iKK\i](riag TZipiiKaQiivTo (Philostr. \'itt. Soph. ii. 1. 5)"? see Boeckh. ubi sup. p. 6. 11) Pollux, Etymol. M., Ilarpocr. p. 114; with Petiti Legg. p. 229 ; also Schubert, de .idil. p. 118 — 120 ; the latter very correctly distin- guishes between the time at which civil rights were attained, and that at which service was required by the state ; see 1 ittmann, p. 188, and Clinton's F.. H. ii. p 350. note t. But Uemosth. adv. Leochar. p. 1091. 5, makes a distinction between the iziva^ iKKXtiaiacTiKog twv 'Orpvrtiijv and their XjjKiapxiKov. 12) Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1318. Ilcnce foK-i^taffSjyi'fa i. c[. £i'c ni/- ^pag iyypa(ji(aGai, see Titimanu, p 320; Clinton's F. H. ii. p. 350 ; it can hardly have been limited to the case of wards, as Schcimann pretends, •de Com. p. 379 ; comp. Plat. Crit. p. 51, with Stallbaum's note, p. 135. 13) ria/ycyypaTrrot, see ^i^schin. de Falsa Legat. c. 52. 14) Aiaxptfcptmc, which was also had recourse to, if the Lexiarohicon happened not to be at hand. 'J'he chief authority on this point is Demosth. adv. Eubul., where see Taylor, t. v. p. 426, sqq. (ed. Scha-f.); on the subject at large see Schbmann, de Com. p. 380 — 384; Meier de bonis damn. p. 77—94; Plainer, Beitr. p. 188—201 ; Tittmann, p. 278 ; and Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. 61, according to whom, Ilarpocr., p. 85, J J 242 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. must not be understood to assert that the first instance of the kind, after 01. Ixxxiii. 4, occurred 01. xc, 2; comp. Plut. Pericl. c. 37 ; Schol. Aris- toph. Vesp. 718. 15) 7\nd ^(tipoliviaQ ■ see Platner, Proc. and Kl. ii. p. 66, sqq. ; Meier and Schbm. p. 347, sq. ; A. Baumstark de curat, empor. et nautodicis apud Athen, (Frib. 1828), p. 75, sqq. 16) Demosth. Epist. iii. p. 1481. 18. 17) See, for instance, Demosth. adv. I.eochar. p. 1091. 20; Ilarpocr. s. V. Ylordfiioi. 18) See the law in Dionys. Hal. de Isaeo, c. 16. t. v. p. 617, Rsk. : 'E^srarriv jivkaBai twj> ttoXitwv Kara dijixovg' tov ^i a-KOT^j-qfifrOkvra virb tCjv dtffiOTCjv Tijg TToXiTeiag fi)) iiiTi\HV' toiq Si a^iKwc o7roi|/?j0i(T9fT(7tj/ liptaiv tig TO SiKaari^piov tlvat, TTpodKokirraiiivoiQ rovg drjfiorag' Kcit tav TO diVTipov tS,i\eyxtiwui, TreTrpaaOaL avTovg Kni ra ypl}fiaTa ilvai SrjjMcna, Comp. Hudtwalcker v. d. Oiiiteten, p. 122 ; Platner, Proc. i. p. 424 — 426. — Is it to this Demosthenes refers, adv. I'imocr. p. 741. 19 : o'l Trjg ^(viag aXiaKufievoi nivovmv Iv T(f oiKi](iaTi, 'iwg dv tu)v iptvdofiapTvpiiiJv ayw- vitTuvTail §. 124. But even the genuine Athenian citizen en- joyed his rights and immunities as such only so long as he continued cTrm/Ao?, that is, incurred no kind of aT»|i*ja*; and here the distinction is to be observed be- tween a total and an only partial «Ti/^('a-. Total a,rif*.la. was incurred by bribery, embezzlement, cowardice, perjury, neglect of parents^, insults to public officers in the discharge of their dvities *, partiality in arbitra- tion^, prostitution'', and similar cases; it excluded from all the attributes of citizenship 7. By partial dTijtAt'a, on the other hand, only particvdar rights were forfeited; a vexatious litigant, for instance, could be prohibited from instituting a particular suit 8; public debtors were, in like manner, suspended only from exer- cising their rights of citizenship till they had discharged their obligations ^. Our idea of dishonour is not ap- plicable to these cases ^^ ; the term aTii^o(; strictly im- plying rather that the individual was politically dead, the state refusing to recognise him as within the pale of its laws^^ This punishment, however, seldom ex- tended beyond the person of the delinquent, affecting neither his property nor his family'^; the fact that SECT. 124.] OF GREECE. 243 protracted delay on the part of a public debtor, en- tailed confiscation of his property ^^, and extended to his heirs after his death, was merely incidental to such cases ". The artfAOi, properly so called, could not however be reinstated in their rights by any legal process, nor expect a public pardon ^^ Reinstate- ments of aTt[Aoi did indeed take place, but only in cases when danger was apprehended to the state from their numbers ^^. 1) Hence the formula: 6 (iovXo^tvoQ 'AQriva'uov, olg intern, see Meier u. Schom. p. 564. Any who were not so qualified required ddtia, see lioeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 127. 2) See Andoc. de Myster. c. 73 — 76, which is the chief authority, and particularly, in connection with it, Meier de bonis damn. p. 101 — 144. The latter is not however happy in his choice of the distinctions, infamia maxima, media, minima : see also Schdmann de Com, p. 73 — 75 ; Wachs- muth, ii. 1. p. 243— 248. 3) Andocides : 'Owoffoi icXonrjc fj ^lopiov otpXouv, tovtovq thi Kai av- ToiiQ Kcd Tovc; sk tovtwv ar/juovc,- ilvnf Kai oTroffoi Xiirom' rrjv ra'iii' y acTTpareiag i] SfiXioQ jj avavfiaxiov !!i(pXouv rj t)]v amri^a ut: o^aXouv f; rpiQ T^tv^iofiapTvpiMV i] rpig ^fvcoKX7]Tiag ixpXottv, t] rovg yot'iag KOKixig TTOiohv, ovroi wdvTtg arijioi riaav to. ffoinaTa, to. Se XPW'^T^ tlxov. 4) 'Eciv kffTiipai'OJfiivov iraraty r) KaKwg diry, Demosth. Mid. c. 10. On the myrtle garland worn by the archons in token of the inviolability of their character, see Meurs. Lectt. Att. vi.6 ; Corsin. F. A.i.p.25. Hence aTi(pavi](p6pog »'/ ap^i), ^i^schin. c. Tim. c. 9; arsfpavoiiv , magistmtnm facere, Lysias in Evandr c. 8 : inpiatptiv tov aTi(pai'ov, ahros:nre niagis- tratum, mosth. adv. Aristog. p. 802. 5 ; coll. adv. Theocr. p. 1330. 21, etc. 5) Ibid. c. 24 ; compare Hudtwalcker, pp. 19 — 31. 6) "O Kart^ij^oKihg ra varpi^a, 6 iTaiprjKdjg, etc.; see Diogen. L. i. 55, with the note of Menage, and more in iMeier, 1. 1. p. 130, as also on the ypap) dpyiag. Comp. Platner's Proc. ii. p. 150, sqq. 7) 'AirdvTtov aTrtoTeprirai riov iv ry ■jroXti Kai KaGnira^ drtiiog yfyo- vt, says Demosth. Mid. c. 10 ; comp. adv. Aristog. p. 779. 6. 8) 'AWot av, proceeds Andocides, Kara -n-potTTa^tig, oiriveg ov nav- TdiratTn' UTifioi ijcrav, dXXd [lipog rt avrthv, olov of (jTpartixtTai, olg, on iTckfxtivav ini twv -vpdvvuiv iv ry ttoXii, rd p.iv dXXa iiv dirip roig dX- \oiQ noXiraiQ, eiTTtlv d' iv r oiik tfiji' ol'^i (iovXtixraf tovtuiv fiaav ovroi uri^oi, a'vrr] yap tjv rovToig irpoara^ig. 'ETepotg oiiK fjv ypdipaaOai, Toig It ivhlKai, rolg ?i pi) dvairXivGai ilg 'EXXrt(nrot>Toi', dXXoig S' tig 'Iwviav, rdtg o' tig rr)i> dyopdi' pi) tiaisvai TTpoara^ig i)i'. Conf. Demosth. adv. Aristog. i. p. 783 : ttuts itojv — irtpiiGi) pi) Xiytiv avTiiT. On the loss of the right of prosecution, see ibid. p. 803. 15, and more below, chap. vi. part 3 ; compare Boeckh's Publ. fficon. ii. p. Ill, and Plat, de Lcgg. xii. p. 943, B. — Is VVachsmuth correct in making an- other distinction, ubi sup. p. 248 ! 244 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. 9) Tov 6) fiirkxiiv tUv ri/iwf, Pol. iii. 3. 6, and 6. 3. 11) Even in private affairs; see Demosth. adv. Androt. p. 609. 21 ; adv. Nicostr. p. 1251. 10 ; Isaeus de Aristarch. c. 20 ; comp. Lysias adv. Andoc. C.24 : etpytcrOai t)J£ ayopaQ Kai raiv it()(Lv, uxtte /i») a^iKovfuvov VTTO rail' t;^0pci)}' ^vi'aaOai Sikijv Xa/StTv. Hence oi arifioi roii tOkXov- TOQ, Plat. (jorg. p. 608. C. 'I'hey hov?ever themselves in turn could not be indicted, as is evident from Demosth. IMid. c. 17. 12) See above, n. 3 ; but we sometimes meet with the sentence : drifiov tlvai Kal vaToag ariixovQ kui to. tKeivov, Demosth. Mid. c. 32 ; adv. Aristocr. p. 640. 3 ; comp. also Leptin. p. 135, and Lysias pro Polystr. c. 34. 13) Andoc. 1. 1. c. 73 : ol jufv apyvpiov ofpfiXovreQ r<{i ^jj^ocriy, otto- ffot ivQm'aq oxpiiKov ap^avriq apxaq, i] t^ovKuQ fj ypacpag jj tvi(3o\dg ib, j) tJi'ot' Tvpia^ivoi Ik tov ^rifioaiov ju>) KaTijiaXoi' to. xpi'inctTa, t] tyyvag ffyyv)}aavTO Tvphq to dtjuomov, tovtoiq i) fxtv (KTiffiQ rjv iiri Trjg _ i.vaTi]Q TrpvTavuciQ, li Se fit), diirXduiov ofeiXtiv Kal to. KTrifiaTa avrwv TrsTrpdcfOai : only however till payment of the debt, Demosth. adv. Boeot. de dote, p. 1014.20. Compare at large, Platner's Proc. u. Kl. ii. p. Ill — 138. 14) KXrfpovofioi r»Jc ciTifiUic, comp. Demosth. adv. Androt. p. 603.28; adv. Timocr. p. 762. 26, and especially adv. Theocrin. init. 15) See Demosth. adv. Mid. cc. 25, 26 ; and the law in Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 715. Compare Platner's Proc. i. p. 443 — 446. 16) See Andoc. de Myster, c. 107; Xenoph. Hell. ii. 2. 11, with- Schneider's note, and Spanheim ad Aristoph. Ran. v. 703. PART II. Of the Senate and tJie General Assembly of tJie People.. §. 125. Although every real Athenian citizen who was duly qualified and had attained his majority was, agreeably to the principles of a pure democracy, en- titled as such to share in every description of power in the state, there was still a difference between par- ticipation in the general assemblies of the people and that active exercise of power to which he was called only by lot or election. It has already been observed, that an absolute democracy, not content with opening SKCT. 125.] OF GREECE. 24'5 all public offices and dignities to all its members, places the chief exercise of the judicial power, as well as the administration in general, directly in the hands of the whole body of the people ; but, since elections and the despatch of important or urgent state affairs can not practically be carried on by the whole com- munity, as such, individuals were annually elected for the purpose. These were essentially distinct ^ from mere public officers, and shown to be a direct mani- festation of the sovereign poM-er of the community ^ by their numbers, the capacity of being re-elected, their positive or relative irresponsibility, and particularly by the daily pay they drew from the public coffers. The courts of justice will be considered in the next division of this chapter ; the council of the five-hun- dred^ first claims attention here, inasmuch as it had the initiative in the deliberative power exercised by the community in its general assemblies'*. This is seen in their receiving the despatches and messengers sent by generals ^, giving audience to foreign ambas- sadors^, introducing them to the general assembly 7, and so forth ; but especially in the circumstance that the people could not decree any measure which had not been previously sanctioned by them ^, nor enter- tain any which they had once rejected. On the other hand, decrees emanating solely from themselves ex- pired with their date of office ^. It is only on extra- ordinary occasions that we find this council invested •with plenary absolute powers '^. 1) It was a rule respecting public officers (Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 747.5), ovTt dig ti]v avT))v apx>)v tov avrbv avSpa, ovts fi'o apxaQ ap- Kai TOV avTov iv rifi iviavrili, but the case of Demosthenes, who was in the senate 01. cvi, 4 (adv. jMid. p. 552. 2) and 01. cviii. 2 C^T.schin. de Falsa Legat, c. 5), shows that the office of senator might be held repeat- edly. The exact import of the rule was fii) cixoQtv iiiaQotpoptiv, Uem. adv. Timocr. p. 739. 6. — On the pay, see above, §. 68. n. 7, and beside Boeckh as there quoted, Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 122 — 124. The treatise of .T. F. Facius, iiber die Besoldungeu der Staatsdiener bei den Griechen unJ 246 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. Romern, in his Collectaneen zur Gr. u. R. Alterthumskunde (Coburg, 1811), p. 100, sqq., is very unsatisfactory. 2) Improperly called apxac by many writers, as by Xenoph. Rep. Ath. i. 3 : oTToirai d' liaiv "PX"^'' fH'^Socpopiag ii'eKa Kcit w^fXf I'at; t'f tov oIkov, TavraQ Ki]tu. o S)ifing dpxiiv : I'lat. de Legg. vi. p. 766. B. sqq. Comp. especially, p. 768. C: Trtpi SiKaarlipia, a Plj (parity ovff u)g apxdg oW ioC fit) pqhov iiTTOvra a.vafi(j)iffj3T]Tr]TU)g eipi]Ktvai, and Aristot. I'olit. iii. 1. 4, 5, coll. c. 6. 12 ; on the subject at large, see ray Ulssertalio de jure niagg. p. 32 — 35; and also Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 137, sqq. 3) See above, §. 108, n. 1—3 ; $. 1 1 1 , n. 2, 3. 4) See, on the subject at large, Sigonius de Rep. Ath. ii. 3 ; Petiti Legg. iii. 1. p. 266—300; Tittmann, p. 240— 251 ; Platuer's Proc.u. Kl. i. p. 38 — 65. 5) For instance, Xenoph. Hell. i. 7. 3. 6) Platner, ubi sup. p. 58. 7) iEschin. de Falsa Legat.c. 16: Toig di ^tviKalg rrptffjiiiaig t) j3ov\t) rag elg tov Srjjxov TrpocroSovg irpo^ovKtvii, 8) Tlpo^ovKtvtaQai, comp. Petiti Legg. ii. 2. 2. p. 198 ; Hiillmann's Staatsr. p. 307 ; Schomann, p. 95 — 100 ; Tittmann, p. 176, sq. Only at a later period, it appears, on 'iQog lKpdTr]Ttv uKpofiohXivrov ipliipiofia ilaa-ytffQai Iv t<{1 ^>jjU(^, Arg. Dem. adv. Androt. p. 592. 5, comp. Luzac, de Socr. cive, p. 107. 9) Demosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 651. 17 : 6 vofiog sTriTSLa KtXevn rd Tfjg (iovXrig ilvai T^r} ovSeva, oc av tyymiTag rptlc KaOiaTtj to avrb reXog TtXovvTag' vXi/v idv tiq ini irpoSocrlif r)]£ TroXeujQ j) tnt KaraXvaei rov Sijjxov cvvuov dXip, ») TeXog Ti Trpidjxevog rf tyyvqadfXivoQ i] iKXkyoJV fi)) KoralidXXij. Comp. Andoc. de Myster. c. 93, and more in Petiti, Legg. p. 272 ; Tittmann, p. 206. 5) On these, below, chap. vii. — The general division of the Athenian revenues by Sigonius (R. A. iv. 3. p. 541. 30), and after him by Ubbo Emmius and others, was into reXij, r^n'mara, (popoi, and ihcpopai ; comp. Aristoph. Yesp. 677, and for further details see Boeckh's Publ. Qicon. iii. and iv. ; also Tittmann, p. 38 — 53, and Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 99, sqq. ; 128, sqq. 6) TefjiiVT], Upd, oiKiai, Xenoph. Vectig. iv. 19. 7) On these see Boeckh on the silver mines of Attica, in the Abh. d. Berl. Acad. 1814, 15, p. HI — 120. The state let them out to contractors for one twenty-fourth part of the annual produce. 248 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. 8) Especially the -mvTi]KoaTri, Meurs. Lectt. Att. v. 28. — Had they also excise duties, iirioviov ? Gomp. Boeckh, Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 37, and Heeren's Res. Greece, p. 180. 9) See above, §. 1 15. n. 6. — Hence too the nopviKov tsXoq, Boeckh, p. 313 ; comp. Salmas. Misc. Defens. p. 530, 10) TijirjixaTa and Trpyravsia, etc. See part iii. 11) AtSrifioffitviiEva, ^jj/xioTrprtrn, see Boeckh, ii. p. 127, sqq., and espe- cially M. H. E. Meieri Historias juris Attici de bonis damnatorum et fisca- lium debitorum, libri ii. (Berl. 1819), p. 160, sqq. 12) TtXiovai, comp, Salmas. de foen. trapez. p. 243 ; Des. Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. p. 186, sqq. There were companies under the direction of an dpxw)'»}c. Sluiteri lectt. Andoc, (adv. Alcib. c. 133), p. 158. For a more detailed account see Boeckh, Publ. (Econ. ii. init., and C. L. Blum, Pro- legg. ad Demosth. Orat. Timocr. (Berl. 1823), p. 32, sqq. ; also Gottling, in the Hermes, xxiii. p. 118. 13) 'E/cXayEiv, see ^sch. adv. Timarch'. c. 48, and more in Hemsterh. ad Lucian. Charon, c. 11, t. i. p. 504 ; Sch^f. ad Demosth. ii. p. 311. 14) See above, ^. 124. n. 13 ; and Petiti, Legg. iv. 10. p. 471, sqq. This severity was, in course of time, extended to analogous cases, (7rpo •• ig jSovXijc (cat row dr}- fiov, ypaniiciTtvc, rfjc /3. k. t. 5., dvriypa;(Ttat, Valck. ad Ammon. p. 71. 8) Tipoypaipai or TrpoGtluai skkX., yEschin. de Falsa Legat. c. 17 ; was it requisite that this should take place five days before the assembly was held (TTpoTTtpTTTa, Bekk. Aneccd. p. 298. 8) 1 See, on the subject at large, Schomann, p. 58, sqq., and on the irpoypappa in particular, Demosth. adv. /\ristog. i. p. 772. 15 ; comp. Platner's i'roc. i. p. 353. — Consult, also, Hemsterhus. ad Lucian. Necyom. c. 19. t. i. p. 482 ; and the Schol. on Aristoph. Thesmoph. 278 : ort ifitXXt yivkaOai tKKXtjfria, rrarf.iwv kuI KijpvKiov Kai TrpsajiHoi' Kctt oaiwv. Kat uerd raiira tTrtpujT(f OKtjpyK- riq ayoptviiv fiovXerat rCov inrep irtVTijKOVTa iTjj ytyovoTwv ; iirucdv ct aujoi iravrtc iiTrwo-i, ror' ))h] KtXivci Xsyeiv Tiov dXXojv 'A(^i]i'aiiou rbv PovXofifvov, oif iKfari. See more, on the sub- ject at large, in Petit p. 288—294 ; Schumann, p. 91—95 ; Tittmann, p. 182 — 188. and on the TnpiffTiapxoi Siebel. ad Istri Fragm. p. 65. 2) X^rijiariltiv, see Morus ad Isocr. Paneg. c. 42. 3) Harpocration, p. 257 : irpoxtiporovia. Comp. Demosth. adv Ti- mocr. p. 703. 19. 4) Jischin adv. Ctesiph. c. 1 ; Thrasym. Fragm. ap. Dionys. Hal. de Demosth. t. vi. p. 960. Ksk. -- » r j 5) According to the Schol. Aristoph. \ubb. v. 510 : vo^iog i)v 'AQnvaloig /irjTTw Tivd iru,}' A yeyovoTa nun cpann dvayiiHOffKtii> tr Btdrpoi uhrs Ci]nr}yopuv. Compare on tiie other hand, Clinton's F. H. ii. p. Ivn. 6) As is asserted by Sigonius, iv. 6, and especially by Petit, iii. 3 p 344— 349 ; also Meinek. ad I\Ienandr. p. 89. Comp. however Herald fn. /,\'^- ^^ ^- P- ^''^- "^""^ '°'" ^^'^''^ c°"s"lt Schomann de Com. p. 107 — 112. 7) .I-:schin. adv. Timarch. c. 13: 'Eciv rig Xey^ h T,p ?nix,{i rbv va- Ttpa TVTTTwv n Tqr fi>iTspa 1, fu) Tpf,piov ,) ft,) Trapkxiov o'lKi^mv i) rdg arpaTuag nj, KTTpartvnivoc oaai dv ain^ npoaraxOCJtnr f, t,)v dmri^a anojifliXiiKojg, f] ntiropvtvnkvog r) nTaipi,Kwg ,} rd narpi^a KanSnSoKiog 1JWV auKXripovoiiogyevnrai, (^OKipaaiav tTrayyeiXdroj 'AOiji'aiujv 6 i3ov- \<>n(vog, o]g eKKTriv. Compare $. 124. n. 3—6. and Meier u. Schbm att Proc. p.209 -214; VVachsm. i. 1. p. 253, sqq. ; but on the l.ay^eXia in particular Schomann de Com. p. 240 ; Heffter, p. 233. n. 14 • Platner's Proc. i. p. 335. sqq. ' 8) Dinarch. c. Demosth. c. 71 : rovg niv vonovg npoXiyuv nJ pf,ropi Km T<^arpaTJiyif mv napd rov Siifiov niffnv d^ioi'vri Xau^dvuv, irai- towoiiiff^ai Kara roig vonovg, y,)v ivrbg '6pu>v KiKrncQai, Tddag rdg h- 256 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vr. KaiaQ viartig irapaKaraOifitvoi' ovtuji; a^iovv irposffTavai tov 5)7/(0i'. Comp. /Eschin. ¥. L. c. 43. 9) 'P)']TOpic TToXiTtvofxtvoi ill contradistinction to the i^iioTai or uTrpdy- tiovig; Demosth. Philipp. iv. p. 150. 9; ^iisciiin, adv. Timarch. c. 3. Comp. Kuhnken. ad Longin. xxiv. 1. p. 410, VVeisk. 10) See above, «$. 69. u. 2. sqq. and Rochefort sur I'utilite des orateurs dansiarepubliqued'Athenes, in the Mem. de I'Acad. d. Inscr. t. xliii. p. 1. sqq. Compare especially Demosth. F. Leg. p. 373 : ovStva yap ra Koivd irpaTTEiv vf^itls KiXivert y dj'ayica^ETE, dW tTTti^dv ri^ tavroi' ireiaag SvvaffOai TTpoctikBy, Trpayfia ttoiovvtiq xpriariov Kal (pi\av6pd)Tr(i)V tvvdi- Kiog (^e^*"'^* '^'^'^ o*^ (pOovtpCJg, dWci Kai y^tipoTOViiri Kal tu vfiSTtpa ai)- Twv tyxtipi^STe. 11) "SvyypucptcTQai, see Aristoph, Thesmoph. v. 438. and more in Hein- dorf, ad Plat. Gorg. p. 17 ; Schbmann, p. 118. Hence ffvyy paftvg in Aristoph. Acharn. 1164. — On the form of the ipr](pi(7fiaTa in general, Schomann, p. 131, sqq. 12) Brunck. ad Aristoph. Thesmoph, 380 ; Schbmann, p. 113. Comp. $. 124. n. 4. — On their irresponsibility, see Demosth. V. L. p. 398. 19. 13) See Aristoph. Acharn. 54, with the commentators; Heindorf ad Plat. Protag. p. 498 ; and Boeckh's Publ. ^con. 1. p. 277. Their num- ber was at first 300; but afterwards increased to 1200; ^schin. F. L. c. 50. 14) ^schin. adv. Timarch. c. 15 : rCJv ptjTopwv tdv rig Xsyy ev ^ovXy fi iv T(^ Sr)ii(;) TTepl TOV tl<7(pipoiiivov ju/) X'^P'S ^rtp' iKacrrov fj dig inpi TOV auTov 6 avTcg Toig avTolg, i) XoidopriTai, f; KaKwg ayoptvy ti7h\, t} imoKpovy,f} \pr}(iariZ,6vT())v fitTa^v dvf.(jTr]Ko)gXiyy Trtpi tov fii) inl tov (iiffiarog, i] TrapaKiXivijTai r) sXKy tov sTriorarjji/ d(psinkvr}g'Tfjg eicicXj;- atag, Kvpuv'sToxrav oi trpotdpoi l-isxp' 'fti>Ti]K0VTa dpaxi^wv tig SKaoTOv dd'iKTJixa iyypd(p(.iv Toig irpciKTopai, k, t. X. 15) So Schomann, p. 119. following Suidas and Poll. viii. 94 ; comp. also H.Miickede Nomophylacibus Atheniensium,(Witt. 1754) ; Schneider. ad Aristot. Pol. p. 391; Tittmann, p. 338; Meier's att. Proc. p. 73; Schubert de ^dil. p. 98. The most exact account is in the Lex. Rhetor, appended to Phot. Pors. p. 674: Tag de ctpx^'^C rivdyKal^ov roTg vojiotg XpiicrOai, Kal tv ti] tKKXtjffiq, Kal iv Ty fSovXy (.htci tu)v Trpoidpiov tKciB^vTO KwXvovTeg to. davjxfopa Ty TroXtt TZpciTTiiv 'inTa Se yaav Kal KaTsari]- rrav, uig <^iX6xcp'>g > oTi EcpidXTijg fiova KareXiTrs T)j iS, 'Apiiov Trdyov (SovXyTa irtpl tov (nofiaTOQ: comp. Vbmel inthe Allg. Schulz. 1830. No. 83. who however, as well as Ullrich, liber die Eilfmiinner, p. 268, disputes the existence of these magistrates during the whole period of the democracy, especially as they are not mentioned by j^ischin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 1. extr. 16) 'E7rn^?j^«^£ti/, see Hemstevh. ad Lucian. Tim. c. 44 ; Ducker. ad Thucyd. vT. 14 ;'Valck. ad Herod, viii. 61 ; Corsin. F. A. i. p. 273—275 ; Krebsius, 1. c. p. 374 ; but the people iTnipij(j>iZtTai,juhet, see Schneid. and Bornem. ad Xenoph. Anabas. vii. 3. 14. and on the subject at large, Schbm. p. 120. 17) Xenoph. Mem. Socr. i. 1. 14 ; .-Eschin. F. L. c. 23. 18) Plat. Apol. Socr. p, 32. B : iroifioiv ovtwv ivdtiKvvvai in Kuldrrd- ytiv Tiji' ptjTopoJv. Conf. .i^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 1 : thayyiXXttv. SECT. 130.] OF GREECE. 257 §. 130. The usual method of voting was by a show of hands ^, the result being announced by the presidents ^ Even nominations to office, in the few cases, that is to say, in which lot Avas not had re- course to, were decided in a similar way, the peo- ple declaring their acceptance or rejection of each candidate ^, on his presenting himself, or being re- commended to them by some orator*. Vote by bal- lot was prescribed by law only in those cases in which an individual citizen was made the object of a formal public decree ^, when at least 6000 votes were required ^. Of this kind was ostracism, which is by no means to be considered a legal process, but solely a political expedient of the supreme authority of. the time being 7. This measure was not attended by any definite charge, but yearly, on a certain day^, it was proposed to the people that they should ostracise; if they affirmed that there was occasion for it, a second meeting w^as apparently appointed, at which every one gave in written on a shell or potsherd, the name of the individual whose expulsion he wished. The vic- tim of the proceedings left the country for ten years 9; but as such a sentence was by no means viewed in the same light as a legal punishment, the honours, house, and property of the exile remained intact, and he might at any time be recalled by a decree of the peo- ple, which could not be done in the case of common criminals 1^. The exercise of judicial power was usurped by the pubHc assembly but seldom, and only on extraordinary occasions ^^ In all the cases in which it could legally exercise this poAver, we see it appear rather as a party concerned than as judge ; and even in those suits which were commenced before the assembly, its decision, as in cases of-tpo^ohrj^-, was, at the most, but a prcejudicmm merely serving to show the prosecutor how far the public voice Avas Avith him. l 1 258 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. 1) XtipoToi'ia, although i//>/^i$€ff0ai is often used; whence ;|/»j0iojita : see Schoinann, p. 122, sqq. 2) 'AvayopivHV rai; xeiporovi'ac, jEsch. adv. Ctesiph. c. 1. 3) ' Apxatptma'CoVTsg, (nrovSapxioivTtg, ffTroi)dapxai (TrapayyeWovTtg, which is used by Dionys. Hal., Plutarch, and others, is not Attic) ; see at large, Schomann, p. 322 — 330, and on election by nomination below, part 4. 4) Tlpo(5d\\icy9ai riva or iavrov : see Demosth. Mid. c. 7 ; /Eschin. de F. L. c. 6, ; conf. Ast. ad Plat. Legg. p. 286. 5) Andoc. de Myster. c. 87 : iijjSi Itt' avSpi vofxov iKtivai Otivai, iav fi)) Tov uiiTov STTi Tzaaiv 'AQ-qvaioiQ, lav fit) i^nKicrxi^ioig So^y Kpv(3dr]v ■il/i](piZ,op,'svoig. Conf. Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 719. 5, and Schom. p. 273. The same number was required for the admission of a foreigner to the rights of citizenship (§. 117. n. 7), for passing public acts of dispensation (§. 124. n. 14), and so forth. We are not however, with Wachsm., i. 1. p. 259, to conclude that these were the votes of the Heliasts exclusively, although the fact that the number of the votes was identical with that of. the Heliasts, seems to indicate some connection with them. 6) Whether 6000 in all, or 6000 in favour of the measure is uncertain. Boeckh, in his Publ. QScon., and Wachsm. i. 1. p. 272, assert the former ; Plainer, Proc. and KL. ii. p. 136, the latter; Tittmann p. 190. hesitates, but, is more correct than Schomann (p. 246,) in considering it natural to suppose that as in cases of ostracism, so in this also, it was required that the votes siiould be unanimous. 7) See the authors quoted above, §. 111. n. 18. extr. 8) Lex. Rhetor, post Phot. Pors. s. v. Kvpia p. 672 : 'EttI c?t rrjg iKTrjg Trpvrai'dag Tvpug roig dp>)p.ki'oig kcu ntpt rijg offrpctKofopiag Lttl- XiipoToviav StSoaOca, ti SoKtl j) fit). Comp. also p. 675. with which the Schol. on Aristoph. Equ. 852, agrees almost verbatim. 9) See especially the speech of Andocides (or Phaeax ? comp. Taylor's Lectt. Lys. c. vi. p. 261, sqq. Rsk., and, on the other hand, Ruhnk. Hist. Crit. Orat. Gr. p. 47 — 57. with Valcken. in Sluiteri Lectt. Andoc. p. 17 — 26.) Alcibiades, and Plutarch, V. Alcib. c. 13. with Bahr's remarks, p. 128. 10) See Meier de bonis damn. p. 97, sqq. 11) As for instance in the thoroughly illegal proceedings against the ge- nerals who had conquered at Arginusaj ; Xenoph. Hcllen. i. 7. ; comp. at large MatthisE de jud. Ath. p. 241, sqq. Tittmann p. 194, and below, §. 133. n. 10. 12) Bekk. Anecdd. p. 288. 18 : 7rpo/3oX/) Kai TrpofSaWerrOai to napa- ytn' tig Ti/v iKKXtjcriav tov jSovXajxtvov Kcii aTro(paii't(v wg r'lStKTjatv, e'i Tig SoKohj d^Kilv' kcu Tovg avKofavTug (conf. ^^ischin. F. L. c. 41.) /cat Tovg TTtpi TO. fjivcTrrjpia f] Aioviaia dSiKovvTag {Demosth. Mid.c. 4.) — KtjKiXing Si, proceeds the Lex. Rhetor, post Phot. Pors. p. 676, (pii)v, Demosth. ibid. p. 706 ; corap. Petiti Legg. ii. 1. p. 175, sqq., and ^Eschin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 10. 4) See, at large. Wolf's Prolegg. Leptin. p. cxxvi. sqq. ; Schbmann de Com. p. 248, sqq.-, Platner's Proc. und Kl. ii. p. 27—39; Hiillmann's Staatsr. p. 324. Tittmann endeavours in vain, p. 146, sqq., to show that the public assembly exercised this power. 5) Demosth. 1. 1. p. 708. 27, says 1001 ; Andoc. de Myster. c. 84 : irtvraKOffLoi, ovg oi SrifioTai, iiXovTO, iTriiSri onufioKaaiv, but this probably was an extraordinary case. 6) Before the statues of the Eponymi, see above, §. 11 1. n. 2, and Wolf, 1. c. p. cxxxiv., not far from the QoXog of the Prytanes (see Miiller ap. Ersch. und Gruber, vi. p. 236), which was the usual place for fixing up all public notices ; comp. Isajus de Dicaeog. c. 37 ; Demosth. Mid. c. 28. 7) Xvvrjyopoi, Demosth. 1. 1. p. 707. 15 ; 711. 19. ibiq. Ulpian. 8) ^vi'vofxoOiTnp T))v jSovXijv, Demosth. 1. I. p. 708. 28 ; Poll. viii. 101 : rovg yap vkovg (vofjiovg} tdoKti.iaZev >"/ fiovXi) Kai 6 drJiioQ Kai to. SiKutrr-npia, compare Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 772. D. 9) Demosth. 1. 1. p. 710 : ru>v Se vofiMv toiv Ketfisv(t>v )uj) e^flvat Xv- aai fXTj^'tva, kav [irj tv vofioOkraig ' Tort S" t^tivai T([i fSovXojxsvqj raiv ' AOrjvaiuJv Xveiv, erepov tiBii'ti dv9' otov av Xvy. AiaxtipoToviav Si TToulv Tovg TrposSpovg irepi tovtwv toiv vofiujv Trpwrov p-iv Trtpi tov kh- fisvov, ii CoKti tTTiTi'iciHog livui Ti^ Sijfii'j Twv ' A9T]vaiwv ri ov, tTTiira, irspi TOV TiQtfjLtvov oTTortpov S' av xfiporojn'/craicriv o'l voj-ioOsrai, tovtov Kvpiov ilvai. ''EvavTiov Se vofiov ftr) 't^tlvai TiOivai t&v vojacov twv kh- n'iVMv firfdivi. ''Edv Se rig Xvffag rivd twv vo/xuiv twv Ktififvojv tTtpov avTiTidy firj iiririjStiov t<^ 'ABrjvaiujv Si'uxq}, f; h'avriov twv Ktifisvwv T(i>, Tag ypafdg tlvai Kar avTov Kard tov I'djxov, og KtiTai, Idv rig /n) (ttittiShov 9y vofiov. 10) Demosth. Leptin. §. 72, sqq. Conf. Voemel ad Olynth. iii. c. 10. p. 122. §. 132. The maintenance of these and similar regu- lations, and the prevention of all collision between new measures and existing laws or rights, was the original SECT. 132.] OF GREECE. 261 object of the ypcKprj icapaviiAuv, whicli any one might in- stitute against the framer of measures which so of- fended ^ But this, which at first served as the Palla- dium of established rights and institutions^, eventually became, in the hands of orators and sycophants pre- tending zeal for the pubhc good and anxiety for the Demos, the means of the most mischievous chicanery. For, as it served to prevent the adoption of any mea- sure whatever, or, at least, to delay its operation, if adopted, it was frequently employed merely for the latter purpose, and, accordingly, the oath which was required of the party who had recourse to it, was the same, in name at least, with that taken on requesting a delay of proceedings in a court of justice ^ The suit itself was conducted in the usual manner, but the oath appears to have been administered in the public assembly*. If the prosecution proved successful^, the law, or psephism, against which it was directed, be- came null and void^, and the proposer incurred a fine at the discretion of the people''. Any one who had been thrice so condemned lost for ever the right of proposing laws^, nor was any one safe from the ypatpij TtapavofAuv, till a full year had elapsed from the enact- ment of the measure he had proposed ^ after which time it was defended, if necessary, by five advocates in the name of the people ^^. 1) On this subject in general, see Schiiinann de Com. p. 159 — 170; 272—281 ; Heffter, p. 157; Meier und Schom. p. 282—286; Platner's Proc. und Kl. ii. p. 40 — 65. 2) Demosth. adv. Tiraocr. p. 748. 9 : ukovio S' tyojyt kui to irponpov OVTW KaTa\v9iivai t))v lijfioKpariav, Tzapavoinov irpioroj' ypa^dv Kara- \v9urTCov Kai twv ^iKaarepiitJV ciKvpcov yiyovoTwv. Conf. Thucyd. viii. 67 ; coll. ^Eschin. adv. Ctesiph. cc. 2 and 62 — 64 ; Demosth. adv. Theocr. p. 1333. 7 ; Dinarch. c. Demosth. c. 100. See also Tittmann. p. 6, sq. 3) Pollux, viii. 44 : vTrofioadfiei'og yap rig to ypafiv . • . Cir)\tyxcv on Iffri trapavonov, f) dviKov ij drrvfiipopov — Kai ovk i)v (ibid. §. 56) fitTa Ti]v v7r(j)fio(Tiav to ypacpiv, nptv KpiGfjvai, Kvpiov. Conf. Demosth. adv. Everg. et Mnesib. p. 1149. 14: yt^nfitvov Toh'w tov ip)](pii](Tei> cnr' tiGayYeXiag aiirov Kpivofikvov irtpi Quvarov kci- TTjyopog ytv'iaQai. The avi'liyopoi of the Logistae (see Bekk. Anecdd. p. 301 ; Boeckh, Publ. (Econ. i. p. 259, and part iv. of this chapter,) being appointed by lot, must be distinguished from these, whose election was by public nomination. Demosth. says, Lept. c. 131, ovk t?/ji' xtiporo- vrjOivra vnb tov Crjfiov irXtov ij ava^ avvliKriaai. 2) Z}]Tr]rai, see Andoc. de Myster. c. 14; comp. Sluiteri I.ectt. An- doc. p. 55 ; Schomann de Com. p. 221, sqq. ; att. Process, p. 566. The Z,r]rr}Tal or fia adiKiJiic'tTOjV avrtj [liv ovv »'/ K?j/ctXiov ho^a' Qi6(ppaffT0Q Si iv T(jj TiTdpT([) TTtpi vojxwv ' i) idv tiq Trpo- £iSt^ XO^piov t) j'cwg i] Ttt^riv arparidv' i) idv tiq iIq tovq TToXejxiovQ di(TTix)v SiaTpi(3alg. 9) Demosth. adv. Eveig. et RInesib. p. 1152. 10) See above, §. 130. n. 11. and Platner's Proc. i. p. 375. Particu- larly, it would seem, e'i tiq tov Siiixov {vTroffxoixtvoQ) i^anaTljffeie, De- mosth. adv. Timoth. p. 1204, 19 ; compare the case of Miltiades, Her. vi. 136. coll. VVachsm. i. 2. p. 52. Hence too is explained thepsephism of Canonus, Xenoph. Hel. i. 7. 21 ; comp. Schol. Aristoph. Eccl. v. 1089. 11) See Harpocr. s. v., and on the (caKWTig especially, Des Herald. 1. 1. iii. 14. p. 247 — 251 ; also vii. 23. p. 587 — 591, on the KaKwtrtg yowwi' ; comp. Petiti Legg. p. 241 — 245. and Jan. Pan de grati animi oflRciis, etc., p. 10 — 32 ; on the kukojctiq iniKXfipwv Sluiteri lectt. Andoc. p. 91 ; Hudtwalcker's Diiiteten, p. 138; comp. above, §. 121. n. 11. Consult also at large, Meier de bonis, p. 134, and att. Proc. p. 287 — 293. coll. 269, sq., Platner's I'roc. u. Kl. ii. p. 224—235 ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 273. 12) Compare Hudtwalcker, p. 25, sqq., who, however, asserts the com- petency of the senate of 500, in this case also compare Tittm. (p. 251 , and 329.) whilst Boeckh and Meier, (see de bonis, pp. 129, 236 ; att. Proc. p. 215.) consider the TrpvTavtvwv mentioned in Demosth. Mid. c. 24, to have been one of the LogistJe ; which certainly would appear more pro- bable, had it not at that time already become the custom for a irpotSpoQ to take the votes, and not the vpvTaviQ, (see above, §. 127. n. 9.) — Compare also de jure magg. p. 68. SECT. 134.] OF GREECE. 26;" PART III. Of the Courts of Law. §. 134. We proceed to speak more directly of the selection of the jurymen by whom the sovereign peo- ple provided for the service of the regular courts of law ^ They amounted in all to GOOO - ; being citizens of above thirty years of age ^ selected annually by the nine archons and their secretary ; probably 600 from each of the ten tribes*. They were called Heliasts, from the Heliaea, their place of assembly ^. They sel- dom all met, being formed into ten divisions, the com- plement of each of which was strictly 500 *', although it varied according to circumstances'' ; sometimes dimi- nishing ** to 200 or 400, whilst, on other occasions, it appears to have been raised '•' to 1000 or 1500, by the union of two or three divisions. Every one to whose lot it fell to serve as juryman, received, after taking the oath^", a tablet, inscribed with his name and the number of the division '^ to which he was to belong during the year^^. On the morning of every court- day, recourse was again had to lots ^^, to decide in which courts the divisions should respectively sit for that day i*, and the suits of which they should take cognizance, since there were many which could be de- cided only in certain courts ^^. The number of these courts of justice is uncertain ; most of them, however, were in the Agora and were distinguished by numbers and colours. Staves with corresponding marks ^*^ were handed to the jurymen at the entrance of each court, as symbols of their judicial power, and at the same time tickets ^7^ on presenting which, from the thne of Pericles, they received their fee '^ from the KuXdyptTat i^ Of course, no court met on festivals, nor on the days M m 2Q6 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. of general assemblies of the people, but, with those exceptions, we never hear of the suspension of private suits, except on great emergencies in time of war ^^ 1) On this subject in general compare Joach. Stephanus de jurisdictione vett. Graecorum c. 5. sqq., t. vi. p. 2697, sqq., Tlies. Gron. ; Sigonius de Rep. Ath. lib. iii; Petiti Legg. Att. 1. iv. p. 392, sqq. ; Blanchard, obss. generales sur les tribunaux etablis a Athenes pour le maintien des loix et pour regler les difFerends qui s'elevoient entre les particuliers ; in the Hist, de I'Ac. d. Incr. vii. p. 51, sqq., and sur les Heliastes, ibid. p. 88, sqq.; Pettingale, on the use and practice of juries among the ancients, (Lond. 17G9.) Heyne's Epimetrum to his Comra. de judiciorum publicorum ra- tione et ordine apud Greecos et Romanes, in his Opuscc. t. iv. p. 76 — 90 ; A. Matthiae de Judiciis Atheniensium, part ii. in his Miscellanea Philo- logica, (Altenb. 1803.) t. i. part iii. p. 242—278 ; G. F. A. HIankensee de judicio juratorum apud Grjecos et Rom., (Gott. 1812.) ; J.Th. Vce- mel de Helisa, (Franc. 1822.) ; Tittman. p. 213, sqq. ; Wachsmuth, ii. 1. p. 304, sqq. 2) Aristoph. Vesp., 661. sqq. '3) Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 747. 10. 4) Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 775. 6) To fisyiffTov SiKaaT7]piov twv tr 'A9i]vy(Tiv, Harpocr. p. 138 ; comp. Bekk. Anecdd. p. 310. 32 : — tKaXelro ^k Kal fxtydXr] iKK\r]aia (see above. §. 130. n. 5.) HXiala Si skXtjOt] ijTOi irapa to Iv avrij aXia^iaQai, tovt iffTiv dOpoi^tuOai (dXiai. q. sK/cX/ycrm, Dorv. ad'^Charit. p. 242 ; Wachsm. i. 1. p. 187.) i) hd TO vTTciiOpov tluai tov ronov Kui rjXiovffOai. See • more in Tittmann, p. 215 — 217. 6) The other 1000 consequently acted as supernumeraries, comp. Wachsm. Antiq. ii. 1. p. 314; Heffter's Hypothesis (p. 52,) of Decurise of 600 members, who were not all actually required to serve, comes to the same thing ; but is inconsistent with the account given by the ancients them- selves. See below, n. 12. The number of the judges who are said to have tried Socrates, (Diogen. L. ii. 41. coll. Plat. Apol. Socr. p. 36. A.) in- volves very great difficulties, compare Freret in Mem. de I'Ac. d. 1. xlvii. p. 265 ; Boeckh in Siivern's Abh. iiber Aristoph. Wolken, (Berlin, 1826.) p. 88. 7) Karci Xoyov tov lyKXi]jiaTor, Lucian. Bis Ace. c. 12. 8) As in cases of Phasis, Poll. viii. 48. Properly, 201 and 401. 9) As in cases of Eisangelia, Poll. viii. 53, and comp. ibid, ^. 123 ; 'HXtoi'ft El TVEVTUKorr'noi' (a cautious expression, but which has misled Lu- zac, de Socr. cive, p. 110.) £i t)£ y^iXiwu Ssoi i'lKucxTiLv, avvicTTavro Svo di- Kufrrripia, tl ct irivTaKon'iMv Kcii \i\uoi>, Tpia. See more in Tittmann, p. 114, and Meier u. Schbmann, p. 139. 10) See Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 746; tv 'Apdr]rT(ijv twv ^iKaartjp'nuv, Demosth. adv. Pantaen. p. 978. 5: adv. Everg. et Mnesib. p. 1144.6; comp. Aristoph. Eccles. 714. 15) Thus the ^iKai airov were tried only in the Odeum (Luzac, Lectt. Att. p. 60; comp. Leake, p. 419;) and we read of the SiKctarfjpiov riov GEn^iofferiov in Andoc. de Myster. c. 28 ; of the jSaaiXtiov CiKatJTijpiov in Poll. ix. 44 ; and of the court of the Ephetae, on which see above, §. 104. Heffter, p. 60, sqq., raises an unnecessary difficulty, in supposing that these several places served merely for the preliminary (see above, §. 138) mea- sures of the several cases examined in them. 16) See Pausan. i. 28. 8; Pollux, viii. 121 ; and Schomann. de Sortit, p. 35, sqq.; Att. Proc. p. 141—151. 17) Demosth. de Corona, p. 298. 7 : Kai vapaXa^fSdvuv ye afia ry ^aKTtjpia Kal roi (rvfifioXiij to (pp6v)]fia Ttjc rroXewg vofiiZiii' tKaoTov I'jttwi' ^£1, oral' Tu 0//jii6(Tia iiait)Tt KpivovvTtg. Compare Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1110, and above, $. 55, n. 6. — The j (Lysias, de ca;de Eratosth. c. 16), and from the principle, to tovc; (piXovc i't' Troitiv Kai Tovg i-)(9f)0vg kokwi; ^iieawavvTjv tlvai, Plat. Republ. i. p. 332. D ; conf. Meno, p. 71. E. ; Clitoph. p. 410. A.; de Justo, p. 374. C; Eurip. Her- cul. Fur. 585 ; ]\Iedea, 805 ; Anaxim. Rhetor, i. 15 ; and more in Slallb. ad Platon. Phileb. p. 154 ; Welcker, ad Theogn. p. Ixxxv. 4) AiKui (in its wider acceptation, or even fy(cXj//i«ra) hjnoaiai Kai iSiai, see Demosth. de Cor. p. 298. 4 ; Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 767. B., and more in Heffter, p. 112 — 116; Meier u. Schom. p. 160 — 171; Platner, ii. p. 1 — 9; also Heeren's Res., Greece, p. 190. The distinction into Karrj- yopiai and Sikui, which originated with Sigonius, Rep. Ath.iii. 1, and has been adopted by Ubbo Emmius and others, even by C. E. Otto, de Athe- niensium actionibus forenslbus (Lips. 1820), rests only on a misinterpre- tation of the passage in Isocr. de Bigis, init., and partly originated, it is probable, from the distinction in the Roman law between accusatin and actio, See the critique of the above-cited Dissertation of C. E. Otto, in Meier u. Schomann, p. 194 — 196. 5) In the more limited sense, see Poll. viii. 41 : ikoKovvto yap a'l ypa- ^al Kai ^iKai, ov i^ikvroi Kai ai ctKai ypa(pai, and the commentt. on Plat. Euthyphr. c. 1. — They are enumerated by Poll. viii. 31, as follows (ciKai), aiKlag, KaKrjyopiaQ, /3Xa/3»/c, TrapaKaraQijKriQ, cnroTrtfi^piiog, KaKwaewc ('!), kXottijq, xp^ovg, avfifioXaibJi' j) crvvdtjKwv irapalSaffnog, ^.uaQwffiwQ oIkov, iTTiTpoTrifg, axapiarlaq, a'lrov, Kapirov, ivoiKiov, aliKiov, (pwpag a, Kai [.loixsiag, vjipeojg, lepoavXiag, affijitiag, irpo^oaiag, ^wpiot', ^iKarTf-iov, Xtnroarpa- Tiou, XfjTroro^iov, atTTpartiag, XinrovavTiov, dvai'j.iax'ov, tov plxpai tijv aoTrida, dyajiiov, dpyiag, traipliaiojg, \pev5iyypa(prig, iptv^oKXTjrtlag, Kti'iag, Sojpo^tviag, irapavoi-twv, Trapairpia^nag. Wachsmuth, Antiq. ii, 1. p, 299, sqq., coll. 255—287. 7) On the limitations of the right of prosecuting for homicide, see above, ^. 104. n. 5 ; Platner, ii. p. 4, rightly remarks, that there were several other public suits which it is very doubtful whether any third party might insti- tute ; of some it is however certain, as foi instance, the (iKai KaKw- ffiwg, and the like ; compare Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 733 ; adv. IMacart. p. 1068 ; Poll. viii. 35 ; also the ciKat vlSpeug, see Demosth, adv. Mid. c. 14, where a distinction is clearly made between such a suit instituted by an individual in his own name (the ypatpr) i^ia) and one in the name of a third party; it is certainly surprising to find the fiKai r/Sptwe 'n <"• 9- o( the same oration reckoned among the ^iKai l^iat, in contradistinction to the 270 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. ypai)yr}(nQ and vf^yifrnQ (Pekk. Anecdd. p. 312, extr., S'iki] iiaayop.kvri Kara rdv vnoSi'^apivuiv tov tipyofiti'ov inrb tu>v voficov iTTifSaivtiv rifg X'jJpuQ, olov ov' »/ orcw rwv l'i]p.oai(i)v ri Karixnv SoKiJ TIC Kpv iveSiiKwaav, f) roi'c Kariovrac, ottoi fi>) i^fJTiv, r) TOVQ dvCpo6i'ovQ: comp. Harpocr. p. 102 : . . v(>> i]v tovq tK tuiv v6- fiixiv iipjo\.i'fi'OVQ Tivojv r] Toirtav ?; irpu^iMV, il fit) cnrtxoivro avriov, inriiyor, and more in Sluiter Lectt. Andoc. p. 102 ; Platner's Beitr. p. 211—214; also Boeckh, Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 100—126. 6) 'ATifiij-OQ 6 uyioy, Meier u. Schom. p. 192, comp. Plainer, i. p. 287. 7) Generally the tv^iKa, comp. the Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1108, and below, $. 139 ; the ivcti^iQ however frequently took place (compare J'itt- mann, p. 229 ; Bernard, de Archont. p. 63), and sometimes also the cnva- ywyrj, before the Archons, both the chief Archon (^Eschin. adv. Timarch. c. 64) and the Thesmotheta?, Demosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 630. 16 ; Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. 30). On the part the senate of 500 had in these proceed- ings, see above, §. 127. n. 11 ; Matthije, de Jud. p. 235, denies that it was at all concerned in those oi ivcii%iQ. 8) ^Eschin. adv. Timarch. c. 37 : ot ^itv tv' avTocpwpif) uKovTiQ, iav fiii' ojUoXoywci, TiapaxpT)fia Oavdrii) Zr]niovvTai, ot di XaOoi'reg Kcil i^ap- voi yiiw^iEPoi Kph'ovTai tv toIq ciicaog 'Crji-iiag dKioQ doKy th'ai .... iiaayaykrui tig r/)v 'HXiai'av, and more on the sub- ject at large, in the Scholiast, Aristoph. Vesp. 769 ; Taylor ad Lysiam, p. 220, Rsk. ; Meier de bonis, p. 236 ; Heffter, p. 415—420 ; Meier u. Schomann, pp. 34, and 565; Platner, i. p. 309 — 314. §. 138. We have seen that it wholly depended on lot who should be the judges in any case, but the au- thorities^ who first received accusations, drew up the indictment, brought the case before a court, and con- ducted the prosecution, who attended in fact to all which was understood in Athenian law by the ^yc/Aov/a TtS (iiKtxa-rvjptov^, Were defined and distinct, differing in different cases. This iiye[A.ovlci toS ZtKaa-rtiftov, was pos- sessed by all the public authorities in virtue of their office, being exercised by every public officer in his own department ^, nor does it appear to have been the main business of any of the public bodies, unless per- haps of the Archons and the Eleven : the former may N n 274 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. certainly be considered as regular and permanent ejo-aywye^ *. The first, wlio was called the Archon by pre-eminence, and Eponymus, because the year was named after him^, took cognizance in particular of disputes concerning inheritance, and all suits between members of the same family*'; the second, the ^ao-iKevi;, attended to whatever was connected with the religion of the state and public worship, and conseqviently to all the cases which ultimately came before the Areopagus or the Ephetae'^. The third Archon, the TcoXeiAapxoi^, attended to the personal and family interests of the metics, and foreigners in generaP; any other cases, public or private, which did not come under the cogni- zance of some of the other authorities of the state, were examined by the six remaining Archons, the Thesmothetae '", who seem ^^ in fact to have formed a board (" Collegium ") expressly for this purpose. Each of the three first Archons named two assistants of his own choice, subject to the approbation of the state ^^ ; we meet also with a-viAJBovXoi of the Thesmothetae. Con- sistently with what has been here advanced, it is to be remarked, that the nine Archons seldom appear to have exercised any general authority as such ^^. 1) Compare Dem. adv. Lacrlt. p. 940; adv. Pantjen. p. 976; Isocr. TT. dvTiS. p. 109, Orell.; Bekk. Anecdd. p. 310; Sigonius de Rep. Ath. iv. 3 ; Matthiae de Jud. p. 243—250 ; Titlmann, p. 228—235 ; Heffter, p. 19—31 ; Meier u. Schbm. p. 33—122 ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 307—311. 2) Harpocratio, p. 136: clWai. TrpoQ aWovg dpxovTag tXayx^dvoiTo S'lKai' rag Sk a7r£j'£%0£('(TO£ at dpxo-' kcitu tov avrbv tKcicfTr) vojxov liarj- yov t'lQ hKa(TTi)pwv, >)yoy/(f)'>j kcu irpoirrTwaa, comp. Heffter, p. 16; Meier u. Schomann, p. 25 — 38. — J'he law however, as given by Uemosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 629. 24, enacted : fia avroTf ajxa SiKaZtiv, dXX' 6 jxiv jSacriKivg KaOfj- aro Tvapd nii Ka\nvi.i(v(iJ (3ovKo\ti({) — to ft »)]» 7c\i](Tiov tov TfpvTavi'iov — (Poll. viii. Ill), 6 ■Ko\ij.iapxoQ iv Aj^/cfiV^i, (Meurs. Ath. Att. ii. 3, Leake, p. 211), 6 upx<^v rrapd Toixj iiziovv^iovQ (§. 111. n. 2), oi Osff/xoOsrat TTffpa TO 9t(THoOk(7iov Kvpioi Pi J)aav louTt tciq Sikuq avTOTsXtig Ttotrjaai' vcTtpov ct SoXwj'OC ovlitv ertpov avTolg riXtlTai, i) fiovov vnoKpivovai Toi'c dvTiSiKovc. But see, Poll. viii. 86, 87, and compare Bernard, p. 60. They were concerned in all cases of Epichirotonia, Ostracism, and elec- tions by nomination ; and perhaps in those of ypai) TTapavofiMv, see Meier und Schomann, p. 41. §, 139. The Eleven 1 were annually chosen by lot, being probably one from each phyle, and a secretary - ; they constituted one of the highest authorities in the state, and were charged with the execution of all legal sentences ^. Hence we find them take an active part in confiscations, which they made over to the tcuayitm for public sale ^ ; but the public prison was the chief object of their official care^, not only as a place of pu- nishment in general ^, but also of execution ^ ; they had accordingly under them, jailors, executioners, and torturers 5. The cases consequently, in which these magistrates possessed a ^yeiAovta ^tKua-r-riptov, ^ can have been only such as arose from the execution of a sen- tence already passed, not those in which it was to be obtained, chiefly those of aTraywyvj and i oiKiag, Kai rd li]fi6(na tlvai So^avra Trapiciccui' Toig TrioXi/rnig. Conf. Meier de bonis damn. p. 209. — Aristotle indeed says, Pol. vi. 5. 7 . ttoX- \axov Si StgpijTai Kai ?) (pvXdrTovffa (dpx'l) vpbg ti)v irpa-Toiiivriv olov A6f]vym rwp"EvCiKa KaXoi'ixkuwv, but he meant probably the TrpuKropeg. 5) Bekk. Anecdd. p. 250, 5: Trpo'iardj.ui'oi tov hrTfuorripiov, hence called ciffj^o(pvXaKec by the Scholiast on Aristoph. Vesp. 1108, or Qeafio- ipvXaKtg, i. e. vofiocpvXaKtgl Compare Ullrich, p. 260, sqq. , Meier Att. Proc. p. 72, and above, j. 129, n. 15. — On the prison at Athens, see the commentt. on Plat. Phxd. c. 1 — 3, where, however, the oiKaaTt)piov in the vicinity of which the prison lay, has been wrongly understood to mean the (TToo jSainXiojg. It was in the Agora ; comp. Plat, de Legg. x. p. 908, A ; on the question whether there was only one prison at Athens, or several, see Ullrich, p. 231, sq. 6) Comp. Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 250. But it was seldom a mere place af confinement, (comp. Plat. Apol. Socr. p. 37. C), serving generally forexecu- tions and punishments ; thus Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 733. 8 : dtckcrdai S' h' Ti~i TTocoKc'cKij TOV TToCa TTtvB' I'uxipag Kai vvKTag iffac, idv Trpoari- Hi'iaij j) 'llXiaia' — // ct TroSoKUKt] avri], adds Lysias adv. Theomnest. c. 16, fffTiv vvv KoXilrai tv ni) ^vXi^j StStadai. See Petiti Legg. p. 461. On the imprisonment of debtors, see Hudtwalcker, p. 153, and Schumann, p. 745. Hence the phrase KaTaStlv rfiv iiri Qavdn^, Herod, v. 72. 7) Chiefly by hemlock juice, Kwi'ttov, comp. S. F. Dresig de cicuta Athenis poena publica, (Lips. 1733.) J. J. Bosii Diss, dum de potionibus mortiferis, (Lips. 1736 — 37.) Strangling (arpayyaX;/, /Spoxof. Plut. V^it. Agid. 20,) was not common in Athens ; Plut. Them. c. 22, is an autho- rity only for later usage : — Common malefactors suffered by dn-ori^/cra- vKTfiog and the f-idpa9poi', see \\'achsm. ii. 1. p. 254. 8) "O Twv evdiKa inr-qptTijc (Plat. Phaed. p, 116. B ; Xenoph. Hell. ii. 3. 54) ; ol TrapaardTai (Bekk. Anecdd. p, 296. 32 ; comp. the commentt. on Aristoph. Plut. 326., p. 175, Beck.) ; 6 hmoKoivog (Antiph. de Ve- nef. c. 20), cin^uiaiog (/Kschin. F. L. c. 35), or o/j/iitoc (he was itTi^iog, comp. Strabo, vi. p. 397. A), also called 6 in' 6pi'y;iari, (iVIeurs. Lectt. .\tt. i. 25 ; Hauptmann de Andocide c. 9 ; t. viii. p. 611, Rsk.) ; comp. at large, Ilerodian., post Phrynich. Lobeck. p. 474 ; Ullrich, p. 233. 278 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. 9) Aristoph. Vesp. 1147 ; tv irapal3var({)l Meurs. Lectt. Att. ii. 9; Taylor, ad Demosth. Timocr. t. iv. p. 204, Schajferi ; Meier de bonis p. 3; Schbniann de sort. judd. p. 28 ; Ullrich, p. 252. 10) See above, §. 137, n. 7 ; comp. Demosth. Timocr. p. 735, sq., and more in Ulrich, p. 244, sqq. 11) Ullrich, p. 249. Probably when the accused person had been im- prisoned, see (§. 137. n. 2.) as in the case of ilaayytXia mentioned in De- mosth. 1. 1. p. 720. 20. 12) Antipho de caede Herod, c. 9 : irpCJTOv jxiv yap KOKOvpyog ivSt- Stiy^ivos (povov SiKijv (pivyio, o ouSeiq ttiottot' eiraBev tv ry yy ravry. — Yltpi yap tS)v kKcittCjv Kai \Mivodi>Twv 6 vof^ioQ Kslrai. Compare at large Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. iii. 16. p. 261—264; Ullrich, p. 246; Meier u. Schcimann, p. 229; Platner's Pr. u. Kl.ii. p. 167 — 170. who reckons among the KaKovpyoi, not only thieves, /cXtTrrai, but civSpaTroSiarai, pla- giarii ; (see Lysias, adv. Theomn. c. 10.) XioirodvTai, grassatores, (the term i/xfiTioicX£7rrai is not attic; comp. Victor. Var. Lectt. vii. 17; Tay- lor ad Demosth. t. iv. p. 242, Schroferi), roixojpvxoi, parietum perfossores, TVfifiwpvxoi, bttstirapi, sectores zonarii, (iaXavrioTonoi, and yoTjrai, jug- glers, (see Sturz ad Empedocl. Fragm.p. 37 — 46.) 13) Hence fTrifitXrjTal tuiv KaKovpyav, Antiph. de caede Herod, c. 17. 14) Plat. Epist. vii. p, 342. C ; coll. Xenoph. Hell. ii. 4. 38 ; Andoc. de Myster. c. 90 ; Meier de bonis, p. 187, sqq., although Ullrich, p. 258, sqq., confounds one with the other. §. 140. The proceedings both in public and private actions, commonly began ^ by a summons of the ac- cused by the accuser ^ in person, and attended by his witnesses^; this took place in court. The indictments was then given in to the proper authorities'* in writing, and attested by the witnesses ; without this attesta- tion ^ it could not be received^; against a false accu- sation, the defendant had recourse to the ypaipvj \pevh- KXvirdac,'^ . In private suits, the parties then proceeded each to deposit forfeit-money, ■n^vrave'ia. ^. In a suit for sums of from 100 to 1000 drachmas, three drachmas fijwsis the amount to be paid for each party ; for sums of from 1001 to 10,000 drachmas, thirty drachmas, and so on progressively in that proportion^. The loser refunded the expense the other thus incurred ^^. In public suits, mention is only occasionally" made of a ■napda-rao-K;, paid in by the accuser at the commencement of the proceedings, as his contribution to the expense attending them^^. Different from both these was the SECT. 140.] OF GREECE. 279 TtapaTa^oKri, a deposit made by parties who put in con- flicting claims to possession or inheritance of pro- perty ^^. In claims on property forfeited to the state, one-fifth of the amount of the claim was deposited ^* ; in private suits only a tenth '^. In cases of appeal, the deposit was called irapajSoXov ^^. 1) For a brief account, see I\IaUhiaB, 1. 1. p. 257, sqq. ; Wacbsm. ii. 1. p. 323, sqq. 2) KXr^fftf, TTpoaKXrjaig, see Schbm. att. Proc. p. 575 — 593 j Platner's Proc. u. Kl. i. p. 114, sqq. ; Petiti Legg. iv. 2. p. 401, sqq. 3) K\r]rripsg, K\l]TopiQ, KXriTtvovrtc, cotnp. Aristoph. Nub. 1219. — Were these the constant attendants in the courts, vvrjp'iTai twv SiKarrrwv, (Lex. Rhetor, post Phot. Pors. p. 677) ? Salmas. Misc. Defens., p. 858 ; Ast. ad Plat. Legg. p. 422, On the other hand, see Herald. Obs. ad .T. A. et R. vi. 12. p. 473 ; Hudtwalcker's Diiit. p. 28 ; HefRer, p. 282, who, however, is right in asserting that particular summonses were issued in cases from beyond the seas. Comp. Aristoph. Av. 1422, and 'especially 147, kXtittjp' dyovff' tcnoQiv ■>) l.aXafiivia. — See further details in Plainer, i. p. 116, and on the ^aXafiivia and IldpaXog, comp. Meurs. Lectt. Att. ii. 7; and Petiti Miscell. iii. 5. 4) AtJ^ic 5(ic»/e, XayxawivTrpop ap^ovTa, nvi rivcc;, comp. Taylor ad Lysiam, p. 596, Rsk. ; Ruhnk. ad Tim. p. 173 ; Schom. ubi sup. p. 595 —598. 5) 'A7rp6(TKX7]Tog Sik)], Demosth. Mid. c. 25. p. 544. 3. 6) Schbmann, p. 600, sqq. ; Platner, i. p. 123, sq. and on the phrase Siaypaipuv in general, Ruhnk. ad Tim. p. 81, sq. 7) Demosth. adv. Nicostr. p. 1251. 20, and more in Boeckh in his Ind. Lectt. hib. 1817—18 ; Platner, i. p. 417, sqq. 8) TTpuravtia, sacramentum, hence 7rp. 9iivai, to accuse, Aristoph. Nubb. 1145. See Ileffter, p. 239, and on law expenses in general, Boeckh, Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 64., sqq. Schomann, Att. Proc. p. 612 — 621 ; Platner, i. p. 174, sqq. 9) " hi levihus autem causis sacramentum non deponehant, ecrque causm aviv irpvTavtimv dicebantur, teste Hesychio," says Valesius ad Harpocrat. p. 165. 10) Pollux, viii. 38 : ... 6 Si r'lTTtjQsig dinciSov to Trap' dj-Kporkptov SoOiv, IXdfipavop Si avrb o'l liKaarai. Comp. also Valesius, 1. c. p. 325. 11) Ilarpocratio, p. 235 : 'ApiTTorkXjiQ S' iv ' AQrivaiwv ■KoXiTi'iq. inpi BefffioOiTwi' ovtioq' tlal It ypa(pai vpog auTot'f, u>v Trapdcrracng TiOiTai, Kti'iag Kal SttipoKti'iag Kal \ptvceyypaiprjg Kat \l/ivcoKXt]aiag Kai yj/lvCoKXi^ffiag Kal finvXtixTSiijg Kai dypacpiov Kai i.ioix(iag. Also in cases of iiruiKucia ; see Andoc. de iMyster. c. 120. That it amounted only to one drachma, has been concluded by Boeckh, from the single case of the TraodaTaffig before the DiatetJE ; see below, J. 145. Comp. Ileffter p. 129. 12) The following were exceptions: Isaeus de Pyrrh. c. 46 : ovTe irpv- Taviia o'vTi Trapdaratng ovSefxia riOerai tCjv ilffayytXwv. Isocr. adv. 280 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. Lochit. init. : vripl jiovov (1) tovtov tojv ddiKTjfiaTwv (aiKiac and vfipsmg) Kai f('(f«f Kai ypa^uQ a%'iv irapaKarafioKriQ sTrobjaav. On the Pliasis, (§. 136.) see Boeckh, Publ. GJcon., ii p. 95, sq. and a different account Schomann, Att. Proc. p. 614. 13) Ilarpocratio, p, 232 : ot a;u0tcr/3;;roC)'rfg %p)jjuorwv rivojv deSr]- fiti'iikvLov irpoQTijv TTokiv, Koioi TTspi KXijpojv ri t—LK\!]pi>}v TrpoQ iSiwTag aj'TiSiKovvreg apyvpiov rt KanriOnrai', kuI tovtov txp^v avTovg ffTept- ffOai, ii Tt)v SiK7]v I'jTTijOiitv. See more in Boeckli's Publ. fficon. ubi supra. 14) 'Ev£7rio-ic/'j7rr£(rflai, see Deraosth. adv. Timotli. 1197, sq.; Meier de bonis damn. p. 220 — 225 ; ]31um, Prolegg. ad Demosth. Timocr., p. 25 ; Heftier, p. 276 ; Plainer, Proc. und Klag, ii. p. 125, sqq. comp. his Beitr. p. 215. 15) AiaSiK-acTiai, see above, §. 121. n. 7 ; and comp. Demosth. adv. JNIacart. p. 1051. 22 : ktjpvttovtoq tov /o/pv/cof, t'i tlq ctfKpia^rjTuv j) TrapciKaTufiaWtiv ^ovKiTai tov KXrjpov f) Kara ysvog i) Kara dutOifKag, also Pollux, viii. 32; Harpocratio, p. 20; and more in Bunsen de jure hered. p. 86—92 ; Otto, 1. 1. ii. p. 5, sqq.; Meier att. Proc. p. 368 ; Plai- ner, ii. p. 17, sq. 16) Poll. viii. 63 : to Sk TrapaKaTa^aXKojiivov Itti tuiv i(peffi(i>v, OTTSp ot vvv TrapafioXiov KaXovrri, irapdj3o\ov ' ApiffT0TeXi]g Xsyei. See more below, §. 145. §. 141. After this preliminary, the proceedings be- fore the magistrate, properly speaking, began* by each party attempting to make good his case"; to this end they attested on oath^ the truth of their respective assertions ; but if the defendant, instead of abiding the result of the suit*, and thus giving evidence on it, produced a counter plea^, the original case vi^as sus- pended until judgment had been obtained, from a full court of judges, on this counter plea^. If, however, either party fully established his case before the magis- trate^, the latter could give sentence at once and of his own authority^, as very commonly happened in dis- putes respecting inheritance ^ ; the party who was cast had then no resource but by recurring to the ZtK'/j ^ev^o[/.(xpTvpLSv against his adversary's witnesses'". The proceedings before the magistrates, however, seldom went farther than the receiving depositions and evidence '*, which was sealed up in cases'^, and kept till the day of trial. Besides the evidence of documents and witnesses, the depositions of slaves on SECT. 141.] OF GREECE. 281 the rack ^3 were also received, being, in fact, consi- dered of more weight than the testimony of free- men^*. These were taken by regular officers, whose business it was to preside at the torture ^^. Any one might offer his own slave to be thus examined, or demand that of his opponent^^; if the latter re- fused, the refusal aiForded a presumption against him ; for which reason, this, and similar challenges, (TtpoKK-^a-€i(;y'^ , were frequently resorted to, in order to supply the deficiency of other evidence i^. 1) 'AmK-piffic, comp. Petiti Legg. iv. 3. p. 405, sqq. ; Heffter, p. 285, sqq.; Schbmann, Att. Pr. p. 622, sqq. ; Plainer, i. p. 131, sqq. ; Bernard, de Archoni. p. 61, sqq. 2) "AiTiypa^^, comp. Demosth. adv. Stephan. i. p. 1115, and particu- larly Plat. Apol. Socr. p. 27. C, a passage which has been overlooked by Schomann, p. 629. — Sometimes a counter plea was set up, orav rtg Kpivo- fitvoQ avTLKaTt]yopy, Poll. viii. 58, see Schomann, p. 651 — 657. 3) Hence Siw fioaia, or avrufioffia, (caXarat £( ovtwq, says Harpocr. p. 31, ITTSlS)) UVTiOflVVOV 01 dldjKOVTEQ Kul 01 (pii Sk Ti^ Tt)v CiafiapTVpiav yivinQai ov juoj'ov i'itfo twi' ipevyovTtov dXXd Kai viro twv Shokovtojv. Ilence also it is sometimes contrasted with the ivQvciKia ; comp. Isseus de Philoctem. c. 3 and 43 ; de Apoilod. c. 3; and more in Schiim. p. 6.39—644; Platner, i. p. 163 — 174. o o 282 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Lchap. vi. 8) Demosth. adv. Leochar. p. 1098. 3: tri roivvv to toiv Sia^iapTV- povvTwv /xspoQ ovTt ^iKa';/twv avTofivvaOai Sni.iapTvpijffs Ktu)xctpr]Q ovrom fit) fTri^iKov ilvai tov KXiipov fiiiiv. 'E7riffKi}Tpai.i£Viov S' 't'lfiioi', i) fih' \i}tiQ tov KXiipov Suypcupt], >'; Si riov tpivSofiapTvpuov CiKt] darjii. Comp. also Harpocratio, 1. 1. and s. v. avTO[in)(iii' , p. 57. 11) Aristot. Rhetor, i. 15.2: dal Si ttsite roi' apidfiov vofioi, fiap- TVptQ, ffvifOtJKni, j-iafravog, opKog, comp., on this point at large, HefFter, p. 301, sqq. ; Schoraann, p. 658, sqq. ; Platner, i. p. 213, sqq. ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 329, sqq. 12) 'ExTi'oe, fiyyoc rt ^nX/cowi' rj Kai ik Kcpafiov, see Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1436, and more in Hudtw. p. 128 ; Neumann ad Aristot. Fragm. p. 74. Comp. especially, Demosth. adv. Boeot. de nom. p. 999. 17 : ravTa ei fii) uecDjiiaffixivujv rjSrj avviji)] twv i-^ii/Mv, kolv y,apTvpaq vjxiv •}rapii\6tir}v. 13) 'RciffavoQ, comp., at large, Mich. Henr. Gribner Obss. de usu tor- mentorum apud Athenienses, in his Opuscc. select. Juris publ. et priv. (Hal. 1722), part v. p. 156 — 162; J. F. Reitemeier Comm. de origine et ratione quaestionis per tormenta apud Graecos et Romanos, (Gott. 1783); E. C. Wesphal, die Tortiir der Griechen, Romer, und Deutschen (Halle, 1785) ; and, for the different sorts of torture in use among the ancients, (kXi'juo?, TpoxoQ, v<7Tpi%iQ, K. T. X., Aristoph. Ran. v. 630), Jo. Laurent, de rebus publ., etc., c. vii., in Gron. Thes. t. vi. p, 3687 — 3710. — The freeman was exempt from it by the decree of Scamandrius, Andoc. de Myster. c. 43 ; comp. Meier de bonis, p. 53. 14) Anaxim. Rhetor, xvi. 1 : nKTToTtpov IrfTi ^daavog fiapTvptjv Tolg fiiv yap /xcipTvoi ffVfKpipti -rroWaKig tptvffaffdar to~iq Si jSntTavtZofME- voic XvtTiTiXtl Td\7]9>'] XsysLV. See the numerous quotations from the orators, given by Hudtwalcker, p. 51, and, on the ease with which false witnesses might be procured, Demosth. adv. Apatur. p. 904. 10 ; adv. Callicl. p. 1273. 21 ; compare the expression, tpyaOTripia fioxQipwr civ- 9p(i)Tr(i)i>, which occurs, adv. Zenoth. p. 885. 2 ; adv. Pantajn. p. 978. 6 ; adv. Bceot. p. 1010.24. 15) BaaavicTTai, Hudtwalcker, p. 170, sqq. 16) See Antipho de Choreuta, c. 23 ; Isaeus de Philoct. c. 16. 17) Demosth. adv. Steph. p. 1106. 6 : o'to^iai yap TravTOQ vfiuQ etSsvai, '6ti, oira fit) SuvaTOV vpoQ iifidQ ayaytiv iffri tCjv TT(irpayp.(.vu)v, tovtwv vpoKXijatii; ivpi9r)(Tav . , . oiov I'i ri TTiirpaKTai 'i'iuj ttov r*)e x'^puQ, conf. adv. Zenoth. p. 887. 5: stti t7)v c'ipx>}v twv 'SvpaKoiKxiwv, and also, tig opKov, j8a(Tal'ol^ (f^itpavwv KaTciaraaiv (Isaeus de Philoctem. c. 31), K. T. X. See Salmas. Misc. Deff. p. 884 ; Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. vi. 14. p. 479 — 487; Taylor ad Demosth. adv. Theocr. t. v. p. 477, Schaeferi; especially Hudtwalcker, p. 41—58; and Ileffter, p. 316— 320; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 338. 18) Hence also they were stipulated for, generally in writing, or at least by verbal agreement. Demosth. adv. Pantaen. p. 978. SECT. 142.] OF GREECE. 283 §. 142. The proceedings before the covirt itself ^ were simple ; each party, regularly, spoke twice^, sometimes but once ; generally the senior first ^ ; the length of the speeches depended on the number of clepsydrae* which the magistrate had assigned that each should have, according to the importance of the subject^. The water was stopped only whilst quotations from the laws, and other documents were being read^ The evidence^ appears to have been generally pre- sented by each party in writing, and to have been submitted to the witnesses in court to be confirmed by them on oath ^. Any one who was evri[/.oq, and not very nearly related to the other party, might be legally compelled to give evidence^, unless he positively as- serted on oath his ignorance of the matter'*'. Against persons who failed in their promise to appear on evi- dence, the party interested might have recourse to an action for compensation of damages ^^ Both witnesses and principals were obliged to appear in court in person'-; it was only on extraordinary occasions that the attestations of an absentee could be admitted or received, on report from another party '^. As re- garded the principals themselves, they were repre- sented by their legal assistants, or counsel'*; on whose pleadings, however, they seldom wholly rested their case ^^ ; whence it became very common to pro- cure speeches drawn up by professional orators'^. 1) See Heffier, p. 320—325; Schomaan, p. 704—728 ; Plainer, i. p. 181—190. 2) Anaxim. Rhetor, xviii. 3 : rov fiiv vofioOeTTjv ir poor aim, HtXtXv i'iy pr]?h', filjTt TrpoaOHvai roTf ytypau- fj^EVOKJ, ClKorjV S' oilK iCjCTl ^WVTOQ fiapTVptll', «XX(i TiGt'fCJTOC, TWV H c'lOV- vc'iTwv KOI vTTipopiwi' tKfiapTvptav ytypap-ixivip' tv ypafifiarciii), k. t. X. Compare Salmas. p. 824, sqq., and Herald, p. 461 — 463 ; and on the U- fiaprvpia see also Isa5\is de Pyrrh. c. 20, 21. 14) UapaKXrjToi, Demosth. F. L. init.; ^^schin. F. L. extr., vapa- koXm fit Et'jSovXoi' a\s, tri Si Kai 01 (pvXfrai oi ypijjxii'oi jivi avi'SiKilv. Compare at large, Salinas. iMisc. Deff. p. 854, sqq. ; Herald. 1. c. vi. c. 10, 12. p. 452, sqq. : 467, sqq. ; Hefl'ter, p. 105. In course of time this became a trade ; see Plat, de Legg. xi. extr. 15) Demosth. pro Phormione, init. : Tt'iv fifv c'lireipinv twv \6yu)v kuI i)q a^vrdriog tx" 4>o|0/u'cui', avToi TravTiQ bpun. Still the party con- cerned seems to have said a few words, at least by way of preface, see adv. Nea;r. init, 16) Anaxim. Rhetor, xxxvi. §. 22 : lav di SiaftuWoxriv viiac, wg yt- ypafiiiivovQ XoyovQ Xeyojitv . . . fj ojq tni iiiaQi^ Tivi (Jvvr]yopm'p.i.v . . . (^, 24,) Kai iav Tig ijfiac liKu'CiaQai Xiyy ciSaaKiiv i] \6yovg SiKaviKOvg avyypajT6«, according as the law had fixed the penalty^ or left it to the discretion of the judges^ to decide, after again hearing the parties on this point also'", what fine or punishment" they would inflict '^ There were cases in which the law enacted that one of the judges should propose an aggravation of the penalty '^ If the sentence decreed the payment of damages, or of a fine, or stirrender of disputed property, a time was fixed'*, within which, unless the condemned per- son gave full security to the prosecutor'^, he became subject to the SZ/cv? i^ovKrj,;^^', which entailed an equal penalty to the state. In public suits, the convicted party was at once declared aT»/>io«, as a state debtor, and could then escape personal consti-aint only by means of securities ; if the debt was not discharged 286 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. within the time appointecP^, it was doubled ; and in case of still farther delay, the state might satisfy its demand by the seizure of all the debtor's property ^^. 1) See Petiti Legg. p. 419, sqq.; Schomann, p. 720, sqq.; Platn. i. p. 188 ; particularly the ffKtvt] diKuffTiKci in Poll. viii. 16 (and x. 61): avfi- PoXov, jiaKTripia, ttivcikiov, tth'c'ikiov Tijxr)TtKbv, jiaXOi], y KarifKinTO to Tvivc'tKiov lyKtvrpiQ, ij ti\Kov Ttjv ■ypafij.iijv' naKpd Si tKoKeXro, yv Ka- raSiKa'Covreg iIXkov (Aristoph. Vesp. 106, with the commentt.)* Krjfibg, KaSiffKog, i)(lvoc, ■^r}(j)OQ, KXttpvopa, ^oipn'ttt, a'lTTip ijaav icoyxai GnXdr- Tiai' av9tQ St Kai ^aXKcig i-Troiijcrm'TO Kara f^iijirfffiv, Knl trTrovSvXai, K. T, X., and on the mode of proceeding, Schol. Aristoph. Equ. 1146; Vesp. 987. The use of aTroxfiporoi'tlr for a7ro0>j^i^£ff0«i, which occurs in Isaeus de Philoctem. c. 37, is uncommon ; comp. Schbm. de Com. p. 123. The case which is mentioned by Isasus de DicsROg. c. 18 : avyxi^p<^vvTiov »/^a>v Tip dpxovTi HTj avvapiOfxtlv aXXa cri/yxEai rag x^rjipovg, was pe- culiar. 2) Aristot. Polit. ii. 5. 8 : tv fxiv ry Siairy . . . KoivoXoyovvTai aXXri- XoiQ TTEpl riiQ KplatuQ, tv St ToiQ SiKadTrjp'ioiQ OVK iffTiv, aXXci Kal TOV- vavTiov TovT({) Twv vofioQtTwv 01 TToXXol Tcapa fifj \v9y TO Tzapavoiiov, i'lSr] to rpirov vStop tyxilTai Ty Tifiijffit : comp. Demosth. de F. L. p. 434. 15 : tnl fiii' Ttjg ■TrpiorriQ tpljtpov ovS' vvaKovaai kuXov^u- voQ r]9'tXTj(7ag, ilg Se to Tifii]fia cn'a[3dg, k. t, X., and more in Heffter, p. 332, sqq. ; Schomann att. Proc. p. 724, sqq. 6) Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. iii. 1. p. 191, sqq. (opposing Salmas. INIisc. Defens. p. 236, sqq.) denies this, except in the single case of the SiKTi aiKiag (Harpocr. p. 11), appealing chiefly to Demosth. adv. IMid. c. 9 ; coll. Lex. Rhetor, cit. p. 667. Consult, however, Ileffter, p. 239 ; Meier, att. Proc. p. 184, sqq. ; we must take care to follow Platner, i. p. 192, sqq., in distinguishing between criminal prosecutions and mere pecu- niary suits. 7) Compare Herald, iii. 1—6, and Matthia; de Jud. p. 275—277 ; Heffter, p. 177 ; Meier att. Proc. p. 171, sqq. 8) 'ATijiijTog dyu)v, Demosth adv. Mid. p. 543. 16; adv. Apliob. p. 834.27; adv. Pantsn. p. 978. 10; adv. Callicl. p. 1276. 20, 1278.27. According to Meier, even when the law allowed of an alternative, but Ile- raldus and Platner, p. 196, are of a different opinion. 9) So Harpocratio, p. 53 ; Suidas and others assert the contrary. 10) 'Endyeiv Tiiui]fia, Tifid)p Kvpiav fir) diravTiiir], see at large Schbm. p. 693, sqq., particularly, Demosth. Mid. c. 24 : tTrti ttoB' rJKtv i) Kvpia, Ttavra o' ffSi] SiiKiXrjXvOti rd t/c rwv vofiiov, vTrujfiorriai Kai tt a pay pa (pal, k. r. \., with the Lex. Rhetor, cit. p. 673. 7) For the case of the plantiff, see Plainer, i. p. 132. He doubts, ii. p. xii, whether the defendant was also liable to it ; but see Bekk. Anecdd. p. 185. 30 : I'lKrfQ dvaKpienc, tdv fir) 9eXy 6 (pfvyutv tvpeGiivat, Kpi(TiQ yiy- virai, from which Heffter has most unaccountably concluded the very le- verse. SECT. 145.] OF GREECE. 289 8) But we are not to suppose that a pecuniary fine was also incurred, (Ulpian. ad Dem. Mid. c. 25.) See Hudtw. p. 98 ; Meier de bonis, p. 135. 9) Hence called vTrufiooia (anoyfioffia''. Lex. Rhetor, cit. p. 665) ; comp. Harp. p. 290 : to hntpriOiaBai SiKrjv, irpoipaaiL xpojixtvov cnroSr)- fiiq. 7] v6(T(jj ■)) TivL Twv TrapaTr\r]ai(i)v, fitO' opKov. See for instance, Dera. adv. Theocr. p. 1336. 12, and more in Hudlwaicker and Schbmaun, 11. cc, also Platner, i. p. 180, sqq. 10) 'AvOvTTijjfioaia, comp. Demoslh. adv. Olympiad, p. 1174. 11) "STtjXiTtvtrrOai, see Andoc. de IMysfer. c. 78, and more in J. T. Krebsius de Stelitis Athen., (Lips. 1744.) (reprinted in his Opuscc. p. 43, sq.) ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 249. §. 145. The remedy against a sentence of contu- macy, lay in a suit for restitution in integrum ^ ; ap- peals, strictly speaking, were not possible, since the public tribunal was a committee of persons represent- ing the highest power of the state ^. Only when the condemned person could show that sentence had been obtained by means of false witnesses, and this only in certain cases ^, might a reversion of the sentence be obtained^; in others, he had no resource but by suing the witnesses" and prosecutor for compensation®. It appears, that though complaints ^ might be lodged, and lawsuits ^ be commenced against public officers, for their conduct in the discharge of their judicial functions, appeals from their sentence never took place ^. Most of those cases of appeal ^^ which occur in the history of Athenian jurisprudence were only from the decisions of the public arbiters ^', who, it is true, (considering how constantly they were had recourse to, in consequence of the trifling expense ^^ and freedom from danger attending proceedings before them,) may be considered as having formed the first tribunal be- fore which all private suits came ^^ Additional grounds for considering them to have formed an actual court of justice, is furnished by the fact, that, for the sake of expediting public proceedings, and lessening the onerous duties of the magistrates, forty-four citizens were annually chosen by lot from each phyle ^*, to act pp 290 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. as public ^latryjTa), and the magistrates ^^ again decided by lot, before which of these committees they should respectively send the private suits that came before them. No one could be elected who had not attained the age of at least fifty years ^'^. It was the rule that an arbiter should be taken from the phyle of the party ^^ accused, but by private agreement between the litigants ^^, any one might be referred to ■'^ ; it seems, however, that by such an arrangement, the right of appeal was lost 2^. 1) Poll. viii. 61 : 'AiriXaxav 8s diKt^v ttijv, ottote rig f-i?) Trapotv iv SiKa(7Tr]pi({), KaTaKrjpv)(^9t'tg Kal fii) viraKoviov ipiii.ir]v ocpdXy avnXa^tTj/ Ss tvrbg Cvo firp'wv iinripxtv li ck p.}) tovto axo'it], to iyyiypapixkvov 0fi' i) ^Akt)' ovk ittI 7rdvTU)v Se twv dymxiiv lyiyvovTO dvd^iKoi oi Kpicrtig, dW aic (pi](Ji Ofo- ^paarog iv Z v6p.it)v, livi {.invutg ^tviag (§. 123, extr. ) Kai -ipfv^oiiapTi'- piMV Kal K\i)p(oi', comp. Issus de Hagn. c. 46, and see more in Heffter, p. 343 — 346 ; Schomann, p. 761. — Platner, i. p. 407, seems to wish to ex- tend it to all public lawsuits alike. 4) 'AvdSiKog StKi], and TraXivSiKia, comp. Iludtwalcker, p. 115 — 118 ; Schomann, p. 755. 5) Compare §. 141, n. 10, and on the Piki] (or i7ri(TKi]\pig, Demosth. adv. Apatur. p. 904. 12 ; comp. lientleii Opuscc. p. 358, and Meier, p. 385), ^ivSoi^iapri'puov in general, Bocckh, in the Ind. Lectt. hib. 1817 — 18 ; IVleier att. I'r. p. 380. sqc]. ; Platner, i. p. 398, sqq. — Hence, the wit- nesses were said to be VTrtvOuvoi or vttoSlkoi, comp. Isneus, pro Euphil. c. 4. and 8 ; /Eschin. F. L. c. 49; Demosth. F. L. p. 396. 17 ; adv. Ste- phan, p. 1130. 5; — or any third party 1 see Demosth. adv. Olympiod. p. 1179. 20. 6) By means of the SiKrj K:aicor£;y;j,'iwi', see Demosth. adv. Everg. et Mnesib. p. 1139. 11, and more in the authorities just cited. — Hudtwalcker appears, however, to be wrong (p. 116.) in considering that this procedure E cT. 145.] OF GREECE. 291 annulled any previous decisions, although Plainer (i. p. 413 — 416) also joins in this opinion. 7) Heffter says, p. 288 ; " An appeal could not be made, but the dis- appointed plaintiff might bring the Arclion to account in a legal manner, by the eiaayytXia, TrpofioXi), and so forth, and, so far, the case might be again brought befoie a court." Platner differs from this opinion, i. p. 313, but see an instance in Antipho de Choreuta, c. 43. 8) A remarkable instance occurs in Andoc. de Myster. c. 17 : STrtuertTr- TTog Ss (iamXivojv -rrapacicutaiv aiiTovg np liKaar-qpiiii, KaTrura 6 irarijp KaraarrjaaQ lyyvij-ag typd^aTO rbv ^TTtvcnTnrov Trapavo^Ksii' Kal r/yw- vi.ffarotvt^aKKrxiXioig'AOrjvaioji'tK. r. X. Could, however, any public prosecution be commenced against a public officer before he had been ac- tually suspended from his office 1 See Schbmann de Com. p. 229, coll. att. Proc. p. 574, and, in the affirmative, Platner. i. p. 332. ^lore below, §. 154. 9) Plut. Solon, c. 18, does not bear on this point. Compare, however, de jure Magg. p. 65. 10) See Poll. viii. 62 : tftaig £i\iffTiv orav tiq Atto (^laiTTjTuiv rj dp- Xovrwv 1] £r]fiorCJv {§. 123, n. 18), Itti diKUffrt)v icptj, i] anb l^ovXfjg ini ^tjjiov 1] cnro ojj^toi; tTri SiKaari'jpiov (§. 133 1) i] ano ^KaaToJv trri ^evi- Kov SiKaarrfpiov, (see above, ^. 116. n. 6 ;) on which see Hudtwalcker, p. 119—128; Schomann att. Proc. p. 766— 772 ; Platner, i. p. 422— 428, according to Wachsmuth, ii. 1. p. 348, even from sentences concerning homicide. 11) On these in general, see Sigonius, iii. 6 ; Petiti Legg. iv. 5. p. 433, sqq. ; Herald. Obss. v. 14. p. 370, sqq., and particularly j\l. H. Hudt- walcker, iiber die ofFentlichen und Privat-Schiedsrichter — Diiiteten — in Athen; (Jena, 1812.) 12) The justice-fees, (jrapaaracfig, TrapaKaTaaraaig, see Poll. viii. 39, and more in Hudtw. p. 15 — 18), being only one drachma. 13) Demosth. adv. Phaenipp. p. 1042. 10: ijyi]) eiiGvg tTrl Ke(paXi)v tiQ to Siku- ffTTfpioi' (iaci'Cnv.K.T.X. According to Poll. viii. 126: TrdXai ovhi.iiadiKt) Trp'iv tTti Stairtirdc; tXdtiv ticrijyETO, but see Hudtw., p. 33, and particu- larly Demosth. adv. Dionys., p. 1288. 24 ; sometimes even the Diatetes sent parties before a court, Lcjiirjmv avrovg tig SiKarrrijpioi', adv. Phorm. p. 913. 23. — On the frequency of appeals, see adv. Boeot. de dote, p. 1017. 27 : Kai rag ttcivv fiiKpag ^iKag ilg iinag i(piden against slaves, Platn. i.p. 103. 18) 'ETTirpoTn), compromise; see Demosth. adv. Apatur. p. 897. 1, or irpodiKog CiKti, Aristoph. Fragm. p. 127, Dind. 19) Compare at large, Hudtw., p. 136, sqq., especially p. 173 — 180. 20) See the law in Demosth. Mid. c. 25, extr., which was a natural consequence of that given, adv. Phaenipp. 1042, 22 : Kvpiovg firai rdf 292 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. TTpbg aWriXovQ ofxoKoyiaQ, ag &v ivavriov napTupu>v Troirjffdjvrai. Comp. Isocr. adv. Callim. p. 892 ; Isasus de Dicaeog. c. 31, and particularly De- mosth. pra Phano, p. 861, sq. : trnTpiil/ai p.t Ttiiaag . . . aKovcag avTuiv, OTi II j.iiQ' opKov TcivTa Ciair))aov(Ji, Kara-^vioaovTai riji' t7riTpo7r>)v, tTri rbv K\r}p(i)T6v tXOojv Siair7]T))v . . . Coip\e t>)v diairav ol ^ncacrrrti 5' hq ovQ i(p!}Kt,K.T. X., whence the public Uisetetae appear not to have been on their oath, agreeably to the assertion of Sigonius, who is wrongly contra- dicted by Hudtwalcker, p. 10. On the accountability of the Difetetaa, see above, j. 133, n. 12, and below, §. 154. §. 146. Besides the Heliaea and Diaetetae, we find courts, or rather juries, chosen from persons of the same profession or craft ^ ; thus, breaches of mihtary laws came before courts martial 2, profanations of mys- teries were examined only by initiated persons ^ ; the Nautodicae, although chosen by lot, seem to have been of the same description, charged with settling disputes concerning commerce and navigation *. Suits of this last description were attended by peculiar privileges, and distinguished by special regulations ^ They could, for instance, be discussed only during the six winter months ^, and it was required that no such suit should be pending above a month "^ ; this last regula- tion, however, obtained in many other cases, especially in those connected with the mines ^, and the affairs of partners, and companies, (epavot ^,) which, it is probable, also came before private juries. Finally, the Thirty, (afterwards increased to forty,) formed a pecuHar class of rural judges, with power to decide petty cases, not involving more than five drachmae ; all exceeding that amount they were obliged to send before the regular court in Athens ^^. 1) See Heffter, p. 397, sqq. ; Schomann, att. Proc. p. 133, and his re- view of Platner's Proc, in the Berl. Jahrb. 1827, p. 1369, sqq. 2) Lysias adv. Alcib. c. 5, 6 ; compare Schomann de sort. Judd. p. 29, and Plainer, ii. p. 94, who, however, invests the commanders, in time of war, with power of summary punishment; G billing, in the Hermes, xxiii. p. 136, also asserts, that courts martial were held even in the He- lia;a ; comp. 'liltmann, p. 227, and Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. xii. 2. p. 546. 3) Andoc. de Myster. c. 28 and 31. — On the judicial powers of the Eumolpidag (Demosth. adv. Androt. p. 601. 25), see Heffter, p. 405— 408 ; Platner, ii. p. 147—149. SECT. 147.] OF GREECE. 293 4) See Lysias de pecuniis publ. c. 5, sqq., and more in Boenkh, Publ. CEcon. i. p. 69, and A. Baumstarck de Curat. Empor. et Nautodicis apud Athen. (Fhb. 18-28), p. 65, sqq., against Meier, att. Proc. p. 83—86, who considers them as ti'craytoyfic — though they were an apxr] ' From Demosth. adv. Apatur. init., we should rather infer the Thesmothetae to have been ilaayojyds in such cases. 5) Thus it appears that even foreigners might, in such cases, appear in person ; comp. Platn. i. p. 89 ; Baunislarck's Prolegg. in oral. Demosth. adv, Phorm. i. (Heidelb. 1826), p. 33, sqq. ; and on the regulations of the Athenian commerce in general, de Cur. Emp. p. 11, sqq., 36, sqq., coll. Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 67, sqq., and, on sea security, or bottomry, (roicog vavTiKoq krtpoTrXovQ or aix^oTipoTrXovQ) p. 145 — 154. On arrest for debt, see above, §. 139. n. 6. 6) Demosth. adv. Apatur. p. 900. 5: a\ ti Xtj^uq tuiv Sikwv roic £jU- iropoig ifini]voi I'lniv airb tov Bo»;fpo/itw)'oc /^exP' '""^ Islovvvxii^voQ/iva irapaxpviici tCjv ^Kcaiwv rvxovrtg cnraydjvTai, comp. Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 84. 7) But this regulation seems to have been of later date than Xenoph. de reditu, c. 3 ; compare Hegesipp. de Halonu. p. 79. 23 ; Ullrich iiber die Eilfmanner, p. 226. On the SiKai ifiny^voi in general, see Heflfter, p. 399—405 ; Platner, i. p. 289—309. Was the case the same with the d'lKai TTpoiKOQ (Poll. viii. 101)? 8) Here compare Demosth. adv. Pantaenet., and see more in Boeckh in the Abhh. d. Berl. Acad. v. 1825, p. 128, sqq. 9) On the tpavoi, see Petiti Legg. v. 7, p. 526, and particularly the two opponents of Salmas. iNlisc. Defens. c i. — iii., and Herald. Obss. vi. c. 1 — 6 ; also Casaub. ad Theophr. Char. x. 2 ; Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 328, sq. and Jan. Pan. de grati animi off. p. 128 — 145. Compare Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 590: iOog dxo%> TiXtfffid ri tig to koivov hSovai, OTTtp 01 fir/ SiSovTeg kuI drtfioi kvo/iiZovTO, Kai jitra jiiag aTryTovpro. 10') AiKuarai KUTa cijfiovg irepuovrtg, see Aristot. Polit. iv. 13. 2, and the lexicographers ; Sigonius, iv. 3. p. 540. 10 ; Hudtwalcker, p. 36, sq. ; Tittmann, p. 224 ; Schubert de JFAi\. p. 96 — 98 ; and particularly Meier u. Schdmann, p. 77 — 82, and Platner, ii. p. 182 — 184, who also repre- sent them as ilffaytoyiXg. Particularly in cases of aiKia and rd Trepi tuiv (3ia'noy, Demosth. adv. Pantaen. p. 976. 11. PART IV. Of the Public Oncers themselves. §. 147. In considering the individuals who were charged with the transaction of pubHc affairs in Athens i, an important and obvious difference is seen between the officers of the state, properly so called, and the salaried officials in their employ'^. The latter were entirely at the discretion of their superiors 3, and 294 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. might even be foreigners * ; the former underwent a strict scrutiny respecting their right of citizenship, were invested with full powers for the execution of the laws^, and were responsible for their exercise of the same to the state ^ to whose authorised commis- sioners alone they rendered an account of their pro- ceedings during their period of office. These for- malities distinguished them not merely from their sub- officials, but also, it would seem, from such commis- sioners '^, as being appointed on special occasions^, and for a limited time^, possessed neither the power nor the importance of regular magistrates. At any rate the Dokimasia and passing accounts before the Lo- gistae, were by law imperative^*' only on magistrates elected by open vote (xeiporovta) in the general assem- blies of the people, on commissioners charged with directing public works for any period exceeding thirty days, and on all who took cognizance of cases of the description mentioned in §. 137. The term apxv, in its stricter acceptation, appears to have denoted only these three kinds of office, though in common lan- guage it never appears to have been thus limited ^^ The responsibility of the members of the two senates, of Priests, Trierarchs, etc., can have amounted to little more than a formal passing of accounts at the expiration of their respective offices ^^. 1) Compare at large, Sigonius de Rep. Ath. lib. iv ; Petiti Legg. iii. 2. p. 300—344 ; Tittmann, p. 307—338 ; Wachsmuth, ii. 1. p. 29—36. 2) Wachsmuth, i. 1. p. 191 ; particularly clerks (compare Wolf, ad Leptin. p. 384, and above, §. 127. n. 18), heralds, messengers, and such like ; Poll. viii. 114, is wrong. — According to lioeckh, Publ. (Econ. i. p. 320, " All the servants of the different authorities received salaries Originally there was an important distinction between service {vTn]pe(Tia) and an office of government (dpxi)) ; the former received a salary, the latter none." Hence they were called (iavavaoi (see §. 5. n, 9). 3) Hence they were probably named after the office of their superiors (Poll. viii. 92 : ■Kpoaaipovvrai (ol up^ovng) Kai y pajjuiarka) and were responsible to them, see de jure magg. p. 50, sq. 4) Aristot. Polit. iv. 12. 3: n't 5' inrripiTiKcn (tTrifiiXiiai) irpog aQ, av ivTTopwm, rciTTovai Mi\ov Kai Xoyov Kai (iiQvvag iyypcKptiv irpbg Tovg XoyicTTcig. 11) Hudtwalcker, Diiiteten, p. 32 ; Baumstarck, 1. 1. p. 24 — 28 ; com- pare also above, §. 125, n. 2. 12) iEschin. ibid. c. 5, 6 ; compare de jure magg. p. 47, and respecting the council of 500, above, §. 126, extr,; also Andoc. de reditu, c. 19. §. 148. It has been already stated that access to all public offices formed, from the time of Aristides, an essential part of active citizenship ; pecuniary qualifi- cation was not required till later, and only in a few cases ^ ; nor could any stress be laid, agreeably to the principles of absolute democracy, on the capacity or personal worth of individuals. The scrutiny, So/^/Aao-j'a, which candidates for office underwent', was of a merely political character, and did not take place till after their election ; the several interrogations, in which some have thouglit to discover proofs of the contrary, bear only on points involving legally exclusion from 296 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. the exercise of civic rights, such as neglect of reli- gious duties and those owed to parents, imputations of cowardice^, and such like. Inquiry into the polit- ical views and opinions of the person elected'*, was in- troduced at a late period. It was required that Ar- chons and Priests should prove the purity of their descent as citizens for three generations®, the mere fact of actual citizenship, in the sense and under the restrictions that have already been explained, sufficed in all other cases ; there is no evidence that there was any legal age^; but on the other hand it was required that all officers of the state should be free from bodily defect''. No one could hold two offices at once, nor the same twice, or for a longer period than one year^; such, at any rate, are the restrictions expressly speci- fied in the oath of the Heliasts who passed their loKii^aa-ia in legal form before the Thesmothetae^, when the)^ might be challenged by any individual citizen '" ; whoever was rejected by the Thesmothetae, appears to have incurred perpetual aT iviavTt^. It was even the rule respecting clerks, oti vTroypaf.if.iaTiv(rai oiik i^E(TTi Sig TOV avTov ry dpxy Ty airy, Lysias adv. Nicom. c. 29. 9) Meier inquires whether all cases of Dokimasia did not properly belong to the senate of five hundred, whilst only disputed cases came before the courts — 11 Compare Xenoph. Repiib. Athen. iii. 4 ; Demosth. adv. Bceot. p. 1018. 27. 10) Poll. viii. 88, says of the ThesmothetaB : eiffdyovai de koi SoKijia- (Tiav Toig dpxaig. So far certainly the Dokimasia was one of the forms of public prosecution, see above, §. 136. n. 1. 11) See the enumeration in Demosth. adv. Aristog. i. p. 779. 5 : Tolg fK TOV ?£(T/iWT>;piow, II To7c oiv 6 Srifiog dneKTEive Tovg iruTspag, ri Tolg diTodidoKiftaafikvotg dpxnv Xaxovaiv, ?j Tolg 6(pti\ov(n T(^ fi;jiio(Tt(^, rj Toig KaOdyra^ aTifiotg. 12) Demosth. Leptin. c. 73 ; comp. Poll. viii. 86 and 92. 13) Compare Lysias pro INIantitheo, and adv. Philonem, where, how- ever, occurs the remarkable expression : kydi ^k ofioaag ihiiXOov tig to di- KaffTi'jpiov . . . diroaiviLV, t'i Tig Tiva ol^e twv XaxovTij)v dviTri.Ti)5iiov ovTa povXtvHv. 14) So far as the senate was one of the dpxai, see above, §, 126. §. 149. The common division of the Athenian offices is into KX-qouTo), those filled by lot, and %e)ToJ or alpero), those filled by open election ^ The six Thesmothetae superintended the drawing of the lots ^, annually, in the temple of Theseus^, among such candidates as had previously given in their names, and appeared there in person". Deception was severely punished^ ; an equal number of supernumeraries were appointed in the same Q q 298 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Qchap. vi. way, in order to fill up any vacancies that might occur in the course of the year, by death or resignations^. We have already spoken of elections by the general assembly of the people ; some appointments were made by particular tribes^; and each tribe and demus appears to have chosen its proper officers from its own body^ Election by lot was, however, always the general rule, consistently with the principles of pure democracy ; the appointments by open vote were only to offices which did not directly affect the state or citi- zens, or were, either in fact or from their nature^, only extraordinary ; such as ambassadors, public advocates, commissioners of works, and the like. This distinc- tion cannot be ascribed to the greater or less necessity of personal ability ^^ in the several cases, when it is con- sidered that, to say nothing of the senate and courts of law, the nine Archons, the Eleven, the Logistae, and Euthyni, with the greater number of those en- gaged in the police and financial departments, were elected by lot", although the state acknowledged its sense of their importance, by allowing the parties elected full discretion in the choice of experienced as- sistants ^2. Election by ballot, from among a number of select competitors, appears to have been usual only in the appointment of the ^^^^^(n at the Dionysia^', and of certain priestly offices i"*. 1) Aid^opoi Trap' ' AOrjvaioic ap^rti, utv ai fiiv KXt)pu)rai, a'l Sk Xiipo- TOvr}Tal, a'l Si alpsTai, Argument. Demosth. Androt. p. 588. 9 ; comp. Sigonius, iv. 1. p. 531 ; Petiti Legg. iii. 2. p. 300, sqq.; Platner's Beitr. p. 87 ; Schbmann de Com. p. 310, sqq. On the other hand, Tittmann, p. 305, and Boeckh, in the Ind. Lectt. itst. 1830. p. 6, make no difference between the alptTal and the x^^poTovrjTal, since ^schin. adv. Timarch. c. 9, mentions only KXripioral and x(^poTovT]Tai, Pollux, viii. 44, only KXripojTui and a'tpirai. It appears, however, from i'Eschin. adv. Ctes. c. 4 — 8, that, even if the proceedings were the same, the term a'iptmg was usual for election by the Phylai, x^^poTovia for nomination in the general assembly. 2) By beans, whence, oi cnrb Kvafiov dpxovreQ and Kvaiicvroi, see Xenoph. Mem. Socr. i. 2. 9, and more in Corsini Fast. Att. i. p. 18, sqq., conf. KilSter. ad Jamblich. V. Pythag. §. 260 ; and J. II. Born de sorti- SECT. 149.] OF GREECE. 299 tione raagg. Athen. contra Pythagoreos defensa (Lips. 1734). — On the subject in general, see above, §. 112. n. 1. 3) ^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 4. 4) Compare, at large, Tittmann, p. 309, sqq. ; de jure magg. p. 25. — According to Suidas, indeed, s. v. Aij^iapxiKov ti, tKeivwv rwv ypctfi- fiardwv KXripovui rag apxuc, on which it is remarked by Boeckh, in the Ind. Lectt. nib. 1819, 20. p. 6: postremum etsi non negemus, tamen id grammaticum ex mala vocis originatione petivisse arhitramur ; but see Isocr. TT. dvTiS. p. 82, Orelli : /t/j^h' £tofiai jjn'ire K\i]pova9ai riiiv ap^wv tvtKa : Lysias adv. Andoc. c. 4 : iav iXQyj KXrjpurrontvoc twv ivvka apxovTwv Kal Xc'ixy jiaaiXivQ : adv. Philon. c. 33 : Hianip vvv ■KpoQviitaq KXrjpwao- fliVOQ fiXQi, K. T. X. 5) Demosth. adv. BcEot. p. 998. 5 : rb dvolv irivaKioiv rbv tva (c\>;- povadai, tip' t^i QavaTov l!,r]fiiav 6 vofiog Xeyn. 6) 'ErriXaxt^v, iEschin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 18, and Harpocr. p. 117: iKX>;poi)vro ot (iovXtvtiv fi apxtiv itpuyLivoi, tiruTa tKctffTtii twv XaxbvTiov 'irtpog iTrtXdyxavtVj'lv' tuv 6 irpwrog Xa^wv aTToSoKiiiaaOy {) TtXivrtjcnj, dvT tKeivov ykvriTai (SovXtvrtjg fj dpx'->>v 6 fTriXax^v avri^. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att. i. p. 307. 7) Such as thelTTiorarai tpywv^ijftoffiwviviz.the r£ixo7rotoi,ra0po7ro(O(, TpirtpoTToioi, comp. ^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 8, and more in Boeckh's Pubi. (Econ. i. p. 229, sqq. ; Schbm. de Comitiis, p. 374 ; Schubert de ^dil. p. 61. — According to Pastoret, Hist, de la 16gisl. t. vi. p. 290, toutes les fois, qu'une magistrature se composait de dix fonctionnaires, pris un dans chaque tribu (see §, 111. n. 3), Us ttoient choisis dajis cette trihu mime — ?? Comp. Poll. viii. 87 : arparijyovg x^i-porovtiv t$ aTravriov. 8) The 'ETTifiiXriTal tCjv (pvXwv (Dem. Mid. c. 6), comp. Antiph. de Choreuta, c. 13, ovg avrol ot ^vXtrai ii^i](pi(!avTo avXXkyuv koi iTrijitXiia- 6ai ri/f (pvXijg iKdaroTt : the Phratriarchs, Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1305. 22 ; and the Demarchs, according to Schcim. 1. 1. p. 378, against Herald. p. 94, and the Trittyarchs, conf. Plat. Repub. v. p. 475. B. 9) See de jure magg. p. 16, sqq. 10) See above, §. 67. n. 4. The practical result was, however, perhaps the same as if such restrictions had existed ; see Xenoph. Rep. Ath. i. 3 : OTToaai fiiv (Ht)Ti]p'iav (pipovffi riov dpx^v p^pr/crrat oixTai, Kal pi) j^pjjcrrat KipSvvov rtfi Srin({t uTravri, tovtwv fiiv rSiy dpxiov ovSev ^tirai 6 drjpog fiirexfiv . . . OTroffai ^ tia'tv dpxnl piaGoipopiag svtKa Kal uifiXeiag eig rbv oIkov, ravTug ?»jrtT 6 Srjpog dpxnv : comp. Tittmann, pp. 334 and 340; VoUgrafTs antike Pol. p. 144; de jure magg. p. 26, sqq. 11) For a collection of passages, showing to which offices the election took place by lot and to which by nomination, see Hiillmann, Staatsr. der Alterthums, p. 134—138 ; and Tittmann, p. 311—318. 12) Not only the Archons (§. 138. n. 12), but also the Logistae ($. 154. n. 8), and the llellenotamiaj ; Boeckh, C. Inscr. n. 144. lin, 5 and 18; n, 147, lin. 20. Comp. de jure magg. p. 28. 13) According to Isocrates, Trapez. p. 872 : . . . dvoi^avra rag vSpiag Kai Toiig Kpirdg t^tXavra rovg virb Tijg (iovXiig tial3Xi]6ii>Tag . . . a'l aiar/' fiaapkvai piv ijaai' vTtb tHjv TrpvTaviMv, atatjpaaptvai £' virb rwv x^P')' yuJi', ti^iiXcirroiTo ?' virb rwv rapiwv, tKitvro 5' iv aKponoXti. Compare Lysias de vuln. prsemcditato, c. 3 : diroXaxth' Kpirr'iv Awvvffiotg, k. t. X,, 300 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. i. e. to escape the lot; the passage has been misunderstood, not only by Reiske, but by the grammarian in Bachmann's Anecdd. i. p, 127. 9 : on the (five) KpiTai, in general, see Valesius ad Harp. p. 204 ; Spanheim ad Aristoph. Ran. 797 ; Platner's Proc. i. p. 392—396. 14) That is to say, such as were not hereditary (see §. 5. n. 5), for then they could, at the most, do no more than select an individual from the family to which the ofSce belonged. Compare Serv. ad Virg. ^neid. ii. 201. Laocoon Apollinis sacerdos sorte ductus est, ut fieri solet qumn deest sacerdos certits. On this point at large, consult Sigonius, iv. 7 ; Bougain- ville, examen de plusieurs questions concernant les ministres des dieux a. Athenes, in the M6ra. de I'Acad. des Inscr. xviii. p. 60, sqq. ; Spanheim ad Callim. h. in Cerer. v. 43. p. 779 ; Midler de sacris Min. Pol. p. 13 ; Boeckh in the Ind. Lectt. ajst. 1830. p. 2 — 7 ; and, on the priesthood in general, see more in Pastoret, ubi sup., t. vii. p. 331, sqq.; Wachsm. ii, 2. p. 291 — 309. — On election by lot, see, in particular, ^schin. adv. Timarch. c. 76, and Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1313.20: TrpotKpiOrjv iv ToiQ tvytvsffTaroig KXrjpovffOai rijg ispojavvric : also Prooem. p. 1461 : vvv ^k Tov avTov TpoTTOv, ovTTtp TOVQ itpiTg, KaOiffTaTE Kai Tovg dp- Xovraq, §. 150. Of the offices which were filled by open vote, and were of little or no political importance, we need mention here only the persons charged with the cele- bration of the public festivals S those who purchased the cattle for the public sacrifices^, the ten judges of the musical and gymnastic contests at the Panathenaga^, the ten Sophronistae^ or inspectors of the education of the children and Ephebi*, and probably also those who superintended that of females^, and who appear to have formed a sort of committee for the suppression of luxury and extravagance^. The regular police magistrates'', however, were all appointed by lot; these were ten Astynom|, five for the city, and five for the Piraeus, charged with maintaining cleanliness and with the general inspection of the public build- ings and works ^ ; as many clerks of the market, Ago- ranomi^, and inspectors of the emporium, charged with the enforcement of the commercial laws^"; fifteen Sitophylaces, ten in the city, and five in the Piraeus, who regulated the quality, quantity, and price of pro- visions brought into the market '^ ; and as many Me- tronomi, inspectors of weights and measures'^; the SECT. 1503 OF GREECE. 301 Prometretse, measurers of the corn, etc., appear to have belonged to the class of sub-officials ^^ 1) As, for instance, the tTrifieXtjTai rdv Aiovvcriwv, Demosth. Mid. c. 7; and rwv jutKTrijpi'wi', ibid. c. 46, coll. Harpocr. p. 118: the UpoTroiol Twv ffefivwv Oeuiv, ibid. c. 32, and probably, from c. 46, the other \epo- iroioi, although, according to Phot. p. 103, Pors., and Bekk. Anecdd. p. 265. 22 : /cX>jpwro( upxo>>Ti^ Sekq, ot ra rt ixavreiifiara upoOvTovtri, kcLv Ti KoXKitpiiaai ci^, KaWiepovai jxerd rwv /lavrewv, Kcd Qucriag rag vofii- Zofiivag iTTiTeXovai Kai tuq Trevrafryjpicag aTTciaaq lioiKovai 7rX>)i/ Yiava- 9t)vaiu)v. Comp. Poll. viii. 107, and more in Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. p. 95 ; Boeckh's Publ. ODcon. i. p. 288 ; Creuzer's Symb. iv. p. 481 ; Schubert de yEdil. p. 45—49. 2) Bodvai, Demosth. Mid. c. 46 ; comp. Boeckh, uhi sup. ; Schubert, p. 44. 3) 'AOXoQkrai, Plut. Pericl. c. 13, whence Poll. viii. 87, must be pointed thus: Kai K\7]povv SiKavrcig' Kai aOXoOirag sva Kara ) TiQ KaOiffTan'tvTi fierd rtjv Ik YltipaiCjQ KnQofoj/ (Harp, with the note of Valesius, p. 182 ; comp. Schcimann de Comitiis, p. 316 ; Meier att. Proc. p. 110—112. 6) Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 738. 5 ; conf. Meurs. Lectt. Att, v. 13 ; Boeckh, Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 44 ; ftleier de bonis, p. 215. 7) At least since it appears from the C. Inscr. n. 76, (of the date, 01. xc.) that, at the same time that the treasury of the gods was placed in the 67ri(T0ofo/ioc of the Parthenon, (comp. Meurs. Lectt. Att. vi. 33; Cecrop. c. 25 ; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 41, sqq.) a board of treasurers was ap- pointed for its management, similar to that which had charge of the trea- sury of Minerva. See more in Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 216., sqq. ; also particularly, ii. p. 189, sqq. ; and ad C. Inscr. i. p. 176, sqq., where he has commented at length on the audits of the accounts of both treasuries which took place every fourth year. 8) Pollux viii. 97 ; raftiai rjje 9tov KXijpioToi n'ev tK TTtPTaKOffiofifdifji- vwv i)aav' rd ti ^^prj/iarw iraptKuiiifiavov riig (iovKtjg Trapovaijg — fix"*' Ik i^ovaiav Kai ^>}iiiav d(pt\tii', tl dciKiog inrb twv dpxovTiiiv E7rt/3Xij0£(j/ ; comp. Lysias pro milite, c. 7. Are we however to conclude from Andoc, de Myster, c. 132, that this was a kind of liturgy? 9) See Plut. Vit. Themist. c. 4, and more below, chap. 7. §. 156. 10) Tayiiag rwv KoivSiv irpo(j6?u>v Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 4), or rjje koi- vrjg dioiKi]a(ijjg (.Eschin. F. L. c, 43. conf. Poll. viii. 113 : aipiTog iiri Tuiv irpoatovToiv (cai dvaXiffjco^lj'wv) ; Boeckh, Publ. (Econ, i. p. 223. 304 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES Cchap. vi. 11) Compare Petiti Legg. p. 337, sqq., where, however, this officer is strangely confonuded with the others just alluded to ; see also in particu- lar, Plut. Vitt. X. Oratt. t. xii. p. 250, Hutt., who says, speaking of Ly- curgus, rafxiaQ yap kykvtro tiri rpilg Trevraerripidag . . . to fiiv irpwrov a'lpeOtif; avrbg, ttruTa rwv (p'lKojv iTnypai^ap,tv6g riva avroQ iiroiuro TTfv SioiKi] . . . elra i^rjTdaavTo (sic leg. pro t^riTtiaavTo) rd 6(pti\6fi£va Kai rd dTToSiSofXiva xpVI^^.''''^ '^^'^ ^V fBovXij Kai t^spi^ov tig d xpV dvaXiOKtiv : see also Aristot. Pol. vi. 5. 4, and more in Neumann ad Aristot. Fgm. p. 64 ; Boeckh and C. Inscr. i. p. 124. 15) Each of these appears to have had a rafiiag of its own appointment : the election of the TOfiiag Ttjg irapdXov, by the people, (Demosth. Mid. c. 570), was owing to the circumstance that with respect to that vessel the state was itself the trierarch j comp. Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 230. 16) Demosth. adv. Neaer. p. 1346. 14 : KtXivovrtov tZv vofiiov, oirS- rav TToXtfiog 7J, rd irtpiovTa i^p^/itrtrrt Tr\g SioiKf}(7twg arparnoTiKd tlvai : comp. also C. Inscr. n. 76, extr. : tnti^dv ^i dTroStdon'iva y ToXg Otolg rd XpilfJ.aTa, tig to vtiopiov Kai rd Ttlxt] To'ig Trtpiovcn %pr;(T0ai XPW""''*'' 17) See Ulpian ad Demosth. Olynth. i. p. 13, with Voemel's note, p. 26, and more below, ch. vii. ; meantime consult Boeckh, ut sup. p. 244, sqq. 18) ^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c.7 : irpoTtpov fitv toIvvv dvTiypafiov(; Tripi tovtmv Qiivai, av riQ dc!rvvoj.ir}(jy Stg (see §. 148. n. 8), f; ru toicwtci, (TTpaTi]yiiv 5' I'ui rovg avTovg f^iv. Compare Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 8. and 19 ; Pericl.c. 38. 6) Thus ^schin. de F. L. c. 49 ; rbv TrJQ TlavSioviSog ra^iapxov. See more in Tittmann, p. 298, sqq. Isaeus, however, says, de Dicceog. c. 42, rfiQ 'OKvatag (pvXapxCJi'- — It would seem, from Plut. Vit. Cimon, c. 8, that the rule obtained in the case of the Strategi also ; but Pollux says, 1. c, that they were iS, aTruvTutv. Consult further, the C. Inscr. n. 165, where however Boeckh,p.294, has not fully removed the difficulty. Gott- ling's statement, in the Hermes, xxiii. p. 125, is extraordinary. 7) See Herodot. vi. Ill ; Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 5; and Hoeckh, de pugna Marathonia (Ind. lectt. jest. 1816); Lysias pro Mantitheo, c. 15 ; also theC. Inscr. n. 169. 171. 172. 8) See especially, the C. Inscr. n. 172 ; also Isaeus de Menecl. c. 42 : icr- rpdrtvpai iv rfj (pvXij ry tKeivov Kai np S)'ip(i), and Demosth. adv. Polycl. p. 1208. 5 : Tovg (SovXevrdg /cat Toiig diJiidpxovQ KaroXoyovg Troielcrdai rutv ci]p.0T(x)V Kai dno(pkptiv vavrag. 9) Compare Xenoph. Mem. Socr. iii. 4. 1 ; Poll. viii. 114, and more in Per. ad yEl. Var. Hist. ii. 44 ; Dorvill. ad Charit, p. 477 ; Ast. ad Plat, de Legg. p. 286. — What was the relation between the ru^ig and ^vXli ? Lysias, 1. 1. c. 16. 10) Aristoph. Pac. 1 178 : ^pCoaiv ovk dvaaxiTu Tovg fisv tyypdfovTtg ■))pwi', Tovg S' dv(t) Ti Kai icaroi t^aXti(t)Oi'Teg dig f; Tpig, k. t. X., compare Equit. 1382 ; Lysias pro miiite, c. 4. 11) lUpian is wrong in saying, ad Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 29. 73, jxexpi TtTTapuKovra truiv (TTpaTtvtirOai upt.afisi>ovg d-K 6KT(i)KaiSiKa, but is followed by Petit, viii. 1. p. 655, sq. Compare Harpocr. p. 124, and more in Taylor ad Lysiam, p. 245—248, t. i. Rsk:; and Vcemel ad Demosth. 1. c. p. 115; on the Ephebia, see above, §. 123. n. 5, sqq. 12) Thucyd. i. 105; Lysias Epitaph, c. 53; Diodor. xiii. 72; Plut. Vit. Phocion. c. 24 : i-'^{]kovtu tTwv drj)' i'jiitjg, 13) Schomann de Com. p. 281, sq. — jEschin. de Falsa Legal, c. 49: tK TTOi'^wi' p'tv yap aTraXXayiig, TTipiTroXog Ttjg %wprt(; TavTtjg iyiv6pi}v Svo irri (§. 123. n. 9) . . . TrpioT7]v S' tKtXOiov arpaTtiav ti)v iv roig )ue- ptffi KaXovp'ivrjv . . . Kai rag dXXag rug tK ^luSoxijg tS,6Sovg, rug iv Tolg iTTiiJVVfioig Kai ring piptaiv i'irjXQov : compare Harpocratio, pp. 124 and 273 : liai yap iTTiovVfioi SsKa piv n'l twv (jivXwv {§. 111. n. 2), lii'io ^i Kai TtcKTapdKovra o'l tCoi' tfXiKiwv (^. 138, n. 5) . . . ^puij^rai ^t roig tTroMW- fioig Kai Ttpbg rag arpaTiiag, Kai orav rfXiKiav iKTri-finuxn, Trpoaypd(pov- 0iv dnb Tti'og dpxovrog inoji/vfiov i^ixP^ rirog Ci7 (rTpariviaOai, see also Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. 43; Neumann ad Aristot. Fragm. p. 97 ; and Corsini, F. A. ii. p. 135, sqq. The aTpuTiia iv piptni, according to the lexicographers in v. ripOptia, meant merely iv pepicrt rolg aKivSvvoig SECT. 153.] OF GREECE. 307 rjjf fiuxTicl ! See, on this point at large, Boeckh in the Ind. Lectt. hib 1819 — 20. p. 7, sq., according to whom tj iv ToTg fiipecn ilia, qua no7i In- tegra uniiis aut ])lurium annorum nianiis, sed delecti maxitne ei juiiioribus quasi veiitlarii emittereiitur ad pompas deducendas ac velitatioiies et in sta- tiones minui pericutosas. Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 442, is unsatisfactory. 14) 'AdvvaToi, see in particular, Lysias de Invalido, with Taylor's in- troduction, p. 739, Rsk. ; ^schin. adv. Timarch. c. 42; and more in Meurs. Lectt. Att. vi. 5; Petiti Legg. viii. 3. 5. p. 668 ; Boeckh's Publ. Q^con. i. p. 323 — 328 ; Neum. ad Aristot. Fragm. p. 63. 15) The members of the council of 500 (Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. xi. 4) ; the farmers of the tolls and customs (Demosth. adv. Neaer. p. 1353. 22) ; and even the commanders of merchant vessels (Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 306, Elmsl. ad Acharn. 399) enjoyed ariXtiav ik tuiv vopaav : compare Petiti Legg. viii. 2. p. 664 ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 397 ; the choreutae however needed, it appears, a special dispensation, a(pt9i]vai, Demosth. Mid. c. 7, coll. c. 52, and adv. Bceot. de nom. p. 999. 7. 16) See Ulpian. ad Demosth. it. avvra^. p. 50. A.: irputToq yap iKtl- vog ira^i [iicrtiofopav fcai t^ioKt rqi ^rjlJ^V ffTpaTtvofievqj. 1 he amount varied according to circumstances ; compare Meurs. Lectt. Att. ii. 8 ; Petiti Legg. p. 662 ; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 363, sqq. ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 120 ; from two obols to a drachma (Thucyd. iii. 17 : Ci'c^pax/toi ottXT- rai i rrif ffiTt'jfftiQ rtj'ft' SECT. 154.] OF GREECE. 309 ivpmiiEviov iv T(j} TrpvTavtitiJ, tKaiTovi'rai rdf ypa^dg rijji' irapaviifnov ; and on the species of rank enjoyed by their children, see in particular, .£scbin. ad Timarcii. c. 13, and Demosth. adv. Phorni. p. 922. 6: Kal ravTa iro\iTi]v I'nwv uvra Kal Trarpbg tffrpartjyTjKOTog. Aristoph. Eccl. 758 : Tov TijQ (TTpaTi]you TOVTOV ov OavudZiTS ; 11) Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 47. 12 : TrXj/v h'OQ av^pbg, ov av eKTrejj.- ^TjTt ETTl TOV TToXlfiOV, 01 XoiTTOI TUg TTO^TTOf TTffiTTOVfflV V^UV fieTU TlOV itpoTToiuiv .... Eig Ti'jv dyopav x^'-po~ovtirt rovg ra^idpxovg Kal Tovg vXdpxovg, ovK k-Tri tov TroXsfiov, comp. Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 361. 12) See Wachsm. i. 2. p. 49 ; Meier, ut sup. p. 106. 13) Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 243 ; and particularly to Demosth. de Cor. p. 265. There was afterwards a orpa-riyog twl Tt)v ^wpf'v r))v tto- paKiav, see the C. Inscr. n. 178, 179, and compare Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 32. §. 154. Although the election by open vote, %ejpoTov)i' dp^ai'Teg tSiSoTav rag tvQvvag. Others, however, were account- able only to their constituents, as the (pvXiov eTri/^tXjjrni only to their (pv XsTai, Demosth. adv. 'J'heocrin. p. 1326.20; comp. de jure magg. p. 52. According to Pollux (viii. 28), the Strategi were accountable to the 'I'hes- inothetiB ; compare, however, Bekk. Anecdd. p. 310. 6: oiXoyiffrai rag tvQvvag dirdaag tlafjyov. 6) Schol. Aristoph. Eqn. v. 822 : ol yap xftpicravrse ri rioi' kqivCov Kal SioiKifffavTir rthv chnjXdjfitviov 1(p?;jlla^ttl^' ivQiivag Kai Xoyia^iovg tSo- aav. Even og ovre I'iXricptv ovSiv tSiv Siijxoawv ovt or/yXwKt, TrpocrrjXOe St irpog Tl Tuiv Koivoi)', /cai tovtov . . . avTo tovto iyypu(pHv, according to .lischin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 6. — Against persons who delayed to pass their accounts recourse might be had to the ypatj))) dXoyiov, see the Lexicogr. and INleier's att. Proc. p. 363. 7) Tbi' T(ov XoyiaTaiv KyjpvKa KTjpvKai to iraTpiov Kal 'ivvoiiov Kt'ipvyfia tovto' Tig ftovXerai KaTqyopilv ; vT'>schiu. ibidem : compare, at large, Hcffter, p. 374, s([q. ; Tittmann, p. 323 — 333 ; Meier und Schoinann, p. 214^224 ; i'lalner, i. p. 338 — 351 ; and on the writing, tvOvj'a or tvdvvti Schiiferad Demosth. i. p. 229. SECT. 154.] OF GREECE. 311 8) On these see Petiti Legg. p. 308, sq. : Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 254, sq. and Neum. ad Aristot. Fragm.pp. 73 and 87. The chief authority is Harpocr. in v. Xoyiffrai, according to whom duiXtKrai TTipi tovto>v 'Apia- roTtXiiQ tv r{7 ' AOiji'ciiwv TroXirti(f, trQa ct'iKvvrai, on Ciacpepovcri tCjv tvGuvMv, a distinction which is the more surprising, since both names occur promiscuously (comp. Aristot. Pol. vi. 5. 10 ; Phot. Pors. p. 32. 20), and never together or in contrast. Hence Meier has conjectured (att. Proc. p. 101), that the officers who were at first called Euthuni, were the same as those afterwards called Logistag ; G. Hermann (iiber Hern Prof. Boeckh's Behandlung der griech. Inschriften, Leipzig, 1826, p. 220, sqq.), rejects the distinction entirely, but Boeckh has since re-asserted his opinion, in the Rhein. Museum, i. p. 58 — 97, which Gtittling also in some measure supports, by supposing that the Logista; formed a superior board of control, ■which received the report of the Euthuni, these being charged with the actual labour and details of the investigation. 10) Bekk. Anecdd. p. 276. 17 ; the assertion in Poll. viii. 99 : Xoyctr- rai' Kal tovtovq ?'/ (iovXi) nXrjpol kcit' apXH^ '^Q irapaKoXovQtiv toTq dp- XOvtTi, is now referred, as well as the passage preceding it, to the clerks, by Hermann and Boeckh (Rhein. IMus. p. 93); but it appears probable that their import is the same with that of the Scholiast on Plato, p. 243, Ruhnkeni : tvOvpoi tiaiv ap\ovrig riviQ, ot raq ivduvag Xai^lSavoi'Teg irapa rwv apxovTwv, wmrep Kal oi Xoyiffrai, Kai TrapeSpoi i Kal rolg GtfffioQtTaig- iKTrpdami £" 6 ivOvvog, offa f TTi Ttig apxiig, y TrpoffTiraKTai, uxpXov rivig tig to ^//juofftoi' : so that if no violence is to be offered to what next follows in Poll. viii. 100 : ot Si tvOvvoi, wcjTTtp 01 TTciptcpoi Tolg Ivv'ia cipxovffi, izpoffaipovvrai' ovToi S' tiffirpdnaovffi Kal rovg ixovrag, any one may hold what opinion he pleases of this particular class of Logistae and Euthuni (compare also Hauptmann de Andocide, I. viii. p. 570, Rsk.) It is to be remarked fur- ther that each Demus had its own Euthuni; see the C. Inscr. n. 70, where read jrapa tov ivdvvov, comp. n. 88 '. 10) Phot. Pors. p. 31. 20: tvQvvog apxt) qv rig' t? iKdaTi]g £i (pvXi'jg 'iva KXr\povffi, tovt(^ ci dvo TraptSpovg : comp. Andoc. de Myster. c. 78 : offiov tvQvvai Ttvig tim KartyvwiTfiivai iv Tolg Xoyiffrtjpioig vtto tujv iv- Ovvmv j) tCov TTapfSpwv, and above, ^. 149. n. 12. Platner, i. p. 340, has committed the mistake of conounding the Euthuni and their TrdptSpoi. Is it allowable to understand the thirty Logistaj mentioned in the C. Inscr. n. 76, to have been these trdptSpoi ^ ■? 11) 'ETnfft)fiaivta9ai, Dem. de Cor. p. 310. 21 ; comp. Boeckh, Publ. CEcon. i. p. 259. n. 187. 12) Comp. Bekk. Anecdd. p. 245. 6: tvOvvag Kvpiwg &g urdyovaiv oi Xoyiaral Trpbg rovg CuKavTag fii) opOHig dp^ai rijg noXtiog t; irpiffjitvoai KOKwg' Kal Tu ciKaaTi'}pia /itv oi XoyitTTal KXi]povai, KaTijyoptl c' 6 f3ovX6- fitvog- Kal Tolg SiKdaraig t^firai rifidrrOai rolg dXovaiv (consequently the dn/iia mentioned in Lysias, de affect, tyr. c. 11, was by no means a necessary or regular consequence, as Sluiter appears to maintain in his Lectt. Andoc. p. 248. See further Meier att. Troc. p. 99—103, and the authors quoted above, in n. 7. The expressions of Pollux, viii. 45, are very guarded and indecisive : tvGvvr] Si kutu tiov dp^di'Tuii' ij irpta^tv ' Compare with this note and the preceding, the remarks of the trans- lator of Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. in vol. i. p. 256 of that work. Thansl. 312 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. (TcivTuv fill fiiv Tvtpl i^p?j/iarwv vphg tovq ivOvvovQ Kai Xoyiffrdf — ovroi S' tjaap ^tKa — ))v Si TTipl ctSiKijjidrwv irpbg SiKaarctQ, 13) See §. 133. n. 1, and Neumann, 1. 1. p. 88. 14) ^schin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 9 : apx>)v vtrivQwov ^ijcri fii) a-rroSijuttv (6 vofioOtTTic;) . . . TraXiv inrtvQvvov ovk tq. Tt)v o'vaiav Kadupovv ovdi dvd9t]i.ia dvaOtivai ovSi SKTroiriTov yevtrrOai ovSi SiaGsffGai rd tavrov . . . ivl Si \6yq) evsxvpdl^ii tuq ovaiaq twv inrtvBvi'ioi',eioQ uv \6yov dnoSoJai ry TToKii. Comp. ibid. c. 3 : tovq virsvOvvovg /^o) arttpavovv, and De- mosth. adv. Timocr. p. 747. 1, see above, $. 148. n. 8. CHAP. VII. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. §. 155. How acceptable this form of government was to the Athenian Demos, is sufficiently evinced by the firm attachment to it displayed during a period of several centuries, and by the pains which were taken to restore it to its original integrity, after every transient commotion by which it was endangered. But, however acceptable to the multitude, it could not conduce to the real good of the body politic, any longer than that degree of unanimity was maintained, which is absolutely necessary to preserve a democracy from the disruption of interests which renders it a ty- ranny of the numerical majority over the minority. Every division of interests necessarily assumed the character of open feud, and, as no provision had been made in the institutions of the country pro- spectively to the rise of an opposition, they were the more endangered, when the course of affairs, and the vicissitudes the state experienced in its domestic and foreign relations, necessarily produced one. Even the privilege of liberty of speech could, from its very nature, be of use only where all proceeded on the same principles to the same ends, disagreeing only as to the means to be employed for their attainment : the state could but be a gainer by such rivalry as sub- SECT. 155.] OF GREECE. 319 sisted l^otween Themistocles and Aristides^. But, so soon as tlie common good came to be only a secondary object and each sought merely to derive the utmost advantage to his individual self from his political in- fluence, disagreement as to the ends pursued entailed division in their pursuit : and it being impossible that the same form of constitution should be ftivourable to all alike, a struggle of parties arose, each wishing to use it as an instrument against the rest. Hence there was, on the one hand, a jealousy for its maintenance intact, on the other, an unceasing struggle for its change or overthrow ; especially as the weaker party in Athens had not for its object, as in Rome, a mere participation in privileges possessed by the stronger. It was rather a merely numerical majority, which de- cided indeed all cases according to certain established forms of government, but whose interests were not therefore those of the community at large, for, as soon as it had learnt to consider itself a distinct party 2, its declared object was the devoting all property alike, whether public or private, to the gratification of its own wants and desires ^ 1) Comp. Ileeren's Res. Greece, p. 220, sqq. ; Wachsm. i. p. 52 — 57, and especially Isocr. Paneg. c. 22. p. 59, Spoha. : ovrm St TroXiriKtug elxov, ijtrre kuI tuq ardfreiQ ittoiovvto irpoc dW'ijXovc, ovx biroTtpoi tovq krkpovQ diroXiaavreq rio}' Xo^7rw^' ciptovrnv, aW bizoTtpOi o(pdr)aovrai rr)v TToXt)' dya9(h> ri Trou^aavTtQ' Kai tuq traipiiaQ avvriyov (Plut. Vit. Them. c. 2), ovx virip twv iSi(f Gv/KpepovTuju dXKd sni fy rov 7rXi7- Oovg oj(pt\ti(f. 2) Boeckh, i. p. 260. "The display of noble actions, it is true, has ceased, and will never re-appear with the same brilliancy ; but the princi- ples of the majority of mankind have been elevated, even if we allow tiiat some distinguished individuals in ancient times were as pure as the rriost exalted characters of modern days ; and in this general elevation consists the progress of mankind." 3) See above, f. 6fi and 69, and more particularly Aristot. Pol. iv. 3. 9 : tan SrifioKparia fitv orav o'l tXtvOtpoi Kai dtropoi TzXiiovq ovteq Kvpioi Trjg dpxFlC wffo', 6\iyapxi(i Si, oTav o't ^rXoiVtoi Kai ivyit'irrrtpoi oXiyot oi'TiQ. Can we then, v\'ith llegewisch and others, (see Boeckh's Publ. Q-^con. i. p. 201, sq.), assert, as a sjeneral principle, that financial regula- tions never gave rise to political changes in the states of antiquity, but only encroachments on their civil and judicial constitution. S S 320 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. §. 156. Of the internal sources of the Athenian revenue we have ah'eady spoken, (§. 126,) and these come the less under consideration here, from the cir- cumstance that they were necessarily devoted to the current exigencies of the state ; nor can the formation of a puhlic treasure be dated even from the appropria- tion Themistocles made of the produce of the silver mines to public purposes, instead of dividing it, as heretofore, among the citizens at large ^, since the ex- press purpose of that appropriation, namely, the building and maintenance of a fleet, will hardly allow us to think that there was ever any great overplus, at least not till Athens had opened for itself new sources of revenue, after attaining the supremacy over the Greek coasts and islands^. The plan which Themis- tocles had laid with deep political foresight 3, was carried further, by the disinterestedness of Aristides, than the former had anticipated, or would himself have had the virtue to carry it*. It was owing to the confidence with which the integrity of Aristides, and his respect for the rights of all alike, inspired the allies, contrasted as it must have been with the des- potism of Persia, and the ambition of Sparta^ that the important advantage of managing the common treasure, and the appointment of the Hellenotamige^, was ceded to the Athenians exclusively. It is pro- bable that the allies acceded the more readily to this arrangement from the circumstance that the treasure was originally deposited in Delos, which was also tiie place of congress for the discussion of all common in- terests ?. The Athenians did not begin to look upon this treasure as their own, and on the states who con- tributed it as their tributaries", till the treasury had been transferred, on the proposal of the Samians, to Athens itself^ SECT. 157.] OF GREECE. 321 1) Plut. Vit. Them. c. 4 ; compare Boeckh in the Abhh. d. Berl.Acad. V. 1815. p. 117, sqq., and his Publ. QEcon. ii. p. 462. 2) See Boeckh, ii. p. 151, sqq., 193, sqq.; and on the supremacy of Athens as head of the confederate Greeks, see Rlanso, iiber das Verh. zw. d. Athenern und ihren Bundesgenossen (Breslau, 1802); Drumann's Gesch. d. Verfalls d. griech. St. p. 374 — 405; Guil. Groen van Prin- sterer's Resp. ad Quaest. : qu!E fuerit ratio necessitudinis, quajinde a pugna Plata^ensi usque ad initium belli Peloponnesiaci Atheniensibus cum civita- tibus sociis intercessit ? (Lugd. B. 1820); Kortilm, zur Gesch. hellen. Staatsv. p. 46—67; Poppo's Prolegg. ad. Thucyd. i. P. 2. p. 40 — 77; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 69 — 83, and on its extent and duration (from B. C. 477 — 444, or 73 years, as stated by Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 116, sq.) Clinton's F. H. ii. p. 248—252, and above §. 36. n. 7. 3) Thucyd. i. 93 : rfjc y«p OaXaacrrjg irpioTog tToXfirjfftv tlirtiv wc avOiKTta iari, kui rr]v apxvv siiBvg avyKartcfKiva^t, k. t. X.; Diod. xi. 39 — 43. Compare also J. H. Boeder's Diss, de Themistocle (Diss. Aca- dem. t. ii. Argent. 1710. p. 1145 — 1158), and Dahlraann's Forschungen, i. p. 71. 4) 'S.o(l>dQ yap avijp, rijg le X^'P^'C "" Kpardv, Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 4 ; comp. Vit. Themist. c. 21 and 25 ; ^Elian. Var. Hist. x. 17 ; also He- rodot. viii. 5. 5) Diodor. xi. 46 ; Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 23. 6) 'E\X>;vor«/u'at, o'l tovq (popovQ tKXiyovrsQ Kai tiri vijamv to. irapa Twv in](Tiu)rwi> iiaTrpaTTOvTiq Kal tciq iroKiTiiaq aiiTwp i(popiI>vTtQ (?) Pol- lux, viii. 114; comp. Thucyd. i. 96, and more in Barthelemy in the Mem. del'Acad. des Inscr. xlviii. p. 337— 407; Boeckh's Publ. CEcon.i.p.224, sqq ; and in the C. Inscr. n. 147. 7) Thucyd. ibid. : rcifxiiiov Se Af)Xoc i]v avToiQ kcu S,vvoSoi tg to Upou iyiyvovro (comp. §. 11. n.9'?) — r)yoi'jU£i/ot ^i avTovofiwv to irpiSJTov Kai airb Koiviiiv ^vi'oSujv ^ovXevovtuv, k, t. X. 8) Thucyd. i. 19 : ' A9riva~ioi Si vavg Tiov ttoXhov t<^ xpovt^ TvapaXa- (iovrec ijpxov TrXijv Xiwv Kal Ascr/B/wi', Kal )(piipaTa Tolg iraui Tci^ai'Tsg (pBpetv. Hence iiTTi'/icoot and (j>opov vttotiXiIq, i. 56,vii. 7 ; comp. Schae- fer ad Dionys. de Compos, p. 363, and on the subject at large, Kriiger ad Dionys. Histor. p. 326. The picture drawn by Isocr. Paneg. c. 30, was mere fiction. 9) Diodor. xii. 38 ; Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 25 ; compare Boeckh. Publ. CEcon. i. p. 132, coll. p. 148, sq. §. 157. It must not however be forgotten in this place, that these contributions were strictly intended as a compensation to Athens for the expenses of pro- viding vessels and men for most of the other states ^, and that it was the fault of the allies themselves if, from mere love of ease and for their own convenience, they not only consented to become dependent on 322 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. Athens, but deprived themselves of the means of ever regaining their independence^. The injustice of which the Athenians proved guilty, lay in the circumstance, that, instead of employing the treasure against the common enemy, Persia, they used it to forward their private interests, and even against the allies them- selves-, until on a series of trifling pretexts, they sub- dued them alP. Some of the more powerful, as Naxos, Samos, and Mitylene, fell in opposing these ambitious proceedings by open force ^ ; and eventually Methym- na in Lesbos, and Chios, alone remained independent^ The others were not allowed to retain even the admi- nistration of justice, but were compelled to send all cases for trial before the Athenian Heliasts*'; and al- though these states in general retained their own municipal institutions "^y Athens occasionally sent out superintendents^, and employed spies ^. No special officers were required for levying the tribute, the allies being bound to bring it themselves annually to Athens at the great Dionysiai". Collectors'^ appear to have been sent only under peculiar circumstances. The amount was fixed by Aristides at 4G0 talents'^, but it rose gradually and as suited the caprice of the Athe- nians, to nearly loOQi^; it seems to have been doubled at once, about B. C. 4^0, when Alcibiades proposed that the quotas of the allies should be fixed anew'^. 1) Thucyd. i. 96, expressly distinguishes, {tTa^av ac ts idn irapsxiiv rwv TToXtoj}' xpi'lfJ-dTa irpoij rov [5ai>f^(tf)0}' Kai ag I'aiig,) whereas Plutarcli, Vit. Cim. c. 11, confounds the two, speaking as though all originally con- tributed both men and money. Compare also Thucyd. vi. U5: iS,iiyovfit9a S.iovg f.iii' Kcii M/jOw/iraioDf I'tuiu Trnpoxy a'uTovvnovg, tovq St TroXXoiig Xpr]f^iuTo)v (iiaioTtpov Tif.ni)piiv, unless indeed (ppovpapxog be the more pioper name, (Thucyd. i. 115 ; coll. C. Inscr. n. 73). See, on the subject at large, Har- pocr. p. 120, who compares them to the Lacedaemonian harmosts; also Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 319 ; Osann, Syll. Inscr. p. 7. 9) KpvTTTol, Bekk. Anecdd. p. 272. 1, conf. Schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 600 : Kai iv Ba(T^ "PX'l '"'C KpynrtTai (lege KpvTTTai). 10) Aristoph. Acharn. 510 and 650, with the Schol. 11) 'EKXoyfTe, see Hemsterh. ad Lucian. Charon, c. 11. p. 504 ; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. pp. 210. 230. sqq. 12) Thucyd. i. 96. Diodorus, xi. 47, erroneously says 560. 13) Andoc. de Pace, c. 9 ; .Eschin. F. L. c. 51 ; Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1. 27, says only 1000 C!) Consult on the subject at large, Meurs. Lectt. Att. i. 1, and de Fort. Athen. c. 7. 14) Andoc. c. Alcib. c. 11 ; speaking probably of the amount fixed by Pericles, v/hich was, at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, 600 talents. See Thucyd. ii. 13 ; Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 24. §. 158. The party in Athens, with whom all these despotic acts originated, was that very nmnerical ma- jority which gradually detached its interests from those of the community at large, and of the more respectable part of it in particular, as the increase of manufactur- ing and commercial prosperity gradually rendered it independent of them, and enabled its leaders to out- vie the expensive works and largesses by which 324 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. wealthy nobles, like Cimon, had hitherto influenced the commonalty 1. Shortly after the expedition of Xerxes an aristocratical party had grown up in Athens, being fostered by Lacedaemon under the specious pretext of national amity. At the head of this aristo- cracy was Cimon ^, and their principal endeavour seems to have been to maintain unanimity at home, by divert- ing the attention and engaging the energies of the Athenian people in the Persian war, whilst secretly maturing their measures for the overthrow of the De- mos. But a third party interposed, in the persons of some more moderate democrats ^ who seem to have had it for their especial view to render Athens a con- tinental power ; a scheme which would necessarily have given a preponderance to the middle landed class, composing as it did the chief part of the army*: the skilful Myronidas and Tolmidas^may be considered as the leaders of this equally wise and patriotic plan. But the contemptuous slight shown by Lacedaemon to the Athenians at Ithome, blighted the hopes of Cimon ^ ; the unfortunate battle of Coronea annihilated the flower of the Iloplites 7, the loss of all their conquests on the mainland compelled the Athenians to devote their at- tention exclusively to their navy — the ascendancy of the multitude began, and its sharp-sighted leaders soon discovered advantages, which circumstances af- forded them the opportunity of gaining at the cost of the wealthier classes^. 1) Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 9 : iKaTTOVfisvog c?€ 7rXoi;T(^ (cai xp//jucfff(v, aatpwv, ottujc 0Ttii)piZ,MOiv o'l (SovXo/ievoi' Tov- Tdig 6 llepiK\rJQ Karahipayoiyovnevog Tpkntrai Trpbg ti)v tCov drjfioaiiov KaTcivofiijv, K. T. X. comp. also Vit. Cimon. c. 10. 2) Demosth. adv. Aristog. p. 688. 26 : Ki/j-wva, on tt/v TraTpiov jxtre- Kii'Tjat noXiTiiav ti])' tavToii, Trapa rpilg fiiv afiiaav ipijcbovg to f.u) QmniTut Hiiipioxrai, TTCVTriKoi'Tn ^kraXavTa fluEirpa'Cav. See Meier de bonis damn, p. 5, and more in TMiit. V^it. Cimon. c. 15 — 18 ; comp. Vit. I'ericl. c. 10, and Waclism. i. 2. p. 57, sqq. ; also the panegyric on Cimon, in Aristid. t. ii. p. 202— 214.1)ind. SECT. 159.] OF GREECE. 325 3) Eurip. Suppl. v. 250 : rptlg yap ttoXitwv fispiSeg' oi yap oX/3tot 'Avu)^t\tl£ Ti irXiiovoyv t ipiha' ati Ot ?' oiiic ixoi'rtq kcu (nraviZovTig ^iov Ativoi, t'ifiovTtg t<^ (pOovip ttXhov ii'tpog, YXwrraaiQ TTOVjjpwv irpo- araruiv (prjXovntvoi' Tpiwj' ^£ fiotpwv t] 'v fikaii) rswi,ti TroXfic. Kocrjuov (j>vXd(TiTov(T' ovTiv' cLv Tu^y TToXiQ. Scc also. Plat. Republ. viii. p. 564. D; Aristot. Pol. iv. 9.3. 4) Corap. above, $. 67. n. 2. 5) Aristoph. Eccles. v. 320 : aXX' oi'x, MvpiavidjjQ or' r^pxiv 6 yivva.' Sag, ovSt'iQ ai' tToXfia ru Tt)Q ttoXiwq tioitctiv xpi]iiaTa Xaj3wv. On his victory at jMegara see Thuc. i. 105 ; Lys. Funebr. c. 40), and on that at CEnophytcp, (§. 37. n. 7.) see Uiodor. xi.81, 82 ; on Tolmidas (og x'^^ovg tTTiXsKTOvg ix'-'^v ' A.dr}va'ni)v cia ^trrrfg YftXoTTowt'irTov TroXtniag ov(7>/g dhwg £ujei, ^Eschin. F. L. c. 21); Diodor. xi. 84; Pausan. i. 27. 6. Comp. at large, Wachsmuth, i. 2. p. 62, and above, §. 36. n. 10 — 15. 6) See §. 36. n. 12 ; Pausan. iv. 26. 2; and especially Plut. Vit. Cimon. c. 17. 7) See §. 37. n. 8, and Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 18 ; comp. Aristot. Pol. v. 2. 8 : (Cat iv 'AOr/vatg arvxovvrwv Trtiy ot yvdjpifioi iXdrTovg iytvovTO Std rb iK KUTaXoyov arpartvicyOai viro rbv AuKdJviKov iroXtfiov. 8) Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. c. 1, and 2, and Pastoret, vii. p. 459, sqq. §. 1.59. Pericles ^, the originator of this system, cer- tainly never intended to augment the power of the multitude as such, but, having resolved to rule with that absolute authority to which his talents fully en- titled him, he found no other means of attaining his object, than by securing the support of the majority by measures which favoured their material interests and flattered their pride ^. The relations subsisting between the state and its alhes, afforded him the readiest means for effecting this ^. With the tribute money, he raised buildings which made Athens the wonder of Greece, and the erection of which fur- nished support to thousands'*; the fees of the dicasts and the other disbursements of pubhc money intro- duced by him, not only fed the Demos, but insured its independence and preponderance in public debate ^ The islands, by sending all suits to be decided at Athens, at once acknowledged their dependence, and increased the resort to the capital and the number of the trials, which aflbrded both employment and 326 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vr. maintenance to the Athenian citizen^'. So long as Pe- ricles lived, the purity of his character ^ prevented those disadvantages to be perceived which were prac- tically and morally connected with his system. The personal influence he exercised over the multitude, without ever condescending to flatter them ®, and his surpassing talent both as orator and as commander ^, preserved the state from precipitate and thoughtless measures ; but the mightier the efforts required to avert for a time the ruin with which it was threat- ened both within and without^**, the more speedily did that ruin follow as soon as death had removed the Atlas by whom it was upheld ^\ leaving a people spoilt by indulgence, and ready, as soon as its ordinary re- sources should fail, to employ againsfe its wealthier members the measures which had hitherto been pur- sued towards its subjects ^^. 1) Compare at large Barthel. Voy. d'Anach. Introd. p. ii. §. 3. t. i. p. 182, sqq. ; TIeeren's Res. Greece, p. 228, sqq.; Drumann's Gesch. des Verfalls, p. 234 — 240 ; Wachsni. i. 2. p. 64 — 69 ; S'livern, iiber Aristoph. Wolken, p. 59 — 61 ; Rotscher's Aristophanes, u. s. Zeit. p. 93—99; Kut- zer de Pericle Thucydideo, parts i. and ii. (Vratislav. 1829 — 31.) 2) Boeckh's Publ. CEcon, i. p. 220. — " even Pericles himself had too acute a mind to overlook the consequences of his own measures; but he considered that there was no other means of maintaining his own and the people's sovereignty in Greece, than by supporting the populace in this matter ; he was aware that with him the power of Athens would cease, and he endeavoured to preserve it as long as was possible ; but upon the whole, his contempt for the people was as great as his liberality towards them." 3) See Boeckh, especially on the passage, vol. ii. p. 136. — " no states- man ever administered the public revenue more successfully than Pericles, or conferred greater benefits upon commerce and industry, which were es- pecially promoted by the extended relations and increased naval force of Athens ; but while he distributed this money among the people, he built the wealth of Athens upon maritime trade, and her ascendancy upon naval power, omitting all concern for the welfare of the landholders, whose pro- perty he gave up to devastation ; and at the same time he laid the founda- tions of the unlimited democracy, wiiich, it is evident from the diminution which he effected in the power of tiie Areopagus, (see above, §. 109. n. 5, 6.) was unquestionably a part of his policy." 4) The Propylaja, the Parthenon, the Odeum, and others ; see Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 12, 13, and more in BiJttiger's Andeutungen, p. 70 — 80; Leake's Topogr. p. 236, ^m. SECT. J 60.] OF GREECE. 321 5) Plat. Gorg. p. 515. E : ravri yap tyoiye aKovw, YlipiKkka ttettoh]- KEvai 'AOiiifuiovg apyoiig Kai SiiXovg Kcii \d\ovQ Kal cpCKupyvpovQ, ilq jxia- Qotpopiav irputTov Karaffrijaav-a : comp. Plut. Vit. Pericl. cc. 9, 11, and above, §. 125. n. 1. On the dicasts' pay, see §. 134. n. 19, on that of the soldiery, §. 152. n. 16. On the Theoricon, see below, $. 171, and Boeckh, 1. p. 292, sqq. 6) See §. 157. n. 6, and particularly, Xenoph. de Rep. Ath. i. 16, 17. 7) See Thuc-yd. ii. 65 ; Isoc. de Pace, c. 33 ; Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 15. and the defence of his character in Aristid. t. ii. p. 159 — 202, Dind. ; but comp. Boeckh, i. p. 261. 8) Thucyd. ibid. : Karilx^ to tc\i]()oq tXevOkpwg Kal ovk ijysro fxaWov vtt' avTOv ri avrbg fiyt Sid to jii) ktmjiivoq t^ ov TrpomjKovnjjv tijv ovva- fiiv TTpbg i]Sovi]v ri Xiynv, dW f'xwv Itt' d^iitxrn Kal Trpbg 6pyi)v ti dv- Ttiiriiv. Comp. Plut. Vit. Pericl. cc. 5. and 15, and on his power as an orator, the commentt. on Aristoph. Acharn. 536, with Davis, ad jNIax. Tyr. ix. 8. p. 165, Reiske. 9) For his various campaigns, see Plut. c. 19, sqq. ; and on the union of these two talents, see Isocrat. Panath. p. 624 ; Aristot. Pol. v. 4. 4. 10) According to Thucyd. ii. 13. the siege and works at Potidfea had cost 3700 talents when the Peloponnesian war began ; on the expense of the works carried on by Pericles, see more in Meier's appendix to Rie- niicker's translation of Leake's Topogr., p. 426 — 438. 'I'he expenses of the siege of Lauros, at which machines were first employed, (Plut. c. 27), amounted to 1200 talents, according to Isocr. tt. dvriS. p. 69, Orell., and Corn. Nep. Vit. Timoth. c. i. — Diod. Sic. xii. 28, states that the contri- bution levied, (see Thucyd.i. 117), amounted to 200 talents, but this would have been by far too small an indemnification. Comp. Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 386, and Manso's Sparta, ii. p. 398 — 404. 11) Wachsmuth,i.2. p. 67, says, "History unfortunately shows that the institutions of Pericles were not respected after his death ; and it is undeni- able that he, like many other mighty rulers, governed by his personal influ- ence to this we must add, that the artificial structure he had raised was founded on power and violence abroad, and such structures fall speedily." Andocides has very truly remarked, adv. Alcib, c. 12 : iyos £k voixi'Coj TOP ToiovTov TTOvijpov tlvui TTpocTraTj/ J/, ocrnc tov irapovTOQ XP^' vov eirii.u\tiTai, dWd ///) Kal rov ^isXXovTcg TrpovotXrai, Kui rd ijSiaTa T(fi TrX)]9ii, irapaXnrojv ra /SfXrtora, (Tvix(iovXevii. 12) Comp. Plut. Pericl., 12, and the expression Thucydides puts into his mouth, ii. 64 : oarig tnl fiiyirrroig to tTrifOovov Xa/tfidvei, opOwQ fSov- XtviTUf jjXaog yap ow KTTiTroXi) ovr£;^£t, j/ Sk vapavriKa Tt XafnrpoTtjQ Kal Ig TO tTTtiTa c'o^n dtif/i'^joTog KaToXtiiriTat, See Kortiim, p. 65, sqq., " on the principles by which the foreign policy of Athens was regulated," and the Meliaa conference, Thucyd. v., especially, c. 89. on SiKaia fiiv iv T({i dvGpu)Triv({} X6yi{) dirb Tijg 'iffijg dvdyKtjg KplviTai, SvraTd Se oi irpov- Xovrig Trpdffffovoi Kal ot daOiveig avyx<^pov(n. Compare also above, $. 52. n. 6 ; $. 68. n. 5. §. 160. The pressure of the poorer but sovereign classes on the more weaUhy, which very soon after the death of Pericles resulted in an unbridled democracy, T t 322 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vi. had already shown itself, in a general way, by the in- diiFerence with which the Demos allowed all the pub- lic burdens to be laid on the richer orders, and more particularly in the abuse of its judicial power, for af- fecting their humiliation and impoverishments As re- gards the first point, the regulations by which the wealthy classes of the citizens were bound not only to supply the extraordinary exigencies of the state, but to perform certain onerous offices, called liturgies ", were, it is true, anterior to the commencement of the pure democracy 3; but what had at first been the natural attendant on the possession of superior political pri- vileges, became mere extortion and oppression from the moment that the people had transferred those pri- vileges to itself. An extortion and oppression the greater from the fact that, with the power of the com- monalty, grew also their avarice and the wants of the state, so that, eventually, even the wealthiest individuals were sometimes unable to discharge the demands made on them by the state*. But as these demands were legal and regular, the individual could not complain against them ; whilst the lovers of pomp, or the ambi- tious, found in them opportunities for displaying their wealth, or winning the popular favour ^. It even fre- quently happened that individuals of large property would volunteer to defray the expenses of a chorus or trireme 6, and, in times of need, the extraordinary de- mands of the state were ever met with alacrity 7. 1) Theophr. Char. xxix. 3 : . . Xsywv Sta tovq avKO(pavTaz ovk oik?;- Tiov IdTiv Iv ry iroKw (cai w^ tv tuXq SiKaarijpioiQ Suva vdcrxoiitv vitb To>v SiKaZ,6vT(t)V . . . /cat ttntiv vote Travtro^iiQa vnb Xeirovpyiwv /cat Tpir]papxiuiv cnroWvusvoi; conf. Xenoph. Sympos. iv. 30, and above, §. 68. n. 6; §. G9. n. 8—13. 2) ¥Tom\so}g,\nTov (\i)iT07> KaXoiiai to TrpyTavslov oi 'Axciioi, Ilerod. vii. 197), see Valcken. ad Ammon. ii. 16. p. 144, and Sigonius Rep. Ath. iv. 4 ; Petiti Legg. iii. 4. p. 349, sqq. ; F. A. Wolf, Piolegg. ad De- mosth. Leptin. p. Ixxxvi — cxxv ; Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 200, sqq. ; Wachsm. ii. 1. p. 130—138. SECT. 161.] OF GREECE. 323 3) Aristot. CEconorn. ii. 5, says of Hippias : orroi re rpiyjpapxfiv v g apiara i£vi>dfii]v (JVvkXt^a, ovrt Z,r])xi(x)aag ovS'iva, ovrt h'sxvpa fiiq. (pkpwv, oiir d7rix^av6i.iEvog ovCtvi, and more in JMeurs. Orchestra (Gron. Thes. t. viii.); Petiti Legg. p. 351, sqq. ; Van Dale, Diss. viii. 5. p. 671 — 691 ; C. A. Bottiger, " quid sit docere fabulam," (Vimar. 1795.) ; Wolf, 1. c. p. Ixxxix. sqq., and Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 208, who is wrong only in stating that it was the Archon, and not the Choregus, from whom a poet was obliged to apply for leave to bring out a piece (xopbv airtiv, Xafiiiv), comp. Kiister ad Aristoph. Equ. 510 ; Ducker. ad Ran. 94. — On the several Dionysian festivals (the greater held tv darn, the lesser iv dypoig, the Lenasan, and the Anthesterian),see the statements, although inexact, made by Scaliger (Emend. Tempp. i. p. 29), Palmer (Exercitt. in autt. gr. p. 617—619), Petit (LL. AA.p. 112—117), Spanheim (Arg. ad Aristoph. Ran. t. iii. p. 12, sqq. ed Bekk.), Oderici, Diss.de Didasc. marmor., (llo- mae, 1777, and in Marini's Iscriz. Albane, Roma, 1785), p. 161 — 170); also Kangiesser (die alte komische Biihne zu Athen (Breslau, 1817), p. 245—336), and G. Hermann (Leipz. L. Z. 1817, Nos. 59 and 60 ; and in Beck's Aristoph. t. v. p. 11 — 28). All these writers, following the Scholiast on Aristoph. Acharn. 291 and 503, make the Lensan to have been identical with those held (v dypoig. Selden, again, (ad i\Iarm. Oxon. p. 35 — 39, ed Prid.), Corsini (Fast. Att. ii. p. 325 — 329), Ruhnkenius (Auctar. ad Ileysch. t. i. p. 999 ; and in his Opuscc. p.206— 215), Wytfenbach (Bibl. crit. ii. 3. p. 41, sqq.), Barthelemy (Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. xxxix. p. 172, sqq), and Spalding (Abh. d. Berl. Acad, von 1804—11. p. 70—82), consider the Lenaan the same with the Anthesterian. The latest writers on the subject, uamely, Boeckh (in the Abh. d. Berl. Acad. v. 1816, p. 47 — 124), and Buttmann (ad Demosth. Mid. p. 119), state that the four were all distinct, those tv dypoic, being held in the month Posideon, the Lena;an in Gamelion, the Anthesterian in Anthesterion, and the greater in Elaphebolion (.l^sch. adv. Ctesiph. c. 19). — On the Thargelia see Cas- tellan, and Meurs. Gra-c. fer., s. v. ; on the Panathenxa, see -Meurs. in Gron. I'hes. t. vii. Meursius has been attacked by Petit, p. 87 — 92, and t'orsini, ii. p. 357, for maintaining that the lesser Panathena?a were not 326 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. held in Hecatombseon, as well as the greater, but in Thargelion(Procl.ad Platon. Tim. p. 9), but his assertion has been well defended by Clinton, in the F. H. ii. p. 332 — 335, who has also very properly restricted, p. Iviii., the statement in ^Eschines (adv. Timarch. c. 5), that no one could be a Choregus who was under forty years of age, to the case of a Choregus of boys : comp. Isaeus de Philoctem. c. 60, 3) Isaeus de ApoUod. c. 36: yeyvj.ivamdpxilKa itg TlpofirjOtia, i. e. XaixTTudi, as de Philoctem. c. 60; Xenoph. de Vectig. iv. .52. Compare, on the subject of the torch-race, at large {XafiiraStg, XafnTaSo^pofiiai), in honour of the Otoi Trvpcpopoi (comp. J, F. JNIeyer de Diis ac Deabus Grfe- corum et Romanorum, SqiSovxoig, Francof. 1790), JMinerva, Vulcan, (Herod, viii. 98), and Prometheus (Soph. (Ed. Col. 53, with thecommentt., and Paus. i. 30. 2, also Meinek.ad Menandr. p. 193), Pan (Herod, vi. 105), and Bendis (Plat. Republ. i. 1), the Schol. and commentt. on Aristoph. Ran. 1115 ; Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 219 ; Miiller de Sacr. Min. Pol. p. 5 ; VVelcker, die tischyl. Trilogie Prometheus, p. 120 ; Schubert de ^dil. p. 36 — 38. — The word XafnraSapxia (Aristot. Pol. v. 7. 11), seems unattic. The Gymnasiarchia has been considered to have consisted in the inspection and regulation of the several Palaestrae (^Esch. adv. Timarch. cc. 5 and 6 ; comp. Petiti Legg. iii. 7 ; Periz. ad yEl. Var. Hist. ii. 6), but it is more probable that this, which in course of time became of great im- portance, was the business of a board of magistrates, selected specially for the purpose (see Van Dale, 1. 1. viii. p. 584^601 ; C. Inscr. p. 363, sqq.), and the distribution of oil mentioned by Ulpian, (ad Demosth. Leptin. c. 24), was, very likely, a voluntary largess ; comp. C. Inscr. n. 108, and also Isaeus de Menecl. c. 42 : lyvfivaaiapxovv iv ti^ Stjikjj (?) 4) See Demosth. adv. Mid. c. 32: apxi^Ewpovvra ayaytiv rc^ Ait ti^ Nsjttfi'i^ Tr]v Koivrjv inrip TtJQ TroXtwQ Qtwpiav, and more in Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. i. p. 286. The Architheoros was, however, furnished with certain requisites for the spectacle, Tro/^Trao, by the state itself, Andoc. c. Alcib. c. 29. 5) 'bvXtriKa dfnrva, see Butllmann ad Dem. Mid. c. 43. At the Thes- mophoria for the women also, comp. Wellauer de Thesmophoriis (Vratisl. 1820), p. 28; this appears particularly from Isa:us de Pyvrh. c. 80: KiKTr)fikvoQ TOP TpiTciXavTov oiKov , £1 iji' ytya firjKioc, rivayKc't^sTO av vnfp Tpjg yaiierfjc yvvaiKog kol Gecrfiodiopia iaTiq,v tclq yvvaiKag Kai rdXXd offa TrpoffiJKE XeiTovpyeiv kv T

v, the (iacn- Xevg, and the dOXnOiTai, comp. Demosth. adv. Boeot. p. .Q97. 5 ; the first at the greater Dionysia, (see Demosth. Mid. c. 6), the second at the Lenaea, and for the Gymnasiarchia (Pollux, viii. 90, coll. Demosth. adv. Lacrit. p. 940. 13), the last at the Panathenaea, see above, §. 150. n. 3. 8) Compare, at large, Petiti Legg. p. 356, sqq.; Wolf, 1. 1. p. e — cxviii.; Boeckh, ii. p. 203, sqq. ; Em. Kappii de re navali Athen. (Hanm. 1830), 9) See §. 99. n. 5 ; as late as in the Schol. on Aristoph. Pac. 1200, we find vavKXrjpoQ in the sense of rpirjpapxog- — The feebleness of the Greeks at sea, even a very short time before Themistocles(pi(7[itvor tovt(x)V dt Xolttov ?) avvtKKaiciKa rijv rpii^fii) iirXr)povv j) avvrptig i] oaoih'jirort, and Boeckh, ii. p. 344, sqq. ; as also the speech of Demosthenes de Symmoriis, with the remarks of H. Amers- foordt, published in his Diss, de Syramoriarum apud Athenienses instituto, (Lugd. Bat. 1821), and again in Schaefer's App. ad Demosth. t. i. p. 718, sqq. 16) Demosth. Mid. c. 42 : to. -rrXrjpwuaTa t) TroXtg Tiapix^i Kai (tkivt) SiSuxTt. Hence the boast in the speech adv. Everg. et iMnesib. p. 1146: ovCfTTiljTroTt tXaj3oi> (TKtvt] iK Tov vtcopiov, ciXX' aiiTog icio. TTaptcTKtvafffiai, OTTort Skoi, 'Iva wc fXaxiffro irpayfiara t\'ot/ii irpbg ti)i' ttoXiv : comp. Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 336 ; and above §. 154. n. 3, coll. Bekk. Anecdd. p. 236. 10. 17) These were the rpiaKocrioi, mentioned in Demosth. adv. Phaenipp. p. 1039. 16 ; comp. pro Cor. p. 285. 17 ; and y)yfp.6viQ rwv avf.i^iopiu)v, ibid. p. 260. 21 ; were they the same with the tTriixtXijral tuiv ffvpfi. adv. Everg. p. 1146. 10 1 18) Demosth. JNlid. c. 42 : oTt TrpHiTov p.iv SiaKoffiovg kuI xi^Xiovg tts- Troir]Kart avvTiXtlg iifit^g, irap' wv eiaTrpaTToixtvoi rdXavrov raXcivrov fuadoxxTi rag Tpit}papx'iag oiiToi . . . oior' avTwv tvioig ry dXt]6tl(f. to ixt)£iv dvaXwffai Kai SoKt'iv XtXtirovpyTjKtvai . . . TrtpitaTiv; compare pro Corona, p. 260, sqq.; Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 348. 19) Demosth. pro Cor. p. 262 : rove Tpir]pdpxovg a'lpiTaQai IttI t^v TpiijpT] dno riig oiiaiag Kara rip.)](nv otto TaXdvTWi' StKa' idv ^t irXtio- vo)v i) ovffia dTroTtTifxtjpiv)] y \'p(;/[iaraji', Kara rbv dvaXoyicp.bi' twg rpiiJv TrXoiiov Kai virrfptriKov ( ^schin. F. L. c. 20) )) Xtirovpyia iarto' Kara rt)v avrijv ct uvaXoyiav trrrw Kai olg iXdrrMV ovaia tari rCJv SiKa raXdvrtiiv, tig avvrtXtiai' avvayoptvoig tig ^tKa rdXavra : on which see Petiti Legg. p. 361, and Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 345 — 364, who gives for the date, 01. ex. 1. The passages in /Eschin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 75, and Dinarch. adv. Demosth. c. 42, to the prejudice of the great orator, scarcely deserve notice. 20) Demosth. adv. Everg. p. 1147: TrpoatKaXtadjitjv irpbg rovg diro- aroXi'ig Kai irpbg rovg twv vtwpiiov fTriptXi]Tdg' oi/TOiydp il(Xt)yov (see $. 138. n. 3) TOTE rag ciaSiKaaiag ilg rb SiKaffrijpiov rug mpi rwv ffKiviov : 328 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. comp. pro Cor, p. 262. 15 : Travra yap rbv TroXf^ov riov uTToaToXiov ye- vofnj'Mv Kara tov vofiov rbv Ifxhv, ovx iKtTrjpiai' £0?;ic£ rpifjpapxoQ ov- ^(iQ TTioTToO' wg aSiKovi.iivoQ TTap' vixiv, ovS' iv Movvvxiq, tKaOs^tro, ovS' lino Tu)v uTTOffToXEwv iSsOt]. Sce more in Meier's att. Proc. p. 112, who, it is to be remarked, considers the jurisdiction of these officers to have been only extraordinary. See also Platner's Proc. u. Kl. ii. p. 97, sqq. §. 162. Excepting cases of indulgence S which could be granted only in the encyclic liturgies 2, none but the archons of the time being ^ were exempt from these services, though no one could be called on to dis- charge two liturgies in the same"* or in consecutive^ years. Heiresses and minors'^, or persons in the first year of their majority^, were exempt, inasmuch as no personal service was expected of them; the ela-(popa, property tax^, was indeed required of such persons, but this was so inseparably connected with the pos- session of property^ that even delay in its payment entailed confiscation, though not the arj/A/a which befel state debtors in general. To speak more particularly of this tax, it was in fact extraordinary, and expressly intended to meet the exigencies of war ; the first in- disputable instance of its having been levied ^^, occurs 01. Ixxxviii. 1. (B. C. 428), though it might have been exacted before that time, being evidently founded on the property classes of Solon ^^, which continued to be the basis for it until the new valuation, made under the archonship of Nausinicus, Ol. c. 3,(B. C. 377), when Symmoriae were formed like those established for the discharge of the Trierarchy^^ The richest members of the Symmoria? were, in like manner, bound to advance ^^ what was required of the less wealthy, from whom they afterwards recovered it in the usual way. The valuation of property, so far at least as it consisted in land ^*, was made by the Demarchs '^ ; the Strategi distributed the persons assessed into their se- veral Symmoriae or classes ^^, and officers, called iiriypacp- f'ii, or Ziaypaipeli;^'' , collected the quota of each. If any one SECT. 162.] OF GREECE. 329 considered that he was unjustly required to discharge any of these public burdens, being able to point out a person who had been passed over though better able to discharge the liturgy than himself, he might chal- lenge such party to an exchange of property ^^^ which if the latter declined, he was bound to discharge the dis- puted liturgy. This regulation appears to have ex- isted from the time of Solon. Property in cleruchias, or in mines, was not however included in these ex- changes, not being subject to the property tax ^^. It has already been stated^*' that the metics were hable to the liturgies. 1) 'AriXtta, see Petiti Legg. iii. 6. p. 371 ; Wolf, 1. 1. p. Ixxi. ; Wes- termann de publ. Athen. honor, p. 7. 2) Demosth. Leptin. c. 15 : twv yap eig rov TroXifioi' Kal rrjv autrt]- piav Ti)Q TToXtwg Traauv elffcpopCJv Kai Tpujpapxiwv ovSilg iar drtkriq in TWV TraXaiwv vofiwv, 3) Ibid. c. 24. 4) Ibid. c. 16 : ol /xiv rolwv irXovaiMraroi Tpir]pap\ovvTic aii rdv xoprjyiaiv ariXilg virapxovai. Compare adv. Mid. p. 565. 5 ; adv. Polycl. p. 1209. 2. 5) Ibid. c. 7 : iviavTov diaXmuv EKacrrog XEirovpyil. On the other hand, Isaeus de Apollod. c. 38 : Tpir)papxuv rbv Trdvra xpovov SiirsXt- fffv . . . oi) Svo tTT) (1) ^taXiTTwv aXXd awtx^q. Compensation for an extension of the trierarchy beyond the legal period {lirirpiripapxtiv) might be obtained by a suit against the person whose turn it next was {luiSo- Xov, OQ av iXQy tK rriQ avfifiopiag stti r/)v vavv, Dem. adv. Everg. et Mnesib. p. 1147.27); comp. Demosth. adv. Polycles and Platner's Proc. u. Kl. ii. p. 100. 6) Demosth. de Syramor. p. 182. 16: raiv eiriKXTipwv (§. 121. n. 4) Kal TWV 6p(paviKwv Kal twv kXtjpovxikwv {§. 117. n. 4) koi twv koivwvi- Kwv (see Harpocrat. p. 175. coll. Lys. adv. Diogit. c. 4) Kai t'i Tig adv- vaTog, d)c, i.q. j; Iv %p»;^n(Tt Kal ctwjiickti Ka'i CKtvtci, and hence u(paviZ,tiv rfiv ovcriav, to turn it into money ; compare Aristoph. Eccles. v. 633 ; Isaeus de Hagn. c. 47, particularly Lysias pro Polystr. c. 23: i^bv avri^ Tr}v ovcriav d£\ftx' tiXtro /.iciXXov avi'tidtvai. vndg, and Demosth. adv. Stephan. p. 1121. 17. — But Is.xus de Ciron. c. 35, men- tions dpSpdiroSa and iTriirXa in contradistinction to ihki Savth/xaTa, and Demosth. adv. Olympiod. p. 1171. 1, even reckons rd tivi rpair't^y as ^a- vipov. (^) 15) Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 281, following Harpocratio ; Demos- thenes certainly says, adv. Polycl. p. 1208. 27, So^av yap vfuv virip rGjv StjfioTwv Toiig ^ovXtiiTug aTrtviyKilv rovg ■Kpoiiao'iaovTag rail' Tt Srjfio- tCjv Kai Ta>v iyKtKrriiitvwv, TrpoaaTrrjvkx^i) l''OV Tovvofia iv TpiTTolg Sr]- fioig Sid TO cpavtpdv tivai Tt/v ovaiav : but the two boards frequently acted in unison ; see above, §. 152. n. 8. 16) See §. 153, notes 3 and 5. 17) Also called t/cXoyeTc : see Schfimann de Comitiis, p. 290, and Boeckh, Publ. (Econ. i. p. 238. Concerning the various quotas (SuStKaTTj, TrtvrrjKoaTT], etc., Demosth. de Symmor. p. 185. 20), see ibid. ii. p. 18) 'AvriSoaig, see Demosth. adv. Pha;nipp., and more in Petit, Legg. p. 368 ; Wolf, 1. 1. p. cxxiii ; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 368 sq., and 491 ; HeflFter. p. 378—382; Platner, ii. p. 106—110. SECT. 163.] OF GREECE. 331 19) See above, n, 6, and Demosth. adv. Phaenipp. p. 1044. 16 ; com- pare above, §. 126. n. 7. 20) Demosth. Leptin. c. 15 ; Lysias c. Eratosth. c. 20 ; comp. Herald. p. 411 ; and more above, §. 115. n. 11. §. 163. The disadvantages of their situation as a minority were, however, far more severely felt by the rich in the courts of law, where the dominant mob soon made a prey not only of the wealth, but of the morals of the state ^ The passion ^ for the business of the law courts, for which the common Athenian was so renowned, arose not less from his delight at seeing the rich man, before whom as a private individual he cowered, trembling before him in the court of law ', than from the pecuniary profit Pericles attached to the business of dicast, necessary as this miglit be for his daily maintenance'*; opportunities so tempting did not fail to extinguish the integrity and impartiality of the judge, exciting in their stead the most sordid selfishness of a capricious despotism. Judgment was given as might best suit the interest of the Demos ^, if not by directly ridding it of its enemies — though the infliction of penalties too heavy to be discharged, and consequently entailing arj/^/a^, tended directly to this — at all events by filling the public coffers from which the individuals of the mob eventually profited, al- though actual distributions of confiscated property were of rare occurrence''. As regards the moral re- sults of the system — the first recorded instance of direct bribery of judges occurs in the case of Anytus (B. C. 409^); but, long before that, the caprice and weakness of the popular tribunals had given rise to the disgracefiil trade of the sycophant, to which even the leaders of the Demos did not think it too low to stoop ^, whether it were that the informer and accuser sought to gain the favour of the people, or themselves to profit by the terrors of the wealthy '^ From this chi- 332 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. canery there was no refuge either in the retirement of private^* or in the activity of pubhc Ufe. The suspicions of the populace might he excited against either, for an ever growing suspicion was not wanting among the characteristics of despotism assumed by democracy. But the greater the facihty with which interested de- magogues hence found means to sway the populace by constant alarms of conspiracies and danger from the rich'^, the more prompt their antagonists among the latter to exchange intrigue for open violence. 1) See, on this point at large, Xenoph. Rep. Ath. c. 3 ; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 156— 158 J Rbtscher's Aristoph. p. 137—150, and above, §. 69. n. 8, sqq. 2) Aristoph. Acharn. 383: rdv S" av ytpovrwv oTSa tuq tpvxac '6ti OvSiv jiXsTTovaiv aWo TrXrjv ^fjcptf) SaKtiv. See in particular the Vespae, 88, sqq., and Nubb. 209, coll. Lucian. Icarom. c. 16, etc. 3) Aristoph. Vesp. 570, sqq., especially 595 : tov ttXovtov KaTa%rivr}, comp. Xenoph. Rep. Ath. i. 18 : avrifioXijaai avajKa^irai iv Tolq 5tKa- aTijpioiQ Kal tlffiovTog tov lirCKaji^avtadai Trjg xupog. 4) See above, §. 134. n. 19, and Vesp. 625, coll. 314 : atrb yAp TovSk fie TOV iiiaQapiov rpirov avrbv txti-v dXcpira Sii Kai ^itXa Ku\pov : Eccles. 587, 5) Thus Lysias adv. Epicrat. c. 1 : iroXXaKiQ rjicoiffars tovtiov Xeyov- T(ov, oTvoTt fiovXoivro Ttva aSiKug airoXiffai, on ti jjnij Kara-\pT](j)uXff9s wv avToi KtXivovffi, inroXtL\p£i vfiag -q /xiaOofopd : comp. Aristoph. Equitt. 1370, and Lysias adv. Nicomach. c. 22 : t) (iovXi) . . . orav tig airo- p'lav Karaary, avayKa^iTat tlaayyiXiag SixfcrOai Kal drj^ivtiv ra raiv TToXiTwv Kal TiLv prjTopijOV roTg TrovtjporaTa Xiyovai TriiOtaOai, See also above, §. 68. n. 5. §. 69. n. 12, and on the very great frequency of confis- cations, see Boeckh, Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 127 — 131. : Meier de bonis damn, p. 11, sqq., and particularly, p. 171 — 178. 6) On the amount of the fines, see Boeckh's Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 108 — 118. 7) Thus, for instance, Plut. Vit. x. Orator, t. xii. p. 257, Hntt.: 9ava- rov livTog ETrirtjuiow, aXwvai tTvoiijat Kai ntvTtjKovTa dpaxfiag Ik rrjg ov- ffiag avTov eKctaTt^ twv ttoXitwv Siii't^e. 8) After the loss of Pylos ; see Diodor. xiii. 64, and more in Neumann ad Aristot. Fgm. p. 69. 9) Compare above, §. 69. n. 11. Aristoph. Equitt. 260. See however, Dem. adv. Neaer. p. 1359. 15: ov yap ttoj yi' p/jrwp, dXX' tri avKodv- Ti)C, and Andoc. de reditu, c. 4 : avToi (liv ovtoi o'l dvSptg ov ToXfidict a(pdg avrovg tig to fxkaov KaraarrjiTavTtg Sii<7XvpiKi<'Q'^'' '^cpl tovtojv . . . BTtpovg Sk tltTTr'fUTrovmv . • tldiaitivovg i/Sr] nvaiaxwrsh'. Hence the phrase (niy pd(j>t(jQai Tiva lirl riji' ypa(])i^v, Asschin. de Falsa Legal, c. 6; comp. Andoc. de Myster. c. 121; Demosth. Mid. c. 28, On the penalties attached to sycophancy (a fine of LOGO drachmae, according to Lysias adv. Agorat. c. 65.) see Platner's Proc, u. Klag. ii. p. 164. SECT. 164.] OF GREECE. 333 \0) Xenoph. Mem. Socr. ii. 9 : ilg SiKag ayovoiv, oiix ori a^iKovvTai VTT iixov, dW oTi vofii^ovffiv i']diov dv fit dpyvpiov rtXtcrai fj Trpay/iara ix^tv- Comp. Sympos. iv. 30 ; Lysias de olea, c. 39 ; Demosth. adv. Aristog. i. p. 782. 23 ; ^schin. adv. Ctes. c. 87. 11) 'ATTpayjioavvT): comp. Aristoph. Vesp. 1076; Pac. 191 ; Nubb. 1007. 12) Aristot. Pol. v. 7. 5 : wan Sit tovq riig iroKirtiaQ tppovri^ovTag d)6^ovg TTapacTKtvdZtiv , 'iva ^yXarrwffi Kal (i-q Kariikvuxn : comp. Wachsm. 1. 2. p. 154 ; especially, Aristoph. Vesp. 508 : wq diravQ' vfuv Tvpavvig kari Kctl ^vvwfiorai k. t. \. ; Equ. 236, 479 ; Lysistr. 630 ; Plut. 949 ; also, Demosth. tt. awra^. p. 170. 8 ; and for a further account of the /ca- rdXvcriQ row Stjfiov in general, see Salmas. Misc. Defens. p. 296, sqq. ; Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. p. 227, and 267, sqq. ; Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. p. 279; Meier de bonis, p. 1, sqq. ; Plainer Proc. u. Kl. ii. p. 83, sqq. §. 164. The first conspiracy for the overthrow of the democracy, appears to have been as early as the battle of Tanagra, B. C. 457 ^, and what means the oligarchical party even at that period considered law- ful, is shown by the murder of Ephialtes ^, who had, it is true, removed the last obstacle to the establish- ment of pure democracy, by annihilating the political influence of the Areopagus, but is represented to have been, on the whole, a second Aristides ^ Generally speaking however, the leaders of the oligarchical party, such as Cimon and his successor Thucydides, the son of Milesias *, confined themselves to a legal opposition, but in this they both succumbed to the in- fluence of Pericles and were successively ostracised ^ Nicias was still more moderate^, and his measures were too feeble to prevent the rapid development of a general system of demagogy by Cleon ^ ; even the decided influence he obtained for a moment after the fall of that leader at Amphipolis, B. C. 423, was not sufficient to preserve the state, which had hitherto been pretty equally balanced between the contending parties, from that decided decline which was now has- tened on by the selfish views of its leaders. The boldness of Cleon in attempting to fill the place left vacant by Pericles is unparalleled in history ; but no 334 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES iCcHAP. vii. sooner had his example shown how httle was requisite in the leader of a corrupt populace ^, than there arose a general struggle to attain the post^, amidst which only a few, of whom Hyperbolus was first ^*', gained an accidental and undecided superiority. Even the oligarchical opposition began to split into separate clubs, kraiflai, in Correspondence indeed with the noble classes who formed the connecting links between the partizans of Sparta in the various subject states of Athens ^^, but each bent on some interest of its own or of its leader. Of these leaders, Alcibiades was, in- disputably, at that period the most conspicuous '^, both birth and talent seemed to entitle him above all others to be the successor of Pericles, and such he might have been, had he but checked the licentious spirit by which he excited the mistrust of every party in suc- cession. His coalition with the club, Iraj^/a, of Phaeax effected the ostracism of the demagogue Hyperbolus, and, at the same time, deprived the Demos for ever of the formidable instruments^ they had till then possessed in that mode of punishment ; but his fall, consequent on the famous prosecution of the Hermocopidae, (B. C. 415,) was the more decisive, occurring as it did at the very moment when the expedition to Sicily seemed the first successful step towards the accomplishment of his extensive designs s*. 1) Time. i. 107. corap. Meier de bonis, p. 4. — According to Plut. Vit. Aristid. c. 13, as early as Plataea, but this appears doubtful. We hear indeed of the Alcma'onidae at Marathon, see Herod, vi. 115, coll. 121, sqq. 2) Diodor. xi. 77 ; according to Aristotle, ap. Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 10, the assassin was a Tanagraan, named Aristodicus ; in the time of Antipho (de Caede Herod, c. 68.) he had not been discovered. 3) See Periz. ad ^lian. Var. Hist. ii. 43 ; Wachsmuth, i. 2. p. 60; Forchhammer de Areopago, (see above, §. 109. n. 5, 6.) p. 10. 4) See Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 8, and 11 ; Plat. Menon. p. 94. C, and more in Meurs. Lectt. Att. v. 26 ; Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. 53 ; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 63. • 5) See above, §. HI. n. 17. 6) See Plut. Vit. Nicia;, c. 2, and more in Wachsm, i. 2. p. 184 ; con- SECT. 165.] OF GREECE. 335 suit also, Suvern ilber Aristophanes Drama, genannt das Alter, (Berlin, 1827. 4.) p. 28, sqq. — On his wealth, see Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 240. 7) Concerning Cleon, see in particular, Kortiim in Bremi and Dcider- lein's Philol. Beitriigen aus der Schweiz, i. p. 35 — 60; Poppo's Prolegg. ad Thucyd. i. 2. p. 82; Rbtscher's Aristophanes, p. 166 — 176 ; Wachs- muth, i. 2. p. 181—184. 8) Aristoph. Equ. 193 : -q Srjixayaiyia yap ov Trpbs novaiKov 'Er' iffriv avSpbg ovSt ^priarov rovq rpoirovQ : ibid. 213 : ipavKoTarov tpyov Tavff aTTtp TTOtiiQ TToiei' TaparTt Kal xopStv ofiov rci irpayiiaTa" ATravra, Kai rbv Siinov ati TrpoffTcoiov, k. t. X. 9) Thucyd. ii. 65 : ol ^i varipov, Xaoi avrol (laKKov irpbg aXKrjXovgov- Tsc, irpcnrovTO Kad' rt^ovaQ T(^ ^Vl^V *^«' ''« irpayfiara ivdi^ovai. For particulars, see Kortiim zur Gesch. hellen. Staatsv. p. 176, sqq., and Pas- sow's Gesch. d. athen. Demagogie ; see also above, §. 69. n. 2, sqq. 10) See Aristoph. Pac. 687 : anopiov b Sfjfiog Trpoararov Kal yvjivbg u)v Touroj' t'hijq rbv av?pa TnpuZtltaaTo. Compare also at large, A. Meineke, Quaestt. scenicarum Spec. ii. (Berl. 1827.) p. 27 — 31. 11) Comp. Thucyd. viii. 64; also, c. 54: raq ffwiojioffiaQ, aiirfp iTvyxavov TzpoTipov iv ry ttoXh oucrai etti ^iKaig Kal dpxalg, a-Kaaaq iinXdt'tiv Kal napaKiXivcrdfiEvog ottwc ^vaTpa(ph'r(g Kal Kou'p fSovXevcyd- fiivoi KaTaXvffiom rbv dijfiov, and more above, , and particularly Lysias de affect, tyrann. cc. 9, 10 : oSkohv j(;a\£7roj/ yvdvai, on ov irtpi TroXiTtiag eialv ai irpbg dXXi'iXovg duKpopal, dXXd iripl twv iSiq, avfKptpovTuiv ticacrr^. 12) For his character in general see, besides Plutarch, (ed. J. C. F. Biihr, Ileidelb. 1822.) the oration of Andocides against him, (comp, Hauptmann, Alcibiades Andocideus, t. viii. p. 575 — 584, Rsk.) and Isocr. TTfpi roil Z,t{)yovg, also Lysias adv. Alcib. (his son); Athen. xii. 47 — 49 ; Plat, de Rep. vi. p. 424 ; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 187, sqq., also Heeren's Researches, Greece, p. 231., sqq. ; Thucyd. vi. 15, bears particularly on this point, , k. t. X. Comp. Vesp. 242 ; Equ. 51 and 817. The times had then, it seems, long since passed, when, as Isocrates boasts (Areop. extr.), Athens did not contain a beggar. 12) Aristoph. Pac. 219; Lysistr. 629. 13) Id. Acharn. 330 : rovg re ydp rpovovg rovg rutv dypo'iKdJv olSa Xaipovrag acf)6Spa, idv rig avrovg tvXoyy (cat nijv iroXiv . . KdvravOa XavOdvova dinnTroXwfievoi. Comp. 642, sqq. ; Equ. 1352. 14) Id. Vesp. 735, sqq. 15) Id. Equit. 81 : q,5ti Si XP'J'^/^^'^C' ^ ^* ysp(ov ffipvXXiq. : comp. ibid. 1022, and Aves, 988 : aUrog iv vcipkXyffi yivrtutai. 16) Compare above, §. 69. n. 1, and Wachsraulh, i. 2. p. 151 — 156. 17) Aristoph. Nubb. 583 : (paal ydp Sv/rjiovXiav rySi ry iroXii irpoa- livac ravra ^vroi rovg Oeovg, cirr' dv vfiiig iKaixdprtjr' , ini to j3kX- riov rpsTTtiv. Comp. Eccles. 496, and more in the commentt. on the Equites, 1352, and Ycemel ad Demosth. I'hilipp. i. p. 43. 16. 18) See Thucyd. vi. 27 — 29 and 60 ; Andoc. de Rlysteriis, particularly c. 36, sqq. ; comp. J. O. Sluiteri Lectiones Andocidere, (L. B. 1804.) and Wachsmuth, i. 2. p. 192—197, coll. p. 445. §. 166. The unfortunate result of the Sicilian expe- dition, B. C. 413, at the same time as it annihilated X X 338 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. the flower of the nation ', restored to it some degree of sober caution 2; and the Athenians displayed in the subsequent defensive operations of the years B. C. 412 and 411 a prudence and vigour, vrhich, after what had passed, must be admitted to furnish a proof of the original solidity of their political organiza- tion^, short as was, after all, the period during which their impending fall was delayed. The exhausted state of her allies, whom she had drained by occasional forced contributions in addition to the regular tri- bute^, had compelled Athens as early as B. C. 413, to exchange the direct tribute hitherto levied into a toll of one-twentieth of the value on all exports and im- ports ^ The general defection of the allies which now occurred ^, deprived the state at once of all those sup- plies which had hitherto served to fill the courts of justice and public assemblies, and to ensure to the Demos its majority of votes : at the same time, the for- tification of Decelea by the Lacedaemonians, in the immediate neighbourhood of the city, reduced it al- most to a state of siege 7. Terror and despair seized the multitude, but increased the boldness of the oli- garchical party, by whose machinations these results had been gradually effected ; the elite of the citizens were absent on duty with the fleet; the most active leaders of the people still remaining in the city fell by assassination ^, and among them Androcles, the chief opponent of Alcibiades ; dread of the secret power and extensive ramifications of the clubs (iraipeiai) destroyed all confidence, and the oligarchical conspi- rators had the chief authority actually in their hands for some time before they would consent formally to accept the offer of it ^ : at last, in the year B. C. 410, the people, blinded by vain expectations ''', voluntarily resigned the power from which they covdd no longer derive the means of subsistence. The provisional com- SECT. 166.] OF GREECE. 339 mittee '^ which had been appointed in B. C. 413, had been a purely oligarchical contrivance for the purpose of checking the democratical spirit of the senate of five-hundred, which was now entirely supplanted by a body of four hundred partizans ^^ who had elected each other ^^ ; the general assembly of the people was replaced by a body of 5000 substantial citizens of age for military service, who were elected and whose meet- ings were summoned by the four hundred, and hence they served for mere form, that body ruling with abso- lute authority 1*. 1) On the strength of the expedition, see Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 354, sqq. 2) Thucyd. ii. 65, and viii. 1 : TravTart irpbg roTrapaxprina TripiSug {oTTip (plXll SiiflOQ TTOltlv) tTOtflOt IjaaV IVTaKTtlv. 3) See at large, Kriiger, in his appendix to Dionys. Historiogr. p. 272, sqq., and (de classe Atheniensium) p. 309 — 325. 4) 'ApyDpoXoyai', Thucyd. iii. 19; Aristoph. Equ. 1080, etc. ; comp. Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 375. 5) Thucyd. vii. 28. Hence the tiKoaroXoyoi, Aristoph. Ran. 366. 6) See Kriiger, 1. 1. p. 326—349, and above, $. 39. n. 3, sqq. 7) Comp. Aristoph. Lysistr. 555, sqq., and especially the speech of Al- cibiades in Thucyd. vi. 91 : olc Ti yap >'; x^'^P'* KaTtoKivaarai, ra TroXXd Trpog vficLQ TO. fi'tv \r)i', raJv ttXsoviov Kai tg iravTa TTopijUW- Tfpwv, f.iiQi(rTavai, k. t. X. In reference to which Manso says — "the re- volutionary attempts at Samos and Athens were simultaneously planned," Sparta, ii. p. 474—481. 6) Thucyd. viii. 86 ; Plut. Vit. Alcib. c. 26. 7) Thucyd. viii. 92, and for a more particular but diflferent account see Lysias adv. Agorat. c. 70, sqq., and Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. 30. On his importance, see Aristot. Polit. v. 5. 4 : iyyiviTai yap Stjfiayojybg, kclv iravv bXlyoi wcriv, olov . , . iv Tolg T o't Trtpi ^pvvixov : comp. Thucyd. viii. 27 : Kai tSo^ev . . . ovk etg tovto fiovov, dXXd Kai tg offa dXXa pvi'iXog KarkaTr], ovk d^vvtTog ilvai, 8) Thucyd. viii. 91, sqq. On the punishment of the traitors, in which Theramenes acted as prosecutor (Lysias adv. Eratosth. c. 67), see Meier de bonis damn. p. 181, sq., coll. Philol. Blatter, ii. p. 183, sqq. ; and on the decree of Demophantus (Andoc. de Myster. c. 96 ; conf. Demosth. Leptin. c. 138: Lycurg. adv. Leocr. c. 31: KTtiviiv rbv Tt)v TrarpiSa TrpodiSovra Kai Xoyy Kai tpyt^) Kai x^^P'^ "^"^ 4'^'P'i') ^'^- de bonis, p. 3 — 10. 9) Thucyd. viii. 97 : Tovg rtrpaKotriovg KaraTravaavrig Tolg irivraKKT- XiXioig iiprjficavro rd TrpdyjxaTa irapaSovvac tlvai dt avTwv biroaot OTtXa TTupkxovrai' Kai fiiaObv fir}6(.va (piptiv H7j6i[it^ ^PXV • • • '^''' "^X ^Kiara Si), he proceeds, rbv TvpSjTov xpovov tiri yi ijxov 'Adt)valoi (pai- vovrai IV ■KoXiTtxirravTig . comp. Plat, de Legg. vi. p. 753, B., and more in Kriiger post Dionys. p. 254, and above, §. 67, n. 2. 10) See Plut- Vit. Alcib. c. 27 — 31 ; particularly the victories of Sestos (Y^vvbg ff^/xa) Thucyd. viii. 104 — 106; Diodor. xiii. 38 — 42; Abydus, Xenoph. Hell. i. 1. 5 — 7 ; Diodor. c. 45 — 47 ; Cyzicus, Xenoph. $. 14 — 23 ; Diodor. c. 49 — 52 ; and the capture of Thasos, Abdera, (Diod. c. 72), ami Byzantium (Xenopli. i. 3. 14 — 22 ; Diodor. c. 67), where they imme- diately erected the StKurivrnpiov (custom-house) and levied transit duties of one-tenth ; comp. Boeckh's Publ. Qicon. ii. p. 39. SECT. 168.] OF GREECE. 343 11) Fr^ret in the M6m. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xlvii. p. 243 : ilparait, que I'aitcieune forme du gouvernement ne Jut entiirement ^ttablie, qu'au, retour d'Alcibiade a Athenes, en 407. — For the particulars of his return, see Xenoph. Hell. i. 4. 12—20 ; Diodor. xiii. 68 ; Plut. V. Alcib. c. 32—34; Athen. xii. 49. 12) Xenoph. i. 5. 16 ; Diodor. xiii. 73 ; according to Plut. c. 36, they were instigated, in this particular instance, by Thrasybulus. 13) See above, §. 130. n, 11, and, on the subject at large, Lysias de affect, tyrann. c. 25 — 27 : a^iov ce jivijaOiivai tCjv fiera rove mpaKo- aiovQ irpayfiaroiv . . . lart yap ''ETrij'ivrjv Kai £^r]fio, apxovTeg Si Twv avvMfioTiii)\> . . ovToi Si (pvXdpxovg te stti Tag cfivXaKcig KaTsari]- ffav Kcd o Ti Skoi xiipOTOVtiadai Koi ovUTivag xpi'ir) dpxtiv TraprfyytWov Kal ti Ti ciWo npuTTHv fiovKoii'TO Kvpioi rjaav, K. r. \. 2) See above, §. 124, n. 16, and the decree of Patroclides ap. Andoc.de Myster. c. 73 — 79, with the remarks of Meier in the Rhein. Mus. ii. p. 272—276, and of Boeckh in the Ind. Lectt. liib. 1828—29. p 6—9 ; comp. Lysias de affect, tyrann. c. 27. 3) Xenoph. Hell. ii. 2. 16, sqq.; Lysias adv. Eratosth. c. 68, sqq. ; adv. Agorat. c. 9, sqq. 4) See Lysias adv. Eratosth. c. 73; Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. v. 157. 5) See Xenoph. Hell. ii. 3. 2; Plut. Vit. Lysand. c. 15, and, on the subject at large, Taylor's Vita I/ysia;, t. ii. p. 129, sqq., Rsk, ; P. ten Brink de Athenis sub xxx. viris, (Groningae, 1829) ; Meier de bonis, p. SECT. 169.] OF GREECE. 345 p. 184— 190 ; Wachsm. i.2. p. 246—252 ; and on their (un-attic) designa- tion as rvpavvoi in particular, Ebert's Diss. Sice. p. 62; comp. Diodor. xiv. 3: apfio^ovTiQ fitv rtfi Xoyy, rvpavvoi £i Toiq Trpdyfiaaiv. 6) Lysias adv. Agorat. c. 74 ; adv. Eratosth. c. 42 ; but comp. ibid, de affect, tyrann. c. 9 : ttoWoI H rwv TtTpaKoaiutv fiera rwv tK Iltipaiw^ ffvyKarrjXOoi', tViot c't twv tKtivovc tK^icikovrojv ( Theramenes) ainoi av- tCjv rCjv TpKiKovra iykvovTo. — On the election itself, see ibid. adv. Eratosth. c. 76 : ItKa /ikv ovg Qr)pap.ev7]C cnricuKi, Ssku ce ovg oi Kadc- ffTrjKOTtg t(j>opoi KeXevoin', Siica S' ik twv Trapovrvjv. 7) See Xenoph. ii. 3. 11, and on the Council in particular, Lysias adv. Eratosth, c. 48 ; adv. Agorat. c. 35—38. 8) Xenoph. ii. 4. 1. 9) Xenoph. ii. 3. 19; comp. Lysias adv. Nicom. c. 8. Exclusively, however, of the iTrTrtTf (Xenoph. iii. 1.4; Lysias adv. Mantith. c. 6; adv. Evandr. c. 10), comp. ii. 4. 2. 10) Id. ii. 3. 51 : tri St iv toXq kuivoIq vofioig, rwv iiiv iv rolg rpi- ffxiXioiC ovTiov fjitiSkva airo9vi](FKHV dvsv Tfjg vfiiTepag i\/t](pov twv S' t^u) Tov KaTaXuyov Kvpiovg ilvai tovq A Qavarovv. 11) On this point see Lysias adv. Eratosth. passim, but especially, c. 7 : diroKTivvvvui fikv yap avdpwizovg iripl oiiStvbg rjyovvTO, Xafifidviiv Se Xpvt^^^''''^ 7r£pi TToXXoD (.ttoiovvto : c. 17 : to in ikhvwv liOiaii'tvov va- payyiKjia, iriviiv kwvuov, rrpiv Tr/v aiTiav tiiviiv, cl rji' tptWtv diro- QaviiaQai : c. 96 : oi tqvq fiiv ik rj}f ciyopaq, tovq S' £k rwv ispwv av- vapirdZovTtg (iia'iwg cnrtKTtivav . . /cat oitSe ra(t)rjg Trjg vofiii^ofisvrfg tiaaav rvxfiv, k. t. \. ; also Xenoph. Hellen. ii. 3. 21 : voXKovg fikv ixOpag ivtKa dirkKTiivav, TroXXovg ce xp^t^dTwv iSo^t 5' avTolg, oinog txoiev Kai ToUg (ppovpolg xp^l^di'c^ ^i^ovai, Kai twv [istoikwv, 'iva s/ca- (TTOV Xa(5tiv Kai avTovg piv cnroKTtivai, rd St X|0?//irtra dTror]fftKaKr]tTbJ tSjv ttoXitHiv ovSiin (see Markland ad Lysiam. p. 864, Rsk., with the commentt. on Aristoph. Plut. 1147; and Hin- richs, 1. 1. p. 66), 7rX()v toiv TpuiKovra Kai rwv 'ivotKa {Kai twv Seku, comp. Sluiteri Lectt. p. 136), ovSi rovTdJV og av iOiXy tvBvvug SiSovai rrjg apx>ig »/e ypKtv. Boecler's Thrasybulus pacificator, s. de Amnestia, (Argent. 1642, and in his Diss. t. i. p. 437 — 474), is a worthless produc- tion. — The Thirty, being forbidden access to most of the cities of Greece, (tKfKtjpi'fxdrjaav, Lysias in Eratosth. c. 35), fell eventually into the hands of the Athenians, Xenoph. 1. 1. §. 43, but their children were included in the amnesty, see Demosth. adv. Boet. p. 1018. 4. 7) Andoc. 1. 1, c. 89 : rag fiiv SiKag, w avSptg, Kai rag diairag iiroit]- aart Kvpiag dvai, oiroaai tv h]iioKpaTovp,ki'y ry woXfi LytvovTO, (but OTTOffa Biri riSv A trrpax^^t], ?) fi'ic/j tSiKavGi], ^ iSiif J) £rip.o(ri(f, uKvpa tlvai, Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 718. 13), oinog filjrt XP**''*' airoKo-rral tier, (§. 63. n. 1), jxyrt SiKai avaSiKoi yiyi'oivTo, {j. 145. n. 3), aXXd riov i^iijjv avufioXaiwv ai Trpu^iig tltv' rwv dt cijjjuotriwj' biroaoig rj ypacpai ihiv rj (pdaeig i] tvSti^ng if uTrayioyai, tovtiov 'iviKa roig vo- fioig tiprjrpiffacrOe xpijcr^nt utt' EvKXti^ov dpxovrog : compare above, §. 1 1 8. n. 8, but, see at the same time the remarks in Platner's Beitr. p. xxvii. To this we must refer in particular the 7rapaypa(pi), (§. 141. n. 5), idv rig SiKaZrtrai vapd rovg opKovg, Isocr. adv. Callim. init., the vagueness of which oaths, as Plainer has remarked, (Proc. u. Kl. i. p. 149 — 158), soon gave occasion anew to chicanery. Compare Lysias adv. Agorat. 6. 89, and particularly de affect tyrann. c. 28. 8) Comp. Wolf, ad Leptin. p. cxxviii. and in particular, Plut. Yit. Aristid. c. 1 : ») fier' El'KXti^ijv ypafifiariKi) : also, Spanheim de usu et praest. Numism. t. i. p. 85; Fischer ad Well. Gr. gr. t. i. p. 13; Thiersch in Actt. Philoll. JMonacc. ii. 3. p. 409 ; Rose Inscr. gr. antiqu. p. xvi. and more in Marx, ad Eph. Fragm. p. 241. 9) Andoc. I. 1. c. 83 : "ESo^t ry Sr}fit{), Tiffafitvog uTrt' rroXireveffOai 'A9rjvaiovg Kurd rd Trdrpia, vofioig Si XP*]'^^^^ roig '^oXiovog Kai fie- rpoig Kai aradfioig, xpi}(T0a( (?£ Kai roig ApaKovrog Qtafiolg, oiffTTsp iXpMptOa tv no TrpoaOtv xP''^''i'< (§• 104. n. 2)* bizorniiv S' dv vrpoffSty, ol(vulg. o'iSt) yptji^uvoi vofioO'trai inrb rfjg l3ov\i}g dvaypd tlffiovn tig Tt)v j3ovXi)v (TvpliovXtviw o ri uv dyaObv f,Y{/> tTrtiSdv Sk rtOai(rn' o'l iwfioi, tTriptXtiirOn) i) fiovXri r) i^ 'Aptiov rrdyov rwv vojxiov, oiTMg dv a'l dpxni roig Kiti.ievuig rnf-ung xpi]i.ioKpaTit^, KUt cxroi in EvkXeiSov ir'tOijcFav, KvpiovQ tlvai, K. T. \. to that of Tisamenus'! Compare Petiti Legg. p. 194, and Meier de bonis, p. 71, §. 170. The foreign relations of Athens at the close of the Peloponnesian war, were in a still more des- perate condition ^ : without allies, without forts, with- out fleet or treasure ^, there was no possibility of freeing itself from its stipulated dependence on Lace- daemon^, until the opportunity which was afforded, B. C. 394, by the open rupture between that state and Thebes, (see §. 40.) The noble Conon, after his vic- tory at Cnidus, rebuilt her walls with Persian treasure*; Iphicrates invented a new system of tactics ^ for the mercenaries, whom Athens now began to employ ; and although she was obliged to relinquish the conquests of that general and Thrasybulus ^, at the peace of Antalcidas, owing to the offence the great king had taken at her support of the Cyprian revolters ?, still by the articles of that peace Athens alone of all the Greek states was allowed to retain Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, (see §. 41), as foreign settlements. She next proceeded, B. C. 376, to form a new alliance with Byzantium, Chios, Rhodes, Mitylene, and other islands^, by whose aid she succeeded, after the victo- ries of Chabrias and Timotheus ^, in obtaining once more, even from Lacedaemon, a recognition of her do- minion of the seas, at the peace of Calhas ^^, which was concluded B. C. 372. In fact, from this time forth the policy of Athens was more friendly to Sparta; the Boeotian party, although consisting of the restorers of the democracy or their descendants ^^, and such orators as Cephalus ^^ and Aristophon ^^, now that there was no oHgarchy to be dreaded''*, found it more difficult than formerly to overcome the influence of deep-rooted border hatred '^, from the circumstance that the growing power of Thebes, and in particular SECT. 170.] OP GREECE. 349 the recent destruction of Plataea'^, excited the jealousy of the Athenians at the same time that their vanity was flattered by seeing Lacedaemon court their aid '^ Al- though it could form no part of the policy of Athens to contribute to uphold the supremacy of that state, still she sought, with a prudent sparingness of her strength, to maintain an equilibrium between it and Thebes, and when the result of the battle of Manti- nea, B. C. 362, had affected this object, Athens ap- peared once more as the first state of Greece ^^, zea- lously intent on checking the rise of any other, how- ever little the internal situation of her affairs could warrant her in hoping to carry on this system with success. 1) Lysias adv. Agorat. c. 46: tTi Si rd rti'x?; ug KarfCKu^r] Kal ai vfjeg Toig iroXifiioig irapt^oOrjaav Kal rd vfwpta KaQyp'iQr) . . , Kcd i) Sv- vafiig airaaa rijc TroXeioc; TrapiXvQt], Hart [iTjSiv Siajc Koivrig yvioi.ir\g, to /xiv ffvv- 350 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. iSpiov tv ralg 'Adrjvaig aui'sSpivdv, noXiv Sf lir' IfftjQ Kai fteyd\i]i' Kal fiiKpdv i-iidg ^I'lfov Kvpiav eli'cn (see, for instance, Xenoph. Hell. vi. 3. 19) • TvaaciQ £' virap\iiv avrovofiovQ t'lyifioai ^pwjttsj'rtg 'AOrjvaiois- The number of confederate cities was seventy-five (i-Eschin. de F. L. c. 20 ; according to Diodor. xv. 30, seventy-six). Compare at large, Boeckh's Publ. Gicon. ii. p. 157, sqq. 9) Of Chabrias over Pollis off Naxos, B. C. 376; Xenoph. v. 4. 61 ; Diodor. xv. 34; Plut. Vit. Camill. c. 19; Vit. Phocion. c. 6; de gloria Ath. c. 7. Of Timotheus over Nicolochus off Corcyra, Xenoph. 1. 1. iv AivKvpoig, oii /xiTpliog tYpryffavro, comp. Isocr. ad Phi- lipp. p. 220; also the declamations of Arislides on this subject, t. i. p. 610, sqq. Dind. 17) Xenoph. Hell. vi. 5. 33, sqq.; Diodor. xv. 63; comp. Isocr. Areop. p. 362 : Trpfajitig iXOvvrag nap' avriov Kal £t£6vrag rg TroXti t>)v dp- \iiv rrjg OaXdacriig; Demosth. pro Cor. p. 258. 18) Demosth. Olynth. iii. p. 36. 5: AaKe^aifioviiov fiiv aTroXwXorwv, i^t]ftai(ov v' tiff^oXwi' iJvTwv, tSiv c' oXXwj' ovCivbg iivTog d^ioxpno TTfpl rHv TTpwTtiojv vfuv di'TiTd^affOai : comp.de Syntax, p. 168. 13: I'lu'i £i TrpioTivfiv p'tv dKiovTt Kat Ta OiKaui vpiZtw dXXoig ; also de Rhod. libert. p. 199. 21 : Koivoi TTpoffTdrai Tljg dirdvTMV fXivdepiag, SECT. 171.] OF GREECE. 351 but particularly the oration, pro Megalopolitanis (01. cvii. 1., 352. B.C. ; Diod. xvi. 37;, and adv. Aristocr. p. 654. 12 : (TvnwK:sne avTi- irdXovg To'ig S' iiXXovg Tivug dvaf tic yap row Tavff ovrwg txti-v vfJ^ii' vwap^ti fityiffTOig ovcnv dacpaXwg o'lKtiv. §. 171. The Democracy, for instance, far from having regained its original purity, had made, as was soon evident, only one step more towards ruin ^ The in- fluence of the orators increased daily, and with it in- creased the folly of the people 2; whilst, at the same time, the public officers in general, and particularly the generals and ambassadors ^, made greater preten- sions to authority and importance. The checks which were supposed to exist on the first in the y?ot.(p-fj Trapa- vojAuv, and the responsibility which left the latter at the mercy of sycophants *, were wholly ineflTectual to pro- tect the state from the eflTects of their treachery or in- terested views ^, since the rapacity of the populace af- forded a ready means of swaying it to their purposes^. The public property and funds began anew to be squandered for the private gratification of the Demos''. As early as B. C. 396, Agyrrhius^, though he di- minished the pay of the actors ^, increased the eccle- siasts' fee to three obols. The Theoricon was a branch of expenditure which originated, it is true, with Peri- cles, serving in his time merely as a means of refund- ing to the poorer classes the two obols which certain police regulations had made it advisable to exact for seats in the theatre ^°; this largess however having been extended to other festivals, and increased to an immense amount by the frequent occurrence of holi- days'^, on which sacrifices and other amusements were held, the entire finances of the state were engrossed by it ; especially after the law introduced by Eubulus of Anaphlystus '- had assigned the superfluous re- ceipt of every other branch of the revenue to this one 352 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. purpose, and denounced the penalty of death against any person who should propose an alteration of this arrangement 13; so that Demosthenes did not succeed^* till after the battle of Chaeronea in restoring these sur- plus funds to the military chest, to which by the ancient laws they belonged. This misapplication of the re- venue had, above everything else, a most pernicious effect on the foreign relations of Athens ; for the citizens, left all military service to be performed by mercenaries ^^, and these again, being always badly and irregularly paid, either pillaged the very allies whom they were sent to protect, or engaged in expe- ditions on their own score; the latter was particularly the case whenever they were headed by interested commanders, such as Chares ^^ and Charidemus i**. The Athenians, meantime, in the midst of revelry and the idle pursuit of novelty at home^'', exhausted their ingenuity in framing resolutions and decrees^" which they never proceeded to execute. 1) See Lysias de affect, tyrann. c. 29, sqq. ; ^schin. de Falsa Legal. c. 52, and more in Wachsm. i. 2. p. 269—283. 2) ^schin. adv. Ctesiph, c. 85 : 6 Sk Srjuog wansp irapaytyifpaKihg 1] TTapavoiag eaXoiKw^ avrb fiovov Tovvofia TfJ£ StjfioKpaTiai; Trepiiroiti- rai, Twv S' ipywv irtpoig TrapaKtxpt]Kt. Demosth. Olynth.iii. p.37. 3 ; Kvpioi fiiv ribv ayaQCJv ol TToXirtvoiievoi Kai dia rovTOiv UTTavra Tzpur- Ttrai' vfitlg S' 6 dfjfiog iv vTrripeTov Ka'i TrpocrdijKijc jxepii yiy'ivr](Tdi, ayairwvTtg tav jxeTaSiSwai OtwpiKuiv vpTv >] /3otSia Trkixtpbiffiv ovtoi : compare also de Corona I'rierarch. p. 1232 — 1234, and adv. Androt. p. 605. 3 : 01 tOdStQ Kal avvsffTTiKOTtg pijroptg. 3) Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 26.23 : irpoTtpov fiev yap (lai^'iptTi Kara avfifiopiag, vvvl Si TroXirtvtffOs Kara (TVjXfiopiag, prjriop r'lyejxijjv iKark- piov Kal arparriyhg vtto tovt(i) Kal oi jio^Qriaofiivoi oi TpiaKoaioi, oi 5' aXXot 7rpQavtv'ifii]aQt o'l fih' wg TovTovg ot d' log tKiivovg. Compare adv. Aristocr. p. 686, and yEschin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 57 — 62. On the profusion in which public distinctions (dii)peal) were bestowed, particularly those of garlands, and maintenance in the Prytaneum, and on the increasing im- portance of the generals in particular, see above, §. 153. n. 11 ; and also Lysias adv. Alcibiad. i. c. 21 : iav ds rii'sg twv apxovTwv (ioijQioniv avTqi iTTtCiiKn' i^uv Ttjg tuvrmv Svvdfitiog 'ttoiovj.uvoi, k. t. X., and De- mosth. Procem. p. 1448. 20. 4) See $. 132. n. 1, 2; §. 154. n. 7. Compare, for instance, Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 53. 26 : vvv S' tig rovff i'jKti rd Trpny/iara alcrxvvijg, iiari SECT. 171.] OF GREECE. 353 ribv crrpaTJiyCJi' t/iaorof cif Kai rpig Kpivtrai nap' vpXv irtpl OnvaTov, K. T. \. On the system of sycophancy, see above, $. lt)3. n. 9, 10. 5) Demosth. adv. Timocr. p. 744. 24: oi nap' v^uv pt]Topeg . . . offoi firjvtc fiiKpoi) ckovcn vofioBeTiTf rd avTolg ffvi.itpepovra : compare Lysias pro Polystr. c. 17 : I3ot]6ov(ti Ttji ji'tv ovojiari vfiiv, t(^ de (py({J (Tepov9' vjjilv yeypa(f>e Xf ytiv 'tnixiipovvra : comp. Olynth. iii. p. 34. 24 : t§ ov S' 01 SupioTojvrtg vfidg ovroi nii^ ov ^ovXevcrdfiivoi. dW uirnip tK rwv tpdviov rd ntpiovra t'tifidfitvoi, and the anecdote of Demades in Piut. Reip. ger. praec. c. 25. 8) See §. 128. n. 12, and more, on the subject at large, in Meursius, Lectt. Att. vi. 4, the commentt. on Aristoph. Plut. 176; Sluiteri Lectt. Andoc. p. 96; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 294—298. 9) Schol. Aristoph. Eccl. 102 : rbv fiiaObv roJv nonjrwv (rvven^is : comp. Ran, 375, and Boeckh, i. p. 258 ; and, on the decay of the older comedy at this period, in general, see Wachsm. i. 2. p. 441 — 444; also Clinton's F. H. p. 1— Iv. ; F. Ritter de Aristophanis Pluto (Bonn, 1828,) p. 34—46. 10) See Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. i, p. 13. A.; and more in Meurs. 1. 1. v. 12 ; Petit, p. 475—478 ; Att. Museum, iv. 2. p. 46, sqq. ; Hemst. ad Luc. Tim. c. 49 ; Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. 71 ; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 304, sqq. 11) See Isocr. Areop. p. 344 : rag fiiv tniQeTovg ioprdg olg kariaa'tg Tig npo(7dt], iiiyaXonpenwg ijyov, 'tv ci Toig dyuoTaroig rwi> itpwv and fiiaQtx)ixdTitiv iOuov, and more in Boeckh's Publ. Qicon. i. p. 282 ; Lysias, adv. ]\icom. c. 17, sqq., very evidently throws the blame on this reviser of the code after Euclides. These feasts were also defrayed out of the Theori- con ; it appears from Isajus, de Astyphil. c. 21, that they took place in each Demi, as also the distribution of the Theoricon itself, according to Demosth. adv. Leochar. p. 1091. 24 ; comp. Bleier de bonis, p. 79, against Herald. Obss. ad J. A. et R. vi. 3. p. 415; and the Ind. Lectt. Berol. hib. 1819, 20. p. 6. 12) Theopomp. ap. Ilarpocr. p. 130 : Ai]iJ,aytoybg yv tnirpaviffTarog, ini/KXTig Kul ^tXonovog, dpyvpiov ti ov^vov nopi^MV Tolg AGt]vaitHg Sdi'iipf dib Kai ti)v ttoXu' 'tnl Trig tovtov noXtrtiag dvav^poTaTtji' Kai fxfOvfioraTijv avvifh} ytv'taQai : comp. Plut. Reip. ger. praBC. c. 15, and see more on the subject at large, in Ruhnk. hist. crit. orat. gr. p. 65 — 68; Boeckh's Publ. (Econ. i. p. 300 ; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 366. 13) See above, of.wv 'iQtx'TO fitjSsva Toiv 'A9t]vaitijv y£ciipy£ii' (Platon. Euthyphr. p. 4. C), 6/cr6f riJQ'ATTiKfjg. On the Cleruchi, in general, see above, $. 117. n. 4. 3) Comp. Leloup ad Isocr. 1. 1. p. 121, and Bergmann ad ejusd. Areop. c. 1. p. 71 ; but particularly, Harpocr. p. 279 : tXtyi de roiig ^opovg avv- Ta^tig, tTTttSi) xciy^fTT'u^g tfepov oi"EXXrii'tQ to twv (popiov ovofia, Ka\- XiarpaTov ovru) ovofiaaavTog, (oq cpijcn QtoTrojATrng, and more, on the sub- ject at large, in Spanheim ad Julian, i. p. 166, and Schajfer ad Dionys. de Compos, p. 363. 4) See Boeckh, Publ. CEcon. ii. p. 165, sqq., and on the re-establishment of the Cleruchias, especially in Samos, (/Eschin. adv. Tim. c. 23 ; Diod. xviii. 8 and 18 ; 01. cvii. 1, according to Boeckh, and Panofka res Sa- mior. p. 97 ; according to others, as early as 01. ciii. or civ. ; comp. also Clinton's F. H. p. 132), see ibid. p. 460. ^Eschin. adv. Timarch. c. 44 : fjpS,t (?£ h'"AvSp(iJ . . . thiropiav ry liStXvpia ry tavTov rovg ovufiaxovg Tovg vntTBpovg iroioviitvog, also bears on this point. 5) Diodor. xv. 78. 6) Demosth. de Rhod. libert. p. 191. 10 ; Diodor. xvi. 7. 7) Diodor. ibid. ; Cornel. N. Vit. Chabr. c. 4. 8) Diodor. xvi. 21 : 6 juiv ILdpTjg . . . SufiaXa Tovg (jvvapxovrag mg TTpodoTag . . . o'l S' ' AOrjvaloi Trapo^vvOevreg . . . t^/;jU(o>o'aj' avToi)g TToXXoig raXdvToig Kal rtjg arpaTrjy'iag cnrerrrijCFav. Isocrates is more accurate, 7r. dvTiS. p. 75 : rag p.iv irpa^tig 'l viro OifJii- aiovog Kal OsoSt'opov irtpl 'Qpo)7r6v rjdiKriaOe (Ol. ciii. 3, B. C. 366, comp. Xenoph. Hell. vii. 4. 1 ; Diodor. xv. 76, and see a further account of the celebrated speech made by Callistratus on the occasion, in Ruhnk. liist. orat. gr. p. lix. ; Boeckh's Publ. fficon. i. p. 306 ; Miiller, Orch. p. 411 ; Niebuhr, kl. Schr. p. 121 ; Voemel. ad Demosth. Olynth. p. 10), wj't/x- vi](T9t]TS, dXX' tfioii9ij(yaTe Kal rovrotg : VViniewski, p. 26 — 31, and on the date (01. cv. 3, B. C. 358), consult Diodor. xvi. 7 ; and particularly j^schin. de Falsa Legat. c. 49, and adv. Ctesiph. c. 26, also, on the second expedition under I'hocion (Ol. cvi. 4), in behalf of Plutarch of Erelria, comp. Demosth. de Pace, p. 58. 7, and Wciske de Hyperb. iii. p. 36. SECT. 172.] OF GREECE. 357 11) On the conquests of Timotheus (Torone, Potidaea, Methone, Pydna, etc., 01. civ. 1), see Diodor. xv. 81 ; Periz. ad j-Elian. Var. Hist. iii. 16; Boeckh's Publ. Oicon. i. p. 391, sq.; Voemel. Prolegg. ad Demosth. p. 68 ; and ad Olynth. ii. p. 22. 6, on his expedition against Olynthus, coinp. Boeckh's Publ. Qicon. ii. p. 159. 12) Resigned after the death of Cotys, (who was in the possession of it as late as 01. civ. 3, as appears from Demosth. adv. Polycl. p. 1207), by Kersobleptes and his brothers, about 01. cv. 3 ; comp. Demosth. adv. Aristocr. passim : particularly p. 677—81, and Rumpf de Charidemo, p. 20, sq. ; Winiewski, 1. 1. p. 193, sqq. Cleruchi were afterwards sent out there, 01. cvi. 4 : Diodor. xvi. 34 ; comp. Libanius Argum. ad De- mosth, de Cherson. p. 88. 3. 13) Leucon in particular, see Demosth. Leptin. c. 25. p. 466. 21, sqq., and above, §. 78. n. 23 ; and particularly Boeckh's Publ. OEcon. i. p. 116. 14) See in particular, Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 19, sq. ; de Chersoneso, p. 105. 5 ; adv. Phil, epist. p. 153. 6, with the character drawn of him by Theopompus, in Polyb. viii. 11, and Justin, ix. 8 ; also see Pausan. viii. 7. 4: oQ ye /cai opKovc 9eioi> KaTnraTi}ntv aii ical OTTovSaQ tTTt iravri iipivrruTo, TTiUTiv Tt i)T'niaat ficiKiara ai'OpioTrwv : and, on the history of this monarch at large, besides his life by CI. M. Olivier (Paris, 1740), Th. Leland (London, 1761), and P. J. Vogel (Biographien grosser und beriihmter Manner des Alterthums, Bd. ii. Niirnb. 1790), and the several editors of the Philippics of Demosthenes, namely I'ourreil (Paris, 1701), Lucchesini (Rom. 1712), Jacobs (Leipz. 1805), Voemel (Francof. ad Moen. 1829), especially L. C. Valckena;ri Oratio de Philippi AmynliadcB indole, virtutibus rebusque gestis, causis externis fractae Gra;corum liberta- tis (Franek. 1760, and reprinted in T. Hemsterhusii et L. C. V. Orationes, (L. B. 1784), p. 225—282) ; Drumann's Gesch. des Verfalls der gr. St. p. 21 — 58 ; B. G. Weiske de Hyperbole errorum in historia Philippi com- missorum genitrice, parts i — iii. (Lips. 1818, 1819); Wachsm. i, 2. p. 339—350. 15) On the subject of AmphipoUs in general, see above, §. 86. n. 20 ; Diodor. xvi. 3 : Otoipwv yap tovq 'A9i]vaiovg vrrtp tov ti)v 'A/u^ittoXiv uvaKTrjeraaOai Tt)v Tracrav (piXorifiiav tla^ipojiivovQ Kai Sici tovto ku- rayovTaq tov 'Apyaiov tiri t>)v jSaaiXtiav, tKovaiiog t^f)(^i.opi]at Ti)Q tto- XtwQ, aiptiQ avTi)v avTovofiov : compare Hegesipp. de Halonn. p. 83. 22; Demosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 660. 14 ; adv. Phil. Epist. p. 164. 15, and Voemel Prolegg. citt. p. 50 — 57 ; Winiewski, p. 37, sqq. 16) On the subject of Olynthus at large, see above, §. 81. n. 10 ; and here more particularly, Diodor. xvi. 8; coll. Demosth. Phil. ii. p. 70. 25, sqq. 17) See Diodor. xvi. 53, and Voemel, 1. 1. p. 101 — 108 ; Winiewski, p. 66—68. 18) Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 49. 25 : ovx waTrip tov TraptXOovTa xpo- vov tiQ Ai}i.ivov Kcit'luiipov tnjiaXiov aixi^ctXwTOVi; TToXiTag iifUTipovg (/•X""' uy^v Kal Trpog ti^ TtpcuaTi^ tu irXola ffuXXajSojv dfivOijTa XPV' fiar i^'iXi^i, Tcl TtXtvTcun o tit; MapaOuiva d-!T-tj3t) Kal ti)v itpav atrb TriQ xwpaf vx'^' 'X''-"^ '''P'^IP^I i compare Philipp. ii. p. 74. 18, and the whole oration de Halonneso, p. 80. 20: 6 ^e Tpti'ipiig KUTaffictvdCtrai Kai vtuxToiKovg oiKoc^ojUflrai Kai ('nroaToXovq aTToaTsXXtiv liovXerat, K. T. X. 19) See at length the orations of Demosthenes and .Eschines, ntpi ira- pairpiafiiiaq, also Voemel de pace inter Alheii. ct Phil, per Icgatos cele- 358 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. berrimos composita (Franc, ad M. 1827), and prefixed to Demosth. de Pace, in his edition of the Philippics, v. p. 240 — 283. 20) Compare above, §. 13. n. 6 ; and on the previous fortification of the Thermopylce by the Athenians (01. cvii. 1), Winiewski, p. 48 — 52. 21) See Demosth. de Cor. p. 231 — 239, with Winiewski's remarks, p. 69, sqq.; compare Philipp. ii. p. 74. 10 ; iii. p. 119. 14 ; iv. p. 143.25: Trpdyfia yap tvnixov Kai ftkya Kai Xafnrpbv Koi Trtpi ov irdvTa rbv Xpovov ai fikyiarai twv TroKiiav Tvpbg avrdg Suipipovro . . . r/fiiSiv dfit- Xovvruv tpi][iov dvtiKtTO. §. 173. But Philip's steady ambition ^ rendered it impossible that even this peace should be of long du- ration. Y/liatever pains he might take to flatter the Athenians by occasional concessions ^, they could not look on with indifference Avhilst he pursued his vic- torious course along the Tliracian coast, and daily in- creased his influence in the Peloponnesus ^ and in Euboea*. The eloquence of Demosthenes and his coadjutors^, and the military successes of Phocion in Eubcea^ and Megara'^, frustrated, it is true, his plans for a moment, and even induced a small band of allies to join the Athenian standard^. Athens still pos- sessed one strong hold in Thrace, namely, the Cher- sonesus. Diopithes had from that quarter thrown many hindrances in Philip's way^ since the year B. C. 343, and now, on the outbreak of actual war, B. C. 340, Athens gained two new allies in the states of Pe- rinthus and Byzantium, which Phocion successfully defended against all his attacks ^o, g^t Athens was soon disabled by domestic treachery", or, if one will, by the mistaken policy of a party of influential ora- tors, (the most celebrated were ^schines and Eubu- lus of Anaphlystus,) who, though they had, but a few years before, made common cause with Demosthenes in opposing the diplomacy of Philip ^^ now stepped forward as that monarch's advocates, and by a clamour for peace rendered the thoughtless and apathetic po- l)ulace regardless of the warnings of Demosthenes '" SECT. 173.] OF GREECE. 359 until it became too late to do more than take some hurried measures against the close impending dan- ger 1^. The influence of the same party allowed the Macedonian monarch to penetrate into the very heart of Greece on the occasion of the war of the Amphic- tyons against Amphissa^^, B. C. 339. His capture and garrisoning of Elatea^^ on that occasion, opened at last the eyes of his old allies, the Thebans, as to the true nature of his designs ; Athens and Thebes now forgot their inveterate hatred to unite in opposing him^'^, but it was only that Macedon might win, in one day, at Chaeronea, B. C. 338, that supremacy over Greece which they had so long contested with each other ^^. 1) See Demosth. Philipp. ii. p. 67, sqq. ; iii. p. 115 ; and on this sub- ject at large, Fr. Goller in Demosth. de republica habitas orationes prole- gomena s. Chronologia pacis Philocrateae, resqne post banc gestae usque ad bellum Amphissense (Coin. 1823). 2) Hegesipp. de Halonn. p. 82. 10 : . . . d os ri fit) kuXwc yiypawTai iv Ty tlpi]vy, Tovr tTravopGwataOai, wg airavTa ^iXittttov iron)(Tov~a, Off' av vfitit; \l/rj£o0p«(Troi' (Ol.cx.l, B.C. 340) i\v9t](Tav,'A9i]i'aiiijviuv iXiTnrov d' 'A6i]vaioic iyKaXovv- TOQ ; compare Philip's manifesto of war, appended to Demosth. adv. Phil. Epist. p. 158,sqq., and Wachsm.i. 2. p. 348. — Was peace again concluded in consequence? See Winiewski, p. 227—239. 11) See above, §. 72. n. 7, and Wachsm. i. 2. p. 366 ; and particularly Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 45. 2 : tiVt yap, titrlv oi ■ko.vt i^ayyiWovrtg tKtivip Trap' i^jxuiii avnov rrXtiovg rov ceoitoc, k. r. X.; comp. de Cher- son, p. 104. 25 ; Philipp. iii. p. 120 ; iv. p. 132. 24. 12) Demosth. de F. L. p. 344, sqq., and 438, extr, ; comp. Winiewski, p. 72. 13) Compare Heeren'sRes, Greece, p. 238, sqq,, and more particularly A.G. Becker, Demosthenes alsStaatsmannu, Redner( Halle u. Leipz. 1815 and 1830) ; Pistor de Demosthenis ingenio et eloquentia (Darmst. 1825) ; Ph. A. Zimmermann de Demosth. reipublicae Atheniensium administra- tore (Berl. 1828); E. Miinch, Ziige zu einer Lebensbeschr. d. Demosth., in the Pblitz. Jahrbb. d. Gesch. u. Staatskunst, Febr. 1829. 14) Demosth. Philipp. iv. p. 146. 2 : ivQvg avaffrdg tiq Xtyci, Mg ov Cfi Xi]p(lr, ovSt ypaann> i.isyc'cXi]i> log y"^^^o»', K.r. X.; compare iii. p. 113. 4: rovro d' lariv, o nov avaXi(TKOfiivMv ■Xp'i]fiaru)v TrdvTiov ^iXimrog covtirai, avrog fiiv iroXiixCiv r/xTj', iKp' vfiwv St fiij voXentlcrGai : de Halonn. p. 77. 26. 15) See above, §. 13, n. 6 ; and on the chronology, Corsini, F. A. i. p. 140—144; Clinton's F. H, ii, p, 289—295; Winiewski, p. 206—257, The speech of Libanius, np rov A>;yi(O(T0£i'o?ic ovojiari kut Al(T)(^tvov ttv- Xayopov, t, ii, p. 681 — 706, Morell,, also bears on this subject. 16) Compare Demosth. pro Cor. p, 278. sqq,; Diodor. xvi. 84; and on the military importance of the place, Strab, ix, p, 639, C: oti iraffiov fiiyiffTi] roll' ivTuvQa tt6X(.()1%> kciI iiriKaipoTdri] Sid rb liriKCiaQai toIq artvolg, Kai rov t^ovra ravrrjv tj^tiv rag tlufioXdg rag lig riiv ^wKtSa Kai rrjv JioiMTiav, k. r. X, 17) Demosth, ibid, p. 285, sqq. 18) On the seventh of Metagitnion (Plut. Vit, Camill. c. 19.) 01. ex. 3 ; compare Diodor. xvi. 86 — 89 ; Justin, ix. 3 : Hie dies universtc Grecix et gloriam domiiialionis et vetustissimam libertatemjinivit. §, 174, To Athens the immediate consequence of this overtlirow i was the loss of the sovereignty of the SECT. 174.] OF GREECE. 361 seas and of her foreign possessions, for which the ac- quisition of Oropus proved but a trifling compensa- tion-. She was however more fortunate than her con- federates, since, although obhged to concur in the de- crees by which the whole of Greece acknowledged first Philip, and then Alexander, as their generalis- simo against the Persians^, she still succeeded in main- taining her civil independence, even under the latter ; and regained indeed once more a considerable degree of public prosperity under the wise financial system of Lycurgus^. Alexander's wrath on account of her projected revolt, was appeased by the intercession of Demades ^. Highly characteristic of the moral con- dition of this state and its leaders at this period, was the prosecution of those who were suspected of being bribed by Harpalus ^, the treasurer of Alexander, who was a refugee in Athens ; but it is involved in nearly as great mystery as that of the Hermocopidae, and the expressions of Demosthenes^ make it extremely doubtful whether the accused or his accusers and the judges, among whom we regret to find the Areopagus, were the more guilty party. But the fact that Athens dared not avail herself of the opportunities afforded her by the presence of this man, no more than of the previous insurrection of the Peloponnesus under Agis II. of Lacedsemon^, is decisive of the great influence of the Macedonian party, by whom her energies were crippled^*', and who reckoned on their side the wealthiest part of the citizens^'. Hence we may ac- count for the anti-democratic spirit displayed by that party when subsequently, on the death of Alexander, Hyperides^^ and Leosthenes encouraged the Demos to join in the Lamian war^^ in which the forces of nearly all Greece were seen once more united under the orders of Athens ; so great was the discontent that had been excited by the frequent intervention of A a a 362 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. the Macedonian monarch in the internal affairs of the states. The nnfortunate termination of this war jus- tified, it is true, the apprehensions of Phocion, but we are grieved to see that man, whose equals in in- tegrity and nobleness of mind are scarcely to be found in history'^, acting on the side of a cunning egotist like Demades^^, who thought he could not pro- fitably employ his great talents except as a hireling of Antipater ; and to read his name among the negotia- tors of a peace by which 12,000 Athenians were de- prived of the rights of citizenship i'' because not pos- sessed of the minimum qualification of 2000 drachmae, by which the Macedonians were put in possession of the Munychia, and the noblest of the citizens, and even Demosthenes, whose return had been celebrated as a triumph ^^, abandoned to the vengeance of a most merciless enemy. 1) Pausan. i. 25. 3. 2) Id. i. 34. 1 ; Demad. Fragm. v. SaiSeKaEriag, t. iii. p. 488. Bekk. 3) Concerning Philip, see Diodor. xvi. 89 ; and comp. Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 16 : AijudSov ypaipavTog, OTTwg fjaraaxot. i) ttoXiq t^(; KOivfjg iipr)V)]s Kai Tou (TvvtSpiov roTg "EXXj/ffij/ .... /cat Tptr]ptig 'iosi napt)(^tiv Tip $i- \'nnr(i) Kai 'nrTrsTc, k. t, X. On Alexander, see Diodor, xvii. 4, and the speech of Demosthenes, inpi tiZv vpog ' AXtS,, ffvv6T]icwv, from which we are able to collect some of the articles of the general peace. 4) Pausan. vii. 10. 1 : 'AOijvaioi yap fitra to ciTvxrjfia to iv Boiotroif ouK tyevovTO <^i\Linrov Kari]Kooi, uXovtwv fikv aipiai ^icrj^iXioJi/, 6)v ek- paTTjffe TTapd to ipyov, ■)(^iK'n>)v 5e (povivOkvTMv : comp. Justin, ix. 4. 5) As rafiiag rJ/c Koivrig wponoSov, or tyiq SioiK^'jrrnog, see above, §. 151. n. 10, 11, and on this man, (y iTropiaOij fjih' ToKavTa eg to (^jj- fioffiov Trej'TaKoaioig nXtiova Kai tS,aKi(TxiXioig f) oaa IIcptKrX^f 6 Eav- Q'lVKOv ffvvijyaye (comp. §. 159. n. 10)* KartaKtvaas St Tro/iTrsTa nj 6ti^ Kai viKug xpv(Tug Kai TrapOevoig KOGfiov (.kutov, ig St iroXtfxov OTrXa Kai /3fX>j Kai TtTpaKoffiag vav^iaxo7'aiv ilvai Tpiljptig (100 vessels, in- deed, according to Demosth. de Feed Alex. p. 217. 20), olKoSofirjfiaTa Si tTTtTtXtat jxiv TO Qtarpop tTtpoJv inrap^aiiEviov, to. St iirl Trjg avTOv Tro- XiTiiag a i^KoS6iii\t7tv iv Yltipaul vtiog tlaiv ihkol Kai to irphg Tifi Av- Ktiii) KuXovixsviij yvfivaffioi') see more in (Pseudo) Plutarchi Vitt. x. Oratt. t. xii. p. 250 — 258, and the I'sephism of Stratocles, ibid. p. 277 — 279 ; comp. Taylor's Proleg. in Lycurgi reliquias, (Cantahr. 1743, reprinted in Reiske's edition, t. iv. and prefixed to that of A. G. Becker, IVIagdeb. 1821.), Auger in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xlvi, p. 364, sqq.; and Boeckh, in his Publ. CEcon. i. p. 26-1—269. ii. p. 183, sqq. coll. C. Inscr. i. n. 157, which Boeckh conjectures to be a fragment of the accounts SECT. 174.] OF GREECE. 363 passed by Lycurgus, at the expiration of his twelve years of office (01. ex. 3 to cxii. 3, or from cxi. to cxiii. ?) A brief account of him may be seen in Wachsm. i. 2. p. 363. 6) Diodor. xvii. 15. The most celebrated of the orators whose surren- der he demanded were Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and C'haridemus ; concerning the names and even number of the rest, the ancients themselves were not agreed ; compare Plut. Vit. Uemosth. c. 23 ; Arrian. i. c. 10. 7) See Diodor, xvii. 108 ; Athen. vi. 47. xiii. 67 ; Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 21; Demosth. c. 25, 26; x. Oratt. p. 260. Hutt., and particularly the speeches of Dinarchus against Demosthenes, Philocles, and Aristogiton. Concerning this last, see more ap. 'J'aylor in Schaefer's App. ad Deni. t. iv. p. 299, and B. Thorlacius, Opuscc. t. ii. p. 201—240. 8) His innocence is placed beyond a doubt, by Pausan. ii. 34. 4. Comp. A. G. Becker's Demosth. als Staatsmann und Redner, p. 115 — 121, and Niebuhr's kl. histor. Schr. i. p. 481. For more ancient charges against him, see Plut. c. 14 and 20 ; Diodor. xvii. 4, and Schmidt ad Dinarch. c. 10. 9) Diodor. xvii. 62 and 63 ; comp. Dinarch. c. 34, with Schmidt's note, and Plut. Vit. Demosth. c. 24. 10) The wordsof Demosthenes, (TjttTreXoi'p-yoiiffirtvff ttjvtvoXiv ,avaTiT- fir]Karfi tiviq to. KXi)fiaTa tou Si'mov, vTroTtTfiijrai ra vtvpa twv Trpay- ficiToji', K. T. X., were, however, not quite so senseless as ^schines would make them appear, adv. Ctesiph. c. 52 ; compare also, de Feed. Alex. p. 214, and Arrian. Exped. Alex. ii. 17. 4. 11) Diodor. xviii. 10: rwv fiiv KTtJixariKiiJv av^fiovXtvovTMV ti)v i)(TV)(iav dytiv, TiZv Ii (iimoKoTroJv avaanovTcov to. Tr\t]9i] : comp. Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 28 : 01 tTTifiKfTc, and on the Macedonian predilections of the oligarchical party in general, at an earlier period, Demosth. Philipp. iv. p. 132, where the distinctions drawn by Weiske, de Hyperb. i. p. 32, must be borne in mind. 12) On this orator, see, (besides his life in the Pseudo-Plut. t. xii. p. 269 — 273,) Ruhnk. hist. or. gr. p. Ixix, sqq., G. A. Blume de Hyperidis genere et psephismate apud Lycurgum adv. Leocratem prefixed to his edition of Lycurgus, (Strals. 1828.) p. xv — xviii, and Wachsm. i. 2. p. 363, sqq. 13) Compare Diodor. xviii. 8, and J. Cast's Gesch. v. Griechenland seit Alex. d. Gr. A. d. Engl. (Leipz. 1796.); Mannert's Gesch. der un- mittelbaren Nachfolger Alexanders; (Leipz. 1787), p. 32, sqq.. Car. Jos. Demortier de statu graecarum civitatum Alex. M. moriente, in the Ann. Acad. Leodiensis a. 1824, p. 103—170. 14) Diodor. xviii. 9—17 ; Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 23 ; Justin, xiii. 5 ; Paus, i. 1.3; 25.4. 15) Plut. Vit. Demosth. c. 14 : 6 ^ojkiwv o/hc tTraivovfikvtjg TTpoirrrd- fiivog Tro\iT(,iag, dWd doKuiv fiaKicoviCnv, b^ajf ci dvSpeiav Kai Si- Kaioavvriv ob^iv ovSnixov x^'f'^'Ji^ tSoEev 'R(pid\rov kuI 'ApicTTei^ov Kai KifiMvog dvi)p ytvkcQai. See more, ibid., and in Heyne's treatise, en- titled, Res a Phocione in rep. Atheniensium gestie in disceptationem vo- catap, in his Opusc. t. iii. p. 346 — 363. 16) Compare Paus. vii. 10. 1, and, on the subject at large, C. S. G. Hauptmanni Disp. qua Demadem cf illi tributum Fragmentum orationis 364 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. vii. considerat, (Gerrc, 17G8), reprinted by Reiske, t. iv. p. 423, sqrj.) ; Ruhnk. hist. or. gr. p. Ixxi. sqq. ; Boeckb's Publ. Qicon. i. p. 301, sqq. ; Wachs- muth, i. 2. p. 411. 17) Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 27 ; Diodorus, xviii. 18, says erroneously 22,000. 18) Plut. Vit. Phoc. c. 29 ; Demosth. c. 28 ; Pausan. i. 8. 4, etc. §. 175. In the course of the dissensions which broke out, after the death of Antipater, between his son Cas Sander and Polysperchon, the latter re-established the Democracy for a moment, B. C. 318, and Phocion fell a victim to the change^; Cassander, however, held out in the Mvinychia, and in the very next year was again master of the city ^ ; the wise and beneficial ad- ministration of Demetrius Phalereus, though extended through a period often years ^, was however considered but a poor compensation for the loss of independence, and, in B. C. 308, Demetrius Poliorcetes was welcomed as a deliverer *. One of the most harmless of the un- heard of flatteries with which the populace, guided by interested orators like Stratocles, rewarded him for re- storing the name of freedom ^, was that by which they declared him and his father saving deities, appointing priests in their honour, whose names were in future to serve instead of those of the Archons for designating the years'*, and adding to the ten Clisthenic tribes two new ones called Antigonias and Demetrias^. By the latter measvu'e the number of the senate was also in- creased to six hundred, and this new arrangement continued even after the fall of Demetrius ^, except that the names of the two tribes were altered to Ptolemais and Attalis ^. Their adulation proceeded still further, B. C. 300, when Demetrius had forgiven their revolt after his overthrow at Ipsus ^^ and released them from the yoke of Lachares, who had been set over them as governor by Cassander". But whilst that contjueror thus displayed his clemency, he took measures for SECT. 175.] OF GREECE. ^ 365 gaining a more secure possession of their city, by placing garrisons in the Museum ^^ as well as in the Munychia and Pirseus ; nor were the Athenians rid of these garrisons until they revolted, under Olympiodo- rus ^^, after Demetrius had lost the throne of Mace- don, B. C. 288. Notwithstanding the weak condition to which they were reduced, they fought with the rest of the Greeks in opposing the passage of Thermo- phylae, by the Gauls '^, B. C. 280, in a manner which made them appear worthy of the freedom they had regained. This freedom they afterwards again he- roically defended against Antigonus Gonatas ^^, until reduced by famine, B. C. 262 '^, notwithstanding the assistance of Ptolemy II. of Egypt, and Areus I. of Sparta ^7. The Macedonian king appears to have then lorded over the city for some years ^^, but even- tually, B. C. 256, granted it civil liberty ^^, maintain- ing, however, a garrison in each port, which were not withdrawn until after his death, B. C. 243, when Ara- tus, in the hope of gaining Athens over to the Acheean League, bribed them to retire ^^. But though Aratus not only thus relieved the Athenians, but even put them anew in possession of Salamis ^^ they from that time forth refused to take part in the affairs of the rest of Greece, preferring to ally themselves with foreign powers, particularly with the Ptolemies and with the kings of Pergamus, whilst the crafty orators exhausted their genius in showing the most abject flattery towards those monarchs --. 1) Diodor. xxiii. 56 iuid 66; Plut. Phoc. c. 32, sqq. A number ol exiles returned in consequence, and under Demetrius Phalereus there were again as many as 21,000 citizens, Athen. vi. p. 272. C. 2) By means of Nicanor : Diodor. xviii. 64 — 68 ; Plut. Phoc. c. 31. 3) Diodor. c. 74 : rrwiOirTO t>)i> tlpi)vi]v, uxrrs rorf 'A9)iV((ioi'c txttv TToXii' Tt Kci'i XMftav Ktii Trf)H(T^a\r]ptvQ. Com- pare Strab. ix. p. 609. C : tvtoi Si (paai Kal /SfXricrra tots avrovq ttoXi- TivaaaOai SticafTrj ■)(^p6vov . . . tTrtffrrjfft yap tiov noXiTiov AijfiijTpiov roi' ^a\i]pea Toi> Bto^paoTou tov ^iXoaofov yvwpiuov' o£ ov fimwv ov KaTtXvffi TYjv Si]fioKpaTiav. aXXa Kal iTrtjviopdioaf o>;Xoi St to. hTTOfivr]- fiara, a avvkypa-^t Trepl Trjg TroXiTtia^ ravTijQ iKth'oc and see more on the subject at large in Diogen. Laert. v. 75, sqq. ; Bonamy in the Mem. de I'Acad. d. Inscr. viii. p. 157; sqq. Ruhnk. Hist. cr. or. gr. p. xci ; Dohrn de Vita et rebus Demetrii Phal. (Kiel, 1828) ; Pastoret, vi. p. 233, sqq. Wachsm. i. 2. p. 413, sq. 4) Diodor. xx. 45 ; Dionys. Hal. Dinarch. c. 2, and 3. t. v. p. 632 — • 637. Rsk. ; Plut. Vit. Demetr. c. 8 and 10. 5) Thus SeSoxGai rtf SijfKi), irav o ri (SamXtvg Atjfirjrpiog KeXivcry, TovTO Kal TrpoQ OtovQ oaiov Kal Tvpoq avQpd)irovQ tlvai SiKaiov ; comp. Plut. Vit. Demetr. c. 11— 13, 23— "26 ; Athen. vi. 62— 64, with Eichstadt's Programm. : Ithyphallicum carmen Demetrio Poliorcetag cantatum, quum ad sacra Cereris Athenas reverteretur (Jenae, 1807) ; and on Stratocles in particular, Ruhnken. ad Rutil. Lupum, p. 32 — 34 ; VVachsm. i. 2. p. 414. 6) Plut. ibid. c. 10, coll. c. 46. From B. C. 306 to 288, comp, Corsin. F. A.ii. p. 93 — 95 ; but, as has been rightly observed by Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 380, those years were afterwaids designated by the names of their respective Archons. 7) See Plut. ibid.; and, on their place at the head of the list of tribes, Dodvvell de Cyclis Diss. iii. p. 39, and Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. p. 152. Compare also Pausan. x. 10. 1, where he mentions that the statues of An- tigonus and Demetrius stood in the temple of Delphi, with those of the other iTTioi'v^oi (§. 111. n. 2.) 8) Comp. Corsin. i. p. 262 ; Schomann de Com. p. 44. 9) Comp. Pausan. i. 5. 5 ; Poll. viii. 110 ; Steph. Byzant. s. v. Btps- viKiSai: the form.er, from Ol. cxxx., in compliment to Ptolemy Philadel- phus (Pausan. i. 6. 8), the latter, from 01. cxlv., in compliment to Attains I. comp. Polyb. xvi. 25. 9 ; Liv. xxxi. 15. Grotefend conjectures (de demis, p. 13, sq.), against the opinion of Boeckh (ad C. Inscr. i. p. 901), that the name Demetrias continued till then ; compare also Emperius de tempp. belli Mithr. p. 29 : iion videntur Athenienses, semel institutis XII. tribuhus, ad X. et delude XI. rediisse. The fact that the Ptolemais ranked fifth, and the Attalis twelfth, among the tribes, was rightly remarked by Corsini himself, F. A. i. p. 165, although inconsistent with what he advanced in p. 177. 10) Plut. Vit. Demetr. c. 30—34. 11) Comp. Wytt. ad Plut. de Sera Num. Vind. p. 71. 12) Paus. i. 25. 5 ; comp. Leake's Topogr. p. 361. 13) Plut. Vit. Demetr. c. 46; Paus. i. 26. 1—3. 14) Paus. i. 4. 2 : *A0»;i'aToi St i.iaXiffTa /ittv riJiiv "EXXjJj'wv airiipi]' Kiaav firjKti ToiJ MaKtSoviKov TroXfytou, Kal TrpoaTrraiovTtg to TToXXii tv Talc /^ax^'C tKiivai Sk o^ojf wpfitjiTO tig rag Otpi^ioirvXag, K. r. X., conf. X. 21. 3: Tovg fisv Stj "EXXtjvag to 'Attikov virtptjiaXtTo aptry Tt)v iffiipav ravTTiv. 15) Compare Niebuhr, ilberdcn f'hrenionideischen Krieg, in the Rhein. Mus. i. p. 159—168, and in his kl. Schr. i. p. 451—463. SECT. 176.] OF GREECE. 367 16) Pausan. iii. 6. 3 : rolg ck 'AOiivaioiQ aiTttr^offffiv iirt fiaKporarov liroijjaaTO 'Airiyovog lipijvqv, tcp' ip Tt a(pi(nv tTrayuyy ippovpav tt," ''o Mov;- vikSjv Trpa^tojv ov5' cnroictg jxtTtixov, ciKoXovOovvrtc ^i ry riov npotcr- rwTbJV fiaXinra tovtu)v ti'c TlroXsfiaiov Kal Tcdv ytvog vrrtfievov ■^rj) avrt] vraXai julv KarkXtyt /cat ii,riyf.v eg tov TroXsfiov, vvvi Se Tpo(poJv iTrintXtirai Kui (TiTUJV dyopag. 15) Comp. Ahrens, p. 25, sqq. That all other offices were filled by open election, as the same writer maintains, p. 39, is by no means to be asserted positively''. 16) Thus they sided successively with Pompey, Brutus, Cassius, and Antony, see Ahrens, p. 10, sq. ; Beutler, p. 4. 17) Dio Cass. liv. 7, coll. Appian. de Bello Civ. v. p. 675. 18) See the C. Inscr. n. 251, sqq. ; and comp. Ahrens, p. 53, sqq. ; Beutler, p. 31, sqq. 19) As towards Antony, Dio Cass, xlviii. 39 ; compare, on this point at large, Dio Chrysost. p. 346, sq. 20) Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. p. 313. 21) Pausan. i. 5. 5 ; compare Boeckh's C. Inscr. i. p. 901 ; Osann is wrong, Syll. vii. p. 322. 22) Pausan. i. 3. 1 : jSaffiXerc 'ASpiavbg, eg ciWovg ts, wv fjp^tv, ev- ipyecriag Kai tig T))v ttoXiv jxakiara aTToSti^anevog T-qv ' A9t]vai(i)V ; comp. c. 18. 6 — 9, and c. 20, extr. : 'AGiivai fiiv oi5ru>e v-ko tov TroXkfiov KUKiiidtiaai TOV 'Piofiaiiov avOig 'A^piavov ftaaiXtvovTog riv9i]csav. See more in Meursius, 1. 1. p. 1748; Ahrens, p. 15 ; Beutler, p. 6 ; and, par- ticularly on Hadrianopolis Nova, Leake's Topogr. p. 204 — 210, with Miiller's Remarks, p. 459, from the Schol. Aristid. p. 69, Fromm. 23) Dio Cass. Ixix. 16. 24) See Pausan. i. 19. 7 ; especially Philostr. V. Soph. ii. 1 ; and on the subject in general, Burigny in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. xxx. p. 1 — 28, and R. Fiorillo, in the collection of his Fragments (Lips. 1801); also the explanations of the Triopian Inscriptions by Salmasius ( Paris, 1619), and E. Q.Visconti (Rom. 1794) ; coll. Spon, Misc. Erud. Antiqu. S. X. p. 322. 25) Spartian. V. Severi, c. 3. 26) Trebell. Poll. Gallien. c. 11. 27) Compare Meursius, 1. 1. p. 1750, sqq. '' Retractavi sententiam meam in censur^ dissertationis Ahrensianae, in Ephemer. Scholast. 1832. No. 25. (Note added by the Author.) SECT. 1770 OF GREECE. 371 CHAPTER VIII. AN ACCOUNT OF CERTAIN CONFEDERACIES WHICH MAKE AN IMPORTANT FIGURE IN THE HISTORY OF GREECE. §. 177. However obvious it may appear that the two leading states of Greece, Lacedasmon and Athens, were partly indebted for the preponderance of power they enjoyed to the numerical superiority of their po- pulation, it is certain that there were other states at least equal, if not superior to them, in this point. Such states were, consequently, always disposed and on the alert to take advantage of every dispute be- tween those powers and their subjects, for the pur- pose of disputing with them the supremacy of Greece, or of claiming to be at any rate their equals. The prosecution of these pretensions required that their forces should be concentrated, and that a settled and moderate administration at home should leave them at liberty to pursue a steady and consistent course of poHcy abroad. Such, evidently, was the object of the confederacy of the Arcadians under Lyco- medes, about B. C. 369, and of the founding of Me- galopolis^, a measure which, however thwarted from the first ^, most effectually prevented Lacedaemon from regaining its supremacy^. The anxiety* of the several states to preserve the equipoise of power which was thus created in the Peloponnesus, held the whole peninsula in a state of inactivity which cost it its freedom ; nor was it till the power of Macedonia had caused a total revolution in the po- litics of Greece, that the Peloponnesian states acted 372 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. for a moment in unison under the command of Lace- dfiemon^, or sought to promote a common interest by joining the Achaean league. Thessaly, Boeotia, and iEtoha, also demand our attention, from the contrast they for a time respectively presented to the rest of Greece, by the union of their powers. Such coalitions as took place between other states'^ are undeserving of notice, either from the feebleness and supineness they displayed, or from having had no further object than the protection of their own particular territory ''. 1) Compare Xenoph. Hell. vii. 1. 23, and 4. 3 ; and see above, §. 42. n. 7. 2) Diod. XV. 94; compare Pausan. vi. 12. 3, and Demortier, 1. 1. p. 150. — Tittmann is evidently wrong, p. 688 — 693, in representing Megalo- polis to have been the place of congress of an Arcadian confederacy. 3) See above, §. 42. n. 19, and especially Demosth. pro Megalopolita- nis ; VViniewski, p. 149, sqq. ; and the statement in Polybius (iv. 33. 9) concerning the services rendered by the Megalopolitans at the restoratioa of the Messenians, B. C. 362. 4) Demosth. Philipp. iv. p. 145. 7 : tTnira Trpoaraaiui iroWal Kai iravTcixoQfv yiyvovTai Kai rov TrpojTiveiv avrnroiovvTai fiiv aTravrtc;, acpEcrracn d' ivioi Kcd (pQovovai koI cnriffTovaiv eavTolc, ovx wc iSei, Kai yeyovaai ica9' avTOVQ t/caffroi, 'Apytloi, Q^jialoi, KopivQioi, XaKESai/io- vwL, 'ApKciciQ, rifXETg. On the internal position of affairs, comp. Wachsm. i. 2. p. 369, sqq. 5) Under Agis II., B. C. 329, see §. 174. n. 9 ; under Areus. B. C. 280, Justin, xxiv. 1 ; and under Cleomenes III., see above, §. 49. n. 9. 6) What is known in this respect of Phocis (Pausan. x. 5. 1), Doris, Locris, Acarnania (Xenoph. Hell. iv. 6. 4), Epirus, etc., may be seen in Ste. -Croix, des anc. gouv. fed. p. 210, sqq., Tittmann, viii. p. 708, sqq,, and Pastoret, Hist, de la L6gisl. t. viii. p. 341 — 400. 7) Macedonia is excluded from this work since its form of government, and indeed its entire national character, wasunhellenic. On this latter point, see Herodot. v. 22, and particularly Demosth. Olynth. iii. p. 35. 7, with Voe- mel's note, p. 126 ; Philipp. iii. p. 119. 8 ; de Falsa Legat. p. 446. 10, coll. 439. 25; and the oration of Herodes given by Reiske, t. viii. p. 50; Weiske, on the other hand, de Hyperbol. i. p. 18, sq., vindicates the Greek character of the Macedonians. Consult further, Salmas. de Ilellenistica, p. 276, sqq., and Sturz dc dialecto Macedonica et Alexandrina, p. 10, particularly in reference to Ilerodot. i, 56, and viii. 43 : AiopiKov re Kai MaKECvov (Qvoc, and on the other side see Midler's Dorians, i. p. 2, sqq., and p. 40, sqq.; compare above, §. 15. n. 5. Consult also L. Teaske's Gesch. von Alacedonien (^Leipz. 1830), SECT. 178.] OF GREECE. 373 §. 178. Jason of Pheras appears to have first con- ceived the project of a league, when he caused him- self to be appointed generalissimo {Tuyhi;) of all Thes- saly^; the force he collected shows wliat that part of Greece might have effected, especially by means of its superior cavalry 2, had it been united and well governed. It is indeed represented as forming but a single state ^ after its conquest by the Thesprotian race*; but the confederacy between the cities of Larissa, Cranon, Pharsalus, Pherae, and others^, had no consistency. Moreover, although the relation in which the con- quered aborigines stood, as Penestse, to the rest of the nation, as their conquerors, appears to have prevailed equally through the whole country ; and although the neighbouring tribes of the Magnetes, Perrhaebi, Pthio- tas, etc., were tributary, and commonly styled subjects of the Thessalians'', we yet find no mention of one com- mon government. An Aleuas, or a Scopas, appears only on extraordinary occasions invested with the chief command in war ^ ; nor was their dignity allowed to be hereditary. The spirit of most of the states was aristocratic ** ; the Aleuadae in Larissa^, and the Scopadae in Cranon 1*^, appear in particular to have been the relics of royal houses retaining the charac- teristics of Tyrannies ". The rivalry of party was however generally displayed among them in a sur- prisingly peaceable manner ^^ No democratic com- motions occurred till about the close of the Pelopon- nesian war; those which then took place gave rise to a decided tyranny in Pherae, which immediately became involved in jealousies against the Aleuadae. Lyco- phron, about B. C. o94<, barely made head against them by the help of Thebes ^^ ; but Jason, leaguing with that state, united all Thessaly under his single sway. He fell by assassination, in the midst of his warlike measures, and dissensions prevented his fa- 374 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. mily from maintaining what he had achieved i'*. Alex- ander, engaging in hostilities with Thebes, now at the height of its power, lost all but Pherae itself^^, and this was taken from his murderer, Lycophron IL, by Philip of Macedon, whose aid had been implored by the Aleuadae against him. Thessaly immediately changed masters ; its dynasts were Philip's vassals ^^, and it continued dependent on the Macedonian kings ^^ until the battle of Cynoscephalae, B. C. 197, brought it under the protection of the Romans, who restored to it a semblance of freedom ^^. 1) Compare Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 1. 4 — 7; 4. 32; Diodor. xv. 60; Isocr. ad Philipp. p. 252; and on his surname Prometheus, Wyttenb. ad Plut. Morr. p. 89, C; compare Xenoph, Hellen. ii. 3. 35, and Creuz. ad Cicer. de N. D. iii. 28 (?) 2) See Platen. Men. p. 70, A.: OsTraXol ivdoKifioi ^aav iv"EWr]ai Kal WavnaZovTo iop(Trt\iot, IlapaXiot, Kpariovioi, Tliipdfnoi, FvpTiovioi, ^ipaiof ■qyovvTo Si avTMV tK f-dv AapiaaijQ , , . ix dk ^apadXov Mli'aii-', rjffav Sk Kal Twv aXXoJV Kara TToXeig dpxovTtg, from which passage however Poppo is wrong in concluding, Prolegg. i. 2. p. 307, Pharsaliis et Laris- sais summum imperiumfuisse, 6) See above, §. 12, n. 7 ; §, 19. n. 14; and on the subject at large, Miiller's Dorians, ii. 65, sqq. Strabo, it is to be remarked, ix. p. 671, D., says that the Perrhaebi were tributary only to the Larissaei. 7) TayoQ, see Dawes Misc. Crit. p. 245, and more particularly Butt- mann, on the family of the Aleuadae (Abhh. d. Berl. Acad. v. 1823), in his Mythol. ii. p. 273, sqq.; Xenoph. says expressly, \.l.§. 4: orav rayivrjTiii QtTTaXia, dc eEuKicrx'^^ovQ fitv o'l iTnrtvovTig y'lyvoi'Tai, oTrXlrai Si TrXiiovQ r) jxvpioi Kadiaravrai. Also styled fiaaiXivg, or dpxoQ, according to Dionysius Hal. v. 74. Afterwards single cities affected to call their magistrates rayoi. See the C. Inscr. n. 1770, and compare Herodot. v. 63. 8) Thucyd. iv. 78: Svvaartiq, fiaXXov fj laovofiia, (§. 58. n. 11., iXpiivTo TO iyx<^piov o'l QicFffaXol ■■ comp. Max. Tyr. xxii. 4, who, indeed, places them in this respect in juxta-position with Lacedaemon and Crete) see further the valuable remarks of Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. p. 494 — 499. SECT. 178.] OF GREECE. 375 9) BaTiXijiQ QetTffaXirjQ, Her. vii. 6. The descendants of Aleuas, the red-haired (Trvppog) ; comp. Plut. de Frat. Amor. c. 21, and see more on the subject at large in Valesius ad Harpocr. p. 185, Boeckh ad Pindar. Pyth. X. p. 331—333, Buttmann, 1. 1. p. 246—293 ; Iliillmann's Staatsr. p. 101 ; Tittmann, p. 388, and Neum. ad Aristot. Fragm. p. 115. 10) Compare Periz. ad yElian. Var, Hist. xii. 1 ; Spalding, ad Quinc- til. xi. 2, 15 ; Heindorf, ad Plat. Protag. p. 567, and Boeckh," 1. 1. p. 333 ; Buttmann, p. 268 — 271 ; Wachsmuth, i. 2. p. 107 ; also, Kortiim, p. 81, who, however, following Schneider, erroneously places them at Pharsalus, where the reigning family appears rather to have been a branch of the Aleuadas ; compare, Thucyd. i. 111. with Buttmann's remarks, 1. 1. p. 283 —285. 11) Hence the expedition of Leotychides against them ; Plut. de INIa- lign. Her. c. 21 ; comp, §. 32, n. 6 ; §. 47. n. 2. They certainly vied with the ancient tyrants of Greece, (see above, §. 64. n. 5), in their love of splendour, and in their hospitable patronage of poets and men of genius. See particularly on this point, P. G. Ducker, prses. R. M. van Goens, de Simonide Ceo (Traj. ad Rh. 1768.) p. 59 and 97, sqq. On the residence of Gorgias in Thessaly, see Plato's Men. p. 70. B ; Isocr. tt. clvtio. p. 83. Orelli ; Philostr. Yitt. Sophist, i. 16. 2. 12) Hence the dpxti^v fisaidiog in Larissa, Aristot. Pol. v. 5. 9, coll. Eth. Nic. V. 4. 7 ; Polydamus (was this the Pancratist of Scolussa? see the commentt. ad Lucian. de Hist. Conscr. p. 223.) in Pharsalus, (j5 orao-id- ^ovTtg oi ^apaaXioi TzapaKaTiQivTo Trjv UKpoTToXiv Kal tccq yrpoffoSovg iireTptipav Xafijiavovra . . . avaXioKHv, Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 1. 2 ; comp. also, Thucyd. ii. 22 : t'lyovvro Si avrutv ek jxiv Aapiaarig UoXvurjSrjc Kal 'ApiffzovovQ, uTTo rfjc OTCiffiiOQ tKaTcpoQ, and Wachsmuth, i. 2. p. 300, whose conjectures are however in some respects too bold. It is evident from Aristot. Pol. v. 5. 7, that the dissensions were generally between the oligarchs themselves ; even the election by open vote of the TvoXiTOipvXaKeQ at Larissa, (ibid. ^. 5), appears to have been merely a concession to the oxXog. The AapitrcroTroiot, (iii. 1. 19), were more democratic, although the name Siifiiovpybg does not of itself denote a democratic magistrate ; see Midler's Dorians, ii. p. 145, sqq. 13) Xenoph. Hellen. ii. 3. 4 ; Diodor. xiv. 82. 14) On this point at large, compare Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 4. 20 — 37, and see more in Valcken de Phdippo, p. 259, sq. ; VVachsm. i. 2. p. 327, sq. ; on Alexander, (369 — 357, Diodor. xv. 61), see particularly, Plut. Vit. Pe- lop. c. 26 — 35. Xenoph. §. 35, says briefly but satisfactorily, ETrtl S' av- Tog 7rapiXal3s r-qv ap^riv, x«X£7r6c jxiv QtrraXoig Taybg eyh'iTO, X"^^*" TTog St Bi]j3ai.oig, Kai 'AOijvaioig TroXk/jLiog, aSiKog Si Xycrrijg Kai (card yi)v Kal Kara OdXaTrav. On his connection with Athens at a different period, see Deraosth. adv. Aristocr. p. 660. 5. adv. Polycl. p. 1207. 17, de Cor. Trierarch. p. 1230. 16 ; Diodor. xv. 95. 15) See the conditions of the peace in Plut. c. 35 : QtcrcraXoig fiiv otto- Sovvat, Tag voXiig ag dxtv avriLv Mdyv/yrdt; rt Kal ^diwrag Kal 'Axaiovg d(pslvai Kal rag (ppovpag i^ayayiiv' ofioaai S' avrov, icf o«)c av r'jywvrai Kal KtXiviocyiv, dKoXov9t']fftit' : comp. Diodor. xv. 80. 16) See Buttmann, ubi sup. p. 287—291 ; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 375 ; Yoe- mel Prolegg. ad Philipp, i. §. 24. p. 85—90 ; Winiewski, 1. 1. p. 48—50 ; particularly the two passages in Demosth. Philipp. ii. p. 71. 10 : tI S' ol BtTTaXoi ; dp' ouaff or avrdv rovg rvpdvvovg i^i^aXi Kal TtdXiv Ni- Kaiav Kal Mayvtjffiav iSiSov, TrpoaSoK^v rr/v KaOicFToJcrav vvv StKaSap- 376 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. X'ctv HataQai Trap' avTOtg ; again, iii. p, 117. 25: aWaQerraXia TriHg t%£i ; oiix'i Tug TT6\t(S Kai rag ■KoXiTtiaQ avrwv iripi(ipi]Tai Kai Tt- Tpafapxiag KaOkffraKE Trap' avroiq, 'Iva fxri pavov Kara ttoXuq, ciKku Kai Kar tOvri covXiuuxri ; conf. Ilarpocratio, p. 282, and, on the method of re- conciling the two statements, see Voemel's Osterprogr. (Frank. a.M. 1830), coll. de Thessaliae inc. antiqu. (ibid. 1820.) p. 26. 17) Polyb. iv. 76. 2 : BfrraXoi fiiv yap iCoKOvv Kara vofiovg 7ro\t- reviiv Kai noXi) Siafspeiv MaKtS(')i'UJV hd^tpoi' c' ovciv Kai Trav ofioiiog tTToiovv TO TrpoirraTToiJisvov roig fSamXiKolg. Hence in Eusebius, (Ar- men. i. p. 160 — 162), the kings of Macedon down to the battle of Cy- noscephalffi are enumerated as Thenfalorum reges. See Fr. Horn de Thessalia Macedonum imperio subjecta, (Gryphiae, 1829.) 18) Liv. xxxiii. 34 ; xxxiv, 51 ; comp. Polyb. xviii. 30. 7. For a list of their Strategi, see Euseb. 1. 1. with Niebuhr's histor. Gewinn aus der ar- men. Uebers. d. Eus. (Abhh. d. Berl. Acad. v. 1819.) in his kl. Schriften, i, p. 241—249. §. 179. The history of the Boeotian confederacy may be traced much further back ^ The whole popu- lation of the country was not less than that of Attica^, but unanimity did not always prevail, nor conse- quently did the confederacy always possess equal in- fluence. It is not possible to ascertain exactly what, or what number of states it originally comprised. Thebes, however, Orchomenus, Lebadee, Corone, Copae, Haliartus, Thespiae, Tanagra, and Anthedon, are known to have belonged to it, and in order to makeup their favourite number, fourteen, we must add Chalia and Chaeronea, Plataea, Oropus, and Eleu- therae ^. Of these first Eleutherae ^, and then Plataea^, joined Athens at a very early period, Larymna of Lo- cris on the other hand, united with Boeotia^. Oropus was captured by the Athenians, in whose hands it re- mained vintil, after various vicissitudes, it was recovered to the league, Ol. cxvii.''^; Plataea, after having twice been destroyed in punishment for its desertion, rejoined it at the same time^ Chaeronea again was subject to Or- chomenus, at least in the time of the Peloponnesian war**, and, in fact, most of the states we have men- tioned had at that time various petty dependencies 'o. The double vote given by Thebes in the council of SECT. 179.] OF GREECE. 377 war held before the battle of DeHum, B. C. 421', pro- bably arose from its having incorporated with itself one of the members of the league ", at all events the appointment of eleven Boeotarchs on that occasion, shows that the confederacy then comprised, at the most, only ten independent states ^"^ We are not able to say whether the number of the four senates which were then also charged with deciding definitively on peace or war^^ was connected with any territorial di- vision ^*. 1) Comp. O. Miiller in his Orchomenos, p. 402 — 413, and in Ersch and Gruber's Encykl. xi. p. 268 — 271 ; G. A. Kliilz de Fcedere Boeotico, (Berl. 1821); Tittmann, p. 693—707; Kortiim, p. 83—89; Poppo's Prolegg. in Thucyd. t. ii. p. 292 — 296 ; Raoul-Rochette sur la forme et I'administrationderetat federatif des Beotieus, in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscr. t. viii. (1827), p. 214 — 249; Boeckh de magistratibus Boeotorum, in the C. Insc, i. p. 726—732; Wachsmuth, i. 1. p. 128. 2) Xenoph. Mem. iii. 5. 2 ; comp. Ciintoa's Fasti, ii. p. 399. 3) Compare, besides the authorities already quoted, Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 396, and Kruse's Hellas, ii. p. 546. On the superstitious veneration of the numbers fourteen and seven, and their frequent occurrence in Bceotia, see Midler's Orchom. p. 222, and Boeckh, 1.1. p. 729. Authorities for the several states are found in Thucyd. iv. 91 and 93 ; Pausan. ix. 3. 4, and C. Inscr. u. 1593. Ocalea; and Onchestus, (see Miiller,) vi^ere not in- dependent ; the same was the case with Clinton's Parasopia, comp. Strab. ix. p. 627. B ; Ou Larymna and Acraephia, see below. 4) See above, ^. 102, n. 5, and Hemsterh. ad Luc. D. M. xxvii. 2; also Plut. Quaestti gr. c. 39. 5) See §. 35. n. 1, and Kliilz, p. 41—50. 6) Pausan. ix. 23. 4 ; comp. Plut. Sull. c. 26 ; Strab, ix. p. 621. A. 7) Strab. ix. p. 612. A : 'QpoJTtbc tv a.ii(pi(r(it}Tr]ffifiq) yeyevi]Tai ttoX- XcLKig' 'iSpvTai yap iv fit9opi({) rrJQ n 'ATTiK))g Kai rrj^ Botwrt'ac. Comp. above, §. 172. n. 10; §. 174. n. 2, and see more in Miiller, Orch. p. 411 ; Clinton, p. 396, and Boeckh ad C. Inscr. i. p. 711, and 738. 8) See above, §. 117. n. 2, and on this reconciliation, Pausan. ix. 3, 4 : SiaXKayijvai yap Kai ovToi TlXaTauvaiv rj^Maav Kai avWoyov niraay^iiv Koivov . , oTt }Ld(jffavdpoQ 6 'AvrnraTpov tuq 0/j/3ac avt^Kiae. 9) Thucyd. iv. 76 : Xatpwvtiav ^e, i) fig 'Opxofievbv rbv Mivviiov irpoTepov Ka\oi[i(vov, vvv Se Bowriov (Str. ix, p. 616, A), tjuvtrkXei. 10) See Miiller Orchom. p. 403 ; Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 399. 11) AcriEphia(Paus. ix. 23. 3,) according to Boeckh's conjecture. 12) Thucyd. iv, 91 : t(i)i> oXXojv Boiwrapj^wv, o'i ilaiv 'iv^iKa, ov ^vv- STraivovvruJv naxicQai . , WayuivtaQ BoiioTapxiov iK Btj^wv fitr' 'Api- avOiSov Kai rjyinoviaq oSffjjc avTi^ . . ineiOt, k. t. \., Miiller (Orch, p. 404), and after him, Kliitz, (p. 79), discover in this passage tiip/ue Boe- c c c 378 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. otarchs, (compare also, Wessel. ad Diodor. xv. 53), but the former has since revoked his opinion, on the suggestion of Boeckh, (p. 729). Comp. G. G. A. 1830, p. 1072. 13) Thucyd. v. 38 : rrpiv ^i tovq opuouQ yeverrQai, oi Boiwrapxai iKoi- vuxrav ralg riaaapai fSovXaig rwv Boimtwi' ravTa, a'lnep iinav to KVpog ixovm. Comp. Kliitz, p. 73, sqq. Raoul-Rochette, p. 235, sqq, 14) So Kortlim, p. 86, whose whole account of the league rests how- ever oa a mistake. §. 180. The confederates held their religious fes- tival of the Pamboeotia at Coronea^, but Thebes was the political head of the league, so far as it covild be said to have one". The defection of Plataea may serve as an instance of the difficulties Thebes expe- rienced on first attempting to assert this pre-eminence; how far it had established it at the time of the Per- sian war cannot be ascertained, since the defeat in which it was involved at Plataea completely put an end to all such superiority, until Sparta, B. C. 457, became interested in restoring it^. The oligarchs of the several states readily co-operated ; the victory won by the Athenians at CEnophytoe gave indeed a mo- mentary superiority to the democratical party, but such was their misconduct* that the oligarchs speedily recovered their ground, and firmly settled their power by the brilliant victory of Coronea, B. C. 447. It was the prevalence of the oligarchical form of government which prevented an actual rupture between Sparta and Bceotia^, notwithstanding the disaffection of the democratical party and the constant commotions they excited ''. The Theban oligarchy was however of a moderate description 7, having been founded by the Corinthian Philolaus for the security of persons and property ^, so as to approach much nearer to the demo- cracy than the exclusive aristocracy of knights in Or- chomenos, or the Demuchi in Thespiae^. These facts, considered in connection with the restless grasping ambition of Thebes, are sufficient to explain, without the hypothesis of an actual change of government in that SECT. 180] OF GREECE. 379 state, how it came to be soon engaged in hostilities against those cities ^°, and even against Sparta itself, in the Corinthian war. The manner in which the in- dependence of the Boeotian cities was expressly gua- ranteed in the peace of Antalcidas, by which that war was closed, sufficiently declares the secret of their anxiety, (see §. 41.) At all events we see Leontidas, Archias, and other partisans of Sparta, admit Phoe- bidas to garrison the Cadmea, with the view of esta- blishing, under his protection, a dynasty similar to those prevalent in the other Boeotian states ^^, retain- ing old forms and titles ^-, styling themselves Polem- archs and Hipparchs'^, which were the common appel- lations of the highest magistrates in all the states of Bceotia, though it is probable, that the Archon was ac- tually supreme^*. Hence, Ismenias was judicially mur- dered ^^, not so much as a democrat as on account of his hostility to Sparta. A democracy seems to have been first formed in Thebes on the Athenian model ^^, when those of his party who were exiled returned from Attica, B. C. 379, under Pelopidas and Mellon. 1) Pausan. ix. 34. 1 : irplv ct ig KopMveiai' s? 'AXaXKOfierCjv diKTVoi'OQ, Kai tQ TOV Koivbv ffviiaaiv ivTavOa ol Boiuiroi avWoyov. Compare Strab. ix. p. 631. A.; Plut. Amat. Narr. c. 4 : Meurs. Grscia feriala s. v. Ilafijioiwria ; Spanheim ad Callim. H. in Pallad. v. 61; Kliitz, p. 91, sqq. — Ste. -Croix, ties gouv. fed. p. 211, sqq., makes the ce- lebration of this religious festival to have been the sole object of the league, but see Raoul-Rochette, 1. 1. p. 217 — 226; is this last writer, however, correct in connecting with it the Amphictyony of Onchestus (see above, §. 11. n. 8;"? 2) See Manso on the relations subsisting between Thebes and the other cities of Bceotia, in his Sparta, iii. 2. p. 68 — 64 ; Boeckh's Publ. Qicon. ii. p. 396, n. 503, extr. ; and Kliitz, p. 9 — 18 ; also, particularly, 1 hucyd. iii. 61: i]fxiS)v KTiaavTwv TWaTcaav varfpov Ti]g dWiig Botwriag Kal aWa x<«>|0'« l^tT avTi'ig, a ^t'/Jjuiicrovc av9pw7rovg iKt^daat'Tig tcxo/itv, oiiK ri^iovv ovroi, wcrTrfp tr«x^'/ ^^ ""pwror, iiyifiovtviaSai v(p' iifiwv, k. T. X. Compare however Xenoph. ]\Iem. iii. 5. 2 : Eohotuv ^.tiv yap ttoX- Xoj, ifKtovtKTOv^tvoi virb Qijjiaiujv, Svcriitvug avTolq ixovaiv. 3) Diodor. xi. 81 ; .lustin. iii. 6 ; compare Thucyd. i. 107, sqq. 4) Arlstot. Polit. v. 2. 6: Oioj' Kal iv Oi)i3aig fitrd r>]v tv Otvoi€ '■ comp. vi. 4. 5, and concerning Philolaus (about Ol. xiii.) ii. 9. 68 ; his object was particularly, oTrwg 6 apiBjioQ ffw^Tjrai tCjv K\7]pu)v: compare Miiller's l)orians, ii. p. 199, sqq. ; Kliitz, p. 21, sqq. 'Not is the passage in Plato, de Legg. i. p. 636. B., to be overlooked : Tu yvfivaffia ravra Kal to. %vaaiTia TroKKa fiev dWa vvv uxpeXtl rag ■TToXtiQ, ■KpoQ ii rcLQ (TTCifftig xoXtTrd" Sr}\oii(n Si Mi\jj(Ttwj/ Kal Boiwrwv Kai OovpLtov iralStg. 9) See Diodor. iv. 29, and xv. 79. In Thebes, on the other hand, we find no traces of the authority of the Sparti, although they continued to exist down to the latest times of Greece ; compare Pausan. viii. 11.5, and see more in Joh. Jcinsen, Epistoia de Spartis, in Graevii Syntagma varia- rum dissertationum rariorum (Ultraj. 1702), p. 205 — 225 ; Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. xxi.j Wachsm. i. 1. p. 151 ; Lobeck Aglaopham. ii. p. 1147. 10) Miiller's Orch. p. 418, sqq. ; and also Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 4. 10. 11) Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4. 46. 12) Xenoph. Hellen. v. 2. 25 ; aTa(na^6vTu)v Si tSiv &t]ISaiu)v iroXi- fiapxovi'Teg fiiv trvyxavov 'lafiriviag re. Kal AeovndSrjg' Sidipopoi Si ovTig dWijXoig Kal (jTpaTTjybg tKciTtpog twv kraipidv, k, t. X. 13) Plut. de Djem. Socr. c. 4, 5. 14) See Boeckh, 1. 1. p. 730. 15) See Xenoph. Hellen. v. 2. 36, and more concerning this man, whose wealth had become proverbial, in the commentt. on Plat. Meno, p. 90. A., and Republ. i. p. 336. A. 16) See ^. 41. n. 14 ; and on the Theban democracy, Tittmann, p. 377, and Wachsm. i. 2. p. 283, sqq. What is the date to be assigned to the state of things mentioned in Xenoph. Rep. Ath. iii. 11 : oirQaciKig S' tTTf- \tipr]aav atpilddai roiig litXTiarovg (ol 'AOijvaloi), ov avvrjvtyKtv av- Tolg, ciXX ivTog oXiyov xpovov 6 Sijfiog tSovXivatv, 6 fiiv TiuuoToTg, rov- To Si ore MiXtjaiMv t'iXovTo rovg fStXriarovg (?) §. 181. With the democracy commenced the politi- cal greatness of Thebes, for though we should adopt the often repeated opinion of Polybius, that it was to be ascribed to the good fortune which placed Epami- nondas and Pelopidas at the head of affairs, rather than to the spirit of the government itself^; it surely will not be denied that the necessity the Thebans were under of defending to the utmost their newly-acquired independence against a most powerful enemy, impart- ed unwonted energy to all, and excited every enthu- siastic feeling of which man is susceptible ; of the ope- ration of such feelings a remarkable instance is af- SECT. 18].] OF GREECE. 381 forded by the achievements of the sacred band of Gorgidas^. The event corresponded to the valour displayed in the commencement of the enterprise, and Thebes was again supreme over all Boeotia even before the battle of Leuctra had proved that it had now attained to that military superiority which had hitherto been the boast of Sparta. Thebes appeared not merely as the chief of the confederate cities, but as the capital of all Boeotia, and alone able to confer the title and rights of citizenship'. Agreeably to these pretensions, the seven Boeotarchs at this time repeat- edly appear only as Theban magistrates *. It is how- ever most true that this victory was abused^; the cruel destruction of Thespise, Orchomenos, and Platasa^, alienated the rest of Greece, and still more offensive was the vanity with which, not content with having so effectually humiliated Lacedaemon as to have nothing more to fear from it, the Thebans proceeded to imitate the conduct of Athens, and to lay claim to the empire that state had once possessed'^. Well might the tyrant of Pheras then collect troops and gain a decided influ- ence in some places in the Peloponnesus ^. But even the recognition of their supremacy, which the elo- quence of Pelopidas obtained of the king of Persia, had no influence on the majority of the Peloponne- sians, whom he had himself first summoned to assert their freedom^. Athens was still strong enough to repel their incursions into Eubcea; and eventually, after the fall of Epaminondas, at Mantinea, B. C. 362, Phocis, Locris, and other states which had joined them after the battle of Leuctra ''*, were acknowledged to be once more independent. 1) Polybius, vi. 43; conf. Demacl. Fragm. tt. Suj^k. c. 13: rip yap 'Eira/nvwvSov ffMfiari ffvvfOutl/t Ti)v Svvafiiv tCov Qijfiaiioi' 6 Kaipo^ : Justin, vi. 8, and on botli at large, see, besides tlie lives of Pelopidas by Cornelius Nepos and Plutaicli, Diodor. xv. 39, and 81 ; Pausan. ix. 13 — 15. 382 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. 2) See Plut. Pelop. c. 18 ; Athen. xiii. 12, and 78; and more in Davis, ad Max. Tyr. xxiv.'i ; on the idea itself (which, by the way, was not new, comp. Xenoph. Anab. vii. 4. 8), see Plat. Symp. p. 179. A.; Xenoph. Syn)pos. viii. 32, and ^lian. Var. Hist. iii. 9, with the note of Perizonius. On the paederasty of the Boeotians ( Aotov io^ioq. comp. Asl. ad Plat, de l.egg. p. -407 ; Meinek. Qu. Scenic, ii. p 18), see Plat. Symp. p. 182. B., and Wytt. ad Plut. Morr. p. 134, and Fabric, ad Sext. Enip. Hypotyp. iii. 199. 3) Diodor. xv. 38 : avvfixo^' rijv Boitoriav iv ttJ Ka9' avTovQ fiiq^ ffvv- reXiigi : compare c. 50, and Kliitz, p. 63. Hence from that time we hear of Botwroi 01 iv QiifSaig, ^-Eschin. adv. Ctesiph. c. 44 ; compare Xenoph. jHellen. vi. 3. 19. 4) As has been already rightly affirmed by Ubbo Emmius de rep. The- ban. p. 100, and others ; and Boeckh, p. 729, had the less reason to dis- pute this, having himself very correctly maintained that their number was seven, against Kaoul-Rochette, p. 230, who, in defiance of Pausan. ix. 13. 3, talks of eleven as still the number of the Boeotarchs at this period. Compare, particularly, Plut. Vit. Pelop. c. 13. 5) See above, §. 170. n. 16, and Amersfoordt ad Demosth. de Symmor. t. i. p. 795, sq. Scha;feri. 6) See Xenoph, Hellen. vi. 3. 1 ; Pausan. iv. 27. 5, ix. 14. 1, 15. 2; compare Uemosth. pro Megalop. p. 203. 4 ; Isocr. de Pace, c. 7 ; and on Orchomenus (Ol. ciii. 2) in particular, Wessel. ad Diodor. xv. 79 ; Wolf ad Leptin. §. 90; Boeckh, in his Publ. (Econ. ii. p. 371 ; and the C. Inscr. i. p. 742 ; see also, on the subject at large, Winiewski, p. 24. 7) See the saying ascribed to Epaminondas, in j^Lschin. de F. L. c. 29: we Stl ra TtJQ 'A9)]vaiit)v dicpoTroXiojQ izpoivvXaia /xeTiveyKilv tig Ttjv irpoaTciaiav Tijc K-aS/^itiag, and on their attempts to gain the dominion of the sea, above, §. 172. n. 5. — The preponderant influence obtained by Thebes after the battle of Leuctra, is acknowledged even by Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 116. 25. 8) Compare $. 42. n. 13 ; §. 178. n. 15 ; and Wachsm. i. 2. p. 301. 9) Xenoph. Hell. vii. 1. 33— 39; compare Plut. Vit. Pelop. c. 24: 'Ap- yuoi Kal 'KXiloi Kcii 'ApKCiSsg tv role awsSpioig tpit^ovreg Kal Siatpspo- fiivoi TtpoQ TOVQ Ot]j3aiovg virip I'lytfjLovias. 10) Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 5. 23; Diodor. xv. 57. §. 182. Thebes however could not rest; Phocis had long been an object of its ambition', and seeined likely to prove an easy prey, now that it had been placed under the ban of the Amphictyons on a charge of sa- crilege against the temple at Delphi. But this very circumstance gave the Phocians new strength, for, finding themselves denounced to all Greece as sacri- legious, they proceeded actually to employ the trea- sures of the temple in hiring crowds of mercenaries, by whose means, with only feeble and indirect support SECT. 182.] OF GREECE. 3^3 from Athens and Lacedaemon, they so successfully^ re- sisted the united forces of the Thebans and Thessa- lians, that the former were soon compelled to sell their services to the Great King in order to obtain his support^, and both eventually called Philip of Macedon to their assistance*. He made indeed an end of the Phocian state, and recovered to the Boeotians the places which the Phocians had taken, but all the real advantages of the war he kept for himself, and soon so greatly excited the jealousy of his allies^, that the latter were easily induced to co- operate in the last attempt which Athens made to check the growth of his power. Owing to the ad- vantages offered by Thebes as a military position, the consequences of the battle of Chaeronea naturally fell on it ; the conqueror not only restored Thes- piae, Orchomenos, and Plataea to the rank of inde- pendent cities, and assigned Oropus to the Athe- nians^, but also posted a garrison in the Cadmea; the expulsion of which, at his death, only gave occasion to the total destruction of the city by Alexander 7. Its territory was divided among the other Boeotian towns, and hence in the Lamian war they sided with Macedon ^. Cassander first restored it amid the ap- plause and with the zealous co-operation of all the rest of the Greeks^; and with Thebes arose again the Boeotian league in its original form^<'. But the national spirit was gone'^; its weakness first appeared in the war with iEtolia, and the defeat experienced about Ol. cxxxii. '2, together with the effects of a wild spirit of democracy, so shattered it, that Megara for- sook the Boeotian to join the Achaean league ^^^ After the rise of the Roman influence in Greece, the inter- nal feuds of the league assumed a more important and dangerous character, from the circumstance that, both in the war against Philip ^* and in that against Antio- 384 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. chlls^^ the party inimical to Rome gained the upper- hand ; and when, during the reign of Perseus, Thebes at last declared openly in favour of Rome, the obsti- nacy of the other states occasioned a dissolution of the league^''; nor was it ever revived, except for a short time after the destruction of Corinth, and under the supremacy of Rome^?. Bceotia was, finally, the scene of the war between Sylla and the generals of Mithri- dates^s^ after which Thebes rapidly sank into no- thingness i^. 1) Xenoph. Hellen. vi. 1. 1. 2) Diodor. xvi.23, sqq. ; Pausan. x. 2; comp. §. 13. n. 6. 3) Diodor. xvi. 34. 40. 44. 4) Diodor. xvi. 58, sqq. ; comp. Demosth.de Falsa Legat. p. 387 : . . . . KaKwv 'iXiag TrfpieoT^Kti QrjfiaiovQ. 5) Demosth.de Pace, p. 62 : olovQt](3a.1oiTbv fiiv^iXnrvov TrapeXOtTv Kal Xajitiv rag TrapoSovg (§. 172. n. 20), oi//c rjSvvavTO KwXixrai, ovSk yt Twv avToig TrETrovrjfisvtov ixTTarov IXOovra n)v So^nv tx^v. Jivvi yap Qrjfiaioig irpog jxtv to t-))v ^wpar KSKofxiffOai KaXXiGTa TrkirpaKTui, irpbg Sk rijXTjv Kal S6S,av al'trxjora* ti yap hi) TrapriXOe ^iXnnrog, ovSiv dv ah- roig iSoKti tlvai, Tavra 5' oiik rjj^ovXovro, dXXa rqi tov 'Opxajxivoj' Kal rfiv Kopu>vtiav XajSitv t7ri9vnelv, fir) Svvaffdai ds, ravra iravra vireuti- vav. Conf. Philipp. ii. p. 67. 26 : rovg dk BrjfSaiovg rjyilTo, oirtp (rvvs(5t], dvTi Twv iavToig yiyvo[i'tv(oj' rd XotTra tdffnv OTTOjg (iovXirai irpaTTUv avTov Kal ovx oniog avTiirpd^uv Kal SiaKioXvffeiv, dXXd Kal avcfrparev- ativ, dv avTog KtXivy: and de F. L. p. 385. 5. On the complaints of Thebes against Philip, see Winiewski, p. 223. 6) Diodor. xvi. 87 ; Pausan. i. 34. 1 ; iv. 27. 5 ; ix. 1, extr., and 37, extr. He had already promised it to Athens, in the peace concluded B. C. 347 ; comp. Demosth. de Pace, p. 59 ; de F. L. p. 375. 7) Diodor. xvii. 13; Justin, xi. 4; 2EA. Var. Hist. xii. 57 ; xiii. 7; Plut. Vit. Camill. c. 19. 8) Diodor. xviii. 11 : 'AXk^avdpog Qf)j3ag KuraffKaipag ti)v x'^pai' roig TTipioiKovai BokutoIc tSuKiV ovroi dk KaraKXTjpovxiiaavrec rag raiv ^rvxJJKorwv Krrjatig Ik rrjg x'^P<^Q fieydXag iXaix(5avov npotjoSovg' Si6- -jTsp ti8(')rig on Kparijaavng 'AQifvaToi np TroXe^y roig Btffiaioig aTTOKa- raarrjffovcfi. rrjv rt narpiSa Kal ttjv x)j/ ;^wpaj/ AiVwXaJv : see Lucas, p. 116. 15) Liv. xxix. 12 : Neglectcc eo hiennio res in Gr' 'Axciioi TToXtiQ fKTirfav, (l)i> sic ri7'ag virnpov av- vipKiaav . . . iKanrn} Sk riov ^loesKa /lepiSoJv sk li-jfuov avvtari\Kii tTTTU Kal oKTM, Toiovrov tvavOptlv Tt)v xiopav uvv't^aivtv. lie repeats the twelve names after Herod, i. 145, viz., YliK\)]vr], Alyupa, Ai'yai, ^ovpa, 'TiX'iKi], Alyiov, 'Pinrtc Ylarpiic, ^apilg, 'QXivog, Aw/o;, TpiTaiilg : Po- lybius, ii. 41. 8. instead of Rhypes and ^-Egaj, gives Cerynea and Leon- tium ; Paus. vii. 6. 1, instead of Patrae and ^giura, has two corrupt names, 'Eacrtov and KiKvpiva. Comp. Clinton's fasti, ii. p. 421. 4) Diodor. xv. 48 ; Pausn. vii. 24. 4. 5) Polyb. ii. 41. 10: avv'ij^i] Trciaag rag rroXetg xiopiaOtirrag air' av- Tuv, ivavTiiog to GVfKpkpov uytiv aXKr)\aig, ii, ov (rvvsTrerre rag fitv t/t- ^povpovg avTwv ytpeaOai Sia re Ar^jxi^Tp'wv, (Diodor. xx. 103.) kui KaacTc'ii'^pov, Kal /itTU ravra ci 'Avrtyovov rov VoraTci, rag c'l tcai tv- pavvuadai' irXtiaTOvg yap ^)) povapxovg ovrog ifi. Polybius, 1. 1., reckons twenty-five years to have elapsed, before the sole command of Cerynea was obtained by ^Marcus, dating them from the confederacy first formed between the four cities, Pa- trae, Dyme, Tritwa, and Phars. Strabo says twenty, calculating from the accession to the league of the other three, /l',gium, Bura, and Ce- rynea. 7) Polyb. ii. 43 ; Plut. Vit. Arat. c. 2—24. 8) Polyb. ii. 43. 5 ; xx. 6. 7; Strab. p. 591. A. 9) Pausan. ii. 8. 4 ; and on the subject at large, vii. 7. 1 : "EXXrji'wi' Sk Twv Xonrwv Si/cvoii'toi avi'fCpiov irpwroi rov 'Axatuii' peTtl\ov' ftira Sk Sucvwi'iovf taijiaav ijSr] Kal t&v dXX(x)v TliXoirovvqtj'nov o'l p'tv avr'iKa, oi Sk xpovov Tii'd tTTirrxoi'Tig' rovg ^t Kal tKTog oiKovvrag roo Iff^^iov avvreXttv tig 'Axmoig tTTtiOev, oTi tg rrXkov iffxvog TTpdibv iwptov to 'AxatKoj/. §. 186. TEgium was now the centre of the league * ; here the council held its sittings -, as also the regular general assemblies, two of which took place annually"', each lasting three days*. Extraordinary assemblies might be appointed to take place at any other town of the league^, but whether Philopojmen's proposal that the regular meetings should be held in each town in 392 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. succession passed into a law, cannot now be decided''. At that held in the spring the officers were elected 7, among whom, besides those already named, the "litTtap^ xoi is to be particularly remarked as next in rank to the ^rparYjyoi;^ ; mention is likewise made of a "Tuoa-Tpd- T^yof^ The right of convening and presiding over the general assembly appears to have belonged strictly to ten AaiMovpyoi'^*^ : the ^Tparyiyli exercised it on extraor- dinary occasions only, when, for instance, the people was summoned to appear under arms ^^ Of the con- stitutions of the several towns, no particulars can be given : their character, like that of the whole body, had probably, after the extinction of the royal fami- lies, been uniformly democratic ^^; and this form the league was careful to establish in all the other towns which successively joined it, whilst it was the interest of the Macedonians everywhere to raise and support tyrants 13. We find, for instance, at this period Ly- diadas reigning at Megalopolis, Xeno at Hermione, Cleonymus at Phlius, Aristomachus at Argos ; and thus these towns were kept estranged from the league, until Aratus effected by the powerful eloquence for which he was distinguished, what he could not achieve by force of arms i*. Lydiadas voluntarily resigned his authority, and, together with his native town, joined the league : his example was followed by the other ty- rants, after they had lost their chief support in the person of Demetrius, king of Macedon. Thus Aratus found himself another step nearer the great object to which he was directing the efforts of the Achaean league 1^, namely, the uniting the whole Peloponnesus in one common cause independent of foreign influence, under uniform laws and institutions i**. 1) With the temples of ZtvQ 'OnayvpioQ and Atjurfrrifj Uavaxaia : see Pausan. vii. 24 ; compare 7. 1 : ctBpoiitaGai (?£ dg Alyiov (Tfiaiv tSo^iV a\!iTT) ydfj fiira 'E\(ic;jv tTriKKvaOtlanv ttoXimv Iv Axcuv 'Axaiii)v. It is more probable that this was the commander of the pure Achaean forces, as distinguished from those of the whole league. 10) Summus magistratus, Liv. xxxii. 22 ; xxxviii. 30. Tittmann and Helwing, p. 236, needed not take offence at the expression damiurgi civi- tatum, even supposing that they were named by the several Achaean cities independently of each other (which, however, is not probable, seeing that the other parties to the league were on an equal footmg with them) ; still there were but ten, after the destruction of Helice and Olenus (Polyb. ii. 41. 7). These, be it remarked, were the dpxovrtg mentioned by Polyb. V. 1. 9 ; xxiii. 10, 11. 11) Polyb. iv. 7. 5: (rvrdytiv tov arpartfybv rovg 'Axniovg iv To7g oTrXoig' o S' dv roig avvtXQovai (iovXtvofiivoig So^y, tovt tlvai Kvpiov. 12) See Polyb. ii. 41. 5 ; Pausan. vii. 7. 1 ; and Kortiim, p. 141 ; also Demosth. de foed. Alex. p. 214. 16 ; but mention even of oligarchs (j3{\- rioToi) occurs in Xenoph. Hell. vii. I. 43 ; compare Tittmann, p. 364 j Wachsm. i. 2. p. 304. 13) Wachsm. i. 2. p. 423, sqq. 14) Polyb. ii. 44 ; conf. Strab. p. 591. A.; Plutarch. Vit. Aral. c. 35. iEgina joined at the same time as Hermione ; see Plut. ibid. c. 34 ; Po- lyb. xxiii. 8. E e e 394 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. 1 5) Polyb. ii. 43. 7 : \onr6v yap ii^t] SurtXti TrpoffTarCjv fiiv tov twv 'Axai(^t' tOvov^, vanac ^i tc'ii; tTTijSoXac (cai TrpaS,itg Trpog 'iv reXog ava- (psp(x)v' TovTO d' vv TO MuKfCovctQ /itv 6K/3a\t7v (K lltXoTrovi'ljffov, rag 0£ fiovapxiag KaraXvffai, (itjiaiijiaai S' iicncrrotf T)}v koivi]v Kal Trarpiov i\(v9epiav. For the character of Aratus, see, in particular, besides his life by Plutarch, Polyb. iv. 8, and Pausan. ii. cc. 8, 9. 16) Polyb. ii. 37. 9, sqq.; compare iv. 1. 7: . . . . irponayonivoi rag iroKiig iTTtjiciKovTo 'U.i\o7rovvi]mi)vg irdvrag inro ti)v avrn'iv dytiv bvo- fiaaiav Kal TroXirtiav. §. 187. To the completion of this project however were still wanting Messenia, Elis, Laconia, and the greater part of Arcadia, which being then in the hands of the ^^tolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans ^ diffi- culties were likely to arise which Aratus had not the military talent^, nor the league itself the requisite force to overcome ^. The capture of Megalopolis and three successful battles brought the Spartan king, Cleomenes III., to the gates of Sicyon and Corinth, B. C. 224, and left the Achaeans no alternative but to purchase ex- istence at the price of independence, by throwing themselves into the arms of Antigonus Doson, of Ma- cedon*. That monarch certainly justified their con- fidence by the victory of Sellasia^, which secured to them the possession of Tegea and Mantinea, but, in the occupation of the citadels of Corinth and of Or- chomenos in Arcadia^, and the command of a league which included, in addition to Achaia, the greater part of the rest of Greece ^, he bequeathed to his suc- cessor, Philip the son of Demetrius, a power to which the Achaean league seemed likely to stand in no better relation than that of vassal^. This was more espe- cially the case, when Aratus after being defeated by the yEtolians at Caphyae, in the attempt to gain over Messenia to the league^, was a second time com- pelled to invoke the aid of the Macedonians. The personal influence which he had, at first, exercised over the young prince as his adviser, gradually gave way before courtiers '", and Philip's conduct in Mes- sEct. 188.] OF GREECE. 395 senia " showed but too clearly what danger the liberty of the Peloponnesus would have incurred from him, had not Demetrius of Pharus ^^ directed his restless spirit against the Romans'^; for, as the latter found na- tural allies in the i^tolians and Spartans, the aid of the Achasan league became the more necessary to the Macedonian prince ^*. 1) Elis was in possession of Psophis, Polyb. iv. 70. 2 : the ^tolians of Phigalea (see §. 184. n. 5): according to Polybius, the latter allowed Te- gea, Mantinea, and Orchomenos, to go over to Cleomenes. 2) Plut. Vit. Philop. c. 8 : 'ApaTOQ fikv yap, apyortpog elvai Sokojv irpoQ TovQ voKfjiiKovQ ayiZvag, b^iXiq, Kai wpq.6Tr)rt. Kal (piXiaig /SafftXi- Koig TO, nXtinra KartipydaaTo rdv TrpayficiTojv, k. t. X. 3) Compare Drumann, p. 477, sqq. The chief authority is Polyb. v. 91. 6: iTtt,ovQ litv Tpi(ptiv utaOochopovc OKraKtcr^iXtowc, 'nrTreig ce irtv- TaKoaiovQ' rJv 5' 'A;^a((Jv imXtKTovg (Wachsm. i. 2. p. 312) TrtZovg fiiv Tpi(T-)(i\iovQ, 'nrviig ^i TpiaKoaiong' f'lvai Ek rovrwv MtyaXoTroXtTag fiiv %aX(cd(T7ri^ac (Polyb. iv. 69. 4) nt^ovg niv invTaKoaiovg, iinrtlg £( nevrrjKOVTa, Kcil rovg laoiig 'Apytiwv. "Eco^e H Kctl vavg TcXtlv, Tpeig fitv TTspi rijv 'AKrriv Kal tov ' ApyoXiKOv koXttov, rpiig ?k Kard Tldrpag Kai rijv ravry QdXaaaav. On the bad condition of their navy at a still later period, see Livy, xxxv. 26 ; Plut. Vit. Philop. c. 14. 4) See above, §. 49. n. 8 — 1 1 ; conf. Polyb. iv. 76. 7 : rtQiajikvog rovg Axaiovg, on iravTog Seivov XafStXv irtXpav vnkfiiivav, i(p' qi fii) ttouIv li.Xeo[XEvii TO TrpoaraTTontvov 5) Polyb. ii. 54. Mantinea, after its restoration, took the name of An- tigonia, Plut. Vit. Arat. c. 45, which it bore till the time of Hadrian, see Pausan. viii. 8. 6. 6) Polyb. iv. 6. 5. 7) Polyb. ii. 54. 4 ; compare above, §. 184. n. 13. 8) Plut. Vit. Arat. c. 45 : i\pT}(pi(Tavro de aXXf^ ju?) ypcKpnv fiamXit fir)£t Trpict^titcv irpbg aXXov aKovrog 'Ai'Tiyovov' rp'optiv tk Kai fiiaOo- doTiiv rjvayKa^ovTo rovg MaKtSovag : comp. Polyb. iv. 67. 8 : ypa^inara TTpog TOV (TTpaTTiybv T(3)v ' AxattJSv Kai Trpbg Tag TVoXng t^airscTTtXXev . . . Trort Kai irou St7](Tti ffvvavr 25; xi. 9, sqq., and Pausan. viii. 49 — 52. 2) See above, §. 50. n. 7. 3) Plut. ibid. c. 12, 13. 4) See Pausan. vii. 8. 1 ; Llv. xxxii. 19, sqq., and his defence in Polyb. xvii. 13 ; comp. xxiii. 9, 10, and the parallel between him and PhilopcEmen, XXV. 9 ; also Exc. Vat. p. 419—421 Mai. 5) See above, §. 50. n. 11. 6) Polyb. xviii. 29 ; Liv. xxxiii. 31, 32 ; Plut. Vit. Flamiu. c. 10. 7) See Liv. xxxiv. 49, sqq. — Ilt^rti 'EXX/jvticai, Polyb. xvii. 11. 4. 8) See above, §. 50. n. 12, sqq. So Polyb. ii. 62. 4 : iv role koQ' ^'jfiag KaipoiQ, tv olg TTavreg (Tlt\oTroi'vr](noi) ii> Kai Tavrb Xkyovnc /lisyiorjji' KapTTovaOai SoKovaiv tli^atfioriav, k. t. X. ; conf. ii. 37. 10 j but Elis never joined; see Liv. xxxvi. 5. 31. 9) On the Roman policy with regard to Greece, in general, see Dru- mann, p. 88, sqq., and with legard to Achaia, in particular, p. 472, sqq ; also Wachsm. i. 2. p. 327, sqq. 398 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES [chap. viii. 10) See Liv. xxxix. 49 ; Piut, Vit. Philop. c. 18—21 ; Pausan. iv. 29. 5 : on Dinocrates and his understanding with Flamininus, Polyb. xxiv. 5. 11) Polyb. xxiv. 12 ; Pausan. vii. 9. 3. 12) Polyb. xxvi. 1 — 3; conf. xxx. 20, and Pausan. vii. 10. 13) Liv. xli. 23 ; Polyb. xxx. 6. 10. 14) Pausan. vii. 10, extr. ; Plut. Cat. Maj. c. 9 ; conf. Polyb. xxxi. 8. 15) See Pausan. vii. 11 — 16 ; and, on this whole section, consult Fall- merayer's Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea (Stuttgart, 1830^, i. p. 31 — 76. §. 189. The victory of Metellus at Scarphea, and that of Mummius at Leucopetra, together with the capture and destruction of Corinth, reduced Achaia, with all that had once belonged to the leagvie, to the condi- tion of a Roman province ^ Ten commissaries were despatched to regulate its internal affairs, the govern- ments of the several cities were organized on a timo- cratic basis ^, and a praetor appointed over the whole, whose jurisdiction was to extend to the frontiers of Macedonia^. The several confederacies were dissolved at first, but continued subsequently to exist in subjec- tion to the paramount authority of Rome*. The cities of Athens, Delphi, Thespias, and Tanagra alone re- mained free, to which may be added, after the reign of Augustus, Nicopolis and the district of Laconia^ Amphissa and the Locri Ozolae enjoyed immunity ; at Corinth^, Patrae^, Dyme^, and Megara^, Roman co- lonies were subsequently planted. At the division of the provinces under Augustus, Achaia fell to the share of the senate, but in the early part of the reign of Ti- berius it became an imperial province ^^, and continued so until Claudius again substituted a proconsul for the Legatus Augusti". Nero's fantastic idea of once more proclaiming the freedom of Greece at the Isthmian games ^^ produced such melancholy consequences that Vespasian recalled the ill-timed gift'^. Hadrian con- ferred more substantial benefits on the home of the arts and sciences'*, but the sunshine of his favour SECT. 189.] OF GREECE. 399 gleamed only on ruins ; no Panhellenic festival^' could revive that national spirit which now existed only in the mouths of learned men and orators. The civil contests of the Greeks among themselves, and still more the wars which the Romans had waged on their soil, had made the land a wilderness : for whole days' journies the country lay depopulated, or was a mere haunt of robber-bands '6. Three thousand fighting men were the utmost all Greece could furnish ^'^. No wonder then that Athens was indebted solely to the natural advantages of its position for the repulse the Goths experienced there on their irruption into Greece, A. D. 265^^. One hundred and thirty years later the treachery and cowardice of its Byzantine masters laid it entirely open to the desolating fvn*y of Alaric^^, and left the proconsul of the East'° nothing to rule over but the ruins of departed grandeur. 1) In this place consult, at large, Sigonius de ant. jure pop. Rom. t. ii. p. 63 — 72; J. C. W. A. Hopfensack's Staatsrecht der Unterthanen der Romer (Diisseld. 1829), p. 285 — 293 ; Fallmerayer, ubi sup. p. 77, sqq. 2) Polyb. xl. 9 — 11 ; comp. the commentt. on Cic. ad Att. xiii. 4. 6 ; Pausan. vii. 16. 6 : uq de a^tKovro oi avv avT<^ jiovXtvffOfitvoi, tvTavOa dtJixoKpariac fih' Karkiravt, KaQiararo ci aiib Tifii]fiaT(.ov raq apx^*^^ (comp. §. 59. n. 8, and Boeckh ad C. Inscr. n. 1543), Kai fopocSt irdxGt] Ty 'EAXd^t, K. T. \. 3) Manut. ad Cic. Epp. ad Famil. iv. 12 ; conf. Strab. xvii. p. 1198 : i(i56nT]v Sk {ffTpartjyiav) 'Axatav H^XP'- i^iTraXiag Kai AirioXaiv Kat 'AKapvdvo)v Kai rivHv 'HTrtipwriicwv iQvutv, oaa ry MaKt5ovi(f irpoa- UpiffTO. 4) Pausan. vii. 16. 7 : treffi Se ov iroXKoig vartpov IrpairovTO sg tXeov 'Ptofiaioi rric'EXXadoQ Kai (TVVE^pia re Kara tOvog cnrohSoaffiv tKaffroiQ TO, dpxnta Kai ti)v Iv Ttj inrtpopiq, KrdaQai . . . I'lyejiojv Si tri Kai tg tfik ciTricrreXXiTo, KaXovcri ci, he adds, oi'x 'EXXa^oc, dXX' 'A^'*'"? vyt/^ova 01 'Puifialoi, SioTi txsip(!)ffavro"EXXt]vag Si 'Axoiwi/ rort rov "EXXijriKou TrpOtffTtjKOTUJV. 5) Conf. Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. iv. passim, and see above, §§. 50, 176, 182, 184. 6) Col. Julia, founded by Caesar; Dio Cass, xliii. 50 ; Pompon. i\Iel. ii. 3. 77; Plut. Vit. Cxs. 57; Paus. ii. 1. 2; v. 1. 1 ; conf. C. Inscr. n. 1716. 7) Col. Augusta Aroe Patrensis ; Strab. viii. p. 594. A. ; x. p. 706. B.; Pausan. vii. 18. 5. 400 POLITICAL ANTIQUITIES, ETC. [chap. viii. 8) Strabo, p. 594. B : A'eSeKTcii S' oiKrtropac Kat r) Avfii] ^UKpbv irpb I'mibt' avOptoTTovg fiiyd^ag, ovg dvb tov ■irtipaTiKOV Tr\ri9ovg wtpiXiTrtig tffx^ Tlopntjiog KaraXiffag to. XyffTijpia; comp. Fallmer. p. 90. 9) Plin. Hist. Nat. iv. 7. 10) Dio Cass. liii. 12 ; comp. Tacit. Annal. i. 76 : Achajam ac Macedo- niam, onera deprecantes, levari in prasens proconsulari imperio tradiqne Ctesari placuit ; where Lipsius is wrong in stating that even Strabo had reckoned it among the imperial provinces. 11) Sueton. Vit. Claud, c. 25 ; Dio Cass. Ix. 24; comp. Boeckh. ad C. Insc. i. p. 839. 12) Comp. Plin. H. N. iv. 8 ; Plut. Vit. Flamin. c. 12 ; Sueton. Ner. c. 24 ; Dio Cass. Ixiii. 11. 13) Philostr. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. v. 41 ; Sueton. Vespas. c. 8 ; Pau- san. vii. 17. 2. 14) See Pausanias passim, and above, $. 176. n. 22. 15) Philostr. Vit. Sophist, ii. 1. 5 ; comp. Boeckh. ad C.Insc. n. 1625, and Meurs. Greec. fer. s. v. 16) See Cic. ad Fam. iv. 5; Strab. vii. p. 426, and more in Clinton, F. H. ii. p. 432 ; Wachsm. i. 2. p. 402 ; Fallmerayer, §. 62, sqq. Thus, Senec. Epist. 91, " non vides quemadmodum in Achaia clarissimarum urbium jam fundamenta confracta sint," etc. 1 17) Plut. de Defect. Orac. c. 8. p. 414. A : rtig Koivfjg oXiyavSpiag, i]v ai TrpoTtpai dTciaug kuI oi voXtnoi Trtpi Ttdaav ofiov n Tt)v oik ovfikniv c'nrnpydffavTo, irXudTov fispog i) 'EXXdg i^ireaxTiKf Kal [loXig dv wi'oXjj Trapdffxoi rpLffx^XiovQ oTrXirag, onovg t) Meyaphov fiia TroXtg t^iTrefitpiv ig nXuTaidg. Comp. Lucian. Dial. Mort. xxvii. 2 ; Dion. Chrysost. p. 401. (Orat. xxxiii.) 18) Trebell. Poll. Vit. Gallien. c. 13 : Atque inde Cyzicum et Asiam, deinceps Achajam omnem vastaverinit et ab Atheniensibus, duce Dexippo, scriptore horum temporum, victi sunt ; nnde pnlsi per Epirum, Acarnaniam, Ba:otiatn pervagati sunt. J. Aschbach. Geschichte der Westgothen, (Frankf. 1827.) p. 11, on the authority of Zosim. i. 39, makes them lo have captured Athens also. 19) Claudian. in Rufin. ii. 186 : His si tunc aniwis acies collatafuisset, Prodita non tantas vidisset Gr€v8d\r] (-evs). IX. iEantis. ^Avayvpovs, see I. "AcfiLBva, see IV ; after- wards belonged to Hadr. QvpycoviSat, afterwards belonged to Ptolem. MapaOoiv (-dovLos). KvKoXa (-alos). Olvaioi, (distinct from VIII ; comp. Corsin. F. A. i. p. 240) afterwards belonged to Attalis. Uepplhat, afterwards in X. 'Pa/jbVOVS (-OVCTLOs). TiTaKlSai, afterwards in X. TpiKopvdos (-vatos). ^d\r)pos (-evs) see Boeckh ad C. I. p. 309. ^Tjyaia, see also II. ^ocfilSat. X. Antiochis. 'Aryryv\^(-veevy.C.l.nA72. ^AXwireKT) (-rjOev). Ggg 410 APPENDIX. ' AfKptTpoTrr] {-atevs or rjdev)- ^ Avdi\l/i(ov TToiStQ, 121. 3. Antalcidas, 41. 1 ; 180. 10. Anthedon, 179. 3. Anthela, 14. 3. Amhesteria, (the,) 161.2. Antigonia, 187. 5. Antigonias, 175. 7. Antigonus Gonatas, 175. 17; 185. 4. — Doson, 49, 10 ; 187. 4, sqq. Antiochus, the Great, 184. 18. Antipater, 174. 17. Antiphemus, 85 4. Antiphus, 15. 10. Antiphon, 167. 1. Antiquities, 1.1. — sacred, 2. 3. 'AvTiypncpu'C, 127. 18. — ypafr/, 141. 2. — Soaig, 162. 18. — Xaxtlv, 145. I. — TifiacrOai, 143. 11. — VTTwfjLotria, 144. 10. — lOjiocria, 141 . 3. Antony, 176. 17 and 19. Anylus, 163. 8; 169. 1. Acnes, 15. 16. Apao:oge, 137. 3, sqq.; 139.12. Apaturia, 100. 10; 102. 6. Aphamiota;, 19. 18; 22. 8. ' A^>nv))c oi'fria, 162. 14. 'A(pt\i)g, 148. 7. 'A^froi 7^i.itpai, 127. 1. Apia, 17. 2. Apollo TTarpfpoe, 96. 8 ; 100. 5. Apollonia, on the Aous, 86. 5. — on the Pontus, 78. 22. 'KvoypcKpi), 136. 9; 151. 3. — dticTai, 151. 14. — iXtvOtpoc, 114. 10. — KijpvKiQt 122. 11. — KKrjToi, 184. 10. — XaxtTv, 149. 13. — Xdireiv, 122. 4. — iTkjXTvtiv, 122. 4. ' Kiroaraaiov Sikt], 114. 13; 115.8. — croXsTg, 161. 20. — Tijxaadai, 122. 5. — TV^nraviZ,tiv, 139. 7. — 0jj(Tic, 109. 10. — ^paq, 127. 1. Appeals, 140. 16; 145, 2, sqq. AvrpoiKog, 122. 2. 'A7r|o6(T/cX)jroe, 140. 5. 'AirpocTTaaiov Sikt], 115. 8. Aratus, 175. 20; 185.6; 186.15; 187. 10. Arbiters, 145. 11—20. Archaeanactidse, 78. 23. Archaeography, 1.3. Archaeology, 1. 7. 'ApxciioXuyia, 1. 1. ^'Apxaiptffiai,l23. 5; 149. ] ' ApxaiptfyidZin' , 130. 3. 1 Archander, 17. 8. ,"ApxHv, 116. 1 ; 125. L '^• j 'Apxri, 147. 5. Archias of Corinth, 57. j 10. — of Thebes, 180. 11. 1 Archinus, 169. 1. Architheoria, 161. 4. Archives, 127. 8. 'ApXtovrjc, 126. 12. Archons, in Athens, 103. 1 1—6; 109. 1; 112. 7; I 138. 3, 14, sqq. ; 148. I 5; 175. 6. — in Borotia, 180. 14 ; I 182. 10. ' Ardettus, 134. 10. Areopagus, 105. 2, sqq. ; 109. 2, sqq. ; 169. 9 ; 176.13. Areus, 175. 16; 183. 13. 'Apert], 57. 3. Argonauts, 6. 6. "Apyoc, 7. 9. Argos, 18. 2; 23. 3, 4; 33. 2, sqq.; 36. 13; 38. 10; 41.5; 66. 13; 71. 4; 186. — TreXaery., 15. 11. — Amphictyony of, 11. 6. 'ApyvpoXoyeiv, 166. 4. Aristaenus, 188. 4. Aristides, 112. 7 ; 155. 1. 'Apirrrivdrfv, 58. 4. Aristion, 175. 8. Aristodemus ofCumae, 82. 6. Aristocrates, 32. 1. — the son of Scellius, 167.2. Aristocracy, 57, 58, coll. 67. 1. Aristomachus, his sons, 18. 2. Aristophon, 118. 8; 170. 13. Arcadia, 17. 3,4; 32.2; 42.7 ; 177.1; 187.1. Armies, Spartan. 129. — Athenian, 152. — Achaaan, 187. — pay of, 152. 16. Arnarium, 185. 6. Arne, 15. 13, 15. Aroe, 189.7. Arrhephoria, 161.2. Artaxerxes, 40. 11. Asclepiadas, 5. 6. Asia Minor, 39. 10—12. "AairovdoQ -noXifioi;, 10. 3. Assistants, (assessores,) 138. 12; 149. 12. Astacus, 86. 11. Asiu, 97. 6. Astynomi, 150.7. 'AcrirXia, 116. 2. 'ArtXiia, 116. 3; 162. 1, — aTpariiac, 152. 15. Athens, 97. 5. — on the lake Copais, etc. 91. 4. Athenion, 176. 7. AtlilothetH!, 150. 3 ; 161. 7. 'An'/jTjrfic (lywv, 143. 8. 413 Atimia, 124, — partial, 143. 18; 144. 2. Atlantis, 91. 3. Atrids, 16. 1. 'ArpiaKaaToi, 99. 3. Attalis, 175. 9. Augustus, 176. 17; 184.23. Autochthonia, 17. 4 ; 91. 12. AvTOKpClTlOp, 125. 10. Autonomia, 41. 2. AvTOTtXwQ, 54. 3; 103. 10. "A^ovtQ, 107. 1. BapaOpov, 139.7. Bap/Sapoe, 7. 1. BaaavicTTai, 141. 15. BafftXtTc. 103. 2. BaffiXii'Q, 138.7. Battle of ^■Egospotamos, 167. 15. — Chaeronea, 173. 18. — Cyzicus, 167. 18. — Caphyffi, 184. 13. — Cnidus, 40. 9. — Coronea, 37. 8. — Delium, 38.6. — f}/ tjSSofuj, 33. 10. — Laos, 82. 15. — Leuctra, 42. 2. — Leucopetra, 189. 1. — Marathon, 112.5. — Mantinea, 38. 14 ; 42. 19; 50.7; 188. 2. — Megalopolis, 174. 9. — (Enophytoe, 37. 7. — Sagra, 80. 10. — Sellasia, 49. 11. — Scaiphea, 189. 1. — Tamyna;, 172. 10. — J'anagra, 37. 6. Battus, 79. 16. Betrothing, 119. 6. Bi^toi, 25. 15. Bigamy, 119. 2. Bithyni, 19. 15. Boedromia, 95. 8. Bccolarchs, 179. 12; 181. 4. Boeotia, 15. 16. Bcrotians, 15. 13 ; 38. 6, 12. Boeotian league, 179 — 182. BonoTidl^ovTic, 170. 11. Bowvai, 150. 2. Borvsthenes, 78. 21. Bosphorus, 78. 23. BoTiot, jiuvayoi, 26. 5, 13. BoiifcoXtiov, 138. 14. liovXaloi Ofoi, 127. 2. BovXivaiQ, 105. 4. BofX/j, 54.4 ; see Council. BovXof^uvos {o) olft^fcrrt, 135. 3. Brasidas, 39. 4. Bpaai^iioi, 48. 6. Bribery, at Sparta, 47. 2. — at Athens, 163. 8. Bruttii, 82. 15. Bura, 185. 3. Butas, 92. 2. Byzantium,19. 15; 86.15; 167. 10; 173. 10. Cadme, 77. 13. Cadmea, 41. 11. Cadmeonas, 15. 18. Cadmus, 4. 6. Calaurea, 11. 8; 96. 12. Calchas, 76. 1. Callias, 170. 10. Callicyrii, 19. 1(). Callicrates, 188. 12. Callistratus, 172. 10. Camarina, 84. 16. Canonus, 133. 10. Caphya;, battle of, 184.13; 187. 19. Carians, 6. 10 ; 7. 4. — kings, 79. 6. Cassander, 175. 2; 182. 9. Cassandrea, 81. 9. Castes, 5. Catana, 83. 3 ; 84. 12. C'aucones, 7. 7. Caulonia, 80. 12. Cavalry, Spartan, 29. 10 —15. — .Athenian, 152. 17. — Thessalian, 178. 2. Cecrops, 4. 6 ; 91. 6, sqq. Census, 59. 8; 67. 1. — at Athens, 107.4; 148. 1 ; 162. 12. Cephallenia, 8. 9; 176. 23; 184.2. Cephalus, 170. 12. Cersobleptes, 172. 12. Chabrias, 170. 9 ; 172. 2. Chaeronea, 179. 9. ChaEroneabattleof,173.18' Chalcedon. 86. 12. Chalcis, 77. 4 ; 81. 2; 188.7. - — colonies of, 81 — 83. Chalia, 179.3. Chares, 171. 17. Charidemus, 171. 18. Charicles, 169. 4. Charondas, 89. 4. 12. XeipoKparia, 52. 9. — rf^vat, 5. 6. — Tuvilu, 130. 1. — rovia, ■ — tfroi, 149. 1. Chersicrates, 86. 7. Chersonesus, 172. 12 ; 173. 9. — Taurica, 78. 23. XiXiag 6(pXi'iv, 144. 2. Xi'Xtot, 88. 2. Chilon, 43. 5. — 50. 4. Chios, 77. 9, 11; 172. 6. Xoipivai, 143. 1. Choues, 15, 8. Choregia, 161. 2. Xoipif oiKtiv, 1 14. 10. Xp(Wl> aTTOKOTT*), 63. 1. XptinariZeiv, 129. 2. Chremouidee, war of, 175. 15. Chronology, 4. 2. Cimmerians, 78. 18. Cimmerian Bosphorus, 78. 23. Cimon, 36. 10; 37. 10; 158. l.sqq. — peace of, 39. 10. Cinadon, 48. 10. Cirrha, 13. 6. Citizens, pretended, 123. 15, Citizenship, rights of, 51. 8. — at Sparta, 24. 10—12. — at Athens, 117, 118. Clazomena;, 77. 16. Cleandridas, 47. 2. Clearchus, 46. 9. — of Heraclea, 86.28. Cleomenes I., 33. 10. — 111. 49. 7, sqq. Cleon, 164. 7. Cleophon, 167.16—18. Clepsydia, 142. 5. Clerks, 127. 17; 147.2. — of the market, 150.9. 414 Cleruchi, 86. 19 ; 117. 4, 5; 162. 19; 172. 2, 4. Cleuas and Malaos, 76. 11. Clisthenes of Sicvon, 65. 3. — of Athens, 99.2; 110, sqq. Clitarchus, 173. 4, 6. Clubs, 70. 1. Clytiadae, 5. 6. Cnidus, 79. 10. Cnossus, 20. 7, 8. Codius, 102. 9. — sons of, 77. 2. Colacretae, 134. 18; 151. 13. Colonies, 73. 90. — Egyptian, 4. 6. in Attica, 91. 15. — Athenian, 166. 4—6. — Roman in Greece, 189. 6—9. Colonization, 74. 3. Comedy at Athens, 171. 9. Commercial laws, 136.6; 150. 10. — courts of, 146. 4. Commissions, 147. 2. Commissioners of public buildings, 150. 8. Compromise, 145. 18. Concubinage, 119. 3. Confiscation, 124. 11 ; 126. 11; 139. 4; 143. 18; 151. 3; 163. 5. Conon, 170. 4. Conspiracies, 164, 1, 11. Contracts, 9. 5 ; 10. 4. Copa;, 179. 3. Copais, (Lake,; 92. 5. Corcyra, 71. 7 ; 86. 7. Corinth, 17. 6 ; 34. 11; 185. 6. — its colonies, 26. 1 — 6. — l\oman colony at, 189. 6. Corn, inspectors of, 150. 11. Corinthian war, 40. Coronea, battle of, 37. 8 ; 158.8 ; 179.3. Cosmi, 21. 4. Cosmeten, 176. 18. Cosmopolis, 89. 13. Cothus, 77. 4. Cottyphus, 12. 10. INDEX. Cotys, 172. 12. Counter-pleas, 144. 4. Courts martial, 146. 2. Cowardice, 124. 3. 148.3. Currency, standard of the, 106. 7. Cranon, 178.5, 10. Crown, of the Archons, 124. 4. —of the orators, 129. 12. Creon, 103. 5. Cresphontes, 18. 4. Crete, 20. 5; 21,22. Crissa, 13. 6. Critias, 168. 13. Critolaus, 188. 15. Crotona, 80. 11; 90. 2, sqq. Cuma, 82. 1. Curetes, 7. 5. Cyclades, 77. 6. Cyclopian walls, 7. 11. Cylon, 90. 8. — of Athens, 103. 14. Cyme, Phriconis, 76. 11. — Opica, 82. 1. Cynurea, 33. 8 ; 96. 6. Cynosarges, 118. 5. Cyprian war, 170. 7. Cypselida;, 65. 4. Cyrene, 79. 15. Cyzicus, 78. 14, 17. — battle of, 167.8. Dasdalidffi, 5. 6 ; 93. 8. Damiurgi, 186. 10. Danaus, 4. 6; 17. 8, Death, punishment of, 139. 7. Debtors, state, 124. 9, 13. Decadarchia, 178. 16. Decarchia;, 39. 7. AtKurt], 167. 13; 170. 6. Decelea, 166. 7. Decius .(ubellius, 82. 12. Default, judgment by, 144. 5. DeVphontes, 18. 7. AiKadovxoi, 169. 4. Delay, suit for, 144. 9. Delium, battle of, 38. 6. Delos, 77. 5; 117. 5 ; 156.7; 176.2. — Apoll. 96.12. — Amphictyonyof, 11.9. Delphi, 14. 3; 183. 11; 189.5. Delphi, oracle of, 23. 2. — temple of, 13. 6. Delphinium, 104. 15. Demades, 174. 16. Demagogy, 69. 2, sqq. — at Athens, 164, 8, sqq. Demarchs, 111. 5; 149. 8; 162. 15. Demetrias, 188. 7. Demetrius of Phalerus, 178. 3. — of Pharus, 187.12. — Poliorcetes, 175. 4 — 12; 183. 12. ArifiioirpaTa, 126. 11. Demiurgi, 98. 4. — at Larissa, 178. 12. ArjfiLog, SrjfioKoivoc, 139. 8. ArjfioQ, 69. 1. Demi at Athens, 111. 6, sqq.; 123. 18; 152. 8. Democracy, 66 — 72. — in Athens, 97.4; 112, sqq. — in favour of Athens, 39. 3. — at Thebes, 180. 16. — in Achaia, 136. 12 Demophantus, 167. 8. Ajj/iOTToi'jjTot, 100.4 ; 117. 8. Ai]fji6ffioi SovXoi, 147. 4. Demosthenes, 171. 14; 173. 13; 174, 8,18. Demuchi, 180. 9. Aiaf3ari]pia, 25. 10. — ypdftiv, 140. 6. — diKacxia, 121. 7 ; 140. )5; 141.9. — fiaprvpia, 141. 7, 8. — fiaffriywrriQ, 26. 7. — fitfiirpij^Evt} ijiikpa, 142. 5, — TiTpvKi]fievri i//»;0oc, 143.3. — i/zj/^iffie, 123. 14. ■ — • Mfioaia, 141. 3. Diajteta;, 133. 12; 145. 1 1 —20. Diajus, 188. 15, Diacria, 92. 10,11. Diacni, 106.,.2. Dica;archia, 82. 4. AiKixi, 155. 4, 5. AiKT], 55. 4. A/Kaf,airt>(Tt'/i/3oXwv,116. i 6. ' AiKatrrai k. ^Ijuov^, 146. 10. Dicasteria, 134. 15. Dicasticon, 134. 19. Dinocrates, 188. 10. Diodes, 89. 6. — at Athens, 169.9. Diomedes, 17. 10; 76. 1. ! Dionysia, 161.2. Diopithes, 173. 9. Disinheritance, 122. 11. Divorce, 122. 4. Ai(pv))<;, 91. 18. Dodona, 8. 7. Dokimasia of the citizens, 123. 12. — of the orators, 129. 7. — of public officers, 148. 2. Dolopes, 12. 7. Domains, sacred, 126. 6. Awpiu, 126. 16. Doridas and Hyantidas, 18. 14. Dorians, the, 16. 2, sqq. ; 20, sqq. — their national league, 18.2. — in Asia Minor, 79. — in Italy, 80. 2, sqq. — in Sicily, 84, and 85. Dorieus, 75. 7. Aujpo^eviag ypa^r), 123. 13. Dorymachus, 184. 12. Aopvipopot, 63. 5. Aopv^tvoQ, 10. 1. Dowries at Sparta, 47. 1 1 . — at Athens, 122. 2. Dracon, 103 and 104. Dracontides, 168. 4. ApaffKuZdv, 105. 14. Drusus, priests of, 176.20. Dryopes, 12. 4 ; 16. 6 ; 77. 14. Dyme, 189.8. AwaffTlia, 58. 11. Dyrrachium, 86. 6. Earthquakes, 6. 2. — in Laconia, 37. 3. — in Achaia, 185. 3. 'ExivoQ, 141. 12. ''EyyvTiffiQ, 119. 6. EtKouTti, 166. 5. INDEX. EipytcrOai rwv vo/t I'^'wi', 105. 9. E'ipiiv, 26. 12. Eisangelia, 133. 6, sqq. ; 144. 1. 'Elaciyeiv tig ^parpiav, etc., 100.3. — ayuiytlg, 138. 2 and 4. — iTi'ipia, 127. 2. — (popa, 162. 8. 'EKixtifiia, 10. 6. 'E/c/c\?j(7t'a, in Sp. 24. 2 ; — fiiKpd, 24. 1 1. — in Crete, 21. 3. — in Athens, 128—133. 'EKK\t)(Tia(TTiK6v, 128. 12 ; 171.8. K.\l]TEVHV, 142. 10. k\7]T0Q TToXtC, 116. 6. — \kyiiv, 126. 'l3. — \oy liq, 157. 11 ; 162. 17. — fiapTvptiv, 142. 13. — ^v\\o(popia, 126. 18. Ela;us, 78. 9. Elatea, 173. 16. Elea, 78. 27. Eleusis, 169. 3. Eieusinian war, 91. 9. Eleutherffi, 102.5; 179.4. Eleutheria festival of the, 35.7. Eleven (the) 139. Klis. 17. 15; 40, 4 and 6; 184. 4. Embateria, 31. 9. Emmenidfe, 85. 10. 'Ejifirjvoi ^iKat, 146. 7. 'E/<7ra(T(c;, 116. 2. Empedocles, 85. 12. 'EfnrtXu>pot, 25. 15. 1 Emporium, 150. 10. I'EijnopoQ, 6. 6. j — iKal iiKai, 146. 5. Endeixis, 137. 5. ; ' EvtTricTKi)'7rTtaGai, 140. 1 14. — txvpn^saOai, 143. 15. — KTrjiic 1 16. 2. KiKT1))l'lV0l, 111. 14. OIKIOV diKii, 143. 16. — MfioTta, 29. 3. Epaminondas, 30. 13 : 172.5; 181. 1. 'KTToptrot, 42. 7. 'ETrevvaKTai, 80. 3. Epeus, 76. 3. Epei, 7. 6; 17. 16. 415 Epbebi at Sp. 26.11. — at Athens, 123. 5 ; 176. 18. Ephegesis, 137. 4. 'Eiptcnc, 145. 10. Epheta;, 103. 11 ; 104. 3 and 10. Ephialtes, 109. 5 ; 164. 2. Ephori at Sparta, 43 — 45 ; 50. 1, sqq. — at Athens, 168. 1. 'Etti BpoK-jjc 81.5. — ayytXia, 129. 7. — j3o\)), 137. 10. — yap.ia, 59. 5 ; 116. 2. — ypa)v ip- yior, 133. 8; 149.7. — oToXti'f, 46. 7. — ri/ioc, 124. — Tpn}pdpxi1fict, 162. 5. rujv 139. 13. TUIV 150. 1. 416 'EwirpoTTi), 145. 18. — rpoirog, 122. 12. — Xiiporovia vo^iov, 13 1 . 3. dpxwv, 128. 3; 154. 1. — xl^nfi^iiv, 129. 16. — u)^t\ia, 144. 4. — loinov, 126. 8. — lovvjioi, at Sparta, 44. 3; 50.21. at Athens, 138. 5; 175. 7 ; (£1/ rote) 152. 13. of the tribes, 111. 2 ; (TrpoTwv) 131.6. Epidamnus, 86. 6. Epidaurus, 18.7; 77.17; 96. 4 ; 186. Epirus, 15. 6. Epitadeus, 47. 10. Equality, 66. 9. 'Epavoi, 146. 9. Eratosthenes, 169. 4. Erechtheus, 92. 2 and 7. y>;y£j//;e, 91. 19. from Egypt, 91. 18. Eretria, 77. 4; 81. 3; 176. 17. 'EpijjxoQ Siicri, 144. 5. Erichthonius, 92. 2 and 7, 'Eevi], 98. 1. Euboea, 37. 10; 172. 10; 173. 4. Eubulus, 171. 12; 173. 11. Evtpytffia, 116. 4. Evytvsia, 57. 4. Euclides, archonship of, 169. 8. Eumolpida3 (the) 146. 3. Eumolpus, 91. 9. Eunidffi (the) 5. 6. Eupatrida;, 98. 1 ; 101. 2, sqq. Euphemidaj, 79. 16. Eurystheus, 16. 1. Euthuni, 154. 5, sqq. EvOv^iKta, 141. 4. Eu^fii'ot; TTovrot,-, 78. 24. 'E^aytoyng, 41. 17. — tKK\ji(na^Hv , 128. 10. — Tjyrjrni, 104. 4. — o/tvixrOai, 142. 9. — oi'A/jC ^tKt], 143. 16. Exchange of property, 162. 18. Executioner, 139. 8. Exile, 9.9; 71. 3. Families, (yei/»;)99. 3and 7 ; 101. 1. Family disputes, 138. 6. Fees, justice, 140. 8. Festival days, 127. 1. Festivals, the national, 10. 10. Finance, the Athenian, 126. 8. — officers of, 151. Fines, at Sparta, 47. 2. — at Athens, 129. 14 ; 133. 9 ; 137. 10; 143. 18; 163. 1. Flaminius, 188. 6. Foreigners, 9. 2, sqq. — before the courts, 146. 5. Forty, board of, 146. 10. Free cities under the Ro- mans, 189. 6. Freedmen, at Sparta, 24. 14. — at Athens, 114. 10. Gallienus. 176.26. Gauls, 175. 14 ; 183. 14. rafitjXiav iia 'ivcfKit, 139. 8. — TifxarrOat, 143. II. — uji^LOcia, 132. 3; 144. 9. lamidiE, 5. 6. Jason of PheraB, 178. 1. 'l^iai ypcKpal, 135. 7. Idomeneus, 76. 1. Imprisonment, 127. 2 ; 137.2; 139.5. Use, 26. 6. Inachus, 4. 6 ; 17. 2. Informations, 133. 4. Inheritance, right of, 1 19. 9. — disputes concerning, 138. 6; 141. 9 ; 145. 3. — to persons dying intes- tate, 121. Innessa, 84. 13. Inscriptions, 1. 6. Insurances, 146. 5. Interest, compound, 106. 10. Ion, 94—96. lonians, 8. 11 ; 96. 2. 4. — in -.Egialea, 17. 7 ; 185. 2. — in Asia Minor, etc. 77, 78. Ionic Phyla;, 94. lphicrates,30. 10; 170.5. Iphitus, 23. 12, 13. 'ItTtjyopia, 66. 6. Ismenias, 35. 6 ; 180. 15. 417 "liTov, 66. 9. 'IiTOTroXtTfi'tt, 117. 2. 'laoTtXilr, 116. 1 . Isthmian games, 10. 14. Italy, Greek Colonies in, 15 8; 76. 1. Itonia INlinerva, 180. 1. Judges at Sparta, 25. 13. — at Athens, 107. 6. — staves, 134. 16. Judicial power (the), 53. 7. Jupiter Ilomorius, 90. 10. — at .Athens, 93. 3. — 'EpKtloc. 100. 5. — his temple at .Agrigen- tum, 85. 13. Kdcog, — KTKOC 143. I. KaKonxvMV ^Iki], 145. 6. Katcovpyot, 139. 12. KuKomic, 133. 12; 142. 4. KaK-W) oKT/), 83. 8. KaXoi KoyaQoi, 58. 7. Kapiroii CiKi], 143. 16. KaTUK\i](Tiai, 128. 7. — XoytiQ, 166. 13. — \oyog (tK,) 67. 2. — Xvffig Tov ci'ifiov, 163. 12. — (TTamQ, 152. 7. — Xnporovfh', 130. 12. Kn-wvciKofopoi, etc., 19. 28—20. K^ixog. 143. 1. Kings, 55, 56. — in Laced. 25. 6 — 11 ; 44, 45. — in Athens, 92 ; 102 ; 103. 1. KX//por(T0«t, 134. 1.3. K\)]piorai ap\ai, 149. 1. K\t]T(vni',' 142. 10. KXi'fToptg, 140. 3. Knights, 57. 1. — Spartan, 29. 12. — Athenian, 108. 5 and 11 ; 168.9. — Orchomenian, 180. 9. Koiva ru (piXiov, 90. 5. Koj-iav, 30. 7. K.W fiat, (Kara,) 61.5. Kopivdog.CAwg,) 18. 12. Kopvviifopoi, 19. 12. H ll h 418 KoOopvoi;, 167. 4. Kovptlov, 100. 14. Kpavaa, 92. 2. Kptavofitlv, 100. 12. Kpnat, 149. 13. KpvTTTiia, 48. 4, 5. KpvTrroi, 157. 8. KriffT^C, 74. 3. KvajXiVToi, 149. 2. Ki;p/3ae, 107. 1. Kvpia sKKXrjaia, 128. 4. Kvpia, (»;), 144. 6. Kvptoc, n9-7; 122. Lacbares, 175. 11. Laches, 165. 3. Aaxsiv SiKrjv, 140. 4. Aaiov vofing, 181. 2. Lamachus, 165. 3. Lamian war, 174. 13 ; 183. 4. Aaixirdg, 161. 3. Lampsacus, 78. 10. Laos and Scidros, 80. 21. — battle of, 82. 15. Lapithee, 8. 9 ; 16. 4. Larissa, 7. 9. — inThess. 178.8, 9. — in Asia Minor, 76. 11. Larymna, 179. 6. Law, 51. 4. — courts of, at Sparta, 25. 13. at Athens, 134 — 146, and 163. — suits, at Athens, 135. Lebadea, 179. 3. — battle of, see Coronea. Legislation, 53. 5. — at Athens, 131. Legitimization, 119. 12. AiiTTonaprvpiov ^i'kjj,142. 11. Lelantic Field, 11.12. Leleges, 6. 10; 7.4; 12. 16. Lemnos, Imbros,and Scy- ros, 41.3; 117.5; 176. 2. Lenaea, 161.2. Leon of Salamis, 169. 3. Leontini, 83. 3 and 13. Leophron, 83. 9. Leosthenes, 174. 13. Leotychides, 36.14; 47.2. Lesbos, 76. 6 and 9. Leschai, 27. 14. Leucas, 86. 2. Leucon, 78.23; 172. 13. Leucopetra, 189. 1. Leuctra, battle of, 142. 2 ; 181.5. Lexiarchs, 128. 10. Lexiarchicon, 123.6; 149. 4. Lilybaeum, 85. 15. Limitation, statue of, 143. 14, Liturgies, 160. 2, sqq. Lochi, 29. 5 ; 152. 9. Logistse, 154. 5, sqq. AoyoypcKpoi, 142. 16. Locri, 12. 16 ; 183. 9 ; 189. — Epizephyr. 80. 5, sqq. ; 88. 3 ; 89. 13. Lots, 67. 4. — in Athens, 112. 1; 149. 1. sqq. — of the judges, 134. 12. AoiTTOcfirai, 139. 12. Lyceum, 138. 14. Lycortas, 188. 11. Lyctus, 20. 8. Lycurgus, of Sparta, 23. — king, 50. 4. — the orator, 174. 6. Lycomedes, 177. 1. Lycophron, 178. 13. Lydiadas. 186. 14. Lygdamis, 87. 10. Lysander, 46. 10 ; 47. 1. Macedonians, 15. 5 ; 177. 7. Macedon, parties in favour of, 72. 7; 174. 10. Machanidas, 50. 6. Maemacterion, 127. 6. Magnesia, 76. 17. Magnetes, 12. 7. and 15. '^uKpav Tifidv, 143. 1 and 12. Malians, 12. 15. MaXQi], 142. 8. Mamertines, 83. 10. Mantinea, 41. 8; 42. 6 ; 187. 5. — battleof,(B.C.418)38. 14; 39. 1. (B. C.362), 42. 19. (B. C. 208), 50. 7; 188.2. Mariandyni, 19. 17. Marcus, of Cerynea, 185.5. Marriage, at Athens, 1 19. Maiiage, Spartan laws of, 27. 11. Massilia, 78. 28. Maffrnpic, 133. 2. Mazaca, 89, 7. M>) ovaa diKt], 145. 1. INIedon, 102. 9. MiydXi} 'EXXac. 80. 1. Megalopolis, 42. 7 ; 177. 2. Megara, 18. 10—12 ; 92. 9 ; 182, 13 ; 185. 7. — decree, respecting, 37. 13. — its colonies, 86. 13, sqq. — a Roman colony, 189. 9. — in Sicily, 84. 3 ; 85. 1. Mfiov, 100. 11. Melanthus, 102. 6. Melians, 12, 15, Melos, 79. 11. Mende, 81. 6. Menestheus, 102. 1. Mfjvvffig, 133. 4. Mercatus, 10. 8. Mercenaries, 30. 11; 171. 15. Mspt] (iv rolg [I..), 152.13. Mesembria, 86. 13. MtaiSioQ dpx(^v, 178. 12. Messana, 83. 9, 10. Messenia, 17. 11 ; 18. 4. — War, 31. — third war, 37. 4. — restoration of, 42. 9. Messenians in Rhegium, 82. 10. Metapontum, 80. 25. Methone, 81. 6. Metics, 115. Metionidae, 93. 7. Meton, 127. 6. M>]rptfiov, 127. 8. Metronomi, 150. 12. Micythus, 83. 9. Miletus, 77.21; 87.8. — its colonies, 78. 2, sqq. Mefii\Tti>fi'Bvoi> ff^oiviov, 128. 11. Military, systein of the Lacedaemons, 29, 30. — Athenians, 152. MinervcE calculus, 143. 4. Mines of Attica, 126. 7 ; 136. 7 ; 156. 1 ; 162. 19. 419 Mines, suits relating to, 146.8. Minos, 6. 11 ; 20. 7. Minya;, 18. 17. — from Lenonos, 79. 13. Mia9oi'Xo/3r«(TtXfT(;, 98. 5 ; 101.5. Phylarchs, HI. 10; 152. 2. Physicians, 5. 8. Pisander, 166. 13. Pisistratus, 110. 2, Pitanata;, 29. 9. Pithecusffi, 82. 2, Pittacus, 63. 9. Platffia, 35. 1 ; 117. 2, 3; 170. 16; 179. 5; 181. 6. Pleistoanax, 47. 2. Plutarchus of Eretria, 172. 10. IlXovroKparia, 59. 7. Pnyx, 128.9. liodoKClKKT], 139. 6. Poleraarchs in Sparta, 29. 6. — at Athens,"! 38. 8.' — in Boeotia, 180. 13, — in /Etolia, 184. 11. Poleta;, 115.9; 151. 2. UoXirtia, 52. 5. TloXiTofvXaKtg, 178. 12. Police, 109. 9; 113. 8 ; 150, 7, sqq. Pollis, 20.8. Polydamas, 178. 12. Polycrates, 32. 6 ; 64, 3 ; 87. 10. Polyspeichon, 175. 1. Pontus Euxinus, 78. 13, Poristaj, 151. 12. Posidonla, 80. 26, Possession, contested claim to, 140, 13—15. Potida3a, 86, 1. Pr^tor, of Achaia, 189. 2. UpaKTopEi;, 151. 4. I Ilpcian' aiTilrrBai, 114. 7. j YlptiyicrTog, 21. 6. 1 Priene, 77. 13. I Priests, 149. 14. I Priestly races, 5. 5. I Priesthood of the kings, 56. 10. Privil,'/Tic, 141. 16, 17. — fierpt]Tai, 150. 13. — %tvia, lib". 4. — pijTig, 105. 9. — akXyji'ot, 17. 4. (TTUTTIQ, 115. 5. Tou Sijuov, 63. 3 ; 69.4. — XiipoToj'ia, 129. 9. Proconsul of Achaia, 189. 11 and 20. Upo't^, 122. 2. Procles and Eurysthenes, 18.5. Proconnesus, 78. 19. Prometheus, 178. 1. Promethei, 161. 3. Proofs, legal, 141. 11. UpocTKciTdi^Xiji^ta, 126. 14. KXi}mg, 140. 2. Tci^iie, 124. 8. Tinqiv, 143. 13. Tt/^iov, 144. 1. Prosecutions, consequences of letting them fall, 144. 3. Prosecutor, his danger, 144. 1, sqq. Protagoras, 89. 9. JlpiiTavitg, 56. 1 1. — at Athens, 127. 5, sqq. Prytaneum, 74. 1. — at Athens, 101. 6. — court of the, 104. 16. — maintenance in the, 127. 13. npnTai'tla, 140. 8. '^l)^i(rfia, 61. 8 ; 129. 11. Pseudcponymi, 138. 5. '^tv?oKX)]Ttia, 140. 7. '^ivlojiapTvpiwv c'lKi], 141. 10; 145. 3, 4. Ptolemais, tribe of, 175. 9. Puteoli, 82. 4. Pyanepsion. 127. 6. Pylagorae, 14. 2 — 5. UvXaia, 14. 2. Pylus, 17. 13. Pythagoras, 90. 111.0101, 23. 9. Pythian games, 13. 8. Pythodoris, 78. 23. Register of the Demi, 123. 6. Responsibility, 53. 11; 147. 6. Revenue, Athenian, 126. 5. Rhadamanthus, 20. 7 ; 141. 3. Rhegium, 82.9. 'Vi]ra yipa, 55. 8. "i^i'irpa, 23. 7, 8. Rhodes, 79. 2—5. Right, notion of, 54. 4 ; 72. 2. Romans,lhe,184.14; 188. 9; 189. Sabinum, 80. 16. Sacra Privata, 120. 6. Sagra, battle of, 80. 10. Sais, 91. 15. 2«\rt/tn'i'rt, 140. 3. Salamis, 117. 5; 169. 3 ; 175.21. Samos, 77. 8, 17 ; 172.4. — siege of, 159. 10. Samothrace, 78. 7. Sandvicense Marmor, 11. 12. Satyrus, 167. 18, Scamandrius, 141. 13. Scaphephoria, 115. 10. Scarphea, battle of, 189. 1. Sciadephoria, 115. 10. Scione, 01. 6. Scirita;.29. 11. Slaves, 9. 8. — in Crete, 22. 7—9. — in Athens, 1 14 ; public, 147.4. Scopada;, 178. 10. Scopas, 184. 12. Scyros, 13.5 ; 41.3. ^KVTc'iXi], 45. 4. Scythians, 78. 20. — at Athens, 129. 13. Secuiities, 126. 4. — oath taken by, 123. 7. — number required, 99. 4. — defalcatory, 123. 15. ^tirraxOtin, 106. 6. Self-defence, 104. 14. Selga;, 79. 4. Selinus, 85. 8. Sellasia, 49. 11. ^tXXoi, 8. 5. Selymbria, 86. 14. Senate, 54. — in Crete, 21. 6. — in Sparta, 25. 3. 421 Senate, in Athens, 108. 1 ; 125—127; 133.9; 147. 12; 148. 10—14. — in Achaia, 186. 2. — the four in Boeotia,179. 13. Sept. Severus, 176. 25. Sestus, 76. 16. Seven against Thebes, 8. 9; 17. 10. Sicily, 83. 1, sqq. Sicyon, 17. 5 ; 185. 6. Simonides, 178. 1 1. Sinope, 78. 15. Siris. 80. 24. Sisyphidaj, 17. 6. 'SliTijcrtQ IV IIpvTaif, 127. 16. 'S.nwvcn, 150. 11. Sitophy laces, 150. 11. •2KUIC, 127. 13. 'S.KVTaXin^ibi;, 71. 4. SKJJTrrpoi', 55. 6. Smyrna, 76. 18. Sophronistae, 150. 4. Solon, 104. 1; 106—109; 162. 11. Sparta, allies of, 34. — pretended citizens of, 123. 15. — icai/iat, of, 24. 7. — fortified, 49. 11. STTrtproi, 180. 9. Spartocus, 78. 23. Spina, 15. 8. "S-nov^at, — ocprpoi, 10. 9. 'S.TTov^apxcu, 130. 3. Squadron, thesacred, 181. 2. State, a, 51. 3. Stagira, 81. 7. 'EramioTtiai, 52. 8. '2rt(pavoin', 126. 16. — iaTi]\aaia, 28. 1. Siviag SiKt], 123. 13 ; 145.3. Se»'or,9.2; 115.3; 118.1. Xuthus, 96. 3—7. Year, commencement of the, at Sparta, 44. 2. at Athens, 127.6. ZaleucQS. 88 ; 89. Zancle, 83. 5. Zea, 105. 3. Zi]Tnrai, 133. 2; 151.5. Zeugitae, 108. 5. THE END. List of the edit tons of the Greek Claxsics to ivJiich reference lias been made in tlic quotations in this work. The great variety in the pages and subdivisions of the Greek authors which has arisen from the numerous editions through which they have passed, parti- cularly of late years, compels the author of this compendium to subjoin the following list of the editions from which his quotations are made. Some of these editions are, he confesses, not the most accessible, but it was impossible for him in every case to alter his original references; he trusts that the uni- formity and correctness with which they have been made, will be some com- pensation for this defect. In the tragoedians he has uniformly quoted the edi- tions of ^schylus, by Schiitz, of Sophocles, by Hermann, of Euripides, by Matthias. The text of Aristophanes has been cited from the edition of Inver- nizzi, but the scholiast from that of Bekker, (Lond. 1829.) Plato is quoted ac- cording to the pages of the edition of Stephanus ; Xenophon, by the chapters and sections of Schneider's edition. The Politics of Aristotle have been cited from Schneider's edition, the Ethics, from Zell's, (Ileidelb. 1820.) the Rhe- toric, from Buhle's, (Bipont. 1793. t. iv.) as also the Rhetoricaad Alexandrum, (t. v.), which, however, he has not scrupled (following the authority of Victo- rius and Spengel, Artt. Scriptt. p. 182, sqq), to quote under the name of Anaximenes, as he has also ascribed the Oration de Halonneso to Hegesippus ; (compare Voemel's Herbstprogr. 1830.) The speeches of Demosthenes are quoted according to the pages of Reiske's edition, except in the speeches for Leptines and Midias, in which he has preferred the paragraphs of Wolf and Buttmann ; Ulpian's Scholia have been quoted according to the edition of Hieronymus Wolf, (Basil, 1572, fol.) ^Eschines is cited according to the edition of Bremi, (Zurich, 1823.) Lycurgus, according to the chapters of Hauptmann's edition, which have been followed by A. G. Becker, Blume, and other editors. Isocrates is quoted by the pages of the lesser edition of Hieron. Wolf, (Gr. and Lat. Basil. 1587, 8vo.) excepting the oration -Kipl ai'TiCoauoq, for which Orelli's edition, (Ziirich, 1814, 8vo.) is preferable ; for the other ora- tors he has referred to the paragraphs of Bekker's edition, which have been retained by Schmidt in his Dinarchus, (Lips. 1826,) by Fortsch, in his Eysias, (Lips. 1829), and by Schbmann in his Isasus, (Cryph. 1831.) The author has used the edition of Polybius, by Scliweigha;user, of Dionys. Ilalicarnass., by Reiske'sStrabo,byAlmeloveen,(Amstel. 1707, fol.) ofDio Chrysostom, by Mo- rell, (Paris, 1604, fol.) of Maximus Tyrius, by Reiske, of Plutarch, by Hutten, Pausanias, by Facius, (Lips. 1794.) of Athenaaus, by Dindorf, (Lips. 1827.) In referring to Harpocratio, he begs the reader to remark that he has used the text of INIaussac's edition, (Paris, 1G14,) the notes of that of Gronovius, (L. B. 1696.) UC SOUTHtRN RFGIONAL LlliRARY ( ACILITY AA 000 921394 3 I )!!(/■'