aFCAllFOI?^ ^Wf^JNIVER5•/,Jt ^lOSANCflfj-^ ^OFCAllFOMf^ -< o ^/5a3AINn-3\\V ^(!/0JllV3JO>^ ^ o '"> _ e 5 «;;OFCAllFO/?;j^ ^'CAUvaan-iS^ '-^o-mmm 0/r^ ^jStllBKARYC/A 3g 2 , , .\rttUNIVtK5/A o ^lU:>ANGtlfJ> 3 %a3AINn-3WV^ -!^tUBKAHV6;/ ^&A«vaan# -r o ,• ^>^l•lIBRARYa^^ u3 i 1 f^ tc ,\Wtl)NIVERS/A ^ %a3AINn-3WV^ ^< ^(?/ ijiiviu; 0/: ^.\niUftlVtKJ//r^ ^vKlUyANlitlfJ^ iAV"^' %i ''-^Xi, 5i AiNfiiUV^ ^^erforming the highest judicial function in the province during the Turkish regime). The Mufti, who could not be legally cited before any civil court, was compelled by the pressure of public opinion to appear as defendant before the Civil Tribunal of Valona. The court was crowded on that day by spectators who gloated over the spectacle of seeing for the first time a Mufti-Kadi arraigned. The majority of the spectators were Albanians who had recently returned from the United States. The Mufti was condemned and had to swallow in silence the bitter pill. The presiding judge was none other than the writer. 112 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT mission which was to assign and delimit the south- eastern boundary of the Albanian State. It took several months for the European governments to find the proper persons who would act in strict con- formity with their orders in delimiting the frontier, or rather the proper persons who would be most averse to assigning to Albania what was hers by lending themselves to the farcical comedies of the Greek military authorities who were occupying these territories. As evidence of this, the fact may be cited that the French Government selected its consul at Volos, Greece, as a member of the Commission. In reality, it seemed as if the Powers were already tired of the comedy of professing that they were in- terested in the welfare of the future principality, once the menace of a general conflagration had been averted. After several months of sheer procrastination, the Powers appointed finally the Commissioners, at the urgent entreaties of the Provisional Government which had repeatedly warned the Powers in regard to the ever-growing agitation among the Albanian people in consequence of the inhuman treatment in- flicted by the Greeks on the conquered population, re- ports of which were coming in daily through the arrival at Valona of refugees from Southern Albania. Late in September, 1913, the International Com- mission proceeded to Salonica and thence to Mon- astir, where it spent another month in idleness, in order to enable the Powers to blackmail the Al- banian government with a view to securing some very coveted concessions through the fear they in- spired of suspending the operations of the Boundary THE SOUTHEASTERN BOUNDARY COMMISSION 113 Commission unless the contracts were signed on time,^ When the contracts were finally signed, the Commissioners repaired to the city of Korcha (Koritza). The journey of the International Commission through the part of Albania which it was able to visit is quite interesting and instructive, for it gave to the Greek military authorities the opportunity to make a full display of their ingeniousness in trying to baffle and mislead the Commission by sidetracking it. It also shows to what extremities of scandalous un- scrupulousness the Balkan States may go in order to obtain what they want. The experiences of the Commission are fortunately preserved in the Offi- cial Proceedings of the Conference of Florence, as the Commission was officially called when it as- sembled at Florence, Italy, to put the finishing touches to its draft of the southeastern boundary.^ We necessarily confine ourselves to referring only to some of the more important incidents. 1. The Camouflage of Southern Albania The procrastination of the Powers in appointing the members of the Boundary Commission gave to the Greek military authorities ample opportunity to set the stage properly for the reception of the Com- mission throughout Southern Albania. The mate- rial for the construction of the stage was near at hand and the actors were more than eager to make the performance a great success. Unfortunately for 1 See below, p. 197. 2 Proces-rerhaiix de la Conference de Florence, 1013. The publication is confidential and intended only for the use of the respective governments. Tiie copy we consulted was in the archives of the Albanian Foreign Office. 114 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Greece, however, they proved to be more zealous than was necessary and thus they spoiled the whole farce at the very end. Let us say first a few words about the material and then about the actors. According to the decision of the Ambassadors, the Boundary Commission had to determine the ethnical character of the people and of the territory they oc- cupied on the basis of the spoken language. It may not be admitted that language is a safe criterion of nationality, but, in view of the military occupation of the country by the troops of the very government which claimed those territories, no other criterion could be resorted to. What is still more important, however, is the fact that the Albanian is knowTi as such primarily because he speaks Albanian, the tongue which he has preserved from immemorial times. Moreover, the Albanians have never been able to impose their language on any of their neigh- bors, so that no mistake can be made in that re- spect. As a matter of fact, it was universally kno^vn that the language spoken in Southern Albania is Al- banian. But the point that was not so well knowm was that the Christian Orthodox Albanians of this region, as well as those of Central Albania, had to send their children to Greek schools because of the ban which weighed on the Albanian language.^ Consequently the part of the male population which had had some kind of education in the Greek schools was able to understand or, in some instances, to mumble the Greek language. There were, of course, a number of persons who had received a higher edu- i See above, p. 58. THE SOUTHEASTERN BOUNDARY COMMISSION 115 cation in the Greek language, such as was given in the Gymnasia of Janina and Korcha/ who were able to speak fairly well in Greek. It was natural, on the other hand, that these Greek schools turned out a number of spell-bound victims of the memories of Pericles, of the giants of Marathon, and of all the glory that ancient Hellas had seen. But the romantic enthusiasm of these Greek-stricken graduates would usually cool off at their maturity, or as a result of a journey to Greece, wherein they had an opportunity of gauging the distance and the racial and moral qualifications which differentiate the ages of Pericles and Socrates from the modern Greek. But as the annual output of these two Gym- nasia never exceeded a dozen the number of these ancient-Greek-phantoms was infinitesimal in propor- tion to the people who were gravely shaking their heads in regard to the mental sanity of these admir- ers of bygone days.^ Such was the material with which the Greek mili- tary authorities had to build the stage. Let it be said, to their credit, that they did very well to a cer- tain extent. What they did was this : In their zeal to present to the International Com- mission an entirely Greek-speaking population, the Greek authorities saw to it that only Greek-speaking people be allowed to circulate in the streets during the passage of, or to come into contact with, the Commission. In places where no Greek-speaking persons could be had, Greek colonists and refugees from Asia Minor imported ad hoc were to figure as 1 The writer is a graduate of the Gymnasium of Korclia. 2 Brailsford, "Macedonia," p. 252. 116 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT natives. The rest of the population, all the women, children, and men who could not speak Greek, as well as the Moslem population, were confined within their premises under guard. After disposing of the linguistic question, the Greek authorities proceeded to the real setting of the stage. An ordinance was issued whereby people were ordered to camouflage their cities, towns, and houses, through the application on the walls of blue-and-white painting, i. e., the Greek national colors. All signs of stores and shops had also to undergo this curious treatment, in all cases under the heaviest penalties, of which beating to death was the usual constitutional penalty in case of non-con- formity with the ordinance. As a complement to the above mentioned prescription, people were, like- wise, earnestly recommended to wear as much blue- and-white as was possible. Imprisonment and exile were the punishments inflicted on the unfortunate one who inadvertently wore any black-and-red col- ored garment or necktie (the Albanian national colors). The third move of the Greek authorities was to ter- rorize and cow the population. The prisons of Korcha, Janina, Fiorina, Salonica and of other Greek cities were crowded with prisoners from the places which were to be visited by the Commission. The avowed Albanian patriots had earlier found places in the damp dungeons of the former Turkish pris- ons which were now honored by Greek guards. 2. The Incident of Borova All this was done with the purpose of impressing the Commission with the Greek character of the TEE SOUTHEASTERN BOUNDARY COMMISSION 117 provinces of Southern Albania which Europe was intending to deliver to the Albanian butchers. On the way to Kolonia, whence the real work of the Commission was to begin, the Commission passed through the city of Korcha. The latter city, with all its province, had been formally incorporated in the new State by the direct action of the London Conference, so that the Commission had nothing to perform in that region, except to pass through. But the Greek authorities had taken the necessary measures, nevertheless, in order to impress the Com- mission Avith the great injustice done by the Con- ference in assigning the city to Albania.^ The camouflage left nothing to be desired; even the hen-houses and the trees had been painted in blue-and-white, and the city had the appearance of a foaming sea. The illusion of the Greeks was, however, spoiled by the Italian delegate, to the mer- riment of his colleagues. A number of school chil- dren had been ostentatiously sent to play before the house occupied by the Commission, on the under- standing that they should speak in Greek while plajdng. Signor Labia, the Italian Commissioner, went to the balcony, accompanied by some of his credulous colleagues, and threw to the children a handful of copper coins. In their eagerness to pick up as many coins as they could, the poor children forgot all about the restraint on the use of the Al- banian language, and the fight over the coins went on in their mother tongue, the Albanian language. The amused Commissioners roared with laughter. The exposure of the trick, the effect of which was, 1 Durham, M. E., "The Struggle for Scutari," p. 307. 118 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT in addition, still further increased by the excessive use of the blue-and-white painting, infuriated the Greeks and made them change their tactics. As it proved impossible to shut the mouths of the whole people, many of whom found a way of communi- cating with the members of the Commission to whom they denounced the masquerade, the Greek authori- ties had recourse to violence. They let loose on the trails of the Commission a wild band of the notori- ous Greek irregulars, professional desperadoes, to shadow the Commission everywhere, and to shout a tue-tete, ' ' Union or death ! ' ' The glorious achieve- ments of this band are fortunately recorded in the Official Proceedings of the Commission. It was thus that the Greeks tried to get rid of the Commission altogether, when they realized that their farce was too grotesque not to have made a distaste- ful impression on the European delegates. Conse- quently, when the Commission arrived at Borova, in the province of Kolonia, the new Greek plan was put into operation. On reaching the latter locality, the Commissioners, who had already began to feel weary of the comedy, sought to get in direct touch with the inhabitants. One of them knocked at the door of a house, which had been designated at ran- dom as the place from which the investigation was to begin. Unfortunately for the Greeks, that particu- lar house happened to be the one in which they had interned all the inhabitants who could not speak Greek. The Greeks realized that the moment had come for the entire upsetting of their organization. When the delegate again repeated the knocks, the inseparable band which had been watching the move- ments of the Commission, threatened to shoot the THE SOUTHEASTERN BOUNDARY COMMISSION 119 delegate, unless lie desisted from his intention of entering the house. The scandalous interference of the band with the work of the Commission convinced the delegates that there was nothing to be done but to suspend alto- gether their operations. So they did, and informed their respective governments of the impossibility of carrying out their mission. As a result, the British government proposed that the Commission should proceed to delimit the frontiers with the aid of the map, takmg into consideration only economical and geographical reasons. The Greeks threatened to boycott British commerce, but the Powers accepted the proposal. The Commission proceeded then to Florence, Italy, and finished its work in December, 1913, with the assistance of the Geographical Institute of that city. It assigned to Albania the two disputed prov- inces or sandjaks of KorcJia and Arghyrocastro, in accordance with the original expectation of the Con- ference of the Ambassadors. But in order to cripple the only line of communication of Southern Albania between the sea and the mainland, a small part of the road was left within the territory assigned to Greece, The boundary line left also outside of Al- bania the district of Tchamouria, which is inhabited by a compact Albanian population of the Moslem creed, though this was the fault of the Conference rather than of the Commission, The matter was ended, nevertheless, so far as the Commission was concerned. But the question of Southern Albania had yet to go through many vicis- situdes, and had finally to become the gangrene which poisoned the whole life of the frail principality 120 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT and which brought it to an untimely and inglorious end, as will be seen a little later. IV. DISINTEGRATION Meanwhile, some very important events had taken place within the free territory of Albania, to which we now turn our attention. More than a year had elapsed since the declaration of independence and the recognition of the autono- mous principality of Albania. But, as yet, none of the vital questions on the settlement of which de- pended the existence of the new State had been re- solved. People began to grow restless and agitated. They now accused the government of Ismail Kemal Bey of being utterly incompetent to grapple with those questions. Two occurrences had particularly exasperated the people. At the time when the International Com- mission for the delimitation of the southeastern frontier was spending a month at Monastir, in idle- ness, various financial groups were exercising a powerful influence over the government of Valona with the view of securing concessions. They had particularly set their hearts upon obtaining a con- cession to found the National Albanian Bank. It was intimated to the government that the Commis- sion would not start on its mission before the sign- ing of the contract. It is not surprising, then, that the government had to yield to this pressure by granting the concession to a group of Austrian and Italian bankers who were respectively representing the Wiener Bank Verein and the Banca Commerciale d' Italia. The most obnoxious privilege included in the concession was the right given to the so-called DISINTEGRATION 121 National Albanian Bank to deal in real estate. The signing of the contract was a source of mortification to the Albanians, who were working under the ap- prehension that, owing to the poverty of the people, the Bank would finally be able to buy up all available territory, which would thus pass into the hands of Austrian and Italian capitalists. Naturally enough, popular indignation turned against the government of Ismail Kemal Bey, which now lost the confidence of the people. Agitation was resorted to, moreover, by the rad- ical nationalists, whose ranks were mainly filled by the Albanians who were returning from the United States. The government of Valona was looked upon by them as hopelessly conservative; they desired to modernize the government as well as the country over night. The reforms which had been carried out were considered as trifling by these fire-eaters who wished to see Albania reformed from the ground up. The other occurrence was the new turn of affairs in Southern Albania. On December 13, the Powers informed the Greek government that its troops should be withdrawn within a month from the terri- tories assigned to Albania. Eventually, however, a further extension was granted, and the 1st of ]\Iarch, 1914, was designated as the day of the evacuation. But the Greek authorities had not lost their hopes of avoiding the issue of the evacuation. They were presently setting the stage for a new coup de theatre. Greece was about to play her trump card. The refugees, who were daily flocking into Valona, were bringing awful stories of persecution and repres- sion. They had heard the Greek officers say that they would never give up Southern Albania, never. 122 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT And if they were forced to by the Powers, they would leave behind only ruins and devastation. They would take along with them the Christian population, in order to show to Europe that these poor people preferred to leave their hearths rather than submit themselves to the Albanian government. As for the Moslems, the Greek officials openly de- clared that it would be better for them to migrate before it was too late. These reports caused consternation among the people. But Europe was indolent, even sarcastic, and the government of Valona powerless. There appeared now on the stage, for the second time, the figure of Essad Pasha, to whom public opinion ascribed the mysterious surrender of Scu- tari ( pp. 100-102). This time he stepped forward as the savior of Albania. Taking advantage of the popular discontent against the government of Ismail Kemal Bey, he rallied around him the discontented, especially a group of nationalists, and set up a new government at Durazzo, with the avowed aim of over- throwing the "rotten" government of Valona and placing in its stead a strong national government. But, no sooner had he strengthened his position than he expelled his unwelcome collaborators, the nationalists, and made his government a base instru- ment of hideous intrigues, by enlisting the support of the worst reactionaries. In view of these conditions, the government of Ismail Kemal Bey notified the Powers that he was no longer able to master the situation, owing to the lack of means necessary to enforce the authority of the government, and to the popular exasperation re- sulting from the dilatoriness of the Powers relative THE ELECTION OF THE PRINCE 123 to the realization of the legitimate wishes of the Al- banian people, who had by this time become very restless. He also earnestly urged the Powers to provide Albania with her Prince whose timely ar- rival could only restore the confidence of the people in the benevolence of Europe. V. THE ELECTION OF THE PRINCE The European governments entered, therefore, into negotiations with the view to electing the ruler of the new principality, in accordance with the decision of the Conference of Ambassadors which had provided that the Prince of Albania was to be a European elected by the great Powers. A long list of candidates was already before the European governments, and more than one of these candidates would have proved an able ruler for the distressed principality. But the Powers were un- able to agree on any one of them; they, therefore, left the matter of the election exclusively in the hands of Austria and Italy, the two States which were mainly interested in Albania. Inasmuch, however, as a bitter rivalry of the most acute form had in the meantime developed between them, it appeared that they were holding diametrically opposed views as to the person of the would-be Prince. Each Power was stubbornly supporting its own candidate. There was some talk, for a while, of advocating the candidacy of a Moslem Prince, Ahmed Fuad Pasha of Egypt, a distant descendant of Mehmed Ali Pasha (p. 46, note). But his candidacy was early set aside by the government of Valona, the President of which, Ismail Kemal Bey, formally declared that Al- bania meant to be a European State, and that the 124 ALBANIA, PAST AND PBESEN1' Albanians, particularly the Mohammedans, would be shocked by the establishment of a polygamous harem in the Palace which was to receive the successor of George Castriota Scanderbeg. As Austria and Italy were unable to come to an agreement on any of the advertised candidates, the matter was ended by an arrangement which proved in the end to be the worst of compromises. When the Albanians were speculating on the election of the better known candidates, such as the Duke of Montpensier of the House of Bourbon-Orleans and others, a report was suddenly spread that a hitherto unknown Prince, William of Wied, was considered as the most likely candidate, and before the Alba- nian people were given a chance to learn anything about his personality, it was officially announced, on December 3, 1913, that the Prince of Wied had been already elected to the Albanian throne. A few days later, his aunt. Queen Elisabeth of Koumania, the lamented poetess Carmen Sylva, launched the candi- dacy of the unknown Prince by the publication of a high-strung eulogy bearing the title ' ' Who is He ? ' ' which was spread broadcast in an effective Albanian translation. It was learned now that the Prince was a captain in the Prussian army, that his estates were situated at Neuwied, Rhenish Prussia, that he was 35 years old at that time, and that some five years ago he had married a very intelligent and ambitious Princess, Sophia of Waldemburg, Saxony. It is unnecessary to dwell at any length on the proposition that, owing to the critical conditions of Albania, to the inherent weakness which was im- parted to her by the irreconcilable views of the TEE ELECTION OF THE PRINCE 125 European Powers, and to the hostility of her neigh- bors, the question of the election of the Prince was a matter of life or death for the new principality. It was plainly evident that a wise ruler, such as Charles of Roumania, would have saved her from her precarious position. As it was, however, the Prince of Wied had neither the necessary experience or knowledge of government, nor had he the prestige of being the scion of any well-known family. From the very beginning the outlook of his future rule was as somber as the question of his origin and of his election. But the Albanians had to accept him, nevertheless, though the fear of the future be- gan to haunt their tormented minds. REFERENCES AUBRY, E., The Case for Albania, Asiatic Review, Vol. 3, p. 41, Jan., 1914. Bbailsford, H. N., Macedonia, Its Races and Their Future, Methuen, London, 1906, pp. 248-262. Jaray, Gabriel Louis, L'Albanie autonome et I'Europe, Questions Diplomatiques et Coloniales. Vol. 37, p. 413, April, 1914. Woods, H. Charles, The Situation in Albania, Fortnightly Review, Vol. 101, pp. 460-472, March, 1914. CHAPTER XI INTERNATIONAL INTERREGNUM I. THE COMMISSION OF CONTROL One of the main provisions which the Conference of the Ambassadors had made in regard to Albania was that the Albanian government be associated for a period of ten years with a body representing the six Great Powers. This body was to be an Interna- tional Commission of Control which should consist of a delegate, of the grade of Consul-General, from each of the Powers and of an Albanian representa- tive. The main functions of the Commission were: to assist, on the one hand, the Albanian government in organizing the country, and to control, on the other hand, the financial operations of the new State, so as to check any unnecessary expenditures, and, in general, to supervise the administration. The idea of the establishment of such a control was prob- ably suggested by the already existing International Commission of Financial Control which had been operating in Greece since the latter 's unfortunate war of 1897 and her ensuing financial difficulties. Very sanguine expectations were entertained by the action of the International Commission of Con- trol for Albania — such was its full official title, — but all of them were doomed to bitter disappoint- 126 THE RETIREMENT OF THE GOVERNMENTS 127 ment. Instead of assisting the Albanian govern- ment, the Commission, in many ways, hampered its actions. It must be said, however, that the fault was not inherent to the nature of the institution, but to the fact that its members acted, on almost every occasion, in strict accordance with the orders of their respective governments, the views of which were known to be hopelessly conflicting. Moreover, in the meetings of the Commission nearly every question had to be decided, so to speak, on party lines : on the one side stood the delegates of the Pow- ers of the Triple Alliance, and on the other those of Triple Entente. In justice to Great Britain and to her delegate, Mr, Harry Lamb, it must be said, however, that the attitude of the latter was an exception to the rule, and that Mr. Lamb always ex- ercised beneficial influence in favor of the new State, to which he rendered the most invaluable services. Still, the Commission played a very important role in Albanian politics. 11. THE KETIEEMENT OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF ALBANIA With the establishment of the government of Es- sad Pasha at Durazzo, the number of the govern- ments that were ruling over the several provinces of Albania were three. First in priority was the Provisional Government of Valona. The second was the International Administration of Scutari, with the British Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Bumey at the head. The third was the Government of Essad Pasha, which was set up, as explained above, in con- sequence of the popular disaffection towards the government of Ismail Kemal Bey and of the agita- 128 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT tion of the nationalists for the establishment of a more progressive and modernized system. In view of this process of disintegration, Ismail Kemal Bey informed the International Commission of Control that he wished to retire, with his whole Ministry, in case the Commission was disposed to assume the administration of the whole of Albania by bringing about her unification under a single government. As a matter of fact, the situation had already be- come untenable. The country was in feverish ex- citement on account of the events taking place in Southern Albania (see infra, III), foreign agents and propagandists were exasperating the population still more, and general nervousness everywhere pre- vailed. But the government had no means, either financial or military; its police force consisted of only 200 poorly equipped and poorly supported gen- darmes who were expected to preserve order over an area of approximately 7,000 square miles, and over a population of nearly a million souls. Another startling event shattered to pieces the miserable remnants of governmental authority. On January 9, 1914, there was discovered at Valona a Turkish plot, which had been hatched at Constanti- nople. A Major of the Turkish army, Bekir Agha Grehenaly, native of Southern Macedonia, arrived at Valona with the avowed purpose of returning to his native region. A retinue of fifty men, who rep- resented themselves as refugees desiring to return to their homes, was to follow the Major. But, as it was suspected that there was something more im- portant behind that innocent intention, Bekir Agha and his companions were arrested and brought be- THE RETIREMENT OF THE GOVERNMENTS 129 fore a Court Martial, which was presided over by General de Weer, head of the Dutch Mission for the organization of the Albanian gendarmerie. During the trial, which constituted one of the most sensa- tional events of those days, it was discovered that the real mission of the Turkish Major was to make the Albanian territory a base of hostile operations against Greece. The object of the plot was to fo- ment an insurrectionary movement among the fanat- ical Moslems of Southern Macedonia against the Greek authorities, in the chimerical hope that the Young Turks might thus recover their lost European provinces. What was more important, however, was the provision that, if circumstances were favorable, the plotters should begin their operations by over- throwing by the force of arms the Albanian govern- ment. Provision was also made for the sending of reenforcements from Constantinople under the com- mand of Izzet Pasha, former Turkish Minister of War, who was to become, eventually, a dictator in Albania. Bekir Agha was condemned to death, and his companions to more or less severe penalties. But the incident shows beyond any cavil to what de- gree the Young Turks were emboldened by the in- difference which Europe was showing in regard to Albania, and by the weakness of the Albanian gov- ernment. The discomfiture of the people was indescribable, and at the renewed request of Ismail Kemal Bey, the International Commission of Control finally decided, with the concurrence of the Powers, to assume the administration of Albania until the arrival of the Prince. The government of Valona was, consequently, dis- 130 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT solved by the end of January. A few days later, the Commission requested Essad Pasha to imitate the action of Ismail Kemal Bey. He refused to do so, at first, but eventually was persuaded to resign on the condition that he should preside over the Alba- nian deputation, which went to Neuwied, at the end of February, to offer the crown of Albania to the Prince-elect. Albania was now united under a single administra- tive body, for, through the assumption of the govern- mental power by the Commission of Control, the In- ternational Administration of Scutari came to an end, and Vice-Admiral Burney handed his authority over to the Albanian governor who was appointed by the Commission. The International Interregnum lasted from the end of January to March 7, of the same year (1914). ni. AUTONOMOUS EPIKUS The main reason why the Albanians acquiesced quietly in the matter of the election of the Prince of Wied was the expectation that the future ruler would force the hand of the Powers regarding the settle- ment of the evacuation of Southern Albania on the part of the Greek troops. It was rightly thought that the Prince would have the elementary wisdom to request Europe to compel the retirement of the foreign armies from his realm, by refusing to accept the Crown or to go to Albania in the midst of such unsettled conditions. As a matter of fact, this was the only way of ending the dispute, in view of the evasions and exceptions which the Greek govern- ment was clearly intending to make in the matter. The eventual exertion of such an influence on the AUTONOMOUS EPIRU8 131 part of the Prince was foreseen by the government of King Constantine which hastened to prepare and execute the new coup de theatre, alluded to above (p. 121). The government of Athens found also an- other source of anxiety in the assumption of the gov- ernmental authority in Albania by the International Commission of Control which, in the opinion of the Greek Cabinet, might eventually mean a collective action on the part of the Powers to eject the Greek troops from Southern Albania. When the Albanian deputation was on its way to Neuwied, the Greek government shifted the respon- sibility of the evacuation to an irresponsible — irre- sponsible as far as the Powers w^ere concerned, but strictly responsible in regard to the Cabinet of Athens — clique of former Greek officials which as- sumed the name of ''Provisional Government of Autonomous Epirus." The head of this so-called government was M. Christaki Zographos, former Minister of Foreign Affairs for Greece, whose family happened to have migrated from Southern Albania to Greece several decades before.^ The Minister of Foreign Affairs of the same body was M. Karapanos, member of the Greek Chamber of Deputies from Arta, and M. Doulis, Colonel of the Royal Greek Army, was Minister of War. This camarilla now assumed the entire adminis- tration of the territories w^hich had been assigned to Albania. A part of the Greek army w^as withdrawn, as a make-believe, by the government of Athens, but the bulk of it was left under the command of Colonel 1 In 1915, following the expulsion of M. Venizeloa by King Con- stantine, M. Zographos became again Minister of Foreign Affairs for Greece. 132 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Doulis, with all its ammunitions and war material, after the royal insignia had been removed from the uniforms of the soldiers and officers. The army thus metamorphosed was now baptized with the name of * ' Epirots. ' ^ It was also reenf orced by the addition of a number of savage Cretan bands/ pro- fessional desperadoes and looters, whose duty was to terrify the population into abject submission. Later on, this army was further increased through the forcible incorporation of the native Christian Alba- nians. When these preparations were completed,- the government of Athens informed the European Cab- inets that, out of deference to the decision of the Powers, the royal troops were being withdrawn from "Northern Epirus" — this is the official name the Greeks made use of henceforth to designate South- ern Albania. But even that small fraction of the troops was not withdrawn till after the Greek au- thorities had performed an archseological ceremony which shows to what ridiculous excesses the cabal of Greek Epirus was carried. On the eve of the sham evacuation, the Greek authorities planted deep into the soil a number of stones on which they wrote Greek inscriptions — in ancient Greek, of course, — so that they may create a new title to their claims on Southern Albania, when these twentieth- century antiquities come to light, either by the direct action of the Greeks in case they should return, as they hoped to, or through excavations carried on by some credulous archaeologist. 1 Pari. Debates (House of Commons), Vol. 65, pp. 5-6, 613. 2 The frame-up of "Autonomous Epirus" is duly explained in M. L. Lamouche's article (see reference at the end of this chapter). AUTONOMOUS EPIRU8 133 At any rate, on the 1st of March, the city of Ko- ritsa or Korcha was evacuated and handed over to the Dutch officer commanding the 50 Albanian gen- darmes who served as the troop of occupation. A large number of Greek soldiers w^ere left, however, in the hospitals of the city on the pretext that they needed further treatment before they could be re- moved. The real reason of their being left in the city will be seen a little later, for the evacuation of Koritsa proved to be a masterpiece of Greek du- plicity. The great importance of the events sketched above lies in the fact that they took place at the time wiien Albania was governed by the International Commis- sion of Control in the name of the six Great Powers, and that neither the former nor the latter moved a linger to put an end to the masquerade and prevent the catastrophe which resulted from it. Questions were put in the House of Commons by several members relative to these Greek proceedings, some time later, w^hen the disaster was approaching, but the British Secretary and Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ostensibly avoided the is- sue of answering them directly, by fortifying them- selves behind the usual plea ''We don't know," and ''We have no official information," which really meant, "We don't care." We reproduce here a few of the questions and the answers given to them. Sir Maek Sykes asks the Secretary of State for Foreign Aif airs if he can inform the House, in view of Great Britain's partial responsibility for the in- tegrity of Albania, through what channel the sol- diers in the employ of the provisional government of 134 ALBAVIA, PAST AND PRESENT Epirus are armed with machine guns and modern rifles ; and whether this is against the wishes of the Hellenic Government? Sir Edwaed Grey. — I have no information as to the exact nature or source of the arms in the posses- sion of the Provisional Government of Epirus. The Greek Government have disclaimed all responsibility in the matter.^ Mr. Stewart asked the Secretary of State for For- eign Affairs whether in view of the admission of the Greek Minister at Durazzo that the Cretan crim- inals are now in Epiras, he can say who is responsi- ble for the release of these prisoners ; and if he can make representations to the Hellenic Government to ask them to withdraw these criminals from Albania. Mr. GiBBs asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he has any official or unofficial informa- tion of the number of Cretans landed in the last month at Aya Saranda (Santi Quaranta) ? Sir Edward Grey. — I have no information on the subject from any source.^ Mr. Shirley Benn asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he w^ill ascertain if the Greek Government propose to hold Mr. Doulis, com- mander of the Epirote forces, responsible for past massacres of Albanians! Mr. AcLAND (Under-Secretary of State for For- eign Affairs). — I have been informed by the Greek Government that Colonel Doulis has been struck off the list of officers of the Greek army. He is there- fore no longer responsible to them.^ 1 Pari. Debates, House of Commons, Vol. 63, p. 1961. 2 Ibid., Vol. 65, p. 613. 3 Ibid., Vol. 65, p. 7. AUTONOMOUS EPIRU8 135 REFERENCES LuMo, Skendo, L'Affaire de I'fipire, Sofia, 1915. Lamouche, Leon, La naissance de I'fitat albanais, R^vue Politique et Parlementaire, Vol. 80, 1914, pp. 220-239. Woods, H. Charles, The Situation in Albania, Fortnightly Review Vol. 101, pp. 4G0-472, March, 1914. CHAPTER XII THE REIGN OF PRINCE WILLIAM I. THE FIKST STEPS On March 7, 1914, the Prince of Wied and his con- sort, Hereditary Sovereign Prince of Albania, landed at Durazzo from the Austrian yacht Taurus, which was surrounded by the battleships of the Great Pow- ers, amidst the thundering gunfire of the warships and of the fortresses of the provisional capital, which sounded wide and far the advent of the little nation to the rank of a sovereign independent State, and amidst the frenzied acclamations of the Albanian people. During that supreme moment of delirious happiness, the past, present and future misfortunes of the people and of the country were entirely lost sight of. In the person of the Prince the Albanians hailed, with sobs and tears, the successor of Scan- derbeg, no matter who he w^as and how obscure his origin and manner of election. Correspondents of foreign newspapers witnessed with astonishment the expansion of this patriotism — for it was patriotism and not blind royalism — which the Albanians had treasured in their hearts during the four and a half centuries of foreign domination. The Prince was given the native title of "Mbret" (King) by the people, in defiance of Europe which had recognized him only as Prince, and he was saluted as the savior of Albania. 136 THE FIRST STEPS 137 The festivities for the arrival of the Prince lasted for a week in the artistically garlanded and arched Durazzo. Deputations and delegations arrived at the provisional capital from the Albanian colonies of the United States, Egypt, Russia, Italy, Austria, Roumania, Bulgaria, and from every corner of the free as well as the unfree Albanian territories, to swear homage and fealty to the Sovereign of the Al- banians. Yet, only a few days later, the illusion of the peace- ful glittering lights of the fireworks was to give way to the bitter reality of the smoke and ruins of war. Hitherto Albania had been wronged either through the action of her enemies or the ill-treatment she had received at the hands of Europe. But now there began the reign of blunders which was destined to make the name of the Albanian State synonymous with fiasco. Very soon it appeared that it was an insidious farce to send the Prince to Albania on board of an Austrian yacht, after the scandalous attitude of Aus- tria in Albanian affairs which had made Albania ap- pear to be a mere creation of the Dual Monarchy. It now became clear that it was criminal for the Powers to send, and for the Prince to agree to go to Albania, with the southern provinces still in the hands of an irresponsible hrigandesque camarilla. This egregious blunder was to cost the lives and happiness of hundreds of thousands of innocent hu- man beings. The reign of the Prince was initiated with another great blunder. When the International Commis- sion of Control deposed into his hands the govern- mental authority it had wielded in Albania up to 138 ALBANIA, PAHT AND PRESENT that moment, the Prince dismissed the Commission with the recommendation that it should not remain any longer at Durazzo, but at Valona, away from the court of the Prince. The result of this act was the estrangement of the Commission of Control, and the violation of the stipulations of the Conference of the Ambassadors which had deputed the Commission to cooperate with the Albanian government. The Prince might have had the best intentions, but he was utterly ignorant either as regards the condi- tion of Albania, internal and external, or the science of politics and government. Following the summary dismissal of the Commis- sion of Control, the Prince proceeded to form his own Cabinet, which was composed of not less than eight Ministers, under the presidency of Turkhan Pasha, erstwhile Turkish ambassador at the court of the Czar of Russia, with Essad Pasha as Minister of both War and the Interior. The appointment of Essad Pasha was another distinct mortification to the Albanian patriots and nationalists, for the con- duct of the Pasha had been more than questionable. To entrust him with such important offices was to breed trouble. Besides, the Prince surrounded himself with an ''inner council," composed of an Austrian and an Italian agent, with a young Briton, Armstrong, as his private Secretary. With the arrival of the diplomatic envoys and Ministers accredited to the Prince on the part of the several European governments, prominent among whom were the Ministers of the Great Powers and the envoys of the friendly nations, such as Roumania and Bulgaria, the Palace of the Prince assumed the WAR AND NEOOTIATIONS 139 appearance of a busy court, in which the silver and gold laced uniforms of the officers of the Dutch Mis- sion gave a rather military aspect, without, however, the corresponding military force w^hich was so badly needed by the new State. II. WAR AND NEGOTIATIONS A month had hardly passed since his accession to the throne, when the clatter of firearms in the city of Korclia awoke the Prince to the realization of the fact that Southern Albania was still in the hands of the enemy, and that he had committed an irreparable injury to his people by not having asked from the Powers any guarantees for its evacuation. To understand the nature of the outbreak of Korcha a few preliminary explanations must be given. As has been said above (p. 133), the city was evacuated and handed over to the Albanians on the first of March. It has also been stated that a large number of Greek soldiers were left in the hospitals of the city. It should also be borne in mind that Korcha is the cradle of the Albanian regeneration. It was the only Albanian city that was privileged to have a school for girls. The toleration of this school on the part of the Turkish authorities must be at- tributed to a kind of shadowy protection of the United States, inasmuch as an American missionary. Rev. Phileas Kennedy, was a member of the teaching staff. Yet the school was immediately shut down on the occupation of the city by the Greeks, and Mr. Kennedy was compelled to leave the city. Besides, Korcha is the very center of Albanian nationalism. Only a few months before it fell into 140 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT the hands of the Greeks, a series of national upris- ings against the Turks had taken place. No more ardent Albanian patriots could be found in any part of Albania than in Korcha. But, on the other hand, the city had also within its walls the noisiest faction of Greek sympathizers, owing to the existence of the Greek Gymnasium (p. 115) which naturally gradu- ated now and then a number of hotheaded admirers of the glories of ancient Greece. This faction was under the leadership of the Orthodox Bishop, the only Greek by nationality in the city, who acted, nat- urally enough, in the interests of Hellenism. Following the occupation of the city by the Al- banians, this faction played the part of an agent provocateur by continuous insults addressed to the Albanian authorities, intended to force the Albanians to resort to some kind of summary retribution, and thus to open the door for a Greek intervention on the ground that the Albanians were molesting, or still worse, massacring the unexisting Greeks of Korcha. It is not too much to say, however, that the conduct of the Albanian authorities, whose strength rested not upon the fifty gendarmes of occu- pation but on the great majority of the population of the city, was admirable, and that they succeeded in restraining the natural indignation of the major- ity from inflicting a well-deserved punishment upon their brethren, the Greek sympathizers, for their treasonable acts. In the meantime, the Greek Bishop had formed a conspiracy with the Greek soldiers of the hospitals and the Greek sympathizers, and, towards the middle of the night of April 11, the Greek soldiers and their associates broke loose in the streets. Simultane- WAR AND NEGOTIATIONS 141 ously, the irregular Greek bands attacked the city from the positions they had taken during the night in its outskirts, where they had placed their machine- guns. Within the space of a few hours the public build- ings were in the hands of the conspirators, and the city was almost lost. But very soon the civilian population joined in the fight, and after four days of furious and savage street-fighting, the Greeks were routed, and several Greek soldiers of the regu- lar army of King Constantine were captured. So great, indeed, was the confidence of the Greeks in the outcome of their plans that the report of the fall of Korcha was circulated by them throughout Europe — reaching even the United States — before the first short-lived success of the assailants had taken place. The outbreak of Korcha now made the Prince real- ize his mistake in having come to Albania before the question of the southern provinces had been settled. Even so, instead of calling the attention of the Pow- ers to the duplicity of the Greek government and laying on them the responsibility of a speedy settle- ment, the government of the Prince made an unsuc- cessful attempt to adjust matters directly with the so-called Epirots. In the meantime, moreover, hostilities had opened between the Albanians and the Epirots. The odds were overwhelmingly against the former, on account of their lack of organization, but nevertheless they were successful almost along the whole battleline. The Greeks now tried to avenge their defeats by committing the most fearful atrocities. Terrified by the persecution of the savage Cretan criminals, 142 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT 218 persons, old men, women, and children, sought refuge in the Orthodox Convent of Kodra. The Greeks tore off a part of the roof of the Convent and began shooting the unlucky refugees within. When, finally, the Greeks gained entrance into the Convent, they butchered the survivors with hatchets. Such an atrocious crime is hardly imaginable in our days, but the official report of the massacre, written down by General de Weer of the Dutch Mission and con- firmed as it is through other sources, stands as the authoritative account of the most revolting massacre in modern history.^ These barbarous atrocities doubled the courage of the Albanians who realized now that this was a war to the knife. The heroism of the women of Suli was repeated once more, the Albanian women hav- ing borne a large part of the burden of the war. What is more characteristic of the chivalry of the Albanian is that although the Albanian fighting forces consisted of irregulars, owing to the lack of any organized army, not a single instance of excess may be charged against them. This statement is borne out by the foreign correspondents who accom- panied them. The Greeks continuously retreated, occasionally putting themselves under the protection of the artil- lery of the official Greek army which was always in contact with the so-called Epirots. On May 12, the Albanians closed in upon Arghyrocastro, the center of the nefarious Epirot goverimaent. The city was almost within their grasp, when, at the critical mo- 1 A vivid account of the massacre was given before the House of Commons by the Hon. Aubrey Herbert, M.P. See Pari. Debates, House of Commons, Vol. 64, pp. 97-101. Also pp. 1413-14. For other massacres, see Ihid., Vol. 65, pp. 5-6, THE OVERTHROW OF E88AD PASHA 143 ment, General Papoulias, of the royal Greek army, hurled his infantry and artillery against the ad- vancing Albanians, forcing them to stop. Yet, the Greek government disclaimed all responsibility in the matter, and the European governments did not question its good faith. At this moment Europe thought it advisable to intervene and the Commission of Control was com- missioned to go to Corf ou and enter into negotiations with the Government of Autonomous Epirus. Yet, even during these negotiations the Greeks burned the cities of Tepelen and Liaskoviki. Under the very eyes of the Commission of Control, about three thousand men were shipped from Corfou to reen- force the Epirots. Finally, a compromise was made between the Com- mission of Control and the Autonomous Govern- ment, which is known as the Disposition of Corfou. Southern Albania was to be handed over to the Al- banians in exchange for a guarantee of immunity and a grant of privileges to the so-called Epirots, which, according to the stipulations of the Disposi- tion, was to go into effect after its ratification by the European and Albanian governments and the Epirots. We shall see, a little later, how the Disposition was carried out. III. THE OVERTHROW OF ESSAD PASHA In the meantime, things were going from bad to worse in the capital of Albania. During the war against the Epirots there was a great scarcity of ammunition among the Albanians, although the mili- tary depots were overloaded with war material. It 144 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT was likewise noticed that, whereas cargoes of ammu- nition were daily leaving Durazzo, none of them reached the combatants. This made people think that the Minister of War, Essad Pasha, was divert- ing the ammunition to other localities, in further- ance of his own designs. There was much truth in this popular belief. It was no secret that Essad Pasha was not overzealous in winning back the southern provinces, for the simple reason that he had left behind him an evil reputation in that region in his former capacity as commander of the Turkish gendarmerie at Janina. It was also evident that as soon as Southern Albania should be joined to the main body of the State, the career of Essad Pasha would be cut short, because of the relentless opposi- tion of the southerners to his rule. During the month of May, there was much agita- tion in Durazzo against the Minister of War and of the Interior, and on one occasion the attacks against him were so deliberate that he thought it necessary to imprison the leaders of the movement. He was accused of plotting against his sovereign, and whatever blunders and mistakes had been made — and there were a great many — were rightly or wrongly attributed to the intrigues of Essad Pasha. It was generally believed that the Prince was the victim of his machinations. The popular discontent against the Pasha was also insidiously kindled by Austrian agents, for Austria had to settle old and actual scores with him, in- asmuch as the powerful Minister had defeated and eliminated Austrian influence in Albania. The Austrian agents sought and secured the alli- ance of the nationalists, the irreconcilable opponents THE OVERTHROW OF E88AD PASHA 145 of Essad. As a result, during the night of May 19th, a group of armed Albanian nationalists surrounded the house of Essad Pasha. In addition, the newly- bought Austrian guns, which were temporarily op- erated by Austrian officers, were trained against the house from the yard of the Palace of the Prince. Two or three shots were fired against Essad Pasha, accompanied by the furious yells: '^Down with Es- sad Pasha ! Down with the tyrant ! ' ' In view of this bombardment, Essad Pasha gave himself up into the hands of the Dutch officer who was commanding the nationalists and who succeeded in saving his prisoner from stray bullets by leading him out through a back door. The powerful Minis- ter was now a prisoner in the Palace of the Prince. A little later, however, he was carried aboard the Austrian battleship Ssigetvar, for the sake of greater safety. The Ssigetvar and a number of other Aus- trian and Italian warships had been mooring in the Bay of Durazzo ever since the arrival of the Prince. Hitherto, Austria and Italy had been fighting each other through diplomatic encounters, at the expense of Albania, of course. But now they had to come to close quarters. In the face of the aggressive action of Austria, Italy felt it to be her duty to intervene, lest the balance of influence be tipped on the side of her ally and rival. The Italian Minister per- emptorily demanded the surrender of Essad Pasha to the commander of the Italian squadron. The Austrians refused. An incident now occurred which is still known only to a few persons. On the refusal of the commander of the Szigetvar to comply with the Italian demand, the two rival squadrons cleared for action and arrayed themselves for battle in the 146 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT port of Durazzo, which had been neutralized by the Powers along with the whole of the Albanian coast. During the twenty-four hours that followed the over- throw of Essad Pasha, the wireless of the respective flagships were continuously flashing, feverishly transmitting communications to, and receiving or- ders from, the respective capitals, Vienna and Rome. For a moment it seemed as though Albania was to become the Schleswig-Holstein of Austria and Italy. If the naval battle did not take place, the cause did not lie in any disinclination to fight. The real reason was that the Austrians wavered at the last moment, because of their inferiority in naval units and armaments. On the mediation, therefore, of the Prince of Albania, Essad Pasha was surrendered to the Italians with the understanding that he was to be condemned to perpetual banishment. And yet, the world expected to see a prosperous and thriving Albania, in spite of all the shackles and handicaps which the bitter rivalry of her two pro- tectors put in her narrow pathway. IV. THE UPRISING OF CENTRAL ALBANIA The report of the forcible dismissal of Essad Pasha brought about an agitation in his native city, Tirana; but no sign of unrest was reported from any other place. Even the agitation of Tirana had the character of a not very serious disturbance, inasmuch as the com- motion was confined to the numerous famih^ of Top- tani, to which Essad Pasha belongs, and to its de- pendencies and estates. To quell the agitation, the government of Durazzo dispatched against Tirana TEE UPRISIXG OF CENTRAL ALBANIA 147 an expeditionary force of about eighty gendarmes and nationalists, with two machine-guns. On its way to Tirana, the small contingent had to pass through the neighboring town of Sh. Jak (St. James), which is mainly inhabited by fanatical Mos- lem refugees from Bosnia. No stir was noticed in the town, but the passage through it was to be ac- companied by the most momentous consequences, which confirm the fact that a trifling cause may have tremendous results. In order to clear the way for his troop, the commanding officer. Captain Saar, an- other Dutch officer, in complete ignorance of the deep-rooted customs of the countrj^ had issued the fatal order to his soldiers to shoot any armed man they might encounter. In fact, the gendarmes did fire against a group of three men, one of whom escaped and sounded the alarm to the effect that the soldiers of the Prince had come to massacre the inhabitants of Sh. Jak. The peasants rose imme- diately, and the contingent of Captain Saar was dis- armed and imprisoned. In so doing, the Bosnian refugees of Sh. Jak were acting under the appre- hension which was caused by a report that the gov- ernment of Durazzo was contemplating shipping them to Turkey on account of their fanaticism in religious matters. Instead of trying to calm the frightened inhab- itants of Sh. Jak, the government of Durazzo com- mitted the gravest of all blunders. An order was given to the batteries of the fortress of Durazzo to bombard the mistaken insurgents who had, in the meantime, occupied the hills of Rashbull, which sep- arate their town from Durazzo. This was the most flagrant violation of one of the most sacred institu- 148 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT tions of the country, the famous "Bessa" or ''pledge of good faith," a breach of which is never par- doned by Albanians. The Bessa had naturally been adopted, in its entirety, even by the Moslem Bosnian refugees. At the same time, the government of Durazzo gathered together all the available men of the cap- ital and sent them to occupy the hills, which, how- ever, they found in the possession of the insurgents, with whom they now came into armed conflict. While the battle was going on, some interested for- eign agents sounded at Durazzo the alarm of the approach of the rebels to its gates. The panic- stricken population rushed to the ships in port, and the Prince, himself, and his family, victims of a false report, sought refuge on board an Italian man-of- war. The flight of the Prince, though he returned soon afterwards to his Palace, compromised both his dig- nity and the confidence which people had reposed in him.^ The consternation of the Albanians was pathetic. It was now plainly seen that the Prince was not the ruler whom a brave people, like the Al- banian, would wish to have, no matter if he had been misled by insidious enemies, and if he tried to make up for it the next day, when he rode all alone along the battleline. Aside from the general demoralization, the loyal forces failed to occupy the hills, though they saved Durazzo, which was, however, in no real danger. Moreover, the agitators obtained, in the meantime, complete mastery over the city of Tirana, owing to 1 On hearing of the flight of the Prince, the Military Club of Potsdam expunged his name from the record of its members. THE UPRISING OF CENTRAL ALBANIA 149 the diversion offered by the insurgents of Sh. Jak. Witliin a few days the whole of Central Albania was in arms against the government of Durazzo. On the 15th of June, the rebels took the offensive by attacking Durazzo which was now protected by the Moslems and Catholics of Northern Albania. In this furious battle, Colonel Thomson, sub-head of the Dutch Mission, the beloved idol of the Albanians, rendered the supreme sacrifice to Albania, which he had learned to love during his short residence there as dearly as his own native land, by giving his life on the battlefield. Foreign correspondents have spread the report that Central Albania revolted because its Moslem population resented the rule of a Christian Prince. Others have asserted that the uprising was due to the resentment which people felt on account of the summary dismissal of Essad Pasha. Neither asser- tion is borne out by the facts, for not only did the rebels first seize and distribute among themselves the estates of Essad Pasha, but the same rebels transmitted a humble plea to the Prince, after his departure, to return to Albania, when Essad Pasha had established his rule in Durazzo, as we shall see a little later. The underlying cause of the revolution was agrarian. The land of Central Albania belongs mostly to the native noblemen. Beys and Pashas, who own very large estates. The land was usually leased to tenants on very onerous terms, such as the giving to the owner of one-third of the total produc- tion. The tenants expected that the new govern- ment of the Prince of Wied would improve their lot, and, when they saw that the Prince was still sur- 150 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT rounded by the Beys and Pashas, they took the matter into their own hands at the first opportunity, which happened to be that offered by the events that occurred after the dismissal of Essad Pasha. What helped the rebels the most was the impotence of the government of Durazzo, the existence of a state of war in Southern Albania, and the demorali- zation which followed the first outbreak as a result of foreign interference and intrigue. The immediate cause of the uprising and of its swift expansion was the violation of the Bessa. The government of Durazzo entered into negotiations with the insurgents, but it could not possibly achieve anything, because it had broken the Bessa, by attack- ing the town of Sh. Jak without any previous warn- ing:. 1 v. THE END OF THE REIGN Despite the daily reenforcement of the garrison of Durazzo, through the addition of more Moslem and Catholic defenders, the position of the besieged cap- ital could not be improved. The bitter rivalry of Austria and Italy, which ended in constant interfer- ence with the defense of the capital as well as with the rest of the military operations, had completely disorganized the whole governmental system. What one of the two Powers was trying to do to help the 1 The writer was sent by the International Commission of Con- trol, in his quality as Secretary to that body, to negotiate with the rebels in many contingencies. He was, therefore, able to ascertain that the principal reason why the rebels were unwilling to reconcile themselves with the Government of the Prince was because the plighted faith had been broken. The reasoning of the rebels was that the Prince had come to Albania on the pledge of good faith, which was naturally meant to be mutual, and now that he had broken it, they, the rebels, could not recognize him as their lawful ruler. THE END OF THE REIGN 151 Albanian government was negatived by the rival action of the other Power. Each of these govern- ments was trying to pull the rope to its side, and the result was standstill and deadlock, while the revolution was spreading through Central Albania. In the meantime, the Greeks or Epirots, took ad- vantage of the situation. Emboldened by the dis- turbances of Central Albania, they tore to pieces the Disposition of Corfou (p. 143), and completed the devastation of Southern Albania, according to their original program. They burned down three hundred to^^^ls and villages, and drove from their hearths 150,000 men, women and children, in order to prove the attachment of that unfortunate popula- tion to the criminal Government of Autonomous Epi- rus and to its sponsor, the government of Athens. Most of the refugees died the terrible death of star- vation at Valona and in its suburbs.^ The European Powers were finally moved by this inhuman treatment inflicted on the Albanians by the Christian Greek nation. The devastation of Southern Albania became a matter of serious discus- sion in the British Parliament, and the hitherto evasive Sir Edward Grey openly condemned the Greek atrocities. Mr, Aubrey Herbert asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information as to massacres committed in Epirus; and whether he has any information showing that definite steps will be taken by the Greek government to put an end to this state of affairs : 1 See The Christian Work, October, 1914. Special number pub- lished by the Albanian Relief Committee of New York. Photo- graphs inserted. 152 ALBANIA, PA 1ST AND PRESENT Sir Edward Grey. — I have little to add to what I have already told the House on this subject. The accounts of what has occurred in Southern Albania are very distressing, but I have received no details in regard to actual excesses or massacres and such reports as have reached me as to the numbers that have been rendered homeless are from unofficial sources, which cannot all be considered as quite re- liable. In Valona itself, I hear from a private source that there are now some 12,000 refugees, but I fear that it cannot be doubted that in the country round thousands more are destitute and in urgent need of the necessities of life. Some proposals have been made for their immediate relief. The Italian Gov- ernment informed me that they were prepared to send maize and other necessaries at once, and His Majesty's Government are ready to bear their share of the cost, if the other Powers do likewise. Fur- thermore, the Powers are considering the dispatch from Durazzo of an international mission who will endeavor to elucidate past occurrences, and I trust contribute to the restoration of some sort of order and confidence. Such information as I have received that seemed trustworthy respecting excesses in Epirus I have brought to the knowledge of the Greek Government, pointing out that though I am con- vinced that M. Venizelos earnestly desires to prevent these occurrences, the fact of their being due to Greeks, however irresponsible, must produce a very unfavorable impression.^ In consequence, the Powers entered into negotia- tions with the view to providing the necessary means 1 Pari. Debates, House of Commons, Vol. 65, pp. 1091-92. THE END OF THE REION 153 for the expulsion of the Greeks from Southern Al- bania and to strengthening the Government of Du- razzo. But at the moment when the result of these negotiations was to be carried into effect, there oc- curred the assassination of the Austrian Archduke, Francis Ferdinand, with its too well-known conse- quences, and the Powers had to forget Albania.^ Even after the outbreak of the European war, there were, nevertheless, many sanguine Albanian patriots who earnestly believed that the situation was not entirely hopeless. Their idea was to trans- fer the capital to Scutari, around which there stood the whole of the loyal Northern Albania, or to Va- lona, which also remained loyal to the government to the very last moment. But, a few days only after the beginning of hostili- ties in Europe, it was rendered evident that the sit- uation was quite untenable, on account of the finan- cial distress of the government. The death knell of the reign of Prince William of Wied, Hereditary Mbret of Albania, had sounded, and on September 3rd, 1914, after six months of troublesome and disheartening rule, the Prince em- barked, with his family, on board the Italian yacht Misurata and sailed away to Europe. Prior to his departure, however, he issued a proclamation to the Albanian people wherein he stated that, owing to the unsettled conditions of Europe, he deemed it necessary to absent himself temporarily from his beloved people, in order to return when conditions should be more propitious. Contrary, then, to the generally prevailing opin- ilbid.. Vol. 63, p. 1961. 154 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT ion, he has not abdicated as yet, though the chances of his coming back to Albania are nil from every point of view. REFERENCES Dillon, E. J., The Albanian Tangle, Fortnightly Review, July, 1914, pp. 1-28. Ericson, C. Telford, The Truth About Albania, Asiatic Review, Vol. 5 (N. S.) (beg. with p. 163), August, 1914. Italo-Sullioti ( Special Correspondent in Albania of the La Tribuna of Rome), Sei mesi di regno in Albania, Milan, 1914, pp. 1-126. Ismail Kemal Bey, Albania and the Albanians, Quarterly Review (July, 1917), Vol. 228, pp. 162-168. CHAPTER XIII ALBANIA IN THE GREAT WAR I. INTERNATIONAL POST-REGNUM By a singular turn of the wheel of fate, the Prince had to delegate his sovereign authority to the same body from the hands of which he had received it when he first set foot on the Albanian soil. On leaving Albania, the unlucky ruler handed over the government to the International Commission of Control whose high prerogatives he had at first dis- regarded. But, in the present circumstances, even the Commission of Control could not fare any better than the Prince, although it was cloaked with the prestige of acting in the name of the European Pow- ers. The outbreak of the great war had caused the breaking up of the Commission. From the first days of the hostilities in Europe, the British, Gennan and Russian delegates had been withdrawTi by the action of their respective governments; there remained only the representatives of Austria, Italy and France. There was no Albanian delegate. More- over, it could not be rationally expected that the delegate of France would cooperate, for the sake of Albania, with that of Austria while their govern- ments were at war. Furthennore, the absence of funds and the lack of any moans for the enforcement of their authority rendered the task of the remainder of the delegates a well-nigh hopeless one. 155 156 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT It was, therefore, not at all surprising that even the other members of the International Commission of Control soon dispersed, only a few weeks after the occupation of Durazzo by the insurgents, who hastened to inform the Commission that they had had enough of Europe, and that they meant to govern themselves according to their own notions. The country was thus left without any government at a critical moment when international morals had relaxed — after the violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany — and when each State was watching with eagerness its neighbor to discover any slackening in its power of resistance. The only exception to this state of anarchy which prevailed in Albania was afforded by Northern Albania, which relapsed again into its peculiar system of local self-government, and by the city of Scutari which was governed by a council of its notables under the supervision of the consuls of the Entente Allies. II. THE GOVERNMENT OF ESSAD PASHA One month after the departure of the Prince, Es- sad Pasha hastily returned to Durazzo. Taking ad- vantage of the situation, he now came back to Al- bania with a collection of hirelings recruited from among the Albanians assigned to Serbia. This was done, of course, with the authorization of the Serbian government, which even provided the funds for their equipment. Essad PaS'ha now set up the so-called '^Govern- ment of Central Albania," which was made up of ignorant peasants and of some vagabond Old Turks. His constant effort was to set up, by any means available, a government under his presidency, so THE INVASION OF ALBANIA 157 as to figure later before the world as an unjustly dispossessed ruler. The Government of the Pasha had hardly been formed when the rebels of Central Albania, the same people who had previously attacked the govern- ment of the Prince, now turned their arms against the alien government of Essad Pasha. They at- tacked Durazzo, in the same old way, but the Pasha found shelter under the protecting fire of the Italian Na\'y^, which rushed to his aid, and which alone was able to check the advance of the rebels and to save Essad Pasha and his capital. Thenceforth, the do- minion over which the ''Government of Central Al- bania" ruled was confined to the small peninsula which is occupied by the city of Durazzo. The rebels remained encamped at the gates of the be- sieged city, and the Italian squadron was constantly moored in the Bay of Durazzo, ready for action against them. It was at this time that the insur- gents transmitted by telegram a humble plea to the Prince of Wied, begging his forgiveness and asking him to return to Albania! Assuredly, these Cen- tral Albanians are les enfants terrihles. This curious situation around the capital lasted up to the day when the Serbian and Montenegrin troops came to the relief of Essad Pasha. Mean- while, the Pasha persisted in speaking and acting on behalf of Albania, which stood in arms against him and his alien Ministry. III. THE INVASION OF ALBANIA In the meantime (end of November, 1914), the troops of King Constantine had made their official reentrance into the southern provinces of Albania, 158 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT which they had devastated some three months be- fore in their unofficial capacity, the Government of Athens having now declared that the occupation was intended to be only temporary. This was also the official beginning of the undoing of the decisions of the Conference of the Ambassadors. On December 25th, of the same year, Italian ma- rines and soldiers landed at Valona and occupied the city. The Government of Rome declared that the occupation of Valona by Italian troops was necessary in order to safeguard the interests of the Albanian State, which had been jeopardized by the Greek occu- pation of the territories adjoining Valona. At the beginning of the following year, 1915, the Serbians and Montenegrins felt tempted by the ac- tion of the neighbors of Albania. They, therefore, began an invasion of Northern and Central Al- bania, in spite of the angry protests of Italy and of the remonstrances of the Entente Allies, who advised the governments of Nish and Cettinje not to scatter their forces in unfruitful enterprises, as they were all sorely needed in the war against Austria-Hun- gary. But the Serbians and Montenegrins, taking no heed, overcame the desperate resistance of the Albanians in a series of sanguinary battles, and oc- cupied Northern and Central Albania. Scutari was taken only after a bitter engagement in which 9,000 Albanians were killed. The consuls of the Powers did nothing to prevent the seizure of the city which was entrusted to their supervisory administration. Essad Pasha and his capital were relieved, for the moment, but in the Spring of 1916 the Teuton-Bul- garian armies entered on their decisive campaign THE REPUBLIC OF EORCHA 159 against the Serbians and the Montenegrins, and the latter were forced to withdraw tlieir troops from Albania. Into this country, however, their deci- mated armies fell back again, shortly afterwards, in their retreat toward the Adriatic Sea. The Aus- trians occupied Northern and Central Albania, and Essad Pasha, who in the meantime had declared war against the Central Powers, was forced to transfer his government and his army to Salonica, where he now posed as a dispossessed ruler of the same class as King Peter of Serbia and Nicholas of Montene- gro. It was only very late that the Entente Allies began to realize that his influence and authority in Albania did not extend beyond his immediate fol- lowers in Salonica. Had they understood this while it was yet time, the Albanians who were struggling against Essad Pasha would have been on the side of the Entente Allies against the Central Powers, and the Serbian retreat through the mountains of Albania would not have proved so disastrous. During the late summer of 1916 the Italian expe- ditionary forces in Albania began their southward march, and gradually drove the troops of King Con- stantine from Southern Albania. The process of the occupation of the southern provinces by the Italians was brought to an end in the month of December, 1916. rV. THE EEPUBLIC OF KORCHA In the same month, a French detachment of the army of Salonica, under the command of Colonel Descoins, reached the outskirts of the city of Kor- cha, about the ethnical character of which the 160 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Greeks had made so much trouble during and after the delimitation of the southeastern frontier of Al- bania. The French detachment entered the city after an official protocol had been signed to the effect that the city and its neighboring localities should be allowed to establish Albanian authorities. On the 11th of December, Colonel Descoins read to the population a proclamation in which he acknowledged the inde- pendence of the '' Autonomous Albanian Province of Koritsa," and thereupon the Albanian flag was hoisted, while the French army presented arms in its honor. A provisional government of fourteen Christians and Moslems, was formed, a Post Office was insti- tuted, and stamps and paper money were issued. In the meantime, owing to the various advances of the Allies whom the tiny republic heartily joined as a faithful ally, it gained several extensions of terri- tory, and, in later days, it attained a population of about 200,000 souls. It is plainly evident that when the question arises of the genuine application of the right of self-deter- mination, there will remain no room for chicanes and cabals like that of the Autonomous Epirus. When Greece joined later the Entente Allies in the war, the Greek agents were allowed one more chance for intrigue in Korcha. They began agi- tating on the school question, the city authorities having shut down the Greek schools as soon as the Republic was established. The question was put to a plebiscite and the overwhelming verdict of the peo- ple was that they needed no Greek schools any longer once the Albanian ones were opened. THE ITALIANS IN ALBANIA 161 V. THE ITALIANS IN ALBANIA On Italy's entering the war against the Central Powers, the Government of Rome officially stated that one of the war aims of the Italian people was to be the reestablishment of the independence and integrity of the Albanian State. When, therefore, the occupation of Southern Al- bania on the part of the Italian troops was com- pleted, the Italian Government proceeded to act in pursuance of that policy. On June 3, 1917, Gen- eral Ferrero, commander of the Italian troops in Southern Albania, read a formal proclamation at Arghyrocastro, the erstwhile seat of the Govern- ment of Autonomous Epirus, before a crowded as- sembly of Albanian notables. The text of this his- toric document reads as follows : "To the whole people of Albania: "To-day, June 3rd, 1917, which is the memorable anniversary of the establishment of Italian con- stitutional liberties, I, General Giacinto Ferrero, commander of the Italian expeditionary forces in Albania, do solemnly proclaim, in accordance with the orders of His Majesty, King Victor Emmanuel, the unity and independence of the whole of Albania, under the shield and protection of the Italian King- dom. "By virtue of this proclamation, you, Albanians, have a free government, an army, tribunals, all com- posed of Albanians, and are free to use as you wish your property and the products of your labor, for your own benefit, and for the enrichment of your country. "Albanians! 163 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT ''Wherever you are, whether free in the land of your birth, or in exile in other countries and under foreign domination, we are bringing back to you the civilization of the Romans and of the Venetians. "You know the bonds that unite the Italian and Albanian interests. The sea divides them, and, at the same time, the sea binds them together. Let all good citizens, then, stand unitedly, having faith in the future of your beloved nation. Come, all of you, under the flags of Albania and Italy, and pledge yourselves to Albania, which is to-day proclaimed independent, in the name of the Italian Government and under its friendly protection." The question of how far this ''shield and protec- tion" goes has often been raised, but no definite answer has yet been given.^ Since the issuing of that proclamation, almost the whole of Albania has come into the possession of the Italian troops, as a result of the expulsion of the Austro-Bulgarian armies from the Balkans. In the meantime, the Italian occupation has greatly benefited the territories of Southern Albania which were devastated by the Greeks. Albanian local au- thorities have been established, schools opened, agri- cultural improvements carried out, assistance has been given to those rendered homeless by the devas- tation, roads constructed, and the country is in proc- ess of swift development. The main question now is that of satisfying the Albanians' craving for independence and for a decent form of national government. This is, of course, in the hands of the Peace Conference and 1 For a discussion of tliis question, see Current History Magazine, August, 1917, pp. 284-286. THE ITALIANS IN ALBANIA 163 it must settle once for all this apparently trouble- some and difficult, but in reality very simple, prob- lem, if simplicity be desired instead of the compli- cations which were involved in the first attempt to settle the Albanian question at the Conference of the Ambassadors. REFERENCES Ctjrrent History Magazine, Reestablishing Albania, August, 1917, pp. 284-286. Italo-Sullioti, Sei mesi di reorno in Albania, pp. 129-182. L'Illustration (Paris), La Republique Albanaise de Koritsa, April 7, 1917, pp. 324-.326. Peacock, Wadham. Italy and Albania, Contemporary Review, Vol. 107, beg. with p. 361, March, 1915. Vita Itaxiana a I'estero, Un anno dopo la partenza del principe di Wied, November, 1915, pp. 432-439. PART III THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE CHAPTER XIV GENERAL GEOGRAPHY From the dark barriers of that rugged clime, Ev'n to the center of Illyria's vales, Cliilde Harold passed o'er many a mount sublime, Through lands scarce noticed in historic tales ; Yet in famed Attica such lovely dales Are rarely seen ; nor can fair Tempe boast A charm they know not ; loved Parnassus fails Though classic ground and consecrated most, To match some spots that lurk within this lowering coast. "Childe Harold," Canto II, Stanza XL VI. I. AREA AND FRONTIERS The term "Albania" has been geographically used with very varying signification, which has been expanded or restricted in its meaning according to political exigencies. The Turkish Government al- ways avoided pajdng any attention to the natural or ethnical frontiers of Albania in the administrative division of its European provinces. Some thirty years ago, the Greek Consul at Scu- tari, M. Mavromatis, in a statement published in the newspaper Akropolis of Athens, made the pertinent remark that the word "Albania" is more comprehensive in its ethnographical than in its geo- graphical meaning. In fact, the Greek Consul proceeded to indicate five ethnographical zones, to-wit : 167 168 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT 1. Southern Albania, from the Greek boundary (as it stood before the Balkan war of 1912) to the river Shkumbi. 2. Central Alha^via, from Shkumbi to the River Mati. 3. Northern Albania, from Mati to the frontier of Montenegro before 1912. 4. Northeastern Albania, which includes Novi- Bazar, Prisrend, Prishtina, etc., etc. 5. Macedonian Albania, from the lakes of Orchida and Prespa to Prilep and Monastir.^ To these must also be added the important Al- banian colonies in Greece, Italy, Montenegro, etc. The first attempt to delimit the Albanian terri- tory was made, as w^e have already seen, at the close of the Albanian insurrection of 1912, when the Turk- ish Government recognized that the frontiers of the administratively autonomous Albania extended to the four western European vilayets, namely, the vilayets of Scutari, Kossova, Monastir and Janina. This delimitation corresponds to a very great extent to the five zones of M. Mavromatis. The region inhabited by a compact and mostly homogeneous Albanian population may be roughly marked out by a line drawn from the Montenegrin frontier at Berana (before 1912) to Mitrovitza and the Serbian frontier (again before 1912) near Vrania ; thence to Uskub, Prilep, Monastir, Fiorina, Kastoria, Janina and Parga.^ Serving as natural boundaries, there are, in the northeast, the moun- tains of Shar Dag — though they cut off compact Al- banian populations, in the east and southeast the 1 F. Gibert, "Les Pays d'Albanie," p. 120. 2 J. D. Bourchier in the Encyclopedia Britannica : Albania. PHYSICAL FEATURES 169 mountains Grammos and Pindus, and in the west the Adriatic Sea. But the Conference of Ambassadors took into con- sideration neither the delimitation made by M. Mav- romatis, nor that which tlie Albanians won at the point of the bayonet in 1912, nor the line indicated by Mr. Bourchier, nor even the most restricted and most expedient of all, the boundary indicated by nature itself. The net result of the artificial delimi- tation which was adopted by the Conference was to abandon to the Slavs and Greeks about a half of the Albanian territory, and to thus leave the new State a miserable wreck which became the plaything of circumstances. Another point of interest in the matter of the frontiers is that the Government of Athens reversed the statement of its consul, M. Mavromatis, by claim- ing as a Greek territory the country which he had included in the first zone, i. e.. Southern Albania to the River Shkumbi, which Greece has been claiming under the whimsical brand-new names of ''Northern Epirus" to the Viosa River, and ''Northernmost Epirus ' ' to the Shkumbi River. The present area of official Albania is estimated to be about 11,000 square miles, although the Alba- nian race covers a territory more than double that size. II. PHYSICAL FEATURES Taken as a whole, Albania is rather a mountain- ous country. But her mountains are of the "sub- lime" nature, intercepted by "vales" and "lovely dales" similar to those which that connoisseur of natural beauties. Lord Byron, had seen only in a 170 ALBA^flA, PAST AND PRESENT small portion of Albania, the southern. He missed the spectacle of the valleys of Central Albania and of the northern graphic ranges of mountains, which proudly compare in beauty and picturesqueness with the landscapes of Switzerland. Physically, the territory of Albania seems to be divided by nature into three regions ; 1. The northern region is very mountainous, with occasional lowlands. Its mountains form a part of the Dinaric Alpine system of Dalmatia and Bosnia. It is richly covered by fine forests, the '^ virgin" for- ests of Albania. The summits of Shar Dag (the Argentar Moun- tain) reach a height of about 3,000 meters, and those of Liuma are nearly as high. 2. The central region, which lies between the rivers Mati and Viosa, is fairly open, especially in the di- rection of the seacoast. It includes the two large and fertile plains, those of Kavaja and Muzakia. The eternally snow-covered Mount Tomori stands in the middle like a giganic marble-white statue, clearly visible to those who navigate the Adriatic Sea. Its summit, Tomoritsa, reaches the height of 2,500 me- ters ; from its sources flow the crystal waters of the region round about. 3. The southern region is again more or less moun- tainous, and it is this part which Byron describes in the stanza reproduced at the head of this chapter. It is intercepted by plains and valleys, and traversed by beautiful rivers. The modest Acroceraunian Mountains, which stand as a sentinel over the nar- row Strait of Otranto, are hardly 1,500 in height, but the mountains of Chimara, which face south- ■\vardly the fair island of Corfou, reach 2,000. PHYSICAL FEATURES 171 The climate of Albania is generally very healthy both in the uplands and the lowlands, except in the valleys and plains close to, and on the seacoast, where the presence of marshes and swamps is a fre- quent cause of malaria. A system of drainage may, however, remedy this evil, and considerable work has lately been done in that direction. Winters are short, but at times unusually cold in comparison with the moderate climate of the country. The seacoast, however, is rarely visited by snow, and at Valona one may spend the wintertime with- out any appreciable coal bills. Some of the summits of the mountains are, however, snow-covered during the greater part of the year. Tomori keeps its snow-mantle the year round. The summer temperature in the plains is that of southern Italy ; in the mountains it is rather cool and changeable. Albania is traversed in all directions by a system of splendid rivers. The most important of these are: The Bojana, the Drin, Black and White, the Shkumbi, the Semani or Devol, the silvery-white Viosa, and the Southern Drin. The course of the Semani or Devol is majestic, with its many falls and cataracts, which sacrilegious science is intending to use for waterpower. The most picturesque is, how- ever, the noble Viosa, and its tributaiy, the Shu- shitsa, the bed of which is made up of brilliantly shining white pebbles. These river courses, rich in beautiful scenery, may provide the easiest and cheapest means of communi- cation, if they be properly regulated and deepened, as they can be at a comparatively small expense. The great lakes of Scutari and Ochrida are among 172 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT the most beautiful in Europe, and furnish excellent fish. The waters of the lake of Ochrida are of mar- velous limpidity; they are drained into the Adriatic Sea by the river Devol. The configuration of the Albanian coast is deeply indented and presents many inlets, bays, and creeks. The principal seaports on this coast are four: San Giovanni di Medua (so named by the Venetians), Durazzo, Valona, and Santi Quaranta or, more plainly, Saranda. With the exception of Valona, they are not particularly good, but are capable of improvement. Durazzo might be made the best harbor on the Adriatic, if the marshy isthmus which connects the small peninsula of Durazzo with the mainland were opened, as it could be at a moderate expense. Up to the present time, Albania has been a derelict country and its immense natural resources have re- mained totally undeveloped. This is also true with regard to her general economic conditions, as we shall presently see. Everything remains to be done. No great effort or expenditure will be required and success is as- sured. REFERENCES AuBRY, E., Albanian Sea-coaat, Asiatic Review, Vol. 5, July, 1914. Barbabich, Eug., Albania, Rome, 1905, pp. 3-116. Hahn, Dr. Johann Georq vox, Albanische Studien, pp. 3-39. CHAPTER XV ECONOMIC CONDITIONS I. AGRICULTURE Albania is, primarily, an agricultural country. But her isolation from the outside world under the long Turkish rule, her unsettled conditions, arising from the constant strain of war, the notorious in- difference of the Turkish government in such mat- ters, and, most of all, the complete lack of means of communication, are responsible for the backward and primitive state of agriculture in Albania. Yet the soil of Albania is very good and fertile. It is estimated that, with a proper cultivation of only the plains of Kavaja and Muzakia, the agricultural products will not only supply the actual population of Albania but will also furnish a surplus for expor- tation. According to Dr. Steinmetz, the agricultu- ral development of Albania is highly promising, her natural resources having predestined the country to the first place along the entire coast of the Adriatic. Inasmuch as the greater part of the plain of Muzakia is public property, it may easily become a magnifi- cent model farm, with a proper system of drainage and irrigation which is rendered easy by the pres- ence of the rivers traversing it. The climatic conditions and the quality of the soil are favorable for raising any kinds of crops, while the dryness of the summers may be remedied by irrigation. 173 174 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT The basis of land ownership is the freehold, and the class of independent yeomen is very numerous. Most of the land belongs, however, to the great land- owners, Beys and Pashas, who have received it as fiefs from the Sultan, especially for meritorious services rendered in war and peace. The land is leased by them to the peasantry, in the form of perpetual leases. The right of eviction has become obsolete, but the exactions of the landowners have proved disastrous to any agricultural development. Usually, the lessee is required to turn over to the landlord one-third of the produce ; the result is that the peasant does not care to grow more crops, when he knows that his landlord will become richer and greedier thereby. When Southern Albania w^as occupied by the Greek troops, during the war of 1912, the Greek au- thorities purposely allowed the tenants to expropri- ate their landlords, in order to render more difficult the restitution of that region to Albania. We have already stated that the first act of the insurgents of Central Albania, who rose against the Government of the Prince of Wied, was to distribute among themselves the estates of the landowners, the most important of which are the extensive lands of Essad Pasha. The solution of this land question is a matter which will confront the future government of Al- bania. Yet, the undeniable truth is that the condi- tion of the agricultural laborers of Albania is more favorable than that of the peasantry of Bulgaria and Roumania. Owing to the primitive agricultural implements and to other circumstances as well, vast tracts of AGRICULTURE 175 arable land are lying fallow. Their improvement and reclamation would become a source of wealth to tlie population and of revenue to the public treas- ury. A great obstacle to the development of agriculture is the absence of credit facilities. The Turkish Farmer's Bank (Banque Agricole), which had a few branches in the cities of Albania, was the only bank that gave agricultural credit. But its bad management and questionable dealings had discredited it in the eyes of the people, and in the last days of the Turkish domination was stead- ily losing ground. The Provisional Government of Valona tried to revive it by reforming it, but its previous reputation militated against the success of the measures of reform. II. CEOPS AND STOCK RAISING As has alreadj^ been said, the character of the soil is favorable for the raising of a great variety of crops. Many kinds of fruit are grown in great quantities, and their quality is renowned. The apples and peaches of Kavaja and Sh. Jak are famous in Southeastern Europe, and the apples of Ochrida even more famous. But the lack of means of transportation has prevented their culti- vation in very considerable quantities; they are often allowed to rot, because there are no ways of shipping them to the markets. Two other important products are olives and to- bacco. There are plentiful forests of olive trees at Valona and Elbasan, but the lack of scientific management 176 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT has rendered them slightly productive. The olives are usually exported to Italy and Austria, where the famed Valona oil is extracted. The future of tobacco is, on the other hand, most promising. The tine blond tobaccoes of Elbasan and Scutari are renowned throughout the Balkans. Nothing could do more to increase the production of tobacco and olive oil than the erection of a num- ber of factories which might utilize the splendid water-power of the rivers which traverse the coun- try in all directions. Cotton and rice raising have shown very good re- sults. The principal kinds of livestock raised in Albania are, in the order of their importance, horses, w^hich are exported mainly to Italy, sheep, of which only the wool and hides are exported, and some species of domesticated cattle. During the Middle Ages, the horses of Muzakia were used in great numbers in all the armies of Eu- rope, and the light Albanian cavalry enjoyed a most enviable reputation. Many a battle won by Scan- derbeg was due to this light cavalry. But since his time, the equine race has deteriorated, though the small horse of Muzakia retains some highly valued qualities. Under present conditions, and unless the Alba- nian-Serbian frontier be rectified, there is not much hope for stock raising, because the most convenient pastures are across the boundary line. Poultry and eggs are raised in immense quantities, and owing to the great demand for them in Italy and Austria there is a bright chance for the future of poultry raising. AGRlCULfVRB 177 Game and fish are plentiful, too, and likely to be- come sources of wealth. III. COMMERCE From the day of the completion of the railway net of Macedonia, connecting Western and Central Eu- rope with the Balkan Peninsula and the eastern ter- ritories, Albania lost the commercial position she had previously enjoyed in the Balkans. Isolated en- tirely from the continent, with no railwaj^s or other means of communication, with only a few naturally good harbors, which remained just in their natural state, the country was constrained to be self-sufifi- cient, importing very few articles of commerce, and exporting fewer still. Up to the year 1913, the total amount of foreign exchange was estimated to be only 20,000,000 francs, of which two-thirds consisted of imports. With the winning of independence, the commercial movement showed a quick upward tendency, the increase being one-third in nine months only. And yet, Albania's natural situation on the eastern shore of the Adri- atic has predestined her to a privileged commercial position. The exported articles range as follows, according to the order of their importance: Olives and olive oil, poultry and eggs, live-stock, mainly horses, wool, hides, salted and fresh fish, fruit, wood, etc. Imports: Cotton and cotton-goods, flour, sugar, coffee, timber for construction, paper, manufactured goods, liquors, etc. It is idle to speculate as to the value and amount of each of these imported and exported articles, be- cause there are no exact and reliable statistics. 178 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Those furnished by the Turkish Custom authorities are simply Turkish. It is to be borne in mind, how- ever, that the above estimate of 20,000,000 francs represents only a fraction of the commercial move- ment, inasmuch as the larger part of commercial business was done with the adjacent inland Euro- pean province of Turkey as well as with Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro. It is not, therefore, right to think that the commerce of Albania is as small as that sum would seem to imply. The construction of the projected railway lines, which will connect Albania with the rest of the Balkans and with Europe, will surely revive the formerly flourishing commerce of the Albanian coast. The sordid little town of Durazzo, with her natural harbor, which is none too safe as compared with the splendid bay of Valona, holds the first place in the commercial life of Albania, and is likely to become once more what it was in ancient times, the first port on the eastern shore of the Adriatic, when the pro- jected Durazzo-Monastir railway is constructed. In her scanty commercial dealings, Albania has hitherto had very little to do with the rest of the world, outside of her immediate neighbors. Austria has been the heaviest importer and ex- porter. She took about 40^0 of all the Albanian articles of export, especially olives and olive oil, hides, poultry and eggs. Italy comes second, but in the independent Al- bania her merchants competed very successfully w^ith the Austrians. There are no reliable statistics to indicate the trend of commerce along the entire Albanian coast. AGRICULTURE 179 The Balkan Revue gives, however, an account of the commercial movement of the various nations in the port of Durazzo, which is as follows: Yeae 1913 Yeae 1912 fbancs per cent. fbancs per cent. Austria 4,451,200 47.3 3,186,180 56 Hungary 276,010 2.9 84,780 I Italy 2,478,108 26.3 876,430 15 Turkey 174,370 .4 243,620 3 Greece 333,800 3.6 England 1,140,680 12 619,190 11 Other States . . . 502,240 5.3 721,040 13 The above statement may be incomplete in many respects, but still it constitutes a good illustration of the upward tendency of the commercial movement in 1913, i. e., the first year of Albanian independence, and that only in the port of Durazzo, a port not very much frequented in that year. Again, it should be noted that no account is given of the commerce by land. Before bringing this topic to an end, let us add a few words in regard to industry and manufactures, as there is very little to be said about them. There are few manufacturing industries in Al- bania, and those that exist are in a state of infancy. Valona produces some oil from her olives, but the best Valona olive oil is extracted abroad, mainly in Italy and Austria, to which countries the olives are exported. There are a few flour and saw mills, but flour and timber are mainly articles of importation. There is a thri^dng soap factory at Elbasan, and there are two or three unimportant tanneries at Korcha. Yet, the natural resources of the countr>^ and its magnificent water-power mark out Albania as an important industrial center in the near future. 180 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT rv. MINERAL RESOURCES AND FORESTS The general belief is that Albania is very rich in mineral resources. It is reported that the Romans extracted from the Albanian soil large quantities of gold, but in our day little is known of the location of those mines. Mirdita, however, is believed to be rich in gold. French and German engineers have discovered gold, lead, iron, petroleum, copper, chomium, anti- monium, and cinnabar, and one of them has reported that in each ton of mineral ore there may be found from 4 to 6 kilos of silver.^ One thing is certain ; that Albania is very rich in coal of high quality. The coal mines of Korcha are now being exploited, on a very limited scale, by the authorities of that independent Albanian province. The same thing may be said in regard to pe- troleum. Moreover, at Selenitsa, in the province of Valona, there are mines of mineral pitch, which are being exploited by a French company. The boulevards and chaussees of Paris are mainly paved with this Albanian pitch. There are also numerous salt-works along the coast. Another important item of national wealth is the forests, some of which exist in their virgin state. This is true of the forests of Northern Albania, and especially of Mirdita. But the area covered by for- ests has never been measured, although, according to one estimate a quarter of the soil is wooded.^ Many of the forests of Central and Southern Albania 1 F. Gibert, "Les Pays d'Albanie," p. 155. 2 Ibid., p. 153. FINANCES 181 have been destroyed through sheer neglect on the part of the Turkish authorities, as has also happened in other parts of Turkey. The principal trees are the oak, the Valona oak, the beech, ash, elm, plane, celtis, poplar, walnut, pine, fir, and sumach. Because of the want of systematic exploitation of native timber, construction timber is imported from Trieste. In conclusion, it may be said with certainty that the future of Albania lies in her undeveloped mineral and forest resources, especially the former. V. FINANCES The finances of Albania are a matter largely of speculation and of guesswork, because her govern- ment did not last long enough to make any valuation and organization of the financial resources of the new State. Consequently, very little may be said about the amount and eventual balance of its revenues and expenditures. There has been very little chance for making official estimates relative to the budget. Dr. Hans von Strahlheimb estimates the revenues of the Albanian Government as being about twenty million Austrian crowns, but as any guess is as good as another, no definite pronouncement may be made on this matter. The estimates of the Austrian writer are, moreover, based on fallacious premises, i. e., on the Turkish system of taxation, which was never, as a fact, applied to Albania. Northern Al- bania was virtually exempt from any contributions to the Turkish treasury, and the officials of the Sultan were but too glad to get only what they could from the rest of the country, without pushing things to ex- 182 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT tremes, so that many an Albanian tax-payer man- aged to go scot free. If a proof is required, a very instructive one is supplied by the management of the stringent Tobacco Monopoly. Tobacco, in all its forms and kinds, was a government monopoly throughout the Turkish Empire. But when we say ''Turkish Empire," we should not necessarily think that Albania was included in it, so far as the To- bacco Monopoly was concerned, at least, for in the latter country every smoker availed himself of the native tobacco, the fine blond tobacco of Elbasan and Scutari in particular, without paying a farthing either to the Monopoly or to the tobacco tax collec- tors. Furthermore, native officials were too jealous to allow money to travel as far as Constantinople. But we must add that the Albanian Government found no difficulties in collecting taxes, and the priv- ileged Albanians had to forego their time-honored immunity from taxation. In conclusion, it may be said that there will be no serious trouble in making both ends meet, even dur- ing the first stage of development. Although the country has been impoverished still more during the great war, as a consequence of the ravages wrought by the various invasions, still, as the chief sources of public revenue are the customs dues of the Al- banian ports, whose commercial activity will be greatly increased with the restoration of peace, the amount of revenues will not be affected to any con- siderable extent. On the other hand, the public debt of Albania will not add greatly to the expenditures of the State. In accordance with the provisions made by the Lon- COMMUNICATIONS 183 don Conference, the Powers subscribed, in equal quotas, to an Albanian loan of 75,000,000 francs, the first loan contracted by independent Albania. Out of this loan, the Albanian Government drew a sum not exceeding 10,000,000 francs, which represents the actual public indebtedness of the new State. There are also certain other items of public in- debtedness; but as they are of doubtful nature and origin, one cannot readily add them to the official figures representing the Public Debt of Albania, as just stated. VI. COMMUNICATIONS Since the Romans constructed, some two thousand years ago, the Imperial Road, via Egnatia or ^gi- tana, leading from Durazzo to Constantinople, only three more short highways have been constructed during the long Turkish occupation. No wonder, then, that Albania is so baclavard. The following are these three highways: 1. From San Giovanni di Medua to Scutari. 2. From Durazzo to Tirana. 3. From Santi Quaranta to Janina and Korcha. All three roads have, however, never been kept in a tolerable condition, and the country has had to manage to get along with mules and donkeys. As for railways, there are many on paper. Lately, during the Austrian and Italian occupa- tion of Albania, a net of military roads has been constructed, but this kind of roads cannot be durable, with the exception of those opened by the Italian military authorities in Southern Albania, which have been constructed with a view to permanency and 184 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT constitute one of the greatest benefits Italy has be- stowed on Albania. Moreover, it is reported that the Italians have also constructed a narrow rail- way line along a part of the coast of Southern Alba- nia, the first the country has ever seen. At the present time, there are three projected railroad lines for the Albanian territories. 1. From Prishtina to Durazzo, which would con- nect Albania with Serbia and Central Europe. 2. From either Durazzo or Valona to Monastir, and then to Salonica and the rest of the Balkans as well as to Asia Minor. 3. A purely internal line from Scutari to Arghyro- castro, which may in a near future, be connected with the railway system of Northern Greece. It is evident that these three lines, or at least the last two, are indispensable for the development of the country. Still, another and more available means of com- munication is afforded by the possible navigation of the rivers, especially of Viosa, Drin, Shkumbi, Devol, and Bojana. In ancient times, Viosa was open to navigation by small craft, and if its channel were deepened and its course regulated, communications might be estab- lished between Valona and the mainland of Southern Albania. The same is true with regard to the other rivers. The Bojana is already navigable to a certain ex- tent, and provision has been made for deepening the channel under the auspices of the two riparian States, Albania and Montenegro. COMMUNICATIONS 185 REFERENCES By far the best reference on the Economic Conditions of Albania are the articles published in every issue of the Balkax Revue, Berlin, beginning with the year 1914. See also F. GffiERT, Les Pays d'Albanie, pp. 145-164. Barbarich, Exjg., Albania, pp. 117-125, 225-274. Jaray, Gabriel Louis, L'Albanie Indopendante, Revue de Paris, 21i&me ann6e, Vol. 3, 1914, pp. 219-224. CHAPTER XVI THE ALBANIAN PEOPLE I. POPULATION — GHEGS AND TOSKS The exact numerical strength of the Albanian race and people is unknown, on account of the lack of spe- cific statistics. Those furnished by the Turkish au- thorities are not only unreliable, but, what is more, they are based on religious and not on ethnical class- ification. The standard classification used by the Turks is that of "Moslem" and ''non-Moslem" (My slim and Gair-i-Myslim). Even when the cen- sus has been taken by provinces, the statistics are again misleading, because entire localities failed to register in order to avoid military conscription. The nearest estimate of the number of people of Albanian race is between three and three and a half millions, of which nearly two millions inhabit the Albania of the London Conference.^ Taking, how- ever, into account the ravages of the recent wars and especially the losses in human lives resulting from the devastation of Southern Albania by the Greeks in the summer of 1914, it will be nearer the truth to say that Albania has now a population of about 1,500,000, while the rest of the race is dis- persed throughout the territories assigned to Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro and the Albanian colonies of Italy, Greece and elsewhere. 1 Whitaker's Almanack, 1918. 186 POPULATION— GHEG8 AND TOSKS 187 The Albanian people is divided into two ethnical groups: the Ghegs, in the North, and the Tosks (the Toskidi of Strabo), in the South, the dividing line being the river Shkumbi.^ Some very fanciful ideas are current about the importance of this division. A number of writers on Albanian affairs have made the statement that not only are the Ghegs and Tosks unlike, but that the members of the two groups speak entirely differ- ent languages, so different that they are unable to understand each other. The main differences that are found between the two groups, however, are only differences of dialects and temperament. The difference in the spoken dialects is to be found not in the rules of grammar and construction but in the pronunciation. Both Ghegs and Tosks speak the same language, with the exceptions of certain pro- vincialisms, but pronounce it with some differences. The Gheg speech is nasal, full of inflections, short- cut phrases and words, with an accent akin to Anglo- Saxon speech, whereas the Tosk speech is plain, smooth, and more or less colorless. The principal difference would seem to be in the use and pronun- ciation of a peculiar Albanian sound, ver\^ similar but not identical with the letter ''a" as it is pro- nounced in the English words fat, sad, lad and w^hich the Ghegs pronounce at times as in the English ''father," at times as in fat and sad, etc., and wliich at times they suppress altogether, while the Tosks pronounce it uniformly as in tlie words fat and sad. It is to be noted that this sound is quite frequent, perhaps the most frequent of all ; if to this be added 1 See above, p. 4. 188 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT the varying inflections of the Gheg speech, it will be easily seen that two illiterate representatives of the two groups cannot find it very easy to converse, al- though the difference is not as great as that which separates the dialect of Naples from that of Rome, as far as the low classes are concerned. Be that as it may, the two dialects meet and fuse into each other in the localities situated on both banks of the River Shkumbi, producing thus the finest specimen of Albanian speech which all Al- banians find no difiiculty in understanding. The difference in temperament consists in the rough and warlike temper of the Northerners (Ghegs), as contrasted with the more sober and polished temper of the Southerners (Tosks). Another difference between the two groups is to be found in their physical appearance. The Ghegs are the tallest men in the Balkans, the Cyclops of Horner,^ while the Tosks are, as a rule, with many exceptions, of medium stature. II. NATIONAL CHARACTEEISTICS In a seeming consciousness of the insidious efforts of his numerous enemies to undermine his reputa- tion abroad by the circulation of wild stories, the Albanian, not the educated one, but the man of the people, retorts by the epigram "the devil is not as wicked as people believe, neitlaerj^ the Albanian," which is reported by Von Strahlheimb.- 1 "Odyssey," I, 106-8. It is, moreover, very striking; to compare the word "Gheg" with the Greek word "gigas" which means "giant." There would seem to be little doubt that the two words are identical. 2 Balkan Revue, 1914-1915, p. 403. The saying is quoted in Al- banian as follows: "Dreqi nuk asht aeh i keq sa kujton njerezia, as Shqypetari jo." NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 189 The opinion, on the other hand, which Lord Byron formed about the Albanian or Albanese, as he calls him, is as follows : "The Arnaouts ^ or Albanese struck me forci- bly by their resemblance to the Highlanders of Scotland, in dress, figure, and manner of living. Their mountains seemed Caledonian, with a kinder climate. The kilt, though white; the spare, active form; their dialect, Celtic in its sound; and their hardy habits, all carried me back to Morven. . . . ''The Albanese, in general, have a fine cast of countenance; and the most beautiful women I ever beheld, in stature and in features, we saw leveling the road broken down by the torrents between Delvinachi and Libohova. " - In fact, very little can be added, in regard to the national characteristics of the Albanian, to Byron's forceful description which holds good even to-day in its general features. The much-talked-about and so- called ''tribes" of Northern Albania amount but to the similar clan organization of the Scotch people. Let it be added also that another Briton, Mr. Wad- ham Peacock, was also forcibly struck by the Eng- lish-looking appearance of the Mirdites, with their fine blond complexion.^ In reviewing the historical development of the Al- banian people we noticed the existence as well as the rise of some national defects, such as a warlike spirit 1 Arnaout is the Turkish word for Albanian ; it seems to have been taken from the Greek "Arvanites." 2 Byron's Notes to Canto II, Childe Harold. His story of his two Albanian servants, one of whom was a Chris- tian and the other a Moslem, is not only amusinp: but very instruc- tive with regard to the religicnis feelings of tlie AHmnians. 3 "Albania, the Foundling State of Europe," p. 199, 190 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT — if it can properly be held to be a defect, in view of the fact that it is only owing to the existence of that spirit that Albania has not disappeared as a national- ity — and nervousness and restlessness, the cause of which has also been explained.^ In general, it may be said that whatever deficiencies are discovered in the character of the Albanian, they are the out- growth of the circumstances through which he has had to preserve his national entity, and bear the stamp of the momentous crises he has had to go through in his fight for life and liberty during the centuries since his first appearance in the Balkan Peninsula. At any rate, whatever bad habits and defects he ''may have contracted, they are made good by his well known sterling qualities, such as his celebrated [loyalty when he has once plighted his faith, his un- I tarnished chivalry, his courage and bravery, which is sung and praised in the popular ballads of his neighbors, his practical sense, his eager appreciation of progress and civilization, and his ready adaptabil- I ity to it. ^^ Countless examples may be given as illustrations of these high qualities of the Albanian. A few only will suffice. Von Strahlheimb relates that during the revolu- tion of Dibra against the Serbian rule, in 1913, the rebels, ignorant and deeply exasperated Albanian peasants, captured the Serbian garrison. The pris- oners were treated in such a chivalrous manner, ac- cording to the confession of the Serbian commander himself, that this Austrian writer offers this example for imitation to the European belligerents in the great war.^ And it should not be forgotten that the 1 See above, p. 38, ? Balkan Revue, 1914-15, p. 405, NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 191 Dibrans had revolted on account of the cruel treat- ment they had received at the hands of the Serbi- ans. The intelligence of the Albanian made a deep im- pression on the French officers of the army occupy- ing the Ionian Islands, at the commencement of the nineteenth century, when they taught with the greatest facility the new metric system to the Al- banian peasants.^ Pjjuqueyllle, a man by no means friendly to the Albanians, wrote thus concerning them, a hundred years ago: r '' Anything which is exact and useful is singularly 1 welcomed by these people who hastened to adopt vac- ( cination (which is even to-day (1825) forbidden in \the Papal States), and who, being devoid of preju- dices, would welcome anything likely to improve .their condition. " ^ These innate qualities more than neutralize the acq uired _ defects which have always been so ex- aggerated in the fanciful tales about Albania. The stories about the '^ A lbanian b rigands ^^ are stories, bj&cause brigandage, such as has existed in the Bal- kan s^^and^^es^eciallyjji^ Greece, has been practically uiiknown in Albania. Yet, if by '' Albanian brigands" are meant the border raids, such raids are not infrequent through- out the Balkans, and, taking into consideration that the Turkish Government allowed the Albanians full liberty^ to do as they pleased with their neighbors, the raids were aJdnd of ^\^rfare. Such raids were chronic along the Greek-Turkish border-line, and the 1 F. Gibert, "Les Pays d'Albanie," p. 2. See also p. 307. 2 Ibid., p. 2. 192 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT authorities felt that it was their duty to promote this kind of retribution. One has but to remember the occurrences in Macedonia during the last decade, the wholesale massacres, assassinations, and destruction of private property, in order to appreciate this point. A number of writers are wont to forget that Al- bania is a Balkan country and that the Balkans should be judged byjhfiir own and not by European standards. The fables of the Albanian's disregard of the value of h jLiman lif e owe their origin to the inability of the Porte to provide safe-conHucts~Io travelers and tourists intending to visit the interior of Al- bania, where Turkish authority was unknown. One, however, must recognize that the Porte was right in doing so, because persons furnished with Turkish recommendations wer e usually i^egar^ed^with suspi- cion ancTmistrust in those parts of the country which h"ad~15een able to preserve their independence only by being very careful in regarrj^iin Turkish emissarie s and agents. Yet, travelers could get into the regions unconquered by the Turks^_under_thepro- tectmjiJiii.lEe~" Bessa, ' ' the plighted faith of some AlBanian who"wouTH defend them even as against the Sultan. BaroiiJiopfisa is, therefore, right when he states that ^ ' a ^ travel i iL_Albania corresponds to a nocturnal walk in the suburbs of a great European city." That If should be so, despite the absence of -arlysupervision from a higher authority, is to the credit of the Albanian. The Bessa, which means simply "good faith," is a peculiar institution of the country. It survives to- day^onljJn.Iiii£tharn_AJMBJ^-^Kh^ ernment has never exercised real authority. When SOCIAL CONDITIONS 193 any one, whoever he may be, puts himself under the protection of the Bessa, in other words, is allowed to enter the country on good faith under the protec- tion of an individual or under that of a clan, or what is still more sacred, is accompanied by a woman, he can go to any place he chooses without being in- terfered with in any way. This institution may seem a primitive one, but it has been the only pos- sible substitute for the lack of a higher governmental authority, among a people freed from any general restraints and not allowed to form a central adminis- tration, as has been the case of the Albanians under the Turkish Government, whose authority and power have sufficed to prohibit the establishment of a cen- tral authorit}^ for the independent clans. III. SOCIAL CONDITIONS Social conditions differ somewhat in the three regions into which Albania is usually divided. It is best to treat each region separately. 1. Northern Akbania. — As has already been said, Albania is the only country in the Balkans into which feudali sm was ijitroduced during the Middle Ages by ,tli^_Normans. Its lingering TracesTnay be found in the social conditions of the people of a part of North- ern Albania, especially among the Catholic popula- tion. The reason why it has survived in that part of the country is to be found in the fact that, in the course of time, feudalism was blended with the peculiar clan organization of the people of this region. Its existence is evidenced by the aristocratic gov- ernment which is in full sway even at the present time. The country is ruled by an aristocratic oli- 194 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT garcliy composed of the representatives of the lead- ing hereditary families, which claim the right of leadership in war. The most important of these is the ruling family of the Dodas, which is virtually the reigning dynasty of Mirdita. We have already seen the part played by the governor of this region in the activities of the Albanian League. It is these hered- itary families that the Porte used constantly to play one against the other, in order to keep the country in subjection. As a counterpart to this distasteful relic of past times, the population of Northern Albania is dis- tinguished for its high ideals of liberty and inde- pendence as well as-pf -genuine patrioti sm. It is this handful of people which has been able to keep the Turks in check, as a result of epic struggles. In fact, there are in this region some localities which the Turk has never been able to enter. The Moslem territories of Mati andjjiuma, and the Qatholic dis- tricts of Mirdita arid Kethella were averse even to the appearance onTTheir borders of a Turkish soldier in uniform, and many a time these Moslems and Catholics fought jointly against the Turks. The Catholic clergy has rendered invaluable serv- ices toward keeping alive the spirit of patriotism,^^ while among the Moslems national traditions have been perpetuated by the patrician families. The heroic element of Albania finds its stronghold in this part of the country. The city of Scutari, the population of which is estimated to be about 50,000 souls, and its suburbs, 11 Foremost among these clergymen is Father George Fishta, the most original poet and. writer not only of Albania but of all the Balkan Peninsula. He is rightly called the "Tyrtseus^of^^Albania," but there is no doubt that he is more than that. ■•' ~ SOCIAL CONDITIONS 195 are not, however, included in the description of Northern Albania, as they are more modern in their social organization. 2. Central Albania. — Grenerally speaking, the people of this region enjoy a democratic independ- ence, as a result of the freehold system of land ownership, despite the fact that the largest landed estates, the principal of which are those belonging to the Toptani and Vrioni families, are situated in this region, inasmuch as even on those estates the land is held in the form of perpetual leases, the right of evictment having become obsolete. This region is one of country squires, forming the kernel of a robust middle class of landowners and cultivators. Moreover, as we have already noticed, the exten- sive landed estates were seized by the peasantry during the insurrection of the Summer of 1914 against the Government of the Prince of Wied. The serious disadvantages in the condition of the population of this region are to be found in the lack of education and in the existence of a number of settlements of Bosnian refugees which are nests of religious fanaticism. Early in the rule of the Prince, the Government of Durazzo seriously in- tended to expel these refugees whom the Turkish Government had planted among the Albanian popu- lation for obvious reasons of state. 3. Southern Albania. — Curiously enough, writ- ers on Albania have paid but the scantiest attention to this portion of the country, which is the most progressive, the most educated and civilized, and most likely to exert a high degree of moral influence over the rest of the Albanian people. If it be true, as some are wont to believe and say, that the people 196 ALBANIA. PAST AND PRESENT of Northern and Central Albania are not as fully de- veloped as the average inhabitant of the Balkans, the people of Southern Albania stand assuredly above that average. With all the political harm the foreign schools, Turkish and Greek, have done to the population, it must, in fairness, be recognized that they have rendered some great services to the intel- lectual development of the inhabitants. The fact that these Southerners chose to attend foreign schools instead of remaining in ignorance is entirely to their credit, for, without there being any law of compulsory education, the parents of Southern Al- bania, Christians and Moslems alike, have sent their children to these schools although knowing that they were maintained by foreign propaganda. The founders of the splendid educational establishments of the city of Korcha felt it to be their duty to main- tain such schools, even if the Greek language was to be taught in them, after they had in vain tried to get from the Turkish Government permission to open Albanian schools, and it was not their fault that the trustees, who were either the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople or the Greek Government, employed those beneficiary funds for political rather than edu- cational purposes. At any rate, the most pronounced democracy of the country is to be found in Southern Albania. It is also the center of the nationalistic movement. Here is to be found also the enlightened hourgeoisie, merchants, businessmen, independent freeholders and landed gentry, as well as the class which will be called upon to govern Albania. The progressive, and thoroughly European, city of Korcha, and the towns of Valona, Arghyrocastro, SOCIAL CONDITIONS 197 Fieri, Permeti, Erseka, Tepelen, Frasheri, Liasko- viki and others will bear comparison with any cit)^ and town of their class in the Balkans. The palatial mansions of Korcha are not to be found ex- cept in the Balkan capitals. Many of these man- sions have been erected by the fortunes acquired by the emigrants of Korcha in the United States, Rou- mania, and Egypt. The once privileged great landowners are no longer privileged ; they are being daily displaced in influence and prestige by the middle and educated classes. Nowhere has the spirit of regeneration and modernization imbued so thoroughly the people as in the region which has had to combat poverty through sobriety. Nowhere have the nationalistic efforts been more ardent than among the Christian Albani- ans of Korcha, and the Moslems of Valona and Ar- ghyrocastro, with the possible exception of the city of Scutari. In the province of Korcha there is, moreover, the highly interesting little town of Ka- tundi, which is superior to any other city or town in educational accomplishments. In it, the efforts of a single person, an ardent nationalist, have succeeded in spreading national education not only among the male but also among the female population, with the result that the inhabitants, all of whom are Chris- tians, are able to read and write their national lan- guage. Many of the Beys of this region have be- come, by their own accord, leaders of opinion instead of being simply leaders of men, by clandestinely maintaining Albanian schools on their estates, in de- fiance of the Turkish authorities. It has been rightly said that if Southern Albania were to be cut off from the main body of the country. 198 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT the Albania which would thus be constituted would be a state of splendid fighters, which, however, would be able to attain the high ideals of a free common- wealth only by bringing about the incorporation of Southern Albania in it. This is undoubtedly known to those who have tried to separate the southern region from the rest of the country. In general, the Southerners are not only more fully developed and progressive, but they are also endowed by nature with a keener intelligence than their co-nationals of the center and the north. IV. THE POSITION OF WOMEN A very characteristic feature of the Albanian community, which deserves special notice, is the high position the Albanian women enjoy in the consid- eration of men. Nowhere in the Balkans is woman the recipient of so much respect and of so much honor. In al- most all modern states women have been granted a standing in private law by legislative action only; the Albanian women have had those rights from time immemorial by the force of the customs of the nation. As daughter of the family she enjoys the right of holding property, being under paternal au- thority only during the period of her minority. As a wife, she is entitled to hold property in her own right and to manage it according to her wishes ; her legal standing is not at all affected by marital au- thority. As a widowed mother she retains the guar- dianship of her minor children and manages their inheritance, through the automatic operation of the customary law. In the family she is the venerated matron of the house, and her jurisdiction is co-ex- TEE POSITION OF WOMEN 199 tensive with that of her husband, to whom she is an invaluable helper and companion. The family organization in Albania is very strong by virtue of the innate affection which exists among its members. Grand-parents and grand-children live in perfect harmony within the same house with- out any legal or customary constraint; on the con- trary, the children are free to withdraw, if they choose to do so, from the paternal family, at their maturity. Mothers-in-law have not such a bad rep- utation in Albania as elsewhere. The Albanian women are renowned for their virtue, as they are for their beauty and charms. Immorality is practically unknown in the country, though it is said that the fair and robust women of the mountain districts of Scutari are inclined to be innocent free-thinkers. Despite the introduction of Islamism, polygamy has never taken any roots among the Moslem Al- banians, a fact which is in itself very suggestive and characteristic. The lax rules of the Sacred Law of Mohammedanism in regard to divorce are neutral- ized in Albania by the dictates of moral law and public opinion. The low percentage of divorces among both the Christians and the Moslems is un- doubtedly due to the high standard of morality which is current throughout the country. We have already noticed that the company of a woman in traveling in the hitherto so-called inac- cessible parts of Northern Albania affords better protection than a host of soldiers. A man who would injure, offend or kill a woman, or any member of the rest of the company under her protection, is 200 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT treated as the vilest coward, and there is no possible expiation for his crime. Among the hardy moun- taineers of that district it is held that the hand of the man who shot a woman is not good for anything in this world. The rule protecting women against intentional injuries is so stringent throughout the country that there is practically no record of any intentional murder of a woman. V. THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION" On the religious side, the Albanians are divided into three principal and two secondary groups. The three principal groups are the following: 1. Roman Catholics, forming the majority of the population of Northern Albania. 2. Moslems, with strong majorities in Central and Southern Albania, and in the minority in Northern Albania. Eastern Albania, which has been assigned to Serbia, is inhabited almost exclusively by Moslem Albanians. 3. Orthodox Greek Catholics, constituting strong minorities in Southern and Central Albania. The numerical strength of each group is a matter of rough guesswork, owing to the want of accurate statistics. It is certain, however, that the Moslems are in incontestable majority over the Christians. The existence of such a Moslem majority has perplexed some misinformed friends of Albania who have always asked the question : ''Will not Albania be a Mohammedan, and in consequence, a fanatical State, a 'little Turkey in the Balkans'?" And again: "Will not this crushing Moslem majority tyrannize over the Christian minority?" The ene- mies of Albania, on the other hand, have made use THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION 201 of this fact of a Moslem majority as the deadliest argument against the principle of an independent Albania. By the force of circumstances, a Moslem generally implies a Turk, and the Turk is rightly considered a beast, a pitiless persecutor and butcher of Christians. Yet, those who know the real condition of the country and the relations existing between its vari- ous religious groups, will agree with us that the re- ligious question is not in itself of great importance, inasmuch as the weakest point of the Albanian is his religion. The truth is that the Albanian is not fanatical; on the contrary, it may be said that, mi fonds, he is indifferent in religious matters. Toleration exists in Albania as nowhere in the Balkans and as it does not exist even in some more advanced sections of Europe. Tracing historically the question of the conversion of the majority of the Albanian people to Islamism, it will be found that it was due to the deliberate de- sire of trading religion for freedom. Following the occupation of their countrj^ by the fanatical Asiatic hordes, the Albanians found themselves facing the dilemma of being treated as subject slaves by the Turks or becoming equal to, and allies of, their con- querors by renouncing the religion which caused them to be treated as slaves. They chose the latter. This is emphasized by the fact that conversions of Albanians took place after every unsuccessful re- volt against the Turks, when their treatment at the hands of the latter was likely to be harsher and more barbarous. Conversions continued to occur even during the first quarter of the nineteenth century; 203 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT whenever life became intolerable under the Turkish regime, the Albanians found a way of escaping their miserable lot by an outward adoption of the religion of the conqueror. The Albanian is too zealous in the cause of liberty and independence to be a fanatic in religion. But though he became a Mohammedan, he never became a Turk, whom he loathed and despised. Nothing can be more instructive in religious matters than a comparison of the attitude of the Moslem Albanian toward his Christian brethren with that of the Greek and Bulgarian renegades toward their own Christian brethren. From the very day of their conversion to Islamism, the Pomahs, Moslem- ized Bulgarians of the region of Rhodope Mountains, and the Islamized Greeks of the Island of Crete, as- similated themselves completely with the Turks; and from that day to the present they have con- sidered it their sacred duty to either forcibly con- vert or slaughter their former co-religionists. Even to this day it is impossible to convince a Pomak or a Moslem Cretan that once he was a Christian, or that nationality is not identical with religion. In striking contrast with this, the Albanian Mos- lem has never forgotten his nationality or considered himself a Turk, even for a single moment; nor has he forgotten his former religion to some of the saints of which he still pays tribute, such as St. George, in memory of George Castriota Scanderbeg, and to St. Demeter. Moreover, he has always protected his weaker brethren, the Christian Albanians, against the brutalities of the Turk. It is a remarkable phe- nomenon that no religious war has ever taken place in Albania ; nor have Albanians ever been converted THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION 203 to Islamism through coercion exercised on them by- Moslem Albanians. Another remarkable phenome- non is that there are even to-day Albanian families the members of which belong to different beliefs, Christian and Moslem, which manage to get along far better than Catholics and Protestants have ever been able to do in the heart of civilized Europe. Moreover, in Northern Albania, Moslem clans are ruled over by Christian hereditary families, and vice-versa. During the short reign of the Christian Prince, William of Wied, his most loyal subjects were the Moslem Albanians of Northern and South- ern Albania who unsparingly spent their blood against the rebels of Central Albania in order to keep him on the throne. And mark this : the guard of the Palace of the Prince consisted of 200 Moslems under the command of a Christian chief. Is there a parallel to this example anywhere? In the course of the history of Albania, we have seen the Moslem Albanians rise against the Sul- tan time after time, and the Christians follow their lead. We have seen the Christian Suliots ally them- selves with Ali Pasha against the powerful Beys, and with the latter against the former. That there is some animosity among the various religious groups cannot be denied, for such ani- mosity has always existed between diverse beliefs. We are here concerned only with the general cur- rent of religious life. The opposition which exists between the members of the various faiths is, more- over, of political rather than religious character; it is the outcome of the disturbance of the state of things which followed the change in political pre- ponderance resulting from the conversion to ^Moham- 204 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT medanism of the majority of the Albanians. This opposition is to be found only among the ignorant masses which are wont to measure the harmful ef- fects of the conversion by the profits accruing to the converts. If a more conclusive proof of the religious tolera- tion of the Albanians is wanted, the existence of the two secondary groups, already alluded to, will sup- ply it. The first group is that of BeJdashis, or Reformed Moslems. This interesting sect, the members of which include the larger part of the Moslem popu- lation of Albania, constitutes the Protestant element of Islamism. Its rise marks a liberal reaction against the fanaticism and the rigorous rules of the faith of Mohammed. The Bektashis are free think- ers and skeptics in religious matters ; their belief is imbued with a pure humanitarian philosophy, and they lead a life of religious contemplation. Their doctrines are mainly borrowed from the Stoics, and they have cast off every ritual of the Moslem faith. Many Christian Albanians are affiliated with, and initiated in, the mysteries of this sect. The second group is still more interesting. There is in the province of Elbasan, Central Albania, as well as in other parts of the country, a pseudo-Mos- lem group of people, who are both Christians and Moslems at the same time. During the Turkish domination, they had two sets of names. Christian and Moslem, and employed both corresponding re- ligious rites. Inwardly they were Christians, but outwardly they professed to be Moslems. This pe- culiar religious situation was, of course, due to the fear of persecution on the part of the Turks. When ALBANIANS IN FOREIGN LANDS 205 Albania regained her independence, in 1912, they openly avowed their Christianity. That they did so in the presence of the Moslem majority of the coun- try is a more eloquent proof of the real religious con- dition of Albania than any argument could afford. VI. ALBANIANS IN FOREIGN LANDS By the force of circumstances the Albanians saw the necessity jif rnigrating from their native land to foreign cOunrries where they founded a number of notable colonial settlements which retain their original character to the present day. The most important of these colonies are those in Greece and Italj^ '" 'The Albanians in Greece. — IIow the Albanian colonies of Greece came to be formed has already been explained in the historical section of this book when dealing with the Albanian migratory move- ment during the fourteenth century,^ and little needs to be added to what was stated there. There are no recent statistics showing the exact size of the Albanian population of Greece, because the Greek Government ^.does not ^differentiate the Albanians from the rest of tlre~people, but Dr. TTahn estimated inj.854^that there were 200,000 out of a total of one million inhabitants, and no changes have occurred in the meantime to alter their position. They still retain their national characteristics, lan- guage, customs and traditions ; but their sense of na- tionality has been considerably dimmed in the course of time, although they differentiate themselves from the Greeks, whom they call, curiously enough, ''Shkleh," i. e., Scythians or Slavs. 1 See above, pp. 24-25, 206 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT The only national Albanian figure they have pro- duced in recent times is Anastas Kullurioti, a native of the island ^ifLSalamiS). whose efforts have greatly contributed to the intellectual awakening of Albania. They have, however, given a considerable~iramber of prominent leaders and statesmen to modern Greece. M. Emm. ^^mdis, the able Minister of the Interior in the Cabinet of M. Venizelos, is their most eminent man at the present time. The Greek Navy is, on the other hand, largely^ made up of the re- nowned seamen of the^'Albanian Islands, Hydra, ^^piisi, P gros, Sal ami s^ nd others^who use~ their native language even aboard the warships, as the population of the suburbs uses it in the streets of Athens. The same may be said also in regard to the Greek army. The commanders, both of the sea and land forces, have repeatedly issued rigorous orders against the use of the Albanian language by their men.^ 1 The monthly magazine, Parnassos, of Athens, of February, 1916, makes the following interesting statement in connection with the mobilization of the Greek army in that month : "Among the other disorders that are to be seen in our army, we noticed one of the most shocking which ought to have attracted the attention of the High Command of our military forces. The ma- jority of our soldiers speak to one another in the Albanian language in such a way that the listener may imagine himself in the presence of soldiers of the King of Albania (the Prince of Wied), and not of the King of Greece, Constantine. This is a very deplorable habit which has furnished many arguments to our enemies who calumniate us by saying that our race is not homogeneous. It is, therefore, necessary that this habit be destroyed by all necessary and vigorous means. "The Commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment, Colonel Kurevelis, who is an accomplished soldier and perfectly understands the kind of education the Greek soldier should have, has punished very severely a great number of soldiers because of their vising the Al- banian language, but this is a thing that should not be done only by the Commander of a single regiment; on the contrary, all the commanders should unite their efforts and take the most effective measures for the suppression of this discordant note in our army." ALBANIANS IN FOREIGN LANDS 207 The presence of these men in the service of the Greek State has been very dexterously utilized by the Government of Athens in support of its claims relative to Southern Albania. In all probability, one of the principal reasons why the politicians of Greece have attacked with such rage the idea of an independent Albania is the fear that the Albanians of Greece may sooner or later awaken to the realiza- tion of their nationality, a contingency which fore- bodes trouble for the Greek state. The Albanians of Italy. — The next important colonial settlement is that of the Albanians in South- ern Italy, mainly in the provinces of Calabria and Apulia, and in Sicily. According to the census^f 1901, as reported by Barbarich, there are S08,410 Albanians in Italy. As usual, they retain unaltered their language, which is richer in vocabulary than that spoken in Albania, their national characteristics, customs and traditions. "\^hat_j,s__inore, the proximity of their cherished motherland has kept alive among them the sense of Albanian nationality to a remarkable degree. In justice to the Government of Rome, it must in fairness be said that the latter feature owes much to the liberal policy of Italy. The presence of the Albanian colonies in Italy dates from the fifteenth century; the migratory movement took place immediately after the death of Scandorbeg and the occupation of Albania by the Turks. Almost all the prominent families of Al- bania moved to Italy, where they were welcomed by the grateful king of Naple_s, to whose crown Sciuir derbeg had rendered great services.^ 1 See above, p. 33. 208 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT // // These Albanians, too, have given a number of /^ prominent men to their adopted country, of whom the most eminent was Francesco Crispi, twice Pre- mier of Italy. On the other hand, they have con- tributed to their own nation a generous number of men of letters and cultivators of the national lan- guage, such as the late Girolamo da Kada, a prolific and studious writer on Albanian literature; De- metrio Camarda, Anselmo Lorecchio, able writer and publisher, and many others. Of the living writers who honor the Albanian name in Italy, we should mention, besides Anselmo Lorecchio, editor of the monthly La Na^innp. ^ - baiies£, the jdistingxiished poet and writer, Prof. Giuseppe Schifo, whose writings are masterpieces ^ of Albanian literature. I In general, it may be said that in the early stages /of the development of Albanian literature the place /o^onor belongs to the Albanians of Italy. On Easter day of every year, the Albanians of Italy hold a solemn ceremony, accompanied by the so-called ' ' dance ^LL Scanderbe g, ' ' in commemoration of the bon^i"1[hat unite them to their motherland across the Adriatic. It is interesting to note at this point that the Al- banians, both of Italy and Greece, are known among themselves as ''Arbresh," the g eneric nam ejn lieu of the more restricted appellation ''Albanian" or * ' Shkypetar, " as the natives of Albania proper call themselves. The colonists call their motherland ''Arberia" or ' LAj:beiiia, " the name ''Albania" and "Shkypnia" not being in use among them. It is a very difficult matter to decide why these terms are current. ALBANIANS IN FOREIGN LANDS 209 Albanians in montenegro. — The number of the Albanians living in Montenegro is considerable, but no available statistics are to be had. Their presence dates mainly from the year 1879, when the Powers forcibly assigned to Montenegro the provinces of Dulcigno and Antivari, in exchange for Gussigne- Plava.^ Moreover, the Conference of Ambassa- dors assigned in 1913 approximately 150,000 Al- banians to the dominion of King Nicholas. The armed resistance of the majority of them, however, nullified this decision of the Powers.^ The interesting feature in regard to the Albanians who were incorporated in Montenegro in 1879, is that they have remained Albanians in all respects. When Czar Nicholas of Russia advised the King of Montenegro, in 1913, to desist from his project of occupying Scutari, the Emperor argued that it was in the interest of Montenegro not to have any more Albanians, in view of the fact that she has been unable to assimilate even those who were as- signed to her in 1879. It need not be again repeated here that in Serbia there are nearly a million Albanians who were in- corporated in the Serbian Kingdom in 1912, and who have ever since been in a state of rebellion against the foreign rule.^ Minor Albanian Colonies. — Besides the above mentioned compact Albanian colonies, there are also a number of lesser colonial settlements in various countries. One of them is the small colony of Zara, Istria, which was founded in 1478 by a part of the 1 See above, pp. 51-53. 2 See above, p. 93. 3 See above, pp. 93-94. 210 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT garrison of Scutari, after the fall of the latter.^ This colony sent a delegate to Durazzo, in 1914, to convey to the Prince its sentiments of loyalty to Albania. There are several thriving business colonies in Egypt, Roumania, Bulgaria and elsewhere. In Thrace and in the neighborhood of Constantinople there are a number of typical Albanian villages, scat- tered throughout the territory and unconnected with each other. In the province of Odessa, South Russia, there are a number of settlements made by Albanian soldiers in the employ of the Russian Government to whom crown lands were given as a compensation for their services. A highly important colony is that in the United States, which may better be described in the follow- ing chapter. REFERENCES Barbarich, Eug., Albania, pp. 131-154. Brailsford, H. N., Macedonia, Its Races and Their Future, Methuen, London, 1906, pp. 221-228, 235-262. Ghica, Prince Alb., L'Albanie et la Question d'Orient, pp. 163-187 (pp. 176-187 contain statistics of Albanians in the vilayets of Monastir and Salonica). Jaray, Gabriel, Louis, L'Albanie independante, R^vue de Paris, 21i&me ann^e. Vol. 3, 1914, pp. 211-219. PiNON, RfiNfi, L'Europe et la Jeune Turquie, Paris, 1911, Ch. VI. 1 F. Gibert, "Les Pays d'Albanie," p. 247. CHAPTER XVII THE GROWTH OF NATIONALISM I. THE INITIAL STEPS In sketching in the first part of this book the formation and the activities of the Albanian League it was stated that the year 1878 marked the begin- ning of Albanian nationalism. In the hope of circumventing the decision of the representatives of the Great Powers assembled in the Congress of Berlin relative to the evacuation of the territories assigned to Montenegro and Greece, the Sublime Porte took the momentous step of adopting the dangerous principle of nation- alities, for the first and last time. Instead of com- plying with the stipulations of the Treaty of Berlin, which it had signed, the Turkish Government sought to exploit the discontent which was manifested among the Albanians as a result of the decision of the Powers to hand over Albanian territories to Montenegro and Greece. The discontent and agita- tion were undoubtedly genuine and quite in line with the essential unity of the Albanians. What the Porte did was to arouse the indignation of the Al- banian people against the Powers, by allowing them, at the same time, a degree of freedom of action as an individual nationality which Turkey was later to regret very deeply. 211 213 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT In pursuance of its policy, the Government of the Sultan permitted the Albanians to protest separately to the Congress of Berlin against the cession of any Albanian territory to their neighbors, and, when it saw that the protest was brushed aside without being given any consideration, the Porte encouraged, and even instigated, the attempt of the Albanians to substantiate their protest. On the first of July, 1879, delegates from the various provinces of Al- bania assembled at Prisrend to form the celebrated *' League for the Defense of the Rights of the Al- banian Nationality.' ' The League thus constituted was the first national Albanian organization in mod- ern times, and it is impossible to minimize its im- portance. The management of Albanian affairs was presently taken over by the League, which succeeded even in establishing Albanian authorities in North- ern Albania. In the course of its activities, this national organization issued a series of proclama- tions which were addressed to the Albanians only as an individual nationality. They were a bugle call for the nation. The meeting of the delegates at Prisrend and the measures they took for the preservation of the ter- ritorial integrity of Albania, which were spread broadcast for the information of the people, consti- tuted the first spark which electrified the nation. The successes of the armed forces of the League, which have been referred to in a preceding chapter, against the Montenegrins and a little later against the combined forces of Mukhtar Pasha and of the Prince of Montenegro, thrilled the Albanians whose enthusiasm was intensified by the heroism of the small garrison of Dulcigno, which -v^dthstood even the THE INITIAL STEPS 213 bombardment of the warships of the great European Powers. How dangerous, for the Porte, was the resentment of the Albanians against the Turkish Government and the Powers on account of their action in assign- ing Albanian territories to their neighbors was ominously demonstrated in the treatment of Mehmed Ali Pasha, one of the representatives of Turkey at the Congress of Berlin. The said Pasha arrived at Djakova to witness the evacuation of the Albanian territories ; angry Albanian mobs massacred the un- lucky Mehmed Ali Pasha and the soldiers who ac- companied him. Then followed, as has already been said, a clash between the forces of the League and the troops of the Sultan that came to reclaim the districts which were under the authority of the League, the battles with the army of Dervish Pasha, and the eventual sanguinary suppression of the League. All these events could but have the most mo- mentous effects in awakening the dormant national spirit and in exerting a powerful influence on the overexcited imagination of the people. In fact, the struggles which characterized the stern suppression of the League made a deeper impression than the successes which had been won by it. Moreover, to these thrilling national emotions was added another important factor. Hitherto, the use of the Albanian language had been rigorously pro- hibited. Apart from a few religious books pub- lished now and then by the Catholic clerg\^ of North- ern Albania and a translation of the Bible made un- der the auspices of the British Biblical Society for the use of the Orthodox Albanians but which could 214 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT not be read without danger, no other books had been published in the Albanian language during the long Turkish domination. The Moslems had to send their children to the wretched Turkish schools which were in charge of stupid instructors. The Orthodox Albanians were forced to send theirs to the Greek schools which were maintained under the auspices of the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople. Albanian schools could not be had at any price. But with the formation of the League, the Sublime Porte was prevailed upon to allow the opening of Albanian schools and the use of the Albanian lan- guage in writing. The result of the lifting of the prohibition was the opening by private contributions of a number of Al- banian schools which marked a revolution in the conception of religious matters. The new national schools were attended by both Christian and Moslem children sitting side by side! Their teaching staff was also as mixed as their student bodies. Simultaneously, there began the publication of a series of school books and newspapers in the native language. The first school book was a "Spelling Book," which appeared at Constantinople, in 1879, under the patronage of the celebrated Albanian pa- triots, Sami Bey Frasheri, a Moslem, John Vreto, a ''Greek" Orthodox, both natives of Southern Al- bania, and Wassa Pasha, a Catholic, the latter being a high dignitary of the Turkish Government, and also a distinguished national poet. At the same time, there was founded at Constantinople the ^'So- ciety for the Publication of Albanian Books/' This was the beginning of Albanian national education, and it was soon followed by a period of lively activity THE INITIAL STEPS 215 in the publication of more substantial books, such as manuals of history, physical science. Readers and poetry for the use of the schools, the most im- portant of which was a treatise of General History by Sami Bey Frasheri. But the book which at- tracted the widest attention and had the greatest circulation was a small treatise, written by the same writer, under the caption "Albania, Her Past, Her Present, Her Future." This little book, wiiich is not of any great literary value, has been translated into Turkish, Greek and German,^ and has been con- sidered for a long time as the Bible of the Albanian patriot. The fact that it was written by a Moslem Bey recommended it instantly to every Albanian, without distinction of creed. On the other hand, his brother, Naim Bey Frasheri, devoted his time to writing patriotic poems, which so inflamed the imagination of the people that early in 1879 a revo- lutionary outbreak took place at Frasheri against the Turks, an outbreak wholly due to the influence of his poems. Very soon, however, reaction set in. The Turkish Government and the Greek Patriarch felt very un- easy in view of the progress of popular Albanian education, for it was seen that the two religious groups. Christian and Moslem, which each of them was trying to keep apart, were now being cemented into one national body through the influence of the schools and books. Consequently, in 1886, the Al- banian schools were closed by order of Sultan Abdul Hamid II, and publications in the Albanian language were suppressed. A supplementary decree was is- 1 Fraschery, Ch. Samy, Was war Albanicn, was ist I'S, was wird es werdon, Vienna, 1913. 216 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT sued by the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople by which Orthodox Albanians were threatened with ex- communication in case they used the ** accursed" Al- banian language in the schools and churches. The Albanian movement was apparently nipped in the bud. II. IN FOREIGN COUNTPJES But the movement was not killed. Nothing could be done, of course, in Albania in the face of the rigorous measures which the Turkish authorities adopted in their determination to extirpate even the tender roots of the national propaganda. But once the wheel was set in motion it could not be easily stopped. One phase of the development of the Al- banian literature, which is too closely connected with the idea of nationalism to be separated from it, was brought to an end in order to make place for another one which was destined to immortalize the untiring efforts of the Albanian patriots. The literary movement was presently transferred to foreign lands. Roumania, Bulgaria, Egypt, and in more recent times the United States, offered their generous hospitality to the Albanian publishers and national workers. In each of these states national societies were founded with a mixed political-na- tional-literary program, publishing companies were established, and the publication of books and news- papers was carried on with great enthusiasm. Thanks to the clandestine assistance of Moslem Al- banians in the employ of the Turkish Government, the literary products of the exiled publishers and writers were smuggled into Albania without serious inconvenience, except for severe penalties inflicted IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES 217 on smugglers and their accessories, in case of detec- tion. Usually, the writers resided in Turkey or Albania and had their books and articles published abroad under fictitious names. From the year_1880^:to_1908, there were published in foreign countries upward Qljj}jxty_d ^ ffp r pjit pe- riodicals and newspapers, besides a great number of books. The more important of these are divided as fol- lows: Bulgaria . ., 7 Belgium 3 Egypt I. . . . 4 Greece 1 Austria 1 Koumania 4 Italy 7 United States .... 1 Out of the seven published in Italy, five or six were published by native Albanians of Italy, so that it would appear that so far no encouragement was being given to the national movement by any Power. Unlike the other nationalities of the Balkan Penin- sula, the Albanians have had no European Capital to support in their endeavors; nor have they had any financial assistance from any Power. It is uni- versally known that the protectors of the other Bal- kan peoples have spent millions in order to make them figure as separate nationalities and later as States. Russia had subsidized the Greek national movement ever since the reign of Catherine II; later on, she turned her attention to the Slav peoples of the Balkans. Instead of seeking the assistance of either Austria or Italy, the Powers which later capitalized the protection of nascent Albania, the Albanians looked with the deepest mistrust on these 218 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Powers. There was a saying among them that ''the man who goes to Austria must be one without honor or dignity." This is true, of course, as far as the nationalists were concerned, for it was known that certain influential men were drawing generous sub- sidies from Vienna, and it was this that gave rise to the saying. Another important illustration of the spirit of the Albanian nationalists is afforded by the table of publications given above. It will be seen that the greater number of publications had their headquar- ters in those of the Balkan States which were re- puted to be "neutral" towards Albania, such as Bulgaria and Roumania. The one that was issued in Greece was soon discredited, because it transpired that it was being published with the authorization of the Greek Government, and ''authorization" was taken to mean more than a mere "permission." It was a patent fact that Serbia, Greece, and Monte- negro were openly hostile to the Albanian movement, and such publications as made their appearance in any of these countries were immediately boycotted. Very little is known in the outside world about the activities and remarkable achievements of the national societies. The fact that the work was being done in foreign countries prevented even those who professed to be familiar with Albanian affairs from getting an inside view of the progress, at any rate not until very recently. The main work for the re- generation of the Albanian people was done in si- lence and without advertising. Without funds or any protection from any great Power, the national worker of the Albanian cause, who was in the ma- jority of cases a plain man of the people, with no /2V^ FOREIGN COUNTRIES 219 education corresponding to his liigli mission, has done what foreigners had declared to be impossible under the circumstances: he has attained his goal of arousing a genuine sense of patriotism in the liearts of thousands of ignorant and uneducated peo- ple though personally separated from them by long distances, and in the face of the combined efforts of the Sultan and of the Greek Patriarch to keep the people ignorant and disunited. No doubt, not all the Albanian masses could be easily made to absorb tlie new spirit, because that is impossible in any nation. With the scanty means at his disposal, the Al- banian nationalist has succeeded, moreover, in level- ing the religious barriers which foreign propa- ganda had raised up. Among the nationalist legions there is no religious question at all, and search as you may, it will be impossible to find in the Balkans, and even in some countries situated in the heart of Europe, more liberal men than among the rank and file of the Albanian nationalists, among whom there is but one ideal : liberty and independence. IVloham- medans and Christians, Catholics and Orthodox have but one object : the subordination of every other con- sideration to the principle of a free, progressive, and liberal Albania. You will find among them artisans and mechanics — to use the expression of Aristotle — and plain factory workers and land cultivators who would discuss religious matters as dispassionately as the most positivist philosoplier. Ainong the Albanian masses the national language was a meager instrument of conversation, adulter- ated with a medley of foreign words. The Albanian nationalist has laboriously set to work to enrich the vocabulary by reclaiming the words which had fallen 220 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT into desuetude in the course of time. Tiiis he did through the method Martin Luther had employed four centuries earlier for the development of the German language so that he might be able to trans- late the Scriptures into the vernacular, i.e., by going among the people, and especially among the women, and digging up the native words which had been re- placed by foreign ones in the commonly spoken tongue. From the raw elements of an unliterary language, the nationalist has constructed a fluent, polished, and lively language which is now capable of expressing much higher thoughts. He has trans- lated the Bible and many religious books of the Mo- hammedan religion, with the close cooperation of Christian and Moslem writers who would indiscrimi- nately take part in the translation of both sets of books, something that surpasses the imagination. He has, moreover, built on the new linguistic ele- ments a literature which deserves all praise, not for its voluminousness but for certain revolutionary features which characterize it. And consider that all this was done during the reign of the Red Sultan of Turkey, Abdul Hamid II, and under the most dis- heartening disabilities. The net result of these efforts of the national so- cieties quartered in foreign lands is that not only the migratory population is now able to read and write the national language, without having ever received any kind of regular education in schools, but also that thousands and thousands of people in Albania herself have been instructed in the native language by sheer perseverance in self -teaching. It was a spectacle rarely, if ever, witnesses, to see indi- viduals, who are past middle age and have never IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES 221 attended any kind of school, fumbling wdth the Al- banian alphabet in their determination to learn by themselves the language which a barbarous regime had put under the ban. And the next day you might have seen the same individuals behind the iron bars of the Turkish prison for no other reason than that they had been found with the Albanian alphabet in their hands. It is highly improbable that there could be found such instances in the history of any other nation, at least not on the large-scale self-teaching system of the Albanians. Yet, the outside world has never duly appreciated this achievement. It has never re- flected upon the question as to why the bulk of Al- banian books and newspapers have been published at Bucharest, Sophia, Cairo, Brussels, etc.; it has never inquired how it is possible to have legions of people who read and write their national lan.guage without there being any Albanian schools, and what is more wonderful, without their having attended any school of any kind. There is, moreover, a highly interesting feature which entirely differentiates Albanian from any other Balkan nationalism. Greek, Bulgarian, Ser- bian nationalism is founded on an universal senti- ment which may be aroused very easily among otherwise inanimate masses, namely, the religious sentiment. It was easy enough to speak to the Greek, or Bulgarian, or Serbian peasant about the wrath of the Christian God in case he would not rise to vindicate his faith against the enemies of Jesus Christ, the Turks, and thereby to arouse in his heart the strongest feeling of unity with his fellow- believers against the Sultan. But such a thing could 223 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT not possibly be done among the Albanians, divided as they were among three rival religions. It was out of the question to excite a Moslem against another Moslem, and then the Christian Albanian against his Moslem brethren. Necessarily, then, the basis on which Albanian nationalism had to be founded was a secular one, and it is difficult to arouse a secular sentiment among the inert masses. The warlike refrain of Greek nationalism has been the fight "For the Holy religion of Christ And for the country's freedom," wliile the equivalent patriotic song of the Albanian nationalist has been ' ' Come all ye Albanians, Moslem and Christian ; Let not Churches and Mosques divide us, The true religion of the Albanian is the worship of his nation ! ' ' or as the lofty patriot Wassa Pasha, to whom we have already referred, puts it: ''Wake up, ye Albanians, wake up, And get united in a single faith ; Priests and Hod j as ^ are trying to fool you So as to keep you divided and enslaved ; Let not Mosques and Churches keep you apart, The true religion of the Albanian is his national ideal!" It is highly gratifying to say that the preaching of Wassa Pasha has not fallen on sterile ground. It is a well-deserved praise to the idealist patriot, leader and statesman, that his sublime admonitions are sung to-day far and mde throughout Albanian J Moslem priest. CONSTITUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 223 lands and colonies. The opposition against the fanatical Moslem, Catholic and Orthodox clergy of Albania, which "VVassa Pasha recommends, has given way to the impulse of establishing a liberal and pa- triotic clergy which is now giving precedence to the rights of the nation rather than to those of religion. The ranks of the Albanian nationalists are fiUed to- day with men who are most broad-minded in re- ligious matters, and the ministers of the churclies are more national-minded than the average nation- alist. This is what a handful of Albanian patriots has accomplished in such a short time. It is, moreover, likely to reveal Albania, in the very near future, as a model nation and State in liberal self-develop- ment, for the seeds it has sown are daily bearing bountiful fruit. III. CONSTITUTION AND INDEPENDENCE It has already been stated that the main reason why the Albanians espoused the cause of the Young Turks and gave them unqualified support for the restoration of the Turkish Constitution w^as the idea that, under a constitutional regime, Albania would have the amplest opportunity for self-development as a separate nationality, which was expected to hold a privileged position within the reformed and in- vigorated Turkish Empire. Hitherto the Albanians had often ruled Turkey as individuals; now they wanted to have a preponderant position as a nation, their ideal being to exert on Turkey as powerful an influence as the Hungarian minority was exerting within the Austrian Empire. Recalling the impor- tant contributions they had made to the Ottoman 224 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Empire, such as the Albanian dynasty of the Ko- prulu Grand Vizirs of the seventeenth century, the able architect of the beautiful mosque of Valide Djamissi Mimaz Sindu, the great philosopher and man of letters Namyk Kemal Bey, the only lexicog- rapher of the Turkish language Sami Bey Frasheri,^ and a host of other statesmen, generals, admirals, and diplomats, the Albanians hoped now to do even better under a liberal constitution. With the promulgation of the Constitution, there- fore, a powerful impulse was given to the national Albanian movement. Albanian schools were opened, books began to be printed dailj^, and a great number of newspapers appeared at Constantinople, Salonica, Monastir, Korcha, Janina, Scutari and other places. Simultaneously, a Normal School was established at Elbasan which attracted in the very first days of its existence more than fifty pupils. Christian and Mos- lem. The Director of the School was M. Louis Gura- kuki, a Catholic, and the other members of the teach- ing staff were indiscriminately Moslems and Ortho- dox Christians. When the reaction of the Young Turks set in, the Turkish Government, being fully aware of the over- whelming current of the Albanian movement in the educational field, made no attempt to stop it ; on the contrary it struck on the idea of diverting it to its own use. This it tried to do by the childish method of substituting Arabic characters for the Latin char- acters of the Albanian alphabet, in the vain effort to arouse the religious susceptibilities of the masses, to whom the Young Turks represented the Latin characters as an invention of the ''Giaur" whereby 1 The above mentioned Albanian patriot, see p. 215. CONSTITUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 225 the Moslem Albanians were to be made Christians by the use of Christian characters. In pursuance of their policy, the Young Turks printed a number of Albanian books with Arabic characters. The un- fortunate books became the object of the most witty attacks on the part of the Albanians. Inasmucli as the Arabic characters are unable to give the varying Albanian sounds, the Albanians felt a particular pleasure in ridiculing them by drawing from a ]iar- ticular word a burlesque meaning which happened to be the reverse of what was meant. The result was that the new books were publicly burned in heaps in the market-places by the exasperated population. How great the resentment was of the Albanian masses against these machinations of the Young Turks can be gathered from the fact that one of the principal demands of the Albanian insurgents of 1910 and 1911 was that education should be given in Albanian and in Albanian schools. The successful outcome of the rebellion of 1911-2 secured the full realization of this demand.^ With the proclamation of the independence of Al- bania, the Provisional Government undertook to carry out a systematic educational program. Two Normal Schools were opened at Berat and Elbasan, and a model Primary School was established at Va- lona. This last named institution was very inter- esting in its composition. The majority of the chil- dren were Moslem, corresponding to the Moslem ma- jority of Valona, while the principal was an Ortho- dox Christian, with just one Moslem teacher, and he a priest! Similar mixed schools were opened shortly after at Kavaja and elsewhere, and it was 1 "American Year Book," 1912, p. 142. 226 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT a singular and noteworthy event when these little children paraded, clad in neat uniforms, before the Prince of Wied on the day of his arrival at Durazzo. It is very seldom, if ever, that such highly instructive spectacles are offered in any part of the world, for there is nothing more remarkable than to see Christian and Moslem boys sitting side by side "and being instructed by Christian teachers and by a Moslem priest.^ As to the Normal Schools there was no question that they had to be coeducational. That was assumed as a matter-of-course, the main purpose being to bring small children together. And that was attained by the voluntary cooperation of the patriotic population and not by any compul- sion from the Provisional Government which, more- over, was in no position to exercise compulsion. It is right to repeat, then, once more, that there is no religious question in Albania, and the animosity that has existed among certain classes of Albania w^U be easily dissipated when all classes have the same rights within the Albanian State. 1 In the New York World of December 15, 1918, there was pub- lished the second part of the "Story of Italy in the War," in a sepa- rate supplement, compiled by the Official Italian Bureau of Infor- mation of New York City. Referring to Italy's beneficent work in Albania, the following statement is made by the compilers: ". . . The Italian teachers of the Provisional Schools have suc- ceeded in doing something that experts of the country had proclaimed impossible; they have now Mohammedan and Christian boys sitting together. Whoever is in position to know the hatred that exists between these two elements in Albania will fully appreciate this ac- complishment." Evidently, the compilers of this account of Italy's work in Albania are very much behind the time, and they know nothing of what has been accomplished as early as 1885, 1908, and 1912-1914, or other- wise they would not have made such an unfounded statement. As to the statement that "whoever is in position to know the hatred that exists between these elements in Albania . . ." no com- ment need be made. THE ALBANIANS OF AMERICA 227 III. THE ALBANIANS OF AMERICA The Albanian colony in the United States is by far the most interesting of all, for it is the Albanians of America that have made the largest contributions to the growth of nationalism and to the intellectual development of their native country. The exact number of Albanians living in the United States is unknown, owing to the fact that most of these came to this country before the inde- pendence of Albania was recognized and have, conse- quently, been listed by the immigration authorities as Ottoman subjects. According to the best estimate, there are more than 40,000 in the United States, about a thousand in Canada and as many in Latin America. The more important settlements are to be found in the New England states, Vermont excepted, and in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Mich- igan and Washington. In Massachusetts there must be at least 10,000. All of these have come to the United States since 1900; their number has been increased lately by the throng of refugees who were left homeless as a re- sult of the devastation of Southern Albania by the Greeks in the summer of 1914. To these Albanians the United States afforded the choicest field for the propagation of the national ideal. The beginnings of this work seem almost like a fairy tale, considering the tremendous progress which has been made during these last twelve years. The cornerstone of the national movement in the United States was laid in 1906 by Mr. Sotir Petsi, an Orthodox Christian, native of the province of 228 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT Korcha, and a graduate of the University of Athens. In a dark basement of the dingy Hudson Street, Boston, Mr. Petsi started in that year the publication of a weekly newspaper Komhi, with the proceeds of his own manual labor — he was a factory worker at that time because of his ignorance of the English language, — and with some voluntary contributions made by a handful of Albanians. The people to whom he sent the newspaper, gratis at the beginning, wondered what it was for; they not only had never seen any Albanian newspaper, but also they were entirely illiterate. Consequently, Mr. Petsi, who was at the same time editor, publisher, manager, and printer, was obliged to go and explain in person what that shabby sheet of paper was meant to be. Out of 5,000 Albanians who are estimated to have been in the United States at the time not twenty persons could read or write. This is the humble beginning of the Albanian national movement in the United States. In the meantime, there had come to Jamestown, N. Y., a small group of more or less enlightened Al- banians, who had detached themselves from the thriving Albanian colony of Roumania. They now founded the first Albanian society in the United States under the name "Motherland," thus laying another cornerstone for the national edifice. Soon it was perceived, however, that no progress could be made among the Orthodox Albanians who constituted the bulk of the emigrant population, on account of the interference of the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople who, as we know, had interdicted the use of the Albanian language by a decree of ex- communication. If those Christians who were living THE ALBANIANS OF AMERICA 229 ill the United States dared to ignore the decree of the Patriarch, their families in Albania would suffer the direful consequences of the excommunication. As a result, the leaders of the movement hit upon the idea of cutting once for all the religious ties that bound the Orthodox Albanians to the Greek Patri- archate of Constantinople. Consequently, in 1908 a peaceful religious revolution took place. A Conven- tion was held in Boston, which proclaimed the re- ligious independence of the Orthodox Christian Al- banians, and instituted an independent Albanian Orthodox Church under the headship of Reverend Fan S. Noli, a native of the Albanian colonial settle- ment of Kyteza, in the neighborhood of Adrianople. Mr. Noli received his investiture as Albanian priest at the hands of the Kussian Bishop of New York. A church was improvised in a hall in Boston, and the National Church Association was founded. This peaceful revolution had momentous conse- quences. The dread of excommunication was done away with, and the Christian Albanians flocked into the ranks of the nationalists. Shortl}^ after, throngs of Moslem Albanians arrived in the United States; they felt so pleased at the action of their Christian brethren that they not only separated themselves from the religious head of Islamism, the Sheikli-ul- Islam of Constantinople, but they also made liberal contributions to the Christian Albanian Church. Among the members of the National Church Associa- tion of the Orthodox one may find hundreds of Mos- lem members. So far as the Albanians of America are concerned the religious question was settled long ago. An era of complete assimilation of the two re- ligious groups set in. The perfect harmony which 230 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT reigns among the Christian and Moslem Albanians of the United States is one of the most striking fea- tures of the nationalistic movement. The progress made from that date among the Al- banians of this country has been stupendous. In 1906 there were hardly more than ten or twenty per- sons who could read and write their native language. To-day their number exceeds 15,000; most of them have never attended any school, and have learned to read and write with the help of the spelling-book and the newspapers which they set to studying during the hours of rest following their hard daily work. The rest of the Albanians are in process of doing the same, taking advantage of the recently established evening Albanian schools. No more instructive illustration of the progress made in the United States can be supplied than by the publication of the list of newspapers and period- icals which have made their appearance in this coun- try from 1906 to the present time. Year Name Time Language Place 1906 Kombi Weekly Albanian. . . Boston, Mass. 1909 Dielli Weekly Albanian . . . Boston, Mass. (now daily) . 1910 Trumbeta e Weekly Albanian... St. Louis, Mo. Krujes 1912 Zeri i Popullit. . . Weekly Albanian... New York, N. Y. 1915 Koha Weekly Albanian. . . Jamestown, N. Y. (formerly of Kor- cha, Albania) 1915 Albanian Era ... Monthly.... English- Denver, Colo., and Albanian . . later Chicago, 111. 1916 Mprojtia Weekly Albanian... St. Louis, Mo. Shqipetare .... 1916 Illyria Monthly.... English- Boston, Mass. Albanian . 1916, Perlindja Weekly Albanian... Framingham, Mass. 1917 Perparimi Monthly. . . . Albanian. . . New York, N. Y. 1917 Yll'i Mengjezit .. Monthly.... English- Boston, Mass. Albanian. . 1918 Albania (Relig- Monthly.... Albanian... Waterbury, Conn. ious Moslem) . . 1918 Albania Weekly Albanian. . . New York, N. Y., and Worcester, Mass. 1918 The Adriatic Monthly.... English- Boston, Mass. Review Albanian . . THE ALBANIANS OF AMERICA 331 Of these newspapers, the daily Dielli {The Sun) is considered as the authoxitative organ. j)f the nation- alist Albanians of America. It is published by the largest Albanian society, the Pan-Albanian Federa- tion Vatra {The Hearth), Inc., of Boston, Mass. Along with this literary-political movement has gone the corresponding movement for the formation of societies. The example of the foundation of the '^ Mother- land" was imitated by other Albanian colonies, and local societies sprang up wherever there was a suffi- cient number of Albanians to form one. In 1912, following the arrival of Faik Bey Konitza, the foremast nationalist leader and the ablest Al- banian writer,^ steps were taken for the fusion of the great number of local societies into a single na- tional association. The result was the formation of the Pan-Albanian Federation ''Vatra," which has just been mentioned, as a popular national organ- ization. At the present time, the "Vatra" has nearly.,S0j3ranches, scattered throughout the United Stktes and Canada. Even after this consolidation, new societies were formed for vaTious_all]ed.._pur;goses, educational, re- ligious, beneficiary^musjcaL.and athletic. Among these the more important are the follow- ing: 1 Mr. Konitza is a jrradiiate of three Univprpities: Univprsit<5 de Franee, Oxford, and Harvard. In London and Brnasels he published the important monthly Albania, review of folklore, literature, politics, history, etc., etc., in French and Albanian, which contains a vol- uminous mass of historical documents of the utmost importance, the result of scrupulous researches. The pen of Mr. Konitza is that of a master-writer; his keen caustic irony caused much im- easiness amonp the Turks, Old and Young, with whom he has never been able to reconcile himself. Barrinp the notorious Essad Pasha, Faik Bey Konitza is the most striking figure of modern Albania. 232 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT The Orthodox Church National Association, which has charge of the Church organization in the United States. The Association maintains five well-estab- lished churches respectively in Boston, Worcester, Southbridge, Mass., Phi ladelphia, P a., and St. Louis, Mo., besides a large number ot secondary ones. There are now eight well educated priests under the spiritual headship of the first Albanian priest, Right Reverend Monsignor Fan S. Noli, who has lately been promoted to the post of Mitrate Primate of the Orthodox Albanian Church in America. It is very interesting to note that in the estab- lishment of the above mentioned five churches the Moslem Albanians made almost as many gecmiiary contriliQtioiia..asJb^_Christian_Albanians. The second in importance is the Moslem National Alliance, which has charge of the Moslem religious services in the Albanian language and of the educa- tion of the illiterate Moslem Albanians. The Alli- ance now maintains a regular sghiifil^aLWaterbury, Conn., which has so far render^ invaluable services. The Educational Society of Korcha has for its object the spread of n^tional _educa timi-in--the city of Korcha. There are also a number of clubs in the larger centers, such as Boston, Worcester, Waterbury, Conn., Manchester, N. H., East Pittsburgh, Pa., Akron, Ohio, etc., a baseball team at Manchester, N. H., and four musical societies with two complete brass bands and two mandolin orchestras. The Albanian of America is liberal in his dona- tions. It is estimated that he pays regularly every year,;Ggjore than^SO, in addition to special contribu- tions. The collective budget of the various Albanian THE ALBANIANS OF AMERICA 233 societies is estimated t o be $100,000 every year, and this money comes f roni.lliej3ockels_ofJtactory:jvork- ers and sn;;all_shopkeep.ers, the number of big busi- nessmen being very small, owing to the fact that the Albanian has been the last of the European peoples to turn their attention to the United States. Upon the conclusion of the armistice of the Euro- pean war, an appeal was made for the raising of a National Fund. It was quite spectacular to see the factory ^voTkmen and small shopkeepers offering two and three months' wages and profits for the na- tional cause. Fifty workingmen of the Westing- hoiise^_Electric Company of 3 ^ast_ Pittsburgh, Pa., subscribecr ^or~^5j2 5^. and one of them~3onated $210. Two workingmen of the Fore River Ship- yard§jof__Quincy, Mass., gav ^ $360 eaj sh, and two other workmen of ;^iddefom]3lev gav(e_$650_eacl^. A penny-goods seller of Boston ^^red $550. The Albanians of America areequall}^ generous toward their adopted country. In the list of the sums contributed by the various races to the Third Liberty Loan, published by the Treasury Depart- ment, the Albanians come »lj£ad^_of_ihixteen__ather_ races in the LTnited States. This is what the spirit of nationalism has achieved ^among the rank and file of a people whom the bar- barous domination of the Turk had forced to become _only an unrivaled fighter. REFEREXCES Brailsford, it. X., ^facedonia, Its Races and Their Future, London, mOfi, pp. 248-262. Italo-Svllioti (Special Correspondent in Albania of the Trihuna of Rome), Sei mesi di recno in Albania, pp. SS-fiO. Wonns, IT. Ciiarle.s, Tlie Danger Zone of Europe, Boston, 1011, Ch. III. CHAPTER XVIII THE FUTURE OF ALBANIA "If ever an autonomous Albania comes into being the educated Albanians now dispersed in Roumania and Egypt, or kept in a sort of official imprisonment in the Turkish Army and Civil Service, will undoubtedly return to lead their countrymen. There are men among them who would be a credit to any race. I cannot do better than translate some passages from a letter which has reached me the other day from an Albanian friend, a nominal Mohammedan, who holds a high place in the Turkish army. As a mili- tary commandant in a certain garrison in Asia Minor dur- ing the Armenian massacres, wielding large powers, he earned golden opinions by his tolerance and humanity. The letter seems to prove how little these men, even when they are Turkish officials, share the attitude of the average Turk. It also shows to what level of culture these Alba- nians often manage to attain in Turkey, cut off though they are from European schools, and rarely able to obtain any book which treats of serious topics in a modern spirit." H. N. Brailsford in "Macedonia, Its Races and Their Future," 1906, p. 288. At the time when this book makes its appearance, the Peace Conference will have probably settled some of the pressing peace conditions looking to a definite termination of the great conflagration, in order to enable itself to grapple with the question of readjusting the new territorial system. It is under this last head that the problem of Albania will come up for discussion, and this raises the question : 234 THE FUTURE OF ALBANIA 235 What is the present international status of Al- bania ? On February 20, 1917, Mr. A. J. Balfour, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, declared in the House of Commons that the decisions of the Conference of Ambassadors ^ at Lon don, relating to the recognition and establishment of the Principality of Albania,.4rej3£j£n^erii]Jiarce, having been abro- gated by the outbreak of the European war. Whether such solemn international decisions may be abrogated is a question that goes beyond tlie scope of this book. In all probabiUty, Mr. Bal- four was influenced, in making this statement, by the existing secret treaty wliich was concluded be- tween Great Britain, France and Russia, on the one hand, and Italy on the other, on April 26, 1915, and which was first divulged by the Russian Bol- sheviki in ^l^ovember, 1917. By that treaty, Albania was partitioned among her neighbors in the most cold-blooded fashjimJ2y^tlLa_Fnteiite Allies. Yet, so far as Albania is concerned, the treaty seems to have been superseded by the proclamation of QeM.^ral.JE!firrero, (see pp. 161-163) by which the independence»^nd_unity of Albania were declared in the name of the Italian Government, onJ4^e_3iJ917j^ more than two years after the signing of the secret treaty of London. The proclamation states also that Albania is declared independent "under the shield and protecti on of the Italian Kingdom." Besides, the Italian Government has repeatedly avowed its determination to make good the claims of the Al- banians, and it will undoubtedh' do so. The main question is to clearly define what is meant by "shield and protection." 236 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT It is needless to say that the Albanians will be satisfied with nothing less than complete independ- ence, and, unless they be exterminated to the last man, they wdll never cease struggling to obtain that degree of independence. This much may be learned at least from the long history of Albania. The sit- uation is rendered more critical to-day because of the spread of the national ideal even among the Al- banianlnassgsrzrl'Yom the outbreak of the European war a complete transformHtioITTias^taken place in the psychological coiTditioirorThe Albanian people. Old Albania has given place to a new Albania which is craving liberty and independence from end to end. If that be now denied to the Albanians it will only mean that an jinfpctious..a ^e wound is left open in_the Balkan Peninsula, liable to breed~new co'EvuIsions and troubles. We have placed en vedette at the head of this chapter the opinion of Mr. H. N. Brailsford about the latent possibilities of the Albanian race, which opinion he formed as early as 1906. Since that day, two political revolutions have taken place in the coun- try. The first occurred during the independent life of Albania (1912-14), when the Albanians got the first taste of national liberty, although it was given to them in the form of a bitter pill, which made them long for a more genuine freedom. The second revo- lution took place during the four and a half years of the European war which battered Albania against the overwhelming waves of the belligerents as a rudderless ship. The result was that the war shook the Albanian masses out of their somnolence. The downfall of the Principality of Albania can- not in fairness be charged against the Albanians, for THE FUTURE OF ALBANIA 237 they could do no better, under the circumstances. The new State was looked upon with suspicion by Europe as being the creature of Aiistrian_di£iioniacy, and there was considerable rejoicing at the downfall of the short-lived principality which represented only a Teutonic diplomatic victory. The Powers which had guaranteed its independence, territorial integrity, and neutrality did nothing except append their signatures to paper guarantees. They allowed the Greeks to play havoc in Southern Albania with- out being moved by any sentiment of pity or indigna- tion at the inhuman treatment inflicted on a whole people. It wa s not atj dLsurprising^thcn^that Mr. Wadham Peacock foresaw tBelJfumbling^a^wayof the new State before it was even created. These are the words he wrote when the great Powers were delimit- ing the frontiers of Albania : ' ' F nom the, cynical way jn whicii large populations of Albanians are ignored and handed over to their hereditary enemies, it is obvious that the Powers are not overanxious to form an Albanian principal- ity which could have a reasonable chance of success. The nascent Albania is cut down to a minimum, and if Europe had wished to make the new State depend- ent on Austria and Italy, she could hardly have set J about it more effectually." And what the Powers failed to do collectively for the destruction of Albania, the bitter rivalry of Aus- tria and Italy eventually did. For these two Pow- ers Albania was~"^nlv a football w j_ th w hich to play their diplomatic games. The Albanian ^tlale" of the Conference of the Ambassadorsw^.aOTily:,^.jQockery and a farce. It was not the Prmce ofWied who was the ruler of Albania, but the Austrian or Italian Min- 238 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT ister, according as one or the other was able to con- trol and manipulate the Prince. It was for this pur- pose that Albania was given such a pitiful sovereign as the Prince of Wied. The time has come for the reparation of the wrongs which were done to Albania. If she is to be restored to her previous condition, with more than half her territory and her population handed over to Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, she cannot be more pros- perous or contented than before. Rebellions and up- risings all along the frontier will be the sure accom- paniment of her future. The districts of Hoti and Gruda, the populations of which successfully withstood every attempt of King Nicholas to incorporate their territory in his realm, must be given back to Albania. This is one of the simplest and most elementary acts of repara- tion. But by far the most important reparation to be made is. on the Serbian frontier. If there is to be any such thing a^-aelf-deterniinationjor subject peo- ples, there is no reason, human or divine, why a million Albanians should shed their blood in vain attempts to shake oif foreign rule. During the two years of Serbian domination, the mi llion Albanian s QLJKJossava, Dibra, and Ochrida have made three sanguinary rebellions in order to free themselves of the Serbian rule. In 1912, there might have been some reason for Serbia's seeking to expand at the expense of Albania, because she was barred from her natural field of expansion in view of the fact that Austria then possessed Slavic provinces, but to- day when the Slavs have been freed, there is no ex- cuse whatsoever for holding in bondage a million THE FUTURE OF ALBANIA 239 Albanians. There can be no friendly relations be- tweeii_Albajiia^ and tSerbia so long as the unwilling Albanians are held in subjection; when hard pressed by the Serbians they will cross the frontier and put the Albanian Government in the most embarrassing situation. And there is nothing, save extermination, w^hich will prevent these Albanians from revolting against Serbia. In the name of justice, then, and in the interest of the peace of the Balkans, the former vilayet of Kos- sovo, and the provinces of Dil^;a^aild XJ^^hrida_im ,J^€krestored to^lbania^ Onthe Albanian-Greek frontier, a new delimita- tion must be made so as to include in Albania the district of Tchamouria, w^iich is inhabited by Mos- lem Albanians, and the region of the Pindus Moun- tains where the Roumanian- Vallachian population as well as the Albanians of Konitsa are clamoring for union with Albania. The avow^ed desire of all these populations to be united with the mother-country is so patent that there is no need for any plebiscite, but if it is neces- sary there is no reason why it should not be resorted to; the Albanians wall be the last ones to oppose it. Moreover, inasmuch as Greece is still deliriously raving over her absurd claims wath regard to that part of Southern Albania which she styles "North- ern Epirus" and which is now occupied by the Ital- ian troops, the Albanians are again prepared, despite the decrease of the population as a result of the devastation wrought to the country by the Greeks, to accept the results of a plebiscite in order to put an end to the Greek wailings and yellings, provided, however, that the plebiscite be conducted in such a S40 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT way as to insure the free expression of the senti- ments of the popuhition, after previous occupation of the territory by the troops of a neutral Power. Provision also should be made to avoid any scheme of gerrymandering. The Albanians are not appealing to charity but to principles of justice and fair play. The liberal ideas which pervade the intellectual classes of Albania are averse to having any foreign elements within the boundaries of their State, and if, by the force of circumstances such minorities be included within it there should not be the slightest apprehension that their rights would be disregarded. The Albanians are neither barbarously chauvinistic like the Greeks nor brutal like the Serbians and Bulgarians who be- gan to baptize in masses the Moslems they annexed along with the territories acquired as a result of the Balkan wars and to change the names of their dis- senting subjects. No such thing will ever happen in Albania, where tolerance, religious and political, is a recognized principle. Coming to the question whether the Albanians are able to govern themselves, we need only refer once more to the opinion so tersely expressed by Mr. H. N. Brailsford as early as 1906, i.e., at the time when the national spirit was only beginning to make the astounding progress which it has accomplished dur- ing the last twelve years even among the masses of Albania. The country which has given so many prominent statesmen, generals, admirals, diplomats, and men of science and letters to Turkey, Greece and Italy, such as the Koprulu Vizirs who ruled Turkey dur- ing the entire seventeenth ce nturvT Fend^lPasha THE FUTURE OF ALBANIA 241 Vlora in our own days, Namyk Kemal Bey the phi- losopher, Admiral Miaulis, the illustrious comman- ders Marko Bochari, Od^S£iLfi_Aiidrucho, the fe- male AdmiralJS]il2ujiiia,TVancesco Crispi, Prime Minister of Italy, and a host of other celebrated men whose names would fill entire pages of this book, not to mention the earlier contributions to Rome, such as Diocletian, the great organizer of the Roman Em- pire, Constantine the Great, Julian the Philosopher who attempted to revive the worship of the Pelasgic Gods of his native country in the new capital of the Roman Empire, Constantinople, ^ Jerpmev- the^ t ranslator of the Scriptures, Pope^5}'Tvester, and Po ne Cl ement XI (1700-1721) who put an end to Jan- senism by the famous ^buU Uniganitus, the country and the people, we say, who have given so many illus- trious names to the history of the world will not surely fail to provide for their own national needs. It is impossible to suppose that the people among whom the memory of ripn|-jp-p flflsfrjntn Scander beg is as alive as ever will languish for any considerable length of time. It is undeniable that Albania is to-day only a desolate and devastated country ; and this is exactly w^hat is expected to spur the enterprise and activity of the ruling class of the land. It is likewise un- deniable that in her present condition Albania needs some kind of assistance and protection against the aggressive dispositions of her neighbors. Divided as these neighbors are, the only thing that unites them is the desire, common to them all, to do injury to Albania. Testin g psychologica lly th^e_mentalitj;of the A^, 242 ALBANIA, PAST AND PRESENT banian people it will be found that there is no orderly and decent way to govern Albania save through the Albanians themselves. The moral influence of the acknowledged leaders of the people is likely to prove more potent and efficacious than the physical force of an alien government, foisted on pugnacious and unwilling subjects. In this case, martial law and wholesale executions would be the chief weapons which the alien government would be obliged to re- sort to in moments of crises. La belle affaire! as M. Gabriel Hanotaux exclaims, having in mind this prospect. REFERENCES AUBRY, E., Albania on the Balkan Cliess-Board, Asiatic Review, Vol. 6, (beg. with p. 242), April, 1915. Bbailsford, H. N., Macedonia; Its Races and Their Future, pp. 277- 289. DtTRHAM, M. E., The Albanian Question, Contemporary Review (beg. p. 386), October, 1917. PiNON, RfiNf;, La Question albanaise, Revue des deux mondes, Vol. 54, pp. 792-8'26. INDEX Abdul Hamid II, 63, 65; his pol- icy toward Albania, 64, 215; Albanians rise against, 65 ; Greeks imitate his officials, 95. Achilles, Albanian form of, 14. Acland, Mr., British Under-Sec- retary for Foreign Affairs, re- plies to questions, 134. Ahmed Fuad Pasha, of Egypt, candidate, 123; opposed by Provisional Government, 124. Akropolis, newspaper of Athens, on the Albanian frontiers, 167. Albania, original settlers of, 3; in the Caucasus, 3; origin of the term. 21. "Albanian Brigands," 38, 191. Albanian Cause, discredited, (1912), 84. Albanian Islands, 25 n., 206. Albanian League, The, 50-53, 211-216; importance of, 51, 212-213, results of its ac- tivities, 53, 213-216; opposes the Montenegrins, 52-53 ; struggles against the Turks, 53-54, 213; outwardly sup- pressed, 56-57; Mirdita in, 194. Albanian Patriots, The, policy of, 62-63, 69; treatment by the Greek military authorities, 116; prominent, 214; accom- plishments of, 216-223. Albanian People, The, origin of, 3-5 ; unbroken existence and traditions of, 10; effects of the Turkish conquest on, 36-38 ; numerical strength of, 186; divisions, 187; national char- acteristics, 188; educating, 213-223. 243 Albanian Policy, 62-63, 69. Albanian Schools, prohibited by Turkey, 58, 214; prohibition relaxed and then renewed, 59, 214-215; religious differences ignored in, 225, 226. Albanians of America, The, 227- 233 ; obliterate religious lines, 230; contributions of, 232-233. Albanians of Greece, The, 24, 205- 207. Albanians of Italy, The, 36-37, 207-209. Albanians, in the Greek Revolu- tion, 48 and n. Alessio, Congress of, 31; burial place of Scanderbeg, 33. Alexander the Great, 12, 14. Ali Pasha, of Janina, battles against the Pasha of Scutari, 42; becomes Pasha of Janina, 43; character of, 43-44; rela- tions with Napoleon and other Powers, 45 ; stirs commotions in Greece, 47; patronizes lead- ers, 48. Ambassadors, The Conference of, see Conference of London. America, The Albanians of, see The Albanians of America and United States. American School, at Korcha, 139 Andrucho, Odysseus, 48, 241. Anjevin Albanian Kingdom, 23. Antiquities, 8-9; "twentieth cen- tury," 132. Appian Wav, 16. Arberia, 208. Arbresh. 208. Area, of Albania, 169. Arghyrocastro, remains of, 8; 244 INDEX seat of Albanian League, 51; assigned to Albania, 110; nearly captured by the Alba- nians, 142; Albanian independ- ence proclaimed at, 161, 196. Armstrong, Secretary to the Prince of Wied, 138. Aryan Immigrants, Albanians descendants of the earliest, 3. Asia Minor, Greeks imported into Southern Albani from, 115. Athena (Minerva), Albanian form of, 6. Autonomy, Albanian struggle for autonomy, 61-63; preparing for, 61-62; the winning of, 69. Austria, troops in Albania, 39 ; intervenes in Albania, 79-85; reasons for intervention, 81- 82; discredits Albanian cause, 83-84; r6le in the Scutari crisis, 101; attitude in the election of the Prince, 123-124; delegation from, 137; repre- sented in the Palace of the Prince, 138; hostility with Essad Pasha, 144; occupies Northern and Central Albania, 158-159 ; evacuates Albanian territories, 162; commercial relations with Albania, 178- 179; mistrusted by the Alba- nians, 218. Bagdad Railway Project, Al- bania in the, 82. Balfour, A. J., declares deci- sions of the London Conference abrogated, 235. Balkan Alliance, The, formed as a result of the successes of the Albanians, 74-75 ; attitude of the Albanians toward, the, 76. Balkan Allies, The, attitude to- ward Albania of, 76-77; in- vade and occupy most of Al- bania, 77-78; ignore proclama- tion of independence, 79-80 ; territorial claims of, 91, 92-93. Balkan Revue, quoted, 179. Balsha, Family of the, 23-24, 26. Banca Commerciale d'ltalia, con- cessionaire of the National Al- banian Bank, 120. Bands, Greek, 118, 141. Barbarian Invasions, 20-21 ; Goths, 20; Serbians, 20; Nor- mans, 21; Bulgarians, 20-21, 22. Barbarich, Eugenio, quoted, 207. Bardhyllus, King of Illyria, 11. Bekir Agha Grebenaly, Turkish Major in plot against Albania, 128-129. Bektashis, sect of the, 204. Berat, Normal School of, 225. Berlin, Congress of, provisions of, the, 50-51; modifications of the treaty, 52, 211-212. Bessa, violated, 148, 150; nature of the, 192, 193. Bevs, become leaders of opinion, 197. Bevs and Pashas, expropriated, i74. Bishop, Greek, 140. Bismarck, in the Congress of Ber- lin, 50, 53. Biblical Society, British, 213. Bochari, Marko, 28 and n., 241. Boiana, River, 171; navigable, 184. Bolsheviki, reveal Secret Treaty of London, 235. Borova, Incident of, 116. Bosnian Refugees, settled in Central Albania, 147, 195. Boston (Massachusetts), first Albanian newspaper estab- lished in, 228 ; establishment of the Orthodox Albanian Church in, 229. Boundary Commission, South- eastern, appointed by the Lon- don Conference, 100; starts on its journey, 112; official pro- ceedings of the, 113; at Kor- cha, 117: at Kolonia and Bo- rova, 118. Bourbon-Orleans, see Ferdinand- Francois, Due de Montpensier. INDEX 245 Bourchier, J. D., on the Alba- nians of Greece and Italy, 25, n.; on the frontiers of Albania, 168, 169. Brailsford, H. N., on the future of Albania, 234, 236, 240. Brindisi, terminus of the Appian Way, 16. Bubulina, female Admiral in the Greek Revolution, 48, 241. Bulgaria, Albanian societies in. 57, 216; claims the Vilayet of Monastir, 74 ; delegation from, 137; sends Minister to Du- razzo, 138; invasion of Alba- nia by Bulgarian troops, 158- 159; Albanian colony in, 210. Burney, Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil, occupies Scutari, 102, 127; re- tires, 130. Byron, Lord, on the natural beauties of Albania, 167, 169; on the Albanians, 189. Byzantine, domination and in- 'fluence, 19-20. Camarda, Demetrio, Italo-Alba- nian writer, 208. Candidates, to the throne of Al- bania, 107, 12.3-124. Carmagnolle, The, sung at Ja- nina, 45. Carmen Kylva, launches candi- dacy of William of Wied, 124. Castriota, the House of the, 27. Catherine II, of Russia, 47, 217. Catholicism, in Northern Al- bania, 24. Caucasus, Albania in, 3. Central Albania, Illyrian re- mains in, 9; part of Illyria, 11; invaded by Romans, 12; thoroughfare to the East, 16; invaded by Bulgarians, 20; in- vaded by Normans, 21 ; estab- lished as Albanian Kingdom, 23; dominion of the Ralsha Family, 24; divided among the feudal lords, 26; added to the dominion of the Pasha of Scu- tari, 47; invaded by the Serb- ians, 77; uprising of (1914), 146-150; causes of the upris- ing, 149-150; "The Govern- ment of Central Albania," 156; extent of, 168; landowners ex- propriated by peasants in, 149, 174; forests of, 180; social conditions in, 195; pseudo- Moslems in, 204. Chamber of Deputies, Turkish, discussion on Albania in the, 67. Clans, parallel drawn by Byron, 189; organization of, 193. Clergy, Greek, in Southern Al- bania, 98; Roman Catholic in Northern Albania, 194; na- tional clergy, 223. Childe Harold, on the natural beauties of Albania, 167. Chimarra, 23, 34 ; mountains of, 170. Commerce, and articles of, 177- 180. Commissioners, see Boundary Commission. Communications, 183-184. Comnenus, ]\Iichael, founder of the Despotat of Epirus, 22. Concessions, made to the Alba- nians by Turkey, 68-69; made by the Provisional Govern- ment, 120-121. Conference of Ambassadors, see Conference of London. Conference of London, The, 86- 104; menace of European war led to, 86 ; recognition of Alba- nian independence by, 87-88; decisions reached by compro- mises. 88, 89; its decisions de- clared abrogated, 235. Congress of Alessio, 31. Congress of Berlin, provisions of the, 50-51 ; modifications of the treaty, 52, 211-212. Constantine the Great, native of Tllyria, 17, 241. Conversion, to Islamism, 39; reasons for, 201-202. 246 INDEX Convulsions and Uprisings, 39- 41. Corfou, Disposition of, 143; torn to pieces, 151. Corinthians, colonies established by, 9. Coup de Theatre, staged by the Greeks in Southern Albania, 121, 131. Court Martial, for Turkish plot- ters, 129. Cretan Bandits, in Southern Al- bania, 132, 134; terrorize pop- ulation, 141. Crispi, Francesco, Italian Pre- mier, 208, 241. Croia or Kroia, remains of, 8; the overlord of, 26; capital of Albania, 26, 28, 29; besieged by two Sultans, 32 ; lost to the Turks (1478), 34; claimed by the Slavs, 92. Crusaders, in Albania, 21. Cyclopean Remains, 8. Cyclops, survive in Albanian legends, 7-8; identical with Ghegs, 188. Dalmatia, part of Illyria, 11. Deputation, to Neuwied, 130, 131; to Durazzo, 137. Dervish Pasha, suppresses the Albanian League, 54, 213. Descoins, Colonel, cooperates in the establishment of the Re- public of Korcha, 160. Desperadoes, Greek, 118. Despotat, of Epirus, 22-23, 97. Devol, River, 171, 172, 184. Dialects, differences in Albanian, 187; fuse into each other, 188. Dibra, revolt of, 190-191, 238. Dielli, organ of the nationalists of the United States, 231. Dinaric, Alpine system, 170. Diocletian, Emperor, 17, 241. Disintegration, 120-123; causes of, 120-121. Divide ut Impera, maxim of the Turks in Albania, 40-41. Djavella, 48. Djavid Pasha, 106. Doda, Prenk Bib, 55; family of, 194. Dodona, oracle of, 4 ; remains of, 8. Domination, Byzantine, 19-20; Roman, 15-18; Turkish, 36-70. Doulis, Colonel, 131; conduct questioned in the House of Commons, 134. Drang Nach Osten Policy, Al- bania in the, 82. Drin, River, 29, 171, 184. Dukaghin, Lek, 26, 92. Duke John, Alexander, see Duka- ghin. Dulcigno, defended Tiy the Alba- nians against the Powers, 52. Durazzo, 16; Government of, 122-127; Austro-Italian clash at, 145; natural harbor, 172; its future, 178. Dutch Mission, 90, 129, 139. Dyrrachium, see Durazzo. Egypt, Mehmed Ali Pasha of, 46, 57; delegation from, 137; col- ony of, 210; national societies in, 57, 216. Elbasan, center of the Albanian League, 51; products of, 175; Normal School of, 224, 225. Elisabeth, Queen of Roumania, 124. Epirots or Pelasgians, ancestors of Southern Albanians, 3; pro- genitors of Tosks, 4 and n. ; join Alexander the Great, 14. Epirus or Molossia, Southern Al- bania, 13 and n.; Despotat of, 22; autonomous, 130; Provi- sional Government of, 131 ; Cretan bandits in, 134; Greek atrocities discussed in the House of Commons, 134. Erseka, town of, 197. Essad Pasha, 66; surrenders Scutari to Montenegro, 101; forms the first Government of Durazzo, 122, 127; retires, 130; appointed Minister of INDEX 247 War and of the Interior, 138; questionable conduct, 143-144; overthrown, 145; surrendered into the hands of the Italians, 146; forms the second Govern- ment of Durazzo, 156; besieged in Durazzo, 157 ; relieved by the Serbo-Montenegrins, 158; flees from Durazzo, 159; his es- tates appropriated by the peas- ants, 149, 174. Eugene IV, Rope, organizes cru- sade, 32. European War, the, Albanian crisis nearly brings about, 83 ; crisis renewed, 100; efTcct on Albania of the outbreak of, 153, 235; Albania in, 155-163. Ferdinand-Francois, Duke of Montpensier, enters Valona and poses as candidate, 107 ; candidacy dropped, 124. Ferdinand, King of Naples, 33. Ferid Pasha Vlora, 64, 241. Ferizovitch, meeting of the Alba- nian chieftains at, 08. Ferrero, General Giacinto, pro- claims Albanian independence at Arghvrocastro, 161, 235. Feudal Lords, 26-27. Fieri, town of, 197. Filiki Etairia, aided by AH Pasha, 47. Finances, of Albania, 187-183. Fishta, Father George, foremost Albanian poet, 194. Fitzmaurice, Lord, proposes au- tonomy for Albania, 56 n. Florence, Conference of, 113, 119. Forests, "Virgin," 180. France, attitude toward Albania, 84; "disinterestedness," -88; role played in the establish- ment of the Republic of Kor- cha by, 159-160. Frasheri, Naim Bey, poet, 215. Frasheri, Sami Bey, patriot, 214, 215, 224. Frasheri, town of, 197; revolt of, 215. Gains Fulvius Santumalus, 12. Gazi Mukhtar Pasha, 74. Gentius, last king of Illyria, 12. George Castriota, see Hcanderheg. Ghegs, or Northern Albanians, 4, 187; tallest men in the Bal- kans, 188. Gibbs, Mr., M. P., question put in the House of Commons by, 134. Goths, invasion of the, 20. Granville, Earl, on Albanian au- tonomy, 55-56 n. Great Britain, proposal of Alba- nian autonomy, 55; attitude in 1912, 83, 86-87; proposal on the southern Albanian fron- tier, 119; in the International Commission of Control, 127; conduct questioned in the House of Commons, 133. Greece, Albanian migrations to, 24; Albanians of, 25 and n., 205-207 ; activities of Ali Pasha in, 47 ; the momentous role played by the Albanians in the struggle for independ- ence, 47-48; Congress of Ber- lin assigns Janina to, 51; but she is unable to get it, 53 ; attitude toward Albania, 80, 94-100, 111-120; 121-122, 130- 135, 139-143, 151-153, 157-158, 160, 169. "Greek Documents," 95. Greek Government, trying to evade evacuation of Southern Albania. 131; tricks, 131-134. Greek Influence, slight in Alba- nia, 9. Greek Mythology, borrowed from the Polasgians. 6. Grey, Sir Edward, on the menace of European war, 83 ; mediates, 86; on the making of Albania, 89; replies to questions put in the House of Commons, 134; ascribes atrocities in Southern Albania to Greeks. 152. Guiscard. Robert, invades Al- bania, 21. 248 INDEX Gurakuki, Louis, 107, 224. Gussigne-Plava, 51, 53. Gymnasia, 115, 140. Hahn, Dr. Georg Johann von, 3, 4; on the Albanians of Greece, 205. Hanotaux, Gabriel, 242. Herbert, Aubrey, M. P., questions put in the House of Commons by, 151. Holstein, Duke of, 39. Holy Roman Empire, 39. Homer, Ghegs the Giants of, 188. Homeric Poems, affinity with Al- banian language, 7. Hoti and Gruda, resist incorpora- tion in Montenegro, 93; should be returned to Albania, 238. House of Commons, questions put in the, 89, 133, 134, 152. Hyllus, king of lllyria, 11. Illyria, extent of, 11; kingdom of, 11-13; conquered by the Romans, 12. Illyrians, ancestors of the Alba- nians, 3 ; progenitors of the Ghegs, 4; influence of the Illy- rian language on Balkan speech, 6; antiquities of the Illyrian period, 9 ; join Alex- ander the Great against the Persians, 12. Independence, proclamation of, 79. Independent Principalities, Alba- nian, 21-24, 41-47. Indo-European, groundwork and grammar of the Albanian lan- guage, 6. International Commission of Con- trol, 90; make up and func- tions, 126; failure and causes, 127, 133; assumes administra- tion of Albania, 130; ignored by the Prince of Wied, 137- 138; negotiates with Zogra- phos, 143 ; reassumes adminis- tration of Albania, and dis- solves, 155. International Commission on Frontiers, see Boundary Com- mission. International Interregnum, 127- 130. Intervention, of Austria and Italy, 82; reasons for, 81-82; Russia responds to the chal- lenge, 83-84 ; consequences of the, 84. Invasions: (1) Balkan Allies, 75-79; (2) Barbarian, 20-21; (3) European War, 157-159. Isa Bolatin, 107. Ismail Kemal Bey, 77, 78, 79, 80, 110; accused of incompetence, 120; warns the Powers, 122; willing to retire, 128; retires, 130. Italy, Pelasgians in, 4 ; Pyrrhus in, 14; Scanderbeg in, 33; Al- banian colonies in, 36-37, 207- 208; intervention of, 79-82, 84; attitude in the London Conference, 99 ; attitude in the election of the Prince, 123-124; delegation from, 137; agent of, 138; supports Essad Pasha, 157; occupies Valona, 158; oc- cupies Southern Albania, 159; proclaims the independence of Albania, 161; commercial rela- tions with Albania, 178-179. Italian Princes, Albanians' ap- peal to, 39. Italian Navy, protects Essad Pasha, 157. Izzet Pasha, would-be dictator of Albania, 107. Jamestown, N. Y., first Alba- nian society in the United States established in, 228. Janina, capital of the Despotat of Epirus, 22 ; capital of Ali Pasha, 42-47 ; assigned to Greece, 51; but remains Alba- nian, 53 ; defended by the Alba- nians in 1912, 76; Gymnasium of, 115. John Bua Spata, 25. INDEX 249 John Castriota, delivers his sons as hostages to the Sultan, 28. John Hunvadv, battles against the Turks, 29. Joseph II, Emperor of Austria, negotiates with the Pasha of Scutari, 42, 43. Julian the Apostate or the Phi- losopher, 241. Justinian, Emperor, 20. Kara Mahmud Pasha, fights Montenegrins, Venetians and Turks, 42; negotiates with Joseph II of Austria, 43. Karapanos, 131. Katundi, the interesting town of, 197. Kavaja,, plain of, 170; cultiva- tion of, 173; produc-tn of, 175; Primary School of, 225. Kennedy, Rev. Phileas. Ameri- can missionary, expelled from Korcha by the Greeks, 139. Kethella, province of, uncon- quered, 194. Kleitos, king of Illyria, defeated by Alexander the Great, 12. Kodra, massacre of, 142. Komhi, first Albanian newspaper in the United States, 228. Konitza, Faik Bey, nationalist leader, 231 and n. Koprulu Grand Vizirs, 224, 240. Korcha, or Koritza, eastern ter- minus of the southeastern fron- tier, 100; Gymnasium of, 115; Boundary Commission at, 117; province assigned to Albania, 119; evacuated bv the Greeks, 133; outbreak of,' 139-141; her r6le in Albanian national poli- tics, 139-140; establishment of the Republic, 159-160; coal mines of, 180; social condi- tions in, 196; educational so- ciety in the United States, 232. Kossova, battle of, 42 ; assigned to Serbia, but resists incor- poration, 94; should be re- turned to Albania, 238-239. Kullurioti, Anastas, nationalist, 206. Kumanovo, battle of, 76. Kutzo-Vallachians, origin of the, 17; want union with Albania, 239. Labia, Signor, Italian Commis- sioner, 117. Lamb, Mr. Harry, British Dele- gate to the International Com- mission of Control, 127. Land, ownership of, 174; crops and stock raising, 175-177. Language, The Albanian, dis- tinct from other languages, of Thraco-lllyrian origin, 5; for- eign words in, 8; use in writ- ing prohibited by Turkey, 58, 114; Young Turks attempt to change characters of, 67, 224- 225. Liaskoviki, burned by the Greeks, 143, 197. Liberty Loan, Third, Albanian subscriptions to the, 233. Liclinowski, Prince, on Albania, 102-104. Liosha, Peter, leader of migra- tion, 25. Literary Movement, 61, 213-221, 224-226. Literature, smuggling in the Al- banian, 59, 65, 214-218. London Conference, see Confer- ewe of London. London, Secret treaty of, 235. Lorecchio, Anselmo, Italo-Alba- nian writer, 208. Lowell, A. L., 108. Lucius Postumius Albinus, 12. Luma, 34; unconquerod, 194. Macedonians, ancestors of Alba- nians, 3. Mahmud Pasha, of Scutari, 41- 43. Mahmud Shefket Pasha. The Turkish dictator, resigns, 73. Manfred, King of Sicily, 23. 250 INDEX Massachusetts, Albanians in the State of, 227. Mavromatis, Greek consul, on the frontiers of Albania, 167, 168, 169. Mati, unconquered, 34, 194. Mbret, Albanian title given to the Prince of Wied, 136, 153. Medua, San Giovanni di, seaport of, 172. Mehmed Ali Pasha, of Egypt, 46 n., 125. Mehmed Ali Pasha, Turkish statesman, murdered by mobs, 213. Mehmed Bushatli, becomes hered- itary Pasha of Scutari, 41. Metternich, Prince, and the "Con- stitution," 45 n. Miauli, Admiral, 48, 241. Michael Comnenus, founder of the Despotat of Epirus, 22. Migrations, of Albanians, to Greece, 24-25; to Italy, 36. Military Authorities, Greek, con- duct in Southern Albania, 113; stage autonomous Epirus, 130; plant "twentieth century" an- tiquities, 132. ^ Mimar Sinan, 224. Mineral resources, Albania rich in, 180-181. Mirdita, unconquered, 34, 194; gold mines in, 180. Misurata, the Prince of Wied leaves Albania on the, 153. Modus Vivendi, sought by the Powers in making Albania, 89 Mohammed II, The Conqueror, besieges in vain Croia, 32 ; defi- nitely retires from Albania, 33. Molossia, kingdom of, 13-15; devastation and fall of, 15. Monastir, vilayet of, 21 n., 68; Boundary Commission at, 112, 120. Montenegro, wrested from Alba- nia, 20; Albanians in, 209. See also Nicholas, King of Montenegro. Moslem Albanians, their respect for Scanderbeg, 33; how they were converted, 37-38, 201- 202; progress of Islamism, 40; not allowed to use the Alba- nian language, 58; attitude toward the Christian Alba- nians, 64, 202-203; cruelly persecuted by the Greeks, 122; oppose Moslem candidate, 124; are in majority in Albania, 200 ; comparison with other converts, 202-203 ; attitude to- ward the Prince of Wied, 203 ; Reformed Moslems, 294 ; pseudo-Moslems, 204-205 ; con- tributions to the Orthodox Albanian Church, 229. Moslem National Alliance, 232. Motherland, first Albanian soci- ety founded in the United States, 228. Mufti, what is a, 110-111 and n. Mukhtar Pasha, aids Montene- grins against Albanians, 52. Murad II, invades Albania, 27; besieges Croia, 32. Miizakia, plain of, 78, 170; culti- vation of, 173; horses of, 176. Namyk Kemal Bey, 224, 241. Napoleon, relations of Ali Pasha with, 45. National Albanian Association, of Constantinople, 64. National Albanian Bank, pres- sure for the concession of, 112- 113; concession of, 120. National characteristics, 188- 193. National Church Association, founded in Boston, 229, 232. National Fund, contributions to the, 233. National societies, work of, 57- 59, 216-223, 227-233; obsta- cles in the way of, 58 ; accom- plishments of,' 219-221; in the United States, 228, 229, 231, 232. Nationalism, growth of, 211-233; unprotected and unassisted, INDEZ J51 217-219; secular basis of Alba- nian, 221; differences from Greek, 222-223. Nationalists, Albanian, agitate against the Provisional Gov- ernment, 121; assist Essad Pasha in forming the GJovern- ment of Durazzo, 122; oppose Essad Pasha, 138, 144; attack Essad Pasha, 145; their work in foreign lands and accom- plishments, 216-223; in the United States, 227-233. Native rule, period of, 21-24. Nelson, Admiral, provided with supplies by Ali Pasha, 45. Nemanitch, Dynasty of, 23. Neuwied, Rhenish Prussia, 124, 130. Newspapers, Albanian, 217-218; in the United States, 230. New York World, The, 226 n. Nicholas, Czar of Russia, ad- monishes the king of Monte- negro, 101, 209. Nicholas, King of Montenegro, on the possession of Scutari, 92 ; besieges Scutari, 100; refuses to withdraw from Scutari, 101 ; unable to get Hoti and Gruda, 93. Noli, Rev. Fan S., first Albanian priest, 229 ; becomes Mitrate Primate, 232. Nopsca, Baron, on the conditions of Albania, 192. Normal School, of Elbasan, 224; two opened by the Provisional Government, 225. Norman invaders, 21. Northeastern boundary, 90-94 ; absurdity of, 93. Northern Albania, Illyrian re- mains in, 9; part of Illyria, 1 1 ; dominion of the Balsha family, 24 ; divided among the feudal lords, 26; traces of feu- dalism in, 27, 193; independent oases, 34, 194; petty rulers suppressed, 42 ; revolts in, 46, 68 ; authorities of the Albanian League established in, 54; in- vaded by Serbo-Montenegrins, 77; claimed by Slavs, 93; ex- tent of, 168; 'forests of, 180; social conditions in, 193-195. Northern Epirus, term applied by the Greeks to Southern Al- bania, 169, 239. Northernmost Epirus, 169. Ochrida, lake of, 171; products of, 175, 238. Odessa, South Russia, Albanian settlements about, 210. Ollieial Italian Bureau of Infor- mation, on the Albanian schools and religious hatred, 226 n. Official Proceedings, of the Boundary Commission, 113, 118. "Old Serbia," 74. Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great, 14. Orsini, The House of, succeeds in the Despotat of Epirus, 22. Orthodox Albanians, The, why the Greek language was adopted by, 58 and n., 95; in Central and Southern Albania, 200; called "Greeks" by Greece because of their religion, 96. Orthodox National Albanian Church, founded in the United States, 229. Papulias, General, intervenes in battle, 145. Parnassos, Greek periodical, on the Albanians of Greece, 206 n. Patriarch, The Greek, of Con- stantinople, 20; anathema- tizes the Albanian language, 58-59, 214-215; maintains schools, 196, 214, 215, 216. Paulus Emilius, conquers Epirus, 15. Peacock, John Wadham, on the contributions of the Albanian to the Greek Revolution, 47 ; on the claims of the Balkan 252 INDEX Allies, 92-93; on the physical appearance of the Albanian, 189; on the fall of the Alba- nian State, 237. Pelasgians, ancestors of the Alba- nians, 4; settlers of Epirus, 13. Permeti, town of, 197. Petsi, Sotir, establishes first Al- banian newspaper in the United States, 227-228. Philip of Macedon, 11. Piccolomini, General, enters Al- bania, 39. Pindus Mountains, Roumanians want union with Albania, 239. Pius II, Pope, organizes crusade under Scanderbeg, 32. Plutarch, on Epirus, 13-14. Pouqueville, on the intelligence of the Albanian, 191. Praetorian Guard, composed also of Illyrians, 18. Primary School, of Volona, make up of, 225. Prince, The, election of, 123-125; deadlock over election of, 123; importance of the question, 125. Provisional Government, forma- tion of, 79; organizes Albania, 107-111; cut off by blockade, 106; influence on the Albanian people, 108; not recognized by the Powers, 109 and n. ; power- less, 122, 127; retires, 130; endeavors to reform the Farm- ers' Bank, 174; opens Normal and Primary schools, 225, 226. Public Debt, 182-183. Pyrrhus, of Epirus, 14. Rada, Girolamo da, Italo-Alba- nian writer, 208. Radical Nationalists, Albanian, 121. Railways, projected, 178, 184. RashbuU, engagement of, 147. Refugees, Albanian, 151-152. Regeneration, 50-60; see also the Albanian League. Religion, attitude of the Alba- nians toward, 201-204; reli- gious differences ignored in the schools, 214, 225, 226. Reparation, for Albania, 238. Repoulis, Emm., Albanian-Greek statesman, 206. Revolts, Albanian, 1571, 39; 1689, 39; 1737, 39-40, 46, 54- 55; results of the preceding, 40; against the Young Turks, 68-69; results of, 73-74; of Dibra, 190. Rivalry, Austro-Italian, 123; nearly brought about clash, 145 ; disastrous to Albania, 150-151. Roads, 16, 183. Rome, influence on Albania, 9, 16-17; wars with, 12-13, 14, 15; occupies Albania, 15-16; Albania's contributions to, 17-18. Roman Catholics, in Albania, clergy, 194; in Northern Alba- nia, 200. Roumania, Albanian societies in, 57; Queen Elisabeth of, 124; delegation from, 137; minister to Durazzo, 138; Albanian col- ony in, 210. Roze, General, 47. Saar, Captain, of the Dutch Mis- sion, 147. Sabel Pasha, Turkish Governor of Kroia, 29. Sacrum Illyricum, 24. Santi Quaranta, Cretan bandits land at, 134; seaport of, 172. Scanderbeg, remains of the stronghold of, 9 ; hostage, 27- 28; leaves Turkish camp, 29; returns to Albania, 31; pro- claimed chief, 31 ; fights the Turks, 31-33: goes to Italy, 33: appointed Chief of Cru- sade by Pius II, 32; transfers sovereignty of Albania to Ven- ice, 33; successor of, 124; light cavalry of, 176; dance of, 208. INDBZ 253 Schiro, Prof. Giuseppe, Italo- Albanian writer, 208. Schools, Albanian, prohibited by the Turks, 58, 214; prohibition relaxed and then renewed, 59, 214-215; religious diflferences ignored in, 225-226. Scotland, Byron likens Albania to, 189. Scutari, capital of Illyria, 1 1 ; capitulates to the Turks, 34 ; fall and crisis of (1912), 100- 102; internationally occupied, 102; administration of, 127, 130; occupied by Montene- grins, 158; lake of, 171-172; population of, 194. Selenitza, pitch mines of, 180. Semani or Devol, River, 171. Serbia, 11, 21 n., 27, 51; claims on Albanian territory, 74; attitude toward Albania, 77, 91, 92-94, 100; supports Essad Pasha, 156; Albanian revolts against, 190. Serbians, 20, 23; battle of Ku- manovo, 76 ; approaching Du- razzo, 78 ; invade and retreat into Albania, 158. Shar Dag, Mountains of, 29 n., 168, 170. Sheik-ul-Islam, separation from the, 110; Moslem Albanians in the United States sever rela- tions with, 229.. Shirley Benn, Mr., M. P., ques- tions put in the House of Com- mons by, 134. Sh. Jak, incident of, 147 ; prod- ucts of, 175. Shkumbi, River, dividing Ghegs and Tosks, 4, 171, 184, 187; Ghegs and Tosks fuse on the, 188. Silver, plenty of, 180. Simeon, Czar, 20. Sophia, Princess of Waldembourg, 124. Southeastern Boundary, 94-100 ; "Greek documents," 95; pres- sure on the population, 95; Orthodox Albanians, 96; wrangling of the London Con- ference about the, 99. Southern Albania, 13; invaded by Bulgarians, 20; by the Normans, 21; freed from the Venetians, 22; divided among the feudal lords, 26; independ- ent oases, 34; part of the do- minion of Ali Pasha, 43; re- volts, 46 ; joins insurrection of 1912, 68; invaded by the Greeks, 77 ; at the London Con- ference, 95-100; visited by the International Boundary Com- mission, 111; camouflaging, 113; existence of Greek schools in, 114; influence thereof on, 115; becomes a gangrene, 119; coup de theatre staged by the Greeks in, 121; evacuation evaded by the Greeks, 131; sham evacuation of, 132-133; Greek atrocities in, 134; war in, 141; massacres and atroci- ties committed bv the Greeks, 141-142; devastated by the Greeks, 151; landowners ex- pelled by the Greeks, 174; so- cial conditions in, 195-196; most progressive section of Albania, 196-197. Stefan Czernowitz, 31. Stefan Dushan, 23, 24. Steinmetz, Dr., on the economic prospects of Albania, 173. Steward, Mr., M. P., question put in the House of Commons by, 134. St. Jerome, 17, 241. St. Paul, preaches Christianity to the Albanians. 17. Strabo, 4 and n., 187. Strahlheimb. Dr. Hans von, quoted, 181; on the chivalrv of the Albanians, 190-191. Suli, Christian Albanian Com- munities of, war with Ali Pasha, 44. Sylvester, Pope, 17. Sykes, Sir Mark, M. P., question 254 INDEX put in the House of Commons by, 133. Szigetvar, Austrian warship, prison of Essad Pasha, 145. Taxation, Turkish system of, 195. Taurus, the Prince of Wied comes to Albania on the Aus- trian yacht, 153. Tchamouria, included in Greece, 119; should be returned to Al- bania, 2.39. Tepelen, birthplace of All Pasha, 43; burned by the Greelcs, 143; standing of, 197. Teuta, Queen of Illyria, 12. Thetis, Albanian form of, 6. Thomson, Colonel, of the Dutch Mission, killed in battle, 149. Thrace, Albanian settlements in, 210; 229. Tirana, in Tyrrhenus, 5; out- break of, 146. Tittoni, Count, on the impor- tance of Albania, 81. Tobacco, 176. Tomori, Mount, 170. Toptani, Family of, 195. Tosks, or Southern Albanians, derivative of Etruscus, 4 ; char- acteristics of, 187. Triple Alliance, 83, 127. Triple Entente, 83, 127. Trieste, 11, 18, 175, 180. Turkey, attacks Albania, 27 ; wars with Albania (see Scan- derbeg), 31-34; effects of Tur- kish conquest, 36-39; revolts against, 39-47, 53-57, 67-70; encourages Albanian resistance, 51-52; suppressing Albanian language and nationalism, 57- 60; 211-223; attitude of the Albanians toward, 61-63; un- der Abdul Hamid II, 63-66; under the young Turks, 67 ; yields autonomy to Albania, 67-70; effects of the Albanian successes on, 73; Albanians forsake, 76; ignores Albanian independence, 80 ; plots against Albania, 128-129. Turkhan Pasha, Albanian Pre- mier, 138. Turkish Conquest, The, effects on the Albanians, 36-38; nom- inal sovereignty, 36 ; migra- tions, 36; conversions to Islam- ism, 37, 201-202; isolation, 38; "nation in arms," 38. Turkish Constitution, 65; why the Albanian took side with the, 66; Albanian aspirations under the, 223-224. Turkish Custom Authorities, Sta- tistics of, 178. Turkish Farmer's Bank, 175. Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, 4. Tyrrhenus, in Tirana, 5. Ulysses, in Albanian, 6. Union and Progress, Committee of, 66, 73. United States, The Albanian so- cieties in, 57, 216, 228-232; delegation from, 137; shadowy protection, 139; Albanians in, 227-233; list of Albanian newspapers in, 230. Uskub, taken by Albanian insur- gents, 68. Valona, seat of the Provisional Government, 107; refugees ar- rive at, 122; Turkish plot at, 128; occupied by Italians, 158; climate of, 171; seaport of, 172; products of, 175. Var Efendem Var, 67. Vatra, The Pan-Albanian Fed- eration of America, 231. Venice, assumes sovereignty of Albania, 33-34 ; gives Alba- nia away, 34 ; fought by Kara Mahmud Pasha of Scutari, 42. Via ^gitana or Egnatia, 4. Viosa, (Voiussa), River, 170, 171; navigable of old, 184. Vreto, John, Albanian patriot, 214. Vrioni, Family of, 195. INDEX 255 Wassa Pasha, Albanian patriot and poet, 214, 222, 223. War, Balkan, 75-77 ; Albanians and Greeks, 141; European, see European War. Weer, General de, of the Dutch Mission, 129; reports on the massacre of Kodra, 142. Wied, Prince William of, elec- tion and biography, 124; blun- ders of, 130, 137-138; reign of, 13G-154; reception at Du- razzo of, 136; inexperience of, 138; results of the blunders of, 138, 141 ; compromises his standing, 148; leaves Albania, 153; school children in parade before, 226. Wiener Bank Verein, concession- naire of the National Albanian Bank. Women, Position of the Albanian, 198-120. Young Turks, The, and Albani- ans, 66; Albanian schools closed and newspapers sup- pressed by, 66; attempt to change the Albanian alphabet, 67, 224-225; revolts against, 68-69 ; fall of, 73 ; plot against Albania, 129. Zara, Albanian colony of, 209. Zeus, Albanian form of, 4, 6. 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