Ex Libris 
 C. K. OGDEN
 
 OR THE 
 
 SYSTEM OF COURTS. 
 
 EXEMPLIFIED IN THE 
 
 LIFE, CHARACTER, AND LATE DESERTION 
 
 O F 
 
 IN THE VIRTUE OF 
 
 IMPLICIT CONFIDENCE 
 
 I N 
 
 KING^ AND MINISTERS, 
 
 AND IN THE 
 
 PRESENT CONCERT OF PRINCES, 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 Delirant Reges, pledluntur Achivi. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR J. RIDGEWAY, YORK STREET, 
 ST. JAMES'S SQUARE. 
 
 MDCCXCUI.
 
 LIFE, &c. 
 
 FATAL to freedom are the perfidy and 
 corruption of courts They who have- 
 been once infected by that peflilential at- 
 mofphere, where all partial and exclufive 
 interefts are centered, mufl be very ill quali- 
 fied for any truft, in which the hofiile caufe of 
 liberty, and the rights of man, are at {lake. 
 It was the opinion of Mirabeau, who perfectly 
 knew the efprit which animated the whole 
 corps, that the new order of things would 
 be never fecure, till France was entirely 
 purged of her ariflocracy ; and the reftlels, 
 feditious, difcontented fpirit it has fince 
 B evinced,
 
 evinced, fully corroborates his opinion. 
 Such feparate interefts cannot be reconciled. 
 It is the fweat from the people's brow, that 
 pampers the lazy effeminacy and luxury of 
 courts. When great noblemen, proud in 
 their anceftry and their titles, pofTefTing 
 vaft riches, are not fatisfkd With their full 
 and tranquil enjoyment, but are mean 
 enough to folicit, and to hold places under 
 the crown, of no labour, or advantage to 
 others, with immenfe falaries annexed to 
 them, paid by the nation : fuch minions 
 cannot be regarded as friends to the people. 
 They are to all intents and purpofes a gene- 
 ral nulfanee : plunderers from the common 
 ftock, aggravating their burthens, taking 
 their money, without rendering any the 
 leaft fervice in return. If fuch places are 
 to be confidered .as honourable, they mould 
 be at leall: gratuitous ; as long as the poor 
 and laborious contribute to provide for 
 them, they are unjufl, infamous, and op- 
 preffive. I would as loon truft rny purfe to 
 si known thief, as my liberty to an arrant 
 
 cpurtier. He receives the public monc^ 
 
 - 
 
 not
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 not ta perform public fer vice ^ but to think; 
 Ipeak, and aft, on all occafions, conformably 
 with the direction and orders which ifTue 
 from the palace *.- 
 
 . Courtiers are hired, bribed by the civil 
 lifts of princes, extorted from the national 
 purfe, to uphold exclufive privileges againft 
 national rights, to fiipport the ufelefs, 
 fcandalous prodigality of finecures and pen- 
 fions ; draining the fubftance, the very vi- 
 tals of a kingdom borne down by nearly 
 three hundred million of debt. The foil 
 on which they fatten, the poor man ftarves; 
 it engroTes all the manure, and makes the 
 reft of the country barren and deferted ; 
 fharpening the fting of indigence, robbing 
 jnduftry and labour of their dear and juft 
 reward. Such is their bleiTed fyftem, which 
 grants all to thofe who do nothing, while it 
 witholds all from thofe who do every thing.. 
 
 .-* Perfons who entertain the Icaft fcepticifm on this 
 point, may have their doubts inftantly removed, by a 
 reference to the uniform parliamentary conduct of gea- 
 tleaicn falling within the above defcription, 
 
 B 2 It
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 It is the charaderiflic of a courtier to be- 
 hold things with a jaundiced eye. He will 
 extol as an act of wifdom and magna- 
 nimity, the moft confummate infernal 
 trealbn, if propitious to his views or his in- 
 tereft ; but he is outrageous againfl fimilar 
 guilt, if militating againft them ; as if there 
 could be any difference in the crime, ex- 
 cept from the magnitude of its operations, 
 the fuperior villainy of its defign, or the ex- 
 tent of its confequences. 
 
 Reverfing all the rules of juftice and hu- 
 manity, matured in the vile arts of adula- 
 tion, at the fame time arrogant and over- 
 bearing, he will turn his back on tranfcen- 
 dant merit in the garb of modefty and mif- 
 fortune; while with fawning fmiles, he 
 will cringe at the heel of the moft defpica- 
 ble folly, or hideous defpotifm, if inverted 
 with the f acred robes of r-y-1 impunity. 
 
 The trade of courtiers is flattery. It has 
 patted uniform and fyftematic in its pro- 
 grefs through a fucceflion of ages, and on 
 
 princes
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 princes the leaft deferving, it has generally 
 been lavifhed in moft copious ftreams. 
 Maecenas, the patron of genius, degraded 
 his high character, as the parafite of Au- 
 guftus ; and the mufe of Boileau was 
 proftituted to footh the pride, and to 
 gratify the fplendid vanity and barbarous 
 ambition of Louis XIV. who, during his 
 reign, was the fcourge and tormentor of 
 Europe *. 
 
 Tyrants, whofe crimes reflect obloquy on 
 
 human nature, whcfe cruelties are fufficient 
 
 to tinge the feeling heart with the darkeft 
 
 (hade of mifanthropy, have been deified 
 
 during life, and canonized after death ; till 
 
 flattery having loft its object, reafbn refumes 
 
 her empire, and the once triumphant mafter, 
 
 buried in the duft, his infamy revives ; truth 
 
 conquersinherturn, and honefthiftory paints 
 
 him in faithful colours. The fceptered 
 
 * This fpecies of flattery is thus pleafantly hit off 
 by La Fontaine. 
 
 u On ne peut trop louer trois fortes de Perfonnes, 
 " Les dieux, fa maitrefle, & fon roi. 
 * c ^Efope le difait ; J'y foufcris quant a, moi, 
 " Ce font maximes toujours bonnes. 
 
 mur-
 
 murderer, whom the Chriftian Church 
 hailed as the faith's defender, and he alfo 
 was nick- named the Father of his People, 
 who received the proftituted incgpfe of 
 praife, even from perfons, who, in t$at age, 
 were regarded as models of primitive fim- 
 plicity and virtue, now dripped of his gor- 
 geous- and royal robes, long fince reduced 
 to the common level of mortality, is fur- 
 veyed in his true native light, in compari- 
 fon with whom Claudius and Caligula were 
 gods. 
 
 Perfons, debauched by the vile habits of 
 a court, can never be fincere in attachment 
 to popular fyftems of government ; and it 
 is truly unfortunate, when an union of fu- 
 perior talents, of inordinate ambition, with 
 jnoral bafenefs, acquires an afcendant over 
 .public opinion. It is then that confidence 
 lerves only to feed the rapacity of private 
 jntereft, and the generous caufe of hu- 
 manity is no longer confulted, than it may 
 be convenient or political to do fo. 
 
 There
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 .There is no crime, however odious, 
 however revolting, that may not be varnifh- 
 ed by the fubtle definitions of Machiavelian 
 fophrftry, or that will not, if necefTary, 
 be defended by the brazen unprincipled 
 erFrontlry of ariftocratic infolence ; but it 
 defies all the genius of their art and delufion 
 to controvert fa&s. The character of truth 
 is immutable. What is in nature wrong, 
 no words can palliate, no plea can air 
 ter. The man who betrays his trufl, is a 
 TRAITOR ; and he who, entrufted with 
 arms to fight for his country, would turn 
 them againft it, is the BLACKEST of 
 TRIATORS. Yet even the traitor Du- 
 mourier, who, in the month of December, 
 1792, fubmitted a plan to the Executive 
 Council of France for the conquefl of Hol- 
 land, which was refilled only from a re- 
 luctance to form an open rupture with us, 
 or to deflroy that infidious neutrality we af- 
 fected to obferve, and who in April, 1793, 
 only four months afterwards, accufed the 
 fame council of ra/Jmefs and precipitancy 
 in plunging the Country in that additional 
 
 calamity,
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 calamity, which he himfelf had previoufly 
 advifed, when the fatal meafure was al- 
 ready predetermined in the E g fh 
 C I* n t that rendered it inevitable ; 
 the treacherous fanguinary renegade, he, 
 who, on the i6th, iSth, and 22d of March 
 in the fame year, the trea(bn then rankling 
 in his bread, inundated the plains of Belgia 
 with the blood of his braveft and moft loyal 
 foldiers (whofe patriotifmhe knew obnoxious 
 to his perfidious view) in a caufe of which 
 it was erft his glory to proclaim himfelf the 
 enthufiaftic defender, and who a very few 
 days afterwards, unable to debauch the ma- 
 jority of his army that remained, faved his 
 own miferable carcafs by flight ; and, from 
 a victorious leader, under the banners of 
 his country, ftruggling for its independence 
 and freedom, joined the enemy, and de- 
 generated into the fcorned apoftate fatellite 
 of defpotilm, whom treachery itfelf dare 
 not truft ; even Dumourier, that paragon 
 of traitors, who voluntarily led fuch num- 
 bers of his valiant countrymen to (laughter, 
 under pretence of fighting for the liberty 
 
 of
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 of mankind, which at that very inftant it 
 is evident he had refolved to betray, is 
 deified in the imagination of courtiers, while 
 men like Condorcet, animated by the purefl 
 flame of patriotifm and philofophy, fixed 
 in their principles, faithful to their trufr., 
 are branded as thieves and murderers, 
 gratefully diftinguifhed by one of Du- 
 mourier's prototypes, the virtuous, con- 
 fiflent B ke ; * as the moft humane of 
 murderers. 
 
 But whither do thefe crooked diabolical 
 politics tend ? The paths of treachery de- 
 
 * The labours of this philcfcpher, branded as a 
 murderer by Mr. B ke, have been invariably de- 
 voted to the inftruclion, and to promote the happinefs 
 of his fellow- creatures. His life, till the revolution, 
 when he enlifted on the fide of freedo.n, was almoft 
 abftra&edly employed in philofophical refearches. He 
 was in his judicial character a moft zealous advocate 
 for preferving the life of the late king, bitter enemy 
 to the flave trade, and in the project of a conftitu- 
 tional code, the article abolishing the punifhment of 
 death for all crimes, except treafon and murder, ori- 
 ginated in this humant affajjtn. 
 
 C tefted
 
 teed, lead to certain dif^race. An honour- 
 able war, (if ciTenfive war could be honour- 
 able) employs only honourable means to 
 defend it, and it is a fad prognoflic both of 
 its principles, and of en unfortunate iflue^ 
 when they employed in its fervice, ftoop to 
 the bafeir, moil unwarrantable practices, to 
 cover the atrocious defigns of, injuftice, ra- 
 pine, and illegitimate conqueft. 
 1 * 
 
 ' r ' I 
 The corruption and fudden conversion of 
 
 this man, makes peace appear more difiant 
 
 than ever. It would be madnefs to coi^fi- 
 
 . . - - - ,- i i 
 
 der the acquisition or a perlon whom the 
 
 combined armies can never venture to truft 
 with command, and the remnant of one 
 regiment of cavalry, confifting of a few 
 hundred men, equally impoflible to be re- 
 lied upon, as a matter of importance. What 
 advantage then is to be reaped from this 
 deferter ? His abortive perfidy only proves, 
 that republican principles are univeffally 
 ditfufed, and deeply rooted in the minds of 
 foldiers as well as citizens, and it is an irre- 
 fragable axiom in politics, that every vio- 
 lent
 
 ( II ) 
 
 lent effort to fubvert an exifting' fyftem, 
 gives {lability by its defeat, to that it 'was 
 intended to deftroy. 
 
 When treachery gains its point, the trea- 
 fon is loved, but the traitor detefted ; 
 \vhen it fails, he is defpifed. The fcorn 
 and contempt of the combined forces will 
 avenge on him, the caufc of his be- 
 trayed and injured nation ; and he, who 
 fo lately enjoyed the efteem, and command- 
 ed the admiration of every virtuous mind, 
 every lover of liberty, is now funk, like his 
 unhappy predeceffor la Fayette, into the 
 deepeft mire of infamy, and difgrace, with 
 no other confolation, then the very partial 
 and precarious freedom, with which he has 
 been indulged under furferance from thofe, 
 
 o 
 
 on whofe protection and encouragement, he 
 vainly depended, but by whom, his object 
 blafted, he muft be inwardly fcorned and 
 rejected, as a corrupt and mercenary 
 traitor. 
 
 C 2 Let
 
 Let us however fift into caufes, and we 
 may perhaps unravel the myftery which 
 at firft created univerfal furprize, and 
 diffufed fuch enthufiaflic applaufe amongft 
 the ariftocratic corps. 
 
 Although of Plebian extraction, our here 
 afpired to Patrician diflinctions, and if am- 
 bitious of military renown, he was no wife 
 indifferent to civil emoluments. The happy 
 verfatility and duplicity of his talents, led 
 him early in life to Verfailles, where fimi- 
 lar accomplishments never pafled unre- 
 warded, fo that his genius for intrigue pro- 
 cured him immediate employment in that 
 particular line, which formed a principal 
 department in the antient fyftem of that 
 intriguing and ambitious court. Moniieur 
 Dumourier very foon attracted the notice of 
 the fagacious and difcerning Maurepas,who 
 was then minifter, and upon his recom- 
 mendation, he was at once regiftered on 
 the lift of clair-voyants (what we call in 
 England fpies,) a term applied to political 
 
 agents,
 
 ( 3 > 
 
 agents, who are bribed by courts to hifpire 
 confidence, and afterwards to betray it. 
 A fpecious addrefs, a total apathy of 
 principle, unreftrained by the cumbrous 
 fhackles of modefty or diffidence, qualified 
 him to fhine with refulgent luftre, in this 
 crowded hemifphere of brilliant fatellites. 
 He entered upon immediate pay *, and as 
 the military character was always confidered 
 a paifport to this honourable fervice, in or- 
 der to facilitate his introduction at the 
 courts to which he mght be fent, he was 
 prefented with the brevet of a captain of 
 infantry. In the capacity of a fpy, under a 
 military garb, he has been employed at alv 
 moft every court of Europe ; and he gene- 
 rally executed the virtuous office with con- 
 fummate ability, to the entire fatisfac- 
 tion of his mafters. A perfeft harlequin. 
 He knew how to aflume the moft oppofite 
 fhapes, as occafion required. In Poland, du- 
 
 * Under the old government in France, above four 
 millions fterling were annually appropriated to the 
 above honourable fervice. 
 
 ring,
 
 ( H ) 
 
 ring the arrangement of the partition treaty, 
 a very important and multifarious part was al- 
 lotted to him, and he performed it with his 
 ufual eclat. He appeared at different times in 
 that country, under the different characters 
 of an officer, an abbe, a pilgrim, and a 
 monk, and the difgu'Je fat fo naturally on 
 him, that he always efcaped detection. 
 
 Iritheyeari777andi778,ourdifr.inguim- 
 ed fpy refided in different courts of Ger- 
 many, where that his happy talents might 
 not ruft from inaction, he kept a jealous 
 watch over the emiffaries of his own court, 
 many of whom were difgraced by the re- 
 ports he tranfmitted of their remiffnefs and 
 mifcondudt. 
 
 England alfo is a theatre on which hrs 
 
 
 
 his active vcrfatile genius has difplayed it- 
 felf. In the year 1 780, during the Ameri- 
 can war, when this country was curfed with 
 a weak, unprincipled, and prodigal admi- 
 niftration, and threatened by a combination 
 
 of
 
 . ( 15 ) 
 
 of foreign powers, which, through her own 
 infolent imperious councils, confpiredagainft 
 her; her finances dilapidated, her antient 
 glory tarnifhed, her commerce almoft an- 
 nihilated, labouring under a complication 
 of misfortunes ; agreeably with the old po- 
 litics of the court of Verfailles, French in- 
 trigue W as all alive, and French 2X)ld was 
 
 o o 
 
 profufely circulated in this capital. Mon- 
 fieur Dumourier was then in London under 
 the difguife of an abbe, an unfortunate per- 
 fecuted clergyman, banimed from his na- 
 tive land, for having publimed a book, in- 
 titled ' La Folie de la France D'AfMer 
 -des Rebelles." Here likewife he efcaped de- 
 tection, and what his object then was, is flill 
 unknown. We find him afterwards in the 
 years 1785 and 1786, in Holland, fanning 
 the flame of patriotifm ; ardent in zeal to 
 ferve the caufe in which he was employed, 
 and being at Amilerdam in the year 1787, 
 he had a very narrow efcape, his friend the 
 Duke of Brunfwick.havinsr given orders for 
 
 O < , 
 
 his arreft, but a clair- voyant is always on 
 
 his
 
 ( i6 ) 
 
 his guard, and thus, he was fortunate enough 
 to elude the order. 
 
 When peace was reftored to Holland, as 
 a reward for pail fervices, Moniieur de 
 Vergennes appointed him major de place at 
 Cherbourg, which was the higheft military 
 rank that he attained under the former go- 
 vernment. In this fituation, the powers of 
 his mind had little fcope for action, and he 
 there languifhed for frem opportunities fa- 
 vourable to his genius for intrigue, or hope- 
 ful to his views of ambition. The crifis at 
 length arrived. 
 
 Deftitute of every honourable principle, 
 the only fentiment which ever actuated 
 him, was that of intereft, whether as the 
 fatellite of a defpot, a dangler in the anti- 
 chamber of a duke, the furious demagogue 
 of a club, the minifter of a limited monar- 
 chy, or the commander of a republican 
 army, all his labours and ambition tended to 
 one uniform point ; to aggrandize himfelf; 
 
 in-
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 indifferent as to the means, provided he 
 faw a probability of accomplishing it. Thus, 
 when the firft revolution took place, the com- 
 plaifant obiequious fpyof a court, was at once 
 metamorphofed into a raving jacobin, and 
 feconded bv that focietv (now the grateful 
 
 - \ o 
 
 object of his execration) he intrigued himfelf 
 into employment, and in the month of March 
 1792, he fucceeded the late Monfieur De 
 LefTart, as minifter for foreign affairs. Du- 
 ring the mort time he remained in office,the 
 ftrongeftlufpicions of peculation were enter- 
 tained ; our clair-voyant perceived there was 
 a ftorm brewing, and with all the art and 
 prudence peculiar to his former proferTion, 
 after being fuppofed to have well feathered 
 kis nejl, he gave in his difmiffioa, and hav- 
 ing been lince the revolution, through the 
 jacobin influence, advanced to the rank of 
 marechaF de camp, fuddenly decamped for 
 the northern army. He was well acquaint- 
 ed with the unpopularity of la Fayette, and 
 by his enmity, oppofition, and impatience 
 to fuperlede that degraded and unhappy 
 D general,
 
 general, he flattered popular opinion, while 
 in fo doing, he favoured his own rapacity 
 and ambition, by paving the way to the 
 command of that army, which, like his pre- 
 decefTor, in a ftill more ungrateful and bar- 
 barous manner, he afterwards betrayed. 
 The activity, talents, and patriotic zeal, 
 which he at firft difplayed, obliterated 
 paft tranfgreftions, and all memory of 
 his former fervile occupations, incompati- 
 ble with the dignity and virtue, fuppofed 
 inherent in the mind of a republican com- 
 mander in chief, was effaced by the vows 
 of inveterate hatred againft traitors and ty- 
 rants, and by his boafted promife of 'future 
 atchievements. But was it to be fuppofed 
 that he who had long iubmitted to the de- 
 gradation, and had diftinguimed himfelf in 
 the contemptible odious office of a fpy, 
 wliofe trade was treachery, and who had 
 been early infected by the tainted air of the 
 mod: vicious court in Europe, could ever 
 he loyal to the glorious caufe of freedom 
 and equality r From rooted habits, his heart 
 
 could
 
 ( 19 ) 
 
 could never glow with congenial ardour, 
 while fighting for principles that were fatal 
 to the fplendour of palaces, where his no- 
 tions had been formed, but whofe fucceis 
 might eftablifh a far better fyftem, eftabiifh- 
 ing the liberty, peace, and happinels of the 
 world. 
 
 That Dumourier, an old hoary fycophant, 
 grise in the menial fervice of a vicious ar- 
 bitary court, would be ftaunch to any caufe, 
 as long as he felt an interefl in it, there 
 could be no doubt, and that he would aban- 
 don it, when that intefefr. ceafed, or on any 
 reverfe of fortune, mull on reflection be 
 equally obvious, notwithftanding the won- 
 der that his defertion at firil: created. In a 
 breaft deftitute of all honour and virtue, 
 felf is always the predominant principle. 
 As an Efpion de Police, impelled by the 
 above fentiment, Dumourier would act 
 with the fame mechanical addrefs, accord- 
 ing to profeffional rule, as acting offi- 
 cially as minifter of a great nation ; and 
 D 2 he
 
 he would lead his foldiers to {laughter with 
 equal indifference and infenfibility, as com- 
 mander of an army fighting for defpotifm, 
 or as a leader of fquadrons ftruggling for 
 freedom. Men of this defcriptibn, confide r 
 every thing as a trade. Principle is wholly 
 out of the queftion, therefore, when Mr. 
 Dumourier's memorials are read, with 
 reference to his original habits, all wonder 
 muft ceafe, that he mould one day glory in 
 the piinciples of republican ifm, and that 
 on the next, after having facrificed thou- 
 fands and thoufands of the braveft lives, he 
 fhould devote himfelf, and the reft of his 
 followers, to the re-eftablimment of mo- 
 narchical government. In the proclama- 
 tions, which he has lately publimed, with 
 a view to juftify his treafon, he deals like 
 thofe who corrupted him, in bold unquali- 
 fied aficrtions, without a lhadow of aro-u- 
 ment or reaibn to iiipport them. When 
 he fpeaks of the glorious victories he had 
 atchieved for his country, he forgets the 
 bafcnefs with which he afterwards fold it ; 
 
 when
 
 when he now (wears to reftore royalty, he 
 forgets his former oaths, to defend to the 
 laft the fovereignty of the people. * I 
 
 * have fent a reinforcement to Bournoville, 
 
 * who has more than twenty thoufand 
 
 * men ; and who will never quit them 
 6 (the Prujfians) till he has exterminated 
 6 them. To give the finifhing blow to 
 " thisbuJinefS) IJhalljoinhim in per f on. 
 ' I have fent you fome copies of my nego- 
 4 ciation, which I have caufed to be print- 
 
 * ed, becaufe the commander of an army of 
 
 * freemen ought to fuffer no fufpicions to 
 
 * exijl refpeEling his condutt^ with the 
 
 * enemy* (traitor !) * The prefent circum- 
 ' fiance will foon deliver us from the 
 
 * fcourge of war, and you may aflure the 
 ' Augujl AffcmUy of the SOVEREIGN 
 4 PEOPLE, that I fwear never to 
 
 * know repofe, until it fhall be put 
 
 * out of the power of tyrants to do us any 
 4 hurt*." 
 
 To 
 
 * Vide Monfleur Dumourier's letter to the war mi- 
 nifter, on the retreat of the Pruflians from France, dated 
 
 St,
 
 To paint treafon in its moft odious co- 
 lours, it will be neceflary to refer to other 
 memorials and proclamations of the traitor, 
 and thence, the dulleft comprehenfion will 
 not be at a lofs to unravel the motives of 
 his late defertion. * Monfter, Out of thy 
 
 * own mouth will I coiivift thee.' 
 
 * The French nation has decided its fate, 
 
 * and foreign powers cannot refufe to ac- 
 
 * knowledge the truth of this affertion. 
 
 * They no longer fee the National AfTem- 
 ' bly, whofe powers were confined, who 
 
 * poflefled only a contefted authority, which 
 
 * might have been confidcred as ufurped ; 
 
 * but they now behold a reprefentation iii- 
 4 vetted with the complete fovereignty of 
 4 the French people, authorized by the Con- 
 4 ftitution itfelf, under the name of the 
 4 National Convention. 
 
 St. Menehoult, O&ober ift, 1792. It is flrongly fuf- 
 pe&ed, that he could have then cut off the retreat of the 
 Pruffians and that it is owing to fubfequent negotia- 
 tion, that they were fuffered to effed it. 
 
 'This
 
 4 This Convention, on the very firft day 
 6 of its fitting, actuated by fpontaneous 
 
 * movement, which is the fame through 
 ' the whole empire, decreed the abolition 
 
 * of royalty. This .decree was received 
 
 * with impatience, and rapture ; it every 
 ' where augment^ the energy of the people, 
 4 and it would be impoffible to re-eflablifh 
 ' a throne, overturned by the crimes which 
 
 * funounded it. 1 ranee then mujl be ever 
 
 * acknowledged a republic^ fmce the whole 
 
 * nation has declared the abolition of mo- 
 ' narchy. No power has a right to im- 
 4 pofe laws on fo great a nation. The ex- 
 4 periencei already offered, muft convince 
 
 * the King of Pruflia, that the conquejl of 
 
 * France is abfolutely impoffible. What- 
 
 * ever difference of principles may exift be-^ 
 
 * tween his Pruflian Majefty, who has been 
 
 * milled, and the French people, neither he 
 ' nor his generals, can any longer confider 
 ' that people, or the armies which oppoie 
 4 him, as rebels. The rebels are thofe in- 
 4 fatuated nobility, who, after having fo 
 
 * long
 
 * long oppreffed the people in the name of 
 
 * monarchs, have compleated the difgrace 
 
 * of Louis XVI. by taking up arms agai^Jl 
 4 their ozcn country, by filling Europe 
 
 * with their crimes and their calumnies ; yet 
 
 * thefe men are fufFered to remain in the 
 4 Pruflian army, and to form the advanced 
 4 guard of it, with a fnall number oj Au- 
 'Jlrians as barbarous as themfelves. 
 
 * Let us now confider thefe Auftrians. 
 
 * Since the fatal treaty of 1756, France, 
 
 * after facrificing her allies, became a prey 
 
 * to the ambition of the court of Vienna. 
 
 * All our treafures ferved to fatiate her 
 ' avarice. At the beginning of our re- 
 c Volution, the intrigues of that court 
 
 ere multiplied to deceive the French 
 ' nation, to miflead an unfortunate king, 
 4 and laftly, to render him perjured. 
 
 1 It is the court of Vienna that has oc- 
 
 * caponed the downfal of Louis XVI. It 
 ; rcprefented the French as monfters, while 
 
 that
 
 * that court, and the criminal emigrants, 
 ' now feconded by-other powers, pa 
 
 4 and confpirators, and kept up by --. 
 ' pO'IFible means the moft frightful dif- 
 4 cord. 
 
 1 The French have abolifhed royaltv, be- 
 ' caufe, fince Henry IV. they have always 
 ' had weak, proud, or timid princes, go- 
 ' verned by miftrefies, confeflbrs, infolcnt 
 ' or ignorant minifters, bafe and abject 
 
 * courtiers, who have afflicted with every 
 
 * calamity, the moil beautiful empire in the 
 ' univerfe. 
 
 * The King of PrurTia will one day blufh, 
 ' when he fees his army and his treafure 
 
 * facrificed to a fyftem of perfidy and ambi- 
 
 * tion, in which he has no mare, and to 
 ' which he is rendered the dupe* He would 
 ' find his intereft in now treating- with 
 
 o 
 
 4 France, for if ever there was an epocha, 
 
 * when a nation could be depended on, 
 ' it is that when the general will forms 
 
 E < the
 
 ' the invariable principles of a govern- 
 
 * ment *. 
 
 4 His majefiy has foil the nobleft part to 
 
 * act that ever king performed. His opera - 
 
 * tions alone have been attended with fuc- 
 ' cefs. He took two towns, but this fuccefs 
 ' was owing to treachery and cowardice. 
 
 * The French army is now purged of TRAI- 
 
 * TORS and cowards, who might have ex- 
 
 * The general will is ftill the fame ; in all countries 
 there are traitors whom intereft and gold will corrupt, 
 but they are not to be weighed in the ballance with the 
 rights and fentiments of a whole people. Monfieur 
 Dumourier kindly informs us, in his late addrefs to the 
 French people, dated St. Amand, April 2, 1793, c that 
 
 * arms are every where taken up j murders every where 
 ' committed, and pecuniary fupplies are every where 
 4 intercepted ; that the English foment thefe murders, 
 
 * and will by their fuccours, fupply fuel to them at plea- 
 4 fure.' 
 
 Neverthelefs, it is not all the corruption, perfidy, or 
 fang-jinary policy employed by foreign powers, nor all 
 ihe B--t-fh guineas, that Mr. Dumourier infinuates,the 
 B--t-fh G v-m-n-t will advance for the purpofe, that 
 can affect the general -xiil of the French nation, 
 which has been fully expreiTed by its reprefentativesk 
 fairly elected by the people at larrre. In the Prince de 
 Cobourg's fyftem of philosophy, treachery may be 
 vii-tue , in morals, it is the uhiirjatum of infamy. 
 
 * cited
 
 * cited an idea, that France could be eafily 
 ' conquered, but fhe will prove herfelf in- 
 
 * vincible. We have to avenge the ex- 
 4 cefTes committed in our fields, and it may 
 
 * readily be believed, that a war againft 
 < REPUBLICANS, PROUD OF THEIR 
 
 * LIBERTY, muft be a bloody war, which 
 
 * can never end, but with the entire de- 
 4 ftrudtion of the oppreflbrs, or the op- 
 prefledV 
 
 The reft of this memorial, favours ftrong- 
 ly of the old leaven, confining in the grofT- 
 eft, mod difgufting flattery of the King of 
 Pruffia, and as fuch it received ftrong marks 
 of reprobation, when read in the National 
 Convention ; but let us puriue this loyal 
 republican in the further progrefs of his 
 military diplomatic correlpondence. 
 
 * Judge yourfelf fir, with impartiality, 
 
 * forget for a moment that you are a Pruf- 
 4 fian ; what would you think of a nation, 
 
 * Dumouriers memorial to the King of Pruflia, 
 on the 9th of September, 1792. 
 
 E 2 * that
 
 at without being vanquished, fhould 
 
 * humble itfelf before a manifefto, and 
 ' fhould treat under conditions of (lavery, 
 when it had declared itfelf REPUBLI- 
 
 * CAN *. 
 
 ' LIBERTY IS EVERY WHERE 
 
 * TRIUMPHANT, it will overfpread the 
 ' i-nivcrfe, after having crufhed dcfpotifni, 
 
 * and enlightened the people. This war 
 1 will be the laft, and TYRANTS and 
 PRIVILEGED ORDERS will be the 
 ' fole victims in this ftruggle of ARBI- 
 
 * TRARY POWER againft REASON. 
 4 The arms which the confidence of the 
 ' nation entrusted to my care, have deferv- 
 
 * ed well of their country. Songs of joy 
 4 would have made one miflake our formi- 
 i dable camp for one of thofe camps of 
 
 * pleafure, where the luxury of kings for- 
 4 mcrlv collected embodied automata, for 
 
 > w 
 
 * the amufement of their miftrefTes and 
 
 * children. 
 
 * Dumouricr's anfvvcr to Monfieur Manftein, Aid 
 dc Gimp Cjcnen\I to the King ofPruflia, September 
 1792, Mi ft Year of the Republic. 
 
 * I am
 
 * I am come to pafs four days amongft 
 4 you ; I fliall not take any NEW OATH ; 
 
 * I fliall fliew myfelf worthy of command- 
 
 * ing the children of Liberty*.' 
 
 Without referring to his difpatches from 
 Mons, concerning the battle of Jemmappe, 
 and many fubfequent papers, figned with 
 his name, and publifhed by his authority, 
 the testimonials already quoted, throw all 
 former examples of perfidy, bafenefs, and 
 apoftacy, as far as the confequences might 
 have extended into the back ground. 
 
 Till the Order of Jefuits was deftroyed, 
 the court of France always felected her 
 moft able fpies from that body ; and as a 
 further proof of Monfieur Dumourier's ex- 
 cellence as a difciple of St. Ignatius, in ad- 
 dition to the extracts already made, let us 
 take fbme notice of the doctrines he has 
 published fince his late reconverfion. 
 
 * My dear countrymen, it is expedient that 
 
 * a TRUE AND BRAVE MAN, remove. 
 
 * General Dumourier's Speech to the National Con- 
 vention, O&ober, 1792, 
 
 4 from
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 * from you the veil which covers all our crimes 
 'and misfortunes. In 1789, we made 
 4 great efforts to obtain liberty, equality, 
 
 * and the fovercignty of the people. Our 
 
 * principles were confec rated in the decla- 
 
 * ration of the Rights of Man ; and from 
 ' the labours of our legiflators, have rc- 
 4 fulted the declaration, which fays, that 
 4 France (hall be a MONARCHY ; fe- 
 4 condly, aConftitution, to which we fwore 
 4 fealty in 1 789-90 and 1 79 1 .' 
 
 It muft appear ftrange to our readers, if 
 he were not aware of the true caufe of this 
 npoftacy, that the general did not remember 
 this former oath, when from the Ihortnefsof 
 time, it muft have been more recent in his 
 memory, and if ever there were periods when 
 that oath might be fuppofed to have ope- 
 rated with effect, it was immediately after 
 the loth of Auguft, after the maflacres of 
 the 2d and ^d of September, or directly 
 after the execution of Louis XVI. But 
 no, his bread then feemed flufhed with 
 a'i additional glow of republican enthu- 
 
 fiafm ;
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 fiafm ; it was then he renewed his oath 
 of fidelity to the new government, and 
 it was long after the dreadful fcenes of 
 the 2d and 3d of September, as will be per- 
 ceived from the extracts which we have 
 made from his own printed papers, that he 
 continued to glory in his REPUBLICAN 
 PRINCIPLES, that he acknowledged the 
 general will of the people as facred and in- 
 violable, and fwore never to abandon the 
 righteous caufe, till he had forced the ene- 
 my to fubmit to its juftice ; that it was a 
 war of ARBITRARY POWER A- 
 GA-INST REASON AND PHILOSO- 
 PHY. It was not by the death of Louis 
 that his fenfibility appeared affected, or that 
 he declared the caufe to be difhonoured ; 
 no, fubfequent to that period, he attempted 
 the conqueft of Holland ; nor was it till 
 fruftrated in his views on that country, as a 
 relief from infanity, which the difappoint- 
 ment of his ambition feemed to threaten, 
 after having (as has been before remarked) 
 
 facrificed the flower of his armv, that he 
 
 7 
 
 attempted in vain to debauch that part 
 which remained, and that he fold his coun- 
 
 try
 
 try and his fame, to gratify a curfed 
 avarice, and to fcreen himfelf from the 
 juft vengeance of the people he had be- 
 trayed. 
 
 Such is our new ally, the gallant faithful 
 General Dumourier ; who, by affected en- 
 thufiafm, for the common caufe in which 
 his country was embarked, by his avowed 
 enmity againft traitors, tyrants, and privi- 
 leged orders, ftill further recommended by 
 his great military talents, fafcinated con- 
 
 O * 
 
 fidence, and afterwards betrayed it ; 
 
 j 
 
 yet even this traitor, this convicted traitor, 
 as here he {lands, finds his advocates in the 
 rotten phalanx of ariftocracy, and the liber- 
 ties and very exiftence of a regenerated na- 
 tion, which the open force of all the courts in 
 Europe united in vain to conquer, was for a 
 moment endangered, by the fuccefs with 
 which they practifed their fccret arts and 
 corruption, on the bread of an avaricious, 
 mercenary, deferter. Unhappy France, 
 furely thy excefTes are in fome degree 
 palliated by the eternal and matchlefs 
 perfidy thou haft experienced from thy 
 
 own
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 own ungrateful children, aiming a poi- 
 nard at their mother's heart. Can- 
 dour will grant fome indulgence to the 
 paroxyfms of a people thus annoyed on all 
 fides, mines of treafon fpringing up in every 
 quarter ; every day bringing to light frem 
 inftances of moil horrible confpiracies, ig- 
 norant whom to truft, from having been 
 
 fo often betrayed ; the enemy not fatisfied 
 
 **.. 
 
 with attacking them without, but circulat- 
 ing in profulion their poifonous gold, to 
 foment murder and civil war -within : fold 
 by their generals in whom they had repofed 
 unlimited confidence and powers, on the 
 faith of mofl facred vows, with a brutifh 
 infolence, ingratitude, and cruelty, which 
 defy all the powers of language, or inven- 
 tion to defcribe. 
 
 A philofvpher will judge for himfelf, he 
 is not to be led aftray by fuperficial appear- 
 ances, by the artifices of a defigning interefted 
 faction, or by the clamorous uproar of a 
 miiguided multitude. He will penetrate 
 into primary caufes, before he prefumes to 
 F pro-
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 pronounce on effects, nor will he iuffer the 
 phrenfcy of parfion, or the torrent of infa- 
 tuation in others, to fHtie the fentiments of 
 
 truth in his unclouded mind. 
 
 Amidft all their outrages, he will per- 
 ceive injured men, for the moft part in- 
 cenfed to retaliation ; he will regard them 
 as thus moulded, thus goaded to ferocity, 
 by the revolting barbariim of their antient. 
 oppreffors ; he will not have forgot the un- 
 provoked bloody manifestos of thole ruffian 
 invaders, finking at their regenerated free- 
 dom and independence, ftimulating and 
 -provoking their revenge ; he will feel for a 
 people driven to madnefs from a dread of 
 relapfing into their former defpotifm. It 
 would not therefore appear a phenomenon 
 to him, that they who had fo long been 
 treated as beads, ihould occafionally aft 
 like lavages, or, that men fhould become 
 defperados whiff-had been driven to defpair. 
 
 Treachery breeds revenge ; injury 
 may forgive a TYRANT, but it never 
 
 pardons a TRAITOR. Hence the rovaL 
 
 j * 
 
 the
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 the civil blood that has flowed. JLet indig- 
 nation then be directed to the proper chan- 
 nel ; let it be, pointed againft the vile au- 
 thors, not againft the miierable exalperated 
 instruments of thofe heart rending fcenes \ 
 againfi the perfidious monfters, who, 
 after having railed the daemon of deftruc- 
 tion, make him ferve as a pretext to de- 
 ceive and enrage the world againfl the hoiv 
 rors they themfelves excited. 
 
 MalTacre, alas, is trie inevitable attendant 
 on all great revolutions in ftates ; and for 
 this reafon, many refpe&able men are 
 averfe to ail innovating experiments ; but 
 fhould we fhrink from truth, from jiiflice, 
 from virtue, and a fair profpect of future 
 happinefs, through a dread of tempprary 
 convulfions, however violent, and which 
 originate in thofe privileged beings, who 
 have not magnanimity to fubsmt to a more 
 equal difpenfation of lublunary enjoyments ? 
 Is it poffible, that a rational liberal mind, 
 however fenfible to the neeefTary painful 
 alternative, mould regard thcfe horrors of 
 a day in the fame mirror, as he refle&s on 
 F 2 that
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 that ci-devant defpotifm, which produced 
 evils equally atrocious in the hour of their 
 commiflion, and mexprefTibly more cala- 
 mitous from the length of their duration ? 
 To form a juft judgment, we muft con- 
 trail a moment of horror with ages of fe- 
 licity. 
 
 It has been hitherto the fatal policy of 
 government in all ages to cherim the falu- 
 tary infenfibility, the tranquillizing fpi- 
 rit, which fubmits to grovel in utter dark- 
 nefs. Have we flaves, the plan is to fub- 
 due their minds, and rivet them in their 
 native ignorance. Have we fubjecls, it is 
 by their impotence, and by oppreffion, that 
 we labour to enforce obedience. Plenty 
 would only create infolence and mutiny 
 amongft them *. If, however, this were 
 the true philofophy of focial inftitutions, 
 what a frightful abortion would fuch a fyf- 
 tern appear. How degrading, how libellous 
 to the human character, the luppofition 
 
 The uniform language of tyrants, 
 
 ' The refty knaves are over-run with eafe, 
 * As plenty ever is the nurfe of fra5lion.' 
 
 Rtnue's Jane Shore. 
 
 that
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 that every thing tending to the inftruction 
 of man makes him vicious and profligate. 
 But the fallacy of this doctrine is detected 
 on a moment's confideration. Truth, juf- 
 tice, and equality *. can never be a iburce 
 of injury to mankind. It is natural that 
 the firft developement and illumination of 
 the mind fhould be attended with difor- 
 der ; but order and happinefs are likely 
 
 * No word was ever more barbaroufly abufed or 
 perverted from i^s real fignifkation, for the ba&ft of 
 purpofes, than this word has lately been. From the 
 unequal manner in wfrch nature has f'ealt out her difpen- 
 fations, equality is phyfically impoffible in our human ca- 
 reer, although it is certain we are all born equals to our 
 rights ; that is, a man born to no inher tance of riches, 
 has an equal right to eligibility to ferve his country in 
 any capacity for which his talents or virtues may qualify 
 him, as an Earl of D-l-ng t-n, born to millions, 
 without any talents or virtues whatever; and it is an 
 irrefiftible proof of bad government ,'it wrv>ught the 
 revolution in France,), that enormous inequality which 
 prevails in them ; and however pafiive, from habitual 
 influence, the human mind may fe -m under op- 
 preffion, it is fhocked, on fober reflection, amidft the 
 want and mifcry ev ry where vifible, when it difcovers, 
 that the king, even of a limited monarchy, receives, 
 as the wages of his office, an income equivalent to the 
 labour of fifty thoufand men, calculating it on an average 
 cf one {hilling a day to each man. 
 
 to
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 to fucceed it. If men have hitherto 
 ilrayed far and wide from their true in- 
 tereft and happinefs, there can be no reg- 
 ion why they mould continue to wander irr 
 the fame wretched obfcurity for ever ; that 
 they fhould carry the fyftem of error to eter- 
 nity. It is time that the madnefs mould 
 ceafe, which delegates to an individual the. 
 power of injuring or deftroying a nation. 
 
 If our own domeftic affairs did not 
 yield ample experience, let us only for an 
 inftant reflect on the example lately afford- 
 ed by France, trufting all me held moft 
 dear, a balance, perhaps, in which the fate 
 of worlds hung lufpended, to the direction 
 of one apoftate venal traitor him whole 
 portrait has been given. Neverthelels, 
 we are now fpite of example at the cli- 
 max of infatuation, and regardlefs of per- 
 fonal danger, it is at iuch a period a 
 virtuous duty, recommended by Solon, to 
 publifh truth without diffidence or referve. 
 The true philanthropift will not be checked 
 in his courfe, he will be active in the fcene, 
 and by his exertions ft rive to render the ope- 
 rations
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 rations of thought at once profound and bene- 
 ficial. He will be the herald of peace and good 
 will amongft his fellow creatures. ' The 
 ' tidings of liberty and equality, duly con- 
 4 fidered, are tidings of joy to oil condi- 
 
 * tions of life ; they free the peafant from 
 ' the iniquity which deprefTes him, ^and 
 4 the privileged from the luxury and defpo- 
 
 * tifm by which he is corrupted. Let thofe 
 4 who hear thefe tidings not ftain their 
 
 * benignity by mewing that that benignity 
 
 * has not yet become the inmate of their 
 6 hearts *.' 
 
 Truth can never be hurtful to the many, 
 however formidable it may appear to thofe 
 whole vanity and imagined interefts it may 
 attack ; and were not thofe privileged gen- 
 tlemen confcious of its virtue that the 
 more profound its inveftigation, the more 
 fatal it would prove to them they would 
 not, with fuch paffion and fury, oppofe its 
 progrefs. Were fiich my opinions, why 
 
 * Godwin concerning Political. Juftice, vol. ii. 
 p. 880. 
 
 mould
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 fhould I hefitate to declare myfelf a repub- 
 lican ? There can exift no better caufe, why 
 being a republican under a monarchy, I mould 
 enlift with a desperate faction to difhirb the 
 public tranquility ; than if I were monar- 
 chical under a republic *. The bufmefs of 
 an honefl man is to promulgate truth ; to 
 wait patiently the victory of conviction, 
 and the government wM:h cannot bear to 
 hear it, is not the government under which 
 an honejl man would chufe to live. Un- 
 fortunatelv, a contrary fyftem prevails, on 
 the principles of integrity we profels, let us 
 proceed to examine it. 
 
 Inftead of eflablifhing a legitimate em- 
 pire over the human mind, on the folid 
 bans of reaion and political juilice ; govern- 
 ments have hitherto enthralled it by the 
 miterable devices of craft and impofition, 
 uniformly rejecting all experiments of in- 
 ftruction and felicity, employing only fuch 
 engines, as they found moft conducive 
 
 * Godwin concerning Political Justice, vol. ii. 
 p. 880. 
 
 to
 
 to their own purpofes ; in holding it under 
 its native ignorance, and prac~tifing every 
 unwarrantable artifice, to inure it to the 
 moil difgraceful fervitude, it would appear 
 from an appeal to their practice, as if it was 
 their policy to hold truth in mortal enmity, 
 and to conlider thofe who would enforce it, 
 as their mortal foes ; but ideas cannot fug- 
 geft ftronger arguments of fufpicion againfl 
 their fyftem, than what they themfelves 
 afford by the jealoufy of inveftigatioii, and 
 the implacable rancour, with which they 
 purfue all thofe, who are bold enough to 
 deny their power, and to enter on can- 
 did difcuffion, the only road to truth. 
 How far this jealoufy is founded in a con- 
 fcioufnefs of their own imbecillity and in- 
 , juftice ; on a perfect conviction that they 
 cannot bear the light of reafon and philo- 
 fophy, we \vill proceed to examine. 
 
 Nations, like armies, have ever been the 
 
 wretched dupes of catchwords, thrown out 
 
 by their leaders, for the purpofe of the day ; 
 
 church and ftate, liberty and property, glory 
 
 G of
 
 df otir arms, immortal confutation, trade,,, 
 and navigation, have all in their turns 
 done their bufinefs here, without having 
 had any meaning, or at leaft any understood 
 by thcf*:, who moft Icndly vociferated 
 them*. It muft be confidered a very bad 
 omen of a caule, when it flies to luch ilale 
 pitiful refonrces for fupport. All the 
 above ha'cknied phrafes, cum multis alns T 
 {till maintain their influence amongfi us, 
 but of the different terms at prefent iir 
 vogue, Confidence, is that which rules 
 tvith moft abfoiute fwav, and which enfures 
 
 * 7 
 
 the moft complete iuccefs. IMPLICIT 
 CONFIDENCE is the parole now in ufe,. 
 By which aHEAVENBORN MINISTER 
 calls forth his vaiTals to rally round his' 
 ftanchrd of delufion. Under the fan&ion of 
 this magic auxiliary, all enquiry is crufhed;' 
 the fpiri': of reform is conftrued into trea- 
 fon, or perhaps mildly qualified under the 
 appellation, held aimed: equally criminal, of 
 republicanilm, and whoever is imprudent 
 or daring enough to oppofe the torrent, 
 
 * V\ r orks of Soame Jenyus, vol. ii. p. 230. 
 
 even
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 even by the gentleft infmuations of reafon 
 or argument, raifes a mountain on his 
 frack that threatens to crufh him. He is 
 fcouted at once as a leveller and republican 
 (words, the true fignincation of which is 
 
 Hebrew to the generality of his appellants) 
 and damned as a difloyal and dangerous 
 fubjecl:. 
 
 If a man .does not fympathife in the glo- 
 rious news, if he be only hike- warm in 
 expreffions of applaufe, when Dumourier's 
 gallant treachery is recorded ; if he does 
 'not actually exult when he hears it joy- 
 fully and triumphantly proclaimed, that 
 ten or twenty thoufand Frenchmen, whofe 
 cruelties are the inexhauftible theme of 
 Britons indignation, have been cut to pieces 
 -by the valiant Auftrians *; if his heart be a 
 
 Stranger 
 
 * As the delicate nerves of Englifh ariftocracy are 
 not proof againft French cruelty, they may probably 
 '.be tortured in perufmg the following genuine account 
 of Auftrian and Emigrant barbarity : 
 
 v* The Auftrians continued to pour into Liege a 
 G 2 prodi-
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 Granger to fuch divine enthufiafm, and that 
 his tongue difdains to belie his heart, he is 
 
 D 
 
 marked 
 
 * prodigious quantity of {hells and red-hot bails for many 
 1 hours after it was evacuated by the French, whereby 
 4 a number of citizens were killed, and many houfes 
 
 * deflroyed ; after which, a part of the troops entered 
 4 the city, and the moft horrid fpe&acle prefentcd itfelf, 
 4 that ever eyes beheld. Men, women, and -children, 
 
 * every human creature that they met was indifcrimi- 
 4 nately, butchered. The houfes were broke open, and 
 4 the {hops plundered. The women were firft violated 
 4 and afterwards murdered. Two ftreets in particular, 
 4 la rue de St. Nicolas & rue St. Anne, experienced all 
 4 the fury of the foldiers, nor did the Officers {hew 
 4 more moderation orhumanity then the common men. 
 4 La rue St. Nicolas is a wafte of ruins, and its inhabi- 
 tants are deft roved. Some of thofe belonging to the 
 4 rue St. Anne, e leaped with their lives ; but the number 
 4 of men, women, and children killed, after the enemy 
 4 had left the city, is eftimated at fix or feven thoufand,' 
 
 The above fa& is here literally related as it was 
 communicated to the author by an Englifh officer of 
 untainted veracity, who was at Liege, when the horrors 
 were perpetrated. 
 
 So much for our new Allies ! 
 
 The fubfequent account is a literal translation from 
 the addrefs delivered at the bar of the National Con- 
 vention, on the ^gth of September, 1792, by Citizen 
 
 Robert,
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 marked as a fufpicious character, and his 
 CONFIDENCE impeached ; but if he 
 
 mould 
 
 Robert, Mayor of Vancq, attended by Benier, Rec- 
 tor of that Community. 
 
 1 Reprefentatives of the French People ; I addrefs 
 
 * yott in the name of feven or eight hundred citizens, to 
 4 whom nothino- remains but the afhes of their habita- 
 
 o 
 
 * tions and their fidelity to the Republic, and who for 
 ' their attachment to the Laws of their country, have 
 4 experienced the vengeance of the enemies of liberty. 
 
 * On Monday the 24th of this month, (September) 
 
 * the municipality of Vancq, in the diftrict of Voufieres, 
 
 * and department of Ardennes, received an order in 
 
 * the name of the ci-devant Marechal de Broglio, com- 
 4 manding a body of emigrants, whofe head quarters 
 
 * were then at Voufieres, to fupplyhis army with pro- 
 
 * vifions, which being refufed by the municipality, fire 
 1 was fet to the village, and in a moment the blaze con- 
 1 fumed our whole crop, both of wheat and barley, with 
 4 our barns, ftables, horfes, and nearly two hundred 
 4 houfes, with the church, were alfo deftroyed. Their 
 c rage was not yet fatisfied. They mafTacred without 
 
 * diftindtion, old men, women, and children : they 
 4 prevented a mother from entering her dwelling, to 
 4 fave her three infants, who perifhed in the flames. 
 
 4 They offered a pardon to any perfon who would 
 1 deliver up myfelf and the re&or ; but by a road un- 
 4 known to them, we found means to efcape. The 
 
 4 emigrants]
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 ihould be ftill more imprudent and daring ; 
 if he fhould prefume to doubt the policy, 
 juftice, or humanity of the war in which 
 his country is now engaged, to call in quef- 
 tion its expediency or neceffity, or to ex- 
 prefs a belief, on the ground of evidence or 
 facts, that it really was the defire, as moil 
 certainly it was the interefl: of France 
 to preferve peace with us ; then he has 
 reached the ultimatum of political hereiy, 
 and ftands a fair chance of beins; de- 
 
 o 
 
 nounced to Mr. R ves, and by him, to 
 his attorney g-n-r-1, as a traitor and a rebel. 
 Alas ! the generality of mankind are go- 
 verned more by antient abufes, or local pre^ 
 
 judices 
 
 * emigrants fatiated with carnage, and covered with the 
 ' blood of their countrymen, at length retired; but they 
 < tied to the tails of their horfes, Several or" the inhabi- 
 * tants, whom they dragged away as a trophy of their 
 
 * inhuman triumph. We requeft an aid of fifty thou- 
 
 * fandlivres to relieve the prefent \vants of our commu- 
 
 * nity, as t!ie lofs v.-e have fuftained, is eftimated at 
 
 * more than five hundred thoufand livres.' 
 
 On a motion from Le Croix, the fum was decreed- 
 C~)nthc fvorc o:' cruelty, it would far better btcome us 
 ile.nt.
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 judices, than by reafon or conviction ; far 
 more in the habit of talking than of think- 
 ing, and in this corrupted channel, opinion 
 flows at prefent with greater violence than 
 at any former period. 
 
 In all focieties, it is the ignorant or pre- 
 judiced, that form the great majority, and 
 when their rulers are wicked, it is fociety 
 that fufFers. Folly and vice triumph only 
 for a moment, they are quickly detected, 
 but they unfortunately leave a durable im- 
 preffion behind them. Credulity is the Hire 
 victim of intereft and ambition. The tor- 
 rent however rages too fierce to laft, when 
 it ceafes, Englimmen will have only to be- 
 wail its fatal effects, and curfe the authors 
 of this delufion. 
 
 Our national character has undergone an 
 entire revolution, {till more degenerate in 
 politics than in morals ; vice in one fyftem 
 naturally infects the other. The fege cau- 
 tion, the watchful jealoufy of our anceftors y 
 refpecting the lead encroachments- on po- 
 pular
 
 ( 48 5 
 
 pular rights, are now converted into IM- 
 PLICIT CONFIDENCE in the wifdom 
 and virtue of minifters of ftate, who in 
 grateful requital, avail themfelves of it, as 
 an engine to increafe the prerogative of the 
 crown, by which they think to ftrengthen 
 their own authority. 
 
 Louis XIV. was held an arbitrary mo- 
 narch. The noble qualities that adorn the 
 character of George III. may poffibly be a 
 guarantee to his fubjefts, agamft any im- 
 mediate exercife of defpotifm ; yet were 
 it not for that guarantee, ftrengthened by 
 our CONFIDENCE in his wifdom and 
 virtue, to prevent any abufe of them by his 
 minifters, can it be faid that the enormous 
 additional powers unknown to our confti- 
 tution, lately granted to the crown, al- 
 though a few years ago, declared bv a fb- 
 
 O Jo' J 
 
 lemn vote of Parliament, to have increafed 
 and that they ought to be dimimlhed, bear 
 the leaft analogy with the original fpirit of 
 a government, whofe peculiar excellence 
 
 we
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 we are for ever told is LIBERTY *. 
 
 That they do not render the prerogative of 
 a king of England as formidable, as that 
 enjoyed by the former tyrant, and which, in 
 the hands of a prince lefs diflinguifhed for 
 moderation and indifference to power, than 
 George III. might expofe his fubje&s to 
 the moft odious and abominable tyranny. 
 
 In virtue of this CONFIDENCE, mi- 
 niflers will not now hear of any attempt to 
 innovate on the part of their opponents ; 
 it feems rather their own object, as in the 
 courfe of this work we mail prove, to de- 
 ftroy ; yet in "proportion as they mutilate 
 and deface the beautiful fyftem of their 
 affected idolatry, in contempt of what is 
 called the fundamental laws of the land, 
 they are implacable in profecution of thofe 
 
 * Perfons of a fceptical turn of mind may probably 
 waver from this opinion, when they confider the nature 
 of fome recent proclamations, and efpecially when they 
 analize the poflible confequences of two modern acls 
 of Parliament, difnnguiQied under the title of c Alien 
 Bill and Bill to prevent Traiterous Correfpondence.' 
 
 H who
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 who avow the defire, or enforce the necef- 
 fity of repairing the mouldering edifice, and 
 of defending it againft their parricidal ftrokes, 
 by a (trange fatality, IMPLICIT CONFI- 
 DENCE feems to increafe with public ca- 
 lamity, minifterial corruption, and com- 
 mercial misfortunes. 
 
 Time was, when a candidate for popular 
 iufFrage, grounded his pretenfion on popu- 
 lar fervices ; on a rooted attachment to the 
 generous caufe of liberty ; but amidft the 
 delirium that now rages, he finds his fureft 
 paHport to public favour, in declarations 
 of unlimited confidence in the feivants of 
 the crown, as the genuine organs of the 
 nation's interefl, of the nation's happinefs *. 
 
 To 
 
 * When the illufion is over, it will be recollete4 
 with wonder, that in the year 1793, at an ele&ion for 
 deputy to ferve in Parliament for the city of London, 
 the fuccefsful candidate in every hand-bill circulated in 
 his behalf, built all hope of fuccefs on the virtue of hav- 
 ing uniformly fupported for thirty years together, all the 
 different minifters of the crown. If it be foj if there 
 be a man, fo vile a tool to intereft or prejudice, as to
 
 To allay this fever, and to deftroy the 
 dominion of political {uperftition, which 
 this fatal confidence is intended to perpe- 
 tuate, is the author's grand object. 
 
 He wbiild enlighten his fellow citizens 
 into a rational and dignified fenfe of their 
 own felicity and importance ; fo far from 
 being a leveller, he would belie Mr. B-ke's 
 indecent barbarous defcription, and exalt 
 them far above the brutifh nature of fwine. 
 He would prove to their conviction the ar- 
 rogant claims of artificial distinctions, the 
 vanity of titled grandeur ; he would en- 
 force the glaring prefumption and felfifh 
 nature of thofe who labour to fupport them. 
 He depreciates the crufades and madnefs of 
 war, and would expofe in faithful colours 
 the jefuitical tricks, the impudent faifehoods 
 and far-fetched alarms, that have been 
 eternally employed to cajole them into it. 
 
 have waded through all that quagmire of depravity and 
 corruption, it is fair to ufe a French expreflion and 
 pronounce him 
 
 Un tres mauvais fujet, 
 
 H 2 He
 
 He would fain infufe into the marble hearts 
 of thofe haughty grandees, who revel in 
 their marble palaces, who fleep in their beds 
 of down, a drop of pity for poor outcafts of 
 the fame fpecies with themfelves, dragging 
 a cruel exiftence in the claycold huts of 
 penury and defpair. Senfible of the exor- 
 bitant price annexed to all the necefiary 
 articles of life, the natural inevitable refult 
 of our battles, our courts, our fine military 
 eftablifhments, &c. &c. &c. precluding 
 poverty from the fmalleft mare in its com- 
 forts, he dreads a calamity that muft fink 
 them ftill deeper in the gulph. He would 
 awaken his countrymen from their infatu- 
 
 
 
 ated dream, and ftrike the genius of truth 
 and humanity into their fouls, knowing the 
 mercilefs policy of a weak unprincipled ad- 
 miniftration to feize every advantage, to 
 perfevere in. any error however fanguinary 
 or fatal on a general fcale, if they deem it 
 likely to enlarge their own influence, to 
 diftract the public mind, or draw off its at- 
 tention from thofe neceffary objects of na- 
 tional reform, on which ere long, it feem- 
 
 ed
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 ed ftedfaftly fixed, and which, if liberally 
 and unequivocally accomplifhed, they were 
 aware might put an end to that omnipo- 
 tence they had fo long enjoyed, and fo out- 
 rageoufly abufed, by deducting from their 
 vile monopoly (a fcandal and abomination 
 to themfelves, as widening the fphere of 
 adverfity), and reftoring to the popular 
 balance, fome of thefe juft constitutional 
 privileges, which many of themfelves once 
 acknowledged, to have been mofl perfidi- 
 oufly ravifhed from it. 
 
 In times like thefe, when the human fa- 
 culties have been rouzed from their long 
 lethargy by the efforts of patriotifrn and 
 philofophy, it is the peculiar duty of 
 us fall, as we have already obferved, 
 in proportion to the means we pofTefs, to 
 difleminate the principles of reafon and 
 juftice. The caufe of juftice is the caule 
 of humanity. It calls for all our affedlion 
 and zeal, as it embraces the happinels of 
 us all. In this attempt, it becomes us not 
 to be difcouraged by the oppofition and dif- 
 ficulties that we (hall experience from mif- 
 
 taken
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 taken men. It is their imaginary intereft 
 which prompts them to blacken a caufe 
 that is all juftice and benignity, and their 
 exertions have hitherto impeded its fuc- 
 cefs. The increafing advocates of equality 
 (hould therefore rife in their efforts to over- 
 come this obftacle. Superior to danger, 
 let us fharpen our intellectual fword, and 
 add to the general ftock of knowledge. 
 When the caufes exifting in evil govern- 
 ments, which have fo long retarded its pro- 
 grefs, and obftrufted the path to that hap- 
 pinefs and dignity, of which our nature is 
 fufceptible, are removed, mankind will 
 fliudder at the injuftice to which they have 
 fo long fubmitted. They will difcover the 
 fallacy of artificial diftindlions, and deftroy 
 the cruelty of that fatal monftrous depra- 
 vity, under which one clafs of the com- 
 munity has often languished in vain for the 
 putrified offals rejected from the tables of 
 another ; while the great themfelves have, 
 at the fame time, wallowed in every fuper- 
 fluous luxury, which, fo far from adding 
 either to their virtue or felicity, ferved only 
 
 to
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 to harden and corrupt their hearts. Let 
 us then fleer our courfe by the rudder of 
 truth. Under her direction the journey 
 may be long, and thorns may be planted in 
 the way, but with perfeverance we mall 
 be fure at length to reach the happy haven 
 of our hopes, 
 
 Much certainly of future tranquillity or 
 diforder amongfl mankind depends on the 
 conduit of thofe privileged orders, which 
 now appear fo inveterate and malignant 
 againft any attempt of philolbphical reform. 
 They realize the obfervation, that no prin- 
 ciple in nature is fb powerful as that efprit 
 de corps ) that ardour to aggrandize them* 
 felves, which would engrofs and confine 
 the operations of philanthropy within one 
 narrow miferable circle, and which tends 
 to diftinguifh and divide objects, which 
 univerfal laws have indiflblubly united. 
 
 ' Thus it appears, that of all impulfes 
 f to a miferable felf-interefted conduct, 
 * thofe afforded by monarchy and ariftocracy 
 
 ' are
 
 C 56 ) 
 
 c are the greateft * ;* but it is labour in 
 vain to contend with truth. It is like 
 driving with a mortal hand to arrefl the 
 progrefs of the Tea. The wifeft policy would 
 be conceffion. It was the opinion of Fe- 
 nelon, who was himfelf the preceptor of 
 princes, that princes were the moft un- 
 happy and moft mifguided of human be- 
 ings. * Les plus malheureux & les plus 
 * aveugles de tous les homines f.' Princes 
 may have virtuous propenfities, but they 
 are mifled by flatterers and paraiites, who 
 oppofe the indulgence of them. It never 
 can be the true intereft of one man, or any 
 particular body of men, to refift a fyftem 
 of reafon and equity, which naturally 
 implies the intereft of all. The man 
 who would urge the neceffity of thole 
 {cenes of mifeiy that exift amongft us, 
 arifins; from that monftrous unnatural in- 
 
 j 
 
 equality of condition, fpringing from bad 
 governments (for to no other refburce can 
 it poilibly be attributed), is a milanthropift 
 
 Godwin concerning Politick Juftice. 
 f Telemaque, livre xiii. 
 
 or
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 of the mofl odious caft. When we recoi- 
 led the horrible (lory which defiles the hif- 
 torical page, the civil and foreign wars 
 which it relates, the bloody fcenes which 
 the jealoufy and hatred naturally rerulting 
 from the difcord of claming; interefts in 
 
 o 
 
 the community, from partial immunities iri 
 everlafting warfare with general good, 
 have produced, can it be faid, that it is not 
 high time to clofe this hiftory of calamity ? 
 The queftion of truth is now at ifTue. If 
 they will not go over to the ftandard of po- 
 litical juftice, let the advocates of arifto- 
 cracy temporize, at leafr., with an enemy, 
 Xvhom it will never be in their power 
 eventually to overcome. The wreck of 
 
 mf 
 
 monopoly and popular fuperftition cannot 
 be far diftant, now that the fource of en- 
 quiry is opened. The powers of deration 
 are, however, at this period, triumphant ; 
 but if the rulers of nations are wife, they will 
 hot thence confide in a ram fecurity : they 
 ought not to build with too much faith on the 
 conduct of many wife and enlightened men 
 belonging to their own order, who look to 
 
 t truth.
 
 truth, with anxious folicitude, but who 
 dare not explore it, and whole timidity 
 and want of firmneis ferve to increafe 
 their imagined fafetv. Let them alfo 
 
 O ' 
 
 not count too much on their own re- 
 tainers and numerous dependants. They 
 are men, and cannot be dead to their 
 own intereft.. Their attachment is to 
 be relied on as long as they conceive it of 
 advantage to themfelves. The inftant the 
 winds mifts, the fame intereft will enlift 
 them on the enemy's fide. It is now a 
 time to carry home conviction to the bread: 
 of our opponents, to paint in ftrong co- 
 lours the infamy of being regarded by an- 
 .enlightened pofterity as the unrelenting 
 enemies of juftice and philanthropy, as- 
 ftrangling truth and the regenerated happi- 
 nefs of mankind, in order to eternize the 
 reign of general corruption and misfortune. 
 
 As friends to humanity, let us proceed: 
 ro vindicate her rights, and to illuftrate the- 
 barbarous evils by which me has been for 
 ever perfecuted.- 
 
 Of
 
 c 59 :> 
 
 Of all the calamities that have fcoureed 
 
 o 
 
 mankind, war is the mofl dreadful ; yet, 
 as it adds fplendour and prerogative to 
 courts^ the miferies of mankind have not 
 been confidered as a counterbalance againfl 
 them. The rights of fovereigns vibrate 
 in our ears, but the wrongs of nations pafs 
 unnoticed. Hence, Europe is now again 
 in arms ; and its inhabitants betrayed, 
 through the falfefl medium, to med their 
 blood in defence of an unnatural caufe, 
 which militates againft their own beft and 
 deareil interests, 
 
 It is impoifible, we believe, to produce 
 >one war in the hiftory of mankind, that 
 did not in fome way originate in thofe 
 three great monopolies, priefthood, mo- 
 narchy, and ariftocracy- It is impoffible, 
 in the whok catalogue, to produce a fingle 
 example where the people have not been 
 the eventual fufferers. 
 
 The dearetr. interefts of mankind are fa- 
 
 -crificed ; all the kindred feelings of nature 
 
 .are tortured in war. The burthens al- 
 
 I 2
 
 ( 60 ) 
 
 ways prefs moft heavily on thofe the leait 
 able to fupport them. It therefore feems 
 aftoniming, upon nrft recollection, that 
 mankind fhould fubfcribe with fo much 
 facility to their own mifery ; but the won- 
 der ceafes, when we confider the uncom- 
 mon pains that are taken to keep them in 
 the profoundeft ignorance, to play upon 
 their paffions, to foothe their vanity, and 
 to dazzle their fenfes by a magnificent dif- 
 play of thofe gaudy trappings and pagean- 
 tries, which always march in the train of 
 military operations. 
 
 Whenever the omnipotence of courts is 
 attacked, it is their conftant practice to encou- 
 rage the cheat, and to feed this fyftem of ge- 
 neral calamity ; but the day of reckoning 
 may come, when the proud ftatefman mall 
 be taught humanity, and learn to acknow- 
 legde and refpeftthe RIGHTS OF MAN, 
 
 It has been already obferved, that the 
 moft fuccefsful war ever waged, although 
 jt might gratify the envy or rapacity of 
 
 courts,
 
 courts, never yet failed to aggravate the 
 load of public mifery, both on the vi&or 
 and the vanquifhed. 
 
 Sir John Pringle, in his very accurate 
 account of the difeafes of an army engaged 
 in war, mews, that the annual lofs of men 
 in the campaigns, during which he was 
 phyfician to the army, was one out of 
 feventeen, beiides thofe who died in battle 
 or of their wounds ; but the proportion of 
 natural deaths amongft the feamen is far 
 greater ; and when the caufes which lead 
 to the termination of wars are confidered, 
 the patience of philofbphy can no longer 
 brook the barbarous outrage committed on 
 humanity. 
 
 ' Thefe caufes are want of provifion, 
 
 i want of men, and want of money. 
 
 6 When the youth of a country go to war, 
 
 * the fields remain uncultivated, and con- 
 
 * fequently yield little food. When every 
 ' private family has lofl a fon or a brother, 
 
 * levies are no longer to be made without 
 
 ' difficulty;
 
 * difficulty ; and when the public trea- 
 
 * fares are given away to men who return 
 
 * nothing to the public in exchange, and, 
 c by the lofs of their induftry and labour, 
 ' take away a great deal from it, the treafury 
 
 * is exhaufted. During the war, previous to 
 
 * the peace of Ryfwick, the price of corn 
 
 * was double, and in Scotland quadruple its 
 
 * ordinary rate ; and in one of the years 
 ' pending that war, eighty thoufand perfons 
 ' died of WANT in the laft of thole coun- 
 ' tries *.' Thus, after the wealth of a na- 
 tion has been exhaulted, and its natives 
 deflroyed, peace is only reftored when 
 war is^longer practicable or poffible, for 
 want of thofe refources- 
 
 In the laft German war, which begun 
 in 1/56 and ended in 1762, twenty bat- 
 tles were fought, and two hundred thou- 
 fand foldiers were flam, when, after all 
 that infernal havock, it was coolly deter- 
 mined that things flwuld remain pre- 
 
 * Dalrymple's Memoirs. 
 
 tifefy
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 cifely as they -were at the beginning of 
 the war. 
 
 In the war with our late colonies, for 
 the juft and honourable purpofe of coercing 
 America to the obedience of a Britifh Par- 
 liament, in which me was not reprefented, 
 our coffers were emptied of one hundred 
 millions of the public money, and our 
 ifland depopulated of one hundred and fifty 
 thoufand foldiers. 
 
 Neverthelefs, fuch dear-bought experi- 
 ence has not cured the evil ; the mote is 
 not yet extracted ; nations march volun- 
 ' tarily to. the butchery, to fight the battles 
 of courts, with as much apparent ardour as- 
 if they were really braving death for thepre- 
 fervation of their own liberties, or for relief 
 from thofe intolerable burthens by which 
 they are opprefled, that by the ftrangeft 
 fatality they are ftiil fhedding their blood 
 to increafe and perpetuate.
 
 To feed this delufion is now more than 
 ever the policy of ariftocratic governments. 
 When a great empire, after having groaned 
 for many ages under the vileft flavery, 
 goaded by the ftripes, at length was rouz- 
 ed to break its chains, and opened a vein 
 of knowledge, renouncing wars, and in- 
 viting the world to accept the olive-branch 
 of peace *, expofing the frauds and cruelty 
 by which mankind had been fo long abufed 
 and maflacred ; it then became a main 
 point with thofe governments to employ 
 all their art and refources to undermine the 
 pacific fyftem, and to fupport that mur- 
 derous engine by which they themfelves 
 were iupported. The fplendor of palaces 
 would have been eclipfed, and the forces 
 of corruption endangered, by the luppref- 
 fion or reduction of military eftablifh- 
 ments. National exchequers were therefore 
 drained, and employed againfl the national 
 intereft, to foment trealbn and rebellion 
 
 * * La Conftitution Francoife renonce a entrepren- 
 ire aucune guerre dans la vue de faire des conquetes. 
 La Confutation Francoife, Titre vi. art. I. 
 
 amongfl
 
 amongfl a people that panted for peace, 
 which, alas ! they were not permitted to 
 enjoy, and who were ftruggling in the general 
 caufeof human happinefs * ; tobribe citizens 
 
 to 
 
 * It is now the fashion amongft many, who with 
 affected candour, wish to appear in the amiable charac- 
 ter of Moderes, to commend the proceedings of .the 
 French Conftituent Aflembly, as a cover to their 
 own inveteracy againft the prefent government ; but 
 when that afiembly decreed in the conftittitional code 
 a renunciation of offeniive war, it may be afked, if 
 any one ftep was then taken by other powers to pin 
 them down to that pacific difpofition, or if the leaft 
 defire was exprefTed of co-operating with them in 
 eftablishment of it : Ifj on the contrary, every pro- 
 vocation, infult, and outrage were not offered to make 
 them abandon the principle? if even then, almoft 
 every court in Europe did not, on that account, re- 
 gard them with jealoufy, alarm, and hatred ? if the 
 hireling B ke, who thence was honoured with the 
 heart-felt acknowledgments of the moft amiable fove- 
 reign in Chriftendom, did not pour forth all his gall 
 againft them ? if the objecl of thofe courts has not 
 been uniform, through all the ftages of the revolu- 
 tion, to impede its progrefs, to create rebellion and 
 maflacres in France, and then alledge thole horrors as 
 a pretext for all civilized governments to unite in one 
 common caufe agaiaft a race of Icnvlefs }.>Jurpers^ whofe 
 K original
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 to turn traitors to their country, in order 
 to perpetuate their own favourite partial 
 fyftem, by which one clafs of men, for iucli 
 a rucceiTton of ages, had been enabled to 
 tyrannize with impunity over the other". 
 Our rulers have at laft taken ofF the maik, 
 and as a guard and fecurity to themfelves, 
 emboldened by the preient popular infa- 
 tuation, have involved the country in this 
 fatal confpiracy ; but the means adopted 
 
 original and unpardonable crime eonftfted in having 
 afforded :m example fatal to the over-itretched prero- 
 gative of kings, and whofe fubfequent misfortune it 
 was to be eternally harrafTed by their ingenious and 
 royal contrivances to prevent them from indulging 
 that prefumptuous and unwarrantable arrogance which 
 claimed a right to legiflate for thenr.fclves. 
 
 Here we have a brief epitome of the fair dealing, 
 the ingenuous open practice and humanity of courts. 
 
 * To this hour, all over the continent of Germany 
 the vafTal is conftrained to devote five days out of fix 
 to the gratuitous labour of his lord. On the fixth, if 
 agreeable, he is free to work for himfelf. Jn France, 
 before the revolution, the fame feudal fyftem obtained. 
 Who then can wonder at this royal confederacy, to 
 check and to punish fuch an unnatural facriligious 
 revolt ? 
 
 for
 
 ( 6? ) 
 
 for fafety, {bmetimes prove thofe of de- 
 ftru&ion. Like the cruelly ingenious ar- 
 ttft, who labouring with zeal and refine- 
 ment to glut the barbarous rage of the ty- 
 rant Phalaris, was the firft who perifhed 
 in the fiery flanks of the brazen bull he had 
 invented, they alfo may be caught in their 
 own toils. 
 
 * Qups necis artifices, arte perire fua.' 
 
 Every man who has a foul to feel for the 
 felicity or mifery of his fellow creatures, 
 muft deplore the indifference with which 
 at all times they have been feduced to but- 
 cher each other : that they fhould be ever 
 impofed on by fuch nonfenfical delufive 
 gibberifh, as the dignity of the crown, the 
 glory of our arms, the rights of fbvereigns, 
 &c. &c. &c. under fuch mockery, to fight 
 againft their own deareft interefts, and to 
 
 inflict on themfelves endlefs and horrible 
 calamities. 
 
 Ki The
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 The fraudulent pretexts that betray na- 
 tions into war are as flimzy and con- 
 temptible as the confequences are ever 
 fatal. 
 
 Sometimes it originates in the rapacity or 
 ambition of princes, who never think they 
 have people or territory enough to govern ; 
 fometimes in the profligacy of minifters 
 who engage their country in war,, zuitk a 
 mew to divert public clamour from their 
 evil admimjl ration, 
 
 Difference in opinion hath alfo coft many 
 million of lives; it is held a very jufti- 
 fiabLe caufe of war, to invade a country 
 after its inhabitants have been plagued by 
 famine, fcourged by peftllence, or embroil- 
 fd by faction among Ji tiiemf elves, 
 
 ' If a prince fends forces into, a nation, 
 where the natives are poor and ignorant, lie 
 may Ian fully put half of them to death, 
 makejlaves of the reft, in order to ci- 
 vilize
 
 vilize and reduce thevijrom their barba- 
 rous way of Living. Poor nations are hun- 
 gry, and rich nations are proud, and pride 
 and hunger will' be ever at variance. For 
 thefe weio-htv reafons, the TRADE of a 
 
 O 
 
 SOLDIER is confidered the moft ho- 
 nourable of all others, becaufe a SOLDIER 
 is -HIRED to KILL in COLD BLOOD, 
 as many of his FELLOW CREATURES 
 who never injured him, as he poffibly can *. 
 
 There is likewife a kind of beggarly 
 princes, not able to. wage war of them- 
 feJves, who hire out their troops to 
 RICHER PRINCES for fo much a day 
 to each man, of which they receive about 
 three-fourths to iheir ownjliare, and from 
 this humane traffick, they derive the chief 
 part of their maintenance. Such are thofe 
 in many northern parts of Europe ; amongft 
 whom our trufty and well-beloved coufin, 
 
 1 * Military fervices are the duty of all'citizens, but 
 * ought to be the trade of none.' 
 
 Machintoih, Vindicize G allies, p. 240. 
 
 the
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 the L dg ve of HfTe C f1 Iiolds 
 a very confpicuous rank *. 
 
 -v 
 
 What ftupid barbarous infatuation that 
 can reconcile men to the deadly inftruments 
 and dreadful ravages of war ! Cannon, co- 
 horns, mufquets, carbines, bayonets, piilols, 
 gunpowder, fwords, retreats, attacks, un- 
 dermines, countermines, bombardments, 
 red-hot balls, fea fights, fhips funk with a 
 thoufand men, t?/enty thoufand killed on 
 each fide, dying groans, limbs flying in the 
 air, and to fill the climax of R-y-1 valour, 
 the mind may conceive a hundred men 
 blown up at once in a fiege, and as manv 
 in a (hip, and the dead bodies dropping 
 from the clouds, to the great diverlion of 
 the fpeftators f. 
 
 -- 
 
 It 'would be impolTible by the rnofl la- 
 boured argument, or impreffive eloquence, 
 
 * There are rJfo German Electors who might be 
 named, as having no kind of objection to this fpecies 
 of virtuous cornn.crce. 
 -J~ Gulliver's Travel 1 , Pa-t iv. Chap. v. 
 
 to-
 
 ( 7' ) 
 
 to exprefs more forcibly, the folly, madnefs, 
 and havock of wars, than by the above 
 plain unexaggerated defcription of them. 
 With war, including every variety of 
 crime, and every at of deftruclion, we 
 become gradually familar, under fpecious 
 terms, that are feldom examined, becaufe 
 they are learned at an age when the mind 
 is apt to retain whatever is imprefTed. Thus 
 for example, when one man murders ano- 
 ther to gratify his lufi, or any violent im- 
 pu!fe of momentary paj/icn, we fliud- 
 der ; but when one man murders, or hy 
 his fiat i caufes to be murdered ihoufands, 
 and ten thoufands, cities to be confumed, 
 and provinces dejtroyed,for the gratifica- 
 tion of his vanity, pride, thirjt of con- 
 quejl, or revenge, we approve and ad- 
 mire, we envy and applaud. 
 
 If after having difpafilonately peruied the 
 preceding extract, the reader fhall difcover, 
 that when the events it relates, have occurred 
 in hiftory, and of which, even now,fenfibi- 
 lity is tortured with daily fimilar accounts, 
 
 that
 
 ( 7* ) 
 
 that he felt no emotion, no pity, no in- 
 dignation, and that he acquiefced in wars, 
 which reflection afTures him, have been 
 commenced only for fuch caules, and con- 
 dueled on fuch principles, let him not con- 
 demn thole perfons, who anxious for the 
 inftru6cion and prefervation of their fellow 
 creatures, would tear off the veil of a mur- 
 derous prejudice, painting in native defor- 
 mity, thofe abominations by which they are 
 made wretched, and thofe arts by which 
 they are dcftroyed. 
 
 At this delperate crifis, whereon revolves 
 the fate of liberty or flavery, for generations 
 to come, when Englifhmen are expofed to 
 the general (laughter, under feigned hypo- 
 critical pretences, not a fhadow of which 
 now exifts, pretences that heretofore bore 
 no fway, for when the Emperor Jofeph in 
 the year 1786 attempted to open the river 
 Scheldt, our treaty with the Dutch was not 
 then deemed a matter of fuch vaft import- 
 ance by the Britifh cabinet, neither when 
 of late, the Rights of Nations were really 
 
 and
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 and moft outrageoufly violated by the pro- 
 jefted invaiion of France,* were they then 
 confidered of fufficient Weight to break in 
 on the minifter's fober plans of finance, by 
 disturbing the peace of the kingdom ; no, 
 nor even now, when the virtuous triple 
 alliance amidft its warlike operations, have 
 agreed by main force, on the partition of 
 Poland ; does fuch an act of tyrannical ra- 
 pp.city, fuch a daring infraction of natural 
 rights, alarm either his juftice or huma- 
 nity. Pafs the Rights of Nations ; but 
 when the jealoufy of c ts was roufed, 
 when the ideal rights of fovereigns were 
 attacked, and the haughty creft of tyranny 
 was lowered, long before the execution of 
 the unhappy Louis, then the whole gang 
 was in immediate action ; the common in- 
 tereft of them all was endangered ; feme 
 afting under ambufcade, their fubje&s not 
 yet ripe, not worked up to the neceflary 
 pitch of warlike phrenzy, others, under lefs 
 
 * Alas we ourfelveS are at this inftant erribapifed in 
 a fimilar undertaking. 
 
 L reflraint,
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 reftraint, openly directing their attacks, but 
 all their plans well digefted and connected 
 with each other, the blood of citizens was 
 not weighed in the balance. At an awful 
 period then like this, when the ear is al- 
 moir. hourly fhmned with the repetition of 
 the bloody battles that have been fought, 
 the towns which have been confumed, the 
 thoufands that have been flain, the gentle 
 voice of charity and peace will be faintly 
 heard. Let us however amidil this uproar 
 of confufion,this wide wafle of flaughter and 
 defolation, recommend to our truly Chrif- 
 tian fovereign, as the fountain of power and 
 of mercy, who with his word might long ere 
 now have conftrained the bloodhounds of 
 Avar to flop their inhuman career and lay 
 the foundation of peace ; let us recommend 
 to his benignant foul, the following extract 
 from a fermon of that gentle paftor and or- 
 thodox prelate the late Dr. Taylor. 
 
 1 As contrary as cruelty to mercy, tyran- 
 ny to charity, is war and bloodmed, to the 
 meeknefs and beneficence of the Chriftian 
 religion. In the goipel it is written, Our 
 
 fwords
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 fwords mall be turned into ploughshares, 
 and our fpears into priming hooks. I know 
 that no tittle of God's ipirit can return un- 
 performed and ineffectual, and I am cer- 
 tain that fuch is the excellence of Chrift's 
 doctrines, that if earthly potentates would 
 encourage fuch doctrines, Chriftians would 
 never war with each other.' 
 
 To engrave ftill deeper this moral and 
 Chriftian duty on his royal breaft, let us in 
 aid of our argument tranfcribe the fenti- 
 ments of a more profane author, but whofe 
 philoibphy is generally pure, and whofe 
 genius and philanthropy were on number- 
 lefs occafions, eminently and fuccefsfully 
 exerted. 
 
 ' God having endued man with a degree 
 of reafon, fuperior to that of other animals; 
 that reafon fhould be a fecurity againil his 
 degrading himfelf to an imitation of them ; 
 efpecially as nature has not provided men 
 with arms to murder each other, or with 
 an inftincl: that i;elimes the tafte of human 
 L 2 blood.
 
 ( 76 ) 
 
 blood. Neverthelefs, this favage cuftom 
 has fo debafed the original character of man, 
 that two or three nations excepted, there 
 are none which antient hiftory does not 
 defcribe in a ftate of conftant warfare. * 
 
 * The moft determined parafite will not 
 deny that war drags always at its heels, 
 peftilence and famine, particularly if he has 
 ever vifited the military hoipitals in Ger- 
 many, or patted through certain villages or 
 towns, where fome great military difcipli- 
 narian, has had an opportunity of leaving 
 his mark behind him. f 
 
 * Doubtlefs, it is a godlike fyftem that 
 defolates whole provinces, demolifhes their 
 habitations, and on a computation of every 
 hundred thoufand, actually deftroys forty 
 thoufand perfons. | 
 
 Myriads of men arm and attack each 
 
 other, with more than mortal furv, with- 
 
 j ' 
 
 Voltaire. Queftions fur 1'Encyclopediae. 
 t Ibid. \ Ibid. 
 
 out
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 out having the leaft degree of interefr, in 
 the difpute ; nay, even without know- 
 ledge, or enquiry into the circumftances 
 of it. * 
 
 ' What fignify to me the boafted virtues, 
 
 * the piety, temperance, chaftity of a 
 ' prince, while half a pound of lead, fired 
 6 at the distance of fix hundred paces, by his 
 
 * order, fhivers me to atoms, and that I die 
 ' in the bloom of youth, in inexprefllble 
 ' torture, amidfl five or fix thoufand dying 
 
 * victims. While my eyes opening for the 
 4 lafl time, behold my native town in 
 
 * flames, and the lafl founds that vibrate 
 
 * on my ear, are the piercing cries of wo- 
 c men and children expiring under its rums ; 
 ' and all this, for the pretended advantage 
 
 * or glory of a man, whom we never knew, 
 ' and probably never faw in our lives.' f 
 
 Let kings and princes, minifters and 
 courtiers, contractors, commifTaries, and 
 
 * Ibid. t Ibid. 
 
 the
 
 the whole tribe of military butchers, chew 
 on this philofophy. Perhaps, they may 
 dilcover as much virtue in it, as in a regu- 
 lar attendance at church on Sundays, or in 
 ordaining fafts and penances, deprecating 
 vengeance from our national fins. 
 
 D 
 
 But all the perfuafion of morals, philofo- 
 phy and religion, have no effect, when di- 
 rected againft the flinty hearts of interefted, 
 all grafping flatefmen, whofe places and 
 whole power, they imagine to depend on 
 the calamity. 
 
 The people however, tired out and ex- 
 haufted by an implacable perfeverance in 
 error and ambition, eternal victims to the 
 paflions, vices,and caprice of others, enjoying 
 icarcely the leaft reipite from the fcourge 
 of war, may at length be rouzed to point 
 their vengeance againft thofe fatellites, who 
 have a vile intereft in beguilinsj; them blind- 
 
 O vJ 
 
 fold to deftruction, through the mazes of 
 fraud and mifreprefentation , and whenever 
 the period mall arrive, that the people at 
 large are convinced of their dupery, of 
 
 the
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 the perfidy, and abufes which have brought 
 on their fufferings, and of the horrible ftra- 
 tas;ems by which their countrymen have 
 
 O * - 
 
 been beguiled and led to death, that pe- 
 riod muft be fatal to their betrayers. 
 
 Experience is an infallible monitor, and 
 hence minifters mie;ht draw a moft fahi- 
 
 o 
 
 tary caution. 
 
 Here might our governors and their fy- 
 cophants read an inftructive leflbn ; not co 
 build with too great fecurity, on the tran- 
 fitory tempeft, their conjuration has raifed. 
 If their rafhnefs was not too headftrong and 
 incorrigible for reftraint, the page of hif- 
 tory might alfo learn them, not to repofe 
 too unlimited faith ; not to indulge their 
 hopes beyond all bounds of difcretion, in 
 the dreadful anarchy that is now faid to pre- 
 vail, and which all their arts, their refources 
 and treafures are exhaufted to nurfe and 
 foment in France. It would inftruft them 
 that ancient Greece with only a handful of 
 men, defended her territories againft three 
 million of invaders. Plutarch would in- 
 form
 
 ( So ) 
 
 form them, that at the very period, when 
 Sylla and Marius were carrying on their 
 profcriptions without mercy, againtt their 
 countrymen ; even, while one half of the 
 Roman people were maiTacreing the other, 
 it was even then, that they triumphed over 
 the whole race of kings. Amidft the rage 
 of civil difcord and tumult, that diftrafted 
 the Republic, from the profcriptions of 
 Sylla, till the battle of A&ium, in that in- 
 terval, Rome conquered Gaul, Spain, 
 Egypt, Syria, all Aria Minor, and Greece. 
 This example was not long fince, and is 
 frill in a great degree moil: pointedly appli- 
 cable to the ftate of Great Britain, and in- 
 deed of the greateft part of Europe, in their 
 relation to France, and if paffion did not 
 govern, paramount over principle, in the 
 breaft of our matters, leaving juirice and 
 humanity intirely out of the queftion ; if 
 the delirium of the moment did not blind 
 them againft their eventual intereft, it 
 would teach them diffidence and modera- 
 tion, and enforce the policy and wifdom of 
 not driving events to the lafl extremity. 
 But alas ! they appear infenfible to danger. 
 
 Having
 
 ( Si ) 
 
 Having embarked the people, on an ocean, 
 apparently calm and ferene, they are not 
 aware of the rocks and fhoals by which it 
 is furrounded : the devouring havock of 
 war difturbs not their immediate tranquil- 
 lity ; fafe as they imagine themfelves with- 
 in port, they enjoy the ftorm, nor will 
 they relent, till torrents of blood have 
 again been fluiced ; millions of trea- 
 fure again confumed, till liberty has re- 
 ceived her mortal wound, or they them* 
 felves lie buried in the gulph. They have 
 atchieved a temporary conquefr. over the 
 reafon of their countrymen. Our misfor- 
 tunes on the continent are ftudioufly con- 
 cealed. Frefh victims are almofl weekly 
 embarked for the {laughter ; error and in- 
 fatuation are all alive ; truftin? to the 
 
 O 
 
 phrenzy, they have fet their all upon a caft 
 refolved to ftand the hazard of the die. 
 
 In holding this language, the probing 
 language of truth, the author will incur 
 the hatred, and poffibly the perfecution of 
 all tyrants, who, agreeably with their uni- 
 form practice, knowing the impoflibility to 
 M refuu,
 
 refute, may refolve to punifli it. Butheis not 
 of that caft to confult the narrow maxims 
 of felhfh prudence, when oppofed to the 
 dictates of his own confcience. Anxious to 
 enlighten his countrymen, he will never 
 proftitute his pen, to prop the bafenefs of 
 hard-hearted grandeur, to depreciate the 
 generous caufe of liberty ; nor will he ever 
 vouchsafe ta court the infidious fmiles of 
 fortune, or of power, by a facrifice of his 
 opinions or his principles. 
 
 To flatter the infentibility, to applaud 
 the ufurpations of privileged importers, de- 
 rogating from the fair and common flock 
 of human nature ; to preach the doctrine 
 of courts, to enter into all their ielfifh 
 views and diftinft advantages ; to flatter 
 their odious vices, and to footh their pride ; 
 to join in the hue and cry they excite, 
 in order to increafe popular delirium, at 
 the expence of common fenfe and com- 
 mon honefty, and eternally to admire the 
 heterogeneous beauties, the u?iparagoned 
 excellence of a fyflem, the conftant abufe of 
 which, they find fo propitious to their all 
 
 grafping
 
 ( 83 ) 
 
 grafpiilg deiires, their unfeeling luxuries, 
 and on which abufe, their monopoly . de- 
 pends, is what they require from every 
 perfon, who mall prefume to fpeak or write 
 on political flibjeds, under dread, if they 
 deviate from this rule, of the anathemas of 
 government, the torture of law, and the 
 
 perfecution of power.* 
 
 He 
 
 * The difinterefted patriotic fociety at the Crown 
 and Anchor, felf-created as it were, to render the bar- 
 m&nicus difcord (iill more itrikin?, into a fourth depart- 
 ment in the f te, confifting of placemen and pcnfioners, 
 parifh officers, and police magiftrates, and other equally 
 independent friends of the C t, arrogating to them- 
 felves the conftitutional jurifdi&ion of licenfmg the 
 prefs, denounce to the S-c-t-ry of S te, or to their 
 Att n G-n-r-1, all publications that do not exactly 
 quadrate with thofe doctrines, which it is their duty 
 and interejl to promulgate ; and the mode that they 
 adopt, in order to enforce thefe trnths ) cannot be ap- 
 plauded with more gratitude than it deferves, and 
 which in juftice, it muft be acknowledged, hitherto 
 to have received. They publifh their own doctrines, 
 as ORTHODOX, as LAW, although afll-rting the 
 antient and once exploded maxim in England, of PAS- 
 SIVE OBEDIENCE and DIVINE RIGHT, and 
 therefore repugnant to the fpirit of KING WIL- 
 LIAM's GLORIOUS and IMMORTAL REVO- 
 M 2 LUTION,
 
 He ventures to brave all thefe dangers 
 from a rational and profound convi&ion in 
 
 the 
 
 LUTIOX, which notwithstanding, they profefs to 
 feyere, as the bails of their political creed, and they 
 circulate thefe loyal pamphlets of their applaufe, with 
 a zeal and expence, (doubtkfs at their own charge) that 
 reflect infinite honour on their liberality ; while at the 
 fame time their candour is equally admirable, profecut- 
 ing every bookfeller, printer, or hawker, who is dar- 
 ing, or ignorant enough, to publifh doctrines militat- 
 ing aguinft their own. * Audi alteram partem,' was 
 formerly reckoned an efiential principle, or rather an 
 integral part of argumentative difcuffion, indifpenubly 
 rcquifite to the difcovery of truth; but this worthy af- 
 fociation not finding it convenient to their patriotic 
 V'ews, have laid it afide left it might enlighten and 
 raife the fvvinifh multitude, above the level of their 
 native ignorance, and thence, they have prohibited all 
 books, whofe doctrines do not tally with thofe pro- 
 tected by themfelves, under the moft terrible penalties 
 of fine, pillory, and imprifonment. From this jufr, 
 prudent, and conftitutional monopoly, by which, pub- 
 licans are alfo inttructed in their duty: what newf- 
 ]i)2pers they muft allow their cuftomers to read, what 
 conversion they are permitted to hold, COMMON 
 SENSE, TRUTH, and the RIGHTS of MAN are 
 banifhed from our houfcs, and the LORD'S ANOINT- 
 ED fubilituted in their place. 
 
 What: a confummate politician is JOHN BULL, 
 happj in his implicit confidence^ always in the right bo)t t 
 
 Well
 
 the truth, juftice, and beneficial tendency 
 of his theory, and while he points his juft 
 
 Well indeed may he rejoice, when now as a recom- 
 penfe for the furrender of COMMON SENSE and 
 the RIGHTS of MAN, he gains in exchange, the 
 immediate and tutelary protection of the LORD'S 
 
 ANOINTED, G e III. But to be ferious, per- 
 
 fecution of opinions is always ineffectual, and fome- 
 times dangerous. Attempts to modify the mind of one 
 perfon, agreeahly with the fancy or caprice of another, 
 muft be ever vain and nugatory. Perfecute or torture 
 truth as you will, it will in the end prevail. The capital 
 crimes of two Britifh martyrs, Ridley and Latimer, 
 confuted in circulating Englilh Bibles, and when for 
 this abominable bcrefy, thefe two champions of protef- 
 tantifm were burnt at Oxford, one of them exhorted 
 the other as follows : * Brother, be of good comfort, 
 
 * our perfecutors will be difappointed, for our fuffer- 
 c ings will lead men to enquire into that, for which we 
 
 * fuffered, and this fire wjll ligh^fucha candle in Eng- 
 
 * land, as I truft in God's Grace, will never be extin- 
 
 * guiftied.' 
 
 It is needlefs to obferve, that Popery was very foon 
 afterward deftroyed in Britain, that the Bible Mill con- 
 tinues to be read in Engllfh in all our churches, and 
 that the religion of thofe two inflexible martyrs, is 
 ftill our national faith. 
 
 Perfecution is and ever will be the parent and nurfe 
 of enthufiafm. 
 
 feveritj
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 feverity againft the infamous delufions, the 
 bitter oppreffions that are notorious amongft 
 us, his gall overflows againft the unconfci- 
 onable all grafping minions who thrive upon 
 them, who are now every where denounc- 
 ing Bella, horrida Bella, exulting in the 
 maffacre of myriads of Frenchmen, nor 
 even feeling a pang for the lofs of their own 
 countrymen, that have already perifhed, 
 and that may perifh, their only object being 
 concealment, hoping thereby to enjoy a fu- 
 ture uninterrupted fecurity in their mono- 
 poly, from thofe dire alarms, by which their 
 coward hearts have of late been feared. 
 
 He dares at the rifque of utter ruin, to 
 withftand the fury of heated prejudice, and 
 irritated paffion : to brave the clamour of 
 vulgar abufe, and the far more tremendous 
 perils of legal vengeance. Undifmayed by 
 the terror of example, held out by fo many 
 of his injured and unfortunate fellow citi- 
 zens, now languishing in gaol, torn from 
 their families, unprotected, many of them 
 cxpofed to the hardefr. penalties of want, 
 deprived of liberty, loft to fociety, ruined 
 
 in
 
 in their trades, for having laboured in their 
 vocation, unconfcious of offence, he ftill 
 afTerts the natural independent empire of 
 the human mind, proving that courts and 
 their creatures can be the only gainers by 
 this difaftrous war, that it mull inflict end- 
 leis calamity on the people at large, and 
 from a perfuafion that his tenets are found- 
 ed on charity and truth, it can be no un- 
 generous effort on his part, to ftrive to en- 
 force them, and infamous would it be to 
 abandon his legitimate inheritance, elpe- 
 cially as a Briton, born in a nation for ever 
 boafting its freedom, to comhat the infernal 
 maxims that ftrike at the natural, bcil, in- 
 alienable charter of man. 
 
 In the barbarous age of Attila, or when 
 the Danes invaded this ifland, v/ar wis fa- 
 miliar, it was ingrafted on the general fyf- 
 tem ; civilization had made no improve- 
 ments, and the blefTmgs of peace rarely 
 enjoyed, were very imperfectly underftood ; 
 but now, under a philofophic and merciful 
 fovereign, whofe reign, owing to evil 
 
 coun-
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 councilors, had been already too much 
 flamed by the maffacres of war, it might 
 have been prefumed that the rage of blood 
 had had its fill ; that inftead of plunging 
 deeper into thofe horrors, the remainder of 
 his days would have been devoted to the 
 blefled functions of charity and peace ; to 
 perfonal facrifices, which his overflowing 
 treafures can abundantly afford, to the al- 
 leviation of his peoples burthens, and that 
 he would have flood forth a god-like me- 
 diator to quell the vengeance of fierce in- 
 exorable tyrants, and check them in their 
 wild lawlefs career of rapine, blood, and 
 devaftation. 
 
 Thefe are the offices of true religion, the 
 heartcheering delights of a patriot prince, 
 whole tender heart bleeds for the lofs of 
 every foldier or failor thatperimes in his bat- 
 tles, miferable victim, ignorant of the caufe 
 for which he fufFers, and it is fair to hope, 
 that at length, indulging his own natural 
 benevolent propenfities, he will avail 
 himfelf of the immenfe advantages, his 
 
 elevated
 
 ( 89 ) 
 
 elevated ftation and peculiarly fortunate cir- 
 cumftances afford, to annihilate a ianguin- 
 ary lyftem under the malignant planet of 
 which, fmce his acceffion to empire, mil- 
 lions have been already facrificed in India 
 and America ; to exterminate the defolat- 
 ing principles of offenfive war, and that he 
 will cordially enlift on the fide of huma- 
 nity, to deftroy that {talking horfe of 
 (laughter, which now again lavs wade the 
 world, 
 
 f Oh blind to think that cruel war 
 ' Can pleafe the prince of peace, 
 
 * He who ere&s his altar in the heart, 
 
 c Abhors the facrifice of human blood, 
 
 * And all the mad ambition of that zeal 
 
 * Which defolates the world he died to fave.'* 
 
 Such we repeat are the fentiments philo- 
 ibphy and religion infpire, but unfortun- 
 ately, in this age, fimilar do&rines have 
 appeared libellous and feditious in the dif- 
 criminating judgment of our Att ny 
 O-n-r-1, and here it is natural to point out 
 
 * Mores Percy. 
 
 N the
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 the defcription of men, who by that learned 
 oracle, and by Mr. R ves, are de- 
 nounced to the public, and profecuted at 
 law, as libellous, feditious, and defperate 
 incendiaries. 
 
 They are branded and prefented as fuch, 
 who dare to advance, that all abuies which 
 have crept into the conftitution, ought to 
 be examined into, and immediately re- 
 formed, in order to preferve it from fudden 
 ruin, or from natural decay ; they who are 
 anxious to reftore to their countrymen a 
 more equal repreientation, after the ex- 
 ample of their illuftrious prototypes, the 
 Duke of Richmond and Mr. Pitt, as likely 
 to procure the following elTential bleffings. 
 
 i ft. By reducing the number of unre- 
 
 / o 
 
 quited penfions, abolifhing unnecefTary 
 places, where they ru/io hold them, do no- 
 thing for the money they receive, and by 
 introducing the ftriclefr. oeconomy into every 
 branch of government, a vaft annual ium 
 
 would
 
 ( 9' ) 
 
 would be faved, confequently the public 
 burthens leflened. 
 
 2d. By a better mode of collecting the 
 taxes, the revenue would be more produc- 
 tive to the ftate, lefs oppreflive to the poor, 
 and lefs injurious to the liberties of the 
 nation. 
 
 ^d. By aboliming tythes, and paying 
 the clergy in fome more eligible way, the 
 laborious hufbandman would cultivate his 
 land with greater fatisfaction and profit, 
 and all caufe of litigation between the cler- 
 gyman and his parifhioner, would be re- 
 moved. 
 
 4th. By putting an end to all imjuft, ex- 
 travagant, hypocritical, and ambitious wars, 
 our population and commerce would be 
 exceedingly increafed. 
 
 5th. By providing more liberally for that 
 refpectable body of men, the parochial cu- 
 rates, religion would prolper, and their 
 N 2 con-
 
 ( r- ) 
 
 condition thus improved, they might be 
 able out of their income to perform many 
 charities, which a penurious pittance from 
 20 /. to 40 /* a year, will not admit of. 
 
 6th. By reviling the poor laws, the fup- 
 port of the indigent and afflicted might be 
 thrown in jufter proportion on the rich, 
 where the burthen ought to fall ; to the 
 infinite relief of the lower clais of tradef- 
 men, poor houfekeepers, and meritorious 
 hardworking peafants. 
 
 Thefe are a few of* the innovations pro- 
 jetted by thefe incendiaries, through the 
 channel of mort parliaments, fairly and con- 
 ftitutionally elected by the people at large, 
 as agreeable with their original principles, 
 and fubjedt to the control of their electors.* 
 
 Thefe 
 
 * From the reign of Edward the Fir ft, to the refto- 
 ration of Charles the Second, (the Parliament f 1640 
 cxcepted,) there were never any other than annual Par- 
 liamentf, and during that long interval, the reprefen- 
 tativcs never afiumed to themfelves, any other power 
 
 then
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 Thefe are the defperate incendiaries, the 
 levellers and republicans, whom Mr. 
 R ves denounces as labouring to confound 
 all order, to deftroy all property, to efta- 
 blifh Agrarian law, while both by their 
 words and their works, they have invaria- 
 bly reprobated fuch doctrines, their avow- 
 ed object being to point out the extreme 
 folly and madnefs of unmerited confidence^ 
 
 to 
 
 then what they derived from their conftituents, by 
 whom, they were conjlantly inftru<Sted, and whofe opi- 
 nions they as conjlantly obeyed. 
 
 For the above, we have Lord Coke's authority, who 
 fays, c It was always the law and Cuftom of Parliament, 
 that when any new decree was moved in the King's 
 behalf for his fpecific aid, or the like, the Commons 
 might anfwer, that they tendered the King's eftate, 
 and were ready to aid the fame j only that they dare 
 not agree without conferring with their counties.* 
 Hence, it is evident, that fuch conferences are warrant- 
 able by the law and cuftom of Parliament, and that 
 however modern delegates may arrogate the power of 
 judging folely in all things, that arrogance is by n 
 means agreeable to the original fyftem of national de- 
 legation. 
 
 * The fole merit on which Mr. P tt can poffibly 
 reft his claim to that confidence he is fo forward and ve- 
 hement
 
 ( 94 ) 
 
 to expofe the impudent quackery of thole 
 political mountebanks, who dare to im- 
 pofe fiich a regimen, to reftore to every 
 man his birthright, to enforce the bleffings 
 and neceffity of peace, to render our laws as 
 amiable and beneficial in practice, as they 
 are faid to be excellent in theory ; to de- 
 viie fbme plan, for inftru&ion of the young 
 and ignorant ; for relief of the diftreffed, 
 to eftablifh a comfortable afvlum for the 
 
 j 
 
 lame and the blind, for confolation and 
 fupport of the aged and infirm, thinking it 
 far better, that an equitable and permanent 
 provifion mould be made by Jaw, than that 
 the chance of effecting thefe great benefi- 
 cent purpofes, mould depend on the pre- 
 carious fupply of private charity, or public 
 
 contribution.* 
 
 Confcious 
 
 homent to enforce, and which unfortunately has always 
 bore too much f \ay in this country, ' confifh in the 
 mcaneft of all the talents of ftatefmen,' thatof harran- 
 pjing in public ; not on great occafions, as the ora- 
 tors of Greece and Rome did, but en every occa- 
 fion ; en avucat'isn from btijinefs^ which he calls dcing 
 ii'.iflnc;} ' Dalrymple's Memoirs. 
 
 * Such are the perfons pointed out by Mr. R ves 
 
 as
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 Confcious of the mjuftice, the cruelty of 
 torturing men for opinions fake, it is the 
 
 duty 
 
 us feditious levellers, and defperate republicans. He 
 cannot therefore complain, if in return, he is prefented 
 with a faithful portrait of himfelf. 
 
 The immediate birth and parentage of this patriot 
 citizen are enveloped in myfterious darknefs, although 
 he can truce his genealogy from the remoteft ages of 
 antiquity, being defcended from the moft ancient and 
 refpectable of all lam.lies ; the SANS CULOTTES. 
 It muft be confcffed indeed, that his late conduct does 
 not demonftiate any very great affect on or veneration 
 for his anceirors, but (hould the family ever rife to that 
 proud equality, to which in a neighbouring nation it 
 afpires, he poflefles a happy accommodating venal'ty, 
 that cannot fail to enfure htm impunity and pardon 
 from his relations . 
 
 Mr. R ves appears to have made his debut in the 
 political world, at the time of Admiral Keppel's trial, 
 when he compofed an elegant panegyrical poem, in 
 honour of that galbnt orKcer. Poetry delights in fic- 
 tion, and at that period, our poet indulged his mufe in 
 the bittereit invectives apainil his M-j ties g-v m-t, 
 for which heinous tranfgreffion he has fince made libe- 
 ral compen'at'on, bv a contrary example of well timed 
 and moft fervent loyalty. 
 
 The ncble minded i kfb-ry is known, whenever 
 it fuits his purpoie to exert it, to inherit the happieft 
 and moft extraordinary gcuius, in working metamor- 
 
 phofes
 
 duty of all good and enlightened citizens, 
 to perfevere in this rugged part of reform, 
 
 againft 
 
 phofes on the human mind. He has moreover, a kind 
 of peculiar inftinct, a manual touchy whereby he in- 
 ftantly difcovers thofe pliant fupple difpofuions, that 
 any ways fympathize with his own. By this fympathy, 
 however far afunder their original diftance, thefe con- 
 genial fouls were drawn together. The times were 
 deemed critical, and critical fervices were required. 
 A very few minutes converfation was all fufficient to 
 explain mutual intentions, and the ufual forms of de- 
 licacy and etiquette complied with, under the all pu- 
 iflant recommendation of his noble patron, our poeti- 
 politlcal SANS CULOTTES, (for fuch then, he almoft 
 literally was) was introduced to the m t r as a per- 
 feft majler of all work ; ready for any feruice'y only fub- 
 ject to one reftriction. He never ferved gratis. The 
 journeyman is worthy of his hire. It was neither ex- 
 pected or defired that he fhould ; the patriotifm of Mr. 
 R ves, like that of his mafter, derives recruited zeal, 
 in proportion with the rewards beftowed on it, and 
 when wages are abundantly paid, fervility is more cer- 
 tain. His pulfe was accordingly felt, and it beat in 
 perfect unifon ; fo that now, no longer a SANS CU- 
 LOTTES, he was at once put in pofleflion of an annual 
 income, the fruit of anticipated fervices, to the amount 
 of 2000!. and amongft other precious fmecures that 
 he holds, he is Chief Juftice of Newfoundland, the fa- 
 
 lary
 
 ( 97 ) 
 
 againft a treacherous time-fervins; coalition 
 
 O 
 
 of 
 
 lary of which is faid to be only joool. per annum; altho' 
 there cannot be any duties annexed to this appoint- 
 ment, requiring a local refidence, fince he himfelf is 
 fo actively and fo honourably employed in the admini- 
 Jl ration ofjujllce at home. 
 
 A gentleman, thus refpeftable in fortune and connec- 
 tions, independent of the nation, if not of the c >t, 
 was in every point of view a fit arbiter of the pro- 
 perty and liberties of Engliihmen, peculiarly qualified 
 to defend them againft the fo-much drended violence 
 of levellers and republicans. Our minifter therefore 
 of implicit confidence gave him his cue* The bait 
 well gilded was thrown out. John Bull, as ufual, bit 
 freely : the Crown and Anchor became the focus- of 
 loyalty; within thr.t centre all the confd.nce of the 
 kingdom was collected, and Mr. R ves's aflbciation 
 gave birth to thofe patriotic prodigies we have witnefT- 
 ed ; thofe Alien Bills, and trenfonabk Bills; to thofe fea- 
 fonable and humane profecutions againft drunken jour- 
 neymen, printers, and bill-flickers, whereby the prefs, 
 as it has been already (hewn, is wifely monopolized by 
 two branches of the legiflature, to the exclufion of the 
 other, and the crown acquires an addition of preroga- 
 tive, that muft for ever fecure it againft all danger of 
 Plebeian invafion. He is the idol of P tt, the friend 
 of H kfb-ry : with theirs, his name will be tranfmit- 
 ed pure to pofterity, 
 
 O Mr,
 
 of rival parties ; f to fave, if poflible, this 
 
 . adored 
 
 Mr. R ves, to his other fried virtues, adds the 
 moft amiable candour and untainted veracity. He de- 
 clares, * that he is perfectly fatisfied with the ftate of 
 the nation, and that every other perfon ought to be fo- 
 tisfied alfo ;' yet, if it be fair to judge from the Lon- 
 don Gazette, the Gazette de la Cour, of facred autho- 
 rity, from the tremendous lift of bankruptcies there 
 announced, a part of the mercantile world it not per- 
 fectly fatisfied with the actual ftate of things ; but 
 when a gentleman^ no lefs diftinguifhed for the confif- 
 tency and independence of his principles, than for the 
 pure nature and extent of his fervices, thus deigns to 
 announce his fatisfation, it would be equal herefyand 
 ingratitude in the people, were they heard to murmur 
 or repine. In his accurate and impartial definition of 
 the laws ; for the energy and vigour he has infufed into 
 our councils ; correcting popular errors ; crufhing the 
 fedition of difaffected reformers ; for his virtuous exam- 
 ple in reeceiving and propagating anonymous calumny 
 as a ground of criminal profecution ; calling forth all the 
 latent patriotifm in the country, ftill further to extend 
 the increafed and increafing influence of the c wn, as 
 folemnly recognized by a vote of Parliament, he alfo 
 extorts our confidence and gratitude ; and it muft re- 
 
 fled 
 
 f It infpires a nioft exalted idea of parties, when 
 one confiders the late tergiverfation of the Honourable, 
 
 and
 
 ( 99 ) 
 
 adored conftitution from a total decay, by 
 
 proving 
 
 immortal glory on the prefent age : the bright 
 example will flourifti a perennial monument of the fen- 
 iibility, confiftency^ and wifdom of Engliflimen, that in 
 the year 1793 of the Chriftian sera, J n R ves, 
 Efquire^ wrought a total change in our national cha- 
 racler ; that it was a hireling I-f-m-r who modified, 
 and gave an entire new bias to the political fyftem of 
 the B t-fh G-v m t. 
 
 and Right Honourable, the Noble, and moft noble 
 Seceders from the Whig Ciub. For a long time it 
 was a mortal ftruggle, tin combat a mort y between 
 them and their more happy rivals, each panting to cut 
 ihe others throat-, efpecially B ke, who having been 
 once permitted for a fliort time to fip of the delicious 
 fount, difplayed all the fymptoms of a Maniac in his 
 rage : both parties glowing with impatient ardour ; 
 one to preferve the good things already in their pofTef- 
 fion ; the other to turn thofe ouc already in pofleffion, 
 and to get at them themfelves : But when the principle 
 itfelf was threatened ; when.jealous of the French re- 
 volution, they apprehended thefe good things to be en- 
 dangered ; that the expenditure of courts would be re- 
 forme^ their civil lifts reduced, the fountain of corrup- 
 tion in tome degree dried up, and thus all their expec- 
 ations deftroyed; then thefe enraged antagonifts, thefe 
 furious cut- throats kljjcd and embraced, uniting in 
 O 2 clofeft
 
 proving the danger to which its principal 
 element is now more then ever expofed, 
 from the undermining encroachments of 
 
 \J> 
 
 the moft formidable enemies, concealed 
 under the dark difguife of infidious affected 
 friendship, 
 
 It might be dangerous to arraign the 
 genuine ipirit, the immortal part of the 
 Britifh conftitution ; but let us exert our- 
 felves to correct thole corrodino; ulcers that 
 
 o 
 
 threaten its immortality. Let us guard 
 againft the treachery of falfe friendship, and 
 apply a fafe and healing cataplafm to the 
 Wounds, which old age and corruption 
 have engendered in the body, left at length 
 they mortify, and reach the heart. 
 
 clofeft bonds of amiMe fraternity, to protect the com- 
 mon miftrefs of their fondeft affections from the rude 
 unhallowed violation of bafe democratic ravifhers. It 
 has ever been the wretched fate of England to be fplit 
 and torn to pieces by thefe parties and cabals : to be 
 gulled by the affedcd patriotifm, the plaufible modera- 
 tion of one, or infulted and ruined by the open, avow- 
 ed, pra'.ical corruption of the other,. Both running 
 fo the f me goal. 
 
 Taking
 
 ( 101 ) 
 
 Taking for granted the vaunted ex- 
 cellence of our happy form of government^ 
 it ought not to blind us againft its practical 
 errors ; neither mould it throw us off our 
 guard againft thofe defperate monarchical 
 ftrides, daily encroaching, which, unlefs luc- 
 cefsfully relifted, cannot fail to undermine it 
 altogether ; nor ought it to render us unjuft 
 towards another nation, emulous of our 
 original example, to improve its own ; 
 and as Solomon has told us, ' there is no- 
 thing new,' fo there is nothing perfect 
 under the fun ; the very nature of man is 
 imperfect, and after fo many dear and 
 abortive efforts, to eftablifh that pure and 
 fimple reform in their monarchy, which 
 they at firfr. projected, but to which the 
 prejudices, pride, intereft, and paffions of 
 their privileged orders would never fubmit, 
 and which all the crowned heads, ariftocra- 
 cies and hierarchies in Europe, were either 
 lecretly or openly combined to counteract, 
 furely the French were not blameable, under 
 fuch circumftances. for alpiring to, a degree 
 of perfection in a new government, hither- 
 to
 
 to unattained by any nation either ancient 
 or modern. Their antient fyftem, by its 
 violent excefles, had exhaufted patience 
 and worked its own diflblution ; and how 
 far the ryftem that fucceeded was ex- 
 cellent how far the practice of it would 
 be eaiy and beneficial, compatible with the 
 purity of its theory, or incompatible with 
 the depravity of man, nor calculated to 
 correct it, is {till a my fiery. Alas ! the 
 active malice, the claming interefts, and 
 everlaftmg jealoufy of thofe interefted to 
 oppofe it, prevented the world from a fair 
 trial of its efficacy ; and it will ever remain 
 a lamentable reflection for humanity, if 
 the liberties of a regenerated people, who 
 had laid down an illuftrious example of 
 peace and brotherhood, but who never 
 were allowed to enforce it, whom the com- 
 bined and open force of all the tyrants in 
 Europe was unable to conquer, after the 
 torrents of blood that have been fluked, 
 mould fall at lensth a facrifice to the 
 
 O i 
 
 blacked, mod: unexampled treachery, the 
 
 tyranny,
 
 I0 3 
 
 tyranny, and diabolical corruption of 
 courts.* 
 
 It has been often ftunned in our ears with 
 an affectation of candour, ' Oh, we ad- 
 mit the juftice and neceffity of the princi- 
 ples on which they ftarted, (although even 
 then we well remember the ariftocratic 
 clamour which they excited,) but they have 
 loft all right of them, and have degenerat- 
 ed into the moft barbarous ilate of anarchy, 
 regicide, and bloodfhed.' 
 
 Alas ! was it their fault, if they have per- 
 force abandoned that fyftem they at firft 
 
 * It will not require an infinity of penetration, to 
 decide, whether B t-fh gold was employed in this 
 honourable traffic, when it is recollected, that the 
 parole of rallying, ufed by the chiefs of the Infurgents 
 in Brittany, was c vivent les Anglais,' long live the 
 Englifh ; and its magic was fo powerful, that even the 
 peafants, who had certainly the greateft intereft in the 
 new order of things, deferted in bodies to the rebel 
 ftandard. It can hardly be imagined that the parole itfelf 
 had fufficient virtue to operate on a French clown, un- 
 lefs accompanied with a more fubftantial temptation. 
 
 laid
 
 laid down, not only unfupported by other 
 governments, but either fecretly or openly 
 attacked by them all, finding the impom*- 
 bility of contending againft fuch a hofl of 
 perfidious and powerful enemies, united to 
 interrupt its progrefs, and for the fake of 
 weakening it, to fplit the country into a 
 thoufand different factions ? Did their un- 
 happy king ever join in cordial fincerity 
 with them ? Did his perturbed brain ever 
 enjoy the morteft interval of reft, under 
 the curtailment that his once unbounded 
 prerogative had fuffered ? Has he not been 
 proved, to the conviction of all, but fuch as 
 are impenetrable to proof, to have adopted 
 every ftratagem, either he himfelf or his 
 confidential difappointed advifers could in- 
 vent, to overturn that confKtution he was 
 fworn to defend, but which in his foul he 
 execrated end abhorred ? How then could 
 a government profper ? How could it con- 
 tinue its march, while the executive power 
 was hoftile to it, eternally fruftrating the 
 operations of the legiflature ? 
 
 Did
 
 Did the accurfed jealoufy, the revenge- 
 fill turbulent fpirit of priefthood, nurfed in 
 prejudice, foured by difappointment, ever 
 ceafe, either directly or indirectly, to con^ 
 jure up the daemon of rebellion, and to ex- 
 cite civil war in the nation, panting to wade 
 through feas of blood, if in fo doine it 
 
 o o 
 
 forefaw the moft diflant profpecl of regain- 
 ing thole treafures, or of recovering that 
 omnipotence which the church had fb long 
 enjoyed, under no more virtuous or equit- 
 able claims than thofe of fraud, monopoly, 
 and ufurpation, and which policy, wifdorri, 
 jufHce, and above all, the public good, de- 
 manded mould be reduced ? Oh no ! their 
 clergy were Grangers to the meek and be- 
 neficent fpirit of true religion ; they were 
 Unacquainted with the virtue of facfihces ; 
 and founding; their own dominion on the 
 
 o 
 
 bafis of ignorance, tyranny, andfuperftition, 
 how could they be imagined ever to feel 
 the divine glow which a love of liberty in- 
 Ipired ? Obftinate till the laft, unrelenting 
 and vindictive, we now behold them funk 
 in the deepeft abyfs of wretchednefs, lin- 
 P gering
 
 ( 106 ) 
 
 out a loathfome exigence in foreign 
 
 O <-' 
 
 ftates, on the precarious alms of vain arro- 
 gant oftentation, and of cold ariftocratic 
 charity, with no other profpect to their 
 parricidal hopes, than what they derive 
 from the threatened defolation and eternal 
 flavery of their native country; and the 
 nobles, cramped in their foul hahitual lux- 
 ury, curtailed of their privileges, their 
 empty titles and diftin&ions gone, have, 
 they not (with few exceptions,) by the 
 moft defperate treafons, incefTantly labour- 
 ed, alas ! too fuccefsfully ; and are they not 
 now difperfed all over Europe, either in 
 hoftile courts, or in hoftile armies, or in 
 open rebellion at home, "braving the laws, 
 inftieatine and aiding; the vengeance of en- 
 
 o o o o 
 
 raged and mercilefs tyrants, to render the 
 land that gave them birth, which they hefi- 
 \ated not to renounce, rather than fubmit 
 to thofe falutary reforms that reduced them 
 more to a juft level with the reft of their 
 fellow citizens, one wide wafle of blood 
 
 and carnage ? 
 
 Can
 
 Can therefore the moft bigotted preju- 
 dice affect to deny ; (in his heart no man 
 can,) that after fo many fruitlefs attempts 
 to eftablim a limited monarchy, on princi- 
 ples that did not deftroy, although they 
 abridged the prerogative of the king, and 
 confined the power of the clergy and nobles 
 within proper rational limits, the people 
 were not forced to get rid of this vaft co- 
 loflus of oppofition, that had ever fhewn 
 itfelf callous to every requifition and duty 
 of patriotifm? They therefore fubverted 
 altogether the old government, the modi- 
 fications of which the privileged orders, ?s 
 we have before remarked, however well 
 affected they might at firft appear to them 
 in their difcourfe, were by their actions 
 labouring night and day to prevent, and 
 they wifely exerted themfelves to erect a 
 new form of government, more perfect, 
 and better adapted to general happinefs, on 
 the ancient ruins ? 
 
 The people had, they could have no 
 
 other alternative, unlefs they would con- 
 
 P 2 lent
 
 fent to repeat the dofe of their former 
 wretched fervitude. 
 
 It has been often and juftly obferved, 
 that the alteration which the French have 
 made in their government is the true cri- 
 terion, the very touchflone of the hearf, 
 ft r iking at particular diftin&ions, at the fel- 
 fimnefs and arrogant prefumption of men, 
 who for the mod part, having only the 
 fpurious dignity of birth or title wherewith 
 to conceal the want of every intrinfic merit, 
 jnceffantly labour, by every artifice and 
 violence, to perpetuate the galling yoke, 
 by which the bulk of mankind have been 
 fo long enflaved to their purpofes. The 
 French Republic is a machine, that in an 
 inftant winds up the whole royal and ari- 
 ftocratic corps to a pitch of exquifite painful 
 
 fenfibility ; the moil: virtuous m ch in 
 
 Europe, whom far be it from us to include 
 in the above felflfh crew, cannot hear it 
 mentioned without betravins; the moil: vi- 
 
 * C ? 
 
 ble and affecting emotions ; but we would 
 exhort him in the cheering language of 
 our heavenly poet,
 
 c It is a knavifh piece of work, but what 
 
 * of that ; your majefty and we have free 
 
 * fouls, it touches us not, let the galled jade 
 
 * wince, our withers are unwrung.' 
 
 Why then mould the harmony of his 
 r-y-1 mind be difcompofed ? Why mould 
 he wince or -whine at the licentious 
 exceffes of defperate free hooters, of the 
 fwinifh multitude, fans culottes, whom 
 the royal confederacy are about to fweep 
 from the earth? Why fhould he be af- 
 flicted, whofe confcience is pure ; ' In- 
 teger vitae, fcelerifque purus,'* and whofe 
 long and otherwife glorious reign, if 
 too deeply flamed in the purple tide of 
 war, it can be imputed only to the malig- 
 nant influence of evil counfellors, or to 
 the flill more irrenftible force of dire 
 neccjjity ; and whofe immenfe treafures, f 
 
 if 
 
 * Horace. 
 
 -f- If it be fair to judge from Mr. Doddington's 
 Diary, and it is impoffible to doubt his fources of in- 
 formation, no perfon enjoys the eligible and enviable 
 
 felicity
 
 if they have never yet been applied to the 
 fupport of charitable institutions, to the re- 
 lief 
 
 felicity of riches to fuch a fuperlative degree as our 
 amiable and truly (Economical fovereign. 
 
 Mr. Doddington tells us, that in a converfation 
 that piaffed between him and the late Princefs Dowager 
 of Wales, 'She talked much of his majefty's (Geo.II.) 
 c accumulation of treafure, which fhe eftimated at four 
 c millions. I remarked, what was become of it, how 
 ' employed, where, and what was left j I did not pre- 
 
 * tend to guefs, but that I computed the accumulation 
 c to be from 12 to 15 millions ; that" thefe things with- 
 e in a moderate degree, perhaps lefs then a fourth party 
 
 * could be proved b^yond all pojjlbility sf denial.'' 
 
 Doddington's Diary, p. 567 and 290. 
 
 Mr. Doddington relates alfo a conference between 
 Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Newcaftle, in the year 1755, 
 which proves how a certain nation has been gulled, and 
 to what extent a certain family muft have been enriched 
 Cnce its eflablifliment in a certain profperous ifland. 
 
 1 he Duke mumbled ' that the Saxon and Bavarian 
 
 * fubfidies were offered and p re fled, but there was rio- 
 c thing done in them ; that ihe Heflian was perfected, 
 
 * but the Ruffian was not concluded. When his Grace 
 1 dv,ek fo if.u h on the K g's honour^ Mr. Pitt afked 
 c him what, if out of ti\z fifteen mi '.'ion zvhich bis majefty 
 4 badfcvsdy he mould give his coufm of hefTe ioo,oool. 
 1 and the Czarina 150,000!. to be off from thofe bad 
 
 bargains,
 
 ( III ) 
 
 lief of public burthens, it mufr. be remem- 
 bered, the numerous and hopeful family, 
 
 for 
 
 * bargains, and not fuffer fuggeftions fo dangerous to 
 
 * his own quiet and fufety of his family to be thrown 
 c out, which would, and muft be infifteci on in a debate 
 
 * of this nature, where would be the h-irm of it ? The 
 
 * Duke had nothing to lay, but defirec they might talk 
 
 * it over again with the Chancellor. Mr. Pitt replied, 
 4 he was at their corn>r,and; bur that nothing could 
 4 alter his opinion.' IbiJ. f>, 173, 
 
 It appears evident, from the above faithful extract, 
 that the conftitution in its practical operations under 
 the Br w ck family, is a~ propitious to kings as it is 
 to the people, perhaps more f.j ; for the royal purfe cer- 
 tainly does not darea/e, as the pul.-lic burthens increafe \ 
 fince every addition to the revenue naturally adds to the 
 revenue and patronage of the c w;i. 
 
 An accurate, but unfortunate author, whofe writ- 
 ino-s have attracted th~ notice of our delicate, vigilant, 
 six! fufceptible g-v m r, applies the following per- 
 tinent and clofe obfervations to the preceding extracts: 
 
 * ThJrty-ievfjn years have now elapfed (fays he) 
 4 fince G e II. had Caved fifteen millions ft crling from 
 
 * the civil ///?. It has been faid, that a fum at five per 
 4 cent, of compound inten-ft, doubles itfelf in fourteen 
 4 years, but the calculation is not quite exact ; and 
 4 where a topic fo dtiicate as the civil lift is concerned, 
 
 <the
 
 for whom it is his duty hereafter to provide, 
 over and above that provifion, which his 
 faithful and never failing commons, agreea- 
 bly 
 
 * the moft fcrupulous accuracy fliould be obferved, and 
 
 * therefore it is neceflary to premife, that in 14. years, 
 c one hundred pounds produce about a fiftieth part lefs 
 
 * than a fecond hundred ; that is to fay, 97 1. i8s. 8d. 
 
 * Now at this rate, thefe fifteen millions in 37 years, 
 c would have multiplied to more than ninety-one mil- 
 lion and a half. 
 
 4 It is true indeed, as Mr. Doddington obferves, 
 
 * that we are ignorant what became of this money, how 
 ' or where it was applied ; but this we know, no part 
 ' of it was ever applied to the fervice or relief of the 
 
 * people of this country, from whom it was derived. 
 
 * JVe have fence paidfeveral arrears into which the civil 
 
 * It/I had fallen, and ioo,oool. in the fuperabundant 
 c generofity of Parliament, have been added to the royal 
 'falary, when at the fame time the nation has been 
 
 * borrowing money to pay that fum, nominally^ at three 
 
 * and a half or four per cent, but in reallity at fix or 
 
 * eight per cent. Hence, properly applied, the fifteen 
 
 * million fterling of G e It. inftead of increafing to 
 
 * ninety-one million and a half, would at feven and a half 
 
 * per cent, have extended to nearly one hundred and 
 4 thirty million feven hundred and fifty thoufand pounds, 
 ' which would at prefent buy out more than one half of 
 
 4 our
 
 ( "3 ) 
 
 bly with their wonted gratitude, may judge 
 fitting to flipply his liberal munificence to- 
 wards 
 
 4 our national debtj and fave the country from an an- 
 1 nual burthen of four million and a half.' 
 
 Vide Political Progrefs of Brittain. 
 
 Thefe are home truths to be fure. The fecrets of 
 the charnel houfe are here divulged, and hence the 
 people of England may be apt to entertain an exalted 
 idea of the fidelity and oeconomy with which their re- 
 prefentatives, efpecially during later rei_ms, have exe- 
 cuted their truft. But to be ferious : On reading the 
 above, will the mod inveterate flave to the fplen- 
 dor, corruption, or avarice of c ts affect to deny 
 the juftice, the neceffity of their reform? And how 
 muft fenfibility a;;d honour revolt when the perfe- 
 cution is confidercd to v/hich individuals are expofed 
 who venture to enforce that neceflity ? What muft 
 be the nature of that (yftem which cannot endure the 
 mention of its abufes ? What the real character of a 
 government that cafls a man into dungeons, who, ani- 
 mated with the pureft patriotifm and philanthropy, la- 
 bours to correct them ? 
 
 It is fair to conjecture, that part of the enormous 
 heaps thus oeconomifed has been transmitted to Ger- 
 many; yet, even fuppofing it, fome imperfect notion 
 'may thence be formed of the immenfe wealth enjoyed, 
 after his long reign, by the frugal and virtuous prince 
 who continues to yield fuch fatisfaction, comfort, and 
 folid advantages to this flourijhing kingdom j and fince 
 Q. the
 
 wa'rds that family ; from all which impar- 
 tial confiderations he now fits enthroned in 
 the grateful hearts of his loval, difcriir.i- 
 
 o , 
 
 nating, beloved, and loving fubjedls. 
 
 It 
 
 the country is now again engaged in war, it cannot be 
 doubted that a patriot king, fo much better able to afford 
 it, will follow the example of one of his illuftrious prede- 
 ceflbis, Queen Anne, who for four years together gave 
 one hundred thoufand pounds from her civil lift to fup- 
 port the war againft France. Under the prefent cir- 
 cumftances it would be impious to fufpecl the liberality 
 and civifm of a fovereign who loves his fubjects far 
 better than his money, and who will be anxious to 
 furpafs that princefs in the extent of his donations, as 
 much as he exceeds her in riches and all other re- 
 fources. From fuch a fublime example what glorious 
 effects mav we anticipate ! Then will the minifter's 
 iifTertion, " that gentlemen pledging their lives and 
 <{ fortunes in fupport of the prefent war were not 
 u terms of courfe, but fuch as they would moft chear- 
 ct fully abide by." The generous afTei tion fhall then 
 be verified ; he himfelf will be the firft to throw in 
 the profits arifing from the Cinque Ports, that com- 
 fortable little piovifion with which he lately rewarded 
 himfelf ; Dundas, Grenville, and all his patriot friends 
 will unite in imitation of his generofity ; and the in- 
 numerable band of finecure men, penfioncrs, and 
 j-lacemen of every deicri^tion, by the noble facrifice 
 
 of
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 It is the nature of truth to challenge en- 
 quiry ; and fufpicious indeed muft be held 
 
 any 
 
 of their incomes to relieve the public of its burthens, 
 will realize the reputation of difintereftednefs and pa- 
 triotifm, for which their right honourable mafter and 
 benefactor, with fuch admirable gallantry, pledged his 
 veracity. 
 
 Foremoft, amongft this diuntereited crew, the 
 noble Earl of Mansfield will prefs moft anxioufly 
 forward, eager to throw in his mite for fupport 
 of a war, the principles of which he fo truly and 
 zealoufly approves ; for it cannot be fuppofed that his 
 Lordfhip, who from hereditary and acquired wealth, to.- 
 gether with other finecures, is perhaps the richeft inr 
 dividual in his Majefty's dominions, will hold it con- 
 fiftent with the dignity of AN ENGLISH EARL- 
 DOM, however compatible he might have held it 
 with Scottish prudence or a Scottifh peerage, any longer 
 to keep a Jhop t to deal, under the firm of Mansfield 
 and Way, in flips of parchment, felling them to the 
 poor in moments of their greateft diftrefs. In general, 
 the profits arifmg to the principal partner from this 
 bufmefs are computed at 3000!. a year, but in times 
 of extraordinary demand, like thefe, it is impoffible 
 to eftimate the income. 
 
 This is one of the trades which authorifed Mr. 
 
 R es and a learned Judge to publifh the confoltng 
 
 iru'tfm, that juftice in this country is equally within the 
 
 reach of evs*y defcription of perfons; a trtiifm> how- 
 
 Q_ 2 ever 3
 
 any moral or political fyftem which fhuns 
 that enquiry. In all other fciences its 
 virtue is unanimoufly admitted. In agri- 
 culture, commerce, and navigation, the 
 mind is conftantly progreilive, looking for- 
 ward to improvement. The demonftrations 
 of Newton were confidered as the moll: 
 iublime and beneficial diicoveries, and the 
 GEORGIUM SIDUS of Herfchell im- 
 mortalizes at once the philofopher and the 
 patron : But in politics, the queftion where, 
 of all others, human nature has the deepen: 
 flake, on which its felicity wholly de- 
 pends, defpotifm forbids man to exercife 
 his reafon, the divined faculty of his na- 
 ture ; humanity is not permitted to profit 
 by its exertions ; the beft gift of heaven 
 muft be rendered null to favour the impious 
 
 ever, which fome men are ftill incredulous enough to 
 deny ; but in the prefcnt inftance, as in many others, 
 the triiifm is fully illuftrated. The juftice fhnp is open, 
 and all may buy it, if th?y have only ready money to 
 pay for it. Neverthelsfs, ir.any months have paiTed fince 
 the minifter's prediftion, but we have not heard of a 
 {ingle iiiftaiice hitherto in which it has been verified. 
 
 and
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 and crnel policy of focial inftitutions. It 
 mud be confefied, that hitherto fraud has 
 been the characleriftic of almoft all govern- 
 ments. It appears as if it were the uni- 
 form plan to im>ofe falie notions on the 
 underftanding of the people, and then to 
 govern them accordingly. For example, 
 in the rummer of 1792, when his Serene 
 Highncfs the Duke of Brunfwick publifhed 
 his manifefto, in the name of their Im- 
 perial and Pruffian Majefties, denouncing 
 the projected invafion of France, and the 
 horrible defign of carrying fire and fword 
 into that nation, and of flaughtering all 
 citizens who fhculd have virtue to refute 
 to turn traitors to their country, and to aid 
 and affifl their barbarian invaders, fuch 
 conduct appeared flriclly juft, honourable, 
 and humane to the pious monarchs of Eu- 
 rope ; but when thefe tyrants were unex- 
 pectedly driven out of France, when the 
 invincible energy of men fcruggling for 
 their rights, engaged in the caufe of liberty 
 and truth, compelled them to flight, and 
 when afterwards, flufned with fucceis, they 
 purfued the plan of retaliating juilice, and 
 
 in
 
 in their turn carried their arms into the terri- 
 tories of the enemy, inviting all nations to 
 fraternize with them againft that royal fra- 
 ternity which had united againjl them, then 
 the hue and cry was raifed ; all Europe mutt 
 take up arms againfr. the French ; they were 
 defcribed as anarchies, monfters, devils, la- 
 bouring to fubvert all legal government, to 
 confound all order, levellers of property, and 
 to fill the climax, as enemies of all Kings. 
 Thus, what feemed perfectly honourable on 
 one fide was conftrued into unwarrantable in- 
 vafion, robbery, andfacrilege on the other. At 
 fuch a crifis, to flop the circulation of truth, 
 that paflions and prejudices might have full 
 fcope, it became neceflary that an embargo 
 fhould be immediately laid on the prets ; 
 that facred Palladium of freedom was in- 
 vaded by the moil: rigorous profecutions ; 
 government ftooped fo low, was fb cowardly 
 in its fears, as to attack even bill-flickers 
 and hawkers, fome of whom are ftill lan- 
 gmfhing in gaols. AfTociations were formed 
 by minions of the court, to prevent aflb- 
 ciations amcngft the people. Everv unfair 
 
 advantage
 
 ( "9 ) 
 
 advantage was taken of that torrent of pre- 
 judice which had been raifed ; legions of 
 fpies and informers were fet loofe on fo- 
 ciety ; magiftrates employed thefe fatellites 
 to ptirchafe obnoxious pamphlets, and then 
 brought them forth as witnefTes to fupport 
 profecutions againft the innocent pub- 
 limer ; * liberty of opinion was violated, 
 and a particular bias attempted to be im- 
 pofed on private converfation. Such, let it 
 be remembered, (it may one day be brought 
 home to him,) was the infamous practice 
 which prevailed in England under the ad* 
 miniftration of W m P-tt. during 
 
 o 
 
 which period every fpecies of falfehood 
 and treachery was protected and enforced 
 by the authority of political government. 
 The old iniquitous politics of Verfailles were 
 to be engrafted on the conftitution of Britain. 
 
 o 
 
 But all prejudices and falfehoods have their 
 
 * On Eaton's trial, for publifhing Paine's Letter to 
 the AddrefTers, the evidence on which the profccution 
 was founded was on the information of a man fuborncd 
 by the Chief Magiftrate of what we are eternally told 
 is the firil city in the world, to buy the pamphlet. The 
 informer with vifible reluctance gave his evidence; but 
 he was bound to obey tae infractions of his mafler. 
 
 aera
 
 ( 120 ) 
 
 sera of detection ; truth muft eventually 
 triumph over every adverfary ; let its fluices 
 be once thrown wide open, its victory 
 cannot fail to be compleat. Governments 
 that had the happinefs of their fubjedts 
 really in view, that were anxious above all 
 things. to infpire them with a love of inde- 
 pendence and virtue, would be the moft 
 averfe from impofing the leaft restraint to 
 prevent an explicit avowal of their fenti- 
 ments. Truth is uniform ; and of all the 
 different forms of government that exiil 
 there muft be one heft, and that heft can 
 only be the one where the advantages and 
 comforts of life are moft equally admi- 
 niflered; and if an equal mare of nature's 
 benefits be defirable and good in itfelf, it 
 muft be fo for you, and me, and all man- 
 kind. Can it be afferted that the actual 
 ivflem anfwers this defcription ? 
 
 If there be a nation in the univerfe 
 where its rulers have any other object than 
 to render the people fober, juft, and wife; 
 where it is required that they be joc&us, 
 debauchees, and gamefers, rather than 
 
 men :
 
 ( "I ) 
 
 men ; " where thelover of truth andjuftice 
 would be held in fcorn and derijton, and 
 cxpofed to the feverejl penalties and punijli- 
 witnts ; fuch a nation may be ripe for the 
 chains of defpotifm ; but if there be not, 
 then, liberty muft every where be preferable 
 to flavery, and the government of impar* 
 tiality, better than that of random, tyranny, 
 and caprice."* In this boafted land of liber- 
 ty, however, ftrong iymptoms of arbitrary 
 power have lately mewn themfelves. To 
 illuftrate this pofition; 
 
 If when prefTed for an opinion, my lips 
 mould cowardly belie my heart, and mean- 
 ly condefcend to praife a fyftem, which on 
 a comprehenfive furvey of things, convic- 
 tion tells me was partial and oppreffive, 
 although in fo doing I mould be both a 
 hypocrite and a lyar, yet in lieu of being 
 defpifed for my bafenefs, fuch is the happy 
 temper of the prefent times amongir, us, 
 that I mould be efteemed an honeft and 
 truly loyal fubjec~t But if, on the contrary, 
 
 * Godwin on Political Knowledge. 
 
 R I had
 
 ( I" > 
 
 1 had courage to oppofe the prejudices and" 
 paffions of my hearers, and to promulgate 
 my real fentiments, to declare unequivo- 
 cally in favour of liberty and equality, ancf 
 to exprefs a very rational and warrantable 
 doubt Concerning the utility of Kings ! then, 
 the man who pi-effect me to confidence, turns 
 an informer againft me ; government en- 
 courages the information ; a ipecial jury ap- 
 pointed by an officer of the c-wn, the c-wn 
 the plaintiff, is prepared, I am brought to 
 trial, convicted, and my Judges on fnch 
 honourable and fubflantial proof of guilt r 
 are ready in an inftant to condemn me to 
 their Baftille, and to expofe me on a pil- 
 lory, to the wild fury of an infatuated rab- 
 ble, thst probably may be hired for the 
 purpofe of accompliming my definition ;, 
 and all this for what ? for having exer- 
 ciftd my own free judgment, and having, 
 prefumedto anfvver a premeditated queftion, 
 in what I conceived the language of truth.. 
 Again, whenlam told from the ms&refpecl- 
 ablc authority ; from thole who have an in- e 
 tsereft in faying fo ? that the Britifh conflitu- 
 
 tiod
 
 ( "3 ) 
 
 tioncomprifes within itfelf all that is wife, all 
 that is excellent, all that is great and con- 
 ducive to the public welfare ; that it was 
 matured to this ne plus ultra of perfection 
 by the incomparable Ikill and ability of our 
 omnifcient and infallible ancestors ; that 
 the wifdom of antiquity precludes all pofli- 
 bility of further melioration, as if it were 
 the miferable nature of man to degenerate, 
 mid not to improve ; or as if the human 
 mind was to be bound down by the chains of 
 an eternal quietifm, without another effort 
 to enlarge the fphere of general happinefs ; 
 when I hear thefe pompous {trains, 1 am apt 
 T to look arcimd for living vouchers to con- 
 firm them ; when alas ! on a general fiirvey, 
 'the pi&ure is entirely reverfecl, fymptoms 
 .of partiality, injuflice and oppreffion are 
 .every where viiible. Luxury and magnifi- 
 cence in one quarter, the moftabjecl penury, 
 and difeaie its attendant in another, temp- 
 tation, irrefiftible to want, every where-; 
 -and finally yielding to the impulfe of 
 conviction, if I mould exclaim againfl 
 foch barbarous impofture, my truth is 
 R 2
 
 ( "4 ) 
 
 pronounced herefy and libel, and for thd 
 heinous guilt of fpeaking it, probably 
 I fhall foon be condemned an inmate 
 of the above mentioned Baftille. There in- 
 deed, the evidence rifes in ftill ftronger 
 energy ; there, all doubts, if fuch there 
 could be, become confirmations ftrong ; 
 there, on one fide, fenfibility meds a benig- 
 nant unavailing tear, over hundreds of young 
 unhappy females, many, the deferted vic- 
 tims of brutal ariftocratic luft, caft for 
 tranfportation, fome for feven years, fome 
 for fourteen, and others for their natural life, 
 loft to fociety, cut offthus early from the ei>- 
 joymentsofthe world, blaiphemingtheirGod, 
 piercingthe very walls with their fhrieks, and 
 imprecating curfes on their mercilefs unre- 
 lenting perfecutors. On another, we be- 
 hold innumerable ferocious felons, ftill lefs 
 favage then their ferocious keepers, rendered 
 cruelfromoppreffion,facrificestowant,igno- 
 rance,and temptation, claming their chains, 
 and grinding their teeth in anguifh, refent- 
 ment and defpair. In one melancholy fe- 
 cluckd fpct y we behold the fclitary dungeon?, 
 
 where
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 where the patient facrifice condemned to 
 die, in calm refignation awaits the dire 
 execution of inexorable law. In another 
 quarter, we view numberlefs. infolvent 
 (debtors, groaning in hopelefs mifery, aban- 
 doned to the caprice and malice of relent- 
 lefs difappointed creditors. 
 
 Now in contemplating the happy effe&s 
 of fuch a fyftem, who can deny the juftice 
 of puniming thofe who wantonly dare to 
 recommend its reform, or to enforce the 
 neceffity of innovating on a government 
 that generates ruch blelTed and glorious 
 fruits ? Here, however, let us paufe. It 
 is not ourdefign (we again repeat, well aware 
 of the danger,) to queflion the fundamental 
 principles of this conftitution ; we keep at 
 awful distance and revere its wife and liberal 
 maxim, noli me tangere ; but tremendous 
 as the jurifdi&ion now exercifed over the 
 prefs may be, (although from fome recent 
 inftances that have occurred, it appears that 
 the people are awaking from their long 
 flymber, and are at length about to afTert 
 
 their
 
 stheir fcnfes, as we 1 ! as their rights,) it mall 
 not prevent us from freely pointing out 
 thole vices, with a view to their correction , 
 which can have no relation with a con- 
 flitution, founded, as ours is faid to be, on 
 the immortal principles of liberty ;-^vices 
 which mutilate and deform it, fo that it is 
 no more like its original feif, (as Hamlet 
 fays) than I to Hercules. We wifh to re- 
 pair the mouldering edifice, on which the 
 freedom, prosperity, and lives of citizens 
 depend. Does it feem confident with the 
 principle of juftice, wliich we are eternally 
 told is a grand characleriftic f our confti- 
 tution, and which mould form the bafis of 
 all fbcial infKtutions, becaufe one clals of 
 ibciety revels in luxury and fuperfluities, 
 enjoying all the advantages of knowledge, 
 which education can beftow ; that another 
 clafs fliould be condemned for ever to wal- 
 low la the loathfome flies of indigence^ 
 plunged in the depeeft abyis of brutifh ig- 
 norance, expofed to all thole dangerous 
 temptations, which "a conftant fpectacle of 
 unbcunded wealth and fplendor neceiTarily 
 
 hol^s
 
 hoi Js forth to others reduced to the faddeffc 
 extremities, fome perhaps even wanting 
 bread to fupport their exiftence ? Ought 
 there to be no medium between fuch vio- 
 lent extremes, as a preventive againft thofe 
 fatal confequences that mud naturally be 
 expe&ed to refult from them ? Would it 
 not be an outrage on common fenfe to aver, 
 that the former elafs mould have a right 
 to conftitute themfelves as umpires, to ar- 
 rogate a power of deciding in their own 
 caufe, on the excellence of a government, 
 which yields to them all thefe exclufive 
 benefits ? Surely it would not be draining 
 our argument too far, to admit, that a thief, 
 when let on his defence for having bur- 
 glarioufly entered the H T ell-ftored larder of 
 a wealthy citizen, and for having taken 
 from thence a fine fat capon or turkey, 
 might, with more than equal propriety, 
 plead his right, on the principle of hunger,, 
 to take what the rich man had no occ a/ion 
 for, to fatisfy his own craving appetite, 
 that was farmJJii-ng for want of it. But 
 here, folly and infenubility would vocife- 
 rate,
 
 rate, " Oh, in that cafe there is an end to 
 all order ; no fecurity for property ; all 
 government is at once deftroyed." No. 
 The remedy is fimple and obvious. Heli- 
 tate not to throw fbme little indulgence 
 into the fcale of poverty and labour. Exalt 
 MAN to the rank, of which nature is fuf- 
 ceptible, reform your governments, and 
 without confounding all gradations to;e- 
 
 o o o 
 
 ther, reduce them to a more juft and 
 equal level. Then, every inducement to 
 fiich violence is immdiately removed. 
 
 " Sublata caufa, tolletur effectus." 
 
 In our reverence for the original fabric 
 of the Britim constitution, it does not fol- 
 low that we are bound to indulge a blind 
 rage of fuperffition, and to idolize thofe 
 polypufes and rotten excrefcencies that have 
 grown upon it. We are not thence tied 
 down to venerate the corruption and profli- 
 gate eftablimment of courts, to approve thofe 
 unjuft confederacies with foreign princes that 
 now arm this nation againrr. the rights of 
 nations, or to grant the fan&ion of praife 
 
 to
 
 ( I2 9 
 
 to the infatiate overbearing prerogative $ 
 under the vain qualification of the dig- 
 nity of c wns. As lovers of our confti- 
 tution, we mould be more jealous of its 
 excellence, more anxious to preferve it 
 free from blemifhes, and fervent as our 
 affection may be for pure reprefentative 
 governments, it is not to be deduced as a 
 corollary, that we are attached to a fyflem 
 of reprefentation, which depends on the 
 nod of a court or its minions, where in the 
 very teeth of an Act of Parliament, 12 
 William III. C. 2. that decrees, ' No per- 
 fon who holds an office of place or profit 
 under the king, or receives a penfion from 
 the crown, mail be capable of ferving as a 
 member of the Houfe of Commons,' in di- 
 rect violation of that act, the Houfe of Com- 
 mons coniifts chiefly in perfons of the above 
 defcription, and where the duration of Par- 
 liaments is protracted to the length of feven 
 years, although, conformably with the ori- 
 ginal constitution, annual Parliaments were 
 the people's right. 
 
 S the
 
 The love of our conftitution does not 
 command us to refpect the prevailing prac- 
 tice in regard to libels, and the criminal 
 
 o 
 
 mode of profecuting them by information, 
 bearing not the leaft analogy with its pri- 
 maeval fpirit ; a barbarous practice that 
 grew with the accurfed Star Chamber. All 
 the learning forced upon us, de libellis fa- 
 moiis, was borrowed, or rather tranflated 
 from that (lavifh Imperial law, commonly 
 called the Civil, or Juftinian Law. In our 
 legal authorities, higher than the time of 
 Elizabeth and Sir Edward Coke, nothing 
 of it is to be found. 
 
 The love of our conftitution does not 
 call upon us to approve the doctrines of 
 fythes, or to extol the injuftice of our 
 game laws, that vile relique of feudal ty- 
 ranny, fpringing from the fcreft laws of 
 William the Norman ; in virtue of which, 
 if a half famimcd peafant deftroys a hare 
 that devours the lafl folitary cabbage in his 
 half rood of garden, intended -as a fcanty 
 griping meal for himfelf and family, he is 
 
 fubjecb
 
 fubjecl to a penalty of five pounds, or in 
 default of payment,- dragged inftantly to 
 gaol, there to linger, till he makes it good ; 
 while the privileged Squire, or flill more 
 triumphant my Lord^ may not only kill 
 the hare in this cottager's garden, but may 
 alfb purfue a fox with horfe and with hound 
 to his very threfhold ; breaking down all 
 thofe fences the poor man's induftry had 
 raifed, as a fecurity to his miferable hovel. 
 All this the great may do with impunity, 
 to the utter ruin of the honeit labourer, 
 from the fweat of whofe brow their luxu-- 
 ries are fupported, without expofmg them- 
 felves to any penalty whatever. Yet thefe 
 are the blefTed equal laws which a learned 
 Judge in thejincerity of his foul tells his 
 Grand Juries at Weftminfter, know no 
 diftinction, the fame to all ; to the poorer! 
 and proudeft. The falfehood is proved by 
 the fact, and accumulates iniiilt on opprei- 
 fion, but public credulity has given birth 
 to the moft monftrous impofitions. A 
 candid ffotement of Jlrong faEts againft 
 groundlefs affertions, can never be con- 
 ftrued as a defamation of our courts. 
 
 S 2 Docs
 
 <, 132 ) 
 
 Does the conftitution ordain that we 
 mould proftrate ourfelves before the blood- 
 ftained altar of Moloch, and implore be- 
 nedictions on the arm that fmites us ? 
 that we mould idolize a government, 
 
 Q 
 
 which expofes myriads to the unnecefTary 
 and defperate hazard of ramine or of 
 {laughter, madly precipitating its fubjects 
 into the horrors of an aggrefnve and ex- 
 terminatinsr war, rather than wound the 
 
 o 
 
 delicacy of regal pride by negociating with 
 the executive council of an .independent 
 hfition, that had, by the folemn and unani- 
 mous voice of its reprefentatives, impar- 
 tially and incorruptly elected, abolifhed 
 royalty, and that ftill fmarting through the 
 injuries which it had inflicted on them, 
 had conftituted themielves into a REPUB- 
 LIC, formed on the nobleft bafis of FREE- 
 DOM, and EQUALITY of RIGHTS. 
 
 Can our conftitution require us to vio- 
 late the eternal laws of nature and of juf- 
 tice, that we fhould coaleice with a ban- 
 ditti of Vandals to force on France a g-o- 
 
 O 
 
 vernment.
 
 ( 133 ) 
 
 vernment, which, after the fulleft delibera- 
 tion, me had rejected ; or otherwife, as is 
 now the cafe .in Poland, to difmember and 
 divide it amongfl themfelves, thus diflblv- 
 ing the politicians charm ; and what is in- 
 expreffibly more dreadful, aiding and abet- 
 ting every fpecies of robbery, violence, 
 and tyrannous ufurpation *. 
 
 In 
 
 * Minifters will confider, and may poflibly treat 
 this publication as a libel, becaufe it ferves to render 
 their favourite WAR odious and unpopular. The au- 
 thor avows and glories in the motive, to check the ca- 
 reer of injuftice,and prevent the effufion of blood- They 
 may torture its advocate, but they can never alter the 
 nature of TRUTH. The war begun in hypocrify, it 
 feems likely to end in ignominy and difappointment. 
 The pretended obje& in the beginning, in order to 
 cajole the people into it, was the relief of our allies. 
 It was natural therefore to conclude, that the end ao 
 complifhed, negotiation would follow i but it became 
 neceflarytoaffume another tone; we then were told, that 
 it was too late to recede, that we had pa/Ted therubicon, 
 ;md that the dignity of the crown as well as the honour 
 of the nation compelled us to yield every moft effec- 
 tual fupport to'the exterminating principles of our new 
 allies, and that the war was to be profecuted with the 
 utmoft vigour till we had obtained ample fatisfaaion 
 and indemnity for the enormous expence we had thus 
 
 volun-
 
 ( '34 ) 
 
 In tendernefs for our beloved conftitu- 
 tion, where three difcordant parts, of 
 which it is compofed, form one harmo- 
 nious whole, it is natural to regard with 
 
 O 
 
 fufpicion the eftablifhment of va.fi. {landing 
 armies, which the wife policy and patrio- 
 tifm of our anceftors were wont to hold in 
 fo much jealoufy and terror, as inimical to 
 the {pint of free governments. Their 
 opinion was, ' That fiavery followed a 
 ftanding army, as furely as the {hadow fol- 
 lows the body.'* The whigs at the revolu- 
 tion remembered, (and they profited by the 
 remembrance) the attempt of Charles I. 
 and the fucceis of Cromwell to overthrow 
 the conftitution by means of an army the 
 plans of Charles II. his fucceflbr, to accom- 
 plifh the fame end with the fame engine ; 
 and it had not elcaped their obfervation, 
 
 voluntarily and gallantly incuTed. Alas! the period 
 of indemnity feems far diftant, and it is to be feared 
 the fid rcfu'.t will be the intire ruin and {laughter of 
 millions, and an addition:! load of taxation, wringing 
 the laft hard-earned morfcl from the jaws of poverty 
 and labour. 
 
 * Dalrymple's Memoirs. 
 
 that
 
 ( '35 ) 
 
 that almoft ail the furronndlng nations, one 
 after another, had loft their liberties in con- 
 fequence of the dangt rous power that ftand- 
 ing armies conferred on princes. So rooted 
 were they in this grand conftitutional prin- 
 ciple, that in the year 1699 they difbanded 
 all the troops in England, except ~ooo ; nor 
 could all the direct fupplications, or indi- 
 rect manoeuvres of King William, notwith- 
 ftanding his popularity, engage the Parlia- 
 ment of that day -to depart from its refolu- 
 tion. In our times, Parliaments through 
 the magic incantations of the c wn, in 
 virtue of implicit confidence, are far better 
 trained to loyalty and obedience. 
 
 In our conftitution, we learn to abhor, 
 the vexation and tyranny of excife laws,* 
 where the quiet, property, and liberty of a 
 citizen, are left to the difcretion of ruffian 
 invaders, armed with legal authority ; while 
 
 : The lenity of excife laws may be well imagined, 
 by tr-'Cing the derivation of the v/ord excife, to the 
 latin verb, * excidere,' which literally fignifies, 'to cut 
 up by the roots.' 
 
 the
 
 ( '36 ) 
 
 the citizen, whofe dwelling at the dead 
 midnight hour has been ranfacked, is pre- 
 cluded from all benefit of a trial by jury, 
 that noble inftitution, fo excellent in the- 
 ory, fo abufed in practice, and thus cut off 
 from all hope or chance of redrefs. 
 
 The love of our conftitution does not 
 authorize the patriot to give his fan&ion to 
 the fubfidizing of foreign troops, to thofe 
 contracts formed with Serene Princes for 
 the purchafe of human flefli ; to the hor- 
 rors of a flave trade ; nor are they thence 
 obliged to acknowledge the equity of pay- 
 ing five or iix pounds for an habeas corpus, 
 which we are told is the peoples' legitimate 
 birth-right, free of all expence whatever. 
 
 It is not congenial with our c-jnftitution, 
 that we ihould declare a blind approbation 
 of laws, bearing no analogy with its fpirit ; 
 laws, which from their prolixity and tauto- 
 logy, one hundred folio volumes are far 
 unequal to contain, and which from their 
 intricacy (where the fwinifh multitude are 
 
 told
 
 ( '37 ) 
 
 told their peculiar excellence confifts) the 
 cleareft genius cannot unravel, (although 
 it is a legal and humane maxim, ' Ignoraii- 
 tia Juris neminem excu r at,) and in defini- 
 tion of which laws the learned Doftors 
 themfelves generally difagree, io that from 
 this glorious uncertainty, which creates 
 prolific diverfion for our courts, an un- 
 bounded field is opened for fraud and ex- 
 tortion ; and our legal procefTes, from the 
 enormous expence and delays attending 
 
 them, unknown to a ilmilar degree in all other 
 
 o 
 
 countries, fruftrate every purpofe of equity, 
 totally depriving the poor man of all the 
 means of obtaining it.* 
 
 The love of our constitution does not 
 warrant an approbation of thofe unintelligi- 
 ble ftatutes, that like the fphynx of anti- 
 
 * The conftitution exprefsly fays, that juftice with- 
 out delay and free of expence fliall be denied to no ^?.n. J 
 The candid reader muft decide how far the practice 
 agrees with the principle. 
 
 T (pity
 
 quity, fpeak in parables, and then devour 
 the wretches who are unable to compre- 
 hend them ; nor of thofe draconian laws, 
 that inflict death for very trivial offences, 
 which have their oris-in in the vices of our 
 
 o 
 
 political mftitutions ; for letting fifli out 
 of a pond, cutting down an apple tree, for 
 privately ftealing five millings, &c, &c. 
 The queftion is not how often, or how 
 feldom thefe laws are executed ; the fact 
 'is, they are always ready to be executed, 
 fo that we are left to the mercy of the 
 'King, for that to which we hate an un- 
 doubted riclit, in virtue of our conftitu- 
 
 O ' 
 
 tion, which declares, ' that exceffive or 
 cruel punifhments mail not be inflicted.* 
 
 There exhts no obligation in our regard 
 
 p O 
 
 for the coTtftrtuiwn, whereby we are ta 
 approve thofe modern flatutes that deprive 
 citizens of their natural and conftituticnal 
 rights, not fuffering them to leave the king- 
 dom without the licence in due form of his 
 Majefty and the privy fcal ; ' fuch offence to 
 
 be
 
 ( '39 ) 
 
 be deemed a, mifdemeanonr, punifliable at 
 'difcretion? * 
 
 In whatever light fuch ftatutes are con- 
 fidered, they ftrike us as a direct attack on 
 the liberty of the fubjedt, eftablifliing a ty- 
 rannical extra judicial power in the Privy 
 Council, fuperior to the laws, unknown 
 to the conftitution. They are a violent en- 
 croachment on Magna Charta, where it 
 is enated, ' That it {hall be lawful for 
 every one to go out of this kingdom, and 
 fp.fely to return by land and by water, &c.' 
 Thus they at once annul the contract 
 which exifted between the Kings of Eng- 
 land and the people, and violate the fun- 
 damental law of the land. 
 
 Thefe comments in this age may be 
 deemed libel ; but if they be fo, Magna 
 Charta is a libel, for it is from thence that 
 they are drawn. 
 
 * Vide the Attorney General's Bill for preventing 
 Traiterous Correfpondence. 
 
 T 2 We
 
 i. 140 ) 
 
 We have already fully fhewn, that while 
 it is held unlawful and dangerous to at- 
 tempt the leaft innovation in favour of the 
 liberty of the people, it is perfectly lawful 
 and right to violate the original principles 
 of the conftitution itfelf, in order to in- 
 creafe the prerogative, and flrengthen the 
 powers of the c wn. But without daring 
 to impeach the original excellence of our 
 heterogeneous conftitution, an intention we 
 have uniformly difclaimed, the wifeft men 
 have acknowledged its errors. 
 
 o 
 
 Lord Buchan tells us, that in a conver- 
 fation which he held feveral years ago with 
 the late Lord Chatham, alking what at laft 
 would become of poor Old England, fo ftu- 
 pidly infatuated to the imperfection of her 
 own government, the latter replied, * Oh 
 my dear Sir, the gout will dilpofe of me 
 foon enough to prevent me from feeling 
 the refult of this infatuation ; but before the 
 end of the prefent century, either Parlia- 
 ment will reform itfelf from within, or it 
 
 will be reformed with a vensreance from 
 
 v 
 
 without.' 
 
 Lord
 
 Lord Buchan then makes this brief com* 
 ment, * Pythonic fpeech, foon to be veri 
 fied.' 
 
 To praife is one thing, to deferve it 
 another. The fureft indeed, the only cri- 
 terion of judgment that can be formed on 
 any fyftem, depends on the comparative 
 benefits or injuries which it yields. The 
 Britifh conftitution certainly owes much 
 of its reputation to a comparifon with the 
 defpotifm of other European governments, 
 and thence ftill further increafed by the 
 partial report of foreign writers. But it 
 fliould operate as a confiderable drawback 
 on our national enthufiafm, when the cala- 
 mities in which this country has been eter- 
 nally involved, under her fo much boafted 
 government, are remembered. When we 
 reflect, that fince the revolution of 1688, 
 we have been fix times at war with Spain, 
 and fix times at war with France ; not to 
 mention two rebellions at home, with the 
 black and endlefs catalogue of murders in 
 
 o 
 
 America and the Eaft Indies ; from which 
 
 infernal
 
 infernal caufes, originate the diftrefTes and 
 prodigious number of our poor, for whofe 
 fupport, two mill-ons feeding, even in 
 times of peace, appear a very inadequate 
 provifion,* the coufeo^ent enormous pub- 
 lic debt, all contracte I fince the above pe- 
 riod, producing an intolerable weight of 
 taxation, that at once impoverishes, and 
 by means of depreffion, enflaves the peo- 
 ple, f It ought to awaken our country from 
 
 * If in times of profound peace, two millions annu- 
 ally didnot fuffice for the maintenance of cur poor, fhould 
 the prefent fyftem be allowed to continue, whatmuft 
 the incr eafe very foon be from the fwarms of mechanics 
 and manufacturers thrown out of all employment ? 
 
 t There are felfifli, hard-hearted wretches who will 
 tell us, " that the greatnefs of Brittain grew with, and 
 ftill depends on their debt," curie on fuch greatnefs, 
 that confiftsin the deleterious fplendor of foreign con T 
 quefts, atchieved by the fiaughfer and ruin of millions, 
 for no other purpofe than to increafe the revenue, to 
 f well the power, or gratify the ambition of Kings; 
 while an enormous addition of import is thereby in- 
 flicled, drained from the fweat of hardcft labour, and, 
 which creates that fund of poverty and wretchednefs 
 through the country amongft the lower clitfTes, unfelt 
 only by the < ile pandars cf a court, or by thofe blood - 
 fuckers who flourifh and prefron the miferies, which 
 their fav.ourite fyftem produces, 
 
 its
 
 ( '43 ) 
 
 its dream, to ftagger that fuperftition with 
 which it has been ever wont to bend before 
 its idol, when on a fair eftimate it is evi- 
 dent, that the number of perfons mafTacred 
 in thofe deadly quarrels, have, on the whole, 
 exceeded twenty millions, which may be 
 rated at two hundred'thoufand acts of ho- 
 micide a year ; all which victims, contrary 
 to the voice and interefts of humanity, 
 have been immolated, to feed the vanity, 
 avarice, ambition, or revenge of courts. 
 8 In Europe alone; (leaving the prefent mad 
 and ! guilty war wholly out of the queftion) 
 the number of perfons that perimed in thofe 
 battles, amounts at leaft to three million; 
 thus cut off in the bloom of life, whofe 
 defcendants in the progrefs of domeftic fb- 
 ciety, muft have fwelled into multitudes 
 beyond calculation.** 
 
 All thefe examples, however, added to the 
 many already defcribed, have been (till in- 
 fufficient to cure the madnefs of war. The 
 
 * Political Progrefs of Brittain. 
 
 nation
 
 ( 144 ) 
 
 nation that had laid down in her conftitu- 
 tional code, the principle of peace, anxious 
 to deliver it as a grand example to the pre- 
 fent age and as an ineftimable legacy to pof- 
 teiity, was not allowed to practice it. Such 
 an innovation would have been dangerous to 
 the fplendor and defpotifm of royal and impe- 
 rial palaces. The virtue of courts depends 
 for fupport on the virtue of vafl military 
 eftablimments. 
 
 In the courfe of this work, whofe object 
 is to enforce truth, as the fure antidote 
 as;ainft all thofe evils which embitter hu- 
 
 o 
 
 man life, to awaken Englishmen from 
 thofe fatal prejudices which pervert their 
 underftanding, making the word appear 
 the better caufe, to animate their fenfibi- 
 lity, and to open their conviction, we have 
 (tated facts in oppoiition to aflertion, and 
 confcious, however violent the torrent of 
 delufion and prejudice has been, or {till 
 may be, that the caufe of truth muft ulti- 
 mately prevail, if feconded by zeal and peiv 
 ieverance in its advocates, it would be 
 
 cowardice
 
 ( 145 ) 
 
 cowardice to defift. Nevertherlefs, ceftaifi 
 it is, that things at prefent amongft us flow 
 in a polluted channel, but all error from its 
 nature is perifhable. 
 
 What muft be the degraded, the real 
 
 O 7 
 
 character of a Senate, which conflitutes 
 one capital branch of a government, where 
 vice is feen to triumph over virtue, where 
 confiftency and patriotifm are held in '(corn 
 and mockery ; the bafeft apoitacy protected 
 and advanced to the higheft office in the 
 State ? Where the facred glow of elo- 
 quence which truth infpires from the lips 
 of a Lanfdowne or a Stanhope, ftrikes no 
 other fenfation than extreme cold * on the 
 already frozen bfeaft of impenetrable law- 
 yers ? where a indifferent to 
 
 j 
 
 principle, ever at command of that caufe, 
 or of that party, where he imagines his in- 
 tereft to confift, confident in his numbers* 
 
 * An expreflion applied by to Lord 
 
 Stanhope, in one of his fpeeches towards the conclu- 
 fion of the Seffions of Parliament, 1793. 
 
 U affumes
 
 ( '46 ) 
 
 affumes a lofty tone of fuperiority, and 
 openly as infolently feoffs at and derides 
 all that is great, all that is virtuous, in that 
 affembly? while the vaft difference be- 
 tween thele men, refts in the rnoft oppo- 
 fite extremes. One derives his whole for- 
 tune from the vices and miferies of his fel- 
 low creatures ; * the fortune of the others 
 is uniformly employed in labours to correct 
 the fyftem which generates thofe vices, 
 and in moft benevolent exertions to remove 
 their misfortunes. When the fences of rea- 
 fon and truth are thus broken down ; what 
 public good can be expected to refult from 
 the deliberations of fuch a fenate ? What 
 national evils may not be expected, fo 
 long as this reign of delufion mall lafl ? 
 
 To purfue the argument {till further. 
 If enveloped in the full majefty of wig, 
 
 Th? Chancellor df England has fourteen guineas 
 for every commiflion of bankruptcy which he fcr.s, 
 and for feveral m< nths paJt they have amounted on 
 an average to fifty per week. Is it t!u>n rr; iv wonder- 
 ed at, taat his (iii'iiuereitcd Lo\ Jfnip (houlc b ; 
 and zealous in his approbation of the actual fy;\ 
 
 and
 
 ( 147 ) 
 
 and ftudioufly drefled out in the impofmg 
 paraphernalia of office, wherein all his wif- 
 dom and virtue generally confift, when a 
 Judge delivers from the bench, the moft glar- 
 ing falsehood, averting (as we have already 
 had occafion to obferve the fallacy cannot 
 be too often or too indignantly fcouted,) 
 * That the laws of England know no dif- 
 tinction ; that they are alike favourable to all, 
 the richer! and the poorer!: ;' if I infenfible 
 to the virtue of that wig or of thcfe venera- 
 ble robes, prefume to analize his affertion, 
 and thence convict him of this falfehood ; 
 not by the production of fallible evidence, 
 but from pofitive ftated FACTS pro- 
 ving the reverfe ; that thefe laws are 
 altogether in favour of the rich, oppref- 
 five and grinding to the poor, who from 
 the fcandalous expence attending their ad- 
 min iftration, are neceflarily deprived of all 
 benefit from them ; that prefs warrants 
 and the game laws are a violent and barba-r 
 rous encroachment on the rights of the lat- 
 ter, fatal to their lives and their liberties ; 
 that tythcs and taxes fall infinitely the hea- 
 U 2 vied
 
 vieft on them, who in flril juftice, ought 
 to be exempt from their operation, fince 
 they had no (hare in the caufes which in- 
 flicted them, derivable iblely from the pro- 
 fufion, infenfibility, and ruthlefs ambition 
 qf courts, or from the rapacity of church- 
 men. That tells, exclufipns and reftrictions 
 are impofed on the difTenters, who are in 
 general the moil enlightened and meritori- 
 ous members of the community. When 
 alfo it is notorious, that the poor, even 
 fuppofing them to inherit every eminent 
 quality, are ineligible to the duties of 
 citizenfhip, that they are precluded from 
 the fatisfaction of fervingj their country in 
 
 O j 
 
 the fenate, or of exercifmg the right of 
 fuftrage in favour of the perfon they would 
 prefer for their reprefentative, thus evinc- 
 ing no refpecl for patriotifm, genius, or 
 talents, but rendering every other con- 
 fideration ilibfervient to wealth, on which 
 the qualification of citizenmip is made to 
 depend. What muft be the degraded con- 
 dition of fociety amongfl a people, where on 
 fuch principles, a Judge fhall be extolled 
 
 and
 
 and looked up to as an ORTHODOX 
 
 SAINT, for having propagated a falfehood, 
 while I am profcribed, and condemned to 
 the pillory and a dungeon, or perhaps ba- 
 nimed from my country, as a libellift and a 
 rebel, for having aflerted the truth ? 
 
 Can there be imagined, in complete re- 
 futation of this GREAT JUDGE'S af- 
 fertion, a more decifive teftimony of un- 
 equal laws, a more violent ftretch of 
 tyranny, than to call men together for 
 the purpofe of electing a delegate, and 
 at the fame time to prohibit them from 
 conferring their fuffrages on him who 
 to them appears beft qualified for the truft ? 
 Such excluiion afTerts man to be of lefs 
 value than his property. ' It tells him, 
 your moral and intellectual qualifications 
 may be tranfcendantly great, but you have 
 not enough of the means of luxury and 
 vice. To the non-elector, it holds a frill 
 more deteftable language. It -lays, you are 
 poor, you are unfortunate ; the infHtutions 
 pf fociety oblige you to be eternal witnefTes 
 
 of
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 of the fuperfluities of others ; becaufe you 
 are funk thus low, we will trample you 
 ftill lower ; you fhall not even be reckoned 
 in the lifts for men, you mall be patted by 
 as thofe,of whom focicty makes no account, 
 and whofe welfare and moral exiftence, me 
 difdains to recollect.' * 
 
 In fiich cafes, nil the iacred maxims of 
 reafon and equity are outrageoufly violated, 
 but it would feem as if they were held as 
 crimes in a government, where their mod 
 zealous champions are expofed to the fe- 
 vered punifhments. 
 
 In thus vindicating: their cauie, I mall 
 
 O ' 
 
 excite the ftupid clamours of ignorance, 
 and may pofiibly draw down on myfelf, 
 the vindictive rancour and perfecution of 
 defpctifm ; but mould that be my fate, I 
 {hall fubmit without a murmur, and with 
 heartfelt fatisfaction, if from my exertions 
 or my fufferings, any fuperior degree of 
 
 * Godwin concerning Political Knowledge, vol. ii. 
 p. 682. 
 
 hap-
 
 happinefs may finally refult for the reft of 
 my fellow citizens. 
 
 The confequences of this temporary in- 
 fatuation, this monftrous pervernon, that 
 have been dcfcribed, are now writing in 
 the blood of our flaughtered ibldierb ;ibroad, 
 and in the intire ruin of numbers of our 
 deluded unhappy countrymen at home. 
 
 Affairs every hour afiume a irore tre- 
 mendous afpect. Bankruptcies O L " a moil 
 alarming nature, unbounded in their ex- 
 
 o 
 
 tent, multiply through the nation, and they 
 muil continue to multiply, as long as the 
 war mall be continued, till the whole com- 
 munity will be affected by the ifilie. The 
 prefent unexampled price of proviHons is 
 not only intolerable to the poor, but is fen- 
 fibly felt by the middle claiTes, and it will 
 neceffarily increafe, while the wages of in- 
 duftry and labour inuft of courfe be lower- 
 ed, from the unavoidable flag-nation in 
 
 * O 
 
 every Ipecies of commerce. Thus, the 
 
 indigent and laborious are driven to the 
 t? 
 
 climax
 
 climax of vvretchednefs, which may find 
 vent in the moft violent acts of rage and 
 defperation. Already by thefe bankrupt- 
 cies, (fpite of the minifter's impudent af- 
 fertion) the confequence of this war, thou- 
 fands of artizans, labourers, and manufac- 
 turers, are deprived of all employment. 
 We daily hear of the moft deiperate fui- 
 cides being committed. Every day pro- 
 duces new inftances of the fallacy and mif- 
 chief of our HEAVENBORN STATES- 
 MAN'S financial fpeculations ; but an alien 
 to fenfibility, he has not a foul to feel for 
 the confufion, deaths, and ruin, he has 
 created. For the numbers, whom thro* 
 their infatuation to his plaufibility and de- 
 ceptions, he has reduced from affluence to 
 want ; for the myriads he has nailed to 
 the very center of defpair. The traitor of 
 public confidence, as he ever has been from 
 the beginning, fo will he continue to the 
 end, affecting to trace thefe misfortunes 
 from other caufes, ftill throwing out the bait, 
 to catch frem gudgeons, his infatiate appe- 
 tite not yet gorged with the multitude he 
 has devoured. 
 
 What
 
 C '53 ) 
 
 What muft be the effrontery, the apathy 
 of that man, while his conference ought to 
 groan under the weight of reflection and 
 remorfe, who, in an hour like this, his 
 country engaged in the mofl critical, def- 
 perate, and eventful war, with a view to 
 extend his impofitions ftill further^ to fiiiii 
 more credulous and ignorant men, to re- 
 concile the nation to his horrors, was in- 
 folent and daring enough in open fenate, 
 to eftimate the revenue for the eniuing 
 years, on an average of the four laft years, 
 when it was fwelled beyond all probability, 
 by a variety unforefeen events ? by the dif- 
 tra&ions in other parts of Europe, by many 
 years of peace at home, all the enjoyments 
 
 and bieffings of which that might have been 
 
 o / o 
 
 fecured, he has now madly abandoned, and 
 by the encouragement which, he afforded 
 to the fictitious opulence of circulating 
 paper ? 
 
 In taking fuch an average, he is guilty 
 of wilful premeditated fraud, adapted mere- 
 ly to the temper of the times, to the igno- 
 X ranee
 
 C '54 ) 
 
 ranee and credulity of IMPLICIT CON- 
 FIDENCE, the fandy foundation on which 
 his empire refts. How in the name of 
 common fenfe is it pofiible to take the 
 average of four profperous years of peace, 
 as the calculation of his eftimate for the 
 current year ? With what fincerity or pru- 
 dence can he rely on fuch calculation, we 
 leave for the fober judgment of rational and 
 impartial men to decide. During the above 
 period, England was the general magazine 
 of almoft every commercial nation, and 
 her manufactures, consequently the reve- 
 nue in all its branches were increafed to a 
 vaft amount, particularly by the fpecious, 
 but eventually ruinous circulation of paper, 
 beyond its capital, bearing a productive 
 llamp, which the prefent war has entirely 
 deftroyed. Thus, one chief favourite 
 fburce of the revenue is at once cut up, 
 and can it be imagined that we mall have 
 more of the carrying trade, when the 
 flower of our feamen is otherwife employ- 
 ed ? Will our manufactures be encouraged 
 with more alacrity and vigour, as money 
 
 becomes
 
 ( '55 ) 
 
 becomes (career? Will the demand for theie 
 manufactures be increafed, in confequence- . 
 of an almoft general war, which muft' na- 
 turally produce a general inability to pay 
 for them ? Or will an intire prohibition of 
 them in France augment the confumption. 
 
 In a word, notwithftanding his unfair 
 delufive ftatement, he is obliged to effi- 
 mate the war expence for the current year 
 at above fix millions, to be raifed by a mo- 
 derate decent loan bearing only eight per 
 cent, premium. Let the iilue therefore 
 be as favourable to hi&jii/i and honourable 
 defigns, as the moft fanguine or perverted 
 imagination can anticipate, what advantage 
 are the people of England to reap in compen- 
 fation, for a wanton fr-crifice of their coun- 
 trymen's blood, and for all this confump- 
 tion of treaiure ? It may, agreeably with 
 the r-y-1 fyftem, conduce to the glory of 
 our arms ; but it cannot fail to as-oravate 
 
 OO 
 
 the miferies and wants of the nation, and 
 
 if the prefent loan bears a premium of 8 
 
 per cent, fhould the war be protracted, 
 
 X 2 we
 
 believe the rninifrer, {killed as he is in 
 prophecy and calculation, would be puz- 
 zled to foretel the terms to which he will 
 be reduced in the next. 
 
 Perhaps, in the mean time, misfortune 
 may operate a change in the public mind, 
 when the people will difeover they have 
 been duped, and will be loft in amazement 
 at their own weaknefs and facility, in hav- 
 ing yielded to the infamous fchemes of pre^ 
 tended neceffity, difguifmg the real views 
 of avarice, jealoufy, ambition, and re- 
 venge. 
 
 The dire erfe&s of this war in which 
 the r-y-1 fraternity have now preci- 
 pitated Europe, and the obligations for 
 which we are indebted to them, have 
 been candidly ftated. The principle that 
 originally formed this honourable league is 
 obvious, but there has arifen another grand 
 object ultimately to be atchieved. 
 
 J 
 
 It
 
 ( '57 ) 
 
 It were folly to fuppofe that his IMPE- 
 RIAL MAJESTY would regard with in- 
 difference the aggrandizement of his neisrh- 
 
 OiJ O 
 
 hours, by their ufurpations in Poland, un- 
 lefs he anticipated an ample indemnity for 
 his complaifance, in being permitted here- 
 after to enjoy a capital fliare in the rich 
 fpoils of conquered France ; nor is it to be 
 prefnmed that the prudent cabinet of Eng- 
 land would remain a calm obferver of fuch 
 robbery, if it did not look forward to an 
 increafe of revenue and of influence in a 
 fimilar compenfation, probably in being al- 
 lowed peaceably to enjoy a future pofTeffion 
 of the prefent French colonies in the Fail; 
 and Weft Indies. But may all fuch infer- 
 nal confederacies end as they ought to do, 
 in defeat and difappointment. 
 
 The caufe of truth to which peace and 
 happinefs are attached, muft be eventually 
 victorious, and may the RIGHTS of MEN 
 fix an invincible ftandard on the xvrerk of 
 VANQUISHED DESPOTISM. When- 
 ever the fcience of government mail be 
 
 extricated
 
 C '58 ) 
 
 extricated from its prefent intricate and 
 myfterous forms, truth will mine forth, 
 and the real happinefs of man abftrafted 
 from all metaphyiical perplexity or legal 
 fbphiftry, be fhewn to confift merely in 
 the fimple principle of obedience to the 
 pure decrees of reafon and juftice. Had 
 legiflators been half as judicious in propa- 
 gating virtue, or in removing the tempta- 
 tions to vice, by the formation of more 
 equal fyftems, as they have been ingenious 
 in difcovering the means of depraving man- 
 kind, the world at this day, inftead of a 
 butchery, might have be-en a Paradife. 
 
 The author animated by the pureft in- 
 tentions, has communicated his thoughts 
 with freedom. He has endeavoured to il- 
 luftrate and give energy to his arguments, 
 t>y the ftrongeit examples, by ,irre(iftible 
 facts, and as a protection againft the bafe 
 and numerous herd of courtiers and their 
 fatellites, that will be ready to pour forth 
 their gall againft him, and perhaps to crufh 
 
 him with their power, he fhall endeavour 
 
 to
 
 ( "59 ) 
 
 to feek a melter under the authority of an 
 illuftrious patriot, the IMMORTAL 
 
 LOCKE. 
 
 , - 
 
 * He who labours to blind the people 
 and to keep them from infhuction ; may 
 be juftly fufpected of fedition and difaffec- 
 tion ; but he who makes it his bufmefs to 
 open the underftanding of mankind, by 
 laying before them the true principles of 
 government, cuts up all fedition by the 
 roots.' 
 
 FINIS.
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 9 
 
 AN attentive reader will difcover fome 
 trifling anachronifms in this publica- 
 tion ; but they no ways afFeft its general 
 plan. The beginning, as far as relates to 
 Dumourier, was written fome months ago. 
 The remainder was undertaken and finifli- 
 ed within the fpace of the lafl ten days. 
 
 July 31, 1795.
 
 PEACE AND REFORM, 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 WAR AND CORRUPTION, 
 
 [ Price Two Shillings and Sixpence. ]
 
 PEACE AND REFORM, 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 WAR AND CORRUPTION. 
 
 ANSWER TO A PAMPHLET, 
 
 WRITTEN 
 
 BY ARTHUR YOUNG, Es<^. ENTITLED, 
 The EXAMPLE of FRANCE, A WARNING to BRITAIN." 
 
 " 1 jK^ll alwajs have the Satisfal:cn to have aimed JincerJy 
 " at Truth and Ufefulnefi, ibou?h in one of the meanejl ffajs." 
 
 LOCKE. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR J. RIDGWAY, YORK STREET, ST. JAMES'S 
 SQUARE. 
 
 MDCCXCIV.
 
 PEACE AND REFORM* 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 WAR AND CORRUPTION. 
 
 AN attentive perufal of many "political 
 Pamphlets, produced in the beginning of 
 the prelent year, and an opinion that it would 
 not be difficult to expofe the fallacy of the argu- 
 ments upon which were founded the moft popu* 
 lar of thole written againft the Caufe of Freedom, 
 led me firft to think of attempting their refu- 
 tation ; and fome leifure during the autumn 
 months, enabled me to try what I had previoufly 
 wifhed to have ieen done by any abler hand. 
 I have efpoufed that fide which is, for the mo- 
 ment, the leaft popular ; and obfcure as both 
 this Pamphlet and its Author may be, I am there- 
 fore prepared to expect ibme Imall mare of that 
 obloquy, which is now ib largely bellowed or* 
 all thole who prefume to queftion the wildom 
 of the meafures of government. Secured from 
 
 ^ ,4 
 
 danger by power, and uncontradicled by reafon, 
 becaufe of the danger, the advocates of Corrup- 
 
 B tipn
 
 lion Have of late exulted, almofl unoppofed, in 
 their triumph. The moil moderate Favourers 
 of Reform have been blended with the moft in- 
 iane Zealots for Revolution ; Toleration and 
 Atheifm ; Pence and Regicide, have^ by the fup- 
 porters of abufes, been wickedly deemed, and 
 by the multitude weakly believed, to be fynoni- 
 mons terms. 
 
 The national under {landing thus miffed and 
 prejudiced ; the temper of a very great majority 
 of the People rendered furious and vindictive ; 
 the partizans and the partakers of Corruption 
 bold, active, and cruel ; the current has been, 
 from neceffitv, iuffered of late to run whollv in 
 
 . J 
 
 favour of the moil abfolure Toi'yifm. Few men 
 Would enter on a labour fo perilous and unac- 
 ceptable as that of expofmg the Delufion. To 
 incur odium from the many for the approbation 
 of the already approving few ; to write cramped 
 tip as much as if pinioned in the Pillory, left it 
 fliould actually be the reward ; to oppole reafon 
 topaffion, and be certain of being unluccefsful, 
 whether right or wrong, were conliderations 
 fufficient to intimidate Prudence by the danger 
 
 * O 
 
 of the attempt, and by its hopelefsneis, even to 
 iilence the moft honed Zeal in the cauie of 
 Freedom. 
 
 Accordingly the Prefs laft winter Was much 
 more occupied by Tory or High Church and 
 King opinions, than two years before it had been 
 by thofe of an oppolite description. Their abun- 
 dance was even greater than the harveft which 
 followed the labours of Mr. Burke ; and al- 
 though their arguments may be futile and ri- 
 
 * "* *^ * 
 
 cicuious, they cannot fully be nnlwered, while. 
 
 New-
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 Newgate and the Pillory are called in to rop- 
 po-rt them. 
 
 The firft Pamphlet that fuggefted to me the 
 idea of" endeavouring to expofe thefe exploded, 
 inconfifteut, mifchievous, Doctrines, was, that of 
 Mr. Arthur Young. Several reafons induced 
 me to think it a proper object of animadverfion ; 
 for, although on the firft perufai it appeared to 
 be iuch a jumble of contradictions, falfehoods, 
 and even libels on that ConfHtution which it 
 profeffed to defend, that I did not believe com- 
 mon fenfe could endure it ; yet on reading the 
 approbation of Mr. Reeves, and finding it had 
 been circulated with great induitry, I concluded 
 it might be of lome ufe to refute what I 
 thought fo fufceptible of refutation ; and while 
 the apparent eafuiefs of the talk feemed to fet its 
 accomplishment within my reach, an object ib 
 inglorious did not promife to provoke a Rival. 
 Mr. Reeves has, by his approbation, adopted its 
 opinions as his own, and, however worthlefs it 
 may be in itfelf, it no doubt derives fome con- 
 fequence from being thus promulgated as the 
 Manifefto of his Committee. 
 
 Its defio-n is to deter us from making; a Par- 
 
 i 
 
 liamentary Reform, by exciting our horror at the 
 
 atrocities which have taken place in France ; 
 thefe atrocities Mr. Young faliely afcribes to the 
 principles of Liberty ; and afferts,thatEngliihmen 
 would be equally guilty with their neighbours, 
 if once they began political improvement. 
 \V\thReformhe connects Property ; andattempts 
 to eftabiifh as a fact, that a government more 
 purely reprefentative than our own is at prefent, 
 Cpul4 not long exift without an Agrarian Law ; 
 ,B 2, thus
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 thus, deceitfully alarming all men of wealth and 
 advifuig them to join in the war againft the 
 Fr:-nrh, as the only means of preferving what- 
 cv^ thev hold dear. To follow him resruhrlv 
 
 O 
 
 thYoush every falfehood and abturdity would 
 
 ^_ j 
 
 neither be entertaining nor ufeful. I mail there- 
 fore begin with Ibme fpecimens of his unfair- 
 : 1 ihall mew that the crimes of France, 
 ib far from having any natural connection with 
 her principles, are the very lame which the 
 rage of Pa6Hott has led the Friends of War and 
 
 D 
 
 Corruption in England, if not to perpetrate, at 
 lead to recommend in fupport of Principles 
 directlv oppoiite ; and which, if admitted to be 
 proof againft the principles of French Liberty, 
 muft afib be proof againft the principles of Mr, 
 Young, and the other Englim Tories, as the 
 blind advocates of each fyftem equally applaud 
 them. After having dilcufled thefe preliminary 
 matters, I ihall proceed to the confederation of 
 the two great queftions of Reform and Peace, 
 againft which Mr. Younsr and his fellow la- 
 
 o o 
 
 bourers have raifed Ib many prejudices. 
 
 His difingenvioiifnefs is evident at the com- 
 mcn r :ement of his book, the verv foundation of 
 which is laid on palpable mifreprefentation. He 
 owns himi'elf to have been a "warm friend" 
 to the rirft Revolution, vet the chief part of 
 his indnftry is employed in condemning Mr. 
 Paine, Major Cartwrighi, &c. for their writings 
 in defence of it. He reprobates them for having 
 done what he himfelf did, yet he does not own 
 he did -.vrong. Had he like others repented his 
 k and n:ade his recantation, he then, with 
 , might have attacked thoie with 
 
 v
 
 "whom he formerly had agreed ; and, like Mr. 
 Pitt in the lad debate on Parliamentary Reform, 
 might have maintained, that coniiftency was a 
 proof of a want of judgment, and that it was 
 always to be prefmned thole were in an error 
 who did not chansre their opinion. 
 
 -i 
 
 " The Revolution before the loth of Au- 
 " guft" (lays Mr. Young), " was as different 
 *' from the Revolution after that dav as light 
 " from darknefs ; as clearly diftincl: in pi ,;> 
 " ciple and practice as Liberty and Slavery. 
 " The fame principles which directed me to 
 ** approve the Revolution in its commence- 
 " ment, the principles of real Liberty, led me 
 " to deteft it after the loth of Auouft." Here 
 he afTerts his approbation of the Revolution 
 lip to the loth of Auguft, which he acknow- 
 ledges was conducled, till that period, on the 
 principles of real Liberty ; and he allb fays in. 
 the fame page, " How little reafon therefore 
 ** to reproach me with fentiments contrary to 
 " thofe I publiihed before the loth of Auguft ; 
 *' I am -not changeable, but ftcady and con- 
 
 Compare this with page 21, where, in fpealc- 
 ing of the Revolution, he affirms, " it has 
 k ' brought more mifery, poverty, devaluation, 
 44 impritbnment, bloodfhed and ruin^ on France, 
 *' in four years, than the old government 
 " did in a century." If the "principles and 
 " pr office of the Revolution up to the roth of 
 " Auguft were conformable with real liberty,'* 
 how could they have brought mifery, poverty, 
 &c. on France for four years ? How comes 
 it that he approve;; the devaluation, bloodmed, 
 
 and
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 and ruin before the loth of Auguft and yet dif- 
 approves of them afterwards ? But it is in fa<l 
 the old Defpotifm he contends for, which (p. 33) 
 he calls " the mildefr, and moft benignant go- 
 *' vernment in Europe, our own only excepted ; 
 " a government cruelly libelled in the cha- 
 " racier given by one of our reforming 
 " Orators." Mr. Young, however, libels it 
 ftill more in his own Travels, publifhed long 
 after theRevolution, where, fpeakingofthe natural 
 richnefs of the country, he fays " the difpenfa- 
 '* tions of Providence feem to have permitted 
 ." the human race to exift only as the prey of 
 f ' Tyrants, as it has made pidgeons for the prey 
 ** of hawks/' " Oh ! if I were a legiflator of 
 ** France, I would make luch great lords fkip 
 " again !" Vet this is the government which 
 he now calls " regular and mild.'* * I would 
 not quote thefe paffages, if Mr. Young had 
 owned his approbation of the firft Revolution 
 find been miiplaced : But, on the contrary, he 
 affirms he is " fteady and confiftent." 
 
 Mr. Paine's woi'ks he treats as if they had 
 been written and publifhed fince the loth of 
 .Auguft, 1792. The panegyrics contained in 
 *' The Rights of Man" on the Conftitution 
 of 1/89, A conftitution of which Mr. Young 
 tit-dares his unaltered approbation, are faliely 
 and artfully tortured into panegyrics on the 
 Convention, and the events that have taken 
 place fince the defhuction of monarchy. For 
 inftance, he gives part of a fpeech of Marat in 
 January 1 79^, wherein the Convention is called 
 
 * P, 49- 
 
 " alcandaloiia
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 ** a fcandalous fpe&acle an afTembly of matl- 
 " men and furies," and immediately follows it 
 by obferving, that " Paine is of a contrary 
 " opinion, he faid they debate in the language 
 " of gentlemen ; their dignity is ferene, &c." 
 Theie pafTages in Paine were published long 
 before the loth of Auguft ; and with equal 
 juftice might the eulogiums of Mr. Burke, on 
 the character of the French people, prior to 
 1789, be quoted as eulogiums on the maflacres 
 of the fecond of September. 
 
 But Mr. Young's realbnings are not more 
 inconliilent with the opinions he pretends to 
 entertain, than they are with each other, for 
 *' The example of France, a naming to Britain" 
 may not improperly be called " the example 
 " of France an example to Britain." It re- 
 proaches the French with deftroying the 
 Liberty of the Prels, aiid advifes the very fame 
 thing to be done in England ; it condemns 
 the principle of arming one clafs of men againft 
 another, and foon afterwards fets forth the ne- 
 ceflity of following the example here, by arming 
 the rich againft the poor ; and the violation 
 of the freedom of election at Paris is held up 
 to derifion, while corruption and prefcriptive 
 eleftion in England are applauded as the true 
 foundation of national prosperity. Indeed he 
 is not iingular in thefe blunders, for bloodihed 
 and rapine would be equally practifed in this 
 country as in France, if we may take the will 
 for the deed. Here the theory has been inftilled 
 and admired ; there the practice has been 
 adopted. And the only difference between the 
 French and Englifh Marats, a difference which 
 
 does
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 does not diminifh their guilt, is, that the 
 one would aflaflinate all who deny, and the 
 other would aiTailinate all who maintain the 
 fovereignty of the people. 
 
 The faults of the Convention, of public bodies, 
 and even of individuals, are carefully collected 
 and detailed as the deliberate acts not only of 
 thofe who rule in France, but of the whole na- 
 tion. The moil falfe aflertion, or the moft wicked 
 counfel, though coming from an infigniricant 
 fool, or disregarded madman, is fufficierit to 
 excite Mr. Young's execration, and to criminate 
 a whole people. How little lefs guilty can the 
 reaibnable part of mankind think this kingdom, 
 if their judgment is formed in the fame man- 
 ner. Crimes equally deteilable have been 
 preached and vindicated in this country, by 
 perlbns .of eminent flation ; and if the languinary 
 Icenes of Paris have not been repeated in Lon- 
 don, Manchcfter, and Birmingham, it is not for 
 the want of Britifh Marats, and Roberfpierre's 
 to inftigate and protect the Jnftruments. If 
 affaflination is to be committed, it is indifferent 
 to me who are the objects, or what are the mo- 
 tives ; whether the victim be a plunderer of the 
 poor iaduftrious Swiniih Multitude, or of pam-< 
 pered tyrannical Nobles, and lazy milchievous 
 Priefrs. The offence is as heinous in the one cafe 
 as in the other ; and juiHce might be as much 
 violated, were Marat or Robcripierre, as if 
 Windham or Burke were to be murdered with 
 impunity. 
 
 As a companion to Mr. Young's fhocking 
 picture of France, I ihall give the outline of a 
 propofcd one in England, But if my colouring 
 
 is.
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 is not io bold as his, it mnO: be accounted for' 
 by -the peculiar circumfhmces under \vhich I 
 write, rather than in the we: .' my fuh- 
 
 jecl. What 1 c,f Chabot, Roberfpie-re; 
 
 or Danton. it inrv H* -V.in^Ci'oiis to 1 iv or 
 a counfellor v in England. Ke rt; 
 
 x decorate his tales v/ith the mo?'"*- 
 hood and . 
 
 with the nation and ic t With che govern- 
 
 ment?*' The difapprobation of the finl, <lnd re-* 
 fentment of the fecond, might be my lot, were; 
 I to indulge equally in much better gr 
 invective. His reafoning is eniforced by aids 
 which 'it would be imprudent, probably t; 
 gerous, for me to ule ; for when- it is difficult 
 to demonftrate his arp:ment, or fuftain hisarTer- 
 tion, he attacks humanity with a pike, a dag- 
 ger, or a guillotine, and, .nielf to 
 the feelings, iniread of the underfhmclir^, -tri- 
 umphairtlv exults in his abiu/ditv and falfehood; 
 
 L J . 
 
 If " Marat's ernnd fpecific of cutting oft 
 
 O *- 
 
 " * i 50, coo heads" be compared with Mr. 
 Reeves's ' x excefs of virtv : o to exterminate the 
 44 DIflenters,t" which fliall, we think, moft 
 criminal? There are more tirm 150,000 dil- 
 fenting heads in Britain, therefore Mr. Reeves 
 outdoes Marat; but, on the ether hand, we 
 muft recoiled that he does it in a more delicate 
 manner. Marat ipoke roundl\ out ; Mr. Reeves 
 only infinuates. Marat's, however, wcr^ words, 
 
 * Young p. 69. 
 
 -|- Vidi thj criminal p-jbKcation of I homas Buh W 
 John Bull, owned and apologized for by Mr. .Reeves ; and 
 ^ii-j the Coma-.eiiti of Air. Fox in hi s Spc-cn, Dec. 15, 1 792.
 
 and might have been the ebullition of the mo- 
 ment, but Mr. Reeves's was a deliberate act, 
 which, from its nature, mutt have been con- 
 fidered and approved by a body of men, the 
 Crown and Anchor Committee. In whatever 
 way we compare thefe two circumilances, we 
 ihall find them nearly on a par ; but their 
 effects in this country were very different. 
 Marat's advice has been the theme of horror in 
 every company, though it did not extend to 
 them ; on the contrary, Mr. Reeves's has been 
 little noticed, though there are very few per- 
 fons who have not fome friends among the 
 'diilenters, and conlequentiv were affected by- 
 it. The more we examine the characters of 
 thefe two gentlemen, the greater iimilarity we 
 Ihall find between them. How far they have 
 been juftly rewarded, I Ihall not pretend to 
 decide : Mr. Reeves, befides enjoying about 
 half a dozen places under g<Tvernment, has 
 lately been paid between three and four thou- 
 iand pounds Marat has been afiaflinated. 
 
 Mr. Reeves, in his " reflections on the pre- 
 '* fent crifi>," fays, " it would be well if thofe 
 ic who difliks the Englim Conilitution would 
 * e remove to another region." What decree 
 of the Convention would occafion emigration 
 more certainly than this fentiment, if it had 
 the power r And Judge Afhhurft, in his charge 
 to the grand jury on the 1 9th of November, 
 1792, at the very moment the decree of fra- 
 ternity w_as pairing in France, declared, " there 
 4< have, however, under the beft fyftems of go- 
 " vernment, been found men of corrupt prin- 
 <: ciples, who, having forfaken honeft induftry, 
 
 wiih
 
 " wim to throw everv thins; into confufion, and 
 
 J O 
 
 " to live by rapine and plunder ; when that is 
 " the cafe, it is become necelTary for the coer- 
 " cive power of the ilate to lend its reftrain- 
 " ing hand, and to punifh offences of fuch a 
 " flagrant nature. There is no profpeft of 
 " reformation, till fuch corrupt numbers be 
 " cutoff*" The wide fenfe which would be 
 given to the lafh expreffion by the inflamed 
 populace, among whom this charge was liberally 
 distributed, it is not very difficult to imagine. 
 
 The Faft Day, inftead of being pafled in con- 
 formity with its profefTed purpofe, in humiliatic \ 
 before God, in prayers for the converfion of 
 unbelievers, the reformation of ourfelves, and 
 the general peace and happinefs of mankind ; 
 inftead of a day on which every prieft made an 
 extraordinary exertion of his powers in imploring 
 the .benevolence of the Almighty to enlighten 
 the minds, to {often the hearts, and to fpare the 
 blood of his people, it was chiefly celebrated by 
 the moft dreadful maledictions. The Supreme 
 Being, who, true religion tells us, enjoins bro- 
 therly love, forgivenefs, humanity and virtue, 
 was addrelTed by our divines as if he had been 
 more mercilefsand blood-thirftythan any divinity 
 that ever difgraced pagan ifm ; and the temples of 
 the God of Peace were made to relound with "i 
 imprecations, from which even our anceftors 
 would have recoiled when engaged in the wor- 
 fhip of their ferocious Odin, whom they revered 
 as " the terrible and fevere God; the active^ 
 46 roaring deity ; the father of flaughter ; the 
 
 * Vide the minifterial Gazette, the Times of November 
 50th, always very correct in its L.w reports. 
 
 C 2 " Goti
 
 ( I* ) 
 
 t: God that carrieth defblation and fire, and 
 44 nanicth thoic that are to be {lain *." 
 
 The folemnitv of ithe fcene was well calcu- 
 
 j 
 
 lated fo/ roufing and .ding the pafrions, 
 
 and every a. ' o excite hatred 
 
 towards the French, and p. . v. The 
 
 pricithood as well as the i relt themielves 
 
 intereited in i 1e, and t]x . I (hook 
 
 the pulpit with exhortations co vengcr-nce. The 
 Bifhopof Gloucefter, before theHouie of Lords, 
 thus Ipcke of that 'Cation : ta infatuated and 
 46 reiiiorfeleis pcopls ! The tneaftirfe of your 
 V iniquities feems at length to b^ r ull ; the hour 
 44 of retribution is Doming fait upon you ! Drunk 
 " with the blood of your feliow citizens, you 
 44 havr i;:r.-: J to Ipreaa your rc^ r ages abroad ; 
 44 rouiine the fcrrounding nations, in juftice to 
 4C themieives and the c -i cauie of hu- 
 
 4i inanitv, to confederate againft you, in order 
 44 to ex? cute the wrath of Go don your devoted 
 44 heads*" His lordfhip, however, might have 
 been retrained from fuch ram denunciations of 
 ue judgment, by the awful admonitions of 
 the founder of that religion which he pretended 
 to preach. ' ? 
 
 44 And Jefus an'f\v<-rng, faid, fuppofe ye thefe 
 
 11 Galilean. "liners above all the Galileans, 
 
 feauie they fu tiered fuch things? I tell you 
 
 But except ye repent, yc ihall all Tike - 
 
 " s wife periih." 
 
 li ;\nd thoj. en on \vbcm trie -Tower of 
 
 SiioaiTi fell and (low tlncm, think yc that" they 
 
 :iers above all men that dwelt in Je^ 
 
 * : da. 
 
 41 rufalern ?
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 ' ' rufalem ? I tell you nay : but except ye re- 
 " peat, ye mall all likewife perifli*." 
 
 The other Fail: Day Sermons were in unifoii 
 with that of the bimpp of Gloucefter, with a 
 very few exceptions. The. Rev. J. Gardener, 
 at Taunton, faid, " Shall we not labour to 
 " bring fuch perfons" (as the French, and Re- 
 formers in general) " to a proper fenfe of their 
 "' duty, or exfer?ninale tk^n and their opi- 
 " nion s?' 'and the Rev Mr.Bromeley,atFitzroy 
 Chapel hopes " that the reckoning which God 
 ' will make will not be ^ong delayed againir. a 
 " nation," (France) " which is certainly be- 
 " hind no other v/hofe meafure of iniquities 
 " has in any records of time called forth his 
 " vengeance to erafe it from the earth f." 
 Thefe are the fentiments of our hio;h church 
 
 O 
 
 paftors : Such is the religion, the benevolence, 
 the humanitv, thcv teach ! To exterminate for 
 opinion ! \Vir.t more did Marat ever defire ! 
 To be the inftrument of God in executing his 
 vengeance, Mahomet ufed the lame plea for 
 all his murders and rapine! To erafe a \\ hole 
 nation from the enrth ! ! ! Neither Mahomet, 
 Marat, nor Roberfpierre,. have equalled this ! 
 How limited and inOgnificant have been their 
 proscriptions compared with thole of our own 
 pious paftors, who would " Teal on the fore - 
 " head as the fervants of God ^!," all { hofe who 
 
 make war againft France ; who would " fend 
 
 - - 
 
 * St. Luke, c. xiii. 
 
 t Thefe paflages are taken from the lermons publifhed 
 Under the names of thofa divines. 
 . J Vide Revehtionf, c. vii. v. ?. 
 
 <c mvriads
 
 '* myriads of locufb, with crowns like gold upon . 
 '* their heads, and faces like men, inverted with 
 44 fcorpion power, to torture the unfealed" en- 
 thufiafls of that diftracted nation, and " let 
 44 loofe the angels of the Euphrates to {laughter 
 *' a third of mankind * !" 
 
 Similar pafTages from the fermons preached 
 on that Ckrijhan day would fill a volume. 
 Moft of them tend to inflame the people to a 
 war of extermination, and infinuate the de- 
 duction of thole who defire a Parliamentary 
 Reform. Surely our divines cannot be fo much 
 miftaken as to imagine thefe harangues gra- 
 tifying to the Head of the Church ? Their 
 affection towards the crown, indeed, is na- 
 tural. The Bifhop of Durham's promotion 
 has taught them the road to preferment ; and 
 my Lord of Gloucefter has been long looking 
 for a tranflation : but not luch as Elijah's : 
 His prefent ambition looks no higher than 
 Canterbury. 
 
 Nor were the fermons publicly preached 
 more inflammatory than the writings anoni- 
 moufly published by our High-Church Men ; 
 one of which, in Birmingham, under the 
 fictitious name of Job Nott, thus fpeaks of 
 thofe whom he calls 44 New-fafhioned, reftlefs 
 * 4 DifTenters," and the members of a fociety 
 inilituted on the principles of Mr. Pitt and the 
 Duke of Richmond for procuring a Reform of 
 Parliament. 44 Do be off only think of the 
 14 New Drop you may be recorded in the 
 " Newgate Calendar traniportation may re- 
 *-' form you you deferve to be highly exalted 
 
 * Vide Reve'ations, c. ix. 
 
 Did
 
 ( 15 ) 
 
 *' Did you ever fee the New Drop ?"'and con- 1 
 eludes with wifhing that thefe DifTenters and 
 Reformers, whom he deems factious, " tied ift 
 *' their garters may {wing." Yet this elegant 
 author calls himfelf a friend to conciliation and 
 unanimity, a moderate man, a man of peace / 
 He may be fo for a Birmingham man ; but if 
 fuch are the friends to peace and moderation in 
 that town, can we wonder at the atrocities 
 which have taken place there, and {till may be 
 repeated, while Job Nott and fuch publications 
 are publicly fold with a bookfeller's name to 
 them, and are even boafted of by their authors* ? 
 Members of both Houfes of Parliament have 
 acted in unifon with the church, and have alfo 
 repeatedly iniifted that a war of extermina- 
 tion is the onlv thins; which can fave this 
 
 J O 
 
 country. The defence of the riot at Man- 
 chefter equals the exhortations of the pulpit. 
 We not only find riots indirectly recommended, 
 but openly vindicated. Unlawful violence 
 againft a man for his political opinions is jufti- 
 fied in the Britim Houfe of Commons ! Here the 
 " Sacred duty of infurrection" is preached as 
 unequivocally as ever it was in France, where 
 actual and exceflive danger is in fome degree a 
 palliation of criminality. But in England no juflU 
 fication of fimilar atrocities could be fhewn, ex- 
 cept in the unfounded apprehenfions artfully ex- 
 cited by a falfe and pernicious alarm. 
 
 * One very curious article contained in Job.Nott, 4?- 
 figned probably to give confidence to the Chit- ch and King; 
 Partizans, is, " that Sir Robert Lawley never is kept wait- 
 <{ ing by Mr. Pitt, %vbtn he fends in word it is on. Sir- 
 " mlngham bu/lnefs" 
 
 ' * ' Tk JT
 
 ( '6 ) 
 
 Mr. Reeves's Committee detected in their 
 outlet, iniinuating it to be an excels of virtue 
 to exterminate the DiiTenters, did not alter their 
 courie, though they more carefully concealed 
 proceedings. The itrects were over-run 
 with the moft violent inflammatory libels ; the 
 war-whoop againil Dilic-uers and Reformers was 
 fung at everv corner ; and, if antiffirtation 
 not committed, it \v-int . of 
 
 prompters. Some of the hanci-biih and ba 
 in circulation laft . wLi-or wor.id even have 
 ihocked Mr. Burke ! And it is fortunate that 
 the lower had more difcreti >:i -and humanity 
 than the higher rv.nks of perions who encou- 
 raged iuch publications, othenviu; \ve might 
 have had a Tory Second of September in En^- 
 
 > ' 
 
 land ; and the bloody anniverLiry, a diftinguiihed 
 red letter day in the " Church and King" Ca- 
 lendar, misrht have been celebrated bv our 
 
 o 
 
 Bigots. 
 
 Not one of the authors or diftributors of thofc 
 incendiary papers was even fcized, much lels 
 punifhed : but a poor bill-flicker, who could not 
 read, was tried and imprisoned for porting up 
 bills in favour of Parliamentary Reform ; and 
 Holt, the printer, at Newark, has been con- 
 victed of a libel for re-printing a paper on the 
 lame lubject, which was fir ft circulated under 
 the aulbices of Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Rich- 
 
 i 
 
 mood, when they contended for that meafure ; 
 and which it is not improbable was originally 
 written by his Grace, as it ftrongly contends for 
 Univerfal Reprefentation. 
 
 I (hall not comment on what Mr. Young re- 
 peatedly milnuates, though he does not plainly 
 
 defire,
 
 'defire, by fuch pafTages as " The Kin- of 
 " France died on the IcarFold, becatile he would 
 " not ihed the blood of Traitors, Conlpirators 
 '" and Rebels ; he liftened to thoie who peti- 
 " tioned for Reform ;" and I ihall alfo pals over 
 the many oral threats of afTafllnatioii made by 
 individuals, the anonymous letters to the lame 
 effect, one of which at Staines, threatened the 
 houfe and life of Mr. Fox, and conclude this 
 flight iketch, of the defire of ibme men, to fee 
 " Church and King'* mafTacres in this country, 
 by giving as an epitome of the others, an extract 
 from a hand-bill, circulated at Exeter, in De- 
 cember lafL " Our noble King hath made a 
 " fine fpeech from the throne to his Parliament, 
 " as muft Be acknowledged bv every well-wiiher 
 
 O __ J J 
 
 46 to his country, and as for them that do not 
 " like that and the prefent CONSTITUTION, let 
 " them have their deierts, that is a HALTER 
 " and a GIBBET, and be burnt aftenvards, not 
 <c as PAINE hath been, in effigy, but in body 
 " and perlbn. To which every loyal heart u ill 
 *' fay Amen !** 
 
 Thefe fa5ts, I think, are fufficient to juftify me 
 in afTerting, that the aiMinations, and other 
 crimes in France, are not detefied by certain 
 perfons in this country on account of their 
 enormity, but that thole who execrate rnoft 
 bitterly, only wiih to imitate them on a different 
 
 J * */ 
 
 clafs of victims. Marat s fall w r as regretted, by 
 Qur Tories, becaufe he laid the eggs of mifchief ; 
 and the death of the King of France, was declared 
 in the ,Houfe of Commons, by a member of Ad- 
 iiumilration, to be, in Ibme reipecls, a fortunate 
 D circumftance
 
 ( '8 ) 
 
 eircumftance in routing the Britifh Nation to 
 War. 
 
 The animating foul of Mr. Young's book^ 
 being the atrocities of the French, which he 
 falfely afcribes to their principles, I have 
 thought it neceffary at mv commencement to- 
 
 O rf ' v 
 
 fhew, that^ according to his own reaioning, he 
 condemns his own principle?, lince the lame 
 atrocities have been recommended by the advo- 
 cates for his opinions ; and, that if I might in- 
 dulge in the lame furious execration^ I could 
 find cruel doctrines enough in England to- 
 balance againft him : to miflead and inflame 
 thofe who fwallow ailertion for fat, and in- 
 veclive for argument. I do not, howevt- r, de- 
 fend the crimes of the French, although I 
 think, as far as crimes can be excufed, no peo- 
 ple in the world ever had more to plead in ex- 
 tenuation, becaufe no people in the world ever 
 \vere fo irritated by internal treachery, and 
 alarmed by external danger. 
 
 But, prolcription and cruelty, are not the onlv 
 parts of the conduct of the French which have 
 been imitated in this countrv. We had our 
 Tory Jacobin Affociatorsat the St.Alban'sTavefn, 
 and our more furious and degraded Club of Cor- 
 deliers in the Crown and Anchor Committee. 
 If in Paris t Pcribns have been imprifoned by 
 order of individuals," others, at home, have 
 been voted in a ftate of accufation, upon the au-> 
 thority of anonymous letters tranfmitttd to Air. 
 Reeves. The affiliated Jacobin Clubs of the 
 French Provinces have been made the model of 
 the Reeveiian Aflbciations and Committees againft 
 Republicans and Levellers at home ; and in the 
 
 English
 
 ( -9 ) 
 
 Englim Parochial, as well as in the 
 Popular Meetings, the Conftitution, as declared 
 by Reeves, Pitt, and Co. has been formally ap- 
 proved. Every Prefident or Chairman of theie 
 Conventions becomes a Municipal Iiiquifitor : 
 Sir Jofeph Banks makes, his vifites domicihaires 
 in the parith of SL Anne, and keeps a regifter 
 of the complexion, age, employment, &c. o-f 
 lodgers and Grangers. The ie&iptii of St, 
 James's denounce for incivifm every hcufe- 
 keeper who does not oblige his fervan.ts, work- 
 men, and apprentices,, to fign their acceptance 
 of the Conftitution. No tradefmen is to be 
 employed, who has npt been fraternized by the 
 officers of his diftricl:; no publican is to be li- 
 cenfed, who has not reported fufpetled psrfons. 
 Every man k called upon, more palpably than 
 in France, to declare our Conftitutiou glorious 
 and unreformable ; and if any one is more con- 
 fident than Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Rich- 
 mond, and ngnirles a wim for the removal of 
 abules in the conftrudtion of the Houie of Com- 
 mons, he is branded as a Jacobin, and if pofh- 
 ble, utterly ruined. Is not this governing by 
 the very fame means, fo much execrated in tho 
 French : by mobs, by terror, by popular coer- 
 cion ? The great mafs of the people, from the 
 higheft to the loweft ranks, are fummoned to 
 cpnftitute themfelves into partial arbitrary tri- 
 bunals to acquit and to condemn. 
 
 The dread and regret with which the infti- 
 tution of theie .Englilh Primary AiTemblie* was 
 beheld bv the rational Friends of Freedom, found 
 fome confolation in the hope that they would 
 jzot be of long duration. It was imagined \vhsn 
 
 P 2
 
 20 
 
 the temporary alarm was pail, that they would 
 n'ot only be diluted, but the public would con- 
 temn the delufipn, and give the government of 
 the country to thole who conftitutionallv fliould 
 poflels it, and whofe refponiibility is a check 
 'upon their intemperance, the King's Minifters. 
 33ut inftead of this, we rind our Tory affiliated 
 Societies, converted into the inftruments of the 
 Church and King Jacobins, and executing with- 
 out authority or refponfibility, thofe meafures. 
 which admin if trat ion. defire, but cannot with 
 decency tranfatt. .They denounce all who with 
 to petition the King or Parliament, contrary to 
 the fentiments of the Placemen and Penlioners, 
 at the Crown and Anchor Tavern ; the inha- 
 bitants of Glaigow have been threatened with 
 Church and King vengeance for prefuming to. 
 complain cf that which is dailv ruining them, 
 the War ; and our Parochial Clubs are knocking 
 down the Constitution, in imitation of the Clubs 
 in France, by voting contributions to fupport 
 the army. Every perfon may loon -be obliged, 
 unde r pain of denunciation as a traiterous Jaco- 
 bin, to join in theie patriotic gifts; and by luch 
 proceedings, the necefiity of calling Parliament 
 together, may be ultimately fupericded. Such 
 an alteration in the Conftitu-ion would, no 
 doubt, be highly agreeable to the Alarmifts. 
 
 To condemn opinions or inftitutions for crimes 
 which are committed by their veal or pretended 
 fuppprters, is both grois fallacy, and flagrant in- 
 juftice. The mod clear principles, and ths moft 
 lalntarV inftitutions, arc open to the attack of 
 Ivich fophiftry. Snppole I were inclined to con- 
 demn the Britifli GoveruDfieo.t in Church and 
 
 State
 
 State, becaufe the riots and excefles in Birming- 
 ham were in behalf of Church and King, would 
 any man of fenfe admit fuch events as full proof 
 that our Conftitution is fundamentally vicious ? 
 Yet, if I were to argue thus, I would only imi- 
 tate Mr. Young. I might like him lay, " the 
 * 4 theory of the Englifh religion is peace, but the 
 *' praElice is riot ; the preachers of it, tell us 
 " to have good will towards our neighbours, yet 
 " they mitigate a mob to fire and plunder them. 
 46 As for their kingly government it is ftill worie. 
 *' The people pay about twenty millions an- 
 *' nually fa protection, but at Birmingham the 
 '' rabble are permitted to burn and rob for a 
 *' week together ; and if it fo happens that 
 44 they have deftroyed your whole property, 
 *' and you have not a long purie to go to law, 
 " you can have no redreis : If you are com- 
 cc pletely ruined, you are completely excluded 
 " from juftice. Such is the Britim Govern - 
 " ment .Such is their glorious Conftitution ! 
 *' But in preference to it give me the iimple 
 " deipotifm of Pruffia : At Spandau I may go 
 " to fleep in fafety : -at Birmingham I may ex- 
 " peel: to be awakened amidft the flames of 
 " their hellifli Church and King Government.'* 
 In 1 780, Mr. Young might ftill have condemn- 
 ed the proteftant religion not more juftlv 
 but more fpecioufly. If he had written on the 
 6th of June, in that year, he might, with 
 the fame fairneis with which he treats the 
 French, have laid, " The proteftant religion is 
 " a bayonet in your breaft, or a bullet in your 
 ." boibm. In theory \t teaches to do unto others 
 64 as you would have them dp unto you ; in 
 
 " practice.
 
 ** practice, it teaches fire, plunder, devafta- 
 * tion and bloodshed. The Proteftants entreat 
 et> redrefs by petition, and afTault, wound, and 
 *' threaten thofe who are to grant it : They 
 44 pray for their enemies, and burn the houfcs 
 ** and chapels of thole who do not offend them : 
 *' They declaim again ft drunkennefs, and get 
 ** fo beaftly dnmk that they are confnmed in 
 * c the diabolical flames of their own kindling : 
 ** they recommend honcfty and mercy, yet 
 " empty the goals of felons and murderers 
 ** whom they make their afTbciates. Their 
 *' theory inftils virtue, but their practice ap- 
 *' proves only of vice. They enlighten mankind 
 " by a general conflagration, and fend fouls to 
 " heaven by bludgeon and halter worfhip. Such 
 " is the proteftant religion ! Give me paganifm. 
 " Among the Tartars I may fit in iafety under 
 " my own fig-tree. No fanguinary rapacious 
 *' proteftant, with the creed in one hand and a 
 ft bludgeon in the other, will, in Thibet, de- 
 *' mand money at my door and threaten to bum 
 c my houie : THERE 1 WOULD BE IN SAFETY." 
 Jn this manner Mr. Young might condemn the 
 Britifh government and religion, by blaming 
 them for the crimes committed in popular com- 
 motions, which the beft of governments cannot 
 always prevent ; and from thefe as reafonably 
 draw conclufions unfavourable to them, as he 
 has done to the French Revolution, by applying 
 the crimes of individuals, or the temporary ac- 
 cidental confufion and miichief in France, to the 
 principles which actuate the mafs of the people. 
 Our Alarmifts have not only adopted the 
 French fyftem of ruling by Clubs and Profcrip-
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 tlons, but our own, and the other governments 
 in Europe, have difcovered much that is worthvof 
 imitation in the conduct of the unanointed execu- 
 tive Council. If the French affiliated Brabant by 
 the point of theiword, have not the allies bullied, 
 intuited, dragooned every neutral power ? Swe- 
 den, Denmark, Venice, Switzerland, Tufcany, 
 and Genoa, have had their independence vio- 
 lated. I dare not, indeed, fpeak in adequate 
 terms of the conduct puriued with the two latter 
 powers, whole towns were threatened, with to- 
 lerable plainnefs, to be given up to military exe- 
 cution, if they did not declare War againft 
 France ! Is there no relemblance to be found 
 between the decree of the 1 9th of November, 
 and the conduct of our Generals and Admirals in 
 the Weft Indies and Toulon, where they have 
 offered ailiftance and fraternity to all Frenchmen 
 who would renounce obedience to the mother 
 country, and accept of TRUE liberty, as modelled 
 by thole who have jult beftowed it on Poland ? 
 The more the proceedings of the Belligerent 
 Powers are examined, the more it will be found 
 that France, which formerly fet the famions of 
 drefs, now lets the falhions of government over 
 Europe ; and that the people of England in par- 
 ticular, have adopted their political conducl:, with 
 more eagernefs, than ever they adopted the {tile 
 of a cap or a coat. The objects, indeed, are, dif- 
 ferent ; but the means taken to obtain or fecure 
 thofe objects, and which alone excite indigna- 
 tion, are the very fame : Nay, the objects of 
 the French people, the establishment of the Li* 
 berties, the Peace, and the Happinefs of Mankind, 
 are good, admitting the means to be bad : But 
 
 the
 
 the objects of the Tory Jacobins, perpetua- 
 ting the ignorance of the poor, arming the 
 rich againft the poor, the luppreflion of the 
 Freedom of Speech, and the Liberty of the Preis, 
 together with the juftirication of every vice of 
 government, are bad, and their means are 
 equally bad alfo. 
 
 It will be found, upon a candid examination 
 of facts, that inftead of the crimes which have 
 difgraced France, being the coniequence of her 
 principles, they have been produced and wil- 
 fully infligated by the German Princes, in hopes 
 of rendering odious thole verv principles, as 
 they dreaded that their eftablifhment in France, 
 would ultimately deftroy all tyrannical govern- 
 ments in Europe. The French were by no 
 means the authors of the prefent War ; on the 
 contrary, they did all in their power to prevent 
 it. It was the Courts of Auftria and Berlin, and 
 a few profligate emigrants, that provoked the 
 rupture, which has now involved Europe in 
 calamity. France confined herfelf within her 
 own territories, and to her own domeftic con- 
 cerns, till Ihe was exaiperated by a combina- 
 tion againft a government recently fettled, ap- 
 proved by her inhabitants, and which promiled 
 to eftabliih a peaceable and lading limited mo- 
 narchy. Before the ferment of the firft Re- 
 volution was allayed, and the dregs it had {Hired 
 Up were funk to their proper obfcurity, the King, 
 by his flight, proved his connection with the 
 Princes who were plotting againft the Conftitu- 
 tion. " Their hoftile intrigues at foreign courts 
 became too manifeft and provoking : they de- 
 ierted their country to procure its invaiion, and 
 
 left
 
 t- *5 ) 
 
 left the field compleatly in pofleflion of the Re- 
 publican oartv, whole credit thev ftrenghtened 
 
 tm ' "" & 
 
 V their own treachery,' and taught the people 
 
 to believe the Nobles naturally and irrevocably 
 their enemies; and to conclude, that fecurityfor 
 their Liberties was to be looked for, in their own 
 interference and activity, rather than in the ge- 
 nerolity or j LI (lice of the higher ranks of io- 
 ciety. 
 
 In September 1791, the manifeflo from 
 Monfieur and the Comte d'Artois to the King of 
 France, announced their fuccefs in perfuading 
 the Emperor and the King of Pruflia to hoftilty 
 ag-ainfr. the new Conftitution : and thofe Mo- 
 
 O 
 
 narchs o;ave it under their hands, limned at Pil- 
 
 O O 
 
 liitz, that they required all the powers in Eu- 
 rope to affair, them in this War, for " the Rights 
 *' of Sovereigns." The Princes alfo aiiirmed, 
 
 O 
 
 that " the other European Courts had the fame 
 " difpofitions with thofe of Vienna and Ber- 
 *' lin." The fpeedy confirmation of what 
 they had afferted, refpecling the Emperor and 
 King of Pruflia, procured belief to the other 
 palTages of their declaration, particularly as 
 they remained uncontradicted by thofe to whom 
 they made allufion ; and it was necefTarih' con- 
 cluded, that all courts, and even that of St. 
 James's, wiihed well to the concert of Princes. 
 But how did France act in this lituation ? Not 
 like England laft winter. She did not precipi- 
 tate hericlf into a War, although provoked by 
 the moft flagrant violation of the Rights of Na- 
 
 o ^ 
 
 tions. She negociated ; for eight months me 
 negociated : till finding it inipoilible to obtain 
 
 E either
 
 cither faiisfaftion or explanation for the Pilriitfc 
 Confpiracv, and that the Defpots of Germany 
 were refolved on hoiVilities, and were onlv de- 
 laying their commencement till fully prepared, 
 fhe iubmitted to inevitable compullion ; and to 
 4hew that me was not difmaved or terrified, fhe 
 proclaimed War, which on her part was iiidif- 
 putably defcnjive by anticipation* But not- 
 withftanding hofcilities had been eriechially 
 declared by the Emperor and King of Pmilia, in 
 Auguft i 791'," and me did not relblve on a rup- 
 ture till the April following, many perfons have 
 had the erTronterv and folly to alien, that France 
 invited the War \ 
 
 It is neither to their new principles, nor the 
 natural cruelty of the French, that we are to af- 
 cribe the atrocities which have lately difgraced 
 that nation. It might as well be laid, that the* 
 nrinciplcs of the Protefbmt Religion inculcate 
 nurder and rapine, becaufe fuch doctrines have 
 lately been recommended from the pulpit ; or 
 tlv.t they produced the riots in 1780, as that 
 tb . Principles of Liberty which have animated 
 the French are the cauie of the crimes com- 
 mitted bv iome of them. It is to the foreign 
 
 * j 
 
 combination againft the people, and the reiilr.- 
 ance of the rich to the eftablilhment of their 
 Liberties at home ; " It was that hateful out- 
 " rage on the rights and feelings of human 
 *' nature, that wretched tiflue of pride, folly, 
 " and inhumanity; it was the Duke of Bmnl- 
 * c wick's Manifefro thatfirft iteeled the heart and 
 " maddened the brain of all France ; which pro- 
 ** voked thofe it had devoted, /to praclice all 
 
 '< the
 
 ff the cruelties it had impotently threatened to> 
 " inflict; which fharpened the daggers of -the 
 " aflaffins of the 2d of September, and whetted 
 " the axe fufpended over the unfortunate Mo- 
 *' narch*." That infamous manifefto produced 
 the loth of Auguft ; the treacherous furren- 
 der of Longwy proyoked the horrid mafTacres 
 of the 2d of September ; the inevitable War 
 with Britain and Holland hurried the un- 
 fortunate Louis to the IcarFold;- and the lols 
 of Valenciennes proved the forerunner of the 
 trial, and the delivery of Toulon the fignal for 
 the execution of the Queen. The fuccefs of 
 the combined powers has invariably occafloned 
 the very reverfe of their profeffed object ; it 
 has always made more eiithufiafts, united the 
 people more firmly, and removed the profpect 
 of re-eftabliming Monarchy and Nobility to a 
 greater diftance. Since all Europe has joined 
 in the cry of crating France from the lift of 
 nations, me has only retaliated by vowing the 
 deftruction of all Deipotic Governments. The 
 monfters of France have been begotten by the 
 monfters of Germany. The -Duke of Brunf- 
 wick firft taught them profcription and mur- 
 der ; their only choice was, whether they fhould 
 aflaflinate, or be aflaflinated ;-rwhether the 
 Duke of Brunfwick mould prefide over another 
 St. Bartholomew, or Marat over a 2d of Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 We muddered at the news of the 2d of Sep- 
 tember, yet the merciful, doctrines preached at 
 home, did not even excite a murmer. On the 
 
 * Vide Mr. Sheridan's Speech, Dec. 15, 1792. 
 
 E 2 Royal-
 
 Royal-Exchange the gallows was openly talked 
 of, as neceffary to extirpate the favourers of 
 Peace and Reform. If then, Englishmen, by 
 a falfe alarm, could be guilty of wishing for the 
 blood of perfons whofe only crime was diffe- 
 rence of opinion, why mould we condemn the 
 French, in whom every evil has been realized, 
 which here was only dreaded ? If Englishmen, 
 merely becaufe they were told they were in 
 danger, could endure fuch fanguinary language, 
 what might not have been their acceSTes if fome 
 of the principal perSbnages in the kingdom had 
 brought an hundred thoufand German robbers 
 to deSlroy our valued Constitution and eStabliSh 
 Defpot Sm ? If they had taken pofleffion of Yar- 
 mouth and Norwich, and threatened to give 
 up the city of London to " military execu- 
 *' tion," what mad or wicked theorift might 
 not then have been listened to ? Mr. Young, 
 by warning Britain againft the example of 
 France, does in facl: acknowledge, that in Similar 
 circumftances, Englishmen would be guilty of 
 Iimilar enormities. If they would not, what 
 occasion is there for warning them ? The in- 
 habitants of France are not naturally more cruel 
 than thoSe of this country, and were the ene<- 
 mies of that nation to ceafe to goad and ex- 
 aSperate her by their forces without, and their 
 treacherous and incendiary agents within, a fair 
 experiment might then be made on the undiS- 
 turbed operation of French principles ; it might 
 then be feen, that from the forced State in 
 which France is held by the confederacy of 
 Defpots, arife thofe crimes, and that impunity 
 which have been falfely and wickedly afcribed 
 
 to
 
 to the Principles of Liberty. She might then, 
 indeed, be an example, inftead of a warning to 
 other nations : and nobody forefaw this more 
 clearly than the Defpots themfelves ; for when 
 the Conftituent AiTembly declared in favour of 
 a pacific fyftem, againft conqueft or offeniive 
 War, the whole fraternity on the continent were 
 alarmed for their trade. Aboliih War ! Abolifh 
 the means of gratifying our ambition, of plun- 
 <Jering our fubjecls and perpetuating our ty- 
 ranny ! Aboliih War ! Then we mnft make 
 War on you to prevent it. We will give a ftab 
 to your pacific fyftem ,in its infancy, and by 
 driving you into exceffes and horrors, convince 
 the world that War, our Trade, is neceflary to 
 the Happinefs of Society. 
 
 I cannot clofe the whole fubjeft of the War 
 between France and the other continental powers 
 better than by quoting what Lord Morningtoii 
 iaid in the Houfe of Commons, May 7, 1 793, 
 of the War in which England was engaged im- 
 mediately after the revolution of 1 688 : his words 
 may very juftly be applied to the prefent conteft^ 
 if inftead of Louis XIV, we read the Triumvirate, 
 theEmprefs of Ruilia,the Emperor of Germany, 
 and the Kins: of Pruffia. 44 The Wars which 
 
 O 
 
 4t immediately followed the Revolution, "(laid his 
 Lordfhip,) " were ablblutely neceffary for the fe- 
 44 curity of that auipicious lettlement. There- 
 " cent eftabliihment required protection, net 
 44 only againft the abdicated King, and thole 
 44 who fupported his caufe at home, or who 
 44 had followed his fortunes abroad, but alib 
 4< againft the pride and jealoufy of Louis XIV. 
 44 lie could not fiifer a LIMITED MO- 
 
 " NARCHY. 
 
 - *
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 " NAKCHV, FOUNDED ON THE LIBERTIES 
 " OF THE PEOPLE, to grow up and flourim in 
 46 peace fo near his Throne. He naturally fore- 
 " faw that fuch a ConfKtution muit become a 
 ** continual reproach to the tyranny of hisgo- 
 ** vernment, and an inluparable obftacle to the 
 ** progrefs of his ambition. It was, therefore, 
 '* his policy to attempt the destruction of Ib for- 
 ** midable a neighbour, by every means botii of 
 ** open force, and fecret machination* 9 
 
 Next to the crimes committed in France, 
 which have artfully been milreprefented as the 
 confequence of French Principles, the word 
 Equality has been faliely deemed to mean an 
 Agrarian Law : thus at once exciting horror, 
 
 O O ' 
 
 and creating an alarm for property. Mr. 
 Reeves, in the publication already alluded to, 
 fays, Equality means, that all men mall be 
 equally tall, equally wile, and equally ftrong-, 
 as well as equally rich. This may be fit for Mr. 
 Reeves to fay, but not for me to anfwer. I do 
 not doubt, however, of its having prejudiced the 
 vulgar, who would naturally believe the French 
 could be guilty of any thing, after being gravely 
 told, that they had roafted alive, baited with oil, 
 and eaten many of the Swifs and Nobles ; that 
 others they had made into pies and cried them 
 about the ftreets*; and that they tc were drunk 
 ** with the blood of their fellow citizens f." 
 Mr. Young makes a better ufe, for the Tory Ja- 
 cobins, of the word Equality, bv construing it 
 to mean an equalization of property ; " for, 
 
 * Vide the accounts of the tranfaftions on the loth of 
 Aug;ift, publifhed foon after that day in the Times. 
 f V id!- Bilhop of Glouciter'$ Sermon.
 
 fays he, " that all were equal hi the eye of the 
 *' law, was decreed by the Conllituent AfTembly, 
 *' and why call the year 1792 the fourth of 
 " Liberty and firft of Equality r" All were not 
 equal in the eye of the law by the decree alluded 
 to, or even previous to the loth of Auguft. 
 One whole branche of theLegiflature, the King, 
 was above the law ; and although I am readv to/ 
 admit that it was childiih to make the diitinciioii 
 in dating the year, yet, when I find fome reafou 
 for it, and none in lupport of Mr. Young's afler- 
 tion, that" Property was glanced at," I think 
 it is proper to take that realbn, however fmall, 
 as the fair explanation, rather than put a con- 
 ilruction upon the word which no circumftance 
 juftifies, merely becaufe Mr. Young affcrts " it 
 " either meant that (equalization of property) or 
 *' it meant nothing ;" becaufe he acknowledges 
 that he does not underftand it,' mall we receive 
 as fact what he wifh'es, and for that reafon fuppofes 
 it to mean r The King was not amenable to the 
 law, therefore, ftriclly fpeaking, there could 
 not be perfect Equality. On the queftion of 
 Royal inviolability I give no opinion. 
 
 It is not neceflary to fay much in anf\ver to 
 the common mifreprefentations of Equality. No 
 candid intelligent man, either in France or Eng- 
 land, could ever underftand it to mean otherwiie 
 than an equality of refponlibility to, and pro- 
 tection from the law ; and of this, no nation 
 in the world was ever more in want than France 
 previous to the Revolution in 1789. The ex- 
 pence of law-fuits conftitutes the only grievous 
 inequality in England. It is impoiiible for a 
 poor man, with his own means, to obtain re* 
 
 drefi
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 drefsby a courfe of law in this country* ; aridj 
 even a prudent man of fmall fortune, will fub- 
 mit to an injury, rather than rilk his ruin by en- 
 tering; into a contefl with a wealthy litigious op- 
 ponent. Many an inftance of injuilice, accom- 
 plimed and maintained by riches, may be found 
 in the Memoirs of a northern Nobleman, who 
 has long been the. tyrannical oppreffor and plun- 
 derer of the poor, and middling clafTes, in that 
 part of the kingdom, which is curfed with his 
 refidence. 
 
 It is to what he calls the French Equality, that 
 Mr. Young aicribes a fyftem of rapine and plun- 
 der, which he affirms exifts in that nation. He 
 concludes a number of his paragraphswith " This 
 *' is Equality ! Rob the farmer ! Plunder the 
 " landholder and divide his land ! Equality of 
 f * property ! An Agrarian Law, &c. According 
 *' to French principles, the firfl beggar I meet, 
 " may iabre in one hand, rights of man in the 
 " other, demand a fhare of what is my own, 
 t: my property, my land at Bradneld." And 
 in this manner he proceeds, arguing, as if an 
 
 equalization of property had actually taken place 
 
 i 
 
 * It has been faid, even from the Bench, that our laws arc 
 equally open to the poor as to the rich, becaufe if a man 
 cannot fee an advocate, the court will provide him one gratis. 
 This, like fome other parts of our Conftitution, was excellently 
 intended, and, no doubt, at its firft inttitution, proved highly 
 . beneficial ; but like many more inftitutions, Time, that great 
 innovator, has reduced it to a mere Ihadow. The fee of a 
 counfelor is the leaft expence of a law fuit ; nor can his fer- 
 Vices be of much utility to his client, if he is unacquainted 
 with his cafe, till after the trial has begun ; and even then 
 moft probably, he cannot, from the ignorance of the poor n;an, 
 rghtly underiland it.
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 in France ; t>r at leaft as if fome notorious 
 and undeniable proofs had Occurred of robbiiW a 
 man of his eftate, and dividing it among 
 " Be;o;ars." 
 
 O^5 
 
 The only iriftance, however, which he at- 
 tempts to produce in fupport of this, (and if 
 more or better could have been found, he has 
 fhewn fo much induftry in collecting the crimes 
 of the French, that he certainly would have 
 brought them forward), is, an unauthenticated 
 'one in the Clermontefe, where an efr-te was 
 feized from the proprietor, who was, no do-.ibt, 
 an emigrant, as Mr. Young owns, " h? lived at 
 " a dijiancc" '; and where fome "of the tenants 
 who talked of retaining their farms, becaufe thofe 
 who laboured fhould not pay money to thofe 
 who did nothing, were, moil probably for Ib 
 doing, obliged to quit, and the property was 
 ultimately held in trull for the nation. But 
 this flory refts wholly on Mr. Young's bare af- 
 fertion, who has not quoted even the authority 
 of a newfpaper, which he invariably does on all 
 other occafions ; and whether it is true or filfe 
 is immaterial, becaufe it proves nothing like a 
 general principle of equalizing property^ In. 
 the prefent flatc of France, no doubt, many 
 -atrocious robberies are committed, which would 
 be punifhed or '-prevented, if the German Plun- 
 ders would allow the government to act, as it 
 certainly would do in tranquillity, with rigo- 
 rous jufHce. In any country in a fimilar 
 Situation, fimilar crimes would be perpetrated ; 
 and at all events they can have no connection 
 with the Principles of Liberty and Equality. Be- 
 caufe the northern Lcxrd to whom I ' have juil 
 
 F alluded,
 
 alluded, has, by dint of wealth, plundered every 
 man in his neighbourhood who had anv thine: 
 
 o o 
 
 to lofe, are we therefore to conclude, that it is 
 a principle in the Engliih law that the rich may 
 rob the poor ? 
 
 Inffonces, and ftrong authenticated inflances, 
 to confute Mr. Young's aflertions refpecling an 
 Agrarian Law are on record, and cannot be de- 
 
 _O ' 
 
 nied. About the Very time he was writing his 
 book, when all: the horrors and anarchy, on 
 which he continually rings, were reigning, the 
 Due de Penthicvre- died, where he had long 
 lived, in the heart of France. He poiTefled 
 v immenfe wealth both in land and moveables ; 
 was the father-in-law, but enemy, of the duke 
 of Orleans, from whom his- daughter had been 
 long feparated; and he was even fhppofed to- 
 be unfriendly to the Revolution, He was an 
 amiable and beloved man ; he never interfered in 
 politics ; amidft every violence and change, his 
 property and perfor* were untouched, and many 
 it poor man's tear bedewed his grave. No beg- 
 gar, fabreiaha&d, demanded a mare of his pro- 
 perty, either during his life or at his death, 
 Hrfe then, is- a direcl notorious proof, that 
 the property even of an eminent nobleman is- 
 .not violated; while he does notoppofe the exift- 
 ing government ; and v^ndoubtedly every mart, 
 who conduced himfelf like the I7nc de Pen- 
 thievre, was equally immolefted. It was in- 
 eumbent on Mr. Young ta give proofs, that men 
 had been plundered ia France for no other of- 
 /fence than that of being rich, before he pre- 
 :.:;.led to be rnled by " Events"* which never- 
 look placebo be guided by <t i Exrjenments' v whicl-i, 
 
 no
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 never were made, and to follow a " Practice" 
 which never had any exiftence, but in his own 
 credulity or mifreprefentation. 
 
 It is, however, highly probable, that the 
 French Government, fince it has no ally to pay 
 the expences of defending its own territories, 
 and is fo hemmed in and infnlated by its enemies 
 that it cannot borrow, will "be obliged to have 
 reconrie to forne extraordinary measures which 
 may be no further juftifmble than on the hack- 
 neyed plea fo often ufed by its prelent invaders, 
 " State neceflity !" But whatever may be done 
 in the prefent ferment and alarm, when France, 
 inftead of thinking of ftrift juflice, has to ftrug- 
 gle for her very exiftence as an independent na- 
 tion, will be no proof that me would not have 
 been, if permitted to remain in peace, and yet 
 will be, when peace is reftored to her, as equi- 
 table as her neighbours. Should the Govern- 
 ment feize a part of the erlec\s of the wealthy 
 for the defence of the country, that will give 
 no more reaibn to expect an Agrarian Law, 
 than raifins; twenty Millions annually in Bri- 
 
 O J 
 
 tain gives reafon to expecl it will be afterwards 
 equally divided among the people. Mr. Young- 
 well knew that there is a decree, making it 
 
 C? 
 
 death to propole an Agrarian Law, which has 
 long been and ftill is \\\julL force, but it did 
 not iuit his impofture to notice it. Whatever 
 may be done in France, ought not to be afcribed 
 to the principles or rapacity of the people, but 
 to the unparalleled exigency of the times. To 
 fupport her Liberties, indeed, the rich will pro- 
 bably be forced to pay what the poor cannot ; 
 and to this Mr. Young will not objecl, as he ad- 
 F 2 mils,
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 mits, p. i2q, <c In taxation, fpeakingat large of 
 " a nation, to quantum paid is not fo? much 
 *' the object to regard as the quantum left after 
 *' the '.axes a;~ paid." 
 
 But while I deny that any tiling like proof 
 can be produced of an Agrarian Law having 
 taken place in France, I own .hat an extenfive 
 and cLV/iu! coufiication has been made ! What 
 has been the o^callon of it ? Not a deiire to 
 plunder and ^'vide Property. It has been the 
 folly, weaknefs, or wickcdnefs of thofe who 
 hpve furTered ; fome of whom openly declared 
 againft the Conftitution, and excited the invafion 
 of the country ; others had made their hoftile 
 difpofition too manifeft to be fafe at home, 
 therefore they fled ; and the ruling power in 
 Paris, finding the Emigrants were drawing out 
 the wealth of the nation in order to make 
 War upon it, feized the eftates of all thofe 
 who did not appear within a limited time. Such 
 as were friendly to the Conftitution could have 
 no objection to appear at their poll, becaufe they 
 were in no danger ; and thole whole hoftility 
 was afcertained by their abfence, deferved to lofe 
 their property ; deferved to lofe it on the prin- 
 ciples Cvf the Britiih Government, which feized 
 the property of the Rebels in 1715 and 1 745, as 
 greedily as the French Convention ; and whofe 
 tremendous ccnrlicaticns in Ireland during 
 the ' onwealtli, (afterwards confirmed by 
 
 lid.) and in the reign of William 
 the III-.!, iurpafs all that has hitherto been done 
 in Fraucv ; where, if mens' minds were reftorcd 
 to tranquillity ' ,- r. ( ace, and their country fe- 
 cure, the vengeance gf . qnthufiaftic fury would
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 aiTuage, and probably mod of the fugitives wou!4 
 Ue reinftated in their ancient inheritance and fe- 
 queftered property, 
 
 Beiides general pictures of French excefTes, 
 and mifconftruclions of the word Equality, Mr. 
 Young continually maintains " Experiment,'' 
 " Practice," and ;< Events," to be the only wife 
 rule of conduct ; and, alluding to the experi- 
 ment of perfonal Reprefentation. being attempted 
 in France, for I deny that it has been made, he 
 fays, (p. 56) " The thing is tried ; that method 
 " of drilling has been experimented and found 
 ct good for nothing; the crop did notanfwer." 
 But if two neighbouring farmers were to try a 
 new theory, and the children of the one were 
 to drive beafts into their father's field, to nip the 
 firft moots, to trample and deftroy the corn as 
 it fprung from the earth, and his crop did not 
 anfwer ; while that of the other farmer, whofe 
 field was unmolefted yielded an abundance be- 
 yond all expectation, could it, in fuch a cafe, 
 be juftly laid the experiment failed ? The far- 
 mers are France and America ; the children are 
 the ^migrants, and the beafts are the Germans. 
 The experiment of Reprefentative Government 
 has not been allowed a fufficient period to be 
 made in France ; for even if the field had been 
 unmolefted, fhe corn has not had time to vege- 
 tate, much lefs to fill and ripen. In America, 
 the field was as much disturbed, during feveral 
 years, as in France, and accordingly produced 
 nothing but weeds. But the theory was known 
 to be good ; it was perfifted in, and when fair 
 play was given to the foil, the crop was aftonim- 
 ing. So it will be with France, which at pre- 
 
 fent,
 
 *' 
 
 *' 
 
 fcnt, in refpecl: to Government, may be called 
 a neglected or barren foil ; for there 'is a more 
 important duty than cultivating the field ; the 
 natives muft defend it, or they will have no 
 field to cultivate. 
 
 But fays Mr. Young, the experiment has not 
 finally been tried in America. No ! Eighteen 
 years is no experiment in America, though fix 
 months is a compleat experiment in Fiance ! 
 *' But America has fuch a plenty of land that 
 *' me has no poor ; it is not her Reprefentative 
 " Government that prevents there being any 
 poor, but it is the plenty of land. When fhe 
 has a numerous indigent poor, her Govern- 
 ment will tumble to pieces ; the mob will 
 not pofleis the Sovereign authority and re- 
 main hungry,** continues he. I deny that it 
 is her extent of territory alone that prevents her 
 being burthened with a numerous indigent poor. 
 Look at almoft every country in Europe, not 
 even excepting Britain and Ireland, and acres 
 enough will be found to make thofe who are 
 
 *^ 
 
 now poor as comfortable as the American far- 
 mer, I do not mean by an Agrarian Law ; I 
 mean by properly employing the vvafte unoccu- 
 pied lands. Look at the vail tracts in Germanv, 
 Hungary, and eailward towards the Black Sea, 
 whole native fertility is doomed, by a barbarous 
 policy, to feed wild beafts inftead of man ; where 
 whole countries, that would render millions hap- 
 py. are made a blank on the* earth by the reftlefs 
 defolatins; ambition of bad Governments, or 
 
 
 
 perhaps, to afford amufement to one Tyrant. In 
 Spain, the example of pride and indolence in 
 the Nobles, has occafioned fuch a contempt and 
 
 neglect
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 neglect of Agriculture in the lower dalles oi 
 ibciety who ought to attend to it, that popula- 
 tion has decreafed, and the nation become iniig- 
 rtificant in the fcale of Europe compared with 
 what it formerly was. The natives live chiefly 
 on the natural productions of the foil, one of 
 the richeft in the world, which if properly cul- 
 tivated, might maintain in greater plenty than at 
 prefent, fix times the number of inhabitants. 
 *' The extent of ground is of fo 1 little value 
 " wit/iout labour" fays Mr. Locke, " That I 
 44 have heard it affirmed, that in Spain itfelf, a 
 ** man may be permitted to plough, fow, and 
 A * reap, without being difhirbed, upon land he 
 *' has no other title to, but only his making nfe 
 " of it. But on the contrary, the inhabitants 
 " think themfelves beholden to him,, who by 
 " his induftry, on neglected, and confequently 
 " wafte land, has increafed the ftock of corn 
 *' which they wanted/* 
 
 It would be fuperfluous to point out (imilar 
 evils in the other European nations. With re- 
 gard to France, under its old Government, which 
 
 O 
 
 is more immediately interesting to the queftion, 
 I defire no more to be faid in fupport of my 
 
 . opinion than what is contained in Mr. Young's 
 
 own travels. It will there be found that it was 
 
 Hot the great population of that country which 
 
 V occafioned the poverty and wretchednefs of the 
 
 * multitude, but that it was the monopoly of the 
 land by a diflblute tyrannical Nobility and Prieft- 
 hood, whofe pofTerlion operated effectually to 
 diminifh the produce of the foil, and^to blaft 
 with fterility thofe plains upon which nature had 
 lavifhed her richeft bounty. The arbitrary and 
 
 enormous
 
 ( 4 
 
 ' 
 
 enormous exactions of the Agents of the Go- 
 vernment aggravated the diftrefs of the people, 
 among whom lay acres lufBcient to make them 
 as happy as the American farmer. It is the 
 miferable polky of Governments that makes Ib 
 many poor in Europe ; and what is the caufe of 
 the people being in general much more happy 
 and wealthy in Britain than in Germany r Not 
 *' Corruption," as thofe who fatten by it would 
 make us believe. It is becaufe we have much 
 lefs of the old fyftem remaining ; becaufe men 
 are more enlightened, induftry encouraged, and 
 property better fecured ; becaufe our anceftors have 
 wrung from the hand of power and bequeathed- 
 us more Liberty than is enjoyed under any other 
 Monarchy ; nor can thefe blemngs be preferved 
 but by that fpirit which acquired them. 
 
 But it may ftill be faid, America has more 
 acres in proportion to the number of its inha- 
 bitants than any country in Europe. I (hall not 
 difpute this, becaufe it is of no importance to my 
 argument. I contend that there is a fufficiency 
 of acres in Europe to make every man as com- 
 fortable as the American farmer, and that the 
 extent of territory in the New World does not 
 alone prevent indigence among the people. It 
 is the fpirit of their Government, which encou- 
 rages not only Agriculture, but Manufactures 
 and Commerce, and difcourages War. Look 
 at Holland! The number of 'poor in Hollands- 
 is perhaps as fmall as in America, and certainly 
 much leis than in any other European nation ; 
 yet Holland contains very few, and thofe very 
 unproductive acres. It is the mod populous 
 fpot in Europe, and, leaving her poor out of 
 
 the
 
 the calculation, is twenty times more populous 
 than America. How happens rt then, that with 
 fo few acres, and fo many inhabitants, the mul- 
 titude of the Dutch are even more wealthy and 
 comfortable than the American farmer ? Be- 
 caufe, though her Government is very defective, 
 its fpirit encourages mduftry, commerce, and 
 oeconomy, and always avoids War, unlefs forced 
 .into it by fome iniidious friend. It is the en- 
 couragement given to Manufactures and Com- 
 merce, as well as Agriculture, rather than the 
 quantity of acres, that makes a people rich and 
 happy. Dr. Smith, and all profound political oeco- 
 riomifts, affirm, every Artizan, Manufacturer, 
 and Labourer, to be as valuable to a ftate as 
 acres of land, and that the greater the popula- 
 tion, if Government animates and properly di- 
 rects induftrv, the sweater will be the riches of 
 
 . 
 the country, and enjoyments of the people. It 
 
 is wicked pernicious policy alone that proves, 
 and fuch mallow, or deluded politicians, as Mr. 
 Young, who aflert, that population is the cauie 
 of poverty, and that the richeft man who ever 
 lived, was Adam, becaufe he alone exifted, and 
 was landed proprietor of the whole world. 
 
 The view Mr. Young takes of America, 
 with regard to paying taxes, is equally unfair 
 with his " Speculations" refpecting her Re- 
 prefentative Government. He fays, that a 
 Farmer in the Back Settlements may have 
 plenty of beef, mutton, com, wool ; he may 
 be rendered quite eafy and happy, by a fuper- 
 fluity of the neceflhries of life, but for want 
 of Circulation, of Commerce, he will not be 
 
 G able
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 able to pay a fmgle Tax ; and therefore when 
 America is involved in a War, and called upon 
 for Taxes, me will be ruined. When me is 
 invclved in a War ! But her Government 
 will not ev?ry fe*v years o1 ~irm, miflead, and 
 madder. -op^iiito "tn^, because the Go- 
 
 ver-inent emanates from th^ >le, for the 
 
 people's benefit, a: ; is not directed by an am- 
 bitious pi felnfh junto: And it is unjuft in 
 Mr. Yov.r.2 to e{ti:.:a!e the power cf America 
 to psy tn.iesby the farmers in the b"ck fettle- 
 ..<. He owns, that the duties laid on the 
 diililieries m Scotland, do not pay for the col- 
 lection, and fays, that the expence of collecting 
 taxes from the farmers in the back fettle ments, 
 would alto be more than could pay for their 
 collection : would it not, therefore, be as fair to. 
 conclude, that Britain cannot pay taxes, becaufe 
 the Scotch diftilleries cannot, as to conclude 
 that America cannot pay taxes, becaufe the 
 farmers in the back fettiements cannot ? A 
 little consideration will fhew us, that America, 
 like Britain, has circulation and commerce; 
 like London, Liverpool, v Brifi:ol and Glaigow ; 
 it has Philadelphia, Bofron, Charles-Town and 
 New York: theie laft, indeed, may not be fo 
 extenfive and rich as the former; but, two hun- 
 dred years ago, London was not a fourth part fo 
 'thy and populous as at preierit ; and is not 
 America daily incrcaimg her commerce, manu- 
 factures and population ? 
 
 Thus. I think, Mr. Young's " Experiment," 
 " Pnict^e,'" and " Even^," as applied to 
 A meri ca , are whol ly i 11 u ibry. R epreientative 
 Goveriunent has flood in Peace, and flourished in 
 
 America
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 America twelve years. " Yes," fays he, tl but 
 k ' it will be deftroyed when fhe has a numerous 
 64 indigent poor." When me has an indigent 
 poor ; but, that will never be, more than at 
 prefent, while the fpirit of her governmeiit prefers, 
 as it now does, Peace and Induftry, to War and 
 Corruption. He would condemn Reprefenta- 
 tive Government from the " experiment" of 
 a few months attempted in France, in the midft 
 of the moll: dreadful warefare ever kno'.vn ; but 
 in America, " Experiment," " Practice," and 
 " Events," which he lays, ought to be the only 
 rule of conduct, he would let wholly atide, 
 becaufe there he finds they are frrongly Adrift 
 him, and that he cannot hold up a terrifying 
 example of what has happened. He would 
 condemn ReprefentativeGovernmcnt in America 
 on " fpeculation" and " theory," which he 
 a thousand times fays, ought never to guide us ; 
 he would condemn it by predicting, what will 
 happen, not by mewing, what has happened. On 
 the contrary, in France, the experiment of a few 
 months, is to be our only guide, and theory and 
 fpeculation we are totally to difregard ; in America 
 theory and fpeculation are to be our only guide, and 
 the experiment of twelve years we are totally to 
 difresrard ! ! ! How Mr. Youno; can reconcile 
 
 o o 
 
 thefe palpable contradictions, or how any man, 
 of the lead underfhnding, could be duped by' 
 jthem, is beyond my comprehension. It may' 
 juftly be aiked of him > in his own words, "what 
 4i inducement have, we, therefore, to lifren to 
 " your /peculations, that condemn what all" 
 America " feels to be good r" (p. 85) 
 
 G 2 Hence
 
 ( 44 } 
 
 Hence, I think, I may fairly affirm, that in 
 America, there i? a noble inftance of the blef- 
 fings flowing from Reprefentative Government. 
 The Revolution there, was at firft, as much ex- 
 ecrated as that of France now is. In 1777 the 
 fame invectives may be found in the proclama- 
 tion of general Burgpyrre, that in 1792 were 
 brought forth in the manifefto of the Duke of 
 Brunlwick : " He appealed to the furFering 
 " thoufands in the provinces, whether the pre- 
 *' fent unnatural rebellion has not been made 
 " a foundation for me compleateft fyftem of 
 " Tyranny that ever God, inhisdifpleafure,fuffer- 
 " ed for a time to be exercifed over a- froward 
 " and ftubborn generation. Arbitrary im- 
 " prifonment, confilcation of property, perfe- 
 *' cution, and torture, unprecedented in the. 
 " inquihtions of the Romim Church, are among 
 " the palpable enormities which verify the 
 *' affirmative. Thefe are inflicted by afTemblies 
 *' and committees, who dare to profefs them- 
 " felves Friends to Liberty, upon the moft quiet 
 * c fubjects, without diflinction of age or fex, for 
 " the fole crime, often for the fole fufpicion, 
 " of having adhered in principle to the govern- 
 <s ment under which they were born, and ta 
 *' \vliich by every tie, divine and human, they 
 '* owe allco-iance. To confurnmate thefe fliock- 
 
 C? 
 
 44 ing proceedings, the profanation of religion 
 " is added to the mod profligate proftitution of 
 4< common fcnfe ; the confciences of men are 
 " fet at nought, and multitudes are compelled, 
 " not oniv to bear arms, but allb to fwear fub- 
 " lection, to an ulurpation they abhor." Here 
 i* an epitome of all that iizs been faid and written
 
 again ft the French, and why mould we not fu'p 
 pole, that were they left to themfelves, they would 
 ioon become as orderly, peaceable, nouriming, 
 and happy, as the Americans ? France has the 
 natural fources to make merchants like Holland, 
 manufacturers like Britain, and farmers like 
 America, And, I believe, the concert of Princes, 
 was nrft formed againft her from a knowledge 
 that a few years Peace, would make her people 
 (b wealthy, comfortable and happy, that inftead 
 of being a terrible warning, (he would be a 
 feducing example to furroimding nations ; that 
 the Deipots of the continent law arifing from 
 the ruins of French Defpotifm, the fabrick of 
 human felicity, and consequently the harbinger 
 of iheirdeitruclion, and therefore they wimed 
 to ftrangle it. At prefent, France is neither an 
 example, nor a warning ; (he is in a ftate of 
 madnefs, occafionedy not by perfonal Repre- 
 lentation, as Mr. Young continually aflerts, for 
 he might asjuftly (ay, the mocking yellow fever 
 which has juft broke out in Philadelphia, is the 
 efteft of ReprefentativeGovernment in America ; 
 but, by the infamous invafion of the Duke of 
 Brunfwick, and the treachery and alarm raging 
 in her bofom. I therefore affirm, that an ad- 
 mirable proof of the utility of Reprefentative 
 Government exifts in America, and deny, that the 
 experiment of peribnal Reprefentation has been 
 even tried, much lefs " compicatly made'' in 
 France, or that (he mould either encourage, or 
 deter us, from falutary Reform. France would 
 not Reform till it was too late : may her ex- 
 ample, in that refpect, be, indeed, a warning to 
 
 Britain. 
 
 Having
 
 Having fhewn Mr. Young's fallacy in coii- ! 
 demningRc.prefcntat'.ve Government in France 
 upon " experiment," and in America upon 
 " 'Peculation ;" ma having eftablifhed the 
 experiment of America in my own favour, I 
 fhall now notice a few of the moil: mifchievous 
 falfehoods, and abiurd contradictions, which he 
 has advanced agairtft Reform, but without 
 flopping to examine every groundlefs ailertion, 
 and trivial argument. I mall take his leading 
 realbns only ; the moil unfounded and atrocious 
 of which is, where he maintains, " that the 
 <fc example of the King of France mould deter 
 " all other Kino-s from liflenins; to the com- 
 
 O O 
 
 " plaints of their fubjects ; he wifhed to Re- 
 " form; he was the firft Monarch who was 
 " detirous of making his people happy, and he 
 " flier for it on a fcaffold" It is difficult 
 to fay, whet^p- the folfchood contained, or the 
 Tyranny recommenced in this pafTage, fliould 
 mofl provoke ind'gnation \ The falfehood is 
 fo well known, that none but Mr. Young could 
 have had effrontery furficient to have afferted it ; 
 and the fentimen*- conveed is more dangerous to 
 
 the liberties T'vd happinefs of Britain, than all the 
 works of M\ Paineand the " Jacobin Societies.'* 
 The King of France did not die on the fcaffold 
 becaufe he liiiencd to Reform ; it was becaufe 
 he would not Hftento it till it Was too Inte ; 
 till he was coiup /'V/ 7 . Inftead of liftening to 
 Reform, he lifrened to evil Counfellors ; he 
 fuftered himfelf to be guided by perfons who 
 la\ ifhcd the puplic money on uleleis placemen 
 and penfioners ; en favourites, paraiites, and the 
 moil pernicious of all traitors, regular-bred 
 
 courtiers,,
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 courtiers, who, to fupply their prodigality, 
 loaded the people with Taxes ; and finding, 
 at laft, their profligate extravagance was on the 
 eve of ruining them, agreed to Reform as their 
 only chance of falvation. They firft threatened 
 the Parliament of Paris if it did -not comply, 
 with their demands ; did that look like a wirfi 
 to Reform ? They next tried the fhift of the 
 Notables ; but like their conduct with the Par- 
 liament of Paris, it alfo proved ineffectual ; and 
 after mr.ny other vain expedients, they were at 
 laft forced to call the States General, in hopes 
 that they would cover their paft iniquities, and 
 grant a new leale for plundering the Nation. 
 In that hope, however, they were alfo mlitaken. 
 The people. had long fmarted with prtknce un- 
 der the Tyranny of the Nobles, and extortions 
 of the Government ; they were now menaced 
 with large additional burthens, and the ge- 
 
 neral danger created a general alarm. i he 
 fpirit of the country was roufed by the infamy 
 of the Adminiftration ; and rinding the Court 
 only {looped to conccffion, to hide its mifmanage- 
 ment, and infure its future i\)bberies,rather than 
 from a fincere wifti to Reform and make them 
 happy, the people refolved no more to truft to 
 thofe who had invariably betrayed them ; the 
 caule of the people triumphed ; the rapacious 
 views of the courtiers were defeated, and the 
 old Defpotifm dripped of its riches and gran- 
 deur, was too feeble, ugly, and corrupt, to pro- 
 tract its exiftence. Such was the commence- 
 ment of the French Revolution. It was not 
 the defire of the King to Reform, but the de- 
 fire of his Minifters to rob, that brought him to 
 the fcaffold. 
 
 All
 
 ( 4? ) 
 
 All the calamities with which France is af- 
 fiifted, are afcribed, by Mr. Young, to perfonal 
 Reprefentation, and the lame are predicted in 
 England, if any Reform of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons takes place. Accordingly, a number of 
 his paragraphs conclude with " Such is the 
 ** monfter, perfonal Reprefentation :" " Such 
 *' the refult of that Conftitution founded on 
 ** perfonal Reprefentation :** *' Power, in the 
 " hands of the people, by means of perfonal 
 " Reprefentation, has ruined France :" &c. 
 And thus he proceeds, afTerting, that all the mif- 
 fbrtunes in which that nation is involved, are 
 the confequence of the will of the people, being 
 iupreme. In anfwer to this, whkh is ihe fole 
 object of his book, I mall mew, firft, that he 
 contradicts himfelf, and that the very reverfe of 
 what he io often repeats and labours to eftablifh, 
 may be proved by his own words ; and fecondly, 
 that the experiment of Perfonal Reprefentation 
 has not been attempted in France, till after the 
 . downfal of Monarchy, and, therefore, it cannot 
 juftly be blamed with producing that event, or 
 the tranfaftions which preceded. 
 
 P. 9 1, he fays, that "if die Houfe of Commons 
 " were fuch Reprefentatives" (as in France) 
 " they would-be guide d\>y the folly, madnefs, 
 f< and paflions of the people." Seven pages 
 further on, however, he thinks quite differently, 
 .and that " Reprefentation deftroys itfelf, and 
 " generates with infallible certainty an oligarchy 
 " t>t mobbifh demagogues, till of all other 
 " voices that Leaft heard is thereat \viil of the 
 6 pcoph." Again (p. io6.)he maintains, that 
 
 " a Par-
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 ck a Parliament conftituted on perfonal Repre* 
 " fentation can at no other wife than by the 
 " immediate impulfe of the people." But this, 
 he ten pages before, affirms to be wrong ; He 
 thinks, " a word however, might be laid on 
 " the point ofperfonalRepreientation,, rendering 
 " the will of the people fupreme. The futility 
 u of the idea isdemonftrated,inthe Aflembliesyp 
 " chofen, in France ; their .firft merit, on Jaco- 
 44 bin principles, is, that of fpeaking the fbve* 
 " reign will of the people, by which expreflion, 
 " is always underftood the Majority: But, ib 
 " truly abominable, is this iyftem of Govern- 
 *' ment, that there has not been a {ingle in- 
 " fiance of great and marked importance, in 
 *' which the Minority, and commonly, a very 
 " fmall Minority, has not, by means of terror, 
 " carried all before them.*' Thus, he atone 
 time affirms, that the ^yill of the people " would 
 " guide" perfonal Reprefentatives, and yet, 
 that among iuch Reprefentatives, the will of the 
 people would be " leqjt heard." That perfonal 
 Reprefentatives " can acl no otherwise, thaa 
 fi by the immediate impulfe of the peo- 
 44 pie," and that every inftance, of great and 
 marked importance, in France, has, by means of 
 terror, been carried by the will of a very fmail 
 Minority ! Thefe contradictions are fatal to 
 all Mr. Young has written, and are a juft 
 illu ftration of the whole fairnefs of his book. 
 
 His inconiiftency, in condernhing perfonal 
 Reprefentation, might be farther expoied, but 
 it will fhorten the fubjedt much to mew, that the 
 cafe of PVance is wholly inapplicable, and Is 
 ueither an example, nor a warning to Britain* 
 
 H
 
 ( 50 ) 
 
 with regard to Reform, particularly as applied 
 by Mr. Young. The Affembly which framed 
 the Conftitution of 1789, was not elected by 
 imiverfal fuffrage, nor agreeably to any newiyftem 
 of Reform. It was elected according to the rules, 
 and under the direction of the French Monarchy ; 
 according to a fvflem eftabliihed for centuries. 
 
 ^ " 
 
 Reform, or Peribnal Reprefentation, there- 
 fore, are no more to be blamed for what it 
 did, that was blameable, than they would be, 
 if our Houfe of Commons were to exterminate 
 every Friend to Liberty, and eftablifh Defpotifm 
 in England. The Conftituent AfTemblv was 
 
 O J 
 
 elected according to the old " Mild benignant" 
 French Monarchy ; according to a lyftem, 
 *' The work of the wifdom of ages ; yet it 
 was that very AlTembly which Mr. Burke re- 
 probated, and Mr. Paine applauded, and againft 
 which the Convention at Pilnitz, the foun- 
 dation of the prefent War, was formed. It 
 was the authority of that Affembly which the 
 Britiih Government would never fully recog- 
 nize : It is that AfTembly which Lords Auckland 
 and Hood, and even Mr. Young defcribe, when 
 they mention " The milcreants, who, for four 
 " years, diffracted France." Then why fhould 
 the traniactions of that AlTembly deter us from 
 Reform, fmce it was elected according to the 
 Conftitution of the Old French Defpotifm r It 
 fhould rather be an argument in favour of Re- 
 form, becaufe, according to Mr. Young and 
 others, it produced much mifchief, and it was 
 an ,old UNREFORMED Affembly. 
 
 The fecond Aflembly was not elected by uni- 
 vcrial fuiliage, and of the third Affembly, it is 
 
 un candid
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 uncandid to fpeak, for, during its exigence, it has 
 rather been the Council of War of a great Armv, 
 than the feat of Peace and temperate Legiila- 
 tion : and it might as reafonably be concluded, 
 that the Briti/h Government is defpotic, be- 
 cauft, for the fake of diicipline, Defpotifm mud 
 be exercifed in the Britim Camp under the Duke 
 of York, as to conclude that Anarchy, Con- 
 fufion, and -Defpotilm, are the certain accom- 
 panyments of French Principles of Liberty, and 
 will always be exercifed by the Convention. 
 
 . Having now mtwn the ihconfiftency with 
 which Mr. Young would build up his " Warn- 
 " ing" againft peribnalReprefentation, by which 
 he always means Reform, having allb fhewrt 
 that the French Revolution, and the calamities 
 afflicting that country, did not arife from per- 
 fonal Reprefentation, which has neither had 
 time nor opportunity to operate there ; and that 
 therefore the tranfaclions in France have- no 
 analogy whatever with Parliamentary Reform 
 
 O- 
 
 in this kingdom ; I (hall, for a while quit French 
 affairs to examine what Mr. Young fays, of the 
 Britim Conftitution, and particularly of the 
 Houfe of Commons. 
 
 " But" (fays he, p. 92) " rhe Houfc of 
 *' Commons are corrupted and bribed. And 
 " if the nature of fuch an AiTemblv demands 
 " to be corrupted in order to purfue the public 
 *' good., who but a Vifiouarv can wim to-re- 
 *.' move Corruption ?" Mufc not an AfTembly, 
 conftituted for the public good, be of a mod 
 detcjtabie nature, if it demands to. be bribed 
 in order to difcharge its duty ? Again, " In- 
 " fluence, or, as Reformers call it, Corrup- 
 H 2
 
 ( 5* ) 
 
 " tion, is the oil which makes the machine of 
 64 Government go well." And p. 171. " Ex- 
 
 " TRAVAGANT COURTS, SELFISH MINISTERS, 
 
 " and CORRUPT MAJORITIES, are fo 
 
 " intimately interwoven with our practical 
 " Freedom, that it would require better poll- 
 " tical Anatomifls, than our modern Reformers, 
 " to fhew, on fact, that we did not owe our 
 '* Liberty to the identical Evils which they 
 " want to expunge." Could the whole Na- 
 tional Convention more groislv Libel the King, 
 the Minifters, and the Parliament, of this Coun- 
 trv : Surelv, Mr. Young; muft have known, that 
 
 * - ' CT* 
 
 he was writing the moft bitter and dangerous 
 
 O ' O 
 
 fatire on our Government, when he faid, that 
 extravagant Courts, Selfim Minifters, and Cor- 
 rubt Majorities, were intimately interwoven 
 with our Freedom, and yet aiTert, that this is 
 *' that glorious Confutation which is the inhc- 
 " ritance and pride of Britons !" I appeal to 
 every candid man whether the friends to the 
 Liberty of the Prets, or Mr. Young, feem moffe- 
 difpofed " to publifli the Corruptions of the 
 c * ConftitlUion, in other words, to write it 
 " down, (vide p. 163.) 
 
 In anfwering this frontlefs avowal of Corrup- 
 tion, I muftiiippoie the Houfe of Commons com- 
 poied or either good or bad men. If they are 
 the former, and are iurTered to exercife their 
 own difcretion, they will purlue the public wel- 
 fare without Corrxiption, un lei's it is preliimed 
 thev cannot iee it u'ithout the explanation of a 
 Bank Note. If they are bad men, they will be 
 bribed to do evil as readily as good. It mav in- 
 deed be faid, that influence is often neceflary to 
 
 make
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 make a virtuous man do a virtuous action ; and 
 that is true : For, although a virtuous man will 
 aft virtuouflv when he does aft, yet there are 
 occafions where he is not called upon by duty 
 to aft at all : But on the contrary, a Member 
 of Parliament is in duty bound to aft, to take 
 either one fide or another ; and if he is a eood 
 
 O 
 
 man, he will aft for the beft, according to his 
 conference, without either Corruption or Influ- 
 ence. It is an abfurdity to lay, that a man can 
 be corrupted to aft mrtuoujly ; becaufe if he 
 afts from a corrupt motive, he is equally vicious 
 whether the aftion be good or bad, and will not 
 much contider whether he does rio-ht or wrong, 
 
 o o* 
 
 while his primary objeft, Corruption, is ob- 
 tained. The fame reaibning will apply to the 
 afTertion, that " a man may be bribed to aft 
 " wifely ;" unlefs the man is fuppofed to be a 
 fool. Nor do I understand how a man can be 
 influenced to do good, for, in a cafe, like that 
 of the Houfe of Commons, where he miiji aft, 
 he muft be predifpofed to do evil before he can 
 be influenced to do good, and confequently he 
 mufl be a bad man : And all the arguments in 
 favour of Influence, do, in faft, go to prove, that 
 the Members ot the Houfe of Commons, are 
 traitors to the State, who would ruin it if they 
 were not influenced to the contrary. As Mr. 
 Young has quoted Dr. Johnlbn's definition of 
 " Principle" I will take what the fame author 
 lavs of" To Influence" which is, " to modify 
 " to any purpofe." If Influence, therefore, 
 can modify to any purpofe, (which it certainly 
 can, or elle it is no longer Influence ;) and if our 
 Houfe of Commons is ? as Mr. Young aiTerts, 
 
 directed
 
 i 51 ) 
 
 directed by Influence, then it is the mere crea- 
 ture of the Executive Power which poflefies 
 that Influence ; and it is a miftake to fuppofe 
 that it makes laws, or does either a good or a 
 bad action : It is the King's Minifters, who, 
 holding the Influence that directs it, ought to 
 bv wholly blamed or thanked for whatever it 
 does ; becaufe, they may influence it to the moft 
 wicked, as well as the moft wile mealures ; and 
 it would be better, if the " Monfter," as Mr. 
 Young calls it, were annihilated, for then 
 morality would not be wounded ; Government 
 would be carried on at a lefs expence, and with 
 more eafe and vigour ; and Minifters would be 
 much more refponfjble for their conduct. 
 
 But while I maintain influencing or corrupt- 
 ing the Reprefentative Body by the Executive 
 Power (which in this country, is not, I hope, 
 the cafe, notwithitanding Mr. Young's aiTer- 
 tions) to be the moft pernicious of all Policy, 
 and the blackeft of all Treafon ; I am far from 
 maintaining that Members of Parliament mould 
 not be rewarded for their trouble : On the 
 contrary, I think they mould be openly paid a 
 regular, ample ftipend ; but it mould be paid 
 merely as a reward for their trouble, and not as 
 an equivalent for their honefry ; they mould 
 publicly receive a certain fum, and not fecretly 
 take a recompence which they are amamed to 
 own. If it were the cuftom, that our AmbafTa- 
 dors mould receive no pay from our own Go- 
 vernment, and were permitted to take as much 
 as they could procure from the Courts to which 
 they were lent, cr.n it be doubted that they 
 would iacrifice our intcrcft for that of thole 
 
 from"
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 from whom they expected a reward ? In like 
 manner, it would be folly to fuppofe that a Par- 
 liament pennoned by the Government, would 
 guard the interefts of the people againft the 
 Government. 
 
 1 am at a lofs to conceive how the Corrup- 
 tion of the Houfe of Commons can be deemed 
 the caufe of our profperity and happinefs, nor 
 have I ever feen any fa6t produced tending to 
 prove it. It is aflerted, that we are profperous 
 and happy, and admitted that Corruption does 
 exiir. ; and, therefore, it is inferred, becaule 
 Corruption is a part of the fyftem which makes 
 us profperous and happy, that it is the caufe of 
 our profperity and happinefs. But nothing can, 
 I think, be more falie than this inference : It 
 might as juftly be inferred, that a mixture of 
 weeds, among the corn, is the caufe of a plentiful 
 harveft ; that the drofs mixed in the ore with 
 gold and lilver, is the caufe of their value ; or 
 that infects and locufts are the caufe of a luxu- 
 riant herbage. Would a tradefman afcribe his 
 accumulation of wealth to the pilfering of his 
 till by his fhopman ? Corruption may, indeed, 
 be a part of a fyftem, good upon the whole ; 
 but it is a bad part, and ought to be removed. 
 It is not to Corruption we are to attribute our 
 profperity and happinefs, but to the fpirit and 
 induftry of the people. 
 
 I ihall now conlider the quefrion of Reform 
 under four diftincl: heads, and in doing ib, (hall 
 aim at brevity, and endeavour, as much as poili- 
 ble, to avoid a repetition of the many arguments 
 which have been advanced in favour of it. I 
 ihall examine 
 
 The,
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 The ncceilitv of Reforming the Houfe of 
 
 J O 
 
 Commons. 
 
 How far a Reform can be made in confor- 
 mity with the fpirit, principles, and practice, of 
 the Conftitution. 
 
 The time for makinsr a Reform. 
 
 O 
 
 What the nature of the Reform fliould be. 
 
 Of the NECESSITY of Reform, the removal 
 of Mr. Yovaigitjal'ut&ry Corruption, is, the 
 ftrongefl proof; for Corruption, if pra&ifed, 
 mull deftrov the whole original defign of the 
 
 j t ' O 
 
 Houfe of Commons, which, even according to 
 to himfelf, was to advife the King in important 
 matters of State. Now, as advice does not 
 mean affent, but muft often be contrary to the 
 opinions and wifhes of thofe who aik it ; and as 
 it is well known, that the King cannot act con- 
 trary to the advice of his Commons, it is, in fact, a 
 controul, a command. If, therefore, Corruption or 
 Influence makes them advile the Kino; to what- 
 
 O 
 
 ever he recommends, their controul is loft, and the 
 King is as abfolute as the Emprefs of Ruifia, fo 
 long as he poiTefTes the means to influence. " If 
 " Courts can be perfidious, you are to fuppofe 
 " they will be fo ; and if you have not Ib pro- 
 " vided as to turn that perfidy to the benefit of 
 " the people, you confefs at once, that your 
 " Conftitution is viiionary," fays Mr. Young 
 (p. 68,) If fo, what proviiion is there againli 
 the perfidy of the Britifh Court, while it diclates 
 to Parliament by its Influence ? With Corrup- 
 tion and Influence, then, our Houfe of Com- 
 mons muft be an illufion, and a dangerous 
 illuiion ; becaufe, it is not refponfible, and takes 
 off all refponfibility from the Crown. It muft
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 |ive a falfe appearance of fanction, and bind the* 
 people to whatever the Crown propofes, and 
 pays for with the money taken from the people : 
 It would be as if a Court of Law were to 
 grant to a highwayman a licenfe to rob, upon 
 condition that he paid into it a part of his plun- 
 der. With Corruption, our Hoiife of Com- 
 moris, would be both ufelefs and EXPEN- 
 SIVE ; but I am far, very far from believing* it 
 js governed by Corruption, and I think it my 
 duty here to remark, on the fharrielefs effrontery 
 of Mr. Reeves, in thanking Mr. Young for 
 
 o O 
 
 aiierting, that we are governed by extrava- 
 gant Courts, ielfifli Miniiters, and corrupt Ma- 
 jorities (vide p. 171.) and alfo, to exprcfs my 
 furprife, that the Houfe of Commons has not 
 addreffed the King, or that the Attorney General 
 has not been commanded to profecute in his 
 book, that which in Mr Home Took's petition, 
 respecting the Weftminfter Election, was, by 
 &11 parties, deemed the moft grots and fcan- 
 dalous libel that ever came before them. 
 
 Mr. Young afierts, and, indeed, it is the 
 common doctrine of all thole who coincide 
 with him in opinion, that the Houle of Com- 
 mons was always deiigned to reprefent, not the 
 people at large, but the people of property, in the 
 'kingdom. Admitting: this to be a fact, let its 
 
 O <-5 
 
 fee how far its preient irate agrees with the 
 deiign. Are the paupers of Stockbridge, Barn- 
 ilablej Seaford, all the boroughs in Cornwall, 
 and a majority of the boroughs in the kingdom, 
 the men of property ? Why are the wealthy 
 Inhabitants of St. Mary-le-bonne, and other 
 parishes in London, who in point of property,
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 are able t'o buy the electors of a majority of 
 the Houfe of Commons, excluded from lend* 
 ing Representatives ? Why are the wealthy 
 Merchants and Manufacturers of Manchefter* 
 Sheffield, Birmingham, and even of London, 
 denied their right of voting ? But, it will pro- 
 bably be faid, a rich and commercial man, may, 
 at the expence of five thouiands pounds, procure 
 a feat in Parliament, if he defires it, and this 
 fhews the utility of the rotten boroughs, and 
 proves that property, predominates in the 
 Houfe of Commons : To this I aik, will a com- 
 mercial, or an}- other man, lay out five thoufand 
 pounds without the profpedt of a return ? If we 
 fee a rich avaricious man, expending immenfe 
 fums, to obtain the influence over a borough, 
 we cannot miftake his object ; it muft be with 
 him an adventure, a fpeculation, which he hopes', 
 will, in one way or another, return a propor- 
 tionate profit. And the mifchief is, that the 
 traffic may not be merely confined to Britim 
 fubjects, but may, by foreign Princes, be Coil- 
 Verted into the means of ruling our Councils, 
 and ruining us as a nation ; for, if Mr. Pitt fpoke 
 truly, when he declared, " it was notorious 
 *' that the Nabob of Arcot had fifteen Mem- 
 t bers in that Houfe, and that they did not act 
 44 upon an identity of intered: with the people/* 
 why may not any other Prince lend in his mem- 
 bers, and by expending a million ilerlin^;, take 
 the money otit of Englilhmen's pockets, and 
 force them to fight his "battles ? If it be laid,, 
 though the Electors are poor, the Reprelen- 
 tatives are wealthy, I anlwer, that we not only 
 find beggarly borough^ but needy members 
 
 littino- 
 

 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 fitting for them. And as to " the property of 
 the kingdom being in the hands of the mem' 
 " bers *," I will afk where is the property 
 (divefled of their places and penfions, and other 
 political emoluments) of MefT. Pitt, Dundas, 
 Jenkinfon, Long, Rofe, Steele, Addingtonj 
 and Burke ? Thefe are the leading men in Par- 
 liament, yet, according to Mr. Young's argu- 
 ment, they muft lead to mifchief, becaule they 
 have little or no property. Look at the oppo- 
 iition : See, (according to Mr. Yonng*s ar 
 .-^gument again) what ample fecnrity we have 
 that they will act for the public good, becaule 
 they have large pofYeffions. MefT. Grey, Whit- 
 bread, Lambton, Byng, Wharton, M. A. 
 Taylor, Baker, Lord Wycombe, &c. &c. 
 either poffefs, or are immediate heirs, to large 
 eftates ; and MefT. Erikine and Sheridan are of 
 all others, interefted in the peace and profperity 
 of the country, as their lucrative incomes from 
 the bar and the theatre, would be the firfl 
 fpecies of property ' likely to fuffer from a con- 
 vulfion. Go up to the Houle of Peers, and 
 fearch for the property (places and Penfions ex- 
 cepted) of Lords Grenville, Hawkebury, Chat- 
 ham, Auckland, . and Loughborough. Com- 
 pare the leaders of adminiftration and oppofition 
 throughout, and it will be found, that the for- 
 mer are poor, and the latter are wealthy ; *- 
 Nay, take the aggregate of the number, 
 and fortunes of " the Jacobin Society . of the 
 " Friends of the People," and compare them 
 With the Houfe of Commons, (places and pen- 
 Young p. 84
 
 {ions excepted) and they will, perhaps, be found 
 to be as wealthy and relpectable, as that pure 
 body. If, as Mr. Young afferts, property 
 were to be the foundation of our confidence iq 
 public men, there would inftantly be a change 
 in adminiftration, and a Reform of Parliament. 
 I therefore deny, that in the conftruction of the 
 Houie of Commons, there is any operating 
 principle or controul, which fecures the pro- 
 tection of property, more than there is among 
 a club of frock-brokers, whole primary object 
 
 alwavs is their own immediate advantage, whether 
 * - w * 
 
 it be connected with the welfare of the nation* 
 or not. Hence, ifweare to be guided, by what 
 Mr. Young affirms, of the Houie of Commons, 
 that it is a Reprefentaiion of property, a Re- 
 form becomes as indilpenfible as upon any -other 
 principle. What, though ibme members are . 
 men of propertv, they may content to invade 
 the polTefiions of the rich in general, becaufe 
 they may receive a private compenlation that 
 will not only reimhurk their own pertbnal lols, 
 but plentifully reward them for betraying the 
 interefts of men of property at large, who 
 have no more controul over them, than the 
 Swiniih multitude of Manchefter and Birming- 
 ham. Diftribute ihe elective franchife, equally 
 among men of propertv, and I am content, be- 
 caule 1 believe luch a difcributiou would render 
 the* Houie of Commons independent of the 
 Government, which is the true object of any 
 Reform. 
 
 It may, perhaps, be laid, our Cpnftitution, 
 originally, recognized only as men of property 
 the owners of lauded eilates ; that they all now
 
 have votes, and therefore the ancient fp'irit is 
 preferved. Without enquiring into the abufes 
 of County Elections, or fhewing the futility of 
 the expectation, that eighty county members, 
 could fecure us againft four hundred and 
 feventy-eight from cities and rotten boroughs, 
 I mall content mvfelf at prefent with aflertinor 
 
 , .' . . '. O~ 
 
 (hat toe ancient fpirit, principles, and" Praftice,* 
 of the Conftitution, recognized as men, who 
 had a right to be confulted in the National 
 Councils, all who were of CONSIDERATION, 
 whether by Landed Property, as at firft was 
 the cafe, or by Manufactures or Commerce, 
 which afterwards occafioned Citizens and Bur- 
 gefTes to be called toParliament, and which now are 
 of much more importance to the kingdom than 
 all its land. I fhall fhew this more fully when 
 I confider how far a Reform can be conftitu- 
 tionally made. At prefent, I mall only aflert, 
 that according to the original principles, and 
 practice, of the Conftitution, and according to 
 Mr. Young's definition of what the Houfe of 
 Commons w, (a Reprefentation, not of Per- 
 fons, but of Property), a Reform is abfolutely 
 necefTary, becaufe it neither agrees with what 
 it originally was, and now ought to be, nor 
 with his defcription of it ; for Property is not 
 even fb much reprefented in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons as Perfons. 
 
 Such, upon the principles of the Anti-Re- 
 formers, is the necerlity of reforming Parlia- 
 ment ; and if the practical evils arifing from 
 the defective Reprefentation are confidered, 
 they will be found ftill more urgent in favour 
 of that meafure. It is, I believe, univerfally 
 
 admitted
 
 admitted, that the profperity of this country has 
 arifen from the fuperior portion of Freedom 
 enjoyed by its inhabitants, above thofe of the 
 fiu rounding nations: If that be the cafe, the 
 continuance of our profperity mutt depend on 
 the continuance of our Freedom ; and, if we 
 find the Houfe of Commons eafily agreeing to 
 narrow the latter, we cannot expect th^t the 
 former will have a very long exigence. The 
 ready acquiefcence to laying on additional bur- 
 thens ; the profufion of the public money, and 
 the invariable, enormous accumulation of debt, 
 demonftrate the certainty, that at fome time, 
 we mufl reach the fummit of the borrowing 
 
 O 
 
 iyftem : And even before this natural death of 
 our public credit, the flames of fome unnecef- 
 lary War may melt the waxen wings, on 
 \vhich, like Icarus, we have towered to fuch 
 an unnatural heio;hth. But what is more imme- 
 
 O 
 
 diately alarming, the moft arbitrary laws are 
 found neceflary, and are enacted, to enflire the 
 collection of the Revenue : Thofe Laws are de- 
 ftructi\ ) 'e of Freedom, and confequently muft 
 deftroy our profperity, for they openly and 
 unequivocally invade our Liberties, and tend 
 gradually to abolifh and totally to annihilate 
 them. The Right of an Englifhman to a Trial 
 by a Jury of his equals, has long been efteemed 
 the deareft he poffefTes ; but this, in certain 
 cafes, which, with the increafe of our debt, 
 are annually accumulating, is compleatly abo^ 
 JifTied. It is not that juftice is done between 
 man and man that constitutes Liberty, fo much 
 as that juflice is done between the Government 
 and the People. In the molt arbitrary and ty- 
 rannical
 
 rannical Monarchies, flrift juftice is generally 
 adminiftered between individuals ; nay, it h 
 more eafy to be obtained, perhaps, than in Bri- 
 tain, becaufe the ex'pence is leis. All men aft? 
 juftly, unlefs they have an intereft in acting 
 other wife : Defpots, therefore, can have no 
 interefts in deciding partially between indivi- 
 iluajs : On the contrary, they will be eager ta 
 do rigid juftice, in order to palliate their own 
 robberies. Of what importance, then, is it, 
 that we have Juries to try actions between John 
 and William ? Thefe might be as fairly decided, 
 if there were no other Jury than the twelve, 
 or four Judges. It is in cafes between the 
 Crown and People that injuiHce is to be guarded 
 againfh Yet, we find Parliament yearly fanc- 
 tioning in the Excife, Stamp, and other Re- 
 venue Laws, the gradual Abolition of the Trial 
 by Jury ; becaufe, according to the late Earl of 
 Chatham and Sir George Saville, their Corrup- 
 tion involved us in the American War, which 
 brought a debt of an hundred Millions on our 
 heads ; and, according to Mr. Young, they are 
 now to add another hundred to dcftroy a com- 
 bination of Reformers ; i. e. to preferve to Lords 
 Camelford and Egremont the privilege of fend- 
 ing Members to Parliament for the Sheep Cots 
 of old Sarum, and the Stones of Midhurft ! 
 And to preferve " Extravagant Courts, Seirifh 
 " Minifters, and Corrupt Majorities ! ! !'* 
 (vide p. i / i.) 
 
 The oppreffive operation of thofe Revenue; 
 Laws, particularly of the Excife, has often beea 
 ably demonftrated. During the prefent Admi- 
 iiiflration, they have been eagerly extended. 
 
 What
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 What can be more vexatious than tt&JE the 
 Stamp Office mould keep in its pay Informers, 
 \vho, before they will be fuch, muft have loft 
 all fenfe of fhame or honefty ; who muft have 
 abandoned all hopes of ever being refpectable 
 in fociety, and who, confequently, muft hate, 
 and become the enemies of mankind, becaufe 
 they know mankind delpiie and deteft them ? 
 What can be more vexatious or deftructtve of 
 Freedom, than that one of thefe reptiles may 
 go into a tradefman's mop, purchale a pair of 
 gloves, and by quirk or perjury, (for the oath 
 of fuch a milcreant, is iufficient, and is taken 
 in preference to that of the moll refpedtable 
 tradefman) fine the vender in ten guineas, half 
 of which goes to himielf? Is this tried by a 
 Jury ? No. Who tries it ? A Magiftrate, or 
 two, appointed by, and receiving a falary, from 
 the proiecutor, (the Government ;) it is tried 
 by men who fubiift on the fund to which the 
 other half of the penalty is carried, and who, 
 therefore, in a certain degree, have a common 
 intereft with the Informer. For additional in- 
 frances of this kind, befides the Excife, Farm- 
 ing of Taxes, &c. confult the Hatters, Per- 
 fumers, and many other Shopkeepers* Libertv, 
 which animates the induflry and enterprize of 
 the people, and is univerfally allowed to have 
 been the caule of our prosperity, can no more 
 exiir. under a continual extenfioh of thefe laws, 
 than ice in a furnace ; and when once the caule 
 is removed, the efteft will not long remain. 
 Whether the Houlc of Commons, as at prelent 
 conftituted, is likelv to encreafe or diminish th 
 debt, which gives birth to thefe proceedings, is 
 
 obvious.
 
 ( 65 ) 
 
 obvious. Here I will not take theory, but Mr. 
 Young's favourite " Pra&ice," and according 
 to practice, our debt will rapidly increafe, and 
 our Freedom as rapidly vanifh. Spain, was 
 once the moft powerful, becaufe the mod free 
 nation in Europe : Her Cortes refembled our 
 Parliament, but were, perhaps, much more 
 pure. Corruption, indolence, pride, and cp- 
 preilion*, ftole into her government, from 
 whence they were imbibed by her Nobles, and 
 her People : Her Freedom, of courfe, gradually 
 difappeared, until its bare remembrance was 
 loft ; and behold now, how wretched are her 
 inhabitants ; how insignificant as a nation ! 
 
 Beiides, the ready acquiefcence to Taxes, 
 and to the arbitrary Laws found necefiary to 
 exacl: them ; there are other circumftances, not 
 lefs urgent in favour of Parliamentary Reform. 
 Why were not the violators of the Conftitutioii 
 in the cafe of the Middleiex Election punifhed ? 
 Why was Lord Mansfield permitted to imprifon 
 Bingley two years againfr, the Law ? Why were 
 Minifters allowed to continue .the American 
 War without the madow of ability,' or a hope 
 of fuccefs, during ieveral years, after the na- 
 tion difapproved of it ? Or what is more recent, 
 why WPS not an inquiry granted into the con- 
 duel: of Mr. Role, in the Weflminfier Elec- 
 
 * The moft deteftable means of her opprefTion, was, the 
 Inquifition, which has been long proverbially execrated by 
 every honeft Briton ; yet, Mr. Young fays, were he a Spa- 
 nifh Minifter, he would not abolifh it ! Probably, he wifhes 
 to introduce it into Kn gland, and to place it under the di- 
 rection of Mr. Reeves, than vvhom not a more fit Director 
 could be found. 
 
 K tioii ?
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 tion ? Why have the chief agitators of the Man- 
 chefter, Mount-ftreet, and Birmingham Riots 
 efcaped juftice ? To thefe queries, Mr. Young, 
 will, perhaps, anfwer,, " Why! Becaufe, all 
 " thole meafures were only oiling the machinery 
 " of Government, to make it go fmoothly ; 
 " they were only ibme of the oil of Influence, 
 " which is Corruption, in the eves of Re- 
 *' formers.'* 
 
 It is not neceffary to enumerate the penfi 
 ino- of Masnftrates, building; of Barracks, and a 
 
 O O ' 
 
 thouiand other fimilar inirances, in order to 
 convince every unprejudiced mind, towards 
 what centre the whole tranfactions of Parlia- 
 ment sravitate ; nor micfht it be late to animad- 
 
 O O 
 
 vert on them freely, Let thole, who del! re a 
 more perfect illuftration, read the late Hiftory 
 of this Country, and particularly of the prelent 
 Minifters, where they may collect a fufficient 
 number to fill a volume. Shew me one in- 
 ftance, during the boafted admin iftration of the 
 laft ten years, in which the Houfe of Commons 
 has fupported the interefts of the People, and 
 of juftice, ii; opposition to the vviihes of the 
 Crown ? If it can be (hewn, that, upon one or- 
 two marked occaiions, it has done this, then, I 
 may think, its mifconducl rather the effect of 
 error, than of criminal acquiefcence : But if 
 this cannot be fhewn, then I mufl either con,- 
 clude, our preient Governors to be the wiieft 
 that ever edified in the world, iince they have 
 .not erred once in ten years, or that Parliament 
 is fca iervile as never to thwart them. , In the 
 cafe of the late Ruffian Armament, the Houfe, 
 of Commons, ha^-ing no iympathy of fenti- 
 
 menfe
 
 Inent with the nation, voted, according to tne 
 Wifhes of the minifters, fint for, and theil 
 agaihft, a meafure. What was the confeqnence 
 of this ? They were proved to have acted con-* 
 trary, and the'IVliniiter afterwards to have acted 
 in conformity, to the will of the people. By 
 this means all the public efleem waa transferred 
 to Mr. Pitt, which would have fallen to the 
 Reprefentatives of the people, if they had done 
 their duty.' Our Premier, in this way, has art- 
 fully gained all his popularity ; for, while he 
 affects to defpife the will of the people, he, 
 rather than hazard his fituatiott, obeys it on all 
 dangerous occaiions. And, as in the Ruffian 
 Armament,, he robbed the Houfe of Commons, 
 fo in the prefent War, he robbed the Crown of 
 the public affection ; for, when the calamities it 
 brought on were daily rendering it more unpo- 
 pular, his friends induilrioufly circulated a re- 
 port, that it was then continued quite againft 
 his inclination, but that higher powers 
 (meaning .the King and his friends) would have 
 it fo. By this means, his popularity was at 
 once preferved, both among thofe who wilhed 
 to terminate, and thofe who wilhed to continue 
 the War. It has hitherto been the practice, 
 that when any Aft of Grace was to be done, 
 the King, by being made the mfirument in per- 
 forming it, mould reap all the advantage anting 
 from the national gratitude : Mr. Pitt, however, 
 has reverfed this cuftom ; and when any odious 
 meafure is to take place, the Crown is made not 
 only the agent, but the parent of it, while his 
 friends exculpate him, by fliruggs, and hints of 
 regret, at the neceflity of fubmitting. Thus we 
 
 K 2
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 find him at once robbing both the King and 
 'Commons of the public efteem and gratitude, 
 and throwing all that is unfortunate or ob- 
 noxious to their charge : He puts himfelf where 
 the Monarch formerly flood ; becomes the dif- 
 penter of every thing that is gracious, and by 
 this artful unconftitutional conduct, concentrates 
 in his per foil all that is to be admired and be- 
 loved, either in the 'executive or legifktive 
 
 O 
 
 power, and filches a popularity, not more un- 
 natural, than formidable and alarming. 
 
 Notwithstanding the contumely with which 
 
 O * 
 
 the will of the people, calmly exprelled in an 
 aiTembly of Delegates, is treated by the Anti- 
 Reformers, yet they often jnftify their own con- 
 duel; on that very will which they affect to con- 
 demn : If it is laid, a Parliamentary Reform is 
 neceiTary, in order to afcertain the will of the 
 people in a peaceable conilitutional manner, 
 thev anfwer, Parliament oneht not to be guided 
 
 j O O 
 
 by the will of the people, and therefore a 
 Reform is needlefs : But throw the blame of 
 the American War on Parliament, and they 
 ihifr their ground, they change fides, and boali 
 that it was popular. Theyjuirify themielves in 
 commencing the American War, on the will 
 of the people, and yet they deny that the will 
 of the people mould be their guide ! It is ne- 
 cefiary this fhould be decided ; Either let the 
 will of the people, or the will of Parliament, 
 lince they are to be diftinA things, be the rule 
 of action. If the will of Parliament is to be 
 the rule, then the blame of the American War 
 attaches to them alone, snd jiiilifies a Reform, 
 in order to prevent . ai^ther tiich evil : If the 
 
 will
 
 ( 69 ) 
 
 will of the people is to be the rule, then, as the 
 Houieof Commons voted dir. ,-iinit it, in 
 
 the cafe of the Rufen Armament, that Arma- 
 ment juftihes a Reform alto. ' 
 
 But it will not be improper to enquire a little 
 into the nature of the Will of the People. I 
 examination, it will be found to be of two very 
 diltincl: kinds, the one originating with them- 
 
 CJ w. 
 
 ielves, their own pure offspring, the other, a 
 courtly baftard. A clear initance of the latter 
 may be found in the fate of Mr. Fox's 1 
 India Bill, which patted the Houfe of Com- 
 mons without a murmur among; the people, and 
 was even approved, till the iecret advuers of 
 the Crown railed an alarm about charters, and 
 iucceeded, in ilimulating the public, to exprels 
 the ftrongeft disapprobation of the meaiure. 
 The popularity of the American War was allb 
 hatched in the Cabinet. The national indigna- 
 tion was infidioufly roufed, by holding up the 
 refufal of the Americans to pay taxes, like our- 
 felves, while the true caule of the quarrel, the 
 queftion of Reprefentation, was kept in the 
 background, or, if ftarted, was antwered, by 
 the abules in our own ; by inftancing Man- 
 chefter, Birmingham, &:c. by the deformity 
 of the Britifh Houfe of Comm. t!u- Ame- 
 
 rican War juftihed, and therefore, liad a Reform 
 taken place twenty rears ago, one chief iophit- 
 tical pretext of that unhappy War, had nor 
 ifted. It is likewile a courtly popularity, which 
 has fan&ioned the prelent" V\'ar. Proclama- 
 tions, camps, and addrefTcs, \ ."-t rega 
 with indifference ; Mr. Pentioner Reeves, from 
 the Court, founded the trumpet of alarm, and 
 
 was
 
 Was echoed by the whole kingdom ; thus a po-* 
 |>ularity, originating in the Cabinet, was given 
 to the War, which I call a courtly baltard po- 
 pularitv. But how was the American War 
 Sopped, or a War with RurTia prevented ? 
 Not by an expreflion of the public will, created 
 in, and directed by the Cabinet, but by an ex- 
 prerfion of the public will, emanating purely 
 from the people themfelves, and in direct: oppo-- 
 'fition to the wiflies of the Cabinet. On thefe 
 occafions, the people could not be duped ; and 
 I think the will of the people, that {auctioned 
 in its commencement, and the will of the peo^ 
 pie that brought to a conclufion, the \merican 
 War, were as different in their nature as in their 
 object. ' Minifters will always be attempting to 
 create thefe baflard courtly wills, for their own 
 felfifh purposes, to the injury of the nation ; it 
 is the duty of the Houfe of Commons to detect 
 and expofe them, and to guard the people from 
 being duped into ruin ; but, inftead of this, we 
 find the Houfe of Commons generally the chief 
 instrument in promoting the delufion : in the 
 Ruffian Armament they were notorioonfly fo. And 
 therefore, to make them more careful of the 
 interefts of the people : to unmafk, rather than 
 cover the courtly defigns, a Reform has become 
 iiecefrarv. 
 
 Thefe two different wills of the people were 
 to be traced in the fentiments and conduct of 
 the Alarmifts and Anti-Reformers laft winter. 
 They exulted in the univerfal loyalty of the 
 country, in the general affection of the people 
 for the Confutation, and in their concurrence 
 in the meaiures of government ; they exulted 
 
 In
 
 in the courtly will of the people. But when 
 the queftlon of Reform was ilarted they depre- 
 cated the will of the people as the mother of 
 every calamity. If the War was confidered, 
 they vaunted that the will of the people was 
 in its favour; if Reform was confidered, they 
 reprobated the will of the people as the moft 
 mifchievous of all guides. Was it ever boafted, 
 or given as an argument in fupport, of a meat 
 iure, that the will ot the people was againft 
 it ? No.- Is not the reverfe almoft always the 
 cafe ? Yes. Is not this proof of the heceffity 
 of knowing the will of the people, and con- 
 fequently of Reform ? Did not thofe who 
 boaited the general approbation of the War, and 
 the meafures of government, and thereby ap- 
 plaud the Will of the people, in fact confefs 
 the neceffity of Reform ? Nay, a more im- 
 'portant,confeffion is to be found in the defcrip- 
 tion the Houfe of Commons gives of itfelf. Iri 
 impeachments, fuch as that now carrying on 
 againft Mr. Raftings, they profecute in the 
 name of ALL the Commons of Great Britain. 
 Thus they themfelves own, they ought to be 
 elected by univerfal furFrage ; for to act in the 
 name of all, without confulting, or even of be- 
 ing capable of knowing the will of the Ma- 
 jority, appears to be inconiiflent with common 
 fenfe. And of this Mr. Young feems aware, 
 when he ailerts, (p. 90,) that the Houfe cf 
 Commons are not the Reprefentatives of the 
 People, and ought not to be fo called. Yet, it 
 was for this very fame alTertion, that the Shef- 
 field and Nottingham petitions for Reform were 
 rejected lail feffion of Parliament, and even 
 
 deemet]
 
 ( r- ) 
 
 deemed libellous ! Is it not, therefore, extraor- 
 dinary, that Mr. Reeves fhould recommend 
 bojk, containing the fame afieitions, which the 
 Houfe of Commons deemed a libel, when con- 
 tained in a petition ? And is it not frill more ex- 
 traordinary, that the very men, who bellowed 
 fo much about the dignity of the Houfe being 
 infulted by thofe petitions, mould reward Mr. 
 Young with a place, for writing that, which, In 
 St. Stephen's Chapel, they affected to condemn ! 
 The addrefles, affbciations, and general ap- 
 probation of them, I contider to be direct con- 
 feffioiis, of the necefllty of Reform, becaufe they 
 are confefiions of the utility of knowing the 
 will of the people. The Houfe of Commons 
 was inflituted for collecting and exprefimg that 
 will, and ought flill to do it ; a Houfe of Com- 
 mons purely elected, being the qnly Conftitutinal 
 mouth-piece of the people. For the government, 
 therefore, to feek the fenfe of the country, in 
 addrefles and aflbciations, and to pretend to be 
 guided by the public will, when collected in 
 that partial irregular manner, is, I think, highly 
 imconftitutional, and a mod dangerous innova- 
 tion, tending to fuperfede the ufe of the Houfe 
 of Commons altogether. Nor, are or affiliated 
 locieties, lets eager to embark in all fuch mea- . 
 fures, than government are to encourage them. 
 Acting in conformity to the fpirit which firfl 
 animated them, they frill imitate the French ; 
 for, as the Convention decreed, on the 22d of 
 November 1793, that no prieft mould receive 
 his penfion without producing a certificate of 
 bis having paid contributions of civilm ; fo they 
 have let on foot civil contributions for flannel 
 
 waiftcoats
 
 ( i*/^ 
 
 v /j y 
 
 waiftcoats, in all the public offices, to which 
 thole clerks, who did not iubfcribe, may fee 
 rcafon to believe, that they will be coniidered 
 as fufpeElcd per fans * and may even lofe their 
 places. The Archduke Charles has alfo pub- 
 lifhecl a proclamation, foliciting patriotic gifts, 
 and voluntary contributions, from all wcli dif-. 
 pofed perfons, in the Netherlands, for the fup- 
 port of the War. Thus we hud, not only the 
 Englifh affiliated focieties, but the German 
 Government, imitating; the French mode of 
 raifing the fupplies, and it may foon be as dan- 
 gerous for a man in Britain, as for a prieil in 
 France, to be without a certificate of his hav- 
 ing made contributions of eiviim. 
 
 But, in coniidering how far our affiliated 
 focieties, affociated for the purpofe of protecting 
 the Coriftitution, are themfelves deftroving; it, 
 
 ^ O * 
 
 we mallard, that add relies are not only con- 
 trary to the fpirit of the ConfHtution, as they 
 prefume to fpeak the voice of the people, which 
 can neither legally, nor fairly be done, unlefs 
 in the Houfe of Commons ; but that thofe fo- 
 cieties, in attempting to raife the fupplies, have 
 taken the actual, and moft important part of 
 'the buimefs of the Houfe of Commons into their 
 own hands, and if they fucceed in their deiign, 
 will render Parliaments totally uielels. 
 
 The civic 'contributions for flannel waift- 
 coats, were firfl begun in Edinburgh, after- 
 wards in Windfor, and then the project was 
 taken up in London, by a perfon notoriously in 
 the pay * of Government, and in the confidence 
 
 L of 
 
 * Befides having a {hare in the property of the newfpaper, 
 the sun, it is confidently laid, he is ajlowed 6ocl. per
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 of perfons *, high in office, with whom he 
 daily communicates. A public meeting was 
 next called, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, 
 "where one of Mr. Reeves's committee, Mr. 
 Devaynes, was appointed perpetual Prefiduit, 
 snd they refoived themielves into a fociety for 
 levying contributions of flannel waiftcoats, and 
 money for purchasing them. The Common 
 C nincil of the Citv of London, following their 
 
 o 
 
 nple, not only voted fupplies as a bodv, but 
 mated each of their members, tax gather- 
 ers, collectors of voluntary contributions in 
 their refpective lections ; and Air. Serjeant 
 Wation, in St. Andrew's, Holborn, opens his 
 budget, with a poll-tax of five millings per 
 head ! It may, indeed, be faid, that thefe pro- 
 ceedings, though not flriclly conftitutional, are 
 of fo little importance, that they do not deferve 
 the notice of Government ; that the fums or 
 clothes collected are fo trifling, compared with 
 the necefiities of the ftate, that they never can 
 fupe/'fede the bufmefs of Parliament in granting 
 the fupplies : But we (hall find, that it is not 
 the fault of thefe focieties, if their proceedings 
 are not carried to the mofl dangerous lengths : 
 
 O O 
 
 for,, although they began with flannel waift- 
 coats, we find fuccefs has induced them to pals 
 to the providing of mitts, drawers, caps, ihirts, 
 Welch- wigs, ftockings, moes, trowfers, boots, 
 iheets, great' coats, gowns, petticoats, blau- 
 
 annum for conducting that paper, and the True Briton, the 
 latter of which is as confidenly laid, to be the property of 
 perfons in office. 
 
 * Mr. Long, under Secretary to the Treafury, and Mr. 
 Burgcfs, uadc-i Secretary to the foreign depauuieirt. 
 
 kcts,
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 kets, &c. &c. From clothing the army, they 
 liave begun to victual them. A fchoolmafter, 
 in the True Briton, recommends fplit-peas, as 
 good for their health, and, therefore, fit to be 
 provided by the affiliated focieties. From the 
 army, they have proceeded to clothe the navy, 
 and at lad, tired of going (lowly on from one 
 ftep to another, they exprels their wifh of railing 
 the whole expences of the State, and thereby 
 not only fuperfeding the ufe of Parliaments, 
 but of financial Minifters ; not only of taking 
 the bunnete of the Houfe of Commons into 
 their hands, but of taking the buiinefs of the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer alib ! Mr. Chair- 
 man Bligh, and his affiliated fociety, in Chel- 
 fea *> declare their opinion to be, " that in 
 44 confequence of the public fpirit difplayed in 
 *' fubfcribing for extra clothing to the army, 
 <fi and confirmed of the value of our excellent 
 44 CoTiftitutiori, they fuggeft that the whole 
 * c expences of the War might be defrayed in 
 " the fame manner ; and, that in prof editing 
 66 the \Var, they earneftly wilfi that the Mini- 
 " fter, whole office it is to find ways and 
 ct means for raifuig the fupplies, could be re- 
 44 licvcd from the political neceflity of impofing 
 ** taxes on the people." Thus they would re- 
 lieve the Minifter, and the Houfe of Commons, 
 from raifmg taxes, to take the bufmefs into 
 their own hands ! A propofition more hoftile'to 
 the Conftitution, and governmeat of this coun- 
 
 * See the Advertifement, containing the Refolutions of 
 this fociety, figncd J. Bligh, dated fro n the King's Arm-, 
 Hve Fields, Cheliea, and publiihed in the Sun,' on Saturday, 
 
 30- 1/93- 
 
 L 2 try.
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 try, than the imputed offences for which 
 VleiTrs. Muir and Palmer, are fentenced to be 
 tranfported. Yet, the editor of the Sun, in a 
 note to a correfpondent, about the fame time, 
 remarks, not that fuch a pinn is contrary to the 
 laws of the land, but that he is afraid it would 
 not \*e jufficienfly productive ! 
 
 The Hiftcry of this Country will juftify me 
 in afferting, that thefe proceedings are highly 
 tinconftitutional. Benevolences, or voluntary 
 contributions, which at firft were free, were 
 afterwards made compulibry, and were carried 
 to inch an extent, that the act parTed in the rirll 
 of Richard the Hid. " Damning and annulling 
 " for ever that mode of railing money," affirms, 
 that thefe benevolences had been the ruin of 
 manv families, bv obliging: them to fell off their 
 
 - O O 
 
 houfehold oods, and reducing- them to bes;- 
 
 C> . v ^ 
 
 gary, &c. The attempt to raiie forced benevo- 
 lences, in a great degree* brought Charles the 
 ift. to the fcaffold, and fo ienilble was his fuc- 
 ccffor, Charles the lid. of this, and the danger 
 of at all railing money in that manner, that, in 
 the fecond year after his reftoration, and 'in' the 
 zenith of his popularity, he did not prefume to 
 do what a hired agent of Government, an edi- 
 tor of a iiewfpapcr, now takes upon him to put 
 in pr<l6tice ; for we find, that in 1661, an adt 
 was pafTed " to impower the King to receive 
 " from his fubjecls .Jrce and voluntary contn- 
 " billion, forhis prefer. t occalions *," and the 
 .Is of the act itielf, net only exprefslv de- 
 clare, that it fhall net be drawn into examle 
 
 examp 
 * See Rapin's Hiflory of Enjla; d, vol. 2, p. 626. 
 
 fof
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 for the future, but that no aids of that 
 can be iffued or levied, but by content of Par- 
 liament *. 
 
 Now, the greater!: want of Charles the lid, 
 was money to eftablifh a {landing army, and as 
 the prefent " free and voluntary contributions" 
 are alfo for the army, the object to which the 
 fums railed are applied, is, in a certain degree, 
 the fame : At any rate, King Charles the lid's 
 occafions for money Could only be the general 
 creations of the Government, iuch as maintain- 
 ing the army and navy, &c. and, therefore, 
 the purpofes for which the free and voluntary 
 contributions were fubfcribed to him, and ;he 
 purpofes for which thole are now fubfcribed to 
 Mr. Devaynes, are generally the fame. The 
 aft, fays, that no aids of that nature, {hall be 
 levied without the confent of Parliament, and 
 as I conceive, that a " Free and voluntary pre- 
 " fent? whether paid into the hands of an 
 Alderman, Common Councilman, a member 
 of Mr. Reeves' s committee, or an editor of a 
 newipaper, -or whether paid into the hands of 
 agents, officially named by the King, as was 
 done by Charles the lid. while it is paid gene- 
 r ilTy for the ufe of Government, to be pre- 
 citely the fame ; as I conceive, all of that kind, 
 to be flill " Free and voluntary prefents," col* 
 Ic&ed from the people for the fame purpofe> 
 
 * The Title of the Bill is, An Aft for a free and voluntary 
 Prefent to bis Mcrrjly. 
 
 " And be it hereby declared, that no commiffion or 
 " aids cf this nature can be iiTued out, cr Iev ; cd, but by con- 
 ' lent of Parliament; end, that this act, and the fupply 
 u hereby granted, (hall not be drawn into example for the 
 u time to come." (See the Statutes at large.) 
 
 and
 
 nd as the aft fays, that no aids of the nature 
 of a " free and voluntary prefent," mall be 
 railed without the confent of Parliament, I 
 think, I am perfectly juftified in affirming, the 
 manner of now raifing them, is illegal. It 
 cannot be denied, that they are precisely of 
 the fame nature with thofe granted to Charles 
 the lid. and there are the words of an a& of 
 the legislature, ftating, that they cannot be 
 levied but by the confent of Parliament. The 
 prefent colle&ors of thele aids can produce no 
 authority for their conduct ; and if the Houie of 
 Commons were as tenacious of its privileges on 
 this fubjeft, as it has {hewn itfelf on the iiibjecl 
 of petitions for Reform, the meafnres it would 
 purfue with refpecl: to thele collectors of volun- 
 tary contributions, are obvious. 
 
 It is not only by the words of an acl: of Par- 
 liament, that we afcertain thefe voluntary con- 
 tributions to be unconftitutional, but a principal 
 member of adminiftration, the President of his 
 MajeuVs Council, and a great lawyer, the Earl 
 of Carnden, gave it as his opinion, in '..he 
 Houfe of Lords, during the American War, 
 that they were highlv ib: Mr. Dunning, and 
 many other eminent characters, not only agreed 
 with his Lord (hip, but firongly reprobated 
 fuch a mode of raifing money for the pub- 
 lic nfe. At that time, it was the fafhion to 
 rubfcribe for railing regiments and building 
 fhips *, and when our prefent affiliated focieties 
 
 * The Enrl of Londfdale engaged to build a feventy- 
 fbur gun (hip, at his own expence, but his fincere attach- 
 ment to the Conftitution, which he law muft have been 
 violated, had he fulfilled his promiie, made him decline fo 
 ttnconftituiional mcaiare. 
 
 fub-
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 fubfcribe for the fame purpofes, which probably 
 they ibon will, they only then will have to pay 
 the civil lift, whichtheir loyalty will induce them 
 readily to do, and then bribery and corruption, 
 at elections, may be prevented by never calling 
 Parliament together, as there will be no occa- 
 fion for its meeting. 
 
 o 
 
 I fhall not dwell on the reproach which thefe 
 contributions throw on government, whofe 
 more immediate duty it is to provide, not only 
 neceiTarv, but comfortable clothino; to the 
 
 -" O 
 
 army, than to give immenfe fubiidies to Italian 
 and German Princes, or to lavim rewards on 
 the Alarmifts ; and who cannot excufe them- 
 felves by laying, either the Parliament, or pub- 
 lic, would not confent to pay the money : nor 
 fhall I dwell on the ftill greater impropriety, to 
 give it no worfe a name, of the members of 
 adminiftration, giving encouragement, through 
 
 ' O _ O O _ 7 
 
 their agent, the editor, to io unconstitutional a 
 meafure. Its introduction is of recent date, 
 and, I think, it ought inftantly to be flopped, 
 becaufe, among other inconveniences arifing 
 from it, a very important one is, that three 
 times the quantity of particular articles is 
 provided, to that which is wanted, while, of 
 other articles, not a third is fublcribed. This 
 is evident at prefent. Of flannel waiftcoats, 
 a fufficient number have already been con- 
 tributed to give every foldier half a dozen, 
 while the number of ihoes would not atfor4 
 them half a pair a-piece. Thus the pub- 
 lic money is wafted, and the Conftitution de- 
 ftroyed, by thofe who profefledly aflbciate to de- 
 fend it. Parliament is the moft proper monitor
 
 '( So ) 
 
 of government ; and a Houfe of Commons, 
 freely and frequently chofen, by a majority of the 
 people, is the only conftitutional channel, through 
 which, to levy money, for the public ute ; be- 
 caufe, in fuch a Houfe of Commons, the voice 
 of the people would be truly and calmlv heard. 
 On the contrary, addrefles and afibciations, 
 
 ^ ' 
 
 either for exprerfing their opinion on public 
 affairs, or railing fupplies for the State, are par- 
 ticularly dangerous, as the government pre- 
 tends to be guided by the fentiments conveyed 
 in them, though they admit] of hearing only 
 one fide of the queftion, and may often be 
 adopted to give an appearance of popularity to 
 vcrv unpopular meatures, thereby deceiving the 
 King, breeding difarTection in the people, and 
 leading the one or other, or perhaps both, to 
 ruin. Addrefles and afTociations, therefore, 
 mould be difcouraged, as delufive, and a Re- 
 formed Houfe of Commons be fubftituted in 
 their {lead, where the will of the nation might 
 be fairly and peaceably afcertained. 
 
 Theie are, I think, fufficient reafons to mew 
 the neceflity of reforming the Reprefentation 
 in this country. If we enquire how far it can 
 be conftitutionally done, we fhall rind, that the 
 ancient fpirit, and principles, and " practice," 
 of the Conftitution recognized all men of con- 
 Jj 'deration in the Sta' r , rs having a right to be 
 prefent in the King's Councils. At the con- 
 queft, . indeed, and for fome time afterwards, 
 men of landed property were the only perion? 
 of consideration in the kingdom ; and accord- 
 ingly we find, in the reign of Henry the Hid, 
 in. the firfl Houfe of Commons of which we-
 
 ( Si , 
 
 have any account of thofe who compofed it, 
 that it confided only of four Knights from each 
 county, who of courfe reprefented landed pro- ' 
 prietors alone. The principles and " practice'* 
 of the Conftitution, however, being, that all 
 men of consideration, who, confequently would 
 be called on for pecuniary aid, mould be prefent 
 in the King fii Councils, and trade beginning: to 
 
 o o o 
 
 mew itfelr, Citizens and BurgeiTes were fum- 
 moned from fuch towns as were gf asking into 
 importance. And herein confifted the great ex- 
 cellence of the Englifh Conftitution : it adapted 
 itfelf to all fituations, it opened its arms to all 
 men of property as perfons more particularly 
 interested in the government of the country, 
 and therefore entitled to a (hare in the Legifla- 
 tive Affembly. But what an extraordinary de- 
 viation from the principle and practice do we 
 now find ? The men of ihe lead confideration, 
 a few of the pooreft beggars in the kingdom, 
 create the majority of our Legislators ; while 
 the men of moft fconfiddratJOn, of rnoft utility 
 to the State, the merchants and riiarnifafturers, 
 are generally excluded. Conftruft the Houfe 
 of Commons, according to the ancient principles 
 and practice of the Coiiftitution, as manifefted 
 by the admifilon of Citizens and Burgefies to 
 the National Councils ; give every man, and 
 none but men of property, a vote for Members' 
 of Parliament, and I am fatisfied. * 
 
 Mr. Young (p. 223.) gives the authority of 
 Dr. Brady, to mew, that in ancient times, hbcri 
 homines , or free men, were only thofe who held 
 in capite ; and, throughout his whole book, he 
 ipaintains, that landed "proprietors were the only 
 
 M free-
 
 reemen, and that they all had a right to vote 
 'or Reprelentatives ; that the other inhabitants 
 were of no more account in the kingdom than 
 the cows, fheep, and hogs, they drove ; the 
 artizans, manufacturers, labourers, &c. were all 
 flaves and villains, and the privilege of fending 
 Reprefentatives, was a gracious donation from 
 the King, not a right of thofe to whom it was 
 given ; and in fupport of this he proves, that 
 leveral Monarchs called Members to Parliament 
 from obfcure places. I have already Ihewn, 
 that it was their right, according to the fpirit 
 and practice of the Conmtution, which ad- 
 mitted all perfons of consideration to fend Re- 
 prefentatives ; and, it no more eftablifhes the 
 right of the Crown to beftow the privilege 
 where it pleafed, becaule it did fo, than any 
 other improper act eftablifhes a right to do fo. 
 The feledtion of the towns as they grew into 
 importance, being entrufted to the Crown, was, 
 like many other duties, abufed by Kings, who, 
 apprehenfive of being in a minority in the Com- 
 mons, fummoned members from fuch places as 
 they, or their creatures could command ; a de- 
 fire to fecure, or bring into office, fome abject 
 favourite minifter, probably gave moft of our 
 rotten boroughs a right to fend Reprefentatives. 
 Some of our former Sovereigns, unconftitution- 
 ally, made Members of Parliament from fimi- 
 Jar motives, with thofe which induced his pre- 
 fent Majefty, conftitutionailv, to make fo many 
 Peers, in i 784 : to fecure Mr. Pitt in power. 
 The afTertion, reflecting tenants in capite, 
 when properly examined, is more deftructive to 
 Mr. Young's object, than any other pofition in 
 
 his
 
 his book : For, admitting what he fays to be 
 true, which, I believe it pretty nearly is, that 
 none were freemen, but proprietors of land hold- 
 ing in capite, i. e. freeholders ; and that all free- 
 holders, or freemen, had a right to vote in the 
 election of Members of Parliament, it follows, 
 that it is either a mockery to call the Englim a 
 "free people," " a free nation" as he does 
 (vide the note, p. 205) or an injuftice, to with- 
 hold from them that right. He affirms, that 
 formerly our mechanics, labourers, and manu- 
 factures, &c. were all (laves and villains, that 
 they were of no more importance than cows 
 and hogs ; admitted. Rut if they were flaves, 
 were they free ? The queftion muft excite a 
 Imile. They were flaves; and if we are 
 flaves alfo, then we have no right, upon the an- 
 cient principles of the ConfHtution, as laid 
 down by Mr. Young, to- petition for Reform. 
 But where is the man, who dare come for- 
 ward, and openly tell us, we are flaves ? 
 What would b his fate ? What would be 
 the indignation of everv honcft Ens;limman ? 
 
 o c 
 
 Reeves and Youn^ have indire&Iv told us this, 
 
 O - 
 
 but they have not had the audacity to fpeak 
 roundly out. The fact is, that the preient free- 
 dom of England was gradually extorted, fword in 
 hand, from feudal fovereigns, deriving their rights 
 from the fword of a conqueror ; nobly ex- 
 torted. But had not the flaves and villains 
 the <reatelL fhare in extorting it ? And 
 
 O * ' 
 
 fhall they who cemented it with their blood, 
 be deprived of all " ife benefits ? While 
 we are attempting to make freemen of the 
 blacks in the Weft-Indies^ flull we meanly fuf- 
 
 fcr
 
 fer"to be proved (laves ourielves : If it is true, 
 as Mr. Young aiTerts, that in former times, 
 :e were freemen but freeholders, and that all 
 freeholders, or tenants in cr^ite, were invefted 
 with the elective franchue, then it fellows, 
 that all freemen had a right to vote : If fix hun- 
 di.-l years ago the majority were (laves, are we 
 not now all called freemen ? Is not the Negro, 
 who, fixtv years ago, was a (lave in this country, 
 called a freeman r And if every freeman had 
 formerly a right to vote for Reprefentatives in. 
 Parliament, they who are, -now deprived of it, 
 are, in that relpect, ftill (laves and villains. 
 But our anceftors ftruggled for, and bequeathed 
 us freedon^, though not perfect freedom : The 
 elective franchife was the principal article that 
 efcaped them, and they overlooked it, becaufe, 
 it was not then of fo much importance, nor was 
 it fo much abufed as at prefent ; they left to us 
 the honour of atchieving it. Have we not equal 
 virtue and perfeverance : Shall we not imitate 
 their example ? I am much furprifed that Mr, 
 Young, in defcribing the Conftitution, did not 
 difcover and recommend a mode of conitructing 
 the Houfe of Commons, which would be highly 
 iatisfactory to Government, which ftrongly re- 
 fembles his theory of the ancient Parliaments, 
 and is not quite unknown in the modern. As 
 he afferts, that formerly none but tenants in 
 capite, who held lands immediately of the 
 Crown, had a right to fit in Parliament, or 
 vote at elections, it might have occurred to 
 him, that the ancient principles of the Confti- 
 tution would be revived, if, inftead of the right 
 pf election, and fitting in the Houfc of Com- 
 mons,
 
 ( 85 ) 
 
 mons, being confined to thofe who held land's 
 of the Crown, it were given to thofe who held 
 places. Upon this plan of Reform, moft of the 
 Crown and Anchor committee, and even Mr. 
 Young himfelf, would be entitled to a feat in. 
 Parliament. 
 
 " Hiftorians are agreed as to the Parliament 
 " of 1265, fummoned by anufurpcr, being the 
 *'' origin of the Houfe of Commons," '(p. 75.) 
 But (p. 2 1 6) Mr. Young, contradicts this ; he 
 there quotes Sir Henry Spelman, and others, to 
 fhew, that in an hundred Parliaments before that 
 period, the boroughs never were reprefented ; 
 implying thereby, that there were Knights of 
 the Shire, though no Citizens and BurgefTes, 
 which is exactly what I agree to, and fupports 
 what I have faid of the ipirit and practice of 
 the Conftitution, which called to the National 
 Council only men of confederation in the State. 
 It is true, that prior to 1265, and even then, 
 cities and boroughs were not reprefented, be- 
 caufe their inhabitants were of little or no im- 
 portance ; the landed proprietors were the only 
 men of importance in the kingdom, and there- 
 fore, the Houfe of Commons was compofed 
 wholly of their Reprefentatives. But as the 
 cities and boroughs became of conjideration, 
 they alfo fent deputies. Nor is it juft to con- 
 clude, (vide p. 217) becaufe, during the 200 
 years after the Norman conqueft, the Houfe of 
 Commons was fo infignificant as not to be men- 
 tioned by hiftorians, that therefore, it never was 
 afTembled : It would be equally juft to con- 
 clude, becaufe we have no account of the meet- 
 ing of every county court, and other inflitu- 
 
 tion.
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 tion of lels importance, that therefore they 
 did not at certain times afTemble ; or, becauie 
 there is no hiftory of the inhabitants in Ame- 
 rica, previous to its difcovery by Columbus, 
 that therefore, previous to that difcovery, there , 
 were no inhabitants in that part of the world. 
 And, even fuppofe the Houfe of Commons were 
 never afiembled, during the 200 years alluded 
 to, that does not prove it to have been un- 
 known to the Constitution, more than abolim- 
 ing the Trial by Jury, in certain cafes, proves 
 the Trial by Jury to be unknown to the Con- 
 fHtution. The exiftence of Reprefentatives of 
 fome defcription, may be traced in every page 
 of our hiftory, and is coeval with all law and 
 government in England. What, although they 
 were occasionally laid ahde, their rights invaded, 
 or their conftruclion varied, as iuited the ambi- 
 tious views of the Kings or Barons, that does 
 not prove they had no right to aiTemble r On 
 the contrarv, wherever we find the flighted 
 
 - ' O 
 
 traces of the Houfe of Commons, or wherever 
 we find the moft compleat defcription and cer- 
 tainty of its exiftence and power, there is no. 
 mention of its being a new inftitution, which is. 
 ilrong proof that it was an old one ; for is it 
 portable, that fo important a member of the 
 Conflitution could be created and introduced 
 without fome notice being taken of its novelty ? 
 
 Another inftancc, not only of how far a Re- 
 form can be conftitutionally made in the Repre-. 
 imitation, but alib of its neceffity, is the com- 
 plete change in its ipirit and fentiment. The 
 Conftitution, formerly, fuppoied a continual 
 jealouly of the Crown, aad fellow feeling with 
 
 the
 
 ( 87 ) 
 
 tlie people, to exift in the Houfe of Commons 5 
 but now, and efpecially by Mr. Pitt, it has been 
 made to repofe a continual confidence in the 
 Crown, and has fhewn, particularly on the Ruf- 
 fian Armament, that it has no fellow feeling 
 with the people whatever. This dangerous 
 reverfal mufl arife from the reverfal of the 
 mode of rewarding the members, which is, 
 alfo, a great and pernicious change : for, 
 that Mr. Young's falutary Corruption, did! 
 not formerly exifl, is plain, fmce the privilege 
 of returning members, now fo valuable, was 
 then rather a burthen than a benefit ; was then 
 of fo little importance, that many boroughs pe- 
 titioned to be eafed of it. To beget a jealouly of 
 the Crown, and reftore the ancient nationality of 
 fentiment, in the Houfe of Commons, is, there- 
 fore, not only conftitutional, but the moft wile 
 and necefTary meafure, for preferring the Free- 
 dom and Profperity of the People. 
 
 How far it is conflitutional to morten the du- 
 ration of Parliaments, does not require much 
 inveftigation, becaufe the facts relating to the 
 queftion are of recent date, and clearly under- 
 ftood. Originally, Parliaments were only called, 
 for a particular purpoie, and often fat only a few 
 days : Sometimes there were two, but generally 
 one new Parliament, in a year. In the feven- 
 teenth century, the ufage varied, and was moffc 
 groisiv -Voufcd by the long Parliament, at laft 
 difTolved by Cromwell. Yet, the vile precedent 
 was approved, and imitated by the Kings who 
 followed, and William the Hid. made it a great 
 favour to asree to the Triennial Bill. The Sep- 
 tennial Bill is juftified by Mr, Young, who fays 
 
 " The
 
 ** The Members of the Houfe of Commons* 
 when elected, and in combination with the 
 other branches of the legiflature, affume and 
 poffels, and give themfelves fuch powers and 
 privileges, as rendered the feptennial act juft as 
 coniYitutional as the bienniaL" That act, how- 
 ever, was by thofe who made it, juitified only 
 Upon the exigency of the times, and ought to 
 have heen repealed when that exigency was 
 paft ; but, without confidering its legality, I 
 fhall remark, that, if Mr. Young's pernicious 
 doctrine were true, there would not be the leafl 
 fecurity for the Liberties of the Nation : the 
 three branches of the Legiflature, in combina- 
 tion, might aflume a power to repeal the Habeas 
 Corpus Act, abolifh the Trial by Jury, and the 
 Liberty of the Prefs ; give to the King's Pro- 
 clamations the force of Law, as was done in 
 the reign of Henry the VIITth. and vefting the 
 whole executive and legiflative authority in the 
 Crown, diflblve themfelves for ever, and anni- 
 hilate at once the Conftitution and Freedom of 
 Britain : This, according to Mr. Young, they 
 might conflitutionally do, by affuming powers 
 and privileges; and, indeed, he feems defirous 
 that they fhould do it, when he fets up as pre- 
 cedent, the example of Richard the lid. who 
 dictated to the fheriffs, the names of thofe per- 
 fons whom they mould return to Parliament, and 
 levied monev without the confent of Parliament : 
 
 4 
 
 Richard's fate, as well as Charles the FiriVs, is 
 well known. Were Mr. Young prime Minilter, 
 and his advice followed, he would probably oc- 
 cafion events, which no good man can wifh to 
 think of. 
 
 On
 
 On the fubjecb of the T i:\is f T mak'.r. 
 Reform, I can fay nothing n^w. " To minds 
 *' unwilling to do right, all times 
 " inconvenient and improper. To him. who' 
 *' diflikes the voyage,, all the winds of 
 " are unpropitious : He looks for nothing .hpt 
 " pretences to avoid it : V " This, indeed, 
 " is a never failing argument, eoualiv in times 
 
 o o ' m i - 
 
 ' of profperity and adveriity ; in times of War 
 6: and Peace. If our iituation happens to be 
 <c profperous, it is then aiked, whether we can 
 46 be more than happy, or more th-.m free r I:i 
 " the feafon of adveriitv, on the other hand, all 
 " Reform or Innovation is deprecated, f. 
 " the pretended rifk of incfeafihg the evil and 
 " prefture of our iituatioa. From all this, it 
 *' would appear, t]iat the time for Rei' 
 44 never vet has come, and never can corn. 
 *' When, indeed, the arbitrary monarchy of 
 <: France, was battering down by the f 
 
 " of a great people, a.id nothing vv'as teen but 
 
 c r . r . . . 
 
 *' virtuous cxcrti' n and exultation, it r.- 
 
 " admitted, that in fuch a conjuncture, : 
 
 " might run before the mark, and con&uiic! 
 
 '' principles together, which had no con,. 
 
 46 Such was the ailedged, but not proved fl 
 
 " of England, when Mr. Grey gave n 
 
 *' laft vear of his m-jtion. Tlic pbjetftion had 
 
 -" then, therefore, at leait, xplaiifiUle, IT 
 
 " not a juft foundation. But, good God ! ! 
 
 46 different, on the adrniMion of the o 
 
 ** to the times, was the prefent moment ;" the 
 
 * Vide Mr. Francis's fp:ech, Mar ;:h. 
 f Vi !: iylr. Grc/'s ipec :, j ^-u 
 
 N Englifl)
 
 " Starting back with horror at the 
 
 o o 
 
 * 4 crimes and calamities of France, and ieem*- 
 44 ingly forgetting all difrreiles in an enthuiiatm 
 44 for their own Government ! Surely com* 
 *' mon iehfe pronounced that to. he the hour 
 44 for reformation, more efpeciallv when it was 
 44 left to themfelves (the Houie of Commons) 
 44 to originate and to fafliion it. So far from 
 " heing urged on by the people to go too far, 
 44 they trod like men that feared the ground 
 * 4 would break under them, and could hardly 
 *' be brought up to the point which their un- 
 " deiilandings dictated. Let them ieize, there - 
 44 fore, this happy and providential criiis, to do 
 44 with popularity and fafety, what to lave their 
 44 country muft be done at lad*. 1 * But, in- 
 flead of embracing this favourable opportunity, 
 every means is employed by Government to de- 
 feat the cauie of Reform, and calumniate iCs 
 advocates ; and the prefent mode of conft rucking 
 the Houfe of Commons, will, probably, be con- 
 tinued until lome dreadful com ulhon happens, 
 \vhich may threaten the annihilation of the Con- 
 ilitution itlelf. 
 
 In coniulering what Reform 'fiiould be made, 
 I mall neither recommend nor reject any parti- 
 cular plan, being perfectly of opinion with Mr. 
 Grey, that, to constitute the Houie of Com- 
 mons by univerfal fufTrage, or any other mode-, 
 "which would make it more independent than 
 at prefent, would be a moft falutary improve- 
 ment. Mr. Young fays, the Society of the 
 Friends of the People, approve perfonal Repre- 
 
 * Mr. Erfk'uic's fpeech, M iy 6th. 
 
 fentation ;
 
 ( 9' ) 
 
 fentation ; but I cannot difcover, except in his 
 Interpretations, that they ever have either ap- 
 proved or condemned it, or any other rule of 
 Reform. Inftead, therefore, of enquiring what 
 their plan may be, will it not be more in point 
 to examine that propofed by the molt violent 
 leader of the moft violent fociety in Britain ? 
 For fuch, I believe, Mr. Home Tooke, and 
 the conftitutional fociety, are deemed by Mr. 
 Young, and thofe who think with him. 
 
 Mr. Home Tooke, in his letter to Lord 
 Amburton, when he, and Mr. Pitt, Sir James 
 Sanderfon, Mr. Froir, and the Duke of Rich- 
 mond, were joint Reformers, fo far from ap- 
 proving univerfal fufFrage, recommends a plan 
 of Reform, perfectly agreeing with the ideas 
 of thofe gentlemen, who fay, the Houfe of 
 Commons is a Reprefentation of Property for he 
 makes it the governing power in electing the 
 Reprefentatives of the people. He maintains, 
 that although all men may have a right to a 
 ("hare, yet they have not all a right to an equal 
 fhare in this choice ; for, fays he, " There is 
 44 a very great difference between an equal 
 "" right to a mare, and a right to an equal 
 " jhare. An eflate may devifed, by will, among 
 *' many perfons, in different proportions; to 
 " one five pounds, to another five hnn- 
 *' dred, &c. each perfbn will have an equal 
 4fc right to his mare, but not a right to an equal 
 " fhare." 
 
 " This principle," (continues Mr. Tooke, 
 
 alluding to univerlal fufFrage) " is further at- 
 
 4i tempted to be enforced by an affertion, that 
 
 ^ the all of one. man is as dear to him, as the 
 
 N 2 4i all
 
 " all nf (' man is to that othtr. But 
 
 " tl. 'vili not hold by any means ; for 
 
 4fc , a i ir- all is not, for very good reatons, fo 
 
 f; HO a c-: t all. A {"mail all may he loft, and 
 
 44 VCTV i ; it may very often, and 
 
 " \vith g;x for the chance 
 
 " (fa : ::Uer ; it may be i-.~> iinali, as to 
 
 fc ' be little or not at all worth defending or 
 
 O 
 
 4i earing for. But a large all can never bs re- 
 *' covaxd; it has been marling and accumu- 
 ** lating, perhaps, from father to ion, for many 
 " gcneratlono ; or it has been the producl: 
 " of a lorg L ; fe of induftry and talents; 
 " or the confequerxce of fome circumftance 
 44 \vhich \vill never return. Jufrice and 
 44 policy require, that benefit and burthen, 
 " that the fhare of power, and the (hare of 
 4i contribution to that power, mould be as 
 44 ncarlv proportioned as poiTible." Thus far 
 Mr. Tooke ip: ;inft the equality of 'right 
 
 to a fhare in the Reprelentarion : He then 
 ks of the impolicy of making the eleclive 
 :e umverfil. " Freedom and fecurity- 
 * 4 ought iurely to be equal and univerfal," (ilivsj 
 he) 4t but the members of a focrety may be free 
 tfc and ft cure, without having a mare in the- 
 ** Government. '1hz hnppz tiffs and, freedom, 
 44 andfccurtty of the tc/z-;/.-.", may even be ad- 
 v: i le EXCLUSION (:/SOME, notfrom 
 
 '-'free. . idjecwity^ bat f>om a/hare -;;?- 
 44 / . . ;>/." } cnti- 
 
 .'ich oucrht to be exch: 
 
 i^j 
 
 . 
 
 ile," l< ex- 
 - 4 tremely
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 4i tremely dependent," " extremely ignorant,'* 
 and " extremely felfi/h." 
 
 His plan of constructing the Houfe of COTI- 
 mons is, that the kingdom mould be divided 
 into 5 1 3 diftrifts, each of which mould fend a 
 r:ember : that none ihouU vote who were not 
 a'Teffed in two pounds to the pari(h rates, or land 
 tax ; that Parliaments mould be annual ; that 
 every elector at the time of giving his vote, 
 Should pay two guineas, to be appropriated to 
 the ule of the nation ; and, that where the 
 iiumbe of ele&ors fell ihort of 4000, thofe 
 might \ote over again, in proportion as they 
 were afifeiTed, and repeat their vote as often as 
 was necciTary to -compleat the number of 4000, 
 flill paying two guineas for each vote Ey this 
 plan, a landholder, paying a large land-tax, 
 might probably, have the privilege of giving 
 one hundred votes, upon paying two hundred 
 guineas. What plan would give the predo- 
 jnirviting influence in the choice of Reprefenta- 
 tives, more compleatly into the hands of men 
 ef property than this ? According to it, property 
 would be truly reprefented, becaufe none but 
 jnen of fome property are aiTefTed to the amount 
 cf two pounds to the pariih rates, or land-tax : 
 And even if univerlai fuffrage were eftablifhed, 
 yet the circumftance of paying annually two 
 guineas, for the privilege of voting, would ef- 
 fedhially exclude the majority, who are poor, 
 and would ftill give the ruling influence in elec- 
 tions to men of property. 
 
 Such is the Reform proposed by Mr. Home 
 Tooke, a leader, if not the leader, of a fociety 
 Mr. Young defcribes to be much more 
 
 violent
 
 ( 94 ) 
 
 violent than the Friends of the People ; and, if 
 that fociety are called more dangerous than the 
 latter, and yet it appears, the object of their 
 leader is to moderate, it is furely unneceiTary to 
 vindicate the Friends of the People from the 
 charge of entertaining mifchievous views, fmce 
 Mr. Young- admits them to be more moderate 
 
 o 
 
 than the conftitutional Ibciery. here think it 
 necefTary to remark, that the epithet, violent, 
 applied to the conftitutional fociety, is merely 
 Air. Young's, not mine. 
 
 Compare Mr. Tookc's plan of Reform v 
 .that propofed by a principal conductor of t 
 prcfent War, and conieqnently a partizan and 
 favourite of Mr. Young, I mean the IXike of 
 Richmond. His Grace contended for perfonal. 
 Representation in its fuileft. extent, and his co- 
 adjutors * were Mr. Pitt, Lord Kenyon, and the 
 .leaders of the prefent Administration ; yet it is 
 irrange, that the Duke and his friends, who flrft 
 recommended perfonal Reprefentation, and who 
 truly have founded the ibcieties in favour of 
 that meafure, and the petitions which lately 
 prayed for it, efcr,pe the cenfure of thofe who 
 .sirribe every milchief to their doctrine ; and 
 .it is ftill more Itrange that fuch as Mr. Tooke, 
 who arc decidedly a^ainfl perfonal Reprefen- 
 tation, mould be loaded with obloquy ! 
 
 From what I have dated, therefore, it ap- 
 pears, that Mr. Tooke's plan agrees with the 
 ancient fpirit and practice of the Conftitution, 
 
 * I do rot mean to fay, that Mr. Pitt, Lord Kenyou, &c. con- 
 t'-nt-'/cl for univerfal fufirr.ge, but as they acted cordially 
 wirh thofs who did they arc quai!y guilty, according toMu A 
 !-j.\ rcafoni;:g. 
 
 which
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 which recognized only men of conjideration in 
 the State as having a right to a mare in the 
 great National Council ; and that the Duke of 
 Richmond's plan agrees perfectly with Mr. 
 Young's original Theory of the ConfHtution, 
 which gave every freeman a right to vote, and 
 confequently, now, muft make the elective 
 franchife univerfal, {ince there are no flaves, 
 but all are freemen in Britain. 
 
 For my own part, I think, the true object of 
 a Reform is, not to give every man his natural 
 right of a vote, but to make the Houfe of 
 Commons independent of the executive power, 
 or of a fmall number of wealthy men, and to 
 make it act upon an identity of intereft with 
 the people. The manner in which this would 
 be beft accomplished, would, in my opinion, 
 be the rule of a Reform. Mr. Fox laid truly, 
 that the object of a Reform of Parliament 
 ought to be the collection of the greateil num- 
 ber, not limply of wills, but of independent 
 wills : and Monteiquieu was of the fame opi- 
 nion ; for, in (peaking of the Bririm Conftitu- 
 tion, he fays, it is neceflary in a free Govern- 
 ment that every man mould ha.ve a fuffrage \vli<v 
 can be fuppofed to have a will of his own. I 
 therefore agree with Mr. Tooke, that the hap- 
 pinefs of the whole may be advanced by the 
 exclufion of fome, not from happinefs, but 
 /rom the elective fraiichiie, becaufe, a great ma- 
 nufacturer or landholder, or any other peribn, 
 who employed, or could control, the extremely 
 miferable, extremely dependent, or extremely 
 ignorant, might influence them to vote as he 
 pleafed, and thereby acquire an undue power in. 
 
 elections,
 
 ( 96 ) 
 
 lections, and invade the independence of the 
 Legiflature ; for I conceive, that, universal fuf~ 
 frage, would render the miserable and felfiili 
 electors liable to be corrupted, the-" ignorant 
 liable to be milled, and the dependent liable to be 
 commanded. Theie clafTes would generally, if not 
 alwavs, form the majority at elections, and confe- 
 quently, thofe candidates who pofTefled wealth, 
 eloquence, of control, might procure them- 
 felves to be returned, although their conduct in 
 Parliament had previoufly been injurious to the 
 national welfare, and even difpleafmg to the in- 
 dependent national judgment. 
 
 It is alked, by Mr. Yoimg, as the journey-' 
 men mechanicks, manufacturers, and labourers, 
 never voted at elections, what right have they 
 to petition for Reform ; and they themfelves 
 may join in faying, if, according to Mr. Tooke's 
 plan, we are not to vote, why, indeed, mould 
 we petition for Reform ? To this, I anfwer, 
 it is as much their intereit to make exertions in 
 favour of Reform, as it is the intereft of thole- 
 who would be vefted with the elective franchise, 
 which is, in itfelf, of no value to thofe who 
 poffels it, but like the delegation, ought to be 
 entrufted to thofe who would exercife it with 
 the moft wifdom and independence; and as 
 wifdom and independence prevail more cer- 
 tainly in the middling ranks, than in the whole 
 mafs of the people, the elective franchife, 
 Should, in my opinion, be confined to them ; 
 and I repeat, that it is as much the intereft 
 of thofe who would not, as of thofe who 
 would have votes, that a Reform mould 
 take place, and even that the elective fran-
 
 C 97 ) 
 
 chile mould be fo confined, brrauf. '" : benefits 
 that Would flow from a Reprcfentative bc-dy fo 
 confr.ru ted, would be general, and the poor,, 
 as well as the rich, would equally partake of 
 them. 
 
 If, indeed, men were to be guided wholly 
 by natural right, and fully to infift upon the 
 maxim, that no man is bound by laws to whick 
 he has not given confent, it would come to 
 this, that all men in the kingdom mud: aiTcm- 
 ble perfonally to form the Legislative Aflernbly;- 
 and this was pretty nearly the cafe in ancient 
 times. But the fyftem of delegation was adopt- 
 ed, not only for the fake of convenience, but 
 becaufe, the wifeft and moft independent men, 
 in whom the whole mafs could confide, were 
 appointed to make laws, and by the fmallnefs 
 of their number, were enabled to -act with de- 
 liberation and found judgment. If, therefore, 
 the ancient great National Council was thus 
 narrowed, for the fake of convenience, wifdorn, 
 and independence, why mould not the con- 
 frmction of the modern National Council be 
 alfo, either narrowed or extended, to thofe limits 
 which are moft likely to infure convenience, 
 wifdom, independence, and impartiality ? If 
 the right is furrendered, in one inftance, to 
 procure certain objects, why fhould it not. 
 lurrendered in another, if by that other i.-r- 
 render thofe objects are more firmly lecured ? 
 
 This will be further illustrated by the Trial 
 by Jury. The privilege of ferving on Juries, 
 which certainly is of a more clear end imme- 
 diate value/than a vote for a Representative, is 
 vmiverfal, but is confined to houfehohiers 
 O and
 
 *7id landholders, yet it is as much the natural 
 right of every man as the elective franchiie. 
 And what is the reafon we never heard of pe- 
 titions and affociations for extending to all men 
 the privilege of ierving on Juries ? Becaufe all 
 men are fatisfied, that by the principle, it is fuf- 
 ficiently diftributed, (however, it may be fe- 
 cretly abufed in practice,) to render Juries inde- 
 dendent and impartial ; and becaule, the poor 
 labourer, or mechanic, although he knows he 
 can never ferve on a Jury, while he is neither 
 a houfekeeper nor a landholder, is, nevertheleis, 
 convinced that juftice is as amply fecured by thofe 
 who do ferve, as if the privrlege were univerfal, 
 and therefore, he does not aifociate or petition 
 to extend it ; yet he is as much interefted ir* 
 preferving it to houfeholders and landholders, 
 as if he hirrrfelf were a houieholder or land- 
 holder ; and if the elecYrve franchiie were as 
 generally distributed, as the privilege of lerving 
 on Juries, we fhould neither have ailociations 
 of the rich or the poor, for reforming Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 But while I agree in opinion with Mr. Tooke, 
 that the middling cla& of fociety, mould elec"l 
 the Members of Parliament, 1 am far fiom 
 agreeing with him in the mode of election. 
 
 ^? 
 
 There ihould be no fuch condition as that of 
 paying two guineas at the time of voting, nor 
 ihould any man be permitted to vote more than 
 once. 
 
 From what I have now laid, I think, a 
 Reform is neceflary ; that the eleftive franchiie 
 ihould either be given cxclu/ivelv to men of 
 confideration, or uuiveilally to all men, (for, 
 
 to
 
 to me, it is immaterial, whether it is ppfTeiTecl 
 by all, or a part, if the Reprelentative Body is 
 independent ;) that the preient time is pecu- 
 liarly favourable for making a Reform ; that 
 Parliaments ought to be annual, and that the 
 Reprefentatives ought to be liberally paid by 
 their Conftituents for their attendance. The 
 means of preventing riots and corruption at 
 elections', and making many other inferior re- 
 gulations, are fimple and obvious. 
 
 Nor are we to dread innovation, for, while 
 he deprecates the deftruction of " extravagant 
 * ; Courts, felfifh Minifters, and corrupt Majo- 
 " rities." Mr. Young fays, that " to declare 
 " againft any meafure, becanfe, an innovation 
 " is a conduct worthy of children. It is not 
 *' for or againft innovation, but what the na- 
 " ture of the innovation mall be." Admit- 
 ting then, the removal of corruption by Re- 
 form, to be an innovation, is it not a more 
 laudable one than that which Mr. Young ad- 
 vifes, the eftablifhment of a national militia of 
 property ? He cautions againft taking away from 
 the machine of Government, a rotten wheel, 
 which all men, not excepting himfelf, have 
 directly or indirectly condemned, and yet de- 
 fires the addition of a new one, which no man 
 of eminence, has either approved or thought 
 of. But he may be allured, his advice will 
 not be followed by Government. The Crown 
 will never part with the control over the mili- 
 tary. During the American War, it found 
 the confequences of putting arms into the hands 
 of the people in Ireland, and although, men of pro-, 
 perty proftrate themfelves before the Throne at 
 
 O 2 preient,
 
 prefenf, yet it is obvious, they will not always 
 continue in the fame humour, becaufe, their 
 property marks th^m out as the prey of taxa- 
 tion, and when their ridiculous fears are over, 
 they will regard Government with a jealous 
 eye ; and if armed and difciplined, might pro- 
 bably make both Reforms and Revolutions; 
 might d.ftroy felfifh Minifters, and root out 
 Corruption. Men of property are not only more 
 intelligent, but more interested in the o-overn- 
 
 O B O 
 
 ment of this country, than men of no property, 
 and therefore are more likely to interfere in its 
 conduct, and thwart its favourite meafures. It 
 is not from an opinion of the wifdom of our 
 rulers, that the rich at prefent fupport them, 
 but from a dread inlidioufly excited, that their 
 property is in danger from the defigns of thofe 
 who onpofe the 'Government. When this un- 
 founded dread is paft, they will be equally diA 
 pleaied with " extravagant Courts, felfim Mi- 
 " nifters, and corrupt Majorities,*' for invading 
 their property as they now are, with the Friends 
 to Liberty, from a mil taken notion that they 
 meditate its definition. The fame motive, 
 which now makes them afraid to innovate, (the 
 preservation of property) will, hereafter, make 
 them clamorous for political oeconomy, for 
 Reform. Government knows this well, and 
 therefore, it will depend for fupport on the 
 "*' Slaves and villains," on the " Beggars with- 
 <; out a fliiliim*," rather than on the opulent, 
 who fobn might be difpoied to make elections 
 Members of Parliament, and dictate to Go- 
 vcrnm.T.t, " at the point of the bayonet." If 
 then, the Houfe of Commons, is at all a good 
 
 inftitutioa,
 
 C lor J 
 
 jhftitution, and an evil does exift in it, are we 
 not to afcribe the birth of that evil to the de- 
 viation from its principles, profeiiluas, r~d 
 Original practice ? And how mall we expel 
 the evil but by bringing it nearer to thefe ? 
 This is Reform : and the moment we deviate 
 from it, a dread of innovation becomes jufti- 
 fiable, left it may be carried too far. But no 
 fuch drend can reaionaWy be entertained while 
 mprovemeat is confined to the original practice, 
 the principles, and prelent profdfions of the 
 Houie of Commons, becauie a limit is marked 
 out, beyond which it is impollible for Parlia- 
 mentary Rtjnm to go. 
 
 Mr. -Young fays (p. 81), that the people 
 never had the power of changing the Conftitu- 
 tion without being in its perpetual exercife. 
 This is like his other abfurditics ; f 3r it is plain 
 the people StlvlHtys have the Pozue>' 9 though not 
 Always the ri^fit ; and the " Practice" ihews 
 the fallacy of what he would inculcate, that if 
 they began Reform they would always be alter-* 
 ing. " People are not fo eaiily got out of their 
 " old forms as fome are apt to fu^geft. They 
 " are hardly to be prevailed with to amend 
 " the acknowledged faults in the frame of Go- 
 ** vernmcnt they have been accuftorned to. 
 " And if there be any original defeats, or ad- 
 " ventitious ones introduced by time or cor- 
 * c ruption, it is not an eaiy thing to get them 
 *' changed, even when all the world lees there 
 *' is an opportunity for it *." The hiftory of 
 all countries, particularly of this, Ihews, that 
 
 * Locke's EfTay on Governme.it.
 
 the people are never eager to change their form- 
 of Government. A memorable and recent in- 
 ftance of this is on record. At the conclufion- 
 of the American War, the whole blame of 
 which was thrown on the Corruption of the 
 Honfe of Commons, and when as many ap- 
 proved of Reform as at this time dread it, fo 
 fearful were the people of forcing Govern- 
 ment, or fo little inclined to interfere, that there 
 were not fb many fignatures affixed to the pe- 
 titions, praying Parliamentary Reform, as there 
 were laft fpring. If the people are naturally 
 fickle, why did they not come forward on that 
 occafion ? The fact is quite the contrary to 
 what Mr.' Young affirms, andjuft asMr. Locke 
 ftates it. Hiftory (hews us, that Governors 
 have generally, if not always, altered Govern- 
 Jnents for the worfe, and that the people have 
 Always altered them for the better. I except 
 the cafe of France, the experiment having 
 neither had time nor opportunity to be made 
 there ; and indeed Mr. Young acknowledges, 
 that the important transactions in that unhappy 
 country have been effected, not by the people, 
 but by the terror produced by a very fmall 
 minority. 
 
 I have declined pointing out any of the abufes 
 in the prefent mode of conducting elections, 
 or (hewing the abfurd manner in which the 
 elective franchise is difhibuted, becaufe thefe 
 fubjects, and feverai others, are fo ably treated 
 in the Petition and Reports of the Friends of 
 the People ; nor do I i ii#k it necefTary to re- 
 ply to all Mr. Young's ridiculous animadver- 
 fions on thole publications. He lays (p 84.) 
 
 " You
 
 <c You ftate the Parliamentary Influence of the 
 *' Earl of Lonfdale, Lords Eliott, Edgecumbe, 
 " &c. you ftate a fact ; but (p. 81.) with 
 *' this Iyftem of influence, which feems Cor- 
 ' : ruption to the eye of ignorance, the liberties 
 *' the people have been conftantly improving ; 
 " we are happy under the Government of 
 "" Influence, how then can it be bad ?" He 
 might juft as well fay, " You ftate the crimes 
 of Barrington, Hubbard, and other highway- 
 cnen ; you ftate a fact ; but with their iyftem 
 of livelihood, which feems robbery in the eye 
 of ignorance, the liberties of the people havQ 
 been conftantly improving. We are happy, 
 though contributions are made on Hounflow- 
 Heath, how then can they be bad ?" Cor- 
 Tuption, as I have already faid, is a bad part 
 of a good fyftem, and ought to be removed. And, 
 though I by no means blame, or allude to the 
 Noblemen above-mentioned, yet, I have no 
 doubt, that tranfaftions take place relative to 
 Parliamentary Influence, which I, being an ig- 
 norant perfon, deem Corruption, that not only 
 deferve, but if publicly proved, would, for the 
 lake of decency, be as rigoroufly pumfhed as 
 any offence committed on Hounflow-HeatLi *. 
 
 *" I will not, however, be too pofitive in this remark, for I 
 was prefent when a very rich man ot the name of Smith, 
 was, on the teftimony of feveral others, committed for 
 .grofs perjury, by a Committee which was trying a contefted 
 election for Exeter in 1791, before which he had been exa- 
 mined as a witnefs. I foon afterwards law, by the Ncvvgata 
 Calender, that he was imprifoned by virtue of the Speaker's 
 warrant, to take his trial at the Old-Bailey for perjury. But 
 by fome means, which I could never learn, perhaps by Mr. 
 Young's falutary influence, he was ipeedtly brought before 
 the Houfe, reprimanded, and difcharged ; nor, although it 
 was then hinted, that he was yet ta be punifhedj has any pu-, 
 nifhment been inflicted ! ! ! 
 
 And
 
 And we might, with equal juflice afcribe, ouf 
 happinefs to the robberies committed there, as 
 to the influence, which, according to Mr. 
 Young, the ignorant thiiik Corruption in the 
 Houie of Commons. 
 
 But this boafted happinefs is, I fear, much 
 over-coloured. Thole who can buy a three- 
 and-fixpenny pamphlet indeed, the fhopkeepers 
 and merchants of the City of London, the 
 members of country corporations, and all who 
 pofTefs the means of living eafily, may well 
 lay, they are happy ; but they ihould not take 
 upon them to anfwer for the whole nation *. 
 Do thefe men comprife the whole people ? No. 
 Not a tenth, perhaps not a fiftieth part of the 
 people. Yet, as they are more, intelligent, con- 
 fpicuous, bufy, and noiiy, in the world, they 
 certainly make a great appearance. My un- 
 famionable idea of the people* however, com- 
 prifes the Swinim Multitude, as well as the men 
 of lome property. 
 
 I lhall not enter into an abftrait definition of 
 happinefs. If it is prefumed, that acquiefcence 
 in a ftate is a proof of its happinefs, then the 
 Turks and Tartars, and the Weft-India (laves, 
 are happy, and it would be impolitic to im- 
 prove their condition or reform the Conftitu- 
 
 * A Farmer-General in Languedoc, who received as 
 much money from the old French as Mr. Reeves now does 
 from the Engliih Government, was told many years ago, 
 when Reform mi^ht have been made without being followed 
 by any mifchievous confequences, how necefiary it was to 
 retrench and amend the mode of carrying on the Govern- 
 ment ; to which, like our penfioners, he anfwered, Ma if 
 pourquoi changer ? Nous fommes fi bien. iJut why change \ 
 We are fo well. 
 
 tions
 
 C 105- > 
 
 ttons under which they live. And- it wi-11 he. 
 found, that what is deemed happinels in Britain 
 is mere iubminion, arifmg, not from an en- 
 joyment of the comforts of life, hut from the 
 ignorance of the lower clafs of people ; an 
 ignorance, which Mr. Young recommends to 
 be perpetuated and increafed ; and, indeed, it 
 is a lure way of bellowing what fome men 
 mean by happineis ; for hew can a man regret 
 the want of that to which he has never been 
 accuflomed ? Had the inhabitants of this coun- 
 try been always confined to fuch happinels, they 
 might now hav.e been no better off than they 
 were under, William the Conqueror, or than 
 the prefent wretched natives of Morocco. The 
 diffuiion of knowledge has been a chief caufe 
 of the iiiperior degree of happinefs enjoyed by 
 the Britifh fubjech ; but this happinefs cannot 
 be interpreted to be acquiescence, or a blind 
 and ignorant content, becaufe the.n the wild fa- 
 va;es of America are happier than the moil wealthy 
 dalles ifi Britain.. It. mufb be interpreted, pro- 
 iperity, or a fuperipr degree of enjoyment 
 in the neceuaries und comforts of life, and in 
 the civilized intercoujfe of Ibciety. By this 
 rule, therefore, we muil judge of it; for 
 otherwife, we (hall rind t.he moil wretched be- 
 ings content in the midft of want, and the 
 moil wealthy and grufperpus difcontented in the 
 rnidfl of plent} . 
 
 If, then, we decide on the happinefs of the 
 people at large in Britain, not by what may 
 chance to make them acquiefcent, but by what 
 Rationally ought to make them content, we 
 ijiall find their 'i^ppinefs to confill chiefly in tlv 
 
 aiilcrtions
 
 afferticns of thofe who really pofTefs that, and 
 in the ignorance of thofe who do not. That 
 which ought to give content, and confequently 
 constitutes happinefs, is, I conceive, a plenty of 
 good food and clothing, of all the neceffaries 
 of life, to fuch a degree, as would make every 
 man and his family comfortable. How far 
 that is the cafe I will leave any man to judge, 
 who can impartially, and with fome intelli- 
 gence on the fubje&j compare all clafles in his 
 neighbourhood. He muft not confine himfelf 
 
 O 
 
 to the Royal-Fxchange, to Grofven or- Square, 
 or Mr. Young's parlour ; but let him examinq 
 the large towns, the manufacturers, mechanics, 
 and country labourers, and he will find an im- 
 menfe majority of the people, who are not fa 
 well provided with the necefTaiies of life, as the 
 paupers in a work-houfe. Even in London, the 
 moft wealthy Ipot in the empire, I will venture 
 to affirm, that a great majority are not com- 
 fortably provided with the common necefTaries 
 of life ; and that if thofe, who are comfortably 
 provided, are compared with thofe who are 
 actually ftarving, I believe, the latter will out- 
 number the former. So much for the general 
 happinefs enjoyed by the people in this country. 
 Mr. Young, when feafting on venilbn and claret, 
 with the Committee of Penfioners, in the 
 Crown and Anchor Tavern, might well ex- 
 claim, " Are not we a happy people r" But 
 were he to go into the regions of Spitalfields, 
 where he might feat himfelf among many thou- 
 iands who want a morfel of bread to put in their 
 mouths, and lay the fame thing, he would pro- 
 voke the indignation of every leniib'e man, and 
 
 even
 
 I0 7 / 
 
 & en Mr. Reeyes, I hope, would blufli at his 
 impudence *. 
 
 But, 
 
 * It is rathrr fincruhr, that formerly the moft pompous 
 feulogiums were always made on oar govern neat, and iiap- 
 pinefs, by thofe who were v ; chtirg the principles not only 
 of freedom, but of common juftice. 'J he following extradt 
 from Henry's Hiftory of Britain, p. 183 and 4, vol. vi. 
 quarto edition, is one ftrong initance or this : " The King," 
 (Henry VIIL in 1543) ' had borrowed great fuii.s from a 
 " prodigious multitude of his fubjedls, of all ranks, for the 
 <c repayment of which, he had given bonds and other legal 
 u fecunties. The Parliament, very g-neroufly, made the 
 " King a prefent of all the money he had borrowed from his 
 *' fubjedts, and declared his bonds and fecuruies to be of no 
 " value. The King thanked his two houfes in the politcit 
 *' terms, for their generofity, and graciouflv accepted their 
 *' valuable prefenf, while his creditors were left to COM' o!s 
 " with one another, and, put up witn their lofTes, as well 
 <c as they could. The preamble ia this iniquitous jlatute, is one 
 " of the mcji extravagant pizces of flattery -that ever was cym- 
 " pofed* In it they gave a mortrnjui 4:/cri:->tion of t;u con- 
 " fufion, poverty, dijlrtj'S) and mif ry, of ALL OTHER NA- 
 " TIONS, and drew a vvrt flattering ptfhtrt of the riches^ 
 tc pence) and projperity^ of England, during his Graces 
 
 <c reign." Judge Jeffries, in the memorable trial of Lady 
 
 Li,1e,fpokethus tothej^ry. "Befides, gentlemen, wecan;' 
 u fufficiemly thankful to our God, for th<; mercies we enjoyed 
 " under that blefled King (Ch;,rli.s the I! i. ' for, we are to 
 " confider, that we lived in all the alliuence of peace ^ud 
 *' plenty ; our Lives, Liberties, and Properties, inviolably wera- 
 c< fecured ; every man fat jafe under the foacisiv of his nvjn 
 " vine, and ate the fruit of his own labour. And while cur 
 <l neighbours fuffered the calamities of War, we weie fur-* 
 u rounded with all the blefiings of Peace, and ilept fecurely 
 " under the government of a gracious and merciful King." 
 
 The Lord Juftice Cltrk, "on the late trial of Mr. Muir, 
 
 fpoke in lubftance pretifely the fame. The only material dif- 
 ference arofe from his natural averfiin to inebriety, whkh 
 induced him to convert Judge Jeffries' intoxicating vine 
 into a fober fig-tree. He faid, u It requires no proof to 
 " fhew, that the Britifh Conftitution is the belt that ever 
 ** was fince the creation of the world, and it is not pof* 
 P 3 iiblfc
 
 '( to* ) 
 
 "But, admitting the eulogiums on our hflppi- 
 neis to be juit, will not their truth be the 
 greatelr, aggravation of the conduce of thofe 
 who pronounce them, and yet plunge us from 
 this elevated felicity into all the naileries of the 
 rnoft wanton calamitous War that ever afflicted 
 feu'rope ? In the iarne proportion as they extol 
 cur happineis, do they increafe their own cri- 
 minality, bv depriving us -of it : And it is in 
 vain to fay, that the War was neceflary, or, 
 that it was provoked bv the French, for though 
 a majority of people inlift on theie two points, 
 yet a candid examination of fafts, will fhewj 
 that they have no other foundation than the 
 prejudices of thofe who believe them. 
 
 I have already fhewn, that hostilities were re- 
 folved on by Auftria, long before they were 
 meditated by France *, who did all in her power 
 
 to 
 
 ** fible to fnalce it better: for is tot every man fecurc ? Doe* 
 4c not every man reap the fruits of bis own indujiry^ and Jit 
 4< fafely under bis own fig-tree ?" 
 
 * The following extract is unqueftionable proof of th& 
 wicked defigns of theCjerman Priixres. It clearly eftablifheS 
 what is maintained in the early part -of this Pamphlet, viz. 
 that the cont'mental Defpots were the agsrefibrs in the pre- 
 fent War. It gives reafon to fufpect, th;>t -the King of 
 France, dsiigned by his flight, to put himfelf at the head of 
 the invaders, as it f!iew, that long bef< r j his attempt to 
 efcape, he knew of the plot, yet concealed it ; and it com- 
 pleatlv refutes theaficrtion in a late Pamphlet entitled, " Rc- 
 ct flections on the propriety of an immedia'e Peace," faid to 
 be written bv Mr. Vanfittirt, that the Convention at Piinitz, 
 only firmed in confequence of the imprifonment ot 
 Louis, ard that when he was fet at liberty, it chafed to exift, 
 I-H caufe, it fliers, that the plot againft France, was formed 
 when the Kin^r enjoyed more indulgence than at any other 
 -1 during the Revolution, and vvUen the new Conftku- 
 o?' rruuvc, wore the moil ufpicious. afpect. .M. Big.-t 
 
 de
 
 to prevent them. And although Mr. 
 afferts, that " this country had no right to in- 
 '" terfere in the affairs of France, previous to 
 " the loth of Auguft, and that till then our 
 '" Government was rather friendly than other- 
 " wife," yet it will eafily be ihewn, that he is 
 -quite miftaken, unlefs he means fuch friend- 
 'ihip as the Duke of Brunfwick\ and that the 
 War might, and ought to have been avoided, 
 as the French were even more defirous of keep- 
 ing peace with Britain, than they had been to 
 .prevent a rupture with Auftria. 
 
 Our Government, indeed, obferved a ftrift 
 'neutrality previous to the i oth of Auguft, but 
 
 : de Sainte Croix, who was Minifter of Foreign Affairs, to 
 Louis the XVith. at the time that Monarch was dethroned, 
 and who is now an emigrant in London, has, flnce his arri- 
 val here, published a Hiftory of the Confpiracy of the loth 
 of Auguft, in which he fay?, p. 152, (t Des 1? Printems de 
 ** 1791? le Pvoi empechoit 1'execution d'un plan fecret arrete 
 .** a Mantoue pour attaquer, deux mois apres la France, dont 
 " les armees etoicnt alors incomplettes, et les frontieres fans 
 ' defenfe." 
 
 " In the fpring of 1791, the King prevented the execution 
 w of a fecret plan, determined on at Mantua,- for attacking 
 " tc France, two months afterw. rcU, the armies of which 
 '*' were then incomplete, and the frontiers dcfencelefs." 
 
 This .gentleman's authority is of the higheit nature. He 
 now avows himfelf always to have been a determined Roy- 
 alift. With a laudable love of his King, however, he 
 thought he could mofl fmcerely ferve him by difguifing his 
 fentiments, and remauiing about his perfon, which he did as 
 long as it was fafe to do fo. He was a pirticular confident 
 -of Louis the XVlth. and he no\v abuft-s the Conltitution of 
 1789. But what is ftronger proof of his being a Royal ift, 
 and a confident of his late King, is, that he is admitted to 
 St. James's, and carefled by our Government ; and, even 
 the well known Peltier, in his Dernier Tableau de Pa;is, 
 calls him ** le veritable homme du F,oi." 
 
 not
 
 hot from any good will towards France. It 
 was the dread of the refentment of the Britiili 
 people, and the belief, that the Duke of Bruirf- 
 v> k would effect his purpofe without our 
 arliftance, that prevented Admin iftration from 
 openly joining the concert of Princes in their 
 firft operations. Sufficient proof of this was on 
 record before the loth of Auguft, and luble- 
 quent events have let the fact beyond all dii- 
 pute. The hoftile difpofition of the Court of 
 bt. James's, towards the French Conftitution, 
 was believed all over Europe, and never even 
 questioned in England. The French knew and 
 avowed it; but they relied on the love of Li- 
 berty inherent in Englishmen, for defeating the 
 defigns of Government againft their Fieedom : 
 And for a while, this notion of a difference of 
 fentirnent, between the King's Minifters and 
 the people, ieemed to be juftly founded. 
 
 Mr. Burke, denounced the French Revolu- 
 tion previous to the abolition of titles, and be- 
 fore Ib much blood had been med as lately was 
 fpilt in Briftol, about the payment of a half- 
 penny. He has continued his furious Anathemas, 
 and long before the loth of Auguft, wasfeafted 
 at ths cabinet dinners of our' Minifters, and ca- 
 refled by that Monarch, whom he had declared 
 the Almighty to have hurled from his Throne, 
 whole houfhold expences he had curtailed, and 
 whole difpleafure was well knov/n, in confe- 
 quence, to have been incurred. What then 
 was the caule of Mr. Burke becoming ib great 
 
 *^ _. ^ 
 
 a favourite, excepting his abufe of the French 
 Revolution r Was this a fymptom of our 
 
 Government
 
 ( III ) 
 
 Oovernment being rather friendly than other* 
 wile ? 
 
 In the fummer of 1791, when our Govern- 
 ment knew that the German Princes were 
 planning a War againft France, did not a newf. 
 paper, notorioufly in the pay of certain perlons, 
 high in office, teem with the mod artful falfe- 
 hoods and grofs calumnies, for the purpofe of 
 deterring the admirers of the French Revolu- 
 tion from celebrating that event on the I4th of 
 July, or of producing a riot which might dif- 
 grace the meeting r Did not a mob affemble 
 round the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in Lon- 
 don, which, thanks to their own discretion and 
 good intentions, rather than to thole who at- 
 tempted to dupe them into violence, difperfed 
 without doing any mifchief ? Pid not a fimilar 
 mob alienable in Birmingham, which commit- 
 ted' the moft horrid exceiFes for the honour of 
 Church and King ? Was not that mob inftigatcd 
 by perfbns, who luppofed they were pleaiing and 
 ferving the Government, and do they not yet 
 remain impunifhed ? But from thefe events, 
 Can any thing be difcovered in the conduct of 
 cur cabinet that fhewed it to be " rather friend- 
 ** ly to the French Revolution than oth.T- 
 " wife ? r A politician, would have formed his 
 opinion of the lentiments of our Government 
 from the contents of fuch a newfpaper, becauie, 
 it would not dare to take a fide on a queftion of 
 fuch magnitude and continuance, agatnjl the 
 will of its patrons ; and, through its channel, 
 Adminiftration might inculcate fuch doctrines 
 as it might be impolitic to avow. In fuch % a 
 newfpaper, they fpeak in the dark ; they aflert 
 
 what
 
 what they pleafe, without being refponfible, or 
 known, or even perhaps, fufpecled. The pub-, 
 lie look for the printer's name at the bottom, 
 to fee who is the author of the contents, when,, 
 probably, it would be more juft to look to the 
 vicinity of Whitehall. 
 
 Mr. Pitt himfelf, in the debate on Mr. 
 Grey's notice of his motion for a Parliamentary 
 Reform, three months before the loth of Au- 
 gnfr., called the French ConfLitution, fuch, as. 
 if formed in the morning, could not exift till 
 noon. He alfo reprobated the wild French 
 theories, which, he laid, were fubverfive of all 
 prder and government ; and although he did 
 not preach War againil: France, yet he coun- 
 tenanced thofe who did, and condemned as dan- 
 gerous every principle of the Revolution : Nor 
 <did any member of Adminiftration ever hint 
 that they difapproved of Mr. Burke's war- 
 whoop. 
 
 Was the conduct of our Minifters in declining 
 to negociate between France and Auftria, in 
 favour of Peace, when folicited to that effect by 
 the former, no proof that they wifhed to fee 
 a War ? Was the balance of power in danger 
 by the Emprefs of RurTia's retaining poflefnon 
 or* Oczakow, and in no danger by the com-, 
 bined armies gaining poiTefiion of Paris, for 
 llich was then the expectation ? Could we go 
 to War about a fingie remote town, and yet re- 
 fufe to negociate, when the exigence of a great 
 neighbouring nation was in queilion ? -' But. 
 ' we had no right to interfere, imlefs called 
 ** upon by all the parties *."- -No ! Then we 
 
 * Vide Lord Grenville's note to Monf. .Chauevlin. 
 
 liave
 
 ( "3 ) 
 
 have no right to interfere in behalf of Poland, 
 unlefs called upon by the Emprefs of Ruffia ; 
 then, we had no right to interfere about 
 Oczakow, in behalf of the Turks, becaufe, 
 the fame gracious Dame did not call upon us ; 
 and we have no right now to interfere in be- 
 half of the French Royalifts, becaufe, the Re- 
 publicans do not call upon us* We had a right ; - 
 it was our duty. We might have preierved a 
 limited Monarchy in France, averted the dread- 
 ful calamities of the prefent War, and faved an' 
 amiable unfortunate Kins; from the fcaffold. 
 
 <J 
 
 Another pointed inftance of the fecret hofti- 
 Hty of aur Government, towards the new Confti- 
 tu-tion of France, is to be found in the cor- 
 rcfpondence which pafTed between Lord Gren- 
 ville andMonf. Chauevlin,.in May, 1792. The 
 4atter, invariably ftiles Louis theXVIth. " King 
 l< of the French," which was the title de- 
 creed by the National Aflembly, and the former 
 as invariably ftiles him, *' His moft Chrif- 
 tc tian Majefty," which was the title during 
 theDefpotifm. Thus,- the Britiih Government, 
 three months before the loth of Auguil:, fully 
 manifefted its unwillingnefs to acknowledge the 
 new Conrtitution : It was manifefted in the 
 fame manner, as was afterwards openly de- 
 clared, on refufing to acknowledge the Repub- 
 lic, in driftinctions of names and forms ; and 
 betrayed a fympathy, at leaft, if not an actual 
 connecYion, with the Duke of Brunfwick. If 
 to this, we add the uncontradicled paflage in 
 the Declaration of the French Princes, on the 
 loth of September, 1 79 1, wherein the King of 
 Fiance, is " aflured that every power in Eu- 
 
 ** rope,
 
 C "4 ) 
 
 " rope," (among which, Britain muft be in- 
 cluded) " is favourable to the enterpriie of the 
 " Duke of Brunfwick," and the very warm 
 reception, both at Court and by Minifrers, of 
 that public plunderer, Calonne, it would be the 
 heigm of folly to queftion the regret of 'our 
 Cabinet, at the fall of the old French Govern- 
 ment, and the ardent dehre for its refturation. 
 
 In addition to thele proofs, which exifted pre- 
 vious to the loth of Auguu, of the unfriendly 
 diipofition of the Britifh Court to the French 
 Revolution, others have occurred iince that pe- 
 riod, which illuflrate and confirm my opinion 
 of the fecret hofvility of our Alinifrers, ami 
 fully contradict Mr. Young's aiTertion, that, 
 " till then, our Government was rather friendly 
 " than otherwife." 
 
 Air. Pitt, declared, in the Fjfoufe of Com- 
 mons lall winter, " That as a right hon. Gen- 
 *' tleman, (Mr. Fox) had rejoiced at the re- 
 " treat of the Duke of Brunfwick, lo he, on 
 " his part, would fay, he confidered it as the 
 " greateft misfortune that could have befallen 
 *' mankind." Lord Auckland, in his Memo- 
 rial to the States General, dated Jan. 25th. thus 
 expreiTes himfeif, when fpeaking of France, 
 " It js not quite four years fince certain mif- - 
 " ere ants, afFummg the name of Philoibphers, 
 " have prefumed to think themfelves capable 
 *' of eilablifhing a new fyftem of civil fociety." 
 Lord Hood, in his nrft proclamation to the 
 people of Toulon, not only has imitated Lord 
 Auckland, in alluding to " the milery which 
 " for four years has afflicted France," but de- 
 * c clared, " that it is for the re-rftablijhment . 
 
 +j *j i
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 4 * of the French Monarchy, that Britain has 
 " armed.'* But, indeed, the late Proclama- 
 tion of his Majefty, lets the fa 61 beyond dif- 
 jpute, that we are fighting to give a Govern- 
 ment to Frar.ee, and is therefore, ftrong; pre- 
 rumptive proof of the hoftile dilpofition of our 
 Court, previous to the icth of Auguft, and, 
 combined with other circumftances, fairly jufti- 
 fies us in concluding, that it was only the fear 
 of difcontent at home *, and the confidence that 
 bur exertions were unneceiTary, which prevented 
 us from being more earlv eiis;a2;ed in the War. 
 
 o ^ / o o 
 
 Much proof cannot be required of the un- 
 friendly difpofition of our Court after the loth 
 of Auguft. Withdrawing Our AmbafTador, and 
 refrainirig to fend another, was an unequivocal 
 demonstration of difpleafure, and a fure preface 
 of hofti'iitv. The fcandalous and inceflaht abule 
 of Monf; ChaiieVlin, in a newfpaper, (the Sun) 
 'conducted by perlons connected with, and at 
 the devotion of Admihiftration, was furely fome 
 ground for iiippoilng there were thofc who 
 wifhed to drive him from this country, and 
 thereby precipitate a War. The frendh, on 
 the other hand, flrongly evinced their deiirc to 
 keep Peace with this country, by continuing 
 Moilf. Chauevlin at our Court, after the Britith 
 Ambaffador was withdrawn from Paris : This 
 Was an inftance of humiliation, which, even 
 amidft all their fuccefles, exultation, 
 
 * Mr. Rurkc, a few days be r ore the declaration of T vVar, 
 faid, in the Hou'e of Comn.om, th..t he OTI'V pardoned the 
 Minifters tor their ftownefs in beginning tlu Wr.r, or, r.c- 
 count of the rurcdlity ot wait.ng till the pu % bl : ten-, per v.-as 
 inflan.ed to a fifftcient pitch to fpcond them effefiuaUy. i'or 
 nearly four years he had been wailing for that fortunate pe- 
 riod, which had ;>.l laft arrived. 
 
 Qa they
 
 they fubrrritted to, in hopes of maintaining 
 tranquillity : And among many others, equally 
 unqueftionable, may be enumerated, the re- 
 fufal of giving permiilibn to Dumourier, to enter 
 Holland, who, in a council at Liege, on the 
 5th of December, affirmed, that he could eafily 
 march to Amfterdam, and deftrsy the Dutch 
 Government, if he received orders for that pur- 
 , pofe. The Executive Council, however, would 
 hot give him any fuch orders, for "fear of pro- 
 Toking a rupture with Britain ; a- conduct, which 
 they, rio doubt, fbon repented, as they faw by 
 the ftoppage of corn, the alien bill, and the 
 fpeeches of Minifters in Parliament, how un- 
 founded was their expectation of continuing 
 Peace : They faw, that the antipathy of the 
 Britifh Government to their Revolution, which 
 had been manifefted from the beginning, and 
 
 ^j ^5 
 
 had gradually increaied and difplayed itfelf, was 
 at laft, going to break out into open War. The 
 King's death gave a plaufible pretext for dif- 
 tnimng Chauevlin, and by provoking the indig- 
 nation of Englifhmen, prepared their feeling* 
 to plunge into a War of vengeance ; for fuch it 
 certainly was on the part of the Britim people, 
 even in its outlet. 
 
 With regard to the profefled grounds of com- 
 mencing the War ; the decree of fraternity ^ 
 the opening the Scheldt, and the aggrandize- 
 ment of France, they have all been lo amply 
 difcuiTed, that it w r ould be fuperfluous in me 
 to animadvert on them ; and, as was often faid 
 in Parliament, there can be little doubt tnat 
 they might have been amicably fettled, if a pa- 
 ne diipofition had been mauifefled by our 
 
 Miuifters,
 
 ( "7 > 
 
 Minifters, and if they had entered into 3 
 proper jiegociation. They indeed, pretended, 
 that the French had given in their ultimatum, 
 but our Minifters have fhewn, that when it 
 fuited their purpofe, they could confider ulti- 
 matums only as preliminaries, for, in the late 
 dilpute with Spain, they appeared as anxious to 
 avoid, as, with France, they fince appeared, 
 eager to precipitate a rupture. 
 
 Such were the pretexts for commencing the 
 War : Its * real grounds, the fubfequent con- 
 duct of Miniikrs, has fully illuftrated ; they 
 have fhewn that Mr. Young was right in faying, 
 its object was to deirroy a combination of Re- 
 formers. Thus, then, according to the late 
 Earl of Chatham and Sir George Saville, the 
 American War was begun in order to gratify 
 the Corruption of the Houle of Commons, and 
 according to Mr. Young, the p relent War is to 
 preferve its rotten Conllitution. Indeed, Mr. 
 Young's opinion is confirmed by every circum- 
 ftance ; for, was not the late alarm directed 
 wholly againft Reform ? Was not the procla- 
 mation, in May 1792, produced in confequence 
 of the fociety of the Friends of the People 
 being inftituted for the purpofe of procuring a 
 Reform ? What could be the object of that pro- 
 clamation, if it was not to excite an alarm 
 ngainir. Reform ? Did it not immediately divide 
 the kingdom into Reformers and Anti-Refor- 
 mers ? Was it not the avowed determination of 
 
 * Mr. Bowles, one of the Crown and Anchor committee^ 
 in his " Real Grounds," pubhfhed laft winter, fays, it is 
 merely on our part a War of Defence, and that no country 
 ius a right' to interfere in the internal concerns of anot: 
 
 Govern-
 
 ( "8 ): 
 
 .'Government to refift Reform, and the dread, 
 that in the conflict, the Conftitution would he 
 deftroyed, that rlrft founded the alarm ? It was 
 from the fpeeches of thofe in power, from pro- 
 clamations, camps, and addreiles, that the king- 
 dom firft began to think itfelf in danger. In the 
 fame manner as the popularity of the American W T ar 
 was planned in, and directed by the fecret Cabi- 
 net, was the late alarm planned artd directed by the 
 tools of Government. Alarms have alwavs been 
 found ufeful to thofe who profit by " extrava- 
 gant Courts, felfifh Minifters, and corrupt Ma- 
 " jorities." The alarm excited by the riots in 
 1 780, deftroyed all hopes of a Reform at that 
 time ; and the alarm at the concluiion of 1792* 
 has again defeated, for the prefent, the fame 
 caufe. Thus we find, that alarms will always 
 be hatched, when Parliamentary Reform is 
 likely to fucceed, and yet, that the want of that 
 Reform brought on the American War, the 
 moft ruinous this country ever faw, and has in- 
 volved us in another, the confequences of which 
 cannot be calculated, although they threaten to 
 be much more dreadful. 
 
 After a period was put to ne^ociation, except- 
 ing fome underhand intercourle, which, it would 
 appear, Minifters entered into merely to give a 
 colour to an affected deiire of Peace ; after the 
 d-fmiflalof Chauevlin, what was to expected ? 
 War. His difmifial was an unequivocal mark 
 of hoftility on our part, for Ib iuch aftep has al- 
 ways been conlidered by nations in fimilar cir- 
 cumftances. The office, then, of commencing 
 the War was thrown upon the French, who, it 
 was not to be fuppoied, amidft tlieir fuccefs, 
 
 would
 
 ( "9 )' 
 
 would betray a daftardly fear, by declining it: 
 It was not to be expected that they would then 
 Shrink from a rupture with a country, which 
 ihevved it would begin War as foon as it could 
 with advantage, and which had cut off all chance 
 of the continuance of Peace, by driving away 
 the AmbafTador. Yet Mr. Dundas had the af- 
 fiirance to declare, in the Honfe of Commons, 
 that the War, on our part, was limply defen- 
 five ! A declaration, which he could only have 
 been encouraged to make by the ready belief 
 then given to whatever was faid in fupport of 
 Government. He might as juftly have declared, 
 that the fen zu re of Poland was (imply defenfive 
 n the part of Ruitia and Pruffia ; arid indeed, 
 thofe powers made that their pretext ; they faid, 
 they divided Poland in order to defend them- 
 felves againir. Jacobinifm ! 
 
 War, however, being commenced, it is not 
 fo important at prefent to inveftigate its original 
 pretexts, as to enquire what are now its real ob- 
 jects, how long it is likely to continue, and 
 what will probably be its termination and confe- 
 quences. Upon the. firft of thefe points, there 
 are as various opinions as there are about re- 
 ligion : Some are for fighting to reftore the an- 
 cient Monarchy, and exterminate the prefent 
 popular principles ; others, delire the reitera- 
 tion of the Conftitution, founded in 1/89 ; a 
 third party, fupport the War in hopes of gain- 
 ing territory ; a fourth, wilh the throat of every 
 Frenchman may be cut ; and a fifth, fupport it, 
 becaufe they hate the French. Mr. Young, 
 though not iingular, differs fomewhat from all 
 of thefe ; he fupports the War, in, hopes of de- 
 
 ilroying
 
 ( ,20 ) 
 
 firoying a Gombination of Reformers, and pro- 
 curing Peace for the next fifty vears. 
 
 o > % j 
 
 To thofe who wT>uld continue the War, in 
 hopes of reftoring the ancient Monarchy, which 
 certainly cannot be done, without deftrovins: 
 
 > * O 
 
 the prefent popular principles, I fhall obferve, 
 that a War againft opinions never was fuccefs- 
 ful. Perufe the hiftories of the Wars againft 
 religious Opinions, againft religious Reformers, 
 againft the Principles of Freedom in Holland, 
 againft the Principles of Freedom in America. 
 Were any of thefe fuccefsful, were any of the 
 fame kind ever fuccefsful ? No. In the third 
 campaign, the caufe of the Americans, feemed to 
 i>e quite hopelefs, twentv times more fo than 
 that of France now is, yet it ultimately triumphed. 
 Are not the French the moft powerful Nation 
 in Europe ? Have they not formerly, when- 
 lefs interefted in the caufe, contended againft and 
 repelled all Europe r Are they not now ani- 
 mated even to madnefs with hatred againft 
 Kings and Nobility? Does not every fuccefs 
 of the Combined Armies encreafe the unani- 
 mity, and confequently the ftrength of France ? 
 If enthufiafm in La Vendee has fo loner "refifted 
 
 O 
 
 that po"wer, which fo lately threatened the con- 
 queft, and fince, has fuccefsfully withftood all 
 Europe ; if in one department it has coped 
 with the competitor of Germany, Italy, Britain, 
 Spain, Holland, &c. what may it not be ex^ 
 pefted to do in eighty departments r We are 
 led, indeed, to believe, that bribery will produce 
 revolts, and divide the French ; but this is the 
 very fame expectation which was held out 
 during the American contcft, and then much
 
 ( "I } 
 
 more fuccefsfully pra&ifed than hitherto has 
 Been done in France. The lame men are: 
 purfuing the lame policy. But Hawkeflrarv, 
 Dundas, llowe, Auckland, and Loughborouo-h, 
 may have no more reafoii for exultation than 
 they had in 1780; Bribery may, indeed, do 
 much mifchief, and if is natural for thole who 
 believe it perfuafive, to try its effects on others. 
 But " extravagant Cburts, lelfilli Minifters, 
 " and corrupt Majorities," are not " inti- 
 " mately interwoven" with French. Freedom, 
 and therefore cannot be expe6ted to produce 
 prolperity and happiriefs in that nation; They 
 do not fight for the glory of a Court, or the 
 folly or ambition of a Minister ; every man 
 thinks he fights for himfelf. Even the Ton- 
 
 O 
 
 lonefe, while furrenderino- their town, declared 
 
 O 
 
 their firm attachment to the Conftitution found- 
 ed in 1789, and the refloration of that Con- 
 fritution is certainly the furtheft ftretch from 
 Republicanifm to which the French people 
 will cohfent to go^ It therefore follows, that 
 either the allies muft relinquilh their original 
 yiews, a" animate the French nation, as- one 
 man, to maintain the conteft againft them. 
 And here I will appeal to Mr. Young's favourite 
 " Pra&ice" and " Events," and defire to 
 know, if a War againft a people, againft fo 
 powerful a people as the French, has ever been 
 fuccefsful ? 
 
 To thofe who willi the reftoration of a limited 
 monarchy, of the Conftitution founded in 1/89, 
 it cannot be neceflary to lay much to convince 
 them of the hopeleltnefs of their object. They 
 are, "indeed, the only reafonable ciais, and it is 
 ' R there-
 
 tnerefo're lamentable, that they mould have the 1 
 leaft proipel of fuccefs. It was that Conilitu- 
 tion which Mr. Burke reviled, which Mr. Pitt 
 Condemned, and which, as 1 have already 
 ihewn, never was fincerely approved by our 
 Government. It is that Conftitution which 
 Lords Auckland arid Hood attempted to hold 
 up to defecation, when they mentioned the 
 mifcrenftts, who, for four year's, brought milery 
 on France. But what is more, it Was againft 
 that Cofiftitution, before it was even fmilhed, 
 tli3t the German Defpots made War, and to- 
 acknowledge it, Would be to acknowledge they 
 had failed in their defign, that they were de- 
 feated. If further proof is wanted, that the 
 Conftitution of 1789, and the prefent Govern- 
 ment of France, are*, equally odious to the 
 continental Defpots, look into the prifon of 
 iLa Fayette, who attempted to fix that Con- 
 iVttution, and to fave and fiipport the King: 
 Roberfpierre or Hebert, if, iri their power, 
 Could not be treated with more cruelty. Nay, 
 k is even vain to expect,- that the allies deilgn 
 the reiloration of the genuine, the ancient 
 French Government \ The States General 
 was a part of the ancient Government, and it 
 was the States General that brought about the 
 Revolution, and framed the Conffitution found- 
 ed in 1789, and accepted by the King in 1791. 
 The Convention at Pilnitz was formed againfl 
 the. States General, after it ha-d given itielf 
 another name, indeed ; and Ix^rds Auckland 
 and Hood have called them mifcreants, who 
 have brought mifery on France. It was the 1 . 
 States General which began the Revolution,,
 
 ( I2 3 ) 
 
 and, according to the allies, began all the 
 prefent mifchief. It cannot, therefore, be the 
 reftoration of the ancient Conftitution which is 
 intended, it can only be a crippled Defpotifm. 
 
 To thofe who confide r the objects of the 
 War, to be the acquifition of territory, it may 
 fee obferved, that all which we fhall probably 
 -conquer and retain, will, by no means, com- 
 penfate for the expences incurred s by the con- 
 tinuance of hoftiiities ; and even acquifition of 
 territory, may be of no folid advantage, if 
 we are to believe the fpeeches and writings of 
 the fupporters of Government, who have in- 
 ferred, from the national proiperity of the lail 
 ten years, that the lofs of America has beeti 
 rather a benefit than an injury to Britain. To 
 perfons who confider conquer! as the object of 
 the prefent ftruggle, I will not remark, on the 
 infamy of making War for plunder, becaufe, 
 with them, and the tyrants of the continent, 
 flich a remark would be treated as a jeft. 
 
 Thofe perfons who would continue the War, 
 merely becaufe they hate the French, and hope 
 to cut their throats, I confign over to the Crown 
 and Anchor committee, hoping there are 
 fufficient humanity and religion, in that worthy 
 body, to make them blufh at their brutality, 
 and tremble at their breach of the laws of God. 
 
 Mr. Young, is for continuing the \V>r, to 
 tieftroy a combination of Reformers, and give 
 us fifty years Peace ! This ihews the depth of 
 his penetration. I appeal to all the " Experi- 
 *' ments," " Praaice," and " Events,'* that 
 he can produce, whether all Wars have not, 
 inflead of deftroyine, created Reformers. As 
 
 R 2 the
 
 the people feel the weight of burthens, they 
 begin to think of lightening them, and conte- 
 quently, the firft thing they turn their thoughts 
 to, is Reform. Was not this particularly the 
 cafe of the American War r What produced 
 fuch a combination of Reformers in 1 780, if it 
 was not the expences of that conteft, and the 
 mil management of the public purfe ? The fame 
 jeffedts, will refult in time, from the prefent 
 War. Every new tax will make Reformers of 
 the clafs which is fixed on to pay it : And even 
 Mr. Young himfeif, may again think a Reform 
 defirable, if the necdiities of the State fhould 
 oblige Government to difcontinue his falary, 
 and e,ncreafe the land-tax. 
 
 If he could give any proof in fuppoi t of his 
 aiTertion, that the prefent War will produce 
 fifty years Peace, then indeed, however unjuft 
 it might be, there would be fome policy in con- 
 tinuing it. But what reafon have we to expecl 
 a Peace of fifty years ? Whatever may be the 
 fate of France, does the Hiflory of Britain or 
 of Europe juftify fuch an expectation ? At the 
 beginning of 1792, Mr. Pitt, allured us, of fif- 
 teen years peace ; at the beginning of 1 793, we 
 found ourfelves plunged into a mod: expenfive 
 and alarming War ! Is Mr. Young a better pro- 
 phet than Mr. Pitt ? A little moie than a year 
 before the commencement of the prefent War, 
 Mr. Pitt was defirous of involving us in hofli- 
 lities with Rufiia, on account of her aggrandize- 
 ment, and is not the feme Caufe of quarrel likely 
 to exifr, in an encreafed degree, whenever o\ir 
 clifpvitc with France ihall conclude ? Nay, as 
 sJl the powers in Europe arc only fmothering 
 
 their.
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 their old rooted animofities, in order to join irt 
 a common caufe, will they not quarrel in cafe 
 pf a failure in their prefent project, by blaming 
 each other with the fault ; or in cafe of niccefs, 
 will they not quarrel about the fpoil ? If Auftria 
 does not gain fomething confiderable, either in 
 France or elfewhere, can it be fuppofed fhe will 
 allow Ruffia and Prurfia quietly to retain what 
 they have taken of Poland ? In which ever 
 point of view we look at the prefent attempt 
 upon France, either of failure or fuccefs, the 
 refult is more likely to leave the feeds of future 
 Wars, than the profpect of any former ftruggle 
 in Europe. The Emprefs of RufTia is perfectly 
 well aware of this, therefore, fhe allows the 
 ,other powers to wafte themfelves, and referves 
 her ftrength till the day of reckoning mall 
 arrive *. 
 
 But it would be endlefs to e^pofe the folly and 
 injuftice of the general motives for continuing 
 the prefent War : It is of moil real impor- 
 tance to know, what Administration defign by 
 it : And here ? if we are to be guided by their 
 
 * This cunning Princefs had fucceeded in perfuading fiir: 
 late King of Sweden, to take an a&ive part in the prcfent 
 crufade, and it is tolerably well known, that her defign was 
 to have feized hi& dominion*, when he had fo far exhaufted 
 himfelf, as to be incapable of refiftance. This is the reafon 
 why Sweden and Denmark, now obferve a ftri<l neutrality, 
 and keep a watchful eye over her. The King of Pruifia has 
 been drawn into the fame fnare that was laid for the late King 
 pf Sweden, but it is generally believed, that the purfe of 
 apother power, as well as the aiTurances of the Emprefs, was, 
 in the very frj} In/lance, employed to prevail on him. The 
 confcioufnefs of his own danger from the Emprefs, now 
 makes him fo unwilling to vvafte his troops againft France. 
 
 declarations,
 
 ( '26 ) 
 
 declarations, it is but honeft to confefs total ia_ 
 norance, for it would feem they do not know 
 themfelves. But it is not from the unintelli- 
 gible hypocritical memorials of Minifters, that 
 the defigns of a Government are to be dif- 
 covered, fo much as from the general tenor of 
 their conduct. 
 
 The Englifh Court profefledly began the 
 War, in confequence of the decree of frater- 
 nity, the attempt to open the Scheldt, and the 
 aggrandizement of France. When fatisfaction 
 on all thefe points was obtained, and France was 
 Ib far humbled, that me would have agreed to 
 ^ny reasonable terms of accommodation, Mr. 
 Fox, in the month of June, moved an Addrefs 
 in favour of Peace, as die avowed caufes of War 
 fio longer exifted. To this, Mr. Pitt objected, 
 on the ground, that, although certain points 
 might be the occafion of a War, yet in its con- 
 duel: and events, there was no faying what ob- 
 jects might arife, which it might be prudent to 
 obtain ; that, therefore, though the original 
 grounds of the War no longer exhted, yet his 
 Majefty's Minifters thought it would be proper 
 to continue hoflilities, in order to procure in- 
 demnity for the pail, and fecurity for the future. 
 As to thefe two words indemnity and fecurity, 
 while it remains undefined, what indemnity 
 and fecurity are defired, as is the cafe at 
 prefent, they have no meaning at all, becaufe, 
 they may be made to mean every thing, or any 
 thing, or nothing : They may be interpreted 
 jufl as the Minifler*pleafes : He may deem a 
 promife to pay a certain film, as was the cafe 
 in the late diipute with Spain, a fufficient in- 
 demnity, and an afllirance of faith, though no 
 
 more
 
 fnore to be depended on than the faith of the 
 Emprefs and King of Pruffia, fnfficient fecurity : 
 Or he may deem nothing lefs than the complete 
 onqueft of France, to be fufficient indemnity 
 and fecurity. To fight for thefe two objects, 
 Unlefs they are preciferly denned, is to fight on 
 the molt blind fpeculation. 
 
 Fighting for new objects, that may arife in 
 the conduct and events of a War, is ftearly the 
 fame thing, as fighting for undefined indemnity 
 and fecurity ; and in fpeaking of the one, the 
 other may always be underftooci to be implied. 
 They are both equally the Minifter's fpecula- 
 tions ; for how can the people know when the 
 Mimfter will think he has obtained fufficient in- 
 demnity and fecurity, or when he may think 
 it proper to defifr. from attempting new objects, 
 that may arife in the conduct and events of 'a 
 War ? The prefent War was profefledly begun 
 for certain fpecified objects, but in its conduct 
 and events, thofe original objects being obtained, 
 we are next to continue hoflilities for unde- 
 fined indemnity and fecurity, and then we are 
 to eftablifh Monarchy in France ! The conduct 
 and events of the War may yet give rife to new 
 objects, and our wife Miniflers may think 
 they have not indemnity and fecurity, un- 
 lefs they not only eftablifh fuch a govern- 
 ment in France as may pleafe them, but alfo 
 feize fome of her territory. The conduct and 
 events of the War may again give rife to new 
 objects, and indemnity and fecurity may be 
 thought to require, that we mould deftroythe 
 
 f)vernment we had juit given to France, as the 
 ing of Prufiia did that which he recently 
 
 guaranteed
 
 ( "8 ) 
 
 guaranteed to Poland, and we may agree iS 
 divide the whole French territory among the 
 allies. Still, in the fame manner, new objects 
 anting, may carry us further, and it may be 
 thought neceflary, for indemnity and fecurity, 
 to obey the exhortations of fome of our divines, 
 and to exterminate the whole French people. 
 Nay, if fuccefs attends us, why mould we 
 ftap fhort with France ? New objects may arife 
 - in the conduct and events of War, which may, 
 according to Mr. Pitt's reafoning, juftify its 
 continuance, in hopes ojf the conqueit of the 
 whole world ! 
 
 But, although from their declarations, we 
 cannot precifely afcertain what are the objects of 
 Minifters in the prefent War, we muft conjecture 
 from their conduct, that they are much beyond 
 what it is thought prudent to avow. Why was 
 our intention of giving a monarchical form of 
 government to France concealed, till the fur- 
 render of Toulon ? Had any new circumftances 
 occurred in France, which made it more ne- 
 ceflary to interfere in her internal concerns, in 
 Auguft, when Lord Hood took pofTeffion of 
 that town, than in February, when the War 
 was begun ? No. But in February, the peo- 
 ple were not ripe for approving fuch a projecl, 
 therefore, it was concealed from them : Nor 
 are they now ripe for approving, .what in the 
 conduct and events of this War it may be 
 thought proper to attempt. The ultimate 
 objects muft be brought forward by degrees, 
 otherwife they might, perhaps, ilartle the 
 nation. 
 
 Since
 
 Since not only the Britifh Government, but 
 the allies in general, appear, by their inconiiftent 
 conduct, to conceal the true objects of the War ; 
 fince, by taking Valenciennes for the Emperor, 
 Toulon for Louis the XVIIth, and fummoning 
 Dunkirk to iur render to the King of Britain *, 
 there appears to be fomething of ielfiihneis, 
 !&nderall the plaufible difiufcerefted profeffions 
 of giving happinefs to France, how are we to 
 folve this myftery ? How are we to be guided 
 in fearching for the truth ? Are we not to 
 judge both of men and governments, rather by 
 their actions, than their profeffions ? If, under 
 pretence of improving an eftate, an attorney 
 had taken poiTeilion, and by dint of law had 
 wrung it from the legal proprietor; if the 
 iame attorney were to offer himfelf to another 
 man, who knew of this transaction, and to lay 
 to him, " youreftateis much deranged ; your 
 *' grounds are neglected, and your tenants idle, 
 ** difiipated, and wicked ; put your eflate into 
 " my hands for a ihort time, I will make it 
 " productive and beautiful, and your tenants 
 f induftrious, virtuous, and happy: it will, 
 *' indeed, coft me many thoufands of pounds, 
 "* 6 perhaps half my fortune ; but I am refolved 
 -" to do all for your benefit, though I owe you 
 " no gratitude, and expect no return." If a 
 man who was known to have acted fo trea- 
 cheroufly in one inftance were to attempt ta 
 
 * The Prince of Saxe Cobaurg's proclamations, in^ April 
 laft, in thefirft of which he engaged to reftore the Coniti- 
 tution of 1789, and in the fecond, recalled that promife^ 
 (llould alfo here be recolledled. 
 
 S repeat
 
 repeat his villany, would he be believed or 
 truited ? Would he not rather be kicked out 
 of the houfe of him to whom he made the 
 offer r If, then, it is from the actions of the 
 man that we form our notions of his character 
 and defigns, rather than from profefTions which 
 we know him moft fcandaloufly to have belied, 
 why lhall we not form our opinion of the 
 character and defigns of a Government in the 
 fame manner ? Have not Pruffia and Ruffia 
 robbed Poland, under the pretence of giving 
 her a crood Government, and making her 
 
 O O 
 
 happy ? And are they not now holding out the 
 fame pretences to France, in hopes of getting 
 porTeiiion, and plundering, in the fame man- 
 ner, that nation ?- Has a {ingle power in Eu- 
 rope remonilrated againft the robbery of Po- 
 land, as it was their duty, and more particu- 
 larly the duty of Britain, which affected to be 
 alarmed at the ceflion of Oczakow ? Is not 
 {ilence, in this cafe, confent ? How then are 
 \ve to guefs at the objects of the prefent War. 
 againft France, but by looking at what has 
 been done in Poland, iince the fame powers 
 are combined againft the one, which actually 
 robbed, or tacitly confented to the robbery of 
 the other ? which confented to the difmem- 
 berment of Poland, which had neither inter- 
 fered in the internal concerns of other powers, 
 nor infringed treaties, nor. violated the rightj; 
 of nations, nor aggrandized herfelf by con- 
 queft ; whofe new Constitution was approved 
 by Mr. Burke, and the other gentlemen in this 
 country, who were the moft implacably enemies^ 
 of French principles, and even fanctioned by 
 
 la
 
 its neighbour, the King of Pruffia, who after- 
 Wards made it the pretext for his robbery. 
 
 Such is the prelude to what, in common 
 fenfe, we muft conclude, is deiigned to be acled 
 in France^ If bribery can produce treachery 
 and civil commotion, which, feconded by ex- 
 ternal force, if, in fhort, by any means, for 
 the laws of nations and humanity are laughed 
 at, : the allies can conquer France, they will 
 treat it as they have done Poland, and difmenv 
 taer it in fuch a manner that it never may 
 again lift its head among nations. They will 
 give it fome puppet, for a monarch, and, under 
 pretence of awing Jacobinifm, will keep up a 
 Jarge {landing army, for which France will be 
 obliged to pay. This done, the balance of 
 power j for which we have fquandered fb many 
 millions, will be compleatly annihilated; and 
 if Ruflia, Auftria^ and Pruflia can agree about 
 the divifion of the fpoil, they may divide all 
 Europe among themfelves * They may make 
 a iecond partition of France j as they lately have 
 done of Poland ; they rhay do juft as they 
 pleafe all over the continent of Chriflian Bu-*- 
 rope, for there will be no power able to oppole 
 them. And even Britain will not long be^-fuf- 
 fered to retain her independence, wheri the 
 navies cf Fiance, Spain, Holland, Sweden, 
 and Ruflia, can be turned againft her ; : nay, 
 they will probably make her the mod exem- 
 plary inftance of their vengeance, becaufe me 
 has been the nurfe- of thole principles, agamlfc 
 which, in France, they are now making War. 
 
 * For a raoft excellent view of tins fubjcc!:, ice ths ; 
 ters of the Calm Obfcrver. 
 
 S 2 Such,
 
 *srs 5 
 
 Such, I believe, are the real objects of the 
 prefent War ; andy if the allies are fuccefsfi.il, 
 will, in due time, be imfblded ; but whe- 
 ther defeat or triumph follows- their arms-, the* 
 ultimate consequences' rnuft be equally perni- 
 cious to Britain. For* if their t-rue objects are 
 gained by the conqueft of France, Holland and 1 
 Britain will immediately be at their mercv, and! 
 \ve have feen in Poland what their mercy is ' 
 If, on the other hand,, the allies fail, vre fhall 
 be obliged to fit down in cfiigTace a fe\V rears- 
 
 o o 
 
 hence ; and the large additional burthens may 
 provoke a disappointed and aggrieved people not 
 only to make Reforms, but dangerous innova- 
 tions. In I^ord Cormvallis's l^te peace, the 
 preferring of Seringapatam \vHti jnfHfied on the 
 policy of iupporting vthe balance of power in 
 India ; but how mirth more ftrongly does the* 
 fame reasoning apply to- the prefervation of 
 France ? Shall our" gratitude to Auftria and: 
 Pnaffia induce us to ruin ourfelves ? A s:rati- 
 
 o 
 
 Kide, which is by no means due to shem, as it Was- 
 siot for Holland but for themfelves they fought. 
 The wifeir, policy foKBritam, therefore, is to 
 follow the example of the Emprefs of Ruflia, 
 and rather ftrengthen than waUe herlelf, now 
 ihe has gained all fhe deilred when- entering 
 into the conteft. To' fuppofe that Pruiiia, 
 Aufrria, and Ruffiadeiign, by this Wa^r,- to give 
 happinefs to France, is lo truly ridiculous, that 
 it does not deferve a fcrious comment; rearf 
 their own recent hiftories. 
 
 The duration of the War, or the event? 
 that may take place during its continuance, is 
 is- vrtin to calculate,* It was politively aficrted 
 
 of
 
 ( '33 ) 
 
 of the American War, at its commencement^ 
 that it would be finiihed in one campaign ; and 
 laft February, we were taught to expect the 
 lame thing of the rupture now exifiing. Wars 
 of a nature like the prefent, though even of 
 lefs importance, have, however, Jafted to a 
 period, which might excite ridicule if the fame 
 duration were predicted of the ftruggle now 
 making in France. Wars in former times 
 have been continued in that nation forty years. 
 The War by which Holland was enabled at 
 laft to throw off the Spanifh yoke bfled fixty 
 years, although Spain was then the moft for- 
 midable and Holland the moil inlignificant coun- 
 try in Europe. Mr. Young by predicting, that the 
 prefent War will bring us fifty years peace, and 
 that every year's War will bring ten years peace 
 In its tiain, calculates its continuance at five 
 years. On this point, he is much more honed: 
 than thofe who have written on the fame fide^ 
 for they have, and always will, aflfure us, that 
 another campaign will fettle it ; and they will 
 hold this language, even after the experience of 
 twenty years, mall have twenty times confuted 
 them. It is impoffible to calculate the dura- 
 tion of the War ; but, while the allies make 
 the fubjection of France their object, it mull 
 Wear the appearance of a long, bloody, cruel, 
 expeniive, ruinous contcft. It is not that the 
 Duke of York takes Valenciennes, or Lord 
 Hood, Toulon, or Lord Howe, Breft and 
 Bourdeaux, or the prince of Saxe Cobourg, 
 Rouen, Lyons, and Paris : The greater! part 
 of France, may be conquered by treachery and , 
 force ; but will it long remain fc> ? Can all the 
 
 powers
 
 ( '54 ) 
 
 powers in Europe keep a fta'nding arrny, liable 
 to imbibe the principles of Liberty, fufficient to 
 awe France into perpetual fubjeclion ? Will not 
 the inhuman conduct of Pruffians and Auftrians*, 
 which has already fhewn itfelf in Alface and 
 Lorraine, provoke frequent and formidable in- 
 iurre6tions ? The example of this country fhew?, 
 that where the principles of Liberty are fown, 
 force will rather nourifh than deftroy them, 
 and as the principles of Liberty are firmly 
 implanted in the breads of the French peo- 
 ple, they never can be rooted out. Tem- 
 porary calamity may difguft them at their Go- 
 vernors, but they never have been, nor never 
 will be difgufted at their principles. France 
 may, indeed, be apparently overcome, and 
 Peace eftablifhed ;^but a people, filled with 
 high notions of Freedom, never will long fub- 
 mit to Defpotic fway : Frequent Wars will 
 occur, until at laft, the conquerors will be ex- 
 haufted, and Liberty will triumph. Mr. Yourif 
 infers, becaufe the Englifh Republican Spirit 
 in the laft century ended in Defpotifm, that 
 therefore, the Republican Spirit in France will 
 end in Defpotifm alib : Defpotifm, may poiV 
 fjbly, fucceed the prefent Republic, and reign 
 for a while as it did in England ; but did not 
 the lame principles which brought Charles the 
 1ft. to the block, alfo expel James the lid. and 
 bring about the Revolution of 1688 ? And will 
 not the doctrines now iown in France, ulti* 
 mately fettle fome form of Government, 
 whether Monarchical or Republican, founded 
 on the principles of Liberty ? But it is ex- 
 tremely improbable, that a great and powerful 
 
 nation
 
 ( 'Si ) 
 
 nation of Enthufiafts will be overcome, even 
 fcy treachery and force. Their ftrength muft 
 uot be calculated by a narrow Court Policy ; 
 nor, becaufe Heffians, Hanoverians, and Sar- 
 dinians, will not fight without money, in what 
 is deemed a common caufe, muft it be con- 
 cluded, that Frenchmen are equally mercenary : 
 Ifhere is a National Treafury, more powerful 
 than all the tax offices in Britain, in the breafts 
 of Frenchmen : a love of Liberty. The Ame- 
 rican paper was lower than even that of France 
 has been, yet America triumphed ; and though 
 their Government has excited our contempt and 
 horror, yet it cannot be denied that the French 
 troops have lately diiplayed energy, enterprize, and 
 bravery, fcarcely equalled, certainly never furpaiT- 
 ed in the world. Whatever fond hopes may be 
 formed of the next campaign, I fear they will prove 
 illufive,forour future fuccefsisnot tobe calculated 
 by the events of laft fummer. Another Du- 
 mourier, may not be found, to dellroy the 
 principal army, and leave the northern frontier 
 unprotected : On the contrary, we have ieen 
 the ruinous effects of his treachery repaired, and 
 the tide again turned againft us : Nor will his 
 treatment encourage further treachery, or the 
 treatment of the Toulonefe, encourage Roy- 
 al ifm. It may even be feen in the flighting 
 treatment of the Ex-Princes of France, that 
 the Allies do not deiign to reftore them to their 
 former fortunes, but that they intend fomething 
 both againft them, and the Nation at large, 
 which, it is feared, thofe noblemen will not 
 agree to, and therefore, inftead of being held 
 up as confpicuous leaders in what is profelTed 
 
 to
 
 ( '36 ) 
 
 o be principally their own caufe, they are kept 
 in the back ground, and treated with coldnefs. 
 
 The fubjugation and partition of France, to- 
 gether with the efbibliihment of an impotent 
 Delpotifm, being therefore, the evident ob- 
 jects * of the continental Triumvirate, it may 
 be ufeful to enquire whether Great-Britain will 
 aflift them to the full extent of their views ; 
 how me can ftop fhort of them, and make 
 Peace ; whether, in any ftage of the War our 
 Government will be difpofed, of itfelf, to put 
 a period to hoftilities ; whether, it will not be 
 obliged to do fb by the remonftrances of the 
 people ; jn what manner it can make Peace, 
 and what may be the confequences of being 
 compelled to make it by the public. 
 
 The firft of thefe enquiries need be but ihort ; 
 it is but to read the Treaty with the King of 
 Sardinia, wherein, it is agreed, to pay him 
 200,000!. per annum, during the whole courfs 
 of the War, and the other Treaties with Ruffia 
 and Pruflia, through which we guarantee the 
 dominions of all the belligerent powers againft 
 the arms of France. By thefe Treaties, we per-r 
 ceive, that as long as the French poflefs a (ingle 
 
 * It has been faid, that the ceflion of the ftrong holds on 
 the northern frontier of France, would fatisfy the Allies, and, 
 } have little doubt, that they really would do fo, for the prefent. 
 It would indeed, be a fmall ceflion of territory, but, it would 
 in faft, be a ceflion of much more danger to this country, 
 than, not only the ccflun of Oczakow, but of all Turkey 
 in hurope. If the Allies poflefled that bulwark, they might 
 Dot only confine the French, wh:le they plundered Holland, 
 Denmark, and Sweden, and as they have done Poland, but 
 fae whole of France would be laid open to their maurauding 
 iiicurfions, 
 
 inch
 
 ( '37 ) 
 
 inch of ground belonging to Auftria, Sardinia, 
 or any of the allies ; or, as long as the King of 
 Sardinia thinks proper to carry on the War, 
 we are bound to carry it on alfo, which is fimply, 
 that while any of the allies continues hoftilities, 
 we are bound by Treaty to join them, and with- 
 out a breach of faith, cannot ftop fhort, and 
 defert their caufe. If to thefe Treaties, we add 
 the conduct of our Ambaflfadors HI Denmark, 
 Sweden, Tufcany, and Genoa, we may very 
 reafonably conclude, that the Britifh Cabinet is 
 not only embarked to the full extent of the views 
 of the Princes on the Continent, but is one of 
 the moil zealous, and even furious of the allies; 
 for our Government feems eager to fur- 
 pafs in violence all that has been done by other 
 powers. Peace, therefore, origirating in the 
 Britifh Cabinet, muft be at a very great 
 diftance. 
 
 The next queftion is, will the people patiently 
 Submit to a long continuance of the diftrefles 
 which are always brought on by War, and in- 
 variably encreafed by its protraction ? Will they 
 '^quietly fee their blood med, and their enormous 
 debts doubled, in a vain attempt to give a King 
 to France, and to aggrandize, by the plunder 
 of her territories, the ambitious Defpots of the 
 continent ? The Hiftory of the American War, 
 mews, that national diftreis will certainly open 
 the eyes of the people to the folly of Govern*- 
 ment; and the growing diflatisf action at the 
 prefent War, fhews, that a campaign or two 
 more, will make it as unpopular as ever that of 
 America was. It will daily become more ma- 
 that we can derive no benefit equal to 
 
 the
 
 ( '38 ) 
 
 the rifk we run, and the actual lofs we muft 
 fuftain by the continuance of hoftilities. I there- 
 fore think the people will, at fome period, 
 not very diftant, perhaps, put ^n end to this 
 War, as they did to that with America, by pe- 
 titions and addrefles. If -then, in one, two, 
 or three rears, the people demand a peace, it 
 mvjl be granted. But now is it to be made r : 
 By doing that which Government has fo much, 
 reprobated, by negociating with, and acknow- 
 ledging the French Republic. It has indeed, 
 been laid, that Britain may withdraw her forces, 
 and by ibme underhand means, procure a fe- 
 cemon of hoftilities, which, until a regular 
 Government is fettled, will be equal to a 
 formal Peace : But when the French find the 
 rnals of the Englifh people refolved on a termi- 
 nation of hoftilities, will they not infill upon an 
 avowed negociation with,- and an acknowledg- 
 ment of t v e Republic r When they find the 
 Court of St. James's, unable longer to carry on 
 the War, will not they infift upon their own 
 terms r And will not a humiliating compliance,, 
 as was the cafe with America, be the confe- 
 quence ? It is with this War, as it is with Par- 
 liamentary Reform : At prefent, Peace and Re- 
 form, might be made with the greateft advan- 
 tage, in the fame manner as a Peace with Ame- 
 rica, long after the commencement of that un- 
 fortunate conteft, might have been made on 
 beneficial terms. But obfKnacy has of late been 
 the eharacteriftic of our Government. After 
 the firft campaign with America, me might have 
 been reconciled to us ; after the firft campaign 
 with France, we have it in our power amply "to 
 
 obtain
 
 bbtain reparation for all which gave us offence. 
 It is ridiculous to talk of the inhumanity of ne- 
 gociating with the prefeiit rulers of France, 
 when we recollect, that we in 17/7, negociated 
 with, and made dear Allies, of the wild favages 
 in America, and inftigated them to ma'ke War 
 upon the United States, Which they did in the 
 moft horrible mariner : it is ridiculous to talk of*. 
 diir dignity being- infalted by neo-ociatino; with 
 
 O J O J O f 3 
 
 the rulers of France, when the ignominious 
 treatment of the Reprefentative' of our King, 
 by the Ottoman Porte, is recollected * : it is 
 ridiculous to fay, we cari have no fecurity for 
 the continuance of Peace, as the rulers of France 
 may daily be fupplanted, for, no Government 
 in Europe, obferves Peace longer than it is its 
 intcreft to do fo, and without expatiating on the 
 late want of faith in Ruflia, PrufTia, frc. with 
 regard to Poland, I will venture to affirm, what 
 is certainly true, that every party which has 
 governed France, during the laft four years, and 
 every party likely to fiicceed to the Govern- 
 ment, would, has been, and will be ddirous, 
 and even proud of keeping Peace with Britain. 
 But of late, our Court has commonly p 
 
 * Before our Ambafiador is introduced to the Grand 
 Seignor, he is obliged to eat fome food, which is given him 
 in the Palace, and to put on a cloak, worth about 30! pre- 
 fented to him at the fame time. When he comes into the 
 fublime Prefence, he is held by the arms by two officeis, who 
 will not permit him to bow of his own accord, but who, lay- 
 ing their hands on his head, force him to bow. They then lay 
 to their Sovereign, " Here is a poor man We fouiidhim, 
 " hungry, and we fed him ; we found him naked, and we 
 cloatned him." Where is the dignity ot the King's Repre- 
 fcntative on this occafion ? 
 
 T 2 tO
 
 C iv> J 
 
 to the lafl extremity ; till the popular tide nas 
 rifen to inch a height that it \ras forced to un- 
 conditional fubmiffion. And, I fear, the prefent 
 eonteft will be profecuted, till Peace muft be* 
 made on any terms, and then Mr. Burke, may* 
 do what he ridiculed hi Lard North's Admini- 
 ftration, towards the concluiion of the Amerkarr 
 War, and lay to the French, " Now do barer 
 k a King*!''' 
 
 The evident determination of the Govern- 
 ment to profecute the War, is not fo dejecting 
 
 a circumftance, as the too general encourage- 
 
 , . i 
 
 ment given, not only to panegyrics on the cor- 
 
 ruptions and defects of our Conftitution, but to- 
 the moft falfe accufations, and the moil: mame- 
 ful calumny againft thofe who deiife the refto- 
 ration of tranquility. To petition for Peace^ 
 is deemed fedition ; to contend in Parliament 
 for Peace, is deemed treaibn, for what elfe can- 
 we conclude, from the abufe thrown on the 
 Glafgow petition, and the inlmuations of Mr. 
 Powis-f, refpecting Mr. Fox. The many wicked 
 afperfions thrown on the character and conduct. 
 of the latter of thofe gentlemen, may, however, 
 be jnftly conftrued into eulogiums on his public* 
 
 * This, indeed, has already been faid in Mr. Pitt's late 
 extraordinary Manifefto. 
 
 f This gentleman, in the Houfe of Commons, after be- 
 ftowing many eulogiums on Mr. Fox, fard, though he was- 
 perfe&Iy convinced of the Right Hon. Gentleman's inte- 
 grity, yet his conduct in that Houfe, was exa<Slly fuch as 
 ;m advocate of the French Convention would purfue. 
 This, out cf doors, was turned into a downright aflertion as 
 a fail ; and Mr. F. wiis even reprefented in the print (hops, 
 as the advocate of the French, with a brief and a fee in his 
 toed. 
 
 virtue
 
 virtue ; for, if ever tfiere was a man, who con- 
 Icious of acting with rectitude, maintained the' 
 true interefts of his country with firmnefs, con- 
 fiflency, and moderation, againft all that could 
 deject and terrify, he is the man : If ever pri- 
 vate intereft and public fame ; if ever the fweets 
 of focial life, and the profpects of Itate eleva- 
 tion, were facrificed to the national welfare- 
 arid to the liberties and happinefs of mankind, 
 they were facrificed by Mr. Fox, laft winter. 
 He flood forward, almoft alone, and with gi- 
 gantic power, arrefled the Government in its 
 wanton intoxicated career. Sedition and iniur- 
 rection had been declared to exifl, the Attorney- 
 General's table was faid to be loaded with hun- 
 .dreds of indictments, and thouiands were re- 
 corded as difaffected perfons, upon the authority 
 of anonymous letters*, and the veracity of com- 
 mon informers. The fufpenfion of the Habeas 
 Corpus Act was announced in the Houfe of 
 Commons, and had it taken place, it is pro- 
 bable, that every man who prefumed to enquire 
 into the propriety of the meaiures of Govern- 
 ment, who praifed Liberty in England, or who 
 dared look cheerful when events occurred fa- 
 vourable to it in other countries, would have 
 been dragged to a dungeon. But Mr. Fox, flood 
 forward with truth and energy. The Govern- 
 ment was awed : It paufed : and, rinding the 
 proofs of infurredtion and fedition vague and 
 trifling, it refrained from meaiures, which, the 
 delufion of the people might then, indeed, have 
 
 * This was dona. by Mr. Reeves, See Mr. Law's letter 
 en bis feceifipn, from the Crown and Anchor Committee. 
 
 applauded.
 
 ( '.4* ) 
 
 applauded, but which their fober reafon, at ail 
 after period, mufl have condemned and exe- 
 crated. He undauntedly Struggled to avert the 
 calamities of War ; he did not fucceed : But 
 he fiicceeded in what was of much more imme- 
 diate importance perhaps, in fhielding the re- 
 maining Liberties of the Englifh people. 
 
 His enemies have alledged motives for his 
 conduct, not only bafe, but incredible. The 
 Tory Jacobins, have accufed him of being the 
 hired advocate of France ; the Revolutionary 
 Jacobins, with being ipurred on only by a felfim 
 ambition, and the moderate, honeft alarmifts, 
 though agreeing with neither of thefe, were 
 not inclined to attribute virtuous motives to a 
 man, who not only differed from them in poli- 
 tical fentiment, but whoie character they found 
 equally befpattered by the extremes of both 
 parties. 
 
 The accufation of the Tory Jacobins, is evi- 
 dently fo unfounded, that it is unnecefTary to 
 wafte time in refuting it. The ruling Powers 
 of France have changed fo often, that fuch a 
 thing, had it exifted, mull long ago have been 
 difcovered. Nay, one* of the charges againft 
 the BrifTot party, made by the party of the 
 Mountain, is, that they too precipitately in- 
 volved France in a War with 'Britain ; and even 
 the fupporters of the War at home, affirm, it 
 was unprovoked on our part, and that the 
 French were anxious to commence it. BriiTot's, 
 was the ru'ing party lafl winter, and if it was 
 true, that they were eager for hoftilities, is it 
 probable, they would bribe any man to prevent 
 
 them ?
 
 them ? Nor could the detraction of the ruling 
 men * in the Convention, at the moment the 
 rupture was made, be conftrued, as a. proof, 
 that Mr. Fox was connected with them. But, 
 laft winter, paffion had fo blinded the moft 
 alarmed of the alarmifts, that the mod: palpably 
 unfounded aflertion, if agreeing with their 
 Vifhes, received the moft implicit credit : For, 
 *' there are feafons of believing, as well as difr 
 " believing: And, believing was then fo much 
 " in. feafon, that improbabilities, or incon- 
 " fiftencies, were little confidered. Nor was 
 *' it fafe fo much as to make reflections on 
 " them. That was called, the blafting of the 
 " plot, and difparaging the King's evidence f." 
 
 .fhe conduct of many parliamentary men 
 gives fome colour of truth to the charge of the 
 Revolutionary Jacobins. It is an incontroverti- 
 ble fact, that oppofition to Government, has 
 too often arifen only in the hope of gratifying a 
 perfonal ambition ; but it is alfp a fact, ftill 
 more incontrovertible, and a fair examination 
 of circumftances, will clearly fliew, that Mr. 
 Fox, laft winter, could not be actuated by any 
 motives of that nature ; but, that on the conr 
 trary, his conduct was the very laft which 
 would have been purfued, either by an avari- 
 cious, or by an ambitious man : For, if his 
 prime object had been a place, or a penfion, 
 there never was a more favourable opportunity 
 
 * See Kerfaint's Report, wherein Mr. Fox, is much more 
 calumniated, than iVIr. Pitt. 
 
 v f See bifliop Burnet's account of the Alarmifrs, at the 
 qmeofthe pretended Popifli Hot, in his Hiftory of his own 
 Times. Vol. I. ?. 448. 
 
 for
 
 ( H4- ) 
 
 for gaming it. To oppofe Government was 
 then generally deteftable, almoft dangerous : 
 to defert principles and parties, and coalefce 
 with Adminiftration, was deemed by the coun- 
 try, the height of public virtue. It was 
 honourable in the extreme, for Whigs and 
 Tories to embrace and co-operate : Confiftency 
 of conduct became a crime, and apoftacy the 
 pureft patriotifm. The people confidered it 
 Mr. Fox's duty to join the Court party ; his ac- 
 ceptance of an official fituation, and thereby 
 f ratifying avarice, and even ambition would 
 ave received the warm applaufe and gratitude 
 of his countrymen, as a facrifice of party views 
 and peribnal antipathies, to what they believed 
 the national welfare. 
 
 Such were the temptations to induce Mr. 
 Fox to follow his own private intereft, and 
 indulge his ambition. If, on the other hand, 
 live view the reafons he had to deter him from 
 fupporting Peace and Reform, we fhall find 
 them not only inconfiftenfc with avarice and am- 
 bition ; not only that he was to forego all hopes 
 of muring the honours and emoluments of office ; 
 not only that he was to incur the refentment and 
 odium of the nation, and be branded as the leader 
 of fedition, on the one fide, and accufed of 
 pufilanimity and infincerity, by thofe, among 
 whom he was claffed, on the other ; but his 
 deareft friends, and mofl valuable connections, 
 were to defert and revile him with a malignity, 
 and injuftice, which his oldeft enemies never 
 could arrive at. Of about two hundred coadju- 
 tors in the Houfe of Commons, fcarce fifty 
 
 adhered}
 
 t , 1 
 
 Adhered to him ; -of about one hundred in the 
 Houfe of Peers, .there remained not more than 
 fix ! Inftead of being courted and adored, to 
 be fhunned arid calumniated, by an hoft of men 
 of the greateft fortunes and talents in the king- 
 dom, was furely no encouragement either to 
 avarice, or ambition. To have all claffes, to 
 have Tories and Whiss, to have thofe who are 
 
 O 
 
 called Jacobins, and thofe who were called 
 Friends, join iri the outcry againft him ; to lofe 
 both popularity and court favour, and even the 
 the enjoyments of private fociety ; to encounter 
 at once, the frowns of the throne, and the in- 
 dignation of the people, required courage, inde- 
 pendence and abilities rarely to be met with. 
 The undaunted, difinterefted exertions of Mr. 
 Foxlaft winter, in favour of Freedom, expiate all 
 his former errors. Indeed, a recollection of cir- 
 cumftances gives reafon to hope he never will 
 again be betrayed iiito fuch errors as thofe which 
 fbme years ago rendered him moft unpopular. 
 For if we may believe report, the moir, odious 
 of thofe meafures wereprompted and executed by 
 perfonS who have fince betrayed and deferted 
 him. The coalition in 1783 was projected by a 
 noble deferter, now at the head of the law 
 department, and the negociation was carried 
 on, andthe meafure enforced by him and histraiu 
 ofalarmifts. The Haft-India bil], which begot tly? 
 charter alarmijls, and at once puffed Mr. 
 Fox from power and popularity, wns the 
 produ&ion of Mr. Burke, whofe meafures Mr. 
 Fox found it always more eafy to fupport in 
 public, than oppoia in private. To the dog- 
 
 U matick
 
 fnatick opinions of that gentleman, therefore, 
 the miftakes of Mr. Fox are greatly, if not wholly, 
 to be attributed, and fo well aware is Mr. Pitt,- 
 of Mr. Burke's unruly temper, that it is not 
 probable, he ever will confent to his admiflior* 
 into the cabinet. If to the coalition and the 
 India bill, is added, the fuppcrt Mr. Fox gave 
 to certain great perfonages, who have alfo de- 
 feftedhim, then, all that has made him unpopu- 
 lar, may be iummoned up. It is his perfonal at- 
 tachm&nts that have injured his public character,, 
 and we now find thofe for whom he has made 
 fo important a facrifice, eagerly aggravating the 
 approbrinrn which originated in a refpett for 
 their opinions, and a zeal for their fervice. 
 But their conduct may prove fortunate for 
 his reputation. Unincumbered by their bane- 
 ful influence, and following the dictates of hi$ 
 own rcafon, his integrity and wifdom, muft 
 ultimately be acknowledged ; and though he 
 may ever remain unrewarded with either place 
 or popularity, the purity of his views, and the 
 prudence of his councils, may yet fave this in- 
 fatuated country. 
 
 It would be endlefs to enumerate the libels 
 that have been, and daily are, publi(hed againft 
 him. Mr. Youiig's book contains one of the 
 moft fallacious and wicked ; and it may ferve 
 ns an epitome of the others. In the debate on 
 Parliamentary Reform, on the yth of laft Mav, 
 Mr. Fox faid, " If the King and the Houfe 
 " of Lords were v.nncceiTary and ufeleis branches 
 " of the Conftitution, l.t them be diiinifTed 
 * md aboliflied ; for the people were not mads
 
 * . 
 
 4. 
 
 4. 
 
 ( '47- ) 
 
 for them, but they for the people *. If, on 
 ** the contrary, the King and the Houle of 
 
 Lords were felt and believed by the people, 
 
 as he was confident they were, to be not 
 ufeful, but ejffeniial parts of the Con- 
 
 ftitutioa, a Houle of Commons, freely chofen 
 " by, and ipeaking the ientunents 'of the 
 *' people, would cherifh and protect both 
 
 vithin the bounds which the ConfHtutioii 
 " h gned them f." Mr. Young artfully 
 
 <lrops the hypothefis, and throughout feveral 
 pa^es, accules Mi. Fox with recommending the 
 
 niflal of the King, and abolition of the 
 Houfe of Lords !- He omits the context, 
 wherein Mr. Fox fays, he is confcdent the 
 people Jed and believe the King and the Houfe 
 of Lords to be ufeful and effential parts of the 
 ConllitutioB, and that a Houfe of Commons, 
 freely cholen, and ipeaking the fentiments of 
 the people, would ckeri/k and protect them. 
 Could there be a greater tribute of rcfpeft and 
 approbation of thole two branches of the Con- 
 don than was paid by Mr. Fox, in declar- 
 ing the people love and will protect them f 
 Could there be a more grots mifreprelentatioa 
 and flagitious calumny than ihe afiertioa of - 
 
 * Mr. Young, in a note on this pofiage, (ays, the Nobi- 
 lity and the King made the people, and that therefore me 
 people were made for mem ! Upon his own mode of ar- 
 -.ay, however, be proved, tbit the King was made 
 for the people ; for did not die people make the Bmnftnclc 
 the Ropi Family of this counts Young, Huppofc, 
 
 would have die LngHilh people made/r die King, as the Hef- 
 ans are made focMhe Prince of Heffe : to be laid. 
 
 t ief Dcbrctt's Debates. * 
 
 I i Defpiiing
 
 Defpifmg the thoufands of atrocious libels^ 
 and regardlefs of his own intereft, ft ill we lee 
 Mr. Fox, unfubdued by menace or allurement, 
 perfevering with intrepidity and moderation, 
 in iupport of the Peace, Liberties, and Happi- 
 nefs of his country. But whatever confolation 
 may be found in his conduct, the general view 
 of public affairs is full of dejection and alarm. 
 On the continent, the laws and rights of nations 
 are trampled on with impunity, without re- 
 monftrance, and an extenfive dangerous fyftem 
 of robbery is eftablimed. The balance of 
 power is loft, almoft forgotten ; and whether 
 a Republic is attempted in France, or a limited 
 Monarchy, like our own, in Poland, the fact 
 of deiiring Liberty, in any degree ', is fo orTen- 
 iive to the Combination of Defpots, that they, 
 inftantly take arms againft it ; they deem a 
 wifh for Freedom fum'cient to juftify all forts 
 of maffacre, devaluation, and plunder. There 
 appears to be no medium ; no hope of com- 
 promife can at prefent be entertained. An 
 univerlal War is kindled, which threatens the 
 complete annihilation of Liberty on the one 
 fide, or the total definition of all eftablimed 
 Governments on the other ; for fuch appear to 
 be the views of the two parties, accordingly as 
 the fcale of fuccefs inclines in their favour. 
 A permanent and equitable Peace, therefore, 
 can only be expected, after a long, equal 
 conteft, fhall have deftroyecl the means of fur- 
 ther warfare ; after both parties, in point of 
 ; iieit, ihall find themfelyes juft where they 
 began, but mutually weakened by bloodfhed 
 
 and
 
 ( '49 ) 
 
 and expence ; after they fhall have exhaufted 
 .themfelves into tranquility. 
 
 At home the profpecl is not lefs full of dejec- 
 tion and alarm than on the continent. In 
 Ireland, a moft extraordinary bill has patted, to 
 prevent the people from expreiTing their wifhes : 
 InScotland, the moft unprecedented punifh- 
 ments have been inflicted on thofe who have 
 advifed a peaceable and conftitutional Reform of 
 Parliament. Thefe new and alarming experi- 
 ments have been fuccefsfully made in the ex- 
 tremities of the Empire, and it would appear 
 that force is preparing, in order to infiire their 
 reception, in the interior. Barracks are creeling 
 in every part of England, where a {landing 
 army is to be kept, infulated from the people ; 
 and if that is found infufficient for the purpofes 
 of Government, foreign Mercenaries may, by 
 treaty, be landed * to overawe and fecure fub- 
 mirlion. Our Conftitution fo much boafted for 
 irs bleffings, and its excellence, is libelled with 
 impunity, as corrupt and ugly, by thofe who 
 fupport the Government, and the libellers are 
 rewarded with places and penfions for faying, 
 that " extravagant Courts, felfifh Minifters, 
 44 and corrupt Majorities," are intimately inter- 
 woven with the practical freedom of Britain, 
 and are good, while thofe who affirm they do 
 exift and are bad, are punifhed with the pillory, 
 
 * The ;th article of the late HeffianTreaty fets forth, that 
 " If it fhould happen, they" (the Landgrave's Troops) 
 " fhall be employed in Great Britain or Ireland, as foon 
 ^ as the notification, in fuch cafe, fhall be made to the 
 " Serene Landgrave, they fhall be put on the fame footing^ 
 V in every refjpeft, as the national B/itifh Troops."
 
 ( '50 ) 
 
 not for faying they are bad, but for faying 
 they do exift. To call the Conftitution puns * 
 has become a crime ; to call it corrupt 
 Tecommends to minifterial favour. Mr. Young 
 fays" its fpiritand principles admit of torturing 
 46 at plea{bre" (p. 199) and I fear it is at prefent 
 juft what the Government choofes to make it, 
 juft what the people will bear. The Free- 
 dom of the Prefs is deflroyed by affociators f for 
 its drfence ; the facredneis of the pulpit is bru- 
 tally attacked by pretended combatants for re- 
 ligion^:;' all confidence in public men has re- 
 ceived a mortal b! ve called 
 inoft loudly for coalicimce , and the pro^. i 
 champions of the Conftitution are the molt bufy 
 in " knocking' it down." Pa ted 
 with contempt ; petitioners iligmatized as 
 traitors, and the vague charge of fedition, 
 has put a feal on mens lips. We are to be 
 brought back to darkneis and barbarifm |j 
 
 * See Mr. Young's remarks on the petition of the Friend* 
 of the People 
 
 t Mr. Rfeve?, while he charges publicans to beware of 
 taking in what he calls ft-ditious newfpapers, &c. tfays, he 
 wifhes to fupportthe true Liberty of the Prefs ! 
 
 I See the account of d> treatment of the Rev. V. Knox 
 by the Militia Officers who have taken up arms againft the 
 
 ih of France. 
 
 . ^ riy the apoiiate Li the caufe of Parliamentary Reform. 
 Mr. Pitt. 
 
 |! Mr. Young not only recommends the abolition of Sun- 
 day Schools, and the Libe'rty of the Prefs, but fays, the poor 
 Ihould not be taught to read, left they fhoujd read fuch 
 dangerous books as Mr. Paine's ! I wonder he did not alfo 
 recommend the cutting out of men's tongues, left they ihould 
 ip*ak feditious words. Without tongues they would be 
 caqally, perhaps more Jeractabj^ as flaves} AS hewers of 
 wood and Drawers of water. 
 
 a*
 
 C '5i ) 
 
 as the only State in which we can be happy, for 
 knowledge in the poor, is found dangerous to? 
 the State, and ignorance and intolerance its beft 
 fecurity. There are but two meafures necef- 
 iary to accomplim all this : FirSt, eShbli/h a 
 ftanding force, fufficient to intimidate or pimifK 
 the refratorv ; Secondly, fuppreis the Free- 
 dom of Speech, and of the Prefs. 
 
 But aii exhortations in favour of Freedom, 
 are fo generally confidered, at prefent, as wild 
 and delufive theories, thit it may not be im- 
 proper to call in the aiTiitaiice of Mr. Young's 
 " Experiment," " Praftice," and " Events," 
 to fhew What have been the confequences of 
 times nmilar to the prefent. 1 mail leave the 
 reader to judge from the following extracts from 
 the fecond vol. of Rapin's Hiftory of England, 
 how far the conclusion of the reign of Charles 
 the lid. refembled the prefent time. But I beg 
 the comparifon may be understood as relating to 
 the nation at large, and not as applying to his 
 MajeSty. With fome changes- of words, but 
 none of meaning, I think, the national temper 
 in 1684, and in i 793, will be found to be Strongly 
 alike. 
 
 " From this time, the King, during the reft 
 t( of his life, governed not only without a Par- 
 " liament, but with an ablolute power. When 
 " he faw himfelf out of the reach of the Par- 
 ** liament, he entirely threw away the niaik of 
 " diffimulation, and (hewed, that the Popifn 
 " Plot, the profecution whereof he had lately 
 *' recommended fo earneftly to the Parliament, 
 " appeared to him but a mere chimera, or at 
 he did not think it near fo dangerous as 
 
 " he
 
 *' he would have had it believed. It is neceflarj 
 " to unfold the caufes of fo furprifing a Revo- 
 " lution. By the artifices of the Court, and 
 *' the natural inclination of many Englishmen, 
 *' the kingdom was divided into Whio-s and 
 
 O O 
 
 *' Tories. This divifion was fo carefully fo- 5 - 
 " mented by the Court, and the Popifh party, 
 4C that at laft it became very great. To render 
 " the two parties irreconcileable, it was infinu- 
 " ated to the Epifcopalians, of whom the ma- 
 " jority were Tories, that both Church and 
 *' Monarchy were in danger, and that the fcene 
 *' .of forty-one * was going to be revived. That 
 *' the Prefbyterians f, under colour of providing 
 *' for the prefervation of Liberty, really in- 
 " tended the deftruction of the Church, and 
 " the introduction of Preibyterianifm ]:, in or- 
 " der to which, they were purfuing the lame 
 " courfe they had taken in 1640, and the fol- 
 *' lowing years, by undermining the founda- 
 " tions of Monarchy, for the more ealy fubver- 
 *' lion of the Church. Thefe insinuations had 
 " the greater effect, as what had once hap-* 
 " pened, and whereof, the memory was ftill 
 *' frefh, might happen again. The Epifcopa- 
 *' Hans, terrified with the profpecl of falling 
 " into the fame ftate, from which thev had 
 
 " 
 
 " been miraculoufly delivered, confidered the 
 
 * u The fcene of forty-one," the Commonwealth, terrified 
 the nation then, in the faine mannerasthe fcene in France now 
 does. 
 
 f For Prefbyterians may now always be underirood Re- 
 formers. 
 
 i And introdu(Sion of Republicanifm. 
 
 " introduction
 
 ( '53 ) 
 
 ' introduction of Popery *, with which they 
 a were alarmed, as a diftant and uncertain evil, 
 44 and the eftablifhment of Prefbyterianifm f, 
 " as certain and prefent. It is even very pro* 
 44 bable, that many whofe pailions were violent, 
 44 looked upon Popery as the lei's evil. In this 
 
 ; belief, they threw themfelves, as it were, 
 " defperately into the Court Party. (p. 723.) 
 
 44 Addreltes became fo much in vogue, that 
 44 the fmalleft Corporations feared the refent- 
 46 ment of the Court, if they neglected To ad- 
 * 4 drefs. The Kins; received them all verv ora- 
 
 O J O 
 
 ' cioufly, and diftinguifhed thofe who brought 
 *' them with particular marks of his favour. 
 44 The Lord Mayor, Recorder, and fome others 
 44 of the City of London, waiting on him at 
 " Windfor, with one of a very contrary nature, 
 44 were denied admittance, and ordered to at- 
 44 tend the Council, at Hampton-Court, where 
 *' they received a reprimand from the Lord 
 <4 Chancellor. It was pretended that thefe loyal 
 46 addrefTes, as they were called, expreffed the 
 44 fentiments of the people in general, though 
 44 they came but from one of the parties. But 
 44 what may make it prefamed that the King 
 " did not much depend upon the people, not- 
 44 withftanding thefe numerous AddrefTeSj 
 44 which weekly filled the Gazettes, is, that 
 4C he never after dared to call a Parliament}:. 
 44 If thefe AddrefTes had expreiTed the general 
 44 fenfe of the people, what could have hin- 
 44 dered the King from calling a Parliament s 
 
 * For Popery may always be underftood abfolute power. 
 \ Republicatiifm. 
 
 j For calling a Parliament, it may here be underftood, 
 calling a reformed Parliament. 
 
 X " which,
 
 ( '54 ) 
 
 * e which, to judge by thefe AddrefTes, rnuft hav 
 44 been devoted to him. 
 
 44 The King was not fatisfted with dilcou- 
 4C raging thole who would have prefented dif- 
 * 4 agreeable Addreffes to him, but alfo filenceci 
 *' and imprifoned the news- writers, which were 
 44 not of his party, while others had: liberty to 
 44 publifli daily invectives againft the Whigs and 
 44 the late Parliament (p. 724.) 
 
 44 Every man, who was not of fne Court 
 44 Party, and a furious Tory, was called a Prel- 
 44 byterian f. The Clergy, particularly diftin- 
 * 4 guiihed themfelves, by mewing their attach- 
 * 4 ment to the principles and maxims of the 
 44 Court. The pulpits refoon-ded with the doc- 
 44 trine of parlive obedience and non-refiftance, 
 44 The Clergy, feemed to make it their bufmeis- 
 44 to furrender to the King^ all the Liberties 
 44 and Privileges of the fubjec~L According to 
 14 the principles they preached, no Eaftem 
 44 Monarch \vss more abfolute than the King of 
 44 England* This doctrine was fupported in 
 44 the Courts of Juftice, by all the Judges and 
 44 Lawyers, to the utmoft of their power. All 
 44 this was followed with numberlefs Petition* 
 44 and Addreffes. Any man's thinking of aflbr 
 44 ciaiing the fubjects againft the King, was fuf- 
 " ficient, according to the current principles, 
 44 to charge the whole Whig Party as guilty of 
 114 the greateft crime imaginable. Thus, the 
 44 violent Tories, who then prevailed in the 
 44 Corporations, were not fatisfled with perfey 
 
 * 4 cuting the Prefbvterians, but alfo made the 
 
 ' 
 
 1 King an arbitrary- and abfolute- Monarch, as 
 
 t A Republicao.
 
 *' 
 
 ** 
 
 *' 
 
 <, *55 J 
 
 if there had been no other expedient to &ve 
 the Church of England from the attempts of 
 the Prefbyterians. 
 
 " Though fupported by the Court and the 
 Magifhrates, the Tory Party had the advan- 
 tage, the Whigs were not difcou raged, in 
 the expectation of cauiing ibme turns, by in- 
 " forming the people in pamphlets of their dan- 
 *' ger. This did but exafperate the patrons of 
 *' parlive obedience. They took occaiion from. 
 ** thence to carry the doctrine fo high, that . 
 " when in the reign of James the lid, reftric- 
 tions became neceffary, they knew not how 
 to make them, and cnany even pernfted in 
 fupporting this doctrine, rather than own 
 they had been in the wrong, to carry it to 
 fuch a height (p. 725.) In Thort, a kind of 
 *' infatuation feized the kingdom, and one 
 
 o 
 
 Party, inftead of coming to a temper, vio- 
 *' leutly embraced whatever was moft contrary 
 * 4 the other" (p. 726.) 
 
 . The King having thus far fucceeded, thottght 
 another alarm neceflary, in order to terrify the 
 people into a more full compliance with his de- 
 lign, and accordingly, the Rye-Houfe Plot was 
 iet on foot, by which, " the whole kingdom 
 *' being ftrack with terror, the King believed 
 " he ought to improve it to the eftablifhment 
 <c of his abfolute power, fo as to have nothing 
 ** to fear from any future oppotkion. This was 
 by depriving all the Corporations, and confe- 
 quently all his fiibjects, of their privileges. It 
 was not proper to ivfe abfolute power, but to 
 proceed in a manner more politic and more 
 dangerous to the people, by engaging them 
 X 2 " to' 
 
 *'
 
 ( '56 ) 
 
 " to make a voluntary furrender * of their 
 " ters, in order to receive luch new ones as 
 " King ihould pleafe to grant. For this pnrpofe, 
 " Courtiers and Emiilaries were fent to the 
 " more considerable Coiporations to infpire 
 '* them with terror, and intimate to them, that 
 " fcarce one could efcape, mould the King ex- 
 " ercife ilricl juftice. This chiefly concerned 
 " the Whigs and Non-Conformifts, for the 
 r ' Tories were generally very readily blinded to 
 " obey the pleaiure of the Court. Jeffries, par- 
 *' ticularly diftinguifhed himfelf in his norther^ 
 " circuit, at the llimmer alfizes. He forgo.t 
 " nothing capable of terrifying the people, af- 
 " furing them, that a furrender of their charters 
 " was the only way to avert the mifchiefs whicl,i 
 *' hung over their heads. Other Judges and 
 " EmiiTaries did the fame, and at laft, the larger 
 " Corporations being thus gained, the lefler 
 " neceflarily followed. So a fudden and great 
 " change was leen in England, namely, the 
 " Englifh nation, without Rights or Privileges, 
 4t but fuch as the King \^-ould vouchfafe to grant 
 *' her ; and what is more ftrange, the Englifh 
 " themielves furreadered to Charles the lid. 
 " thofe very Rights and Privileges, which they 
 *' had defended with fo much pafrion, or rather 
 fury, againft the attempts of Charles the Ift. 
 '* To make the people in fome meafure fully 
 fenilble of their new fjavery, the King arfecled 
 to mufaT his forces,' which, from one 'regi- 
 ment of foot, and one troop of horfe guard?, 
 
 \ } r Young ao'v'fes ti)? people of England, to fuirender 
 y Liberty Ui"y p^{T..f^ 
 
 <(> (railed 
 
 <*
 
 ( '57 ) 
 
 f* (raifed by himfelf, with the murmurs of 
 ?' many of his fubje&s) were encreafed to four 
 *' thoufand, compleatly trained and effective 
 " men. It might then be feen, that the Mem-* 
 " bers of Parliament *, who oppofed the raifing, 
 " or at leaft the eftablimment of thefe guards, 
 f were not altogether in the wrong. But the 
 " zeal of the Tory Party was now arrived to 
 " fuch a height, that they looked on every 
 " thing which contributed to render the King 
 " abfolute, as a fure means to ruin the Whigs, 
 " and confequently as a triumph for them. 
 ' 6 They prepofteroufly imagined that the Court 
 " only aimed at the deftrudtion of that odious 
 " Party, and was folely labouring for the 
 <c Tories" (p. 734.) ' 
 
 Such were the effects of the pretended plots, 
 and the unfounded alarms in the reign of 
 Charles the lid. They fo fuccefsfully induced 
 the people to furrender their Liberties, that 
 James the lid. was encouraged afterwards to 
 attempt the eftablimment of Defpotifm. A 
 Revolution then became abfolutely neceffary; 
 and, thanks to the pufillanimity of that Prince, 
 it was made without bloodfhed. 
 
 The bafe iniidious tools of Corruption are en- 
 deavouring to delude the nation into the fame 
 predicament in which it was in 1684. They 
 have fought for that which men moft value, 
 and they find it to be " PROPERTY. 1 " In or- 
 der, therefore, to deter him from overthrow- 
 ing the pernicious iyftem in which they fatten, 
 
 * Here let Mr. M. A. Taylor'? oppofition to the eftablifh- 
 ment of Barracks be remembered. 
 
 they
 
 ( '58 ) 
 
 they cry, " Reform will rob you of your Pro- 
 *' perty !" But thefe are the del u five, treacher- 
 ous cries of the hyaena, and will betray ulti- 
 mately into certain ruin. A Parliamentary Re- 
 form has been approved, at various periods, by a 
 majority of men, both in Parliament and out 
 of it, and ..even thofe who never f.ipported 
 the meafure, have, notwithstanding, indirectly 
 condemned the prefent conftru&ion of the 
 jHoufe of Commons, or approved the principles 
 on which a Reform is demanded*. When 
 times of affliction and uneafmefs occur, there- 
 fore, our defective Reprefentation will be 
 deemed, and too juftly, I fear, the caufe of 
 them. A Reform, will then-be made, not with 
 caution, and a dread of going too far, as would 
 be the cafe at preient, but with indignation and 
 vengeaace. Moderate men will not be liftened 
 to. The mod wild theoriits will be entrufted 
 with the work, and inftead of a peaceful, lalu- 
 
 * The king, in his fpeeches to Parliament, after the 
 American War, when Reform w.s fo much ag'tated, ex- 
 preiTed his dc-fiie to fupport the different branches of the 
 Conititution* in their due balance: ;o fupport the true 
 Jpiritof the Conftitution, and to ufe his authority for the good 
 of the people, for which purpofa alone it was given to him. 
 Thefe fentiments, according to Mr. Young, are dangerous to 
 the Government. And even .Mr. Burke, about the period 
 alluded to, faid, the King had gpne fo far as to recommend 
 Reform from the Throne. 
 
 In addition to the above, Mr. Bi^rfce has called pur Repre- 
 fentation the " Hough of ilavery :" Mr. Povvis, in 1784, 
 pcafted oi afiembling a littie ft-n.ue ofindependant Members 
 round him, by which he implied, the majority were not 
 independent. And the Dukes of Portland and Devonfhire, 
 "with many more Peers, figneJ a proteft in 1777, againlt 
 an incFeafe of the civil lift, becaufe it v/as reported, ;the money 
 W45 employed in corrupting Parliament. 
 
 tary
 
 tary Reform, we mall, probably, be involved ir* 
 all the calamities which at prefent torture 
 France. 
 
 Mr. Burke, not when he gloried in the 
 eftablifhment of a Republic in America, but 
 long after he began to reprobate the eftablifh- 
 ment of a limited Monarchy hi France, laid *, 
 " Great difcontents frequently arife in the beft 
 " conftituted Governments, from caufes which 
 " no human wifdom can forefee, and no hu- 
 " man power can prevent. They occur at 
 ** uncertain periods, but at periods, which 
 *' are not commonly far afunder. Govern- 
 " ments of all kinds are adminiftered only by 
 *' men ; and great miflakes, tending to inflame 
 ** thefe difcontents, may concur. The inde- 
 " ciiion of thofe who happen to rule at the 
 *' critical time, their fupine neglect, or their 
 " precipitate and ill-judged attention, may ag- 
 *' gravate the public misfortunes. In fuch a 
 ** ftate of things^ the principles now only 
 '" fown, will ihoot out, and vegetate in full 
 " luxuriance. In fuch circumftances, the 
 " minds of the people become fore and ul- 
 "' cerated. They are put out of humour with 
 " all public men, and all public parties ; they 
 t>i are fatigued with their diflentions ; " they a're 
 " irritated at their coalitions ; they are made 
 '* eafily to believe (what much pains are taken, 
 *' to make them believe) that all Oppofitions 
 " are faftious, andall Courtiers bafe and fervile. 
 *' From their diiguft at men, they are fbon led 
 ** to. quarrel with their frame of Government, 
 
 
 * See his appeal from the old to the new Whigs. 
 
 " which
 
 ,60 
 
 " which they prefume gives nourimment to' 
 *' the. vices, real or fuppofed, of thofe who 
 " adminifter in it. Miftaking malignity for 
 " fagacity, they are foon led to caft off ail 
 " hope from a good adminiftration of affairs, 
 " and come to think, that all Reformation 
 " depends, not on a change of actors, but 
 *' upon an alteration in the machinery." 
 
 Before the minds of men are fore and 
 ulcerated, and the principles now fbwn, moot 
 out into full luxuriance, let us, therefore, give 
 each part its proper force, and amend and re- 
 novate the machinery of the State, while there 
 is no danger that in doing fo it will tumble to 
 pieces. War is the parent of Difcontent, and 
 Difcontent is the nurfe of Revolution. A con- 
 tinuance of hoftilities will produce the times 
 which Mr. Burke defcribes, and then, as in 
 France, it will be too late to Reform. Inftead, 
 therefore, of wafting our blood and treafure to 
 make a King of France, and to give felicity to 
 that nation, let us feize this favourable oppor- 
 tunity to repair and invigorate our own Confti- 
 tution; for the only means of promoting and 
 infuring profperity and happinefs t Britain are 
 a fpeedy Peace, and an effectual Parliamentary 
 Reform. 
 
 I N I S,
 
 A 000 171 703 2