/^i ^~T] THE H I S T O R Y O F POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, THE H I STORY o F POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, AND OF PARTIES, FROM The Reftoratlon of King Charles the Second^ T O The Death of Kingr William. By THOMAS SOMERVILLE, D. D. LONDON: PRINTED FOR A. STRAHAN ; AND T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND. MDCCXCII. V :: o 7 S'6^^ CONTENTS. I NTRODUCTION' Page xvii o CHAP. I. Reftoratioa of Charles the Second.— Temper and Meafures of the Ojnven- tion Parliament. — The Second Parliament loyal, but arerfe to Toleration. — Corporation and Uniformity Afls. — Declaration of Indulgence. — Intriguta againft Miniftry. — "War -with Holland.— Commencement of Oppofidon in Par- liament. — Fall of Clarendon. — Earlv Schema agoiiiil rhe Diike of York. — Peace with Holland. — Reafocs for an Alliance wnh Holland. — Charies difiatisced vrith his Parliament. — Secret Treaty between Charles and Lewis. — CharaSer of the Kind's Miniilers. — ^Meafures taken in concert with Lewis. — Arbitrary Meafores of Adniiniihation. — Second "War with Holland — unfucceisfal. — ^The King foliciis the Aid of Parliament. — ^Prudent and firm Condnft of tie Commons.— Brsals and divides the Cabal. — ^Indolgence recalled. — Addrels againft Roman Catholics. — Tell Act.— Refle^ons.— Addrefs concerning Grierances. — Oppofition of Shaftt. b'jry to the Court. — ^His Charafter. — Cocverfion of Ae Duke of York a> the Roman Catholic Reiipon. — ^Proceedings of Parliament. — Lord Danby beconies the Objecl of the Refencment of the Comnsons. — ^His Condscl as a JUnriter. — New Teft Bill. - - < - - - i C H A P. n. Charles makes Peace wii Hci:a::i,— b:it continues Itii: 1= th; I-— e.": :: Jnnce.— Enters into a new Treaty with Lewis, — ^wIk) eadeavc'jrs tc ;-:r..r. i ..r-riti Pe-ce with Holland. — Patrioiilm of the Prince of Orange. — ^The Ccart aiterr-rre to tie Elections. — ^Parliament meets, — addre£fes the King to fcnr. A""-:^-;rs ag^inil France. — Altercadon between the King and the C — Marriage cf i2ie Prince of Orange to the Lady MaTy, — ziade the Occi-1 - ^j^citir : : ' ■ " ■ " - England,— and in Holland. — ^Tiie Agents cf Lewis and tie Leaders _ . , ^ unite in the lanse Views,— -iS diibandicg the Army, — -xai of ditc^ring &ae Parlia- mcnt.— Union between Lewis aud d»e {x^olar Pirty nnnataral a&d ccniraajea. — Parlianaem meets,— exp?eSes Diitnnl of the King. — ^Picicgaed. — Esibarranb:?::: CONTENTS. of the King.- Another Sefllon of Parliament.— Ill-humour of the Commons.— Apology for them.— France evades the Conditions (he had agreed to for a Peace.— Sir William Temple fent to enter into an Alliance with the States, — which is over- turned by the wavering of Charles.— The States make Peace with France.— Obfervations upon the Condua of Charles.— Lord Danby impeached — DiflbJu- tion,— and Charader of the fecond Parliament of Charles. - - Page 36 CHAP. III. Charles wiflies to renew his Alliance with France.— Takes Meafures to regain the Confidence of the Nation.— Eleaions.—Mifunderftanding between the King and the Commons about the Choice of a Speaker.— Popifli Plot. — Meafures taken in confequence of the Plot — by the Commons — by the Lords. — Effeds of them.— Obfervations on the Evidence of the Popifli Plot. — Profecution of Lord Danby.— Difputes between the two Houfes on this Subjedt. — The King alarmed by the Pro- ceedings of the Commons. — A new Council. — ^The Commons proceed in the Impeachment of the Earl of Danby. — Bill of Exclufion. — Inquiries concerning the Management of the Navy and the Revenue.— Bills to retrench the Influence of the Court. — Parliament diflblved. — Charles attempts to enter into a new Treaty with the French King. — Circumftances unfavourable to the Court in the Courfe of the Ele£lions. — The King takes Meafures to gain Popularity. — The Duke of York inditled as a Popifli Recufant. — Petitions for the meeting of Parliament. — Addrefles of Abhorrence. — Fourth Parliament.— The Commons cenfure thofe Members who had oppofed Petitions. — Inquiry into the Mifcondu£i: of Judges. — The Bill of Exclufion palTes in the Houfe of Commons, — rejected by the Lords. — Bdls, for aflbeiating his Majcfty's Proteltant Subjefts, — for repealing the Penal Laws againft Proteftant Diflenters. — The Commons refolve to withhold Supplies.— Angry Votes againit the Court. — The King fummons a Parliament, — to meet at Oxford. — Petition againft holding the Parliament at Oxford. — Parliament meets. — Bill of Exclufion. — Difagreement between the two Houfes upon the Cafe of Titz- harris. — Parliament diflblved. -----. ..(J^ CHAP. IV. Caufes of the Change in the Temper of the Nation from Loyalty to Difafte£lion. Oppreflivc Government in Scotland.— Extraordinary Lieentioufnefs in Converfation ;.nd Writing.— Extreme Dependance of the Crown.— Inftability of the King, and Dlfunion of his Minifters.— Great Support of Oppofition.— The Abilities and In- fluence of their Leaders.— The Intrigues of France.— Obfervations. - 95 CONTENTS. vii CHAP. V. Motives of Oppofition to the Court. — Dread of Popery. — The Bill of Exclufion.-— Arguments for it. — Arguments againft it.— Reflcdlions upon the Cotiduft of Oppofition in the preceding Period. - . - - - - PageUp CHAP. VI. The Influence of Oppofition declines.— Caufes of this. — Charles enters into a new Treaty with France. — Remains neutral while Lewis breaks the Peace of Ninii- guen. — Barillon intrigues with the Leaders of Oppofition. — The Intereft of the Duke of York revives.— Influence of the Whigs in the City of London. — Attempts of the Court to gain the Eledion of the Sheriffs in the City. — Violent Meafures for that End. — Quo Warrantos. — Timidity and SubmifTion of the People.— Detedion of a Confpiracy— ruinous to the Whigs. — The Court triumphant. — Death and Charader of Charles.— Refledions. - - - - -- 131 CHAP. VII. AccelTion of James. — Circumflances favourable to Loyalty. — A Parliament. — Extra- ordinary Compliance of Parliament. — Invafion by Argyle and Monmouth ; — Defeat of Monmouth ; — Cruelties exercifed againft his Adherents ; — Arbitrary Meafures, — and Bigotry of the King. — He applies to Parliament for an Augmentation of the Army ; — Intimates his difpenfing with the Tells. — The Commons remonftrate againft difpenfing with the Tefts ; — Oppofe the Augmentation of the Army,— The King angry with the Commons. — The Lords review the King's Speech. — Par- liament prorogued. — Influence of the King declines. — Charafl:er of Sunderland,-™ of Petre, — of Jefferies. — The King retains in his Service the Officers who had taken the Tefts. — Trial of the difpenfing Power. — The King exercifes it in the Charter- Houfe Hofpital ; — in the Univerfity of Cambridge ; — in Magdalen College, Oxford. — Dangerous Power of the Ecclefiaftical CommifTion. — The King ufes Means to obtain a corrupt Parliament. — Difappointed. — Orders his Army to be encamped. — Declaration for Liberty of Confcience. — The Bifhops refufe to tranfmit it to their Diocefes: — They are imprifoned,— tried,— and acquitted. - - - 146 CHAP. VIII. Immediate Caufes of the Revolution. — The bigotted Attachment of the King to the Jioman Catholic Religion. — His Claim to the difpenfing Power. — The Abilities, ACtinty, t?u CONTENTS. Acllvity, ami Intrigues, of the Prince of Orange.— Political State of Europe.— Union among the States of Holland. — 111 Fortune and imprudent Condu6l of James.— The Declaration of the Prince of Orange. _ . - Page 1 79 CHAP. IX. EflTL-fls of the Departure of James. — The Peers in London addrefs the Prince to aflume the Adminiftration of Government. — He waits for fome Teftimonyof the Approbation of tlie Commons. — Summons the Members who had ferved in Par- liament during the Reign of Charles II. — They meet. — Addrefs him to call a Convention.— He complies with tlieir Defire. — Conduct of the Prince previous to tJie Meeting of the Convention.— His A£ls of Government. — Ele£lions. — The Convention meets — Addrefles the Prince.— A Letter from King James rejedted. — General View of the Commons concerning tlie State of the Nation. — Debates of the Commons concerning the fettling of the Government.— Final Refolution. — Debates in the Houfe of Lords concerning the fettling of the Government.— Rcfolutions and Vote. — The Queftion concerning the original Contraft. — Refolu- . tions and Vote. — The Commons avoid any farther Meafures for fettling the Government. — The Lords propofe Amendments upon the Refolutions of the Com- mons.— Obfervations. — Conference between the two Houfes. — Caufes which con- ftvained the Lords to concur witli the Commons.— Difcontents and Tumidts of the People. — Declaration of the Prince of Orange— of the Princefs of Orange— of the Princefs Anne. — Effeds of them. — ^The Lords concur with the Votes of the Commons — and fettle the Crown on William and Mary. — Bill of Rights. — Alter- ation of the Oaths.-^Eflc£ls of the Revolution with refpeft to the Conllitution. 210 CHAP. X. Obfervatlons upon the political State of Scotland. — Circumftances favourable to Liberty in England. — Adverfe to it in Scotland.— Loyalty of tlie Scots, pre- carious, and little availing to the Prince. — Attachment of the Scots to the Prefby- tcrian Form of Religion,— the Caufe of their Oppolltion to the Houfe of Stuart — produftive of Events favourable to the Revolution. — Imprudent Government of James in Scotland.— Progrefs of the Revolutioii there.— The Scotch Nobility in London addrefs the Prince of Orange to aflume the Government, and call a Con- yention.— The Prtfbyterians mofl fuccefsful in the Eledions.— The Convention meets.— Cautious Meafures of the Convention.— The Duke of Gordon holds the CaRle of Edinburgh for James— The Friends of James refolve to c;.ll a Meeting ,, of the Convention at Stirhng.— Dundee flies frojn Edinburgh.— His Friends defers the CONTENTS. the Convention. — The Convention addreffes William. — Subjects of Deliberation in the Convention. — Refolutions.— Settlement of the Crown on William and Mary. Page 241 CHAP. XI. Appointmemt of Minlfters.— Obfervations. — The King's Speech in the Convention Parliament. — Rcafons for turning the Convention into a Parliament. — Bill pafTes for tliat Purpofe. — Obfervations with refpe£t to the Revenue. — Opinions concern- ing the King's Right to it. — Former Abufes in the Management of the Revenue.— Refolutions with refpeft to it. — Vote of the Commons for indemnifying the States. — Oaths to Government. — Motions for altering them — for exempting Protcftant Ditlenters from the Tefl — unfuccefsful. — Indulgence, in favour of the Clergy- agreed to by the Lords— refufed by the Commons — Bill of Comprehenfion — favoured by the Lords — thwarted by the Commons.— Caufes of the ill Succefs of this Bill. — A£l of Toleration. — Bill of Lidemnity — The King anxious for it — Different Plans of proceeding in this Bill. — The Whigs jealous of the King. — Obftru£l the Bill. — A£l of Settlement. — Motion for naming the Duchcfs of Hanover in the Succeffion — EfFecls of this Motion. — Meafures of Parliament adapted to extraordinary Events. — The Habeas Corpus fufpended. — The Mutiny Bill. — Supplies for Ireland. — View of the Regulations of the Revenue. — Severe Laws with refpeft to the Romin Catholics. — Oppreffions inveftigated — redreffed Refledlions. — Both Houfes enter into the King's Views of War with France — Obfervations. — Mifunderftanding between the King and the Whigs. — The Tories flatter the King with Promifcs of more generous Treatment. — Jealoufy of Minifters among tliemfelvesv — Engroffing Spirit of the Whigs. — A Claufe introduced into the Corporation Acl, ijitcnded to exclude the Tories from Power— pafi'ts. — The King embarrafled — diffolves the Parliament. . _ - _ _ 260 APPENDIX I. — Obfervations upon the Connexion between the State of the Revenue and the Temper of Government. — Piogreffive Improvements in raifing-theSuplies, tending to the Enlargement of Liberty. - 296 APPENDIX II.— King William vindicated from the Charge of Bigotry Evidences and E.^amples of his fteady Zeal for Liberty of Confcience. 300 CHAP. XIL The King cenfureJ for having diffolved the Convention Parliament. — Commiffions of the Militia changed in favour of the Tories. —Many Whigs continue in Office. — Tire Tories moft fuccclsful in the Ekftions. — Second Parliament of William meets. — Debates concerning the Settlement of the Revenue. — Refolutions.— b Obfena- CONTENTS. . Obforvations.— A Bill for ratifying the Aas of the Convention, and for acknow- ledging the Titles of the King and Queen, introduced by the Whigs— carried.— Bills, for abjuring King Jnmes— for fecuring the Government— for reftoring the Charter of London— the laft oppofed by the Whigs— pafles both Houfes.— The Tories obtain a Vote of Thanks to the King, for having changed the Militia.— The Lords inftitute an Inquiry concerning the Charafters of the OfEcers appointed to Cominiffions in the INIilitia.— Bill for exafting the Forfeitures from thofe who had accepted Commiffions without the legal Qualifications.— Aa of Grace. — State of Ireland. — Duplicity of Tyrconnel. — The Proteftaiits alarmed. — James lands ia Ireland.— The Parhament meets there.— Ads of Settlement and Explanation re- pealed— Oppreffive Confequences of the Repeal— Aft for indemnifying the Pro- prietors to be reftored by it. — A£l of Forfeiture. — Afts fatal to the Proteftant Clergy.— Violent Proceedings againft the Protcftants. — EfFecSt of the Government of James in Ireland upon the Minds of the Englifh.— Marfhal. Schomberg fent to Ireland — William goes there — gains a complete Vidory. - - Page 307 CHAP. XIII. A SefHon of Parliament. — Addreffes of both Houfes to the King and Queen. — Una- nimity of the Commons — Caufes of this. — A Queftion, whether the Royal Pardon bars Impeachment, moved in the Houfe of Lords. — Declaratory Aft concerning the Power of the Commiffioners of the Admiralty. — Supplies. — Bill for appoint- ing Commiffioners of Public Accounts — for raifing Money for the public Service out of the forfeited Eflates. — Parliament adjourned. — Obfervations upon the Inter- ference of England in the AiFairs of the Continent. — Merit of William in formins^ the Grand Alliance. — He attends the Congrefs at the Hague— returns to England — goes back to Holland — takes the Command of tlie Army. — Short View of Cam- paigns 1690 and 169 1. — Caufes of Change in the Sentiments and Temper of the People, and Parties in England. — The Reduftion of Ireland. — Great Expence — and ill Succefs of the War.— Jealoufy of the King's Partiality to the Dutch Unfavourable Views of the Conditions upon which the cwifederate Powers had united— and of their Strength — Lofles fuflained by the trading Part of the Nation. — Difaffeaion of many of the Members of the Church.— Third Seffion of the fecond Parliament.— Backwardnefs of the Commons in granting Supplies— their lU-humour. — Supplies granted. — Inquiry concerning the Inaaivity of the Fleet. — ;BiUs to check Abufes in the Revenue and public Offices.— The Influence of the Tories augmented by a farther Change of Miniflry in their Favour. - 332 CONTENTS. C H A r. XIV. XI ^lotivcs with Lewis for attempting an Invafion of England.— Preparations for it. rnulcnce and Activity of Queen Mary. — The united Fleets of England and Hol- land obtain a complete Vidlory. — The People diflatiified. — The Intercfl of the Confederacy declines.— Short Account of Campaign 1692. — Caufes of the Decline of Wiiliam's Influence in England.— Meeting of the fourth Selhon of the fecond Parliament. — Complaint made by certain Lords for having been illegally committed. — The King difchargcs them. — Motion in the Houfc of Lords, for a joint Com- mittee to give the King Advice— alarming to the Court — rcjedcd. — Articles of Ailvice propofed by both Houfes feparatcly.— Refleclions, made by Oppofition, on the Condudt of the King, ami thofc employed by him. — The Temper of tl;e Par- liament becomes more favourable to the Court. — Ex negations of the Whi^s Breach between the two Houfes occafioned by an Inquiry about the Mifcarrla^es at Sea.— A Conference between them. — The Lords prcpofe to aflcfs thcmfelvcs A Bill for triennial Parliaments — pafles both Houfes — rejedled by the King. — Changes in public Offices. — Campaign 1693. — Partial Changes in Adminiilration. — Meet- ing of the fiftlr Seffion of the fecond Parliament.— Inquiry into the Mifcarriages at Sea. — Corruption difcovcred. — Lord Falkland fcnt to the Tower. — Liberal Sup- plies granted.— The King refufes his Affent to a Place Bill.— Caufes of the Com- pliance of all Parties with the Court during this Seflion — Preferments in favour of the Whigs. — Meeting of the fixth Seffion of the fecond Parliament.! — An A61: for- triennial Parliaments. — Supplies. — Death of Queen Mary. — Her Charafter. T!ie Hopes of the Friends of James excited. - Inquiry into the Profecution of the Gentlemen in Lancaflure, iufpeded of a Confpiracy -againd Government. — Dik-overy of Corruption. — Parliament prorogued. - _ _ P;,gg ^53 C li A P. XV. Oblervatlons upon political Revolutions in general.— Peculiar Dangers which threat- ened the Revolution in England. — Correfpondcnce with the Court of Saint Germains. — Evidence of it.— Reafons for Caution in drawing ConcluCons with ' refpetl to the Guilt of Individuals engaged in that Correfpondcnce. — Their dif- ferent Motives, and Intentions. — Doubts of the Sincerity of his Correfpondents exprefied by James and his Agents. — Strong Reafons for fufpe£i:ing that fome of them were not fincere. — Conclufions from the whole. — Caufes of prcventin" the extreme' Dangers impending over the Government of England Backvvardnefs of Lewis ih affifting James.— Divifion of Sentiment among his Friends.— Increa fin a " ^ Reputation. VII CONTENTS. Reput.uion of William— and Contempt for tlie Charafter of his Rival — Various Events which coutributed unexpcdcdly to ftrengthen the new Government. Page 382 C H A P. XVl. Diflblutlon of the fccond Parliament.— Summary View of its Proceedings and Character.— The tliird Parliament meets— Bill for regulating Trials in Cafes of Trcafon pades. — ^The Commons addrefs the King to withdraw a Grant in Favour of the Earl of Portland — he complies.— Proceedings of both Houfcs with refpeft to an Acl of the Scotch Parliament for extending the Trade of that Kingdom.— Bill for a Council of Trade to be nominated by Parliament— the King offended at it. — An Invafion of England and an Infurre£lion of the Malecontents projeded— prove ;\bortive — in confequence of Lewis and the Malecontents having been deceived with rcfpc£t to each other's Intentions. — A Confpiracy to aflaffinate King William. Addrcllcs, Aflbciations, and other Meafures for fecuring the Government — Trial of the Confpirators. — Bill for attainting Sir John Fenwick — Debates on it— it paflcs.— Campaign 1696. — Meafures to relieve the Embarraflments of the Revenue. —Inquiry concerning Mifcarriages at Sea. - - - - - 411 CHAP. XVII. Symptoms of the Approach of Peace. — Plenipotentiaries meet at Ryfwick.— The Emperor and the King of Spain avcrfe to Peace. — The latter brought over by the Succefs of the French Arms.— The Ele£tion of a King of Poland makes Lewis more defirous of Peace. — Articles figned. — Merits and EfFedls of the Peace Mifunderflanding among the Allies the Caufe of circumfcribing the Advantages of it. — No Toleration obtained for the Proteftants under the Dominion of France. Charge againft King William for confenting that the Son of James fhould fucceed to the Crown of England — founded upon the Conferences between the Earl of Portland and the Marflial Boufflers. — Conjefturcs of contemporary Hiftorians con- cerning the Subject cf thefe Conferences. — Extraft from the Life of James charging King William with having confented to the Succeffion of his Soni Rcafons for calling in queftion the Authority of this Extra£l.— Circumftances which render the Fad alleged improbable, — Origin of this Afperfion upon the Memory of William.— The Succeffion of the Son of James defircd by Lewis. Conje£lure founded upon the Authority of the Duke of Berwick.— The Subjeft of the Conferences between Portland and Boufflers Information of Burnet His Charafter as a I liftorian.— Account given by the Marquis de Torcy concerning the Conferences between Portland and Boufflers.— Inferences from the Memorials and Inftruftionsfent to the Plenipotentiaries at Ryfwick. ... 6 CONTENTS. xNt CHAP. xviir. Obfervations vith rcfpect to the political Sentiments and Temper of the People in iScotland after the Revolution. — Seflion of Parliament. — Adjournment. — Con- fpiracy againfl Government. — A Meeting of Parliament.— The Lords of the Articles, — the King's Supremacy — and the Law of Patronage abolifhed Cha- ratSter of tlie Prefbyterian Clergy. — Their Severity againfl the Epifcopals, — hurtful to the Reputation of the King. — Change of Miniftry.— Dangerous State of the Government in Scotland. — Maflacre of Glenco. — Seilion of Parliament. — Its Com- pliance with the Court. — Difcontents in Scotland. — Another Seffion of P.irliament. — Acl for extending the Trade of Scotland.— Hard Treatment— and Misfortunes of the Scotch Daricn Company. — Mifery and DifafFeQion of the Scots. — State of Ireland. •^Articles of Limerick — cenfured by the Irifli Proteflants and "Whigs. — Confidcrations tending to vindicate the Propriety and Juftice of them. — Abufos committed by his Majelly's Servants in the Government of Ireland. — Peaceable State of Ireland. — No bold Efforts made by the Irifh to afTert their Independence, — Reafon for this. ------- - Page 459 APPENDIX L 490 APPENDIX IL 497 CHAP. XIX. Circumflances unfavourable to the Influence and Tranquillity of William after tlic Peace of Ryfwick. — His Anxiety to prevent the Redudion of the Army. — Argu- ments againit a ftanding Army— Arguments for it. — Reafons for the King's Re- lu£tance to the Diibanding of the Army. — Meeting of Parliament.— Refolutions of the Commons to difband the Army. — Various Pretexts of the King for not complying with it. — The Civil Lift augmented. — Refolutions with refped to the public Debts. — Eflablifliment of a new Eaft India Company.— Motion for appro- priating the Irifh Forfeitures to the public Service — defeated. — Attack upon Mr. , Montague. — The Dependence of Ireland on England aflerted. — DifTolution— and Chara£ler of the third Parliament of William. — Partial Change in Adminillration. — The Earl of Portland fent AmbafTador to France. — The Whigs prevail in the Ele£tions. — The fourth Parliament meets, — The Army farther reduced. — The Navy augmented.— Partial Change of Miniftry in favour of the Tories. — Second Seffion of the fourth Parliament.— Meafures of Oppofition direflred againfl the Whig Minlflers — and perfonally againll the King. — RcduQion of the Navy.^ Revocation of the Royal Giants in Ireland.— Severe Adt againfl Roman Catholics. — Rcflcclloas. X|» C O N,< Ti E N T S.. — Reflections.— Aildrefs nnJ Infinuatiops of the Tories for prevailing with the Kirt'' to briiiR tliem into Power. - Lord. Somersreinb%-ed from Admiaiftration. — — Kvep.ts contributing to a complete Change of Miniftry.— Death of the Duke, of Gloucefter.— The Importance of extending the Proteftant Succeffion.— The State : 'n Politics.— Death of the King of Spain.— Diflblution of the fourth- I'arlumcnt. ■" Tage 501 CHAP. XX. Expeftations of Lewis from tlie Succeffion of Spain,— forcfeen with Anxiety by the Confederates. -Circumllances which inclined Lewis and William to enter into Treaty. — Firll Partition Treaty,— proves abortive by the Death of the electoral Prince of Bavaria.— Second Partition Treaty.— General Indignation in Spain upon hearin'T of the Partition Treaty.— The Sjentimenta and Wlflies of that Nation become more favourable to Lewis. — Death and Will of the King of Spain.— The French King accepts the Will ;— his Reafons for it.— He takes Meafures for efta- blilliing his Grandfon on the Throne of Spain.— The fifth Parliament meets. — The Whigs and the Tories reciprocally upbraid each other with Corruption. — Enibar- talTment of William.— Events favourable to his political Defigns. — A Letter from Lord Melfort communicated to Parliament.— Effects of it upon the Temper of the People, and upon the Parliament. — Extenfion of the Act of Settlement.— Obftr- vations. — The Partition Treaty unpopular, — andcenfured by both Houfes of Par- liament.— Violence,— and Partiality of the Commons in. their Proceedings with. refpcft to the Partition Treaty. — The Lords offended at the Commons The, People offended.— Kentifli Petition. — Parliament prorogued. — William acknow- ledges the King of Spain.— Reafous for his doing fo.— Refolutiqns of the Com- mons favourable to the King's Views. —The Nation impatient for Tfar. — The Iving makes Preparation for it. — The grand Alliance. — The Heat and Emulation of Patties render the People more anxious for War. - Death of Jamcs.^ — His Son acknowledged by the French Kijig,— which is refented by every Party in England, — and fatal to the Hopes of the Pretender. — Reafons for the King changing his >Iinift;ers and calling a new Parliament.: — The fixth Parliament of William meets.. — Supplies granted.— Bills for attainting and abjuring the Pretender. — Viclffitudes in the po.litical Sentiments of the Nation fince the Peace of Rvfwick.— The Wiflics of the King gratified.— His Death. - . - - 538 CONTENTS. CHAP. XXI. XT Comparative View of tlie Whigs and Tories during the Reign of William. — Their Strength in tl\e Nation.— Their Influenee at Court. — ^Their Share in Adminiftra- tion. — Inconfiftencies in tlie ConduO: of both. — Their Merits and their Faults Obfervations. — Benefits of the Revolution. — It fecured the Liberties of England — faved the Proteftant Religion — promoted Toleration — infufed a Spirit of Improve- ment into the Conftitution. — Obligations of the Nation to King William. — His Character. -...,--.-. Page 561 [ xvi; ] INTRODUCTION. AS the Revolution of one tlioufand Tix hundred and eighty-eight forms an illuflrious era in our hiftory, fo the ftudy of it muft be highly gratifying to the fubjeds of the Britifli empire, and the friends of liberty in every country. To that event we arc in- debted, not only for -the enlargement of our privileges, and addi- tional lecurities for their continuance, but for thofe progreflive im- provements, which have exalted our nation to the higheft pitch of pi^ofperlty and fplendour. In order to open the political hlftory of England at the period of the Revolution with perfpicuity and connexion, and to give a true account of fubfequent tranfadions during the reign of king William, it becomes neceffary to review the two preceding reigns, and to unfold the various caufes, which united the exertions of rival parties, and wrought the deliverance of Britain. From an acquaintance with the previous hlftory, we fliall be better qualified to difcern the mo- deration and wifdom of our anceftors, who, by framing the new fettlement in a ftrld conformity to the principles and fpirlt of the ancient conftltutlon, and the temper and habits of the people, en- fured at once its eafy accomplifhment and future {lability. Some of thofe Illuflrious perfons, who, by their abilities and efforts, contributed moft fuccefsfully to the eflablifliment of our liberties at the Revolution, had alfo aded a diftingulflied part in the two preceding reigns, and their charadlers and motives cannot be fully uiiderftood, unlefs we afcend to the earlier flages of their lives. c The XVlll INTRODUCTION. The properties of different objeds are more clearly perceived* and more forcibly contrafted, by being placed on contiguous grounds. The amendment of the political condition of England, by the event of the Revolution, will be imprefled upon the mind with the ftrongeft convidion and feeling, when we make the tran- fition from the fcenes of oppreflion and tyranny which agitated the nation during the reigns of Charles and James. It may, perhaps, occur to fomc, that little inflrudion or enter- tainment can be expcded from any new detail of tranfadions which have been fo often, and fo fully, illuflrated by contemporary and later authors. From the following confiderations, however, I have been encouraged to profccute this work with the profpedt of its utilitv, and, with the hope, that it may not be deftitute of fomc fhare of that novelty, which contributes to the fuccefs of hiftorical compofitions. Though politics and parties enter into every hiftory of our country already publilhed, yet thefe fubjeds may be rendered more inftrudlve and interefting, by being placed in a detached view. The coincident events, related in the following work, which cannot properly be clafled imder thofe heads, have been introduced prin- cipally for the purpofe of explaining and illullrating political affairs. The various fubjeds which furnifh materials for the hiftorian, fuch as religion, politics, war, and commerce, are diftinguifhed by his attention, in proportion to their comparative importance, at the period that falls under his furvey. As politics and parties form the moft confpicuous features of the Britifh hiftory towards the clofe of the laft century, fo it muft be readily admitted, that they were never, in any former time, more worthy of attention and ftudy upon account of the fubftantial and permanent advantages of which they have been produdllve. ' ui:;r.-. ;• ov,/ > Without a clear and liberal comprehenfiori of the fxate of the nation, and of the temper and condud ^of parties, at the Revo- 13 lution. INTRODUCTION. lulion, we can neitlicr undcrfland the excellence of our prefent conflitution, nor be fullj inftruded in the extent of our privileges, and in the means of defending and improving them. But the fanie critical circumftances, which render the hiftory of any particular period more interefting, often incumber it with ambiguity and dif- ficulties, which can only be removed by the labour of later and ac- cumulated refearches. Amidfl the violent ftruggles of fadions, whofe influence pervades the whole body of the people, it is in vain to ex- pedl a jufl appretiation of merit, or an impartial account of public meafures. The animolities and prejudices, which were predominant at the Revolution, defcended to fucceeding generations; and the opinions which individuals maintained, with refpe6t to charaflcrs and fads, in the preceding age, were long interpreted as an in fallible criterion of their political principles and attachments, ia their own. After the lapfe of time has deftroyed this falfe affociation of ideas. It is more fafe and eafy to adhere to a true reprefent- ation of fads. There are recent circumftances, which feem to furnKH peculiar motives, for refuming the inveftigation and detail of the fubjeds treated of in this hiftory. By the diligence and opportunities of fome late hlftorlans, a variety of original papers have been colleded and publifhed; which, if they do not throw a light, altogether new, upon tranf- adions relative to the Revolution ; yet, In many inftances, they give authority to opinions formerly controverted, and corred and enlarge the information of the impartial and induftrious inquirer. Great caution, however, is neceflary, in admitting conclufions, drawn by authors from thofe fads, which they themfelves have had the in- genuity oj- good fortune to difcover. Like travellers, they are exceed- ingly prone to amplify and embclUfh the curlofities of thofe regions, which they have been the firft to vlfit and explore. While the merit of hlftorical writers is eftimated in proportion to the importance of c 2 the XIX \x INTRODUCTION. tlic fa6\s which they brhig to light, they lie under a ftrong teinptatioiv to over- rate thdrh'; and toftrain and extend the application of them beyond the rulls of accurate reafoning. The careleflhefs of the ge- nerality of readers renders them eafy profelytes to thole mifrepre- fentations, which the vanity of authors has introduced into hiftory. A fond appetite for novelty fupplies the deficiency of evidence, and eagerly grafps at difcoveries, which minifter to its gratification. There is a ftrong propenfity in human nature to move from one extreme to another. If our anceftors, impreffed with a deep fenfe of gratitude to individuals, who had been the inftruments of deliver- ing the nation from flavery, afcribed their condud to the pureft and moft honourable motives, and gave them credit for virtues which they did not poffefs ; we, who have never been difturbed in the en- joyment of our liberties, may, perhaps, be in danger of liftening raftily to infmuations againfl: meritorious characters; and of with- holding that fair tribute of refpe(£t, which is due to their memories. The efl'eds of this error are not confined to any one period of hiftory. The impeachment of names, which had obtained a prefcriptive right to public veneration, has a tendency to engender fufpicions, and to nourifti, efpecially in the young mind, a habit of fcepticifm, which chills the ardour of patriotic refolutions. It is, therefore, cf im- portance to the caufe of truth and virtue, to reftrain the fpirit of loofe and indifcrlminate cenfure ; to examine, with a patient mind, the weight of arguments ; and to confine conclufions, with ftriifl accuracy, to the premifes from which they are drawn. Under thefe impreffions I have been, neceflarily, led to combat the opinions of a late hiftorian, Mr. Macpherfon, with refped to many important tranfadions and charadlers, which occur in the courfe of this work. Many aflertions of that author, highly dero- gatory to the honour of king William, our illuftrious deliverer, ap- pear to me, after the moft impartial refearch, to be unfounded, and fome of them, to be contradided by evidence publiftied in his own ■ ■ colledion INTRODUCTION. xxi collecllon of State Papers. If I have fucceeded in my humble attempts to vindicate calumniated merit, and to eftablifh the caufe of truth, I fliould flatter myfclf, that this work may not be cou- fidered as unfeafonable or fuperfluous ; and no apology will be ne- ccllary for prefuming to recall the attention of the public to fubjedp, which have been already difcufled by authors of the lirft ability and the highefl reputation. But ftill I am, in juftice, bound to acknowledge, that fubftantial advantages are. derived from the in- formation, communicated by the author whom I have mentioned. After the moft fcrupulous enquiry into the fources from which that information has been coUeded ; after every abatement that candour and ftridnefs of reafoning prefcribe, we are left in the pofleffion of many curious and important fails. Enlightened by thefe, we are enabled to difpel the mifts, which darkened our political horizon a century ago ; and to prefent to the public a more copious and faith- ful narrative of many tranfadions, than contemporary authors could do, who were ignorant of the dark counfels and profligate intrigues which gave birth to them. It is particularly incumbent upon every perfon, who wifhes to form juft conceptions of Englifh politics, to ftudy with attention the proceedings of parliament. Parliament is the theatre on which the ftrength of confliding parties is brought forward into adion 3 and on which the fpirit and principles, which animate them, are fubmitted to the approbation or cenfure of the impartial and dif- cerning citizen. Parliamentary proceedings have, therefore, en- gaged a principal part of my attention and labour in the following, work. But it is not merely from the journals of the two houfes, or the conclufions adopted by the majority in either of them, with refpedt to queflions of greater moment, that we a;re able to diftinguifh the temper, the motives, or the abilities, of contending parties. The debates which lead to thefe conclufions, the intrigues of parties, the incidents fa- I vourable 3CX11 INTRODUCTION. vourablc or adveifc to their intereft, ought to be minutely furveycd. la treating of intercfting queftions, I have exhibited a fpecimen of the arguments, which were introduced in the difcuffion of them. In order to draw a more lively pidure of the times, I have endea- voured to enter into the fpirit of the perfons who were warm in the fcene of a£tion, to fee with their eyes, and to eftimate events and mcafurcs by their ftandard. I have attempted to reprefent their motives; to afcertain the effeds of different meafures, and of the condud of miniftry and oppofition, as falutary or pernicious to the conflitution. This work, if executed with perfpicuity and faithfulnefs, may, it is hoped, contribute not only to inftrudlon, but to moral im- provement. It will afford repeated opportunities of inculcating principles of genuine patriotifm upon thofe, who wifli to underftand and to purfue the true interefts of their country. It will fuggeft ftrong arguments for reftraining the credulity, and moderating the violence, of others, who devote themfelves, with implicit confi- dence, to the intereft of any party whatever, by holding out to them the Inconfiftency of opinions, afcribed to the fame perfons, in different ftages of their hiftory, correfponding to the viciffitudes of their political fituatlon. They, who cenfure with feverity, the con- duct:, either of miniftry or oppofition in our own time, may learn greater candour and indulgence, by taking the ftandard of their judgment, with refpetl to public charaders and meafures, from a period which they are able to contemplate, without any bias arifing from prejudice or intereft. They, who are deeply affeded with the apprehenfion of the fatal confequences of meafures of which they difapprove, may derive comfort, from marking, in the fequel of hiftory, the confutation of prefages and fears, announced under fimilar impreffions of gloom and defpondency. Upon the whole, though fome fhades may obfcure the luftre of that peiiod of our hiftoiy, which has elapfed fince the Revolution, yet the liberal INTRODUCTION. xxiU liberal mlud will recognife, with pleafurc, a more advanced progrefs of liberty, and of every fpecies of national improvement. Trom many aufpicious fymptoms, we are encouraged to anticipate, what, per- haps. Is at no great diftance, a nearer approach to moral and poli- tical perfedion, than has been exhibited in the record of ages that are pad. No fubje£l can more conduce to the developement of the heart, or to the enlargement of our knowledge of human nature, than that which leads us to trace the fprings of political intrigues ; and to delineate the various paffions, which agitate the votaries of party. Should this work contribute, in any degree, to eradicate preju- dices fatal to order and liberty, to infufe into the mind a detefta** tlon of fadllous and narrow policy, and to cherifh a love of pro- bity and patrlotifm, the bigheft ambition and fondeft with of the author will be gratified ; and his labour will be recolledcd, with a fatlsfadlon more folid and durable, than that which Is excited merely by the praife of diligence and ingenuity^ THE THE HISTORY O F POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, C PI A p. I. Reftoration of Charles the Second. — Temper and Meajures of the Convention, Parliament. — The Second Parliament loyal, but averje to Tok' ration. — Corporation and Uniformity A5ls. — Declaration of Indulgence, —Intrigues againft Miniflry. — War with Holland. — Commencement of Oppofition in Parliament. — Fall of Clarendon. — Early Schemes againji the Duke of Tork. — Peace with Holland. — Reafons for an Alliance with Holland. — Charles dijfatisfied with his Parliament. — Secret Treaty between Charles and Lewis. — CharaBer of the King's Minifters. — Meafures taken in concert with Lewis. — Arbitrary Meafures of Adminifl ration. — Second War with Holland — unfuccefsful. — The King folicits the Aid of Parlia- ment. — Prudent and firm ConduH of the Commons. — Breaks and divides the Cabal. — Indulgence recalled. — Addrefs againji Roman Catholics, Teji AB. — RefleHions. — Addrefs concerning Grievances. — Oppofition of Shaft/- ' bury io the Court. — His Character. — Converfion of the Duke of York to the Roman Catholic Religion. — Proceedings of Parliament. — Lord Danby becomes the ObjeSl of the Refentment of the Commons. — His Condu^ as a Minijler. — New Tefl Bill. TH E reftoration of Charles the Second filled the nation with CHAP joy, and was followed by a long period of peace and poll- ■_. - _* tical harmony. The prince, the miniftry, and the parlia- gth May! menr, were united in the fame views of policy : and the bufinefs of ^f^')"''^"°" •^ J ' of Charles the nation was condudled without oppofition from any party. ^"^^ Second. B The ment THE HISTORY OF P- The convention parliament mingled patriotifm with loyalty. While they provided for the fupport of the king, and teftified their Tcnlper'l-ind indignation againft the perfons who were ftained with the blood of meaiiiresof , ■ f^.\^Qj. i\^Qy adopted the moft eftedual meafures to complete the the conven- 5 y r tion parlia- fettlement of the nation, and to prevent future oppreffion. They pafled an ad of indemnity, difbanded the army, and aboUlhed the courts of wards and liveries ; a branch of the royal revenue moft grievous to the fubjeift. Judicial proceedings, which had taken place during the ufurpation, were ratified; all perfons, who had been violently deprived of titles, offices, and eftates, were reftored to them '. A great proportion of the members of the convention parliament were prefbyterians*; and as their political principles led them to wifti for limitations of the prerogative, fome of them had moved to fpeclfy thefe, as conditions of the king's reftoration '. Though the impatience of the nation, and the authority of general Monk, had over-ruled their defign, yet the recent obligations they had conferred upon the king, and the queftions which lay open to dif- cuiTion in carrying on the fettlement of the nation, feeraed to pre- fent an opportunity, peculiarly favourable to the recommendation and fuccefs of their political fyftem. If the apprehenfion of thefe confequences privately leffened the king's confidence in this parliament, the narrow and unconftitutional principle, upon which it had been convened, afforded a fpecious pre- text for haftening its diffolution. The writs for a general election had been iffued by the few remaining members of the long parlia- ment ; and all, who had affifted in the war againft that parliament, were declared incapable of being eleded reprefcntatives of the people*. The convention parliament was diflblved on the 29th of December. ' Journ. Lords and Commons, paffim. ' Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. iii. * Life of Clarendon, vol. i. p. 222. ♦ Echard, vol. iii. 13 Zeal POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 3cc. 3 Zeal for loyalty was preferred to every other qualification, in the ^ II A l*. choice of members to ferve in the fecond parliament of Charles, i v -1 Far from any inclination to aflert and eftablKh the ancient privileges parliament of the people and to prefcrihe boundaries to prerogative, the com- 8°h^M.iy mons, in the fervour of loyalty, had no objed fo much at heart as '^^'' to exalt the power, and gratify the defires, of the fovereign '. To the found policy of adminiftration, and, particularly, to the mode- rate counfels of the earl of Clarendon, more than to the wifdoni and temper of parliament, the natio-n was indebted, not only for reftraining the ebullitions of loyal zeal, but for the adoption of falutary laws, which had been enacted during the eftablifliment of the republic*. If the minlftry approved of, or advifed, in a few in- flances, exertions of prerogative illegal and of dangerous example, they are to be confidered as exceptions to the eftabllfhed rules of their political fyftem ; they were prompted by necefhly, and the fudden apprehenfion of danger, arlfmg from confpiracies againft the king, formidable by the inveterate and enthufiaflic difaffe<3;ion, ra- ther than by the number and rank, of the perfons who formed them ''. The king refumed the power of regulating the militia without waiting for the confent of parliament. A proclamation iSihjul/. againft printing and felling feditious libels was expreffed in terms inaufpicious to the liberty of the prefs. Two regiments, one of horfe, and another of foot, were raifed to be a guard to the perfon of the prince, which, confidered as the beginning of a ftanding army, was an object of jealoufy to a free people. Thefe meafurcs were fuffered to pafs without any apology offered by the prince, or any animadverfion or check interpofed by the parliament. Religious toleration was the fmgle point upon which miniftry and hut averfe t» parliament, in the early period of this reign, maintained fentiments toleration, different from thofe of the prince ; and adhering to which they were bold enough to thwart his private willies, and prefcrihe limita- ' Coke's Deteftion. Rerefty. ' Burnet. ' Ralph, vol. i. B 2 tions THE HISTORY OF C H A P. J. 14th ApriJ, i6ic. Corporation and uni- /brmity afts. 20th Dec. 1661. 19th May, 1662. Declaration of indul- gence. tions to his authority. The king, by his declaration from Breda, had promifed indulgence to the prefhyterians ; their fervices in the refloration merited this favour, and his honour was interefled ia makinsi it effeilual. There remains, however, no room to doubt, that a partiality to the Roman catholics, and the fcheme of extending indulgence to them, more than either lenity of difpofition, or regard to his honour, were the motives of the king's public favour to the proteftant difienters ; and that the fufpicion of thefe motives aggra- vated the offence, and inflamed the refentment which his declaration excited among the loyalifts of the church of England '. The earl of Clarendon, v/ho had the principal diredion of affairs at this time, was attached to the worfhip and forms of the church of England, with all that enthufiaftic zeal with which the eftabliflied triumph of party naturally infpires its votaries, after a period of depreflion and ftruggle; and which, notwithftanding his prudence and generofity, betrayed him into meafures fevere and illiberal, when the intereft of epifcopacy was concerned. Monarchy and the church of England, during the late convulfions of the nation, had been blended in the fame political fate; they had the fame enemies, the fame friends, and had fallen together by the fame fhock. Hence the moft zealous loyalifts had been led to confider the interefts of the church and of the monarchy as indiiTolubly united, and the corporation and uniformity adls were contrived to exclude proteftant difienters from civil and ecclefiaftical power. The k,ing did not ufe any influence to prevent the aft of uni- formity, or to procure fuch modifications of it, as might leave room for a legal and inoffenfive difcharge of the promife made in his declaration at Breda. Indolent and inconfiderate, he probably did • This account of the king's declaration is Stafford in the houfe of peers, and by the admitted by North, an author by no means feverity of the king to the proteftant diffenters, prone to cenfure or mifinterpret the conduft after the period when their intereft was dif- of Charles. North's Examen, p. 431.-11 tingulihed from, and fet in oppofition to, that IS alfo confirmed by the declaration of lord of the Roman catholics. no( POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 5 not appreliend the extent of the violence and cruelty with which It ^ ^' ^ P- was Iraught, or believe that the prefbyterian clergy would rclifl it *■ ' with fuch unanimity and firmnefs. He was, perhaps, deceived by his experience, and trufted that the obfequicus temper of his parlia- ment would difpofe them to connive at any interpofitioa of preroga- tive, intended to mitigate the feverities refulting from a rigid execu- tion of the law. Two thoufand prefbyterian minifters were ejetSted 24thAuguft. from their livings, and many of them induced to indigence ". Charles was upbraided with the breach cf his promife, and the opprellion of his government. The plea of humanity afforded him a fpecious pretext for trying the ftrength of prerogative, and efta- bliining a precedent for indulgence to the Roman catholics. He publifl^ed a declaration, difpenfing with the penalties impofed by the 36th Dec. s.Ct of uniformity; and fome of the diflenting minifters, who had been committed by the lord mayor of London for violating that adlf, ■were fet at liberty '°. A meafure, which at once lliocked their reli- gious prejudices and fo deeply wounded the principles of the con- flitution, was oppofed by the commons, with the manifold advan- tages which refult from fervour of zeal and folidity of argument. The king revoked his indulgence. The commons were foothed, Feb. 1663., and again became generous and indulgent, in every other inftance, to the inclinations of the fovereign. It were erroneous, however, to conclude, that, during this ferene rntrlgucs n r !•• c-i'-ii n againll mi- ftate of politics, the ambition of individuals was afleep ; or that no miliy, confpiracies were formed againft minifters by thofe who envied their power and emoluments. The principal offices of adminiftration, after the king's return, were divided between the perfons who had given proof of their fidelity to his father, and thofe who had been moft forward and ufeful in promoting his own reftoration. To the former were chiefly afllgned the refponfible and laborious depart- ments of government ; their attention to bufinefs, and gravity of 9 Life of Baxter. »» Ralph, vol. i. deportment, I i6t THE HISTORY OF H A P. deportment, fccluded them from that familiar intercourfe with their ' mailer, which was enjoyed by companions nearly of his own age, and qualified by congenial humour to gratify his tafte for mirth and nlcafure ". Flattered by the participation of his amufements and eafv accefs to his perfon, the duke of Buckingham, the earl of Brillol, and fir Henry Bennet, had early cheriflied the idea of gain- ing the afcendency in his councils, and of direding the difpofal of preferments and places. But as any diredt attempt to embarrafs the affairs of government, would have been offenfive to the king, by dif- turbing his repofe, and ill received by a parliament overcharged with loyalty, their attacks upon the minifters were not founded upon mal-adminiftration, or brought forward in the open path of parlia- mentary oppofition, but levelled againft their private charafters, and conduded through the dark channel of intrigue and calumny ". Sufpicions of the fidelity of his minifters were artfully infufed into the roval breaft, and the chancellor, particularly, was reprefented as maintaining principles, hoftile to prerogative and the independence of the crown. They employed the influence of the king's miftreffes, who were exafperated by the contempt with which they were treated by the chancellor, and readily co-operated to undermine him. They plied every engine of ridicule and humour, particularly fitted to work upon a temper addided to frolic and levity '\ So long, how- ever, as the king found himfelf at eafe, and obtained the fupplies he demanded, he remained -immoveable, by the motives of ambition, the importunity of miftreffes, and the detradion infinuated againft his minifters by loofe and unprincipled companions. " Life of Clarendon. Life of lord ous mifdemeanours, appeared fo invidious and Jveeper Guilford. irregular in the opinion of the twelve judges to " An open attick was made upon the ad- whom it was referred, that it was dlfmiiTed miniftration of Clarendon, by the earl of unanimoully ; and drew upon its author fevere Briftol, in the houfe of lords, in the third expreffions of the king's difpleafure. Kennet, fefllon of the fecond parliament, loth July, vol. iii. 1663. Bat the charge exhibited againft him, '^ Life of Clarendon, vol. i. p. 281. confifting of articles of high treafon and vari- Carte's Life of Ormond, voL ii. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. The atlual experience of inconveniences often prcdldeJ, produced, C H A 1 at lafl, a revolution in the minillerial departments, diflblvcd the v ,, harmony vs'hich fublifled between the king and his parliament j and Warwiih entirely changed the form and ftatc of politics in the fuccecding years of this reign. The king was urged, by the general inclina- tions of his people, and the importunity of private friends, to enter into a war with the Dutch '*. The fum of two millions five hun- dred thoufand pounds was voted by the commons for defraying the zsrhNov. expences of the war. Liberal and unexampled as this fupply was, the king found it inadequate ; and made a demand for further fupplies, in the full expectation of being anfwered with the fame cheerfulnefs and crenerofitv. But now a variety of caufes contributed to render the commons Commence- more flow and cautious in difpofmg of the public money, though pofuion in folicited for the fupport of a war which they had warmly rccom- P^^'^'"^"* mended. Their conftituents, prefled by the burden of the former fupplies, began to obi'erve, with a cenforious eye, the profufion of the court, and to complain of the mifmanagement and perverfion of fums voted for the public fervice. The commons, jealous for the '■'■ War was declared againft Holland, 4th March, 1665. The nation in general approved of this war, from a jealouP/ of the J)utch encroaching upon our trade, and the refent- mcnt of injuries fuppofed to have been com- mitted by them againft the Englidi Eaft India Company. Temple's Letters to fir John Temple, Oft. I?, 1667. — Both houfes of par- liament addreffed the king againft the Dutch. The commons highly approved of the war, and thanked the king for having entered into it. Journ. Com. loth Oi\. 1665. — The king was fecretly averfe to the war. Lif^* of James, 1664. — The felfifti views of individuals had a confiderable influence in promoting the firft war with Holland. The duke of York, fond of military employment, viewed the in- juries committed by the Dutch in exaggerated colours, and inccnfcd his brother againft them.. Life of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 14. — The duke of Albemarle was piqued with the Dutch on account of perfonal affronts which he had received while he fervcd in their army, and flattered the court with an unbounded pro- fpedl of fuccefs, by difparaging their military and naval force. Life of James. — The French invidioully fomented the quarrel, expefting that it would furnifli them with a pretence for encroaching upon Flanders, by interfering in the war, either upon the fide of Holland or England, as contingent events fhould direft. Secret Hiftory of Europe, vol. i. — The fuc- cefs of the Englifli at fca in the begin- ning of the war, and their treaty with the Bilhop of IVlunfter, determined the French to declare in favour of Holland. Ibid. protedion 8 THEHISTORYOF c H A P. proteaion of the eftabliflied religion, were fretted by the repeated i^ '- ' attempts of the court to introduce and fupport the toleration of '^' dilfcnters. Though the king had departed from his declaration, his fiivourable inclinations were privately communicated to the difTcnters, and he difplayed extreme backwardnefs in executing thofe laws againft them which were dictated by the ardent zeal of the com- x666. mens". The felicitations of the crown for fupplies reminded them of its dependence, and infpired them with a confcioufnefs of autho- rity and importance, with which they were before unacquainted. The power of conferring obligations upon the prince, the fource of honour and promotion, opened a fair profpe£t of gratifying the ambition and avarice of individuals. The very men who had hitherto laboured to roufe the refentment of the fovereign againft his minifters, for hcfitating to remove the ancient limitations of preroga- tive, and to eftablifli the independence of the crown, began now to cenfure public meafures, and to awaken a jealoufy of the court, in order to raife an oppofition in parliament, over which they might prefide, and advance their own political impoi'tance. Extravagance and abufe in the expenditure of the revenue, fuggefted an inquiry into the difburfements of the fupplies, and, at length, accomplifhed a refolution of the commons to appoint commiffioners to revife the public accounts '*. The king, mortified by a meafure which he confidered as difrefpedtful to his dignity, and fatal to his indepen- dence, reforted to remedies calculated to procure immediate tran- quillity, without forefeeing the multiplied and lafting embarrafT- J666-7. ments to which they gave birth. By conferring penfions upon fome, and promifing preferments to others, he purchafed an interval of repofe; while, by exciting avarice, and cherifhing expedations beyond the compafs of his ability to gratify, he planted thofe feeds " Ralpli, vol. i. '6 Journ. Commons, Sept. Oft. and Dec. of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 9 of importunity and difappointment which embittered the peace of ^ ^' ^ ^■ his future years ". ' ^ — j i656. At this period, the kmg reflected, with regret, upon the oppor- Fall of Cli- tunities of attaining to independence and abfoUite power, which had been negletSted by the perfons hitherto entrufted with the manage- ment of his affairs. The candidates for preferment artfully fell in with the ftream of incidents, and adapted themfelves to the prefent temper of their mafter, to gratify their refentment, and to promote their fchemes of perfonal aggrandifement. They cafily pcrfuaded the king to confcnt to the difgrace of the earl of Clarendon, as the 3'ftAug. means of gaining popularity, and re-eftablifhing the vigour of the monarchy. The pre-eminence and long continuance of Clarendon's influence had excited the envy of many perfons of the firfE rank, who were warmly attached to the royal family. The ftemnefs of his virtue over-awed and rebuked the fafhionable licentioufnefs of the court. The fupercilioufncfs and formality of his external de- portment rendered him ungracious to thofe with whom he con- verfed, in tranfadlions of bufmefs, and the ordinary intercourfe of life. A partiality to the charadler of the king, inclined all parties to impute to the perfon who bore the principal fway in adminiftra- tion, every private injury, and every public calamity. The rigid laws againft dlflenters, and remiffnefs in the execution of them ; the negledl of indigent loyalifts ; the fale of Dunkirk ; the marriage of the king ; the ill fuccefs of the war ; charges in fome inPcances difcordant and incompatible, were heaped together, in order to unite men of oppofite principles and parties, in that odium and rancour which purfued the falling minifter. It was at the fame time reprefented to the king, that his affairs were not irretrievable ; that, by removing the minifters who had hitherto limited his autho- rity, and obftru(fted his fchemes, he might yet build up prerogative, attain to a flate of eafc, and make himfelf independent on the '7 Life of Clarendon, Marvel. C favour lO THE HISTORY OF CHAP, favour of parliament ". The fnare anfwered the moft fanguine ex- <», -J I pcaations of thofe who laid it, and the king furrendered Clarendon '^' to the unmerited and malicious profccution of his enemies ". With this event commences a new epoch in the political hiftory of this reign. It is crowded with the buflle, the intrigues, and the exertion, of parties ; it exhibits the commencement, the progrefs, and the moft diverfified forms of fidtion. E^r'y After the fall of Clarendon, the duke of Buckingham and the againft the earl of Arlington became rivals for the favour of the king, which Ywk.° was ftill confidered as the only path to power and office. Atten- tive, however, to their common intereft, in completing and efta- bUfhing the late revolution in adminiftration, they fupprelTed their mutual animofities, and united their efforts, to extirpate any influ- ence that remained with the friends of lord Clarendon ". The duke of York, though unable to ftop the torrent of oppofition which had overvi'helmed his father-in-law, ftill avowed his attachment to his relation, and declined to enter into any terms of agreement with a miniftry exalted upon his difgrace. To avert the diftant profped: of feeling his refentment, the new adminiftration, at an early period, formed the defign of defeating his fucceffion to the crown. Dif- ferent plans of accomplifhing this important objedl were fuggefted by thofe who were equally interefted in its fuccefs. Some of them hoped, that the king might be prevailed upon to confent to a divorce, on account of the barrennefs of the queen ; a meafure, which, if it obtained th-e fandion of parliament, could not fail to be highly acceptable to the nation, originally diflatisfied with the match, and alarmed at the confequences of an alliance between their fove- reign and a Roman catholic family. Another plan of fubvertin"- the duke's title to the fucceffion, not only lefs tedious in execution but lefs exceptionable, on account of its being free from any charge " Cunningham's Hiftory of Britain, vol. i. '9 Jour. Lords and Commons, Oft. and Nov. p. 19. Life of Ormond. " Life of James, 1667-8. Burnet, 1668. of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. u of harflinefs and difrefpedl: towards the queen, was fuggefted by the ^ ^^ ^^ ^'• partial affediou of Charles to his fon, the duke of Monmouth. v_— ^^ — j The friends of the latter were by this encouraged to hope, that they might obtain from the king a formal acknowledgment and con- firmation of his having been married to the duke of Monmouth's mother before they cohabited together; a report which many of the nation were inclined to believe, becaufe it had been circulated in converfation ; and to fupport with their influence, becaufe Mon- mouth flood high in their affedions *'. Thefe circumftances are de- ferving of notice, upon account of their influence, at a fubfequent period, in producing the bill of exclufion, which was then fup- ported by the fame perfons, with arguments more fpecious and in- terefting to the public, than thofe which firfl fuggefted the expe- diency of fuch a meafure. Peace with Holland, defircd with equal anxiety by the king and Peace with the nation, was the firft meafure which employed the official labours of the new adminiftration. The king, who had never entered cordially into the war, became flill more averfe to it, becaufe France had fided with Holland. He was weary with foliciting fupplies, no lefs than the people were with granting them ^'. The revenue and public credit had funk during the continuance of the war, and great arrears were due to the army and navy. While the profpedt of fuccefs abroad was diminifhed by a reconciliation between the States and the bifhop of Munfter, the nation at home was fubje£ted to the moft mortifying infult by the boldnefs of the Dutch fleet, which entered the river, and deftroyed feveral fliips of war at Chatham. The exultation of the ftates, upon this advantage, was 19th June, damped, and the views of puflung hoftilities any farther againfl ' '* England repreffed by the ambition of the French king, who now began to trample upon every form of juftice, and to fill the fur- rounding powers on the continent with the moft alarming apprehen- *' Life of James, 1668. Macpherfon's State Papers. " Coke. C 2 fions. 12 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, fions. The dejedion and difcontents of England, occafioned by the 1 ' late fuperiority of the Dutch, and the terrors of the Dutch, excited '^''^' by the ambition of France, difpofed both the contending powers to turn their thoughts towards a plan of peace, under the media- Aug. 1667. tion of Sweden. A negociation between England and Holland was 23d Jan. opened at Aix la Chapelle, which foon terminated in a league de- ^^^^' fenfive againft France "'. The fudden tranfition of England, not only from war to peace, but to the mod friendly alliance with Holland, and to obligations of reciprocal protedion confirmed by the triple alliance, forms one of the mod fingular political phenomena that occurs in the reign of Charles the Second. The bias of the king's affedion leaned ftrongly to an alliance with France. He had already made propofals to that court, and had fecretly engaged himfelf not to enter into any treaty injurious to her interefl. The minlfters, whom he now employed, concurred in the fame prejudices and affe<5lions ; and, if they had been at liberty to purfue them, they would not have hefitated, fn cafe of a competition, about preferring the intcrefts of France to thofe of Holland '■*. Reafonsfor Many motives, however, confpired to recommend to the king, ^thHoll^d. ^^^ his minifters, a line of foreign policy, different from that which they fecretly favoured, and to conftrain an external, though, as it foon appeared, a deceitful deference to popular opinions. The par- liament, during the continuance of the war, had grown more in- dependent, and had affumed a more adive and decifive part in the management of public bufinefs. The people at large began to enter into critical difcuflion of public meafures ; and the motives of com- mercial intereft, or national refentment, which at firft engaged their approbation of war with the States, yielded to indignation at the exorbitant ambition of France, which united England and Holland by a fenfe of their common danger. It was in vain for the mi- " Temple's Letters, vol. iii. »♦ Letter of Ruvigny. Secret Hillory of Europe, vol. i. niftry, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 13 nlftry, if they fet out in a courie of meafures repugnant to the CHAP, fentiments of the nation and the houfe of commons, to expeft that *— — ' they would be able to extricate the revcime from the incumbrances with which the war had loaded it, or to maintain the power which they had acquired. The fyftem of foreign policy, recommended to the king and his minifters by motives of popularity and domeftic convenience, was, at the fame time, moft flattering to their own honour, and the reputation of the nation abroad. The king had lately aded as mediator in a peace between Spain and Portugal. By entering into a league with Holland, in order to prevent the future encroachments of France upon the provinces in Flanders, which was equally dreaded by the States, the Emperor, and Spain, he would be regarded as arbiter of the fate, and guardian of the liberties, of Europe^'. Though the king himfelf was but little ftimulated by motives of honour and patriotifm, he could not be ■ ignorant of the inconveniences he might fufFer, by thwarting mea- fures fo confiftent with found and liberal policy, and fo earneftly urged by the wifhes of his people. The triple alliance, candidly afcribed to the obvious and powerful motives we have already men- tioned, effaced the fufpicion of his attachment to France, and re- ftored him to the affedion and confidence of his fubjedls ". ^5 Temple's Letters. That Lewis, however, was offended with the '" It is alTerted by fome, that the triple league, appears from the language of Ru- league was infidioufly encouraged by France, vigny, his ambaflador at London, to Charlci, as it conceded to her the conquefts flie had al- to whom, renewing his profefllons of cilcem readv made in Flanders, or ftipulated an equi- and aiFeftion for Levvis, he, Ruvigny, replied, valent, if Spain fliou'.d refume them. If That his, Charles's conduft had been but little Spain declined compliance with either of thefe anfwcrable to thefe profefllons, and that he alternatives, it would aftord France a fair pre- knew it had given caufe of offence and mif- te.xt for renewing the war, and for making truft to his mafter. Dalrymplc's Appendix, farther encroachments. Coke. Bolingbrokc's p. lo. Letters. It is probable, that, from a fufpicion of the By the letters of Charles the Second to triple league being difagreeablc to France, or Lewis and the Dutchefs of Orleans, it ap- upon the aftual notice of its being fo. Lord pears, that the former had entered into the Clifford faid to a friend of Sir William triple league without the confcnt of Lewis, Temple's, " For all this, we mud have a war but, at the fame time, was perfuaded, that it " with the Dutch before it be long." Tcm- could not be injurious to the French intercll. pie's MtmoLrs, vol. i. p. 261. So »4 THE HISTORY OF I. c HA r. 3o far as we have advanced in our hiftory, judging from the fads and meafures which ha.re lain open to our infpeaion, no flagrant error in policy, nor iniquity in government, can be imputed to the charader of the prince. His propenfity to foften the rigour of the a.Gi of uniformity, though it precipitated him into the viola- tion of the law, was fo confonant to lenity, and a refpecSt to his early promifes to the prefbyterians, that we might perhaps have hefi- tated whether to praife or to cenfure, if the future meafures of his reign did not extinguilh all credit for his ever having been actuated by fuch refpedable motives. The perfecution of Clarendon, unjuft and fevere, was carried on with fuch unanimous and vehement ran- cour by every party, that no common degree of fortitude in the prince muft have been neceflary to refift its effects, and protect his minifter, though he had been entirely fatisfied with his condudl. The triple alliance was founded upon generous and found maxims of policy, redounded immediately to the dignity of the crown and nation, and infpired pleafmg expeftations, that wife meafures would be pur- fued through the remainder of this reign. How far thefe expectations were well founded, and how far either private virtue or patrlotifm mingled among the motives by which the king was influenced, and dictated the fchemes he purfued, will appear from the events which fill the following pages. Charles dif- The caution of the commons in grantine; fuppUes, and the firmnefs latished with _ o o rr ' hisparlia- with which they had repelled every attempt to difpenfe with the laws, though conduced with refpedl and qualified with expreffions of afiedion to the prince, infufed into his mind feeds of difguft, which gradually ripened into an unconquerable averfion to his par- liament. The incumbrances occafioned by the king's domeftic pro- fufion, as well as the neceflary difburfements during the war, dif- pofed him eagerly to liflien to any plan for the augmentation of his revenue, independently of the favour of parliament, ever precarious and annexed to fliipulations derogatory to his dignity and power. 7 As ment. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, S cation i8 THE HISTORY OF C II A P. cation in the management of bufinefs^ The patronage of the ^ '• _, dutchefs of Orleans, which Buckingham enjoyed as long as (he '^'''" lived, and the ardour with which he entered into the French intereft, fupported his claim to be admitted into the counlels of the cabal, notwithftanding his having forfeited the confidence of the king, by the infolence of his behaviour. The tranfcendent abilities of Aftiley Cooper rendered his fupport defirable, and his oppofition formidable to every party. The earl of Lauderdale, by uniting zeal for the prerogative, with flexibility of temper, and compliance with the wayward humours and unfettled refolutions of the king, gained a firmer hold of his confidence, than any minifter he ever employed. The members of the cabal, as an encouragement for their fervices, received donations of money from the French king, and diflinguiflied preferments from their own prince". Meafures From the time that the alliance with France was projeded, the taken in con- cert with king had taken indire(£l meafures to teftify his partiality for Lewis, and to put himfelf in a condition of rendering him more open and fubftantial fervices. French officers and failors were trained in the Englifh fleet ; naval and military improvements, difcovered in Eng- land, were imparted to the French court ^\ By a meafure, more treacherous and abufive of the confidence of parliament, Charles forwarded his preparations for entering into an efficient alliance with France. Under the pretext of an alarm from the augmentation of the French fleet, he folicited a fupply from the commons, to enable him to fit out fifty-two fhips of the line; and, in order more efFedually to !ull fufpicions, he repeated his afl\irances of attachment to the na- tional religion, and his refolution to execute, with rigour, the laws againft the Roman catholics ". The fupply obtained was bafely ap- 3^ Sheffield, duke of Buckingham, vol. ii. made lord treafurer; Arlington was made jBurnct. fecretary of ftate. ^' Burnet. Lauderdale was made a duke ; ^s Secret Hiftory of Europe, vol. i. Aihley Cooper a peer, by the title of the earl 'J Journ. Commons, 14th Feb. 1670, and of SJiaftftury ; Cliiford was alfo ennobled, and 1 jth March 167 1 . 3 plied POLITIdAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. 19 plied to the fupport of tliat power which it was intended to con- ^' ^^ ^ ^■ troh He fent Mr. Coventry ambairador to Stockhohn, to co- < .^ operate with the French agents in detaching Sweden from the triple uUiance. The parliament, which was prorogued to the twenty-fecond •of April one thouiaud fix hundred and fcvcnty-one, was, in confe- quence of repeated prorogations, prevented from meeting for the dil- patch of buiinefs till the fourth of February one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-three. Prince Rupert, lord keeper Bridgeman, Mr. fecre- tary Trevor, and the duke of Ormond, were removed from the council of foreign affairs, that they might not give any obftrudlion to the mea- fures the king was bound to purfue, in conformity to his engagements with France *". Under the dominion of the cabal, emancipated from the control Arbitrary mea lures of of oppofing counfellors, and the awe of parliament, aW difguife was aiiminiilra- laid afide, and the mofl violent meafures were attempted, to accom- plifh the ends of the French treaty. The triple league was dil- ^"^ February, folved ; war was declared againft Holland upon the mofl frivolous pretences, and the commencement of it was attended with the mofl: tliflionourable clrcumftances *'. The navigation a£t was fufpended. A proclamation was publifhed, for maintaining flridt difcipline in the ^° Kennet. Life of Ormond. Dutch offered any fatisfaftion the king fhould ♦' The pretences, under which war was think fit to demand. But no fooner was one declared againft Holland, are acknowledged to complaint obviated, than another was ftarted; be frivolous, even by authors partial to the and Downing, who was fent to Holland to court. Some of them were fo trifling, tliat make complaints, returned witli all pofiible the very notice of them degraded the dignity hallc, as it he had been afraid of receiving of adminiftration. They complained of libels, fatisfaftory anfwers. North's Examen. Coke, medals, and piftures in Holland, whicli were Temple, vol. ii. and iii. Secret Hiftory of an affront to the king. Other reafons, of a Europe, vol. i. p. 138. more ferious complexion, fuch as infults and The war commenced with diflionourable wrongs committed againft the India company, clrcumftances. A fleet was fent out, under were fuggefted by the influence of the court, the command of fir Robert Holmes, to cap- The infult to the Britifh flag, inrolled in the tivate the Dutch Smyrna fleet, previous to the lift of provocations, was defignedly courted declaration of war. The failure of this ex- by the Englifh, and amounted to no more pedition was a great difappointment to the than this — that a Dutch admiral, with his fleet, cabal, who expefted to procure fuch a fum by upon the coaft of Holland, had refufed to the prizes, as would enable them to carry on flrike fail, when required by a captain of one the war without aid from parliament. Ibid. /)f the king's yachts ; and, after all, the D 2 army, 20 THEHISTORYOF • c II A* 'p. army, m order to palliate the offence occafioned by the additional numbers of foldiers quartered in the country. To fuperfede the neceffity of fummoning a- parliament to grant fupplies, the exche- quer was fliut, and the fums, due to many of his fubjeds, were applied by the king for the fupport of his fleet and army '*\ A de- claration for liberty of confcience was again publiflied, as the moft effedual method of reconciling diffenters of every defcription to the mealures of adminiftration. The chancellor of the exchequer, by his own authority, ilTued writs for the eledion of members to fupply the vacancies in parliament *\ In order to fupprefs the mur- murs, and overawe the complaints, which a fcries of meafures, fo arbitrary and dangerous, could not fail to provoke, a proclamation June, 167Z. was published, threatening fevere punifhment againft all perfons who prefumed, by writing or fpeaking, to publifh falfe news, or to intermeddle with the affairs of ftate,. or with the perfons of any of his majefty's counfellors anJ minifters. War with The War with Holland was profecuted: with adlivity, but was not attended with the fuccefs which had been anticipated by the cabal, and which was neceifary to realife the fchemes of independence and power grafped at by Charles. The wifdom and enterprife of the young prince of Orange, now reftored to the prerogatives of his anceftors, united the councils and animated the refolutions of all the flates, and difplayed the moft glorious and fortunate efforts of de« ■** The exchequer was twice ihut ; firft, on had been hitherto exerciftd by him only after the 8th Jan. 1672 to the 31ft Dec. 1672, and receiving the fpeaker's warrant. It miglit, again on the 311! Dec. 1672 to the 6th May perhaps, be the inftrument of throiviiia fome 1673. Irwas c.vpcc'^ed by the cabal, thatthe a/iditional weight into the fcale of the crown, . detention of money, and the- Dutch fpoils, by accelerating or delaying the time ofelec- would fuperfede all fupplies. It is aflerted, tion, fo as to favour the intereft of the candi- that, after the rcfolution of- /hutting the ex- dates devoted to the court. This, however chequer was adopted by the cabal, the execu- muft have been inconfiderable ; and it rather tion of it was fufpended, till they and their appears to ha.e been intended to ferve lord friends had drawn oat the fmns due to them Shaftibury's own political views in the elec- by government— Honcfty the bell policy, tions for the county of Dorfet, where his in- Somers' Col. vol. vii. p. 363. tercll lay. North's Examen, p. 56, *' This power, alTumed by the chancelloiri fence POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. ai fence againft the combined force of England and France. By ^ "^ '^ ^' entering into an alliance both with the limperor and with Spain, he difappointed that rapidity of conqueft, upon which the Englilli and unfucceisful. French nionarchs had confidently reckoned from the fnperiority of their arms ; and upon the accoinplifliment of which, the indepen- dence and arbitrary views of the former were, in a great meafure, fufpended. The temporary fupplies, once and again derived from (hutting the exchequer, were exhaufled. The funds, railed out of the Dutch fpoils, fell fliort of expedlation ; and necelTity once more conftrained Charles to fupplicate aid of that very parliament, upon which it was the objed; of the war to render liimlelf independent. Two expedients only were left to the choice of the king, by The king which he could expedt to perfevere in the fyflem of political mea- ald'^of par- fures he had adopted, in conjundlion with the court of France. By ''''^"^^'^^'• fmoothaefs of addrefs, and by anticipating the wifli of his people, in. retracing fome of the moft odious exertions of prerogative, which had taken place during the long recefs of parliarrient, the- king might hope to footh the commons into an approbation of the war, and to obtain fupplies for the maintenance of his army, which might be employed, at fome future period, as the inftrument of ar- bitrary power ; or, by affuming the language of boldnels and refo- lution, parliament might be over-awed, oppofition difconcerted in its firft formation, and an eafy and complete vidory obtained over the liberties of his people. If the former of thefe was preferred, or if the king fhould ever betray any inclination to relent or to yield, iu' one fingle point, to the oppofition of parliament, the cabal had- reafon to apprehend, not only a fpeedy dillblution, and the extinc-. lion of their political influence, but alfo to dread utter difgrace and- ruin from the vengeance of an. offended i^.atioa. As their. intereft^ prompted them to recommend an unfhakcn fnmnefs to the king, fo the. worfl effeds, that could flow from it, were the violent meafurcs of oppo-. fition in parliament, which would afford them an opportunity of accom-- plifhing*/ 22 THE HISTORY OF c H A P. plinrmg, by more direa: fteps, a change in the conflitution, the ohjea: of their confederacy. The bold fpirit of the cabal, more than the timid difpolition of the monarch, didated the fpeecb by which the king addrefled his parliament, which met, for the tenth feflion, on the fourth of February one thoufand fiK hundred and feventy-three. He aflumed the language of high authority. He faid, that he had feen the good effedts of his declaration for indulgence ; that he would take it ill to receive contradiction, and that he was firmly re- folved to adhere to it. The earl of Shaftfbury, as chancellor, followed his majefty, with a minute detail of the provocations of the Dutch, in order to juftify the war; and held forth nothing lefs than their utter dcftrudlion, as effential to repair the injured honour, and to fecure the future profperity of the Englifh crown. He concluded with the mod fulibme panegyric upon the patriotifm and virtues of the prince, which, compared with the fentiments he ever after held, exhibits the moft llrlking example of verfatility and felf-contradidion, that can be feleQed from the hiftory of any political chara£ter. The wife and temperate meafures purfued by the commons, diC appointed all the conclufions to which the fchemes of the court were adapted ; and broke to pieces, without any conflidl or ftruggle, a confederacy, armed for the deftrudion of the liberty and religion of England. The commons gratified the king's defire, in the choice of a fpeaker ; they unanimoufly voted a fupply of eighteen months afTeffinent, at the rate of feventy thoufand pounds a month ; they addrefled him in the moft affedionate expreffions of loyalty: but they excluded thofe members who had been returned upon the writs iflued by the chancellor; and boldly remonftrated againft the declaration for indulgence, as a violation of law, and dangerous to the conftitution **. And thus, by a well-timed mixture of patriotifm and loyalty, they avoided giving any offence to thofe who were at-^ tached to the monarchy, and cut off any reafonable pretext of com- Prudent and firm conduft of the commons ** Joum. Commons, 5th, 7th, i9thj 26th, 27th February. plaint POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ike. 23 plaint from the king ; while, at the fame time, they earned along ^ ^' ^^ ^■ with them the approbation of all who were friends to the conflitu- < ., -/ tion. The confidence of the members of the cabal began now to be fhaken, and their counfels to be divided. Some of them ex- horted the king to adhere tenacioully to his indulgence, while others, fufpedling from the refolute oppofition of parliament, and the waver- ing of the king, who gave up the queftion about the writs, that the breaks and divides tlie ground, on which they flood, was no longer tenable, deferted from cabal. the court, and enfured their perfonal fafety, by expofmg thofc mea- fures of which they had been the principal abettors*'. The king remained for a few days in a ftate of perplexity and fuf- penfe. He put on the countenance of obftinacy. He addrcffed himfelfto fhe houfe of lords, complaining of the commons, and fo- ift March, liciting their fupport to maintain his declaration. The difapprobation ^''diligence , rccaUc-d. of many of the members of both houfes, whom he had reckoned upon as friends, privately intimated to him, and backed by the prefling en- treaties of the French ambaflador, in the name of his mafter, at laft entirely overcame the refolution of Charles ; and, as if it had been to atone for paft offences, he recalled his indulgence, with expreffions of penitence and indignation *°. The commons ha-ving fucceeded in their oppofition to the indulgence, both houfes now turned their attention to ftrengthen the barriers of the conftitution in that quarter into which the king had repeatedly attempted to pufli the ufurpa- tions of prerogative. A joint addrefs was prefented by both houfes -Addrcfj . -r r • r againft Ro- of parliament, reprefenting the dangers annng from popifh recufants, man catlio- and praying the king to command priefts and jefuits to depart from the kingdom, and to difband all officers and foldiers who refufed to take the oaths *^ This addrefs alfo met with a favourable anfwer ■from the king. lies. ♦f Echard, vol. iii. - ♦? Journ. Lords, 7th Marclv. ** Echard, Colbert's Letters to Lewis, Dal. Ap. p. 94. A more 24 C H THE HISTORY O F A P. 1673 Ted Ad. A more impregnable and lafting fence for the protedion of tlie church of England the zeal of this parliament raifed, by obtaining the royal alTent to the teft ad, which excluded from any office or place of truft and profit, all, who did not renounce the dodrine of tranfubftantiation, and receive the facramcnt of the Lord's Supper, according to the form of the church of England''. It is a curious and memorable circumftance, that an ad, which fnut the door of preferment againft the proteftant diffenters, and doomed them to the fame political incapacity with Roman catholics, not only pafled with- out any oppofition from the former ; but, that it was promoted by ■the moft refpedable leaders of their party. 'Refleaions. This concelTion of the proteftant diflenters has been often applauded by their friends, as a fmgular example of prudence and generofity ; becaufe they facrificed their rights and refentments, to the dread of impending popery, and the fecurity of the reformed religion"'. Their condud upon this occafion, whether examined by the rules of probity, or the didates of enlightened charity, will be found deferv- ing of explicit and marked expreffions of condemnation^ Profeffing to guard againft popery, did not the diflenters ad under the influence of its worft principles ? Did they not abandon their rights, as men and as chriftians? rights, the renunciation of which, for a fingle day, no fear of danger, nor profped of future peace, can juftify, at the tri- bunal .of confcience. The event of providence has Inftruded us, by this, and every fimi- lar experiment, to reprobate the imprudence, as well as the immora- lity of that maxim. That it is lawful to do evil, when good may be obtained by it. A bill brought in for the relief of the proteftant dif- fenters, as the reward of their confent to the teft ad, was defeated by the difagreement of the two houfes, and the adjournment of parlia- zg\k March, ment. And thus, the temporizing fpirit of the difl'enters has tranf- mittcd bondage to their pofterity, which the liberality of the age *^ Journ. Lords, 29th March. -»» Burnet, &c. in 1673. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^cc. 45. ill which we live, never could have impofcd; hut from which even C H A r. that Hberality is not adequate to emancipate them, while it is coun- teraded by religious bigotry, and the timitl policy of thofe who dll- penfe the favours of government. An addrefs of the commons, complaining of grievances, attended Addrcfs 1 /- !• so 1 • • 1111 1 n I • coiiccrrinj the lupplies ; but it is remarkable, that the molt obnoxious mea- giicvajicc fares which had been carried on during the adminiftration of the cabal, were not only omitted, but fcreened from future crimination, by an ad; of indemnity, extending to every offence committed againfl; the ftate, before the fifteenth day of March, one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-three ". Such delicate forbearance in the enumeration of grievances, fol- lowed by a meafure cancelling the deepeft political guilt, was the price oppofition paid for the fervices of the revolted members of the cabal, who afterwards became their champions, and puflied hoftilities againfl the court to the greatcft extremities, which brought the go- vernment to the brink of a revolution. From this period, through every fucceeding feffion of parliament in the reign of Charles, we behold a fixed and powerful oppofition to the meafures of the court. Though this may be accounted for, in fome degree, by that jealoufy of French and popifh influence, which fpread over the nation, and was but too well juflified by the fecret intrigues and open proceedings of the court ; yet oppofition never could have attained to fuch confiftency and vigour, if it had '^ Journ. Commons, 25th March. the Roman catholics in that kingdom. Journ. '' The grievances enumerated were : an Commons, 25th March. impofition of twelve pence per chaldron on This addrefs was cxprefled in terms of Coals, by an order of the privy-council, great rcfpeft to the king, and concludes with for providing convoys: the danger arifing obferving. That, though it had been the courfe from the plan, propofed by his majefty's pro- of former parliaments, to defirc a redrefs of clamation, for trying offences committed by grievances, before they granted fupplies ; yet foldiers ; and the irregularities and abufes, oc- they had fuch full aHuraace of his majelly's cafioned by the prefling of foldiers, and quar- tenderncfs and regard for his people, that they tering them in private families. Many griev- humbly proftrated themfclves at his feet witJi anccs in Ireland were alfo enumerated, and their petitions. Jbid. referred, principally, to indulgences given to E not ,6 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, not been conduaed with diftingumicd ability, and encouraged, at the . \- . fame time, by an increafing diftruft of the fteadinefs and refoki- ^^'^' tion of the prince. Of all the members of the cabal, no one had gained fuch afcendant over the counfels of the prince, as the earl Oppofuion of of Shaftfbury. To his influence in particular, there feems to be tt'cour?'" fufficient evidence for afcribing the Ihutting of the exchequer: the ifllilng writs, under the feal of the chancellor, for new eledions : the proclamation for fufpending penal laws againft non-conformifts; and the keen and impolitic profecution of the fecond Dutch war. Ta thefe meafures, as we have now feen, were owing the decline of the king's popularity, and the fudden tranfition of parliament from loyal and implicit confidence, to fufpicion of his defigns, and ha- tred to his minifters. It were, perhaps, too refined to affert, that Shaftfbury fuggefted obnoxious meafures, with a deliberate and formed purpofe of enfnaring the king ; and of deferting him in the hour of danger, after he had made a breach between him and his people ". Shaftfbury was probably fincere in his hatred to. Holland, and wifhed to extend prerogative, in order to enlarge, at the fame time, the fphere of minifterial power. The advance- ment of arbitrary government, was the bafis of his own pro- jected elevation ; but, when the meafures he fuggefted met with, an unexpe£led and indignant oppofition from parliament; when the 5* It is probable, that Shaftfbury, at firfl, pofition had given to thefpirit and meafures of refolved to Hand by the king ; and that his the court, completely obliterated the guilt he jevolt was occafioned by the king's wavering had contrafted by his former alfociation with conduft, particularly in the affair of the writs : minillry. The declining intereft of Buc- for, when the new writs were iffued by the kingham, Arlington, and Clifford, who were fpeakcr, it is afferted, that he refufed for marked as the firft viftims of popular refent- fome days to feal them ; declaring it to be ment, mitigated the feverity with which the an entrenchment upon prerogative. And when commons fet out, in collefting materials of im- he wasobligedtodoit,byhismajelly'spofitive peachment againft them; and they were fuf- command, he went home, and turned his back fered to withdraw, at once, from influence and upon the fealers. Somers, vol. vii. p. 370. from danger. The power of Lauderdale and Shaftfbury alone, of all the members of the Danby, which continued unfhaken, and in- cabal, was neither the objeft of impeachment, creafmg, amidfl the late convulfions of party,, nor mentioned in any addrefs of grievance, provoked the mofl virulent and perfevering at- The fhock, which his fudden and bold op- tacks of oppofition. prince POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &:c. t; prince himfelf was alarmed, and yielded the queRion of the writs, ^ '' a i'. and the more favourite mcafure of the indulgence; the chancellor, « » roufed by fear, and ftimulatcd by relcntment, did not think it ' ^' enough to difappoint the court of that weight which accrued from, his influence and expertnel's in debate ; lie fuddenly turned the whole power of his eloquence and abilities into the ftream of op- pofition ; he announced menaces and dangers to the royal family, and in the prefence of the king, not lefs rude and dil'paraging than thofe which had grated the ears of his father in liis loweft humi- liation ". Thus the advifer of arbitrary meafures, and the moil zealous partifan of the court, fuddenly became the mod virulent oppofer of the prince, and the moft violent and perfevering cham- pion of patriotic meafures. His abilities, his experience, and his tern- lilsdiaraftcr* per, raifed him to a decided pre-eminence, above all who flood forth as candidates to take the lead in popular cabals. The ardour, ■with which he purfued every meafure in which he embarked, fup- plied the want of principle; and, notwithftanding the notorious verfatility of his conduct, he gained from his adherents full credit for the fmcerity of the motives by which he profefled to be ac- tuated. His fagacity, enlarged and inftruded by the various re- volutions of government which had fallen within the compafs of his experience, enabled him to penetrate with acutenefs into the tempers and intentions of men ; and to calculate, almofl; to a cer- tainty, the influence of contingent events. He difcerned, with no lefs accuracy, the natural infirmities, as well as the adventitious prejudices, of charadters ; and ever adopted the moft fuccefsful plans, to render them fubfervient to his ambition or refentment. He pof- fefled an imagination lively and fruitful, and contrived expedients* fuited to the exigencies and temper of his party, which eluded the invention of men of ordinary capacity. He wonderfully availed himfelf of accidental circumftances, to invigorate a languifhing, 5' Burnet. North's Exameu. E 2 and iS U A 1. r. Converfion- of the duke of York, to the Roman catholic reli- gion. THE HISTORY OF and to cheer a defpondlng, faaion. The accefs which he had to the prince during the period of his admlniftration, difcovered to him all his intrigues, paflions, and ichemes. Like a revolted general, he carried along %vith him the moft accurate knowledge of the ftrength and refources, the deficiencies and dangers, of thofe againft whom he now turned his arms. He knew upon what fide their territory, weak or unguarded, invited the aflailant to certain vidory and plunder. The natural infolence of his temper raifed him above the awe of royalty, while his intimate knowledge of the corrupt po- licy and profligate manners of the prince, infpired contempt for the chara£ter of the man. Shaftfbury was well aflured, that he had entered the lift of oppofition, againft a fovereign, who never formed a wifh for national profperity; and that his own pretenfions to patrlotifm were not more falfe and hypocritical, than thofe pro- feffions of regard to the conftltutiori and the intereft of his fubjeds, which were repeated in the royal fpeeches and proclamations. So far as regarded principle and patrlotifm, the king and his antagonifi met upon equal terms. " Shaftfbury," faid the king to him, when he filled the office of chancellor, " you are the greateft rogue in the king- dom." " I am, of any fubjed," replied the chancellor. In the recefs of parliament, he caballed with every party difaftedled to the court, and wrought upon the prejudices of the nation, to excite their terror of the approach of the Roman catholic religion. Many incidents, which now occurred, favoured his defigns, and bore the moft alarming fymptoms of danger. The converfion of the duke of York to the Roman catholic reli>- glon had been long fufpeded, and was, at laft, confirmed, by the refignation of all his offices, in confequence of the teft ad. He was about to contrail a marriage with the prlncefs of Modena, of the Roman catholic religion. If the partiality of the king to that religion, and his obftinate attachment to France, alarmed the fears of the nation, the charafter and bigotry of the fucceflbr threw them. into defpair. The rOLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 29 Theeffedl of tliele imprefTions, and of the intrigues of Shaflfbury, ^ " ^ ^• were fully difplaycd in the fuccecding feflions of this parliament, s-— ^ » The principal aim of the commons, in particular, was to excite, to rrocceding! chcrilh, and to inflame the dread of popery. They iflued an order men" '*" for the folemn obfervation of the fifth of November '\ as if the nation had been fupine, and too ready to forget the bloody machinations of that religion. They addrefled his majefty, to interpofe his authority^ to prevent the marriage of the duke of York with the princefs of Modena ". Not fatisfied with the exclufion of papifls from offices^ by the teft a£t as it now ftooil, a general teft was propofed, for dif- tinguifliing the proteftants from the papifts ; and all who refufed to fubmit to it, were not to be permitted to come within five miles of the court ^°. They put a negative upon all fupplies, till the kingdom was effetlually fecured from the danger of popery ". They pre- fented an addrefs for a general faft ^\ and were preparing another againft a ftanding army, when his majcfty prorogued the par- 4111 Nov. liament. ' ^^* During the recefs of parliament, after the twelfth fciTion, the king 1674.- recommended to the chief jullices, to put the laws in execution againft the Roman catholics. It was rcfolvcd in council, that no Roman catholic fiioukl prefume to approach his majefty's prefence, or the vicinity of the court ". But the jealoufy of the nation was too much inflamed, to be appeafcd by attentions upon the part of the king, evidently extorted by the ncceflity of his affairs. The houfe of peers, the laft to depart from refpecSt to the court, had now caught the alarm, and indulged the predominant fpirit of the nation. At the beginning of the next feflion, they concurred with the com- i3tHfcflion,. mons, in an addrefs for a national faft, on account of the danger ' 1674. of popery. The commons refolved to have all their grievances efl^eiftually rcdreflcd, and the proteftant religion and their liberties 5* Journ. Commons, 27th Oftober.. " fourn. Commons, 31.I Oftobcr. " IbiJ. 31ft Oaober. 5» Ibid. ''^ IbiJ. 30th Oiftober, 1 ft November, '9 EcharJ, vol, iii. fecured, THE HISTORY OF i_/ 1 6,-). f H A r. fecured, before they took the king's fpeech into confideratlon. As if the danger had been imminent, they addreffed his majefty, to order tlie miUtia of London, and the county of Middlefex, to be ready at an hour's warning, to fupprefs all tumults and infurredions occa- fioned by the papifts '". The lift of grievances, contained in the addrefs of the commons, indicated a perfonal jealoufy of the king, and a dread of arbitrary power, as well as of the popifh religion*". Under the influence of thefe apprehenfions, both houfes purfued, through the fucceeding feffions of parliament, a feries of meafures, calculated to circumfcribe the power of the crown, and to take away all refources of fupplies, without the confent of the national reprefentatives. A ftanding army, in which were included the king's body-guards, was voted a grievance "'. A bill was brought in, to make it treafon to levy money upon any tax beyond the term prefcribed by parliament. They appropriated the tonnage and poundage, according to its ancient and legal deftination, to the ufe of the navy ; and prefented an addrefs, to prevent any further an- ticipation of the cuftoms of England or Ireland". But the meafure which oppofition moft ftrenuoufly laboured to accomplKh, and for which repeated addrefles were prefented to the king, was, the difgrace of the earl of Lauderdale '^\ His minifterial conduct in Scotland exhibited examples of arbitrary power, not only unprecedented, and fubverfive of the freedom of that kingdom, but evidently fraught with the moft dangerous defigns upon the peace and conftitution of England. The militia of Scotland, raifed for the internal defence of that kingdom, was fubjedted, by an adl of the Scots parliament, to the uncontrolled authority of the king, and obliged to march wherever his affairs required its fervices "'. Addrefs againll Lau- derdale. *" Journ. Commons, 12th January, ^^ Hiftory of Affairs in Scotland from *' Ibid. 7th, iith, 14th February. 1660. Account of Grievances, by Lauder- *' Ibid. 7th February. dale. Impeachment of the duke of Lauder- *^ Ibid. 19th May, 19th Oftober. dale, &c. by the city of Edinburgh. Somers, '* Ibid. 31ft January 1674, 23d April, vol. vii. p. 195.200. 5th May 1675. 13 Oppofition POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 51 CHAP. I. 1675. Oppofition to a ftanding army in England was of little avail, wliilc the king retained a body of troops in the neighbouring kingdoni prepared for the moft defperate ferviccs. Many a£ts of private op- prcflion were enumerated in the articles exhibited againfl: Lauder- dale, which excited a general indignation in both kingdoms againfl him, but had no efFedl in leffening his influence at court. Next to the duke of Lauderdale, the earl of Danby was the ob- Lord Danby jedl of parliamentary refentment. As his uicfulnefs to the crown, objca of the more than perfcnal favour, was the fource of his preferment, fo the ^^|j|_<^"'™<^"'°f ie ccm- mons. envy of his colleagues in adminiftration, and venial political errors, rather than criminal mifcondud;, produced that odium which now began to purfue "^, and afterwards accomplifhed, his ruin. Sir Thomas His conduft Ofborne was firft employed in a commiflion to examine the accounts ^ "" of the fums which had been granted to his majefty during the Dutch war. In the profecution of Clarendon, he adopted the keennefs and refentment of the duke of Buckingham, by whom he was early befriended, and afterwards recommended to employment under the adminiflration of the cabal. He difcovered great diligence and capa- city for bufmels in the difcharge of the office of trcafurer of the navy, to which he was appointed in the fecond Dutch war. On the refignation of lord Clifford, he was appointed to fucceed him in the office of high treafurer, upon the condition of paying him one half of the falary. He had, unqueftionably, the merit of introducing greater oeconomy into the management of the public revenue, than had been obferved by his predecefTors in oflice fince the commence- ment of this reign ; for he had paid off very confiderable arrears ■with which it was embarralTed, made the ftated payments more punctual, and, by rendering feveral branches of the revenue more produdive, he raifed the national credit, and borrowed money at eight per cent, which had not ufually been procured at lefs than ten. He was fincerely and uniformly attached to the proteftant interefl, •^ Journ. Commons, April, May, paflim. audi ^■ THE HISTORY OF I. CHAP. anJ effcaually contributed to its fupport. He was the principal iu- ftrumcnt in advancing the prince of Orange in the Hne of fuccef- fion ; and by maintaining a correfpondence with him, and raifing obftnidions to tlie alliance with France, prevented its full opera- tion to the detriment of that prince, and the proteftant intereft ; and yet, the alliance with France, which he fecretly abhorred and thwarted, was the bafis of his unpopularity and of his difgrace "'. But whatever his merits were, his elevated preferment drew upon him an uncommon fhare of that envy, which always attends pro* fperity. As it is in vain to expert credit for good intention, where the outward condudt is cenfurable, fo the meafures of the court were, at this period, fo unconftitutional and unpopular, that it is no wonder if they were fuccefsfully improved by his enemies to crimi- nate the minirter, under whofe refponfibility they were conduced. From the charge of depravity, however, he cannot be exempted, •when it is admitted, that he augmented his private fortune by the falc of offices, and diftrlbuted money among the members of par- liament, who proftituted themfelves to fupport the meafures of the court. The firll of thefe charges, deteftable as it juftly appears, was confidered in this reign, and even after the revolution, as making a part of the fair and eftablifhed perquifites of minifterial offices. The corrupting of the members of parliament, introduced by the crooked politics of Charles the Second, was now pradifed with fo little fliame and referve, and fo much expeded by the mercenary candidates for the wages of iniquity, that no minifter could hope to retain his power without having recourfe to it. Dexterity in the management of this nefarious traffic, was even confidered as an im- •' Rerelby. Memoirs of Danby. Lord that Ruvlgny was fent to England to thwart Danby was fo averfe to alliances with France, his adminillration. It was known, at that that when he was not able to turn the period, that Ruvigny upbraided Danby for his king's inclination againfl them, he advifed oppofition to the French intereft; and the him to infill upon high and difficult condi- duke of York dilliked him for the fame rea- tions, that France might be difgufted. He fon. Secret Hillory of Europe, vol. i. was therefore fo obnoxious to the French king, p. 208. Burnet, 1676. Life of James. portant POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. .33 portant minifterial accomplifliment. It was, however, exercifed by ^ ^ '^ ''• lord Danby with Co little difcretion and liicccfs, that it proved but a v- — '— -* feeble bulwark againft that ambition which was now forming for the deftriidion of his power*'. The fuperior influence of the court, or the candour and juftice of parliament, defeated the defign of his enemies at this time, and a variety of articles, prefented againft him in the commons, in order to form the grounds of impeachmenr, were rejeded. To countcradl thcl'c proceedings of oppofition, a very impolitic New tcil bill, meafure was fuggefted in the cabinet, and foon brought forward in the houfe of peers. It was propofed, that a more i\r\Oi and rigid teft fhould be exa£lcd of the members of both houfes of parlia- ment, and of all perfons inverted with public office "^ For this purpofe a bill was framed, to confine all power and offices to fuch- as adhered to the principles of the old cavaliers, with refpedl to the government of church and ftate. Thefe principles, which had pre- dominated during the firft nine feffions of this parliament, began to decline ; and, if the court did not quickly interpofe, while its in- fluence in any degree remained, a revolution of political fenti- ments feemed to approach, which would extinguifh all hope of in- creafing its future fplendour and dignity. The propofed a€t, fo far as integrity and religion could be trufted, muft neceflarily prove an effetftual obftacle to every plan of reducing the power of the crown, or altering the government of the church. It was declared unlawful to refift, not only the king, but thofe who were commiffioned by him ; and a folemn obligation was contra£ted, not to attempt any altei'ation whatever in the government of the church or ftate, as it was then by *' Lord Danby, inftead of taking ofF the houfe ; becaiife thofe, who were inclined to great and leading men, which had formerly vote with the minifter, were aflwnied to be been the pr..fticc, applied only to thofe of low upon the fide manifeftly run down in the dc- rank and charafter, reckoning, that he could bate. Burnet, 1675. purchafe ten of them at a cheaper rate than (-9 Journ. Lords, 15th April, Lords' De- one of the leading members. The confe- bates, vol, i. p, 129. qiience was, his lofing the majority in tlie F law .^ THEHISTORYOF c H A P. law cftabllflied. The declaring it unlawful to refift thofe who were %^^^j commifTioned by the king, feemed to point particiilarly at the late '^^''" proceedings of the commons, and to be calculated to render, not only the crown, but minifters, arbitrary, by fecuring them from refiftance, while ading in the profccution of unconftitutional and opprefTive meafures. The engaging to make no alteration in the o-overnment of church or ftate, at once overturned the fupremacy of the crown, and the exercife of legiflative power in parliament. Thefe confequences, eafily forefeen, expofed this bill to the oppo- fition of many, who had hitherto been in the intereft of the court ; and though it palled in the houfe of lords, it was only by a majority of two voices, after having been followed by protefts in every ftage of it, and confiderably altered and palliated with a claufe againft popery, which was not originally intended by thofe who moved it'". There was great reafon to apprehend, that, by the exertion of court influence, which was now ftretched to its utmofi: pitch, it would alfo have paifed in the houfe of commons, when a difpute between the two houfes obliged the king to put an end to the 9th June. felTion of parliament ". '"> Jown. Lords, April, May, paffim. the leaders of oppofition, not only to difap- 7" One doSor Shirley brought an appeal point the court of the teft bill, but to accom- before the houfe of lords, from a decree in plilh the diflblution of parliament, as the re- chancery, againft fir John Fagg, a member fentment of both houfes againft each other of the houfe of commons, which the lords feemed too deeply fixed to be effaced by pro- received. The commons objetled, that the rogations. Burnet. lords exceeded their powers, by receiving an A je.iloufy between the two houfes com- appe-al from a court of equity, and that it was mcnced at an early period in the fecond par- n breach of privilege for the lords to fummon liament of Charles, and continued till its dif- a member of the houfe of commons to appear folution. The great demands of the king for before them; and, in refentment of this indig- money made him pay greater court to the nity, they ordered Shirley, and the lawyers commons, who became elated with a fenfe of who pleaded his caufe at the bar of the lords, their own confequence. Evil counfellors ufed to be committed to prifon. Journ. Lords, 6th, to tell the king, that if he had the command and Commons, 14th May. of the commons, he need not regard the Both houfes were heated by this difpute, lords. Life of Clarendon, vol. ii. and pa/fed many angry votes and refolutions The long continuance of parliament en- in oppofition to each other. Jbid. hanced the political confequence of every ^ The violence of this difpute excited a fuf- member of the houfe of commons. Thefe picion, that it was ftirred up and fomented by circumllances, and the remembrance of the 7 fuccefsful POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 35 fiicccfsfu! ufurpation of the commons upon the lords in the reign of Charles the I'irll awakened the jealoufy of the latter, and ren- dered them very prone to take offence at the former. The commons were the firfl movers of many important bills in this parliament, and when the lords were dilatory in proceed- ing on them, the commons were wont to fend them meffages to quicken their diligence. 'I'he lords degraded tiiemrdvcs, and became moi-e expofed to the infolence of the lower houfe. by an extreme jealoufy of trifling privileges, which they exercifed with great abufe. Pro- teftions for arreft of debt were (hamcfully extended, and even fold by the fervants of peers to bankrupts, to the ruin of honed tradefmen. The dignity and reputation of the upper houfe was much funk, by alterca. tions, pcrfonal abufe, and the rudeft violence among themfelves. Life of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 294-5. F 2 2^ THE- HISTORY OF CHAP. ir. CHAP, II. 1675-6. Charles makes peace with Holland, 28th F'.bru- ary, 1674. Cbarles makes Peace -^ith Holland,— but continues ftill in the Tntereft of Prance. Enters into a new Treaty with Lewis, — who endeavours to obtain a feparate Peace with Holland.— Patriotijm of the Prince of Orange. — The Court attentive to the Elections. — Parliament meets, — addreffes the King to form Jlliar:ces againji France.— Altercation between the King and the Commons. — Marriage of the Prince of Orange to the Lady Mary, —made the occafion of exciting Jealoufies in England,— and in Holland. — The Agents of Lewis and the Leaders ofOp- ■pofition unite in the fame Views,— of dif landing the Army, — and of diffolv- ing the Parliament. — Union between Lewis a7id the popular Party unnatu- ral and conftrained.— Parliament meets, — expreps Dijlrujl of the King. — Prorogued. — Embarraffment of the King. — Another 2effion of Parliament. — Ill-humour of the Commons. — Apology for them. — France evades the Condi- tions fhe had agreed to for a Peace. — Sir William Temple fent to enter into an Alliance with the States, — which is overturned by the wavering of Charles, — The States make Peace with France. — Obfervations upon the Condu£t of Charles. — Lord Dan by impeached. — Dijfolution, — and Charac- ter of thefecond Parliament of Charles. IT is now time to return to thofe meafures atid events which were coincident with the parliamentary proceedings already re- cited, and which exhibit a pidure of the fpirit and political views of the court, more genuine and lively than that which is drawn from the public declarations of the king and his minifters, defigned merely to varnilh obnoxious meafures, and to conciliate the affedions of the people in the moments of felicitation and dependence. In compliance with the repeated recommendations of parliament, and the moft earneft wifhes of his people, the king amufed them with a profped of peace with Holland ; but the tardinefs of his meafures and POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 37 cfnd negoclations for that purpofe, and his ohfcquioufnefs to the court ^ '"^ ■'^ ^• of France, tended the more to inflame the iealourv and exhauft the » .^ — —* " ft patience of the nation. When, at la ft, to the remonftrances of par- but continue* liament, the threats of Spain were added, Charles was conftrained to i^^ercft'of conclude the peace ; but he did not dlfcontinuehisfriendihip and con- i'''=in«- ncdtion with France. His intimation of the peace to the French ambaflador, was accompanied with an offer of his mediation be- tween France and Flolland, a trufl which he well knew how to employ to the advantage of the former. He fecretly bound him- felf to confent to no treaty with the confederates, without the par- ticipation of France. He informed Lewis of the intelligence he had received from his nephew, and expreffed fatisfadlion upon hearing of the ill fuccefs of Holland ; becaufe he hoped it would compel her to fubmit to any terms France Ihould pleafe to didate. He ftill permitted the Englifh troops, to the amount of fome thoufands, to continue in the fervice of the French king, and furnifhed him with warlike ftores '. Charles had reafon, however, to apprehend, that thefe meafnres could not efcape the fufpicion of the nation, and the animadverfion of parliament; and that the latter, after having fuc- ceedcd in accomplifliing peace with Holland, would purfue their vic- tory, by preffuig him to take an adive part in the alliance againft France. To difcontinuc the meeting of parliament, which would no longer acquiefce in the neutrality of England, was an objedl no lefs important to the intereft of Lewis, than it was agreeable to the inclination of Charles. Anew money treaty, therefore, was carried Enters into a new money on and completed between Lewis and Charles, to enable the latter to treaty with fubfill during the long fufpenfion of parliament % Sept. 1674. ' Dalrymple, Ap. 108, 109. Secret HiHory 500,000 crowns ; or if he convened it in No- of EuropQ, vol. i. p. 153. Coke, p. 84. vember, to diflblve it, in cafe it fliould refufe ^ Tell. Polit. Colbert, p. 296. By this to give money; for wliich fervice he was to treaty, Charles agreed either to prorogue his receive a penfion of 100,000 pounds from parliament till April 1675, in confideration of France. Dalrymple, Ap. p. 98. icz. From 38 THE HISTORY OF c H A P. From the period that Charles withdrew from open hoftilities againft II. », ^ — ' Holland, now ftrengthened by alliances with Spain and the Em- t^oilL^- pcror, Lewis employed all the force of artifice and intrigue, to ob- vours 10 ob- ^^jj^ ^ feparate peace with Holland, as the only means of keeping the rate peace uniuft cncroachments he had made in Flanders'. The influence of with Holland. -^ theLouveftein fadion, which he had now recovered, a growing jealoufy of the power of the Stadtholder, and the inconveniences the com- merce of Holland fuftained by the continuance of the war, muft pro- bably have fecured the obje£l Lewis fo eagerly defired, had it not been obftru6ted by the animated and well-condufted oppofition of Patriotifm of the priocc of Orange. By cementing the jarring factions of the the prince of _,.,- (. „ . iii-i Orange. States, and withftanding tne force or lupenor arms, he had, in the courfe of the war, exhibited examples of political fagaclty and mili- tary fkill, beyond his years, and which furpafled the moft fan- gulne expeftations of his country*. While the applaufe juftly due to his talents and fuccefs obtained a decided fway in the councils of the States, a principle of firm and difinterefted patriotifm made him with difdain rejedl the alluring baits of profit and ambition, thrown out by Lewis and Charles in order to detach him from the interefi: of the allies. He was promifed a full indemnification for all his claims upon Spain, which would have rendered his private fortune in- dependent and ample : his ambition was aflailed by an offer of the fovereignty of the United Provinces, under the joint prote£lion of England and France '. Immoveably fixed in the refolution of ftand- ing or falling with his country, he fpurned at any fcheme of private emolument or dignity, fattened to conditions debafing to her honour, and fatal to her liberty and independence. Though he had met with perfonal injuries from the king of Spain, who evaded and de- layed the payment of very confiderablc fums due to his family*; he ' Tetl. Polk. Colbert, d'Avaux Negotia- ' Ibid. Kinnet, vol. iii. p. 311. — Vie de lions, vol. i. Giiillaume. ♦ Temple, vol. i. Life of William, vol. i. * Letters d'Eftrade. did POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. j^. did not relax his vigilance in guarding and defending her interefts, CHAP, interwoven with thofe of Holland. And though, at one period, the ^— — -~-> immenfe military preparations of France, the impreffion of her in- trigues, which began to fhake the union of the States, and the unna- tural coldnefs of his uncle, prel'cntcd to him the dcfperate fituation of liis affairs, he maintained the fame undaunted magnanimity, and derived hope from the juflice of his caufe, and the confcioufnefs of that capacity and fortitude with which he was able and determined to adhere to it. When Charles, after reprefenting the inevitable ruin of his country, as the confequence of his obftinacy, in rejc*Sling a peace with France, afked him, what he would do when that fliould happen ; " I am determined," faid he, " to die in the laft ditch '." Darinc; the long interval of parliament, by repeated adjournments. The court at- m conrormity to the kmg s engagements with r ranee, the court did deaion>. not negleifl to cultivate and extend its parliamentary influence ; a certain evidence, that the defperate refolution of difcontinuing par- liaments was not yet adopted, and that a meeting of that afl'embly was confidered as an event that could not be poftponed to a diftaut period. Whenever any vacancy happened, the influence of the court was in motion, and great fuccefs attended Its endeavours to procure the eleiStion of fuch members as were well affeifled to the perfon of the king, or whofe indigence and venality prepared them to be- come an eafy prey to the allurements of corruption '. And, when the impatience of the nation, and the exigency of the crown, rendered the delay of a fefliion no longer fafe nor convenient, great fums of money were diflirlbuted, to retain a majority of the members of the houfe of commons in this interefl:^. 1 Temple, Kennet. H.-.incnt. It is even aflcrtcd, that their clo:hej, * Rercfby, Dalrymple, Ap. and other necertary expences for their perfons, 'J The continued inituencc of corruption was were defrayed from the king's purfe. Thit- neceffary to retain the fervices of men, who anecdote, however, is recited by a perfon' were unacquainted with any rcllraint derived whofe afpeiity againft the court diminifiies the from principles of lionour or dignity of ftation. credit due to his authority. Marvel. Burnet, A public table was furnillu-d for them, at the 1675. «.\pence of the court, Jiiring the feffion of par- III THE HISTORY OF In the beginning of the fixteenth feflion of this parliament, the in- fluence of the court prevailed. A fupply of live hundred and eighty ParhWt thoufand pounds was voted, for the purpofe of augmenting the ""•h Feb "'ivy '"• ^0 expreffions of refentment announced a fenfe of the in- dignity vk^hich parliament had fuftained, by the long interruption of its fundions and utility, and by the obftinacy of the court, in ftill adhering, though under diiguife, to thofe connedions which were fo odious and alarming to the nation. A queilion of conftitutional importance was introduced into the houfe of lords ; namely, Whether the parliament was not legally diilolved by the ftatute of Edward the third, which enaded, that a parliament fhauld be held, every year, once» and oftner if need be " I But the iflue of this queflion, and the fate of its abettors, rather tended to augment the authority of the court; to diffufe a terror of its refentment ; and to deprefs the hopes of oppofition. The motion was negatived without a divifion, and the few fupporters of it, upon refufmg to recant their fpeeches, and to afk pardon, were committed to theTower, there to continue during the king's pleafure. This temporary triumph of the court was not, however, fufficient to extinguifh the courage of oppofition, re-animated by the ftate of foreign affairs, and by the confternation and anxiety which, more and more on that account, agitated the people. Every new con- queft atchieved by the arms of France began now to be confidered as a progreffive ftep towards the eftablifhment of popery and arbi- trary power in England. Alarmed and indignant, the nation could "> Journ. Commons, 2 ift February. the words of the ftatute of Edward. The one " Lords' Debates, vol. i. p. 187. The party contended, that the ftatute provided for king had prorogued the parliament, from the a parliament once a year, abfolutely and un- 22d November 167^, to ihe 15 th February conditionally: the other infifted, that the ob- 1677. This was the longeft prorogation, but ligation of the king to aflemble a parliament, not the longeft interval of parliament, that depended upon the condition of the nation ; happened in this reign. and that o»ce, as weU as o/tner, referied to the The argument for its diflblution turned Qhaie, 1/ /leeii ie. entirely upon the pointing and conftxuiflion of 00 POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. ' 41 no longer fubmit to a neutrality, in the conteft carried on between CHAP. France and the confederate powers. In compliance with thefe (en- ■ ,/ timents of the nation, addrelles of the commons were, repeatedly, pre- addreffelthe fented to the king, praying him to enter into alliances againft ai'i'i'jfnces °'™ France, and promiling to aflift him with fupplies necefl'ary for that ^fi''""'^ end '^.' This rubje(n, at laft, engrofled the whole attention of par- liament, and produced, after fucceflive adjournments, through the remainder of this feflion, altercations between the court and the country party, which retarded the difjiatch of public bufinefs, and fliarpened political animofities. Had the king openly avowed his purpofe of remaining pacitic, he muft of neceliity have foregone all hope of the approbation of his fubjedls, and every claim upon the generofity of their reprefentatives. He profefled the moft cor- Altercation dial inclination to indulge the fentiments of the nation ; but infifted king and the upon a liberal fupply, as a preliminary condition of his entering '^^■"'"°"^- into the war, and forming engagements with the confederates. The commons, diftrufl:ful of his promifes, recommended to him, firft, to complete his alliances with the emperor and with Holland ; and pledged themfelves to grant fupplies, liberal and adequate to the expenditure which thefe would occafion ; and, as an earneft of their future generofity, they voted a fmall fupply ". The king com- plained, that his prerogative was invaded by the didatorial language of the commons, in prefcribing what meafures he ought to purfue with refped to peace and war ; and, in expreflion of his refent- ment, adjourned the parliament, from time to time, till the twenty- i6th Aprlf. eighth of January one thoufand fix hundred and feventy eight. This interval is rendered particularly memorable, by an event which deeply affed:ed the ftate of politics and parties, and produced the moft important confcquences to the conftitution and future pro- fperity of England. When the ferment of the nation had arifen to "■ Journ. Commons, Tvlarcli, April, '^ Journ. Cominons, March, April, May, paffim. palTim. Grey's Debates, vol. iv. G the 42 THEHISTORYOF C II A P. the higheft pitch, and dllquietude and alarm diftraded the mind of , I. , the king, the prince of Orange arrived in England, to Iblicit his M^^iUea uncle to accede to the alliances which he had formed, and to pay his Oraa' e^ "' addrelFcs to the lady Mary. The anxious expeaation of all parties thehuiy j^ Encland awaited the rcfolutions of Charles. The earl of Danb)', Mary, ° true and conftant in his friendfhip to the prince, embraced the favourable circumftances of this junGure, to urge the ad- vantages which would arife from forming a nearer alliance with him, as the moft likely expedient to reftore the good temper of the nation, and to procure tranquillity to the king '\ Impreffed with the view of thefe advantages, the king fuddenly adopted the refolu- 4th Nov. tion of giving his niete in marriage to the prince of Orange ; and it is probable, at the fame time, that he flattered himfelf with the view of rendering this connedion fubfervient to his engagements with France '\ Whatever the intentions of Charles, or his minifter, might be, this meafure was produdive of effeds, in the iirfl: in- ftance, the reverfe of what it feemed naturally calculated to pro- duce. Although this connedion gave general fatisfadion to the people of England, yet, by the refined intrigues and negociations of France, it was really made the inftrument of diverting, for a time, '■» Danby's Memoirs. Temple, vol. i. Dalrymple's Appendix, " There are the following reafons for be- p. 128. heving, that Charles did not mean to hurt the Whatever the views of Charles were, it is intereds of France by confenting to this mar- certain, that Lewis expreffed furpiife and in- riage. After the adjournment of parliament, dignation when he received the news of the he was eager as ever to perfuade his neplicw prince of Orange's marriage, and intimated to confent to a feparate peace with France, his difpleafure againft Charles, by withholding He folicitcd, and obtained, an augmentation of the penfion he had promifed. Charles, of- his own penfion from that kingdom. He might fended at the unexpefted anger and negleft naturally expcft to make his nephew more de- of Lewis, recalled his proclamation for the pendent in confequence of this marriage, and adjournment of his parliament till April 4, obtam, from his fenfe of intereft and grn.ti- 1678, according to his ftipulation by the fe- tude, what he could not bring him to confent cret treaty, and fummoned it to meet zSth to by importunity, threats, or promifes. He January 1678; and, in order to regain its firll endeavoured to make conditkins with confidence, he entered into a league, offenfive the prince ; but, finding him untraftable, and defenfive, with the States of Holland, trufted to the operation of thefe motives. 16th January 1678. Jbid. ' the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 43 the odium of the Englifli nation from hcrfclf, and of inflaming a C H A P. jealoufy of tlic condud: of the king, by fubftituting an objo£l of ■_ — .- j near and more affcifting danger. The daring ambition and extended j,^^^^ /hV dominion of France, galling to the people of England, on account '"^'^C'"" °^ of the hereditary rivalfhip and animofity which fubfifted between jealouficj ;« n-ii . t 1 • England the two nations, became ilill more grievous and alarming, when coniidered as preparing the way for the introduction of arbitrary government, and the eftabliOmient of the Roman catholic religion. The obflinacy of the king, in cultivating and retaining his alliance with France, fo repugnant to the fentiments of his people, and the remonftrances of his parliament, laid a juft foundation for thofe fufpicions, which have been amply confirmed by vouchers lately brought to light. It was almoft unavoidable to conclude, that he derived immediate fupplies from the liberality of France, and that he had ground to expedt the aid, both of money and of arms, to eftabliflx the independence of the crown, and to confirm its ufurpations upoi\ the privileges of his fubjeifts. The accepting of money from France, was more difhonourable to the charadler of the prince, than it was hurtful to the intereft of the nation ; but his plan of independence upon parliament, involved the deftrudtion of all that was facred and dear ; and roufed the keen indignation and unremitted vigilance of every patriot. From whatever quarter it proceeded, or by whomfoever abetted, arbitrary government was equally the objeft of abhorrence. Every prejudice was to be facrificed, every animofity fufjiended, every aid embraced, in order to prevent the growth of arbitrary power — the confummation of national mifery. From principles fo plaufible, and arguments fo popular, the ingenuity of French agents could be at no lofs to extradl materials well fitted to work upon the paffions of the Englifh nation, and to foften, or turn intia a new channel, that jealoufy, v^^hich threatened to obftrudl the career of their viflories upon the continent. The marriage of the prince of Orange, it was now infinuatcd, mud utterly cut off all hope, from G 2 the 44 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, the patriotic party, of deriving protedion or lupport from his talents, in defence of their violated laws and tottering conftitution. Gratitude for the honour he had received, and dependence on future favours, would unavoidably bend him into a compliance with the defires of his uncle and father-in-law, while his reverfionary expec- tations upon the throne of England would captivate his ambition, and difpofe him to connive at every effort calculated to extend that power, which might, one day, defcend into his own hands '^ The fame engine of policy was employed to undermine the confidence and in Hoi- which the prince hitherto enjoyed in the States of Holland, and to weaken his influence in the diredion of their counfels. What had they to exped, but that the influence of Charles and James, of whofe ill-will they had fo many proofs, would be exerted to give every aid to advance the power and prerogatives of their relation-, at the expence of the immunities and privileges of the States ? A recent event was improved to give colour to thefe infmuations and fufpicions. The State of Gueldcrland had made a tender of the fovereignty of their province to the prince of Orange, which, it appeared, his prudence, rather than his moderation, had induced him to decline. He did not inftantly rejedl this offer ; he founded the fentiments of the reft of the provinces ; he found them againft the meafure ; and had, therefore, waved the acceptance of a dignity, which, without their concurrence, muft have been extremely muti- lated and precarious ". The effeds of thefe intrigues of France, and the ftrain of argu- ment with which they were artfully gloffed, were now manifeft, both in Holland and in England. In the former, the dread of diftant danger, from the ambition of France, yielded to the domeftic jealoufy of the talents and afpiring temper of the prince of Orange. His intereft began to fmk apace ; that of the Louvefteiu fadion to afcend ; and the projed of a fepaiate peace with France, without Dalrymple, Ap. p. 128. 142. " NeuvUe, T. 4. Life of WilUam. regard POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 45^ regard to the confederates, was every day gaining profelytcs '". In ^ '^ •'^ ^^ J'.ngland, the views of France, thongh in a clandeftine manner, ' ■ ' were no lefs effedually promoted. Pcrfons of high rank and repu- The agents tation began to hokl intercourfe with the French agents, and to and the ' concert meafures for preventing the war, wliich they, and the jl^pofitjon party In oppofition, with whom they were connected, had hitherto "n«c m the '•''»' •' ' lame views urged with fervour and importunity. The danger of arbitrary power, imminent and formidable, abforbed every other pafTion, and fandified, in their eyes, every mean or expedient by which it could be averted. That the afliftance of France might be fuccefsfully em- ployed to this purpofe, was an opinion, not weakly or corruptly adopted in confequence of the fedulous application and f])ccious fophiftry of her agents, or the influence of her money profufely dif- perfed among the members of parliament, but founded upon the convidtion of a real, though very unexpedled and extraordinary coalition of interefts and defigns. To prevent the increafe of the of din^anding military power of England, was an objed of fuch magnitude in the '^ ''™^' eyes of Lewis and the Englifh patriots, that all their private ani- mofities vanifhed before it. The latter were afraid, that a Handing army, if once eftablifhed in England, would be employed to over- turn their liberties, and to fix the -roots of exorbitant prerogative. The French king was afraid, that the current of national opinion would overpower the private inclinations of Charles, and finally diredl the operations of that army, in conjunction with the confe- derates, to reduce his conquefts in Flanders. The diffolution of the andofdifw parliament of England was an object of equal folicitude to Lewis parliament. and to the Englifh patriots. To the former it was obnoxious, be- caufe it had fet itfelf in determined oppofition to his projeds ; and, not fatisfied with having torn their monarch from his intereft, they now wanted to compel him to take an adive part in overturning that power, which he had formerly laboured to enlarge. By the " Neuvilc. Life of ^^'iIliam. patriots 46 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, patriots the diflblution of parliament was eagerly purfued ; becaufe, ^_ - '- . though their influence had increafed in the late leffion, yet there "''^" ftill remained in the houfe of commons fuch a flock of their original loyalty, as rendered it difficult to fix a majority of members in oppo- fition to the intereft of the court. An hatred to lord Danby, which, for reafons already mentioned, aduated both Lewis and the leading members of oppofitlon, alfo formed an illiberal, but neverthelefs a powerful, bond of union between them ; and employed their com- bined efforts to accomplilli his difgrace, by whatever means it could be obtained '^ But though thefe motives of union between France and the patri- otic party were manifeft and forcible, yet the latter were extremely diffident about the friendfliip of the former; and the advantages they expelled from it, were partial and reftridted. They were well pleafed to find that France was jealous of the conduct of Charles ; and that (he was perfuaded, that it was not her intereft that he fhould become mafter of the liberties of his people. They therefore con- fented to a£l in concert with her, for the obftru£lion of that event : Union be- But it was only in an indiredt and concealed manner, and in a limited and tiie po- degree, that the leaders of the popular party could undertake to con- ummturTrand ^^^' '^^''^^ ^^^ views of France. To have coincided openly or avow- conftrained, g^jiy y^^ji^ |^g^ fchemes. Or even to have ufed expreffions of amity and peace in any one inftance whatever where her interefts were at ftake, would have been fuch an offence to the ftrongeft prejudices of the nation, and fuch a glaring contradidion to their own avowed fenti- ments, as muft utterly have extingulflied their credit for integrity and patriotilm. Nay, they durll not even engage diredly, to oppofe the granting of money to the king, for defraying the expences of a war with France, left they fliouid incur the charge of inconfiftency, or the more infamous reproach of favouring her interefts. They propofed therefore to clog the fupplies with claufes injurious to the '> Dalrymple, Ap. p. 129. Memoire de Baiillon, p. 131. preroga- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 47 prerogative ; to annex difagrceable conditions to them ; to do every ^ ^^ '^ ^^ thing to give the court vexation ; which they reprefented to the French agents, as the moft cflcdual method of throvv-ing the king ' " again into the arms of Lewis ". So fenfible were the leaders of the country party of the odium of encountering, and the impoflibihty of overcominf^, the national antipathy to France, that they propofed to cover their defigns of ferving her, with every external appearance of hoftility; and even to join in importuning the king to the declara- tion of war againft her ^'. Nor does it appear that the French agents formed very high expectations from the engagements of the leaders of the popular fadion : on the contrary, tliey exprelled themfelves with great diffidence and uncertainty when they mentioned this con- nection, and reprefented it as unexpeded and myfterious: nor was it long before they changed their political fyftem, and entered again into a treaty with Charles, as conftituting a bafis of concord, more natural, and more likely to endure and to anfwer their expedlations, than the cafual, tranfient, and conftrained friendfhip of her political " Dalrytnple, Ap. p. 129. Mcmoire de cion that Lewis and Charles afled in con- Barillon, p. 131. cert. By this demand they put the fmcerity *' Barillon writes to Lewis, nth April of the former, in courting a connexion with 1678, that in order to prevent great fup- them, to the teft. They wanted not only to plies of men and money being fent from Eng- be fatisfied themfelves that Lewis was fmccre ; land into Flanders in fupport of the confede- but they required fuch evidence of this as rates, the leaders of the popular party had might fatisfy their friends, when they came to reprefented, that it would be necelTary to difcover to them this myfterious union. The prefs king Charles to declare war againft great objeft of the popular leaders, was to France, before the parliament granted the prevent fuppiies from being given to an army, fupplies ; and they propofed that the French vvhich, npon whatever pretext it had been king (hould infift upon having an anfwer from raifed, might one day be employed to cliange Charles, whether he aflually intended to de- the form of government, and annihilate the clare war againft him or not. They endea- cxiftcnce of parliament. They knew well, voured to perfuade the French ambaflador, tl^^t Charles was extremely reluilant to enter that this could have no pernicious efteft with into a war with France; and that he would regard to the intereft of France, nor be the embrace every pretext to delay or evade it. occafion of Charles entering into war with her, 'I'he withholding of the fupplies would afford unlefs he was already refolved to do it. Dal. him that pretext : and for this they engaged. Ap. p. 1 36. '^'^"s far they afted in concert with France ; From this information it appears, that the but in perfedl confiftency with their own views popular leaders ftill entertained feme fufpi- of the intereft of England. enemies. 43 THE HISTORY OF J677-5. c H A P. enemies'"-. As this defcrlption of the motives and fentlments of "' the French agents, is founded upon the memorials and letters which refer to their correfpondence ; fo it is perfedlly agreeable to the mea- fures of parliament, coincident with the period of their corefpondence, and purlued at the inftlgation of the popular party. It is indeed cu- rious to obfcrve, how much the memorials and other vouchers of this correlponden-je between the French agents and the popular leaders, and the en"-agements entered into by the latter, contribute to develope the caufes of political events, which formerly appeared dark and in- fcrutable; to reconcile meafures feemingly inconfiftent, and to reftore imity of defign and fteadlnefs of principle to charatflers, which, upon imperfed information, wear the refemblance of verfatility and cor- ruption. Parliament After many adjournments, the fixteenth felTion of this parliament 2Sth January was continued for the difpatch of bufmefs. The alliance with the ^ ' States, the forwardnefs of naval preparations, and the marriage of his niece to the prince of Orange, furnifhed his majefty with popular fubjeds for addrefling his parliament, and pUyjfible arguments for 31ft January, follcltlng fupply. Though the commons prefented an addrefs of thanks to the king, for having married his niece to the prince of Orange, yet they omitted to mention his alliance with the States, 4th May. thereby referving it for future cenfure, as inadequate for rcftrainlng *- By this treaty, (27th May 1678,) Charles time propofals for peace were to be accepted, engages to remain in perfeft neutrality, in cafe Dal. Ap. p. 162, 163, 164. propolals for peace offered at Nimeguen, fliould This laft condition fhows us the limita- not be accepted before two months expired ; tions and referve, with which the leaders of and to recal the troops he had fent into oppofition had entered into engagements with Flanders. By a feparate article, the French France : and how little of her confidence king becomes bound, to pay Charles fix mil- they had acquired, fince ihe efteemcd the fuf- lions of livres tournois, upon the exprefs con- penfion of parliament, a better fecurity for her dition, that the king of England fhould not intereft, than their influence and engacrements. only recal his troops from Flanders, but that A few months after this, Charles" projedtd thofe troops (hould be dilbanded, as foon as another treaty with France, by which he was ihcy (hould arrive in his dominions ; and alfo, to aflill the Swedes with a fleet, to recover the that he Ihould prorogue his parliament for places taken by the duke of Brar.dvnburgh. four months at leall, t» be computed from Ibid. 178. the expiration of two months, within which 7 the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 49 the power of France, and fccuring the proteftant religion. They ^ ^ -'^ ^• voted a fupply of one million, for enabling his majcfty to enter into ( — — v~ — » aclual war againft the French king; but, in every fubfequent debate 18th & 231! relative to the means of raifing it, difcovered the utmoft jealoufy lixprefs dif- of the king's fincerity, and at laft came to the refolution, not to truft |r"'*°^''^^ him with money, till fatisfa£tion was given in matters of religion *'. z9tiiApiil. They entered into the (late of the nation ; revived the apprehenfions of the danger of popery ; and drew up reafotis to be urged to the lords, in a conference, for perfuading them to co-operate in feeking fomc effedual remedy againft this growing evil. They addreffed the 7^^ May- king a fecond time, complaining of the pernicious efFeds of his delay in not anfwering their former addrefs ; and praying him to remove evil counfellors. His majefty complained of this addrefs to the lords, and, offended with the difrefpedful behaviour of the com- Prorogued * 13th Mar. mons, prorogued the parliament. Nothing could be more embarrafling than the fituation in which EmbarrafT- the king now found himfelf involved, by that diftruft and jealoufy king. which his former attachment to France, and his undecided condudt, bad excited. To whatever quarter he turned his eyes, difficulties ftarted before him, and upon whatever refolution he fixed, he muft lay his account with cenfure and reproach. He had augmented his navy and army : he had fent the duke of Monmouth with a body of troops into the Netherlands ; and made every preparation, as far as the fupplies granted would extend, to enter into war with France. Should he now difcontinue v/arlike preparations, it would be admitted as an unqueflionable evidence of his diffimulation, and of his inflexible adherence to Lewis. While, on the other hand, the continuance of his preparations, and the augmentation of his forces, kept alive the jealoufy of a great part of the nation ; and, by bringing an additional incumbrance upon his revenue, in- creafed his dependence upon parliament. The prefTure of this di- 'J Grey's Debates, vol. v. p. 282. H lemma ro THE HISTORY OF lemma he attempted to transfer to parliament, which, after a proroga- tion of ten days, met for the feventeenth feffion. The king declared StBonof his refolution to fave Flanders, either by peace or war, as circum- parliamcnt. ft^j^j-gs fhould dired: : That, in either view, it was neceffary to keep up a ftrong force by fea and land ; but, as that depended upon the fupplies, he left it to their choice, to provide for the maintaining, or the difljanding, of the army. Ill-humour of The commons not only fhifted the difficulty from themfelves, but, the commons. ^^^^ ^^^^^ addrefs, retorted it upon the king; by refolving, that, if he entered into a war with France, they would fupport and affift him ; but that, if he declined to do it, they would then provide for the fpeedy difbanding of the army '*. As if fmcerely defirous to return to a good underftanding with the commons, the king imparted the ftate of his negociations with fuch an air of can- dour, as feeraed calculated to remove all diftruft of his fincerity and defigns. He informed them, that there was a near profpedt of peace with France, but that he did not think it prudent to difmifs either the fleet or army, before it was concluded. The only return 38th May. which the commons made to this meflage, was a vote, that all the forces raifed from the twenty-ninth of September one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-feven, fhould be forthwith paid off and dif- banded ; and that the fum of two hundred thoufand pounds fhould 6th & 20th be raifed by monthly aflfeffments for that purpofe. They voted a fupply of four hundred thoufand pounds for extraordinary charges of the navy and ordnance; for paying the pnncefs of Orange's portion ; and for the repayment of two hundred thoufand pounds, borrowed sift June. up<^ri the credit of additional excife ; but they precluded all hope of farther aid, and anfwered his majefty's urgent and repeated im- portunities, by a refolution that the people fhould be charged with no more money during that felTion of parliament. '* Journ. Commons, 25th and 27th May. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 51 The meafures now recited, urged by oppofition, and adopted CHAP. by the commons, in the three preceding fefTions of parliament, convey • » no favourable idea of their principles and temper; and were we to Apology for judge between the court and them, merely, from thofe evidences ^**^"^" which are comprehended within the circle of parliamentary proceed- ings, though we might not acquit the former of the charge of dupli- city, yet a confiderable portion of cenfure would certainly be affigned to the latter. A fpirit of fadion appeared, in wrangling and debating about every qucftion, however trifling, wherein dilVefpect could be fliown to their fovereign, or difaj^probation of his meafures exprefled. When we take into account preceding and concurring circumftances, the inflexibility of the king in the profecution of mea- fures, no lefs pe'rnicious to the interefts, than contrary to the incli- nations, of his people ; When we confider the diftruft of his parlia- ment, at the period of their fervent loyalty; the frequent and Ion"- difcontinuance of their counfels; and above all, when we difcover, that even, while holding out the faireft language, and afFeding an anxiety to gratify the wiflies of his people, he was privately occu- pied in renewing his alliance with Fi-ance, and devoting himfelf to her interefl:s ; every expreffion of diftruft, or difrefpedt, upon the part of the commons, every fcheme of bridling his power and thwarting his will, appear no more than merited refentment, and a neceflary defence againft the enormous treachery of his'condu£l. Emboldened by the fecret aflurance of the neutrality of England, France the French agents contrived refined diftindions, to evade the condi- conditions (he tions which they had already admitted as the bafis of a general for a^peace.'*' peace. They had promifed to deliver up the frontier towns which had been taken in Flanders, belonging to the crown of Spain ; but, having fpecified no time for the fulfilling of this, they now avowed their intentions of retaining thefe towns, till fatisfadion ftiould be made to their ally, the king of Sweden, for the territory he had loft H 2 during THE HISTORY OF during the war ". The indignation raifed by this event was fo high and general, that, in order to maintain the fhadow of fincerit)r, '^"^' Charles was under the neceflity of afluming a menacing tone; and Sir William of putting himfelf into an hoftile pofture. He fent fir William to'auerinto Temple into Holland, to make a new treaty with the States. His witf^" ambadador accomplilhed his bufinefs with difpatch and fuccefs, fuit- ^''''^"' able to the alacrity and ardour with which he entered upon it. He concluded an alliance, oifenfive and defenfive, with the States ; by which the king of England became engaged to make war wth France, if fhe did not deliver up the towns in queftion before the expiration of two months ". It does not appear, however, to have been the ferious intention of Charles to proceed to a war when that period fhould arrive, as is evident, from his anxiety to avert the crifis of putting his fidelity and honour to the teft. Within a few days of the expiration of the period allowed the French **''''^'' '' d b ^^"S ^^^ complying with his demand, a meffenger was difpatched the wavering ^q fj^- William Temple, commanding him to ule entreaties with cfChailes. ^ ' ° . r the Swedifli ambaflador, to confent to the evacuation of the towns in Flanders ; and promifing, after the peace, to ufe efFed:ual mea- fures for recovering certain towns, which the king of Sweden had loft in Germany "". The well-known chara£ler of De Cros, the mef- fenger difpatched upon this bufinefs from England, who was an agent for Sweden, and a tool of the French ambaflador Barillon, his officioufnefs in publifhing his errand wherever he pafled, and infinu- ating that this meafure had been taken in concert with France, en- tirely overfet the hopes raifed in the States by fir William Temple's cmbaffy, and conftrained them to haften a feparate peace with The States France, the very fnare in which Lewis had prepared to entangle make peace ' •' ^ * o with France, them. Though Charles had every reafon to expedl this event, and certainly wifhed to bring it about, he counterfeited the utmoft " Temple, vol. i. p. 365. »« Ibid. ^^ Ibid. furprife POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 53 furprife and indignation ; immediately dilpatched Mr. Hyde, to per- ^ ^^ ^ ^• fuade the States to reful'e the ratification of the treaty figned by >— -■ — — ' their ambafllidor ; and to afllire them of his entering into the war with heart and vigour. The whole conduifl of Charles with refneifl; to the peace of <^bfervation8 ^ upon the Nimiguen, appears i'o wavering, capricious, and weak, that it is conduaof ... , . ~ Chark-s. no wonder it we arc at a lots to account for the true motives from which it proceeded; or to determine, how far, and at what time, he was fmcere, and really meant what he fpoke and declared. There can be no doubt, but that the prevailing bent of Charles's affeftion inclined him to favour the interefl: of France, and the de- pravity of his political fyftem made hina believe, that a connc(Slion with her was mofi: propitious to his independence and power. This objedl, therefore, he ever kept in view, and purfued, through the greateft part of his reign, with more conftancy and diligence than he difcovered on any other occafioa. Timidity was a ftrong in- gredient in the temper of Charles, and prevented him from perform- ing Ibme of thofe engagements to which he had bound himfelf by his alliance with France ; he was dilatory and evafive, about de- claring himfelf a Roman catholic, one of the conditions of his firft fecret treaty : he yielded to the impatience of the nation, by the calling of meetings of parliament, upon different occa- fions, after he had engaged to fufpend them : he difappointed France, by fuddenly making peace with Holland, after the fecond Dutch war : he ftill more grievoully offended her, by giving his niece in marriage to the prince of Orange. If ever Charles failed in his engagements to France, it did not arife from want of at- tachment, but from fear, and the love of eafe, which occafionally predominated, and defeated the impulfe of his flrongefl prejudices.. The experience the French king had of Charles's fluduating con- dudt, excited a diftrufl of his fidelity in fulfilling the conditions of the later treaties into v/hich they entered. As the gratificatioa of THE HISTORY OF CHAP, of ambition was the fole objea of all the political meafures of ,____J , Lewis, he did not fcruple at the means fubfervient to this end, '^"^' whatever they were ; and therefore, occafionally, tampered with the party in oppofition in England ; a fpecies of condua:, which ex- preflcd contempt and ingratitude towards Charle?!. The infidious conftruaion which the French agents put upon the marriage of the lady -Mary, as if it had been intended as the inflrument of arbi- trary power In England, and the clofe correfpondence they held at that time with the party in oppofition, may well be fuppofed to have excited a tranfient indignation in the breaft of Charles. But there was nothing that feemed more to have rankled in his mind, than a peremptory and infolent requifition of the French king, that the army of England fhould not exceed eight thoufand men. In what- ever light he confidered this demand, it was mortifying to him. How ungrateful in Lewis, to call in queftion the fmcerity of that attachment, which he had maintained fo long, and to which he had facrificed fo much ? How humiliating, to infmuate that his power was fo low, that he could not be the mafter of his own army ? It is not furprifing, that, under theie Impreffions, Charles exprefled indignation, which had every appearance of fincere enmity, and determined refentment againft France. Sir William Temple acknow- ledges, that he himfelf was deceived by appearances ; and certainly expefted, that his mafter was to ftand to the confequences of the in- ftrudions, with which he was charged in his fecond embafTy to the States "". In the mediation of peace, Charles was certainly fmcere. The embarraffments of his revenue, altercations with his parliament, the failure of every expedation of raifing his power by the aid of the French king, who had humbled him by the propofal of reducing his army, rendered him fmcerely defirous that a ge- neral peace fliould take place. So far as threats could contribute " Temple's Memoirs, vol. iv. p. 366. to 1678. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. SS to that end, he was willing to go: but, certainly he did not mean ^ ^ •'^ ''• to advance farther, or really to enter into a war*^ ' ' In the laft fellion of this parliament, we behold oppofition fuc- cefsful and triumphant, not only in over-ruling public meallires againft the influence and wilhes of the court, but in gratifying pri- vate pique and refentment ; and overturning the power of the mi- nifter, againft whom they had, in vain, directed their moft violent attacks in the preceding feflions. The "ratification of party refentment, in the ruin of lord Danbv, ^'^''^ Danby . ' , . . imp.-ached. was accomplilhed by bafe artifice, and furnifhes an objedion to the integrity and honour, rather than any evidence of the weaknefs and credulity, of thofe who conducted it. It has been already obferved, that lord Danby was, in heart and principle, a violent adverfary to the intereft of France, and that he oppofed the king's propenfity to French alliances, as far as was compatible with his remaining in office. Fully fenfible of this, the French king, in his turn, hated that miniller ; and inftruded his agents in England to ufc every effort, in concert with the popular party, to bring about his dif- grace. Montague, the Englifli ambaffador at Paris, who received the inftructions which Danby reludtantly communicated, concern- *J It was generally believed, that the time, if ever in his life, fmcere, and meant meflage of De Cros was contrived in concert what he declared ; but let it be obferved, that with the French ambaffador, and that the ef- an event, pollerior to the date of fir Williain fed of it was juft what was intended and de- Temple's embafly and the difpatch of De fired. It contradided the inflruftions of fir Cros, infpired that fincerity. The rumour of William Temple, overthrew his authority, ^ popifli plot had gone abroad ; it gained eafy drove the States into defpalr, and made them belief, and fpread univerfal horror. TJiough rufh, with imprudent celerity, into a feparate the king did not believe the plot, he was no peace. Dalrymplc, Ap., p. iSo. Rercfby, lef? alarmed with the profpeft of the internal p. 66. combuilion that the popular belief of it was The indignation exprefled by Charles upon likely to produce. To avert this, he em- the news of tKis peace, and the vehemence braced the cailiell opportunity which the with which he intreated the States to evade ftate of political affairs fuggcfted, of enga- the confirmation of it, feeraed to furnifh an ging the paffions of the people, and of tranf- argument in refutation of what is above af- ierring to a foreign objeft that enthufiafm ferted, and in fupport of the opinion that and phrenzy, which he forefaw that nothing Charles w.as fincere in die refolution of enter- but blood and dellrudion could appeafe. ing into a war with France. He was at that 5 ing s6 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, ino- the favourable inclinations of his mafler towards France, entered, ][ , '^ , with cordiality, into the interefts of the French court, devoted him- ' ■ I'elf to her fervice, and became her penlioner '°. Finding that lord Danby, who, probably, efteemed him the lefs upon that account, was unwilling to fecond his views of preferment in England, he fomented the prejudices of the French king againft that nobleman. He came over to England without the permiflion of the court, and, in profecution of his refentment and engagements, entered into a clofe connection with the popular party, and difclofed to them the fecret of Danby's correfpondence with France. Two letters, which lord Danby had written to Montague upon the fubjed of the French alliance, were produced in the houfe of commons. The odium of the crime alleged, and its coincidence with the detedlion of the popifh plot, excited the indignation of many who were un- tainted with the prejudices of party, fuperfeded evidence, and pre- vented that fair diftribution of guilt, which muft have refulted from a calm and accurate inveftigation of fads. It was not admitted, as any extenuation of Danby's crime, that the letters carried marks of his difapprobation ; for the king's fubfcription was annexed to them, importing that they were written by his order and authority. The evidences of the voluntary and more aggravated guilt of Montague, as if he had made atonement for it by treachery, were not allowed to be brought forward. Matter of impeachment was voted againft the minifter ; articles were founded upon it, and carried up to the houfe of lords ". The fate of lord Danby ftands upon record as a warning to minifter?, to refign their power and refponfibility the moment they are called upon, to a£t againft their own convidlon, and to aid and abet thofe meafures, which their judgment and heart condemn. The true fource of his difgrace was not his fervices, ,but his oppofition to ^' Dalrymple, Ap. p. 192. P- 77- Rerelby, ^' Journ. Commons, 19th, 21ft, 23d De- cember. France; POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 57 Trance ; but this misfortune, however unmerited and capricious, he ^ H A P. never could have Incurred, if he had refigned his power upon the " •' call of principle, and been content to tread in the humble path of ' ^ * privacy and retirement. The laft mcafure, purfued by the advice of lord Danby, was the Diflblutioa diflblution of parliament. He had every thing to dread from its violence. The diirplution of parliament, an objed: long and vehe- mently defired by the popular leaders, was purchafed by ihem with a promife to facrifice their private refentment, and to drop all further profecution of the miniller, provided he retired from office and from power ^\ The king himfelf began to tremble at the apprehenfion of thofe difcoveries, which a keen inveftlgation of the evidence againft his miniftcr muft neceflarily bring to light ; and, left the diflblution of parliament Ihould not be fufficient to prevent it, he privately granted him a pardon, in bar of a future impeachment ". The fecond parlia- ment of Charles, which had now completed its eighteenth fefl!ion, was prorogued to the thirtieth of December one thoufand fix hun- dred and feventy-eight, and diflblved the twenty-fourth of January one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-nine. In reviewing the hiftory of this parliament, we are naturally and charafier ftruck with the fingular contraft of fentlments and temper, which pariiamen°of charadlerife its commencement and conclufion. Though the lapfe ^''*'"^"- of time, and the fucceffion of members, may, in fome meafure, account for alterations in their political fentiments, yet thefe could neither have been fo remarkable, nor produdlive of fuch violent efFeds, without the concurrence of various events, which fill up the intermediate period. As the houfe of commons was elefted during the heat and tranfport of national loyalty, their firft fteps indicate, not only a carelefs neglc by any end It could promote. But, after the confideration of every C n a p. circumftance, it is fair to acknowledge, that the principle of op- v .1—^^ pofition in the latter feflions of this parliament was found and com- ' ^°' mendable: the general tenor of their meafures was conftitutional j the fide of oppofition was the fide of patriotifm and virtue, and to them pofterity ftands indebted for arrefting the career of arbitrary meafures, and roufing that fpirit of jealoufy, which, after many ftruggles and many defeats, faved the liberties of England. 6^ THE HISTORY OF C H A P. HI. Charles wiJJjes to renew his Alliance with Frame. — "takes Mea/ures to regai* the Confidence of the Nation. — EleSlions. — Mijunderft anding between the King and the Commons about the Choice of a Speaker. — Popijh Plot.-^ Meafures taken in confequence of the Plot — by the Commons — by the Lords. — EffeSfs of them. — Ob/ervations on the Evidence of the Popijh Plot. — Profecution of Lord Danly — Dijputes between the tzvo Hoiifes on this SuhjeSi. — The King alarmed by the Proceedings of the Com- mons. A new Council. — The Commons proceed in the Impeachment of the Earl of Danby. — Bill of Exclufion.— Inquiries concerning the Management of the Navy and the Revenue. — Bills to retrench the Influence of the Court. Parliament dijfolved. — Charles attempts to enter into a new Treaty with the French King. — Circumftances unfavourable to the Court in the courfe of the Elections. — The King takes Meafures to gain Popularity. — The Duke of I'oj-k indited as a Popijh Recufant. — Petitions for the meeting of Par- liament. — Jddrejfes of Abhorrence. — Fourth Parliament. — The Commons cenfure thofe Members who had oppofed Petitions. — Inquiry into the Mif- ccnduSi of Judges. — The Bill of Exclufion pajfes in the Houfe of Commons y — rejected by the Lords. — Bills, for ajjociating his Majejly's Proteftant SubjeHs, — for repealing the Penal Laws againjl Protejlant DiJJenters.^ The Commons refolve to withhold Supplies. — Atigry Votes againfi the Court. — The King fummons a Parliament , — to meet at Oxford. — Petition againjl holding the Parliament at Oxjord. — Parliament meets. — Bill of Exclufion. — Difagreement between the two Houfes upon the Cafe of Fitzharris.~^ Parliament dijfolved. c H A P. y\ FTER the diflblution of his fecond parliament, Charles became . ^^^- l~\ folicitous to renew his alliaiice with France; and would have 1678-9. fubmitted to tiie moft (haraeful conditions, to extricate himfelf from Charles ^^g embarraffments of his revenue, and the tumults of faction, which wilhei: to re- _ tiew his a'lii- were likely to revive in all their vigour upon the meeting of parlia- ance with France. ment. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 6: d ment'. Barillon amufed the expedations, and protraded the fuf- C h a i\ penfe of Charles, by liftening to his folicitations, and defcending to i, ^J ' , particular articles of a treaty; while he fecretly reprefented to his '^/'^■9- mafter, that the intereft of the popular leaders, augmented by the terror of the nation for popery, would be of more confequence to France, than the reftrained and clandeftine friendfhip of Charles \ Doubtful of the friendfhip, and perhaps fufpicious of the treachery '^^'^" mea- of France, Charles found himfelf under the neceffity of forming his ^ainthe con- meafures, with a view to conciliate thefupport of the popular leaders nation! °^ '''"^ in parliament. A change of miniftry took place'. The king prefled his brother to return to the external profeffion of the proteftant re- ligion : he entreated him to difcontinue his attendance upon coun- cil, which excited a conftant jealoufy of his interference in the affairs of government. Unable to prevail in either of thefe points, he infifted upon his leaving the kingdom before the meeting of parlia- ment*. The laws were carried into execution againft Roman catho- lics with greater feverity than what had been exercifed in any for- mer period of this reign'. Every engine of court influence was employed to model the eledlion of members to ferve in the new par- liament, agreeably to the wifhes of the king*. If the court was Induftrious upon one fide, its antagonifts upon Ekaions. the other were not lefs adive, and proved more fuccefsful in the courfe of the new eledlions. The proteftant diflenters, who had been almoft entirely excluded from the houfe of commons in the lafl: parliament, now exerted themfelves, with the aid of many fa- ' Dalrymple's Appendix, p. 207, 8, g, &c. ment, was alfo difmifled from his office of ^ Ibid. p. 211. lord treafurer. The -earl of Eflex, Laurence 3 Sir Jofeph Williamfon, who had been Hjde, fir John Earnle, fir Edward Deerino-, fent to ths Tower by the commons in the lalt and Sydney Godolphin, were made coinmif- parliament, for iffuing comniiffions to perfons fioners of the treafury. Echard, vol. iii. p.. dlfqualified by their adherence to the popifh 498-9. religion, was difmifled from his office of fe- * Life of James, 1679. Ralph, vol, i. cretary of ftate, and the earl of Sunderland ap- ' Echard, vol. iii. pointed to fucceed him. The earl of Danby, '' Rereftjy. who had fallen imder the difpleafure of parlia- K. - vourablc C6 THE HISTORY OF C H A I' JII. 1679. Mifundsr- llanding be- tween the king and the commons about the choice of a fpeaker. Temper of thecummons. vourable clrcumftances, and endeavoured to recover their propor- tion of public influence. The adherence of the moft diftinguilhed patrons of the eftabHflied religion to the intereft of the duke of York, afforded the dlflenters a fpecious pretext for reprefenting them as deficient in that abhorrence of popery, which, in the prefent crifis, was efTential to proted their conftituents from its bloody machina- tion?, lately brought to light by the difcovery of a plot'. Candi- dates came under engagements to gratify the fanguinary wlflies of the people, by a diligent inveftlgation of the plot, and the zealous profecution of its authors '. The king opened his third parliament on the 6th of March, with a fpeech full of conceffions and flattering promifes; and expreffive of his ardent defire of being united to his parliament'. The firfi: proceedings in the houfc of commons exhibited a fpe- cimen of their temper ; and portended that difcord between them and the court, which never fubfided during the period of their ex- iflience. Sir Edward Seymour was unanimoufly called upon to take the chair'". The adive part he had taken in the profecution of lord Danby, recommended him to the commons, and determined the king to thwart their choice". Several days were fpent in angry re- prefentations on the part of the commons, and a perfevering refufal on the part of the king, to approve of the elecftion of fir Edward Sey- mour. At lafl:, the parliament was prorogued from the 13th to the 15th of March". The commons, impatient to proceed upon more important bufinefs, dropt the difpute, by eleding for their fpeaker William Gregory, ferjeant at lawj of whom the king ap- proved '^. It foon appeared that the new parliament had imbibed the fpirit of their predeceflbrs, and that they were refolved to tread in their ^ Letters of the duke of York to the prince of Orange; Dairy mple, Ap. p. 218. * Hillorians of the times. * Journ. Lords, 6th March. '° Grey'i Debates, voL vi. p. 402. " Ibid. " Ibid. p. 439. '' Ibid. vol. vii. p. 2, fteps. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 67 fleps. A committee was appointed by the commons to infpetfl the chap. journals of the laft feflion of the preceding parliament, in order to «. > agi Ralph, vol. i. p. 449. ' See an account of it in Ralph, vol. i. p. 449. *' Journ. Commons, 1 ft May. '^ Journ. Commons, 23d, 25th April, ill ** This bill is not inferted in the Journals. May. two So THE HISTORY OF 1679. c H A r. two houfes, In various points relative to the trial of lord Danby. ' '' A bill for fecuriiig the liberty of the fubjecl, known by the name of the habeas corpus, met with better fuccefs; and will for ever diftinguilh this parliament, by the grateful remembrance of pofterity '*. A feries of meafures, fo hoftile to prerogative, widened the breach between the king and the commons. No fooner was it fiifpeded that the king intended to prorogue the parliament, than meafures were taken out of doors to intimidate him, by difplaying the ftrong fupport which the commons derived from the afFedions and grati- tude of the people. An addrefs of thanks to the parliament by the city of London, and a remonftrance againft their prorogation, were prepared ^\ Precipitated by fear, the king durft not hazard the ad- vice of his new council, which he had pledged himfelf to regard ; and, by an unexpedled prorogation, ftopt the tide of popular rage, which beat with fuch threatening violence againft the pillars of prero- gative. The third parliament of Charles was diffolved the twelfth of July, one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-nine, and a new parliament fummoned to meet on the feventeenth of October fol- lowing. To the king, difappointed of the fuccefs he expeded from the diffolution of the long parliament, there now remained no profpedt of fupplying his neceffities, and of reigning in peace, but by renew- ing his alliance with France, or obtaining, in a new parliament, repre- fcntatives more friendly to the ;nterefts of the crown. Steps were taken preparatory to either of thofe meafures, as fhould afterwards be found expedient. As Charles was led, by an infatuated prediledion, to prefer the Pnrliamcnt lii/Tolved. 37th May. Charles at- tempts to en- ter into a new friendfhip of France to the afFedions of his fubjeds, fo the former treaty with the French king. was at this time ftrongly recommended to him, by the addrefs '♦ Journ. Comtnons, 27th May. 65 Rerefby. Temple. and POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 8i and Importunity of his brother*". Alarmed by the repeated at- ^ '^ ^ ^• tempts to exchide him from the throne, the duke of York de- l -. — _/ voted himfelf, with anxious affiduity, to promote a treaty between ^'^' his brother and the French king, as the only means of prevent- ing the meeting of a future parliament, and of fecuring his own fucceffion *'. The extravagant demands of Lewis firft retarded the progrefs of this treaty, and at laft put an end to it. He in- filled that Charles fhould lay afide parliaments altogether, or dif- continue them for a long time, a meafure which, from pad expe- rience, had been found equally unfafe and impradicable "'. The fufpenfion of parliament for the fpace of three years, was at laft agreed to by Charles, and accepted of by the king of France. But, though it is probable that the former was well inclined to con- clude this treaty, yet his minifters, particularly Sunderland and Hyde, who had taken every previous ftep with zeal, rejeded the terms of it, either from the dread of perfonal danger in cafe of detedlion, or from the apprehenfion of being difappointed of the rewards they expeded from France*'. In the mean while, the general courfe of eledions did not open a Circum- r r r 1 i r • ftances unfa- near proipecl or compoimg the tumults of the nation, and of re- vourable to eftablifhing the tranquillity of the king, by the intervention of par- the courfe of liament. If patriotic zeal had not hitherto accompliflied its full 'i^e ekaions. defire, yet it had led to difcoveries which faftened ignominy upon the adherents to the court, and weakened their influence in the competition for public confidence. The inquiry of the late parlia- ment into the ftate of the penfions, produced a lift of names, which were circulated through the country with malevolent additions; and they were reprefented, as having rendered themfelves too infamous to be entrufted with the protection of the rights of their fellow- ''* Dalrymple, Ap. p. 239. *^ Ibid. p. 233-4. *' See letters of the duke of York to Lewis, ''' Ibid. p. 242. Ibid. p. 239. M fubjeas. 82 THE HISTORY OF C H A P. fubjeds'". To countenance their pretenfions was to participate of ■ their crimes, and to endanger the conftitution. The part which in- *^'^' dividuals had taken in the exckifion, the moft ambiguous queftion which had been difcufled in the laft parliament, was affumed as an infallible criterion to afcertain integrity or corruption of charader, and to fix the approbation or the cenfure of the people. The ex- clufionifts were patriots, pvoteftants, and friends to the conftitution : the anti-exclufionifts were, in their hearts, papifts, the abettors of arbitrary power, and devoted to the intereft of France". All the malignant ingredients which compofed the laft of thefe charaders were comprehended in the name of Torv, a term which had been formerly applied ^o the wildeft favages in Ireland ; while the loyalifts as fcornfully retorted upon their antagonifts the appellation of B^'higy by which they exprefled the idea they entertained of their defpicable ftation, illiberal principles, and tumultuary proceedings '*. Circum- ftances fo well fitted to work upon the temper of the people, ftill agitated with frefti rumours about the plot, and applied with dexte- rity and diligence by the country party or whigs, produced a ma- jority of returns in their favour. Some events occurred after the eledions, which farther tended to increafe the difcontents of the people, and to furnifh new materials for '" Caveat againft Whigs, p. 68. North's with ihouts ofapplaufe as they entered andre- Examen. turned from the houfe of commons, provoked '' Ibid. the loyalifts to exprefs their contempt of them '''^ The terms TFhig and Tory came to be in by the appellation of Whigs, which was ap- familiar ufe during the late parliament. The propriated to die pooreft of the people in Scot- people, while the queftion concerning the ex- land, or thofe who carried to market the re- dufion was depending, aflembled, day after fufe, or what was called ths whig of the. milk, day, about the gates of Weftminfter. The which their wretchednefs would not allow them king's guards were ordered to difperfe them ; to beftow iipou their cattle. North's Examen, and as a fcuffle fometinics enfued, the enraged p. 320. multitude expreffed their indignation by giv- The fame names were afterwards applied to ing their adverfaries the name of Tories. Such the clergy : thofe who preached againft the the wild Irifti were called, of whofe barbarity fanatics, and in defence of the prerogative, the moft ftocking accounts were at this time were called Tories : thofe who founded the brought to London. The mean appearance alarm of popery and of the plot, were called vi the rabble, who attended the exduiionifts U'l.'-gs. Ibid. the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 83 the declamation of their leaders, when permitted to enter upon the ^ ^ ^ ^- difcharge of their public truft. The duke of York fuddenly returned '— — - — —> from Brufiels, as foon as the king's indifpofition was notified to him, zdSept." and met with a reception which confirmed the general ImprefTion of his brother's unalterable attachment to his intereft". The mod im- portant favours conferred by the court were now traced to his re- commendation'*. The duke of Monmouth, who had attained to the fummit of popularity by the intrigues of his party, and the fuc- cefs and lenity with which he had extinguifhed the rebellion of the covenanters in Scotland, was deprived of all his offices, and baniflied to the Continent; while the duke of York was permitted to refide in Scotland, that he might be near the fcene of adion". The inven- tion of a new plot, called the meal-tub plot, revived the fpirit of oaober. terror and profecution, which had begun to languifh from the yield- ing temper and fevere fufFerings of the Roman catholics '^ The impreflion made by thefe events was too deep to be effaced The king by a few oftentatlous meafures, purfued by the court in conceffion fares to gain to the prevailing fentiments of the nation. Treaties with Spain and P°P"^^''"J'- with Holland, formerly the objedl of patriotic defire, were earneftly fet about, after the mifcarrlage of the alliance with France. The moll fervent zeal was affetSted by the court againfl: Roman catholics, and the king embraced every opportunity of declaring his purpofe to fall in with any new meafures which might be fuggefted by the approaching parliament, to maintain the fafety of the proteftant re- ligion, provided the legal order of fucceffion was riot invaded". This refervation, however, the popular leaders were determined not to tolerate; and, though excluded from the opportunity of parlia- mentary oppofition, they adopted a method of declaring their fen- '^ Burnet. Echard. the popilh lords, to kill the king and lord ''* Rerefby, p. 99. Shafilbury; and becaufe fome of the papers "5 Echard. to which he referred as evidence were found '"' One Dangerfield, who had been brand- in a meal-tub, the plot was called the Meal- ed for the moft atrocious crimes, pretended tub Plot. Ralph, &c. that money had been oftered him by fome of '' Echard. M 2 tlments^ 8^ THEHISTORYOF CHAP, timents, not lefs effeaual, to embolden their adherents, and to con- y^„^^ . firm their jealoufy of the court. i6?o. ^1 ^^j.j of Shaftfbury, accompanied by a confiderable number of The duke of • ' '. r 1 1 J • c York indift- perfons of the firft rank in the nation, prefented, to the grand jury ot re^cili\n[T'^ Middlcfex, reafons for indiaing the duke of York as a popiHi recu- March. fant. The refufal of the chief juftice Scroggs to admit the com- plaint, and a premature difmiffion of the grand jury, after he had been fent for to Whitehall, afforded a ftriking evidence of the arbi- trary fpirit of government". Ttie long fufpenfion of parliament was marked, as a palpable contradidion to the hypocritical profeffions of zeal for the proteftant intereft held forth in all the declarations of the court. The lafl: parliament had been diffolved in the very career of their zeal, and while profecuting the moft effedual meafures to de- tedt and to arraign the machinations of a reftlefs and bloody fuperfti- tion. Was there not reafon to apprehend, that the refentment of the court was excited by that part of their conduft vv'hich appeared meritorious, in the eyes of every perfon well affeded to the religion and liberties of England " ? The people, in general, were imprefled •with a full perfuafion, that nothing lefs than the united wifdom of their independent reprefentatives could penetrate into the deep myf- teries of jefuitical intrigues, or devife remedies adequate to the mag- nitude and extent of the mifchiefs with which they were preg- nant: and yet, from month to month, by prorogation after proro- gation, the nation was difappointed of that antidote againft danger which the conftitutlon provided, and the royal proclamation had flattered them to exped. How mortifying, at the fame time, to the new eleded members, to be detained in an obfcure and private fta- tion, and prevented from enjoying the honours and privileges an- nexed to the truft and the public charadcr, which the choice of their fellow-citizens had conferred upon them. '» Ralph, vol. ;. p. 504. 79 Appeal from the city to the country. Agreeably POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 85 Agreeably to thefe fentiments, a petition was prefented by feven- ^ ^ -^ P* teen peers, letting forth the ill effe£ls of the diffolutlon of the laft > — -., — ^ parliament, and praying the king to continue his new elected parlia- Petitions for ment for the difpatch of bufinefs, after the period of the next proro- ofpaTliament. gation". The influence of this example fpread with rapidity, and 9* Decem- brought in petitions to the fame purpofe from every quarter, and from every denomination of citizens^'. A proclamation, iffued by 12th Decem- ber. the king, to prohibit perfons from prefuming to promote, or agitate fubfcriptions to petitions of a feditious tendency, only ferved to evince the contempt of royal authority, pufhed beyond the reftric- tions of law. The violence of this meafure, and a refined diftinc- tion, contrived to evade the law, which exprefsly afcertained the right of the fubjed: to petition the fovereign, was expofed with acri- mony and ridicule in news-papers, and other periodical publica- tions". Prerogative was baffled; the ftream of petitions ftill flowed in with unabated violence^*. If the authority of proclamations was infufficient to prevent peti- AddrefTes of tions from being thrown into the fcale of popular intereft, the only a'^^o"ence, remaining remedy was, to counterbalance them by petitions and ad- drefles of an oppofite tendency. The duke of York, ambitious to carry along with him to court an evidence of the great perfonal in- fluence he had acquired during his refidence in Scotland, had ob-_ tained from the nobility and gentlemen there, an addrefs to the king, full of the moft ardent declarations of loyalty and afFedlion, and profefling, in the ftrongeft terms, an abhorrence of that turbu- lent fpirit which didtated petitions difrefpedful to his majefty's per- fon and government'*. After this example, fimilar addreflTes were '° Burnet. Kennct. ^i j[,ij_ jj,g methods ufed by the popular party to pro- ^^ The term agitate fubfcriptions, was cure fubfcriptions to petitions, feemed to re- fuggefted by lord keeper North, as a pallia- quire a check. North's Examen, p. 541, &c. tive of a proclamation, which feemed to be ^J Echard, &c. '+ Ibid. diredly in the face of law. At the fame time, promoted i6Jo. was e. THE HISTORY OF c H A r. promoted by the agents and partifans of the court In England ; and I'L_. even prefented by fome of the towns and corporations which had petitioned for the meeting of parUament '\ The general fcope of them to exprefs their fenfe and abhorrence of the mifchievous tendency of petitions; and fome of them even defcended into a flattering ap- probation of thofe meafures of the court which were deemed moft illegal and arbitrary'". Fourth par- The period, to which men of every different opinion and party !i.iraent. looked forward with the moft anxious expedlation, at laft ap- proached: The king, after fix prorogations, met his parliament on the twenty-firft of Odober one thoufand fix hundred and ciehty. He mentioned in his fpeech the beneficial effe£ls which had refulted from the feveral prorogations of parliament, both to himfelf, and to neighbouring ftates; and his having completed an alliance with Spain. He recommended the vigorous profe- cution of the plot; and folemnly declared, that provided the fuc- ceffion of the crown was preferved in its due and legal courfe, there was not any remedy which they could propofe for the fecurity of the proteftant religion, to which he would not readily give his confent"'. Sir William Williams was chofen fpeaker of the houfe of com- mons, and approved of by the king "'. All the meafures purfued by the two former parliaments, to fupport the credit and keep alive the terror of the plot, were repeated, and need not again be fpecilied '°. To all their folicitations and recommendations upon this fubjed, the court yielded with an obfequious facility, which left no room for complaint or remonftrance. A retrofpedive view of the condud of the court during the recefs of parliament, furnifhed ample, grounds for commencing hoftilities againft the friends of the prerogative, and for trying the ftrength of parties. '5 Echard, kc. "5 Ibid, ss Journ. Lords! 22d Oaober. " Ralph. «<" Ibid. 23d Odober, &c. Journ. Cem- '* Journ. Lords, 2iftOdlober. mens, 28th Oftober, &c. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 87 The fuperiority of the whigs was difplaycd by the icfolutions of ^ ^^ -'^ ^• the commons, which adopted the chaiaifteriftical fentiments of the • — — * party, upon the queftion of petitions. They declared, that it was The com- the undoubted right of the fubjecSt to petition the king for a redrefs JjJofe mcm'*^ of grievances, and for the caUing of a meeting of parliament", '"^rs who had They proceeded to open, effedtual marks of their difpleafure againft "ons. thofe who had difcountenanced the petitions: they declared fuch condu(£l fubverfive of the ancient conftitution, and favourable to arbitrary government, and appointed a committee to inquire into, and make their report upon this matter '\ They did not ftop at threats and angry words : in confcquence of the report of their committee, they expelled fome of their members for having joined in addrelTes of abhorrence, and others for having exprcfled their diflike of petitions''. The commons did not confine their refent- ment to offenders on the fubje£l of petitions, or to fuch as were placed more immediately within their own jurifdi£tion : they were determined that perfons of the firft eminence, and who, from the influence of office, enjoyed more frequent opportunity, and more extenfive capacity of promoting arbitrary meafures, fhould feel and learn to dread the feverity of their chaftifing arm. In order to compafs this d.efign, they appointed a committee to Inquiry into examine the proceedings of the judges in Weftminfter-hall '*. North, duaofjudge's. lord chief juftice of the common pleas ; fir Robert Wefton, one of the barons of exchequer; fir William Scroggs, the chief juftice; and fir Thomas Jones, one of the puifiie judges of the king's bench ; had all of them fallen under the difpleafure of the public, for having ad- vifed the court to illegal meafures, or for having proftitutcd their official, authority, by exceeding in feverity, or by obftruding the courfe of juftice, to gratify the caprice or refentments of the court. Hence thefe perfons were marked out as the moft proper objeds of »' Journ. Commons, 27th Oaobcr^ &c. 9' Ibid.' 29th OA. ift Nov. and loth Dec. ^'^*''' ** Journ. Commons, 23d November, 1679. 5 . patriotic 88 THE HISTORY OF 1680. The bill of exclufion palTi's in the houfe of commons. ' CHAP, patriotic refentment. After the examination of evidence, and the III. ^ . , , r J reports of their committees, impeachments were voted tor and carried, and articles immediately drawn up againft Scroggs, and prefented to the houfe of peers''. But the great and interefting objedl on which the whigs coUeded their utrnofl: force, was the bill of exclufion. It was uihered into the houfe by an information, containing all the reports of the two laft parliaments relative to the popifli plotj and by refolving, that the duke of York's being a papift, had given the greatefl encouragement to the confpiracies againft the king, and the proteftant religion ". A committee was appointed to draw up a bill to difable him from fuc- ceeding to the crown of England ". The bill when introduced, was fupported by the moft eminent fpeakers, while the few who adhered to the court, oppofed it in every ftage ; and endeavoured to load it with amendments, which were likely to defeat its end '°. In vain had the king attempted to divert the commons from this ob- noxious fubjed, by repeated affurances of his approbation of every other plan they could devife for the fecurity of the proteftant re- ligion, provided they did not violate the hereditary fucceffion ". To thefe the commons replied with an addrefs, which, under the mafk of a refpedful anfwer, couched the fliarpeft reprehenfions for the error and malignancy of thofe counfels which he had hitherto followed. If the cruel machinations of Rome fhould yet take efFed; if her emif- faries, through failure or the fupprelfion of evidence, ftill lurked about and infefted the kingdom ; it was entirely owing to the diffb- lution of the laft parliament advancing in patriotic meafures, with that zeal and fuccefs, which merited the applaufe and the congratula- tions of the nation. They arraigned the king for the palpable con- 95 Journ. Commons, 23d, 24th, and 26th 9^ Grey's Debates, 3d, 6th, and nth No- November, loth, &c. December, 1680; 5th vember. and 7th January 1681. 99 Journ. Commons, 9th November 1680; »' Ibid, zd November 1680. 4th January i68j. 9' Ibid. tradidlon POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 89 tradition of his condudl to his profeflions and promifes, while he ^ ^' ^ ^^ entrufted the garrifon of Tangiers, for the fupport of which he > -# was foHcitiiig fupply, to the command of popifh governors, and re- inforced it, from time to time, with popilh officers and popifli fol- diers. However anxious to preferve the Britifli dominions entire, yet it were treachery to their conftltuents, to turn their attention towards the diftant members of the empire, while its vital parts were threat- ened with deftrudlion ""'. The rumour of a popiih plot in Ireland was eagerly embraced by the commons, as affording them a favourable opportunity for enlarging the lift of their witnefl'es, and for pleading the neceffity of the exchifion bill '°', When the vicinity of that kingdom was con- fidered, and in what immenfe proportion the papifts exceeded the proteftants, there could be but little hope that any limitations which the wifdom of parliament could devife, would be regarded by a poplQi fucceflor. The bill of excluilon did not meet with that reception and that Rejefied by the lords. fupport in the houfe of lords, which might have been expected from the number and the intereft of thofe members who had been the moft adlive, in every preliminary ftep, to profecute the abettors of the plot, and to thwart the influence of the duke of York. The commitment was carried only by two votes, and the fame evening it was debated, and caft out by a great majority '". The mafterly eloquence of the earl of Halifax, which, upon this occafion, far excelled that of his opponents, is faid to have operated powerfully in fubduing the minds of the unprejudiced, and in fettling the decl- fion of the lords "^ Almoft every future purpofe and meafure of the houfe of com- mons in this fefTion, was dlilated by their refentment for the rejec- '"' 17th November. See particularly their cember 1680; 4th, 5th,6tliand7tliJainiaryi6Si. addrefs, 37th November 1680. ""^ Lords Debates, vol. i. '"^ Jou'rn. Commons, November and Dc- '"^ Rerefby, p. 104. ♦J tion HI. i68o-i. 50 THEHISTORYOF H.A P. t'lon of their favourite bill. They addrefled the king to remove the earl of Halifax from his councils '°*. They declared that it was in vain for his majefty to promife a limited concurrence with the remedies which might be propofed for the fecurity of the proteftant religion; that, nnlcfs he departed from his refervation of the fuc- ccfTion of the duke of York, neither his perfon nor his proteftant fubjeds could remain in fafety '"K Bill for aiTo- They renewed many fevere refolutions againft the papifts, and niajeffy's'pro- Ordered a bill to be brought in, to affociate all his majefty's protef- jcds?' " ' t^"'^ fubjeds, for the fafety of his perfon, the defence of the protef- tant religion, the prefervation of the lives of proteftants, and for pre- venting any papift from fucceeding to the crown "'°. For repealing As a preliminary ftep to the union of his majefty's proteftant the penal lla- _ r 1 n r • tutes againit fubjeds, it was neceuary to repeal thofe penal ftatutes of Eliza- di^ln'xrs'. beth and James, which expofed the popifh and proteftant rcculants to the fame fevere penalties. While thefe ftood unrepealed, many of the latter looked with indifference towards the iflue of the difpute concerning the exclufion. There even appeared Ibme ground for hope, tiiat thijir fituation might be improved, by the event of a popilh fucceflbr, who, if he could not eftabliih his own religion, fo repugnant to the inclinations of his people, would certainly, under the equitable pretext of a general toleration, procure for dif- fenters of every fed, a mitigation of thofe feverities with which they were now opprefted. Experience of the indulgences, illegally granted by the difpenfing power of the king, had foftened many of them, and rendered them more remifs in concurring with the members of the eftablifhed church againft the common enemy. In order to unite the counfels and exertions of the proteftant intereft, a bill to repeal the penal laws enaded by the ftatute of Elizabeth quickly '°* Joiirn. Commons, 17th and zzd No- "" Ibid. 15th and 20th December. vcmbLT 1680. "' Ibid. paffed POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 91 p.-ifTcd in the houfe of commons, and obtained alfo the confent of ^ ^ '^ ^- the peers . u— — — » The king had recourfe to a mean and fraudulent artifice, in order to fiipprefs this meafure, from which, as it was fo ftrongly re- commended by reafon and humanity, he durfl: not openly withhold his confent. The clerk of the crovvu was dire£lcd to withdraw the copy of the bill from a large parcel with which it had been arrang- ed, in order to be prefented for the royal adent "'^ Such a fliame- ful departure from dignity and honour, excited a juft indignation, and refuted thofe ardent profeffions of lenity and toleration, under which he had hitherto concealed his partiality for the profefTors of the Roman catholic religion. The commons, in the courfe of this felTion, rejeited whatever ap- The com- plications were made for fupplies, and at length boldly declared, that, to withhold unlefs the bill of exclufion was pafled, they could give no farther ^PP''"' pecuniary affiftance to his majefty, without endangering his perfon and the proteftant religion. In order the more effedually to fhut up every channel which afforded the fmalleft profpedl of relief to him, now reduced to the moft prefTmg circumftances, they de- clared, that whoever fhould prefume to advance money before-hand, or purchafe any part of the revenue, fliould for that adt be amenable to parliament '"'. Aware of their approaching diffolution, the commons loft no time Angry votes in paffing fuch votes as might leave upon the minds of the people court. a deep impreffion of the indifpenfible neceffity of their determined and inflexible adherence to the bill of exclufion, and of the weight of that intereft by which they were fupported. The thanks of the houfe were voted to the city of London for their loyalty, their care and their vigilant prefervation of the proteftant religion"". The "" Journ. Commons and Lords, 26th No- ">? Journ. Commons, 7th January 1681. vember. •"■ Ibid. 10th January 1681. •°8 Burnet, 1680. N 2 confla- 9^ THE HISTORY OF C H A III. 1680-1. The king funimons a parliament to meet at Oiford. P- conflagration of the city of London, which had happened many years before, was, by another vote, recalled to remembrance, and alcribed to the fame malignant agency of the Roman catholics. They refolved, that it was the opinion of the houfe, that James duke of Monmouth had been removed from the court merely by the in- fluence of the duke of York, and ordered an addrefs to be prefented to the king, to reftore hina again to favour and to office. They terminated their deliberations and exiftence with expreffions of the warmeft affedioa towards the proteftant diiTenters'". They were fuddcnly fummoned to attend the king in the houfe of peers, and the parliament was prorogued from the tenth of January to the twentieth. In a few days after, it was dilTolved. The neceffity of his circumftances, more than any regard to the conftitution, determined the king, after an interval of two months, to call a new parliament. Without immediate fupplies it was im- poffible to preferve Tangiers ; and the defertion of it muft have pro- claimed to Europe the fcanty finances, and the degraded authority, of the Englifh monarch. Confidering how much the royal credit had been impaired by the late refolutions of the commons, with refpedt to the anticipations of the revenue, even the ordinary ex- pences of the king's houfehold and perfon required that rigid (Eco- nomy to which the former habits of Charles were but ill adapted. Should his expedations of fupply be once more difappointed, fhould another parliament prove equally averfe to a reconciliation and every fcheme of a corhpromife with regard to the fucceffion, he might then appeal to the reafon and the compaffion of his fubjedts, while with reludtance he was compelled to difcontinue the meetings of parliament, and to deviate from the legal and the ordinary methods of fupplying the neceflities of government. That the king preferred the firft of thefe alternatives, and really wiihed to be reconciled to his parliament, may be fairly concluded •^' Journ. Commons, loth January 1681. from POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 93 from his refolution to cliange the place of meeting. The exclu- ^ ^' •'^ ^ fionirts in parliament had hitherto taken their mcal'iires in concert « ^ with the city of London, and, iVom the immediate prefence of a body of friends fo numerous and fo opulent, they acquired that fortitude and vigour, which rendered them indifferent either to the promifes or the threats, the frowns or the flattery, of the court. As if the anti-courtiers had been aware that they muft fight with Petition th.e difadvantage of ground if the field of political combat fliould be ing "he par." changed, an attempt was made to prevail with the king, to rctradl Oxford/' that part of his proclamation which had appointed Oxford for the place of meeting. A petition was prefented to him, fubfcribcd by fixtecn peers, in which number were Monmouth and Shaftfbury, which mentioned the premature diflolution of the two laft parlia- ments in ftrong terms of reprehenfion, and reprefented the incon- veniences and dangers which muft arife from the holding a meeting of the parliament at Oxford "\ The parliament met at Oxford on the twenty-third of March one Parliament thoufand fix hundred and eighty-one. Sir William Williams was '"""• chofen fpeaker. The fhort duration of this feflion admitted of little variety of debate, and affords but few materials for political difcuffion. The king in his fpeech fharply refle(3:ed upon the obfti- nacy of the laft parliament, in having fpurned at conceflions fo rea- fonable and fo generous as thofe which he had propofed for impofing limitations upon his fucceffor, and faid, that as he did not himfelf ufe arbitrary power, he would not permit it to be ufed by others "\ The fpirit of the commons was not broken or overawed by the Bill of change of place, or the menaces of the prince. The bill of exclu- fion was introduced by one of the London reprefentatives in the name of his conftituents "*. A meflage was fent to the lords, de- firing them to concur in an inquiry about the mifcarriage of tlie '" Somers' Col. vol. i. p. 105. "* Journ. Commons, z6th March. Grey's "3 Journ. Lords, 2 ill March. Debates, vol. viii. p. 309. 8 bill 91 THE HISTORY OF CHAP in. j6ii. l)ill relative to the repeal of the penal ftatutes againft diflenters '". They inquired into the proceedings of the laft parliament with re- fpedl: io the impeachment of lord Danby "*. The king, from thefe expreffions of the temper of the" houfe, abandoned every hope of reconciliation. He eagerly laid hold of a Difagreement difagreement fubfifting between the two houfes, as a pretext for twr'ho"ufc:'s diflblving this parliament. The commons had prefented articles orFitzha"£ of impeachment to the peers againft Fitzharris, who had been lately apprehended for treafon '". The attorney-general informed them in his majefty's name, that he had already indiifted Fitzharris, and intended to carry on the profecution againft him according to the ordinary courfe of law. As it did not appear that the court in- tended to favour the criminal, and as it was infinuated that the commons wiftied to accomplifli fome fadlious end, by wrefting the profecution out of the hands of the crown, the impeachment was refufed, and Fitzharris referved for the common courfe of juftice. The commons were inflamed with indignation at this refufal ; they refolved that it was their undoubted right to impeach for treafon, or for any other mifdemeanor ; that a negative in the prefent inftance was a denial of juftice ; and that it would be a high breach of privilege, in any inferior court, to prefume to judge in the cafe of Fitzharris "\ The king, profefTing the deepeft concern for thefe anlmofities, which, he faid, deprived him of all hope of fuccefs and reconcilia- 28th March, tion, difTolved the parliament. Parliament diflblved. "5 Journ. Commons, 25th March. "« Ibid. •" Ibid. 26th March. "« Ibid. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 95 c II A r. IV, Caufes of the Change in the Temper of the Nation from Loyalty to Dif- affeSlion.^—OppreJftve Government in Scotland. — Extraordinary Licenti- ou/nefs in Converfation and Writing. — Extreme Dependaiice of the Crown. — Jnfiability of the King, and Dijunion of his Minifiers. — Great Support of Oppojition.—rfhe Abilities and Influence of their Leaders. — The In- trigues of France. — Objervations. A T the period at which we conckided our laft chapter, the C H A P. whigs had attained to the fummit of popularity and of in- fluence, and the power of the crown had funk into tlie lowed flate of depreflion. The fame fervent fpirit ftill animated indivi- duals, and, in fome future confiicEls, prevailed againfl the court; but the prejudices of the nation began gradually to return to the fide of loyalty, and the leaders of oppofition, overawed by the fe- verity of perfecution, and doomed to a private ftation by the fuf- penfion of parliament, were deprived of that energy and fupport, which were neceflary to make any effedual imprelTion upon the prerogative. In this place, therefore, it may be ufeful to interrupt our nar- Caufes of the change in the rative, while we diredl our attention to the principal caufes which temper of the . J , , nation from co-operated with the events ahxady recited, to change the temper joyalty to dif- of the nation, from loyalty to diiaffedion ; and excited thofe diftrufts ^ ^ and jealoufics and tumults, which brought it to the verge of a re- bellion. The deteftion of a popilh plot, real or imaginary, however alarming it might be, could not have produced fuch effeds, without the aid of adventitious circumftances ; which not only feemed to ftrengthen its evidence, but contributed, in other refpcds, to depre- ciate the reputation and authority of the court, and to raife, in an op- 6 pofite 96 THE HISTORY OF C n A p. nolite decree, the credit and influence of thofe who were at the head IV. ^ . ^ ' i_ -.- ■ ot the country party. Oppreflil-e !• The condua and the meafures of mhilflry in Scotland, from government ^^iq acccfTion of the prefcnt king, exhibited an example of the moft in bcoU.inu. 1 <-■ arbitrary and tyrannical fyftem of government '. Inftances of op- preflion ' The effeiTts of the refloration upon the political ftate of England and of Scotland were widely dliterent. In England, after that event, many of the laws in favour of the lights of tiie fabjcfl, which had been yalfcd by the long parliament, were adopted and ratified by the legiflature. In Scot- land, by a refcifTory aft, all ftatutes pafled after 1633, were abrogated; and by va- rious pofitive afts, the prerogative of the crown was extended to a degree that never had been known or claimed by any of his majefty's anceftors. See a narration of tlie ftate of affairs in Scotland, fent by the earl of Middleton to Charles II. Mifcellanea Aulica, p. 173. The exprefGons which the Scotch authors, after the period of the rcftoration, ufe, when fpeakiiig of the prerogative, which to Eng- lifh ears founded as the moft fulfonie adula- tion, were literally true with refpeft to Scot- land. " The king is an abfolute unaccount- " able monarch. All jurifdiftion flands and " confifts in the perfon of the king, pro- " ceeds from him, and is given and com- " mitted, as he pleafes." Scotia; Indicu- lum. Temp. Car. There were two material alterations, the one in the ecclefiaftical, the other in the ci- vil conftitution •'of Scotland, efi'efted in the reign of Charles II. ift. By the aft of fupremacy, the king's power, with refpeft to matters of religion, was made abfolute and independent, either on the clergy, or the States of Scotland. 2dly, The militia of Scotland, formerly reftrifted to the internal defence of the country, was entirely fub- jefted to the authority of the king ; and might be removed to England or Ireland, for any fervice which he required. Arbitrary monarchy or defpotifm, eftab- lilhcd in a neighbouring kingdom, and veiled in the perfon of their fovereign, could not fall to be highly alarming to the people of England, though it had exillcd only in fpe- cuhtion, or defcended to him from remote antiquity, and in the way of hereditary right. But when it was obferved, that abfolute power was an innovation, even in the fifter king- dom (compare note '.chap, x.) : that it was fuggelled and made efFeftua! by corrupt mi- nillers; and that there was too much rea- fon to fufpeft that it was agreeable to the temper and inclinations of their prince; what had ihcy not to fear .' Would not he, if ever he enjoyed opportunity, extend the fame claims -to England ? But the bare theory or principles of the government in Scotland would not alone ha\e excited fuch alarm in England. As we form our opinion of individuals in private flation, and in the ordi- nary intercourfe of life, from the habitual tenor of their aftions, more than we do from any opinions or fpeculative fyfiem which they profefs ; fo it is with refpeft to men who are veiled with a public or magiilerial cha- rafter: our judgment and afieftions are in- fluenced by the tendency of their executive meafures and official corduft, rather than by the abftraft principles and political maxims wh'ch are afcribed to them. If the govern- ment in Scotland had been condufted with mildnefs and temperance, the extravagance and danger of its claims might have been for- gotten ; but when the plenitude of prero- gative, lately recognifed by the legiflature there, was exercifed with wantonnefs and op- preflion almoft unparalleled, under the moft defpotic prmce ; when its feverities even ex- ceeded its defcribed and ufurped pretenfions, the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 97 preffion and cruelty, which, from their vicinity and frequent inter- ^ n A P. courfe with Scotland could not be concealed from their fellow-fub- »- — '— -^ jedls in England, awakened the fympathy and afflided the fpirits of ' '''^' the generous and the humane, and infufed uneafy apprehenfions into thofe who were jealous for their own liberties. The difcon- tented party in that kingdom, having found that the complaints and remonftrances, addrefled to the king, were neglcdcd and difrc- garded, fondly turned their eyes towards the country party in Eng- land, as the only fource of redrefs and deliverance. The account which the difaffeded in Scotland tranfmitted to the leaders of oppo- fition in England, with whom they held a conftant correfpondence, were induflrioufly, and in terms by no means extenuating, commu- the people of England miift have been trea- have been pcrfeftly unexxeptionable. Kay, cherous to themfelves and their pofterity, if perhaps, if the tempers of the emperor and they had regarded with an indifferent eye the the king had been inferred merely from a(fls calamities of their fellow-fubjeifls. of feverity which happened under their go. Examples of the oppreflive government in vernment, tlie decifion would not have turned Scotland are fo various and fo enormous, out in favour of the latter. Mr. Hume again that one is at a lofs to reduce them to any obferves, " that thefc violent proceedings in clafs, or to make any feleftion of them. " Scotland, under the m'iKiftry of Lauder- There is not any fpecies of tyranny ; fines, " dale, were very oppofite to the natural arbitrary imprifonments, military e.vcutions, " temper of Charles." But the apc'x^y is torture, &c. ; that was not e.xercifed, nor was in fomc meafure withdrawn, when he again there any order of men who did not, in their adds, in the ncYt paragraph, from Burnet, turn, groan under the iron :od of arbitrary " that Charles, after a full hearing of the power. Above all, the perfecution of reli- " debates concerning Scots aiiairs, faid. gious offenders in Scotland was conducted with fuch aggravations of perfidy and creelty, as muft neceffarily have excited the indigna- tion of all who heard of them, though they had not been immediately connefted, either with thofe who infliiled, or with thofe who fuffered by them. " I perceive that Lauderdale has been guilty " of many bad things againfi the people of " Scotland, but I cannot find that he has " adled any thing contrary to my inlerell." Mr. Hume with propriety adds, " a fenti- " ment moll unworthy of a foverei^n." The examples and efrcds of the oppreflive Bilhop Burnet compares the character of government of Charles in Scotland, are re- Charles II. to that of the Roman emperor cited by the iiime author, with fuch minute- Tiberius ; and the great Mr. Hume animad- nefs, fidelity, and pcrfpicuity, and at the verts with derifion upon the acrimony of fame lime in a manner fo eleg.ant and in- the comparifon. If the biiliop had com- tercfting, that I have not prefumod to enter pared xhe -oppreffion of Charles's govern- into the detail of them. Hume's Hiltory, ment in Scotland, to that of Tiberius in vol. vi. chap. z. 4. and 7, any part of the empire^ the obfcrvation woi.ld o ■nicated ^3 T H E II I S T O R Y O r e H A I', nicated to the people, who daily complahied of the violent encroach- t^^-— ' ments of prerogative, and trembled for the approaching fubverfioa *'^'^' of their own deareft privileges \ The oppreffion of Scotland was contemplated as a prelude to that tyranny, which, if not refifted with fortitude and with perfeverance, would, ere long, be brought home to themfelves. Confolations, however, were blended with their fears, while precedents of danger, and the aids of refiftance, feemed to iffue from the fume fountain, and to be connected in the fame view. From the difcontents of a people brave and warlike, they indulged the hope of deriving fupport in the day of extremity, and were encouraged to refift every oppreflive attempt with greater boldnefs and vigour. In confeqiience of this view of an aflbciated intereft, the parliament of England had repeatedly addrefled the king to difmifs the duke of Lauderdale, the principal advifer of arbitrary proceedings in Scotland ^ The earl of Shaftfbury, the moft illuftrious champion of oppofition, expatiated upon the griev- aijth March ances of Scotland in a memorable fpeech, which he delivered upon ' ''^' the ftate of the nation in the parliament of England. He endea- voured to imprefs his hearers with a veneration for the antiquity, the dignity, and the bravery, of the people of Scotland ; he wifhed to intereft their afiedlions by ties the moft tender and endearing. It was not for ftrangers and for aliens, but in behalf of their own filler and neareft relation, that he now attempted to awaken their • compaffion,. and to engage their friendly interpofition. If more generous principles could not move their hearts, yet of their own interefts furely they would not be regardlefs. From the fame advi- fers and agents, the fame meafures might naturally be expeded in every corner of the kingdom. If the poorer country was rendered- a monument of peculation and of oppreffion, could the richer one hope to efcape the depredations of tyrannical and rapacious rulers ? ^ Ralph, vol. !. North's Examen. ^ Journ, Commons, 13th January 1674, 14th April 1675. If POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 99 If the nobility of Scotland were fpoilcd of their privileges, which, ^ ^l ^ P. through a long and illuftrious line of anceftors, they enjoyed, how v __» vain were it for the people of England to expcd to maintain their '^" independence, and Magna Charta, inviolate*? This fpeech was im- mediately committed to the prefs, and feveral copies of it were fent to Edinburgh by the firft poft, as a teflimony of the fenfe of that oommon intereft and affeftion which united the difcontented in both kingdoms, and of the reciprocal influence which each imparted to the other'. If the difcontents in Scotland fupplied fewcl to thofe flames of oppofition which had begun to kindle in England, fo, on the other hand, from the fympathy and the countenance of fo powerful a body as the leaders of the country party, the difaff'edled in Scotland derived fortitude in ftruggling againft that oppreflion, under which, if left to themfelves, they muft have funk into defpair. 2. An unbounded licentioufnefs, both in fpeech and wri- ExtraoiJi. ting, prevailed after the diflTolution of the fecond parliament, pro- tioiifnerHn pagated fufpicions, and fomented jealoufies of the government, and anTwrttln"" eafily difpofed the people to adopt any meafures, however violent, ■which were fuggefted by the over-heated zeal of their leaders. When Charles afcended the throne of England, the nation, wearied with the ftruggles of a civil war, and the commotions which fol- lowed the fubverfion of monarchy, panted for the re-eftablifhment of order and of tranquillity. Whatever difference of fentiment ftill prevailed with refpedl to fubjedls of a political nature, all ranks of men, after the reftoration, feemed to agree to a fpontaneous fup- prefiion of them, and to a total ceffation from controverfial hoflil';- ties. Divided as they were by religious opinions and denomina- tions, they avoided, with a ftudied caution, thofe fubjedls which tended to revive difputes and animofities concerning politics. While the claims of prerogative were moderate, and the obedience of tire * Echard. ' Ralph. O 2 fubjed ICO THEHISTORYOF c H A P. fuhiecl: prompt and cheerful, it appeared an idle and dangerous. ^ ,- — ' curiofity to inquire how far regal authority might be extended, and where the refiftance of the fubjeft ought to begin. The king's de- claration of indulgence to the difTenters, publifhed in the year one thoufand fix hundred and fixty-two, as it was relinquiflied upon the remonftrance of parliament, fo it was confidered as an unguarded a£t of a benevolent heart, rather than any indication of a tyrannical fpirit, or of an over-rated eftimation of the powers of prerogative. i6:h March But when the fame claim to difpenfe with law, was again refumed, ^^' in conjundion with the moft arbitrary meafures ; when the king {tt his parliament at defiance, by announcing his determination of ad- hering to his declaration ; when the odious doctrines of paffive obe- dience and of non-refiftance were impofed upon the fubjeds by the folemnity of an oath, and all freedom of inquiry and of debate fuppreiled, by which the errors of government are controlled and the fpirit of the conftitution is invigorated ; then it was that inatten- tion became criminal, and acquiefcence ftamped with cowardice and difgrace. The people were invited, as they tendered their dearcft interefts, to furvey, with a jealous eye, thofe land-marks which di- vided the property of the different conrtituent powers of govern- ment. The fpirit of inquliy was roufed ; the prefs teemed with poHtical publications ; queftions of government became the fubjedt of common converfation ; and, at laft, produced a declaration of fentiments which charadterlfed parties *. Two ads, which had beeri pafled in the fecond parliament of Charles, one for regulating the prefs, the other for preventing abufes in printing feditious books, were found to have been only of limited duration j and, by fair and legal conftrudion, to expire with the firfl feflion of the third par- 39th Dec. liament of Charles '. A proclamation was iffued by the crown for 1675. , . the fuppreCTion of coffee-houfes, which were confidered as femina- * See Publications of the Times. State Papers. T. C. 2. Somers' Col. ' Journ. Commons, 2d April 1679. ries rOLiriCAL TRANSACTIONS, c\-c. loi rles of fedltion and offices for the fabrication of political lies, and CHAP, the meafure was juftified by a ftrained interpretation of the law". . - _- _t The temporary advantages, which the crown gained by the fiifpen- '^79-80-8 j. fion of argumentative hoftilities, were more than counteradcd by the additional violence, by which they broke forth when allowed their full fcope. As the torrent, which has been for a while flemmcd and obftruded, gradually colledls accumulated force, and, at laft, bearing down every relifting mound, ruflies forward with more rapid and expanded defolation; fo thofe apprehenfions of grievances and dangers, which might have evaporated with utterance, fwelled and multiphed under the preffure of conftraint, and, in the day of tole- ration, came forth with all the exaggerated horrors of a gloomy imagination. Every incident was improved, every prejudice wrought upon in the moft artful manner, in order to bring into difcredit the late meafures of government, and to blacken the characters of thofe who purfued them. To thofe who were fired with zeal for the honour of their native country, fhe was held forth as the derifion of foreign nations ; popery and arbitrary power were founded in the ears of thofe who were friends to liberty and the proteftant religion. The Roman catholics, already too much the objects of popular odium, were reprefented as the inftruments of the late conflagration in London, and of all the calamities which had befallen the nation fmce the commencement of the prefent reign. Thefc, however, it was aflerted, were but flight, in comparifon of the deftrudive fchcmes which were now forming '. Blood, and horror, and defolation, were reprefented as hovering over the nation. To give more regular and more extenfive influence to this plan of detradion, clubs and aflbciations were formed, which met at ftated times in different quarters of the city '°. The objed of thefe clubs was ' North's Examen, p. 13S. '° The moft celebrated of thefe was the '' See Publications of the Times, particu- Green Rthhon Club, which confiflcd of two larly an appeal from the country to the city. hundred perfons, devoted to oppofition and to the lo: THE HISTORY OF CHAP, was to court and to inveigle profclytes to oppofition, and to feet K.— -x—— ' after the fitteft inftruments to co-operate with them in difparaging , 79- o- I. ^^^ embarrafling meafures of government. They were charged to llften with open ears to every furmife of pubHc danger, to every ftory difgraceful to the charader of the king and of the duke of York, and to difpcrfe them with the utmoft expedition throughout the kingdom. Even the characters -of the moft inconfiderable par- tifans of the court were fcanned with malignant criticifm, and their influence at eledions often defeated, by fidlitious or exaggerated afperfions tranfmitted to their eledors. The principal members of thofe afibciations maintained an intercourfe with foreign minifters, and, by their aid and information, were enabled to communicate fuch defcriptions of foreign affairs as feemed beft fitted to anfwer the views of their party ". The fuccefs of thefe various artifices of the country party was fully anfwerable to their moft fanguine ex- pe£lations. From the city of London, as from a poifoned fountain, ifliied thofe ftreams, which communicated difeafe and infedion to the remoteft provinces of the kingdom. Fadlon, difcontent, and tumult, univerfally prevailed. It is true, at the fame time, that the court was not lefs adive, or more delicate about the methods employed to fuftain its authority, and to blaft the projeds of its antagonifts. The judges were made the inftruments of royal vengeance; forced conftrudions were put upon expreffions contained in publications againft the court, and punilhed with unconftitutional feverity'^. Nor were the writers for the bill of exckifion. Sir Robert Payton, who charafter, addrefTed him in thefe words—" You incurred the cenfcre of the hoiife of comir.ons " are fallen from being an a/ig-l to be a Jev/I ; for having made his peace with the duke of " you were buftling in this houfe and in York, being quellioned by the houfe, informed " cofFce-houfes ; your country chofe you to them, that the duke of York faid to him— " be an example to other men, &c. &c." " You have been againft me, fir Robert, yeu Grey's Debates, vol. viii. p. 13-. 149. — " was a member of the Green Ribbon Club." Rercfby. He was afterwards expelled the houfc of " North's Examen. commons for being reconciled to the duke of '- Journ. Commons, zjd December i6Sq. York; and the fpeaker, alluding to his former State Trials, vol. iii. 4 the 1679 8o-?i. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 103 the govermneut icftraiiied by any refpe^l to truth or decorum. The ^' '' ^ ''• bafeft motives of conduiSl were aicribed to the moft refpedable pcr- fons who aded upon the fide of oppofition. Many of the Uiwyers officioully obtruded their opinion upon matters in diiputc between the king and liis fubjeds, and with fycophantic aduhition fupported and approved of the arbitrary meafures of the court. Both of the univerfities reprobated the dodrines laid down in patriotic pubhca- tions, and fullained tlic arbitrary claims of the court with the fane- tiou of claflical authority '\ To the reproach of the eftabliflied church, it mull be owned, that truth and patriotiim were often fa- eriliced to the view of preferment, wliile the maxims of a religion friendly to the original rights and the happincfs of mankind, were perverted to flivour political principles, tending to degrade and to opprefs the human race'\ It is certain, however, that the country party gained more by the abufe of liberty, and the licentioufnefs of polemical authors, than the court did by the arbitrary extenfion of law, and the flattery of its literary retainers. If equal abilities and induftry had been brought forward upon both fides, yet publications^ which ftudied the interefts and flattered the prejudices of the people, and were moreover recommended by the never-failing attradion of novelty, muft have obtained the advantage, by more deeply im- prefllng the underftanding, and by agitating the pallions of men. 3. The extreme dependence of the crown, and its narrow in- Extreme de- fluence, ftill farther diminifhed by the inftability of the king;, and the P'-'"'^''"ce of , . , ^ " the crosvn, duunion of his mmiuers, removed the awe which muft have con- trolled an oppofition to a powerful and fteady prince, fupported by an adminiftration united among themfelves, and confiftent and firni in the profecutioa of the meafures which they adopted. At the period of which we now treat, the authority of the crown of Eng- land depended more upon opinion and aflfedion, ever variable and " See Addrefs of the Templars of Oxford and Cambridge. State Papers, T. C. 2. '* Burnet, 1679. uncertain. I04 THEHISTORYOF c 11 A P- uncertain, than it did upon the pofTefTion of thofe inherent faculties « ' and wide dependencies, which, by operating upon the underftand- ^ ' ing and the intereft of men, produce a more uniform and efficient influence. While inequality of wealth and fortune prevailed to a greater degree, and fubordination of ranks was diftinguiflied by wider intervals, more implicit refpe<3; was paid by perfons of inferior to thofe of luperior ftation; and the higheft ideal dignity was, in general, annexed to the office and perfon ot the fovereign. The party of the tories, which comprehended the greateft proportion of perfons of landed property, looked up to the throne with idolatrous veneration, and maintained, in theory, maxims concerning the prerogative, re- pugnant to the principles of a mixed government. But there were other circumftances which counterbalanced thefe prejudices, and ren- dered the power of the crown not lefs formidable, but more precari- ous and feeble, than it has been, fmce the privileges of the fubjecSt and the prerogative of the prince have been afcertained and regulated by the bill of rights. A fcanty revenue, obtained with difficulty and after much folicitation, and levied not without confiderable deduc- tions, afforded the prince a penurious fubfiftence, without leaving any fund for thofe gratuitous donations, which, even when they are beftowed with the pureft motives and unimpeached propriety, extend attachments to the court, by awakening gratitude for paft and expectation of future favours. The^enlarged compafs of the BritiHi empire has increafed the (lock of royal favours, and created new dependencies and new additions to the power of the crown. An extenfive commerce has introduced ftreams of wealth, which . enable the nation to fuftain unprec-edented burdens of debt with un- tainted credit, and engage its moft wealthy and powerful inhabitants to uphold the energy of government, and to maintain the line of fucceffion in its due courfe. A ftanding army, numerous and well- dil'ciplined, operates to the fitme effedl, and affords the king and the government a fecurity againft inteftine tumults, more effedlual than that POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 105 ihat fervile awe whicli was obtained by the examples of vengeance, inilided under the authority of corrupt judicatories. In proportion as the power of the crown was dependent and dinted ' ^^' °' in its root, the delegation of its authority was impotent, contempt- ible, and eafdy fliaken by the attacks of oppofition. In the reign of Charles, not only general fubjedts of public concern, but fuch mea- fures as belonged properly to minifterial departments, were intro- duced in both houfes by private members unconnected with the court. Sometimes the mofl: obnoxious meafures purfued by the crown were withheld from the deliberation of parliament, and often carried on, in the moft clandeftine way, without the participation, or privity of minifters themfelves. In order to put a flop to meafures ofFenfive to him, the king was forced either to have recourfe to pre- mature prorogations, or the exercife of his negative power, by which the courfe of important bufmefs was interrupted, and the difcontents of the nation excited. 4. Under fo many difadvantages, one would have Imagined, Inftabliity of that internal union between the king and his minifters muft have ap- difunionofhis peared to be an objedl of the firft confequence. Through the whole ™^"^'^^"- courfe of this reign, however, this object feems to have been but little attended to, or at leaft never to have been obtained. During the firft and moft peaceable period of his government, the king fre- quently departed from thofe meafures of which he had approved, in concert with his minifters. The members of the cabal, felefled for the profecution of the moft dangerous defigns, were but partially in- trufted with the king's fecrets, and imperfedlly informed concerning the bufmefs in which they were employed, either to advife or to aftift him. After the diflblution of the cabal, lord Danby, at the head of the treafury, and lord Arlington, prefident of the council, watched every opportunity to undermine each other, and efpoufed different opinions upon queftions relative to the public bufinefs. The new jcouncil, fuggcfted as a healing meafure, aftex the fall of lord Danby, P was ic6 T PI E H I S T O R Y O F was compofeil of perfons oppofite in their fentiments, and hoflile to one another, from the remembrance of paft injuries. Hence it foon appeared neceffary to form a fmaller combination of the council, in order to retain any decent degree of refpe£l to niiniflry, or confift- ency in their dccifions. Lords Eflex, Sunderhuid, Hahfax, and fir William Temple, were, at firft, unanimous in their fentiments, and bore an afcendency in the council". They, however, foon dif- fered in opinion about the bill of exclufion, and the diffolution of the fecond parliament. The precipitancy of the king, in taking meafures both without, and contrary to the advice of the council, loil him their confidence, and threw the influence of its principal leaders into the fcale of oppofition. Perfons high in office widely differed with refped to the plans v;hich ought to be purfued, in order to avert the dangers with which the nation was threat- ened, by the fucceffion of a prince attached to the Roman ca- tholic religion. Lord Shaftfbury and fir Wiiiiam Temple, from difierent motives, oppofed the expedients which the king offered inflead of the bill of exclufion. The former, prefident of the coun- cil, was at the head of that party which propofed an abfolute ex- clufion, and expreffed himfelf, in every ftage of that debate, in terms ,mi highly diirefpedful to the duke of York. Lord Halifax, at the ^^ fame time in office, contended for the fcheme of limitations upon a popilh fucceffor. Lord Sunderland, fecretary of ftate, firft adhered to lord Halifax's opinion, but afterwards changed it, and became the moll ftrenuous advocate for the bill of exclufion'*. Such difcordant fentiments among the miniftry and the council, in matters of the greateft moment, betrayed evident fymptoms of a feeble government, and of a declining prerogative; raifed the fpirit of the anti-courtiers; and urged them to more daring and more violent plans of affault. The verfatile difpofition of the king, exemplified in the preceding " Temple's Memoirs. •« Burnet. Rerefby. Chandeler. years POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 107 years of his reign, and his predominant love of eafe, co-operated CHAP, with all thefe caufes, and imprefled the minds of the country party ' — c- -' with a full perfuafion, that obftinate and indefatigable perfeverance would finally enfure the accomplifhment of their defigus, and the pre-eminence of their influence. 5. The favourers of the exclufion derived courage and bold- Orentfupport iiefs from the patronage of perfons of the firft rank and influence, ° °pp°'"°"- vfho had no ofl:enfiblc obligation to interpofe in the bufinefs of the nation, as well as from the abilities, the adivity, and the intereft of thofe, who avowedly fl:ood forth as the champions of their caufe. The States of Holland fent memorials to their agent in London, in- ftruding him to intreat the king, in their name, to afl'ent to the bill of exclufion. Such a partiality to the fentiments of oppofition, ul- troneous and intrufive, was well underflood to have been encouraged by the approbation, or even in the firfl: infl:ance fuggefted by the advice, of the prince of Orange ". The defire of confei-ring an obliga- tion upon a perfon, who, by the very meafure he encouraged, was brought nearer to the crown, and the profpe£t of preferment and of reward flowing from his gratitude, could hardly fail to quicken the zeal, and to multiply the number of the exclufionifts. The duchefs of Portfmouth, flattered with the hope of raifing her fon, the duke of Richmond, to the throne, attempted by her charms to footh, and by her importunity to conftrain the king to comply with the defire of the nation, by excluding his brother from the fucce/fion'*. Among the champions of oppofition to the court, the earl of Shaftf- The abilities bury, the duke of Monmouth, and lord RulTel, deferve to be parti- ?che"iSkad! cularly mentioned, on account of the great accefllon of fl:rength which each of them brought to the caufe he patronifed. Of the abilities of lord Shaftfbury I have already fpoken, and need not now recount the advantages his party derived from the mofi: ardent and indefatiga- ble exertion of them. Though he was, in reality, the head or the '7 D'Avaux. '« Burnet. P 2 leader ers. ,c8 THE HISTORY OF C H A P. leader of oppofition, his difcernment pointed out to him the pro- 4 .,___, priety, as well as the advantage, of affigning to the duke of Mon- 1679-80-81. j^^j^j^jji^ f]jg nominal precedency in the party he efpoufed. With Monmouth he formed the moft intimate connection : to his pro- motion he profefled to devote his talents. The pretenfions which Monmouth affiimed, and the addrefs with which he managed them, infpired his party with boldnefs, and fuggefted the moft flattering expedations of fuccefs". He was mafter of all thofe qualities which feldom fail to attradl attachment, even upon flight acquaintance. His perfon was comely and well-proportioned: he excelled in feats of agility, which improve and difplay an external gracefulnefs, and by the affability of his convcrfation he won the affedions of the people. More important qualifications recommended him as the fitteft perfon to be placed at the head of the whigs, and to be fet up as a rival in the fuccefllon to the throne. He profefled a warm zeal for the pro- teftant intereft ; he was beloved by the army, and popular in the city of London ; he experienced the ftrongeft teftimonies of the king's partial aff*edion ; he was created a peer, made a privy counfellor, and promoted to the rank of commander in chief of his majefty's forces. A rumour was induftrioufly fpread, that Charles had been privately married to his mother, and that, by proximity of blood, he fl:ood firft in the line of fucceflTion^'. From all thefe circumftances, men of fober reflection and prudent conduit confidered Monmouth's fuc- cefllon to the throne as an event by no means improbable. Some were even perfuaded, that by favouring his ambitious projects, they were gratifying the private wifhes of the king; and that whatever he pretended, yet he fecretly wifhed to find a plea in the necefl^ity of his affairs, for facrificing the intereft of his brother to the di£tates of fond affedion to his fon. The friends and the confidents of Monmouth cheriflied this delufion ; they had the boldnefs to declare, that his fuc- teflion would be acceptable to the king : they made ufe of it as an •9 Echard. Rerelby. ■"> Rerelby. argument POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 109 argument with the king of France, to prefer the connexion of the ^ ^^ ^ ''• whigs, and to co-operate with them in eftabUfliing the fucccflion of v— — v — -» Monmouth"". The duke of York, notwithftanding the ftrong pro- mifes he received from his brother of adhering to the Hneal fuccef- fion, beheld his attachment to Monmouth with painful anxiety". The banifhment and the difmiflion of Monmouth from all his of- fices; the repeated refervations of the king in behalf of his brother, while he profeffed his willingnefs to yield to every other expedient for fecuring the proteftant religion ; the moft folemn declaration in the privy council, that he never had been married to Monmouth's mother ; were infufficient to efface that combination of impreffions which difpofed a great part of the nation to refill the meafures of the court. The refpedable character of lord Ruflel, not lefs than the popular manners and fpecious pretenfions of the duke of Monmcuth, brought a mighty reinforcement of intereft to the party with which he aded. There is hardly any fituation in which virtue ceafes to attradt efteem, or to be ufeful to the connexions of the perfon to whom it is afcribed. There was not a perfon in the age in which he lived, more uni- verfally efteemed than lord Ruflel ; his candour, his integrity, and his firmnefs, were applauded by every rank, and by every party. The verfatility and the violence of Shaftfbury might well excite fui- piclon of the motives, which induced him to inlift under the banner of oppofition. If the capacity of Monmouth had been more exten:- five, and his judgment more penetrating than they were admitted to be, yet the interefl he had, in defeating the eflablifhed courfe of fuc- ceflion, was too obvious to give any farther weight to his political opinion, than what might be colleded from arguments, which fell within the comprehenfion of every individual. But the great repu- tation of lord Ruflel, his eftablirtied credit for honour and for pa- triotifm, invefted his opinion with a high degree of authority, and ** Dalrymple, Ap. p. 280. " Life of James. bialTed no THEIIISTORYOF C H A P. biafled the inclinations of thoufands of the moft virtuous citizens. "^ -.- ,_r When it was obferved that lord RufTel was not merely acceflbry to '^' °' ' the meafures carried on againft the court, but that he was the prime mover and moft a^ive agent in themj and that if ever he departed from that gentlenefs and moderation, which rendered him the favourite of all with whom he converfed, it was in the profecution of his fchemes of oppofition to the court, his antagonifts were ftaggered and difcouraged, while his adherents were infpired with a confciouf- nefs of dignity and of reditudc, which prepared them 't'o fubmit to every difficulty and danger in fupport of the caufe which he pa- tronifed. Thus, by the jundion of various and even of oppofite in- terefts, and by the internal aid of perfons moft illuftrious for abili- ties, for rank, and for virtue, the exclufionifts were enabled to pro- trad; a ftruggle againft the fovereign, which muft have quickly come to an end, if it had been maintained by the unaflifted influence of thofe who were aduated by intereft, refentment, or the contraded fpirit of a party. The intrigues 6. The intrigues of France contributed to exalt and to flrengthen fadion, to embarrafs government, and to keep alive the tumults and internal diflenfions of England, at the period we have reviewed. Lewis the fourteenth, inftigated by an infatiable thirfl: for military glory, as foon as he received the reins of govern- ment into his own hands, began to execute thofe plans for the extenfion of his territories, which had been inftilled into his mind with the firft rudiments of his education ''\ The frontier towns in the low countries adjacent to the borders of France, were the firft obftrudions to be removed, in order to open a wide field for his warlike exploits. The frivolous complaints upon which he was to break with Holland, were not fufficient to difguife his ambition, fo as to impofe upon the underftanding of Charles, who, upon that event, as Lewis forefaw, would be called upon, by the « Colbert. 9 ties POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. in tlea of blood and the obligations of juftice, as well as by the pre- ^ H A P. dominant inclinations of his people, to employ mediation and arms ■_ -.- • in behalf of his injured relation. The charader and the circum- ' '^ °''"* ftances of the king of England fuggefted to his crafty nci;j,hbour another method for the fecuring of his neutrality, or even for the obtaining his dired afliftance, to fubduc the States of Holland. Profufjon, uncontrolled by any principle, either of probity, or of honour, renders the influence of corruption irrefilllblc. A large penfion was offered by the king of France, to fupply the neceffities of Charles, and to retain him in his" interell ''*. The perfonal folicitation of a fifter whom he loved, feemed to enhance the gene- rofity, or to palliate the indignity of the offer : the violation of the triple alliance and a fecond Dutch war were the acknow- ledgment and return demanded of the king of England, for profti- tuting his dignity, by becoming the penfioner of France. The general averfion of the nation to that war, the fcanty fupplies granted by parliament, and the increafing difcontents of his peo- ple, at laft fubdued the fortitude of Charles. He was compelled to abandon his connexion with France, and to conclude a peace with Holland. If Charles had adhered to the fyftem of politics which he then adopted, and fulfilled the engagements of the triple alliance, he would equally have confulted his own honour and the intereft of his kingdom : he would have been refpedable in the eyes of foreign ftates, and would have regained the affetSlions of his peo- ple. His original partiality to France, cherifhed by the influence of miftreffes and of corrupt minifters, and the profpeft of enlarging his power, again rendered him an eafy prey to the intrigues of Lewis. A political fyftem, fo derogatory to their honour, and lb repugnant to their affections, excited a general indignation among ** Dalryinple, Ap. p. 14, &c. the ,12 THE HISTORY OF the people In England. The parliament caught their fentnncnts and their fpirit, to which they added a zeal for the church of Eng- land, endangered by the fufpeded defedion of the royal family, a3 1670. well as by the alliance with the court of France. From this period, the humbling the power of that kingdom was purfued by the parlia- ment with determined perfeverance, which had nearly attained its objeifl:, in fpite of the open refiftance and double-dealings of the court. This fuccefs exhibited, to Lewis and to all furrounding ftates, a difplay of the power of the Englilh parliament. United and firm, it could not fail to maintain the abfolute diredion of the political fyftem of Europe. It was in vain for Lewis ever to hope for the aid of an Englifh parliament, in contradidion to their declared fentiments, and the moft inveterate prejudices of the nation. What could he do? By difuniting parliament, by gaining over to his interefts the leaders of parties, by fomenting inteftine difcords, he might ftill fecure the neutrality of England, or render her incapable of impeding the career of his ufurpations on the conti- nent. His agents were inftruded to addrefs the popular leaders in England, by every argument calculated to flatter their principles, awaken their fears, allure their ambition, and captivate their ava- rice ^\ The king's thirfl for independent power, and his defire of maintaining a flandlng army, the inftrument for the accomplifhment of it, were reprefented as ferious grounds of alarm. Beneficial amendments in the conftitution might be obtained, provided they fo far kept meafures with France as to prevent her interfer- ence, to fecond the arbitrary views of Charles : money was fcat- tered with a profufe hand: the king and the country party were alternately the dupes of the intrigues of the French court, as beft promoted her defigns ". Charles and his parliament were divided : *5 Novem. 1677. Dalrymple, Ap. p. 129. Reply. The Cafe put concerning the Suc- »6 Grey's Debates, vol. viL. Lords' De- ceffion, by L'Eftrange. A feafonable Addrefs bates, vol. i. Pamphlets of the Times, parti- to both Houfes of Parliament, concerning tlie cularly, Fiat Jujtitia ruat mmidtis, Dugdale's Succeflion, the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 113 the honour of the Englifh nation was tarniflied ; and Its true interefl; CHAP. negle(£ted. If Charles and his parHament had not heen led by the — ..— _/ artifices of France to cherifh the idea of a feparate and an incom- Obfen-ations. patible intereft, neither of them could have run into thofe excelics which brought the conftitution to the verge of ruin. If Charks had expected no fupplies but from the liberality of his parliament, he never would have dared to purfue arbitrary meafures, or to make innovations upon the conftitution. If the leaders of the popular party had not been bound by engagements to France, they would not have withheld fupplies for entering into a war which af- forded the faireft opportunities for controlling her power ; they would not have made patriotifm fubfervient to private refentment, by the profecution of a minifter hoftile to her intereft ; they would not have proceeded to that extremity of violence which again turned the afFedions of the nation, and armed the court with an authority which almoft fubverted the conftitution. At the fame time, after a full inveftigation of all the circumftances which attended the connexion of the king and the popular leaders with the court of France, the engagements it involved, and the confequcnces it produced, we cannot hefitate in deciding to which of thefe the greateft proportion of guilt ought to be afligned. If the queftion be put, Whether Charles or the country party purfued the true intereft of the nation? the anfwer is obvious. The former wifhed to render England dependent upon France, to change the conftitution, to govern without parliaments. The country party were alarmed, and fteadily oppofed his defigns; they were loyal to the king, but true to the conftitution. Such were the original, dif- criminating principles of Charles and the oppofition ; but when fadions are once formed, they think themfelves juftificd in pro- ceeding to extremes, becaufe their adverfaries do the fame. Though under the influence of party fpirit, wrong fteps will be taken, ftill, however, the original principle of conduft may be pure and refpec- Q^ table. 114 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, table. The patriots, by conneding themfelves with Lewis, widened U, — J the breach between him and Charles. It is obvious, that Lewis 79- o- • j^gygj. expedled the fame afliftance from the leaders of oppofition, which he expecfled from Charles; for his great objed, even after he had intrigued with the whigs, was to prevent a meeting of parliament ; and this was the cafe after oppofition had degenerated into fadion, in the third parliament : a plain evidence, that there was fo much patriotifm ftill left among them, as to caufe Lewis to diftrufl them, and to prove that their connexion with hun was unnatural, and originated in a diflruft of the fteadinefs, and a jealoufy of the intentions, of tli£ king ". »7 Dalrymplsj >Vp. paflim; particularly p. 297. r r '.I ',.1 s POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 3cc. iij CHAP. V. Motives of Opfofition to the Court. — Bread of Popery. -^The Bill of Exclw fion. — Arguments for it. — Arguments agaiiijl it. — Refetlions upon the ConduH of Oppofition ifi the preceding Period. J~^ ROM the dilTolution of the fecond parliament of Charles, the C H A P. terror of popery was the pi-ofefled principle, which aduatcd in ._ _ _ _p every parliament the party in ojipofition to the court. The bill of exclufion was fuggefted at an early period, and pertinacioufly ad- hered to, as the only meafure by which the impending dangers of popery, and of arbitrary power, could be averted. Were the fears' of the nation well founded ? Was the remedy propofed equitable, prudent, or even pradicable ; or did the method by which it was enforced promife fuccefs, or prove confiftent with every duty of the man, the fubjedl, and the citizen? According to the folution of thefe queftions, we muft form our opinions concerning the fagacity, the patriotiim, and the virtue, of individuals, and of parties, fo far as relates to their public condu£t. In order to form a candid judgment of the morality of adions Motives of afcribed to individuals, or to focietles, in ages or countries remote oppoiltion to O ^ li.w^.^-, jjjg court. it is necefiary to pay a ftrid regard to their peculiar, fituation, and to the predominant prejudices connedted with it. Confidering the formidable apprehenfions of the Roman catholic religion, which were excited by recent fads, and which pervaded all the reformed nations ; the intrigues and the adive fpirit of jefuits, furroundin"- the royal family ; the avowed converficn of the nCxt heir of the crown to popery ; the notorious bias of many of the firfl rank to the fame religion, and the fufpeded faith of the king ; it is not a 0^2 matter popery. 1,6 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, matter of furprife, that fearful fufplcions haunted the imaginations . - 1 . of his proteftant fubje£ls, and difpofed them to liften to rumours of plots, and of confpiracies, imputed to the friends and emiffaries of Dread of Rome. It requires no afiedation nor ftreteh of candour to admit, that the people at large gave full credit to the plot. In proportion to the natural timidity of the mind, or the ftrength of prejudice, perfons of more liberal education and rank are carried down with the torrent of popular delufion. A tale often repeated, and familiar to the ear, lofes the abfurdities with which the firft recital of it fliocks the hearer; and, by fixing an indelible impreffion upon the imagination, at laft diftorts the judgment. Faith is fortified by the aflbciation of numbers, and the indolent acquiefce in univerfal credit, as a folid anfwer to objections, which would have been fuf- ficient to have overthrovt^n opinions lefs popular. In a free govern- ment, men of a fadious fpirit firft cherifh the weaknefTes and the prejudices of the people, and afterwards employ them, as the fitteft engines to promote their corrupt views of gain and power. There are many perfons, by no means adively and corruptly ambitious, ■who are yet deftitute of fortitude to refill thofe meafures and thofe prejudices of which they difapprove ; nay, rather than forego the tranquillity they have derived from their filence and neutrality, they at laft make the tranfition to an open concurrence with the iniquity of the times. It is not to be doubted, that, from thefe finiftej motives, the fears of the people were encouraged, their paffions in- flamed, informers courted, witneffes tampered with and fubomed, and innocent blood fhed, with that profufion and wantonnefs, which never could have flowed from a confcientious, though a greatly de- luded, zeal. But fuppofing that no popifh plot had exifted, or entered into the imagination of the people, yet, had not the friends of the protefliant intereft folid grounds of jealoufy and terror ? Was not the danger, arifing from the influence of a popilh fuccelfor, obvious to every unpreju- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 117 unprejudiced eye, and alarming to every true friend of the efta- bliflied religion and government ? Did not the love of liberty con- ipire with religious principle, to recommend every precaution and expedient that was attainable, in order to preferve inviolate, thofe facred and thofe civil privileges which conftituted the glorious pre-eminence of an Englifhman? The bill of exclufion appeared the moft effedlual remedy to Bill of ex- defend the aflociated interefts of liberty and the proteftant religion : it was therefore adopted with zeal by the commons, applauded by the great body of the people, and infifted upon with obftinacy, in defiance of the fecret intrigues, and the open intreaties and remon- ftrances of the prince. A review of the arguments adduced on both fides of this quef- tion, by far the moft interefting that occurs in the courfe of this reign, is necelTary, in order to attain to a clear and comprehenfive view of the ftate of politics and of the character of parties. On the one fide it was pleaded, that dangers extreme and unpre- ^fguments- cedented, called for new and extraordinary meafures of defence. Was it pofhble that any man could be fo blind, as not to appre- hend the utmoft danger to liberty and to the proteftant religion, from the fucceffion of a prince devoted to the faith and the court of Rome ? Nothing but an overgrown pitch of zeal and of bi- gotry could account for the temerity of the duke of York, in ventui'ing to make an open profeflion of this religion at fo criti- cal a conjundlure, and at the hazard of being hereafter excluded from the fucceffion to the crown. What adivity might not be expeded from fuch zeal, and what fuccefs might not adlivity, armed with power, be able to atchieve ? What was to be expeded, but that the royal favours would be regulated and difpenfed by the dic- tates ofamifguided confcience ; and that the bench, the navy, and the army, would be quickly filled with profelytes to the Roman ca- tholic faith; nor would the members of the ecclefiaftical eftablifhment remain ii8 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, remain uncontaminated. If thofe who held the moft dignified ofilccs V .' ' in the church were Uttlc alarmed about the fate of their religion j| if they were more than other men obfequious to the will of the court ; if they had hitherto afforded the moft fteady fupport to the intereft of the duke of York ; was it not a melancholy prefage of a complaifance, which might one day furrender the efiential rights and privileges of the proteftant church ? Nor was it to be doubted, but that under the auipices of a Roman catholic prince, new members would obtrude into the facred fundion, with the treacherous purpofe of fubverting that very intereft which they folemnly engaged to protedl. Under a popifh prince, his favourite religion muft every day be gaining ground. Both ancient and mo- dern hiftory exhibited fufficient examples to prove, that the reli- gion of the prince foon became the religion of the people. In the fhort period of the reign of Julian, the churches were demo- liftied, the temples arofe with renewed fplendour, and were reple- niftied with images. Chriftianity declined apace, and the dark- nefs of idolatry again overftiadowed the nations. While the Ro- man empire v/as agitated with the Trinitarian controverfy, with what ftrange flexibility did multitudes, in obedience to the impe- rial edicts, turn from Athanafianifm to Arianifm, and from Ari- anifm to Athanafianifm ? More recent and domeftic examples led to the fame conclufions. Upon the fucceffion of queen Mary. bifliops, privy counfellors, and many of every rank, avowed her rebgion, who had pafied for found proteftants in the reign of Edward the fixth. Upon the death of Mary, and the acceflion of a proteftant princefs, an inverted revolution of religious fentiments took place. New converts to every religion have always been found moft eager and moft induftrious to propagate their favourite opinions. Where a prince had imbibed the principles of the Roman reli- igion from the prejudices of an early education, natural mildness 7 of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS^ 5cc. 119 of temper might perchance check its violent and intolerant fplrit. ^ ^' .-'^ '*• Various occupations and amufemcnts might divert the mind from 'yielding to the peculiar tendencies of the faith with which it was imprefled : hut, when a perfon born a proteftant, had volunta- rily made choice of the Roman religion, was not this a certain indication of a temper congenial with its fpirit ? What was to be expe THE HISTORY OF C H A r. obtained every thing fhe wanted, a truce was agreed to, between her ^ - - . and the allies, for the fpace of twenty years '*. agth'j^une. From the difTolution of the Oxford parliament, the intereft of the '.l^**"- ,1 duke of York began to revive, and, at laft, attained to an uncon- 1 he interelt ° of the duke trollcd alcendancy in diredling public meafures. The treaty of York re- , t- r i i i i • i j vives, between his brother and France was forwarded by his zeal and adivity. He left Scotland, and returned to the court, where he fupported the intereft of France, by diffuading his brother from complying with the folicitations of the allies". The intereft of the duke w-as feconded by the dutchefs of Portfmouth, to whom he was now reconciled, by the mediation of lord Sunderland, and by the duke of Ormond, who v/as detained in England with a view of fupporting the meafures of the court '°. The duke of York re- fumed his feat in the privy council, and was afterwards reftored to the head of the admiralty. The only check to his influence at this time, feems to have arifen from lord Halifax, who, on account of his fervices in the exclufion, was taken into the privy council, and afterwards made privy feal. Lord Halifax was a friend to moderate counfels : he advifed the king to fend the duke of York into Scot- land, to call a new parliament, and to take meafures againft France, in order to reconcile the popular party to the court ". Lord Ro- chefter oppofed the opinions of Lord Flalifax in the privy council, and was underftood to be entirely devoted to the intereft, and to the meafures, of the duke of York. Not only a difagreement in fenti- ment, but a keen animofity, marked the oppofition between Halifax and Rochefter. The former accufed the latter of unwarrantable profufion, and of abufe of his truft, in the office of treafurer ; but joined with Holland, and made a coalition of is no evidence of his having the awthoritv parties at home, with a view of compeUing of his party for doing fo. the king to call a parliament, and to enter '""■ Life of William, vol. i. p. 120. iuto a war with France. Dalrymple, Ap< '^ Life of James 16S1-2. p. 32. But though there is little doubt ''' Life of Ormond, vol. ii. liiat Montague made fuch oilers, yet there " Templej vol. i. p. 461, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &:c. 137 he was prevented by the Interpofition of the king, from proceeding ^ '^ ^ •*• to the invefligation of evidence, in fupport of this charge ". " f Amidft the career of profperity in which the court was advancing, infiuencc of it was ftill expofed to frequent checks and mortifications, from the \^^l dty^of " prevailing influence of the whigs in the metropoHs. As a great Londo». proportion of criminal caufes was brought forward within the diftrid: of the city of London, an immenfc influence fell into the hands of the fheriffs, to whofe office it belonged to make out the lift of juries''. In the tumult and the contention of parties, fub- fifting among a free people, it would require a very nice feledion, to find any confiderable number of men, who have either dilcern- ment or moderation to preferve that cool and unbiafl'ed frame of mind, which is eflential to a pure decifion, in any caufe, ever fo re- motely conneded with fubjeds of political controverfy. The court complained of the partiality of juries, and fuftained the moft mor- tifying difappointment, by the grand jury of Middlefex having re- turned their verdid of ignoramus, upon an indidment prefented againft the earl of Shaftfbury ". Unlefs the fheriff's were gained Nov. 24% Over to its intereft, It was impoflTible that it could afford that pro- tedion to friends, or accomplifh that refentment againft enemies, which were neceflary to encourage bolder efforts in the former, or to overawe and reprefs ths fecret cabals and Intrigues of the Jatter ". " Ralph. Dalrymple, Ap. order to procure evidence againft him. Som* ■* Somers' Colleftion, vol. i. p. 196. of the witnelTes were of a fufpicious cha- " Tlie principal articles charged againft rafter, and fome of the things attefted by lord Shaftft)ury were: that he had been en- them extremely Improbable. The convcr- gaged in raifmg a military force againft the fation ami the expreflions afcribed to lord king: and that there was found in his ftiidy, Sliaftfbury were quite out of charailer. There the copy of an aflbciation ag.ainft govern- ftill remain^ evidence enough, if not for ment. The violent refentment of the court conviding lord Shaftibury, yet for laying the againft Shaftlbury operated to the difap- foundation of a trial. Notvvithilanding this pointment of its objeft ; and this probably the jliry returned a vcfdift t){ ignoramus, the would have been the cafe, though the judges term ufed when they think the evidence too had been lefs partial to him than they really weak to juftify them in finding the bill. were. It was evident, that great induftry and State Trials, vol. iii. addrefs had been employed by the court, in »' Life of lord Keeper Nor:h. T In '3^ THE HISTORY OF C H A P. In order to accomplifli this important acquifition, the court having v__^-_^ fecured the friendfliip of fir John Moor, who was then mayor, t'he corrt w inftigated him to claim as his right, what had hitherto been con- gaintheclec- fiJered as a voluntary condefcenfion on the part of the livery. tion ot the •' * llicriffsinthe Though the charter of the city vefted the eledion of both the city. 1682 flieriffs in the common-hall, yet it had been their ufual pradice to eledi, as one of them, that perfon, whofe health had been drank by the lord mayor, in token of his inclinations and recommenda- tion. From this precedent it was inferred, that, by the terms of the charter, no more could be intended, than to referve to the com- mon-hall the privilege of approving and confirming the choice of the mayor". Violent mea- So far the matter in difpute between the mayor and the livery end" °^ ^ appeared of a doubtful nature, and afforded fcope for plaufibi'e arguments in behalf of both the contending parties. Subfequent meafures, encouraged by the court, and purfued by the mayor, were indecent violations of order, and deep encroachments upon the rights of the livery. He adjourned the eledlion, contrary to form, and not only refufed to fuftain the poll, which was tu- multuoufly carried on after adjournment, but, with arbitrary re- foluticn, to admit any to vote upon a future poll who would not prevloufly confent to his nomination". The reftri£lion was agreed to only by the friends of the king, and terminated in the appointment of two fheriffs, devoted to his wifties and interefts. What a dangerous acquifition to the influence of miniftry I From the power of modelling juries, what had not its enemies to fear? It foon appeared, that their moft dreadful apprehenfions were neither imaginary nor exaggerated. The condudl of the court in- dicated a deliberate refolution, not only of avenging the oppofition it had already received from the whigs, but alfo of extinguifhing their future influence under the authority of law. Not only deeds,, " Life of Sir Dudley North. Kennet. " Kennet. upons 1682-j. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. .139. upon which a treafonablc conftmdlon was put by a forced m- terpretarion of the ftatutc, were called in queftion, but cxpref- (ions, ufed in the courfe of common converfation, incurred the implication of criminal intent. Publications difrefpedful to the duke of York, fentences in fermons derogatory to the prerogative, and attefted upon the recolledion of prejudiced hearers, were now puniflied with unmerciful feverity^*. The mofl cruel ven- geance fell on thofe who had been adlivc againft the mayor in the contention about the eledion of.flierifFs; exorbitant fines were exaded ; rainifterial agents went about from place to place col- leding grounds of accufation "" ; and now it was, that the king let loofe the laws againft the diflenters, and not only forfeited all claim to the principles of toleration which he had formerly profefled, but, to that lenity of difpofition, which the partiality of the nation had afcribed to him, notwlthftanding the harfh complexion of many public meafures". There were, however, various circumftances which appeared to endanger the retention of thefe acquifitions, lately fallen into the fcale of prerogative, and which fummoned the utmoft exertion of minifterial fagacity, to enfure the permanent and undifturbed tran- quillity of the prince. The bounty of France was precarious, and inadequate to the expences of the court of England". The economy and retrenchments which the neceffity of his affairs de- manded, were irkfome and mortifying to Charles, addided to in- dolence, and immerfed in extravagant pleafure. The nation, at- tached to liberty and the conftitution, would never be brought to endure, with patience, the total fupprefTion of parliaments. The royal declaration, which had contributed fo much to blunt the edge '* State Trials, 1682. *' Ibid. becaufe he releafed lord Danby from impri- '' Kennet. fontncnt; a ftriking iiiltance of the meannefs *' It is afferted, that the court of France and inflexibility of licr rcfeiumcnt. difcontinued the payment of Charles's penfion, T 2 of i633." THEHISTORYOF C H A P. of party fplrit, had been more acceptable to the people, becaufe it' ^'[' . profeffed a refped to the authority of parliaments, and might be '^^^' urged as an obligation upon the king to return to them. It was prudent to forefee this contingency, and to provide againft it : if the king could not lay afide parliaments altogether, it became ne- cefiary to devife fome plan to change their complexion, and ta- render them more gentle and more fubmifTive to his will. Quo warran- From thefe refledions, arofe the audacious policy of wreftlng their '°'" prefent charters out of the hands of the corporations, in order to new model them by fuch reftriaions, as might render their mem- bers, eleded to ferve in future parliaments, entirely devoted to the intereft of the crown". The fnft experiment of this plan was lith June, executed againft the city of London. A quo warranto was iffued againft the common-council: frivolous irregularities, and even the juft and commendable exercife of their power in forming bye-laws adapted to the intereft and the convenience of the inhabitants, were ur"-ed to infer a legal forfeiture of their charter. The city firft ftood upon its defence, but afterwards, difcomfited by a fentence in the king's bench, and wrought upon by threats and promifes, fur- rendered its franchifes into the hands of the king^'. Thefe arbitrary proceedings v?ere not confined to the city of Lon- don, whofe violence had expofed them to the cenfiire of men of >S Kennet. of all the :ndi(flments and the informations^ ^» While the difpute with London was de- preferved at the inllance of the crown, in the pending, fome of the boroughs made a volun- cafes of the quo warrantos. Life of Lord, fary farrender of their charters. Keeper North, p. 225. As the judgment paffed againft the city was The perfon who, in the laft year of Charles,, not immediately recorded, the common-coun- had the principal diredlion in the la\» depart- cil prefented a petition to the king, exprcffing ment, was fir Francis North, made chancellor a deep fenfe of their offences, and promifing after the death of the earl of Nottingham, future loyalty and obedience : upon which the He poflefled very confiderable abilities, and. charter of the city was reftored, with regula- though highly attached to the court, did not tions, which, in efFefl, vefted the crown with conneft himfelf with any of the minifters, but a negative upon the choice of the mayor and profcfled to reft his merit and importance fljerifFs. Echard. upon the refpeft he (hewed to the laws and to The chief juftice Saunders had the peiufal the conftitution. Ralph, vol. i. p. 708. 2 moderate POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 141 moderate principles. Quo warrantos were ilTued by the crown CHAP, lawyers againft many of the corporations of the borouglis in Eng- *- land. Intimidated by the fate and the example of the capital, they ' ^' were content to refiga their privileges, and to receive them again as a favour from the crown, mutilated and circumfcribed, for the purpofc of rendering its influence, in future eledlions, paramount to all internal oppofition from the members of the corporations^". While we execrate that arbitrary fpirit which trampled upon the Timidity and very forms of law, we muft at the fame time defpife that abjeft Sc people."^ timidity, which not only retrained the corporations from a manly and becoming refiftance, but rendered them accefTory to their own difgrace, and to the deftrudlion of national liberty. Where now is that noble fpirit of patriotifm, which, with unwearied circum- fpedion, watched every avenue of danger, and caught alarm at the moft diftant approach of tyranny? Never was there a louder call, nor a jufter caufe for refifting, with fortitude and obftinacy, the meafures of the court, than when Charles, by cxadling from the corporations the furrender of their privileges, made fuch an undif- guifed and outrageous attack upon the fences of liberty and the conftitution. Seldom had there been any opportunity of refiftance, when it was encouraged by a more promifuig profpedl of fuccefs. In the queftion concerning the exclufion, juftice and expediency feemed to interfere: whatever might be the ilTue of that queftion,. the danger arifing from it appeared immenfe and unavoidable; and it was only, after an interval of fufpence and uncertainty, that the cautious mind could be brought to any determination what to prefer. But here was an obvious violation of right ; a long con- netSed train of dangers prefented itfelf to the eye. If the franchifes cf the boroughs were invaded without a ftruggle, might not the pre- cedent be applied with equal propriety to the change, or the limita- tion, of the rights of the freeholders ? What was the difference be- 3° Echard, tween 142 C H A ?. \J. 1683. THE HISTORY OF tween a king who reigned without the name of a parliament or^the. vcftige of control, and a king who reigned over a parliament, coin- pofed of members, named and chofen by his command ? If the boroughs had made only a feeble refiftance to thefe arbitrary pro- ceedings, till they had been fubmitted to the deliberate review of the wifer and more impartial part of the nation, the danger mull have been deteded, the fpirit of the people roufed, and the court re- duced to the neceflity of relinquifliing the difpute with that difgrace and diminution of power, which always attend the defeated fchemes of ufurpation. In the inftances recited, we have obferved the power of the crown flretched beyond the limits of law, in conformity to arbitrary fchemes, formed in the cabinet after the diffblution of the lafl: par- liament. Accidental circumftances now concurred, with political manoeuvres, to turn the balance ftlU more in favour of the mo- narchy, and to difcourage all future confultations and attempts to interrupt the alarming progrefs of regal ambition. A confpiracy againfl the ftate was difcovered, and it appeared, aconfpiracy; jj-j^j ^ (-ircumftancc, merely accidental, had prevented the aflaffina- June. . ~ March; tion of the king on his return from Newmarket ; and, though this atrocious defign was difclaimed by the moft refpedtable perfons who were accufed of the Rye-houfe plot, yet, there was a clear proof of their having had frequent meetings with others, who were convicted of confpiring againfl the life of the king and his brother ''. It was farther Deteftion of 3' It was called the Rye-houfe plot, be- caufe the defign of it was to aflaffinate the king and the duke of York as they returned from Newmarket, at a place called the Rye- houfe, belonging to Rumbold, one of the confpirators. A fire, which happened at Newmarket, was the occafion of the king's returning to London, before the confpirators were prepared for the execution of their de- togn. Some of them confidered it as a pro- vidential interpofttion in behalf of the king, and one Kieling, under the preffure of re- morfe as he pretended, made a difcovery of the confpiracy to fecretary Jenkins, and, after his example, others of the confpirators of- fered to become wltnefTes for the king. From their information it appeared, that, after the diffolution of the Oxford parlia- ment, frequent meetings had been held by many of the whigs, in order to confult about the moft proper methods for controlling the arbitrary meafures of the court. A corre- fpondence was kept up with the difafFeded party in Scotland ; different plans were fug- gelled. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 143 fartlier remarkable, that this confpu-acy had been concerted at the CHAP. VI. fame time, and in the fame place, with thofe mealurcs of the lafl: ■ > parliament which were moft obno.\ious to the court, and that the ' ^' charge was brought home to thofe very perfons who had promoted, ruinous to with the greateil zeal, the profecution of the popifh plot and the *^ '^'' bill of exclufion. The language then held by them was, that the life of the king was in danger, and an anxiety to preferve his life was the profefled motive of their zeal. By their perfuafion, the commons refolved, that if the king fhould come to a violent death, they would revenge it upon thofe of the Roman catholic religion* But now it was evident, that, by fubftituting imaginary dangers in the place of real ones, and by defaming the reputation of the inno- cent, they meant to lull the fiifpicions of the nation, till their defign ihould be ripe for execution, and which had nearly accompliflied its tremendous effedls. While many reflected with abhorrence upon the deep hypocrify with which thefe men had adted, by a connec- tion of fentiment extremely natural, though neither logical nor candid, they carried back the iniquity of their prefent condudl to the meafures they had hitherto purfued, and extended it to all who had been connedled with them, while the charader of their op- ponents in the fame proportion, and with as little propriety, met with efteem and confidence ". This was a fatal blow to the intereft of that party, from which alone refiftance to the prefent arbitrary mea- fures could be expeded. Difcomfited by thefe difafters, the whigs funk into defpond- The court ency ; and no future oppofition feems to have been meditated '"""'P'^"'- gefted, according to the temper and the mo- the expreffions and adtions of individuals in- tivcs of individuals. It had been propofed at difcriminately imputed to all who had aflb- one of thefe meetings, to make an infurreftion ciated with them. The trials of the confpi- in the city, and to feize the king's guards, rators were conduced with the greateil rigour. The aflafTmation of the king had been occa- and fome eflcntial forms of law violated. fionally mentioned, but reprobated by the moft State Trials, vol. iii. Vindication of Lord ' refpeftable members of thefe aflbciations. RulTel. Ibid. Kennet. North's Examen, p. 393-8. ^'^ North's Examen. Lord Guildford's MS. When this confpiracy was difcovered, un- Dalrymple, Ap. p. 64. conaefted parts of it were confounded, and during J 44 THE HISTORY OF Death and charaftcr of Charles. CHAP, during the remaining eighteen months of the life of Cli«de«. Shaftfbury, the moft able, Ruflel, the mod virtuous of tlie party, were no more : the reftraints of law removed, the fpirit of the nation broken and fubdued, the heads of the country party fallen into difcredit, by the crimes and the misfortunes of their aflbciates, the influence of the crown became fupreme and irre- fiaible. Charles did not long furvive to enjoy his profperity, if it de- fcrves that name. He languifhed under an opprefTion of fpirits for feveral months, and after an apopledic ftroke, from which he recovered in fome degree, relapfed again, and expired on the fixth of February one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-five. It is not to be denied, that nature had furnilhed the mind of this prince with a more than common fliare of genius and tafte. Affability, fprightlinefs, wit, and good breeding, conveyed an amiable view of his charader to thofe who furrendered judge- ment to the fudden and tranfient impreflions of converfation and external manners. Tried by that fyftem, which afcribes tranfcendent merit to the graces, few royal characters appear more deferving of applaufe and admiration : few will ftand lower in the decifion of thofe, who hold moral accomplifhments to be the moft effential ornaments of character, and the only genuine bafis of efteem and praife. Without any fenfe of religious principle, ungrateful to his own friends, and the friends of his father; timid and fluduating in his counfels ; deftitute of all pretenfions to patriotifm ; ever ready to facrlfice the intereft and glory of his country to the gratifica- tion of his pleafures, and the fupply of his wants ; what remains to claim the approbation, or reftrain the fevereft reproach, of im- partial pofterity ? The fatisfadion which Charles enjoyed in the latter period of his reign, on account of his triumph over the whig party, muft have been greatly diminifhcd, by the perfonal mortifications he incurred, from Refle£\Ions. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 145 from tlie inlolence and the trcacheiy of France. How painful mufl it ^ " •'^ ^• have been, to difcover that Lewis had been intriguing with thofe v. — .— .«» very perfons in England, whom he had confidercd as enemies to his ' own government, and to the intereft of France " ? Nay, fo little rc- fpecft did Lewis fhow, either to the honour or the domeftic tran- quillity of Charles, that he was acccffory to a defign, of expofing him to the contempt of his fubjeds, and of all Europe, by a publication of the fecret treaties, by which Charles, to his dilgrace, had connedicd himfelf with the court of France ^*. The encroachments which the French king made upon Flanders, were a mockery of the engage- ments into which he had entered with Charles by the lafi: money treaty. His invafion of the principality of Orange, was an infult to the royal family of England. A circumflance which, we may believe, made a deeper impreflion upon the mind of Charles, was the withholding the penfion promifed to him, for remaining an indif- ferent fpc<£lator of fuch outrageous ufurpatlons, at a time when he was reduced to the utmoft diftrcfs, on account of his contracted and embarrafled revenue. ThuvS, like the unhappy female, who has fallen a prey to the fnares of the licentious feducer, robbed of her innocence, arfd cheated of the reward of her proflitulion, con- figned to infamy and to poverty, Charles, if any fpark of fenfibi- lity remained, muft have been torn with all thofe pangs of remorfe and of fhame, which refult from the confcioufnefs of the bafcft ini- quity and moft egregious folly. No wonder, if, as attcfted by co- temporary hiftorians, he became penftve and melancholy, and enter- tained ferious thoughts of changing the plan of his government ^'. The arrangements he had made in the feveral corporations by the quo warranto profecutions, and a conliderable reinforcement added to his army by the garfifon recalled from Tangiers, would probably encourage him to hope, that if he called another parliament, he would find it more obfcquious to his dcfircs '". ' Dalrymple, Ap. p. 74. ^' Life of Lord Keeper North. ^+ Slate I'apers, T. W. voL \. ' '« Wtlwood, p. 137. u 14^ THE HISTORY OF CHAP. VII. Acceffmi of James. — Circumjlances favourable to Loyalty. —A Parliament. — Extraordinary Compliance of Parliament. — Invafion by Argyle and Mon- mouth ; Defeat of Monmouth ■, — Cruelties exercifed againji his Adherents ; Arbitrary Meafures, — and Bigotry of the King. — He applies to Parlia- ment for an Augmentation of the Army -, — Intimates his difpenfing with the Tejls, — The Commons remonftrate againji difpenfing with the Tejls ; — — Oppofe the Augmentation of the Army. — The King angry with the Com- mons.— The Lords review the King's Speech. — Parliament prorogued. — Influence of the King declines. — Character of Sunderland, — of Petre,-. — cf Jefferies. — The King retains in his Service the Officers who had taken the Tejls. — Trial of the difpenfing Power.- — The King exercijes it in the Charter-Houfe Hofpital; — in the Univerfity of Cambridge; — in Magdalen College^ Oxford. — Dangerous Power cf the Ecclefiajlical Commiffion.— The King ufes Means to obtain a corrupt Parliament. — Difappointed. — Orders his Army to be encamped. — Declaration for Liberty of Confcience. — The Bijhops refufe to tranfmit it to their Diocefes : — They are imprifoned, — tried, — and acq^uitted. C H A P. TAMES the fecond afcended the throne in peace; and an event, , J , ^ which a few years before had been anticipated with horror, P^^^" as the moft calamitous that could befal the nation, was accom- Acceffion of pliflied, not only without refiftance, but n'ithout the appearance of James. r ' -' difcontent, or the apprehenfion of danger. Of the cabals, the menaces, and the virulent fpirit, of the exclufionifts, no traces were to be found. A change of political fcntiments, no lefs fudden and remarkable, awaits the obfervation of the hiftorian. A prince, inverted with extenfive prerogative, and flattered with the moft ardent expreflions of attachment, through the baneful influence of obftinate POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. «!, obftinate and infatuated bigotry, abdicates his throne, ah-noft with- ^ '* ^ '*• out a ftruggle, and is compelled to linger out the remainder of his t- — ^-^ days in exile and difgrace. '' A variety of circuraftances concurred, to difappoint the unfavour- Circumfian- able conjedtures of preceding years, to change the temper of the blew loyal- nation, and to render the commencement of this reign aufpicious *^" and popular beyond expedation. The commerce of England, which had been progreffive fmce the era of the reformation, had, of late, increafed with more rapid fuccefs, and difFufed profperity among every order of men. A long continuance of peace taught the people to value and to enjoy the bleflings of a fettled govern- ment ;~ bleffings too important to be expofed to interruption or hazard, by liftening rafhly to fpeculations of amendment, or by the anticipation of remote and precarious dangers. Popular opi- nion was, in fome refped:s, favourable to the charader of the new fovereign. He had acquired reputation for ingenuity and courage, as a naval officer; he was believed to pofTefs induftrv, and a capacity for bufinefs; and the profeflion of patriotic zeal raifed high expetSlations from the application of thofe talents to the na- tional welfare. It was hoped that the influence of the French court, fo odious to Englifhmen, would be abdilhed, under the adminiftration of a prince who profefled a high Ionic of national honour, and openly declared his deteftation of a political fyftem fubfervient to the views of a foreign prince'. Inllnuations of the indolence and inadivity of the former reign were not reftrained ■ It i<; now certain, that all James's pre- money from France, and was highly gratified tences to aft with independence, and to throw with the obtaining of it. Dahymple, Ap. off the inducnce of France, were hypocritical, p. 103-12-13-47. He renewed the treaty He formed, from the very beginning, tJie with Holland, fummer 1685; but the reafon plan of reigning without a parliament. He of tliis was the backwardnefs of France to an- fuaimoned his parllamtiit, for which he makes fwer kis demands for money. Compare Me- many apologies to Lewis, only in order to be moires de la Dciniere Revolution d'Angleterrc, enabled to reign without it, after having ob- par L. B. T. D'Avaux, vol. iii. 1685. taincd, by its means, the fettlcment of the Dalrymplc, Ap. p. 138. 164. revenue for life. He folicittd a prefent of ' U 2 by 148 THE HISTORY OF C H A P. by a grateful delicacy, due, upon the part of the prefent prince, to \^ ..— 1^ the memory of a brother, who had never aded with fteadinefs and -vigour in any caufe but his^. Manly counfels, bold meafures^ prompt and vigorous execution, were expected from the activity and promiles of the new fovercign. Though, from thefe motives^ the inclinations of the people were favourable to him, James did not chufe to truft to their voluntary obfequioufnefs, for the retura of members attached to the intereft of the court. Every advantage was taken of thofe alterations which had been introduced, in the late reign, into the charters of corporations. AddrefTes and folicitations were added, with fuch fuccefs, that when the lifts of the repre- Aparliament. fentatives to ferve in the new parliament were prefented to the king^ he obferved, with fatisfadlion, that there were not above forty names which he could wifli to expunge \ The fpeech of the king to his parliament correfponded with, the prepoffeffions thsy had formed of his character, and feemed to exprefs his imcerity, firmnefs,. and public fpirit. He promifed to maintain the eftablifhed religion and government, and to defire no power or greatnefs beyond the limits of the conftitution. The compliance and generofity of the parliament yielded to the prince the moft fatisfadtory fpeciraen of a loyal zeal. Both, houfes were unanimous in fettling the revenue upon his majefty for. life, in the fame manner as it had been fettled upon the late king** James, during the interval between the death of his brother and the meeting of parliament, had continued to levy the cuftoms by proclamation. With a deference to prerogative, at once fervile and perfidious, this exercife of power, fo deeply encroaching upon the privileges of the commons, was neither marked with cenfure in the reply to his majeft:y'& fpeech, nor even, by the moft diftant hint of difapprobation, referred to by cither houfe in the courfe of their debates. Agreeably to the fame overftrained delicacy, a mo- Extraordi- nary compli- ance of par- liament. ^ Burnet. Wellwood, Coke, ipdiMay. * Joum, Lord?, Commons, 27th May". tioa POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. rlftf tion for an addrefs to his majcfty, that he would be pleafed to put ^ ^ A ^' in execution the laws againil the difTenters, was thrown out ; and it ^ was refolved, that they fhould rely with implicit confidence, upon ^' biy gracious promifes and repeated declarations, to defend the pro- teftant religion '. A motion was made to extend the laws againfl treafon ; and, frorn the prefcnt temper of parliament, there is little room to doubt, that, if the feffion had been protradled, this and other dangerous conceflions to prerogative, might have obtained the fandioa of the legiflature. The news of an invafion in Scotland by the earl of Argylc, and Invafion by in England by the duke of Monmouth, circumfcribed the opera- Monmouth, tions of a zeal more fervent than wile, and engroflcd the whole ^inh^j^e. attention of parliament. The declarations of Monmouth, and Argyle were communicated to both houfes by the order of the king, and fupplies were requefted to enable him to augment the navy and the army, and to put the nation in a proper ftate of defence.. The king was thanked for his attention; the declarations of Monmouth and of Argyle were voted treafon °. The army of Monmouth was com- Defeat of pletely routed, he himfelf taken prifoner, and brought to an in- M°"'"°"^''' famous execution, in little more than a month after his arrival in England. The deftrudion of an enemy fo formidable by ambitioa 15th Jaiy. and popularity, gratified the refentment, and augmented the power,, of James ; but the mercilefs gratification of that refentment, and the wanton abufe of that power, haftened his final difgrace and ruin^ The feverities inflidcd upon the unhappy adherents to Monmouth, Cruelties gave an infight into the king's charadter, and revived again thole againil hU fufpicions, which even the party, who firft entertained them, were *'''^"<="'^* defirous to have buried in oblivion, and fpread general horror over the nation. An age of advanced civilization beheld thofe wanton exertions of cruelty and of vengeance, which form the blackefl ' Joiirn. Commoiu, 27th May. * journ. Lords and Commons, 23d May, 13th, 15th, and 23d June. fkiaturcs 150 THE HISTORY OF C H. A P. features of fociety in its rudeft ftate, and roufe indignation in every ti. ' breaft where the fmalleft fpark of compaffion dwells. In fome of ^' thofc towns which had opened their gates to Monmouth, the inno- cent and the guilty were promifcuoufly put to the fword. Many were condemned upon the flighteft evidence, and ordered to im- itiediate execution. Colonel Kirk, who, with a difpofition naturally brutal, had acquired the habits of a favage nation among whom he had refided, feemed to find his paftime in fuperintending thefe horrid executions. JefFeries, the chief juflice, proftituted the autho- rity of office, and the fandion of law, to cover a congenial fpirit of cruelty, and, regardlefs of every exculpatoi-y circumftance, doomed to infamous punifhment thofe who were fufpe£led to have been favourable, but in their hearts, to Monmouth, or who had indulged the dl£tates of humanity, in endeavouring to conceal any of their friends who had joined his ftandard. Alraoft every trial in this bloody circuit affords the moft fhocking examples of partiality, petulance, oppreflion, and barbarity, on the part of the judge ^ Though the king profeffed to have been ignorant of thcfe enormities, when he perceived the deteftation they excited throughout every part of the kingdom, yet we are warranted to conclude, that, in his fight, they appeared highly meritorious, efpecially as the execrable perpetrators of them were honoured with fignal marks of royal fa- vour. Jefferies, ftained with blood, and loaded with the curfes of the people, found a welcome reception into the prefence of his fove- reign ; and, as if it had been for the reward of his iniquity, was dignified with a peerage, and foon after invefted with the office of chancellor '. Arbitrary But nothing could render the vidory of the king over his dlfaf- fefted fubjedls more beneficial to the nation, and more hurtful to himfelf, than the inducing him to drop the maik, and with opennefs and precipitancy to purfue thofe arbitrary meafures, which, if they ' Coke. Burnet. ' Burnet, S.C. had POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. «5t had been covered with artifice, and carried on with prudence, nVig'it have taken effed, ere his people were aware of danger, and rivctted upon their necks thofe chains, from which no future efforts could have delivered them. No extraordinary degree of fagacity was now requifite, to penetrate into the nature of his temper and of his de- figns; the fpirit of bigotry aduated and pervaded every meafure he undertook ; zeal for his religion was the central point, to which, by an irrefiftible power of attradion, all his thoughts, affedions, and adions, were drawn ; even arbitrary power,, in his eftimation, was only a fecondary objed : his enthufiafm far outftripped his ambi- tion ; and if he wifhed to extend his prerogative, it was chiefly with a view to ftrengthen his hands, as a faithful champion and fon of the church. The importation of catholic priefts, the erec- tion of mafs-houfes and of popiih fchools, and a numerous hoft of fuperftitious profelytes, were, in his apprehenfion, the moft fplcxidid trophies that could adorn his crown and fignalize his reign '. and bigotry of the king. 9 On the firft fabbath after his accedionj the king openly attended the Roman catho- lic worfliip. He was defirous, at the fame time, of avoiding the cenfure of innovation. He pub- lifhed a declaration fubfcribed by the late king, ijrofeffing his adherence to the faith of Rome ; as if the opinion of a prince fo notorioufly indifferent with refpeft to all religion, fuppo- iing that opinion had been well authenticated, could have opcraied ro the conviftion of any jnan, guided by reafon or principle. He in- vited Roman catholic priefts from foreign countries, and encouraged them to evercife their fiinrtions openly, and in defiance of the law. A Roman catholic bidiop was confe,;iated within his own chapel at Windfor. Laymen of the fame communion were made king's coun- fel, judges, lords lieutenants of counties, fherifFs, juftices of the peace, and mayors of corporations. Lord Caftlemain was lent am- baflador to the pope, to folicit, in the name of the king, the re- union of England with the holy fee, and to implore his forgivenefs. In Ireland, all rcgulajions and laws for icaintaining the proieftant religion were fct afide. The army was new modelled, protcflant officers were deprived of their commiffions, upon the mod frivolous pretences: fome, be- caufe they had ferved under a republican go- vernment, a ftain, which, at the reftoration, extended over the whole army and navy in England ; others were difminbd, on account of original guilt, being defcended from parents who had ferved under the protcttor. Whole regiments were difbanded, it was fufpcfted, for no better reafon. To prevent the power of re- finance, under any provocation whatever, the arms of the proteflant militia Were called in. The rafhnefs and oppreffion of thefe meafures were rendered more flagrant and intolerable, by the violent temper of the agent employed to carry them into execution. By the advice of father Petre, lord Tyrconnel was promoted ' to the lieutenancy in Ireland, in the room of lord Clarendon, whofe moderation and religion rendered him obnoxious to all who wiflied well to the popifh intereil. Dalrymple, Ap. p. 262. Clarendon's Diary, paflim. A Letter to a Protcftant in Ireland, • The ,5* THE HISTORY OF The rebellion of Monmouth furnllhcd the kuig with a plaufible pretext for rifing in his demands for fupplles, and for propofing an lie appuis to augmentation of his ftanding army ; while, at the fame time, it forln"aup- mauifefted, in an alarming view, how refolutely he was devoted to mentation of jj^g intcreft of the Roman catholic church. After reprefenting the the army. *■ " militia as inadequate to the defence of the nation, upon fuch emer- gency as that which had lately occurred, he informed them, that he Intimates had difpenfed with the law. In giving commifTions to many officers whh the te'ih^ who had not taken the tells in compliance with the ad of parlia- ment. He pleaded fuccefs and gratitude, as ample vindications of this meafure, and announced his firm purpofe of perfevering in a plan of government equally unpopular and unconflitutional. oth Nov. The houfe of lords thanked the king for his fpeech, without any referve, or any mark of difcontent. The com- The commons were not fo tame, nor fo carelefs, as to overlook the ftme acainft dangerous tendency of thofe meafures which the king avowed and <3ifpenfmg iuftificd. Thcv votcd and drew up an addrefs, reprcfentino; to him. with the teds. -^ ^ . . 9th Nov. that the tefts could not by any means be difpenfed with ; and pray- ing him to dlfmifs thofe officers who were, by repeated ftatutes, dif- qualified from entering into his fervice. But while they guarded the conftitution with firmnefs, they were not incapable of viewing, with indulgence and refped, or even backward in feconding with liberality, thofe fentlments of gratitude which the king exprefTed to- wards his catholic fubjeds. They brought in a bill to indemnify fuch of that perfuafion as had ferved in the army againft Mon- mouth, and, at the fame time, to reward them with penfions '". Oppofe the ^cxt to the difpenfing with the tefts, the augmenting of the ^(■"thT"'^""" ^^^^ing army was the moft unpopular meafure which his majefty could have propofed to his parliament. The day of implicit obe- dience was now at an end. The augmentation of the army was warmly oppofed. The militia was recommended as the fafeft; mode '° Journ. Commons, J4thand i6th November. of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, cVc. 153 of national defence; and, in oppofition to the language of the khig's ^ ^^ '^ '"• fpeech, their fervices againft Monmouth were held to be the mofl *— — — -* important and illuftrious. The debate clofed with a motion for a bill for the better regulating of the militia ". The fum of feven hundred thoufand pounds was agreed to by the houfe, as a fupply to his majefty, without any de- fcription or limitation of the purpofe to which it was to be applied. To the addrefs of the commons the king replied in terms of fharp '^ ''= ^^"S angry vvitli reprehenfion, and, by a new evidence of a temper, obftinate and the common., untradtable, roufcd alarm, and fuggefled to them the neceflity of a general combination, to repel thofe encroachments which, if fuffered to pafs unnoticed, threatened the total extirpation of their religion and liberties. He faid, he did not expe(ft to have received fuch language from his commons, efpecially after his known charadler for truth ; and yet the very meafure which gave occafion to the addrefs, was a flagrant violation of the promile he made to his people upon his acceffion to the throne. The imprudence of the king's reply, and the flaock it gave to the intereft of the court, were foon evident, from a change in the temper of the houfe of lords. They had before unanimoufly ap- The lords review the proved of the king's fpeech, without attending to that claufe which king'sfpetch. intimated his refolution of difpenfmg with the tefts ; and their negli- gence and precipitancy had drawn upon them the cenfure of many who were fmcerely attached to the conftitution. The purpofe of the king, repeated in his anfwer to the commons with an air of defiance, invited the immediate and fpirited exertions of the pa- triotic lords. They now moved for a review^ of the fpeech, with a premeditated intention to concur with the commons in teftifying their difapprobation of his having announced his refolution to dif- penfe with the tefts '\ The tardlnefs and the irregularity of the mo- tion afforded the friends of the court fpecious grounds for oppofing " Journ. Commons, 12th November. " Journ. Lords, 19th November. X It. 154 THE HISTORY OF C H A Vil. Parliament prorogued. Influence of the king de- clines. It. The importance of the fubjed, and the magnitude of the dano-er. over-ruled a fcrupulous adherence to forms, and the motion for reviewing the fpeech was carried by a great majority '\ The king, aware that his parliament, in their legiflative capacity, Plight have confiderable influence in obftruding thofe favourite mea- furcs to which in vain he had attempted to render them fubfervient, formed the purpofe of an immediate prorogation. He facrillced his intereft to his bigotry, and preferred the alternative of lofing the fum of feven hundred thoufand pounds, voted by the commons, to the neceflity of abandoning the meafures he had already adopted in behalf of thofe of his favourite communion. The parliament was prorogued from the tenth of November to the tenth of February one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-fix. From the prorogation of this parliament, we trace the decline of the power of James. The attachment of his proteftant. fubjeds was^ totally effaced by the dangers impending over their religion ; his reputation for prudence and for integrity, lately fo eminent, was impeached ; the tone of adulation began to die away ; individuals, and affociations of men, who hitherto had been the warmeft advo- cates for prerogative, at laft became monuments of the folly of their favourite dodrines, and were driven by inevitable neceflity to purfue thofe meafures, which, in fpeculation, they held to be criminal. Prerogative, it is true, became more adive and more refolute in its execution, but, like thofe tumours which fwell the body in the laft ftage of difeafe, in proportion as it was ftretched, its vital powers were declining. Few alterations at the beginning of this reign were made in the miniftry, as it ftood at the death of Charles II. Lord Rochefter was high treafurer ; lord Godolphin, who had been formerly at the head of the treafury, was appointed treafurer to the queen ; the marquis of Halifax was removed from the privy feal to be prefident •5 Ralph. of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, cVc. 159 of the council; the carl of Clarendon fuccecded hini in the ofticc of ^ " -"^ '" VJl. privy feal. > — j From an exaggerated conceit of his own abilities, and a habit of * application, the only accompliflnnent in which he excelled his brother, the king was determined to be his own minifter ; and while this rcfolution prevented perfons of greater integrity and honour from interfering in his counfels, it laid him open to the influence of others, who, from interefted purpofes, or a congenial fpirit of bigotry, flattered his prejudices, abetted his arbitrary fchemes, and precipitated him into ruin '*. Lord Sunderland, though he had oppofed the perfonal interefl: of Charaa.Tof the duke of York in the late reign, was not only admitted into ad- "" "^ ^" * miniftration, but quickly furpaffed all his colleagues in the fliare he held of his mafter's confidence, and difplayed an afcendency over his counfels, which he maintained to the eve of the revolution. His introdudion to the favour of the prince, and his growing influence were promoted by the patronage of the queen, whofe folicitations and advice, on various occafions, were difcovered to fway the incli- nations of her hufband, often contrary to the maxims of prudence, and the ordinary rules of attachment. From that jealoufy, which is often found to fubfifl: between the relations of the hufband by dif- ferent marriages. Clarendon and Rochefter became obnoxious to the queen, more than any of the other competitors for the royal favour. They w^ere the neareft relations of the king's children. To the hereditary loyalty of their father, who had been opprefled by fac- tion, they had added perfonal fervices of high dcfert, and by their fteady zeal for the interefts of the duke of York, during the depend- ence of the exclufion bill, laid him under ftrong obligations of gratitude, and cfl;abli£hed a claim of preference to the honours which he now had it in his power to difpenfe. The queen wiflied to at- tach to her intereft fome perfon, w-hofe diftinguillied abilities and '+ Burnet. ^ 2 cbfequi- 1^6 THE HISTORY OF C H A P. obfequloufnefs to his mafter, might ferve as a counterpolfe to that u--.- -^ immoderate influence, which, fhe had reafon to fear, would now ^' devolve upon the relations of the king by his firft marriage. The charader of Sunderland prompted him to folicit, and qualified him to obtain, the deflined preference. Habits of profufion required liberal refources, and rendered him anxious to retain his employ- ments, as the means of gratifying them. An uncommon capacity for bufinefs, cultivated by experience in the official line, juftified a recommendation to the moft important employments, and infured credit and advantage to his patron. By infinuation, flexibility, in- duftry, in all of which he was a proficient, he obtained a preference to perfons of purer virtue, who were engaged with him in a com- petition for favours. The diverfified operations of the fame predo- minant difpofition were never more confpicuoufly difplayed, than by the oppofite conduct of Shaftfbury and Sunderland. Alike en- ilaved to ambition, they exerted every nerve, and every faculty, to gratify it. The diflerent methods adopted by them for this end, marked the diflimilitude of their tempers. Shaftfbury, impetuous and over-bearing, affaulted the forts of power by ftorm and by vio- lence : Sunderland, timid, crafty, fubmiffive, attempted to gain pof- feffion of them by the lefs fufpeded, but not lefs fuccefsful, plan of mining and ambufcade. The one, by alarming the fears of his fovereign, expeded to fubdue his mind to a reludant compliance with his ambitious fchemes ; the other, by flattering his weaknefs and prejudices, infinuated himfelf into his confidence and favour. With a flexibility, inconfiftent with any Ihadow of principle, he approved, he flattered, he abetted the various humours and meafures of every mafter whom he ferved. Though a violent exclufionifl',, he retained his ofiice, and a great Ihare of court intereft in the late reign, by the addrefs and afllduity with which he cultivated the favour of the king's miftrefs, the duchefs of Portfmouth. By the fame dexterous accommodation of manners, he now gained the 3 gooti POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 157 good graces of the queen, and was feleded by her to be the head of ^ ^' ^ '' that party by which ilie intended to undermine the influence of the ' — ' family of Clarendon ". Her expe£lations were not difappointed. He quickly engrofled the confidence of his mafter ; he became a convert to his religion ; honoured priefts and confeflbrs ; joined in their confultations ; and prompted, as it is fufpedcd, the moft vio- lent attacks upon the eltablilhed religion and government ". Father Petre, his confeflbr, was the oracle to whom James re- Of iVr:. forted with implicit' faith, and regarded at laft as his political, as well as his religious, preceptor. As if it had been to publifh his defiance of national prejudices, no difguife was ufed to conceal the affedllon and the deference he paid a perfon, whofe profeffion and charadler juftly rendered him obnoxious to the odium and the jealoufy of his proteftant fubjeds. He was made clerk of the clofet, and admitted a member of the privy council ; and that his majefty might enjoy frequent and eafy accefs to his private converfation-, apartments were affigned him within the precin(fts of his palace, Petre was a man of flender abilities, and a fcanty proportion of learning, but of an enthufiaflic and furious fpirit, which rufhed upon its favourite obje£t, without difcerning the obftacles which intervened ; ignorant of every rule of prudence, and of the moft common arts of managing the tempers of men. To his afcendcncy over the mind of the king, and of his confort, were afcribed the opennefs, the precipitancy, the violence of thofe plans in fupport of the Roman catholic religion, difapproved of by its more prudent adherents ; and found upon trial, to be no lefs deflru£live to the pur- pofes they were intended to ferve, than they were to the intercfts of the royal family ". But of all the inftruments of the king's arbitrary meafures, there •was none more infamous and more detefled, by all orders of men, than Jeffries, whom he advanced to the head of the law. While of uT; - " Rereiby, p. 223. •' Ralph. >' Orleans. recorder J. 8 THE HISTORY O F CHAT, recorder of London in the late reign, he had diftinguiOied himfelf ,^"— ^ by the adivity with which he oppofed the petitions for the meeting '^"■^'" of parliament, and promoted the addrefles of abhorrence. The court marked him as a fit tool for oppreflion and violence. He was preferred to be a puifne' judge, and afterwards to be chief juftice of the king's bench. In his private charader, he was infolent, profane, licentious, intemperate, rapacious. By the fuperciliouTaefs of his behaviour, he difgufted fome of the mofl ancient and fincere friends of the royal family, and made them withdraw from office, and from attendance upon court. As a pleader at the bar, he was petulant, fuperficial, turbulent, calumnious ; as a judge, partial, over-bearmg, arbitrary, mercilefs. Under fo corrupt a judge, the laws were not only deprived of all their falutary proteding influence, but con- verted into engines of vengeance againfl: all thofe who had meri- torioufly fallen under the royal difpleafure. Under fuch a corrupt jud"-e, the refleding part of the nation beheld, with grief and afto- nifliment, the laws furrendered to that arbitrary will which they were intended to control, and made fubfervient to the oppreffion and the mifchiefs which they were intended to counterad '\ 'iTic king Regardlefs of the addrefs and remonftrance prefented by the com- [vrvkc'^i"* mons, the king flill retained in his fervice thofe officers who refufed officers who fubniit to the tefts. Though the parliament, in a ftate of proro- had not (akcn <_> * the tells. gation, was debarred from an opportunity of repeating remon- ftrances, and of entering into a fair conteft with their fovereign, yet, while the courts of juftice were open, it was not to be expeded, that a people, infpired with a proper fenfe of the value of liberty, would be fo fhamefully overawed, as not to bring to a legal exa- mination claims of prerogative, pregnant with deftrudion to the conftitution, and to the religion of their country. Aware of this attack, the king was preparing to meet it with the moft effedual, and, oftenfibly, the faireft weapons of defence. Hav- " Warrington. Life of Lord Guilford. J ing POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 159 irig founded the fentiments of the judges, and difplaced fuch as ^' ^^.^-^ ''■ were fufpeded of being inhnical to ufurpation, he at laft accom- ' ■ ' plifhed a trial of the legality of the difpenfiug power, in circum- Trial of the, ftances moft favourable to his wiflies. The queftion was not p'^vcr.'"^ brought forward at the inftance of any individual of rank, or of any confederacy or aflociation cf men who had a real interefl: in the ifl'ue of it ; or who would have felt, with indignation, the injury of a partial decifion. A icrvant of colonel Hales, a Roman catholic, was inftigated, by the emiffaries of the court, to lodge an information againft his mafter, for not having complied with the tefts, and to claim the legal premium of five hundred pounds, payable by the offender. His fuit was brought before the county affize at Rochefter, when colonel Hales produced the king's letter, excufing him from obedience to the tefts. The profecutor next carried his adlion to the court of king's bench : the caufe was April, argued feebly and coolly in behalf of the informer: every nerve of ingenuity and dUigence was exerted by the lawyers for the crown, to defend and legalize the royal difpenfation. It was ac- cordingly confirmed by the fentence of the court'*. Thus armed with the fancftion of the law, the king was re- folved to pufli the advantages of vidlory, and to exercife, in a wider range, that branch of the prerogative which had hitherto been palliated with the pretence of gratitude, and confined to thofe officers, who had meritorioufly ferved him during the rebellion of Monmouth. His firft attempt for this purpofe, was made upon the Charter- The king ex- houfe hofpital : a letter was iffued under the royal feal, direded the'charte"- to the governors, requiring them to admit a penfioner upon the 1'^°"'^ ^°^'^^' fund, without exadting any fubfcription or recognition of his con- T'^''^'-'^- formity to the church of England, or the oath of allegiance; quali- fications exprefsly required by the will of the donor. This attempt '9 Echard. to i6o THE HISTORY OJF C 11 A P. to violate the laws of the foundation, and to thwart its pious »_J.'!__, purpofe, was refifted with fidelity and fpirit by the truftees, upon ,686-7. ^yi^o,„ tiie i^i„g threatened to wreak his vengeance". Intheumver. The univerfities of Oxford and of Cambridge opened the mofl fity of Cain - ^ ^ , r • • ^ • r^-L-n v* bridge. tempting profpedts to the afpinng votanc* ot the Roman religion. If they could once poflefs themfelves of the fountains of fcience, how eafy would it be to purify the ftreams that flowed from them ? The faith of Rome would again acquire an approved and ftable dominion in the hearts of the people of England. Elated with thefe expedlations, the king endeavoured to obtain a precedent for the promotion of catholics in the univerfities, by writing a letter to dodtor Peachel, vice-chancellor of the univerfity of Cambridge, commanding the admiflion of Alban Francis, a be- nedicline monk, to the degree of mafter of arts, without admi- niftering any oath whatfoever, notwithftanding any law to the February. contrary. The king's letter was laid before the confiftory, and it was unanimoully refolved, that they could not comply with his defire, without breaking their oaths. He was flung with difap- pointment; and the vice-chancellor, whofe duty it was to an- nounce the refolution of the univerfity, was fummoned to appear 7th May. before the eccleOaftical commiffion, and fentenced to lofe his office. In Magdalen While vet embroiled in the difpute with Cambridge, lames •ollege. Ox- ^ , ^ ^ a y ^ ^ tord. made an attempt to exercife the fame unlicenfed and obnoxious power upon the univerfity of Oxford, in an affair where the con- fequences were flill more momentous, and more obvious to the apprehenfion of every fpedtator. The office of prefident of Mag- dalen college had become vacant, by the death of dodor Clark: the emoluments of the office were confiderable, its dignity illuf- luh April, trious, and the power belonging to it extenfive. The royal man- date was Iffiaed, requiring the college to eledl one Farmer, a jefuit prleft, to be their prefident; accompanied with a difpenfation, »» Ralph. exempting i68: POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. i6i exempting him from the oatlis required by Law, and by the flatutes ^ '^,,A ^" of the univeriity. The loyalty of the univerlity of Oxford had furpafled the example of any other public body of men in the reign of the king's father; and had been experienced by James himfelf, during the dependence of the bill of exclufion, when he fecmed to be forfaken by all his friends. From thefe confiderations, his majefty might, perhaps, expe£t more implicit obedience than he met with at Cambridge; though, furely, attachment was ungene- roufly repaid, when it was put to the tell of betraying a facred truft, and wounding at once the honour of individuals, and the niofl: precious interefts of the corporation. The ftatutes of the uni\'^erfity, which by folemn oath they were bound to obferve, re- quired a conformity to the dodrine of the church of England, as an indifpenfable qualification of every candidate for any office in the univerlity. The king, to whom they had proffered unlimited obedience, required them to elefl a jefuit prieft, to fill one of the higheft offices in the univerfity. Their moral and political creed Hood in dired contradidion to each other : — What were they to do? they were ready to refign their rights, their fortunes, and their lives, to gratify the defire of their fovereign : they acknow- ledged no fecular authority, nor any confideration, public or pri- vate, to reftrain or circumfcribe their obedience, and they might boaft, therefore, with truth, a loyalty which was bounded only by the laws of heaven. But here they flopped : this was the term of their obedience. They refufed to trifle with the facred obliga- tion of an oath : they pleaded honour, confcience, the merit of paft fervices; but they pleaded all in vain. The king remained fullen, obftinate, inflexible. Upon the day of eledion, eleven votes were given for dodor Hugh, a man refpedable for learning and abiUties, and conneded with the college by the office he already filled. Two members beftowed their votes upon Farmer, agreeably to the defire of the Y king. Ib2 1 H E HISTORY OF c 11 AT. Jiing. The new prefident immediately complied with the ufuai x__ .'- _' forms, and entered upon the execution of hk office. ^*^' The vice-prefidcnt and fellows were cited to appear before the ecclcfiaftical commiflion ; Dr. Hugh was deprived of his new office; and Dr. Fairfax the vice-chancellor fufpended ". Oargerous Thcic ads of oppreffion and arbitrary power, following immediately power of the ^j^^ inftitution of a new ecclefiaftical commiffion, indicated fuch a pre- CCClC)13itJC«u commiflion. meditated plan of tyranny, and fuch a preparation for anaflault upon Aug. i6!J6. '^ ' ^ .„,,.. the eflabliffied religion, as might well jultity the agitation and the alarm of his proteftant fubjeds. The violent proceedings of the high court of commiffion had drawn the greatefl: odium upon the king's father, and, by a ftatute after the reftoration, it was declared illegal, and for ever aboliffied. The change of a name, and the variation of a few external forms, were but a futile device to impofe upoa the underftanding, and to fupprefs the murmurs, of an infulted na- tion; while its fpirit, intention, and capacity of doing mifchief, were the fame. The members of this court were nominated by the uncontrolled voice of the king ; they were empowered to in- quire into all offences and mifdemeanors committed by perfons belonging to ecclefiaftical corporations, univerfities, grammar- fchools; and to proceed againft them as the nature and the quality of the offence, afcertained by evidence, or even imputed by ftrong fuf- picion, might require. Cenfure, fufpenfion, deprivation and ex- communication, were the terrific weapons, which were to be pointed againft crimes unmarked by any legal defcription; and the very exiftence and aggravation of which, in point of fad, were referred, without the intervention of a jury, to the decifion of judges fubfervient to the pleafure of the court. The purpofe of this new judicatory had been clearly manifefted in their, firft pro- ceedings againft the bifhop of London^ whom they had fufpended State Trials. from POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^\:c. 165 from his office, becaufe he had declined to gratify the refcntmcnt ^ ". '^ ''• of the king, by a violation of all the forms of law and jufticc". c- — v — j They now again became the inftruments of royal vengeance agaiiift the fellows of St. Magdalen college, Oxford, who had refifted his ufurped authority. They pronounced a fentcnce, by which the offenders were dilabled from holding any church preferment. Tothofe who entered with anxiety into the Hate of the nation, it The king ufc? ■' means to ob- feemed extremely doubtful, whether they had moft to hope or to fear tain a corrupt from the meeting of a new parliament. A parliament modelled by the intrigues, and attached to the intereft, of the court, Vv'ould irre- trievably feal the ufurpations of prerogative, and give the lafl fatal wound to their expiring privileges. Such apprehenfions were un- avoidable, when they obferved the artifices and the indeflitigable exertions ufed by, the king, to accomplifh a legal ratification of the indulgences which he had already granted, and farther intended, to thofe of his own religion. He now devoted a great part of his time to counfellors, judges, and gentlemen of property; in order to difcover their fentiments, and to engage them to fupport his fa- *' In order to curb the influence of argu- out a citation and an hearing. At the fame ment, when it was repugnant to his favourite time, to tcllify his refpedl to the royal corn- principles, the king ifTued letters, prohibiting mand, he intimated, that Dr. Sharp was wii- the clergy to touch upon fubjefts of contro- ling to difcontinuc the excrcife of his office verfy, under the pretext that it might tend till he (hould be rellored to his majcfly's to difturb the peace of government. Not- favour. withftanding thefe orders. Dr. Sharp, rcaor The offence of the bidiop was now con- of St. Giles's, had taken the freedom, in a fidered as furpaffing that of Dr. Sharp, and public difcourfe, of impugning the arguments he was fummoned to appear before the court in defence of popery, and of reprefenting the of ecclefialHc.il commiflion for having refuil-d weaknefs of thofe, who, having been edu- obedience to the king's command. He cated proteftants, had become profelytes to plended in his defence, the arguments whicli that religion. The king, offended as if he he had ufed in his anfwer to the king's letter; had been perfonally attacked, direfted a letter he objeiJled to the retrofpeftivc power of the to be written, in his name, to the bifhop of court, which pretended to take cognizance of London, complaining of Sharp, and defiring, an offence, if fuch it might be named, prc- that he might without delay be fufpended vious to the date of its commiffion. Hi?, from the e-xercife of his oiiice. The bilhop defence and objeOions were over-ruled; ln- refpedfully acknowledged the king's letter; was treated with infult by the judges, and but obftrvcd, that he could not, confiftently fufpended ffoni liis office. State TriaKs with the forms of law, fufpend Sharp with- vol. iv. Y 2 vourite „-^ THE HISTORY OF C H A V. vouritc meafures, in their private and official charaders '*. To , l!L^ enlarge the ipiiere of perfonal infiuence, he made a progrefa Au-'.lept. through feveral of the counties of England ; and embraced every opportunity of converfmg with the nobility and gentry on thofe fubjeds, which were ever uppermoft in his thoughts. He argued, promifed, threatened, in order to work convidion, or to extort ap- probation. He was diligent in gathering information concerning the principles of others, to whom he had not perfonal accefs. The lords lieutenants of the counties received orders to affemble deputies and juftices of the peace, within their diftrids, to difcover what line of political condudl they intended to purfue ; and particularly, whether, if returned members of parliament, they would vote for the repeal of the tefts, and the penal ftatutes ; and promife to fup- port only the eledtion of fuch candidates as fhould be difpofed to comply with the king's pleafure. The information, derived from thefe various channels of inquiry, was intended for the diredion of the lords regulators, a new denomination of commiflioners, appointed to inquire into the legal qualifications of voters, and the political fentimcnts which they held". Though the firft was the pro- feffed object of their jurifdidion ; yet it was well underftood, that the laft was the true objedt of their creation, and the fecret fpring of all their decifions. The new modelling of boroughs by writs of quo warranto, was now purfued with the fame violence as had been done in the late reign; and employed to diminifh that intereft, which it was origi- nally contrived to fupport : an inftrudtive warning to men, precipi- tated by the violence of party fpirit, to take care, left the bafe de- fire of refentment fhould tempt them to give way to precedents, which may one day be turned to their own deftrudion. In every inftance where the authority of the new commiflioners was exer- cifed, the influence of the members of the eftablifhed church was '♦Orleans. *» Life of Lord Guilford, p. 213, impaired. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 165 impaired. Dlllenters were introduced into corporations: thov were ^ *' -^ ''• advanced to uiagillcrial dignity : they were deftined to be the repre- ._ . \j fent:itives of the people in parliament ". *^^'' The addrefs, the iiuhiftry, and the new and unconflitutional regu- lations employed by the court, did not meet with the fnccefs expeded Difappointed. from them. The king was afraid of fubmitting the fite of his favourite fchemes, to the precarious decifion of parliament. Unable to brook difappointment, and unwilling to recede from his fond re- foiutions, he now feemed determined to accompliOi the performance of them, by means the mod defperate and alaraiing to the nation. Notwithftanding he had loft a fupply of {even hundred thoufand pounds, by an abrupt prorogation of parliament; yet he had ma- naged his revenue with fuch dexterous economy, as to be able to maintain a larger army than had been known in any former period of peace. He had ordered that army to be put in warlike array, and Oulers his encamped or\ Hounflow-heath ; as if the kingdom had been threat- camped. ened with, immediate invafion by a foreign power. Thus prepared to bid defiance to the laws, the king publiftied Declaration a declaration for liberty of confcience ; and expreffed his firm pur- confcicnc'e. pofe to difpenfe with oaths and tefts for the future. This dcclara- 4tli April tion was attended by an order from him in privy council, that April' 1688. it fhould be read through all the churches in England ; and that, for this purpofe, the bifliops fliould caufe it to be fent and diftributed through their refpedive diocefes. By this refolution the king filled 4thMayi68B. up the meafure of infatuation, ingratitude, and tyranny; and haftened the crifis of national deliverance. The church of England had embarked their all with his father ; and had fallen with him. Their intereft, and that of monarchy, had been confidered as in- feparable. From the period of the reftoration, they had magnified the prerogative ; and had inculcated the moft abjcd fcntimcnts of *' Echard, Kennet. paflive ^Co THE HISTORY OF paflive obedience. But they were not even fuffered to be paffive lubjcds of tyranny : they muil do violence upon themfelves : they ""*"■ murt become the inftruments of their own dcftruaion : their obliga- tions to fidelity in their profellion, muft yield to their engagements The blftopj of allegiance to the prince. Six bifliops, together with the arch- IrlnfmU it to bifliop, met at Lambeth ; and, after folemn confultation, refolved, not ihcirJioceils. ^^ ^^ acceffory to enfnare the confciences of the officiating clergy: but to take the whole blame upon themfelves, by refufing to obey the order of the privy council ; and to tranfmit the king's declaration. If there had remained in the breafi; of the prince the fmalleft regard to prudence, the refufal of fuch a body of men might have warned him, that he had already advanced to the utmoft verge of wanton authority. It was, as if a voice from heaven had announced, 1 8th May. « fsjo farther fhalt thou go." A petition from the bifliops, drawn up in the mod refpedlful terms, was pronounced an aggravation of They are im- their offence. They were committed to the Tower: they were sthjune. tried for publifliing a feditious libel againft his majefty and his go- acquitted, vernment : they were acquitted. The temper of the nation was ijthjune. confpicuoufly difplayed in every ftage of their profecution. In- numerable fpedators, with groans, and tears, and prayers for their fafety, beheld them carried along as criminals to prifon. When the fentence of acquittal was pronounced, Weflminfter-hall, the city, and the camp, refounded with acclamations of joy. A P P E N- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 167 CHAP. Vfl, APPENDIX. Inquiry whether the Prince of Orange was accejjory to Monmouth's Invafion. — lie is aecujed by D'Avaux — by Jamcs-^hy Father Orleans. — Arguments in Vindication of the Prince of Orange. — The Reflections of Mr. Mac- pher/on, upon the Conduit of the Prince of Orange, unfounded and illiberal. W'HETHER the pilnce of Orange had any part in advifing, or rnqmry whe- 1 !•• rill rT\/f >• ''"^'' ^^'^ m promoting, the expedition or the dalce or Monmouth, is prince of a queflion which very materially afFedls his charadber, and belongs to accefibrvTo' the political hiftory of that period. The whole condutfl of the prince .'^^°""io"^'''s t J I I invalion. of Orange, towards the duke of Monmouth, is reprefented in fuch a view, and placed in fuch a connexion by fomc hiftorians, as to refer to Monmouth's expedition; and by others, the contrivance of it is, in diredt terms, laid to his charge. Let us attend to the arguments adduced upon either fide of the queftion, and to the characters of the hiftorians who fupport them with their credit and authority. D'Avaux, the French refident in Holland, defcends into a minute He is accufed defcription of the affiduous attentions exercifcd by the prince and ^ princefs of Orange, to flatter the vanity, and court the friendfhip, of Monmouth, while he continued in Holland, during the latter part of the reign of Charles II. The prince of Orange ordered his guards to falute Monmouth, a mark of refped feldom paid to any but the legitimate relations of the royal family : he allowed him to enter into his private apartments, with the familiarity of a domeftic : he confulted with him often, and upon affiiirs of moment : he be- llowed the moft important favours upon his recommendation : he de- parted from his natural referve and gravity, by entering into thofe gay amufements which were adapted to the frivolous tafte of his gueft. The princefs of Orange, in obedience to the orders of her hufband, fcrupled not to ftoop to ridiculous and even indecent levi- L ' ties-. ,r,r. THE HISTORY OF C H A P. ties, for the amufement of her relation. Thefe extravagant conile- Arri N n.x. fcenfions, it is iniuiuated, were not made without a vieiv of enfnaring ' ' the confidence and acquiring an afccndency over the mind of Mon- mouth, deftined as a tool to work out the dark fchemes of William, ever political and projeding '. More directly to the purpofe, it is afferted by the fame author, that, upon the news of the death of Charles II., the prince was fliut up in clofe confultation with Monmouth, at midnight \ That after his departure to Bruflcls, he maintained a conftant correlpond- ence with Mr.Bcntinck, the prince's greateft confident : that he after- wards returned to Amfterdam, where he lived incog?iitOy and made the necelfary preparations for his expedition into England ; circuniilances too important to efcape the knowledge of the prince : who, when applied to by Skelton, the ambaflador of James, to ftop two veflels in the Texel, retained for the fervice of Monmouth, contrived delays, in order that they might efcape ; and that he did not exert himfelf, with zeal and adivity correfponding to his duty and engage- ments to James, to difcover and countera£l the confultations and pro- jeds of the Englifh refugees aflbciated with Monmouth '. The fame hiftorian mentions his having heard, that the king of England had found letters written by the prince of Orange, which difcovered the intelligence he had with Monmouth j and that he had afterwards met with a contract between William and Mon- mouthj in which both confented to promote the princefs of Orange to the throne, provided that Monmouth was allowed to hold the firft place of authority in the kingdom'', by James; King James, in pofitive terms, afcribes the invafion by Monmouth to the counfel and affiftance of his fon-in-law; and affigns this plau- fible reafon, which induced him to depart fo flagrantly from the ties of affedlion, and the profelTions of filial refped and duty, which he • D'Avaox, l8th and 25th January 1685. ^ Ibid. 8th March, 19th April. ' Ibid. 22d February. ♦ Ibid, jctli May i626. Openly POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 169 openly made. " As the prince had only two rivals, who flood be- chap. " tween him and the throne, the moft obvious policy fuggefled Appendix. '' to him the playing the one againft the other ; and in profecu- ' ^' ^ *' tion of this defign, to inftigate Monmouth to invade the throne " of England : an attempt, which, in every iflue of it, muft ne- " ceffarily be produdive of his private advantage. The fuccefs of *' the duke of Monmouth, if it happened, would demonftrate the " inclinations of the people of England, to prefer an imperfedl " title to the throne, when the intereft of religion was at ftake. *' The illegitimacy of his birth, as well as his unfitnefs for govern- " ment, would eafily induce the nation, upop cool refledion, to " transfer their affedions to the prince and princefs of Orange, the " next lawful heirs of the proteftant perfuafion. But if an event " more probable fhould take place, if Monmouth fliould be de- *' feated, and his perfon fall into the hands of the king, the prince " might exped to fucceed to his intereft and friends, and to advance " one ftep nearer to the throne of England '." The fingle fad, adduced in fupport of thefe conjedures concern- ing the ambitious fpeculations of William, is, that Bentinck, who was fent by him to congratulate king James upon the defeat of Monmouth, was vifibly alarmed and perplexed, when he was in- formed, that the king had confented to admit Monmouth into his prefence, left he fliould purchafe his pardon by difcovering the trea- chery of the prince of Orange, and " that he was never at eafe *' till Monmouth's head v/as cut off*." Father Orleans not only coincides with James in accufing the by fathw prince of Orange of being privy to, and affifting, the expedition of Monmouth, but is at pains to remove an objedion to this opinion, which might be drawn from the prince's condud in fending Ben- tinck to make an offer to James of the troops of Holland, and his perfcnal fervice againft Monmouth. This, he alleges, was occa- s Life of James, 1685, ExtraiEt 4. * Ibid. November z6, 1685. Z fioned 170 THE HISTORY OF C H A P. fioned by the Imprudent ambition of Monmouth, who, contrary to Ap.Vso.x. the terms of agreement between him and William, had affumed the ^""'^ ■ title of king, and provoked refentment in that quarter from which he expe and, ftill more, any real evidence, of the friendihip of Eng- land, would have been highly beneficial to the prince, in enabling him to overawe the violent oppofition, which began to thwart all his fchemes of domeftic policy, and to fhake the foundations of his authority, as ftadtholder; yet he did not choofe to facrifice to thefe, his attachment to the proteftant religion, and his credit with his friends in England. In anfwer to the earneft intreatles and 9 This accounts for the fair profefllons of perhaps too he wiHied to make the Eiiglifh be- friendfliip which James made to William, and lieve that he had fcparated himfelf from France, which To far alarmed D'Avaux, the French becaufe it was popular. The prince of Orange ambaffador, that he exprefles the greateft an- was at the fame time finccrely defirous of being xiety, left a cordial union between James and believed to be on good terms with the king the prince of Orange ftiould aftually take place, of England, in order to overawe the city of D'Avaux, vol. iii. Amilerdam, bent upon reducing the army, James earneftly wiflied to obtain the confent and abridging his power. D'Avaux, vol. iii. of his fon in-law to his fcheme of toleration: paflim. C c arguments. »9+ C » A VIII. THE HISTORY OF arguments, ufed by the ambafladors of James, to cbtain his confent to the repeal of the tcfts and penal ftatutes, the prince made a declaration of thofe fentiments, to which he ever afterwards ad- l,ered with confiftency and firmnefs. He profeffed his approbation of univerfal toleration, and of the abolition of the "penal ftatutes; but rcfufed to confent to the removal of the tefts, which he held to be the only barrier againft the entire overthrow of the pro- teftant religion in England. The moft fuccefsful operations were at the fame time carried on, in behalf of the intereft of his mafter, by Dyckevelt, who was fent ambaffador to London, for ma- naging the ordinary bufinefs between the king and the States, but fecretly inverted with a truft of a more delicate nature. He was di- reded to found the fentiments of the leading perfons in England ; to embrace every fafe opportunity of communicating, in the name of his mafter, thofe private inftrudions which were calculated to gain upon their affedions, and to procure a coalition of all parties. To the friends of the church he gave the ftrongeft afiurance of the prince's refped for the eftabliftied religion. To the diflenters he laid open the fnares into which they had been decoyed by the favours and the flattering promifes of the court. They were entreated to wait with patience for a fcheme of comprehenfion ; and if that could not be obtained, they were affured of a toleration, upon the moft li- beral plan. Some of the moft learned and eloquent preachers among the proteftant diftenters, who had withdrawn to Holland, from the dread of the king's refentment, now returned to England, at the de- fire of the prince, to co-operate with Dyckevelt, in preventing their being divided, by the intrigues of the court, from the reft of their pro- teftant brethren '". After the departure of Dyckevelt, count Zuleftein was fent over, oftenfibly for the purpofe of carrying compliments of condolence to the queen, upon the death of her mother the duchefs '•' Burneu of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 195 of Modena ; but, in fa£t, to profecute the bufmefs already begun C It A v. by Dyckevelt. The luccers of thefe negociations was fully anlXver- ' , ' able to the expedattons of William. The marquis of Halii.ix, the earls of Shrewfbury, Devonfliire, Danby, Nottingham, lords Mor- daunt and Lumley, admirals Herbert and RulTel, held daily con- fultatlons in private with the Dutch ambafladors, and through them imparted their views and advice to the prince of Orange. Lord Mordaunt was commiflioned by this party to wait upon the prince in Holland, and to enter into a full difcufTion of his views with rcfped to the affairs of England ". While thefe negociations were fecretly carried on by the Dutch ambaffadors, copies of the prince's letter, in anfwer to the king's repeated folicitations for his confent to the repeal of the tefts, were circulated through all the counties of England. A declaration, which left the fentiments of the next heir to the crown no longer doubtful, and which exprelfed the ftrongefl: affurances of protection to the eflabliflied church, and of toleration to every fedf, had a remark- able effedt in multiplying the number, and ftrengthening the confidence, of the prince's friends. As there now appeared the mod preffing ne- ceffity for having recourfe to foreign aid, in order to refcue the nation from domeftic opprefTion, the authenticated views of the prince, fo moderate and fo falutary, were liffened to with general approbation, and the hearts of all parties prepared to entertain him with a cordial reception, fo foon as the critical moment fliould arrive of his flianding forth the avowed deliverer of the nation. To be fully prepared for " In confequence of the negociation of fay to the prince in Holland ; all of them Dyckevelt and Zuleftein, a correfpondence was contain high profeiTions of refpeft to him. opened between the prince of Orange and Some of the writers rcftrve their loyaltv to fome of the principal nobility in England. James ; and even infinuate, that the bed The letters of this correfpondence form a method of fhewing it, was by promoting the part of Sir John Dalrymple's CoIleiSions, prince's dcfign. None of the letters are Ap. part I ft, p. 186, &c. fpecific as to any plan of national deliverance. Moft of thefe letters refer to declarations The letters of Halifax and Nottingham arc made to Dyckevelt and Zuleftein whet) in Eng- very cautioully worded, and rather fugi^ell ■land, or to what they were commiffioned to deliberation and delay. C C 2 this ,^6 THE HISTORY OF C H A r. this event, under the pretext of guarding againft the encroaching ._ '^ ''^" . power of France, he appHed to the States for fiipplies neceflary to recruit the armv, and to augment the fleet ; and the afTiftance he received was appHed with expedition, judgment, and as much fecrecy as the nature of the bufinefs would admit. Neither did he rely for the fucccfs of this important event upon the internal ftate and dif- pofitions of the people of England, or the military force he was able to carry along with him from Holland. He availed himfelf of every circumftance, he improved every opportunity and argument calculated to make any imprefTion upon the furrounding powers of Europe, and to render them propitious to his enterprife. By dif- playing, with fagacious penetration, the moft alarming views of the ambition of Louis, he interefted not only the proteftant, but the popifli princes of Europe in his caufe ; and, with wonderful addrefs, perfuaded them to forget religious predilections and ancient feuds, while they united their counfels and exertions to accomplifh the de- prefTion of France, the deliverance of England, and his own ele- vation "'. Political ilate /j.. As the interefts of the prince of Orange coincided with thofe of the proteftants in England, fo various circumftance?, in the ftate of Europe, encouraged and feconded the views of both, and co- operated tovi'ards the accompliftiment of the revolution. James the Second of England was almoft the only prince in Europe who was not, either from private pique, or from a jea- louly of his exorbitant ambition, actuated by refcntment againft Louis the Fourteenth, who, at that period, fat upon the throne of France. The revocation of the edidl of Nantz, followed by the moft violent perfecution of the Huguenots, rendered his name deteftable to all the proteftant princes in Germany '\ A private conteft with Innocent the Eleventh, who now wore the triple crown, effaced the merit of his fanguinary zeal, and even " Monthly Mercury, '^ Tellament Politique du Colbert. drew POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 197 drew down upon him the implacable refentment of the holy father. ^ '^ A P. According to ancient cuftom, the ambailadors of catholic princes, refiding at Rome, enjoyed an exemption from the juriididtion of that court, and various immunities connefted with that privilege, which were called the francbijes. By imperceptible degrees, thele were extended, not only to the fervants and houfehold of the am- baflador, but to every other perfon received under his protection, and were at laft found to encroach far upon the dignity and do- meftic authority of the papal court. Bent upon his own perfonal grandeur, more than upon the extenfion of his power over diftant kingdoms, Innocent the Eleventh moft anxioully folicited the catholic princes to rcfign a privilege which tended to the diiparagement of his honour, and the limitation of his immediate jurifdidion. The houfe of Auftria fet that example of obfequioufneis, which was fol- lowed by other catholic princes in Europe. The king of France alone, vv'ith inflexible obftinacy, contended for the maintenance of all thofe honours which,, by long prefcription, were claimed by his ambafladors. The folicitations of the Englidi ambaflador were in- terpofed in behalf of France, and, inftead of foftening Innocent, involved James in a participation of the guilt and the odium of his ally '\ The houfe of Auftria had flill a more ferious ground of quarrel with France, and pofleffed greater power to profecute her refent- ment. While her whole exertions were diredled agalnft her natural enemies, the Turks, and the revolted fubjeds of Flungary, who had joined them, the king of France feized the opportunity of violating the truce agreed upon between him and the emperor, and began, without any (hadow of claim, to erect forts on the borders of Germany. The emperor having gained fome important advantages over the Turks, and recovered fome of the ftrongell fortrefles which had been long in their pofleflion, now began to turn his eyes upon '■* Hifloirc de GouvcruiTicnt Jc France, torn, iii, 1687. the ,,,8 THE HISTORY OF the encroachments of France, and was prepared eagerly to liften to any fcheme of curbing that exorbitant ambition, by which fhe was of late become formidable to Europe ". The repeated infults with which the haughty monarch had treated Holland and Spain, and the late violation of the treaty ofNimeguen, lillcd them with refentment and fearful forebodings of his future en- croachments '*. The difpofitions and the interefts of thefe various powers fuggefted to William a plan of confederacy againft France, to the accomplifli- ment of which he devoted the unremitted exertion of all his faculties. By his unparalleled addrefs in negociation, the Empire, Spain, Saxony, Holland, and the circles of the Upper Rhine, were all induced to enter into the famous league of Aufbourgh'\ The articles of that league would lead to the difcuffion of foreign po- litics, a fubjett too extenfive and complicated to enter into this work. Let it fuffice to obferve, that the terror of France was the principle of this league, and her humiliation the objedl it was in- tended to accomplifli. The affiftance and concurrence of England were perceived by all the confederating powers, to be efi'ential to its {lability and fuccefs. But what hope could they reafonably have of obtaining this, while a prince fat upon the throne of England, who was partial to the interefts of France ; and, by a tyrannical ufiirpation, overruled the inclination of his people and his parliament ? Here then was prefented to William, the moft favour- able opportunity of making an attempt upon England, not only whhout any hazard of oppofition from abroad, but with the hearty confent and good willies of thole very powers, who, upon any other occafion, would have been led by their religious prejudices to thwart his elevation. Should he fucceed, either by alTuming the government of England into his own hands, or by putting it into '5 XJndal's Introduaion. •« Ibid: »/ Ibid. the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. [99 the hands of the parliament, the obje£k of the leajrue would be ^ ^^ ^ P- VIII. obtained. At the fame time, great pains were taken to allure the pope, if not to become immediately acceffary to the league, •yet to look with a favourable eye upon the confederating powers. It is not difficult to perfuade men to apprehend the coincidence of the public good with their own private interefts and affedions. It was fuggeftcd to Innocent, that, by a revolution in England, he might exped, not only to obtain the gratification of private refent- ment, but the advancement of the catholic intereft in that kingdom. A toleration, which was agreeable to the avowed principles of William would fecure their perfonal flifety, and the undifturbed exercife of their religion, to all the difinterefted and fincere friends of the Roman church; whereas the violence and the precipitancy of James might one day roufe the fury of the nation, and terminate in the final extirpation of thofe whom he wifhed to cherllli. By thefe reprefentations, and the addrcfs of the prince of Orange at this time, was produced one of the moft fingular phsenomena that ever oc- curred in the hiftory of politics. An oppofition was formed be- tween the church and the court of Rome. The pope was made an inftrument of avenging fuperflitious zeal, and of faving the pro- teftant religion" in England, by contributing his aid to dethrone a prince, who, if it had not been for his bigotted attachment to the intereft of the Roman church, might have enjoyed a peaceable and happy reign '^ ■* From the late publications of Sir John Vatican at midnight, and was difcovcrcd to be Dalr) mple, it is now evident, that the pope a Dutch burgo-inafter of the name of Ouir • was privy to the defigns of William and the that, among other letters in bis pofleffion league. The French ambafiador extraordi- there was found one from the pope's fccretary nary, cardirjal D'Eftrees, in a letter to Lewis to the duke of Lorrain, e.xprciiing the parti- XIV. (18th Sept. 1687,) informs him, that cular joy his holinefs received upon being iii- he had been for fome time fufpicious of a formed, that his Imperial majefty had per- perfon who reforted every day in difguife to fuaded almoft all the European princes to count Cailbni, the pope's fecretary. That unite in a league againll the king of France. this perfon was at laft apprehended in the Dalrymple, Ap. part. i. p. 240 6. drefs of a porter as he came out from tlie 5 5.. The » — r ^^^ THE HISTORY OF C n A iv 5. Tlic combination of foreign princes of opFofite prejudices and interefts, however lingular an event, would not have been fufficient .to have railed William to the throne of England, if he had not, at the Hoiiand. ^^j^^g ji,j^g^ bee^i fortunate In uniting the States of Holland, by a cor- dial fubmiinon to his authority, and by the adoption of his political fchemes. From the commencement of the government of the United States after their feparation from Spal.i, a powerful fadtion, fpread through all the provinces, had fet themfelves in oppofition to the authority of the ftadtholder, as incompatible with the fpirit of their conftitution. By the influence of this faQion, Oliver Cromwell had obtained an article in the peace with Holland, aboliniing for ever that ofTice. By early management and addrefs, the firft fruits of a genius for enterprife and negociation, which afterwards aftonlflied Europe and faved the independence of fo many kingdoms, the prince of Orange raifed and animated the popular party in Holland; and by their means refumed the honours and the prerogatives of his houfe. Thefe, however, after he had recovered them, were re- tained with difliculty, and expofed to danger, by the unremit- ting oppofition of the city of Amfterdam, affifted, by difcontented peribns of diftinguifhed influence in the provinces. Inftigated by the invidious intrigues of France, they had lately formed a fcheme of withholding the fupplies, and reducing the army ; which exceedingly embarrafled die counfels and cramped the power of William. The ill- judged policy of France firft weakened her influence among the difaffedled party in the States, by impofing certain duties and reftric- tions upon fome of the moft profitable articles of their commerce, iu fpite of the moft earneft remonftrances of the city of Amfterdam, and the fecret advice of D'Avaux, the French ambaflador. The re- vocation of the edidl of Nantz widened the breach between Lewis and the Louveftein fadion, and promoted a reconciliation and an union of all parties in the provinces ". The Huguenots, " D'Avaux. who POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 201 who fled to them for refuge, by defcribing in pathetic ftrainfi ^ 'J ^ ^'• their own fufferings, and the fufTerings of thofe they had left behind v— -v-— j them, at once awakened the compaffion, and roufed the indignation, of all the proteftants in Holland. The jealoufy of their domeilic privi- leges was extinguiftied by a generous fympathy, with the opprefhon of their fellow-chriftians. The prince of Orange, whom the dif- affeded in Holland had hitherto beheld with an eye of fufpicion, they now regarded as the only iaftrument, under providence, to avenge the caufe of humanity and confcience ; and cordially concurred with their tl^llow-fubjedls, in granting the fupplies, and raifing the troops neceflary for that purpofe. The proteflant refugees were of ufc to William, not only by reconciling the affections of all the States to him, and to one another, but by great perfonal fervices. The for- tunes which they imported, facilitated the loans for the raifing of troops, and the other preparations necelfary for his expedition. Many French proteftants, of all ranks, entered into the army and fleet deftined for England. Among thefe were fome of the braveft fol- diers and mofl: experienced generals, who, to all their other qualifica- tions, added a fervent zeal for religion and liberty ; and were well- pleafed to hazard their lives in defence of a caufe, for which they had already fuffered exile. The death of the* eleilor of Cologne, and the forward part Lewis had taken in the choice of a fucceffor fubfervient to his ambition, threatened the furrounding powers on the continent with the near approach of a war ; and covered the real defign with which William was now carrying on the mofl extenfive military preparations. He formed a camp, augmented his army, and drew his troops out of the garrifon in Flanders. Under various pretences, and with the mofl aflonifhing expedition, he fitted out all the fhips of war belonging to the States, and brought them to the moft convenient harbours. He quickly found himfelf at the head of a warlike force, fuflicient to engage the confidence of his friends, fo foon as he fliould find it D d prudent 203 THE HISTORY OF c 11 A !'. pnitlcat tu make an open declaration of his purpofe, either to curb kJLI^L^ or to anniliilate the arbitrary power of his father-in-law". Ill fortune and 6. Ill fortune and imprudent meafures on the part of James, con- c3acu't curred with all the caufes which have been recited, to haften and •''""■''' to facilitate the fubverfion of his government, and the utter ruin of liis affairs. Tlie birth of a fun, inRead of flrengthening his prerogative, in various refpetlts contributed, to increafe the inclination and the power of his fubjedts to rcfift it. It emboldcTied the Roman catholics to rurfue more open and violent meafures; It roufed the fears, and pro- voked the immediate and vigorous refiftance, of his proteftant fubjeds. The profpedl .of a proteftant heir, fo long as it was held out to them, reminded the Roman catholics of an approaching day of reckoning, and rendered them more cautious and moderate, left they fhould lay a foundation of future refentments agaiuft themfelves. The protec- tants drew great conlblation from the hope of an event which feemed to let bounds to the reign of fuperftltion and tyranny; and fome of them, extravagantly loyal, would have been willing to endure many hardihips, provided they were not to defcend to their pofterity. The birth of a fon, who would infallibly be trained in the enthufiaftic and "■ Hill, dc Louis le Grand, par BuffyRabutin. The emperor propofed as a candidate, prince Lewis XIV., in order to fecure to his Clement, brother of the eleftor of Bavaria. intcrcft the cleftorate of Cologne, had pre- He was fnpported by his brother the eleiflor, vailed upon the late cleftor, declining in his by Holland, and the pope, who gave Clement health, to defire a co-adjutor, and by his in- a difpenfation, on account of his being under trigues obtained the eleftion of cardinal Fur- age. Though tlie cardinal was defied by a ftcmberg, upon whom he had bellowed the majority, the emperor and the pope itillrefufcd bllhoprick of Stralburgh. The pope refufed their confent. Upon this, France fent troops his bull, and the emperor hisinveiliture, which into Cologne, which took the oaths of allegi- wcrc neceffary to ratify the eledion. ance to the cardinal, and filled the garrifons Upon the death of the eledlor, a new elec- according to his orders. France began at tion was found to be neceffary. To fupport the fame time to make warlike preparations at the claim of Furftemberg, the troops of France home ; to difcontinue the works in which the were ordered to march to the frontiers, and troops were employed in the country ; and to her agents were fent to Cologne, to diftribute give commiffions for new levies. Memoires de money among the priefts and the canons, la Cour de France, par la Comteffe de la who had a vote in the eleftion, F.iyette, vol. ii. p. 4.. and 19. 22. tyrannical POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 20,3 tvrarm'ical principles of his father, rendered the fituation of England ^' ^^ ^ ^^ irretrievably defperate, if they did not make a bold effort for their u- — ^^--— j deliverance while they yet had it in their power. The number and ftrength of the friends of arbitrary power muft Incrcafe every day. Delay was ruin. Though to a perfon who, at this diftance of time, fairly balances evidence, there may appear little reafon to doubt of the legitimacy of the birth of the prince of AVales; yet fome myfterious circum- ftances attending that event, cafily impofed upon the credulity of party ; and, to all the other crimes of James againft his fubjeds, added the ground of a charge the moll heavy that could lie againft his character, either as a man, or as a prince. If the king was unfortunate in that combination of circumftances ■which united fo many of the powers of Europe in oppofition to his iBterefts, he was no lefs fo in the weaknefs and violence, or the du- plicity and perfidy, of the counfellors in whom he principally con- fided, and who diffuaded him from availing himfelf of the only alTiftance which remained to him in the extremity of his affairs. Lewis the Fourteenth had inflrufted his ambaffador at the Hague to demand a pofitive anfwcr of the States, with refpedl to the defli- nation of the army and fleet which were getting ready with fuch ex- - pedltion ; and, as a reafon for this inquiry, added the ftrongeft ex- preffions of friendfhip towards James, in whofe fafety he profcffed himfelf deeply interefted. The States either pretended, or actually believed, from this interpofition, that a fecret treaty had been tranf- adted between James and Lewis. By the advice of Sunderland, James was perfuaded not only to decline, but refent, the good olEces of the king of France ^'. He rcfufed to accept the affiftance of a fleet '•' The treachery of Sunderland (more per- afFeftIng a conviiflion of the propriety of his haps than any other caufe) contributed to the meafures, and a zeal for carrying them into ruin of James. By adopting liis prejudices, by execution, he impoled not only upon Janio?, D d 2 but 204 THE HISTORY OF \ 111. c n A r. fleet and an army proffered to him by Lewis. He ln(lru£led his a.nbairador at the court of France, to complain of that imprudent ofii- cioufncfs which had ftaggered the confidence of his own fubjeds. A ftorm, which dilperied and turned back the Dutch fleet, after their firft fetting fail for the coaft of England, conftrued as a fignal iiitcrpofition of heaven, immediately occafioned a change in the but on the French ambaflador, Barillon. See a remarkable inllance of this, Dalrymple, Ap. parti, p. 175. . . , ^ , When Sunderland perceived the unpopula- rity of the king's conduA, and the fatal iiTue in wliich it was likely to termi;-iate, he turned his eyes towards Holland, and by means of Syd- ney, his wife's uncle, endeavoured to open a corrcfpondence with the prince of Orange. His wife, in the name of her hulband, makes a declaration of his attachment, and a tender of his fcrvices, to the prince of Orange, in terms the mofl abjeft. Dalrymple, part i. p. 187. D'Avaux, vol. iv. 13th and zcth May, 1688. As if it had been to avert the fufpicion of his mailer, which, from the confcioufnefs of guilt, he had reafon to dread, ho profeiTed to be converted to the Roman catholic religion. Dalrymple, part i. p. 287-8. Ho continued to encourage James in the moll violent meifures, while he conferred with Dykevelt. Dalrymple, Ap. parti, p. 191. Meanwhile, he Hill fo effeftually impofcd on Barillon, as v^ell as James, that, upon the re- commendation of the former, Lewis ordered him a penfion for his fervices to France. Ibid. p. 267. But the mod notorious inftance of his du- plicity occurs in his conduft at the time when James propofed to recal the troops from Hol- land. He had affured Barillon of his approv- ing of that meafure, and of promoting it by his influence with the king. Some time af- ter, the order for recalling thefe troops was fufpended. Skelton, the ambaflador at the court of France, fufpefted, that the fufpenfion of the rccal was owing to the advice of Sunder- land, who began to fall under the fufpicion of holding a correfpondence with the prince of Orange. Barillon is charged to inquire into this affair ; and, particularly, whether Sunder- land had advlfed the fufpenfion of the recal. But with fuch artillce did Sunderland acqitit himfelf, that, in a converfation with the am- baflador upon the fubjeft, he perfuaded him, that the obftruftions to this meafure proceeded from its being difagreeable, not only to the proteflants, but to the catholics : That he him- felf, by his firmnefs in adhering to it, e.xpofed- his own intereft and fafety to the greatell ha- zard : That all this proceeded from a vehement attachment to the French intereft ; and there- fore fuggells the juilice of his claim to an ad- ditional pcnfiop. from the king of France. Dalrymple, Ap. parti, p. 267. 273. 277-9, 280. Sunderland difliuaded James from accepting the afiifiance oircred him by France, after it became certain that the prince of Orange meditated an expedition into England. Ibid. 282-3-6. D'Avaux, vol. iv. Sept. 18th, 1688. Life of James, pafiim. Sunderland had obtained orders to all the ambaffadors in foreign ftates, to communicate any news of importance to none but him; a circumftance which at once fhews his influence with James, and his capacity of hurting him. Dalrymple, Ap. parti, p. 281. The letters of Sunderland to king William after the revolution fully confirm his treache-y : In them he pleads the merit of his pail fervices. Dalrymple, Ap. part ii. p. i, 2. From thefe letters it appears, that William, difgufted with Sunderland's crooked ways, hefitated about confenting to his return to England. moderate POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 205 moderate and conciliating meafures which had lately been adopted ^ u a p. by the king, and utterly deftroyed all confidence in the promiles which he afterwards made when driven to extremity. The impru- dence of James was no lefs confpicuous than his bad fortune. His conceflions were made with a referve which fomented the diftrufl: of his friends. He promifcd to call a parliament, but alleged as a reafon for delaying it, the confufion and the difturbances which prevailed while the prince of Orange and his army were in Eng- land ; though it was evident, that, if he extricated the nation from them by military exertions, he muft find himfelf in a fituation more than ever fuperior to the power of parliament. The fufpenfion of the blfhops was taken ofFj the ecclefiaftical commiflion difTolved ; the charters of corporations reftored in their ancient form. But the king flill exprefled himfelf in terms of fuch referve and hefitation with refpedl to the indulgence of the Roman catholics, itfelf the moft ofTenfive meafure, as well as the fource of all the other offen- five meafures which he purfued, that there feemed no ground to rely upon his promifes, or to hope for a lading reformation of government. The unchangeable tenor of the king's condud; exhibited a pal- pable contradiQion to the promifes he made, and to the refolutions he profefled. One Hale, a clergyman, confiderable only by the odium he had incurred for reading the declaration of indulgence, was now promoted to the dignity and the lucrative emoluments of the fee of Oxford. The prince of Wales was baptifed according to the form of the Roman catholic church, and the pope, repre- fented by his nuncio, flood as godfather. Difgufted at the infincerity and infatuation of the king, and entirely excluded from his confidence, many of thofe who had hitherto faithfully adhered to his perfon, found themfelves com- pelled to encourage the interference of the prince of Orange, as far as it was neceflary, to repair the breaches of the conftitution, though nothing 3o6 THE HISTORY OF C II A P. nothing was farther from their intention than to ralfe him to the yji!^ throne. The fluduation, timidity, and weaknefs of the king, when his affairs became more defperate, fuppreffed, in a great meafure, that pity which follows dignity alTociated with misfortune. The precipitate defertion of his dominions ftruck his friends with afto- nilhmcnt and confufion, fulfilled the wiflies of his enemies, and accompliflied, without the cffufion of blood, the moft important revolution that occurs in the annals of England. The decbn- The prince of Orange landed at Torbay on the fifth of November tion of the Qj^g thoufand fix hundred and eighty-eight. Before he left Holland prince of r • ^ • c t r^ f n Orange. \^q publifhed a declaration, reprefenting the grievances ot the Lnglilh \lii. ' nation under the government of James. That all ordinary remedies having been ineffedual to obtain redrefs, he had thought fit to go over to England, with fuch a force as was fufficient to defend him from the violence of evil eounfellors, and that the defign of his expedition was to obtain a free and lawful parliament. He dif- claimed all intention of conqueft ; and faid, that he had no other defign, than to procure a fettlement of the religion and liberties of the fubjed, upon fo fure a foundation, that there might be no danger of the nation relapfing into the like miferies hereafter ". Two queftions naturally occur with refpedl to this declaration, and the folution of them materially affeQs the charader of the prince of Orange : I. How far is it confiftent with truth, or does it contain a fair reprefentation of fads ? 2. Was the condud of the prince of Orange, in accepting the crown, confident with the promifes and engagements of his declaration? It does not appear that any of the fads with refped to the grievances which are enumerated in the prince's declaration, are mifreprefented, or exaggerated. In one inftance only, the declaration of the prince may feem liable to the charge of falfehood and " Journ. Commons, vol. x. 9 calumny ; POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 207 calumny ; namely, in what refpeds the fuppofititious buth of the C H A P. prince of Wales. Whether William really believed this, whether, from a mifreprefentation of circumftances communicated to him by his correfpondents in England, and the influence of ambition which infenfibly warps the mind, he did not fufped that an impofture was intended by his father-in-law, we cannot pretend to determine. The guilt alleged was of fo bafe and atrocious a nature, that he ought not to have fet his hand to it, without an accurate examination of the evidence, and a full convicflion of its being well founded. It is certain, that the bigotry of James excited ftrong fufpicions of his proteftant fubjeds, and of the princefs Anne, that he in- tended to impofe a fuppofititious child, to prevent the fucce/Tion of his proteftant heirs ''^ To any pcrfon who now examines the evi- dence of this fufpicion, it will not appear to have been at any time fufficient to have induced the convidion of an unprejudiced mind. It affords a ftrong prefumption, that William viewed it in the fame light, as he never admitted or encouraged any inquiry with refpedl to the birth of the prince of Wales, which, if it had been rendered even doubtful, muft have fortified his title to the throne. The ftrong attachment of the nation to hereditary right, and the indif- penfable neceffity of his afTuming the crown, will be confidered as apologies for the condudt of William in this inftance, by thofe who admit, that the obligations to candour and probity may be difpenfed with in any cafe whatever. It muft be matter of regret to every fair mind, to find fo few examples in hiftory, of prejudices, however ' weak or pernicious, having been removed by pure force of argu- ment ; and that hardly one inftance occurs, of any fignal revolution, in government having been accompliilied, without working upon the refentments of the people, by heightening the abufes and crimes of '■J It was fufpefted, from the pains which any perfon he (liould think fit to name, on pur- James took to pack the parliament in Scotland, pofe to fecure the Roman catholic religion. that he had formed a plan to obtain authority Life of Carilares, p. 28. for feitling the facceffion of the crown upon thof« VIII. ,o8 THE HISTORY OF HA p. thofc who nil the feats of authority, and who have an intereft in oppofing hmovations, however falutary. There is no difficulty in vindicating the conHftency and honour of William, from any impeachment ©f them, for his afcending the throne, as if it had been contrary to the words of his declaration, and the promifcs he made to fome of the confederate princes '*. He cer- tainly undertook his expedhion into England with the hope that it might terminate in his elevation to the throne. He difclaimed any defign of conqueft: In this there can be no doubt of his fmcerity; but he certainly did not mean, nor wifli it to be underftood, that he would refufe the crown of England if tendered to him, after deliberation, by the reprefentatives of the people. He even made ufc of expreffions which might be obvioufly interpreted to bear that fenfe, or to imply his readinefs to accept of it. He faid, he had no other defign in his undertaking, but to procure a fettlement of the reli"-ion, liberties, and properties of the fubjedl, upon fo fure a founda-r tion, that there could be no danger of the nation relapfing into the Hke miferies hereafter. Elis elevation to the throne, however, was ftill a matter of contingency : It was to depend upon the conjundure of circumftances. To the commiffioners fent by James, to treat with him about the fettlement of the nation, he made propofals, which, though they may appear arrogant, were, in the critical fituation of affairs at that time, indifpenfably neceflary to procure that end ~\ If James *♦ The prince of Orange, in a letter to the denburgh to King Wiiliam, 27th Feb. 1689. emperor, before his expedition into England, Ibid.; alfo Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 1688; allures him, that he had no intention to make an Jan. 1689. attempt upon the crown, or to defire to appro- ^s The mofl: exceptionable articles in the priate it to himfelf. Dalrymple, Ap. p. 254. propofals made by the prince, are the 4th The fame arguments which vindicate the and 6th, by which he feemed to put him- confillcncy of William's after-conduft with felf in every refpeft upon a footing with his declaration, remove any charge of du- the king ; namely, that if his majelly ihould plicity inferred from this letter. We cannot tliink fit to be in London during the fitting of doubt but that he wiflted, and particularly his the parliament, he (the prince) might be there perfonal friends earneftly wilhcd, that the alfo, with an equal number of his guards ; and courfc of affairs might bring the crown within that a fuflicient part of the public revenue his offer. See Letter of the Ekftor of Bran- fhould be afiigned him, for the fupport and main- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. aog James had accepted them, there can be little doubt but that he ^ ^} ^ ^' would have kept his crown. . Confounded, when he heard of the affociation of fo many perfons of the firft rank under the prhicc of Orange, and of the defcrtion of his own family ; diftrufling his army, and ftill inflexibly attached to the interefl of the Roman catholic religion, he chofe rather to throw himfelf into the arms of France; and left his people in fuch a fituatlon, as hardly referved any other alternative, by which the purpofe of the. prince's declaration could be obtained, than putting the crown upon his head. maintenance of his troops, till the fitting of a nwnds could infure the purpofe of his expeJi- frce parliament. It is evident, however, that tioiJ. nothing Ihort of a compliaace with thefe de- F.e SIO THE HISTORY OF C H A P. IX. EffeEls of the Departure of James. — The Peers in London addrrf^ tht Prince to ajfume the Adminijlration of Government. — He waits for fame Tefiimoiiy of the Approbation of the Commons. — Summons the Members who had ferved in Parliament during the Reign of Charles II. — They meet. — Addrefs him to call a Convention. — He complies with their De~ fire. — ConduEl of the Prince previous to the Meeting of the Convention. — His ASs of Government, — EleSlions. — The Convention meets —Addreffes the Prince. — A Letter from King James rejel^ed. — General View of the Com~ mons concerning the State of the Nation. — Debates of the Commons concern- ing the fettling of the Government. — Final Refolution. — Debates in the Houje cf Lords concerning the fettling of the Government. — Refolutions and Vote.— The Slueflion concerning the original Contract. — Refolutions and Vote. — The Commons avoid any farther Meafures for fettling the Government. — The Lords propofe Amendments upon the Refolutions of the Commons.—-' Obfervations. — Conference betzveen the two Houfes. — Caufes which con- flrained the Lords to concur with the Commons. — Difcontents and Tumults of the People. — Declaration of the Prince of Orange — of the Princefs of Orange — of the Princefs Anne. — EffeSfs of them. — The Lords concur with the Votes of the Commons — and fettle the Crown on William and Mary, — Bill of Rights, — Alteration of the Oaths. — EffeSis of the Revo- lution with refpe5i to the Conjlitution. CHAP. 'TT^HE departure of James produced a fudden alteration in the y_ I . A views and the hopes of every party. The affection and con- Effcftsofthe fi^si^ce of his friends were ftaggered by a defertion, for which they departure of •were not prepared. All their plans, for accomplifhing a reconcili- ation between the king and his offended fubje£ts, were entirely dil- concerted, and the hopes of fettled government removed to a great diftance. In proportion to the deprefTion and embarrafTinent of the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec, 2u ihe adherents of James, the fpirits of the prince of Orange and his ^ '^ /^ ^^ friends were elated, and their profpeds became more flattering and «_ - . — _j ^ r I 1688. extenhve . The peers, who were in London, met at Weftminftcr on the Ji^f^pcTsin *^ _ _ London ad- twenty-fifth of December, and, after figning the aflbciation drawn '^rch the up at Exeter, unanimoufly addrefled the prince of Orange, to af- fume'the ad- fume the adminiftration of government, and to write circular let- governm'cm? ters to all the different bodies of eledors, requefting them to chufe reprefentatives, to meet at Weftminfter on the twenty-fecond of Ja- nuary one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine, in order to deli- berate concerning the final fettlement of the nation ^ This addrefs was not more acceptable to the prince, than other refolutions of the lords, which removed the principal obftrudions to fuch a plan of fettling the nation, as he might naturally be fuppofed to defire. They una-aimoufly refufed to receive a letter left by king James containing an apology for his departure out of the kingdom, and de- clined making any inquiry into the evidence of the birth of the prince of Wales'. By thefe refolutions, they opened a plain and dired path to that important conclufion, upon which the revolution was founded, namely, that there was a demlfe of the crown or abdication of the government. Some of the lords precipitately moved, that the crown was vacant; and that the princefs of Orange fliould be declared queen; but the oppofition which this motion received, both from the friends of her hufband, and from the few who w^re ftill attached to the intereft of king James, pre- vented that celerity of decifion, which could hardly have laid the foundation of a quiet and permanent fettlement *. • Clarendin's Diary, December. /hops, except Compion of London, refufed " The number of peers who met nt Weft- to fign the affociation. The lords iflued an jnlnfter appears to have been about feventy : order by their own authority, for all papiils they increafed afterwards, in the courfe of to depart from London and Wellniinrtcr. tliefe previous deliberations, to ninety. The 3 Clarendon's Diary, December. duk-e of Somerfet, the earls of Pembroke and * Ibid. Notcin^hara, lord Wharton, and all the bi- E e 2 The 312 THE HISTORY OF C M A P. IX. i6SS. He wait* for fome ttH'i- mony of ihe approbitioii ot' tlie com- mons, jjd Dfc. Suinmotis the memb»rs who h.id ftfrvcd ill parlismcnt during the reign of Charles II. They meet. 26th Dec. The prince, attentive to the forms of the conftitiulon, as far as It was poHible to ohferN^ them, during the prefent ceflation of execu- tive authority, deferred his acceptance of the government, till he af- forded the commons au opportunity of exprefling their concurrence witli the addrefs of the lords. He called together all thofe perfons- who had ferved in any of the parliaments of ChaVIes II., and the lord mayor and aldermen of the city of London, requefting their ad- vice upon the prefent ftate of the nation. The reftriding his invi- tation to the members, who had fat in parliament during the reign of Charles, was differently interpreted, according to the influence of political prejudices and connexions. By fome it was cenfured, as- equally partial and impolitic : by others it was confidered, as a be- coming teftimony of that refpe£l which the prince entertained for the purity of the conftitution '. The members of the parliament of James, it was afferted, could not be confidered as reprefcntatives of the peo- ple, becaufe they had been eleded, under illegal and arbitrary al- terations upon the charters of the boroughs. Their perfonal con- dud alfo appeared blamable, becaufe they had exceeded in their con- ceffions to prerogative at the commencement of his reign ; though fome atonement they certainly had made to their conftituents, by that firm refiftance to the difpenfmg power, which proved the caufe of their diffolution. Agreeably to the defire of the prince, about three hundred mem- bers of the commons", the lord mayor, and the aldermen of the city of London, met at Weftminfter upon the day appointed, when the prince addrefled them in a fliort fpeech, and entreated their advice with refpea to the beft method of purfuing the ends of his declaration; namely, to obtain a free parliament; to fecure the proteftant religion; and the ancient laws and conftitution of the kingdom. Ralph, vol. ii. p. j. Rere&y, p. 303. TI le POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. C13 The members of the commons unanimoiifly adopted the refolu- C H^A P. tions of the lords. They thanked the prince for having expofed '- ^^^^ ' his perfon in prefervation of their religion ; they figned the aflbcia- Addrefs him , . , 1,1/- .-to <^a" * coi- tion of adherence to him, and prayed him to lummon a convention vention. to meet on the twenty-fecond of January one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine ^ The prince, in compliance with the addrefs of the lords, and of He complies the reprefentatives of the commons, ifllied circular letters for the defire/"^ meeting of the convention, and aflumed the diredion of the govern- ment, as far as was necefliiry for the purpofes recommended to him. During the interval between the fummons and the meeting of the Condua of convention, many of the nobility and principal gentlemen attended preWouTto the levee of the prince of Orange. He received them with civility, |ff^jJ^g"o^5 but with referve ; and, by avoiding the appearance of prediledion vention. for any party, he gave no occafion for offence or jealoufy, which might have marred that unanimity, upon which the happy fettle- ment of the nation depended \ Some of the bifliops and to- ries expreffed their didlitisfadlion, upon account of that attention and refpect, which the prince fbewed to the proteftant diffenters. It does not appear, however, that, in this inftance, he did any thing more than what v>-as required by the didates of prudence, and the common rules of polltenefs '. He was juftly applauded for his caution in declining to enter into converfation upon any fpecitic plan for fettling the government ; though fome perfons, who were intrufted with the management of his bufinefs, feemcd anxious to difcover the opinions and iuclinations, of the Englifli nobility, who daily reforted to him under the pretext of compliment, or bufinefs '°. It is fomewhat remarkable, that particular expreffions and arguments, which were afterwards cenfured as new and uncon- ' Journ. Commons, 26th December. ' Letter to the Convention. * Echard, vol. iii, »'' Buckingham's Woilis, vol. ii. fi.itutional, .,^ THE HISTORY OF C H A P. ftltutlonal, In the courfc of debates in tlie convention parliament, ^ '^ . were fivft introduced in thefe private conferences, by feme of the '^*^" moft zealous friends of the prince of Orange ". Mr. Bentinck and Mr. Sydney were the perfons who privately ponelTed the confidence of the prince. The former had merited his early favour by fmgular evidences of attachment to his perfon, and. acquired his efteem by tried faithfalncfs and capacity in bufmefs '\ The latter had long refided in Holland, had been privy to the cor- refpondence between the prince and his friends, and advifed him in every ftcp he had taken, for interpofing publicly in the affairs of England. The marquis of Halifax, the earls of Shrewfbury, Not- tingham, Danby, Lords Mordaunt, Delamere, admiral Herbert, and Mr. Ruflel, were all difllnguifhed by particular marks of the prince's attention ". His afts of The few ads of government, exercifed by him, previous to the government, j^^g^jj^g ^f j|jg convention, had a provident refped to his own future fuccefs, as well as to the fafety of the nation. He publifhed 30th Dec. a declaration, giving authority to all fheriffs, juftices of peace, and other ofllcers who were not papifts, and who had received their commiffions before the firft of December, to continue in office. He fent orders to the city, to fufpend the oaths, ufually adminif- tered to the members, when eleded into the common council. A few regiments, under the command of officers fecretly attached to James, were difbanded ; and, that the army might fuflain no material diminution, the private men were incorporated into {land- ing regiments of unfulpeded fidelity to the prince. To difcharge " Clarendon's Diary, Jarmary. danger. As foon as he recovered, he at- '- Mr. Bentinck attended the prince of tended his mafter to the field of battle, and Orange, during his illnefs in the fmall-pox, was always near his per/on. He was fent to for the fpace of fixteen days and nights, ad- Brandenburg to communicate to the eleftor, minjllercd to him all his medicines and food, the prince's intended expedition to England, and never moved from his bed. Immediately and was principally trufted with direfting the after the prince's recovery, he fell fick of the preparations for it. Life of William, vol. i- farae dillempjsr, and was in Oie greatell p. 6j. '3 Burnet. the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 215 the arrears of the army, and to remove every caufe of difcon- CHAP. IX tent, the fum of two thoufand pounds was borrowed from an aUo- " / elation of citizens. The alacrity and readinefs with which it was 8ih January. granted, yielded the prince a plcafing earned of the good wifhes and friendly afliftancc of the metropolis. Many of the failors having deferted upon account of the irregular payment of their wages, a proclamation was publiflied, tendering a free pardon and ,6th Jan; payment of arrears, to fuch as returned to the fervice of their country. To remove every appearance of undue influence upon eledors, all the regiments were commanded to march from the counties and towns where eledions were to be held. An order was S^h Jaiu publiflied to control the licentioufnefs of the prefs, and to prevent all publications containing falfe and malicious reprefentations of charaders and meafures, and tending to difturb the public peace '*. By the variety and wildnefs of thofe projeds of government which dally Iflued from the prefs, without falling under this prohibition, the minds of the people were now wound up to the higheiT: pitch of curiofity and impatience, concerning the important event referred to the decifion of the convention. The eledions of the members for the convention were carried on t7i„.,v without diforder or violence. The remembrance of the grievances, ■which the nation had endured under James, was recent; the fuccefs of the prince of Orange, and a confidence In his virtues, had great influ- ence upon many of the eledors. Several of the counties and boroughs had fixed their choice immediately after the fummons for a meeting of parliament by James, profefledly called for the purpofe of redreiTaig grievances, and to that choice they now adhered ". The grand convention met at Wcflminfter on the twenty-fecond Conrenticn of January one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine. Li the boufe of lords, the marquis of Halifax and the earl of Danby were I* Ralph, vol. ii. p. zo, " Bunict. competitors niee:i. :i6 THE HISTORY OF competitors for the office of fpeaker, and the former was preferred. la the lower houfe, Mr. Powie was unanimoufly chofen '\ A letter was prefented from the prince of Orange to both' houfes, in which he mentioned the endeavours he had uied to promote the peace and fafety of the nation; and recommended to them, to lay the founda- tion of a firm fecurity for their rehgion, laws, and liberties. That no interruption might be given to an happy and lading fettlement, he reprefentcd the dangerous condition of the proteftant intereft, in Ireland, which required large and fpeedy fuccours. He recommended to their particular friendfliip and aflillance, the States of Holland, by whom he had been enabled to undertake fuch an expenfive and ha- zardous expedition, for the deliverance of England '\ AddrelTes the Both houfes prefented an addrefs of thanks to the prince, for the P"^"^"* fervices he had rendered the nation ; and prayed that he would af- fume the adminiftration of affairs, and that he would take particular care of the prefent ftate of Ireland ". A letter from A letter from king James was fent, by lord Prefton, to both houfes James rcje - ^f pJ^pl•^^^erl^•^ The commons rejeded it, unopened. The lords ex- amined the meffenger who received it from lord Melfort, but no notice was taken of it afterwards ". General view Upon the 28th of January, the lower houfe refolved itfelf into a of the com- * . - . mons, con- committee, to take into confideration the ftate of the nation. Frora ftate ot the the opportunities, which had occurred, of difcovering the private opinions of men of every party and ftation, concerning the vari- ous projects for fettling the government, the members of the con- vention well underftood, that the general tenor of national fentl- ments run againft innovations; while, at the fame time, the reftora- tion of James appeared, even to thofe who were attached to his fa- mily, to be in the higheft degree alarming and dangerous. But though a great majority in the houfe of commons were difpofed to fet afide James, yet it was evident that this meafure m-uft have beea ''' Journ. Lords and Commons, 22d Jan. "* Ibid. " ibid. ") Journ. Lords, 4th Feb. attended nation. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 217 attended with unfurmountable diiTiciiltles, if conduced with a rigid C H A l*. refped to the ordinary forms of law, or even witli that deliberation \ ~ ^ which juftice fcemed to require, in common cafes, relative to the ' '^' property, or charader, of individuals. If the convention could aflume it, as a preliminary propofition, that the throne was already vacant, it would not only carry them forward to an advanced ftage of the bufmefs, but cut off many objedions and cmbarrjirments, w^hich muft of neceflity cramp the freedom of debate, and cxpofe the fettle- ment of the nation to great delay and hazarti. It feems therefore to have been a refolution, tacitly adopted by the lower houfe, not to agitate any previous queftions, which might lead to a difcufllon of the competency of their judicial power, in any cafe relative to the con- dudl of the king; but rather to proceed as if thefe had been already decided, and to employ their deliberations for re-eftablilhi;^g a go- vernment, which had ceafed or expired, from the voluntary renun- ciation of the perfon to whom it had been intrufted ". Mr. Dolben, who opened the debate, propofed to confine his Debates of the views to the ftate of the nation, without entering into the confidera- cernkg"the°"' tion of remedies for the misfortunes in which it was involved. The '^^'"img of the government. propofition he affumed,' as the ground of his arguments, was, that a demife of government had happened. He maintained, agreeably to the fignification of the original word from which it was derived, that not only the natural death of the perfon who was at the head of the government, but fuch a condud as was produdive of the fame ef- fe£ts, or an interruption and difcontinuance of its fundions, ought, in flridl propriety, to bo interpreted a demife. By the departure of the king, who had carried off the great feal, the formal inilrument of all legal proceedings, the fcveral courts of juftice had expired, and all public bufinefs was at a ftand. The examples of former times, upon emergencies fimilar to what had now happened, removed the ob- jedion of novelty againft the dodrine he maintained, and the refo- lution which he wiihed to found upon it. The refignation of the -° See Speeches of Serjeant Mayr.ard.Harboard, Trcby. Grey's Debates, vol. ix. p. 12, .^'c. F f crown ai8 THE HISTORY OF crown by Edward the iecond, though conftrained by Imprifonment and menaces; the flight of Edward the fourth, though necefTary to '''"■■ his perfonal fafety; were pronounced by the ableft lawyers to be a demifc of the crown, and followed with all the effefts, which a na- tural demile muft have produced ". It was argued by others, that the negled of duty and the defer- tion of government, were terms, which conveyed too foft a repre- fentation of the mifcondua of James. The man who negleds the duties of his oflice through indolence and diflipation, or relinquifhes it through timidity, is equally incapable and unworthy of truft. But the man who betrays truft, and employs the powers and oppor- tunities he enjoys, to fubvert the very ends for which they were be- ftowed, has reached the moft confummate pitch of depravity. The mal-adn-nniftration and criminality of th'- late king, juftified the higheft degree of public indignation and legal refentment. The innumerable ads of tyranny of which they had been witnefies, and under which many of them had fufFered, indicated not only an incapacity for government, but a fpirit, repugnant to the con- ftitution of England, and bent upon its deftrudtion. No prince had ever maintained more extravagant ideds of monarchical pre- rogatives, than James the hrft of England, yet even he never pre- fumed to exalt them above the authority of law; but folemnly de- clared, in parliament, " that the moment a king breaks in upon the " laws, he ceafes to be a king "." What, but a confidence in the fupremacy of the law, as controlling the will, and binding the hands of the prince himfelf, had defeated the obftinate, though, as it now appeared, the wife ftruggles againft the order of fiicceffion, in the perlon of the prefent prince ? As often as the malignant fpirit of popery had been delineated, and the flual event of this day predicted, in the courfe of the debates on the bill of exclufion, as often it had been replied, " that the king of England was only the minifter, and not " the mafter, of the laws; and that the adminiftration of government " Grey's Debates, vol. ix. -'- Speech of Sir G. Tre'oy. Ibid. » " could POLITICxIL transactions, &c. 219 " could be veiled in proteftants alone, and managed only for the ^ ^' .^ ^^ " intereft of the proteftant religion"." The removal of the king to i, _r France, difcovered a difpofition alienated from his fubjevSs; and his re- ' ^* turn, and the recovery of his crown, if accomplifhed by the afliftance of fuch an ally, m.ufl be attended with the flavery of his native kingdom '*. The imbecility of argument, and the coldnefs of afFedion, with which the friends of James fupported his caufe, in the lower houfe, were, no lefs than the zeal and number of his opponents, an evidence of the defperate fituation of his affairs. Their arguments referred principally to the preliminary queftion, which was taken for granted by thofe who fpoke on the other fide ; namely, " Whether the con- " ventioa had powers adequate to fuch an important decifion, as that *' of finding the throne vacant ?" There were a few, who denied the poffibillty of fuch an event as the demife of the crown, in an hereditary monarchy. Gould the inter- ference of the convention, or the united authority of all the eledors in the kingdom, violate the natural and eftablifhed order of defcent? The attempt, if fuccefsful in this inftance, would fuggeft inferences of extenfive and alarming application ; and fhake all the fecurities, \\'hich the law had given to individuals, for the prefervation of their rights and property '\ But even thofe, who, in the courfe of the debate, maintained the principles of the tories, exprefled the moft pointed cenfure of the mal-adminiftration and mifcondudl of the late kimr : and the moft forward defire to purfue fuch meafures, as might effedtu- ally prevent his return to power. Affe<51:ed with a deep fenfe of the injuries they had fuftained under his arbitrary government, juftly apprehenfive of the continuance and increafe of them, if he fliould again afcend the throne, they haftened, without a fcrupulous attach- ment to forms, to pronounce a fentence, which his demerit juftified, and their own fafety indifpenfal)!y required. But, though the majority of the houfe miglit be perfuaded, upon an extraordinary occafion, to deviate from common forms, yet it was evident that it would give a -*' Speech of Sir G. Treby. Grey's Debates, vol. ix. *♦ Grey's Debates, vol. i\. '' Ibid. F f 2 greater 220 THE HISTORY OF c n A IX. greater weight to their refolutions, if any precedent could be found, cxadly luitcd to the fituation of the kingdom, and to the remedy '^^^' propofcd. None of the examples, cited from the EngUfti hiftory, were conformed, in every circum fiance, to the event which now engaged their deliberation. Richard the fecond was perfonally apprehended by the barons, and fpccifically charged with offences, not only againft the ftate, but againft individuals ; and he had fuhfcribed an inftru- ment, formally refigning the crown. Edward the fourth, and Kenry the fixlh, fled from the violence of their enemies, and abdicated the government by compulfion. To remove the doubts of thofe, who objeded to the novelty and temerity of excluding James from re- turning to the throne, Mr. Somers, with great addrefs, diredled the attention of the houfe to a foreign tranfadion, which, as it had been fuggefted by a fituation precifely fimilar to that of England, fo it ex- hibited an example of the moft fuccefsful plan of fettling a govern- ment, difturbed and interrupted, by the bigotry and defertion of the fuprcme magiftrate ". Sigifmund, next heir to the crown of Swe- den, had, during the life of his father, become a convert to the Ro- man catholic religion. His future fubjeds, like the people of Eng- land, in the reign of Charles the Second, looked forward, with difmal apprehenfions, to a fucceflion fo threatening to the interefts of their •S9-- religion. After the death of his father, their fears were in fome mea- fure removed, and their allegiance engaged, by the moft folemn de- clarations of Sigifmund, that he would maintain the laws and reli- ' gion of Sweden. Regardlefs of thefe, he ftill profecuted the inftiga- tions of bigotry, ereded a popifli church in the capital, conferred offices of the higheft truft upon Roman catholics, and put his garri- fons into their hands. The alarm of his fubjeds now Tofe to the higheft pitch: All ranks of men united to defend their religion and laws, and to avenge the treachery of their fovereign. Sigifmund 'to7. fuddenly fled into Poland, An alTembly of the States, which met at Stockholm, not only declared that he had abdicated the crown and '* Grey's Debates, vol. ix. govern- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. :.2i government, but they renounced his family, and fettled the crown ^ ^^ -"^ P- upon his uncle, C'harles, duke of Sudarmania, and upon his heirs, wlio < ' 1680. were proteftants ''. The juftice of this fcntence was applauded by all the proteflant ftatcs in Europe. The fimilarity of circumftanccs re- commended it to tlie imitation of the Lnglifli convention, and iu- fured the approbation of foreign nations "'. As the conduct of James, his profefuon of the Roman catholic religion, and his defertion of the kingdom, exhibited an exacfl counterpart to the charges brought againft Sigilinund ; fo the following refolutions of the convention Final refolu- appeared to be, almofl:, a literal tranfcript of the fentence of the States of Sweden ; namely, that king James the Second, having endea- voured to fubvert the conftitution of the kingdom, by breaking the original contract between the king and people, and, by the advice of jefuits and other wicked perfons, having violated the fundamental laws, and withdrawn himfelf out of this kingdom, has abdicated tlie government ; and that the throne is become vacant *'. Thefe refolutions of the commons were carried by Mr. Hampden to the houfe of lords, who immediately refolved themfelves into a committee of the whole houfe, to confider the ftate of the nation.. The earl of Nottingham, who opened the queftion, admitted, for Debates in - - . the houfe of- fake of argument, the fuppoution, that the throne was vacant, that lords con- *7 State Tr.aAs, T. ^V. vol- i. p. 22.9- who was an honour, to his party; and in this, *' Sigifmund the third had been elciled, and in many other inllances, eminently inftru- Conduilof the dutchefs of Marlborough. s*" Life of William, vol. i. Liliard's Life of Marlborough, vol. i. p. 49. " Burnet, 1689. H h 2 their ^,6 THEHISTORYOF c H A P. their vote, that the throne was vacant, they next came to the refolu- ^ '-^1 . tion, that it fliould be filled with the prince and princefs of Orange; andk-ii-thc and that the full, regal power fhould be vefted in the prince alone; uT.mTj and finally, that, after their deceafe, it fhould defcend to the princefs '^"'■- Anne ". This important refolution was voted by a majority of twenty. Thus the caufe of the whigs furmounted an obftinate and tedious oppofition, and the prince of Orange was advanced to the throne, without being iubjedled to any limitations of authority, more than what were underftood to be already inherent in the laws and con- Bill of rights, ftitution of England. Upon this idea was formed that celebrated inflrumcnt, called the bill of rights, and prefented to the prince and princefs of Orange, together with the crown, and accepted by them, as the condition of obtaining and holding it. Alteration of The lafl a£l of the convention was an alteration of the oaths to the oaths. government. The tories, though they had flruggled for a regency, and endeavoured to obftrud a departure from the line of fucceffion, were by no means willing to be excluded from trufl and employment under the new government. Nor would it have been wife in the new king, to have ftigmatized a body of men pre-eminent in patri- monial dignity and influence. It was therefore referred to the lead- ers of that party in the houfe of lords, to contrive fuch a form of the oath of allegiance, as might fecure their attachment and fervices to the new government, while it did not offend their confcience, or violate their honour''. They fcrupled to acknowledge William as their rightful and ' lawful fovereign, but they were ready to fwear fidelity and allegiance to the king in poflfefhon. By this accommodation, the icruples of the tories were removed, and the earl of Nottingham boafled in the name of his party, that though they would not make a king, yet they would ferve him as faithfully as thofe who had made him. ■'■ Joarn. Lords, 6th February. 33 iby. j2th February. Whethef POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 237 Whether the revolution changed the conftitutlon of the Englifh ^ ^^ ^ ^• government, and in what degree it has done fo, are qucftions / which have given occafion to great wrangUng and diverfity of Effc-asofthe opinion, among political authors. It is probable, that difpiitants J^^i^^'r,"''"^ Xvould be more nearly reconciled, and in part brought to agreement, ^°. ^^? '^""" if they were to feparate, or divide this queftion. I. It may be afked, what the convention, which eftablinied the revolution, thought, with refped to this lubjciSl ? What they meant and profefl'ed to do ? They have anfwcred thefe queftions, in the language of the bill of rights. In the preamble to the bill it is aflerted, that James, by the affiftance of evil counfellors, had en- deavoured to fubvert the laws and liberty of the kingdom. After enumerating many examples of this, they introduce the bill of rights, with an exprefs declaration, that the purpofe of it was to vindicate and aflert their ancient ric;hts and liberties. And havino; recited thefe, they conclude in the following words: " that they do " claim, demand, and infift, upon all and fingular the premifes, as " their undoubted rights and liberties." So far then, as the authority of the convention is admitted to explain its own defign, there is no ambiguity or room for difpute. The profeffed object of the revolution was, to maintain the go- vernment as it exifted, to preferve the ancie/if, well kmivti^ and un- doubted privileges, of the people. By the aflumption of this language, they aded with the moft cautious prudence, and agreeable to the didates of the wilefl: policy. If the conftitutlon had been once thrown loofe, it is impoifible to fay, how difficult It might have been to have fixed it again : If innovations had been avowedly introduced, how much they might have been multiplied, or where they might have ended. The very ground of their refiftance to king James, was his having attempted to introduce innovations into the conftitutlon ; and having prevailed againft him, they aded with uniformity and confiftency, in profcfling to heal the breaches that had been made 2 upon 23S. THE HISTORY OF " ^ I'- upon it, and to reftorc it to its primitive and genuine purity, IX In this view of the fubjea: all -muft agree, that the convention, '^'*'' in exprefltons plain, pofitivc, and incontrovertible, declare againft innovating upon the conftitution, or changing it. If the queftion be put in another form, and reftrided to the real matter of facl; if it be afked, whether the conftitution was adually changed by the revolution ? a wider field of controverfy expands to our view, and a greater latitude of feutiment muft neceffarily take place. My opinion upon this ftate of the controverfy will occur, with greater propriety, in a fubfequent part of this work '\ . I fliall only in this place fo far anticipate the fentiments there exprefled, as to obferve, that there is not any perfon, the moft tenacious of the dodrine of the antiquity of our conftitution, who will be inclined to deny, that whatever the rules of government may have formerly been, yet the maxims, and habits, and temper, of thofe who govern, have been greatly reformed by the revolution. Another queftion naturally occurs; namely, how far was this meafure, or the revolution itfelf, conformed to the genius of the conftitution, or the eftabliflied laws of England ? Though it may be deemed a kind of fupererogation in argument, to fay any thing in defence of a meafure urged by neceflity, and by every motive of reafon and feeling, yet it may be fatisfadlory to fome, to obferve, that, by the revolution, the laws and conftitution of England were not violated at all, or, at leaft, in that degree, which is taken for granted by many, who are by no means to be confidered as enemies to the revolution itfelf. From the period of the reformation In England, the civil government and the proteftant religion were in- terwoven, and reciprocally pledged for the prefervation of each other. Next to its own fafety, it became the objed of the ftate to cherifti and defend the proteftant religion. Hence, by the purport of numberlefs ftatutes, any fhare or participation of government i* See Chapter xxi. was POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. was irreconcilable with the profefTion of the Roman catholic reli- gion, and confidered in the fame light as treafon againfi: the ftate. Is it confident with the authority of thefe ftatutes to imagine, that a difqualification, fpecilicd and fixed with refpedt to every inferior office of magiftracy, ihould be tolerated in the fupreme magiftrate ? Nay, would not this have fruftrated the purpofe and tendency of all the lav^'S devifed for excluding Roman catholics from any fliare of government ? For, what was the purpofe of thefe laws, but to pre- vent the revival of a reprobated religion, which was moft likely to happen, if it was profefled by thofe perfons whofe influence and example mufl: be ftrengthened, by the authority and patronage of office ? But for what purpofe bind the weak, and leave the flrong man loofe, uncontrolled, and unawed ? Did not the prince, in pro- portion as he was exalted above all inferior officers and magiftrates, enjoy a more extenfive and irrefiftible power of contaminating, and fubverting that religion, which was incorporated with the govern- ment itfelf ? If the legiflature was filent upon this fubjed, was it not more rational, to impute this filence to a delicacy, which ab- ftained even from imagining fuch inconfiftency and enormity in the charadter of the fupreme magiftrate, than to fuppofe that it fhould be fo much at variance with itfelf, as, by one ftroke, to counteradt the effeds of all its labours and precautions, while it permitted him to profefs a religion incompatible with the conftitu- tion and government of the country ? Such feem to have been the views of the convention, when it found that it was not con- fiftent with the conftitution to be governed by a popiffi prince. This was no more than the declaration of a fa£l already notorious, rooted in the principles of the conftitution, and fortified by innu- merable ftatutes and precedents.) If this ftrain of reafoning be admitted as juft and folld, it evi- dently follows, that the throne, upon the converfion of James to the Roman catholic religion, became open to the next proteftant heir. j^ THEHISTORYOF c H A P heir. It devolved, without any interpofition of the leglflature, and ^ '^:,_, of right, upon the princefs of Orange. If fhe had been willing to "^'^" accept it, according to the ftrid principles of hereditary monarchy, the convention would have had nothing to do, and their difpofal of it againft her inclinations would have been a breach of order, and an infringement of the conftitution. But the princefs of Orange exprefsly declined the fucoefllon ; the princefs Anne, next in thq hereditary line, alfo declined it. Both of them expreffed their con- fent to devolve their right upon the prince of Orange. The conven- tion did no more than confirm this transfer in name of their con- ftitucnts. It may be aflerted, that, in Uriel conformity to thefe maxims of the conftitution, the infant prince ought to have been named firft to fill the vacant throne. I do not objed to this upon the fuppofititious birth of the prince, becaufe I do not think that the objedion is fupported by evidence; but I objed to it upon the fcore of Im- poflibiliry : I fay impoffibility, holding in view the principal objed of the meeting of the convention ; namely, the prefervation of the proteftant religion, and the fettlement of the nation. It was abfo- lutely impoflible that thefe ends could have been obtained, by keep- ing the throne open for an infant prince, carried into a foreign kingdom, and under the tutelage of a father, who had facrificed all to the intereft of the Roman catholic religion. The convention, it fliould feem, was aware of thefe confequences, and with great pro- priety and wifdom declined to examine the evidences of the birth of the prince of Wales. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. i+i CHAP. X. OJ/fervatiom upon the political State of Scotland.'^ Circumjlauces' favourable to Liberty in England. — Adverfe to it in Scotland. — Loyalty of the Scots, — precarious, and little availing to the Prince. — Attachment of the Scots to the Prejhyterian Form of Religion, — the Caufe of their Oppofition to the Hoiife of Stuart — produSlive of Events favourable to the Revolution. — Imprudent Government of James in Scotland — Progrefs of the Revolution there. — The Scotch Nobility in London addrefs the Prince of Orange to ajfume the Government, and call a Convention. — The Prefhyterians moft Juccefsful in the Elections. — The Convention meets. — Cautious Meafures of the Co7tvejition. — The Duke of Gordon holds the Cajlle of Edinburgh for fames. — -21^1? Friends of James refolve to call a Meeting of the Convention at Stirling. — Dundee flies from Edinburgh. — His Friends defert the Con- vention.— The Convention addrejfes William. — Subjects of Deliberation in the Convention — Refolutions. — Settlement of the Crown on TVilliam and Mary. I T has been generally fuppofed, that James was induced to quit c H A p. the helm of government in England with the greater precipitancy, . from the hope of the refources of power which awaited him in Ire- land and Scotland ; and particularly from the entire confidence he repofed in the loyalty of the Scots, and their readinefs to fupport his future efforts for the recovery of his throne. There were, how- ever, various circumftances in the fituation of Scotland, and peculiar features in the charadler of the people there, which would have ren- dered a difcerning and cautious politician diftruftful of any event, fuf- pended upon their inclinations or fidelity. A few previous obferva- tions on this fubjedt, it is hoped, will prove acceptable to the reader; becaufe, while they explain the caufes of the unexpetfted facility and expedition with which Scotland concurred in the meafures already I i recited, 242 THE HISTORY OF C 11 .A r. recited, they ferve at the fame time to exhibit a true and inftrudive X. ^ delcription of the political ftate of that kingdom o--( rva.ions If we comp.^re the laws and conftitution of Scotland previous to ;'•' .'If ''% the union of the crowns, with thofe of England at the fame period, it Scotland. ^^,j|j ^^ (ound, that, though in many inftances a preterence may be due Circumft-in- ^q the latter, yet the fundamental principles of the former are not lefs ^bl/;X favourable to the intereft of the fubjed'. But there prevailed not, bmymEng- ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^j^ of Scotland, that high knk of the value of liberty, which rendered the Englilli fo jealous of its infringement, and (o vicrllant to feize every incident and opportunity which might ferve to extend or fecure it. The love of liberty is nourilhed by the civilization and habits of a nation, more than by the genius and tendency of its government. The ideas of the Engliih, more liberal ' Tlic States of Scotland were intiiled to claim the following prerogatives, upon the au- thority both of ftatutes and precedents : i . A power to refill tlie fovereign, if he invaded the conlUtmion. See Statutes, pari. 6th, James II. ch. XXV. in the black afts printed by Lekprivick. 2. The king anciently had no negative voice in parliament, while the llatutes often rellrain- ed him in matters of government. 3. The Scotch parliament often appointed the times of their meeting and adjournment, and corrimit- ■ tees to fuperintend the admiriiftration, during the intervals of their meeting. 4. The king could not make peace or war without their confent : Tiie people were armed by their au- thority : Commanders, and even the guards who attended the perfonof the king, were fome- llmcs appointed by them : They not only raifcd money, but in feme inftances appropriated it: They ordered the coining of money, and re- gulated the ftandard of it. 5. The lords of parliament fettled all the fees of the officers of jullice, and of the courts of judicature, and even of the officers of the king's houfe. Faulty judges were not to be reilored without confent of parliament. See Ancient Rights and Power of the Parliament of Scotland, printed 1703. It is not affirmed that thefe powers were regu- larly e.xercifcd by the States, or that they were admitted by the kings of Scotland; but that examples and ftatutes to this purpofe are foundin the early part of the Scotch hillory; that fometimes the king complained that thefe were ufurpations by the ariftocracy ; and fometimes they were faniSioned by his approbation. The obvious inference from what I have quoted is this : That, if the Scots had been infpired with a true talle for freedom, their conftitution and their hiftory furnilhed them with abundance of fails and precedents, for refilling the arbitrary government of their princes. The union of the crowns of England and Scotland gave a terrible blow to the liberties of the latter. Their prince now acquired a dig- nity and influence which quite overawed the haughty fpirit of the ariftocracy ; while an in- cxhauftible fource of favours was opened, out of which he could reward the loyal and obe- dient. Every fliadow of the former privileges of the States, it was the objeft of James I. Charles II. and James II. to extirpate : To all which it may be added, that delegated power is generally more infolent and opprellive, than that which is exercifed by the perfon to whom it immediately belongs. See note ift, chap.iv. See, upon this fubjedl, Buchanan de Jure Reg. ni apud Scotos. than POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^:c. 243 lhaii_jheir c,pniHtutIop, contributed flill farther to embeUifn and im prove if. The fentiments of the Scots, more narrow and abjcift, »- retarded the progrefs, and cramped the expanfion of freedom. Tliis diverfity of fentiment and character, which cannot be refolved into the effedts of laws and government, muft be traced to other incidental circumftances, no lefs powerful in forming the tempers of indivi- duals and communities. After the imion of the families of York and Lancafter, a variety of caufes co-operated in England t© remove thofe obftacles which prevented the great body of the people from rifmg to a ftate of independence ; and to promote a more rapid circulation, and a more equal divifion of property. By the ftatute of Henry the feventh, the barons were enabled to break entails, and to alienate their eftates. The extenfion of commerce introduced articles of foreign luxury, and confumed a part of thofe overgrown incomes, which had for- merly been employed in the maintenance of a numerous body of indolent retainers, who rendered their proprietors more oppreflive to the inferior ranks of mankind, and more formidable to each other. The progrefs of liberty and arts was ftill farther accelerated in England, by an accefllon of induftrious and enlightened foreigners. Mukitudes_of th£_inhabitants of the low countries, harafled by opj)reflive taxation, and by perfecution for the fake of religion, chofe England for the jplace of their refuge and future abode ; allured by its climate, favourable to agriculture ; and its coafts, which abounded in harbours, convenient for navigation and trade. Thefe foreigners not only conimunicated rnore enlarged notions concerning liberty, but the . arts, \yhich they introduced, gradually fubverted thofe ideas and habits of the great, wliich continually ftand in oppofition to_its_£rogrefs_m rude and.. JiijicijiU countries. The accumulation of fortune, accruing to the proprietor from the cultivation of his eftate, obvioufly fuggefted the conneftion between his own intereft and the indepen Jence of the farmer. The progrefs I i 2 of c n .\ p. X. ... THE HISTORY OF C H A P. of inanufadures increafed the number and wealth of the inha- bitants of the cities, and ftimulated their induftry by the profpe- rity with which it was crowned. Thus, in Kngland, while men were more upon a footing of equality, independence, and opulence, were not confined to perfons of high birtli or office ; the protec- tion of the laws and the difpenfation of juftice were claimed, with tlie fame confidence, by every rank and profeffion. The increafe of commerce and manufadures, and the improvement of agricul- ture, opened plans of peaceable occupation, and the profpea of profit and advancement, to men of adivity and enterprife, inde- pendent on the favour of the ibvereign. Hence many families afcended to wealth, and maintained focial intercourfe with each otlier, free from jealoufy or rivalflbip. The fecurity of property, and the equal difpenfation of jufl:ice, contributed to their common intereft: Thefe became the great objeds of government; which, therefore, they regarded as the bafis and fafeguard of their pro- - fpcritv ; and were ready with one heart and hand to defend it, if in danger; and to improve and fortify it when opportunity offered. Adverfcto it I" Scotland, different caufes produced different effeds ; and occa- iu Scotland, fjoned a wider chafm between the political fentiments of the two nations, than what fubfifted between the civil conftitution and fyfteni of laws belonging to each of them. It was late before agriculture, as a fcience, was introduced into Scotland ; and before the inhabit- ants attained to thofe improvements, which tend, in fome degree, to guard againft the natural difadvantages of climate, and to fertilize a barren foil. Their commerce was extremely reftrided : and infiead of money, which, by its eafy conveyance, finds a rapid and general circulation, and av>fakens the induftry and exertions of every clafs of men, it only brought home returns of foreign commodities, to feed the luxury and uphold the pomp of opulent chieftains. Hence the people continued idle, indigent, depreffed. Multitudes depended entirely. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 245 entirely, for a fcanty fubfiftence, upon the capricious bounty of the ^ ^ -^ ^- proprictors on whole eftates they firfl; drew their breath, and to whom '- -,-- mj they had been inured, by the earlicft prejudices of education and example, to devote tliemfelves with tlie mod fervile homage. After the period of the reformation in Scotland, the people were apprifed of their right, to think and judge freely concerning matters of reli- gion ; and though it might have been expeQed, that fuch enlargement would have conducted them to more liberal fcntiments with refpe-ft to politics and civil goveriunent, yet the effeds of this connexion were but little apparent; and, provided that they were indulged in the religion of their choice, they feemed not to have been difpofed to murmur or complain, on account of rcftridions laid upon their civil liberty. Nor were the prejudices and manners of perfons of diftintftion more propitious to the introdudlion and improvement of order and liberty. Their treatment of their dependents at home, domineering, infolent, oppreffive, familiarifed to their mind the idea of tyrannical government. In confequence of the fcarcity of money, increafe of property only produced an increafe of thofe rude com- modities, which enabled them to maintain a greater number of vaf- fals, rendering them more oppreffive to their neighbours, and more dangerous to the ftate. AH their pride centered in the antiquity of their families, and v/as gratified by the number and pomp of their attendants. Thus there was no unity among the perfons who were called upon, by their ftations, to be guardians of the confti- tution ; no fenfe of a public or common intereft ; no concert to refift encroachments upon liberty, if their own perfonal fortune and dignity were not immediately aftedled. The royal family they held Loya'ty of in great refpedt, on account of their pre-eminence in rank, which ''^^ "^'"" extinguillied every idea of rivalfliip or competition. From thefe circumftances, it was natural for James to draw conclufions favour- able to his intereft ; that the people of Scotland would neither be fo deeply offended with his arbitrary proceedings, nor allured by any fyfteraatic 146 THE HISTORY OV precaiiouj and litUe availing to thr ptince. c II A P. fyftcmatlc plan held forth by their fellow-fubjeds In England, for enlarging their privileges, or amending the conftitution. There were, however, other efFeds arifing from the caufes already defcribcd, which rendered the allegiance of the Scots to their king extremely precarious, and, at the moft, capable of aifording him but partial and feeble fuccours, upon the emergency of a civil war, or the defcdion of his Englifh fubjeds. The turbulence of their fpirit, and the rudenefs of their manners, rendered men of property and influence impatient under the control of regular government, and exceedingly forward to take a part in any commotion which agitated the ftate. Neighbouring chieftains fucceeded to hereditary feuds, which they often profecuted by incurfions into the eftates, and violent aflaults upon the perfons, of their rivals. Their quar- rels, at an early period, required the interpofition of the royal power, which, of confequence, became obnoxious to the hatred of the perfon againft whom it had been exercifed, and fometimes excited the jealoufy of both the contending parties. The entire, undivided flrength of the leading men in the nation never could be coUeded or depended upon. They had a flrong propenfity to loyalty; but envy of the fuperior interell of a rival, with their fovereign, or the profped of fupplanting him, often interrupted the exercife of that affedion, and difappointed the court of the fupport it might have expeded from individuals, correfponding with the favours they had received, and the profefiions of loyalty they warmly avowed. The truth of thefe obfervations is fully confirmed by the condud of individuals in Scotland at the revolution. The ftate of religion in Scotland concurred with the caufes already mentioned, to propagate difcordant affedions and divided rSgi™"^ interefts, and to prevent a pofhbility of uniting the whole force of the nation, upon the occurrence of any extraordinary political com- motion. As the opinions, inftilled into the mind of the individual in tender years, maintain an alcendency over his fentiments through the Attachment of the Scois to the prefby rOLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ike. 247 the fucceeding ftages of life ; fo the fyftem of religion "embraced by a community upon its firft formation, or immediately after any fignal revolution, defcend to the remote ages of pcfterity, in defi- ance of external means employed to eradicate or change it. The Scotch nation, prepared by extremity of oppreffion to revolt from the fee of Rome, received the elements of reformation, and the model of their ecclefiaftical government, from teachers who had been educated in the fchool of Calvin. Diigufted with the frivo- loufnefs and multiplicity of external ceremonies prefcribed by the popilh ritual, they rejedted with horror even thofe lefs excep- tionable forms of worfliip, which are calculated, through the me- dium of the fenfes, to excite impreihons of reverence and awe, fuitable to the folemn nature of religious fervice. Filled with indio-- nation at that fubjedion which the blind fuperftition of their fixthers had yielded to the papal dominion, they became jealous of any jurifdidlion which was not contained within the precindls of their ecclefiaftical corporation, or which was independent on the fubordi- nate members of their congregations. From thefe ftrong prepofleflions of the reformed in this country, the caufe of fprang all thofe commotions which difturbed the civil government in I'on'^to'the''" the three preceding reigns. It was not till after Tames the firft had P"''""^ o*" , •^ '-^ *■ -' the houfe of obtained the crown of England, and acquired the fupport of a more Stuart. . powerful body of fubjedts, that he dared to profecute his favourite plan of eftablilhing epifcopacy in Scotland ; and the form of it, then introduced, was moderate and humble, and, in reality, mere nearly allied to prefbytery, than it was to the worfhip and government of the church of England \ Extempore prayers, agreeable to the pradice of the prefbyterians, were ftill continued : the Lord's Prayer was repeated at the end of the fervice, and, together with it, the Doxology and the Creed upon the adminiftration of baptifm. The fign of the crofs upon that occafion was ufcd or not, according to * Calderwood. Burnet. the S48 THE HISTORY OF the Inclination of the parents, who alone could he admitted as fpon- fors for their children : what gave great offence to the people was, the ce- remony of kneeling was required at the receiving of the Lord's Supper \ The holidays were few, in comparifon with thofe obferved in the church of England : the endowments of the bifliops were not fo liberal as to raiie them to an immoderate elevation above the parochial clergy, and the prerogatives with which they were invefted, arofe chiefly from their precedency in rank, and their ading as perpetual prefidents or moderators in the ecclefiaftical courts convened within their dio- cefes'. When Charles I., prompted by weak bigotry and the furi- ous zeal of his unworthy favourite, archblfhop Laud, attempted to in- troduce a liturgy into the epifcopal church of Scotland, he not only provoked the violent refiftance of the mob ; but loft the affedions of many of his fubjeds, of the hrft rank, and moft liberal education, in that part of the dominions '. And hence his difaffeded fubjeds in England were encouraged to proceed, from altercation and contefts, to armed violence ; which terminated in the ruin of that prince, and the deftrudion of the eftabUflied government. The averfion of the Scots to the ufurpation of Cromwell, was in a great degree ' mitigated by religious toleration, which was the favourite maxim of his government; and if the covenanters did not obtain an exclufivc indulgence, agreeable to the expedations excited by their important fervices and early connexion with the parliament of England, their refentment fpent itfelf in vain murmurs and threats, while they were not molefted in the profeffion of thofe dodrines, and the exercife of that worfhip, which they believed to be prefcribed by the oracles of 3 Vindication of the Government of Scot- and who had been turned out of his living at land, by fir George M'Kenzie. Skinner's the revolution. The alternative of ufing the Ecclefiaftical Hirtory, vol. ii. chap. 43-4. The crofs or not, might perhaps be fuggefled by account I have given of the form of baptifm the moderation of the individual on thofe oc- being left to the choice of the parent, I have cafions. heard from perfons who have been prefent ♦ Burnet. Robertfon's Hiftory of Scotland, when baptifm was performed by a clergyman vol. ii. p. iig. Spottifwood, p. 502. who profeffcd to obfcTve the old epifcopal form, i Clareadon'5 Hiftoiy. Hume. 3 divine POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 249 divine truth \ The fatal confequcnccs of the father's bigotry did ^ "^ i'- not curb the temerity of his fon. A mean refehtment of aflronts 1 w^ » he had received from the prefbyterlan clergy ', at a period when lie had thrown himfclf upon their prote£tion, co-operating with miftaken apprehenfions concerning the political advantages of uniformity, de- termined him, againft the advice of Lauderdale, his principal coun- fellor, to fupprefs the favourite religion of Scotland '. Epifcopacy in a form more extended and unpopular, was eftabliflied by the ftatute. The jurifdi6lion of the bifliops was no longer controlled by 1663, the opinions and votes of the prefbyters: they were required indeed to advife with the inferior clergy, upon the management of ecelefi- aftical affairs ; but this apparent reftridion, inftead of diminifliing, ex- tended their authority, bccaufc it was left to their own choice to fe- led from among them, fuch perfons as they knew to be moft inclined to flatter their opinions and fupport their meafures". The impru- dence, the violence, and immoral characters of individuals, whom Charles II. invefted with the mitre, revived the ancient prejudices of the common people of Scotland againft their order ; and excited the moft obftinate refiftance to the edids of the court '°. The rigorous feverities, employed to enforce the laws againft nonconformifts, were recorded in the memories of their friends, with vindidive refolu- tions, and infufed a horror at government into the minds of many -who had been nurfed in the principles of loyalty. A detail of thefe perfecutions, though it might found the charge of weaknefs and ob- ftinacy againft fome of the perfons who fuffered by them, would exhi- bit the moft cruel fcenes which blacken the page of hlftory ", The day of reckoning at laft approached. Many who fled from their na- Produdive tive country, carried along with them unrelenting hatred to the go- favourable \'ernment which had opprefled them. Some of them who took |° 5*"^ ''^^'°' ' '_ _ lution. fhelter in Holland, entered into concert there, with the Englifh gentle- <5 Burnet. ' Hume. * Burnet. "* Woodrow. Burnet. 9 Woodrow's Hiftory, vol. i. p. ii6. Burnet, " Ibid. K k men 250 THE HISTORY OF men who planned the revolution, and, by a conftant coiTefpondence with their friends in Scotland, foftered their difafiedtion, and en- couraged their expedations of deliverance". After James afcended the throne, he endeavoured, under the fair pretext of toleration, to- invcigle the prefbyterians, to give their countenance to meafures fub- fervient to the intercfls of his Roman catholic friends. He became the dupe of his ow^n craftinefs j and ftrengthened the hands which fhook his throne in Scotland. The epifcopals, offended with the liberty granted to the prefbyterians, began to abate that ardour of loyalty, of which they had hitherto boafted ; while the fmcere affec- tions of the prefbyterians were not gained". Both of them pene- trated into the Infidious fcheme : but the prefbyterians alone were forward and active in concurring with the revolution in England. The toleration held out to them brought home a great number of that perfuafion, who had fled to Holland and the dlftant colonies of England, during the perfecutions of the preceding reign. Far from being lulled into fecurlty by the fair profefTions of James, they de- voted themfelves, with unwearied induftry, to renew and extend their rconnexions in .Scotland ; and to form fuch plans as might enable them to obtain a fuperiority over their antagonifls of the epifcopal church, in cafe of any national convulfion, fo likely to enfue froni the infatuated violence of the king. The news of the arrival of the prince of Orange infpired the prefbyterians with tranfports of joy; and tempted them to retaliate upon the epifcopals thofe injuries, of which they themfelves had juftly complained '\ In the weftern parts of Scotland they attacked the perfons of the eftablifhed clergy with outrageous violence ; they dragged them from their pulpits ; carried them about in mock proceflions ; and finifhed their infults, by tearing their gowns, the harmlefs but hated badges of their order". In fome of the towns the Roman chapels and epifcopal " Life of Carftares. '+ Cunningham, vol. i. Burnet. " The c.ife of the church of Scotland. " The cafe of the epifcopal clergy in Somers' CoUeftion, vol. : — .- _f patrons of the prefent eflablifliment, were every where cxpofed to aflault and danger. The conduct of James, not only with refpeifl to the meafures he Imprudent adopted, but alfo with refpe£t to the perfons he made choice of to ofjamcsin carry them into execution, was the occaiion of jufl: oftence to his *^°'^'' " fubjeds in Scotland. The perfons he feleded to be the inflruments of his mofl: unpopular meafures, pofTefled not that fhare of prudence nor experience in bufmefs, which might have contributed to reprefs or to moderate the refentraents which thofe meafures excited. The moft lucrative offices were conferred upon men who were fecretly dif- afFeded to the king's perfon; and who were warranted by him, to draw profits out of the pockets of his heft friends, by exadions of a new form, and of the mofl oppreffive tendency. As if his projeds of bigotry had not been fufficiently odious in themfelves, they were rendered ftill more deteftable, by being made fubfervient to the emo- luments of rapacious minifters. The king had made a public de- clai-ation of his difpenfing power in Scotland, by ordering all thofe perfons who held offices, civil or military, to make a refigna- tion of their commiffions, which had been exprefled in the com- mon form, and under the condition of their fubmitting to the tefts; and by authorlfmg them, at the fame time, to receive new commif- fions free from thefe obligations '°. Many of the king's loyal fubjeds were, in this manner, not only fubjeded to an unjuft repetition of the clerks fees for the renewal of their commiffions, but filled with un- eafy apprehcnfions, left they fhould be expofed to fevere penalties, by holding them in contradidion to the law. A more arbitrary, oppreffivc, and ungrateful meafure of policy was exercifed againft others, who held their offices, by virtue of the king's warrant to difpenfe with the tefts. They had gratified him, by a compli- '^ Account of the Aifairs of Scotlandj by the earl of Balcarras. Somers' Colledion, vol. i. K k 2 ance THE HISTORY OF c H A p. ance ^vhich rccognifcd his difpenfing power, and the judges had ^ ^: . unanimoully given it as their opinion, that the royal warrant was a fiifHcient protedion againft any profecution for damages; and yet thefe very perfons were compelled, by a proclamation, to take out re- miffions of the penalties which they had incurred, in obedience to the king's command, and to pay for them three pounds to the fecretary of ftate, and twenty pounds to one James Stuart, who was em- powered to profecute them, if they did not comply with this procla- mation, within the fpace of two months. It was to the laft degree mortifying to the king's friends, to obferve that the perfon whom lie employed as the inftrument of oppreffing them, had himfelf re- ceived a pardon for plotting againft the government ; and it was even fufpedted, that he made ufe of the confidence now repofed in him, to cover the perpetration of the fame crime ". Such per- verfe and infatuated generofity, founded in opprefTion and ingrati- tude, eftranged the hearts and the confidence of the friends • of Progrefsof Jamcs, and converted few of his enemies. The adherents of the the revolution , in Scotland, prince of Orange in Holland and in London, encouraged by the difcontents in Scodand, communicated their defigns to fome of the leading men of that country. Many of the noblemen and gentlemen froin Scotland, w^ere admitted to private confultation with prince George of Denmark, and were aflured by him, that the fuccels of the prince of Orange was defired by the neareft relations of king James ; and that, by contributing to it, they purfued the fureft road to preferment. When all thefe confiderations are attended to, we are not furprifed to find, that, notwithftanding the ancient loyalty of Scodand, the abettors of the revolution in that country were fo many ; and that they kept pace with England in the ardour and fuccefs of their fervices. After the arrival of the prince of Orange, a confiderable number of Scotch lords and gentlemen, who had reforted to London in con- " Account of the Affairs of Scotland, by the earl of Bakarras. Somers' CoUeaion, vol. i. fequence POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 253 fequence of the national diftradions, aflembled with great alacrity, ^ HA P. at the dcfire of the prince of Orange, and exadly copied the pro- «-^ — .-— / ceedings of the Englifh lords. They prefented a petition to the The' Scots prince, praying him to take upon him the management of public Lo'^^jof, !|j. affairs, and to call a convention of the States, to advife about the '^'p'^ ''^'L ' prince of final fettlement of their government". The prince, in return for Orange, to this addrefs, thanked them for the confidence repofed in him, and government, appointed a convention of the States of Scotland to meet at Edin- convention, l)urgh upon the fourteenth of March one thoufand fix hundred and '"^^'' J'^"' eighty-nine. The ftability of the new government in England evidently de- pended, in a great meafure, upon the temper and refolutions of the Scotch convention. The vicinity and vvarlike difpofition of the Scots enabled them to difturb the peace of England as often as they were inclined to do it ; but fiiould they now thwart the meafures adopted by the convention there, and recognife the fovereignty of James, there was the ftrongeft reafon to fear, that many of the Engli{h, who wavered in their affedtlons, or who a£led under the recent im- prefTion of injuries, would return to their firft allegiance, and again unfettle the nation. Every precaution therefore was ufed by the prince of Orange, to obtain a choice of members in the convention of Scotland favourable to his intereft. The expreffion of the fum- mons was fo guarded, as to exclude none but Roman catholics. The prefbyterians, ftimulated by refentment, were alfo encouraged, The pre(by. by the affurance of the prince's protedlon, to exert their in- fuccefsfTil! fiuence to get their friends to be eleded members of the conven- ^''^ «'^'^'°"5.. tion. The epifcopals,. depreffed with the fear of lofing their efta- blilhment by the projected revolution of government, contendedr with unequal fpirit and adivity, for a Ihare of the reprefentation "'. Their intereft lay, in preventing, if it had been poffible, inftead of promoting, a meeting to be affembled for the purpofe of a revolu- '^ This petition was fubfoibed by thirty lords and eighty gentlemen. '= Ralph. TindaJ. llou. 254 THE HISTORY OF lion. Some of them ohjeaed to the lawfulnefs of obeying a fum- inons from the prince of Orange, which implied a recognition of his authority. Inftrudions were fecretly imparted to the friends of James, fignifying his defire, that they might wave thefe fcruples, and endeavour to obtain fuch a fuperiority in the convention, as would enable them to carry every vote, in oppofition to the intereft of the new court. But thefe inftrudtions arriving too late, and neceflarily publifhed with referve, M'hich left their authority doubt- ful, the eledlions had been conduced with an advantage on the fide of the whigs, which could not be retrieved by the adverfe party. A decided majority, returned agreeably to their wiflies, ftill farther improved their ftrength, and reduced the tories to a fcanty minority, by the partiality of decifions upon the preliminary queftions of con- troverted eledions. Thcconven- The duke of Hamilton was eleded prefident of the convention, tion meets. 14th March, in preference to the marquis of Athol, by a majority of forty votes out of one hundred and fifty. This dignity was fuppofed to be the only effedlual fecurity for the perfeverance of the former, in the principles and connexions he profeffed to efpoufe, after the arrival of the prince ; while it was expelled, that political prudence, and a regard to confiftency of charadler, would reftrain the latter from entering into any concert with the partifans of James. The fuc- cefs of the duke of Hamilton, was underftood to be fuch a certain prognoftic of the triumph of the whigs, in every fucceeding queftion, that fome of the members, who had reforted to the meeting in a wavering difpofition, thought it prudent to enlift with the ftronger party ; and others, who neither chofe to renounce their principles, nor adhere to them in the face of danger, withdrew into the country. The convention, however well-difpofed to promote the views of the prince of Orange, had ftill many difficulties and dangers to encounter. The duke of Gordon, a Roman catholic, held the caftle of Edinburgh in the name of king James. The vifcount POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. o^ vUcount of Dundee, brave, enterprifing, beloved by tlic army, a ^ *^ .^'^ P' violent enemy to the prcfbyterians, warmly attached to tlic intercft «- . — ~-' of James, attended the convention, and animated and encouraged ' ^* the hopes and efForts of his friends. The earl of Marr, governor of Stirling Caftle, had engaged on the fame fide. The marquis of Athol, powerful by his influence among the Highlanders, and difappointed in his competition for the precedency in the conven- tion, was alienated from the prince of Orange, and had fccretly entered into engagements with Dundee, to hold Scotland in the interefl: of king James. Lord Balcarras, refpeflable for his abilities and fidelity, was a firm friend to the abfent king. The leading members of the convention, attentive to thefe cir- Cautbus cumftances, and not daring to confide entirely in a fuperior number Ihrconven- of votes, turned their firft attention towards the neceflary precau- ''""• tions for fecuring their own perfonal fafety. A proclamation was iflued, ordering all perfons, from fixteen to fixty, to hold thcmfelvcs in readinefs to take up arms. Eight hundred men, who had been raifed for a guard to the city of Edinburgh, were put under the command of the earl of Leven, and fir Patrick Home was placed at the head of the militia. Both thefe commanders had formed a ftridl connexion with the prince of Orange in Holland, and re- turned to Scotland to promote his intereft. A great number of the vaflals of the duke of Hamilton, and of other noblemen upon the fide of the court, were brought to Edinburgh, furniflied with arms, and difperfed in different places of the city. Four regiments of foot, and one of dragoons, fent down from England under the command of general Mackay, were quartered in the neighbourhood of Leith and Edinburgh, and entirely fecured the convention from the appre- henfion of violence. The duke of Gordon was repeatedly required The duke of to furrender the caftle of Edinburgh to the convention, and though S'camc of ' he did not comply, yet, as he had formerly been ill ufed bv ^^»"''"''g'» , ■' J tor James. James ^"', and entered into a treaty about the terms of making a *« Guthrie's Hlftory, vol. x. 7 " furrender, 2^6 THE HISTORY OF C HA P. furrcnder, he did not impart that confidence which the friends of James would have derived from>ny other perfon, in their intereft, \vho pofleflTed fuch powerful means of proteding them, and of an- noying their enemies ". Tlie frlendi In this ftate of uncertainty, as to retaining the advantage of ex- of James re- . j force, and unable to maintain an equal conteft in the con- a meeting of ygption, the partifans of James refolved to avail themfelves of a the convcn- > r tion at Stir- commiffion under his hand, by which the archbilhop of Glafgow, the vifcount of Dundee, and lord Balcarras, were authorifed to fummon a convention of the States to meet at Stirling. The friends of James, in compliance with this defign, were fecretly advifed to depart from Edinburgh at an appointed hour, left they fhould be prevented, by the fuperior force of the other party, from comply- in"- with the purpofe of this commiffion. The marquis of • Athol, after having approved of this meafure, alarmed the fufpicion of his friends, by propofmg to poftpone the time of their leaving Edin- burgh. Dundee received information of a party having confpired to alfafTmate him ; and though he gave notice of this to the conven- tion, and offered ftrong circumftances of proof'''', with a partiality approaching to a participation of guilt, they refufed to inftitute any Dundee flies inquiry againft the contrivers of this barbarous defign. Alarmed by burgh. the fluctuation and apoftacy of his friends, the injuftice of the con- vention, and the immediate danger to which he was expofed, Dun- dee, without entering into any farther confultation with the lords, who flill profeffed an attachment to James, fled from Edinburgh, attended with a fmall body of horfe ". His retreat furnifhed the majority of the convention with a pretext for fuch meafures, as nearly annihilated any oppofition to their defigns. The prefident threatened to apprehend all thofe members of the convention who fliould be found in concert with Dundee : the earl of Marr, go- vernor of Stirling caftle, was put under an arrefl; ; and difap- *' Memoirs of Lord Vifcount Dundee. " Ibid. " jbij, pointed POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 257 pointed the friends of James of the profpedl of any refuge In that fortrefs. It feems to have been the purpofe of the majority in the conven- His fn^nds tion, to drive away the friends of Tames, rather than to proceed to ^'^^"*- "-^ , , , \ J ' ! '■"-' convention. open hoftilities againft them. Their prefence would have embar- rafTed and retarded the meafiires neceflary for accompHfhing a fpecdy fettlement of the nation. The unanimity of the convention, if that could be obtained, was a defirable objed to William, and more likely to give fuccefs and ftability to their refolutions. But unani- mity, procured by the imprifonment or expulfion of all opponents, inftead of anfvvering thefe ends, would probably have roufed the immediate refentment of their vaflals in the country, and brought on a civil war in Scotland. An opportunity of withdrawing themfelves was artfully afforded to the partifans of Dundee, by the prefident having adjourned the meeting of the convention, after he had threatened them with imprifonment. They embraced it without delay; and the next day, when a fummons was iflued to attend their duty in the convention, few of them remained in town. The convention was now releafed from every obftrudion which The conven- could either retard the expedition, or mar the unanimity of their 51?.;,^'^'^''^^"'' meafures. They drew up a refpedful anfwer to a letter they had received from the king of England : They approved of the addrefs prefented to him by their countrymen in London ; in confequence of which he had aflumed the government of Scotland, and fum- moned a convention of the States. They permitted a letter from king James to be read, after having entered a protellation, that no- thing contained in it fhould tend to annul the proceedings of the convention. In order to fhew their contempt of his authorltr, the melTenger who delivered his letter was firft imprifoned, and afterwards difmified without any anfwer. The fettlement of the government, and an union with England, Subjeds of - 1 • n. 11,, . a > deliberation were the important lubjetts recommended by the prmce to the de- i"thecoa- ■L" 1 libcratioa « THE HISTORY OF CHAP. liberation of the convention. When wc conf.der the varletjr, , ;;: , diiriculty, and importance, of the queftions, involved in the plan ' >• lor uniting the two kingdoms, we are rather furprifed that the friends of William fliould have fuggefted a meafure, which, inftead of con- Ikming his power, might have been attended with unavoidable pro- craftination, and have given occafion to difputes and animofities, fatal to the authority he had already acquired. The few friends of Tames left in the convention, not ignorant of thefe confequences, joined with fomc of the whigs, to prefer the queftion of the union to that of the fettlement of the government. The eyes of William's more difcerning friends were now quickly opened. The queftion of the union was not again refumed, and the convention came to a re- 26th March, folution of appointing a committee, confifting of eight members out of each ftate, to prepare the new plan of fettlement. Their rcfolu- The example of. the Englifh convention abridged the deliberations and bufinefs of this committee. Their refolutions they feem to have copied, as far as circumftances would admit. They could not find, v.'ith propriety, that king James had abdicated the government in the fame fenfe that he had done in England, for he had not withdrawn perfonally from Scotland ; but the fubftance of their refolutions was the fame. They found that king James had forfeited his right to the crown of Scotland. This refolution was agreed to by the convention ; Settlement of who next ordered the committee to bring in an adt, for fettling the the crown on -.it,,- i i\ t 1 • n r William and crown upou William and Mary, and to prepare an inltrument ot ^'^' government, to be offered with the crown, for the redrefs of grievances, and the fecurity of their liberties '*. An aO. v/as accordingly brought '* The inftrument which the Scotch conven- "a great and unfupportable burden to this tion prefcnted to the prince of Orange, along " nation, and contrary to the inclinations of with the crown, recites multiplied inllances of " the generality of the people ever fince the the mifgovcrnment of James: after which it "reformation; they having reformed popery fpecifies what they claim as the ancient rights " by prefbytery, and therefore ought to be and liberties of their nation Among thefe it is " aboliflied." — The reader is defired to fix particularly exprefied, by article 2 1 ft, "That this in his memory, as important to throw prelacy, and fupetiori'.y of an ofHce in the light upon fubfequent parts of the hiftory of -" church above preibyieri, is, and has been, Scotland in this reign. in, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 259 in, to this purpofe, and approved of by a great majority of the con- CHAP, vention. The earl of Argyle, fir James Montgomery, and lir John » „ -/ Dalrymple, were appointed as reprefentatives of the three eftates of .th ApriU the lords, the knights, and the burgefles, to repair to London, to offer the crown to William. Upon the eleventh of April, Williani and Mary were proclaimed at Edinburgh, and the ad of convention was read by the duke of Hamilton, their prefident. LI 2 i6o THE HISTORY OF c H A P. xr. Jppoiutmcnt of Mimflers.-^Ob/ervalmis.—rhe King's Speech in the Conven- /ion Parliament.— Rea/ons for turning the Convention into a Parlimnent.— Bill paps for that Purpoje.—Objervations with reJpeSi to the Revenue.— Opinions concerning the King's Right to it.— Former Abufesin the Manage- ment of the Revenue.— Refolutions with reJpeEl to it. — Vote of the Com- mons for indemnifying the States.— Oaths to Government.— Motions for altering them— For exempting Protefiant Bijenters from the Tejl—Unfuc- cefsful— Indulgence, in favour of the Clergy— agreed to by the Lords — refufed by the Commons.— Bill of Comprehenfion— favoured by the Lords — thwarted by the Commons.— Caufes of the ill Succefs of this Bill. — J£l of Toleration.— Bill of Indemnity. — The King anxious for it. — Different Plans of proceeding in this Bill. — The JVhigs jealous of the King. — ObflruEi the Bill.—A£l of Settlement.— Motion for naming the Duchefs of Hanover in the Succeffion. — EffeEis of this Motion. — Meafures of Parliament adapted to extraordinary Events. — The Habeas Corpus fufpended. — The Mutiny Bill. — Supplies for Ireland. — View of the Regulations of the Revenue. — Severe Laws with re/peSI to the Roman Catholics. — Oppreffions invefiigated — redreffed. — Reflexions. — Both Houfes enter into the King's Views of War with France. — Obfervations. — Mifunderflanding between the King and the JVhigs. — The Tories flatter the King with Promifes of more generous Treat- ment.— Jealoufy of Miniflers among themfelves. — Engroffmg Spirit of the Whigs. — A Claufe introduced into the Corporation A^, intended to exclude the Tories from Poiver—pajfes. — The King embarrajfed — dijfolves the Parliament. CHAP, f I ^HE choice of a mlniftry, the firft aft of William's fovereign \_ -." _f A power, required great political difcretion. It was not poffible '■ to find rewards, correfponding in number and value, to the many can- didates for his favour, and the high price at which they eftimated their fervices. Difappointment and complaint were unavoidable con- fequences POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 5cc. 2G1 fequences of the limited ftore of honours and emoluments, to which ^ ^ /^ ''•. even royal munificence was reftridcd. To moderate complaints, to > -» prevent tefentful and dangerous diflippointments, was the only objedt he could hope to obtain, by the moft extcnfive diftribution of fiivours; and by adjufting them, in the mofl: equitable proportion, to the me- rits of the pcrfons who were to fliare them. A proclamation, publifhed February the feventeenth, confirmed all Appointment ot minillcrs. proteftants in the poffelhon of the offices which they held, till his majefty's further plcafure was known ; and, upon the twenty-firft, the lift of privy-counfellors appeared in the gazette '. The treafury, admiralty, and chancery were all put into commiflion, in order to afford the king the means of diffufing his bounty, and rewarding, as far as his power could reach, the fervices conferred upon himfelf and the nation. The earl of Monmouth was placed at the head of the treafiiry; admiral Herbert at the head of the admiralty: The com- mifTioners of the great feal were, feijeant Maynard, fir Anthony Keck, and fir William Rawlinfon : The earls of Nottingham and Shrewf- bury were appointed fecretaries of ftate : The privy- feal was com- mitted to the marquis of Halifix : The marquis of Carmarthen was made prefident of the council : M. Bentinck was created a peer, and appointed groom of the ftole: Mr. Hampden was made a privy- counfelior, and one of the commifTioners of the treafury; and to him principally was intrufted the management of mlnifterial bufinefs in the houfe of commons. The courts in Weftminfter were afterwards filled, according to the recommendation of the privy council, with thofe perfons, who had exhibited fplendid profeffional talents, in op- pofing the illegal fentences and ufurpations of the preceding reign ; and the nation rejoiced in the profpe£t of a liberal interpretation of the laws, and a mild and equal adminiftration of juftice \ • The privy-council confiiled of thirty-four of Nottingham. M. Bentinck was the only members: Few of them were tories ; of which foreigner in the lill of privy couufcllors. defcription the principal perfons were, San- ^ Burnet, &c. croft, archbifliop of Canterbury, and the earl Althoua:h 262 THE HISTORY OF Altliough the candidates for office at the commencement of this reign, have been commonly arranged under the two eftablifhed par- Obf^fv^iions. ties of Whig and Tory, yet in the hft of offices we find the names of individuals, who cannot, with ftrifl: propriety, come under either of thefe denominations. Such ^vere the king's Dutch friends, with a few of tlie EngHfh, who had reforted to him in Holland. In their political condudl, they were principally influenced by a perfonal at- tachment to the king, and fupported thofe meafures which were ao-reeable to his inclinations, and favourable to his authority. Though Keppel, Bentinck, Zuliftein, Avaurquerque, had not any property or hereditary intereft among the Englilh, yet the fuperior conlidence their matter repofed in them, could not fail to attract refpedt and attention from the members of both houfes ; and to confer upon them a very confiderable degree of influence, in the adminiftration of national affairs. Thefe may be deno- minated the Dutch party, or the king's friends : They were fufl: connected with the whigs, becaufe the balance of court favour firft inclined to them ; but they afterwards engaged in meafures oppofite to the fyftem and intereft of that party, from a perfonal attachment to the king. There were alfo, in the lifts of office, fome perfons concerned in the moft obnoxious meafures of the two preceding reigns, who never had formed any connexion with the tories, or who had •deferted them, and contributed, by efl'ential fervices, to the ac- complifhment of the revolution. The marquis of Carmarthen had efcaped from impeachment in the reign of Charles the Se- cond, by an interpofition of the prerogative, which was confidered as an aggravation of his guilt. The marquis of Halifax had be- come unpopular, from oppofmg the bill of exclufion ; and was fufpedcd of giving advice to the king, to difcontinue the ufe of parliaments. Both of them had correfponded with the prince of Orange; and the marquis of Halifax had the undifputed merit of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 26 J of perfuading the lords to depart from their favourite fcheme of ^ ^\,^^ ^■ the regency, which fo long obfi:ru£ted the fettlement of the na- tion. While the promotion of thefe noblemen was confidered in an invidious light by the whigs, it was not approved of by the fories ^ The whigs held the greateft proportion of offices in the new arrangements. The early commencement of their fervices, and their zeal to accomplifh fuch a fettlement of affairs as co- incided with the wifhes of the prince of Orange, juftly entitled them to a preference in the adminiftration. The high promotion of the earl of Nottingham, who headed the tories, announced to the nation, that it was not the purpofe of the king to profcribe any party, or decline the fervices of any individual, qualified for public truft, and willing to acknowledge his authority. But fuch an impartial diftribution of offices, while it prevented more violent difcontents, was at the fame time produdlive of great political in- conveniences. Perfons affijciated in adminiftration, and placed in refponfible offices, being alienated from one another by former ani- mofities, and adluated by incompatible interefts, entered not into any previous concert about meafures of government; and often dif- fered publicly in opinion, when thefe were brought under difcuf- fion. Hence arofe procraftination, inconfiftency, and feeblenefs in the executive branches of government. A concife detail of the moft important debates and refolutions of the convention parlia- ment, will convey to the reader the moft authentic information concerning the views, the ftruggles, and the fuccefs of different ' It was not till after the diflblution of the HrJifax ; compelled him to retire from office, firft parliament of William, that the marquis and afterwards to throw himfclf into the arms of Halifax connefted himfelf with the tories, of their antagcnifts, though he had been the The whigs, defirous to confound, with the mod fuccefsful champion in oppofing the re- rival faftion, every perfon whofe political con- gency, defired by the tories, and in obtaining duft was unpopular in the preceding reigns, the fettlement of the crown upon William, made unwearied attacks upon the marquis of agreeably to the inclination of the whigs. 3 parties; 2C4 THEHISTORYOF C H A P. parties; and the immediate effeds produced by the revolution upon V '- _/ the revenue, laws, and conftitution, of England *. '^^^' The king, in his fpeech from the throne, after thanking both King'sfpccch , . , . , . • j 1 1 in the con- houfes for the conhdence repofed in him, acquainted them, that lUmcm.Tsi'h the Condition of his allies abroad, and particularly that of Holland, J-ct>ruary, ^^^ ^^^j^^ ^j^^^.^ without fomc fpeedy care, they would run great hazard : That the pofture of affairs in England required alfo their ferious conlideration ; and that a good fettiement at home was ne- cedary, not only for their own peace, but for the fupport of the proteftant intereft : That the ftate of Ireland was fuch, that the dangers were grown too great to be obviated by flow methods: The moft effedtual ways to prevent thefe inconveniences, and to bring about thefe important ends, he left to them. Though the condition of the allies flood firfl in the king's fpeech, vet a good fettiement at home was recommended as the moll effe£lual method, both to advance their intereft, and to maintain peace in England ; and therefore engaged the confideration of both houfes, in preference to every other fubjeft. By a fettiement at home, his majefty was underftood to refer to the eftablifhment of a revenue, in order to enable him to defend his title to the throne, and to fulfil thofe engagements to his allies, into which he had Rcafons for entered from motives of gratitude and public intereft. This fug- con''vention geftcd the necefTity of turning the convention into a parliament j the imoaparlia- ^j^|y, conftitutional method of fupplying the demands of the crown. "A bill for this purpofe was introduced in the houfe of lords, read * The convention parliament continued for this parliament, I have followed fuch an ar- two fefiions : Upon the 20th Auguft, 1689, it rangement as feemed moft proper to convey was adjourned to the 20th September, and af- diftinft ideas of the fubjcft. Such a period tcrwards to the 19th Oftober. It was then fometimes intervened between the comnience- prorogued to the 30th, when it entered upon ment and conclufion of the fame bills, and dif- bufmefs, and continued, without interruption, ferent meafures were fo much coincident, and to the 27th January 1690. fometimes interwoven, that it was impoflible to 'Ihe reader will pleafe obferve, that, in obferve the ftrift chronological order withous jiving an accour.t of the bulinefs iranfadled in obfcurity. twice POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Szc. 265 twice in one day, and font to the lower boufc ' ; where it was evident the ipirit of party, as much as the force of argument, in- fluenced the opinion of members. It was afferted by thofe who oppofed this bill, that the king's writ of fummons was efl'ential to give exiflence to a parliament ; that the want of this qualification would expofe all their future pro- ceedings to be challenged as void and illegal ; that the king himfelf could have no fecurity for retaining the poffeflion of the crown, but by a confirmation of the fcttlement made by the convention, in a parliament, affembled with a ftri£t adherence to every form ella- blifhed by law and cuftom *. By thofe who defended the bill it was argued, that, confidering how far the convention had departed from common forms, in order to bring the public bufinefs, and the fettlement of the nation, to the point at which they flood, the fcruples now pretended appeared frivolous and unfeafonable, and certainly did not proceed from any cordial favour to the new government. If neceflity was an apology for the irregularities to which they had already yielded, the fame neceflity ftill exifted. The interruption of public bufinefs till the meeting of a new parliament, by affording a favourable opportunity for renewing intrigues and exciting animofities, might undo all thofe meafures, in the accomplifliing of which, fo much labour and time had been fpent. The ardour of the patriot might cool, if not cherifhed by fome near objed of purfuit; the combined influence of James and of France might change the complexion of the national reprefentatives, and flop the progrefs of political reformation ; and though thefe caufes might not prevail fo far as to overturn the new fettlement, yet they would certainly poflpone and diminifli the benefits arifing from it ^ Thefe arguments, enforced by precedents Bill patTes tor in feafons of like emergency, preponderated with a majority of the " "^'""^ s Journ. Lords, i8th, I9di February. * Grey's Debates, vol. ix. p. 8g. '' Warrington's Works, p. 509. M m commons. ^g^ THEHISTORYOF C H A P. com:nons, and their confent was obtained to the bill for turning the XI. . . ,. .3 , , convention into a parhamenl . ^^^^- The moft flilutary change in tlie conftltution of England at the withrefpca revohition, was efFecled by the reguhitions which the commons vcnSc.'" adopted with refped to the ftate and management of the public revenue. The connexion between the public revenue and the temper of government, muft appear an important and inftrudive fad, to every one who carefully perufes the hiftory of England. Though, at an early period, the kings of England poffeffed a large independent revenue, arihng from patrimonial demefnes, taxations, and fervitudes, yet thefe were far from being adequate to the extra- ordinary expences which occurred almoft in every reign. The pro- digality of a court, internal convulfions, and foreign war, had often compelled the prince to own his dependence, and folicit the bounty of his fubjeds. The folicitations of the prince reminded the people of their own importance. Their difcontents, hitherto propagated in timid whifpers, aflumed the bold ftrain of complaint and re- monftrance, and dared to approach the throne of the fuppliant monarch. Hence the r'edrefs of grievances came to be the ftated price of liberality to the prince, and the people wifely calculated, that any inconvenience, arifing from the prefent diminution of their property, was abundantly compenfated, by their obtaining fuch laws and regulations as contributed to its future fecurity and increafe ^ Recent experience recommended the utmofl caution in the dif- pofal of the revenue. The depreffion of their own influence, the open violation of the laws, an accumulation of grievances, againft which they had not an opportunity to remonftrate while parlia- ments were laid afide, were mortifying evidences of the pernicious effeds of their rafti and irrevocable generofity to the late prince. " We may date our mifery to our bounty," faid a member of the houfe of commons. " If king Charles had not had that bounty ' Journ. Commons, 19th, 20th February. 9 See Appendix I. " « from POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 267 " from you, he never would have attempted the thhigs lie has ^ ^^'^ ''• * * " done.' — " I remember," faid another, " when above an hundred ^—"-^ J " thoufand pounds was given for building of fliips, and not one " was buih ; and above two hundred thoufand pounds, granted to " fupport the triple league, was employed for breaking it '°." The reformation of the revenue, from thefe confiderations, ap- peared the capital point to which the attention of every true patriot ought to be directed ; and which, if it was once compafled, would en- fure the redrefs of every remaining grievance, and the progreffive improvement of the conftitution. The moft perfcdl political fagacity could not forefee what abufes or grievances might arife at any future period, but thefe could be only tranfient, if the revenue was fubjeded to fuch periodical expirations, as muft neceflarily render the prince dependent upon the gratitude and generofity of his people. As the foundation of this fyftem, it became expedient that the con- vention fliould explain the precife extent of the generofity they had already exerclfcd towards the king, by putting the crown upon his head. Some of his majefty's friends were of opinion, that the a£l of Opinionscon- fettlement conveyed the full poflefFion and uncontrolled difpofal of the king'sl-ight revenue annexed to the crown, at the period of king James's abdica- nae. tion ; and it was natural to fuppofe, that the king himfelf liftened with partiality to this opinion ". When it was moved in the houfe of commons, that the revenue had expired with the abdication of king James, great addrefs was ufed to treat the queftion as a point of law, and to exclude thofe arguments of expediency, which could not fail to incline many of the members to approve of the motion, if it had been fairly open to dicuffion. Thefe perfons contended, that the revenue which had been conferred upon the late king, be- came the inherent right of the crown, and attached to his fucceffor, without any new interference, or coniirmation by parliament. Others, who profcflfed an equal refpeil to the authority of law, advanced an '" Grey's Debates, vol, ix. p. 125. " Ibid. p. IC9, 114. M jn 2 opinion 268 c M A r. XI. 1 1 62)9. Former abul'es in the maiagcmcnt of the re- venue. Refolutbns with refpjcl to it. THE HISTORY OF opinion which rendered the royal income precarious, but not :u the fame degree dependent as if it had now expired, or been beftowcd for a (hort or definite period. Tliey maintained, that the revenue was fubjeded to the lame regulations with private property ; that having been granted to James, for the purpofe of governing during his life, it could not be alienated from that purpofe, or follow him after he had deferted his public truft ; but that, while he lived, i^ belonged to the perfon fubRituted in his official ftate. Upon the event of the death of James, they acknowledged that the revenue would revert to the commons, and might then be regulated, both ■with refpe£t to quantity and duration, as the circumftances and interefts of the nation required ". The motives for diiFenting from thefe opinions did not arife, merely, from the apprehenfion of diftant or imaginary abufes of a revenue exempted from the control of the people. An inquiry, inftituted by the commons into the ftate of the revenue, and abufes in the expenditure of public money, led to difcoveries which left it no longer doubtful, from what fources the former oppreffions of the nation had flowed ; and demonftrated the neceffity of the moft cau- tious and reftrided modifications of the fupplies. Immenfe fums of the public money had been wafted in the profecution of grievous fuits, in behalf of the crown againft the fubjed. Forty-feven thou- fand eight hundred and eighty-four pounds had been paid by the privy feal to Burton and Graham, who had been employed as agents for the crown In thefe infamous fuits '\ One hundred thoufand pounds had been placed to the article of fecret fervices, in the courfe of the laft ten years, a period in which the nation had enjoyed un- interrupted peace. After various debates, the commons found tha^ the revenue had expired'*; and afterwards agreed, that four hundred " Grey's Debates, vol. ix. p. 109. 114. the crown, until the 24th June 16S9; as by l.-.w " Journ. Commons, 22d February. they might have been during either of thofe '♦ This they did in effed, by voting that reigns, with a clauie to indemnify all fuch as all thofe branches of the revenue, which had collcfted any part of the aforefaid branches were due in the reigns of Charles and James, fince the 5th November 1688. ftiould be collcfted for the uie and fervice of and POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 269 and twenty thoufand pounds fliould be given to his majefty, by a monthly afreilaient, to i'upply the prcfcnt exigencies of government. The mei'it of this important refolution, and the lubfequent re- Merit of the galations of feparating the civil h(l from the extraordinary demands ^^ '^ of government, ol appropriating the fnppHes, and of reviewing the application of them, are to be afcribed principally to the whigs ". The tories boafted of their op})olition to thefe refolutions, in order to fupplant their antagonilis; and to infinuate themfelves into the good graces of the king. William was deeply mortified with the depend- ence to which he was fubjeded, and his affedlions began to be eftranged from a party, who appeared to have laid down a plan, to revoke or impair that dignity which their own hands had created. A fpirit of parfimony leis jaftifiable, difplayed itfelf in the vote of Vote of the . . , , coipmoiij for the commons, with refpeft to the indemnmcation of the Dutch, for indemnifying the expences they had incurred in equipping the fleet, and providing other neceffiiries for the prince's expedition to England. This fubjesH: had been recommended to the commons by liis majefty, in his fiift fpeech after his acceptance of the crown. The delay or negledl of bufinefs, materially connedled with his own honour and the gratitude of the nation, gave him fenfihle uneafinefs; and he embraced the firft opportunity, in anfwer to an addrefs of both houfes, again to recom- mend the States, in terms of the moft prefling anxiety, to the pro- tedlion and gratitude of his parliament '\ The hnal refolutions of the commons, extorted by importunity, feemed to \iolate the ftri£t laws of juftice and delicacy, as the indemnification granted fell fhort of the fum which had been expended by the Dutch ". Nor were funds appropriated for the purpofe of dilchargmg this debt, till after long delay and renewed entreaties from the king. And '5 Compare fpeeches of whigs and tories, given in by the States. It is aHlcrted by a Grey, vol. ix. p. 121. tory author, that the Dutch were overpaid, '^ Journ. Commons, Sth.March. in the proportion of 400,000!. price of ab- '' The fum voted by parliament fell dication. Somcri' CoUedlion, vol. xi. 63,7521. fliort of the account of expences finally. government. 3^c» THE HISTORY OF C II A P. finally, when the fpeaker prefcnted the bill for this purpofe to his c.J!L_i majefty, he mentioned the ancient obligations of the States to Eng- "'"^" land, in having obtained, by her gratuitous interpofition, a deliver- ance no lefs fignal, than that which England now acknowledged, by a remuneration of expences ". Thefe circumllances'difcover the early commencement of that jealoufy of the Dutch, which daily increafed through this reign, and embittered the life of the king : while it cer- tainly refleded no credit, either on the politenefs or gratitude of the Englifli. Oaths to The degeneracy of the conftltutlon, and the encroachments made upon the liberty of the fubjedt, during the two preceding reigns, were in no point of view more confpicuous, than in the abufes and alteration of thofe folemu' religious fanftions, intended to bind more firmly upon the king and his fubjeiSts, the reciprocal duties of pro- tedlion and allegiance. The coronation oath had been fo changed as to weaken the idea of conditional and dependent authority, and to remove the moft folemn reftraint upon the confcience of an arbitrary monarch '". As the coronation oath was adminiftered only once at the commencement of a reign, when the people in general are difTipated with public rejoicings, any alteration in the form or ex- preffion of that oath may be fuppofed, more readily to have efcaped their obfervation and cenfure. The corporation oath, as It more fre- quently occurred, fo it more exprelsly reminded them of the growth and ufurpation of regal power. All the members of corporations were bound, by the moft folemn obligation, not to take up arms againft the king, or thofe who were commiffioned by him. Thus the fub- jecl loft at every hand. The oath taken by James did not engage •' Tindal, vol. i. p. 384. in the reign of Edward VI. Blackllone's •9 Ibid. vol. i. p. 170. The ancient coro- Commentaries, book i. chap. vi. The fol- nation oath was more full and explicit: the lowing words are particularly worthy of at- king was bound by it, not only to maintain tention :— " Et a foun poiair lez face garder the laws and proteft the rights of his fubjefts, ." et affermer que lez gentez'du people avont but to abohfh pernicious laws and cuftoms. " ftitez et eftlez, et ks maheu lejzet cujumes bee a copy of the coronation oath, printed «< de tout oujlera." his POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 271 his confciencc in lupport of the claims of the people, while his fuh- CHAP. jeds were conflraiiicd to refign all offices of truft and emolument ; _* unlefs they bound themfelves to fubmit to every inferior delegation of tyranny. If the protedlion and fecurity of the fubjeifl had been confidered Motions for • 1 n. ru 1 • • • r • • i it altering them. in the molt liberal view, it is not eaiy to imagine, now any difpute fliould have ariferi in either houfc, about the wording of the corona- tion oath ; but even here the jealoufy of party interfered. William was a friend to religious liberty, not merely from political confidera- tions, but from thofe arguments which demonftrate the wifdom and juftice of admitting it, in every ftate of government and fociety. This object he purfued through the whole courfe of his life with inflexible and ardent perfeverance '". The recent danger, in which protefi;ants of every denomination had been aflociated at the period of William's accefficn, prefented the moft favourable opportunity of gratifying the ftrong propenfity of his mind, by obtaining fuch alterations in the laws, as might render the eflablillied church more comprehenfive than it had hitherto been, the diffribution of civil employments impartial, and the indulgence of difTenters as liberal, as appeared to be confiflent with the fafety of government. When the queftion of the coronation oath was introduced in the houfe of commons, it was moved by Mr. Hampden, that the claufe which obliged the king to maintain the church of England, fhould be ex- prelTed, and qualified by fuch terms, as that it might not prevent his confenting to any alteration in forms and ceremonies approved of by parliament"'. It was evident, that fuch a modification of the coronation oath was no Jefs favourable to the power of parliament, than it was to the inclinations of the king, while it provided the means of removing thofe fcruples, which divided and weakened the proteftant interefl at home. In vain it was urged, that the dodlrines of faith, founded upon divine authority, conflituted the efTential " Sec Appendix JI. •»' Journ. Cgmniouf, 25th, »2tb March. part 27i THE HISTORY OF CHAP, part of chiiaianity, which could admit of no alteration, and with »^^ refpea to which it was agreed, that no latitude ought to be granted ; '^*^" that ceremonies, the invention of men, and accommodated to mu- table and external circum fiances, not only involved the idea of fal- libility, but implied the necellity of future alterations"'. The friends of the church of England and the tories were alarmed. Thofe, who were fecretly diiaffeaed to the king, were happy to thwart him in a favourite point. The original, unlimited expreffions of the coronation oath, were adopted by both houies '', and excited a difmal foreboding of the iifue of every future attempt for the ex- tenfion of religious liberty. For exempt- In confiftency with this zeal for the eftabliOied church, the diffemcrf^"' commons refolved to maintain the fame reftriaions, in the new from die teft. modelling of the different oaths to be impofed upon the fubjed. The tefts required of perfons who were to be admitted into public offices previous to the revolution, had refpeft both to their political, and religious principles ; the firft were afcertained by the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, the fecond by obedience to the left, or receiving the facrament according to the ufage of the church of England. All parties had agreed, that an alteration was requifite in the criterion of political fiuth. The oath, as it flood, not only bound the fubjed by fidelity and allegiance to the reigning prince, but exafted an opinion with refpe^ to his exclufive title to the crown, by acknowledging him as rightful and lawful king. It was refolved, therefore, to omit this claufe in the oath, which related to the quality or bafis of the royal authority, now more than ever liable to be controverted, and to retain a fimple engagement to faith and allegiance. The oath of fupremacy, eflabliflied in the reign of Elizabeth, had long been confidered as a national grievance, and all parties, who had co-operated in the revolution, were virtually pledged to abolifh it. The only remaining topic of difpute referred »» Grey's Debates, vol. ix. p. 190. 200. " Journ. Lords and Commons, 6:h and 9th April. to POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, •^P"'- houfes, and obtained the royal aflent. Nothing more ftrongly evinces the defire of William to abolifli Bill ff cnm- . . . . . prcheufio.-u religious and political diftindlions, than the variety of mcafures he devifed, in order to accomplifh that end, and his perfeverance in pro- fecution of them, notwithftanding the frequent repulfes and defeats he experienced. Difappointed in his plan of raifing proteftant dif- fenters to a capacity of civil employment, his only hope was to en- large the pale of the church, and to obtain fuch moderate and ra-* tional conceflions from her, as might fubdue the fcruples of the dif- fenters, and allure them into her bofom. For this purpofe a bill . of union and comprehenfiori was introduced in the h&ufe of lords, formed upon the model of that which had been propofed to allay the heats of parties during the dependence of the bill of exclufion ". The principle of this meafure was fo rational and liberal, that its enemies durfl not hazard any attack or objeftion againft it, upon the foot of argument. A preliminary queftioii however exifted, before any progrefs could be made in this bill, and involved difficul- ties, which afforded but unprOmifing hopes of its fuccefs. Who were the judges competent to fpecify thofe conteffions, which might pru- dently and fafcly be offered upon tire part of the ef^abliflied church, for the purpofe of reconciling and uniting the diflenters? An ex- clufion of the laity was invidious, and not only deviated from the precedents eftablilhed by the reforrnation, but flruck at the founda- tion of the proteflant religion, which appealed to the underflanding of mankind at large, as qualified to decide concerning the do(^rines *' Burnet. Jcurn. Lords, nth March, N n 2 of 2-6 THE HISTORY OF I'- of faith. Nor were the clergy, if the bufinefs was committed folel7 to them, wedded to the laith and ceremonies of the eftablilhed church, Ukely to confent to any Hberal and effeftual plan of union. Jealous of the favour of the king, many of them waited the refult of this bill with a fuipicious vigilance ; and it was believed, that they would not have been diflatisfied, if any innovation upon forms, or any encroachment upon their authority, had furniflied a pretext for Favourcri by making a fchifm in the church. Indulgent to their prejudices,, the thHord.. jords agreed, that the clergy alone Ihould judge of thofe articles which were to be propofed as a bafis of union with diflenters "". The very day the bill was fent to the commons, they refolved upon an addrefs to the king, to be drawn up in terms which anti- cipated the difcufTion of its merits, and fpread an alarm of the danger of the church. They thanked his majefty for his repeated aflurances that he would maintain the church of England ; and humbly prayed. Thwarted by that, according to the ancient pradice of the kingdom, he would be pleafed to fummon a convocation of the clergy, to be advifed with in ecclefiaftical matters '". Caufesof the It is to be regretted by all the friends of liberty, that a variety of this bill. ° caufes contributed to difappoint thofe liberal plans of religious union, at a period, when the recent fympathy and united fervices of all his proteftant fubjeds, as well as the ftrong defire of the king, furnifhed additional arguments for carrying them into execution. The tories in adminiftration, though profefFmg to approve of thofe fchemes for the extenfion of liberty, yet, as they were not friends to toleration in their hearts, they did not fupport them with thofe ftrenuous efforts which might have enfured their fuccefs; and it was even fufpeded *9 Eurnci. Journ. Lords, 4th April. liminary fubjedls, the lower houfe difcovered 3° Journ. Commons, 9th and 13th Aprih fuch a fpirit of bigotry, and fuch afperity to- Jn compliance with this addrefs, the king called wards diffenters, as made it evident that they a convocation, which met next fefllon of par- never intended to promote any plan of union liamcnt, on 21ft November 1689. But, in with tliem. Burnet. their dcb.'ites upon the addrefs, and other pre- that POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 277 1639. that they counteraded them by I'ecret influence, while the whim's. ^ ^^ '^ ^*- difappohited in their fcheme of engrofling adminiftration, embraced every opportunity to fhcw their flrength, and exprefs their refent- ment againft the king, -by defeating fuch meafures as proceeded from his perfonal incUnation, however agreeable to the general tenor of their own principles ". It is likewife to be obferved,. that the ene- mies to the fcheme of comprehenfion derived additional influence^ from the divifions which fubfifted among the diffenters themfelves- Independents, anabaptifts, and more rigid prefbytcrians, aware that they could not come into the church upoa any conceffions which either parliament or the convocation were likely to vouchfife, beheld,, with an unfriendly eye, the progrefs of meafures calculated to rend and weaken their body; and to improve the condition of others, wha were now involved in the fame inconveniences ^'. Thefe circum- Ilances may explain, but can never vindicate, the narrow policy of the commons, in rejecting the alterations in the corporation ad:, and opp.oftng the fcheme of comprehenfion. All parties, however, had acknowledged that fomewhat in the way Aa of tol of favour was due to proteftant dilfenters. The perfecution they had fuffered, during the reign of Charles the Second, furnifhed the ^' Ralph, vol. ii. P- 72- fuppofe, that the peifons who were employed ^^ From a report concerning the proportion to make the calculations were inte.refted for of the different religious fefts after the revolu- the church, and by no means inclined to di- tion, it appears, that conformifts were to non- minifh the number of its adherents ; and, as eonformirts, as 22* to one; conformifts to pa- the king was anxious for extending indulgence, pills, as 1781^; and proteilants to papills, as they might perhaps under-rate the confequenca 186 J. Dalrymple, part ii. p. 12. of thofe who were the objeils of it. Some of Such difproportion between the number of the northern counties, which contained a great proteftant diflenters and the members of the proportion of diflentcrs, feem to have been church, hardly appears confident with the great omitted in this calculation. In drawing up th: influence of the former in corpoi-ations, before lills which were to found the reports, diflenters of the furrender of charters, and the attention paid lubordlnate ftation would often be arranged un- to them by king James, This is the more re- der the religion of the family to which they be- markable, as it is obferved in the above re- longed. Many families of diffenters, in ob- port, ibid. p. 14- that, in fome of the towns, fcyre condition, were probably altogether over- the foreign proteilants, chiefly, make up the looked ; and others who conformed occafiou- number of diifcnters. It is not unreafonable to ally, would be accounted conipktc conformifls. friends ration. IOj^- .^8 THE HISTORY OF ■- c H A p. friends of the revolution with fome of the ftrongeft objedions to ar- ^ '"': , bitraiy government. Their final rejeaion of the Infidious indul- gences proffered by James; their meritorious fervices in co-operat- ing with the church in the work of the revolution, entitled them to participate cf the fruits and blefllngs of that glorious event. The force of thefe conliderations fo far prevailed upon both houfes, as to obtain their affent to an ad for repealing the penal laws to which the diflcnters had been formerly fubjeded ". Bi'lofmiem- Howcver fevere the reftriaions, ftill impofed upon diffenters, might '"^' appear, they had this advantage, that they were defined and notified ; the perfons to whom they referred knew what they had to hope or to fear ; and might calculate with precifion the lofs to which they were fubjefted, by a rigid adherence to their religious principles. A long feries of arbitrary meafures, in the courfe of the two preceding reigns, had enlarged the lifts of political delinquents, who now, with painful anxiety, waited the iflue of a bill of indemnity ; and as their numbers w-ere confiderable, and their connexions extenfive, the queftion deeply affeded the ftate of parties, and the intereft of go- vernment. As all revolutions of government proceed from real or imaginary opprefTions, and are accomplifhed after ftruggles which heighten the animofities and refentments of contending parties; fo, upon the commencement of a new government, the greateft prudence is requi- fite, in feledting the proper objects of honour and employment, or of difgrace and punifliment. Though lenity may fometimes foften hardened and inveterate offenders, yet when exercifed indifcrimi- natcly, it difcourages the faithful, and removes one of the moft '' Journ. Lords and Commons, 24th May. them by deputies. Diflenting preachers, who By this aft the penal laws were aboUfhed, fo took the oaths to government, and fubfcribed far as related to diffenters who took the oaths the articles of the church of England, except to the prcfent government. DiiTentcfs chofen the 34th, 35th, 36th, and part of the 20th, to the offices of conftable, churchwarden, Sec. were exempted from the penalties mentioned who fcrupled to lake -the oaths required by law in the feveral ilatutes of Charles the Second, iorfuch offices, were permitted to execute powerful POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 279 powerful diccks upon the intrigues of ambitious men. It would CHAP. XI. have been unjuft, as well as impolitic, to have configned to defpair v— , --/ all thofe perfons in England who had been, at a diftance of time, or by fecondary agency, llained with political iniquity. Many of them were, in the line of office, fubjeded to the orders of luperiors, and reftrained from offering their opinion or advice, concerning thofe meafures In which they were compelled to adl. Some of them teftl- fied their difapprobatlon of deeds of violence which they had not power to prevent. Others had retired from office, flung with remorfe for the wrong fteps into which they had been feduced; and had in fome meafure made an atonement to the public, by their zeal and activity in the great work of national deliverance. To explore the genuine motives of adtions In a period of tumult and conteft; to afcertain pre- cifely the gradations of guilt, or the merit and demerit of individuals, and to draw the line of diftindllon ; was a tafk attended with mani- feft danger to government, and unavoidably liable to great partiality and miftake. The natural inclination, and found policy of the king, rendered him ThekmT.n- extremely anxious to obtain an Indemnity upon a broad foundation, '''""^ °^"' and in every view more liberal than what was approved of by thofe, who were firft attached to his intereft. For this purpofe he ex- prefled his earneft defire, by a meffage to both houfes of parliament, 25th March. to obtain an a£l of general pardon and indemnity, that his people might be delivered from- the reproach and penalties to which many of them were liable. The king's meffage, according to form, was acknowledged with an addrefs of thanks ; yet how little the commons were difpofed to comply with it, appears, both from the firft fteps with which they entered into the bufinefs, and the various dlfputes and delays which retarded its progrefs. Upon the report of his majefty's anfwer to u\ April. their addrefs of thanks, they appointed a revival of the committee empowered to inquire into the authors and advifers of grievances. A more 28o THE HISTORY OF this bill. C H A ?. ,^orc untoward omca of the fuMire fucccfs of the bill could not have ^.-■^'iw occiirrcJ, for it was, in eftba, colleding difficulties and obftrudions, "*^- calculated to entangle and perplex them, in every ftep, towards the objea of the king's recommendation. And accordingly we find, tiiat the fauje difficulties which embarraffied the houfe on the four- teenth of May, one thoufandTiK hundred and eighty-nine, notwith- Ibnding many intervening debates and refolutions, were recapitulated, without any diminution, on the twenty-fixth of January, one thou- farid fix hundred and ninety ''\ L':!t\.rcit 'I'iie raoft important queftion which occurred in the courfe of cccdin" m°' the debates on the bill of indemnity, related to the plan of regu- lating the exceptions; or drawing the line of feparation between the objeds of mercy and of punifliment. Whether was it moft ex- pedient to begin with the exception of crimes, or of perfons ? In the former cafe, it was propofed to defcribe fuch crimes as ought, de- fervedly, to exclude the perfons convidted of them from the benefit of the indemnity. It was eafy to forefee that this plan of proceeding, though recommended by the appearance of equity and impartiality, would be produdive of fuch a variety of future difputes, and of fuch delays, as muft in a great meafure fruftrate the very purpofe of the bill. Confidering the various prejudices, interefts, and connexions of the members, of both houfes, it was not likely that they would be brought to adopt the fame ftandard of guilt, or to agree in fpecifying the crimes which were to be placed beyond the reach of mercy. But fuppofing this difficulty to be furmounted, and the houfe brought to an agreement with refped to thofe crimes which were to be excepted, the moft deteftable confequences would afterwards enfue from the in- veftigation of proof, and the application of guilt. Into what unplea- fant difcoveries might thefe unwarily betray them? The bufinefs, conduded upon this plan, would become an engine, which every party by turns rnight employ for the gratification of their refent- '* Compax« Joiirn. of Commons, and Grey's Debates, vol. ix. p. 244. 538. meats, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 281 ments, and die ruin of tlicir enemies. Inftead of fctting tlie hearts of ^ ^^ ^ ^' his majefty's fubjeds at eafe, it would prolong the gloomy period of v - _j fufpence, propagate fufpicion, and multiply the odious badges of di- ' ^'^' vifion. It was compared to failing in the wide ocean without a compafs ; and to wandering In an immenfe foreft where no path was marked, to cheer the hope, and guide the fteps, of the bewildered traveller ". Such as were friends to the bill propofcd, that the houfe fliould immediately proceed, to ipecify the names of the perfons who were to be excluded from the benefit of the indemnity. There was no oc- cafion, it was obferved, to have recourfe to the more tedious procefs of convi Journ. CommonSj June and July, paffim. mented, aS6 THE HISTORY OF XI. 16S9. Opprcflions invclHgatcd. c n A p. mcnted, that narrow views of religion, or circumftances fingularly perilous, Qiould have thrown fhadcs upon a period of hiftory fo hrilUant, and fo deUghtful to the liberal mind. To the honour of king William it ought to be mentioned, that he exerted bis utmoft inlluence to reprefs this violent temper *' ; and even, at the hazard of loliug his popularhy, refufed to execute feverities againft Roman catholics, urged by the parliament. Agreeably to the reports of their committees, the commons inves- tigated the mod notorious grievances and abufes, in the two preceding reigns. They entered into a minute examination of the agents and judges, who were inftrumental in arbitrary meafures, and illegal fen- tences. Refolutions of cenfure were pafled againft fome; others were committed to prifon, and profecutions were inftituted, in or- der to bring them to condign puniflament. Arbitrary fentences were reverfed, illegal attainders repealed, exorbitant fmes remitted, and compenfations were made to the famihes of thofe who had fufiered the extreme efFedls of arbitrary maUce *'. The reader, who wifhes to be fully informed of the ftate of the nation during the two preceding reigns, and of that weight of op- prcffion with which it was overwhelmed, ought carefully to perufe, not only the reports of the committee of grievances, but the peti- tions reprefenting to parliament the fufferings of individuals, occa- fioned by the unwarrantable proceedings and cruel fentences of the courts of law. Subornation of witnefl'es, packing of juries, the debarring the accufed from the means of defence, the overbearing menaces of judges, the elaborate perverfion of evidence, a favage fporting with calamity, exorbitant fines, cruel and arbitrary fentences, the fevereft penalties of law inflidled upon fcanty proof, to gratify RcdrcfTcd. Rcfleftions. *■ Appendix II. ,,. ;, attainders of lord Ruffe!, Algernon Sydney, *3 Journ. Lords and Commons, paflim, Cornifh, and Alicia Lyfle, were reverfed : particularly 25th February, 15th and i6th Dates was difcharged from prifon, and a pen- March, iftApril; zzd, 23dandz9thMay. The fion fettled upon hini. 7 the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 289 the pique or refentmeut of a tyrannical prince "' ; thcfc convey to ^ ^^ '^ P- the mind a more precile and afiedling conception of national mifery, < — ♦ than what is excited by fpecU|lating upon the confequences of new claims of prerogative, and the unconftitutional religion of the prince. It is unneceflary to attend to apologies for the negle£t of forms, in order to vindicate the expediency of the revolution. Feeling quickly and powerfully perfuades ; we feel anew that irrefiftible neceffity, which conftrained all parties and orders of men, to feek for refuge and deliverance by whatever means it could be obtained. Indignation, fympathy, congratulations, by turns agitate the mind, and eftablifli, in the hearts of every well-informed citizen, a monu- ment of gratitude to thofe illuftrious patriots, who, under heaven, were the inftruments of refcuing their cot^mporaries and polleritj- irom the yoke of defpotifm. Many of the examples of opprcffion to which we have alluded, were occafioned, either by the inflitution of courts unknown to the conftitution, or by the ordinary courts of juftice haying exceeded their powers, and perverted the laws, which ought to have l>een their rule of judging and punifhing. By the bill of rights, fuch courts and fentences were declared ;to be contrary to the conftitution. To extend the fame equal difpenfationqf, juftice to every part of the kingdom, the court of marches in Wales, in its very conftitution favourable to arbitrary power, was aboliihcd. Courts of confcience, which had been found to afford a cheap and fpeedy courfe of obtain- ing juftice, and highly beneficial to the commercial intereft, were cftabliftied in moft of the confiderable towns in England '°. The unanimity and alacrity with which both houfes feconded the Both houfes . , ■[, , ., . , enter into the views of the king, by enteruig into war with trance, exhibited a king's views ftriking example of the temper of the Engllfti nation, and gave PraJ^ce.^^" birth to a fyftem of politics. Which has produced the moft interefting ♦' Warrington. Journ. Lords and Cominons, 25th Oftober, 12th aiU 19th November. Trials of Lifle, Corniih, Pridcaux, and Devonfliire. i" Joiirn. Lords and Comaions, pafiim. p^p events THE HISTORYOF ago c H A P. events in the hlftory of England fiiice the period of the revolution. uJi^ It is fomcwhat CKtraordinary, that a jealoufy of the Dutch, fo pre- '"'^" dominant among all parties upon every other occafion, did not ihew itfclf, bv fuggefting objedions to a meafure principally fubfervient to their relentments and interefts. It might alfo have been ex- peded, that individuals, endowed with peneti-ation and integrity, would have required time to deliberate maturely upon affairs of luch magnitude, and that they would immediately have , forefeen embarrafTments, accumulation of expences, and the feeds of future contefts, to be the confequences of interfering fo deeply in conti- nental interefts. So far from being ft-aggered with any of thefe apprehenfions, they rulh^d with ardour into the plan of foreign war ; and though often diflruftful of the king, when there was no reafon to withhold their confidence, they teftified the fulleft appro- bation of the alliances he had made, without examining the merits of them, and engaged to fupport him with their lives and for- tunes in profecution of the war againfl France, without fpecifying any particular conditions to reftrain his inclinations, or limit their own generofity ". Obfervations, The condu£t of parties on this occafion can be accoimted for, only, by that deep and inveterate antipathy againft the French, which, from an early period of hiftory, forms a confpicuous feature in the charader of the Englifti nation. That antipathy had been increafed by the reftraints which fettered its exertions, even when it met witb juft provocation, under the reign of Charles the Second, unnaturally partial to the interefts of a rival kingdom. It was in- flamed to the higheft pitch by a dread of the Roman catholic reli- gion ; and it now found full fcope under the aufpices of a monarch, ■ " Journ. Commons, March, April, Juiy, their /nanjfefto, 20th Oaober i6S8, contain- pallim. AddrefTes of both houfes, Z4th and ing their reafons for afiilling the prince of 25th April. War was declared againft France Orange in his expedition to England. Spain by England, 7th May 1639-. The United declared war againft France 3d May, and Sutes had declared war againft France by the eleflor of Brandenburg 13 tli April, 1689. S whofe. rOLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 291 whofe ruling paflioa was the fame. A deep and cordial fyuipatliy, ^' ^!^ '^ •'• in this fingle point, firfl: united William and the Englifh nation, and v« — ^ — ~i afterwards preferved that union, notvviihllanding an oppofition of prejudices and humours, which often threatened its did'olution. By the voluntary confent of the parliament of England, to enter iiilo his foreign connexions, and to take the lead in the war againll France, the fondeft wifh of William was gratified. They who con- demn continental connexions, and lament the profufion of blood and treafure of which they have been produ£tive, ought to recoiled, that they were the price which England paid for the revolution, and to balance their worft confequences, they ought to fet over againft them, the freedom, the profperity, and the glory, which were the fruits of that event. If we had known nothing more of the hiftory of this parliament, Mifundcr- ■ than that it had feated William upon the throne, and complied with twcen the the leading principles of his political fyftem, we fliould hardly have whi'^s. fufpeded, that it could have failed in more trivial inftances of obfe- quioufnefs, or that he fhould have found it expedient, and even ne- ceffary, to put an end to it by a premature difiblution. But the obligations, conferred upon the king by the afcendant party in the houfe of common?, were too important to admit of that refpedl and deference, which he thought neceffary to maintain perfonal dignity and independent authority. It is found in the private intercourfe of life, that nothing tends more to render individuals negligent, and dehclent, in the difcharge of the moft important focial duties, than any confufion or ambiguity in the relations, upon which thcfe duties are founded. That the child owes obedience to the parent, and the private citizen fubjedlion to the magiftrate, are axioms of the law of nature, and of politics. But if accidental circumftances have perplexed the rules of fuperiority and fubordination,. or turned the balance of obligation againft the fcale in which it ought naturally to preponderate, the claims of fuperiority, intricate and dilputable, P p 2 are 2g. THE HISTORY OF CHAP, arc anfwered with reluflant and referved obedience. While the con- 4_^.; , vention recognifcd William as their foverelgn, it was not poffible for ^^''^' them to forget that they had put the crown upon his head, or to fet bounds to their demands for favours from a perfon, who owed fo much to them. While the whigs were diiappointed of that engrof- fmg influence in the councils of their prince, which they thought due to their meritorious fervices, they were not reftralned by the fplen- dour of his ancient and hereditary dignity, from betraying, upon particular occafions, expreffions of ill humour and rudenefs, which offended the feelings of the king, and effaced the impreffions of their iirfl: fervices to him. The whigs did well in their plan of reforming the revenue, by dillinguifhing its branches, appropriating the fupplies, and reviewing the application of them ; but, in their progrefs in this bufmefs, they fometimes adopted refolutions which implied a diftrufl; and jealoufy of the king. The fum appropriated to the civil lift was not only penurious, confidering how much it had been anticipated, but it was limited to the duration of one year, while a revenue of fifty thou- fand pounds per annum was alTigned to the princefs Anne for life '% In vain did the king exert his utmoft influence with individuals, and the queen ufe the moft earneft folicitations with her fifter, to prevent, or at leaft to poftpone a meafure, which they confidered as hurtful to the influence of the crown, and the union and dignity of the royal family". The meafure began with the tories ; but it could not have been carried into effecft, if it had not been fecretly aiTifted, and, in public, but feebly oppofed, by the whigs ; and their behaviour, in this inftancc, fo inconfiftent with their profeffed refolutions of oeco- nomy, and, before they had yet fettled the revenue of the crown, was believed by the king, to flow from a direft intention to affroni: and mortify him ". '» Journ. Commons, 26th March, 17th July, 9th Augull, and 3cth December. 5' Conduftof the Duchefs of Marlborough, p. 34. s+ Burnet. From POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 293 From thefe rymptoins of the temper of the ruling party, the king C IT A P. had no reafon to expert either liberal fiipport, or great fuccefs, in the > -- » profecution of a foreign war, though he entered into it with the ap- ' ^' probation of hU parliament. The flattering promifes of the tcries, The tories made to him while his mind was chagrined with the mortification he king with received from the whigs, excited the hope of more generous treat- more g"ne- ment, and a more propitious iflue of his affairs". In the mean '■""s '■'cat- while, the animofity of parties, and the diHigreement of the mem- bers of adminiftration among themfelves, had advanced to fuch a jcaloufy of crifis, as embarraffed and obftruded the progrefs of public bufinefs. ^morfrthem. We have already feen, in the debates and refolutions concerning '^^'v^** the bill of indemnity, tliat oblique infinuations were pointed againft. perfons who filled the highefl: minifterial ftations. Thefe were after- wards brought forward in the form of an open and diredl attack, not only, as might naturally have been expeded, from members of oppo- fition, but from thofe who were themfelves in place. Mr. Howe, vice-chamberlain to the queen, propofed an addrefs for removing, from his majefty's prefence and counfels, fuch as have been impeached by parliament, and betrayed the liberties of the ,nation, referring to the marquis of Carmarthen, prefident of the council, and the mar- quis of Halifax, keeper of the privy feaj '*. The earl of Notting- ham, together with the marquis of Halifax, was alfo pointed at, by another motion, for addreffing his majefliy, to difmifs from office thofe perfons who had accepted of a commifTion from the late king, to treat with the prince of Orange after his arrival in Eng- land. Great pains were taken to trace the misfortunes in Ireland, and particularly the abufes in the vidualling-office, to the mifcondud of the marquis of Halifax, to whom that department was committed '^ It is hardly poffible to find, in the worft of times, more virulent rcfledions againft the prince and his minifters, or more lamentable complaints of the condition of public affairs, than what occur, at " Tindal, '* Ibid. vol. i. p. 377. ^1 Journ. Lords and Commons, paffim. this ibSj. c.j)4 THE HISTORY OF c If A P. tliis period, In the couife of the debates upon the ftate of the Tiation ". Neither did a fenfe of common danger reconcile minifters to each other, or promote a temporary and external union, to enable them to refift the ihock of oppofition under which all of them were daggering ; on the contrary, they were contented to bear the fmart of wounds, which, they hoped, might prove mortal to their anta- gonifts, Carmarthen, Nottingham, Halifax, though partners in power, reciprocally animated with jealoufy, were privately ufing their influence to fupplant each other iu the confidence of the king ". EntjroiUng If the whigs had been contented with a flow and gradual extinc- wliigs? tion of the influence of the rival party, they might long have held a fuperior (hare in the emoluments of office, and in the diredtion of public affiiirs, and at laft would probably have attained to the exclu- live property of adminiftration. Irritated becaufe the king con- fulted with the tories, and elated with the impreffion they had already made by their attack upon lord Halifax, who had refigned all his offices, they now puflied hoflilities with increafing arrogance and violence, in order to render their vitflory complete and fecure againft any reverfe of fortune. All this they hoped to accomplifh, Claufe intro- by introducing a claufe in the corporation a£t, calculated to anni- duccd into " , ., , i- • i • n the corpora, hilate the political influence of their adverfaries. Every perfon, tended to'" '^^^° ^'^^^^ ^"7 concem whatever in the furrender of charters, was tortffrom '^e'^'^red incapable and difabled, for the fpace of feven years, to power. bear or execute any office, or place of truft, as a member of fuch refpe£tive body corporate, where he was a member at, or before, the time of making fuch furrender. This claufe was carried by a great PafTej. majority in the houfe of commons ; and, what was more unex- pected, it obtained the approbation of the lords'". '«■ Grey's Debates, vol. ix. paflim. • s? Rerefby. *° id and loth January 1690. Grey, vol. ix. p. 510. Lords' Debates, vol. i. p. 398. Tl ,ie POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. syf The king was now reduced to the neceffity of taking a bold and CHAP, decifive ftep. The hopes and fears of two contending faQions refted ^_ — _> upon his refohition. They vied with each other in the diligence of ' ^^' their applications, and the liberality of their promifes. But the prizes for which they contended were unequal. The one fought only the chance of power, or to preferve the capacity of being admitted to it : the other, a monopoly, or exclufive pofleiTion of it. Nor was the alternative of equal confequence to the king. The queftion was The kin? not, whether he fliould prefer one party to another, but whe- '^'"''"""''^J- ther he fhould maintain the power of a preference or a choice. If he confented to the bill, he furrendered into the hands of the whigs, one of the moft important branches of his prerogative, the free eledion of his fervants. He confulted with his confidential friends : he was perplexed and agitated : he pondered in his mind a defperate purpofe. He thought of relinquifhing a dignity which he found cumberfome and diftrefsful. He at laft fixed upon the refo- lution of dilTolving the parliament '^°. The parliament was prorogued on the twenty-feventh of January, to the fecond of April : on the Di/ibu-cs the fixth of February it was difTolved by proclamation ; and a new par- P"''a"ienc. Iiament fummoned to meet on the twentieth of March, one thoii- fand fix hundred and ninety. '"Burnet. Letters of Trevor and Wharton. Dalrymple, Ap. part ii, p. So. ^^6 THEHISTORYOF APPENDIX I. Oh/ervations upon the Connexion between the State of the Revenue and the Temper of Government. — Progrejfive Improvements in raifing the Supplies, tending to the Enlargement of Liberty. CHAP. 'TpHE large revenue of the crown after the Norman conqueft, Appendix. arifing from the great number of manors retained by William, obicrvations rendered him and his immediate fuccefTors independent upon their nexi.>nb"e"' people; and, confequently, abfolute and uncontrolled in the exer- lute of'the '^^^^ °^ ^^^'^'^ prerogative. After the temper, as well as the laws of revcnucand the Enelifh, were completely fubdued, and almoft every idea of the ths temper of . . • . government. Saxon conftitution obliterated, a variety of circumftances contributed to overturn the independence of the crown ; and to liiggeft to the barons the defire and opportunity of extending their privileges. While the foreign dominions, derived from the conqueror, involved his defcendants in perpetual wars upon the continent, the lapfe of time, and a coalition with the interefts and habits of the Englifli, rendered the pofterity of the Norman barons lefs mindful of the conditions, upon which their fathers had obtained their poffeffions* in England ; and lefs zealous, about defending the rights and pre- rogatives of their fovereign, in a country with which they themfelves were nowife connedled, either by affedion or property. The transfer, and fubdivifion of manors, rendered the claims of the crown to the military fervices of thofe who pofTefled them, more intricate and difputable. The commutation of military fer- vices into fcutages and pecuniary aids, though at firft more pro- fitable to the prince, infpired the notion of a voluntary contribu- tion, afterwards excited the expeaation of being folicited, and, in the progrcfs of thefe ideas, of making a bargain, and fpecifying condi- tions, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 297 tions, upon which their benevolences were fufpcnded. The parlia- ^ ^^ ^ ''• nient, upon the confirmation of tlie great charter by Henry HI., ArrsNuiv. granted him a fupply; and the king ifilied writs to the flierifFs, to enforce the obfervance of the charter ; but, at the fame time, to fliow that it was a bargain, he excepted thofe who did not pay their fupply. Hume, vol. ii. p. g. When the fame prince again demanded a fupply of his parliament, he was upbraided for not having fulfilled his engagements to them, and therefore refufed. As no prince was more engaged in war than Edward I., and more frequently obliged to have recourfe to the bounty of his fubjecfls, fo no prince, before or fince his reign, did more for the improvement of the conftitution, or the advancement of liberty. The laws were new- modelled, and juftice more regularly and impartially difpenfed. But the moft memorable political event, in the reign of Edward I., and that to which we trace every fubfequent improvement, was the extending the reprefentation of the people, by introducing a new order of men into the national council. The lefler barons, originally .. ^ , ■tenants to the greater, became independent and refpedlable. TheTi'^v/ boroughs, emancipated from the oppreflion of the barons, by regal /.,,'■/■. charters, began to draw fome fhare of the wealth of the nation to themfelves, by the culture of manufa£tures and commerce. From their profperity Edward derived new fources of fupply. He in- vited them to attend in the great council of the nation ; and, by the honour and confequence he conferred upon them, allured them to contribute to the increafe of the revenue. Hume, vol. ii. p. 89, 90, &c. Hurd's Dialogues, vol. ii. p. i6o. The hiftory of the revenue exhibits a view of the progreffive Progreffive improvements civilization and liberty of the people of England. The commuta- otraifmgthe tion of feudal J military fervices into money, or tax, was the confe- tending to ths quence of increafing wealth ; and contributed to the common ad van- on^i'ofrtT'""^ tage of king and people. The money, which the king received, pro- Q^q cured .58 THE HISTORY OF G H A P. cured a warlike force, fuperior in difcipllne and flrength to wliat Afp'^i'p.r. he could have drawn, from the mufter and fervices of his military tenants. Security from the avocations and interruptions of war encouraged induftry and application to manufadures and trade, which, in progrcfs of time, promoted a more rapid circulation, and more general diftufion of wealth. Their wealth, arifmg from com- merce, arts, and the fubdivifion of property, raifed to confequence a body of men, who before had hardly been deemed worthy of the notice and protedion of the fovereign. The commons, invited to the council, and inverted with power and privileges, in return, con- tributed in large proportion to the wants of the crown, and the fer- vices of the public. There are fome important changes, with refped to the public revenue, which have happened at different periods, and which are particularly deferving of attention, on account of their influence upon the conftitu- tion of the government, and the manners of the people in England. Henry II., finding the inconveniencies of the feudal infiitutions in the time of a foreign war, impofed a duty or fcutage for each knight's fee, upon the eftates of thofe prelates who were bound to military fervices. This example was followed by his fucceffors: fcutages were afterwards extended and more frequently repeated, till military fervices were entirely difcontinued. Sir John Sinclair's Hiftory of the Revenue, vol. i. p. 54. A fecond important revolution, in the revenue and conftitution of England, was efftded by the meafure of Edward I., already referred to, viz. his furamoning the leffer barons, or the deputies of towns and boroughs, to attend upon parliament, and to contribute volun- tarily to the exigencies of the ftate. This was a great example, at an early period, of the connexion between taxation and reprefenta- tion ; and though often violated by the arbitrary exadions of his fucceffors, yet the precedent was remembered and urged by the commons^ POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 299 commons, as their undoubted rio;ht, as often as the weaknefs or ^ ^^ ^ ^• XI neceffity of the crown afforded them a propitious opportunity of ArrBHDix-. bringing it forward. Ibid. p. 70. The third important aheration, with refpciH: to the revenue, hap- pened at the reftoration, and confiftcd in the abolition of the feudal rights, ftill referved to the crown. A perpetual excife upon ale, beer, &c. was given to, it, inilcad of the incidents of wardlhip, marriage, livery, purveyance. This gave the laft blow to feudal op- preffion, and contributed in an eminent degree to the liberty and re- lief of the fubjedt. At the fame period, all arbitrary exadtion of taxes was declared illegal, and abolifhed. Ibid. p. 186. In this ftate of things, the fubjedt had attained to a very confider- able degree of influence, and the income of the crow-n became more dependent, and, at the fame time, lefs precarious. Some part of the revenue, namely the excife, was made hereditary; the cuftoms, tunnage, and poundage, were alfo beftowed for the king's life. That part of the revenue which was hereditary, and given in commuta- tion for the ancient property of the crown, was now drawn from fixed and ftated fources; and delivered the crown from the great inconveniences which attended a revenue fubjeded to cafualties, fuch as, livery, wards, &c. and delivered the people alfo from the weight of oppreifion, of which the feudal prerogatives were produftive. Upon greater emergencies, which gave occafion to extraordinary- demands, the crown, at all times, had reforted to the bounty or free fupply of the fubjeds who poflefTed property. But ftill, in thefe in*- ftances, the power of the fubjeds confiftcd, rather in a previous thaa- fubfequent controL They might refufe money in the firft inftance- but when they had once granted it, they had little power or influ- ence in direding the expenditure of it. It was, however, thought ungenerous to withhold fupply, when it was demanded by the crown, upon a plaufible pretext or urgent occafion. Thus, after Charles had obtained grants for public fervices, he often mif-fpent, Q^q 2 or 300 T H E H I S T O R Y O F CHAP, or aHeiiated the money. Large fiims were beftowed in penfroM Ai-PBv'niv. to members of the commons, to retain them in the intereft of the crown. Inquiries were inftituted by the parHament,to difcover thefc abufes ; and to chaftife thofe perfons who were the authors or abet- tors of them. And, becaufe thefe inquiries were eluded and defeated, future fuppHes were denied, even in inftances where the houfe of commons feemed bound in honour to grant them ; as particularly, after they had prompted the king to enter into war with France in the year one thoufand fix hundred and feventy-eight. It remained at the re- volution, to advance one ftep farther in the power of interfering with, or regulating, the public revenue, viz. not only to grant it, but to apply it ; or to fpecify the particular articles of expenditure. Nothing further appears neceflary to maintain liberty and the public welfare. If abufes are ftiil committed, if the extravagance and peculation of minifters, and thofe whom they employ, render the public bur- dens enormous and oppreflive, the defeix. Colledlion. If ever a plan, for the union and comprehcnfion of moderate dlf- fenters with the church of England, could have been attempted with any probable view of fuccefs, it mull have been at the period of the revolution. Men are never fo likely to difcern the infatuation of thofe puejudices which alienate them from their fellow-citizens, as when a participation of common dangers and deliverances has in- ipired them with a deep fenfe of the important bonds of connexion^ by which they are intimately and eflentially united. If ever there is a feafon, when perfons in poflcflion of power may be expeded to make conceflions to a party which they have been accuftomcd to confider as their rivals, it niuft be, when Jrecent experience has con- vinced them, that the affiftance and fervices of that party arc indif- peufible to the permanent fecurity of their own private interefls and pre-eminence. In thefe views, the revolution prefented the oppor- tunity for a fcheme of union and comprehcnfion, which muft evi- dently have contributed to political harmony, and the increafe of national power. The clergy of the church of England were them- felves fo far influenced by thefe confiderations, that they had, pre- vious to the revolution, propofed a plan of union ; and fome of their mod eminent members were employed in preparing conceflions for reconciling and uniting moderate diflenters. Old Mixon. If the fcheme of comprehcnfion was not apparently impradicable, was it liable to any objedion upon the fcore of juflice, or found policy ? Juflice and found policy are, it is to be hoped, infcparably united ; and the more exadly meafures of government are con- formed to the maxims of juftice, the more effedtually will national v.'clfare, and all the purpofes of found policy, which refer to that grand object, be promoted. Is it not unjuft and tyrannical, to lay men under political difad- vantages, when they cannot be charged with any political guilt? R r Docs -0(5 -THE HISTORY OF ^ " y^ ^- Docs not every meafiire tending to this efFea:, deduce fomcwhat ApriKDix. from the*aggregate of national ftrength ? Is not the fummit of poli- tical pcrfcdion obtained, when the members of the community, of every defcription, (land precifely upon the fame footings with refpedt to immunities, the difpenfation of jtiftice, and the capacity of honour and employment ? As it has been found, that the proteftant religion, in general, has been moft favourable to the progrefs of civilization and the exten- fion of liberty, fo it has been alfo found, that thefe effedts are moft perfedt and conrpicuous, where the fpirit and rules of proteftant churches have been moft tolerant and liberal. The ardour and perfeverance, with which William profecuted a relaxation of the tefls, and the bill of comprehenfion, fo far from deferving to be branded with the cenfure of narrownefs and bigotry, are illuftrious evidences of that wifdom and liberality which refleifl the higheft honour upon the human charader. POLITICAL TRANS-ACTIONS, &c. 307 CHAP. XIL 77v King cenfurcd for having dijfolved the Convention Parliament. — Commif- i^fions of the Militia changed in favour of the Tories. — Many Whigs continue in Office. — The Tories mofi fuccefsful in the EleSlions. — Second Parliament of IVilliam meets. — Debates concerning the Settlement of the Revenue. — Re- Jolutions.^ — Objervations. — A Bill for ratifying the A5ls of the Convention, and for acknowledging the Titles of the King and ^een, introduced by the Whigs — carried. — Bills, for abjuring King fames— for Jecuring the Go- vernment — for reftoring the Charter of London — The lafi oppofedby the TVhigs — pajfes both Houfes. — The Tories obtain a Vote of Thanks to the King, for having changed the Militia. — The Lords inflitute an Inquiry concerning the CharaElers of the Officers appointed to Commiffions in the Militia. — Bill for exaSling t^:>e Forfeitures from thofe who had accepted Commiffions without the legal ^lalif cations. — Acl of Grace. — State of Ireland. — 'Duplicity of Tyrconnel. — The Protefiants alarmed. — James lands in Ireland. — The Par- liament meets there. — Acls of Settlement and Explanation repealed. — Opprcf- five Conjeqiiences of the Repeal. — Act for indemnifying the Proprietors to be rejiorcd by it. — A51 of Forfeiture. — A^s fatal to the Proteftant Clergy. — Violent Proceedings againft the Prot eft ants. — Effe^ of the Govermnent of James in Ireland upon the Minds of the Englift). — Marftoal Schomberg Jent to Ireland — William goes there— 'gains a complete Vi£fcry. 'T^HE diffolution of the convention parliament, which had been the c H A p inftrument of the revolution, weakened the influence of the ^^'- whigs, and was cenfured as an evidence of the imprudence, as much '<^;o- as of the ingratitude, of the king. Tlie premature death of the parent '^''^. '^'"S , . . ceniured tor proves more deeply calamitous to the child, when left in indigence, i'^vingdif- involved in litigation, and threatened with the opprefliou of a power- comention ful, interfering intereft. What but the continued affeaion and follei- l"''""'^"^- ing care of that party, which had put royal pov/er into th; hands I'v r 2 of ^j .THE HISTORY OF c II A P. of William, could defeaJ It againft the malignity of Internal fadion^ , •'^"" . and the violent attacks of foreign hoftility '. i<5oo. rp, I • unwilllnc to give an ooen and a decided preference to C-mmifllons 1 ne Kin^, uuwiuiuj, 5 , ,. • 1 r of the militia party, retained at leaft an equal number ot the whigs la the ot- favour'of"ihe fices of admlniftratlon \ In a new commlffion of the militia of ""''' London, the tories were preferred, almofl: to the entire exclufion of their antagonifts : but this meafure was confidered as affeding parties in their religious, rather than in their civil, intereft?. The commiffions in the militia, under the influence of thofe who firft advifed the king, had been given to many of the difl'enters; and this was com- plained of by the friends of the church, as a mortifying evidence of his diftrufl of their fidelity, and of his partiality to their rivals. To ap- peafe their difcontents, and to conciliate the favour of the tories, upon whofe fupport he was now to throw hlmfelf, he had found it necefTary, during the interval of parliament, to change the lieutenancy of the miUtia in London. That the church might have full fatisfadion', he referred the new appointments to Compton, bifhop of London ; who, in the fpirit of retribution, turned out the diffenters, and placed in their room the moft zealous tories ^ Many whi^s The whigs, however much difTatisfied with the dlfTolution of par- ofice!"*^ '° liament, did not choofe to exprefs their refentment by refigning the places ftill left in their pofiTefFion. Regardlefs, perhaps, of emolument, they might expert to avail themfelves of the influence of oflace for re-eftablifliing their party; or, moved by more liberal principles, they might think it dangerous to abandon the new government, en-» tirely, to the management of perfons, whofe principles were fufpeded of being unfriendly to its fpirit and conftitution. • Warrington's Impartial Inquiry. the exchequer. Sir Stephen Fox, and Mr. * Two days before the parliament met, Thomas Pelham, were brought into the board lords Monmouih, Warrington, and fir H. Ca- of treafury : the earl of Pembroke was made pd, were difmiffed frcm the treafury; over firft lord of the admiralty, in room of lord Tor^ which fir John Lowther, a tory, was appointed rington. loprtfide. Mr. Hampden, a whig, was conti- ' Burnet, 165^0. nued in the treafury, and made chancellor of Whatever POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 309- Whatever the fentiments and wlflies of the kino; mi^ht be. It was C II A P. XII. evident, that fupenor influence in parliament muft of neceflity afcer- \_— _,.!-.«# tain the ftrength of contending parties, and determine the choice of ' ^°' his minifters. In the contefts for eledions, both parties deviated from a due refpedl to candour and truth, by putting the hardeft con- ftrudion upon the meafures and condud of their opponents. The members who had voted for tlie corporation bill, were reprefented as friendly to republican principles, and bent on the ruin of the church. The whigs retaliated, by infinuating that the tories were enemies in their hearts to the revolution : and, in confirmation of this char"-e publifhed lifts of thofe members who had voted againft the refolution of the commons with refpecfl: to the abdication of the crown *. The tories not only prevailed, in procuring a majority of members The tones from the counties where their natural ftrength lay, but, ftimulated by f!ln/thr^" refentment at the affront levelled againft them by the corporation bill, ^''^'^'°"5> made fuccefsful efforts in many of the boroughs, where their anta- gonifts had intended to exclude them from any capacity of influence '. The new parliament met on the twentieth of March, onethoufand Second par- fix hundred and ninety. The choice of Sir John Trevor to be their Wiiiiam fpeaker, indicated the fuperior ftrength of the tories, in the houfe of '"^"'* commons *. The king declared his intention of going to Ireland, and folicited the affiftance of parliament to enable him to prolecute the war with vigour. He mentioned the importance of making the revenue a fund of credit, in order to raife the fupplies more expedi- ttoufly. His ineffedual endeavours, for obtaining an a£t of indem- nity in the laft parliament, were affigned as the reafon for an a£t of grace, to extinguifli all differences among his-fubjedls. Addrefles were prefented by both houfes, containing exprefhons of their thanks for his majefty's fpeech, and of their rclblutions to I'up- ♦ Ralph, vol. ii. p. 190. " furnidicd with fuch Turns of mcnejr as might ' Burnet, 1690. " purchafc feme votes ; and bv him began the '• " Being a tory in principle, he undertook «' pradice of buying ofF men, in which the " to manage that party, provided he might be •• king hitherto icept ftrifler roles." Borijeti. •.. Edrr. 310 THE HISTORY OF c H^ A P. port the government; and, agreeably to the tenor of his requeft,.lUe, ,_ .-' _. commons entered upon the bufmefs of the revenue and fupply '. DrbS,°con- Sir John Lowther introduced into the houfe of commons a fScrn'of motion for fettling the revenue upon the king and queen for Ufe, in the rovciiuc. j|jg f^^^ manner as it had been granted to their predecefibrs ". The convention parliament had found that the revenue expired with the abdication of the king ; the motion now made was therefore fup- ported by arguments drawn from expediency, and the perfonal merits of t"he king. The revenue was a reward which the nation was bound, by irrefiflible obligations, to confer upon a prince, who had refcued them from the brink of ruin, and who was about to engage in a new fcene of labour and danger, to extend the benefits of reformed government to the fifter kingdom. The reputation of England, in the eyes of Europe, was intimately connedled with the iffile of this queftion. What foreign flate would either efteem the charadcr, or confide in the alliance, of a people, w^ho requited fuch a benefador with diftruft and ingratitude * ? In the difcuffion of this queftion, the whigs refumed the argu- ments which had been infifted upon in the convention parliament ; and, in anfwer to thofe, who laid fo much ftrefs upon the fervices and virtues of the prince now upon the throne, it was obferved, that thefe were foreign to the queftion, and tended to miflead judg- ment by the influence of affeftion. Secure themfelves from danger, it became them, in the moft enlarged fpirit of patriotifm, to eredl bulwarks for the liberties of pofterity, and, in the reign of a mild and generous prince, to eftablifh regulations which would control the will of wicked and tyrannical fucceffors '% We are nor, however, to conclude, that the fentiments and votes of the members, in the houfe of commons, upon this queftion, were exadlly divided according to the influence of party. Though the ' Journ. Commons, zzdand 26th March. ' Grey's Debate?, vol, x. p. 8. s Grey's Debates, vol. x. p. 8 . '* Ibkl. fyftem POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^-c. 311 fyftem of the tones was more favourable to prerogative, wliicli was CHAP, either to gam, or to lofe, by the ifluc of the conteft, and though fome <»— .^-^ of the leaders of that party had recommended themfelves to the king by the liberality of their promifes, yet there were others, who, imprefled by the weight of argument, thought it of the greateft im- portance to hold the crown in a ftate of dependence upon the people; and among the whigs, a few, perfonally attached to the king, and implicitly adopting his fentiments and views, feparated themfelves from their friends, who, upon fyftematic ground, con- tended for rellridions in the difp0fi.1l of the public revenue ". After the debate had run out into a confiderable length in a RefolutLon*. general ftrain, it was with propriety reduced to order and precifion, by diftinguifhing between the eftabllfhed revenue and the occafional fupply, and was brought to a conclufion which feemed to he founded upon equity, and which provided fufficiently for the fup- port of the royal dignity, without eftablifliing fuch independence, as might render the fovereign indifferent to the opinions and affe£lions of his fubjedls. The principal branches of the excife, which had been conferred upon Charles the Second in lieu of his hereditary revenue, were fettled upon king William. The cuftoms were con- tinued to him for four years, with a claufe to make them a fecurity for the raifing of money towards a fupply ; and becaufe the revenue had been formerly fubjedled to heavy anticipations by the royal grants, it was now enadled, that all future anticipations of the funds fhould expife at the death of the prince who beftowed them. A fupply of one million two hundred thoufand pounds was granted to his majefty, for public occurrences between that time and Michaelmas '\ Thefe were the only public meafures in which the diftindlon of obfervationj. parties was lefs obvious and regular. Other fubjedls of debate, in " Burnet, 1690. " Jouro. Commons, 26thi 7th, Sth, 9th, and 31ft March. 2d and 3d April. both. .,. - THE HISTORY O i' C H A ?. both 'houfes though often important to national intereft, were evi- ,_ ^"' . dently blended with the views of parties, and the iffue of them *^^ afforded an exad criterion of their comparative ftrength, and of their various fuccefs. Accommodated to their peculiar circumftances, were the different plans and weapons with which they waged their poli- tical warfare. The whigs, inferior in numbers, and declining in the favour of the court, relied chiefly upon the fortune of incidents, and endeavoured, by ftratagem or furprife, to turn their enemies out of the ftrong holds of power : the tories, confiding in the ftrength of numbers, and elated with recent vidlory, openly proclaimed the attacks which they intended, and feemed to wifli, not only to con- quer, but to affront and humble their antagonifts. Thus the whigs, under the cover of zeal for the new fettlemenr, introduced fuch bills into parliament, as reduced their opponents to the neceffsty, either of contradicting the principles they had formerly maintained, or of defending them at the hazard of lofing the favour of the court. The latter, irritated by attacks from which they did not efcape unhurt, availed themfelves of their fuperiority to carry many refolu- tions and votes, evidently contrived to mortify their opponents. Thefe obfervations will be illuftrated, by examples of the moft re- markable debates and meafures which occurred in the courfe of this feffion of parliament. ■' A bill for As the changing the convention into a parliament, however aaso'nh/ neceffiry, was carried with difEculty, it muft naturally have occurred and7oraT- ^° ^'^^ friends of the revolution, that the. ratification of that mea- lh°tSl? ^"^"■'' ^J' ^ parliament regularly conftituted, would be of the greateft the kir.- and confequeuce to prevent future difputes concerning; its propriety, and queen, latro- ^ tarr/' duced by the to ftfcngthen the prefent eftabliflunent. The whies contrived, with whips. . ^ great addrefs, to interweave with this motion another which was lefs palatable to the tories, while it feemed to be recommended by a regard to the perfonal fafety and honour of the king. A bill was brought into the houfe of lords for acknowledging their majefties r ightful POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, $cc, wi rightful and lawful fovereigns of thefe realms, and for declaring all ^ ^l A P. the a£ts of the laft parliament to be good and valid ". The abdica- « ^,-1^ tion of the late king voted by the commons, and the admiffioa of '^^°' the prince of Orange to the throne, independently of the right of his wife, were meafures repugnant to the principles of the tories. They had taken care, however, to guard againft exclufion from office, by profeffing fuch pradical maxims as counteradled the poifon of their political theory ; for they had declared, that they would obey and ferve king William, after he was feated upon the throne, with as much fidelity, as if his title had been eftablifhed upon the found foundation of hereditary fucceflion. But now they were again challenged to enter into the field of political controverfy, and to render an account of their principles to the public. A recantation of them mud wound their pride, and Ihake their credit for integrity . adherence to them might offend the king, and feemed indeed to difqualify them for future truft and fervices. From the difliculty of this dilemma the tories endeavoured to efcape, by pafling over, or by (lightly oppofing, the firft claufe of the bill which regarded the king's title, and by direding the whole force of their oppofitioa againll that "part of it which eftabliflaed the validity of the adis of the convention parliament. They contended, that it wa.s more expedient to acquiefce filently in what had been already done, than to confer fuperfluous authority upon meafures which deviated from the common forms of the coiiflitution '\ The danger evidently arifing from any hints of fufpicion eoncerning the lawfulneis of an aflembly, on whofe authority the moll important tranfadions refted, together with the perfonal influence of the crown, which, in tliis . queftion, was exerted on the fide of the whigs, prevailed againft tlie inclinations of the party hi power, and it was carried in the affirma- c.uiie;!; tive. The tories did not venture to incur the hazard of a fecond defeat, by debating upon the' merits of this bill in the houfe of com- " Journ, Lordf, jth ApriL '* Ralph, vo'. ii. Lords' Dcbatcj, vol.i. S f mons. ^^. THE HISTORY OF C H A P. mons. It was read twice on the day of Its being prefented, and Tt ^ •^"- . „.as agreed, that it Ihould be read a third time the next day, after '^^- which^ it palled ". Bill for ab- The vvhigs were neither fo xvell founded, nor fo powerful, in juring king ^^jj^g^ attempt to expofe the principles, and thereby to weaken the influence, of their opponents. The rumour of confpiracies, and the approaching abfence of the king, afforded fpecious arguments for exading the ftrideft tefts of loyalty. For this purpofe, a bill was 2-th April, introduced in the lower houfe, requiring all perfons in office to take an oath abjuring king James. Upon this occafion, the tories triumphed no lefs in force of argument, than in fuperiority of numbers. They contended, that the bill of rights, the richeft boon of the new government, had placed an infurmountable barrier againft any change in the oaths ; that the duties of the king on the one hand, and thofe of the fubjedt on the other, were reciprocally ftipulated, and the oaths, binding to the performance of them, ex- prefled with precifion. The confent of the fubje£t to the tranflation of the crown was yielded, upon the affurance, that the oaths, as they were then fixed, were to remain the only legal tefts of attach- ment to the prefent king, and of being qualified to hold offices under him. The enlargement of the contract on one fide, certainly- required a correfponding alteration of the conditions agreed to on the other, and might amount to a total change of the conftitution. What advantage could the government acquire by the oath of ab- juration, that it did not already derive from the oath of allegiance ; or what dangers were now impending over the nation, which could be either prevented or alleviated by any oath the mofl: jealous policy could invent? If, after having fworn allegiance to William, any perfon could reconcile it to confcience to give aid to king James, it was not to be imagined that he would be excluded fronx office by fcruples about abjuring his right. But there were manyj. *s Jcurn. CommoriEj f>th April. who, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Hic. 315 who, having once fworn fidelity lo the prince upon the throne, ^ ^}, ^' ^- ^vouicl ferve him with zeal, wliiie, at the lame time, they cherlflicd s_ - -- * fuch a relincd fenfe of probity, that it was impolRble they coukl * ^°' ever be tempted, by any confideratioa of intereft or danger, to fwcar to an opinion which they did not admit with the cleareft ap- prehenfion, and with the full convidion of the underilanding. Such perfons, ftigmatized and profcribed by the prefent government, would be under flrong temptations to confpire againft it, while they religned their offices into the hands of falfe-hearted men, who revered religious obligations, fo far only, as they contributed to their views of gain and preferment. The very propofal of a new oath was an injury to government, becaufe it implied a confcious diftruft, which tended to revive the drooping hopes of its enemies. Where you put a buttrefs to the building, you mark the fpot of weaknefs and danger. By attempting to fortify the king's title with oaths unknown in any former reign, his officious friends invited more curious and elaborate fcrutiny, which might fpread the malignant difeafe of political fcepticifm. Of uniformity in fpeculative opinions no fociety could boafl, and every experiment for this purpofe, pregnant with animolity and divifion, remained a monument of the ignorance and temerity of thofe who fuggefted it. Unity of intereft and defign, the colleded exertion and untainted probity of every defcription of citizens, conftituted the flrength and glory of a na- tion, and would be found, in the prefent flate of England, the moft powerful guardian of the reformed government, and of the title of the king attached to it '^ The bill was thrown out by a rejeaed, majority of an hundred and ninety-two to an hundred and fixty- five". The tories, aware that the reje£tIon of the oath of abjuration For fccuring- would be made a pretext for infufmg fufpicions of their loyalty into mc,u°''°"'"' the minds of the people, embraced the firft opportunity to avert •4 Grcy'^ Debates, vol, x. p. 75. " Jpurn, Commons, z6th April. S f 2 ' them. J ,5 T HE HISTORY OF c H A P. tiiem, by propofing other meafures for the fecurlty of the prefcnt government. The iiiriienfion of the habeas corpus, the mod obvious and cflTeaual plan for this end, afforded their opponents advantages of aro-ument, which they were unable to defeat by influence alone; they therefore had recourfe to fuch moderate relblutions as were carried by the approbation of every party ". For rcaorlii,? One of the moft unexpe£led arrangements of parties in the courfc Loiir'^^of this feffion, was exhibited in the feveral queftions and debates which related to the charter of the city of London. The vvhigs had acquired the highefl merit from the iirmnefs with which they had oppofed the firft efforts of regal ufurpation, in recalling the charters of the corporations, while the tories in general had confented to them, and, by their fervility to prerogative, had a deep ftiare in thofe ac- cumulated opprefTions which directed the eyes of the natioa towards the prince of Orange. It was moved in the houfe of commons, that a bill fhould be brought in, for reverfmg the judgment of the king's bench, in favour of the crown, againft the city of London ". While this motion, originating with the tories, intimated a penitent renun- ciation of their fentlments, the w^arm oppofition it met with from the whigs, carried the appearance of unaccountable inconfiftency with the principles, on which they had formerly prided themfelves. Upon a nearer furvey, it appears, that interefted motives influ- enced the public condudl of both parties upon this occafion. The tories were anxious to engrofs the merit of reftoring the firft city ia the kingdom to its privileges ; and, as an acknowledgment of their fcrvlces, they might reafonably exped that a preference would be given to their friends in the new eledion of magiftrates. The whigf^ " Journ. Commons, 29th April. It was it. Journ. Lords, 8th May. .This bill was propofcd by the tories in the houfe of lords, not carried through before the adjournment of that an oath {hould be taken, not to afTifl: king Parliament. James, or any of his inaruments, knowing '» Journ. Commons, 8th, 22d, and 24th them to be fuch ; and that fevere penalties April, (hould be inflided upon all who refufed to take 9 fore- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 317 forefeeiiip; the advantap-es which mijrht redound to then- advcrfaries ^ ^^ ■'^ P- from this meafure, but unable to controvert its eflential juflice and ^ — .- _r propriety, were conftralned to have recourfe to a refined fpecies of Oppcfjd'by argument, and to reprefent the redrefs propofed, as enfurcd by the ^^''^ "'l"gs. inherent principles of the conftitution. The very queftlon, they faid, ought to be avoided, becaufe it conferred upon the feutence of corrupt judges a degree of authority dangerous to libcrt}', and difparaging to the laws of their country. To revife a judgment was, in eftecSt, to fuppofe that it had obtained a legal exillence. The fupcrior courts reverfed the fentence of inferior ones, becaufe the conftitution had empowered them to do fo; and the rule of the law was often fo obfcure and perplexed, that it might be mif- apprehended, without any deviation from purity of intention. But, in the inftance referred to, the error was wilful and perverfe, be- caufe the fentence was notorioufly unjuft. It was alfo objeded to the bill, that it was puihed forward with too much celerity, and was inadequate to that extenfion of privileges which the corpora- tions were juftly entitled to expetft". In order to affift this ar- gument, a petition, in the fame fpirit, was prefented to the hcufe by the common council of the city ; but, being found to contain a claim of new privileges, it was warmly oppofed by the tories as invading the royal prerogative, from which the grant of them ought to flow^'. The attempt of the v\'higs to obftrud the bill in the houfe of lords, by petitioning for a delay, was alfo unfuc- Partes both ceCsful, though it pafled there only by a majority of two votes ". The thanks of the houfe of commons were prefented to his ma- Tli°toru-sob- jefty, for the great care he had exprefied of the church of England, thanksTo^the in the late alterations he had made in the lieutenancy of the city ing^changcd" of London ". This meafure may be juftly confidered as the ftrongeft ''^'^ mlitm. evidence of the fuperior influence of the tories, and of the infolent ^' Grey's Debate?, vol. x. p, 58. " Journ. Lords, i3thMay. Lords' Debates. »' Journ, Commons, :7th April, »3 Journ. Commons, 24th April. cxertioa 3i8 CHAP. xir. 1690. Tlic lords ill- iliiute an in- quiry con- cerning the cliarafters of ihc otlicers appoiiued to commiflions in the miliii. Bill for cx- afting the forfeitures from thofe who had ac- cepted of commiflions wi h^ut thi legal qualifi- cations. T H ]i H i S T O R Y O F exertion of that influence. They were aware that tl:e changes in tlic commiflions of the militia, which had been diredcd by them, mud have fLirnilhed their ene.r.ies with the jufteft grounds of cenfure. To prevent this, they covered the meafure with the garb of merit, by conneding it with the intereil of the church of England. An inquiry was iaflituted in the houfe of lords, concerning the charaders of the perfons to whom the commiflions of the militia had been given. In the progrefs of this inquiry, the lords refolved to call for the evidence of fir Robert Clayton and fir John Treby; who, when the quellion of thanks was under the confideration of the lower houfe, had oppofed it, on account of their perfonal knowledge of the demerit, of fome of thofe perfons, promoted by the late alterations in the militia. This refolution of the lords was confidered by the commons as infidious and unconftitutional, by requiring them to become acceflary to their own crimination; and as difrefpedtful to the fovereign, by cenfuring his nomination of the militia, a right which was vefted in him by the ftatute '*. The lords neverthelefs perfevered in the inquiry, till they were flopped by the adjournment of parliament '^ The whigs, reprefenting their own merits and claims from the nation, laid the greatefl ftrefs upon their condudl:, contrafted with that of the tories, during the laft years of the life of Charles, and the whole reign of James. While the latter had fupported, they had oppofed, arbitrary meafures: while their adverfaries had been che- riflied and promoted, they had been difgraced and banifhed from the court. It is certain, however, that thefe reprefentations and pretenfions were not uniformly true, and unexceptionable. In the end of the reign of James, many of the diffenters had been allured to accept of religious liberty, illegally tendered by the flretch of prerogative ; and fome of them had accepted places for which ' J ourn. Commons, 12th May. Journ. Lords, i6th, 17th, r.nd 22d May. they POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 315 tliey were difquallficd by law. It appears to have been with a view to expofe the tranigrefllons of the whigs, that the tories now brought in a bill, for veiling in his majefty all forfeitures incurred '^^'^' by thofe, who had been in office in the late reign, without the legal qualifications ; and, that none of the forfeitures might be al- leviated or remitted, a claufe was added, ordaining them to be paid into the exchequer, and accounted for to the public". This bill if it had taken place, muft have affeded their own friends ; but the tories v/ere willing to fufFer in their pecuniary interefts, pro- vided that they could reduce the reputation of their antagonifts to the fame level with their own. After having pafled the houfe of commons, it was thrice read in the houfe of lords, where fome amendments were pro^pofed; but the adjournment of parliament took place before thefe were agreed to by the other houfe '^ An a£t of indemnity, under the form of an ad: of grace from Aa of grace the king, obtained the confent of both houfes, and clofed the bufi- nefs of this feffion. Thirty-two perfons only were excepted from the benefit of it. It pafled in the houfe of lords without any oppofition, and was tranfmitted to the commons, with this expreffive teftimony of their approbation, that it had pafled unanimoufly ""^ Thouc^h the obje6t of the bill had been acceptable to the houfe of commons,, yet this mode of notification might have been deemed reprehenfible as a precedent for obtruding the authority of one member of the le- giflature, in order to influence the opinion of the other. Such, how- ever, was the difpofition of the commons to favour the indemnity,, that though this obje£tioa did not efcape notice, yet it was not made the occafion of any delay, or obftrudion, to their pafllng the bill. It was only after confenting to it, that they appointed a com- mittee to fearch for precedents, and to draw up reafons in bar of its being made an example^'. »^ Journ. Commons, 15th May. »' Joarn. Commons, 22d May. '-. joarn. Lords, 16th and i9ih May. *» Ibid. Ralph, vol. ii. p. 200, But land. THE HISTORY OF But though the whlgs were fubmifllve in both houfes of par- liament, yet" their friends and partifans through the nation loudly ''''^- exclaimed againft the ad of indemnity. A torrent of abufe was poured out on the charaaer of the king : he was accufed of break- ing the engagements of his declaration; and of fliaking off his fuft friends, the whigs, to employ, in their place, men who had been trained and exercifed, in the fchool of tyranny ". The king, impa- tient to affume the command of the army in Ireland, put an end to this feffion of parliament on the twenty-third of May. State of Ire- After the convention in England, and in Scotland, had fettled William upon the throne, great hopes were entertained, that Ireland 1689. would have fubmltted to his authority without coercion or flruggle. The earl of Tyrconnel, the lord deputy, fluduating in his refolu- tions, and incapable of retaining any attachment repugnant to his intereft, had, in the courfe of converfation with the proteftants of the higheft diftindion, made advances to a reconciliation with the new government of England. Upon the faith of his fincerity, agents had been fent to treat with him ; and it was imputed to their treachery, more than to his backwardnefs, that the title of William was not immediately acknowledged ^'. Whether it was with the profpe£t of obtaining more favourable conditions, or with the infi- dious defign of amufmg expedation, and fufpending hoftilities, till the arrival of reinforcements from France, Tyrconnel ftill continued to maintain an amicable intercourfe with the proteftants. He de- clared, that though he felt the indifpenfible obligation of adhering to James, in confequence of the truft repofed in him, yet he would not ceafe to folicit permiffion, either to furrender Ireland into the hands of William, or to refign his office ; and with the profefled purpofe of carrying thefe defigns into execution, he fent lord Mountjoy and baron Price to wait upon king James at Saint Germains ^\ The 3" Publications of the times. 3i Apology for the Proteftants in Ireland. 3* Seaet Confults of the Roman Catholics in Ireland. State Trafts, T. W. vol. iii. imprifon- tenants alarmed. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. -n Imprifonrnent of lord Mountjoy in the Baftile, wuliout allovvinp; ^ ^\^ P. him to explain the purport of his commiffion, and the redoubted ■ -.- _■ activity of Tyrconnel in levying and arming tlie Roman catholics, Duplicity or at lafl: opened the eyes of the proteftants to a fcnfe of his treachery, y""""^' • and of that flital credulity into which he had beguiled them. The immenfe fuperiority of the Roman catholics, the inveterate rancour, and vindidive fpirit, of thofe who had been deprived of their eftates by the ad of fettlement, the barbarity of the lower claflcs of the people, let loofe to plunder and deftroy, fpread an univerfal con- fternation and panic among the proteftants". With the moft The pro- anxious importunity they implored the fpeedy interpofition of England, as the only means of preventing their immediate deftruc- tion, and the utter fubverfion of the proteftant religion. The extreme tardinefs of the convention in voting fupplies, and the danger of diminifhing the military force of England till his power was firmly rooted there, prevented William from fending affiftance to Ireland, adequate to the exigency and expedation of his friends '*. A great 33 Memoirs of Ireland. " if there was none, he would be turned out ^* It was believed by fome, that king " as eafily as he had been brought in." William neglefted the affairs of Ireland, and Dalrymple's App. part i. p. 342. did not wilh to crufh the rebellion there, in Notwithllanding thefe allegations, there order to have a pretext for keeping up a are both arguments and fadls, which ftrongly ftanding army, by which he might more oppofe the conclufions to which they lead. If firmly eftablilh his power in England. Lord the danger which William incurred was obvi- Clarendon complains of the unaccountable re- ous and threatening, the remedy propofed ivas milTiiefs of William about the afl'airs of Ire- precarious, and attended with new, and pecu- land, and of his declining all converfation liar danger. The fcparation of Ireland from with him upon that fubjeft. Clarendon's England was a certair; confcquence of the re- Diary, pafTim. bellion there, if allowed to get head. The Lord Dartmouth, in his notes upon Burnet's advantages which James would derive from Hiflory, fays, " That the duke of Leeds in- the poffeffion of Ireland, in any attempt to re- " formed him, that Tyrconnel fent feveral cover his throne, the facility with which he " meilages to the king, intimating, that he could animate the hopes and fecond the efforts ■" was ready to deliver up Ireland, if he of his friends in England, were circumllances " would but give him a decent excufe, by which threatened the fafety of Willinm, and " fencing any thing th.-.t looked like a force overbalanced any fecurity he could expect " to demand it. But lord Halifax told him, from a {landing army. We ftould certainly •" that if Ireland was quiet, there would be hold in derifion the pradlice of the empiric, " no pretence for keeping up an army ; and who recommended to his patient to cherilh a "T ' difeafe 3" H A XII. 1689. THE HISTORY OF A great number of proteftants tranfported themfelves with tliefr ededs into I'.ngland, and thofe who remained, though profefiuig the ftriaeft fideHty to James, were devoted to the infuUs and rapine of furious banditti, and nothing but the undaunted relblution of a few proteftant towns prevented the univerllil fubmiffiou of Ireland to the authorhy of James ". Thus hoftihties, in Ireland, commenced under the afped and form of a religious war, between the Roman catholics and the proteflants. James, by putting himfelf at the head of the Roman catholic army, plunged deeper into thofe crimes by which he had forfeited th« allegiance of England. Depending upon fuch an army, w^hatever his private incHnations might be, he was brought under the neceflity of profecuting meafures which would rivet in the breads of hi,s proteflant fubjeds, impreflions of his irreclaimable hatred to their religion. He feemed to be only varying his efforts in purfuit of the fame darling objed, and endeavouring to enforce, by the fword, that fyftem of fuperftition, to accomplifli which, by the influence of prerogative and the violation of eftablilhed laws, had been the fludy of his reign. elifeafe which was preying upon the vitals of his conftltutton, in order to eniure him againft fome fudden and deadly malady, which, after all, was only contingent. The duke of Leeds, in the courfe of con- verfation with lord Dartmouth, might be ready enough, upon fcanty proof, to afcri'oe the mifmanagement of affairs in Ireland to the advice of lord Halifax, whom he rivalled in the favour of the king ; nor, fappofing that lord Halifax had given fuch advice to Wil- liam, is it evident that he purfued it. Though the king had not entertained a ftrong prejudice againft Clarendon, yet his being obnoxious to that party in Ireland who had the power in their hands, and v.ho had made it an exprefs condition of their opening a treaty with William, th:it he fliould not con- fult Clarendon, fufficiently account for that xcfcn e and dilbnce with which he liftcned to all his oiFers of information and advice con- cerning the affairs of Ireland. The only method William could employ to prevent the rebellion in Ireland, before he ob- tained fupplies from parliament, was negocia- tion. He did adually employ this method. Colonel Hamilton was recommended as a perfon the rroft fit to treat with Tyrconnel, and as worthy of entire confidence. He was fent to Ireland to propofe offers to Tyrconnel, which, it is probable, would have been ac- cepted, but Hamilton proved treacherous, and advU.^d him to hold Ireland for James. Mailer Tempi ;, fon of fir William Temple, who had recommended colonel Hamilton to the king, was fo deeply affcfted with the confequences of the miftake he had committed, that he put an end to his own life. " Letter of Judge Keating to Sir William Temple. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ike. ^^z.^ The weak enthufiafm and oftentatious biorotry of Tames, after his CHAP, arrival at St. Germains, counteracted thole generous feelings which ■_ -. _f were at firfl excited by his misfortunes and degradation, and marred '^ ^* the energy cf thole refources of aid which he derived from the in- terpofition of the French king. He devoted himfelf entirely to the converfation of the jefuits; he liftened with implicit refpedt to their counfels, and feemed more ambitious to have his name enrolled as a member of their fociety, than to be reflored to his throne. No profpedt of honour or fuccefs could allure the candidate for military fame to fight under the banners of a commander, who feemed more fit to prefide in a cloifter, than in a camp ^^ At a time when two rival minifters contended for fuperiority, in the cabinet of Lewis, James, by imprudently attaching himfelf to one of them, provoked' the refentment of the other, which occafioned the delay, and finally the diminution, of the articles of promjfed afliftance ". Under thefe difadvantages, James arrived at Kingfale on the james lands twelfth of March one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine. On '" ^'■''^nd. his entrance into Dublin, he was met by the Roman catholic biiliops 29th April, and priefts in their pontificals, bearing the hoft, which he adored as he walked in folemn proceflion to church, to ofFer up his thanks, according to the mode of his own religion. His firfl; adt of govern- ment in the city was to new-model the privy council, by difmifling the proteftants, and admitting Roman catholics in their place. '' The following extrafts from a celebrated " aa roi de le voir remonter fur le troiie. II cotemporary author, arc tcnimonies of the " n'avoit pas ete de long-temps en France, low eftimation in which thecharadler of James " fans que Ton le connut telqu'il etoit ; c'eft- was held at Paris: — " D'abord il alia de- " a-dire, unhomme entete de fa religion, aban- " fcendre aux grands jefuites, caufa tres long " donne d'une manlcre extraordinaire aux " temps auvec eux, & fe les fit tous prefenter, " jefuites. Ce n'eut pas ete pourtant fon " La converfation finit par dire, qu'il etoit " plus grand defaut a I'egard de la coor. " de leur fociete. Cela parut d'un tres " Mais il etoit foible, et fupportoit plutv7t fes " mauvais gout." Memoirs dc la Cour de " malhcurs par infenfibilite, que par courage, France, par la Comtefl'e de Fayette, tom.ii. " quoiqu'il fut ne avec une extreme vaieur, p. 117. " foutenue du mcpris dc la mort fi commun " Le depart du roi d'Angletcrre pour " aux Anglois." Ibid. p. 148. " rirlande, ne laiiTapas unegrande efperance ^' Ibid. p. 128, Life of James, 1600— 2. * T t 2 On THE HISTORY OF C H A r. On the feventh of May the Iiifli parliament met, perfedly prc- ^!i-^ pared to enter into the views of James. Lord Tyrconnel, toge- Th/JfrTia. ther ^vilh the writs of fummons, had addreffed letters to all the mcntmccts ^ig^^ors, recommending the perfons on whom the king wiflied their choice to flill. Thefe recommendations had fuch influence, that a great majority of members returned were .attached to the Roman catholic intereft. In- the upper houfe, out of fixty-ninc proteaant peers, only five ; and out of twenty-two biflaops, only four, had the , refolution to attend their duty; while, by the reverfal of attainders, and by new creations, the number of Roman catholic peers amounted to forty-mo '\ The king addreffed his parliament,, in a fpeech, declaring his pufpofe to maintain liberty of confcience,^ and promising his confent to fuch laws as were for the good of the nation, the improvement of trade, and the relief of perfons who had been injured by the ad of fettlement ". If the proteftants had hitherto indulged any hopes of protedion and juftice, from the folemn and reiterated promifes of king James, thefe hopes: were entirely extinguifhed, by that claufe of his fpeech, which referred to the relief of thpfe who had^ been injured by the ad of fettlement. , It was underftood as a prelude to a total revolu- tion of property, /ilsoffcttle- -j-j^g houfe of commons entered with impetuofity on the dif- ment and ex- i ■ j ..( . planation ro- patch of a bufinefs, in the higheft degree interefting and lucrative to' ' themfelves. After the right of the king had been recognifed, a bill was brought in, for repealing the[ ads of fettlement and explanation, and carried through with circumftances of precipitancy, puerility, and" rudeaefs, equally derogatory to the dignity and juflice of the houfe *'. " Memoirs of Ireland. by the execut'icn of this ata^.raanjf, perfons, " Journalsof the parliament of Dublin. ■ ' who had not been concerned in the Iriin rc- *° The ad of fettlement pafled foon after' bellion, and others, who had obtained efiates • the reftoration. The purport of it was, to re- by fair piirchafe, mufthavd been difpoiTelTed ftore the eftates of all thofe perfons who'lrad of their property; To prevent this, the aft been turned out of them during the ufurpa- of explanation was paiTed. State Tra£ls, tion, among whom were a great number of Tv W. vbl. iii. the friends of Charles I.' It was fotind, that, 1 When POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 325 When the motion for the repeal of thcfe ads was made, the whole CHAP. houfe refounded with huzzas ; the bill was read a firft and a fecond ' . — -* time, and committed on the fame day. It was moved, that the a6t ' ^' of fettlement fhould be burnt by the hands of the common hangman: it was ftyled a horrid and barbarous adl ; and they finally refolved, that whofoever alleged any thing contrary to this refolution fhould be deemed an enemy to his country *'. The bill met with a full and animated dlfcufTion, in the houfe of lords, and the objeclions to it were ftated with a preclfion and force, which could only have been flighted by the moft hardened contempt of jufliice*'. The repeal, in itfelf a mighty grievance, was to be carried into execution upon a plan the moft unjuft and opprefllve. For tliough it was ordained, that there fhouUi be an examination of Opprefflve the evidence, upon which perfons founded their claims for being re- of the repeals ftored to the pofl"eflion of their eftates, yet this was to little purpofe, while no penalty was enaifled to overawe thofe, who, without the fhadow of right, violently difpofTefTed the prefent proprietors. No compenfation was affigned for improvements ; no time allowed for the prefent poffeffors to remove their ftock; as if it had been intended that it fliould fall into the hands of the fucceflTors, whofe impetuous' rapacity prevented the former from fecuring the reverfion of efFe(3,s which belonged to them, according to a fair interpretation of the ail ""^ In order to extend the range of oppreflion, and to render it ftill ^a for in- . - demnifying more enormous, an aift paued, " for punifliment of wafte upon lands the proprie- *' reftorable to proprietors." It required no effort of ingenuity in the ftored by it." new claimant, when the ejedled proprietors were poiTefTed of ftock qr money, to devife fiftitious charges of wafte, equivalent to their whole remaining property **. To fuch of his majefty's catholic fubjeits as could plead -no right; tp ar of for- ancieiit property, an abundant fource of provifion was opened, by an. ♦' Letter from Dublin. ♦^ Eifliop of Meath''s Speech. ^^ IbiJ. *■•■ Keating's Remonftrance. 7 ' aft 226 C H A ?. THE HISTORY OF ^ aa of foifeiture, the moft comprehenfive and produalvc , for k or- IJ^'JL^ dalned the confifcation of the eftates, not only of fuch as were openly *°^^- and direaiy engage' The marOial Rofe-ne, who commanded proclamation zo.oool. per month, for the the French army under James, ordered all the fpace of three months, upon all chattels and inhabitants within thirty miles of London- perfonal eftates ; and he was much difplcafed derry, not excepting children, the difeafed, Uu the ^^o THE HISTORY O F CHAP, and the perfeverance, with which they defended themfelves againft "'■ fupcrlor numbers, and fuftahied unparalleled hardfhips, recommended them to general fympathy and admiration. Their fupplications, long difregarded, became more clamorous and urgent, united the fentiments of all parties in England, made a deep impreffion upon the hearts of the people ; and conftrained the parliament, which had been long dilatory, to take vigorous and efFeaual meafures for the relief of Ireland. Had James conduded himfelf there with mo- deration and impartiality, he might foon have become matter of that kingdom; and would have contended, with great advantage, for the recovery of his authority in England, when perlbnal dif- appointments and political animofities began to loofen the affedtions of the people from their new fovereigu. But the outrageous viola- tion of juftice damped upon every meafure of the Irifh parliament» the examples of bigotry and of an arbitrary fpirit, flowing from the*- fpontaneous inclination of the kiiif , and, above all, the enormous cruelties, perpetrated by the IrilTi army, infpired a general horror at the apprehenfion of his return, and animated the exertions of all parties to drive him from the vicinity cf England. The neglei^ and mifmanagement of the aflfairs of Ireland had furnifhed conftant topics of declamation againft the king's minifters, during the exiftence of the convention parliament. After unac- Marfhal couutablc delays, marfhal Schomberg failed from England in Auguft fcm°to'lre? one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-nine, with about ten thoufand men, for the relief of Ireland. The negled and treachery of agents, hitherto complained of, were ftill confplcuous in the deficiency of carriages, provifions, and every accommodation for the field. The the aged, and women with child, to be collefted the fame fate, their houfes and all the country and driven before the walls of Londonderry, round being plundered. Orders were iiTued where they remained without food many days, for deftroying the houfes and mills, not only of Thefe amounted to the number of four, fome thofe who were in aftual rebellion, but of all authors fay, of fevenihoufani. Several hundreds their relations and friends. King's State of perilhed through hunger and cold on the fpot ; Ireland, and tlioic who returned home, foon met wiUi want I»nd POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. .r^> iCHy. want of dlfc'ipHne In the Iilfh troops, the Indolence, dlfobedience, ^ '' •'^ -'• and extortion, of officers, and the great fuperiority of the enemy, obliged Schoniberg to purfue the plan of a cautious and defenlive war, and expoled him to unmerited reproach. Difcafc, the cod- fequence of bad proviiions, fwept away a great proportion of the Englifh army during the winter ". All thefe circumilaaces de- termined king William to put himfelf at the head of the army in William goo Ireland. He arrived there on the fourteenth of June, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety ; and embraced the firft opportunity after his arrival, of engaging the enemy. By a complete viin:ory at the *"'^ S^"'* * Boyne, on the firft of July, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety, torv. he turned the tide of fuccefs in favour of the proteftants '\ James, with that precipitate defpair which marked his charaiSlcr, abandoned his friends in Ireland. The complete reduction of that kingdom was a tedious and difficult work. The obftinate bravery of the Roman catholic nobility, feconded by the ikill of the French officers, protracted the Irlfh war till the furrender of Limerick, on the third of Odober, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-one. 5' Schotnberg's Letter to William, Dal- thoufand men, including Engliih, French, and rymple, Ap. part ii. p. 43. When William Germans, went to Ireland, his army confiftcd of thirty-fix '^ Story, p. 78. UU2 33^ THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XIII. J Seficn of Parliament.— Jddrejfes of both Houfes to the King and ^een — Unanimity of the Commons— Cait/es of this.— A ^ejlion, whether the Royal Pardon bars Impeachment, moved in the Houfe of Lords. — Declaratory JSl concerning the Power of the CommiJJioners of the Admiralty. — Supplies. — Bill for appointing Commiffioners of Public Accounts— for raifing Money for the public Service cut of the forfeited Eftates. — Parliament adjourned. — Obfervations upon the Interference of England in the Affairs of the Continent. — Merit of William informing the Grand Alliance. — He attends the Congrefs at the Hague — returns to England — goes back to Holland — takes the (Command of the Army. — Short View of Campaigns 1690 and 1691. — Caufes of Change in the Sentiments and temper of the People, and Parties in England. — The ReduSion of Ireland. — Great Expence — and ill Succefs of the JFar. — Jealoufy of the King's Partiality to the Dutch. — Unfavour- able Views of the Conditions upon which the corfederate Powers had united — and of their Strength. — 'Loffes fuftained by the trading Part of the Nation. — DifaffeSlion of many of the Members of the Church. — Third Seffion of the fecond Parliament. — Backwardnefs of the Commons in grant- ing Supplies — their Ill-humour. — Supplies granted. — Inquiry concerning the Ina£tivity cf the Fleet. — Bills to check Ahiifes in the Revenue and public Offices.— The Influence of the Tories augmented by a farther Change of Miniftry in their Favour. xin ^" ANOTHER feffion of the fecbnd parliament of William was —^ — / *^^ opened on the fecond of Oclober one thoufand fix hundred A feffion of and ninety. The king mentioned his fuccefs in having reduced Ireland to fuch a condition as to be no longer a charge to England ; lie hinted at the deficiency of the fupplies, by praiiing his army for having patiently endured great hardfhips with little pay ; he ex- prefled his zeal for the public good, by fubjeding his revenue to the expences of the war ; and he aUuded to a late alarm, cccafioned by the parliament. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 333 the French fleet upon the coafl: of England, in order to excite them ^ '^ ^ ^• to grant liberal fupnlies. He prepared them for extenfive demands, *- — ' i6qo. by reminding them of large arrears due to the army, and the fup- plies neceffary for its future maintenance, and that of the navy, neither of which could admit of any reduction. He reprefented the whole fuccefs of the confederate army as depending upon the fpeed and vigour of the meafures taken by them. The affedions of the people, difplayed by their ready fcrvices while the French fleet was upon their coaft, and in the courfe of his late expedition, he confidered as a happy omen of the temper of their reprefenta- tives. He exprefl'ed a deep concern, for the mifconduft of the fleet, and a defire of feeing the honour of the nation vindicated, by the exemplary punishment of the guilty \ Both houfes teftified great fatisfadion with his majefl:y's fpeech, Addrefles of and agreed upon prefenting feparate addrefles to the king and queen, to the kbg Their addrefles- to ^.the king were full of congratulations upon his **i 334 T H E H I S T R Y O F c HA P. Ko Teilion of parliament, in the courfe of this reign, dilcovercd J greater unaaiiuity, loyalty, and liberality, than that which now XIII UnSty of comes under our oblervation '. The decided fuperiority of the ths commons, ^^^.j^^ ^^^^ ^j^^ whigs, in all their conflicts during the preceding Ciufes of fcfTion, had damped the fpirit of enterprife in the latter, and fug- **■•"• gefted to them the wifer policy of endeavouring to regain power by conceffion and complailance, rather than by open and violent oppofition to the meafures of the court. A confiderable proportion of offices were ftill left in their hands, and fome incidents encou- raged them to hope, that, by a gentle and natural progreffion, their influence in the cabinet might again prevail, and be eftabUfhed. Lord Godolphin, who now began to allociate with the leaders of the whigs, was placed at the head of the treafury, in the room of fir James Lowther. Sir John Somers held the office of folicitor general, and, by his abilities and virtues, was every day gaining upon the confidence of the king. The whigs had lately augmented their flock of merit, and ftrengthened their claims to royal favour, by the readinefs and liberality with which they had fubfcribed to the public fupplies, while their antagonifls, preferred to them in truit and office, dlfcovered either want of confidence in the ftability of the prefent government, or want of attachment to it, by being averfe to trufl their properties in the funds *. They enjoyed alfo a fplendid triumph, by ilill maintaining fuperior influence in the city of London, notwithflanding the popular and powerful engines which the tories employed to wreft it out of their hands, by reflo- ring the charter of the city, and difpenfing the favours of the court. The office of mayor, the moft honourable, and that of chamberlain, the moft lucrative in the city, were filled by Pilkington and Robifon, both cUflinguiffied partifans of the whigs. Galled by this difap- pointment, the tories in the common council addreffed the commons in a petition, reprefenting that the eledion of Pilkington and Robifon had * Letter of Burnet to Mr. Johnfon, 14th Oftober 1690. , * Ralph, vol. ii. II been POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c, 335 been effeded by violence, and illegally maintained againft fome of ^ HA P. their own friends, who had a majority of votes in their intereft. " » '690. This petition did not meet with any countenance rrom the court, and, while the negledt of it by the commons was interpreted as a grateful acknowledgment of the recent fervices of the whigs, it was, at the fame time, confidered as a prelude to their return to favour and power ^ The panic, which pervaded the nation upon the immediate pro- fpe£l of an invafion, if it did not unite parties in affedion, at lead promoted external tranquillity, by inducing them to fufpend their animofities, and to concur in the mofl effectual meafures for fup- porting government; nor does it feem probable, that the fame una- nimity would have been obtained, if the whigs at that time had cngroffed the chief offices of power. The tories, by entering into adminiflration, became bound, by the ties of intereft as well as of honour, to fupport a government, to which, perhaps, they were but feebly attached by principle or affedion. The whigs, though depreflcd in political influence, and difaffeded to the principal mem- bers of adminiftration, ftill maintained a fupreme refped for that fettlement which they had ereded in conformity to their principles, and they did not choofe to weaken it by a contentious oppofition to the men whom they difliked. The few topics of difpute, and the divifions which attended them, A queffion in the courfe of this feffion, proi:eeded from perfonal animofity, royal pLdo'i rather than from the prejudices, or concerted fcheme, of any party, ^^'^^u'"', The great fliare of influence which the marquis of Carmarthen "io^«- for power, and difpofed the people to liften with too much avidity to every complaint and mifreprefentation, calculated to gratify its malignant fpirit, and to incre?fe difaffedion to the king and his minifters. It was ungeneroufly infinuated, that, having lately begun to vie with the States in the extenfion of their commerce, the Engliflh had been feduced into the war by the king, on purpofe to interrupt their profperous career, and to eftablifh the Dutch in a permanent and unrivalled luperiority ". With more regard to candour '* The tonnage of Englifh (hipping at the There is no doubt, that the number of revolution amounted to 190,533, which, at men in the Englidi fleet during the war the rate of twelve mariners to every zoo amounted fometimes to 30,000 or 40,000, tons, required only 11,432 failors. This from which we are led to infer, that the flset may account for the difficulty king William mud have been manned with landmen in the found in manning the fleet, and is an apology proportion of two or three to one. for his laying the ftrefs upon a land war. " Caveat againft Whigs. Great Britain's Chalmers' Eftimate of the comparative juft Complaint. Strength of England, p. 57. and 344 CHAP. XIII. 1691. Unfavour- able views of the condi- tions upon which the confederate powers had uruted, THE HISTORY OF and to truth, it- was obferved, that the war, fliould it even anfwer the moft ianguine expeftations of thofe who approved it, muft principally redound to the benefit of the States. While felf-defence conRrained them to refill the ufurpations of the French king, it was alio obvious, that fuccels would enable them to enlarge and fortify their frontiers, and more efieaually fecure their future indepen- dence ; whereas, upon the part of Britain, it appeared a romantic and far-fighted providence, to launch into an expenfive war, becaufe Ihe might herfelf one day be marked out as an appendage to the overgrown empire of France. If fuch cautious and prophetic policy were to be generally adopted, the contagion of war would fubmit to no limitation, or reftraint, and the frivolous quarrels of petty ftates would embroil furrounding kingdoms, and be held a fufficient caufe for fetting the world in flames '\ The articles agreed upon by the confederate princes of the Con- grefs, over which William prefided, furniflied new grounds of oppofition to the war, and the means necefiary for carrying it ou. To perfons, unacquainted with the refinement and myftery of poli- tical fchemes, it appeared a contradidion to the fpirit of the revo- lution, and the principles which William had always profelTed, to find him folemnly bound with Roman catholic princes, to join their forces and powers againft Lewis, tj^ he ftiould make reparation to. the holy fee for whatlbever he had adbed againft it, and till he had annulled all his infamous proceedings againft Innocent XI. '* Other articles, agreed to at the Cbngrefs, feemed officicully to inter- fere with the internal policy of France, and to be To affronting to the dignity, and fo intrufive upon the prerogatives of Lewis, to which his people were attached by the ftrongeft aftedion, that they never could be expeded to fubmit to them, unlefs they were re- duced to extreme weaknefs and defpair ^^ The " Warrington. " Article i. and granted entire liberty of confcience *° The confederate powers were folemnly throughout his dominions. Article 3. Till bound not to make peace with Lewis till he the eftates of France were re-eftablifhed in had reilored.iLf proteilants to their poffcfiions, their ancient liberties; till the parliaments r' were POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 3^c. 345 The events of the war in the courfe of two campaigns, If they ^ ' ' ^ ^• did not aflbrd ftroog arguments for defpairing of final fuccefs, yet '- — » — -» entirely overthrew thofe high expedations which had encouraged the nation to enter into it. ' A variety of objections were circulated, to contradid the favour- and of their able opinions which the people had entertained concerning the force of the confederacy, and the characters of its members. The waver- ing affedions and mercenary views of fome of the allied princes, the jarring interefts of the courts to which they belonged, the dif- fei-ent languages, habits, and difcipline of the united armies, and the competitions of their commanders, reduced the a£tual ftrength of the confederacy far below the computed flandard of the parties concerned, and rendered their common fuccefs extremely precarious and remote. The bigotry of the Roman catholic princes, whatever their profeffions might be, made them, in reality, but little in- terefted about the accomplirtiment of thofe objeds, which more diredly referred to the fecurity of the proteftant religion, and the detached intereft of proteftant ftates. None of the confederates, except the Englifh, had kept faith with refped to the proportion of troops they were bound to furnilh, and the time of their entering upon adion. The embargo laid upon fhips, and the neceflary expedient of LoT^-s fuf- prefling men into the fervice of the navy, were found, not only to trading parr be injurious to the mercantile interefts, but produdive of inconve- "'"^"^"o"' niences, which exhaufted the patience of the great body of the people who furrounded the feat of government. The article of coals in particular became fo fcarce and d-ear in the London market, that it was found neceflary to ifliie a proclamation to exempt all 20th July, feamen employed in the coal trade, from the fervice of the navy. were rcftored to their rightful authority ; and nent refolutlon, they were bound to continue till all the towns were re-eftablilhed in tlieir the war till the tax upon f.ilt, and other un- privileges. Articles iv. vi. vii. But what ap- rcafonable taxes and impofitions, were abo- peaied to be Hill a more vague and imperii- lidied for ever. Article v. Yy No 34<> THE HISTORY OF H :\ r. i\o efleaual fervioes'had been performed by the fleet to balance tfie MU. of ihe church. misfortunes of individuals, and to flatter the pride of the nation, ""^'" Examples of corruption, extravagance, and peculation, brought to li"-ht by the commiflioners of accounts, roufed the indignation of the people, and fpread a diftruft and fufpicion of every department of government. It was found in particular, that the charges for the Englilh troops exceeded the nominal mufter, and that even this mufter fell fliort of the complement of men voted by parliament. It appeared that fome of the moft lucrative places vfete rendered ftill more fo, by an unaccountable exadion of fees, and the fale of offices annexed to their patronage "''. Dlfaffeftion Befidcs thefe meafures and misfortunes, which were the occafion thc'^^mbtTs of general difcontent, there were offences, which affeded particular orders and parties of men, and loofened their attachment to the court and government. The narrow prejudices and jealous bigotry, of many leading members of the church, co-operated, with other caufes, to fpread in the nation a temper injurious to the reputation and authority of the king ". His fond defire of extending reli- gious liberty was reprefented as an evidence of a latent averfion to the eftabliflied church, aggravated by ingratitude to a clafs of men, whofe refiftance to arbitrary power had prepared the way for hia- acceflion to the throne. William not only endured the peevifhnefs and difaffedtion of fome of the bifliops, with unexampled patience and moderation, but even purfued meafures, hardly confillent with his perfonal fafety, in order to reconcile their affedions, and to fcreen them from the chaftifement of that government which they daily infulted. He had ftruggled, as v^'e have feen, with his mi- niftrv, to introduce a claufe in the oath bill, for exempting the bitliops from obligations of which their confciences did not approve. Unfuccefsful in this attempt, he obtained authority from parliament *' Journ. Commons, Oflober, November, Difafters. State Papers. T. W. vol. ii. 1690. p. 9^, 97- " liiquiry into the Caufes of the crefcnt to i'OLITIGAL TRANSACTIONS, cVc. 3+7 to beftow a modified provifion, out of the funds of the billioprlcks, ^ ' f ''^ ''• upon tliofe, who were reftrained from exercifing the duties of their «- — ^-—* fundioiis by the fcruples of a tender confcience. When the time allowed for taking the oaths to government had expired, he difco- vered the moft anxious dcfire to fufpend the execution of the law, and for this purpofe lord Rochefter and fir John Trevor, vvho had the confidence of the difaffcfted bifhops, were employed to converfe with them, and to obtain information, whether they would confcnt to live peaceably, and to difcharge the fimftlons of their office, provided that an indulgence could be obtained from the parliament. They contii-flied fullen, obftinate, and unmoved, either by the experi- ence of forbearance, or the hope of future favour '^^. Many months had now elapfed fince they had become liable to the penalties of the law. Order, decency, and the interefts of religion, might well have juftified a rigorous execution of it, when an event occurred which rendered lenity dangerous, and feverity indifpenfible. A confpiracy was difcovered, with ftrong circumftances of fufpiclon, that fome of the clergy^ who had not taken- the oaths, were acceflary to it ""*. The authority of their office, and their facred chara£ler, gave them advantages over the prejudices and the confciences of the people, extremely hurtful to the eftablifhed government ; five of them, therefore, were at laft deprived of their offices, in ten^s of i?. F.brcam the a£l of parliament. This event may be confidered as produQive of a new influence-, which had permanent effecls on the political tranfadions of Eng- *' Burnet, 1691. pretext of fcarching for feamen. Tlie papers '■» LordPrefton, Mr. Alhton, ,-ind Mr. and letters found in Afhton's pofTeJinon, dif- F.lliot, were felefted by the friends of James, covered that a plot had been carrying on for {o go over to France, and to concert meafures the reftoration of James, and that fomc of for his reftoration, which was thought eafily the biftiops, clergy, and many of the nobi- prafticable during tlic abfence of William, lity, were concerned in it. Lord Prelbn Having hired a'vefTel to the coaft of France) Mr. Afliton, and Mr. Elliot were tried, and the owner of it gave notice to the court the two former condemned. PreHon was exe- 3Cth Decembi-r 1690. The vefiel was per- cuted, Mr. Aftiton pardoned; there was not tnitted to fail, and afteiwards boarded, under fufficient evidence to convift Elliot. Y y 2 land, ^^3 THE HISTORY OF C H A r. land, and upon the arrangement and ftrengtii of parties during this and the fucceeding reign. Several of the bifhops, and a greas number of the difaffeaed clergy, hitherto wavering and unde- termined, were, from this period, fixed in oppofition to the revolu- tion and the ad of fettlement. A numerous body of the people, who venerated their charader, and fubmitted implicitly to their opinions, improperly confounded their intereft with that of th© religious eftablifliment, and confidered the perfonal degradation of fo many refpedable prelates as an alarming prefage of the danger, and approaching ruin of the church''. A controverfial war foon commenced between thofe of the clergy who were deprived, and thofe who continued in office. The former accufed the civil government of a facrllegious invading the rights of the ecclefiaftical jurifdidion ; an ufurpation more prefumptuous, and more injurious to religion, than any meafure imputed to the abdicated king. While the acrimony and perfonal invedives, which both parties adopted in the courfe of their difputes", weakened the refped due to the facred charader, and gave a deep wound to the interefts of religion;- in the deprived clergy and their adherents, the members in oppo- fition always found a ftrong party, ready to forward their fchemes of perplexing and thwarting the meafures of government. From the various caufes now explained, difcontent began to fpread' over the nation ; but did not attain to fuch force as to occafion any Material obflrudion to the political defigns of the court. It was the caufe of delaying, not of defeating the grant of fupplies, in the next feffion of parliament. Somewhat of the temper of the nation was then difcovered in the courfe of every debate ; from which it be- came evident, that, in proportion as the war was prolonged or un-. fuccefsful, the number and influencs of its friends would decline. *' Warrington's Speech againll arbitrary of government were attacked by the fufferlng. Power. party, occafioned a proclamation, 9th Aprils »* The afperity with which the meafures againll feJltious difcourfes and libels. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, !kc.. 345 The parliament, after feveral atljournmeiits, met on the twenty- ^ ^\ '^ P* feconJ of Odober. His majefty called their attention to the fucccfs v- of his arms in Ireland, as an earned of his future fuccefs in pro- Third it/non fecuting the war with France. He recommended to them to dif- pariiaLcutT charge the arrears due to the army, which had reduced Ireland; and to provide a ftroug fleet and army, both for dcfcnfive and offenfivo' war. The commons agreed that a fupply fhould be granted, for carry- Backward, ing on a vigorous war againfl; France; but, notwithftanding this commons in feeming forwardnefs- to gratify his majefty, feveral weeks were con- ^'■.•^'^^^"S <""»- fumed in difputes about the lifts of the army, and other preliminary points; and it was not till the fourth of January one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-two, that they refolved upon the fum of one million nine hnndred and thirty-five thoufand fevcn hundred and eighty-feven pounds, as neceflary for maintaining the land forces during that year. In the courfe of the debates concerning the fup- ply, every opportunity was embraced by the party in oppofition, to exprefs their reludance to any augrnentation of the army ''. The expence of a foreign war was grievoufly complained of, and it was Thclriiilm- afferted, that the pay of the army alone amounted to one half of the current cafh of the nation : that the war with France, if unfuccefsful, muft bring immediate and irretrievable ruin upon Britain; and that no victories or acquifitions, though correfponding to the moft fan- guine expedations of the court, could poflibly indemnify the nation for the immenfe wafte of blood and treafure, by which they were to be purchafed. The refpedl, due to the dignity and charadter of the king, was often violated by the party which efpoufed thefe fentiments. His paffion for a ftanding army was imputed to other motives, than merely that of circumfcribing the power of France j and it v/as infi- *■ After the number of troops had been R.inelagh, the pay-mafter, afTured the houfc, agreed upon, it was contended, that officers that they were provided for in the eiHmatcs of . fhould be underftood as included ; though lord the fupplies. Grey's Debates, yo!. x. p. 185. nuatedj , mour. .^o THE HISTORY OF <^ II -^ !'■ nuateJ, that the liberties of the nation mufc be at the mercy of a XIII. 1091. prince, who commanded fixty-five thoufand foldiers, the number which the king had fpecified as requifite for the fervice of the year ". The fupplies, however, were rather retarded than reftrided by thefe anlmadverfions. The fiim of one million five hundred and feventy- eight thoufand eight hundred and ninety-eight pounds was granted for the fleet, including the ordnance, and the expence of building efam'ed' docks at Portfmouth ; which, added to the fupply voted for the army, amounted to the fum of three millions five hundred and fuurteen thoufand fix hundred and eighty-five pounds"'. Inquiry con. An inquiry concerning the fleet, inftituted by the commons, ex- Ceniing the ... . ^ i i • 1 • r v .- • inactivity of Cited the anxious e.xpedation, and terminated in the duappointment, '7th Nov. of every party. The friends of lord Torrington entertained great hopes that this inquiry would contribute to the vindication of his honour, and the reproach of his adverfaries. If the inadivity of the fleet fhould appear to be owning to the mifcondud of RuileU who now commanded it, r.hcy would coniider this as a juft retri- bution to that manj whofe opinion, forwardly and indelicately ob- truded, had imprefled his fovereign, and many of the nation, with fentiments unfavourable to Tomngton. Should the blame be found to reft Vvith thofe who w-ere inverted with the'tinift of fitting out the fleet, and direding its fervice, this would exhibit an exad counter- part to the delay and contradidion of orders, which lord Torring- ton had reprefented as the caufe of his misfortune ; and teach the ■authors of it, that difgrace and condemnaticfh, ♦ though fometimes transferred by fuperior influence to the guiltlefs, would at laft fall upon the head of thofe who had adually offended. The nation, as well as parties, felt themfelves deeply interefted in the iflTue of this inquiry. The fleet, commanded by Rufl^el, had been equipped at great expence ; and, when joined by the Dutch, was far fupe- rior to the French; and yet nothing had been performed. But '= Grey's DcbatCi, vol. X. p. 175-6, &c. *-' Journ. Commons, i8t!i Nov. 1691, 4th Jan. 1692. though POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 351 thou;rh much time was exliaufled, and long; and keen debates took ^ " '^ !'• place, yet no information was obtained, fufficient to flibflantiate any i—~ > criminal charge, either againft the commanders, or the commiffioners ' ^'' of the admiralty. The want of fufhcient ftrength, and of provifions, cr the remiflhefs of the admiralty in fending orders, were urged by the friends of Ruflel, as the caufe of the delay of failing in the early part of the feafon. The difappointment of the blockade at Dunkirk, from which much had been expeded, was imputed to the Dutch fleet, which had refufed to fecond the operations of the Englifh. The peculiar good fortune and dexterity of the French, in avoiding an engagement, wastlie apology made by the Englifli admiral, for difappointing the nation of the vidlory and glory, which they had anticipated from the fuperiority of their fleet ^°. The detedion of extravagance, and of abufes in the army and Bill; to dieck public ofiices, were not only animadverted upon in the courfe of the ^^^^^^ '" ^^f r ^ J 1 "• - revenue aud debates upon the fupplies; but induced the commons, with great P"Wicoinces^ propriety, to introduce feveral bills for retrenching the falaries of office, and for preventing future abufes of the revenue. Thefe bills, however, were either rejedted by the lords, or clogged with fuch amendments as tended to defeat their very purpofe ~'\ A bill for afcertaining the commiflions and falaries of judges, and rendering them independent, began in the commons, and pafltd both houfes;. but the king refufed his aflfent to it. The declining influence of the crown, vmequal to the vigorous profecution of meafures of the higheft national concern, as well as the dread of confpiracies which- broke out at this time, were apologies for withholding the royal affent from a bill eflfential to the pure difpenfation of jufllce ". ^^ Grey's Debates, vol, x. Journ. Com- from any place in the gift of the crown above mons,. i6th,&c. November. Lives of the Ad- 500I. fhould be applied to the charge of the mirals, vol. ii. p. 346. war, 23d December. So far were the coin- s' The principal of thefe were, that the mens confiftent in their plans of ceconomy, payment of the forces (houM tally with the ac- that they contrived to force upon the lords, a tual muller. Journ. Commons, l.|.th Decern- bill for continuing the comuiiffinners of ac- ber. A bill againfl buying and felling offices, counts, by tacking it to a in9ney bill; 23d Dec. 1 71I1 December. That all the profits ariflng ^^ B.irnet, 1691. , I o The 35* C H A P. XIU. 1691. Tlie influ- ence of the torics aug- mented by a farther change of siinillry in their favour. THE HISTORY OF The flrength and Influence of parties continued through this fcffion, almoft In the fame proportion, as in the two preceding ones. His majcfty, after the conclufion of it on the twenty-fourth of February one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-two, threw addi- tional weight into the fcale of the Tories, by admitting the earls of ■Rochefter and Ranelagh, lord Cornwallis, and fir Edward Seymour, into the privy council. The earl of Pembroke was made privy feal, lord Cornwallis a commiffioner of the admiralty, and fir Edward Seymour a commiflioner of the treafury. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 35J CHAP. XIV. Moiives with Lewis for attempting an Invafion of 'England. — Preparations for it. — Prudence and ASlivity of ^leen Maty, — The united Fleets of England and Holland obtain a complete Victory. — The People dlffatisfied. •^The Inter eft of the Confederacy declines. — Short Account of Campaign 1692. — Caufes of the Decline of William's Influence in England. — Meet- ing of the fourth SeJJion of the fecond Parliament. — Complaint made hy certain Lords for having been illegally committed — The King difcharges them. — Motion in the Houfe of Lords, for a joint Committee to give the King Advice — alarming to the Court — rejeSied. — Articles of Advice pro- pofed by both Houfes fcparately. — RefleSlions, made by Oppofition, on the ConduEl of the King, and thofe employed by him. — The Temper of the Par., liament becomes more favourable to the Court .^ExpeSlations of the ff^higs. ,— Breach between the two Houfes occafioned hy an Inquiry about the Mif- carriages at Sea.^-A Conference between them. — The Lords propofe to af- fefs themfelves.—A Bill for triennial Parliaments— pajjes both Houfes— rejeSled by the King.— -Changes in public Offices. — Campaign 1693. — Par- tial Changes in Adminiflraticn. — Meeting of the fifth SeJJion of the fe- cond Parliament. — Inquiry into the Mi/carriages at Sea. — Corruption dij~ covered. — Lord Falkland fent to the Tower. — Liberal Supplies granted, — The King refufes his AJfent to a Place Bill. — Caufes of the Compliance of all Parties with the Court during this SeJJion. — Preferments in fa- vour of the Whigs.— Meeting of the fixth SeJJion of the fecond Parlia- ment. — An A£i for triennial Parliatttents. — Supplies. — Death of Sateen Mary, — Her Chara^er. — The Hopes of the Friends of James excited.— Inquiry into the Profecution of the Gentlemen in Lancafliire, fufpeSlcd of a Con/piracy againft Government, — Difcovery of Corruption. — Parliament prorogued. AT no period In the reign of William were his affairs more cri- CHAP, tlcal than after his departure for the continent, in the interval \ , ' * between the third and fourth feffion of the fecond parliament. From -thM^rch. Zz diflif. 2^4 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, difaffeaion, intrigue, and confpiracy, no party Was entirely free. v_ L_ Befides the number and influence of James's correfpondents, many MoSslv-Kh motives induced the French king to attempt more bold and direft u-mptiS'aa' cxertions in his behalf; and even flattered him with the profpe£l invafio:i of c j^^jjip™ a fuccefsful invafion upon the coaft of England. The troops tranfported from Ireland, agreeably to the treaty of Limerick, brought a confiderable addition to the French army. It was fufpeded that a defcent upon the coaft of France was intended by the Englifb fleet, which fuggefted to Lewis the anticipation of the fame plan, as moil effetflual for averting the danger with which he himfelf was threatened. He had found, from the experience of two campaigns, that the wealth and force of England were the fmews of the grand alliance. There remained therefore no hope of weakening or de- ftroying it, but by the feparation of England ; and no hope of ef- feding that feparation, but by the dethroning of William. The breach between him and the whigs, the notorious prediledlion of the tories, now in adminiftration, for the hereditary fuccefllon, and, above all, the aflTurance of difaffedlon in the fleet, encouraged the mofl: fanguine expectation from an attack upon England, conduded by James in perfon '. Preparations In order to accompliili this defign, the French {hips at Breft and Toulon were fitted out with uncommon expedition ; all the privateers were recalled, and an embargo laid upon the merchant- men, for the more fpeedy and eiFedual manning the navy. Not lefs than eight or ten thoufand troops were moved from- the internal garrilbns to Normandy and Guienne. King James directed his friends in England to carry on correfponding preparations, and to put them- felves in a pofture to fecond the French troops upon their landing, nth April. Early in the fprtng he left Saint Germains and came to Caen, and 24ih April, afterwards to La Hogue, that he might be in readinefs to fail with the French fleet ; and finally, a declaration was publifhed. by him, ' Life of James, 1692. HiHoire de France, toin. iii. "• exprefled POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. o^^- ■exprefled in fuch terms, as feemed bcfl: calculated to confirm the re- C II A p. XIV. » .-/ )2. foliitions of ]\is friends, and to convert or intimidate his enemies \ Tiie vigilance, prudence, and compofure of queen Mary, fhone Aai'v'i^/and with confpicuous luftre in this feafon of danger. The fleet was f"'^'-'"" "'" ,£.,,. queen Miry. equipped with wonderful celerity ; the army was augmented, the mi- litia called out, three regiments were brought from Holland, which, with thofe already in England, were encamped near Portfmouth. The pailiameut was fummoned to meet for the difpatch of bufinefs. 24th M:>y. By a feafonable mixture of terror and confidence, held out by the court to the enemies of government, fome were overawed, and others allured to fidelity, in the difcharge of the important truft committed to them. For, while warrants were ifiiied agalnrt; the notorioufly d.ifaffeded, many of the officers in the navy, and failors, who had been wavering, were overcome by the kind and generous aflurances with which the queen profefled to rely upon their fidelity and honour '. Thefe meafures, feconded by no common Ihare of good fortune. The unit-d delivered England from the imminent danger of foreign invafion, fanTandHoU and internal confpiracy. The combined fleets joined fooner than '^"'' °^'^'" ^ , •' corapletovic- was expedted, were greatly fupcrior to the fleet of France, and ob- tory. tained a complete vidlory *. But though this vidory fruftrated the »9^'» May. immediate views of James, and diffufed a tranfient gleam of joy over the Englifli nation, naturally captivated with fplendid exploits, yet it did not promote fuch important and durable effedts, either with refpea to domeftic tranquillity, or foreign fucccfs, as were expedted by the court. As foon as the tumult of popular joy had fubfided, critical The people ... in r , ,■ rr • r , diflatisfied, inquiries into the Itate ot public affairs were refumied, and complaints - In this declaration, James expreffes great government : he promifes, with a few excep- confidence in the affeflions of his fubjefts, tions, to pardon all who fliail return to their and reminds them of the fevere treatment duty; he engages to maintain the church of he had met with from the prince of Orange England, and recommends to parliament to and the convention. He mentions the mife- allow liberty of confcience. ries which England mail fufler if (lie did not 3 Burnet. return to her duty. He prohibits his fubjefts * Lives of the Admirals, vol. ii. to pay any ca.xcs for the fupport of an ufurpcd Z z 2 muttered, 35 6 THE HISTORY OF c H A P. muttered, becaufe vidoiy had not been complete, in proportion to »- " . ' ' the fuperiority of the Enghfh and Dutch ; nor purfued with wifdom *''^*' and vigour. The people were not fatisfied, becaufe a defcent upon the coaft of France had not been attempted. The vidtory at La Hogue, in fome refpedls, was injurious to the Britifli trade; for it being impoilible to refit the French fleet again during that feafon, the failors were employed in privateers, which fwarmed on every coaft, and committed daily depredations on the merchant ihips '. Tiie mtercft Other caufes increafed the number of thofe who were diffatisfied fJdfracy°°' '^^^^ ^'^^ Continental war. The fpirit and power of the confederacy declines. were declining. Pope Innocent the Twelfth, fo far from inheriting the refentments of his predeceflTor, Innocent the Eleventh, againft France, was decoyed by her artful addrefs, to employ his apoftolic influence with Spain and with the emperor, in order to perfuade them to fheathe the fword, and give peace to Europe. He inter- ceded for the States and princes of Italy, who complained of the op- prelTive exadions of the Imperial army ; "and gave his fanQion to negociations for bringing about a defenfive league among them^ againft the confederate princes*. Tempting offers were held out by France, to detach the duke of Savoy from the alliance, and were refifted, only while the allies had it in their power to retain him by more advantageous terms. The eledor of Saxony embraced the opportunity, afforded him by the prefent embarralfed ftate of the emperor's affairs, of refenting fome flight affronts he had for- merly received from him, and of withholding his troop* from the confederate army. The king of Sweden was alfo backward in fur- nifliing his ftipulated reinforcement. The influence of the Lou- vefteiti fadion began to revive by the intrigues of Lewis, and mar- red the alacrity and unanimity with which the States had entered into the war. The perfonal diligence and ability of king William alone compenfated for thefe advantages, by bringing over new fup- 5 Burnet, « Memoirs of Europe. plies POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 357 plies of ftrength to the confederacy, and animating the vigour and ^ ^^ ^ ^' refolution, of all its members. As he had been the inftrument of ^ .- p fixing the duke of Hanover and the eledor of Saxony, in the in- "^ tereft of the confederates, fo to his prudent counfel was afcribed the appointment of the eledlor of Bavaria to be governor of the Spanifh Netherlands ; a meafure which, by transferring into Flanders a con- fiderable portion of the treafure and force of his eledorate, put it into a better pofture of defence, while the influence, derived from his official connexion with Spain, was employed to promote fuch a fuc- ceffion to that monarchy, as was agreeable to the views of William and the confederates '. The campaign of one thoufand feven hundred and ninety-two did Short account not diminifh the difcontents, or raife the hopes, of the nation. Namur 1602!"^^'^* one of the ftrongefl cities in Flanders, furrendcred to the French king. June- William, at the head of the principal army of the confederates, attacked Auguft. the French, commanded by Luxembourg, near Steenkirk. The French kept the field: the lofs of the allies amounted to above five thoufand killed and wounded. Upon the Rhine the duke of Wirtemburg was furprifed in his camp, near Edelfheim, by the marquis de Lorges. September. A thoufand of his men were killed, he h^mfelf made a prifoner, and the neighbouring country of the States laid under contributions. The fuccefs of the allies was not fufEciexit to counterbalance thefe lofles. In Flanders, a few villages in the pofTefTion of the French •were bombarded. In Spain, things remained in the fame ftate as in the former campaign. The duke of Savoy opened the campaign with great adivity ; he entered Dauphine, and had made himfelf mafter of Ambrun and Gap, when he was feized with the fmall- Auguft. pox, which obliged- his army to retire and evacuate the places they had taken. A ftrong fufpicion that he availed himfelf of the pretext of difeafe to fpare France, depreffed the fpirits of the allies more than they had been raifed by his former exploits and glory ". "> Ralph, vol. ii. p. 34.1, &c, Burnet. f Life of William. liiftoite de France. Monthly Mercury, The ^^g THEHISTORYOF CHAP. The perfonal influence of William, and the attachment of his Eng- uJiIIl-» Hill lubje£ts, continued to decline during the fummer one thoufand cJes'of the fix hundred and ninety-two. Thofe meafures which he purfued, in uiiwl compliance with neceffity, it muft be admitted, were often of an influence in ambiiTUOus complcxion, and might, according to the prejudices of lingland. <^ . , r i j- n_ c -n fpedators, be traced to the love of power, or the didtates ot wildom. Of this nature was his oppofition to fome of thofe bills, which were introduced in the true fpirit of the revolution j and which feemed eflential, in a more fettled ftate of government:, to the pure admini- flration of jullice. A bill for amending the laws with refpedt to treafon, a bill for controlling the extravagant prerogatives of the court of chancery, and for eftablifliing the independence of the judges, were defeated, by the indired influence, or open negative, of the king. This unwillingnefs, which he-difcovered to extend the liberty of the fubjeft, was imputed to the fame principles and temper, which had generated the grievances of the former reign. The em- ployment of perfons who had been odious inft:ruments of the worfl; meafures, and the example of feverity in the trials of lord Prefton, and Mr. Afhton, were produced as corroborating evidences of the arbitrary difpofition of William. Nor were thefe circumftances more ofienfive, than the difl-inguifhed confidence with which he treated his Dutch and foreign ofl^cers '. All thefe caufes of dif- content were foftered by the enemies of adminifl:ration, and circu- lated in publications, which, in number and acrimony of ftyle, ex- ceeded all of the fame nature which had appeared fmce the re- volution "*. » This condu£lof William, proceeding partly fuperior genius, furpafTed all his contempo- from the prejudices of his education, fcenis at raries of the military profeffion, it may be the fame time to have been juftifiable from con- queftioned if tliere was another Englifti oiEcer ^derations of ufefukcfs and expediency. The fit to be intruded with an independent com- long continuance of peace in England previ- mand. ous to the revolution, occafxoned a real want '" Publications of the Times. Somers's of accompli(hed and experienced commanders. Colleaions. State Papers, T. W. Except lord Churchill, who, by the force of The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 359 The coalition of individuals and parties, hitherto oppofite and ir- CHAP. reconcilable, gave a deep vv'ound to the influence of the crown, be- v- — - — j fore the opening of the fourth fe/fion of the fecond parliament. In * ^^ the two firft feffions of this parliament, divifions in both houfes were regulated, in a great meafure, by the motives and principles of party ; and whigs and tories ranged themfelves, with more exadnefs and confiftency, under their refpedive ftandards. As the Jacobites, and whigs out of doors, had of late concurred in arraigning the mea- fures of government, and the condudl of the king, fo the whig members, and the tories out of place, often flood upon the fame ground, and coincided in opinion upon thofe queftions which came under the difcuffion of parliament. The difcrimination of parties grows more faint, and their ariimofities more languid, in proportion to the diftance from a general eleclion. On the approach of that event, members of the fame party alTociate and confult together, and reciprocally impart a zeal for their common principles. Rival can- didates find it their intereft, during a canvas, td cherifli every idea calculated to imprefs their electors with the opinion of their wide and irreconcilable oppofition. From repeated promifes and decla- rations, they often catch an enthufiafm for the principles of their party, and engage, perhaps fincerely, to fupport them ; but when intercourfe with their conftituents becomes lefs neceflary and fre- quent, various circumftances co-operate to abate the ardour, and confound the dlftinftlon of parties. Queftions often occur, in which their principles and political interefts are at variance. Some adhere to their principles, others, perhaps the greater number, fall in with thofe meafures which tend to fecure the pre-eminence, or gratify the refentment of their party. On fuch occafions the influence of party is impaired, both by internal divifion, and by the lofs of reputation. The rniniftry, the parliament, and parties, were all, at this period, in fuch a fituation, as to exhibit the full operation of thofe caufes 4 which iCo THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XIV. 169:. Meeting of the fourth (Vflion of the Tecond parlia- ncnt. Complaint made by cer- tain lords for having been illegally com- mitted. which have a tendency to extinguifh divifions, and reconcile fuch as had formerly been of oppofite opinions and interefts. Another feflion of this parliament was opened on the fourth of November. The king thanked them for the fuppliee he had for- merly received, and exprefled his hope, that they would continue their advice and affiftance, and take the moft proper meafures for fup- porting their common interefts againft the exceflive power of France. He mentioned the vidory at fea as ground of joy, and wifhed that the fuccefs by land had been anfwerable to it. The diligence of France, in repairing her fleet and augmenting her armies, was urged as a reafon for maintaining the forces of England entire, and granting fuitable fupplies. A defcent upon the coaft of France was propofed, and fuch care and application promifed, as were likely to enfure fuccefs. This feflion was opened In both houfes with evident fyrnptoms of difrefped to the court. Circumftances trivial, and apparently unworthy of record, often Indicace the temper both of individuals and focieties more exprefsly, than thofe interefting fa(5ts which better fupport the dignity of hiftory. Parliament met, as has been obferved, on the fourth of November, the anniverfary of the king's birth-day, and of his arrival on the coaft of England j a day, which feemed to call for fome external teftimony of gratitude and refpeft to their deliverer. So far, however, was it from being diftinguiflied, that both houfes adjourned for feveral days, and the lords, after meeting again, inftead of confjdering the king's fpeech, entered with great heat upon the defence of their privileges. This fubjed was brought before them by a complaint of the lords Huntington, Scarfdale, and Marlborough, who had been committed to the Tower upon the fufpicion of treafon. The ground of their complaint was, that information had not been given agalnft them on the oath of two witnefTcs, according to law ; and that, at the beginning POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. -6i beglnninf!; of Michaelmas term, they were continued under bail, C H a p. though the parliament was loon to meet". After various debates >- ■ .-.^ and refolutions palled- by the lords, the king prudently difcharged The king the prifoners, in order to remove a fubjecl which was likely to be tilem^'^^''' made a handle of violent meafures againfl the court. It muft have been painful to him upon this occafion to find, that apparent ingra- titude towards Marlborough, whom he knew to be treacherous, contributed not only to weaken the interefl of the court in the houle of lords, but to impair his reputation among the people '\ The king in his fpeech had mentioned the advice of his parlia- Motion in ment, as well as their afliftance. The party in oppofition in both lords for a houfes clung to this expreflion, and annexed to it fuch a latitude of mittee°to" interpretation, as might authorife the mofl; fevere and pointed cen- §'*'« 'he king fures of the meafures of the court. It was moved in the houfe of lords, that a joint committee of both houfes fliould be appointed to confer concerning the ftate of the nation, and to confider what advice they ought to give the king. The fimilarity of this mcafure Alarming t« to that which had been adopted, upon the diifolution of govern- ' ^ """' iTient, in the reign of Charles I., as well as its obvious confequences, filled the court with the higheft alarm. As the objedls to which it referred were indefinite,' and arbitrarily feleded, it might eafily be employed as a warrant for intruding into the njofl delicate and retired departments of government, while the reftri£ted number of a committee, comprehending the authority of both houfes, would " Journ. Lords, 7th and 1 4tli November, from their true fubfcriptions. The villainy " Thefe lords had been lent to the Tower was detcdled to the fatisfadlion of tiie privy upon the accufation of one Young, a man of council by Sprat, bifhop of Rochelter, when an infamous charafter, who had himfelf been confronted with Blacldiead, the aflbciate of committed to prifon for forgery. With the Young. State Trials. affillance of another prifoner, he framed an The confinement of Marlborough after this affociation againft government, to which he detedlion had an ill appearance, but there was annexed the fubfcriptions of Salifaury, Marl- too good reafon for it, as is evident from the borough, the archbifhop of Canterbury, the difcoveries lately publiihed in Mr. Macpher- bilhop of Rocheller, &c. in charadlers fo like fon's State Papers, See chap. xv. their hand-writing, as not to be diftinguifliable 3 A give 362 1092- Rejeatd. Articles of advice pro- poled by boiK houl'es Icpa- jatcly. Reflexions made by op- pofition on the conduit of the king and thofe employed by him. THE HISTORY OF cr'ive unanimity and vigour to their proceedings. The utmoft influ- ence of the court was exerted, and with difficulty procured the rejeaion of this motion, by a majority of two votes ". But though it was over-ruled, yet the fubjedl of giving advice was, from time to time, relumed in both houfes, and became ex- tremely vexatious to the king, as it proved a vehicle for convey- ing the moll dilrefpeaful infmuations with regard to his meafures and attachments. It was refolved by the commons, that his ma- jefty ftiould be advifed, to fill Up vacancies among the general officers with fuch only as were natives of his dominions ; to con- ftitute commiffionei-s of the admiralty perfons of known experience in maritime affairs; and to employ in his councils fuch perfons only, whofe principles obliged them to Hand by his rights againft the late king James '*. The fubjecls contained in the addrefs of the lords were not lefs perfonal, and ftill more offenfive to the king. They prayed that no foreigner fhould be of the board of ordnance, or keeper of ftores in the Tower of London ; that the chief governor of the Englifli forces under the king fhould be a fubje£l born in their majeflies dominions ; and that he would be pleafed to give the precedency to Englifh officers, and to leave in England, for the defence of the kingdom, none but Englifhraen "'. In the courfe of the debates on thefe refolutions, illiberal reflec- tions were thrown out againft the foreign generals. All the calami" ties and difappointments the nation had fuffered during the war,. were imputed to the prevalence of a foreign influence, and the defeat of the confederate army at Steenkirk j particularly, to the mif- condud of count Solmes. The ftate of alliances, and the reports of the commlffioners of accounts, laid before the houfe of commons early " Journ. Lords, and Lords' Debates, 7th December. '♦ Journ. Commons, November, December, paffim, and luh January 1693. 's Journ. Lords, i8th February 1693. >0 POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 363 XIV. 1692. in the feffion, fuggefted materials for ccnfuring the condudl: of the ^ ^ '^ ^• allies, the exorbitant expences of the war, and the mifmanagement of the public funds. While James, it was faid, had been ruined by fubmitting his affairs to the diredion of men deftitute of prin- ciple, William followed the advice of minifters who had avowed the moft dangerous principles ; and that the couftitution was in effect changed, while the moft important meafures were dire had now infinuated himfelf into the confidence of their leaders, and ^^^^' proved a fuccefsful agent for the king, by foftening the violence. Breach be- and reconciling the afFedions, of that party '^. A breach between *two'hourcs. the lords and commons, occafioned by an inquiry into naval affairs, nn'^nquiiy ''^ interrupted that unanimity which fubfifted between them, and at laft ubout the enEroflfed that zeal which was at firft devoted to the depreffion of milcarriagei o ^ ,._.._ at fea. the court. After the vidory at La Hogue, the inadivity ot the Englifh fleet, during the remainder of the feafon, exceedingly dif- appointed and provoked the nation. All parties agreed, that there had been fome mifmanagement, though on whom it was chargeable a diverfity of opinions prevailed, fome afcribing it to the com- manders, and others to the court of admiralty. The houfe of J Kb Nov. commons, by a vote of thanks to admiral Ruffel, dlfcovered a pre- cipitate and partial approbation, which involved the cenfure of the carl of Nottingham, who conduced the naval department, and v;a& therefore fuppofed to be anfwerable for that mifmanagement, of which 'Ruflel was thus virtually acquitted. The lords, exafperated by the vote of the commons, fhewed the moft anxious concern to «th^otii,i9th vindicate the earl of Nottingham. To accomplifh this with a ftridt ecen. er. j-gg^^ ^ ^-q juftice, they examined the various orders which had beea iffued by the admiralty, and the feveral letters which had paffed upon the fubjedl of thefe orders between lord Nottingham and Ruffel ; .after which they came to a refolution, that an account of their proceedings, together with the papers on which they were founded, fhould be fent to the other houfe, thereby infmuating that the commons had decided without information.. The commonSj. angry at a refolution which implied fuch an impeachment, repeated their approbation of admiral Ruffel, and declared, that, during the laft fummer*s expedition, he had acquitted himfelf with fidelity, aoADcc. courage, and condud. The lords demanded a conference. With' •8 Burnet, this POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 3cc. ^(^s this demand the commons complied ; but in a way Hill more con- ^ ^ -f^ ^' temptuous and irritating, than if they had rcfufed it; for they in- ' . > flruded their commiflioncrs to make no reply to any arguments, A conference and only to report what they heard ". It was probably in refent- tuohoufcs. ment of this dlirefpedful treatment, that the lords made an attempt ^-jj Lords to interfere with the commons in a department, which the latter had pror;ofe to aUcTi ilitm- always confidcred as their fole and peculiar provmce. When the bill fclves. for the land tax was brought up to the houfe of lords, it was moved and carried, that the lords fhould aflefs themfelves, and name a col- ledlor of their own ". This amendment was rcjedted by the com- mons with great heat, and a conference demanded upon it ; and though the amendment was defended with ability, yet the emergency of the ftate, and the difapprobation of the people, obliged the ma- jority in the houfe to recede from it, and afford a new triumph to 19th Jan. the commons. This fludluation of fentiments, apparent from the conduiSl of indivi- duals and of parties, excited great complaints of corruption, and con- vinced both houfes, that fome meafures were neceflary to maintain the purity and reputation of parliament ". A bill for this purpofe having paffed the houfe of commons, and been thrown out only by two votes in the houfe of lords, oppofition was again encouraged to in- troduce another to the fame effedt in the upper houfe ". The fub- ^ ^.'" ^'"' '"" eiinial parlia- '? Ralph, vol. ii. p. 397. Burnet and all under him, were exceedingly difpofed to ex- the whig hiftorians have added their teflimony, aggerate the difficulties of the expedition, and in behalf of RufTtl, to that of the commons; the errors of the miniilry. They did not and the Author of the Lives of the Admirals make the exertions which \vcre in their power, has adopted their views, vol. ii. p. 367. 375. and alleged the moft frivolous excufes in from the papers produced in that inquiry it their vindication. From late difcoveries there appears, that though a defcent upon the coaft y too much reafon to fufpeft the conduil of of France, as planned by the miniftry, was at- RufTel at that period. See chap. xv. tended with difficulties of which they were not " journ. Lords, i6th Jan. aware ; and that, in fome inftances, their in- »' Burnet. ftruftions to the commanders were long delay- " Journ. Commons, 22d Dec. Joum. ed, and after all were not perfpicuous ; yet, on Lords, 3d Jan. the ouher hand, Ruflel, and the commanders fiance ments. ,(56 THE HISTORY OF C H A r. ftancc of it was, that a new parliament fhould be afTembled every vjlll— ^ three years, and a feffion held every year. The efForts of the court paff'fb^ih could not prevent its pafTing in both houfes ; and the king, appre- houils; henfive of its reducing the power of the crown, was forced to have rcjcflcd by i-ccourfe to the unpopular method of fuppreffing it by his negative, the king. rpj^jg feflion of parliament was concluded on the fourteenth of March. Change? in Admiral Ruffel was difmiffed from his majefty's fervice on the iHibhcoffices. j^^.gj^fy.fom-^]^ of January, and. the command of the fleet given to admirals Killigrew, fir Ralph Delaval, and fir Cloudefley Shovel. Sir ]ohn Lowther, Henry Prieftman, lord vifcount Falkland, fir Robert Rich, fir Ralph Delaval, were appointed lords commiffioners of the admiralty. Although this choice was fuppofed to have been direded by lord Nottingham, yet a greater intereft was thrown into the fcale 3d March, of the whigs, by putting "the great feal into the hands of fir John Sommers, and appointing fir John Trencherd fecretary of ftate. As fome compenfuion to Ruflel, as well as to avert the refentment of his friends, he was appointed treafurer of the houfehold. Campaign The Confederate armies were chiefly employed in a defenfive war during the campaign of 1693. In the Netherlands, Charleroy and Huy were taken by Louxembourg. In the Palatinate, Heidelberg, May. Spire, Manheim, and Frankendale fell into the hands of the French army under the marquis de Lorges. The marfhal Louxembourg attacked the allies commanded by king William in their camp near July. Landen. The advantage of the ground, over-rated by the latter, induced him to decline the advice of his generals, to retreat. His army, though compelled to give way to fuperior numbers, made a brave refiftance, and difappointed the enemy of the fruits expedled from their vidory. The confederates loft feven thoufand men, and count Selmes, an experienced general. In Piedmont, the allies, com- oaobcr. manded by the duke of Savoy, were defeated by the French, under the marfhal de Catinat. Marfhal de Noailles took pofl^efllon of Rofes, May. a feaport town in Catalonia. The fuccefs of the French fleet, as it was POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 2>^'j 1693. was the lefs expedcd, was the more mortifying to England. The ^ I' /^ ^' French had not only refitted their fliips, but made a confiderable ad- dition to their navy, by arming the largeft merchantmen. The lofs of trading veffels to England exceeded that of any former year : eighty of them, amounting to one million fterling, were taken and deftroyed, off Cape Saint Vincent's, by the Toulon fquadron. Two Dutch fhips of war and one Englifh, belonging to the united fleets under admiral Rook, fell into the hands of the enemy. Four of the largefl Smyrna fhips, and one Dutch man of war, were burned or funk at Gibraltar ; and feveral Englifh and Dutch fhips deflroyed by the French fleet at Malaga. Saint Maloes was bombarded by captain Bembow, which was the occafion of alarm and terror, rather than of any material injury to the enemy. To conclude the difaflers of this campaign, fir Francis Wheeler, who had been fent out, early in the feafon, with a fquadron againft the French Iflands in the Wefl Indies, was repulfed in feveral attacks, and many of his men perifhed by ficknefs, as well as by the fword ". Such accumulated lofTes could not fail to dlfplrit the nation. In former campaigns fome ingredients of profperity had been inter- mingled with misfortunes, and contributed to alleviate the dif- appointments, and fuftain the fainting hopes, of the people ; but now, every element, and every region exhibited calamity and dif- grace. ' . When the king returned to England, he found it necefTary to make 28th oa. a partial change in adminiftration, in order to blunt the weapons of changes ia oppofition, whetted by the ill fuccefs of his affairs. Admiral Ruffel, ^^"''"''^='- ■whofe caufe the whigs had efpoufed, was again appointed to the com- mand of the fleet, and the earl of Nottingham was difmiflied from his offlce of fecretary of ftate "*. ^, ' riie *' Life of William, vol. ii. Hiftoire de the direftion and influence of James. "James," France. Lives of the Admirals, vol. ii. fays he, " requefted admiral RuiTc], who had ^+ The reftoration of Ruffel to the command «' continued his communications with the court of the fleet, is imputed by Mr. Macpherfon to «• of St. Gcrmains, to endeavour to procure " the 12. tion. 36S C H A P. XIV. *^ — ^— ' 1693-4. Meeting ot the fifth-fcf- i'lon of the feoond par- liament. THE HISTORY OF The king met his parliament on the feventh of November. .He regretted their lofTes by land and by fea : the former he imputed to the fuperior force of the enemy; the latter he ftyled mifcarriages, and promifed his endeavours to bring the authors of them to punifh- ment. He urged the neceffity of increafmg the land and naval force, which muft require a liberal fupply. " the command of the fleet. He defired him " to fupprcfs his refentment for his late dif- '■ grace. He intreated him to command his " temper, to regulate his conduft with pru- " dcnce andreferve.and toraifeno enemies that « might obftruft his defigris. The intrigues " of James prevailed. William evidently fell " into the fiiare. The adherents of the late " king infinuated, that to reftore Ruifel to the " fleet, w.-is to foothe the nation for tlje mifcar- " riages at fea. He was accordingly placed in " his former office 6th November." Mac- phcrfon, vol. ii. chap. i. 1653. This account of Mr. Macp'nerfon is founded upon a paper, entitled, Inftruftions to the Countefs of Shrewf- bury, to the Earl of Shrewfbury, &c. &c. dated 16th Oilober 1693, in which are the following words : " It is hismajefty's pleafure, that you " let admiral Ruffel know, that his majefty de- " fires him to get the command of the fleet " from the prince of Orange, &c." Mac- pherfon's State Papers, ift OiStober 1693. A few remarks on this fubjeft will juftify an obfervation that has already occurred, namely, how ready authors pe to over-rate the import- ance of fadls which they have been fo fortunate as to difcover, and to ftretch the conclufions drawn from. them. It may be difputed, whether James and his friends could have more reafon to rely upon Ruflel's fervices, than thofe of the principal admirals in commifiion laft feafon. Two of them were certainly in his intereft, .^nd there- .fore he could have no reafon for wilhing Ruf- fel to be employed, in preference to them. It IS evident that James's friends entertained great fufpicions of Rufl"el. See chap. xv. Nay, the refclution which Ruffel himfelf avowed while intriguing with James, that if he met the French fleet he muft fight them; and the fatal experience James had acquired of Ruf- fel's adherence to this refolution when he de- feated the French fleet at La Hogue, muft have rendered the confequence of Ruflel's being em- ployed extremely doubtful, and indeed, mod probably, adverfe to the intereft of James. Were not the former fuccefs of Ruflel, his popularity, and the ofi^enco occaftoned by his dlfmiilion, fuiiicient reafons for determining William to recal him to his fervice, inde- pendently of any direft and treacherous influ- ence employed by the friends of James for that purpofe ? Is there any evidence for the afl'ertion of Mr. Macpherfon, " that the ad- «' herents of the late king infinuated, that to " reftore RuflTel to the command of the fleet " was to foothe the nation for the mifcarriages " at fea ?" Do any of the cotemporary hifto- rians authorife this aflTertion, or afcribe Wil- liam's repLacing Ruflel to the advice of any perfon whatever ? The authenticity of the In- ftruftions to the countefs of Shrewflsury is not called in queftion ; but it dofes not follow, that thefe were the caufe of Ruflel's being em- ployed. The co-exiftence of events is no evi- dence of caufality, or reciprocal influence. It is fubmitted to the decifion of the impartial reader, whether the great probability of Ruf- fel's being again employed, for the reafons already mentioned, might not be the occafion of James's anticipating the requeft of Ruflel, if he was engaged in correfpondence with him ; and of alluring him to his fervice, by giving him his fanftlon, or rather his advice for doing a thing, which he was of himfelf very much difpofed to do. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 3G9 The commons, after an unanimous refolution to grant a fiipply, CHAP, and to fupport the government, apparently entered with great ear- ■ - ' _r neftnefs upon an inquiry concerning the mifcarriage of the fleet. inqSjitto They examined the petitions of the Turkey company to the admi- '!""' '"''^^'■- ^ ' -' nages at Tea. ralry for convoys, and copies of the inftrucHons and orders fent to the commanders of thefe convoys, and the commanders themfelves ; and they at length reiblved, that there had been mifmanagement, but virtually acquitted the admirals, by putting a negative upon a motion to cenfure them ". The lords proceeded a ftep farther in favour of the admirals, refolving that they had done well in the execution of their orders *'. In the courfe of the debates upon this fubjeft, there appeared a great pronenefs to render it fubfervient to the intereft of party; the whigs evidently wishing to throw the whole blame upon lord Nottingham, and the tories upon Mr. Trenchard. The court, diflatisfied with this partiality, became more referved in giving the information called for by the lords. They themfelves began to grow weary of the bufniefs, and it was at lalt fuffered to drop, without yielding either to the nation or the court that fatisfadlion which they expedted, from the earneftnefs of both houfes in beginning an inquiry "'• If the commons had been inclined to be troubiefome to the court, Corrupdoa they would have found ample materials in the reports of the commif- <^''^'^^'"'^'*- fioners of accounts. From them it appeared, that above a million fterling of arrears of wages was due to the failors; while lord Falk- land, one of , the commiflioners pf the admiralty, obtained for him- ^5 journ. Commons, 17th November, 6th that the admirals had been negligent in not cn- Decemlier, 1693- deavoirring themfelves to obtain intelligence *' jouni. Lords, loth January, 1694. concerning that event; that after they had un- ^7 Upon a full and candid_examination of all expeftediy met the French fleet, they had adeJ the fafts relating to this biifinefs, it appears, with great prefence of mind, and had done all that there had b.-cn cither negligence or trca- that could be done to fave the tranfports. chery in the admiralty, who did not communi- Ralph, vol. ii. p. 470-1. Livci of the Ad- cate to the commanders the intelligence they mirals, vol. ii. p. 392. had received of the failing of the Breft fleet ; 3B felf 37° THE HISTORY OF CHAT, felf a grant of two thoufand pounds, out of money levied for the ■L -_- ,' . ufe of the navy. Large fums had been expended for fecret fervices: ' ^^"^' penfions had been granted to many, to accommodate the king's poli- tical arrangements. It was matter of aftonilhmeut to obferve, that admiral Ruflel had received ten thoufand pounds for his fervices, at a period when the merit c^f them had been called in queftion, and when it was believed that he had fajlen under the royal difpleafure. Confiderable fums had alio been ifllied, to affift candidates in the in- tereft of the court, in defraying the expence of their eled:ions *^ Thefe difcoveries gave occafion to debates, in which the condudl of individuals was feverely cenfured ; but the adtual inflidlion of punifh- ment was confined to lord Falkland ; who, after being reprimanded LordFaik- by the houfe, was committed to the Tower, for having been guilty the Tower, of a mifdemeanour and breach of truft "". But neither the difco- very of internal corruption, nor the recent experience of public mif- fortunes, had any efFedl in reftraining the liberality of the commons, or difcouraging their compliance with the court. In conformity to the king's defire, fix regiments of horfe, four of dragoons, and fif- Liberal fup- teen of foot, Were added to the army. The whole of the fupplies granted by this feffion amounted to five millions four hundred and forty-feven thoufand two hundred and eighty-two pounds. A fum of fuch extent was the moft fubftantial evidence of the good difpofi- tion of the commons towards the court; nor was this difpofition lefs confpicuous by what they did, than by what they avoided to do. Though the complaints from Ireland referred to ftriking examples of the mifapplication of the forfeitures, and of abufes committed by the agents of miniftry there, yet every motion to inquire into them, or to redrefs them, was over-ruled '\ No objedion was made to the continuance of the war, which, it was believed by many, might at '» Journ. Commons, November, December, *9 Journ.Com. gth, i6th, 19th Feb. 1694. paffim. Grey's Debates/ vol. x. J. ibid. December and January, paffim. that •> ; ! POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &:c. 371 that period have been brought to a conclufion, upon terms honour- ^ ^ ■'^ ^• able and advantageous to England '". v_ .- _j A fliort interruption to the good underftanding which fubfifted rhckngre- between the king and the houf'e of commons, was occafioned by t'''" '"* ';°"" o ' J lent to a place the refolutions adopted by them, after he had a fecond time refufed '""• his aflent to a place bill, prcfented with fome money bills, which were extraordinary expreffions of their bounty. A committee was appointed to confider the ftate of the nation j and they addrefled the king, exprefling their grief for his having prevented a bill necef- fary to the vindication of their honour: but when a motion was made to addrefs him again upon the fame fuhjecl, it pafTed in the negative, by no lefs a majority than two hundred and twenty-nine againft eighty-eight ^\ The moderation and good temper difplayed by the commons in the courfe of this fefhon, could not be owing to any want of oppor- tunity, or arguments of complaint againft adminiftration. The mif- fortunes of the nation abroad, the difcovery of corruption at home, and the opprefhons exercifed in Ireland, afforded abundant materials, if parliament had been difpofed to ufe them. Circumftances, in every view fo favourable to oppofuion, were however countera£led by peculiar caufes, which operated ftrongly upon individuals and parties. A concife detail of thefe circumftances may not be un- worthy of attention, as they difplay the chara£ler of the times, and exhibit a fpecimen of what may be expeded, in fimilar fituations, to produce the fame effects. 3' The tories in general were believed to be by f:imliie, rendered the French king defirous averfe to the continuance of the war ; and yet, of peace. Monthly Mercury, December 1693. whether it was from the dread of public cen- A memorial was prefented to the court of Eng- 3ure, or of the irretrievable lofs of power, by land, fpecifying terms, which amounted nearly difobliging the king in his favourite point, they to the relloration of the moll important placss acquiefced in the moll liberal grants of money, taken from the allies; bu: there was no mcn- the augmentation of the army and navy, and tion of acknowledging the title of M'illiam. all other meafures tending to the prolongation which probably was the caufe of their not be of the war. jng liftcned to. The internal diftrefs of France, occafioned ^^ Joijrn,Coramons,z7thJan. ifl F<;b. 1694. 3 B 2 1. The THE HISTORY OF I. The interval between the removal of one admlmftratlon and the eftablilliment of another, is favourable to political tranquillity CaSofihe and the authority of the court. The approach of profperity, or the Spmics vecent attainment of it, naturally excite, in perfons of every ftation, with tii= court ^ ^Q^ of good humour, which difpofes them to civility and kind- feffion. nefs towards all with whom they are connected, in the intercourfe of converlation or bufipefs. The fmiles of the court, turned to the party in oppoiition, are confidered as a token of future favour, and invite fuch returns of complaifance as open a channel for an entire and a cordial reconciliation ; while thofe, who are threatened with the lofs of power, become affiduous in exprefTions of reiped and obe- dience to the prince, as the moft probable means of preferving or refuming their ftation. The court, the miniftry, and oppofition, were exadly placed in the circumftances now defcribed at the open- ing, and during the continuance, of the fifth feffion of this parliament. The expedlations of the whigs had been induftrioully cherifhed, and at laft their intereft was confiderably advanced, by the appointment of lord Somers to the great feal, and of Trenchard to the office of fecretary of ftate. But ftill the refolutions of the court feemed to be wavering ; and lord Somers complained, that, in the dif- tribution of law offices, he did not enjoy that influence which be>- longed to his appointment ". The hopes of the whigs were how- ever ftill kept alive, while the tories were not immediately driven to defpair. The lieutenancy of London, which had been changed in favour of the latter at the beginning of this parliament, was gradually reftored to the former j and the afccndency was again in their hands at the opening of this feffion. The removal of lord Nottingham, upon the eve of the feffion, feemed to confirm the moft pleafing expeftations of the whigs ; but the protracted va- cancy in that office again excited fufpenfe, and promoted an emu- lation of both parties, in fubmiffive and compliant behaviour to the " Somers' letter to king William, Mifcellaneous State Papers, vol. ii. p. 426. court. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 373 CHAP XIV. court. The tories maintained a majority in the houfe of commons; but the whig intereft was increafing in the adminiftration, and *• ^ * among the people. If the former had obftrudled the bufinefs of the nation, and thwarted the meafures of the court, it might have pro- voked the king to diflblve the parliament, by which the pre-emi- nence of the whigs would have been confirmed. 2. The tories, at the prefent interefting crifis, had not merely to ftruggle for the retention, or the recovery of power ; but to exert no fmall degree of addrefsand accommodation to circumftanccs, in order to fcreen the moft refpedtable members of their party from legal cenfure, and public difgrace. The misfortunes, or mifcarriages of the campaign 1692, had been divided between lord Nottingham and Rufl'el, and the people acquitted or condemned, according to their pei'fonal or political attachments : but the mifcarriages of the lafl: naval campaign centered entirely in the tories. Of the three com- manders of the fleet, two, namely Killegrew and Delaval, were in their intereft. If the commanders were acquitted, the guilt reverted to lord Nottingham, who was the head of their party. 3. The correfpondence carried on at this period between James and many perfons in England ", who were either candidates for office or already inverted with it, promoted conceffions to the will of the court ; which could not have taken place, if confcious innocence had emboldened them to avow fuch principles, and purfue fuch mea- .fures, as they believed to be agreeable to the intereft of the kingdom. None are fo ftudious to maintain the appearance and external forma of honefty, as thofe who are fecretly convldled of tranfgreflion. It has often been obferved, that thofe fervants, who have been afterwards deteded in fecret fraud and breach of truft, had long deceived their mafters by the apparent exadnefs of their fidelity, and the often- tatious difmtereftedncfs of their condudl, in the difcharge of ordi- nary and frivolous duties. Treacherous rainiilers will be always '.* See Chap. XV. moft ^y^ THEHISTORYOF CHAP, moft forward in profefTions of loyalty and attachment to their prince. y_._^ . There were few about the court of William, who were not occa- '^^^"■*' fionally inveigled by the agents of James. Confcious of engage- ments to him, they muft have lived in a perpetual dread of detedion, which rendered them anxious to preferve fair appearances ; and to catch every opportunity of diverting the fufpicion, and obtaining the confidence of their mafter. This correfpondence did not elude his penetrating eye ; but, dexterous as he was in the art of political chemiftry, he extradted medicine from poifon ; and made their trea- chery the means of counteradting the purpofe for which it was encou- raged by his rival. By generofity, by threats, by availing himfelf of the intelligence of confpirators, he conftrained thofe very perfons, ■who were the moft able and the moft difpofed to pull him from his throne, to become the chief inftruments of fecuring his poftefTion of it. If there had been more integrity in his minifters, and more attachment to his perfon, his life and government might have been expofed'to lefs hazard; but he would not have enjoyed the fame free and uncontrolled fcope for purfuing his favourite meafures, as he did, while thofe who ferved him were under the perpetual alarm of being deteded, and becoming either the vidims of his vengeance, or the monuments of his mercy. 4. There is ftrong reafon to conclude, from external appearances and from the effeds produced, that not only fair induftry and ad- drefs, but that indired means were employed by the court, to pro- cure the confent of the leading members in both houfes, to meafures which did not accord either with their private fentiments, or with the views of their party ". The marquis of Carmarthen ftill con- tinued at the head of the council, and fupported the court. The earl of Rochefter, increafmg in favour with the queen, was not likely to thwart the inclinations of her hufband, to which fhe was ever fub- miffive. The marquis of Halifax, who had entered almoft on every " Burnet, 1692. ^ _ occafiou POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 2,7S occafion into the views of oppofition, fince the commencement of ^ ^ A P. X\v. this parliament, now flood forth an advocate for the neceflity of • ■ « taxes and the continuance of the war ^°. Thefe, and many fimilar circumftances, created a fufpicion that expediation was fed, or pre- fent intereft gratihed, in a way not lefs efFe(^ual, than by the open diftribution of penfions and offices. The king put an end to this feffion of parliament ; and, foon after, Prefc-rmems the vidory and triumph of the whigs were completed. Lord Shrewf- the whigs. bury had already accepted the feals : the admiralty and treafury were '*'" ' "'^^' changed in favour of the fame intereft : Mr. Montague was made chancellor of the exchequer. Even titles of honour, diftributed with a profufe hand, were almoft entirely confined to this party : of five April. dukes now created, four were whigs ". The king failed for Holland in the beginning of May. The con- 3d May. federate f]eet was early at fea, but did not perform any important fervice. The French fleet induftrioufly avoided coming to an en- gagement. An attempt to deftroy the harbour of Brefl, conducted J""^* by lord Berkley and general Talmafh, proved unfuccefsful, from the intelligence of that defign having been conveyed to James by the earl of Marlborough ^\ The bombardment of Dieppe and Havre de Grace fpread great alarm over the adjacent coafl of France j but J^')- redounded little to the honour, or advantage of the Englifli nation. The only naval fuccefs was the deflru£lion of a large fleet of mer- chantmen in Bertram bay, by captain Pritchard of the Monmouth, attended by fire-fhips. No important adion happened in Flanders. The French army under the dauphin, by expeditious marches, obtained polTeflion of Ibme advantageous pofts on the Scheld ; and prevented the allies Augufi. from accomplilhing their defign of penetrating into French Flan- ders. 35 Ralph, vol.ii. p. 467. ^^ Tindal, vol. ii, p. 469. ^' Ltuer of lord Churchill to James, Macpherfon's State Papers, 1694. A dc- 376 i694- September. May. June. Meeting of the fixthfef- fion of the fecoiid par- liament. An a£l for triennial par Laments. Supplies. THE HISTORY OF A detachment from the allied army, commanded by the prince Tlerclaes de Tilly, took the town and caftle of Huy; and drove the French out of the bifhoprick of Liege. In Catalonia, the Marlhal de Noailhs, with a fuperior army, forced the Spaniards to retreat ; ftormed and plundered the town of Palamos, bcficged and took Gironne, Oftelric, Caftle-folet ; and intended to have finiflied his career of vidory with the fiege of Barcelona ; but was prevented by the arrival of the Englifli fleet, commanded by ad- miral Ruffel. In Piedmont, fecret negociations, carried on between the French and the duke of Savoy, rendered both armies inadlive. On the Rhine, prince Lewis of Baden failed in repeated attempts to bring the French army, commanded by the marquis de Lorges, to an engagement. He was fuccefsful in getting poffeflion of Wife- lock ; and, after deftroying fome of the French magazines, repafled the Rhine ". The king arrived from Holland on the 9th of November ; and the parHament met on the 12th. He referred to the fuccefs of the cam- paign in expreflions of moderation, fuitable to the true ftate of events. The neceflity of large fupplies was urged ; and it foon appeared, that the king was determined to make a very dcfirable concelTion to the nation, in order to encourage their liberality. An a£t for Ihortening the duration of parliaments run through the forms with celerity; and almoft without any oppofition in either houfe *°. The fupplies kept pace with the triennial aft, and exhibited the re- ciprocal good will, which now fubfifted between the fovereign and his parliament. Near five millions were cheerfully granted for the €xpences of the war *'. ^> Life of William, vol. ii. HiMre de nued, if the king pleafed, till the firll of No- France, torn. iii. Lives of the Admirals vol. ii. +° Though it was enaded by the bill, that no parliament, after the prefcnt, fhould be continued more than three years; vet the prtfeiu fubfilling parliament might be comi- vember in the following year. For this reafon a proteft was entered againft it in the Journals of the Lords, but it was figned only by four peers. Journ. Lords, iSth Dec. 1694. *' Journ. Commons, Nov. Dec. 1694. Jan. &c. 1695. The rOLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Ike. :i7j The death of the qiieen, on the twenty-eighth of December, in- '- !/ ^ ^* terrupted the proceedings of parliament, and was fineerely lamented, >^ — — » botli on account of lier private virtues, and the fhock which it was Death ^rY likely to give to the new government. Tew charaders have been He.'chalac-* more extolled by friends, or more virulently traduced by enemies, ^''''■ than that of Mary. Unconneded with, and uninfluenced by party, we can be at no lofs to ptyxeive, that lier friends have founded their encomiums, upon the evidence of a temper and qualifications ho- nourable to the human charader; while the detradion and calumny of her enemies referred to fads extremely doubtful, and to circum- ftances, occafioned by the peculiar dlfliculties of the part fhe was called upon to ad- She poflefled, in an eminent degree, all thofe accomplilliments and graces, which conflitute the merit of her fex ia domeftic life. Her aftability, mildnefs, and delicacy, captivated the affedions of her companions and dependants. Such dexterity and prudence in the management of parties, fuch difcretion and adivity in the mofl; critical ftate of affairs, have rarely been found in a per- fon, lb little addidcd to oftentation, and fo averfe to interfere In public bufmefs. So devoid was fhe of ambition, and fo indifferent to perfonai grandeur, that flie not only rejeded the fervices of thofe, who were difpofed to prefer her right to the crown before that of her hufband, but fhe would not even participate of the adminiflra- tion while he was in the country, nor did fhe fo much as afpire at the influence, to which her flatlon and merits entitled her. Her ex- emplary devotion, her zeal for the proteftant religion, her confcien- tious difpofal of ecelefiaftical preferments, her patronage of ufeful defigns, and application to good works, render her memory precious to the friends of religion and virtue. If, upon particular occafions natural aflfedion feemed to be languid, or fulpended; if flae appeared harfh and undutiful, by confenting to the dethronement of her father or by efpouiing, with apparent animofity, the quarrel of her hufband with her fifter, her condud in fuch inftances may bs faij-ly afcribed, 3 C not ,.g THE HISTORY OF C H A r. nnt onlv to a refpea for her duty as a wife, but to the fingukriy ^^'^1-. critical filuation of him, to %vhom (he ftocd in that relation. No- '^''^' thing lefs than the moft cordial and unequivocal approbation of the condua of her huiband, could have obtained, or preferved to him, that authority, which he derived from his relation to her. Whatever painful emotions fhe might feel, from the difgrace of her father, or from coming to a breach with her fifter, yet prudence required the concealment of them, to fecure the reputation and fafety of that per- fon, who was the deareftobjea of her afFedtion, and the profp'erity of that caufe, which, from the pure influence of principle, fhe was zealous to promote. The hope, of The death of the queen gave a new fpring to the hopes of James thefrk-ndsof.^^^^ his friends'". Her popularity, and her prudence in do- ciied. meftic life, and in the exercife of government, had hitherto divided the afFedions of many, whofe principles were favourable to the lineal fucceffion, and difcouraged the exertions of her father's ad- herents. The members of the prefent parliament, deeply involved in the fuppofed crime of William's ufurpation, by the meafures they had taken to eftablifli it, and by the offices and emoluments which they derived from his authority, were induced, by every confider- ation of fafety and intereft, to keep a vigilant eye upon the friends of James, and exercife their public and private influence, to defeat every plan for reftoring him. But it was naturally expeded, that, upon the death of Mary, a great proportion of the influence, which had hitherto fupported her hufband, would revert to her father. Under this imprelFion, the approach of a new eledion was deemed an event fingularly favourable to his intereft; and it was believed, that reprefentatives would be returned, unconneded with the prefent government, and free from all ties to give it any fupport. The tri- ennial bill, however, as we fliall foon have occafion to Iliew, con- ♦" Life of James, 1695. . tributed, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 379 trlbuted, with other caufes, to produce effeds, the reverie of thofe, ^ i' ;^ ^■ which leemed (o probable in fpeculation. v— — v — -^ An unfuccefsful attempt was made, in the courre of this fefllon, inquiry into to caft an odium upon the king and miniftry, by bringing under the lKl^,''of the" infpedion of parliament a profecution, carried on the preceding fum- K<="'l<^^f"^n '" rner, at the inftance of government, agaiiift feveral gentlemen of fufpeflcd of a . . . _, confpiracy Lancafliu-e, lor receivmg commilhons from James, and making pre- againd £o- parations for an infurredtion in his favour. The profecution had ^''"™'^"'" failed for want of evidence of the charges, and one of the informers had declared, under the folemn profeifions of repentance, that the whole was a malicious plot, which they were encouraged to invent by the folicitations and rewards of government. The trials were difcontinued, and unfavourable imprellions of the king and his mi- nifi:ers left upon the minds of the people. To render their triumph more public, and more difgraceful to government, the gentlemen, who had been profecuted, now brought their complaint into par- liament, under the aufpices of oppofition. They were difap- pointed of fuccefs ; for, after the examination of evidence, and of various papers relative to the fubje(fl:, both houfes agreed, that there had been fufncient ground for inftituting the profecutions, though they had not terminated in the convidion of the perfons fufpeded *'. ■t^ In political hiflory events often occur, ter of Taffe, who firft joined in the informa- fo myfterious and perplexing, as to exercife in- tion, and afterwards retraced, not without genuity in balancing the weight of evidence, fufpicion of his being difappointed of the re- in order to fix an opinion concerning any mat- wards he expeifled, or bribed by the friends ter in difpute. The Lancafhire plot was of of the Lancafliire gentlemen, lUll left many in this kind, and divided, not only, the fenti- doubt with rcfpcft to the innocence of the jnents of the nation, but of men of the fame latter, notwithflanding the deficiency of proof, political principles. Moil of the friends of fo the coincidence of the fuppofed crimes, with William, notwithflanding the iffue of the trials, tlie aftual intrigues of the agents of James, in gave credit to the exiflence of the plot. The England, and with the tenour of the correfpond- partif:ins of James, many who flood neutral to cnce held with his friends there at tnat period, any party, andeven fomeof the friends of WU- will novv remove every doubt concerning its Jiam, difbilicved it. As the infamous cliarac- reality. 3 C 2 Some THE HISTORY O F C H A P. Some remarkable difcoveries, in the courfe of this fefTion, made It _— ^— ■' evident, that the jealoufy of the nation concerning the prevalence of fonupZl°^ corruption in parliament, was but too well founded, and increafed their impatience for its diflblution. The unexpeded and fudden conclufion of the bufinefs of the Eaft-India company, and of the London orplkns, which had been depending during fucceffive fef- fions, awakened the fufpicion of corrupt influence. From an infpec- tion of the books of the Eaft-India company, and the examination of witnefles, It appeared, that great fums of money had been paid to members of parliament, and perfons of intereft at court, for obtain- ing the renewal of their charter : and that particularly five thoufand pounds had been left with a fervant of the duke of Leeds, upon ftrong circumftances of fufpicion, that it had been done with his con- fcnt, or accepted by him. The commons drew up articles of im- peachment againft the duke ; but were prevented from proceeding inr them, by the diflblution of parliament. The fame laudable fpirit of inveftigation brought to tight another example of corruption, which, as it was attended with clearer evi- dence, refleded at the fame time more immediately upon the houfe of commons. The fetrlement of the debt, due to the orphans by the city of London, which had been folicited in vain during feveral (ef- fions, was at length obtained. The credit of parliament for inte- grity and juftice muft have been funk to a low ebb, when fufpicion went abroad, that this had not been accompliftied without nefarious influence. The fufpicion was but too well founded, for fufficient evidence was produced, that fir John Trevor, the fpeaker of the houfe of commons, had received a bribe of a thoufand guineas, for the-fervice he had done in this affair "*. For this offence he was juftly expelled the houfe. This ♦♦ Journ. Com. i2rh, 13th, 14th, i6th March, large funds, which had been bequeathed far State Trafts, T. W. The perfons in the go- the maintenance of orphan children. It is af- vcrnmeiu of the city of London had fpcut very fcrted, that thefe funds were infamotiny fquan- dercJ POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. 3S1 This fefTion of parliament ended by prorogation on the third of ^ '^ ^ P- May; and the king, after having veiled the regency in the hands of • . ^ 1 1 TT 11 1 Pailinm.-nt commilhoners, departed to lioUand. prorogued. dered in extravagant entertainments and re- fettle a fund for t':c rnifing money to pay the joicings in the city, on the reftoration of annual inCcrcll, at four per cent, for the whole Charles II. Cocke's Deceftion. By the ad debt, now obtained, the lord mayor was enabled to THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XV. b Obfervatious upon political Revolutions in general. — Peculiar Dangers which threatened the Revolution in England. — Correjpondence with the Court of Saint Germains. — Evidence of it. — Reafons for Caution in dra'-ji'ing Conclu- fions with refpedf to the Guilt of Individuals engaged in that Correfpcndence. Their different Motives and Intentions. — Doubts of the Sincerity 9f his Ccrrefpondents^ expreffed by James and his Agents.— Strong Reafons for fufpeSilng that forne of them were not fincere. — Conclufions from the whole. — Caufes of preventing the extreme Datigers Impending over the Government of England. — Backwardnefs of Lewis in affifting James. — Divifion of Senti- ment among his Friends. — Increafing Reputation of William — and Ccnterr.pt for the CharaEler of his Rival. — Various Events which contributed unex- ■pcSiedly to Jlrengthen the new Government. c H A p. T~\ EVOLUTIONS in ftates and kingdoms exhibit both the u,-— „~,»j X\. moft pleafing, and the mofl difgufting portraits, of human cha- upo"poi\t°"al rader. When artificial fubordination, eflential to regular govern- revoiutions m ^-^^^^^ \^ fiirpeuded, genius and abilities are called forth to a fair competition for the prize of honour ; and afcend to the higheft pitch of improvement, and fplendour. The hiftory of every country, in this fituation, abounds with examples of eloquence, courage, inte- grity, and patriotifm. But the fame caufes alfo operate, in the fame fituation, to increafe corruption and crimes. Every example of change, by vreakening the authority of government, removes one of the moft powerful reftraints upon the unruly pafTions of men ; and, by prefenting new temptations and covers to ambition and avarice, conduds their votaries to the moft confummate depravity. The fudden elevation of individuals, from the moft obfcure fta- tion, to power and profperity, excites the envy and emulation of thofe who POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 383 who ftood originally, and (llll remain, upon the fame level. It Is only *" ^"Lf ''• by the continuance of anarchy, that fuch perfons can hope to gratify •— -~\r — J thefe paflions, and to raife their own importance ; and hence, an in- terval of confufion and violence ufually takes place, between the downfal of the ancient, and the eftablifliment of the new government. Many, who begin oppofition to edabliHied government from tlie purcfl: principles of patriotil'm and virtue, afterwards come to dread exccfs of innovation ; and to difcover fuch felfiflinefs and treachery in their aflbciates, that they grow weary of the ftruggle, and are tempted to refign more liberal plans, for fecuring perlbnal fafety, and the intereft of their fi.\milies. The difappointment of the multitude, who had been encouraged by their leaders, to exped a total exemption from inconvenience, or a perfedion in executive government inconfiftent with the infirmities of human nature, render them at lail cold and indifferent about fupporting thofe meafures, which were firft promoted by their zeal and adlivity. When the fermentation, excited by tyranny and op- preffion, has fubfided, a veneration for ancient cuftoms refumes its influence over the mind, and cheriflies a general inclination in the people, to return to the civil inftitutions and hereditary authority, which have been confecrated by the remote and uninterrupted lub- rniflion of their anceftors. Hence the great uncertainty of the fuc- cefs of thofe, who embark in any plan for accompIiOiing a revo- lution in government, or of maintaining fuch a revolution, after it has been accomplillaed. With thefe general caufes peculiar circumflances concurred, to peculiar dan- endanger the (lability of the new fettlement in England, and to rcn- ^"eatenej der William's tenure of power extremely difficult and precarious. *!''^ '".evolu- ' ^ tion m Eng- A juft eftimate of thefe is neceflary, to underftand the true ftate of '•""^• political affairs, and the charafters of the mod celebrated perfons, at the period of which I treat. I have therefore referved the detail of them for a fcparate department of this work, in order that I mi<^ht exhibit THE HISTORY OF exhibit them with more perfpicuity and minutenefs, than what could have been done in detached views, and by a ftrid adherence to chronological order. William's afpiring to royal dignity, feemed inconfiftent with the terms of his declaration, and planted the feeds of difcontent in the breads of many, who had heartily concurred in foliciting his in- terpofition to obtain the deliverance of the nation. The fettlement of the crown upon his head, independent of the right which he de- rived from his wife, had been long oppofed by one branch of the le- gillature ; and their confent to it at laft was yielded with reludance, and in compliance with neceffity. • The preferment of fome, who had been acceflbry to the mofl reprehenfible meafures during the preceding reign, and the difap- pointment of others, who had been ufeful inftruments in the revolu- tion, provoked the refentment of many of his new fubjeds. Where neither claims to favour, nor complaints of difappointment fubfifted, motives of prudence might induce perfons of the firft in- fluence, to withhold their fupport from a government furrounded with hoftility and danger. The conftitution of the king, feeble and fickly ; his fatigues and dangers, in the camp, and in the field of battle; the formidable .preparations of France for reftoring James, and the ftrong attachment of a great part of the nation to his fa- mily, were circumftances, which, at a fair rate of calculation, de- preciated the condition of thofe, whofe profpcrity or expe£lations depended upon the fafety, and continuance of the new government. In the progrefs of this reign, events unavoidably occurred, which produced a great alteration in the fentiments and attachments, both of individuals and parties, with refped to the new fettlement ; and which emboldened the refolutions, and encouraged the confpiracies, of the difaffeded. The early diffolution of the convention parliament, however neceffiiry that meafure might be, rankled in the breads of the whigs ; and, for fome time, threw the king into the arms of a 6 party, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 3«9 party, who fupported him from flu6luatlng motives of intereft, or ^ '• -^ •'• from tlie more laudable principle of refpcdlto their religion, without any w -,-. ^ tie of perfonal attachment. The apparent violation of external forms of juftice, and a neceflary feverity, exercifed in the punifhment of fomc of th'ofe perfons who had been convitfted of confpiracies, were un- fairly compared with examples of tyrannical opprefhon in the pre- ceding reign, and, by changing the objed of indignation, impaired that fecurity, which the new government would otherwife have de- rived from the confidence and good opinion of the people. The nation in general had connedled the idea of fettling the crown upon William, with that of humbling the power of France, and they had fondly promoted his elevation, as he appeared to be the fitteft inflrument of gratifying their ambition ©r refentment '. But the immenfe burden of taxes necelTary to the fupport of a war, little compenfated by the glory of vidtory, or the profpedt of future and fubftantial advantage, made the continuance of it unpopular, and divided the fentiments of the prince and his fubjeds. The detedtlon of grofs corruption and peculation in perfons vefted with the highefl: miniflerial offices weakened the reputation of government, and ren- dered the virtuous and independent part of the nation lefs anxious, when they heard of the dangers with which it was threatened. Upon the review of all thefe circumftances, we are lefs furprifed, when we read of the variable fentiments and inconfiftent conduct, afcribed to individuals and parties, or of the plots, the confpiracies, and near approaches to another change of government, which fill the period immediately fubfequent to the Revolution. The early and uninterrupted correfpondence between the exiled Correfpond. prince and many perfons of the firft rank and influence in England, court of St. perfons who were employed in the court of William, as well as * The people of England in general en- laid in many hundred wagers, that king Wil- tertained the moft fanguine expeftations of the Ham would be in France before Chriilmas 1689. fucccfs of the war with France : odds were Oldmixon, vol. ii. 3 D thofe XV 3^ THEHISTORYOF C H A P. thofe wlio were In oppofition to ir, is a difcovery lately opened to the public; and, in all its circumflances, may be confidered as one of the moll curious and interefting occurrences in the political annals of any nation. While the obfcurity, which has hitherto refted upon this fubjea notwithftanding multiplied chances of detedion, excites lurprife; the number and eminence of the perfons engaged in a corre- fpondence with the court of Saint Germains; and the contradi£lion it exhibits, between their true and aflumed charadlers, give rife to fome of the moft unpleafing, though, perhaps, if properly improved, not the moft unprofitable feelings and refledlions that can occupy the mind. No fooner was William placed upon the throne, than James re- ceived the ftrongeft aflTurances, not only of the fteadinefs and perfe- vering loyalty of thofe who never had deferted him, but of the re- pentance and returning affedions of many perfons of diftindtion, who had been moft adive in accomplifliing the Revolution. Indi- viduals of every party were addreffed by the agents of Janics in England, and feemed to liften, with a favourable ear, to propofals for re-eftablifhing his authority. Stated meetings were held in Lon- don, to which perfons, whofe loyalty to William was not fufpeded, and who were invefted with offices of the higheft truft, reforted, and, in concert with the known friends of James, confulted concerning the moft effedual plans for promoting his intereft. Others gave a more unequivocal and dangerous teft of their at- tachment to the exiled king, by entering into epiftolary correfpond- ence with him, and foliciting his inftrudlions with refped to the conduct he wiihed them to obferve, in order to afford them an op- portunity of confirming the fincerity of their profeffions, by adual obedience to his will. Many original letters, now publifhed, place beyond poffibility of doubt, the duplicity, felfiflnnefs, and treachery, of fome of thofe perfons, who are held forth by contemporary hif- torians, as having the ftrongeft claim to the praife and gratitude of their It. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 387 their country, for their fervices in accomplifliing and maintaining ^ H A P. a revolution of government, fo important to national liberty and happinefs \ However unwilling we may be to yield to impreffions, which Evidence of not only tarnifla charaders recommended to us by the prejudices of education and by patriotic gratitude, but which bring difgrace upon human nature, yet there is not the fliadow of reafon for fuf- pedling the authenticity of the coUedion of letters between James and his correfpondents, and the various papers and memorials relative to his affairs, lately publifhed by Mr. Macpherfon. From evidence as clear and fatlsfadory as the nature of the thing can admit, we are bound to receive thefe letters, as genuine copies of original letters writ- ten by the perfons to whom they are afcribed. If the hypothefisof their having been forged, either at an earlier or later period, could enter into the imagination of any candid enquirer after truth ; if any pur- pofe of fuch forgery could be affigned ; yet there are various conco- mitant circumftances, which, together with ftrong internal evidence, confirm their authenticity, and demand a due refpedl from every peirfon defirous to underlland the hiftory and tranfadions, to which they relate. Anecdotes, which have defcended to the prefent times through the channel of tradition, the teftimony of contemporary au- thors, and the light which the contents of thefe letters throw upon political events, myfterious at the period of th^I^r occurrence, all confpire ,to confirm the accounts of the intrigues, the treachery, and the plots, which they contain, and warrant our admiffion of them, with certain qualifications, as a legitimate proof of hiftorical fadls. Befides the evidence of attachment to James, derived from the letters of fo many perfons, who were in the courfe of correfponding with him, his agents in England tranfmitted the names of others, who had repeatedly given the ftrongeft verbal afliirances of their wil- lingnefs, to co-operate in any plan for promoting his views of reco- * Life of James, 1692. Extraft ifl. Macpherfon's State Papers, 1692-3-4-5 6. 3 D 2 vering 388 CHAP. .W. V. — *— / JReafons for caurion in drawing con- clufions with refpeft to the guilt cf indi- viduals en- gaged in that correfpond- THE HISTORY OF vcring the throne. Among thefe we find the names, not only of perlbns of noble rank, and of extenfive property and influence, but of fome, who were intrufted with refponfible offices and enjoyed the power and opportunity of carrying their treacherous defigns into execution. Lords lieutenants of counties, admirals, generals, privy ecunfcllors, are mentioned as ripe for revolting againft the prince under whom they held their commiffions. Many of the clergy who had taken the oaths, as well as thofe who declined to fwear allegiance to William, are reprefented as fo defperately difaffedled to his perfon and government, that fir John Friend, who afterwards fuffered for treafon, undertakes to bring a whole regiment, confifting of that order, to fupport the title of James, as foon as he fhould fet his foot in England. The army and navy are defcribed as prone to revolt ; the former difgufted by the partiality of their new fovereign to fo- reigners, the latter juftly irritated by the irregular and deficient payment of their wages. The moft opulent and populous cities fwell the catalogue of the friends of James, and it fhould feem^ that nothing but his own courage and exertion were neceflary to re-eftabllfli him in the authority from which he had fallen \ Such is the general tenor of the letters and memorials, which paffed between James and his correfpondents and agents in Eng- land, publifhed by Mr. Macpherfon in his firft volume of State Papers. Although there can be no reafon to fcruple about admitting thefe, agreeably to the afTertion of the publifher, to be fair copies of the original letters and papers, the titles of which they bear, yet very different opinions may be entertained of the meafure and force of evidence they convey, either with refpedl to the ftate of political events, or the charaders of perfons concerned in them. If circum- ' SirGeorge Barclay's Memorial, 28th Dec. pofals from the earls of Montgomery, Ailef- 1693. Captain Williams, ibid. Memorial bury, Yarmouth, &c. Macpherfon's State prefentedatVerfaiUes,4th January 1694. Pro- Papers. ftances. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 389 fiances, recently brought to liglit, have, in any one inflancc, con- ^ ^. I ■^ ^' A V • ftrained us to renounce an opinion, to which we formerly adhered with fondneis and obftinacy, this may be a reafon for our being more diffident with rerpc(fl: to other opinions, to which we are equally partial ; but it cannot be a fufficient reafon for utterly re- figning them, till we have fcrupuloufly examined every argument, which tends either to fupport or confute their authority. Few per- fons, however, are fo guarded, as to reftricTl the influence of ana- logical reafoning within its proper limits, and to make a diftindtion in judging of cafes, where the fame external appearances prefent themfelves to the eye, though the intrinfic circumftances would often be found, upon patient inveftigation, to be totally and ef- fentially different. A perfon, who has had the misfortune to de- ted: the dilhonefty of a fervant in whofe fidelity he abfolutely con- fided, is too ready to harbour fufpicions and mifconftrue appear- ances, to the interruption of his own tranquillity and the in- jury of others, who have been invariably fliithful and difinterefted in the difcharge of the trufls committed to them. The palpable and incontrovertible treachery of a few individuals, who had been long dignified with the name of patriots, too readily difpofes the mind to acquiefce, without waiting for proof, in the groundlefs calumnies, which have been levelled againft immaculate charaders. In order to form an impartial judgment of the ftate of politics, and of the condud of individuals and parties, we ought to weigh, with fcru- pulous exadnefs, every particle of evidence adduced upon either fide of controverted queftions, and carefully to difcriminate between thofe circumftances, which cftablifh a fiuiple, pofitive, and dired proof; and that fpccies of evidence, which arifes from the opinion, pre- judices, and fanguine views, of perfons deeply interefted in the fcenes which they dcfcribe, and who muft have been convided by their own minds of that guilt, in which they are fo anxious to afibciate others. A great diftindiou ought therefore to be made, between thofe XV I— 3go THE HISTORY OF CHAP, thofe adually found iu correfpoiidence with the court of Saint Ger- raaiiis, and thole, who are only mentioned by agents jis favourable to that intereft, and approving of plans communicated to them for promoting it. There may be various reafons for fufpeding the fm- cerity of perfons of the laft defcription, in the fentiments and at- tachments they profcffed, while there can be little or no reafon for entertaining any doubt, with refpedt to the guilt pf perfons of the firft clafs, who were perfonally engaged in correfpondence with James, and fpontaneoufly tendered their fervices. The agents of James, defirous to fet off their own merits to the beft advantage |ind to obtain his approbation, were under a ftrong temptation to defcribe their fuceefs in the moft fiatter^pg ftrains. A fmcere zeal for the intereft of th^ir mafter would naturally render them lefs fcrup\ilous in adhering to truth, while they ti:anfmitted to him fuch accounts of his affairs as were calculated to encourage his heart, naturally prone to defpondency, and- to allure the aid of the french king, effential to the fuceefs of atiy plan for railing their de- preffed fortune *. Had Lewis believed that the number of James's adherents was fo confiderable, and their zeal as ardent, as reprefented by his agents, it is difficult to conceive, notwithftanding the defeat of his fleet at La Hogue, why he fhould Jiave fo Ipi:^ delajyed, and, after all, with fo little earneftnefs attempted a fecond invaficjn of England- How could he have turned his arms to better account, than by re- floring James to the throne of his- fathers, an4 transferring tjie re~ fqurqes of England, from the difpofal of a,n irreconcilable and power- ful enemy, into the hands of his firmef^ fi;iend,s ? Would not fuch a meafure, more effet^ually than all his viftories upon- the continent, have overturned thsit confederacy, of which William was the life and fpirit; and, who, more than all the otljer members of it, controlled and thwarted his ambitious plans ? Some of the perfons in England, who were affedionately attached to the intereft of James, but who * Mr. Nofewordi's Repoit 169^. Ctarneck's Report 1695. Ibid. 2 exercifed rent motivci nnd ir. tions. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. ^c)i exerclfed greater caution and deiiberation in condm^ing their inqul- CHAP, ries about the temper and inclinations of the people, or who had »— ^-y— — > better opportunity of information, are far from holding out fuch al- luring views of fuccefs, or maintaining fuch confidence in the power and multitude of his friends, as are conveyed by tlie general drain of the memorials and letters tranfmitted to him by his agents '. There are aUb obvious and plaufible reafons for calling in queftion the Their diffe- true intention of many of thofe, who are enrolled among the partifans and'imen of James, and even reprefented as taking a more a£live part in his caufe, by admitting his agents into their company, and occafionally confulting with them upon the Hate of his affairs. Perfons of a timid difpofition, or anxibufly attentive to their private intereft, whatever their affe^lions and wiflaes might be, would be extremely fearful of incurring his refentment, left he fhould again fill the throne of Eng- land; and they would be equally cautious of excluding themfelves from future preferment, either by openly difapproving of, or revealing, any fchemes imparted to them by his friends, in full confidence of their being faithfully attached both to his perfon and the intereft of his family. It ought alfo to be obferved, that the connedtion of blood and alliance would naturally have a confiderable influence in direding the folicitations, and raifing the hopes, of the family at Saint Germains. The earl of Marlborough was imcle to the duke of Ber- wick, and married to the fifter of lady Tyrconnel. Lord Middleton, one of James's fecretaries, was uncle-in-Iaw to the earl of Shrewfbury. The intimate connedioji of thefe, and others in adminiftration, with perfons who adhered to James in his exiled ftate, would expofe them to the more frequent accefs and importunity of his agents, while, from the motives already recited, we may believe they would be un- willing, if they could avoid it, to fall into defperate terms with that intereft, which might, in the courfe of chances; prevail. From all 5 An anonymous Letter from a Perfon in England to his Friend at Paris, 17th Auguft, {69 ^. Mr. Mac Adams's Latters, ibid. thefe 392 H A XV. THE HISTORY or thefe confiderations it was naturally to be expeaed, that individuals, who were addreiled by the agents of James, would often be repre- fcnted as confenting to, or participating of, meafures, to which they were by no means friendly in their hearts ". While the agents of James in England embraced every opportu- nity to avail themfelves of the difappointments and paffions of private perfons and parties, it is no wonder, if, in an unguarded moment, and under the impreffion of refentment, their addreffes were fome- times entertained with fuch apparent approbation,, as encouraged them to add, to the lift of their friends, the names of individuals, who pro- bably foon repented of any rafti refolution they might have formed, and would not have ftood to it if they had been adually put to the trial. For feveral years after the Revolution, a change of government in England was an event at leaft as likely to happen, as a change of miniftry is now, in our prefent ftate of political tranquillity. No won- der then, if perfons, who were not fufceptible of ftrong attachments, fliould be difpofed to do every thing for fecuring their own future fafety and intereft, whatever the event might be. It may be farther obferved, that men of very good intentions with refped to the public, who were ftrangers to that fecret information, which was the ground * Nothing can place in a ftronger light the infincerity , or the want of power, of J ames's ad- herents, than the inconfiftency of their conduft with their own profeflions, and with the in- ftruftions which they received from him. Take, for an example, the fifth feffion of the fecond parliament, which met 7th November, 1693. During the whole of this feffion, the commons wereobfcqulous to the inclinations of the court, and mod liberal in granting fupplies; while the inftruilLons, fent by James to his friends at this very period, fuppofe their intereft to have been confiderable, and require them to exert them- felves in oppofition to the court, particularly by obftrufting the fupplies. " Try all the " ways you can to hinder the prince of Orange " from getting money, efpecially the general " excife ; and, if it be not poffible to hinder " him from getting money, endeavour to re- " tard it, that it may make all his preparations " for the next campaign as late as may be." Inllruftions to the Church of England, 1 6th Oilober, 1693. " Endeavour by all means to embroil the " affairs of the prince of Orange, and that his " majefty's friends join heartily together to " crofs his inclination and intereft in all things, " and that they be ready to join with any " party which fhall appear againft him, &c. " &c." Macpherfon's State Papers, 1693. To the fame purpofe, a paper entitled, In- ftruAions to the Earl of Danby, Lord Godol- phin, and Churchill. of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 5^c. 353 of public meafures, might often be at a lofs where to fix their wiilies, ^ '[ ,^ ^'- or what condud they ought to purfiie, as mofl: eftcdual to promote the welfare of their country. The critical ftatc of government fome- timcs obliged the king to take meafures apparently contradiiflory to that patriotic fyftem, which he profefled to eftabliili. Such perfons might perhaps think it probable, that, by a new revolution, more li- beral concefiions might be obtained from the crown in favour of the people, and the conftitution farther improved. But what we are principally to attend to, with refpecSl to thofe who did not a»Sl from the pure influence of principle, is, that their compliance with the engagements, into which they entered with James or his agents, was evidently to be guided by the flream of accidents, and the views they entertained of his future fuccefs. If an opportunity occurred, of ac- quiring emolument and honour under the prefent government, they would not ncgle£t it. This was certainly the fafe fide. Should go- vernment change, they might plead neceffity, perhaps even con- fcience, for having been faithful to the truft repofed in them. Under thefe impreffions, the earl of Marlborough, Rufl'el, and others, ad- vanced their own fortune and reputation, and the glory and profpe- rity of England ; and contributed, without intending it, to the exclu- fion of the prince and family, whom they wifhed to replace on the throne. Coincident circumftances produce different degrees of belief, witR refpedt to the guilt of the perfons, accufed of having carried on fecret correfpondence with James, while they maintained the profefFion of allegiance to William^ and even held offices of truft under him. The conduct of Marlborough, who had foi-merly deferted James, after having been loaded with favours, would naturally have prepared the mind for giving more eafy credit to his treachery to William ; though ihe evidence of it had not been fo accumulated and powerful as to overcome the mofl inveterate fcepticifm. Admitting that Marlborough renewed his correfpondence with James, with the fmcere purpofe of 3 E ferving m Doubts of the fincerlty of his coiTC- fpondents exprefied by James and Im agents. Strong rea- fons for iuf- pc6iing that THE HISTORY OF fervlng liim, we will not either be furprifed or incredulous, when we read, m the Colleaion of State Papers fo often referred to, a letter, from the princefs Anne to her father, expreffing the deepeft concern for having deferted him; and, with the moft anxious folicitude, im- ploring forgivenefs and reconciliation \ The afcendency of Marl- borough over the mind of that princefs, the rupture which happened about that time between the royal fifters, and the indecent animofi- ties which attended it, are ftrohg corroborative evidences of the truth of the faa, though the authority, upon which it is delivered to us, had not been fufficient to exclude every poffibility of doubt. There are alfo many circumftances, which, if fairly and minutely attended to, render it extremely doubtful, whether other perfons, who are named in the lift of correfpondents of James and who converfed with his agents in England, were fmcerely and fteadily attached to his intereft. James himfelf, after receiving the moft flattering ac- counts concerning- the affedlion and power of his friends, expreftes diftruftful appreh^snfions, left their profeftions of friendftiip fliould be employed for the infidious purpofe of deteding and fruftrating his defigns. He appears to have been fufpicious of the fmcerity of RufTel, notwithftapding the repeated and warm declarations of attachment, which' that co,minander made to his. agents'. Colonel Sackville, the moft faithful and affiduous of them, in a letter to the earl of Melfort, expreffes himfelf in th? following words : " I am " not deceived in the judgment I formed of Ruffel ; for that man " has not aded fmcerely, and I fear he v/ill never ad other wife'.'' Lord Marlborough complains to James, that RuiXel had concealed from him the moft important intelligence j. namely, the deftination of the Englifti fleet to burn Breft, and the time of its failing"". , It may be farther obferved, that there are- very fpecious reafons for fufpedlng, thaffonieof thofe perfons, who at firft embraced the ' Life of James, 1692. ' Ibid. ■' Churchill's Letter to King James, May 9 Letter to IVI-elfort, 3d May 1694. Mac- 1694; ibid. pUcrfon's State Papers. '^ . opportu- cere. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 395 opportunity of correrponding with James and aflifting his counfels, CHAP, might continue that coirefpondence, after their intentions were *- — v-— » changed, perhaps, for the very purpofe of being ufefyl to William ". were not fm- The earl of Shrewfliury and lord Godolphin were both detc£ted in their correfpondence with James ; and, if William had been of a dif- pofition refentful or fanguinary, might have been configned to the laft difgrace and punilhment human laws can infli<3:. With unpara- lelled generofity, he not only pardoned, but employed them : he not only employed, but trufted them '\ Suppofe that thefe perlbns, mo- numents of his mercy, had been dead to every feeling of gratitude and generofity, was it polTible, if they had been endowed with the fmalleft portion of prudence, that they could ever have ve^^tured to tread again in the dark path of treachery ? The eyes of William, they muft have been aware, would ever after be fixed upon them with fuf- picious circurafpedion. He was vigilant,.. inquifitive, penetrating. At no period was the reftoration of James an event fo probable and near, as to induce them to incur any eminent hazard from the exped:- ation of its taking place. Nay, fo entirely was Shrewfbury reftored to the confidence of William, that he was always confulted by him in the feafon of perplexity and diflrefs, when affedlion principally directs the choice of counfellors. If Shrewfbury and Godolphin are recorded among the friends of James after the event mentioned, it is natural to conclude, that James and his court were deceived by their profellions made to him at an early period; or, if they again entered into correfpondence with him, the fame reafons will incline us to be-* lieve, that they muft have done fo, with the connivance of William, and with the purpofe of rendering it fubfervient to his intentions and defigns. The name of Sunderland, recorded in the lift of the corrcfpondents of James, raifes the. authority of thefe conjedures; and can hardly " Floyd's Accounts carried to Verlailles, ill May, paragraph 7th ; compared with Churchill's Letters, 6th May 1694. . . "■ Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 499. 3 E 2 indeed 396 THEHISTORYOF <; H A P. In Jecd be accounted for, othcrvvife, than upon the fuppofitlon, that fuch y_ , ,- ' a correrpondence was known to William aird encouraged by him. From the paft conduct of Sunderland, familiar to the reader, it will not be fufpeded, that any ingredient of hoaour or generofity could enter into his charader. From no motive of intereft could he poffi- bly be induced to renew his correfpondence with James. Though the door of the court had been fliut againft him in London, yet there remained to him no ground for hope, of profiting by another revolu- tion, and of recovering the confidence and favour of James if ever reftored to the throne. But when it is obferved, that, at the very period in which Sunderland was engaged in correfpondence with James, and tendering his fervices to that prince, he was afcending in influence with William, and that he already enjoyed, the oppor- tunity of gratifying every wifti of ambition and intereft, there fcarcely can remain a doubt, with refped to Sunderland's having renewed his correfpondence with the permifllon and authority of William '\ No mo'tive, but the fmgular iifefulnefs of Sunderland, could have induced a perfon, of William's fagacity and caution, to give any ihare of his confidence to a man fo deeply criminal, and fo odious to all parties in the nation. It is no objedion to the fuppofition now made, that we find the earl of Arran, the unfufpedled friend of James, attefting the fincerity of Sunderland, who was his relation ; or that Sunder- land advifes James to make a defcent upon the coaft of England, as the moft fpeedy and effedual meafure to reftore his fortune '*. Ar- ran, nowife diftinguifhed by acutenefs of difcernment, might him- felf be the dupe of Sunderland's intrigues ; and, with refpeil to Sunderland's preffing an invafion of England, it was the common advice of all the agents of James at that time, and the moft ac- ceptable fubjed that cbuld be introduced in a correfpondence with him. Notwithftanding the repeated profeflions of repentance by ^' Bumec, 1693. '♦ Macpherfon's StaU Papers, January 1694-5. Letter to James, 1695. Sunder- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 397 Sunderland, and the atteftations of his fincerlty, Middleton, one of ^ '^ '} ^- James s fecretaries, warns his friends in England to be upon their u— ^.^ — 1 guard again (I the treachery of fome, who had deceived them under the profeffion of friendfliip ; and, in an allegorical letter to an Englilh peer, hints his fufpicions of the treachery of Sunderland '^ But, after all the refearches that have been made, and the various Condufions conjedures that may be formed, it mufl. be acknowledged, that great v\holc. darknefs and myftery ftill reft upon the period and tranfadions, of which I have been giving an account. Enough, however, appears to fuftain the following conclufions ; namely, that, during the whole reign of William, his perfon and government were expofed to ex- treme danger ; that, from his coronation till his title was acknow- ledged by the French king at the peace of Ryfwick, a correfpond- ence was conftantly carried on between James and many perfons of the firft rank and influence in England ; that individuals of. every party, and even fome of thofe, who had been the moft zealous agents in the revolution, were acceflary to that correfpondence ; that many confpiracies were formed, and very confiderable preparations made for reftoring the authority of James ; and that, even the moft bafe and atrocious defigns were fet on foot, to put an end to the power and life of William. While we trace the difappoititment of thefe to ^^ufes of preventmg^ the fuperintendency of Providence, it will be both inftrudive and the cMreme entertainmg, to attend to the external means, by which the defigns of pending over Providence were effected ; or to inquire into the caufes, which, from menfofTng- time to time, counteraded, and at laft furmounted, the moft compli- ^^''-'^• cated and enormous dangers impending over the new government, and rendered its prefervation no lefs extraordinary, than the fruits of it have been precious. I ft. The expedations of the friends of James, and the execue BackwarJ- tion of all their plans and confpiracies to recall him to the throne, in affiiHng James. ''■ Letter from Middleton to monficur Pon- the note. Letter of Middlct6n, 2d Augull. chartraijij 27th June 1694, paragraph 5th, in Mrxphcrfon's State Papers, 1695. depended, 39S THEHISTORYOF CHAP, depended, in a great meafure, upon the aid of Lewis, whofe at- I tachment, they found, after various trials, to be neither fo dilinte- refted nor fo adive, as they fondly believed. The liberal grants of money to William ; an army numerous, well difciplined, and con- fiding, in a great proportion, of foreigners ; difcouraged any attempt of the adherents of James, to ere»n: his ftandard in England, with- out a confiderable reinforcement of French troops. To the French king, therefore, they turned their eyes, with confident expedation : becaufe he feemed to be ftimulated, by every motive of afFedion and intereft, to efpoufe the caufe and wifh for the profperity of James. If Lewis was per naps the only fovereign in Europe, who lamented the degradation of James, fo the latter was the only prince, led by in- clination, to prefer the alliance of the former to that of the confe- derate ftates. The one was almofl: affured, that, by reftoring the power of the other, he would detach England from that alliance, which was formed to obftrud and defeat his ambition. Notwith- ftanding the importance of the objed, and the reciprocal profeflions of attachment between thefe princes, Lewis feems to have liftened with coldnefs and difrelilli to any propofal made to him, for co- operating with the friends of the dethroned monarch '^. He was dilatory and reludant in the execution of any enterprife, which had for its immediate objed the reftoration of James. After the defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue, no ferious plan, for efTeding that end, feems to have been projeded by the court of France, till the begin- ning of the year 1696, when a large body of troops was drawn to- gether on the oppofite coaft, in order to embark for England. The abrupt defertion of this expedition, un^er pretence that the friends of James in England had not performed the condition, upon which the embarkation of the French army was promifed, awakened in their breads diftrefsful fufpicions of the French king, and almofl '° Letter of Middleton to I'abbe Renaudot, 2d Oi^ober 1694. Macpherfon's State Papers. extinguiflied POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 399 extinguinied their hopes of deriving any future aid from his in- terpofition. The prefence, and behaviour of James, were ill calculated to ac- quire the efteem or affedion of thofe among whom he lived. While an abjedl fuperftition, and an afcetic devotion, procured him the un- profitable adulation of fequeftered monks and bigotted priefts, they expofed him to the contempt of the warrior, and the ridicule of the courtier, who alone, by their exertions and intereft, could efledually contribute toward the reftitutlon of his depreffed affairs. A certain malignant deftiny feemed to blaft all his projeds, and banifhed the hope of fuccefs from every enterprife, in which he was perfonally engaged '\ ■' The accounts tranfmitted to us, concern- ing the behaviour of James after he left Eng- land, by thofe who meant to praffe him, ex- hibit the moll defpicable and ludicrous pidure of enthufiafm and fuperftition. He ufcd to thank God, for having taken from him three kingdoms, and awakened him from the le- thargy of fin J and that. If it had not been for that event, he would have been loft for ever. He fubmittcd to the moft fevere faftings and mortifications : he carried certain days a chain of iron, with very fharp points, fattened about his body : he performed this fevere difcipline with fuch humility, that he was put into the greateft confufion, when he happened one day to be difcovered by the queen : he ufcd to cx- prefs a ftrong defire of death, and held it to be the duty of every Chriftian to do fo. Abrege de la A'ie de Jaque II. par le Pere Francois Bretonneau, Paris 1743, pages 62. 70. & paflim. A French author, Le Compte BoflyRubutin, fpeaking of the mifcarriage of*La Hogue, ufes thefe expreffions : " La malheureufe ctoile du " royd'Angletene fit echouer ceprojet. Sile " roy (viz. Louis) Teuft conduit tout feul, " la fortuncj a fong ordinaire, auroit vrai- '< femblablemcBt' iiySrifo fa benrts'conduite, «' p. 326." James himfelf feems to have entertained a mortifying fenfe of his own bad fortune. In his letter to Lewis, after the defeat of La Hogue, he fays ; " 1 know too well, that my "■ unlucky ftar has drawn down this mitfor- " tune upon your forces, always viflortous." In this James participated of the evil defliny of his' family, which appeared fo uncommon as to attrad the notice of hillorians at an early period. Jurieu giving an accountof James IV. having been flain in the battle of Flouden, ufes the following expreffions : " Cadaver regisj " poftremo die a Dacree repcrtum, et Bcrvi- " cum delatum, ubi diu fepultura caruit ; ab " Anglis, quod Gallis et ichifmaticis faviflet " fando funeris, fepujchrique honore, ec " Chriftianis ceremoniis indignus putabatur. " A'dnotabant plerique, repertita fuperiorum " regum niemoria, Jacobum infelici potius - " Stuardx familiae fato, quam fuo cecidiffe : " quod pater, av'us et proavus, eodem potiti " regno, atqiie idem fortiti nomen, ante diem " ffrro perempti mortem oppctiiflent." The malignant dclliny of the houfe of Stu^ art was no Icfs llrikingly illuftrated by the fate of its latter repr«fentatives; namely, James V. Mary, Charles I. and James VII. with whom the royal power tenninated. The XV 400 THE HISTORY O? c HA P. The advantages, which France might exped from placing James on the throne of England, were neither fo eminent, nor fo certain, as to juftify the attempt, where the expence was fo great, and fuccefs in the ilTue fo precarious. Lewis might have every^reafon to be af- fured of the attachment and gratitude of James, if ever he refumed his authority : but the independent fpirit of the EngHlh, illuftrioufly difplayed by the late revolution, and their inveterate averfion to France, might be expeded to thv/art the inclinations, and bridle the exertions, of their fovereign. The ambition of Lewis was fo entirely direded to the extenfion of his dominions upon the continent, that, without looking forward to remote confequences, he was averfe to every plan, which required a temporary diverfion of his forces, or tended to give any inter- ruption to the fondeft objed of his defire. Hence, though memo- rials of James to the court of France were ftill received with ex- ternal approbation, and the hopes of his party kept alive by fplendid promifes, yet various pretexts were contrived to poftpone or elude the performance of them. And, when the friends of James began to be weary of the evafions, and to complain of the delay, of France, the latter alfo retorted, in the ftrain of complaint, and transferred the blame of all their misfortunes to their own negligence and mif- condudt. They w^ere indelicately reproached, for want of adivity ; for having failed to produce evidence to fatisfy the court of France of their ftrength and numbers ; and for not having ufed that influ- ence, which they might openly and fuccefsfuUy have done, to flop the liberal fupplies of parliament for fupporting the authority and en- terprifes of William '\ James, in the meanwhile, had a difficult part to ad, in order to preferve any meafure of good underftanding with Lewis, and to cherifh the hopes of his Englifli friends. He was not in a fituation to upbraid, or to complain of ill ufage.. Both his pride " Letter of Middleton to Caryl, 19th March 1696. Extrafts, January, February, March, 16^6. Macpherlbn's State Papers. 7 and POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 401 and Intereft debarred liim from the confolation of opening, to- his C H A r. friends, the mortifications and treachery which wounded his fpirit. ^_ , — . - _ _t He was conftrained, on the one hand, to do violence to truth and to his own fceHngs, while he vainly hoafted of the attachment and kindnefs of the French court, in order to animate the exertions of his friends, fretted with difappointment, and ready to fink into a flothful de^pondencr)^ On the other hand, that he might avoid the humiliating difcovery of his entire dependence on the arms of France, he was at pains to conceal, from that court, his fijfpicions of the coldnefs and defection of his partifans in England, and to make fpecious apologies for their going into the fervice of William. 2. The friends of Tames in England were divided in political ^'^'"onof , *. , , , '' fentinient fentiments, and the different conditions, upon which they propofed among hb to reftore him to the throne, greatly embarrafled and obftrudted the plans laid down for accompllfhing that event. Some, who were warm in their attachment to James, were, at the fame time, fteady friends to the conrdtution ; and therefore wifhed to reftore him upon terms, which he held to be encroachments upon the imalienable prerogatives of the crown. Thefe were called Compounders, and comprehended the moft refpedable, and the mofc numerous clafs of his adherents ". There were a fevv of this num- ber, who thought that a new revolution might contribute to the farther improvement of the conftitution, by procuring regulations with refpeft to the monarchical branch, more reftridive than thofe which had been fpecified by the bill of rights. But there was alfo a great proportion of zealous adherents to James, who had em- braced the moft fervile notions of prerogative, and who thought it no lefs prophane than dlfloyal, to narrow its limits or lop off any of its branches''". Such therefore confidered themfelves as bound, by '9 Memorial to Lewis, Nov. 1692. Macplierfon's State Papers, 169]. *" Memorials fent to James. Ibid. 3 ^ equal THE HISTORY OF C H A P. equal obligations, to reftore the king to his throne, and to the undi- ^^]': . miniaied amplitude of prerogative. The leaders of thefe parties diftiaded him with the oppofition of their fchemes and their coun- lela, and contended with emulation for the empty honours of an exiled court. The partiality of James to the counfels of the non- compoundcrs ; his addrefs, in contriving the moft plaufible pretexts for delaying or eluding to publifli a declaration in moderate terms, accommodated to the inclinations of the greateft number of his friends; evince, more than all the abufes of adual authority, his unabating paffion for arbitrary power ". Many of his friends, how- ever, ftill continued, with inflexible folicitude, to urge conceffions adapted to the temper of the people and the conftitution oT England, as indifpenfably neceflary for recovering his throne. Lord Marl- borough, well acquainted with the predominant paffion of his mafter, and, at the fame time, of the neceflity of his making conceffions, was at pains to allure his confent, by reprefenting that he might eafily break them, when he came to the throne, as being extorted by the neceffity of his affairs ". James at laft began to yield to the importunity of his friends; and publifhcd a declaration, promifing to call a free parliament, to remove all grievances, to confent to whatever bills were neceflary to fecure the frequent meetings of parliament, and to maintain the church of England ^^ He difmifled Melfort, who was at the head of the non-compounders, from the office of fecretary of ftatc, and appointed, in his room, Caryle, who was known to maintain principles more moderate, and confonant to the fpirit of the Engliffi conftitution. It is acknowledged, however, by one of ^' Extrafts from Nairn's Papers, 1692. counteraft the effedl of every thing lie could James alleges, that* his promifing conceffions, propofe for conciliating the afi'eftions of his if he returned to the throne, would alarm people. Macphi^rfon's State Papers, 169^. ^ William, and render him more anxious to " Life of James, by himfelf, 1693, Ex- maintain an armed force in- England ; that it trail 2d. Memorial concerning Scotland, would afford his enemies a handle for reply; par. 16. Macpherfon's State Papers, 1690. and, by fcvere criticifms upon his paft errors, *3 j_jfg pf James, London, 1703. &nd raifreprefentations of his future intentions, II the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, S^c. 4.0- the agents of James, that the tliftruft of his veracity and honour ^ ^. A ^• were now fo deeply rooted, and had fpread fo far, that thefe con- <__v.....^ ceiTions had but Uttle influence in fatisfying liis friends, or gaining any new converts to his interell'*. Under the fannc. imprefllon, many, who ftill maintained their attachment to the principles of he- reditary right, and who were claffed with the friends of James, he- came cold and liftlefs about his perfonal intercfl:. They were divided, in their afFedlions, between loyalty to their lawful fovereign and zeal fC)r the church of England. Thefe interefts, aj)parently at va- riance, feemed at lall to be in fome meafure reconciled, by their con- fidering the abfence and depofitlon of James as an interruption, rather than an extindlion, of the hereditary line of fuccellion. They entertained little doubt, that the fon would be recalled to the throne of England after the death of William ; and they lufpended, for a feafon, the duties of loyalty and allegiance, from a refpedl to the fubftantial interefts of their country and religion. 3. The government of William in England grew more firm, the increafing hopes of the friends of James more languid, and their efforts to re- ^v^llamT ° ftore him more remifs, while the former every day gained, and the latter loft reputation among foreign princes. Though the arms of the confederates were not attended with expected fuccefs, yet fuch was the addrefs of William, in maintaining their union, and invigo- rating their refolutions, in contriving expedients to repair their mif- fortunes, and, above all, fuch was the indefatigable perfeverance of " his fpirit, that he ftill rofe in their efteem and confidence. Not only the confederate princes, united to him by intereft, but his enemies *+ Anonymous Letter, 17th Auguft, 1694. " king's lafl: declaration, and obferve the pro- Ivlacpherfon's State Papers. Attend particu- " mifcs therein niacli>, and yet doubt, either larly to the following words : " The common " o^the eftablllnment, or tranquillity, of their " people own their prefent burdens are very " 'own church ? They anfwer, that being cer- *' heavy, yet profefa openly, that they would " tain foniQ of the promifes will be broken, " rather carry it on and on, than let popery, " they find reafon to doubt, whether any of " by reftoring the king. Ileal in upon them. " them will be kopt, &c. Sec." Macpher- " And when afiied, how they can read the fon's State Paptr.s 1694. 1 3 F 2 them.- 404 c THE HISTORY OF H A w . themfelves, gave various and ftriking teftimonles of their being afto- nillicd and overawed, by the greatnefs of his defigns, and the pre- eminence of his abilities. Upon a falfe report of his death, the moft indecent e.xprellions of joy and exultation were publicly exhibited in France as if, by that event alone, the whole power of the confe- deracy had been annihilated, and the only obftacle to the ambition of Lewis removed ". The ambafladors of James could not refti-ain themfelves from the moft peevifli complaints, when they beheld the veneration and awe, with which the charader of William had im- prefled the court of France. Such fmgulai evidences of refpeft could not fail to raife the dignity of his charader at home, and to give energy to his government, both in Holland and in England. On ch^Tia^Tof the other hand, nothing can convey a more lively pidure of the hu- lus rival. ij^iliating fituation and debafed credit of James, than the coldnefs and contempt, with which hisjiame and his bufinefs were treated at the court of Rome. No fubjedt was more irkfomp to fucceffive popes, than any application in his behalf. They waved any con- verfation that tended to introduce it. They excufed themfelves and con- " '5 Returning from Seaux, with the mar- " quis of Seigralai, in the evening after the " news of the prince of Orange being killed, " we were furpriied to find the ftreets filled . " with bonfires and images of the prince of " Orange in Ib-aw, which they threw into the " fire, while they drank to the health of the " king, and compelled all that paiTed to do " the fame. This general rejoicing was not *' difcountenanced by the court, where the " principal miniflers were under the fame " miitake. Nothing could more emphatically " exprefs the terror of the name of the prince *' of Orange, than the extravagance of joy " with which his enemies received the news of " his death." Memoires et Refledlions fur la Regne de Louis XIV. p. 236. " The confederates confefs, that had the " prince of Orange been driven from Namur, »' they would have abandoned him ; but nov/ " he is their faviour, proteflor, and idcl. " All the heroes of antiquity were but his pre- " curfors, and to triumph over the king of " France's forefight, and Viileroy and Bouf- " flers, is fo great a fupport to his reputation, " that all here conclude, that he will unite " the league, and get from England to their " bodkins and thimbles. All our conver- " fations are bringing the king to Rome, " which God forbid, and eftablifliing the " prince of Orange in England for all his life. " Some, who appeared very fixed, begin to " fay, that he mull be a great man, who •' never gives over, but pufhcs on, though " repelled again and again ; and that, at laft, " fuch a one mull accomplilh his deiigns, " which is to humble the king of France, " and to transfer all the glory of that king's " fortunate reign to himfelf." Penh's letter, 27th September, 1695. from POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. from giving him any pecuniary afliftance ; and ill concealed the con- tempt of their hearts, while they fubftituted prayers and expreffions of pity, inftead of folemn execrations of his enemies and more fuhftantial refentment,expea:ed in return for a zeal, which had facriliced all to thu interefl of popery. The earl of Perth, the amhafTador of James, exprelTcs furrow and indignation, upon Hnding that the charadler and exploits of William were mentioned with admiration by the minifters of the pontifical court ; and, that fome of them were fo indelicate, and even fo prophane, as to infuuiate their good vviOies for his fuccefs, and their cxpe£lation of deriving more benefit to the papal dominion from the continuance of his authority, though he was an heretic than from the reftoration of James, who had been a martyr to their faith. He defires to be furniihed with accounts and proofs of the feverities exercifed againft the Roman catholics in Ireland, in order to open their eyes, and to roufe the court of Rome from that criminal llupidity, which rendered her at once fo unconcerned about the fate of James and her own deareft interefts ". Such experience of de- 405 *'' " The declaration here was juft fitted for " the prefs, but Mr. Caprara, after the ad- " vances he himfelf made to get it finirtied, " alleged unexpected difficulties, fo that it is *' now laid afide. Many here pretend great " inward zeal in their prayers for the king; " but, if they do pray, they do it (o as not to " be fcen of men, either in their clofets, or, •' perhaps, the primiiive grottoes and cata- " combs." Litcott's Letter to iVIelfort, June »7lh, 1692. " I took occafion to fliow myfelf lad week " to the pope ; who, having been prepoflefTed " by the houfc of Aullria in feme points of " news to James's difadvantage, he afktd what " my letter faid, expreffing at the fame time •• fome difference as to the French. I an- " fwcrcd the bell: I could, but all by conjec- " ture, having, my lord, not hr.J tlie leall " word of any thing fiuce I came thither." Id. 24th June, 169Z. « I can eafily perceive, that all, who arc •' well affedled to the Houfe of Auftria, try, by " all means, to perfuade the pope, that the " prince of Orange is no enemy to the catho- " lies ; but only drives to maintain his acqui- " fition of the government of England." The Er.rl of Perth's Letter from Rome, 9th May, 1695. Macpherfon's State Papers. Innocent XI. received coldly an aoplicatlon made by James, to give father PeU'e a cardi- nal's hat. Innocent XI. and Alexander V], alrt'olutcly refufed to contribute, by pcciiniarv aid, to the relloration of James ; and Inno- cent XII., who was better affefted to him, often waved his applications, and affifted him in mo- ney, only, with a penurious liand. Monthly Mercury, December 1688, April J689, and paiTim. " Give me a fure account of what is doing " to hlffder the children of catholics from be- " ing bred up in the catholic religion, and yoo " would furnidi me with a new occafion of llir- " ring up his holinefs to mind the conftrv.i- " tion of that little remnant of truth that reds «' among you." Perth's Letter, 1695. fcrtioa \crnment. THE HISTORY OF Icrtion and contempt, wliere James expe£l:ed applaufe and cordial ad- herence, tended to fubvert all refpedl for his charader among his Eng- lifli iubjeas, and to check that boldnefs of enterprife, which alone could retrieve his intereft from the low ebb into which it had funk. Various 4. Some of thofe events, which were deemed raofh propitious to ^""ributtd'' the views of James, operated to a contrary effect; and, by diminifli- unexpcdcdly . .j^^ number and Influence of his remaining frieads, finally con- to ftrengthen & the new go- farmed his degradation and exile. If the frequent abfence of Wil- liam from the feat of government invited the difaffedted to confpiracy and infurredion, the prudence and moderation, with which Mary difcharged the truft of the regency, gained frieads among every party in the nation. By devolving the reins of government into the hands of the queen, William not only enjoyed a refpite from the turbulence of fadion, but, upon his return, found the violence of parties abated, and the vigour of government renewed. The executive government, occafionally delegated to the daughter and neareft heir, more eafily reconciled the friends of hereditary right to the new fettlement, be- caufe it required only a flight deviation from their principles. A zeal for the proteftant religion, and a foftering attention to the church of England, accompanied with exemplary piety, gained the political Support of the hierarchy, and the affedions of the true friends of religion and virtue. In thefe views, the death of the queen was na- turally confidered as an event fatal to the new fettlement, and feemed to open certain hopes of fuccefs to thofe, who were interefted for the exiled king. So much did they calculate upon the augmentation of flrength, which was likely to redound from the death of the queen, that they began to lower their demands for foreign aid, and reprefented in their memorials to the French king, that the friends of James, re- inforced only with ten thou^nd men, would be fufficiently powerful to reftore their inafter to his rights and dignity ". But in this, as well ^' Middkton's Letter, 13th January 1655. " ter, he had long conferences with the king " When James heard of the death of his daugh- •• of France, and letters were immediately dif- " patched. POLITICAL TRANS ACTrONS, &c. 407 well as in other conjedures, the correfpondents of the court of Saint • C ii a !'. Germains were deceived ; and from the death of the queen, the new fettlement derived the acceflion of a party, who were fecretly hoilile to the perfonal intereft of the king, and who puhlicly oppol'cd thoie political mealurea to which he was partial. During the life of her liller Mary, healthy and little fuperior to herlelf in age, the princefs Anne entertained a very diftant and precarious profpe£l of ever inhe- riting the crowrj of England. At an early period after the revolu- tion, the relentings of aft'edtion began to work upon her mind, and at laft feemed to have fubdued the impulfe of ambition. She wrote to her father, earneftly imploring forgivenefs and reconciliation, and promifed to confirm the fincerity of her repentance, by a firm adhe- rence to the duties of loyalty and natural afl'edion. While fhe re- mained under the impreffiou of thefe fentiments, a numerous body of the tories, attached to her family and interefts, oppofed the inclinations of the court; and fome of them confulted with the friends of her father about meafures for his rcftoration ". The death of her fifter, and the near profped of a crown, threw out new and powerful temptations to roufe and adluate the ambition of the princefs Anne. Refolutions, which could only be fulfilled in the humble ftation of a fubjedt, were renounced, and all the fcheme and addrefs of her friends were employed to remove every obftrudlion to her approaching dignity. From that moment the political interefi:s of \Villiam and tiie princefs " patched, to try whether any tares might be So fanguirie were tlie expeftations of the " fown among the Engli(h." Monthly Mer- correfpondents of James, upon the deathof the cury, January 1695. queen, that they wrote to him in the following " The French believe that they (hall gain words : " The great alterations, occafioned by •• more by the deathof the queen of England, " the death of the princefs of Orange, have fo " than they have loft by the death of marflul " broken and divided the Ilrength of the go- " Luxembourg. They look upon this accident " vernmsnt, that ten thoufand mtii are more " not only as an obilacle to prevent the king of " now in proportion toits prefent ftrcngth than " England's return into the Low Countries ; " thirty thoufand were before, &c." Reafons " but as an opportunity to fow new feeds of dif- o(Tcred for making a Defcent upon England, "cord, and to find the Englilh work enough Macpherfon's State Papers, 1695. " at home among themfelves." Ibid. 1695. ^' Life of James, paffim, Anne 4cS THE HISTORY OF H A P. Anne were interwoven : both were to be promoted by the Tame J^ll _. plans, and by the fame inftruments. The recognition of the right of the princefs Anne was the firfl: link in that chain of fucceflion, which William defired to cftahlifh, not only for liis own fafety, but for the future fecurity of that fabric of government which lie had faved from ruin. It was only by adopting the fame principles, by approving and extending the Aft of Settlement, and by fupporting the title of William, that the princefs could hope to afcend the throne, in exclufion of her father. Hence an external reconciliation, which anfwered all the purpofes of cordial attachment, took place between her and William after the death of Maryj and their friends co-ope- rated in the fame political defigns. This coalition not only fixed a great proportion of that intereft, which, in the early part of his reign, had been vibrating between Anne and the banifned king ; but became produdUve of meafures, which effedually barred the return of the latter and fecured the eafy defcent of the crown to a line of ^ro- teftant fucceflbrs. The diffolution of the fecond parliament, or the triennial bill, which accelerated that meafure, was coincident with the death of Mary, and produdive of fimilar effeds ; becaufe it operated, con- trary to the expectation of the malecontents, to increafe the friends and ftrength of the new fettlement. Though a powerful party in the commons oppofed the inclinations of the court, yet, by a feries of refolutions and meafures, in the courfe of five fucceffive feflions, the fecond parliament became fo far engaged upon the fide of the prefent government, that it was not to be expeded, upon the event of James's landing in England, th^y would be prevailed upon either to acknowledge him, or indirectly to promote his intereft, by withholding from William the pecuniary aid which they had been accuftomed to grant with a liberal hand. The war with France, in particular, a principal obftrudion to the hopes of James, a great ma- jority of both hcufes had approved of, and ftill feemed inclined to fupport. rOLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 433 fupport. • It was likewlfe reafonable to fuppofe, that, as the favours ^ HA P. of the court flow through the channels of parhamentary intereft, lo the difpenfation of thefc favours, for the fpace of five years, rauft neceflarily have procured to the kuig a powerful influence over the prefent reprefentatives of the nation, which would be lofl: and de- ftroyed in a new parliament, uninterefted in the pafl: meafures, and unbiafled by the experienced bounty of the court. Attending to thefe circumftances, we are not iUrprifed to find, that James and his friends confidcrcd the continuance of the fecond parliament as an unfurmountable barrier to their expedations ; and that, in many of the memorials tranfraitted from Saint Germains, it is earneflly inculcated upon the agents of that court, to cherifli the difcontents in England, and to exert their utmofl: endeavours to accomplilh a general election ". The complaints of the people did not, at that period, require the culture of foreign influence. The fufpieion, and at laft the detedion, of enormous corruption, roufed the nation, al- moft with one voice, to call for the difmiflion of their reprefentatives. Both houfcs were couftrained, by the importunity of the people, and a refped to decency, to introduce, as we have feen, different meafures, for the purpofe of obtaining a diflblution of the fecond parliament. The death of the queen, and a demand of large fup- plies, obliged the king to confent, with reludance, to a bill, which he confidered as equally fatal to his prefent influence and future power. In this apprehenfion, both the king and his enemies were miftaken, as foon appeared from the eflcd of the triennial ad upon the temper of the nation. The near approach, and frequent return of eledions, obvioufly advanced the political confequence of all orders of men in the fliate. While parliament fubfifted during the pleafure of the fo- vcreign, its connedion with the people was gradually Icflened, its obligations and attachment to the crown were daily ftrengthened ; and a qualification to vote for a reprefentative might remain *■* Middklon's letter, 13th January, 1695. 1 G dormant ^la THE HISTORY OF C H A P. dormant with the poflefTor, without his having once, in the courfe of his life, an opportunity of exercifing it, either for the purpofe of private advantage, or the control ami chaftifement of abufed power. The attention and diligence of the difaffeded, hitherto oc- cupied in thwarting government, and contriving meafures for the reftoration of James, were now transferred to a nearer and lefs dan- gerous objed, while many of them became candidates for a fhare of political influence, from which they had been hitherto excluded. The greater number regarded the queftion of aperfonal right to the crown, abftraded from the intereft of the nation, as a difpute fri- volous and uninterefting. They could not hefitate for a moment about preferring an imperfect and exceptionable title, fraught with lafting benefit to the conftitution, to the claims of hereditary right, involving prerogatives undefined and deflrudive of freedom. Such a deep infringement upon the influence of the crown, as was ob- tained by the triennial bill, they were well aware, a monarch, of James's arbitrary principles and temper,* would never endure. If he regained the throne, he would reclaim, under a fpecious refpedl to juftice, fuch prerogatives as had been torn from it, without the con- fent, and during the expulfion, of its lawful pofl"efl"or. A new pillar of liberty was ereded, which, conneded with the occupancy of the prefent king, fortified his throne, both with the afFedions and intereft of his people. After this period the friends of James de- clined in influence and zeal; correfpondence with him was inter- rupted ; the peace of Ryfwick was the decifive crifis, which ratified the authority of William, and enfured the benefits of the Revolution to pofterity. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 411 CHAP. XVI. Dijfolution of the fecond Parliament. — Summary View of its Proceedings and CharaEler. — The third Parliament meets. — Bill for regulating "Trials in. Cafes of Treafon paffes. — The Commons addrefs the King to withdraw a Grant in Favour of the Earl of Portland — he complies. — Proceedings of both Pluufes with refpeSt to an A51 of the Scotch Parliament for extending the Trade of that Kingdom. — Bill for a Council of Trade to be nominated by Parlia^nent — the King offended at it. — An Invafon of England and an InfurreElion of the Malecontents projeSted — prove abortive — /;; confequence of Lewis and the Malecontents having been deceived with refpeSi to each other's Intentions. — A Confpiracy to ajfaffmate King IVilliam. — Addreffes, Affocia<- tionsj and other Meafures forjecuring the Government. — Trial of the Con- fpirators. — Bill for attainting Sir John Fenwick — Debates on it — // paffes. — Campaign 1696. — Meafures to relieve the Embarraffments of the Reve- fiue. — Inquiry concerning Mifcarriages at Sea. I N the campaign of one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-five, c ii A p the army of the confederates was fuperior to that of the French. ^^ '• The retaking of Namur turned the balance of fuccefs in favour of ^ '^95- Campaign the former, and greatly advanced the miUtary reputation of William. "695. Auguft. In Italy, Cafal furrendered to the duke of Savoy ; in Spain, the , , , decline of the French power was manifcfted by their deferring Palamos, and contratfling their frontier to the town of Gironne. Augurt. The Englifh and Dutch fleets were every where an over-match for the French, though many merchant fhips of great value fell into the hands of the enemy, and marred that general fatisfadion, which, otherwile, mud have arifen from the profperous turn of aflairs '. ^ ; The king returned to. Kenfington on the tenth of Odober, and DiiToludon of • rr t • c rr ^^^ fccoild the next day inucd a proclamation for dillolving the prelent parlia- parliament. ' Life of WiiJiam, &c. 3 G 2 ment, 412 THE HISTORY OF ment, and fummoning another to meet on the twenty-fecond of November. He had obftinately ftruggled againft the triennial bill, not only to avert an encroachment, as he believed, upon his prero- gative, but from the apprehenfion of not finding a new parliament obfequious to his will, particularly in adopting his fyftem of foreign politics, and approving of the continuance of the war. But, as there was no profped of bringing it to a conclufion before the definitive expiration of the prefent parliament, there occurred obvi- ous and ftrong reafons for anticipating that event. However great the influence of the court in the prefent parliament had been, yet it was naturally to be expeded, that the immediate profpedl of de- pendance upon their conftituents would operate upon the members, to the diminifhing of that influence, and induce thofe, who wifiied to maintain their political diftindion, to humour the prejudices of the people, rather than to fl:udy the inclinations of the fovereign, or to purfue more liberal views of public good. The diflTolution of parliament, impatiently defired by the people, would be reckoned a gracious exertion of the prerogative, and flirengthen the interefl: of the crown at the approaching general eledion. But what, perhaps, as much as any of thefe confiderations, determined the king to dif- mifs his fecond parliament, was that perplexity and interruption to public bufinefs, which he forefaw would arife, at a feafon eminently critical, from thofe difagreeable inquiries into which the commons had entered, with refped to the corruption of fome of their mem- bers, and from which- they could not recede, without forfeiting all claim to honour and confiftency *. Summary The bufinefs and proceedings of the fecond parliament of William proceedings fumifli the hiftoriau with events and materials, difliinguiflicd not andcharac ^^^^ ^^ ^j^^-j. jnjportance, but by their novelty, from what had occurred in any former period. Though foreign war, and the ex- tenfion or defence of their dominions upon the continent, form in- ■• Burnet, 1695. terefiing POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 4,3 terefllng fcenes of the Englifli hiftory, yet the meafures, relatlri"- to ^ H a p. them, proceeded from the ambition of the prince, rather than from i_ . __f any concerted plan of national advantage, and were diredled by the ^^^'^' inclinations of the court, independently of the advice of parlia- ment, which had not then attained to any regular influence. By this parliament, foreign war, and continental connexions, were firit adopted as a capital branch of the political fyftem of England. A fyftem, fo complicated in its nature and fo comprehenfive with refpedt to its objedl:, involved increale of expence, and required expedients and refources, which, before that time, never had been devifed or exemplified. Hence the plan of borrowing and funding was introduced ; and, inftead of raifing the fupplies neceffary for carrying on the war within the year, funds were eftabliflied for pay- ing the intereft of them annually, and for difcharging the capital at a remote period. The fupplies, raifed upon this plan, in the courfe of the fecond parliament alone, amounted to more than the double of what had been granted in any preceding reign. As it is not be expeded, that either individuals or focieties fliould acquire great expertnefs in a bufinefs, with refped; to which they have derived no inftrudion, either from their own experience, or that of their anceftors, fo the fupplies were conduced with great error and extravagance by this and fucceeding parliaments. The ways and means propofed were feldom adequate to the funis to be raifed upon them; and, as neceflary confequences of this error, the operations of government were crippled, its credit deprefied, and the article of future fupplies fwelled to an enormous pitch, from the neccffity of making good the deficiency of the former. Pofterity muft lament that many millions of the national debt, with which we are loaded, might have been fpared, while the patrimonial intereft of our an- ceftors, who were then upon tlie ftage, would have been promoted, if calculations had been made with exadnefs, fupplies obtained at a reafonable premium, and the taxes levied with ftridnefs and juf- tice, X\I. THE HISTORY OF C H A P. tke*. The dlfpofal of an immenfe revenue, and the numerous of- fices to Tvhich it gave birth, brought a great acceffion of influence ^^^' into the hands of the crov^^n ; but which perhaps wras no more than fufficien4: to fupport the new government under the hard ttruggles to which it was neceffarily expofed. Unfair advantages were taken of ihe ftraitened circumftances of the nation, which flill augmented the burden of the taxes. The amplitude of the revenue excited the murmur of thofe, from whom it was exaded, and the avarice of thofe, who were employed in levying or difburfnig it. The fhare, which the rapacious politician deftined for his private emolument, appeared only a mite, taken from the prodigious mafs of the public treafure ; and no more than a juft compenfation for that liberality, which he exercifed at the expence of his conftituents. As parliament acquired more regular and extenfive power by being convened annually, and by not only granting, but by appropriating and reviewing, large fup- plies, fo the feat of a member became, more than ever it had been, a lucrative objedt. Hence the number of candidates, and the ardour of their competition, were increafed, when any vacancy in the repre- fentation happened. The eledors foon perceived their owm confe- quence, raifed the price of the favours for which they were folicited, and thus the chain of corruption was completed. From the difco- veries made by the committee and commiffioners appointed to inquire into the public accounts, it was too evident, that corruption had en- tered into every department, and that individuals of every party were ilained with peculation, which threw a blemilh upon the body to •which they belonged. There can be no doubt, that mercenary con- fiderations contributed, with their avowed principles, to render this parliament favourable to the continuance of the war. That war, as neceffary to fupport the revolution, brings no difcredit upon thofe who approved of it ; but, at the fame time, it is probable, that it might have been carried on at lefs expence, and terminated at an earlier ^ Sinclair. 2 period* POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 415 period, with eqml advantage to the nation, if powerful individuals ^ ^^ A p. had not been interefted in its prolongation. v_ — / The pubUc acts, pafled by this parliament, related more to the ^^" rcdrefs of grievances, than to the encouragement of trade and ma- nu£i£tures. The bufinefa of the war, and of the fupplies, occupied fo much of their attention, that it may be confidered as an apology for their not having direded their thoughts to objeds of internal improvement. Though they did not gratify the king, by granting that extent of toleration which he wiflied to eftablilh, yet they difcovered lefs feverity againft the Roman catholics, than what prevailed in the former and fucceeding parliaments. The fecond parliament of William is entitled to the grateful ac- knowledgments of pofterity, for their repeated efforts to fecure the purity and independence of their fucceffors : and the triennial bill will remain an everlafting trophy of their patriotic /uccefs. At the fame time, it cannot be denied, that inquiries into corruptions and public mifcarriages were not only inftituted,. but conducfted, fo much in the temper of party, and from the influence of fadious motives, that they were as little productive of honour to thofe, who profe- cuted them, as of advantage to the nation. In the interval between the diffolution and the meeting of par- liament, the king made an effort to extend his perfonal influence, by mixing, more than he had hitherto done, in public companies and amufements, and by vifiting fome of the nobility and gentry at their country feats. Such, however, was the incorrigible drynefs and re- ferve of his demeanour, that his perfonal converfation and addrefs added little to his popularity *. Few perfons, fufpedted of attachment to James, were returned in the third parliament of William ; but in the lift of the new mem- bers were many difgufted whigs, who, though fufficiently inclined ♦ Burnet, 1695. to ^.1$ . THE' HrSTOR Y OF CHAP, to thwart the meafures of the court, did not mean to carry their op- , , pofition fo far as to injure the fafety of the government . '^^'' . No material change in adminiftration had taken place during the recefs of parliament. The principal offices remained in the hands of the whigs, who pofTefled the greateft fhare of the confidence and private favour of the king. The third The third parliament of William met on the twenty-fecond of No- raeVts!"^" vember. M. Foley, who had been chofen fpeaker of the houfe of commons upon the expulfion of fir John Trevor, was again pre- ferred to that honour. The king expreJed confidence in the good difpofition of his new parliament, and of their unanimous zeal in the profecution of the war. He praifed the braverg of the Englilli troops, which had fo effentially contributed to the profperous change of affairs. ■ He regretted the neceffity of demanding as large fupplies as had been formerly granted. He complained of the deficiency of the funds, and of the debts upon the civil lift. He recommended the French proteftants to the generofity of the nation. He repre- fented the ill ftate of the coin as an additional, but necelfary ex- pence, which demanded the attention of the commons. As the former parliament had clofed their fervices with a popular a£t, fo the prefent commenced .their political career with a meafure,. no lefs confonant to juftice, than to the general defire of the nation. The arbitrary fpirit of the court, during the two preceding reign?, had been moft fignally and fatally difplayed, by the partial condemn- ation, and cruel punifhment, of perfons accufed of treafon. Though popular indignation, in the firft inftance, turned againft the court and thofe judges, who infamoufly had fubmitted to be the inftru- ments of its corrupt meafures, yet to the impartial inquirer it ap- peared, that the diftemper had a deeper root ; and that the ftatutes, a« they ftood, afforded unfair advantages to the prince and his mi- niftefis,- againft the unhappy fubjeds, who' fhould fall under their 5 Burnet. fufpicion, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. 417 fufplcion, and become the dellined vidlms of their relentment. To ^ ^' '^ ^'• remove or to mitigate thefe feverities, the commons, in every fiic- c-— >^ — ^ ceffive feffion of parliament fince the revolution, had propofed fuch ' '^" amendments and regulations refpe£l:ing trials for treafon, as were conformable to the pradlice and laws of England in the cafe of other crimes. The jealoufy of the court, kept alive by pecuHar circum- ftances of danger, and the oppofition of the lords, covered under the pretext of amendments, had hitherto fruftrated every bill framed with this view ; and difappointed the reafonable expeftations of many true friends to the conftitution. The fubje£twas nowrefumed Bill for regu- by the commons, with a fpirit, which evinced their earneftnefs and in cafes of relblution to purfue it; for they introduced it in preference to all 25th Nov other bufmefs, and while the grant of fupply was yet depending. The lords debated on various claufes in the bill, and propofed, as an amendment, that all the peers fhould be fummoned to the trial of a peer *. The commons, anxious to obtain the objed; of the bill, agreed to the amendment. The king, unwilling to enter into hof- tilities v-^ith a new parliament, aflented, though he privately wiftied ^^M^""ary„ to poftpone the reformation of the treafon laws, till government had P^^e^. attained to a more advanced ftage of vigour and tranquillity. The important claufes of the new ait were, that perfons indidted for high treafon fhould be furnifhed with a copy of their indidment live days, and with a copy of the panel of the jurors two days, pre- vious to their trial : that they fhould be admitted to make their de- fence by counfel: that the oath of two witnefles fliould be neceflary to found an indidtment: that every indidment fhould be reftrided to crimes committed within the period of three years preceding the time of its being found, and the evidence confined ftridtly to the charges exprefl'ed in the indidment : that the accufed fhould have like proceis );o compel their witnefles to appear for them, as is ufually granted to witneflTes againft them : and finally, that no evi- <" Journ. Lords, 23d December. 3 H dence 4iS CHAP. XVI. 1696. The com- inons addrcfs the king to withdraw a jjrant in fa- vour of the earl of Port- .JUnd. Ke compli-'s, THE HISTORY OF dence ftiall be admitted to any overt ad that is not exprefsly laid m the indidment. However much this bill may appear to be founded upon the ef- fential principles of juftice, yet the fuccefs of it was confidered as an evidence of the declining influence of the court. The unfavourable temper of the commons towards the king was difplayed by a meafure, which at once controlled the gratification of his private affedlion, and limited the exercife of his prerogative. After the lafl: prorogation of parliament, he had conferred, upon the earl of Portland and his heirs, a grant of the lordfhips of Denbigh, Bromfield, and Yale. The gentlemen, whofe interefts were imme- diately affected by this grant, petitioned the lords of the treafury, during the king's abfence, reprefenting, that the property transferred was unalienable j that the grant beftowed an extent of influence dangerous in the hands of a fubjed, and was already appropriated, .in part, to the falaries of judges, and other effential offices of go- vernment. The commiffioners of the treafury were fo much im- prefl"ed with the arguments produced in fupport of thefe allegations-, that they engaged to recommend the fubjed to his majefly's ferlous confideration. As more than a month had now elapfed fince his return, and the gentlemen concerned in this bufinefs had received no fatisfadion witli refped to his purpofe of recalling the grant, they oow applied by petition to the houfe of commons. After due con- fideration, the commons unanimoufly agreed to addrefs the king to put aftop to this grant. to the earl of Portland; and with their peti- .'tiou he complied, ..prftfeffing not to have, been aware of the objec- tions to which the grant was liable 'w If the excefs and irregularity •of his majefly's bounty, in this inftance, excited popular clamour, ;and'. expofed him to the mortification of being difappointed, the early •and important fervices of the earl of Portland juftified a more thaa «ommoQ attachnient,; iefiened , the : impropriety of the method by ' Journi Comraonsji 14th, 17th, 23d January. which POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 419 ■which It was exprefled, and ought to have prevented that perfonal ^ ^^ ,/^ ^'- afpcihy, with which the oppolition to it was conducted . u,— ^, < To appeafe the difcontents of the Scots, the king had heen per- Proctediii{ji fuaded to approve of an a.£t of their parliament, eretSting a com- vvith"rcfpca" pany for trading to Africa and the Eaft Indies. This indulgence to scoTchV'-'^ Scotland had immediately excited general alarm among his Englifli ''»m<^"f> '<"■ ■I o 00 extending the fubjects, and was grievoufly complained of by the Eaft India com- trade of tiut kingdom. pany, as a violation of their charter, and ruinous to their intereft ; and it was expeded, that parliament would embrace the firft oppor- tunity of reprefenting to the king the fentiments of his people. The lords entered at an early period upon the confideration of this bufi- nefs, and agreed upon an addrefs, in which the commons alfo con- curred, fetting forth the feveral claufes of the a£b confidered by them as prejudicial to the trade of England, in general, and to that of the Eaft India company, in particular '. The king vindicated himfclf, by throwing the blame of this a£t upon his Scotch minifters, whom he immediately dlfmilTed; and exprefted his defire, that remedies might be found out for preventing the inconveniences apprehended by his fubjeds. The commons, not thinking thefe conceflions fufficient determined to exercife their refentment againft the diredors of the Scotch trading Company; and refolved that they fhould be impeached of high crimes and mifdemeanours '°. The fevere lofs which the trade of England had fuftained in every Bill for a preceding year, and particularly the laft, had brought heavy reflec- ("h"'^'/ °be tions upon adminiftration: and feemed to require an eftablilhed plan "'"".'"^^cd by \ . '■ parliameat, for calling to account thofe perfons, who, by treachery or negled of truft, were acceflbry to the public misfortunes. The commons, after confidering the ftate of the nation with rcipedl to trade, refolved that a council fhould be eftabliftied for fuperintending it; and that ' See Speech of Ml. Price ; Ralph, vol. ii. 9 Journ. Commons, i4thDtc. 1695. • p. 619. '' Ibid. 2ill January. 3 H 2 this ^20 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, this council fliould be nominated by parliament ". This meafure was W'l u— «^— ^ eonfidered by the king and his friends as a dired invafion of the The king" of- prerogative; which, if permitted in one inftance, would open a door fended at it. ^^^ futm-g encroachments, highly pernicious to the influence of the crown. If parliament wrefted one branch of the executive govern- ment out of his hands, they might progreffively extend their alfaults to the utter fubverfion of the prerogative, and effed a total change of the conftitution '\ In the courfe of the debates upon this bill the vvhigs generally oppofed it, and the tories fupported it : a ftriking inftance of the prevalence of perfonal attachment againft the avowed principles of party. The fupport which the bill met with, and the averfion which the king exprefled againft it, would probably have been produdive of great internal difcord, if events of a more ferious nature had not engrofled the vigorous application of both houfes of parliament ". Many circumftances concurred, at the death of the queen, to in- fpire the agents of James, in England, with more favourable hopes of the difpofition of parties towards the intereft of their mafter, and to ftimulate his friends to make fome immediate attempt for accom- plifhing his reftoration. They were fenfible, at the fame time, that no fuccefs could be expeded without the aid of French troops ; and> therefore, that it was in vain to lay down any plan for that purpofe, without the approbation of Lewis. Great pains were taken, to con- vey to him the moft favourable impreffions of the number and ftrength of the malecontents in England, and to reprefent to him the advantage that would accrue to himfelf by overturning the govern- ment of William '*. Thefe reprefentations, however, did not obtain that attention, which was expeded by the perfons who urged them. The fuccefs of the French arms in Spain during the campaign of one. thoufand fix hundred and ninety^four, the inadivity of the troops " Jcurn. Commons, 21ft Jan. 12th and iSth Feb. 3d March. '* Burnet, 1696. " Ralph, vol. ii. p, 624. "> Macpherfon's State Papers, 1695. of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 421 of the empire, far fuperlor in numbers, and the profped of detaching ^ H -^ P. the duke of Savoy from the grand alliance, flattered Lewis with the > — — _^ expedlations of vi£tories and acquifitions upon the continent, which would more immediately redound to his own perfonal glory, and the extcnfion of his dominions. The death of the duke of Luxembourg, the ableft general in his fervice, the adverfe events of the campaign of one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-five, and particularly the lofs of Namur, difappointed thefe hopes ; and gave a turn to conti- nental affairs highly favourable to the allies. In this fituation the An Invafion French kine began to liften to the fuggeftions of the agents of Tames °'^,^'"S.'-'>"'i *-" '~^" ° J t andanin- who afTured him that the malecontents in England were ready to ^ufeftion of make an infurredion, provided they could be affurcd of his rein- tents pro- forcing them by a defcent upon their coaft. Preparations were now ^^ ' * made for that purpofe : tranfports were provided : troops, to the amount of t\yenty thoufand, were drawn from the garrifons, and ordered to march to the vicinity of Dunkirk and Calais : the French fleet from Toulon was ordered round to Breft. James repaired to 2d Mar h Calais, to be in readinefs to embark for England as foon as his pre- J^"""^'* ^^°'^' fence fhould be required there ". This expedition, prepared with great induftry and at great ex_ ;„ ^^^(^^ pence, and brought to the very eve of execution, proved abortive, ?"^""°j from a miftake on the part of Lewis, which Tames had neither the ^^'^ maiccon- tents hav- firmnefs nor the candour to corredt. The more readily to allure the "fg l^een dc- afliftance of Lewis, James had rather exaggerated the defcriptions of rcfpeft to the ftrength and profperity of his friends'; and had even gone fo far huendon" ^ as to affure him, that they were prepared to begin an infurredion, as foon as they fhould be encouraged to hope for any reinforcement from France. The commencement of an infurredion in England ■was therefore underftood by Lewis to be the condition and fignal of his interference ; and he never intended that his troops fhould cm- barkj till he had received information of that event having adtually ;s Hiiloire de France. Old Mixon. taken ^,2 THE HISTOPvY OF C H A P. taken place. The malecontents, on the other hand, were led to be- XVI. «_- lieve, that they were only expeded to take up arms when the French ^^^^' fliould appear on the Englifh coaft. James was not ignorant of this miftake ; but he was afraid to undeceive Lewis, left it fhould occa- fion the interruption or difcontinuance of thofe preparations, which were eflential to his own fuccefs ". In the mean while, the duke of Berwick, the natural fon of James, was fent into England, to ftimu- late the refolutions and adivity of his father's friends, and to per- fuade them to go beyond their firft engagements, by taking up arms, without waiting for the arrival of the French fleet, in aflurance of fupport before they could be in any danger of being attacked by the army of William. The duke of Berwick, though neither deficient in the fpirit of enterprife, nor in anxiety to extricate his father from the perplexity in which he was involved by his referve with the court of France, was fo much convinced, from near obfervation, of the weaknefs of his friends, and their incapacity to render him any effedual fervice, that no attempt was made by him to excite an in- furredion"; and the preparations made with that view were unem- ployed and unavailing. A confplracy Another interefting event concurred, with the circumftances already to aflaflinate . i i ■ i r kingWiiliam. mentioned, to put an end to this and every future attempt for re- ftoring James by foreign arms, or internal infurredions. A confpi- racy to aflaflinate the king, probably fuggefted or haftened by the dif- appointment of the invafion, was now deteded, and many of the principal confpirators were apprehended ". This alarming difcovery not " Macpherfon's State Papers, 1696. It is afierted by Burnet, and his tranfcriber " Memoirs of the Duke of Berwick, 1696. Tindal, that the affaffination of William was "• The defign of the confpirators was to concerted at the court of Saint Germains, and aKaffinate king William, as he returned from that fir George Barclay received a commiflion • hunting, in the lane between Turnham-green from James to carry it into execution. Bur- aiid Brentford. Two of them, captain Fifher net, 1695. Tindal, vol. iii. p. 201. In fup- aad Mr. Pendergrafs, difcovered the confpi- port of this afiertion, thefe authors adduce the racy to the earl of Portland, by which means teftimony of fir John Fenwick : whofaid, that it was prevented. be had heard feme of the friends of James, lately POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 413 not only turned the tide of oppofition which was fet in againfl the ^ ^\ ;^ ^- court, but became produdive of events highly fortunate for William < ^-— / and the government. Affedionate addreffes were prefented by both AJjrcfTcs, houfes of parliament; and the affurances which they contained were amrmhcr' realifed, by the immediate profecution of vigorous meafures for the J!!"[^n"th*^ enfuring of his fafety and the ftability of the conftitution. His ma- govcrnmciu. jefty was empowered to feize all fufpeded perfons, and to banifli all paplfts from London and Weftminfter. It was enaded, that, upon the event of the king's death, the prcfent parliament Ihould not be diflblved. Both houfes concurred in an aflbciatlon, binding them- felves to ftand by and aflift each other, in defence of his perfon and government, againfl king James and all his adherents ; and, in cafe his majefty fhould come to a violent death, to unite in revenging it upon his enemies, and in fupporting and defending the fucceflion of the crown, according to the ad of the firft year of the reign of William and Mary. It was declared, that no perfon who did not lately arrived from France, afiirm, that they his enemies, with a de/lgn to infnare. him. had feen a commifllon figned by James, for Life of James, i6y6. warranting an attempt to the above effeft. It is evident, that the authors, who accufe Tindal, vol. iii. p. 192. James, fall into inaccuracy, by connecting tlic A French hiftorian alfo accufes James of commands he gave to promote a general infiar- ■ having given a fecret commiflion to attack the redion, vvith the intentions of thofe who con»- prince of Orange, after having been wearied fpired to aflaflinate Williara. The tcftimony with fo many fruitlefs attempts for recovering of fir John Fenwick, when circamflanccs are his throne, by fair and open force. - Abrege attended to, appears to be of no weight in the .Chronologlque de rHiftoiie de France; torn, fcale of evidence. Under the dread of death, viii. p. 398. he wifhed to advance fome claim to merit; The acceffion or confent of James to the and, to move the compaffion of William, font 'afTairination of William, is infinuated in a me- his lady to. Dr. Burnet, declaring that he had morial which was to have been delivered at been Ihocked with -the projed of the rffallina- the peace of Ilefwick, in vindication of V/il- tion, and threatened to brc ik with his party liam's government. Somers'CoUeiSions, vol. i. if they perfilled in fuch an atrocious defign. p. AOi. ' And, after all, his belief of the all'affination This charf^e, however, is by no means was founded upon hearfay evidence, fjpported with evidence deferving of credit. All the confpirators, s/lio ■vtrc conviaec^, James expreflos the utmofl; horror at being folemnly acquitted James, before chcir e.wcu- fufpefted of fuch a crime ; affirms, that he had tion, of any knowledge or participation of the often rejeaL:d propofals made to him for aflaf- dcfign of aflaHinating William. Tindal, vol. finating Willkm ; and infinuates, that thefc iii. p. 237, Sec. jjropofals proceeded from the iiriligation of fubfcribe 42 + THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XVI. l(i<)f). Trial of the confpirators. ^ill for at- tainting ilr John Fen- tyick. fubfcrlbe It, {hould be capable of holding any public office or truft "*. The example of parliament was followed by all the counties, corpo- rations, and fubordinate clafles of citizens. The founds of loyal aflbciations were heard in every corner; and expreffions of attach- ment to the prefent government, and to the perfon of the king, were daily prefented to the court ". The fupplies this year were granted with great readinefs, and amounted to five millions twenty- four thoufand eight hundred and fifty- three pounds. To affift the credit of government, a new bank was eredted, which was called a land bank, becaufe the fecurities were to be upon land ; and, as it had been projeded and patronifed by the leaders of the tories, it was expeded that it would anfwer an important political purpofe, by rendering them more obfequious to the court. Parliament was pro- rogued on the twenty-feventh of April. After the conclufion of tliis feffion, many perfons were appre- hended and tried ; fome for being acceffory to the intended invafion, and others for being concerned in the confpiracy to alfaffinate the king. Among thefe, the moft diflinguifhed were, fir John Friend, who had acquired great wealth as a merchant in the city, and fir William Perkins, a gentleman of landed property, and one of the clerks in chancery. Of ten who were condemned, eight were exe- cuted, and two pardoned ". It is fomewhat remarkable, that all the perfons apprehended upon fufpicion, were convidied upon the clearefl evidence, and according to the forms of law, except fir John Fen- wick, in whofe cafe government found it necefTary to have recourfe to a bill of attainder ". The fentiments of the nation were divided with refped to the propriety of this meafure, and the feverity of " Journ. Lords and Commons, Z4th, 25th and 27 th February, &c. '" Among thcfe addrefles there was one fubfcribed by an hundred young gentlemen, befeeching his majefty to receive them as a troop of guards for the prefervation of his per- fon j and devoting themfelves entirely to his fervice when and wherever he fliould command them. -' State Trials, vol. v. ■ '^'^ The attainder of fir John Fenwick did not pafs till the ne.xt feffion of parliament; but, upon account of its connexion with thehiftoryof the confpiracy, I have introduced it in this place. admini- 1 POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. 4 ^ - adminiftratlon was generally condemned. The reader will judge ^ '! ,^ ^'• for himfelf, by attending to the following concife detail of the cir- \ ^-^ cumftances of the cafe, and of the arguments upon which the attain- ' ^ ' der was either juftified or condemned. Againft fir John Fenwick, only one witnefs was produced ; another I^cbatcs on It. witncfs had fled, but had prevloufly been examined by one of the fecretaries of ftate; and his evidence, together with the record of the conviction of Cook, one of the conrpirators, afforded a ftrong prefumption of fir John's guilt. The grand jury had found the bill, but his friends ufed many artifices to delay the trial ; and, as at lafl; the evidence of two witneffes ;n court was wanting, there re- mained no other method of procuring his condemnation, but by a bill of attainder. It was argued by thofe who 6ppofed the bill, that fuch a mode of trial and condemnation ought to be reforted to only in cafes of the higheft importance, where circumftances rendered it impofuble to fol- low the courfe of law. When perfons accufed of treafon made their efcape out of the country, which was a tacit acknowledgment of guilt, there was no other remedy ; or when they were found in arms, as was the cafe of the duke of Monmouth, no injuftice was done in eftablifhing their condemnation by the interpofition of Icgif- lative authority. A departing from the ordinary methods of trial, without the plea of neceflity, was one of the mofl: dangerous expe- dients of tyranny that had been pradlifed in the preceding reign, and had often been made the inftrument of fhedding innocent blood. The avowed reafon for moving a bill of attainder, was not becaufc fir John Fenwick could not otherwife be tried, but becaufe he could not otherwife be condemned. The evidence which law required to convi(fl any perfon accufed of treafon, and the advantages which it afforded him, were entitled to facred refpedt, not on account of the mere authority of the law, but on account of the conformity of that law to the eternal rules of equity and juflice. Admitting that the parliament had the power of 3 I difpenfing 4aG THEHISTORYOF difperifing with the ordinary forms of juftice, yet it would be dangerous to do fo, except in cafes the mod urgent ; and it would be peculiarly in- confiftent, in that very parliament, which had reformed the lawsof trea- fon, to fet them afide by the wanton exertion of legiflative authority. They, who contended for the ad of attainder, founded their argu- ments entirely upon the extremely perilous fituation of the kingdom. It was notorious, that, while an invafion from France was impend- ing, many perfons at home were confpiring againft the government and the life of the king. It would be eafy for fuch to elude punifli- ment by removing witnefles, and to carry on their treafcnable de- figns with fuch addrefs as might fcreen them from danger, if there were no means of convidtion, but thofe which v^ere publlflied, and therefore guarded againft by the forefight and caution of the cri- minal. Sir John Fenwick's condernnation was not defired by go- vernment from any motive of refentment, but on account of its in- fluence as an example ; to fhew that there was a remedy in cafes, where ingenuity might take advantage of the forms or lenity of law. Inpoint of effential juftice, it made little difference, whether the per- fon fufpefted fled from his country himfelf, or removed the witnefTes againft him ; or by any other method deftroyed the means of convic- tion prefcribed by the ftatute; while yet there remained fufficient proof to fatisfy every confcientious perfon of his guilt. Both parties agreed, that the legiflative authority might difpenfe with the ordinary forms of law in cafes of extraordinary importance. The only queftion, upon which they could differ, was. Whether the prefent cafe came under that defcription, and whether paffing the prefent bill would contribute to the benefit, or injury of the conftitution ? It was a pre- cedent, which even the movers of it wifhed never to be followed, except in cafes like the prefent, where the very exiftence of govern- It psiics. nient was at ftake ". The bill was carried in the houfe of commons " Journ. Lords and Commons, November, December, and January, 1697. Lords' De- bates, vol. ii. Ralph, vol. ii. p. 693. by POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 427 by an hundred and eighty-nine votes againft one hundred and fifty- fix, and in the houfe of lords by fixty-eight votes againft fixty- 1606. one. Though it may be candidly admitted, that principle, and a true regard to the intereft of the nation, had great influence on many who voted for this bill, yet there is great reafon to fufpecl, that lefs honourable motives. operated upon the minds of fome, who appeared moll anxious for its fuccefs. Siii jolin Fenwick . in hope of obtain- . in g a pardo n, had not only made an offer of important difcoveries^ but had named feveral perfons of rank , and fome in offic e, as con- cerned in the late confpiracy . This infor mation , though cenfured by the houfe of commons as falfe and malicious, and reprefented in the fame colours by the moft refpedable hiftorians of that period **, appears, from the evidence lately publiflied, to have been well founded, and c ould not f ail to provoke the refentm en t of indivi- ^ T^<^a/rel <«. duaJs, who fe fafety de pended on_jemoving, at any rate , and by "^ any meafure ^ f uch a dan g erous inftrum ent o f difcovery and accu ^ fation "'. The campaign of the year fixteen hundred and ninety- fix, as it was Campalgu In effedl the laft, fo it was the moft inadlive and uninterefting which ^^^' happened in the courfe of the war. The operations of the allies were greatly cramped, and the fpirit of the Englifh array, in parti- ** Journ. Commons, 6th Nov. Burnet, concerning the condrnS of James and William. *5 Mr. Macpherfon, upon the authority of The at tainder ji£Jir_ ]ohn F eiwick is an ex- the Life of James, imputes the attainder of fir ample of the prudence of William, in_re]h-ain- )ohn Fenwick to a pcrfonal enmity of Wil- in g his refentment . He was not ignorant of iiam againft him. Macpherfon's Hiilory, the treai:hery of fome o f thofe pp rfon s, whom. , vol. ii. chap. 3. Life of James, 1696. at that time , h e honoured and employe d. Had If the Life of James is admitted as authen- he been prone to refeutmen t. h e might have tic, on the one hand, with refpeiSt to every g ratified it more e.xtenfivcly and tffeflually , allegation and faft favourable to iiis own cha- by faving Cr John Fenwick , a nd admitting him rafter; and as equally authentic, on the other, as an evidence aga inft th ofe men , whofe trca - in eftabliftiing every infinuation reproachful to chery was aggravated by ingratitud e : but , the charafter of William ; it is obvious what u pon this and many other occafions , Wil- the confequence muft be, and how unfairly a Ham facrificed refentment jo_£OniidfijaliQniJif - - /f ^^ perfon, trufting to fuch information, mufljudge, prudence and gencrofity. ^^ ^^^ ^,,f /f,\. / ^y' ^ *^^ 428 CHAP. THE HISTORY OF cular, depreflcd, by the failure of the fupplies voted by parliament. Tlie projea: of the land bank, upon which great expeftations were founded, had utterly mifgiven, and the recalling of the debafed coin, in obedience to a refolution of parliament, made fuch a fcarcity of current money, and fuch a ftagnation of trade, as ruined many pri- vate fortunes, and flaggered the credit of the nation at large. The whole addrefs, and ingenuity of commanders, were employed to fuf- tain the army, under declining credit, and to keep them in good temper, under the hardflnps which they fufiered from want of pay. Fortunately, the exhaufted ftate of the French finances, as well as great internal fcarcity of provifions, difabled them from taking any advantage of the diftrefs of the allies; and, except the withdrawing of the duke of Savoy from the confederacy, no material event hap- pened in the courfe of this campaign. And as that event had been forefeen, it was wifely provided againft by our generals; and did not produce the alarm and confufion which might have arifen, if it had been conducted in a private and concealed manner, and taken them at furprife ^'. Sir *'' The duke of Savoy was attached to the court of F'rance ; but, under the iinpulfe of re- fcntment againll Louvois, the French miniller, he joined the confederacy. The French agents had been fecretly tampering with him, ever fince the commencement of the war : the al- lies trufted him with referve and jealoufy; and were fortunate enough to delay the payment of the fubfidy due to him according to trea- ty, while he, on the other hand, in order to obtain it, endeavoured to conceal the negoci- ations, now advancing, for a feparate peace between him and France. He obtained the reftoration of all the places taken from him during the war, and four thoufand livres for repTration of the damages which he had fuf- tained; but what, more than thefe advantages, contributed to aggrandize his family, was a marriage contrafted between his daughter and the duke of Burgundy, eldell fon of the dau- phin. Annals of Politics 1696. Lamberti gives the following curious ac- count of the duke's defeftion : " A mefTenger " was difpatched by the court of France, to " inform the duke of Savoy of the intended " afiaflination of king William ; and to repre- " fent to him, that this notice was given from " motives of friendfhip. It was fuggefted " to him, that he might now obtain advan- " tageous terms from France ; but if Wil- " liam, the keyftone of the alliance, fhould " fall, what could he do.? The duke was " ftruck with aftonifliraent ; the mefienger " took advantage of this, and declared, in a " peremptory manner, that he muft immc- " diately take his refolution, and return his " anfwer. The duke begged to be indulged " in a finglehalfhour to deliberate: he walked " abo^t POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 429 Sir George Rooke, who had failed with a large fleet from Cadiz, ^ H A P. was recalled upon the difcovery of the confplracy. Tlie Englifh fleet >_ -.-_? afterwards failed under the command of lord Berkley, and made jui'y. forae depredations upon the coaft; of France ; but this advantage was balanced by the fuccefs of the French admiral, Du Bart, who fell in June. with a large fleet of merchant fliips belonging to the Dutch, under the convoy of fix frigates. The frigates were taken, and four of them burned. Thirty of the merchant fliips were deftroyed ". I'he fecond fefllon of the third parliament of William met on the tvirentieth of Odtober. The preceding campaign, barren of events and ' fuccefs, afforded the king no materials for congratulation in his fpeech to the parliament. He was happy, he obferved, that the year had paflTed, without any diladvantage abroad, or diforder at home, con- fidering the difappolntments arifing from the funds, and the difli- culties which had attended the recoining of the money. This, con- fidered as a proof of the difpofition of the army, and of the fteady aiTedion of his people, gave him great fatisfadion. He acquainted them, that fome overtures had been made for a general peace; not- withfl:anding which, he urged the necefllty of liberal fupplies, for carrying on the war, and making good the funds already granted. He recommended to their confideration the inconveniences which ftill remained with rcfpedt to the coin, and hoped they would find " about for a little while in his clofet ; and " France and of James ; and without difco- " then accepted of the conditions of peace " vering the confpiracy, at the ftmc time fet " offered to him by France." Lamberti, " on foot againll the perfon of U'illiam, told 1696. " him only, that meafures were taken for The following paragraph, much to the fame " relloring James which were infallible; purpofe, occurs in the Monthly Mercury of " and therefore exhorted him not to lofe a April 1696, under the article Italy. " minute's time in making a private and " The new projed of the French king, and " advantageous peace, to prevent him from " of James, upon England, was as foon " being invelopcd in the ruin of the confcde- " known in Italy as in Holland. A courier " rates, which would be fury to follow the " was difpatched from the duke of Orleans " approaching revolution." " to the duke of Savoy, his fon-in-law, to lay -' Lives cf the .'Admirals, vol. ii, p. 423. " before him the projefts of the king of out 4}o THE HISTORY OF revenue. c 11 A P. out the beft expedients for recovering public credit, abfolutely nc- X\'J ^.J-.,— ^ ceflary for maintaining the war, and carrying on trade. MeaSes to The patriotic exertions of the commons in this feffion, deferve emWralr to be remembered with the warmeft gratitude by pofterlty. Both r^!"""*^'''^ admiration and efteem are called forth, while we confider the inge- nuity of individuals, in devifmg expedients, to deliver the nation from the moft preffing embarrafflnents ; and the generofity of parties, in fufpending animofities, and cordially adopting thofe meafures, which were eflential for reftoring national credit and profperity. While the example of their wifdom and fuccefs inculcates this encourag- ing maxim, that the patriot ought never to defpair under the darkeft and raoft perplexing afpeifl of public affairs, the refolutions and mea- fures, which they purfued, exhibit fpecific remedies for fimilar cala- mities, if they fhould occur at any future period. I fhall only, in general, mention thofe fads which give an aftonlfliing view of the fpirit and wifdom, difplayed in the houfe of commons. Every former feflion of parliament, fuice the commencement of the war, had never propofcd any thing farther, than to impofe taxes adequate to the intereft of the principal fums borrowed for the fervices of the year ; and they had often failed in this purpofe, through the infuf- ficiency of the funds for the payments afligned to them, and exchequer tallies were difcounted at the rate of thirty or forty per cent. The houfe of commons, during this feflion, not only provided funds for raifing the whole fupplies within the year, but alfo for difcharg- ing the deliciencies of all former fupplies. The fum of five hundred and fifteen thoufand pounds was voted for the relief of the civil lifl-, which was in arrears, and the fum of one hundred and twenty-five thoufand pounds, for making good the deficiency in recoining the money. Thefe refolutions, and the meafures by which they were accompliflied, while they refledl honour on all who acceded to them, confecratethenameof Mr. Montague, the chancellor of the exchequer, 9 to POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 431 to diftinguifhed and lafting applaufe. PofTcfled of an underftanding penetrating and comprehenfive, he devoted himfelf, with intenfe appli- cation, to theftudy of finance; and fuggeftcd expedients and rcfources, ' ^ ' which not only eluded the refearches of the inoft ingenious fpe- culators, but exceeded the comprehenfion of many, who were far from being ignorant or inexpert v^ith refpe£l to the ordinary buft- nefs of the revenue. The names of the celebrated fir Ifaac Newton, and Mr. Locke, are alfo tranfmitted to our gratitude, for having contributed their afllftancc to Mr. Montague in this arduous bufi- nels ; and it is a pleafure to publifh every circumftance, 'which adds to the merit of thofe, whofc memory is fo precious to every friend of fcience and virtue ". At the fame time it may be obferved, that all their ingenuity would have been exercifed in vain, and all their expedients and refources muft have failed, if the means and faculties of the nation had not been in a ftate of progreffive improvement. A fum e xceeding _ten miUiojis, raifed w ithin the fpace of one year, in a nation which had jj ready JuppQrted_Jeyen expenfive campaigns, affor ds the moft unequivocal proof of the increafe o f national profper it y in co nfequence of the revolution ; and found s a juft exped l ation th at f uch profperity wi ll be ^i:x)gref; five , as long as the fo undnejs_and_vigour_of t he Br i tifh conftitu tion are__preierved. ''• At the beginning of this feflion, an inquiry was inftituted with inquiry con- regard to the mifcarriage of the fleet. Sir George Rooke had been '^""■'"^ ""'[' cenfured, for not having intercepted the Toulon fquadron before it *'^** had got round to Breft. Agreeably to an order of the houfe, he *' Cuningham, vol. i. p. 155. " At the fame time that they were to fet out *' Drake's Hiftory of the lall Parliament. " fleets and pay formidable armies, of a fud- " The renewing of the money of England, " den they were melting down almoft all the " fo debafcd and counterfeited as it was, will " money of the kingdom ; ne\erthelefs they " certainly be one of the mofl remarkable oc- " then provided for all the exigencies of the " currences for future hillorians to take notice " rtate." Monthly Mercury, Auguft 1696, " of; an enterprife which equally proves the article England. I give this as an evidence of " puilTance and wifdom of the nation. There theopinion which foreigners entertained of the " is in it fomething more than ufually great, greattefs and importance of this tranfadion. produced 43* c THE HISTORY OF HAP. produced his iournals, and the inftrudions he had received from the XVI. — .--1— / admiralty. Sir Cloudefly Shovel alfo laid before the commons copies ' ^ ' of the orders fent to him, relating to his jundion with fir George Rooke '°. It does not appear that the prejudice or fpirit of party entered into thefe Inquiries; and, as no i-efolutions were formed upon them, it is fair to conclude, that no ground of criminal charge could be found. The attainder of fir John Fenwick, the account of which has been anticipated in the preceding pages, confumed a great proportion of the time of both houfes in this fefhon, which termi- nated on the fixteenth of April, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety- feven. ^° Journ. Commons, November, paffim. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, >5co. 433 CHAP. XVIL Syinptoms of the Apfroacb of Peac. — Plenipotentiaries meet at Ryfizick. The Emperor and the King of Spain averfe to Peace. — The latter brought over by the Succcfs of the French Arms. — 1'he EleSIiun of a King of Poland makes Lewis more defirous of Peace.— Articles figned. — Merits and Effects of the Peace. — Mijunderftanding among the Allies the Caufe of circimfcribing the Advantages of it. — No Toleration obtained for the Pro- teftants under the Dominion of France. — Charge againfl King William for conjenting that the Son of James fdoiild fucceed to the Crown of England — founded upon the Conferences between the Earl of Portland and the Marfial Boufflers. — ConjeSlures of contemporary Hijlorians concerning the SiibjeEl of thefe Conferences. — ExtraEt from the Life of James, charging King William with having confented to the Succeffion of his Son. — Reafons for calling in queftion the Authority of this ExtraSl. — Circumjiances which render the Fact alleged improbable. — Origin of this AJperfion upon the Memory of William. — The Succeffion of the Son of James defired by Lewis, — Conjec- ture founded upon the Authority of the Duke of Berwick. — The Subje£l of the Conferences between Portland and Boufflers.— -Information of Burnet. — His Character as a Hijiorian. — Account given by the Marquis de Torcy concerning the Conferences between Portland and Boufflers. — Inferences from the Memorials and Injirulfions fent to the Plenipotentiaries at Ryjwick. AS fome of the events of the preceding year tended to difpofe C H A H. the inclinations of the contending powers to peace, fo fteps t .-' _« had been a£tually taken to circumfcribe the operations of tlie war ; * ^^' and various circumftances concurred to excite the hope of bringing it to a conclufion in the courfe of the next campaign. The defedion of the duke of Savoy, while it reftored peace to Symptoms of Italy, fpread a fpirit of fear and diftruft among the confederates '. o/peace"^*^ ' ' Hiftory of Europe. 2 K. The ,.,, THE HISTORY OF CHAP. The difappolntment of the French invafion, aiul, In confequence of cJ^^^ this, the faihire of the confpiracy intended by the friends of James '^^'" in England, extinguifhed the hope of re-eftabli(hing his power by the continuance of the war ^ The ambition of the French king was ftill alive,' but the objedt of it was changed, and appeared to be attainable only through the medium of peace. The infirm ccnftitu- tion, and precarious life of the king of Spain, flattered Lewis with the near profpedl of advancing the honour and dominion of his family, by the acceffion of an estenfive and opulent empire. But his claim to it, though founded upon the right of lineal fucceffion, was cut off by former treaties, which would certainly be enforced by the arms of the confederacy '. Sept. 1696. Influenced by thefe confiderations, the French king fent Monfieur Callieres to the Hague, to propofe overtures for a general peace to Dykevelt, minifter of the States ; who had been warned by William to liften to them with referve, and upon .the exprefs condition that nothing fiiould be concluded without being communicated to the allies'. One important article was contained in thefe preliminary overtures, namely, that the title of William to the throne of Eng- land (hould be acknowledged by France in the moft explicit terms; and this alone, notwithftanding other circumftances of difagreement, gave the faireft hopes of approaching peace '. The king of Sweden was alfo engaged, by the folicitation of France, to offer his medi- ation for procuring a general peace; and plenipotentiaries were ap- pointed by England and France to enter into negociations for that Pier/iFotend- purpofe *. After no fmall altercation about the place of meeting, aries meet at , Ryfvvick. It was agreed, that the conferences fliould be held at Newburg-houfe, ^ Life of James, 1696. ciations for peace ; but the mediation of his ^ Variations de la Monarchie Franjoife, fucceflbr, Charles the Twelfth, was offered and tome iv. 1C97. accepted. The cir) of Pcmbro.ke, vifcoucr ♦ Ralph, vol. ii. p. 677. ViDieri, and fir jofeph Williamfon, \*ere ' Hiftorianj of the Times. named plenipotentiaries by the king of Eng- ' Charles the Eleventh, king of Sweden, land. To Callieres, the French king added died before the commencement of the nego- Crecy and Harlay. a palace I By;. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 435 a palace belonging to the prince of Orange, between the Hague ^ '^ -"^ i*. and Delft, and clofe by the village of Ryfwlck^ The conferences >>- began upon the ninth of May, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety- feven. As the emperor and the king of Spain had been brought with dif- The emperor - , r 1 f • • r r ^"'J ^^'^ king nculty to conlent to the commencement 01 negociations tor peace, fo of Spain they both difcovered repeated inclinations to difcontinue and thwart ''^^l^l, '* them '. The averfion of the emperor to a peace may be traced to the fame caufc, which rendered the king of France fo folicitous to obtain it. Upon the death of the king of Spain, thefe two princes w^ere to enter the lifts, in competition for the Spanifh monarchy j and, confidering the advantages the French king derived from the argument of natural juflice, from proximity of fituation, and mili- tary force, the emperor could entertain no profpedt of fuccefs, with- out the afTiftance of a confederacy, formed upon a jealoufy of his rival. Such a confederacy, already fubfifting, might aft with promp- titude and vigour; but, if once dilTolved, it was evident that the renewal of it would be difficult and uncertain; and that, in every view, it muft be attended with delay which might prove fatal to its defign'. The ambiguity with which France treated concerning thereftoration of fome of the places taken from the emperor and Spain in the courfe of the war, and the propofed fubftitution of an undefined equiva- lent, afforded a more colourable pretext for oppofing the peace. The relu6lance of Spain was at firft cherifhed by the influence of a The latter fadtion at court, adverfe to the claim of France upon the Spanifh bv°thVi\iccefs monarchy; but this, as well as other motives of oppofition, was «' the French furmounted in the progrefs of the treaty, by the ill fuccefs which flill attended her arms '°. The lofles which Spain had hitherto fuftained, during the courfe of the war, in diftant regions of the 7 Monthly Mercury. » Torcy, vol. i. * Hilloire de France, tom.iii. '" Ibid. 3 K 2 empire, .^r THEHISTORYOF CHAP, empire, were eafily concealed from a prince, vvhofe mean under- uJlI^ {landing, and bodily infirmities, rendered him incapable of receiving '^^"" imprefflons of calamity or danger, which did not immediately fall under the obfervation of his fenfes. But when Barcelona, fituated in a contiguous province, was invaded, and at laft yielded to the arms of Franccj the confternation, which agitated the court, quickly difperfed every fcruple and objedion to the general pacification ". The ckaion jjj ([-^q courfe of the negociations an event occurred, which ren- Porandmakes Jgred France ftiU more eager for the attainment of peace ; and dlf- JeTrouTof^ pofed her to relax fomewhat of the rigour of thofe demands, which ^""* evidently militated againft juftice, and the intereft and honour of the allies. She had exerted her utmoft influence to obtain the vacant throne of Poland for the prince of Conti, whofe elevation Ihe expedled would contribute to ftrengthen her hands againft the allies ; and fhe was juft upon the eve of eftablifhlng his fuccefs, by the influence of the cardinal primate, when the eledlor of Saxony became a competitor, and, by declaring his converfion to the Roman catholic religion, detached the cardinal from the party of France ;. 27th July, and, by engagements to the Polifh nobility, fecured their fuffrages for him at the eledion '\ Articles The peace now advanced without any material interruption ; and ligned. the articles of it were figned by the Englifh, Dutch, Spanifh, and French ambafladors, on the twentieth of September, one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-feven. The imperial and eledoral am- bafladors, by the inftigation of the emperor, entered their protefta:- tion againft it '\ It was impofl^ible that the emperor could ftand fingle and unfupported againft the power of France. His pride and " Spam alfo loft Aeth in the courfe of thefe not known till after the peace v.^s figned, yet negociations. The king was fo ignorant as to tlie fear of it may be fuppofed to have had in- bclicve that Mens belonged to the king of- flaence upon the court of Spain, 20th Septcm- Ent^land, and to pity that prince when it was her 1697. taken by Lewis. Torcy, ^-ol. i. p. 8. A '- Hiiloire de France, torn. iii. French fleet was fent to the Well-Indies, and '3 Ralph, vd^ii. p. 753. lock Carthagena; and, though tliat event was obftinacy POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 437 1697. obftinacy were, however, in fome meafure fatisfied, by the reluc- ^ ^f •'^ ^- tance and helitation of his conceflions to the conftraint of political neceflity. He firft conlented to a cefTatlon of hoftilities with France: he next accepted of Brifac and Frifburg, as an equivalent for Straf- burg ; and, at lafl:, he put the finifhing hand to the peace, by fign- ing the articles, with expreffions of difcontent, a month after the reft of the confederates '*. By the terms of the peace, no new or ftriking advantage was ob- Merits and tained by any of the contending powers ; and the political ftate of peace. Europe was placed nearly in the fame pofture as that, in which it had ftood at the commencement of the war. In this fimple and general view, the treafure and blood of the confederates may appear to have been wantonly and unprofitably lavilhed ; and England, ■which contributed more than her proportion of both, though fhe had lead to expedl from the fuccefsful ifl'ue of the war, may appear to deferve the greateft fhare of that cenfure which is due to rafli and deilrudive policy. In order to eftimate, candidly and truly, the merits of the peace of Ryfwick, fo fiw as they relate to the intereft of England, it is ne- ceflary to recoiled: the motives, which engaged her to enter into the war, and the advantages fhe expeded from the profecution of it. There were, evidently, two principal objeds of the war, interefl:- ing both to England and the allies: J ft, It was intended to control the ambition and deprefs the power of France : adly, It was necefl'ary to confirm the revolution, and to fecure to William the poffeflion of the throne of England. In the lirft of thefe, England was interefted more remotely, and conjundly with the other confederate powers j '* By the fourth article of peace, the French any enemy of the faid king of Great-Britain ; king promifes, for himfelf and his fnccefTors, and that he will in no manner whatfoever fa- that he will on no account whatfoever dillurb vour the confpiracics which ill-difpofed perfons the king of Great-Britain in the pofreiTion of may, in any place, contrive againft faid king, the kingdoms, &c. which he now enjoys ; and See the articles of the peace. Life of William^ therefore engages, upon the faith and word of vol, iii. Appendix, p. 22. a king, that he will not give any afliftancc to bui ,,q THE HISTORY OF CHAP, but the other, namely, the confirmation and permanent eftabllOiment iJi!!i^ of the revohition fettlement, was her peculiar, appropriated concern; '^^'' though, by its immediate effeds, it was intimately conneded with the former, and fo far reckoned an obje£t of general concern to the al- lies. The zeal of William to humble France, fupported by the wealth and power of England, it was believed, would fully anfwer the moft fanguine expedlations of the confederacy. It has been ob- ferved, in preceding g^fiages of this hiftory, that the power of France, from a variety of incidents, had afcended to fuch a pitch as to excite univerfal jealoufy and alarm. From her repeated incurfions into the frontiers of Holland, as well as from her intrigues with in- ternal faaions in the States, it could not be doubted, that they, after the conqueft of the Spanifh provinces in the Low Countries, were deftined to be the viftims of her ambition. If the power, and , particularly, the maritime power of Franc e, had been a ugmented by the conqueft of Holland , or even by its redudion to a ftate of de- pendence upon her , the commerce , the opulence , and the force of England , mud have b een, jn prop ortion, ref kj'^ed and diminifhe d. £^y, there was ground, to apprehend, that, in confeq uence of fuch an event, the independence a nd conftitution oL JEngland would ha\'e been ex p ofed to extrg me hazar d. Attending- to thefe circumftances, it is natural to fuppofe, that the patriotic anxiety of William for Holland rendered him fedulous to propagate a terror of the power of France, in order to aflbciate neighbouring princes in a common fcheme of defence; and particularly to cherifh, as far as his influence extended, in England, an impreffion of the infeparable connexion of her intereft with that of Holland. His elevation to the throne of England augmented that influence : but it is evident that he did not plant or infpire thofe fentiments of oppofition between the intereft of France and England, or of a connexion between that of England and Holland. From the whole tenor of the preceding hiftory we have feen, that a jealoufy of France was the pre dominant paflion 'yi^-i POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. -^yj paflion of the Eng lifli, that the oppofing this paffion was the caufe of C II A P. the difcontent and factions, which difturbed the reign of Charles the « .— ^ Second; and that the well-known conformity of the fentiments ' ^^' and affedions of William to thofe of the Englifli, with refpedt to foreign politics, firft excited the ftrong prejudices of the nation in favour of that prince, and paved his way to the throne of England. The defire of reducing the power of France was not, therefore, fug- gefted by William to the people of England ; but was already en- graven upon their hearts; and difpofed them to enter, with full ap- probation, into the war; and, in the profecution of it, to fubmit to public burdens, unexampled in any preceding period. How far then was this objed attained by the war, or finally fecured by the peace. It will be readily acknowledged, that the fucccfs of the war was not adequate to what might have been expedled from the colleded forces of the confederates, and the fpirit and views with which they entered into it ; and, in the fame proportion, the terms of peace fell fhort of thofe views, which had been generally indulged at the com- mencement of hoftilities; and were found, after the experience of a few years, infufBcient to reflrain the ufurping fpirit of Lewis. But ftill, though the territorial dominions of France were not im- paired," nor her ambition extinguifhed, nor the power of gratify- ing it, in future, annihilated, there remained obvious and impor- tant advantages, which ought fairly to be afcribed to the war, and which were fufficiently fecured by the articles of the peace. The encroachments, which the French king attempted to make upon the provinces of Spain, of the empire, and the States, were pre- vented: their frontiers were defined, and better fortified againfl: any future afiaults from France : her internal power was weakened : her refources were exhaufted ; and fhe was reduced to a ftate lefs for- midable to Europe, than that, in which flie flood previous to the refiftance fhe met with from the arms of the confederacy. I, yi- /^ " ^ ■ £.^ /Ct/^' 44^ THE HISTORY OF C HA P. As the oppofidon of France to the revolution in England, and ,_ ' . the affiftance flie promiied to James, was another caufe of the war, '^''^" fo the acknowledgment of the right of William, in the moft explicit terms, and the renunciation of any future fupport to the dethroned prince, which were fully obtained and fecured by the peace of Ryf- wick, gave confirmation and ftability to the revolution. In this view, its merits muft ftand high in the eftimation of every friend to liberty and the conftitution. If the revolution was indifpenfable to the attainment and prelervation of thefe ; if the fruits of it, which we ourfelves have reaped, exceed the moft fanguine hopes and cal- culations of thofe, who were the inftruments of promoting it, can we hefitate to pronounce, that it was impolFible ior the nation to pay too great a price for fuch ineftimable bleffings; and, that it would have been daftardly and treacherous in our fathers, to have fhrunk from expence and dangers, which were neceffary to render them fecure and permanent to their pofherity ? Mifunder- Though thefe fubftantial advantages were obtained by the war, it among^the "^^11: be regretted, that an unfortunate mifundcrftanding among the allies, the^ allies, after the commencement of their negociations for peace, was cumfciibing ^ot only the occafion of their facrificing the interefts of their com- the advan- / _ _ tages of it. mon friends, but of their thwarting one another in articles, in which the honour of the principal members of the confederacy feemed to have been deeply engaged. The dutchy of Lorrain was reftored to its proprietors, in that difrnembered, dependent condition, to which it had been reduced by the peace of Nimeguen ; and to which his predeceflbr never had confented '^ The expedations of the French proteflants " The duke of Lorrain has rendered his country. To thefe terms he had refufed to eflential fervices to the emperor and the confent. Upon the commencement of the war States, in the war concluded by the peace of 1689, he was appointed to the chief command Nimiguen 1678; and yet, by the terms of of the imperial army ; and, at the fame time, the peace, he was almoft entirely fubjeded to he publifhed a manifello, declaring war againll the difcretion of France, which infilled upon France, in his own right. His death, April retaining theproperty of lands running through 1690, when he was juft preparing to take the iicld. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. "441 proteftants were fatally difappointed by the conclufion of the peace. ^ HA?. They had met with a kind reception from tlic king and the people of ' — — / England, and were encouraged to hope, that their rcftoration, and "^•'' the free exercife of their religion, would have been made a condi- tion of the treaty ; but, as if it had been a matter of inferior mo- ment, or, perhaps, from a foreboding of difappointment, their bufinefs was poftponed till the clofe of the treaty. Two days before figning the articles between England, Spain, Holland, and France, a me- morial was prefented by the Dutch plenipotentiaries, in favour of the proteftant refugees. The French king received the propofal v.ith difpleafure, and declared, that he confidered it as an invafion of his prerogative, for foreign princes to prefume to interfere in any fubjedl connedled with the internal government of his king- dom ". The proteflant religion fuftained a fhock in another inftance; after No toleration it appeared fecure, by the firft fteps in the negotiations for peace. In tiic proteiu'^ conformity to the articles of the peace of Weftphalia, admitted as the ^"''."1^"^^* bafis of the prefent treaty, as well as the fundamental laws of the franco^ empire, and repeated and folemn ratifications, it was demanded by the ambafladors of the proteftant princes, that the Lutheran re- ligion fhould be tolerated in Strafburg, and other cities of Alfatia, left in the poflefTion of France ; but this demand, however juft, and field, was reckoned ominous to the allies; as " pold duke of Lorrain, defcenJed from fixty. lit- was elleemcd a gallant foldier and able ge- " feven dukes, one after another, of tliii au- neral. The defertion of the fon, who was a " guft race, and fo illuflrious, that there is minor, at the peace of Ryfwick, brought a " not any king or prince now living in Eu- great ftaln upon the allies. " rope, no not the king of France himfelf. The queen of Poland prefented a memorial " but has fome of their blood running in his to the plenipotentiaries, reprefcnting, in fpirited " veins." Monthly Mercury, July 1697. and pathetic te;ms, the injullice done to lier fon The tenth article of the treaty relates to Lor- and family. The reftoration of Lorrain to her rain ; but does no more tlian renew what was fon, (lie demanded as a preliminary to the peace, agreed to at Nimigucn, to which the late duke " I plead," fays (lie, " in behalf of four or- never had confented. Ibid. " phan children, of whom the eldeft is Leo- '' Tiiidal, vol. iii. 3 L ho-wever 44^ THE HISTORY OF CHAP. xvn. 1697. Charge againll king William, for confenting that the fon of James Ihould fuc- ceed to the crortii of £ngland. however much defired by king William and the States, was defeated by the bigotry or ill humour of the emperor, who agreed, by the fourth article of the treaty with France, that the Roman, catholic religion fliould remain in the fame ftate, in the places reftored, as it then was. A joint remonftrance againft this article was prefented by the minifters of the proteftant princes, but could not procure the fuppreffion of it ; and, of confequence, a great number of proteft- ant churches was condemned '^ Whatever demerit was contracted by the negledt of the proteftant Intereft, and whatever injuries it fuftained, in the inftances now mentioned, at the peace of Ryfwick, they are equally chargeable upon all the proteftant powers who were engaged in the confederacy. A charge of a more heinous nature, and deepfy afFeding the veracity and the honour of William, was obliquely infmuated immediately after the conclufion of the peace ; but met with little credit at that period. It has been again revived by a late hiftorian, and affirmed with fuch pofitive affurance, and with fuch pretenfions to proof, as require a full and accurate difcuffion, in order to form a juft opinion of the charadler of William, and of the internal ftate of politics in England '^ The charge againft him is this ; that, by a fecret article of the treaty with Lewis, he confented that the fon of James fhould fucceed to the crown of England after his own demife; and that, upon this exprefs condition, Lewis engaged to acknowledge the title of William, and to give him no difturbance in the pofleffion of the crown during the remaining part of his life ". That the reader may be enabled to judge, after full Informa- tion, concerning the nature and evidence of this charge, I fhall nov/ recite the circumftances from which it arofe, and attend to the dif- ferent inferences drawn from them by contemporary authors. I fhall next give a fair account of the authority and evidence, upon '' Burnet, 1697. *2 Macpherfon, vol.ii. c.3. ■5 Ibid. which POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &:c. .443 -u-hich the opinion of Mr. Macplicrfon is founded; and fliall ftalc ^ ^' * ^^ the ohjedlons, to which, both that evidence, and his conclulions, arc v_- — .- „_; hable. , ''"• After the treaty of peace had been carried on for three months. ^'"'I''^*^'' "p- ■^ ' 'on the coii- without the near profpedt of a conchifion, the curiofity and expe£br 'ercncts bc- f t 1 1-rr • • twccii the ation, of all the difierent parties concerned in it, were attracted by a ^arl ofPort- ncw and unlooked-for fcene of negotiation. The earl of Portland, mariiui the confident of king William, and marfhal Boufilers, one of the ^°""'">- generals of France, often met between the two armies near HaB, without attendants, and continued for a confidcrable time in conference. The firft of thefe conferences was held on the tenth of July, one thou- fand fix hundred and ninety-feven; they were repeated on the fifteenth, the twentieth, the twenty-fixth, of the fame month, and concluded on the fourth of Auguft; when, after having remained feveral hours in the field, the earl and the marfhal retired to a houfe in the fuburbs of Hall, called for pen, ink, and paper, and, it is fuppofeJ, reduced to writing the fubjedt or terms of peace, which they hadpre- vioufly difcufled and fettled in the field ". The day after this laft: interview the king left the camp, and retired to Loo ; and the earl of Portland was fent to acquaint the commiflioners of the allies, that, fo far as concerned his mafter, every thing was fettled between Eng- land and France ; and to reconittend to them, and particularly to the agents of the emperor, who had hitherto appeared tardy and diffatisfied, to haften their endeavours to bring about a general peace ". It never was clearly afcertained, whether thefe detached confer- ences, between Portland and Boufflers, were firft propofed by Wil- liam or Lewis; and, as the fubied of them remained a profound <^o"i«'^"'"" 'or contempo. myftery, not only to the world, but to the plenipotentiaries of rary hiiiori. the confederates, they proved theoccafion of various conjedures, ing'the rib- and excited the hopes and the fears of difierent parties. Dodor aafereJcc'T. »"' Hiftorlansofihe umL-s. *' Vie de Boufflers. Life of William. 3 L 2 Burnet 444 CHAP XVK. 1697. Extrafl from the Life of James, charging king Wil- liam with having con- I'ented to the fucceflion of bis fon. THE HISTORY OF Burnet ailerts, that the earl of Portland told him, that the fubjeft of thei'e conferences was concerning king James ". Kennet informs us, that many of king William's friends entertained a fufpicion, that he had entered Into a private agreement with the king of France about king James, or his illlie, upon conditions of having the peace- ful enjoyment of his dominions during life, and of being acknow- ledged king of Great Britain by his Chriftian majefty; that fome were of opinion, that thefe conferences related to the dowry of king James's queen ; and that others again, at a later period, conjedured, that they were the foundation of the partition treaty, afterwards concluded between William and the king of France ". The author of the Life of William adopts the narrative of Kennet '\ In an. ^xtrata of the Life of James, publiflied by Mr. Macpherfon, it is poii- tively affirmed, " That the king of France had underhand prevailed " with the prince, of Orange, to coafent that the prince of Wales " fhould fucceed to the throne of England after his death.'' But, according to the fame extrad, " the propofal was rejeded by James, •* upon the fcore of confcience. He could not fupport the thoughts " of making his own child an accomplice to his unjufl: dethrone- " ment *\" Upon the authority of this extract, Mr. Macpherfon admits it as a fad, that the fucceffion of the fon of the exiled king was the fubjed of the fecret negotiations, carried on by the earl of Portland and marfhal Boufflers ; that William confented to the fon of James fucceeding to the throne of England after his death ; that Lewis engaged, upon this condition, to acknowledge his title, and al- low his reign to elapfe in peace; and that thus, a myftery, long impe- netrable, is now clearly developed. From thefe conclufions, this hif- torian declaims, with pointed invedive, againft the hypocrify, the ambition, and the treachery, of the man, whofe adions have been hitherto afcribed to public fpirit, and zeal for the caufe of civil and *^ Burnet, 1697. *^ Kennet, vol. iii. p. 737. *+ Life of William, vol. iii. 1697. *5 Life of James, 1697, Extraft 2. religious POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 445 religious liberty. In order to fuftain the charge, and, perhaps, to '^ " ^^ ^^ extenuate the guilt involved in it, he enumerates the motives, which, > 1^ probably, prevailed with William to facrifice honour, principle, and '^'''^" tonfiftency of charader, to political advantages". I'ut if the fadl is once admitted, the propriety of the dctradion will not be contro- verted; and the charader of William muft fink, in the eftimation of thofe, who, however much they may be warped by the prejudice of party, flill maintain inflexible principles of morality, and a fupreme veneration for immaculate examples of honour and patriotifm. At the very threfhold of this difpute, the candid inquirer will find Rcafons for himfelf ftajrcercd with thofe circumflances fuerefl-ed by Mr. Mac- """.'-^ "\ ^° °" J qiicllion the ■ pherfon, with refped to the authority of tliat information, which is ^"''""'''y °/ 1 ,- !• 1 r r r 1 1 ... . , this txlradti the lohtary bans or inch deep crimmation, imputed to the charader of William. It is acknowledged by this author, that the Continu- ation of the Life of James, from which the extrad, containing this remarkable information, is tranfcribed, was written or compofed, not by James himfelf, but by another hand ". But he adds, " As ** it was done under his infpedion, and correded by himfelf, it " pofleflies as much authority as if it had been written by him, in his " own hand ^\" To every inquifitive reader the following queflions will fpontaneoufly occur, as the folution of them appears mofl; im- portant, to dlred his judgment upon the fubjed now under our con- templation. Who was the author or writer of the Continuation of the Life of James ? From whom did he derive his information ? From wh^t evidence is it concluded, that the work was revlfed or correded by James ? Can any fatisfadory reafon be afligned, why James, who furvived four years after the peace of Ryfwick, and who had committed to writing, with incelfant labour, many trivial incidents of his former life, fhould have laid down the pen, and difcontinued his journal, when an event ftarted up, fo interefting to his family, lb >< Macpherfon, vol. ii. c, iii, *' Life of James, 1657, Extraft 2, in the no:e. *' Life of James, 1697. reproachful xvir. ^^ ^THEHISTORYOF CHAP, reproachful to the character of his antagonift ; an event vjhkh af- l^'!L_y forded fo honourable a teftimony, as he imagined, to the fteadinefs '^^"' and purity of his own principles; and which, in various points of •view, muft have appeared a diftinguifhed fubjedl of record ? -Circum- But fuppofe again, that the propofal, of fecuring to the family of S"thi"'^ James the fucceffion to the crown, had really been made by Lewis, SmFobable. agreed to by WiUiam, and imparted to James, is it credible, that it could have been concealed from the friends of the latter ? or, if the fad had been m?.de known to them, that it fliould not have en- tered the circle of converfation, and added to the mafs of political intelligence, among all parties in France and England ? It is not al- leged, in the Life of James, nor pretended by Mr. Macpherfon, that Lewis exacted any obligation to fecrecy from James ; nor was there any reafon why he fhould have come under fuch an obligation, fmce the tranfadion was begun and finifhed without his know- ledge or participation **. Befides the difficulty of keeping a fecret, fo well calculated to gratify curiofity and excite aftonifhment, which are flrong temptations to reveal fecrets, various and preffing motives muft have induced the friends of Lewis and James to divulge it to the world. The latter were deprefled and offended by the coldnefs •with which the affairs of their mafler were treated, during the pro- grefs of the negotiations at the congrefs, and at lafl driven to defpair, , and filled with indignation, when they found that his interefls were treacheroufly negleded by Lewis, at the peace of Ryfwick. After repeated and flattering promifes, Lewis did not fo much as infill, that the commiffioners of James fhould be accefTory to the negoti- ations for peace. Even his memorials were excluded from confider- ation, nor did it appear, that any remonflrance or proteftation was entered, in the name of the French king, in order to palliate the indignity of the affront, or any condition or advantage obtained by Lis interceffion for James, to mitigate the feverity of a fentence of *-> Life of Bentlnck, Blographia Brkannica, degradation POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS^ &c. 447 jf97. degradation and exile, corroborated by the Iblcmn engagements of ^ \^.,{\ P' the mofl cop.fiderable princes of Europe ^°. If the French king had ftipulated for the fucceflion of the fon, and, more efpecially, if the rejedion of this article no longer required it to be locked up in fecrecy, he would have had fomething to plead with the friends of the father, to appeafe their refentment, and to vindicate the honour of his friendfliip. It might have been reprefented, fliirly, in behalf of Lewis, that, when the circumflances of his own fu"bje6t$ were taken into confideration, difcouraged, drained of money, depopulated by war and famine, the compromife he obtained for the family of James was a fufficient apology for a temporary, external dereliction of his intereft. But, fuppofing that James neither chofe to admit nor to furnifh others with any apology for the condudl of Lewis, by accepting his offer to fecure the reverfionary fucceflion of the crown of Eng- land to his family, while his own perfonal title was formally dif- claimed and abandoned ; yet, what reafon could he have for making a fecret of a tranfaftion, tlie difcovery of which muft have fo highly redounded to his private advantage, both as it eftabliflied the refined integrity of his character, and might have effectually adminiftcred to the confolation of his friends, and the future fupport of his in- tereft, ready to expire by their defpondency, in confequence of the peace ? James, according to the account extracted from his Life, re- jeded the pi-opofal of Lewis ; becaufe it was fraught with injuftice, and muft have loaded his fon with guilt. His friends, who boafted of his moderation and difintereftednefs, in declining to accept the crown of Poland '", muft have liftened, with applaufe and delight, to =• Tindal, vol. iii. engagements to reftore him to the throne of '' After the death of Sobbeiflci, 1696, James England. James refufcd the offer, becaufe iie was propofed, by fomeof the eleftors, to be his thought it would imply a renunciation of his fucceflbr to the crown of Poland. Lewis made right to the crown of England, Life of James, intimation of this to James, and probably wifhed 1696. him fuccefs, as it would relieve hiaifeif from his a more '448 • THE HISTORY OF H A P. a more flrlklng example of the fcrupulous rigour of his juftice, and _ . the power of his faith, by fpurning at indired means to eftabHfh a '^"^'' righteous caufe, while he relied entirely upon the juftice of Provi- dence, for the rcftoration of the dignity and rights of his family. In a political view, the communication of this important fecret muft have been falutary to the intercfts of James. How much would it have contributed to raife the drooping hopes of his friends, and to keep alive among them the fpirit of union and cnterprife, to have been informed, that the reftoration of the royal family was pro- pofed by Lewis, and that every obftacle to that defirable event would be removed by the death of William ? The accomplIflTiment of their fondeft wifhes was only for a fhort time to be delayed. The know- ledge of fuch an important fecret might eafily have been improved into an anticipation of the objed, which was yet diftant and un- certain. If it had once tranfpired, that William had confented to the reftoration of the exiled family, the difappointment and refent- ment of one party, no lefs than the hopes and afFedions of another, muft have proved fatal to his dignity and life. All parties would have contended, with afliduity and zeal, to make their court, by whatever means were moft acceptable, to the houfe, to which the royal power was to return and be attached. If no other purpofe but the gratification of malice could have been obtained by it, yet that would have been fufficient inducement for proclaiming to the world a fad, fo deftrudive of the reputation of William. He would have been held forth as the bafeft impoftor, that ever made any pretenfions to principles and patriotlfm. Con- fidering the hazards to which fuch a compadl muft have expofed his dignity, his reputation, his life; he muft have appeared, not only devoid of principle, but what his enemies never alleged, unac- quainted with human nature, and utterly deftitute of the firft prin- ciples of prudence and policy. Would he have confented to a raeafure that put him fo much in the power of his enemies ? He well POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, e^c. 449 well kntw, that any conceflions made by France, for his dignity and ^ ^ :^ ''• peace, were merely compHmental, and conftrained by ncceflity ; and >^ ~i—* that no obligation to honour or fecrecy would have reftraincd Lewis from employing fo fit an initrument to gratify his refentment, againft a perfon, who feemed to be raifed by Heaven to be a check and fcourge to his ambition. The filence of later authors, no lefs than the fentiments and be- haviour of contemporary hiftorians, heighten the incredibility of William's having been acceffory, or confcnting, to any propofal for reftoring the exiled family. The malice of his enemies did not ceafe upon the expiration of his Hfe and power. The rancour of a party, irritated by the fuccefs of his enterprife, and by their own difappointment in repeated attempts to overturn his power, was tranfmitted, with unabated vehemence, to the reprefentatives of their families, and the fuccefTors of their principles ; and the condu£l of William has been fifted with all that fcverity of criticlfm, and attacked with all that afperity of invcdlive, which are ufually levelled againft perfonal enemies, and the living authors of recent injuries. Is it not amazing, that a tranfadion, fo decifively fatal to his reputation, (hould never have reached the ear open to the whifpers of fcandal, nor met the eye intent on the page of defamation ? Among the multitude of fevere inquifitorial fearchers, who have ranfacked every fequeftered repofitory of information, nothing but the moft profound filence remains, with refped to the fadt now in queftion. Which then, let the judicious reafoner pronounce, which of the alternatives is beft entitled to belief; that a fa£t fo extraordinary and interefting Ihould have efcaped the obfervation and refearch of the curious, inquifitive, and malicious reader ; or, that it fliould have been forged and inter- polated at a later period, by enemies to the perfon and politics of William ? Nor, upon the fuppofition that this calumny, fo injurious to the Origin of this charaQer of William, had fpread immediately aftir the date of the on the memo. 3 M tranfaaion O'-f William. ^^o THE HISTORY OF CHAP. tranfa£t*ion with which it was connedted, would it require any ftretch tJ^L^ of ingenuity to account for its origin and currency, without admlt- The fuccef- ting it to havc exlfted in faa. The plan of reiloring the fcepter to fion of the ^ family of Tames muft, unavoidably, have entered into the mind Ion or jAtnes ' j j ' ' defireJ by jjf Lgwis, when he found it neceflary to depart from his promile to the father, and formed the refolution of acknowledging the title of William. Afhamed of having deferted his friend, but unable to ad- here to his firft engagements, he might, for the purpofe of giving confolation to James, as well as for his own vindication, fuggeft the profpedt of the fon's elevation. He might undertake to lend his hand to accomplifli it. Nay, he might probably proceed farther, and propofe this compromife, at the congrefs of Ryfvvick, by way of peace-ofFeringto James, indignant and humbled becaufe his dethrone- ment and exile were to be ratified in the terms of the peace. It was of little importance to Lewis, whether it was agreed to or not. His intention was anfwered ; his breach of friendfhip, in fome degree, expiated, if he had it in his power to fay that he had made fuch a propofal. Indeed, from the influence of contingent circumftances in England, it was, at leaft, not an improbable event, that, without the mediation of Lewis, the fon of James might fucceed to the throne of his anceftors ; but the confent of William, upon all rational grounds of political calculation, would have tended to obftruft, rather than to promote, that event. The ambition of the princefs Anne, which often fupprefTed the returning emotions and ftruggles of natural affedlion, would inftantly have taken alarm : the ftrenuous exertion, of her friends would have been employed : every intereft improved, and every party invited, to fortify the ad of fettlement. Nor is it in the leaft degree probable, confidering the antipathy of the Englifh nation to France, that they would have conlented to receive a prince, upon the ftipulation of the French king with William, in di- re£t contradidion to the avowed principles of the latter, and to the adl of fettlement promoted by his influence. The confent of Lewis to ac- knowledge POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 451 1697. knowledge the fon of James, as king of Britain, four years after- ^ HA P. wards, upon the demife of his father, roufed the indignation of the people in England ; and conftrained a tory miniftry, in oppofition to their political predilections, to enter into the fecond grand alliance. The teftimony of a refpedable contemporary author adds great weight to thefe conjedures, concerning the origin of the ftory, rela- tive to the fucceflion of the fon of the abdicated king. In the Me- Conjefture moirs of the Duke of Berwick, we meet with the following remark- on"t'hc au"/' able paffage, diredly applicable to the fad under controverfy : " A |h° X^'of " little while after the peace of Ryfwick, his mod chriftian majefty ^^^^vick. " had propofed to the king of England, that, if he would fuficr the " prince of Orange to enjoy the kingdom in quiet, he would enfure " the pofTeffion of ir, after his death, to the prince of Wales. The " queen, who was prefent at the converfation, Would not allow her " hufband time to anfwer ; and declared that fhe would rather fee " her fon dead, than in pofleflion of the crown to the prejudice of " his father ; upon which his moft chriftian majefty changed the " converfation. It is probable, that what he had faid, had been prc- *' vioufly confulted with the prince of Orange ; and it was, if I may " venture to fay it, a great imprudence to refufe fuch an offer '\" The attentive reader need not be direded to obferve, that the ac- count given by the duke of Berwick, in thefe fentences, concerning the propofed fucceflion to the crown of England, differs, in very ma- terial clrcumftances, from" that which is publifhed by Mr. Macpher- fon, in the Continuation of the Life of James. The latter fuppofes this propofal to have entered into the negociations for peace at Ryf- wick. The former ftates it to have been pofterior to that event. If it had been firft ftarted at the negociations for peace, it is not probaWe that the duke of Berwick could have been ignorant of it. A more ftriking difcrepancy flill occurs between the accounts of thefe iwor authors. The duke of Berwick afcribes the refufal of this offer '* Memoirs of the Duke of Berwick, vol. i. p. 157. 3 M 2 made ^^2 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, made by Lewis, not to James himfelf, but to his queen. Jame& wJ^^ affumes the fole merit of the refufal to himfelf. The duke of Ber- '^^^' wick indeed adds : " It is probable, that what he fald had been pre- " vioufly concerted with the prince of Orange "." But this is merely a matter of conjedure. If it had been known to him as a fadt, he would have mentioned it as fuch, and, probably, would not have miffed fo Inviting an opportunity of blackening the charadler of a perfon, whom he confidered as the ufurper of his father's throne. As the duke of Berwick was a man of veracity and honour, and as there is no reafon for fufpeding the authenticity of his memoirs, it is probable that his ftory is grounded upon fadt; and it is juft what might naturally have been expedled, from the pofture of political cir- cumftances, and the temper and views of the French king, already defcribed. Confcious, of having fo deeply wounded the feelings of James, to footh his anxiety and reftore his hopes, Lewis had recourfe to this expedient ; and, in order to give the colour of fincerity to his friendfhip, he might boaft of having mentioned the fubjed to William, and of having obtained his confent. Let the impartial in- quirer, after due attention to thefe arguments and obfervations, de- cide. Whether the authority of the duke of Berwick, thus fairly con- ftrued, ought not, in the fcale of evidence, to overbalance the tale of an anonymous author, contradided by the face of external clrcum- ftances, and by all the motives, which can be imagined to have operated upon the parties concerned In this tranfadion ? So much In fupport of th-e negative conclufion, that the conferences between the earl of Portland and the marfhal Boufflers did not relate to the fucceffion of the prince of Wales ; and the arguments for this conclufion would have maintained their force unbroken and entire, upon the fiippofition, that the fubjed of thefe conferences had re- The fubjeft mained under the (hades of impenetrable darknefs. But if we attain pofitive evidence to afcertain the fubjeds of them, and if they were- of the con fsrences be« ^5 Memoirs of the Duke of Berwick, p. 15S. • 5 • ^^ POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 4^3 of a nature fo delicate and Intereftlng, as to juftify the anxiety and C ii a p. privity with which they were condin!l:ed, we are warranted, with greater aflurance, to contradidt the fufpicions and reproaches which twccn I'ort- l.ind and Boufflers. they have excited, to the difad vantage of a charadler, fo eminently '^""^ '^"^ entitled to the refped and gratitude of every Brltilli fubjedl. Bilhop Burnet informs us, that the fubjea of thefe conferences information was concerning king James and his queen ; and this information he °^ ^"'"""• gives, not upon private opinion or conjedure, but upon the autho- rity of the earl of Portland, who managed them upon the part of the king of England. " That lord told me himfelf, that the fubjedt *' of thefe conferences was concerning king James. The king de- " fired to know how the king of France intended to difpofe of ** him, and how he could ov/n him, and yet fupport the other. The *' king of France would not renounce the proteding him by any article *' of the treaty ; but it was agreed between them, that the king of " France fhould give him no affiftance, nor give the king any dif- " turbance upon his account ; and that he fhould retire from the " court of France, either to Avignon or to Italy. On the other *' hand, his queen fhould have fifty thoufand pounds a year, which *' was her jointure fettled after his death ; and that it fliould now be *' paid her, he being reckoned as dead to the nation ; and in. this *' the king very readily acquiefced. Thefe meetings made the " treaty go on with greater difpatch, this tender point being once « fetded "." Whatever exceptions may be made to the teftimony of Burnet in h;s cJiaraftcr particular inftances, yet few perfons of candour, who have taken ^^'^" ' pains to inveftigate his charadter, will be inclined to deny, that he revered the authority of confcience; and therefore, fincerely declared what he himfelf, often with much prejudice, believed to be the truth. From the celerity with which he wrote, he is inaccurate as to dates, and often confufed, from his lumping analogous events and meafurcs, 34 Burnet, 1697. which nan. 454 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, which were feparated by a long interval of time. Natural keennefe >_ - _/ of temper, fl^arpened by the zeal of a partifan, rendered him cre- ^^' dulous of whatever information redounded to the honour of his own party, or to the difcredit and reproach of his political antagonifts. A reftlcfs curiofity made him bufy in prying into reclufe fcenes, and picking up malignant and frivolous anecdotes, degrading to the dig- nity of hiftory. An uncommon fhare of vanity rendered him eager to embrace every opportunity of advancing his own confequence, by communicating to the world rare and curious intelligence, and to make the moft of what he had gathered from channels of informa- tion, to which few had accefs. From thefe infirmities, he was liable to believe precipitately, and to judge uncharitably. He may be fome- times Wind to the hypocril'y of his friends, and fometimes indulge in the tone of encomiaftic declamation j and more frequently he may degenerate into the mean fcurrility and virulence of libel. With fuch impreffions of his charader, impartial inquirers after truth will be fcrupuloufly cautious in attending to the evidence of the fad:s he brings forward; and they will often find realbn to withhold their aflent from the conclufions he draws from them, and from the opinions he delivers upon his own judgment, efpeclally with refpedt to fubjeds relating to the character and the meafures of parties. But, after all thefe dedudions, no inconfiderable degree of refpefl will be found, upon reafonable grounds, due to the information of Burnet. Of his fincerity, or intended veracity, we have no reafon to doubt. If he mentions any fad, which he either faw or heard from others, we may believe that he either faw or heard It. The earl of Port- land was the moft competent perfon to inform him concerning the fubjed of the fecret conferences carried on at Hall, between Boufflers and himfelf. That nobleman, who could have no motive to deceive Burnet, told him, that thefe conferences related to king James and the jointure of his queen. But POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 455 But the evidence of the fuhjedl of thefc conferences does not reft ^ ^^ -^ ^• XVII. upon the teftimony of Burnet, or upon information flowing only v_ -, - _/ from one of the parties concerned. The marquis de Torcy men- Accoum' tions thefe conferences, in order to confute a vulgar opinion, that the 1'^''" ^y}^" regulation of the Spanifh fucceffion made any part of the fubjed of '^"'^^ ^°"' them; and he affirms, that they related- to three other articles : his conferences between account of the firfl of which precifely coincides with the inform- Portland and ation which Burnet received from the earl of Portland. " By the °" *"* " firfl," fays he, " William infifted that his enemies fhould rc- " ceive no afTiftance from France. In particular, he mentioned " his father-in-law, king James. For the farther fecurity of his *' mafter, lord Portland demanded, that this unfortunate prince *' fhould be obliged to remove from France, and to follow his " unpropitious ftar to Rome, or whatever other part of the world *' he chofe"." The authority of Burnet, with refped to another fubje£t of thefe i»fercncej fecret conferences, namely, what related to the queen's jointure, is moriaisanj alfo corroborated by the tenour of different memorials and infl:ruc- fcnt^tothe* tions, given to the plenipotentiaries, when treating about the peace P''^']'P°'^"- of Ryfvvick. From the perufal of thefe, it appears, that the jointure '■'^^^^' of king James's queen was particularly recommended to the attention '5 The other two articles, which De Torcy tides mentioned by De Torc}' ; and, on the reprefents to have been infifted upon by Bouf- other hand, though De Torcy does not refer fiers, were, that a general aft of grace fhould to the queen's jointure, as making any part of be granted to the Englilh who had followed the the conferences, yet it does not follow that fortunes of king James, and that they fhould they were not aftually mentioned and treated of. be reflored to the pofTeirion of their eflates. The carl of Portland probably communicated And that none of the fubjeds of the French to Eurnet, and Burnet to the public, what re- king fhould be allowed to enter, or to fettle in, lated to the intereft of England. Torcy, who the city of Orange ; becaufe his majetly fore- had his information from BoufHers, mentioned faw that the new converts, ftill attached to only \vh:u more immediately related to France, their former errors, would flock from the pro- While therefore thefe authors mutually corro- vinces bordering upon Orange, and, if leave borate one another in what relates to James, was given them, would fettle there. Torcy, fb their filcnce or ignorance does not impeach vol. i. p- 25- the truth of the other articles mentioned, fovs'. Though Burnet does not refer to thefe ar- rally, by each of ihera. of THEHISTORYOF of the agents of France; but ft'ill, that there were circumftances of difficulty, which retarded the progrefs of that part of the burniefs; and which required a more minute and private difcirffion, than what could be accomplifhed in public conferences, and in the prefence of the ambafladors, met to negotiate for peace. Obvious circumftances, relative to the fituation of James, as well as the expreffions and hints contained in thefe memorials, enable us to form ftrong conjedures, concerning the caufes of feparating the affair of the queen's jointure from the other articles, fpecified at the general meeting of the ambaf- fadors, and publifhed to the world. Whatever the former impru- dence of James may have been, yet his fituation, at the commence- ment of the negotiations for peace, was fo humiliating and diftrefT- ful, as to engage the compaffion of all parties concerned in it. In the ftrain and expreffion of his letters and inftruitions to his friendi^, we fee a mind agitated and diftraded by the different emotions of pride, refentment, and intereft. Mortified and angry, becaufe his commiflioners were excluded from all acceffion to the peace, and that the refloration of his dignity was not made a principal and indifpenlable condition of reconciliation between England and France, he could al- moft have found in his heart to have fpurned at the offer of the French king's mediation, to promote what were, comparatively, mean and in- ferior concerns to himfelf and his family. The necefhty of his cir- cumftances, or rather a ftrong attachment to money, and the habit of improving every fomxe of emolument, controlled the hafty re- folutions of paffion, and made him anxious to fecure the regular pay- ment of the queen's jointure, upon fuch a plan as might reconcile his honour and intereft, by fparing him the mortification of acknow- ledging the lawfulnefs of the power which conferred it. If the queen was required to grant difcharges for her jointure, they muft be drawn up in fuch a form, as to amount to an acknowledg- ment of an ufurped government. If truftees, vefted by the queen with FOLITICAL TRANSACTION'S, ^ The following extrafls from the inftruc- tions and memorials referred to in the tent are produced, in fupport of the obfervations it contains. In the inftruftions to Mr. Dcm, the agent of James at the Hague, during the ne- gotiations for peace, iSth July 1697, are the following words : " The affairs of which you " are to treat with monfieur de Croilfy, or " the other plenipotentiaries of France, are, ■" ill. Her majefty's appanage; for the do- " ing of which, you are referred to the " paper concerning it, &c. In cafe the " prince of Orange's agents fliould deny or " qucllion any matters of fad, as they are ■*' fct down in that paper, which fo plainly " prove the queen's right, even according to *' their own prcfent law, you mull aver, tliat " both your patent, under the broad feal, •' and the aft of parliament, which fettle and -" confirm that eftate upon the queen, during " her life, are upon record in the regifters of " the crown office . of the parliament, to which ■" we appeal ; and that the queens of Eng- " land, independently of the king, have a " right to their eilates fo fettled upon them, " the plenipotentiaries of the prince of " Orange themfelvcs, cannot be fo ignorant " or fo wilful, as to deny." Macpherlon's State Papers, 1697. The earl of Middleton, James's fecrctary, in a letter to De Torcy, 5 th Oftober 1697, cx- .3 preiTes the embarnifrmcnt that rofe upon the affair of tlie queen's jointure, cither from the dif- chargcs being drawn up in^fuch a form, " as " fhe could not fign them, or, in the akcr- " native of putting perfons in poflellion of " her cftate, and tenants refufing to pay, " the impoflibility of her iiaving recourfc to " courts of law wliofc authority (lie could not " acknowledge." After wliich Middlctoa adds, " So that there is no expedient, but " that the prince of Orange ihould oblige- " himfclf, by a fecret articK , to pay the fum " mentioned to his moll Chiiftian majclly, " and his fucceflbrs, duiing the life of tfie " queen. If the prince of Orange afts (in- " cerely, he will accept this propofal ; if it is " rejcilcd, t!ie affair, in all likelihood, will " be of no confequence ; and yet there is no " doubt but his moil Chrillian majefly is very " careful to put on a folid found.ition a thing " fo honourable to himfelf, and neccflury to " the queen of England." Ibidem. A memorial and letter, October 7tli, fent by Lewis to his plenipotentiaries at the Hague, refers to the fame fubjeclj and in the letter he mentions the difhcukief the queen of Eng- land had reafon to oxpeil, if llie Ihould be obliged to receive, in her own name, the re- venues ftie had a right to enjoy, in confe- quence t^ linglil-h acls of parliament. Ibidem. M The 458 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XVII. (^^ — »- ..^ 1697. The attention paid to this fubjeft appears, from an extraft of the Protocole, of the me- diation held atRyfwick, 20th September 1697, publilhed by the fame author. Monfieur Lillieroote, ambafl'ador for the mediator, in a letter to monfieur de Harley, one of the French plenipotentiaries, dated 23d November 1697, refers to a private converfi- tion he had with king William about the queen's jointure; and fays, that he, king William, is willing to Hand faithfully by what he has pro- mi fed. It is remarkable, that the Continuation of the Life of James, in the palT.ige immediately following that which Mr. Macpheffon has cited, as the evidence of William's confent to L'i2 fucceffion of the fon of James, mentions the rcmov.al of James from France, and the fettlemcnt of the queen's jointure, as having been the fubjeft of the fecret conferences be- tween Boufders and Portland; and that it was undcrllood by Portland, that the latter was fufpended upon the former. Life of James, 1697. Sir John Dalrymple fays, that he has feen an original letter from lord Portland to king William, after the peace of Ryfwick, in which he informs hira, that, according to his orders, he offered a penfion of 50,000!. per annum to king Jamjs. Dalrymple's Appendix, 245, 246. This probably refers to the queen's jointure, as it was more delicate to confer it in her name, and under the form of right. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &cc. 459 C II A P. XVlll OsfervaHcns with rejve^l to the political Senlimetits and feniper of the People in Scotland after the Revolution. — ScJ/lon of Parliament. — Adjournment. Confpiracy againft Government. — A Meeting of Parliament. — The Lords of the Articles^ — the King's Supremacy, — and the Law of Patronage abolifhcd. — CharaSier of the Prefljyterian Clergy. - Their Severity againft the Epif- ccpalsy — hurtful to the Reputation of the King. — Change of Minijlry. Dangerous State of the Government in Scotland. — Maffacre of Glenco. Sejfion of Parliament. — Its Compliance zvith the Court. — Difcontents in Scotland. — Another Seffion of Parliament. — ASl for extending the Trade of Scotland. — Hard Treatment — and Misfortunes of the Scotch Darien Com- pany. — Mifery and DifaffeBion of the Scots. — State of Ireland. — Articles of Limerick — cenfured by the Irifh Proteftants and IVhigs. — Confiderations tending to vindicate the Propriety and Juftice of them. —Abufes committed by his Majeftfs Servants in the Government of Ireland. — Peaceable State of Ireland. — No bold Efforts made by the Irijh to offer t their Independence. — Reafons for this. T HAVE, In a preceding chapter, mentioned various canfes, C H A P. which rendered the poUtical ftate of Scotland more fiuduating . , and irregular than that of England: and from which it micht na- ^,.'^^9; turally have been inferred, that the revolution there would not re- ^^''"^ refpcft . . to the poliii- main fo arm and fecure as it did in the latter kingdom. While the cai fentimcms revolution in England derived fupport from the common interefts of the people and obligations of all the parties which had co-operated in accom- aftcrthc'r'c- plifhingit; in Scotland it was chiefly, if not folcly, the work of ^°'""°"- the prefbyterians, who were more anxious to eftablilh their own power and religion, than to extend and confirm the liberties of the nation. 3 N 2 ' A change 460 THE HISTORY OF C H A P- A change of government, openly withftood by fome, and fecretly XVIJI condemned by others, was likely to be fupported with vigour and *^^^" perieverance, by the party which effeded it, only fo long and fo far as its views of a feparate inteieft were gratified. The people in Scotland having been only accellories to the revo- lution, which was planned and completed by the Englifli, were not bound, bv the Unne ties of honour and fidelity, to defend and main- tain it. They neither had an equal claim to merit, nor were they expofed to the fiime degree of cenfure, with the neighbouring king- dom, in whatever light it might be afterwards confidered, according to the fuccefs of William, or of James. Many perfons of rank and fortune in England, who had been the firft movers in the oppofition to James, were fo deeply criminal in his fight, that their perfonal fafety was involved with that of the new government. Should it fall, they muft unavoidably be cruflied under its ruins. There can be no doubt that this confideration prevailed with individuals of great influence, to concur heartily in fuch meafures as were neceflary to prevent the return of the baniftied king, though they were often fretted by difappointment, and offended at the coududl of William. The revolutionifts in Scotland might plead, in extenuation of their I revolt, fhould James refume the crown, that they were not the I authors, but the followers of a bad example ; and that fear and neceflity had compelled them, contrary to their rooted inclinations, to depart from their allegiance and duty. The applications of the late king to his fubjedts in Scotland, were adapted to this ftrain of argument. They were reminded of his ancient, hereditary claim to the loyalty and affedtion of the Scottifh nation. Great pains were taken to awaken the refentment of individuals, on account of the ill returns they had met with, for their rafli fervices to the prince of Orange ; and to footh them into repentance, by the hope of pardon and rewT>rd, TI lere POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &cc. ^6i There were many Scotchmen, who had contra£led a warm af- C n a p. fediori to the prince for his virtues, and the protediou which he ^ .— 1^ liaolition of forms, and thd repeal of ftatutes, which had been confidered as the ftrongeft fences of the monarchy. The influence of the court, in the declfion of all political qucf- tions, had advanced to fuch an enormous pitch, through the channel of -the lords of the articles, as was incompatible with the ancient in- dependence of the parliament. The king would cheerfully have agreed to an abridgment of the power of this committee, fo far as to remove every complaint of its reftraining the members at large, either with refped to the choice of bufmefs, or the freedom of de- bate ; but, as the abolition of it had not been inferted in the enu- meration of grievances, he hefitated about parting, altogether, with fuch a powerful inftrument of authority ". To '' " The lords of the articles were a com- " mittee of each eftate chofen by themfelvcs, " to prepare matters, and to determine upon " the articles propofed by the king ; bat the •" eftates were at liberty to recede from thofe " propofals and their determination upon ■•• them, as they themfelves thought fit ; which ■" fully proves that the ellites had a negative *' upon the king. Thus, in the preface to " the a(fls of James the Firft, it is faid, Eleifls " fuerunt certs perfona; ad articulos datos per " dominum regem determinandos, daia catcrls " Ikentia recedendi. Members of parliament "' had power to propofe what was thought meet • and neceflary for the commonwealth. Afts *; James 1., chap. cxii. in the old ads ; cii. in " the new. " The lords of the articles wer; never nien- *• tioned.'till the time of D^ivid Bruce; nor " was there ever any ilatute-law enjoining " them, or to determine their povver and man- *' ner of procedure. There were likewil'e fe- ■" veral parliaments, after the time of David " Bruccj which had noa^ of thefe lords of the " articles ; and, when they were in ufe, they " v/ere chofen by the advice and confent of the " whole parliament, till the year 1617, when " the biftiops took upon therii to remove out of " plain parliament to the inner houfe, and " chofe feme of the noblemen, and the noble- " men them ; and they two chofe the commif- " fioncrsof the articles of fhires and boroughs, " as may be feen in the reprefentation of the " kingdom of Scotland by the eftates anno " 1640, p. 21. Fromall which it would feem, " that the articles delivered by the kings xvere " inllead of the fpeeches now in ufe by tlieni- " fclves, their commiiTioners or chancellors, " which propofed what was thought fit to be " done on the part of the crown, but did not " hinder the parliament from propofing what " ihey thought fit for the benefit of the couii- " try." Hiftorical Account of the ancient Rights and Power of the Parliament of Scotland, printed i703, p. 27. For a particular accourt of the variations which afterwards happened in this committee, and the enlargement of its In- fluence, to a degree inconfillent with tire free- dom i689- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ice. ^6s To his majefty's confent to the condemnation of prelacy, the prcf- ^ }}^^. ^^ byteriaus thought themfelvcs warranted to annex the claim of a ju- rifdidlion feparated from, and independent on, the civil government. A vote pafled for abrogating the a• Memorial concerning Scotland, 18th April 1690. Macpherfon's State Papers. '''"' 'J Bumet, 1689. Ibid. his POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. 467 his majefty's perfon. Many of the nobility and gentry, fufpectcd ^ ", -^ ''• of dilaffedlion, took their feats in parliament. It was evident, tliat *■ v » the iitmoft latitude of conceflion was neceflary to enfure the peace ''^ " and ftability of the government. The lords of the articles were The lords of aboliflied. A compliance with the defire of the nation, more dif- !!'" t-''^'"' trefsful to the khig, was extorted ; nrefbytery was eftabliflied in all '""P7"'»cy. the plenitude of its claims: the king's fupi-emacy was given up : and r^tronsgc the law or patronage was repealed . The lalt of thefe conccfTions gained the people entirely to the fide of government, and the majority of parliament voted in conformity t6 the wiflies of the court. This fudden change in the temper of the nation, and the defeat and death of Dundee, ellabliflicd the revolution in Scotland, and gave the utmofl; alarm to all who had entered into conipiracies againft it. Many perfons, who had fallen under fufpicion, fought to make their peace by frankncfs in difcovering their plans and accomplices. But, notwithftanding thefe Immediate confequences of lord Mel- vlU's concelTions, they were productive, in a Ihort time, of other effeds, which gave great uneafmefs to William, and dlfturbed the tranquillity of his government in both kingdoms. The general temper of the prefbyterians, las well as the education and chara£ler Charaacrof of their clergy, arifmg from the peculiar circumftances of the times, terlan clergy, rendered them incapable of ufing, with difcretion and generofity, the fuperiority in which they were now placed. The extreme feverities, they had fuffered under the dominion of the hierarchy, Were frelh upon their minds, and too much difpofed them to reta- liation ; not only from the mean gratification of refentment, but from a perfuafion, that their own pre-eminence and fafety were precarious, while any meafure of indulgence was exercifed towards their antagonifts. The generality of their clergy were not pof- ieffed of Sentiments more refined and enlarged than thofe of their •* See Appendix I. at the end of this Chapter. 3 O 2 people. 468 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, people. Excluded, after the reftoration, from enjoying the 1 Tal ^_" .- _- provifion of the C'lurch, they fubfifted enthely by the volurii.ry * ^°" contributions of their congregations. Their tempers were lev red by dependence, and exafperated by perfecution. Their acqir - ance with human nature was contraded ; their fentiments ana uc~ meanour were accommodated to the tafte and prejudices oi the lower ranks, with whom they were chiefly converfant. Their ingenuity and their ftudies were principally du'eded to the defence of thofe tenets, which diftinguilhed their fedt. Hence controverfies were too much fubftituted in the room of the fimple and inftrudive doctrines of the gofpel. The divine authority of preitytery, the herefies of epifcopacy defcribed as little rem.oved from the fuperfti- tion and idolatry of Rome, were the common topics of their public difcourfes, upon which themfelves and their hearers were often wrought up to a fpirit of violence, hardly confiftent with refped to the civil government '\ By the early regulations of the prefbyterian church in Scotland, a certain proficiency in literature and knowledge was required as an indifpenfible qualification for the minifterial office "'. Unfortunately, however, the many vacancies, occafioned by the fudden expulfion of the epifcopal clergy, required a perio- dical relaxation of that ftridl attention to literary acquifitions, which are, at all times, eflential to the dignity of the clerical charafter, and the credit of religion. Of the old prefbyterian minifters, who had been deprived of their livings at the reftoration, threefcore only remained to refume their charges ; and fome of them were difabled, by the infirmities of age, from attending the church judicatories at •5 It is afTeited, that feveral of the Came- of the Cameronian leaders and preachers had ronians, or vJargillites, entered into the church early maintained a correfpondence with Wii- after the revolution. Their diftinguifhed tenet Ham, and were now difpofed to officiate in the was, that Charles the fecond had forfeited his eftablifliment under his aufpiccs. Their fuf- right to the crown by his renunciation of the ferings entitled them to refpeft and grati- covenant ; and their aigiiments upon this fub- tude. t jeft were fo far (Iretched as to imply, that " Book of Common Order, article iii. fwearing, or taking the covenant, was necef- Firft £ook of Difcipline, chap. iv. fary to confer a right to the crown. Some I a period, rOLI.TICA-L TRANSACTIONS, &c. ^^g a period, which requhcd all the wifJom and coolnefs of experience ^ ^. A P. and of years. Young men, diflingulfhed by zeal more than by " — ' abilities and knowledge, prelled forward into the padoral oflice ; and ' ^°' not only ovcr-rulcd the opinions of their prudent and moderate brethren, but became the tools of fadion, and kept the minds of their people in a continual ftate of jealoufy and ferment '^ To retain entire and unretradled the privileges which they had Their fcvc- obtained, and to fliut the door for ever againft the adherents to [hcadSL epifcopacy, was the principal object, to which prefbyterians, vefted 'o<^'P''=''Fa':y- either with temporal or ecclefiaftical authority, direded their attention immediately after the revolution. The moft rigorous meafures were purfued by the privy council againft the epii'copal clergy, who ftill continued to ufliciate in their charges. The people were encouraged by their minifters to inform againft thofe, who had difobeyed the orders of the convention by negleding to read the proclamation, which declared the prince and princefs of Orange king and queen ; or by omitting to pray for them in the performance of public worftiip ; or negleding to obferve the public fafts. Upon thefe in- formations, and charges of a more frivolous nature, many were . deprived of their livings, and debarred from any future opportunity of conforming to the new eftablifhment '\ Though the violence of thefe meafures was repugnant to the Hurtful to . principles and diipofitions of William, yet it was all laid to his tion of the account, and, by conveying an unfavourable impreffion of his "'^' government in Scotland, contributed to thwart his liberal defigns towards the diffenters, which were at that time agitated in the Englifli parliament ''. How hard his fituation ! every favour to prefbyterians in Scotland, and to diflentcrs in England, awakenct| ■' Ralph, vol. ii. Salmon's Modern Hiftory, Soiuers' Col. vol. viii. There were even vol. x.\iv. 1691-2. Burnet, 1689. ^ •- fome, who profelfeJ to beffrioufly .nlarnicd left '- The Cafe of the afilided Clergy, Ralph, the prefbyteri.ins, bent upon the exiirf-ation vol. ii. p. 374, &c. Letter from a Clergy- of epifcopacy, ftiould again intrude inio ling- man. Salmon, vol. xxiv. p. 87. land to reform it. Cunningham's Hillory, '} Burnet, 1689-90. Querela temporum, vol. i. p. 106. the 47© THE HISTORY OF C H^ A P. the jealoufy of the Englifli church ; and every indulgence to the ad- i_ - I hcrents to epifcopacy in Scotland, that of the prcfbyterians there; fothat 1690-^. ^^ j^j^ ^^^ affedions of both eftablidiments. Attending to thefe fads, we are deeply imprefled with a fenfe of the inherent and unchangeable malignancy of bigotry, wherever it is found, and whatever the caufe may be to which it is attached. It levels all dIftin£tion of principles and charaders ; it is equally pernicious and deteftable in the philo- fopher and in the prieft, in the proteftant and in the papift, in the epifcopahan and in the prefbyterian. It is the moft peftilential of all herefies, becaufe it deftroys that charity, which is the glorious charadteriftic of a chriftian. When impelled by the ardent fpirit of reformation, let us beware of bigotry, the bane and difgrace of every virtue with which it is aflbciated. ■ Change of The king endeavoured, by a change of his mlnifters, to procure a more lenient treatment of the epifcopal clergy. Lord Melvill, who had offended him by ftretching his power to gratify the prefby- terian party, was removed from being fecretary of ftate ", The earl of Tweedale was made chancellor; the earl of Lothian commiffioner to the general affembly. To this fupreme judicatory of the prefby- terian church, the king recommended fuch a temper and fuch refo- lutions, as might tend to unite the affe^ England with a larger body of the French troops ". Whatever •might be the fuccefs of that expedition, yet the dlftance and natural fortifications of the mountainous parts of Scotland, as well as the bravery and difafFedtion of the inhabitants, opened to James almofl the certain profped, of recovering a part of his ancient dominions, and of laying the foundation of more extenfive fuccefs. To pre- vent this danger, William cheerfully liftened to a plan for con- ciliating the Highland clans to his government, by the diftribution of money among their chiefs. This having failed of fuccefs, it vvas next propofed to work upon their fears, by holding out an example of terror, which was alfo authorifed by the king, and carried into execution, with fuch treacherous and atrocious circumftances, as filled Scotland with horror, and gave a deep wound to his reputa- tion, both at home and abroad, Auguft !69i- A proclamation was fet forth, offering a free pardon to fuch of the highlanders as had oppofed his government, provided they came in and took the -oaths, before the firft of January one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-two ; but containing a pofitive threatening of military execution againft thofe who did not comply. The procla- mation anfwered the defired effe£t ; all the Highland chieftains made their fubmiflion to government within the day prefcribed, except MalTacre at Macdonald of Glenco, who, by a train of fatal accidents, and, only by the moft fevere conftrudlion, became chargeable with the guilt, and liable to the° penalties, of a recufant^. Though his delin- *' Ralph, vol. ii. p. 427. Colin Campbell, the flierifF, who, not with- ''* Macdonald of Glenco, upon the 3 til of out fcruple and hefitation, yielded to the moft December, which was the lall day of mercy, pathetic and importunate folicitations of according to the tenor of the king's procia- Glenco, and adminiilered the oath of a!le- mation, applied to the governor of fort VVil- giance to him, upon the 6th of January 1592. liam to adminifter the oaths to him ; but the A certificate of his having done tliis, with an governor declined doing it, and faid it was account of the circumftances which had occa- the bufmefs of th« civil magirtrate. Glenco fioned the delay, was tranfmittcd to Campbell "haftened to Inverary with as much expedition the (lieiifF-clerk of Argylclhire, then refid- as the fcverity of tiie feafon would admit, ing at Edinburgh, in order to be laid before .The day of mercy had expired. A farther the privy council there. ■<3elay was occafioncd by the abfence of fir quency, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. ^73 riuencv, if deferving of that name, was attended with every cir- C U A P. . . X\'III cumftance of extenuation, yet it was rcfcnted with leverity which ex- t_— -> J^ ceeded the threats of the proclamation. A party of Argylc's regi- . '^'^' meat was fent from Fort William into the valley of Glcnco. The fearful apprehenfions, excited by the news of their approach, were removed by the moft folemn afllirances from the officers, that they came upon terms of peace ; and to confirm thefe, they produced written orders, fubfcribed by their commander, colonel Hill, to quarter in the valley. A more bafe, ungrateful fpecies of treachery lulled the fufpicion, and fixed the fatal doom, of the men of Glenco. The officers accepted the proffered hofpitality of their chief, daily frequented his table, and, with a gay and undefigning countenance, participated in the converfation and amufements of his family. Upon the thirteenth of February one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-two, the very day the officers had been invited to dine with Glenco, lieutenant Lindfay entered his houfe, in the morning before the dawn of light, fired upon him, and killed him as he was rifing out of his bed *'. Above thirty men were put to the fword, and in that number fome who were under, and fome who were above, the age prefcribed by the warrant. Bloody as this tragedy was, yet it fell fhort of the barbarous intentions both of thofe who ordered, and of thofe who conduced it. On the day preceding the flaughter, colonel Hamilton was difpatched, with a party of foldiers from Inverlochy, on purpofe to block up the paffages from the valley, that none might efcape by flight ". The feverity of the weather retarded his march, and fortunately faved fome hundreds deftined to deftrudion. A fcene of plunder followed the maffacre ; all the cattle were carried away to the quarters of the troops, and, as if it had been intended to devote the valley to perpetual defola- tion, the houfes and villages were burnt by the foldiers ". =5 State Papers, T. W. vol. iii. p. 604. "" Major Duncan's Letter, ibid. '-' Sec Appendix J I. at the end of this Chapter. 3 P The 474 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. The general odium againfl: government, too juftly excited by this « -~ij mafTacre, added to the experience of the ill humour of the States, ' ^^" made the king defirous to poftpone, as long as pofTible, the meeting of another feffion. The urgent occafion for fupplies," and for aug- menting the army, conftraincd him at length to have recourfe to a meeting of parliament ; when an event occurred, which encouraged iiim to expedl a more ready compliance with his meafures. By the vidiory at La Hogue, the maleccntents in Scotland were over-awed, while fuch of them as were confcloua of guilt were at the mercy of the court from tlie difcoveries, which had been made by fome of the perfons, who were convifted of confpiring againft the govern- ment. The profpeO; of commlflions to their friends in the new levies, and the promife of profitable commercial advantages, were held forth, to engage the intereft of perfons of family on the fide of the court. To gain popular favour, the prefhyterians were again diftinguifiied by his majelty's attention, and their friends were put into the principal offices of the ftate. Sefflonof The duke of Hamilton reprefented his majefty in the third feffion parliament. ^^ ^^^ convention parliament, which met on the eighteenth of April one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-three. The king, in his letter to parliament, exprefied a (trong defire to have opened this feffion in perfon, but that he was difappointed by the continu- ance of the war, which required his prefence on the continent. The commiffioner and the chancellor, in their feveral fpeeches, diredled the attention of the members to the great lines of bufinefs which his majefty wiflied them to purfue, and particularly the im-> portance of putting the nation in a proper ftate of defence by addi- tional forces, and by raifing the fupplies necelTary for that end ^°. Its compH- The wifhes of the court feemed to have been fully gratified by the t"urc. compliance of this feffion. Four regiments of foot, and two of dragoons, were added to the ftanding army, and a fupply of one ^^ Ralph, vol. li. p. 426. hundred POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 475 Iiundred and fourteen thoufand pounds voted for maintaining them. ^ ','.'^ '*• An act alfo pafled approving of, and ratifying the meafures, of the privy council, which had exceeded its lawful power by levying ' '^' men for the navy during the recefs of parliament. For fccuring the government, fuch members, as had not taken the oath of fidelity, were expelled the houfc, and the trials of thpfe pcrfons, who had been apprehended upon fufpicion of confpiracy, were ordered. An a£t alfo was pafled, making it treafon to go to France, or to hold correfpondence with any perfon refiding there. The refolutions of this feflion with relpe*^ to the epifcopal clergy, if they did not fully correfpond with the liberality of the king, feemed to have been formed upon the didlates of juftice, and calculated to redrefs thofe, who had been deprived of their livings by the violence of mobs, or by the precipitate refolutions of the privy council. Such of them as took the oaths, fubfcribed the confelFion of faith, and acknowledged prefbytery to be the only ecclefiaftical govern- ment, were to be admitted into the church; and if the general afiembly fhould refufe to agree to this, they were afliired of being protefted by the king, and continued in their livings ''. Neither the meafures nor example of this fefhon of parliament Difcontents produced any permanent effedt in allaying the difcontents of the '" Scotland, people in Scotland, or fixing their attachment to government. Few of the expelled clergy complied with the conditions required for being admitted into the eftabliflied church. While the refufal of the reft gave a fandion to the rigorous proceedings .of the eccle- fiaftical courts, it expofed the king the more to popular jealoufy and cenfure, for the protedion and indulgence, which he ftill vouchfafed to thofe who had forfeited all legal claim to his protedion. Inftead of admiring his liberality, the generality of the clergy and the people were angry and aftoniftied, bccaufe he negletfted fo fair an opportunity of diftrefTing perfons who were known to be dil'afieded *■/ Burnet, 1693. 3^2 to 47<5 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, to his covenimcnt. His conduift in this inftance was h\udable ; xviii. ° « , ' but it was juftly cenfurable in other views, and contributed to ' '^'^' foment that ill humour which prevailed through the greateft part of this reign. It was with relu£lance that he gave -his attention to the peculiar bufinefs of Scotland ; his anfwer to petitions and applica- tions of importance was unaccountably delayed ; the great fervices of this feflion were not acknowledged with that forwardnefs and alacrity, which were expected by thofe who had contributed to them. Their expedations were difappointed, and their generofity abufed, while the levies, made for the declared purpofe of augmenting the Scottifh army, were fent to recruit the regiments in Ireland and Germany. Thefe topics were but too fuccefsfully employed to cheri{h the growing difafFeCcion of the people. The efiedts of a feditious fpirit appeared in the corporations in every part of the country, and it was only by the illegal exertions of the privy council, that a majority in favour of government could be main- tained in the town council of Edinburgh '". In this fituation of the kingdom, parliament was prorogued from time to time, till the expiration of the funds, and the death of the queen, rendered it dangerous to carry on public bufmefs without the acknowledgment and interpofition of the States. 16^5. Another feflion of the Scottifh parliament commenced upon the fcSon.^"^ ninth of May one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-five. The marquis of Tweedale was appointed his majefty's commiflioner, and ftrongly recommended by him, on account of his capacity, zeal, experience, and fidelity. As the moft fuccefsful expedient for fecuring the compliance of members, the chancellor fignified his majeOiy's inclination to approve of any reafonable plan for extend- ing the trade of Scotland, and eftablifhing a plantation in any part of the world where it might be lawfully acquired. ^'•' Ralph, vol. ii. p- 579. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, .^c. 4-7 The frequent intercourfc, between the inhabitants of Encland and chap. X\'III Scotland after the union of the two crowns, exliibited to tlic latter ' '—* the moft ftriking evidence of the influence of trade in promoting ' '^'* national profpeiity. But this difcovery tended to excite envy and defpair, rather than to encourage hope and induRry, while want of capital, and limited channels of commerce, precluded them from the means of approaching to the independence and wealth of their fellov7-fubje£ts. A fiiarc in colonial pofleflions, under the protec- tion of government, was an objecl, to which every cntcrpriling Scotchman looked forward with fond dciire, but with little hope of fuccefs. A concurrence of incidents feemed at length to enfure the certainty of projects, which had been confidered hitherto as fpecula- tive and doubtful. The renewal of the charter to the Eaft India company was a nti, Nov. grievous difappointment to 'many of the Engliih merchants, who '^^^• had anticipated the mofl: advantageous commerce, upon the idea of their being allowed a free trade to India, or of obtaining a charter for the ereding a new company. To them it was fuggefled, that their projects might dill be realifed, and their higheft expedaiions gratilied, through the circuitous channel of the neighbouring king- dom. It was at the fame time reprefented to the king's minillcrs in .A.Tforcx-- Scotland, as well as to many pcrfons of influence there, that, if a IradcTf" ^ charter could be obtained for the protedlion and encouragement of a Scotch trading company, the fkill and capital of many Engliih merchants would readily be profl^ered, to aifift their infant efforts, and to raife them to a Rate of opulence, equal to that of their envied neighbours. The plan was laid before the king by Jolm- flone, fecretary of ftate for Scotland, and was urged as an infaHii)Ie meafuve for conciliating the loyalty and affedions of the nation. Happy to provide a new fund of favours, in a part of his domi- nions where the demands made upon him were fo many and im- portunate, and the means to gratify them fo extremely limited, he now ScochtiiJ. 47S THE HISTORY OF C II A P XVllI. 1695. iio.ocol. Englifli. Hard treat- •ment 1698. now authorifed his commiflioner to make propofals for extending their commerce. A committee of trade was accordingly appointed hy parhament, which prepared an a£t to conftitute a company, with certain privileges, for trading to Africa and the Indies'". The immediate efFeds of this adl, though afterwards fatal to Scotland, were fully anfwerable to the CNpetlations of the court. The fum of one million four hundred and forty thoufand pounds Scotch, was voted for the maintenance of the land forces, and pro- viding cruifers and convoys for the defence of the coafts. What was no lefs agreeable to his majefty, an adl was obtained for allow- ing fuch of the epifcopal clergy as took the oaths to the kins;, to continue in their pariflies without being fubjeded to the preiliy- teries '\ No fooner had the Scots, in profecution of the late ad, adopted the plan ©f making a fettlement in the Ifthmus of Darien, than the king became fenfible of the impropriety of the indulgence he had granted them. The Spaniards were alarmed at a fettlement adja- cent to their colonies, and their ambafiador prefented a memo- rial, to the court of England, remonflrating againft it. The French king, extending his views to the reverfionary advantages of 3' By this aft, certain perfons named, and fuch as fliould join them before the lil of Auguft 1696, were conilituted a body corpo- rate, by the name of The Company of Scot- land trading to Africa and the Indies, pro- vided that one half of the fund, or capital ftock, (hould be advanced by Scotchmen, &c. &c. Together with the rights and privileges ufiially given by law to other mercantile or manufacturing companies, they were em- powcred to plant colonies, hold cides, &c. in ACa, Africa, or America, in the places not inhabited, or in any place, by confent of the natives, and not already pofleffed by an Euro- pean fovereign. All the powers and prero- gatives, aecefl'ary for internal goveramsnt and defence, were granted them. They were alfo exempted from all impofitions or taxes for the fpace of twenty-one years. ^^ In confequence of this aft, which was a confirmation of what had been promifed by the laft feflion, about feventy of the epifcopal clergy, who took the oaths, continued to exer- cife their minifterial funftions, and to enjoy the legal benefices. In parifhcs where they had gained the aifeftions of their people, the continuance of their pallors would, we may believe, be highly acceptable ; but, as the generality of the people were zealous for prelbytery, the old epifcopal incumbents were often looked upon with an evil eye, and con- fidtred as a burden upoa ciie eftablifhment. the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 479 the Spanifli fucceflion to his family, ofTered a fleet to drive tlic ^ " -^ f'- V v n I Scots out of their fettlement. The Enghlh were jealous of it, left < • — — » the profpect of wealth fliould drain their plantations in North ' ^ ' America and the "Weft Indies. What was believed to go ftill nearer to the heart of William, it was reprefented to be injurious to the intereft of the States ". The Englifli parliament had early tL-ftified a difapprobation of the indulgence vouchfafcd to the Scots, and, Jan. i6>(L though a tory miniftry prevented that perfeverancc in oppofition to it, which was expeded from ihcir firft refolutions, yet it was known to be highly offenfive to their conftituents. Every meafurc was now purfued by the coiu-f, to fruftrate the projcds and fuccefs of the Darien adventurers. The minifter at Hamburg prcfented a memorial to the fenate to prevent the pecuniary affiftance, which the company derived from the fubfcriptions of the merchants there '*. Orders were tranfmitted to the governors of the Engllfh colonies in America and tlie Weft Indies, forbidding all commerce with them, and proclamations were ifliied to that purpofe. The effects of thefe ungracious meafures of the court were wliat and mhfor- miglit naturally have been expeded. Three fucceffive colonies, fent s"c""i,°'^ '*"* from Scotland, periftied under the complicated calamities of difeafe, D-riencom- - p.iiiy. famine, and the fword ^ Some ot them, who were taken by the Spaniards, dragged out a mifcrable exiftence in prifons, fiibjedtcd to all the infults and cruelties, which are ufually inflided on pirates and robbers; and thus the lofty expedations of the Scots were lait! in the duft. The lofs of two hundred thoufand pounds, fubi'cribed by a nation fo low in fortune, occafioned almoft an unlverfal bankruptcy. 5' It was faid, that the Dutch from twelve hundred men, departed from Leith on Curozao carried on a lucrative coafting trade the 26th of July 1698. Soon after, a fecond among the Spanifli plantations, which they and a third, confifting nearly of the fame were afraid the Scotch colony would draw numbers, followed. 'l"he firil amlfetond colo- entirely to thcmfelves. nies wafted away with famine and difeafe. ^* Life of William, vol. iii. State Tr.ifls, The third fell into fadion and difputes among &c. themfelves, were attacked by the Spaniard:, ^' The (iril colony, confifting of about and furrendercd to them. There 48o T II E K I S T O R y O F ^ wifr ^' There were few families which did not feel in a more tender point, ••^ — -■ ' and lament the lofs of relations, who, inftead of returninjr to tlieir 1698. ° country loaded with wealth, had, through tyranny and treachery, been expofed to a premature death, attended with uncommon cir- cumftances of horror. Mifery ard From this period to the death of William, the hiftory of Scotland dilaireftion of ^ ■' the Scots. prefents one uniform face of wretchednefs, difcontent, and tumult. The depreffion, occafioned by natural calamities, unavoidably leads the mind to view in dark colours, and to feel, more intenfely, thofe evils, which are brought on by imprudence, or by the malevolent agency of others. A fucceffive run of bad fcafons and fcanty crops, at a time, when want of credit and difficulty of importation ex- cluded any relief by a foreign fupply of corn, completed the miferies, and inflamed the indignation and com.plaints, of the Scots. Many families of the lower clafs periflied by famine ; and thoufands were daily emigrating from their native land. Difcontent and clamour pervaded the whole body of the people. Their minds were exaf- perated againft a fovereign, who, like a ftep-father, Invefted with the authority, without feeling the affeQion, of a parent, was par- tial and oppreffive to them, whenever their interefts came into com- petition with thofe of England or the States. Their hearts were alienated from the fifter kingdom : thejealoufy, rancour, and anti- pathy, which had agitated both nations in a ftate of hoflility, began to revive. In all their vehemence. The contempt, the humiliation, the miferies, with which they were now overwhelmed, were traced up to that inaufpicious event, which had united them under the do- minion of one fovereign. While the minds of the people in general were prepared for a feparation, the friends of James, who never had deferted him, were mortified, by the coldnefs with whicli their ad- ilrefles were now entertained, not only by their ancient fovereign, but by the court of France, ever open to the fupplications of the Scots, and ready to vouchfafe them protedion, before their fatal 6 jundion ib'j3. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 4S1 TuaAion with England'*. Nor were their difaftcrs, from a foreicn CHAP, caufe, foothed and alleviated by internal harmony, and that brotherly afFe£tion, which is naturally ftrengthened by a community of fuf- ferings. The pride, the rivalry, the hatreds, of their chieftains, were ever and anon produdive of difcords, which embroiled the fubordi- nate claffes of their dependants. The bigotry of the prcfbytciians, armed with legal authority, omitted no opportunity to vex and to harafs thofe, who did not conform to their worfliip and govern- ment. Incendiary papers daily iffued from the prefs ; aflociations were formed ; riots and mobs in the metropolis, and under the veiy eye of the chief magiftrate, exhibited the fury of the people, and the relaxation and impotence of government. Minifters and judges reciprocally upbraided and accufcd one another of imprudence, timidity, and treachery. Various attempts were made to appeafe the difcontents of the people, and to reftore the dignity and autho- rity of government. Great induftry was ufcd to gain perfons of in- tereft and family : penfions were beftowed ; and titles were conferred. The moft flattering promifes, of his majefty's refolution of doing every thing in his power for the relief of Scotland, were contained in his ktters to the parliament. Thefe attempts only ferved to evince the inveterate and unlverfal difaffedion of the Scots. Re- monftrances and addreflfes, from parliament, complaining of griev- ances, fruftrated the expedations of the king, and repeatedly ob- licnck. dred and ninety-one. By the articles of capitulation, the Roman <;atholics were eflablifhed in the privileges which they enjoyed in the reign of Charles the fecond. All the garrifons, which liad dc- clai-ed for king James, and all officers and foldiers, bearing his com- miflion, who were willing to take the oaths to William and Mary, were to enjoy the eftates which belonged to them before the com- mencement of the war. The fame benefits were to be extended to merchants and other perfons Vv-ho had gone abroad within that period, provided they fliould roturn within eight months, and fubmlt to the government. Such as declined to do this were permitted to leave the kingdom, and to go beyond fea to any place they chofe, England and Scotland excepted. To facilitate the tranfportation of officers and foldiers in the fervice of James, the Englifli general engaged to furnifh fifty fliips of two hundred tons, and more, if neceflary, upon condition of paying the expences of their provifions at the place of difembarkation. Thefe were the principal articles, agreed to at the furrender CenfL-rea by of Limerick, boafled of by the friends of James as the moft advan- |jftan"s ani°" lageous capitulation recorded in the annals of war, and condemned ^'•'"S'' by thelrlfhi proteftants, and many of the whigs in England, as difhonourable to the arms of William, and unjuft to his befl friends In Ireland ". The redudion of that kingdom had been confidered, by the pro- t^ftants, as affording the mofl favourable opportunity for impofing fuch reftridtions upon the Roman catholics, as might remove any future danger arifing from the great fuperiority of their numbers. ^' Orleans. Burnet, 1691. 3 0,2 By 484 THE HISTORY OF C H^ A r. 2y the reftoratlon of pi-opcrty to the perfons, who were In arms L - — ^ againfl the revolution, the EngUfli nation was deprived of contifca- ^ ' tions, which, though turned to the bed account, mull have proved an inadequate ccmpenfation for the burdens they had endured in accomphfhing the redudlion of Ireland. By fecuring to the rebels not only the pofleflion of their original property, but, of their eftates^ at the time of the treaty, as well as by the pardon of trefpafles com- mitted during the war, the mod opprefllve injuflice ta individuals was confirmed; and thofe, who, upon account of their early zeal for the revolution, had been moft expofed to violence and depredation, were abandoned to irreparable lofs and fulFerlng. No article of this treaty was more feverely cenfured, than that, which flipulated for the tranfportation of the Irifti officers and fol- diers into France. What more acceptable fervlce could have been rendered to the French king, than to furnifh him with a choice body of troops made defperate by exile, and prepared, when an opportunity occurred, to Invade their native country with advan- tages, which no foreigners could pofTefs ? Nor would the benefit, which France was likely to derive from this conceffion, be confined to the fervices, or terminated by th€ lives, of the perfons who were firft tranlported from Ireland. By maintaining a correfpondence with their relatioiis, who remained In their native country, they would entice many to follow their example. The fpirit of emigration, to- gether with attachment to a foreign intereft, would be cheriflied, and. In fucceeding generations, the armies of France would be re- cruited with the fubje£ts of England.- Confiderati- However plaufible thefe obfervations, yet ftrong reafons, arlfing to vindicate from the circumftanccs of both kingdoms, recommended to William the propriety , ^ . . andjufticecf the moft liberal conceffions for obtaining the early fubmiffion of Ireland. The parliament of England, recollecting the enormous profufion of blood and treafure wafted in fubduing the Irifh rebels, in the reign of Charles the firft, granted fupplies for the prefent war with POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &cc. 485 x^'Ith reludance and penury; and yet, fuch grofs abufes dally oc- C II A P, A\JjJ* curred in the expenditure of them, as fiirnifhcd the party in 0]>po- v_ ->—,_; fitlon with the mofl: ipecious grounds, for arraigning the condud of the king and his minifters. He forefaw with regret, in the pro- longation of hoililities in Ireland, a divcrfion of the revenue and force of England, which he wiflied to employ more direQly againft the armies of France upon the continent. Nor was there any juft reafon for treating the Irifli as rebels againft the governipent of England, and for infifting upon thofe hard terms of fubmifllon, which were prefcribed by the fears, the interefts, or the refentment, of the Englifli proteftants. James had not abdicated or deferted the throne of Ireland. So long as a deputy held the reins of government in his name, the moft obvious duty, as well as a regard to perfonal fafety, recommended the continuance of al- legiance to liim. His afluming the government in perlbn, while England ftill hefitated and delayed to fuccour thofe who had declared for the prince of Orange, neceffarily involved, in adbive hoftility, many perfons, who wifhed well both to liberty and the proteftant religion, - The privileges, granted to the Roman catholics, were fuch as could not have been withheld, without invading the conftitution efta- blifhed at the reftoration ; and giving the higheft ofience to the fo- reign princes, who were members of the confederacy *'*- The confenting to the emigration of the Irifh troops might alfo be vindicated by the rules of prudent policy. Was it to be imagined, that fuch a numerous and gallant body, hoftile to the proteftant re- ligion and government, inured to plunder, and with arms in their hands, would have remained in a ftate of harmlefs inadivity ? In what fituation could they be more ferviceable to Lewis, or more dan- gerous to William, than by being planted in the bowels of their native country, and ready for an infurredion, whenever any leader **' Letters of the earl of Perth, Macpherfon's State Papers. fliould 48 6 THE HISTORY OF C H A 1691. Abufes com- mitted by his majefty's fer- vants in the government ef Ireland. fliould offer to conduQ them ? The tranfportation of fuch a number of dilafiedled fubjedls, was like giving vent to thofe deleterious humours of the body, which, if they do not find a free difcharge in the extremities, will recoil upon the vital parts, and quickly put an €nd to its exiftence. But however ncceffary the articles of Limerick might be, for ob- taining the peaceable fettlement of Ireland, yet it might have been ex- peded, that the excution of them w^ould excite temporary difcontents; and even alienate the affedions of many who firft fupported the revo- lution. The fchemes of avarice and refentment were not only de- feated, but, in feme inflances, the expedations of equitable in- demnification were cut off, by fuch a liberal remiffion of forfeitures, and fuch a coraprehenfive extenfion of mercy. To reconcile fo many jarring interefts, and to foften the complaints of the difap- pointed, great firmnefs and difintereftednefs were requifite in the perfons, whom the king intrufted with the management of his affairs. Unfortunately, however, either from the original want of thefe qua- lifications, or the uncommon force of temptation, the meafures and example cf his majefty's fervants rather tended to inflame the difcon- tents of the Irilh, and to bring reproach upon the articles of Limerick. The perfons, whom the king appointed lords juftices or commiffioners*', difcovered an arbitrary fpirit, and great partiality, in the difpenfation cf juftice. The trial of crimes was often conduced in a fummary ■way, and without regard to the effential forms of law : evidence was fuppreffed with the connivance of the judges: the principal tranfgreffors were acquitted, while thofe, who adled under their direc- tion and influence, fuffered the extreme vengeance of the laws **. But, in no cafe, did the management of the juftices appear more im- quitous and oppreffive, than in regard to the Irifli forfeitures. The *■ On the 5 th September 1690, the king conftituted lord Sidney and Tiiomas Conning {by lords juftices of Ireland, and afterwards added others to the commillion, ♦^ Ralph, vol. ii. p. 335. moll POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, c^c. 4G7 moft beneficial Icafes were not only retained for thcmieives and their C n A r. friends, but, in the competition for eflates and farms, the lowcft bid- ^ L» ders were fomctimes preferred j which, unavoidably, led to the fuf- ' "ic' "'' picion of fecret compenfution being made them for flagrant breach of truft. Thefe mifdcmcanoiirs, and the grievances occafioned by them, produced complaints and difafiedlion, which were made the ground of fpecific charges, prefcntcd to the legiflature in both king- doms. Inquiries were inflituted : important difcoveries were made; but the extreme intricacy and tedioufnefs of this bufmefs, the private concerns of parties in England, and the induflry of powerful indi- viduals, who were not themfelves free from all acceflion to the guilt alleged, prevented any effedual redrels of public abufes, and the punifliment of ftate delinqueiits *\ Notwithftanding thefe occurrences, it is remarkable, that no Peaceable Internal diforder, afFefting government, happened in Ireland after Und. "" the furrender of Limerick. No future attempt was made by James, or his friends, to raife an infurredion there. In the confultatlons among his agents, and their correfpondence with Saint Germain?, they do not feem at all to have reckoned upon the ftrength of Ireland, or to have expefted any material fupport from it. The fubmi/Tion of the Irifh to the laws and government was more prompt and re- gular, than it had been in any former reien. His majefty's title was . ^ -^ ■' 5th OflobeF recognifed without any conditions ; and, in five fuccefUve feflions of 1692, 2:ih parliament, which met in the courfe of this reign, fupplies were 27th'june granted, and meafures, in general, were carried on, agreeably to the \J \(^^!l wiaies of the court. ' V'-^i^^o' ber 169S. In attending to the hiftory of this period, we are naturally ftruck No boM cf- wlth the remiflhefs of Ireland, in having omitted fo favourable an theiriihtoai- opportunity of meliorating her political fituation. If it was in vaiti,' dependence!" to attempt an explicit declaration of her right to an independent legif- lature and jurifdidion, yet the example of the conventions, in Eng- *' Journ. Commons, February, March, 1693, paffim. laiid this. ^ 483 THE HISTORY OF C HA P. land and Scotland, might have fuggefted the idea of ftlpulation with I. ^ ." .J the new government, and the propriety of fixing limitations to the '^7^.i?&c. ' fuperiority claimed by England; and of guarding againft encroach- ments and abufes, to which it was wantonly extended in the fucceed- ing reigns. Reafons for A flight acquaintance with the flate of Ireland furniflies a fatisfac- tory explanation of that condu.ope to the prosecution of private in- liam after r o the peace of terefts and refentments, difturbed the harmony, and weakened the y^^^"^'' energy, of domeftic government. The frequent changes in admi- niftratlon, fmce the acceflion of Wilham, indicated his indifference or impartiality with refpeft to the two moft powerful parties, and difappointed him of the cordial and fteady fupport of either. The ftore of royal favours, a powerful attradive of homage and fupport to the crown, was impaired by a peace eftablifhment. The whigs, who, independently on any motive of perfonal attachment, were the moft fincere friends to the revolution, and fupported the autho- rity of William as it was conneded with that event, had loft much of their reputation by the apparent inconfiftency and felfifhnefs of their condud '. The tories, though they maintained more courtly principles than the whigs, had not fcrupled, while in oppofition, to make violent attacks upon the prerogative, and, befides, were fo much mixed with the friends of St. Germains and of the princefs Anne, that the king could not rely with confidence upon their fupport. The republicans, who had coalefced with the whigs at the revolution, now began to refume the name and confequence, of an independent party. Many books in defence of their principles were now publifhed, and, by the applaufe with which they were received, it appeared that their favourers were neither few nor in- confiderable\ From this party, a ftrong reinforcement might be expeded in every qucftion and refolution, framed for degrading the dignity, or contrading the prerogatives, of the crown. The tumults and difcontents of the Scots were a fource of continual vexation to ' Burnet, 1697-8. dity at this tmic, and were fuppofed to malce '^ Harrington's Oceana, Milton's Antimo- a deep impreffion in behalf of the principles narchical Treatifes, Ludlow's Letters, Sydney which they inculcated. on Government, were ftudied with great avi- the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 503 the king, and the meafures, whicli he employed to allay iheni, were CHAP. turned into complaints againft his government by his enemies in > .— ^ England. That jealoufy of the Dutch, which began at an early period in this reign, relb-ained during the war by the aiFociated interefts of England and Holland, now broke forth with the utmoft violence, trampled upon all the laws of decorum and gratitude, and gave a deep wound to the fenfibility of the king'. At the fame time, the rivallhip and animofity of thofe, who had been the earliefl objeds of his confidence, difappointed him of that fympathy and united fupport, which might have foothed him under the indignities which he daily received. Thus the violence of fadlion, a diftruft of every party, and the feeble and ftaggering influence of the court, conftrained him to purfue, in a clandeftine way, thofe meafures, which the intereft of England, and the independence of Europe, required ; and the detedion of ihein furniflied his difcontented fubjects with new materials for cenfure and oppofition. Thefe obfervations will be illuftrated by the events and tranfadtions of the remaining period of this reign. Having fettled the affairs of the States after the peace, William returned to England on the fourteenth of November. He was received by the city of London with pompous expreffions of con- gratulation, and the gratitude of the nation was teftified by addreffcs from every corporation and county. As the people in general rejoiced in the profpe£t of acefiation from thole heavy burdens, which had been accumulating fmce the commencement of the war, fo they were more folicitouiJ to enjoy the immediate fruits of the peace, than to render it produdive of durable and fubftantial advantages. The redudion of the army was univerfally expeded as the certain Anxiety of and happy confequence of that event; but, unfortunately, was con- prrve'nfthe fidered by the king as equally fatal to his authority, and to the fecu- [J^f"jrrn" °^ rity of England and the States. Aware of the prejudices of the 5 See a pamphlet, entitled. The Dear Bargain. Somefs' CoUeiflion, vol. .\i. p. 22S. 13 people, 504 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XIX. 1697, people, he dlfcovered an anxiety, impolitic and premature, to recon- cile them to his private opinion and wiflies, A pamphlet, fetting forth the dangers which would follow from difbanding the army, was traced to the infpiration of the court, and only ferved to fpread and to confirm the oppofite opinion *. The anticipation of a queflion of fuch magnitude, and which conftitutionally depended upon the vote of parliament, awakened popular jealoufy, and difcovered the fpot in which the court was vulnerable. Whigs and torics, however much at variance in their political fentiments, had united upon this important point, and had puhliihed to the world their decided proteft againft a {landing array. The former, in the reign of Charles the Second, contended for the difmiffion of the life guards, as effential to the fafety of the conftitution and liberties of England ; the latter had meritoriouTiy fupported the militia in oppofition to king James, who, after the fuppreffion of Monmouth's rebelUon, v/anted to eftablifli a Handing army, as the fitteft inftrument for accomplifliing his arbitrary raea- fures ^ A ftanding army was fo well underftood to be the darling cbjedl of every ambitious prince, and fo repugnant to the liberties of the people, that it had been folemnly and exprefsly guarded againft by the bill of rights, except with the confent of parliament. The fele£t arguments upon this fubjedt, which were dilated and placed in a variety of lights in the debates and publications of the times, may be comprefTed within a narrow compafs. Arguments The expence of maintaining an army, the diforders and oppref- ftanding fion which attended the refidence cf military men, the increafmg ^"'•^" power of the crown, arifmg from the difpofal of fo many com- miflions, were confiderations no lefs obvious than worthy of patriotic attention. ♦ It was llikd, A Letter balancing the entitled. An Argument, fliewing, that a ftand- Necefiity of keeping a Land Force in time of ing Army is inconfident witli a free Govern- Peace, Sec. and afcribed to lord Somers. ment, and abfolutely deftrudive to the Con- Very able pamplilets were publilhedon the ' ftitution of the Englifh Monarchy, other fide, particularly one by Mr. Trenchard, ' Ralph, vol. ii. p. 766. No POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, :^c. 505 No fa£l fecmed to be better eftahliflied by the current tefllmony of ^ 'j '^ J'- hiftory, than the incoiififtency of a (lauding army with a free con- v— ^— » ftitution. When the extcnlion of the Roman empire rendered it ' '^''' neceirary to prolong the military fervices of the citizens, until at length the army became a feparate and diftind body from the civil members of the ftatc, it was employed as an inftrument, in the hands of afpiring individuals, to fubdue the liberties of their coun- try. The freedom, which was eftablifhed in the different ftates of Europe, after the fall of the Roman empire, had expired, when the military became independent on the civil authority". The x. recent and domeftic examples^ of thejj furpation of ^Cromwell, ajid /I '^^'^^Z^'^y 1 of the r eftoration of mo narchy by Monk, were peculiar warnin gs ' • '■'^-^ - t o En gland, that neither t he regulations of government, nor the fentiments and h abits_of the j)eopleT could prove a ny defence agaiuft the ambi t ion o f individual?, aided by the obedience and affe ^lions of well-difcipline d^troops. To what particular caufe are we to afTign the pre-eminence of England, and its prefervation of a free conftitution, while nations, formerly In the fame political fituation, were bound by the fetters of defpotifm ? To its infular fituation, evidently, which fuperfeded that augmentation or uninterrupted eftablifliment of military force, neceffary to protedl continental nations from the invafion of conti- guous enemies, or which invited them, in their turn, to an imme- diate and convenient extenfion of territory. Thefe local advantages of England ftill fubfifted, and were held forth as a fuflicient argu- ' It may bn afierted, that this argument is improvements into our conftitution, but planted happily confuted by our own experience. The the feeds of expanding freedom; tiie liberal army of Britain has been gradually incrcafing fentiments, which are the fruits of thefe feeds, for more than a century, and yet_n q_iniurY to have now pervaded every rank and order of .' ,1^ liberty has arifen from it, nor in deed is any fociety. The idea of a feparation, or an in- 4i |i'ger apprehende d. This very circumftancc tcrference of interefts, between the civil .mJ may be fpecified among the pleafing eftefls of military profeflions, is now extingiiiflicd. the revolution ; it has produced a remarkable Among the latter we find the moll__cqrr£(5t and happy change on the charaftcr of mili- Vi ews of our c onftitution. ajij the moft ajjcaj ^ ^ ury men. It not only introduced immediate enti >ufiafm for th e prefervation of i ^ . /r ^^ »''<-A~ ^'«V'*» tV,^ V«.^ ..^^^l^ ^,,^^-y ^'^ t^^^^fS^if ^^'-'■^ /',..•<: ^c^. ment'.../»/-*^5i '*'»*- y U^C o^ 5c6 T II E H I S T O R Y O F ^ VI V ^' "^^''''^ f"i' oppofing the increafe and maintenance of a land force, A. 1 A . proportionate to what had been adopted -by its natural enemies upon the continent. A national militia, M-ith fome improved regulations, might, it was aflerted, at a fmaller expence, and without danger to the conftitution, anfwer all the pui-pofes of a defenfive and righteous 1697. war '. Arguments Xhe arguments, in fupnort of a Handing army, refted entirely againft it. ° , . upon the pica of neceffity ; nor was it fnppofed, that any perfon, however well convinced of the propriety of the meafure, in the prefent circumftances of the nation, either meant to conceal the inconveniences attending it, or to vindicate its perpetuity. While furrounding nations were augmenting. their forces, England, by re- ducing her§, might not only lofe her weight in the political fcale, but her conftitution and internal profperity would be expofed to the moft imminent danger from the attack of foreign enemies. The ancient hatred, between the Englifh and French nations, fliarpened by the recent injuries of an expenfive and bloody war, and by per- fonal animofity between their prefent fovereigns, was now more acute than had been known, fince the time that the former had re- linquiflied her conquefts and fiefs on the continent. The improve- ment and increafe of the French fleet, experienced in the late war, -rendered them always prepared for naval hollilities j while a ftrong party in England, attached to the abdicated king, and her defence- lefs ftate, fliould the army be difbanded, would invite her foreign and domeftic foes to invafion and infurrection, almoft with the cer- tain profped of fuccefs. The dangers, fo much apprehended, might be entirely removed, by fubjeding the military to a conflant and ftridl dependence on the civil power. The number of troops might be reftrided to fuch a proportion as' was barely fufficient for the defence of the nation, and retained only for a fliort time, when it was ' Ralph, vol.-ii. Life of William, vol. iii. hoped. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 507 hoped, that the circumllances of Europe mi^ht lately admit of their ^ 'j[ ') ''■ being difmifled '. t— ->/ — u I ^ • It is not fiirpiifing, that the king entered into the difcuffioii of Rcafon/ror this queflion, with more anxious and undifguifed foUcitudc than luft.incftV' what feemed confiftent with his uP.ial referve and prudence. His [n^^ oi'^t;,^ domeftic fituation, at an early period, direded the application of his ^"""'y- genius to war, and inured liim to military habits; his political principles, and his diftinguillied talents, raifed him to the illuftrious ftation of being the champion of the liberties of Europe. His afcending the throne of England did not fo much gratify a feltifli paflion for power and fame, as it did the liberal enthufiafm of the patriot, by adding the pecuniary and warlike aid, of an opulent and mighty nation, to a confederacy formed for the defence of civil and religious liberty. After eight laborious campaigns, he had humbled the ambition of France, eftabliflied the liberties of Europe, fecurcd a crown to himfelf, and a free conftitution to England ; but, if his army were difbanded, all was undone. The projedls, the toils, the fuccefs, of his whole life, would be fruftrated. The death of the king of Spain was approaching, and would be followed by a con- troverted fuccefficn. Should any one of the princes of France pre- vail by the right of blood, the whole power of that empire muft become obedient to the direction, and fubfervient to the ambition, of Lewis. The barrier of Holhmd would be no longer fecure ; the revolution-eftablifliment in England would be precarious; and the liberties of Europe brought to the extreme of danger. Bclides, the feelings of William, as a foldier, muft have been deeply in- terefted for the many brave companions, of his dangers and liis vidlories, who were not only to be degraded from their dignity, but deprived of the provifion, which was neceffary for their refpec- table fubfiftence in the mod private and retired fituation. ' Ralph, vol. ii. Life of William, vol. iii. Publications of the Times in the State Trads, and Seiners' Colleftions. 3 T 2 The 5o8 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XIX. 1697. Meeting of parliament. 3d Dec. Refolutions of cae com- mons to dil- band the army. The zeal of the king for maintaining a large {landing army, founded upon thefe arguments, was at length announced in the mofl public manner, by his fpeech at the opening of another feffion of parliament. He told them, that the circumflances of affairs were fuch, that he thought hirafelf obliged to declare his opinion, that England could not be fafe without a land-force. The foreftalling, in this manner, an opinion upon a queflicn fo ambiguous and controverted, awakened a jealoufy of the influence of the court, and gave an edge to the keennefs of thofe, who, either from the influence of principle or fadlion, were inclined to op- pofe it. Both houfes addrefl'ed the king in high terms of refj^eit and com- pliment ; but, at the fame time, general and referved as to the point, upon which he was mofl: anxious to obtain their approbation °. In the courfe of the debates upon this fubje£l in the houfe of com- mons, fome animadverted upon certain expreflaons of his majefl^y's fpeech as too pofitive and overbearing ; and a great majority inti- mated their difapprobation of his fentiments, by coming to a refo- lution, without a divifion, of paying off and difbanding all the troops which had been raifed fmce the year one thoufand fix hun- dred and eighty ". The friends of adminiRration moved, in vain, that the quertion might be recommitted. With as little fuccefs they pi'opofed, that directions fliould be given to the committee of ways and means for providing a fupply of five hundred thoufand pounds for the guards and garrifons. The defign of retaining, under this defcrlption, a reverfion of the army, was palpable ; and. In order to defeat it, an amendment was added, that the motion fliould be purfuant to the vote of the houfe, on the eleventh of December, which neceflarily reduced the army below the number of eight thoufand men ". * Jor.rn. Lords, 6th ; Journ. Commons, 7th December. '" Journ. Commons, 1 ith. December. " Journ. Commons, 8th January, 1698. The POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, cV. 509 The king had recourfe to various apologies and pretexts to elude ^ '! '^ ''• or retard the execution of a meafurc, which could not be averted _f by fecret influence, or the force of argument. He comi)Iiuncd, \.irio!M pre- that by difbanding all the men raifed lince the year one thoufand king fbr 'nJt fix hundred and eighty, the defence of the nation would be thrown <=°"'PJy'"g into the hands of the old tory troops, whofe principles and loyalty were fufpicious "'. Several regiments were tranfported into Ireland, and in fome the privates only were diflianded, while the officers were retained. The want of money, fufficient for difcharging the arrears of pay, ferved as an apology in anfwer to the addreHts and renionftrances of the commons, flill urging compliance with their vote till the feffion was clofed '^ The king fondly hoped, that, by his influence in a new parliament, or by the occurrence of political events favourable to his fyfl;em, he might be juflihed for maintain- ing a larger force than what was warranted by confeut of parlia- ment '*. But, though the commons were inflexible upon the point of dif- The civil lift handing the army, they leemed defirous to footh the king, by their ' '^ " liberality in augmenting his private revenue. Seven hundied thou- fand pounds were voted for the civil lift during his majefty's life, and the favour was enhanced, by being afcribed to a fente of grati- tude for the eminent fervices he had done to the nation '\ At the fame time, this increafe of revenue was underftood to be burdened with the payment of fifty thoufand pounds for the jointure of James's queen, and the expences of the duke of Gloucelter's houfe- hold '°. The other fupplies were granted with a difcreet liberality, " Ralph, vol. ii. p. 768. all Dutch. Two regiments of dragoons " Journ. Commons, 28th May; id and amounting to 1400, and thres of foot of 17th June. 3000, were entirely compofcd of French rc- '•' The jealoufy of the nation, in the courfe fugecs. Thcfe regiments were all confiJerti of thefe proceedings, was inflamed by the as perfonally attached to WiJUim, and devoid large proportion of foreign troops in the pay of all zeal for the liberty and intcreft of the of England. The king kept one troop of nation. hor.'e, coofiiling of zzo men, and four batta- '* Journ. Commons 21. 1 Dec.-mb.-r 1697. lions of body -^.urds, confuting of 2670 men, " Burnet, 16^?. and 5IO THE; HISTORY OF CHAP, and appropriated with a juft arrangement to the fevei'al claims, which « — ' depended upon the faith of parliament. Rtroiutio'ns The national deht at the conclufion of the war, including the to'the public arrears of the army and navy, and the fubfidies due to foreign '*'^''"" princes, amounted to ten millions eight hundred and feventy-fix thoufand pounds five (hillings and one penny half-penny. This fum, contraded in the courfe of eight years, and little more than the half of what has been repeatedly raifed, in our own days, within the fpace of one year, was, in the circumftances of the nation at that time, reckoned fo enormous, as to render every plan for im- mediate payment impradlicable. The commons therefore W'ith pro- priety preferred the arrears due to the army and navy, and raifed fupplies fufficient to difcharge them within the year one thoufand ftx hundred and ninety- eight ". In order to foften the complaints of the reduced army, they voted half-pay to the commiffioned officers, fourteen days fubfiftence to every foot foldier and non- commillioned officer, and fix days pay to every trooper and non- commiffioned officer of dragoons '". The illiberal jealoufy of the nation, however, confined this generofity to thofe officers who were his majefty's natural-born fubjcds of England. The accumulated fums, voted for the fupplies this feffion, amounted to four millions eight hundred and fifty thoufand one hundred and feventy-four pounds five fhillings. Eftabllihment The whigs availed themfelves of their fuperiority to ftrengthen Eaft India their future intereft, by eftabliffiing a new Eail India company ". company, ^pj^^ affairs of the Eafl India company had been introduced in many preceding feffions, but were not materially connected with the intereft of parties, nor did they produce any regular influence upon the political fituation of the kingdom. From this period till the year one thoufand feven hundred and one, when the two companies " Journ. Commons, id February, loth March, April, May, paffim. '* Ibid. »9 Journ. Commons, 26th May and 25th June. 6 were POLITICAL TRANSACTION'S, Ike. 511 were incorporated, the attachment of members of parliament to the ^ HA p. one, or other, of thei'e, became a criterion of their princijilcs and - ^^ connexions. The friends of the new company uniformly enJlllcd under the banner of the whigs, and tlie friends of the old cnmpnny under that of the tories. While the latter ufcd their endeavours for thwarting a meafure, which was 'to throw fo great a proportion of commercial influence into the hands of their antagonills, they ap- peared, at the fame time, to ftand forth as advocates for the honour of the crown and the jultice of the nation ".J Jn confcqitetice of the old Eaft India company having obtained a renewal of their Nov. iCy-y. charter, many new adventurers had entered into a partnerfhip in their trade, and the' property, of more than a thoufand families in the kingdom, was vefted in Eaft India ftock. Bcfides former expen- ditures, for which the profperity or their trade might be fuppofcd a fufficient compenfation, a million had been lately difburfed in new fortilications, for their fccurity in India, which could be refunded in no other way but by a monopoly, in terms of their charter. Thefe arguments, though deeply founded in juftice, were over- ruled by the liberal aid which the new company had offered to government; and to palliate the oppreffion of the meafurc, it was contended, that the king had no power to grant a monopoly with- out the confent of parliament, and that he had, in the charter, rc- ferved the power of recalling it, upon giving them notice three years before-hand ^'. If the whigs, in this, as well as in the other feflions of parliament, .difcovered great liberality in granting fupplles, and ingenuity in finding the means of raifing them, their merits, at the fame time, were tarnifhed, by foliciting and obtaining exorbitant grants and =° Lords' Debates, vol. ii. Jouni. Com- were to receive eight per cent, for tlicir moni, 151'.! June. money, and enjoy .nii c.\\.U;fivc liglit of tr.ij- *' The fabfcri'ocrs to the new company ing to the Ea;l In>^ijs ; rhc o!d compiny bi'lirg obliged thcmlelves to raifc two millions for the allowed that privilege r.i I.-nrrr i!. i lo the government, upon the condition, that they year 1 701. pennons 512 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, penfions for themfelves. The forfeitures in Ireland had already V . > furniftied them with overflowing treafures, and, if left to the dif- ^ ' pofal of the crown, promifed an inexhauftible fund for gratifying the avarice of their leaders, and fupplying the neceffities of their Motion for friends. To defeat this profped, their opponents brought in a bill OiTlmh for? for vacating all grants of forfeited eftates in Ireland, from the '"b^r ( -r"''^ thirteenth of February one thoufand fix hundred and eighty-eight, *'*=" and appropriating them to the ufe of the public ". If this motion had been reftrided, according to the intention of thofe who fug- gefted it, to fuch grants as had palfed during the prefent reign, it might probably have met with fuccefs at this time, and might have proved a new occafion of affront to the king, and of diihppointment defeated, to his favouritcs. But whcn another bill was brought in, probably not without the inftigation of the court, to extend the revocation to all fimilar grants during the two preceding reigns, it colleded the united oppofition of jarring parties, and was thrown out by a great majority. Attack upon The torics made an attempt to hurt the influence and credit of the whigs, by propofmg to impeach Mr. Montague, who was now at their head in the houfe of commons, for having obtained a grant upon one of the forfeited eftates, for his own benefit, in the name of another perfon ; but his diftinguifhed talents and ufefulnefs to the nation made a fuitable impreffion upon the minds of its reprefenta- tives, difappointed the malice of his enemies, and even proved the means of procuring him public honour. The commons voted, that he deferved his majefty's favour upon account of his good fervices to the government". The depend- With whatever violence parties might difagree upon fubjeds krIdoiBng. relative to internal policy, yet they cordially united in the fame land affcrted. fg^itiments, with tefpedt to the dependence of Ireland on the legif- Jature of England, and the plan of retaining her in that dependence. " Journ. Commons, yth February. " Ibid. i6th February, To Mr. Mon- tague POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. To have propofed any mitigation of it, or any raeafurc for ilic ^ feparate improvement of Ireland, was a ftrctch of liberality, to which, probably, few individuals at that period had attained ; or if they had, which no party could have dared to avow, from the fear of lofuig popularity, as well as the favour of the court. Hence the houfe of commons unanimoufly exprefled their indignation againft a pamphlet, which maintained, that Ireland was not bound by acls of the Englifh parliament; and alfo againil fome late proceedings of the Irifli parliament, tending to eftablifli its independent autho- rity**. After reading the exceptionable paflages of the pamphlet, they refolved, that it was of dangerous confequence to the crown and people of England ; addrefled the king to take all necefiary care, that the laws reftraining the parliament of Ireland be ftriclly obferved ; and to difcountenance every meafure tending, In any de- gree, to leflen its dependence on England ". This arbitrary fyftcm, concerning the fifter kingdom, they feconded and fupportcd, by a meafure which deeply affeded her internal profperity, when it feemed to interfere with that of England. For, upon complaints that the woollen manufa£lure was carried on in Ireland, they ad- drefled the king, that he would enjoin all employed by him there, *+ This pamphlet, afcrlbed to Mr. Moly- might have been ufed afterwards as a precc- neux, was entitled, the Cafe of Ireland being dent for excluding it entirely. The corn- bound by Afts of Parliament in England, mens, therefore, pointed their ceofure jointly Several afts of the Englifh parliament had againft the book and the parliament, by rc- pafled fmce the commencement of this reign, folving, that the book was of a dangerous binding Ireland, and fome of them repealing tendency, and that encouragement had been afts of the Irifh parliament. The tendency given to the iniflammatory pofitlons contained of thefe proceedings, and the cffefls of their >" it. by a bill, entitled, an Aft for the better dependence on England, began to be ferioufly Security of his Majefty's Perfon and Oovem- confidered by the Irifli ; and the above mernt, tranfmitted under the feal of^Ireland, pamphlet was expreflive of the general fenti- whereby an aft made in England was prc- ments of that nation. • Their parliament, en- tended to be rc-enaaed by an Irifl\ parha- tering into the fame views, tranfmitted to the ment. See Stridurcs on the State of In-land, king and council the heads of a bill, which, printed \uih Dc Fqo\ Hi (lory of the Union. under colour of giving a fanftion to the ^' Journ. Commons, 21 ft Muj ; izd.ljih. afts of the Englifh parliament, was really and 30CI1 June, meant to invalidate its authority ; and which 3 U to JI4 THE HISTORY OF CHAT, (o ufe their utmoft diligence for preventing the exportation of wool, iinlefs it was brought into England ; and for difcouraging the woollen, and incrcafnig the linen manufadture **. The king put an end to this feihon on the fifth, diifolved the par- liament on the feventh, of July ; and fummoned a new parliament to meet upon the twenty-fourth of Auguft. and charaaer Reviewing with impartiality the proceedings of the third parlia- cf the third " ... pnriiament of ment of William, we muft allow that it is entitled to no fmall fhare of praife, not only on account of the beneficial meafures which it adopted, but on account of the uncommon difficulties which it furmounted, in order to carry them into effect. The fuccefsful plans, purfued in the firfl fefllon for extricating the nation from the great pecuniary diftreffes in which it was involved, exhibit examples of ingenuity, refolution, and perfeverance, which refledt the higheft ho- nour upon thofe who devifed and conduiled them *'. Some ufeful ftatutes were likewife enaded, for preventing frau- dulent bankruptcies and abufes in privileges, and for regulating and extending the trade of the nation. But what, above all, muft render the memory of this parliament precious to every friend of humanity and freedom, are its excellent amendments and regulations with refpe£t to the laws of treafon ". During the continuance of the third parliament, the whigs retained moft of the minifterial offices, and fucoeeded in every meafure in which they were united. In the qucftion about difbanding the troops, they feparated ; and therefore it was carried againft their leaders, as well as againft the incUnations of the court. Lord Sun- derland was at this time confulted by the king in private, more than any of his Englifli fubjc£ts. To his inftigation the plan of main- taining a ftanding army was afcribed ; and fo general an odium pur- 26th Dec. fued him, that he found it noceffiiry to refign his office of cham- 1697. ** Journ. Commons, 2jft May ; zzd, 27th, *' Drake's HiHory of the laft Parliament, and 30tli June. '^ Ibid. berlain, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. ^j^ berlain, in order to evade the public dlfgrace of pacJiainentary C H a v. cenlure . i - . _, Sir V/illiam Trumbull was removed from being fecrctary of ftatc, p \? ' and Mr. Vernon, who had great experience in bufinefs by havine '^'>'«"?c in ad- / b liiiiuilration. been employed under the duke of Shrewfbury, was appointed to that office. This change was confidered as an indication of the declining s'l^ D<;c. influence of the earl of Portland, to whom fir William Trumbull ''' was aflfedionately devoted. It was believed that lord Sunderland and Mrs. Villiors, a lady to whom the king flicwcd fame partiality, ufed their endeavours to alienate him from Portland, while the frank man- ners of his firft page and fecretary Van Keppel, now carl of Albe- marle, gained upon the courtiers, and rendered him a more agreeable companion to his mafter in hours of relaxation. It is evident, how- ever, from the important fcrvices in which the king continued to employ the earl of Portland, that he ftill entertained a very high fefteem of the capacity and faithfulnefs of that nobleman; for he The ear! of was fent ambaflador to France foon after ■ the cftablifhment of ambarradortl peace. He was inftruded to urge the removal of king Jam^es froni ^'^Y' St. Germains, and to folicit indulgence for tl\e proteftants in France j in neither of which he was fuccefsful. It is- probable, that the prin- cipal objcft of his embafly was to ente- into oveitures concerning the partition of the dominions of Spain, which were foon after agreed upon between William and Lewis '°. ■ From fome incidents, which happened after the rife cf parliament, it was evident that a mifunderftanding ftill fubflfted between the king and the princefs Anne. He controlled her inclinations in the ap- pointment of tutors to her Ton,' the duk^' of Glouccfler, and re- *» Burnet, 1698. Somers, Shrewlbury, place beturecn Somcrs and Sundcrlind. Seo Portland, Oxford, and Montague, were, at Letters in Hardwick«'s Cpllc j i eledicns. intereft of the court, the new Lalt India company, and the ftock-holders, who now formed a very numerous and powerful party in the nation. The weight of the landed intereft, on the fide of the tories, was not fufficient to balance thefe advantages; and the majority in the new houfe of commons favoured the whigs. Though the king had taken fecret mcafures for preferving the peace of Europe, by the firft partition treaty, yet he was fenfible that the fuccefs of them, and the adherence of Lewis to the ftipu- latio-ns he had made, muft depend upon the military force of Eng- The fourth land. This therefore was the principal objed which he recom- parliaraent meets. mended to parliament, affembled for the difpatch of bufinefs on the ninth of December one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-eight. The army 'phg commons immediately voted, that all the land forces, exceed- fartlier re- . . , duced. ing feven thoufand, fhould be paid off aiid difbanded ^' ; a meafure not lefs mortifying to the king, than the language and arguments which accompanied every previous debate conneded with it. His condudl in maintaining an army, contrary to the refolutions of iaft parliament, was feverely cenfured : his attachment to the Dutch; his frequent vifits to the continent; his predileQion to a foreign in- tereft, were arraigned with bitternefs and acrimony. Intimidated by the violence of oppofition, the friends of the king ftood fiient, and feemed to abandon him in the moment of extreme diftrefs. His miniftcrs were afraid to propofe any fcheme of mitigation or com^ *' Burnet, 1698. ?? Journ. Commons, 17th December. promife. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 517 proinlfe. The ccnforious fpirlt of the debate was transfufcil Into ^ ii A p. the rcfolution which the cominons adopted; and it was determined v —-/ that the army flioiiid, for the future, confifl: entiiely of his majcfty's '^^^' natural-born fubjeas ''. After an hard ftruggle with pride and in- clination, the king aflumed a compofed countenance, and gave his confent in p-rfon to the bill for difbanding the army'*. The thanks which he received from both houfes, for his acquiefcencc in this meafure, encouraged him to prefer a modeft, but earncfl appli- cation to the commons, that fome method might be dcvifed for re- taining the Dutch guards in his fervice ". This mcflage only fervcd to aggravate his mortification, and to enhance the triumph of op- pofition, by producing an addrefs, which, under the form of an admonition, obliquely upbraided the king with the breach of his pro- mife; for he was reminded of the words of his declaration, that all foreign troops fhould be fent back after the fettlement of the govern- ment '\ The difbanding the army might be confidered as a patriotic meafure by thofe who promoted it ; but the refufal of any in- dulgence to the aft\;(!lIons of .the prince, when the objeft was na- tural and honourable, can only be imputed to tlie ftubbornnefs and afperity of fadllon. The affront made a deep impreflion on his mind. Agitated at firft by vexation and refentment, he refolved to abandon the government of an ungrateful people, and to fpend the remaining part of his life in Holland. The entreaties of his friends, and the calm fuggeftions of reafon, reftrained the didates of paffion, pro- duced a prudent fubmiflion to necellity, and faved the nation from confufion and anarchy ". The fears of thofe who agreed with the king, in thinking tliat Tl,e navy England was too much expofed by the redudion of the army, were •''"£'"*""=''• in fome meafure removed, by an augmentation of the naval cftablifh- 3^ Journ. Commons, 17th December. '* Ibid, zoth March. ^* Burnet, 169SJ. '' Letter of king William to Ilcinfioj, *' Journ. Commons, 1 8th March. H.ird. Col. vol. ii. p. 362, .ind note .nt bottom. ment. 5i8 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XIX. 1659. Partial change of the miniftry in favour of the torics. Second fef- fion of the fourth par- liament. raent. Fifteen thoufand feamen were voted for the fervlce of the year, and the fum of one million four hundred and eighty-four thoufand pounds was granted, in the courfe of this feflion, for the maintenance of the -fleet, difbanding the army, and other expences of government ". This feflion of parliament ended on the fourth of May one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-nine. The many evidences of the declining influence of the whigs, which had lately occurred, induced the king to transfer a confiderable fliare of executive offices into the hands of the tories. The earl of Jerfey was made fecretary of ftate, in the room of the duke of Shrewfbury ; the earl of Pembroke fucceeded the duke of Leeds as prefident of the council, and lord Lonfdale the earl of Pembroke as privy feal; Mr. Montague, againft whom the tories difcovered great perfonal animofity, quitted the treafury, and was fucceeded as chan- cellor of the exchequer by Mr. Smith, and as one of the lords of the treafury by Mr. Hill. This change of adminiftration did not anfwer the king's expedlation, by fmoothing the current of public bufinefs. The zeal of the whigs for his fervice abated upon every conceflTion to their antagonifts, who grew more bold in oppofitioa from the profpe£t of their approaching afcendency. The king met the fecond feflion of the fourth parliament on the fixteenth of November one thoufand fix hundred and ninety-nine. He began his fpeech with obferving, that their common interefl: re- quired a farther provillon for the defence of the kingdom ; and after recommending to the commons, to make good the deficiencies of the funds, and to difcharge the debts contraQed in the courfe of the war, he concluded with thefe words: '■^ L£t us aB isinth conjidence in one " another^ which will not fail, by God's bleffing, to make me an " happy king, and you a great and flourifhing people." However unexceptionable thefe expreflions, or the fentiment con- veyed by them, yet they were made a handle of cenfure and re- '^ Journ. Commons, i8th February, and March, Apri', paffim. proach POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 5,5 proach againft the miniftry. The commons, under the name C II A P. of an addrefs to the king, prefented a rcmonftrance, comiilain- . -[^'_. ing that it was their misfortune, that, after the ample provifioa '''^'-'- '"'"'• made for his fecurity, any miftruft of their aftcaions fliould fub- fifl; and that it would conduce to xhz cont'iiiuaiice and cJ}abliJJ:nicut of their mutual coti/iiiaice, if he would fliew marks of dilplealure to- wards all who mifreprefented their proceedings ". This was a pre- lude to a more open and direct attack upon adminiftration; with a view to which all the meafures of oppoiuion, in the courfe of this feffion, were concerted. Their firft attempt was founded upon a charge againfl captain Kid, Meafures of who, having been difpatched by miniftry to fupprefs the pirates rcT.l ag"in'(i upon the American coafts, betrayed his truft, and, to the difgracc niiVrs"^ °*** of his employers, committed various piracies upon the Engliih and foreign fliips in the Eaft Indies. The duke of Shrewfburv, the earls of Romney and Oxford, lord Somers, and fir Edward Harrifon had agreed to advance contributions for fitting out Kid, under the condition of receiving an adequate proportion of the profits arifin"- from the captures of piratical ihips. Partners in his fuccefs, a fpe- cious opportunity prefented itfelf to the enemies of adminiftration, for conjoining them in that guilt, of which he was now con- victed *'. The atrocity of the crime, without refped to evidence, contributed to blacken the reputation of thofe to whom it was im- puted. To accomplifh their public difgrace, it was moved in the houfe of commons, that the letters patent, granted to the carl of Belmont and others for piratical goods, were diflionourable to the king, againft the law of nations, and the ftatutes of England, invafive of property, and deftrudive of commerce *'. As it appeared, upoa ^' Journ. Comrrons, i ft December. niftry. He was fent to England, tried, con- '^ Kid was apprehended, upon his return to demncd, and executed. New England, by the earl of Belmont, go- *' Journ. Commons, 4th Dec. Tindal, vernor of Nciv York, who had been chiefly vol.iv. p. 23. State- TracU, T.W. vol. iii. inftrumental in recommending him to the mi- p. z\o. invcfti- 520 THE HISTORY OF ^ xi)f ^ inveftigation, that Kid had been recommended to mmiftry, by the L- — >— ^} ftrongeft atteftations of his integrity, and of capacity for the bufinefs intrufted to him, and as the commiffion granted to him run in the common form, the motion was rejeded by a great majoiity. Motions, in the fame fpirit of afperity and party refentment, for addrefling his majefty to difmifs bifhop Burnet from being preceptor to the duke of Gloucefter; and to remove lord Somers from his prefenceand counfels for ever, were only the occafion of frefti difap- pointment to the tories ''\ and perfon- Other meafures of oppofition, more diredly levelled againft the ally againft , . . . the king. perfon and inclinations of the fovereign, met with better fuccefs, and increafed the popularity and triumph of the party which moved them. Redudion of The confolation which the king derived laft feffion from the aug- ena\y. mentation of the navy, in compenfation for the redudion of the army, was now denied him ; and when the fupplies for the fervice of the year were granted, only feven thoufand feamen were voted*'. Revocation But the affair which moft deeply affeded the king, was an ad for "ranfsb^*' rcfumiug the Irifh forfeitures**. His right to difpofe of them Ireland. .^^g ^ot only Overruled, but his honour was wounded, by the re- jedion of a claufe for referving a third part of them to be be- llowed by him, as the reward of eminent fervices to the nation. In order more effedually to prevent any oppofition to this bill in *■* Journ. Comracus, 13th Dec. 10th April, houfes, Jan. 1691, that he would not make *' Ibid. 2ift December. any grant of the forfeited lands in Ireland, *♦ With a view to this nieafure, commif- till there fliould be an opportunity of fettling fioners had been appointed, in the preceding that matter in parliament. Aitljough the feffion, to inquire into the value of the Irifh king's friends infilled that he was not guilty forfeitures, and had reported them to amount of any breach of promife, becaufe that par- te one million and half ; though, upon farther liament had omitted many opportunities of invelligation, it appeared tnat they were greatly fettling this bufinefs ; yet others were of opi- cfver-rated. Journ. Commons, 15th Dec. nion, that he ought not to have taken any ftep Tindal, vol. iv. p. 27. in the difpofal of the forfeitures, without the Jn anfwer to the objeaion againll the bill, confcnt of a future parliament. Ralph, vol. ii. from its encroachment upon prerogative, it p. 841. was urged, that his majeily had allured both the POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c, 5., the lioiife of lords, it was confolidated with that of the fupply for C I? A p. the fleet and army, and fent to the upper houfe at a late day of the ^— — -^ fcffion *'. From thefe confiderations, the king, though with rcluc- ^ tance, found it expedient to rcftrain the oppofition which it encoun- tered, from motives of perfonal rcfpe(ft to him; arid confirmed it hy his aflent on the twenty-third of May. The cuftomary Ucencc of poUtical aflbciations allows to every party, when it happens to be in oppofition, a certain latitude in waywardnefs and contention, which it may indulge, without lofing all credit for integrity and patriptifin. If the meafures, purfued in the courfe of this feffion, had been intended to produce no other effedt, than to thwart the inclinations of the king, and to undermine the credit of his miniflers, though perhaps in fome inftanccs they were neither ftriclly juft nor expedient, yet would they not have brought upon the authors of them any deeper ftain, than what is contraded almoft by every party fretted with depreflion and difap- pointment. But when the violence of oppofition precipitated them into a meafure, which breathed the fpirit of perfecution, and entailed a Lifting difgrace upon the Britifh legiflature, it cannot be recited, by any friend to liberty and his country, without unaffedled detefta- tion and abhorrence. Such w^as the fpirit and tendency of a bill. Severe aA now introduced into the houfe of commons for preventing the growth man cat'bo- of popery. It required, that all perfons, educated in the Roman catholic religion or fufpeded to be of it, who fucceeded.to any cflate, fhould take the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, and the teft, as foon as they arrived at the age of eighteen ; and if they did not, their eftates were to devolve to the next proteftant heir. All popifli priefts were to be banifhed, and adjudged to perpetual imprifonment if they fhould again return into England ; and the reward of one hundred pounds was to be allowed to fuch perfons as fhould dilcovcr and convift any of them ^\ *' Journ. Commons, yth March, 2d Apiil. ♦* Journ. Commons, 7th February; iitli Journ. Lords, 4th Apr.l. Lords' Debates, and 14th March. Journ. Lords, iSth March. vol. ii. p- 15. , 3 X An 522 THEHISTORYOF CHAP. An unfortunate coincidence of circumftances united perfons, of dif- y\ La., \ , 1 ferent parties and fentiments, in the fupport of this bill : it pafled '" ' unanimoufly in the houfe of commons, and by a great majority in the houfc of lords. The return of many Roman catholic priefts into England, after the peace of Ryfwick, and their imprudence, by appearing in public and attempting converfions, excited a jealoufy of the king's having fecretly confented to indulgences, inconfiftent with the fafety of the proteftant religion. An apprehenfion of the growth of popery generally prevailed ; and feemed to derive con- firmation from fads, fet forth in a petition to the commons, by the clergv of Lancaftcr, praying, that fome effedlual method might be ufed for preventing the infolent behaviour and attempts of popifh priefts "'. The influence of Roman catholic proprietors, in the courfe of the late elections, had infufed a rancour into the breafts of indivi- duals, againft whom it had been exerted, which now difcharged itfelf under the mafk of religious zeal. There were a great many perfons, in both houfes, too much difpofed to efpoufe every meafure calculated to increafe the uneafinefs, and injure the reputa- tion, of the king ; and to Inch bafe purpofes this bill appeared ex- cellently adapted. From the warm and ftcady attachment of Wil- liam to the principles of toleration, they were perfuaded that he never would confent to a meafure founded in bigotry, and fraught with oppreflion. But fhould it be obftruded by him, his prin- ciples would be brought under fufpicion ; and he muft forego all the merit he had acquired as the faviour and guardian of the proteftant religion. BcflefticwiE. The embarraiTed fituationof the king, the malignity of his enemies, and the depreffion of his fpirlts, all furnirtied matter of apology for his acquiefcing in this bill. But there is not any perfon, moved by a juft refpedl for his memory, and the honour of Britain, who can heli- tate to fay what he would have wifhed him to have done, in this hard conflict between expediency and virtue. Had he firmly withftood the ■*> Journ. Commons, 7th Feb, ; izth and 14th March. Journ. Lords, 18th March. Burnet. J 3 fpirit POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, cVc. j,. Ipirlt of perfecutlon, at the hazard of his repofe and his crown, by C n A p. ufing his negative to prevent a nieafure fo cruel to individuals, and v_jl!i-_, fo reproachful to the legillature, he would have attained a luftrc of '^'°' charader, which, though intercepted by the prejudices of the times, muft have been more permanent, than that which is acquired by the moft brilliant atchievements of the general, or the ablcft negocia- tions of the ftatefman "". The intereft of the whigs, it has been obfervcd, had been de- clining iince the end of the war, and the king had been pcr- fuaded to bring many of the tories into office after the adjournment of parliament. From the general tenor of the meafures purfued iu the courfe of the fccond feflion, it did not appear, that adminiftra- tion had acquired any acceffion of vigour, or the king any addi- tional influence, from the experiment fo far as it extended. The tories now found a favourable opportunity for pufhing their pretcn- AdJrcf> ana fions to the exclufive pofleffion of minifterial offices. Though the thc"orlcs"fo° refumption of the Irifh forfeitures, in the firft inftance, infringed |iuh*t'hc"kin the influence and wounded the honour of the kine, yet the intereft to iring 'i-'C* ° •' into po*er. of particular members of adminiftration was alfo deeply affeded by it, and other meafures of oppofition were diredly levelled againft the leaders of the whigs. Lord Soraers was particularly the objedl of refentment, and often attacked by the motions of the tories in the houfe of commons ■*'. Hence it was plaufible to afcribe the con- tentious oppofition, of which the king complained, to an avcrlion for his minifters, and to reprefent to him, that if he could be pre- ♦* It is truly lamentable to obferve, hew defended it, not only on the grounds of ex- much the fpirit of party often ccntradifts the pediency, butju.lice. Burnet, 1699. pure decifions of cool judgment, and coiin- ■♦' Lord Soincrs had attraiDcd ilic pcironal terafts the generous feelings of thS heart, lefcntment of the tories more than anv of his Bi(hop Burnet, who glories in being the friend partners in aJminillration, bccaufc he had ad- of toleration, and who, as often as he iias oc- vifcd the king to turn out of tlic comniiilion of cafion to deliver his fentiments upon that fub- tjie peace tliofc perfons, who rcfufed to fign the jed, attains to an elevation of mind fuperior aflbciation occafionid by the confpiracy againlf to the age in which he lived, ye:, in the dif- him in the year 1696. Many of the torif < cuffion of this bill in the houfc of lords, he were excluded and the diiTcnters brought in. 3^2 vailed 5H THE HISTORY OF H A P, XIX. i-cc. Lord Somers removed from admi- luftration. 17th April. 4.th July. Events con- tribuniig to complete cliaiige of minillry. vailed upon to dUmifs them, his affairs would be carried on with fmoothnefs and fuccefs ". The tories were fortunate in urging thefe reprefcntations by fuch agents, as, from their private connexions and political interefts, entered into them with zeal ; while their perfonal favour with the king difpofed him to liften to them with a favour- able ear. The earl of Albemarle, the eavl of Jerfey, brother to lady Orkney, and lord Sunderland, who made all parties by turns the dupes of his intrigues, concurred with the tories to bend the inclinations of the king to a change of adminiftration ^'. Their affiduous application, under the pretext of anxiety for his intereft, brought the king, after much agitation, to adopt the refo- lution of removing lord Somers from his councils. No minifter, in the whole courfe of his reign, ferved him with more invariable attachment, and with greater ability and faithfulnefs, than lord Somers had done. A grateful fenfe of his fervices made the king defirous of difmiffing him in the mofl: delicate manner, and of making his retirement appear to be the effedl of his own choice. A manly refpedl to his reputation, fortified by integrity, as well as a regard to tlie intereft of his party, rendered him obftinate agalnfl: repeated importunities to confent to a voluntary refignatlon, left it fhould be imputed to the irapulfe of fear, or the confcioufnefs of guilt. Lord Jerfey was at length fent to him to demand the feals, and they were furrendered with complacency into his hands. Wil- liam afterwards difcovered great compundion for this facrifice, which he made to gratify a party, and lamented it at the dole of his life '\ The removal of Somers was all the tories could obtain before the king's departure to Holland. He was probably ftill determined to ^ adhere to his plan, of mixing parties, and of maintaining the fupe- riority of the whigs. Two events occurred, during the recefs of '" Burnet, 1700. Hiftory, vol. i. p. 183. Hardwick's Collefiion, vol. '^ Jbld. p. 252. ii. p. 439. Cunningham's parliament, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 6cc. 525 parliament, which introduced a material change into the political C ir A P. ftate of England, and rendered it expedient, if not nccelfary, to c— ^— — _# throw the adminlflration entirely into the hands of the torics. ' By the death of the duke of Gloucefter, the protcftant intcrell D^thoftlic was expofed to new dangers ; for as he was the laft protcftant heir Gloucciler, in the act of fettlement, fo his relation to the exiled family, his "'^ 'J"*'' birth within the kingdom, and his talents, which were promifing, united the attachment cf every party, and tnfured his peaceable acceflion, at fome future day, to the throne of England. To thofc, who difintereftedly coufulted the fafcty of the conftitution, it ap- The import- peared of the higheft importance, that the entail of the crown undin" thJ fliould be extended in the proteftant line, and that this fliould be fJ°cefl,oi?. done without lofs of time, before the affedtions of the people began to fix upon another fucceflbr, or Inch political confederacies to be formed, as might afterwards prove too flubborn to yield to the authority of a ftatute, or the true welfare of the nation. Such an extenfion of the adl of fettlement was agreeable to the principles of the whlgs, and was their profeffcd defire. It was imi)oiril)le for them to withhold their concurrence with it, when it fliould come under the difcuflion of parliament, without being for ever infamous for inconfiflency and treachery. Though an oppoiition to the pro- teftant fucceft!ion might have been expeded from tlie torics out of power, the whigs feem to have been juftly entitled to the honour of conducing a political tranfaclion, which was confonant to their prin- ciples, and neceflary to the prefervation of that fabric of government which they had eredlcd. There is reafon, however, to believe, that the whigs, who were barely a match for the tories in anyqueftionafitcl- ing their political competition, would never have been able to carry a meafure of the higheft national confequence, inoppofition tothciranta- gonifts feconded by the republican party, whicii wiflicd that the fuc- ceflion might remain indcterminateand controverted. For breaking the joint force of the tories and republicans, no expedient fccmcd more effcdual. 5^6 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. cfTe^lual, than to devolve the reins of government into the hands of XIX. " > o - ' the former. Whatever meafures their prejudices might incline them to purfue, yet, when they came into office, the patronifing the proteftant fucceflion would be found neceffary to gratify the defire of the nation, and to retain the power they had acquired. The ftate of A change in foreign politics co-operated, with domeftic events, to tio.'^"^°'' I'cnder the prefent ftate of England eminently critical, and to re- commend the plan of conciliating that party, which might be- expeded to thwart the progrefs of the moft m-gent bufinefs. The death of the king of Spain could not fail, in one way or other, to increafe the power of France. The only queflion was. What might be the mofl cfFe(flual method of rendering it as little as pofTible con- ducive to that effect ? Defpairing of his ability to reftrain the ambi- tion of Lewis by the awe of war, in the prefent temper of the Englifh, William had entered into a treaty for dividing the territo- ries of the Spanifh monarch in fuch a manner, as feemed moft effedual to diminifti the advantages, accruing to France from his demife. To this treaty the principal members of the whig admi- niftration had been privy, and it was intended by the tories to render it the bafis of their crimination ". But under what colour of argu- ment could this be done ? — not, furely, becaufe it had yielded too little to France. Such a charge would have been an outrage to the prejudices of the people, and would have redounded upon thofe who brought it forward. It was aflerted, that it had yielded too much ; that the king and his minifters had been over-reached by Lewis ; and that the intereft of the empire, of the States, and of England, were betrayed. Death of the The jundture of events gave new force to thefc objedions, and s'"afn°^ft P"^ *° ^^^ ^^^ '■^^ fmcerity of the perfons who urged them. The November, j^jj^g ^f Spain died, and left a will, bequeathing his whole domi- nions to the duke of Anjou, fecond fon of the Dauphin. By " See Chapter XX. accepting POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, .^c. 537 accepting the will in behalf of his grandfon, Lewis diflblved tiie ^ ^\ A P. reftridtions to which he had confentcd by the partition treaty. Thofc < '_ _j Avho had cenfured the treaty, could not confiftently contend for ^'''^' bringing him back to the performance of engagements contra«2.cd by it, and far lefs could they acquief'ce in the tranfcendent and more dangerous augmentation of power, transferred to him by the tefta- ment of Charles. It was evident, that, if the fpirit of thefe arguments were pur- fued, they muft terminate in demands and propofals, which could not be obtained by the influence of negociation, or any bloodlefs means of coercion. Though the king was convinced, in his own mind, of the inevitable neccfllty of a war with France, in order to eftablifli fuch limitations of her power as were eflcntial to the inde- pendence of Europe, yet he willied that the motion for it might originate with his people, and receive the approbation of every party. As a war, carried on with unanimity, could alone anfwer the purpofe for which it was undertaken, fo it was only by afllgn- ing to the tories the principal departments of adminiftration, that he could hope to accomplifh this objed:. The confiderations and cir- cumftances recited fully explain the motives, which induced the king to prefer the tories after the fecond feflion of his fourth par- liament. The firfl meafure he adopted, by the advice of his new minifters, DiilMution of was a difTolution of parliament, by which they hoped to obtain fuch a majority of the reprefentatives as would give Aability to their Ti the continent, or of obtaining, \ _ -.- ^ from his parliament, fupplics of money and ti'oops for maintaining a '*''^ * fuccefsful oppofitlon to the pretenfions of Lewis, upon the event of a vacancy in the throne of Spain *. . From the influence of thefe circumftances and motives, two princes, of oppofite interefts and aftedions, vs'erc moulded into the temper of concciTioa and treaty. It was expedient for William to confent to the augmentation of the power of France in a certain ♦ The following expieffions in. William's letters to the pcnfionary Heinfius, fuongly in- dicate his apprehen lions of the ambition of Lewis, his uneafinefs from the prclcnt temper of the Englifh, and. his motives and views for entering into the partition treaty. " 1 find your tlioughts entirely occupied " with the great ftorm which feems to hang " over our heads, by the likelihood of the ♦' king of Spain's death. I think you per- " fcftly comprehend this affair, imd I Ihould " conform myfclf alfo thereto. I only wilh. " my power was fuch as that I could properly " fecomi your hearty fentiments. As far as I *• can penetrate into the opinions of moll " people here, there fcems fo great an avcr- «' fion to fall again into war at prefent, that, " fliould France make any kind of plaufib'e " propofals of accommodation, they will here " be inclined to accept them, without con- " fidering much the fccurity of them ; fo that, " in cafe a f:ar is to be the ii/'fiot of this btiji- " nefs, I tnufi take my meajuresfi as to hying llJ '" nation infenfMy into .'/." Lord Hardvvicke's CoJIefliori of State Papers, voL ii. 'p. 340. " I find people begin here more and more " to fear the death of the king of Spain, '" being perfuaded that it will draw on, a war ; " to which they, in that cafe, fcero rcfolved j " but would contribute little or nothing e.v- " cept to the marine, and leave the v.ar by " land to the republic and the other allier, " which they would not carry through ; " though, on the other hand, I'fee'm likcli- .3 Y ' hood (if bringing the parliament to giic motiej ' Jufficient to keep-Jo xrmfiderMe a body of troefi ' in the Sfamjb 'Ntthtrtandt-i at 1 bad tht li^ ' ivar i and i<:ithout that I fee no poJJibiUty of ' defending them." Ibid. p. 34.2. " As the affair now ftands, 1 think it lucky ' that we have no farther engagement u ith ^the emperor .-ibout the fucccflion ; and it is ' quellicnable whether the grand alliance ' fubfifls or not ; for I am much afraid, that, ' in cafe the king of Spain rtiould now hap- ' pen to die fuddenly, we (hould be obliged ' to ecme to an accommodation, at 7 Jo not fee ' hoiUf in the prefeiit Jituatifn, tve fiouljfHn ' be able to put ourfelves in a condition to ivitb- ■ Jtand the too great ftnjier of Freuice" Ibid. • 343- " I confefs, that, ever}' thing confidercd, ■ it is very qucllionable which alternative 10 ' chufe, and to negociate farther thereon; ' but this ii beyond a doubt, that when tliefc ' od'ers C'f. Fr|Wice are public, in England aud ' Holland, it, luilj he difficult to get tbtm to ' cori/eni ,to a 'war, in 'cafe tbt king of Sfaht ' Jhould happen to die novj, fo that mtafuies ' triiifl be taken in eonfcquence." Ibid. p. 347. " Agreeably to this conllitution, it u ini- ' pofiible to get the parliament to confciit to , grant any i;ioney on an uncertainty, or for a future time; fo tliat I can do nothing re- lative to that, and God knows wl\cliicr 1 ftiall no^ be obliged to reduce more troops, ^ Sonfprraably fp ^Ije ftrft idea of pwlia- "jiicnt." Ibid. 2 iii-u,ii;c. sy- .:-'> THE Kl STOR Y OF li A p. degree, that he might prevent the farther augmentation oflt'^fTt A A • 1698. was the intereft of Lewis, to rcftrain the fond propenfions of his Ambitious fpirit, and to reaHfe fomewhat upon terms of compro- mife, rather than to hazard, not only, the lofs of new and fub- ftantial acquifitions, but the interruption of his domeftic tranquil- Ury^, and the ruiii of his native dominions, by the precarious fortune of war. Firft parti- In the fpirit of thefe arguments, general overtures, for a treaty ^' about the fucceflion of the Spanifh empire, originated with the March. court of France, and were firft propofed by Meflrs. Ppmpone and .Torcy, in the name of their mafter, to the earl of Portland, the "Englifh ambaffador at Paris'.- Count Toltard afterwards made pro- pofals on the fame fubjeft to king William, and Monfieur Bonrepos April. to the States at the Hague, and even fpecified the particular condi- tions, upon which their mafter was difpofed to enter into a treaty for dividing the dominions of Spain \ When thefe were more fully digefted and reduced to form, the king communicated them to 15th Auguft. fecretary Vernon by the earl of Portland, and he wrote a letter with his own hand to lord Somers, defiring his opinion and advice f Hai-dvvicke's Colleftions, vol. ii. p. 335. refpeft to that tranfaflion, have too liallily 342. ' admitted. Ibid. p. 339. line 12. p. 341. * Frbni a critical pei-uA:! of the feveral let- 1. 19. p. 361. I. i6, &c. To fum up all, in ters which were written by king William to the concife and jiidicious remark of lord Hard- Penfionary Heinfins, upon the fubjeft of the wicke, who has favoured the world with the partition treaty, it evidently appears, that the publication of thcfa letters : " Though the propofal of it came from Lewis. Hardwicke's " partition treaty ended unfortunately, and CoIIcftions, vol. ii. p. 333-4-5- 342- That " difpleafed all parties, the difinterefted and William entered into it with dillidence, and «« upright intentions of king William, in pro- prcjceeded with the raoft cautious fteps, and " moting it, are fufficientiy apparent from that he was Well aware of the inconveniences '• thefe papers. Strong fenfe, and an e.xten- and dangers which attended it ; but that thefe " five view of the interefls of Europe, par- were outweighed by a conviftion of the im- " ticularly thofe of the countries he governed, ■portance of the advantages, which England . " are no lefs difcerniWc, and will do honour and lioUand would probably derive fi cm it : " to the memory of a prince, who, with all that in no ftage of the bnfinefs was he ever " his defefts, deferves the veneration of every furprifed or over-re.aehed by the craftinefs of " good EoglilTiman." Hardwicke's Collec- Levvis; a reproach> which fome of his friends, tions, vol. ii. p. 333. ignorant of the vouchers lately publilhcd viith upoa POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. S3i upon the fubjed of them. It is, however, material to obferve, that, ^ '' ^ ''• as the treaty was figned in the name of William, before he rcceivcJ \..—^^^~mj lord Somers's anfwer, this meafure could not be afcribed to the in- fluence of that nobleman, nor to tliofe with whom he confultcd upon his having received the king's letter '. Though this treaty proved abortive, by the premature dcatli of IVovcsabor- '^ , . ... •'^'^ I'v tl>c the electoral prince of Bavaria, yet every motive, whicli induced the Jiratirofthc iv'^t ir..! contrading powers to agree to it, IHll fubfifled, and derived addi- f/vucoiHi- tional force from the political fituaticn of France and lingland. The gi^rci, ^Cnn. vigilance and importunity of the queen of Spain, in fupport of the claim of her brother the emperor, operated, with vifible fucccfs, upon the temper and counfels of her hufband. While the Germans were admitted into Catalonia, that they might have the advantage of being upon the fpot when the throne of Spain fliould become vacant, the French ambaflador was hardly permitted to converfe with the miniflers upon bufnicfs; and was coldly received by the nobility and attendants of the court. The flrong dlfguft, entertained againft Lewis, was agp,ravated by the news of the partition treaty, which was a mortification to the feeling, and an infult to the autho- rity, of the Spanifh monarch. In fuch circumftances, it would have been in vain to have entered into competition with the emperor, for the favour of that court, or the future fucceflion to that kingdom '. At the fame period, the difcontcnts of the Englifti nation, the un- ' The treaty was figned on the 19th of Sp.inifli monarchy fituatcd on the coift of Tuf- Aiigull i6'j8. Lord Somers's letter was dated cany, or the adjacent illcs; and likewilc aJl on the 28th of Augu'l. The fubjeifl of the places on the French fide of the Pyrenees, or treaty was communicated by lord Somers to the other mountains of Navarre, Olava, Bif- the duke of Shrewtbury, lord Orford, Mr. cay, on the other fide of the province of Montague, and Mr. Vernon; fo that lord Guipufcoa, fliould be given to the dauphin, Somers's letter, in anfwer to king William's, in confi.kration of his right. That th'- cro vn jr.ay be confidcred as containing their joint Of Spain, ani all the other provinces b?!oiig- fentiments. ing to it, fhould dcfcend to the clcdloral prince The principal articles of the firft partition of Bavaria, treaty were, that the kingdom of Naples and ' Torcy, vol.i. 1658.^ Sicily, with all the places depending upon the popularity 534 THE HISTORY OF 17C0. tion treaty. H A P. popularity of the king, and the turbuJent fplrit of his parliament, were ftill increafing. Not only the army, but the naval eftablilh- ment was reduced: The Internal influence of the crown, and the perfonal authority of William, were diminiflied by that freedom of fpeech, with which his conduct and meafures were ceiifured by the oppofition in the houfe of commons ; while, in the courfe of debates in both houfes, the name of Lewis began to be introduced with great refped: ; and fome did not fcruple to declare it as their opinion, that it was a matter of indifference to England, whether a French or German prince fhould fill the throne of Spain \ Whatever might be the cafe with regard to England, yet, certainly, with Holland the alternative was widely different ; and her intereft, as might be expedted, flrongly influenced the rcfolutions and meafures of Second parti- William. A fecond partition treaty was therefore fet on foot, foon after the death of the eledoral prince of Bavaria ; and though re- tarded by the irrefolute, dilatory condudl of the emperor, who re- filled every invitation to have any part in it, was at laft figned by Lewis, William, and the States '°. ■ The French king, we may believe from the circumftances above mentioned, was no lefs fincere in this fecond treaty, than he had been in the firft. It was' impolTible to render effedual the fucceifion of the dauphin, or any of his family, in oppofition to the will of Philip the fourth, enforced by England, Holland, and the Empire. So anxious was Lewis to accomplifh this treaty, that he expreifed great * Tindal, vol. iv. p. 63. duke Charles was to be heir to the kingdom '° This treaty was figned at London on the of Sp.iin and all the provinces belonging to it, 2ift of February, .and at the Hague 25th out of, and in Europe, with the exceptions March, 1700. By it the kingdom of Naples above mentioned. Three months were al- and Sicily was given to the dauphin, and alfo lowed for the emperor to accede to this treaty, the iflands upon the Italian coaft belonging to The earneft defire of Lewis for obtaining Lor- Sp.-iin, the city and marquifate of Final, and rain, feems to have been the caufe of his con- the province of Guipufcoa. The duchies of fenting to raife a fon of the emperor to the Lorrain and B.irr were alfo to be adjoined to throne of Spain. Hardwickc's Col. vol. ii. the kingdom of France, for which the duke p. 366. of Lorrain was to receive Milan. The arch- impatience 1700. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 5cc. 535 impatience upon William's delaying his llgnature ; and, inftcad of ^ ", ^ ''• forming any fcheme to over-reach him, was uneafy Icll he IhoiiKl recede from the terms already agreed to. It is true, at the fame time, that the former, famillarlCed to double dealing, though he folicited this treaty v.ith the purpofe of adhering to it, wifhcd to make it the inftrument of a feparation between England and Ger- many ; but this crafty defign did not efcape the alert penetration of William, who guarded againfl: it with the wifeft precaution ". After this treaty was figned, a combination of circumftances reconciled the inclinations of the court and the people of Spain to the fucceOion of a fon of France, and awakened the ambition of Lewis ; while, at the fame time, they undoubtedly tended to extenuate, if not to re- move, the charge of his injuftice and treachery in departing from the treaty. The news of the fecond partition treaty excited a general iiulig- Gcner.il in- nation among the Spaniards. The king was enraged at the con- s'u'i.i'upon' tempt and indignity thrown upon him, by the interfereitCe of thofc ''■*''".'8 "'»''* ' u y 1 ' . partition princes, who had prefumed to divide and parcel his dominions, as 'f<-^'). appeared moft convenient for themfelves, without his advice or par- ticipation. Every fubjeft of Spain felt the Ihame of confcious de- gradation, in the approaching maiming and breaking of that empire, of which he was a member. Under this impreflion, the claim, founded upon lineal defceut, became more flriking and forcible, while wills and renunciations appeared violent infradions of the rights of " The caution and penetration of William April i, 1693. Il.irJwickc'i Col. vol. ii. app'.'ar from the following expreflions in hii p. 3:51;. letters to Heinfius : " 1 am entirely of your opinioi), that this " The greateft hardrtiip that appears to mc " intended anhvcr 01' France is only, by m.ik- " in this bufinefs, is, the little reliance to be " ing the negocialion public, to prcfs ui Co " made on engagements with France; and " much the more to a conclufion, without the " her power will be thereby fo much the more " emperor's intervention ; and that France's " confidcrable, that (lie will be at liberty to " prcfent objet^, according to my judgment, " pay juft as much regard to the treaties as " is to feparatc us by that means from that " may fuit h r convenience, of which we " party." Sept. ly, 1699. Ibid. p. 378. " have had but too much experience." nature, S:i6 THEHISTORYOF nature, and the rules of fucceffion adopted by every civilized ftatos The prefervation of the balance of power, the only apology for the ''''°°* officious interpofition of foreign ftates, was a principle too refined for popular apprehenfion ; and the confequences of it but little in- terefting to thofe, who, however much the fecurity of other govern- ments might be advanced by the treaty, were theinfelves to fink in the fcale of empire. Superiority of ftrength concurred, with the claim of right, to make the fubjeds of Spain wifli for the alliance of The fenti- France ; and in proportion as that power had been formidable when ments and j r 1 wUhesofthat dircdcd againft them, it appeared a more denrable fource of pro- come more tedlion, and the more capable of averting the difgrace and ruin, with to Lewis!*" which they were threatened. The guilt of Lewis, in being acceffary to this treaty, was alleviated by the moderation he difcovered, in controlling thofe ample claims which he was entitled to prefer, under the right of lineal inheritance, and by the rules of common juftice. From fuch views, and the feelings which they excited, the refent- ment of Spain was gradually withdrawn from France, and transferred entirely to England and Holland ". In the mean while, the count Harrach, the ambaffador of the emperor at Madrid, talked of the partition treaty in a manner that was not lefs offenfive to the court, than as if the emperor had been adually concerned in it. He complained of the injury done to the archduke, and announced threats of revenge, as if that prince had been already feated upon the throne of Spain ". The queen be- came now more cold and referved to the Germans ; their interell de- clined apace, and the merit, which the emperor expeded to derive from keeping aloof from the treaty, was effaced by his confident and indelicate anticipation of the crown, and the haughty demeanour of his ambaffador. The overbearing manners of the Germans in Ca- talonia became every day more difgufting to the people; and, at laft, excited a general averfion from any nearer alliance with a nation, " Torcy, vol. i. 1699. " Ibid. whofe POLITIC'ALiTRA'NSA^rrc^WS, cV. 537 whofe infolence and opprefTion^ it was'to- be feared; would grow In- C II A v. tole'rable, flioiild " one ot- their j^rinccs be exalted to the throne. >—■ — ^ The council, the nobility, -the church,' and thc'lawyers, at length all '^°'' united iii' recom mending' a ' j^referehfc'e to the ch(tin bP Frnnd;, as moil confonant to nhtural julHce, and moft likely to prcferve thd unity, the dignity, and ' t-ii'e - j^eace, of the Spanifli cmp*irc;'' TM drftrefs ofUhe king',' art fing from bodily itifirmity and difcafc, was daily uicreafed by 'the ettiotiohs'of'fear,' anger, Tefentinent, atid'thc' fliidluatihg relbliifiorls-'df-a' weak and diflurbed' mind. It feeAicd impofRblci "by ahy'deftination of hii dominion?,' to gratify all the diflerent reTehtments whicli th6'*treaty ekcircti; and to unite "t^ie inclinations' of- his' pe^opl'^', tlie (Sfefire' of his tpieen, and thi future glory of Mij dominions. He'Confulted theologians, civilians, 'the neareft relations of the royal fimily ; but; ftill remained waverin"- and undetermined. A predominant fuperftitiouj augmented by the near and awful pcofpeft o£ death, ditioiofed him to indulge the hope of -obtaining mental repofe^ perhaps, 'of .providiflg- fome flock of md^rit, by furrendering Ms' will to the dictates of the highefl; facred authority. He cobfulted pope Innocent the Twelfth, who prudently gave his-farif^ion'tO'that deftinati6''n,bf tlic'tenntories of Spain /Avliich enfured ap^rObjition -and' foccef^^ "frork tHe-'fiippbrt'of all' claYTc* of men in that kingdom, and'wh-iVJh w'tis moft likel^ to enlarge "his ec- clefiaftical domin'ation '\ Charles the Secon'd tif"8'paih made a will, ^.^J"'' a"d , ' . ] « ill of the on the fec'ondof OvSlobfer one thoufaiSd feVi^n .hurtdred, benucnthinc: ^'"S of his whole dominions to tliednke' of Arijoti,'fe'cond fon of thcrDrna*i phin, and died on the'firft of- November following.' The king-of France, with a prudilh indifierence, afFccled to hcfi- tate about accepting the will, and at laft profefled to rcfef himfelf to loihNov. the uninfluenced advice of his council. Indepei'ident of fuch autho- rity, there were not wanting fpecious • arguments for accepting it, Tlic French and fuch as certainly rendered the condud of Lewi;, in this aflair,- thcw'iJl. '+ Torcy, vol. i. 1699, 1700. 3 Z more 538 THE HISTORY OF 1700. His rearons for it. more excufable, than if the fole alternauve had been his adherence to the partition treaty. But this was not the cafe. The profeflcd obje(Sl of the treaty was to maintain the balance of power among the weftern kingdoms of Europe ; and to eftablifh their prefent peace and future independence. By a claufe in the king of Spain's will, the treaty of partition was rendered inadequate to this end, unlefs it had obtained the concurrence of the emperor. For it was exprefsly provided, that, if the king of France declined to take ad- vantage of the will in behalf of his grandfon, the dominions of Spain, undivided, fhould defcend to the archduke Charles, the fe- cond fon of Leopold. As he had not acceded to the treaty, there was no bar to his claiming the benefit of the will to his family ; and fuch a claim was incompatible with the plan and articles of the treaty. The balance of power, it was obferved, would be overfet by fuch an addition of territory to the houfe of Auflria ; whereas it was aflerted, that it would not be moved by the fucceflion of the duke of Anjou, whofe family, in the courfe of a few years, natu- ralized in Spain, would grow as indifferent to the peculiar interefts of France, as if not a drop of tlie blood of Bourbon had flowed in their veins. The queftion now aQumcd a different form ; it was not, whether the will of the king of Spain, or the partition treaty, fliould take place ? But it was, whether the archduke Charles, or the duke of Anjou, fhould fucceed to the crown and the entire empire of Spain ? None of the princes of Europe, except the king of Portugal and the duke of Lorrain, had acceded to the treaty ; and therefore were not bound to enforce the obfervance of it, if the parties more immediately concerned fhould difagree. Confidering the irrecon- cilable politics of the princes, nearly or remotely interefted in the Spanifh fucceffion, war feemed to be unavoidable ; and the only alternative, left to the choice of F.'ance, was, whether fhe would adhere to the will, affifled by the whole force of Spain, in cafe it Jhould be controverted or oppofed by other powers j or, whether 6 fhe rOLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c si9 {\\t would fight agalnft the emperor and Spain united, for, com- CHAP. paratively, a I'lnall portion ot" territory. Thus, when the merits of \^—^.~~^ the caufe were impartially difculfcd, it appeared, that there was will *'**** againft will; but the natural and inextinguifhablc claim of hereditary right was entirely on the fide of France. Lewis even boafted of hi» moderation in renouncing the treaty, by which his own dominions would have been extended, rather than to occafion a war, which would involve all Europe in horror and defolation ". Such was the fubftance of the arguments and expoftulatlons con- tained in the memorials, tranfmittcd by Lewis and liis grandfon to the feveral courts of Europe. The emperor declared both againft the treaty and the will : the States General remonftratcd againft the meafurcs taken by France, for carrying the will into execution; and declined, at firft, to acknowledge the duke of Anjou as king of Spain, under the pretext of confulting the feveral provinces and cities united with them. To the king of England alone, no immediate notifica- tion was made of the acceffion of the duke of Anjou to the throne of Spain, as if it had been intended to detach the vStatcs from his counfels, and to remove the opportunity of his interference, which they knew would prove adverfe to their wifhes "". In the mean time, the preparations and mcafures of the court of Hr tak* » France, for eftabllfliing the duke of Anjou on the throne of Spain, for tiiibilft were carried on with expedition and vigour, and became every day ("Lmfhc more formidable to their neighbours. The new king left P'rance with a fplendid retinue, and entered into his dominions on the fourth of December one thoufand feven hundred. The troops of France were introduced into the Spanifh garrifons in the Netherlands and Italy ; and her fleets were fent to Cadiz and the Weft Indies. Lewis entered " Memorial for his ChrilVian Majefty, 4th the dcfirc of the new king of Sp.iin, who. in Dec. 1700. Somcrs's Collcflion, vol. viii. the zca! of his fricndlhlp lor Jamts h.-«d pro. p. 27c. mifcd thai he never would .acknowledge ti\y "> Some hiftorians impute this omiirion to other king of lingland. Buract, 1701. 3 Z 2 into iiiralurrt I and- e thrijnc of ^pain. 54^ THE HIS TORT/. OF lyoa-i. The fifth par- liament meets. The whigs and the tories reciorocally upbraid each other with corruption. into treaties- witli the "king of Portugal, tlie duke of Savoy, the duke of Mantua^ and feveral of the pririces'irl Germany;'". He chaftifed the Dutch for' their indeteri?iincd conduQ, by making prifQuers of all their' troops,' which Were fta'tioned in the garrifons of the SpaniOi Netherlands". Unprepared for war,- while 'they were thre^Jtened with an Immediate invafion by the united-forces of two.pQteijt king- doms, the States were compelled to- adopt the refolution. of .writing a letter to Lewis,. ackn'owledgihg his gralidfon kingof.^pain.-*' > : Such \*as the -ftate of Europe at . operjing the fiflh,,paii-liament of William, on the tenth day of February one tliQuff^iid feven hundred and one "... I fhave. entered more minutely into- the circumftances of the partition- tr,eaty,.,not.jCirijily.pni-account„,Qf its-cftuaexipn vxith the ijiterior policy, of, Englaad.j^t,thfi^ periD(^,-,but.oj>.,acco,uat .©fits giving, rifeta a wa-rj-fthe mo,ll.e^t,enfivre .a^d.interefting; and produqing po- litical aflbciatronf, whjch llilf cciitiriue materially to ailefl the.CQUr diiion o-fourtpyvii country, aoid of fercig^T^ ftate«., ,-, ,^ . , -T-bje firft. prp&eedings pf pafliameiit .afforded. 3|oattec of recipjocal >nvedtiv& and crimination. The .wh^g^. were ..accuied of new in- veiitions.of. hribe^yi .^ndjtJK^ gvpi^cil.ads^pfcorruption ; ,while^ they complained, in their turn,.' that- a. partial majority overJooked evidence, which wouM tav© fixed the guilt, malicic-ully imputed to.theini.uppn ^^ebradyerf^ries; and, in, order to exprefs their derifion of the, af- feded purity of the tories, it was remarked, that fir Edward Sey- .'"_Tqrcy, vol. i. 1700. . . , . , ' ^'' 'rtic -States',- after "tlie -peace of -RyAvick, werp.permiued'to. keep poffeffion of iome of^ the §p.^ci.Qi towns in Flanders, for aconfiderable ^ de15f 'wHicli tlie crown owed thtriV; »• The' ting Gf-Ftf»nce effef ed to the qo\incil: gf .Spain.- .to _ pay the money, that they might be freed from the Dutch troops. , .■-.'» eakcr, .which- r>'as confidered an evidence of his being entirely devoted to the in- tcrells of the tories. He was defcenJ-;d from a fari-.iiy v%hich h.id been eminent among tli« - preft>ytenans, waV educated in that relii-icr-,' , andArl^inally connefted_with the whigs, fwha imputed his defcrtion to ambition, becaufe he • thought Tie was riot enough confidercd bythem. . Tindal, -vol. iv. p. i8x. IVIr. Harley ackncwle'dges himTclf 'to have been originally a whiw, and to have gone over to ithe tories, bscaiife the whigs had deferted the'principles which they profcffed,- and the tories had a/Tumed them. Faults on both Sides. Somers' CollciUonii, vol. xv. p. 291. mour. POLITICAL TRANS ACTIONS, 3cc. 5^ mbu;', who I had himfelf fuperintended corruption under diflcrent C H A i*. prhices, and in Xucceeding parliaments, \vii3 now tlic moll adive •,_ --.- _f indrument in expoling it ; and received the thanks of the lioulc for '""" ]iis Terviees ""'. , Some of the whig hiftorians have aflcrted, that a defign was formed by the tories to open the bulinefs, in tlie houfc of commons, with an addrels to the king, praying him to acknowledge tlic duke of Anjou as rightful king of Spaing'.' "Diftniftrul, however, of the information of party, we ought to found our opinions upon facts which cannot deceive. Relying upoii them, we ihall find fomewhat to commend, and enough to ccnfurc, in the condud of the tories, during this felficn -of parliament, without adopting either the extra- yagant panegyirics of their friends, or the unfounded fufpicions fug- geftcd by their antagonifts. Fortunate, however, they certainly were, in being placed at the helm of power, when they enjoyed the opportunity of profecuting rneafures, Vvhich efTentially contributed to the profperity of their country, at that period, and in future ages ; and; wliich, perhapB, they could not have ncgledcd, without Jofing for ever all credit for fidelity and patriotifm. The king' mentioned the death of the duke of Glouceflcr in liis fpeech to parliament, and recornmended in general fuch meafurcs as would be moll conducive to the intereft and iafcty of England, the prefervation of the proteftant religion, and the peace of Europe. The commons, in their addrefs to the throne, promifcd to take fuch m^afures as might beft conduce to the objeds recommended by his majefly. A divifion took place upon the article relative to the peace of Europe ; but it was carried by a connderablc majority ". William had now a difficult part to ad. He was ftcrctly pro- Emb.ur.ifr- voked at the violation of the partition treaty : he dreaded, more liam. than ever, the enlargement of the power of France by the accc/Tion of the SpaniQi monarchy; and he was perfuaded, that the only •*' Ralph, vol. ii. p. 92G. " Cornet, Tiiida!. '^ Journ. Commons, i-i-ih l\b. method I701. 543 THE HISTORY OF method of preventing this, was a new league between England, the Empire, and the States. To the few, to whom he could fafely un- bofom himfelf, he did not fcruple to exprefs his folicitude about ob- taining the confent of the Englifh parliament to a war **. But fuch was his experience of the humour of the nation, and his diftruft of every party, that an open declaration of his opinion would only have tended to obftruck his purpofe. He afFcdled therefore, at this time, an indifference with refpedl to public meafures, rather difcouraging to his beft friends, who began to think, that indolence, increafmg with bodily infirmity, and the repeated affronts he had received from op- pofition, had at length wearied out his adive fpirit, and extinguifhed that patriotic flame, which had formerly fignalized his character and captivated the admiration of Europe^'. The patriotic flame, though covered for a feafon, ftill burned with unabated ardour, and his adlive fpirit, though reftrained by the didates of prudence, was ready to fhow itfelf upon the firft opportunity of ufeful exertion. Events fa- Having often experienced unexpected viciffitudes of fortune, he hwTpoiittc^ trufted that fome happy incident might yet awaken a jealoufy of defigns. France ; and, in the moft effectual manner, accomplifh thofe objeds, which he believed to be moft conducive to the intereft of Europe. In this expedation he was not difappointed. By an event, which happened at the beginning of this feffion, the whole train of public meafures tended to pave the way for a new continental alliance; and by the death of James, which occurred in the courfe of a few months after, both the alliance and the war were carried into *♦ " It is the utrooft mortification to me in " incite them to vigour ; but it is not becom- " this important affair, that I cannot aft with " ing, as I cannot fet a good example, and I " the vigour which is requifite, and fet a " fear doing more harm than good ; not being " good example ; but the republic mull do it, " able to play any other game with thefe " and I will engage people here, by a prudent " people, than engaging them impercep- " conduft, by degrees, and without their per- " tibly." Extrafts from William's Letter to " ceiving it." Heinfius. Hardwicke's Colleftions, vol. ii. " If I followed my own inclination and p. 394, 395. " opinion, I ftiould have feat to all courts, to *' Tinda>, vol.iv. note, p. 320. effed, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ficc. 543 cffeil, by the importunate, and almoft unanimous defirc of the <^ " a p. people of England. 1 _ - , _f The firft of thefe incidents now comes under our confideration, A icttcrVrom according to the exaft order of time. The fame day the king [om^i^um'!'" received the addrefs of the commons, he communicated, to both f'""* '° p"* houfes of parUament, an intercepted letter from the earl of Melfort to his brother, the duke of Perth, which difcovered danger more imminent and alarming to England, than what was apprehended merely from the late increafe of the French power. The earl of Melfort defcribes the preparations for war carrying forward in France, the ftrength of her fleet, and other circumftanccs, which rendered the prefent juncture moft favourable for the rcftoration of James. But, what above all made an impreffion agreeably to the views of William, he mentions how much their hopes of fucccfs were cherifhed by the defencelefs ftatc of England, and the delays and debates which miift take place, before flic could be in a con- dition to ad, if flie had the inclination to do it '*. The fubje(Sl of this letter fpread an immediate alarm among the eWcds of it people, excited a vigilant jealoufy of the proceedings of parliament, u-mpcrof and conftrained the minifters to turn the courfc of their meafures '""•' P*^^"?'"^' towards war and foreign politics. Every delay in bufincfs, every debate, which appeared extraneous or prolix, was confidcred as a progreflive fulfilment of the hopes exprefled by Melfort, and a com- pliance with that plan, which was carried on by a malignant fadion at home, in concert with the natural enemies of their country. Thefc apprehenfions were the more confirmed by the rumour of a French plot ; printed accounts of which were now hawked about in the ftreets of all the moft confiderable towns in England ". The French minifter, de Torcy, complained to lord Manchefter of thefe proceedings, as tending to engender animofity between the two kingdoms. This complaint produced an inveftigation of evi- ** Journ. CommonSj 1 7 tli February. *' Hiftorians of the Times. dence, 544^ THE HISTORY OF :i-< and upon the pailiament. ^:'^:^ ^' dence, and teriuinated in confirming the authenticity of Melfort's '^ letter ; nor could the alarm vvhich it excited be allayed' by Ihe French king's open difayowal.pf: all connexion with Mclfort, and fending him 'into- banilliment".,' ; Tjhe ,infiuenge,,o^, th(5fe events was confpicuous.in.the reiblutions. of the commons, forni^d upon the confideratlon.iojf a memorial tranfmitted by the States to king William. They rnaw.-iefolved to ^ddrefs his majeftyj that he would be pleafed to enter into fuch ncgociations, in concert with the States and other powers, as might effedually conduce to the mutual fafety of England and Holland, and the prefervation: of, .the peace of Europe.". The expreiiions in[ the ,addr,efs of the lords was ftill aTicwe -favourable to- his Vwifh^sj for. they defired him to enter into alliances vv'ith ail the princes and States, who vv'ere vyilling to unite for the prefervatiorii of 'thejbala^ice of Europe^". In confequence , of thefe addreffes, propofals were tranfmitted, by ^ the. Englifh and Dutch miniflers, to the court of France, and rejedled on account of the extent of the demands -con-, tained in them^'. The fame fortunate coincidence of external events operated in accomplifliing ameafure more decifively and permanently conducive to the profperity of Britain, than the alliances into which flie was about to enter. The death of the duke of Gloucefter imprefled a general conviQion of the neceflity of extending the fucceffion of the crown in the proteftant line; and a fufpicion of the tories beings averfe to that meafure increafed the public anxiety upon their being railed to the adminiftration. While they were conftrained to gratify 'd March. the earnefl expectation of the people by bringing in a bill for entail- ExtcflTion of the a£l of • Icufement.- " Letters of Manchefter and Vernon. " ^».' Joifrh. Commons, 20th.f ebruary. '" Journ. Lordsj 13th February. ^' His chriftian r.i^jefty was required to withdraw all his troops within a fhort limited time from the Spanifli Netherlands, and not to be allowed afterwards to* Tend any thither ; while it fhpuld be permitted to the king of Great Britain, and thte States General, to fend troops for the defence of the Nethei'Ian'ds^ whenever they fliould be lawfully required. This requifition was complained of by the French court as unreafonable and partial. Tindal, vol. iv. 213. 216. injT POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &:c. 54J rng the crown upon the illuftrious houfe of Hanover, it was re- ^ " '^ •*• marked by their antagonifts, that the rcftridions and conditions, «- — ' which tliey propofed, were calculated to fruftrate its fuccefs ". As the fettlement of the crown prefented the moft favourable opportu- nity for introducing new limitations upon the prerogative, by their merit and tendency, the intentions and fpirit of thofe who moved them muft be tried. Some of them, undoubtedly, implied a ccnfurc upon the condud of the king ; the propriety of others has been afcertained, by the adoption of them at a later period, with the confent of every party. There can be little doubt, but fuch of the tories, as adhered to the interefts of the princefs Anne, gave their cordial fupport to the extenfion of the a.Q. of fettlement. Her immediate fucceffion, on the demife of the king, was rendered more fecure by the fettlement of the crown upon a protcftant of foreign extradion, than if it had been left open to a rival ; who, if entitled-, or even likely to fucceed on the event of her death, mi^Iit have urged the claim of being preferred to immediate pofTc/Tion upon the principles of expediency and juftice". In 3* Burnet. Thefe reftrii5lions were, i. That whoever (hall hereafter come to the poflefllon of the crown of Er.gland, ihsill join in com- munion with the church of England, z. That if the crown Ihou'.d defcend to a perfon who was not a native of the kingdom, the nation (lioald not be obli'gtd to engage in war for the de- fence cf his foreign dominions, without confent of parliament. 3. 'I'hat he (houid not go out of the dominions of England, Scotland, or Ireland, xvithout confent of parliament. 4. That all matters relating to the geverr.ment of the kingdom, cognizable in the privy council, ihould be tranfaded there, and all refolutions taken thereupon fliould be figned by fuch of the privy council as advifed end confented to the fame. 5. That no perfon born out of the kingtlom (hon'.d be cf .the privy couiicil, or a member of parliament, or enjoy any office, or have any grants of lands 4 from the crown to himfelf, or others in trull for him. 6. That no perfon, who enjoyed office or pcnfion from the crown, diould be capable of fcrving as a member of the houfe of commons. 7. That the judges Ihould hold their places during good behaviour, but might be removed by an addrefs from both houfcs of parliament. 8. That no pardon under the great fcal be plcad.ible to an impeichment of the commons. Journ. Commons, 12th March. ^^ The addrefs of William, in availing hiirrfclf of the interell of the princefs .Anne tu bring about tjie fucccflion to ilic cro*n in the protellant line, is thus defcribcd by a con. temporary author : " That he might prevail " with the princefs Anne to agree to it, he " was not difplcafed to hear a fumour fprcid " as if he was about 10 make a ccllion of the " crown to another. He would alfo hold dif- " courfe in public concerning James and hit A " fon. 546 THE HISTORY OF CHAP. XX. 1701. Obfervations. The partition treaty unpo- pular. and cenfured by both houfes of parliament. In the meafures now recited, the houfe of commons a<^ed in con- formity to the inclinations of the court. Their caution, in not rufhing precipitately into a continental war, and the bill of fuc- cefTion, with a few of the reftridions annexed to it, certainly de- ferved the gratitude of the nation. They difcovered uncommon diligence and accuracy in their inquiries concerning the ftate of the revenue and public accounts, in fupporting the credit of the exche- quer, and in having recourfe to every fair plan of oeconomy for relieving the burdens of the nation^*. But their condudl and pro- ceedings, with refpedt to the partition treaty, were marked with partiality, animofity, and perfonal pique, which brought difgrace upon thelnfelves, and retarded the moft important public bufmefs. I'hc partition treaty was confidered, by the generality of the people, as departing from the fpirit of former alliances, as exhibiting a fervile complaifance to the French court, and as eminently contri- buting to the enlargement of that power which it had profeiTed to circumfcribe. The fecrecy with which the king had conduced that bufmefs, though neceffary to its fuccefs, was likewife extremely ofFenfive, as it feemed to denote a want of confidence in ^lis Englifli fubjeds. So far, both houfes proceeded, upon fpecious and popular grounds, to exprefs their difapprobation of it, and fuch was the fubftance of the arguments contained in their addreffes to the throne ". Though the partition treaty was, from its commencement to its conclufion, a meafure of the king's own contrivance and direction, yet, from a prudent accommodation to circumflances, he avoided " fon, and inquire of tbofe who came from ♦' abroad concerning the parts and perfon of " the boy, and whether he was not a pro- " mifing youth. The princefs Anne hear- " ing of thefe things, and fearing left king " William fhould refign the kingdom, and " reftore it to king James and his fon, eafily " agreed with him about the fubllitution of " heirs ; but this agreement was neceiTary to be " kept fecret, till the opinions of the members " of parliament could be known." Cunning- ham, vol. i. p. I 85. '"•■ Journ. Commons, February, March^ pafllm. 3 5 Journ. Lords, 20tli; Journ. Commons, 34th March. 9ny POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &:c. 547 any interpofition to avert the ccnfure with which it was threatened. ^ ir a i'. It is probable, that he was not dlfplcafed, fccretly, with that inconfiR- . - -_, ency into which the tories were running, by forming the moft vio- *'^°'* lent purpofes of refentmcnt againft his former miniHcrs, while, at the fame time, they were averfe to his darling meafure of entering into a war with France. The crimination of the treaty was, by implication, an acknowledgment of the neceflity of the war. Every argument, calculated to impeach the one, was, in effed, an argu- ment for approving of the other; and there is no doubt, iliat the meafures of the commons, though purfued to extremes which the king did not forefee, contributed to render a foreign war unavoid- able, even in the opinion of that party from which lie dreaded au oppofition to it- But to return to the progrefs of thefe. Though both houfcs con- Violence curred in exprelfing their diflatisfaiSlion with the partition treaty, yet their different motives for doing this foon appeared by their fubfe- quent meafures. The lords evidently had no farther defign, than to teftify their difapprobation of a meafure apparently ambiguous, or impolitic, in the apprehenfion of thofe, who were but partially in- formed with refpeit to the grounds upon which it had proceeded, and to render fuch a difapprobation the bafis of more vigorous mea- fures. The commons wanted to make their refolutions the inftru- ment of gratifying the pride and refentment of a party, of harafT- ing the king, and difgracing the leaders of a whig adminiftration. The oppofition of the former was confined to the treaty, that of the latter was levelled againft the perfons who made it. Hence, in the """^ p^rrii* ° lity of the courfe of the debates in the houfe of commons, the treaty was not colnmons in only condemned, but the perfons who were acceffary to it were in- ings'«iih7c-' veighed againft in the moft opprobrious language ; and it was finally p^r^ition'''' refolved, that they fhould be impeached of high crimes and raif- '^"'y- demeanors. The moft glaring partiality and impatient refentmcnt, upon the very commencement of this bufinefs, conveyed an unfi- 4 A 2 vourablc 548 THEHISTORYOF XX. 1701. C H ^A P. vourable impreffion of the party by which it was agitated. In the lift of the impeached, the names of fome were omitted who were known to have been acceffary to the treaty, as much as any of thofe whofe names were inferted ; but they had expiated their guilt by joining the party of the accufers ^*. Not fatisfied with a falr iflue of their trials, the commons grafped at the anticipation of punifhment, and addreffed his majefty to remove the earl of Port- land, lord Somers, Halifax, and Orford, from his prefence and Thelords counclls for ever". The lords felt the honour and dignity of their effended at . . 1 • 1 t r the commons, order Infringed by fuch a precipitate and violent attack upon lome of their members ; they prefented an addrefs to the king, praying him not to pafs any cenfure againft them, till they were tried upon the impeachments depending in the lower houfe ^^ The fubfequent proceedings of the commons contributed ftill more to inflame the animofities already kindled between the two houfes. Lord He- veriham, in a conference, had refleded upon the partiality of the commons, becaufe they had impeached fome, and not others, who had been guilty of the fame crimes. The commons voted, that he fhould be charged for reproaches refleding upon their honour and juftice ; and that the lords fhould be defired to proceed againft him, and to inflid foch punifhment as his high offence deierved ". They even feemed to encroach upon the judicial rights of the peers^ by attempting ta ^ prefcribe the time, the order, and other important regulation?, re- lative to the trials of the impeached minifters. MefTages paffed between the two houfes ; the queftions in difpute were argued fully ^' They refolved that the earl of Portland, vifing the treaty 1698; and yet fecretary by negotiating and concluding the treaty of Vernon, and fir Jofeph Williamfon, who were partition, was guilty of a high crime and mif- privy to it, Aood unimpeached. Anf.ver o£ demeanor, and lodged an impeachment againft Lord Heverfham. Somers' Col. vol. viii. him in the houfe of peers; and yet the earl of p. 384. Jerfey, fecretary of ftate and privy counfellor, ^' Journ. Commons, j 5th April, who figncd the faid treaty, flood unimpeached, ^^ Journ. Lords, 16th April, and continued at the head of affairs. ^9 Journ. Commons, 15th, j6th, and 20tl» The lords Somers, Orford, and Montague, June, now lord Halifax, were impeached for ad- A at POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. 549 at feveral conferences : but the refult was, an obftinate adherence to C H A 1'. XX. the principles and opinions which they had fevcrally adopted *". < — -^ — » The lords, provoked by the obftinacy, infolcnce, and dilatory pro- ''"*' ceedings, of the commons, and convinced of the frivolous grounds of the charges of impeachment, fixed a day for the trial of lord Orford. Upon the commons reprefenting, that, from the nature of the evidence, it would be moft proper to begin with the trial of Somers, the lords readily complied, and fixed an earlier day for it*'. The commons, however, refufcd to appear; the lords pro- ceeded in the trial, and acquitted Somers. The commons rcmon- ftrated ; the lords notwithftanding proceeded in the trial of lord Oiford ; and, finally, on the laft day of the fefllon, diimined the feveral impeachments, becaufc the commons negleded to proceed in their charges ■*% The people did not remain indifferent fpedators during this The people period of warfare between the two houfes. The fuccelTion of the duke of Anjou to the dominions of Spain roufcd their wonted jealoufy of France, and infpircd them with fentiments and wiflies congenial with thofe of the king. The virulence of cenfurc pointed againft him, in the courfe of the debates in the lower houfe, dif- gufled the fober-minded, and awakened compalfion *' ; while it was but too obvious, from the perfonality with which the impeachments were introduced, and the contention and acrimony with which they were condudled, that they flowed from the narrow and vindi(nive fpirit of fadion. Public bufinefs was interrupted, and the great objeds defired by the people were negleded. The impatience, excited by thefe impreffions, was boldly cxprefled, in a petition Kemi.l-. pcti- delivered to the houfe of commons, in the name of the gentlemen, 'g!-.;' . , ■*"> Journ. Commons, April and May, •" Mr. Howe f.i:u in pr.tlMipciit, th:i the p^[]-,P,_ king's giants were fqu:iiiJfrcd awiiy i)}>on 4* Journ. Lords, 31ft May and 3d Jur many remonftrances to this purpofe, recalled monficur D'Avaux, ij-h'A^ug. his ambaffador, from the Hague. The mafk was now thrown afulc by all parties : the Englilli and Dutch ambafladors withdrew from 30th Sept. Paris ; and monfieur Pouflin, the agent for the French king, was ordered to leave England. During the period of thefe tranfadlions, the war of parties in England 'r»e heat md , . , . r r • 1 ■ 1 -.ir. , emulation ol was waged with increahng alpenty and violence. Whatever the con- panic* rendrr cealed motives and intentions of any party of men, in a free country, j||orcMWK may be, yet they muft ever endeavour to hold forth fuch reprefent- ^'^^ ations of them, as are confonant to the prejudices of the people. Both parties, in their own defence, exhibited to the public fuch accounts of their own condudt, in the lafl: feffion of parliament, as co-ope- rated to cherifli the national fpirit of antipathy to France, rather than materially to anfwer their fcparate views of obtaining a prefer- ■ence in the coiiiidence and aftedions of the people. They recipro- cally appealed to their adions as the teft of their fincerity. The whigs complained, that the tories wi(hed to protrad time, to trifle, to comproraife, and finally to evade war with France. The progrefs of the French in Flander?, and their forwai-dnefs in warlike prepa- rations, were adduced as fatal effeds and incontrovertible evidences of thole charges. The tories not only boafted of the efficient meafures they had purfued in the laft feffion of parliament, the fup- plies they had granted, the treaties they had authorifed, the forces they had raifed ; but they pledged themfclves for the vigour and celerity with which they were determined to purfuc the redudioa of the French power *'. To this emulous application for public favour, as well as to an intervening event of great moment, it was owing, that both of them perfevered to vie with each other, for many *) Publications of the Times., Somers's CoUciSUons. 4 B years 554 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, years after, in zeal for fecuring the proteftant fucceflion, and thwart- » . ' ins the ambitious views of France.- The event to which I refer was the death of James '", and the re- folution, adopted by the court of France, to acknowledge his fon as king 1 70 1. Death of James, oth Sept. '" The features of James's charafler are fo marked, that the reader of obfervation needs no afllilance to diftingnifh them. Nothing, however, appears more unaccountable, than die credit James feems to have obtained from fome of his contemporaries for fincerity and honour, and the implicit aflent, with which latter hiftorians have admitted thcfe virtues, as the ground of encomiums upon his charafter. Mr. Hume fays, " That he was faithful, " fmcere, and honourable in his dealings with " all men." Hume, vol. vi. p. .^32. The hiftorian, whom I have fo often had occafion to mention in the courfe of this work, difcovers the ftrongell partiality to James, by laying the ftrefs of his charafter upon his truth and fmcerity. " He was honourable *• and fair in all his dealings. His great " virtue was a ftrift adherence to fadls and «< truth in all he wrote and faid, though fome " parts of his conduft had rendered his fm- " cerity in his political profeflions fufpefted '« by his enemies." Macpherfon's Hiftory, vol- i.- c. viii. Few charaftei-s, tLat have entered the page of hiftory, furnifti more numerous examples and indifputable proofs of diiUmulation, du- plicity, and want of truth, than occur in the private and polirical condudl of James. He feems to have entertained a defign of denying his marriage with lord Clarendon's daughter, which was difcouragcd and pre- vented by his brother king Charles. Life of Clarendon, vol. i. p. 261. If he gave a proof of his fincerity by pro- fefling the Roman catholic religion,, he furely had committed repeated falfehoods in denying his attachment to that religion after it had aftually taken place. He made a folemn de- daration, to Dr. Morley, of his refolution to continue in the proteftant religion,, at a time. when he was giving every encouragement to his fervants to become Roman catholics ; and had probably determined, -in his own mind, to embrace that religion. Letter of Morley to Clarendon, April ^4, 1659. Clarendon's State Papers. His converfation and dealings with the earl of Argyle, about the left aft in Scotland, ex- hibit not only contradiftion of opinion, but the mod treacherous and deliberate faifehood to enfnare and deftroy that nobleman. Wood- row's Hiftcry, vol. ii. bookiii. ch. v. feft. vii. While he declared himfelf a friend to tole- ration in England, he urged the moft fevere perfecution of the prelbyterians in Scotland. While profefling to the prince of Orange a defire for toleration, he was congratulating Lewis upon the perfecution of the Hugue- nots. Compare Woodrow's Letters. Dairy in- ple's App. parti, p. 177. He was well known to be an enemy to the proteftant diflenters in England. The chief inftruments of their perfecution were his crea- tures and partifansf- and yet, when he afcended' the throne of England, he broke the laws to gratify the diflenters, that he might cherifh popery ; and he pretended that toleration had ever been his favourite principle. Somers's Colleftions, vol. xv. p. 298-. His correfpondence with the prince of Orange exhibits a fcene of bafe diflimulation and faifehood. He is at pains to imprefs him with a belief of his zeal for England's entering into a war with France, while he is privately doing all that he can to thwart it, and labour- ing to promote a treaty between hi« brother and France, highly prejudicial to WiUiam. Dalrymple's Appendix, part i. p. iSi-z-S, &c. When he afcended the throne of England, he endeavoured to ingratiate himfelf with his fubjefts. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. sss king of England. This event was not only produQivc of renewed C H A P. profeffions of" loyalty to the king, but increafed the iincerity, and u— ,.-1.^ ftimulated the exertions, of every party, for eftabliOung the throne in UnZn'ic- the proteftant line. The interefl: of the unfortunate fou of [anies {^""hcF/i^ii was not only ohftrudcd, but the affections of many in the nation "^'"K* . ■' whicli li rc- were alienated from him, by his acceptance of tlic patronage of a f^ntcdby 1 r 1 • • 1 1 ^ every P»rty prmco, whole name, at this period, was no lefs odious, than his in tn^ian.*, ambition was formidable to England. The remaining friends of the family of Stewart were agitated with oppofite and diftrad:ing af- fedions: antipathy to France encountered a prediledion for the lineal defcendant of their ancient princes ; and the pride of an Englilhmaa revolted againft the idea of acknowledging a prince, who tarniflicd the honour of his country, by receiving an empty dignity from the fubjefls, by profeffing independence upon France, and an averfion to all connexion with her; and yet, at that very time, he gave Lewis the ftrongeft afiuranccs of his friend- fhw ; nay, he was Co mean as to folicit a fub- ildy from him .is the rcvvarJ of liIs iricndlhip. He was indeed offended, becsufe Lewis did not beftow fo liberal a penfion as he expcdled, and therefore renewed a treaty with Holland. Ibid, parti, p. 103. 154. 175-6. He inllruitsd lord Clarendon and fir Charles Porter to declare ioicninly, th.-it he would maintain the ails of fettlement and explana- tion in Ireland inviolate ; and yet it was after- wards manlfeft, that nothing was farther from hi! intention. State of Ireland, p. 144. After lord Dundee fell, a ktt2r from lord Meltbrt was found in his pocket, together w'ith a declaration under the hand of king James, containing not only an oiler of in- demnity to all inch as fhould return to their duty, but of toleration to all perfuafions. Melfort's letter to Dundee, however, imported, that, notwithftanding the fecming promifcs of indulgence and indemnity in the declaration, he had i'o worded them, that he might bre.ik them when he pleafcd, and that his majclty did not think jiimfclf bound to Hand by them. Guthrie's Hillory, vol. x. p. 299. James ccrt.iinly was fmccrc in profeffing that religion, which he believed to be Hue, at the hazard of his crown. Hut though a mar. cannot be fmcere who does not openly profefk the religion which he believes, yet he may di> this and llill be deficient in fmcerity ; n ly, he may be fuch a bigot to religion, as to facrifice truth and finccrity, in every other branch of' charafter, to the intercfts of his religion. He may think it his duty to lie, to deceive, and to break every moral obligation, for propa- gating his favourite faith. Such was the chi- rafler of Jamts ; and they who afcribe fincc- rity to liini, after attending to the inftances now cited, niiiil: entertain a narrow, loofe, and incorred idea of that virtue. Mr. Macphcrl'on afcribes tlie procuring the Have trade to England, to the indullry and artifice of James wheu duke of York, vol. t. chap. ii. Admitting the fafl, it will not contribute to advance either his reputation or merit in the opinion of thole, who think that this traffic h.ii involved their country in guilt and infamy, for which no external profpcrity can com- pcnfatc. Sjch will lament, that liis comm»r- cial projcels h.ave pot hccn doomed to the ianie Jilappointmcnt, whidi attended his poli- tical and religious dcfi^ns, B 2 hands ^.^G T H E H I S T O R Y O F C ^ J^ P- hands of a hated rival". Perfons free from every bias of prejir- «— — V — J dice, or impulfe of paffion, and who purfued, coolly and difinte- 1701 . reftedly, that fyftem, which appeared moft favourable to the liberties of their country and the independence of Europe, anticipated the moft fatal confequences to both, if a king fliould afcend the throne of England, under the influence of a rival kingdom, and under a fenfe of obligations to her monarch. Rich in internal refources and po- pulation, France grew every day more terrible to her neighbours by the artiticcs and ufurpations of her fovereign. He had already detached, from the fcale of the allies, and added,^ to his own, all the wealth of the Spanifh empire. He now grafped at the govern-; ment of England, the ftrong fence of European independence, by placing upon her throne a prince trained under his tutelage, and fubjeded to his dire£lion. Should he fucceed in this defign, the difpute would foon be at an end : England would become his too! j ahd Europe would be lubdued. and fatal to To the circumftances and imprelFions now defcribedy we trace that theprewnikr. political fyftem, which, more or lefs, regulated the meafures of every party, and of every adminiftration in England, for many years fub- fequeut to this period. The acknowFedgment of the right of the pretender by Lewis, who was in the moft extreme degree obnoxious to the Engliib, and upon the verge of hoftilities againft them, fixed an aflbciation of ideas, which not only alienated the affedlions of the tories from the fon of James, but multiplied and corroborated the legal obftrudions to his reftoration, at a period, when, if it had not been for them, he would have divided the affedions of the nation. The tendency of ads of parliament, the language of every party, the avowed attachment of individuals, all run in favour of the Ha- noverian fucceffion. The tories and the whigs ftrove to excel ia public zeal for this objed: hence fome of the leading men among the former, when, under the fucceeding reign, they were really in- '• Conninghain, vol. i. p. 213. crmed POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 557 clined to promote the inclinations of the queen for the fucccfTion of C H A P. her brother, found themfelves entangled and hemmed ia by the re- ^_ -^- _f folutions and ftatutes, to which they themfelves had contributed, and ' '^'" were forced topurfue their obje_ -J- _ ^ Copies of the feveral treaties, which the king liad made, were laid Sup';!;ri before the commons, and their hearty approbation of them was ex- K'-'""'^- preded, by refolving that a fupply Ihould be granted ". Tljc ex- chequer was authorifed to borrow fix hundred thouland pounds for the fervice of the fleet, and fifty thoufand pounds for the fupport of the guards and garrifons. Forty thoufand men were ordered for the land fervice, and feven hundred thoufand pounds voted for paying them '°. Bills, for further fecuring the proteftant fuccefllon, for "'.";/"'•■" ' o I > l.iinlii.g ana attainting, and abjuring the Pretender, were brought in by the com- 34u''"g ih« mons, and, with lome amendments, obtained the confent of the lords ^^ Such a train of meafures could not fail of giving the higJieft fatisfadlion to the king. He now faw the nation brought back to that temper, which had produced the revolution, faved the protellant religion, and the liberties of Europe. After the peace of Ryfwick, the perfonal intereft of William, Xicifiltudcsui which had been upheld, during the war, by his meritorious trvices feniimcntb of and the more copious difpenfition of favours, began to decline. f,n'"^,hc" Through the artifices of fadion, the moft malignant conftrudion P^='"ofR)f. was put upon all his adions. The importance of the objefts, for which he was invited to the throne, was undervalued and forgotten; and his influence upon public meafures ahnoft annihilated. In this fituation a critical juncflure of affairs enfucd. The tempeft began to gather anew; the political horizon became dark and menacing; the mind of the king was depreflcd, but not fubdued. Ele laboured to mitigate thofe approaching calamities, which, under the deprivation of national confidence, he could not avert. By the partition treaty, he hoped that the French king might be foothed into concefllons, '► Journ. Commons, loth January. 7th of March the king- was fo weak, that " ibid. 6th and ylh January. he was obliged to mal:c ufc of a damp, for " Ibid. 7th, lotli, 14th, and 17th January, fignir.g tlie commi/Tion, giving hii afTcnt to the " Journ. Lords and Commens, January, bill for fecuring the protdUnt fuccciDon. Febru.-iry, paflim, and 7th March. On the for 56o THEHISTORYOF P- for maintaining the prefent peace, and the future balance of Europe. The prejudices and refentment of a difappointed fadlion traduced ''^* his commendable intentions; the ill fuccefs of his attempts at firft feemed to juftify the mifconftrudion of them, and to eftablifh the triumph of malice, while it gave new fcope to its exertions. Thefe exertions over-reached their mark, contributed to fruftrate their own objed, to develope the wife policy and fteady integrity of William, and to engage his enemies themfelves in fuch meafures as were moft agreeable to his inclinations, and the intereft of Europe. A con- currence of fortunate incidents co-operated to promote the fame ends. The vviiTies The clouds were difpelled ; unanimity and vigour opened the pro- gradfied. fye€t of national profperity and glory, aiid once more gilded the political horizon. His death. William did not furvive to reap the fruits of his labours and pro- 8ih March. .,, •,, , -ni jeQs ; and his death, at a period, when he was jult about to enter upon the confummation of his hopes, and to afcend the fummit of terreftrial glory, is a memorable example of the obfervation of a facred author,' thai ?7ian at his heft eflatc is altogether vanity. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ike, ^Ci C H A P. XXL Comparative View of the Whigs and Tories duritig the Reign of Ifillium. Their Strength in the Nation. — Their Influence at Court. — Their Share in Adminiftraiicn. — Inconfiftencies in the ConduSl of both. — Their AJerits and their Faults. — Obfervations. — Benefits of the Revolution. — // fecured the Liberties of England— faved the Protejlant Religion— promoted Toleration —infufed a Spirit of Improvement into the Conftitntion. — Obligations of the Nation to King William.—-llis Character. F ROM a comparative view of the flrength of the vvhlgs and the c \\ a p. tories, through the nation in general, at the revolution, it ' '' _f appears, thai, in rank, property, and influence, the tories were ^ojry*'"'* fuperior. From number, zeal, induflry, and a fortunate coin- whigsai.d tories during cidence of events, the whigs derived progrefllve advantages. It has «hc reign ot ,,,.,',., ,. . , n William. been generally admitted, that, ni the preceding reigns, the grcateft number of perfons, who poireffed landed eftatcs, avowed the prin- Their ciples, and fupported the meafures, of the tories. To the (iimc in- thcMtidl" tgr.eft was devoted the undivided attachment of the cflahliflicd church, abounding with wealth and patronage, and refpccflable by the literature, abilities, and charatfter, of many of its members. To this alTociation, civil and ecclefiaftical, we are indebted, in a great meafure, for the revolution, or, at leaft, for that zealous concur- rence of the tories with the whigs, without which that event could never have been accomplifhed. The fuperiority of the tories, in property and hereditary influ- ence, was balanced by a variety of advantages, which gradually raifed the power and reputation of the whigs, and rendered them more than a match for their antagonifts during the reign cf king William. 4 C The ^62 THEHISTORYGF CHAP. The want of eftablifhed influence, and the contempt with which XXI they were treated by the court and the tories, during the preceding reigns, united the whigs by clofer ties of fympathy and friendfliip, and produced a defined lyftem of principles, and well- concerted plans of adtion. Excluded from all hope of preferment, they la- boured, with determined perfeverance, to reduce the prerogatives of the crown, and to thwart the inclinations of the prince. That ir- regularity and licentioufnefs of government, which juPafied the in- flexible oppofition of the whigs, conftrained the tories, who en- grofled the minifterial offices, to depart, upon fome occafions, from their charaderiftical principles, and to fall into inconfiftencies, al- ways injurious to the reputation of any party. Hence, the whigs advanced, and the tories declined, in the efteem of the nation. In great emergencies, it mufl; be admitted, that the tories followed the dictates of patriotifm ; but this fadt, which is granted in favour of charadler, may, at the fame time, be advanced to impeach the wifdom and purity of their general political fyftem. The great event of the revolution brought home, to the fenfe and experience of all ranks of men, a demonftration of the impoffibility of ad- herino- to the dodrine of non-refiflance or unconditional obedi- ence and the train of abfurdities with which it is connected '. Though it fhould be admitted, that the political principles, which diftingulfh parties, are, with many individuals, the effed of early prejudice, more than of deliberate inquiry and free choice, yet, greater energy and fteadinefs may be expected in defence of thofe principles, which are difcovered after examination to be juft in theory, and pradically beneficial to the interefts of mankind j and ' It may be truly remarked, that the of our beirg. The fubjeft of the defpotic maxims of the tories were fuch as could monarch, condemned to forfeit life without neither be reduced to practice, nor maintained evidence or trial, fubmits to the law of necef- in the hour of trial. The principle of felf- fity, and lays down his head upon the block, prefervation, the primary and moll powerful not from the influence of principle, but with law of nature, leads us inftinftive'y to refifl fecret remonllrr.nce and execration of op- that violence which threatens the deftruftion prefllon. hence, POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 6cc. 56,; hence, by courage, vigour, and pcrfeverancc, fuitablc to the dignity C II A P. and importance of their caufe, the whigs incrcafcd their credit and v.__^__j influence, together with the number of their adherents, after the period of the revohition. It is obftrved by Mr. Harley, who, ia the courfe of his political life, had been intimately connoTtcd both with the whigs and the tories, that the former were moft fucccfsful, by making profelytes of men of thought and indullry, while the latter enlifted under their banners thofe who were diflipated and pro- fligate, and looked no farther than the furface of things \ The afcendency of the whigs at court, and their pofTenion of minifterial offices, during the reign of king-William, afforded them an opportunity of improving their private fortunes, and extending the influence of their party. The management of a tedious and expe.nfive war augmented the profit of every oflicial department, and gave birth to many new offices and commiffions, which re- dounded principally to the emolument of the whigs, and brought into their hands a great proportion of every fpecies of pro- perty. The progrefs of commerce and manufaflures, favourable to fenti- ments of freedom and habits of independence, was another fourcc of the extending influence of the whigs. Thus, it was obferved, that, in trading and manufaiSturing towns, the whigs were msfl: numerous, and that, in the vicinity of cathedrals, and in villages dependent upon great men, the intereft of the tories predominated. The foreign proteflrants, who reforted to England both in this and the preceding reigns, brought a great acccffion of fliength to tlic whigs. The clerical members of the church of England dilcovcrcd an early jealoufy of the protefl:ant refugees, becaufe they were not fufficicntly fubmiffive to the dpdrines and authority of their cfta- bliQiment ; and this jealoufy they were at jiains to inflii into tlic tories, over vvhofe confciences they had a powerful fwny. The ut:- * Faults en both Sides. Somcrs's Col. vol. xv. p. 291. 4 C 2 kind 564 THEHISTORYOF CHAP. XXI. kind treatment which the exiled proteftants experienced from the tones, as well as a fimilitude of religious opinions and forms, to thole which the Englifh diflenters generally maintained, united their political interefts, and augmented the ftrength of the whigs \ From the experience of the advantage they derived from the influence of the proteftant refugees, the v^^higs fnpported bills of naturalization, which were generally oppofed by the tories, who fpoke of the per- fecuted Palatines, and other foreign proteftants in England, with a contempt and fcurrility, favouring too much of political rancour*. Their infiu- It has already been obferved in the progrefs of this hiflory, that ence at court. . » t 1 r TTr-n- 1 1 • ^ • -n It was the unirorm plan oi William, to compound his adminutration of individuals of different parties, and occafionally to turn the balance in favour of one or the other, in accommodation to the cur- rent of events. The whigs, elated with their triumph, and over- rating their fervices at the revolution, were diffatisfied with a bare precedency in adminiflration, and began, at an early period, to con- trive filch meafares as might effedually prevent their antagonifts from recovering the reins of adminiftration, and might even reduce ' their political influence in more fubordinate ftations. Their oppo- . fition to an adt of indemnity, and their obftinacy in contending for amendments of the corporation adl, ten-ding to exclude the tories from any fhare of power or interefh in the boroughs, were'the con- fequences of this engroffing temper. William, juftly apprehenfive that a diminution of his influence would be the confequence of any reftridion in the choice of his m.iniftry, and convinced from long experience of the benefit of employing and rewarding the fervices of every party, found himfelf under the neceffity of difmiflrng the whigs, though it could only be accomplifhed by the bold meafure of Jan. 1690. difliblving the convention parliament. Their fhare At the beginning of the fecond parliament, the king not only exalted the tories, by conferring upon them the principal offices in inadminiftra tion ' Advice to the Freeholders of England. Somers's Col. vol. xii. p. 379. * Ibid. Hillory of the four laft Years of the Queen, p. 221, &c. admini- POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, Sec. ^Cs admlniftration, but rendered their influence at larqrc more cxtcnfivc CHAP. XXI. and permanent, by changing tlie comniiilions of ihc jufticcs and « ,. . -> militia in their flivour. The torics maintained their autliority in adminiftration during four fucceflive feihons in the fccond parha- ment; but the king, having difcovercd a ccrrelpondcncc, which feme of their leaders carried on with James, and linding that the fentiraents of the generaHty of the whigs coincided with his fchemcs of poHcy, again changed the miniftry, and beftowcd the principal ,6g. offices of government upon tliem. From this period, tlie power and popularity of the whigs ad- vanced, and difplayed itfelf with great efFccft and energy, in the third parliament of William. The moft liberal fupplies were granted, notwithftanding the nation had been burdened by the long continuance, and great expences, of a w^ar. I3y the eminent abili- ties of fome of the- w^hig minifters, the greateft difficulties were furmounted, in order to make the fupplies effedual, to reftore the coin to its proper ftandard and purity, and to accomplilh other mca- 1694.5. fures elTential to the future credit of the nation. The peace of Ryfwick afforded the torics an unexpected oppor- 'f";"- tunity of undermining the influence of the whigs, of leflcning their credit at court, and defaming their reputation with the people. The news of the peace were received with univerfal joy by the nation, chiefly upon account of the affurance it gave them of being relieved from the heavy burdens which they had fuftained during the war. It would have been difficult for any miniftry, at that period, to have contrived fuch regulations of ceconomy, and luch immediate reduc- tion of taxes, as were neceffary to gratify the expedations of the people; but, when they heard that miniflry helitated about dilband- ing the army, the moft obvious and defirable means of faving the public expence, univerfal difcontent prevailed. An averfion to a ftanding army was one of the earlieft and moft decided criteriofis of the whigs. The fyftem of policy which they adopted in conncxioa 9 with 5^^ THEHISTORYOF with die new fettlement, the ftate of the continent, the earned defire of the king, the very prefervation of thofe great national obje£ls which they had already attained, all required the eftablilh- ment of a larger military force than feemed confiftent either witli their own principles, or the prejudices of the people. The whigs, then, were preffed by this dilemma. If they contended for a {land- ing army, their integrity and confiftency would be impeached, and their popularity loft ; if they gave up this point, they muft forfeit the royal favour, endanger the liberty of their country, and the independence of Europe. The confequence was, that they feparated upon this queftion when brought to a vote, and did nothing for the king as a party. The feeble efforts, made by the vvhig minifters to gratify the defire of the court, introduced internal divifions; at- tracted popular cenfure, which extended to the whole party ; and at length completed the triumph of their rivals. During this languifh- ing influence of the whigs, of which the king was every day more fenfible from being fruftrated in his favourite meafures, the tories offered their fervices, and boafted of their influence. He made a partial change of adminiftration in their favour, after the firft feflion of the fourth parliament ; by which, however, he found that he had loft the fupport of one party, without acquiring the cordial attachment and fervices. of the other. The tories infifted on the total difmifhon of the whigs, as neceflary for enabling them to fulfil their engagements with the king. He had gone too far to recede. Lord Somers was removed from office ; Mr. Montague was brought into the houfe of lords ; and, that the influence of the tories might have free fcope in the houfe of commons, that parliament, which had been fummoned 1700. under a whig adminiftration, was prematurely diflx)lved. The tories were not difappointed in their expedations of the parliament, in which they found themfelves able to command a majority of votes; but their fuccefs enfnared them. Fluftied by the number and zeal 1699 1701 7 of ■I POLITICAL TRANSACTION'S, &c. 567 of their adherents, the muiiftry confidcred thcmlclves as jiidepen- ^ ", /^ ''• dent on the king, and ufed their power, rather to gratify their own ' ^— ' refentments, than to promote fuch meafures as were acceptable to the court, and calculatedto gain them credit with the people. The precipitancy and vehemence of their proceedings againfl; fome of thofe perfons who had been the principal adors in the whig adminirtra- tion, notwlthftanding the accomplifhment of fonic meafures of great utility, difgufted the king, embroiled the niinilby with the lioufc of lords, and rendered them odious to the nation ; fo that, to the fatisfadion of all who were not of the party, the king diflblvcd his Nov. ijci. fifth parliament, which had exifted only for a fmgle fcfllon. He called a new parliament, and began to form a whig adminiClraticn, 1702. which was not completed before his death '. From this fhoit review of the alternate rife and depre/Iion of whigs and tories, it appears, that the whigs enjoyed the greateft fhare of minifterial power and public emolument during the reign of William, and certainly polTefled more of his confidence than the other party*. If the balance was turned againft them, it was only upon emergencies, and for a feafon. It was reflored again, as often, and as foon, as they became capable of carrying on the public bufmefs. The comparative merit of whigs and tories may be eftlmatcd, either from an abflra£t view of their political principles, or from tlic meafures of government which they feverally defended or oppoi'cd, while they were in or out of power. It is not my defign to enter into an abftradl view of the principles of v;higs and tories, farther than I have done in illuflrating the pre- ceding obfervations ; becaufe it will be found, that their political inconAden- meafures and conduct have not differed from one anotlier, fo inva- coiuiua of riably and fo widely, as the principles which they profcff:d would naturally have led us to exped. Whigs and tories in adminillration, 5 Hardwicke's Colleiflions, vol. ii. p. 460. * Burnet. and ^68 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, and whigs and tones in oppofition, exhibit ftriking features of re- femblance to each other. If we were to draw a contrail: of poli- tical charaders, without affixing the names of the originals, we fliould find apt and copious materials, by purfuing the hiftory of the fame party, and the fame individuals, through the viciffitudes of favour and difgrace at court. The grounds of this remark muft be obvious to every man, who is acquainted with our hiftory from the revolution to the prefent day ; I remind the reader only of fuch as have occurred in the courfe of this work. In the debates upon the queftions relating to the laws of treafon, to the trials of confpira- tors, to the fufpenfion of the habeas corpus, and to the difbanding of the army, the whigs held a ftrain of argument, which they had often condemned during the two preceding reigns ; and the tories obtained a tranfient popularity, by poflefling themfelves of the ground which their adverfaries had deferted, and retorting thofe accufations and reproaches with which their own party had been formerly branded. In fupport of the bill for triennial parliaments, the bill for amending the treafon laws, the place bill, the revocation of the royal grants in Ireland, and the limitations introduced in the aiSts of fettlement, the tories were fuccefsful, not only in thwarting the meafm-es of their antagonifts while in adminiftration, but in im- pofing durable reftridlions upon the influence of the court, and in- troducing important amendments into the conftitution. In profecu- tion of the impeachment of the minifters concerned in the parti- tion treaty, the tories afllimed a zeal for continental interefts, which they had ever oppofed when it proceeded from the whigs. In vin- dication of the apparent inconfiftency of the latter in the examples now recited, we are bound in candour to obferve, that a very mate- rial change in the circumftances of the nation, and particularly the claim of a rival to the crown, fupported by a powerful fadion at home, rendered it neceffary for them to deviate from thofe political maxims and refolutions, which they had declared, in too abfolute and POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 569 and indefinite terms, during the period, of their oppoiiticn to arbi- trary government '. Political maxims arc, more than thofc of any other fcicnce whatever, liable to exceptions, according to the cir- cumftances of the times; and were they rigidly and inflexibly ad- hered to, would often fruflrate the very purpofes for which they were at firfl: adopted. If there be any fundamental and comprchenfive principle, dif- tinguiOiing the whigs from the tories, it is that wliich they avovv with refped: to the interfering claims of the prince and the i^ople. The privileges of the people the whigs profefs to guard with a jealous eye, -and to vindicat(if from^ fhe enc-tx)achment of every rival intereft. The tories are devoted with thb fupremc aflcaionS of their hearts to maintain the prerogative of the crown. In every oucllion, therefore, of interference l^etween prerogative and privilege, that is not already fixed with prccifion by ftatute or precedent, tlic whigs, in conformity to their principles, may be expeded to adhere to the latter, and the tories to the former ; and yet there is not any one point in which both parties have aded more vaguely, and fo often in dire£l oppofition to their favonrite principles. If we colledl and examine the long catalogue > of queftions, diredly or indircdly re- ferring to that fubjedl, from the a,'ra of the revolution down to the prefent times, they will rather appear to have been difputes between adminiflration and oppofition, than between whig and tory, and to have had for their objefl, not the fupport of principle, but the ac- quifition and retention of power. But however variable and contradldory the fentiments of whigs Meriti md and tories may have been with refped to queftions purely political, '^'"''*" yet both of them have more uniformly adhered to thofe principles regarding religion and eccleliaftical polity, which were coeval with their exiftence as parties. The whigs, whether within or without the pale of the national church, have been not only profcfl'cd, but gene- 7 Preface to the Subjcd's Right of Petitioning, State Trafls, T, W. vol. iii. p. 257. 4 D rally l 570 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, rally confident, adive friends to religious liberty. They claim the exclufive honcut of having been the axh^ocates.for every meafure, calculated to promote toleration and religious hberty, that has been adopted by the Britilh legiflature. They glory in many unfuccelsful ftruggles to abolifh penal -ftatutes, and to remove reftridiions upon confcierice, introduced by the fnftious fplrit and narrow jealouiy of the tories, aided by the confcientious, though illiberal ieal of thofe who held offices of dignity in the church ^ The conftant declara- tion and aflkluous exertion of the whigs in behalf of religious liberty, as it formed a predominant feature in their charader, fo it tvas marked and criticifed by their antagonifts as the fitteft inftju- ment to work upon the prejudices of the people, and to propagate the apprehenfion of danger to the ecclefiailical conftitution. The church of England and the whigs were often reprefented by the party writers, in this and the fucceeding reign, as inveterate ene- mies, whofe interefts and affections it was impoflible ever to recon- cile ; and that period, when the monarchy and hierarchy had been deftroyed by the fame hands, was often recalled to view, in order to Arengthen the union of the tories with the church ', By this political artifice, the tories not only allured the greatefl number of the officiating members of the church of England to their party, but, upon fome occafions, they meanly availed them- felves of the auxiliary ftrength of enthufiafm, bigotry, and the tumultuary interpofition of the people. Thofe among the whigs, who were fincerely attached to the ellabiilhed religion^ perceived the. infidious defigns of their antagonifts, and, to prevent a confu- fion of titles that might prove detrimental to the caufe of liberty by mifieading weaker minds,, they framed a new ecclefiaftical denomination, to preferve unbroken and detached the whig intereft refiding within the bofom of the church. Under the de- fcription of /j/gb and /ow churchy the political warfare was tianf- " Sacheverell's Trial. s Rapin on Parties, vol. ii, p. 799. 803. ferred POLITICAL TRAK.SACTIONS, &c. .w' ferred hito confecrated crround, and whips and torics carried on llieir ^ ^' ^ r. , XXI. connidis, 'Within the pale ot the church, with equal prctcnfioiis < -.— — j of attachment to her conftitution and intereft. As the condud: of the individ ual is more influenced by the licart than by the underftandin g;, fOj_^n_^heJ[n]lory^fj5arties, WjQ.oftcn txace_prsclaJlunant_affetSlions, \yhich^leadjhcm to atl in contradic- tion to the poUtical maxims they pro fefs, and which, more than thefe, afcertain tlie dilcriminating features of their charaflcr. When I obferve that the affedions, of the toiies inclined to the family of Stuart, and that the fucceffion of the crown in the prottrtant line was the objeft that was ever ncareft to the hearts of the whigs, I do not mean to alfert, either that the leading and moft refpcdlablc men among the tories wiflied to recal king James, or that all tliofe, who had the name of whigs, were free from the guilt of confpiring to overturn the revolution fettlemcnt ; but what I affirm, upon the evidence of fait, is, that the whigs took their mcafures more with a view to fupport the revolution fettlement, than to maintain confift- ency, or to difplay a rigid adherence to thofe principles which they had maintained before they came into power. The early helitatiun of the tories, about completing the work which they had begun in concert with the whigs, and their notorious and frequent departure from that refped to prerogative, for which they had often and ftrenuoufly contended, certainly flowed from a remnant of affcdioa to the exiled family, indicated a difaffedion to the perfon of Wil- liam, and an indifference, if not a fecret averfion, to that fettlement of the fucceffion which he wiftied to eftabliffi. The bare recital of a few fads will, at once, elucidate and confirm thefe obfervations. Though the tories kept equal pace with the whigs in the iirft ftages of the revolution, they ftopt fliort while they were yet far from the end of this patriotic journey. The plan of the regency, of which they were fo tenacious during the interregnum, hefpoke an anxious retrofped to James, and, if it had fuccccded, murt have /^ D z facilitated H A XXI. 572 THE HISTORY OF ^' facilitated his , refumption of the throne, and would certainly have enfured the fucceffion of his fon. Xhejia{le_ of the whigs to inveft WiUlani with royal j)0_wery their _ne gle6bof the moil favourable opportunity to, obtaigjlim ltatlons of prerogativ e, and farther fecuritles for t he liberties of the peop le.^ may be confid ered as early exanipl es o f .thglr_3^^vL"g ^^'^^ poft- poning the operation of ^inclple, in concefBon to that fettlement of ,the crowa upon which their affedlons were bent. The zeal of the ,>yhigs in ept^ring into aflbciauons for the defence of the. king^s .perfon upon the difcovery of confpiracies, their framing and im- 'pofuig the ftri«£teft oaths of allegiance and abjuration, thejrequeot fuf penfion of thejiabgas-j^arpjig, their d eviatlpn f rom the_oadinary mqdes of Jrial ,in c^e.s^ ^f treafon , were, perhaps, in the critical fituati>9ji of affairs, neceflary meafures to fecure the revolution fettle- ment; but.-tlie adoption of them, in oppofitlon to their profefTed fentlments and at the hazard of reproach, were evidences, that the fecurity of that fettlement was the fupreme objed; of their care and anxiety. On the other hand, the oppofitiQiji of the torres to thofe very meafures which expofed the whigs to the charge of inconfiilency, their mifreprefenting and employing them to excite a jealoufy cf government, the detradlbn with which they often fpoke of the perfon and prerogatives of the prince, though their principal aim was to revile and difplace their antagonlfts, afforded a ftrlking evi- dence of glaring inconfiftency, and that they were not always ex- emplary in thofe courtly virtues for which they valued themfelves ".. The place bill, the triennial bill, and the limitations in the ad: of fettlement, introduced by a tory minlllry, demonftrated, that their attachment to the prerogative was annexed to the hereditary line of defcent ; and when that was broken, their lofty ideas of majefty funk into the fame level with thofe of their antagonlfts, whom they " Jura popuB Anglican!. State- Trafts, T. W. vol. iii, accufed POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 573 accufed of a deliberate and fyflematic defign to circumfcrihe and ^ reduce the influence of the crown. \Vorc we to purfuc this fubject down from tlie period of this hiftory, it would bo found, that, though the fentiments of all parties were too much bialfcd by iu- terefl: and regulated by accidental circumftanccs, yet there remains fufficient proof to afcertain this fad, that, while the whigs were fincere in their attachment to the act of fcttlement, the tories never loft fight of the fucceflion of the houfe of Stuart, till that of Hanover was feated upon the throne. After all, I do not mean to affirm, that the generality of tlic tories entertained any fixed purpofe of recalling the pretender, or were difpofed to prefer his intereft to that of the conftitu- tion ". They gave fufficient proof, that the latter had the principal place in their affedions, by their condu£t at the revolution, and would probably have done- the fame in a fimilar fituation, upon a clear and decided oppofition between the claims of the lineal heir and the fafety of the conftitution. But they were averfe to thofc meafures which rejeded for ever the hereditary line of kings; and yet, with this affedion, the pique, the refentment, and the pride of party, fometimes interfered, and the tories themfelves were more than once inftrumental in enading fuch laws, as moft efFcdually fecured the exclufion of the houfe of Stuart and the continuance of the proteftant fucceffion. If that veneration for prerogative, by which the tories were diftinguiftied, abated, and a contrariety in their political fentiments was occafiontd by the influence of their attachment to the exiled family, fo, upon the other hand, thofe m«afures of their antagonifts, v.hich juflificd tlie tories iu •■ Tliere certainly was fuch a Jefign in the afraid to communicate to her innuiUrs, and latter period of the reign of queen Anne, and her miniilcrs to her, and to one another, whsi it was formed by the tories, but, at the fame they all dcfircd in their heart. Lt'r>l Oxford, time, a few of them only were privy to it. though conceited with that mimilrj',' probabi/ The ftatutes, the voice of the people, the never entertained ar.y fcrious view of rcftoriug official bnguage of the minirtry, were fo much the prttcndcf. Macpherfon'j State Papert. againfl it, that the queen feems, to have been Cuningham's HiRory, vol. ii. paffuji. o retorting. 574 THE HISTORY OF retorting tlie charge of flucluation and inconfiftency, may be tr.iced to a fimllar prediledion, or propenfity of afFe<^ion to the perfon of William ; not perhaps on account of his private virtues, but of that well-earned fame, which he had acquired by being the protedor of liberty, and of the proteftant religion. Thus, the v^'higs not only became advocates for prerogative, in the inftances above mentioned, but directed their public condudl, too much, in compliance with the prejudices and political views of the king. To this attachment was imputed a fixed determination of the whig adminiftration to augment the army, while they diminifhed and negleded the naval force of the kingdom. Every department belonging to the latter was ma- naged with careleffnefs and treachery, no lefs injurious to the honour, than to the fafety of the nation '*. As the genius and habits of Wil- liam rendered him partial to the land fervice, the whig minifters de- parted from the moderate quota of troops agreed to at the com- mencement of the war ; they gradually augmented the military efla- blilhment ; and, at length, were not afliamed to contend for the propriety of maintaining a large Handing army, at an enormous expence. When we trace the glaring inconfiftencies of both parties to mo- tives of affe£tion, it is fair to obferve, that thefe did not operate, with the fame uniformity, and to the fame extent, upon whigs and tories. The meafures, which were derogatory to prerogative, ap- pear to have been fupported by the tories, with concert and in a body; whereas the inconfiftency of the whigs, in defending what may be called prerogative meafures, was applicable, principally, to fuch of them as were in office, together with a few, who entertained an high efteem of William, founded upon early acquaintance and gratitude for the fervices he had done the nation. Though we do not admit the aflfertion of a party-writer, that, in the queftion con- cerning a ftanding army, " all the honeft and wife men of their owa " Faults on both Sides ; Somers's Colleftions, vol. xv. p. 300. 13 " party ({ POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, 5cc. 575 party defcited them",'' yet, in queftions palpubl .CHAP. from the political maxims, which they themfclvcs iia'd pro- feilec^, the whigs feparatcd, and their leaders were deferted by many, who, in their ordinary condud, adhered with fidelity to their party. The faults, with which both parties reciprocally upbraided each other, have, in fome meafure, been anticipated by thefc remarks upon the inconfiftency of their condud. We ought to pav no re- gard to virulent aflertions, indifcriminately vented during feafons of heat and violence ; but to found our opinions upon the evidence of fads, and fairly to diftingulfli between thofe circumftances, which arife from the ftation and fortune of parties, and thofe, which indi- cate inherent and incorrigible depravity of principle. Rapacity,, refcntment, an overbearing, engrofling fpirit, may, more or lefs, be imputed to every party in the day of power. Contention, mifrc- prefentation of their antagonifts, acrimony and malignity, adhere^ v?ith few exceptions, to thofe who are out of place. If the torics were charged with felf-conceit, infolence, haughtinefs of demeanour, in the courfe of their tranfading bufmefs, thefe vices ought not to- be afcribed to any indelible ftamp of political charader, but to the prejudices of domeftic education, at a period when an high cfiinia- tion was affigned to thofe diftindions of fortune and family, in which the tories claimed pre-eminence. If they were precipitate and ardent in profecuting their favourite meafures, it might arifc from an apprehenfion of the inftabillty of their influence, which ftimulated them to improve, to the bed advantage, intervals of power, derived from fortuitous events, more than from any cordial favour of the • rince, or their eftablifhed popularity. The fame motives might tranfport them, beyond the bounds of gencrofity and true policy, in the violence of their plans to gratify refer(tmenc XVI. " fai4p OB both Sides;. Somers's Colleflions, vol. xv. p. 302. againfl 57^ T H E H I S T O R Y O F CHAP. XXI. againft their rivals, fharpened by a mortifying fenfe of the finking influence of their party, and of their long exclufion from power '*. If, upon the moft impartial fcrutiny into the conduft of parties, h appears, that the whigs had the greateft merit in promoting and upholding the fettlement of government introduced by the revolu- tion, fo it will alfo be acknowledged, that fome of the whigs in adminiftration were guilty of grofs mifdemeanours, which affixed a deep and lafting ftain upon their party. Though generous and public motives fliould be candidly allowed to have adluated the whigs, in the firft fteps of the revolution, indi- viduals among them were afterwards fo adlve In turning that event to their own private account, that it afforded buttoo juft ground for fufpecting, that felf-intereft had ever been in view as their ultimate end. They were infolent, rapacious, infatiable in their demands for preferment : they were continually upbraiding the king with their fervices, and fet the hlgheft price upon them. Not fatlsfied with the fair profits of the lucrative places about court, they put to fale many offices, which required the mofl judicious feleftlon of capacity and faithful nefs. Where grants and fale of ofEces failed, exorbitant penfions were foliclted for themfelves and their retainers. To pri- vate avarice and rapacity the whig miniflers, in this reign, added unprecedented extravagance and profufion in the management of the revenue ", Though no perfon, who has a competent knowledge of the bufinefs of finance and the refources of the nation, during the reign of William, can fuppofe it polTible, that the fupplies, neceffary to provide for the public expeace, could have been raifed within the year, yet It is certain, that the means taken for that end were often ill devifed; that money was borrowed at an exorbitant premium, and expended with fuch contempt of all rules of oeconomy, as oc- cafioned an immediate depreciation of public credit, and has en- "+ Rapine on Parties. 's Secret Hiftory of one Year, Somers's Col. vol. xii. p. 401. tailed POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, c^cc. 577 tailed gilevons burdens upon pofleiity "'. Thus, wliilc the emolu- ^ ^LJ^ *"• nientd of the I'ervants of government were extravagantly augmented, too much of the pubUc money was laviflicd upon individuals, and princely fortunes were accumulated by many of the whigs, whole merits were eflimated by zeal for their party, more than by fervices rendered to their country. Hence, it was a common ob- fervation among thofe, who profefl'ed to abftain from all connexion with party, and to criticife the condu£l of political men with impar- tiality, that the tories facrificed the liberties, and the whigs the purfes, of the nation '\ It was calculated, that king William re- ceived more loney from his people, in the courfe of five years of the war, th...i any four of the kings of England had done, fince the reign of Henry the fourth, and than all the kings of England had done from the conqueft down to that period : that he had received more money in the courfe of one year, than had been given to Elizabeth, during her long reign of forty-five years : that the dif- burfements, upon the article of penfions alone, exceeded one mil- lion; a fum far beyond the example of royal munificence in any preceding reign ". The criminality of mifmanagement and the abufe of power, above defcribed, might have refted upon individuals, if the whigs had not purfued fuch meafures as feemed to imply the confcioufnefs of wrong, and a dread of detedion ; which tended to involve the whole party in the participation of guilt. They ftruggled, long and obftinately, to parry every inquiry, calculated for the purpofe of bringing to light extravagance and abufe in the expenditure of the revenue; and, when the appointment of commiffioners to examine the public '^ Sinclair's Hiftory of the Revenue, p. 50, liam, the fum of 58,698,683!. 19 s. 8d. was Sec. raifed. According to this calculation, kinjj " Secret Hiftory of one Year. • William's annual income mud have amounted '* Price of Abdication. Somers's Col- to the fum of 4,.). 15,360!. Clialmcr^':. b.li- leilion, vol. xi. p. 70. In the reign of Wil- mate, p. 71. 4 E accouuts 578 THEHISTORYOF CHAP, accounts was, at length, obtained, they contrived to modify and \_ .- , ^ fetter their powers by claufes, tending to fruftrate, in a great mea- fure, the purpofe of their appointment. They proftituted their abi- lities, in poftponing and evading the means of convifting thofe per- fons, who were ftrongly fufpeded of the moft notorious embezzle- ment of the pubHc money ''. Obfervations. From the fa<£l:s and obfervations introduced in the above furvey of parties, it will be obvious to the intelligent reader, that neither the principles nor conduit of whig or tory have been fo effentially and invariably oppofite, as to eftablifh a fixed and unalterable line of fe- paration : that the errors of the one were not fo enormous and cbfti- nate, as to prevent their contributing, \vith cordiality and fuccefs, both to the deliverance and amendment of the conftitution ; nor the wifdom of the other fo infallible, and their purity fo untainted, as to prefer, upon all occafions, the public good to private intereft and party confiderations. It would therefore have been equally unjuft and impolitic in William, to have excluded the tories from trufl and employment, or to have preferred the whigs to them, without referve and caution. It would be illiberal, on the one hand, to condemn any clafs or party, merely for an uncouth or unpopular name, or for herefies, contained in the political creed of their anceflors an hundred years ago, and which are not only renounced by their children, but re- pugnant to their education, their temper, and the fpirit of the times, "> Letter to a new Member of the Houfe in their power, and to difcour.tenanee them in of Commons. Somers's CoUedions, vol. xv. their report. There was a flaw in the com- p. 1 86. miflion itfelf ; for the commiffioners were not The commiffioners appointed for taking, fufhciently empowered to require proof of fuf- examining, in:c. the public accounts, did not pedled vouchers. They could not commit per- anfwer the expei^ations of the nation, for fons for contempt of authority, and, confe- which thefe obvious reafons may be affigned : quently, were expofed to the hazard of being Several great men, who had large accounts abufed by falfe vouchers. Ibid. See alfo So- to pafs> laboured to cramp the commiffioners mers's Colkftions, vol. .'■:ii. p. 401. 451. 453. irrefiftibly POLTTICAL TRANSACTIONS, <5cc. 579 irrefiftlbly powerful in moulding the charaders of individuals. On ^ H^a v. the other hand, it would be weak and dangerous to be inveigled by the boafted pretenfions of fadious men, who, being dcftitutc of genuine principles, feek to borrow credit from titles, conlecratcd to the ve- neration and gratitude of poflerity by the patriotic virtues of thofc to whom they were firfl applied. The capacity, the exertion, the probity, and the independence, of the man, to whatever political de- nomination he may belong, are the moll cllential qualifications of the minifter, and the moft folid balls of the pubUc approbation aiid confidence. Such, however, are the falutary efFeds of our conftitution, that it either exads thele qualifications in a certain degree, or proviJca eflential checks and remedies v^'hen they are wanting. It is im- pofTible for human wifdom to devife fuch a frame of polity as Ihaii, at all times, enfure the exclufive property of government to men of wifdom and virtue ; but there is no conftitution, tried by a com- petent period of duration and experience, better calculated for de- teding and expofing abufe of power, and controlling the errors of weak and wicked miniftcrs, than that which we enjoy. Under the various adminiftrations which have taken place fince the revolution, and which have, with few exceptions, been accufed, by thofc who oppofed them, of weaknefs and corruption, the important bufinels of the nation has Hill been carried forward ; fomewhat has been done for the public good ; nay, perfonal ability and virtue have ex- ifted, if not in the perfon of the minifter or minifters, yet fomc- where, and in fome degree, among thofe who have been employed by them. Before the revolution, our government, fluduating in its principles, was beneficial or pernicious in its effeds, according to the fentiments and difpofitions of the perfons who prefided at the helm. No rem.edies, but fuch as were of the moft dcfperate nature, coulj 4. E 2 control 58o THE HISTORY OF XXL Benefits of the revolu- tion. C H^A P. control the mifchiefs done by arbitrary princes and corrupt mlnifters. The political ftrudure, as it is now conftituted, is not more ad- mirable for its intrinfic beauty and convenience, than for the ftrong fecurities by which it is guarded. So manifold are the checks upon licentious government; fo eafy the means of refiftance; fo obvious the community of intereft among all the members of the ftate; fo dependent the tenure of power upon the approbation of thofe over whom it is exercifed, that it feems impoffible our liberties can ever be deftroyed, without the wilful and treacherous co-operation of the people. And this, once more, calls back our attention to that glorious event, to which we are indebted for the coniirmation and fecurity of our pre-eminent condition. I cannot clofe this work more properly, than by exhibiting a fummary view of thofe fub- ftantial benefits, of a civil and religious nature, which, more imme- diately or remotely, have accrued to this nation by the revolution. To the contemplation of this fubjeft, the patriot will ever recur with frefh delight and rapture. I. By the revolution the Britifli conftitution, the fource of fo many fubftantial bleflings, was afcertained, and eftabliflied by the ftrongeft fecurities. Eager difputes have been agitated, and different opinions adopted, concerning the ancient genius and form of our government. While fome have marked the infant features of a free conftitution in that of England, at a period of high antiquity, others have been at pains to exhibit its early fnnilitude, in every circumftance, to the polity of other European nations, now degraded by the yoke of defpotifm. The attentive ftudent in hiftory will find no difficulty to account for thefe difcordant opinions. He will perceive, that our conftitution was, for ages, in a floating ftate, and precedents of fuch oppofite tendency occur, not only under the reign of different princes, but fometimes It fecured the liberty of England. POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^c. jSi fometlmes in the courfe of the fame reign, that no well informed ^ ", '^ f- author can be at a lofs for fads and examples, in fuppori of oppofitc theories ". ,,,. , Without -° " This, then," fays Dr. Huid, fpeak- Can jny_Cuftojn_ v ie in^antign'i iyr with ing of the revolution, "will be confidercd thoje ri ghts which arc coev.-il with the exi(l- «' by grateful pollerity as the true xrz of cn ce of the hunian_ race, and >.!..': : ' ilic ♦• Englilli liberty. It was interwoven, in- birt h-right o f man 7 Can any , ■ .-[- " deed, with the very principles of the condi- tern, hoivevcr venerable from antiquity, abo- " tution. It was indofed in the ancient trunk lj|h thofe_griv_ilcgcs, which are founded on the " of the feudal law, and was propagated from eternaljaws of truth^ order, and jullicc .' " it. But its operation was weak and partial They, who reft the claim of liberty upon " in that (late of its infancy. It acquired antiquity and cullom, not only prefer an am- " frelh force and vigour with age, and has biguous to a clear title, but do a manifcit " now at length extended its influence to every injury to the caufe of humanity, by difna- " part of the political fylleni." Hurd's Dia- raging thofe claims, which belong to that un- " logues, vol.ii. p. 326. happy part of mankind, who groan under the This concife and elegant defcription of the yoke of defpotifm. Suppofe any nation or progrefs and Hate of the Englifti conlUtution kingdom Ihould admit, that thuir fathers, from will be admitted as ju.1 and impartial, in a the eariieft formation of government amonp general view, even by thofe pcrfons, who en- them, of which any traces can be difcovered tertain different opinions concerning political have been fubjcdled to the arbitrary will of one points conncftcd with the earlier period of cur man, or any fet of men ; Would this fafl de- hiftory. It is impofliblc, however, that the grade them in the fcale of creation i WuulJ faiTl, whatever it may be, can aflcd our con- it abolidi the rights veiled in them as men ! ftitution as it now Hands. Suppofe it Ihould Has not every diftrifl in the globe, and every be admitted, for fake of argument, that, pre- fpecies of mankind, the fame right to free go- vious to the revolution, the Engliih govern- vernmcnt and equal laws, i'. hich Great \'>n- ment was more arbitrary than free, or that tain had betore the revolution i A right, not it favoured prerogative more than privilege, founded upon cullom, whicii is flucfluating ; yet, as the right of governing is now made not founded upon municipal law, which is conditional, as indeed it always was accord- often partial and capricious; not founded upon ing to the principles of reafon and jallice, it the llipulations of their f.ithers, whofe virnj is evident, that no prince in future time can were contraflcd under the awe of tyranny . be entitltd to claim any benefit to prerogative but a right inherent, original, indcfeafible, from the example of arbitrary proceedings pre- in the moft unequivocal and emphatical fcnfc vious to that period. of the words. Suppofe again, that the people had neither There is another view of this qurftion con- contraft nor antiquity to plead, in fupport of cerning the antiquity of our conftiiution. in their right to a free government; would this which every fair reafoncr will acquicfcc. Sup. right ceafe to exift ? Would they be jufli- pofe that the rights which we now enjoy, a fiable in renouncing it? Could they be at a fubjeds of the Britilh empire, had been alKj lofs for arguments to vindicate their right ? pofTcnfed by our fathers at a remote pcritxl. Would they not Hill remain in pofl'e.Tion of the and b.id been claimed by the people of ling. moil obvious, the moll rational, and the moll land at the revolution, upon the footing of convincing arguments, in fupport of their cullom and law, as well as equity, yet if claim to freedom ? thefc rights were not fortified by I'utTicicnt fe- ciiriticj. 382 THE HISTORY OF ^ xxf ^ Without entering into the illuftration of this fubjedl, I ihall only obferve in general, that thofe immunities, which were anciently- claimed by the Englifh barons and confirmed by various charters of their kings, were often interrupted and retraded ; that a long period elapfed before they were difFufed and imparted to the people at large ; and that, after having attained extenfion, they were flill Infringed, and fometimes apparently extinguiflied, by the arbitrary government of our princes. To pafs over many examples to this purpofe, which occur under the domination of the houfe of Tudor, I fhalf confine myfelf entirely to thofe fadts which have fallen within the compafs of this hiftory. Confidering the unguarded fervour of loyalty which pervaded the nation at the acceflion of Charles the Second, and the obfequious temper of his fecond parliament, nothing feems to have been want- ing, but indullry, ambition, and evil counfellors, to have carried prerogative to a height fuperior to all refiftance. At the end of the fame reign, the long difcontinuance of parliament, and the fufpenfion of oppofition, intimidated by the misfortunes and perfecution of its leaders, exhibited a languifhing ftate of public liberty. Under the reign of his fucceffor James, the ftate of liberty grew ftill more hopelel's and difcouraging. If James, after having received the revenue for life, had difguifed, and poftponed the execution of his arbitrary claims, or had been content with wrefting from the nation curities, if the people had not nuthority and itfelf, by preferring, upon the occurrence of means to defend them when invaded, how new quelHons, precedents which obtained under precarious muft their fituation have been ? arbitrary reigns, to tlie analogy of more recent Thefe fecurities, and this authority, they sc- meafures, and the diftates of a more liberal quired at the revolution, by the regular meet- fpirit of policy, which began with the revolution, ings, and afterwards by the periodical diflb- and has been improving ever fince that period. lution of parliament, and by the conftant de- " There is not," fays Mr. Hume, " a more pendence of the crown upon it for fupplies. " effeftual method of betraying a caufe, than The friends of the conftitution would do " to lay the ftrefs of the argument in a wrong well to confider, whether, by too great a ve- " place; and, by difputing an untenable poll. Iteration for antiquity, there is not fome ha- " enfure the advcrfary of fuccefsand viftory." zard of doing a real injury to the conftitution EfTay on the Coalition of Parties, their POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 5S3 CHAP. XXI their civil privileges, without touching their religion, wouki not the liberties of the people have been brought to the moft extreme point of danger ? Is it not more than probable, that the government of England might, at this day, have been as defpotic as that of any kingdom in Europe ? A fenfe of the danger of the protcftant reli- gion did that, which, it is probable, a fenfe of right, and a love of liberty, would not have done. It united the addrelTes and folicita- tions cf all parties, to obtain the interpofuion of the prince of Orange. By that interpofuion, the liberties of England were refcued from impending danger. But our fathers, inftrudted by part expe- rience, did not think it enough to repel immediate danger ; they extended their plan to their own future fafety, and to the interell and fecurity of their poflerity. The conftitution had been varying and unfettled: many things were in difjiute betv^ecn the prince and the people. It was of the utraoft importance to afcertain the nature of the conftitution, to define, in the cleareft and moft explicit terms, the rights of the people ; and to fortify and fecure them againft future attacks. A more propitious opportunity for accomplifliing this great delign never could occur, than at a time when the crown was to be transferred as a free gift, and when the perfon, who was to receive it, was a profefl'ed friend to liberty and the protcftant re- ligion. At this sera our conftitution attained precilion and ftability. The laud-marks were fet up; the line, which divides prerogative from privilege, was drawn fo broad and fo deep, as to prevent con- fufion or miftake, and to debar encroachment upon either fide. The moft comprehenfive privileges of the people were recognifcd and eftabliflied. The moft odious and arbitrary exertions of prero- gative were fpecified and condemned. 2. The revolution, whether contemplated in connexion whh the InfursJirfirit principles upon which it was founded, or as a monument oi the m..,- i.toihe triumph of patriotic labour, has infufed into our conftiiition a certain meliorating energy, which has improved, and, it is hoped, will ;B4 THE HISTORY OF ' ^Yv^ ^' ^'^^' y^^ farther improve our political condition. In this enlarged -\ A.J « and extenfive view, we are indebted to that glorious event, not only for what was then done, but for what has been done, fubfequent to that period. The example of refiftance in the very moment of ex- treme emergency^, and by the very perfons who difclaimed its law- fulnefs in any cafe, has, more forcibly than ten thoufand arguments, expofed the abfurdity of dodrines fubverfive of the rights of hu- manity, and exploded that fervile fubmiffion to prerogative, fo flat- tering and grateful to the ambition of princes. That freedom with which the people are invited, by the genius of our conftitution, to inquire, to judge, to converfe, and to write, concerning meafures of government and political fubjedls, dilfeminates liberal fentiments among all ranks of men, gives an immediate check to the abufe of power, and ftifles, at its birth, every rifing grievance. The influence of liberal fentiments is particularly difplayed, in foftening the harder features of our conftitution, and in reftraining and mitigating the execution of rigorous and fanguinary laws, which remain unrepealed. In fuch inftances, the mild fpirit of the con- ftitution has often militated againft the letter of law; and while many penal ftatutes have fallen into difufe, it is a received maxim, to interpret thofe which fubfift in the moft lenient fenfe. Difcre- tionary puniftiments are often fubftituted, in cafes where the law has ordained the inflidion of a capital puniftiment. In no inftance, of late years, has the fentence for treafon been executed, with all the barbarous circumftances prefcribed by the ftatute. The meliorating quality of our conftitution might be farther illuf- trated from the enabling of many new laws, calculated to extend the liberty of the fubjed, and to maintain the purity of the confti- tution. Since the period of the revolution, the laws of treafon have been freed from that partial diftindion, which often proved fatal to the perfon accufed j and the fame indulgence has been granted him 3S in the trial of other capital crimes. By limiting the duration of POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, ^-c. of parliament, the dependence of rcprefentativcs upon their con- ftituents, and, confequently, a refpca: to iheir fentlincnts ami in- terefts are more effectually fecured. The dignity and iudcpendcjuc of parliament has been promoted by various ftatutcs, regulating •the qualifications of its members. The inllucnce of the court and miniftry have been checked, and the purity of parliament farther fecured, by a late ftatute, eftablifhing the fairelt mode of trial in the cafe of contefted eledions. The att for abolilhing hereditary jurif- didions in Scotland; the ad for rendering the judges of England independent, by granting their commifllons during life ; the ad for abolilhing the privilege of exemption from arrell for debt, enjoyed by fervants of members of parliament ; and various regulations with refped to commerce and our intercourfe with foreign nations ; are all pleafing examples of the progrefs of liberty, and the improving excellence of our laws, promoted by the genius and fpirit infufed into our government by the revolution. The contemplation of thefe, as pledges of future improvements ", while it expands the hope and elevates the joy, will Hill farther inflame the gratitude, and ani- mate the efforts, of the patriot. To " To fugged thefe might perhaps, be cenfured as a digreflion from the fubJtCl of this work, and an arrogant intrufion into the province of thofe, who, by their expe- rience as well as truft, are bell qualified to difcern them. Some of tliem, however, are fo obvious, and required by fuch preffiiig calls of jullice and humanity, that we are difpofed to wonder, that, under fuch a mild and benefi- cent government, they fnould have been fo long delayed ; and that, under fuch prevalence of liberal fentiment, their propriety and im- portance fliould ftill be difputed. The laws relating to debtors exhibit a glar- ing example of deviation from the principles of our conllitution. Is it not Qjocking, that, in a country where fuch a price is put upon perfonal liberty, and wliere the total depri\a- tion of it is reckoned too fevcre a punilhmcnt J- for any crime, pcrfons, who have not bi.-L'» guilty of any immorality, who have, pen: ., , been only unfortunate, Ihould be doomed to perpetual captivity ? Is not the letter and complexion of our criminal laws too fanguinary .' Arc not cipImI puniihment multiplied (o niucli a lo cuicnj againll found policy, as well a^ ihc dilates of humanity i For what U the confequeiicc f 'I he feverity of punilhmcnt, out of all proponion to the demerit of crimes, cannot be executed with conllancy and c.vadnefs, and thirclorc lofes its influence of over-avving and rclliain- ing the guilty. Might it not be c*pefted. that a more moderate fpccies of punilhmcnt, invariably executed, would, at once, fp.irr the effuiion of bloo,.', and rCvl. i-.- t!ic njiiiLcr of crimes f The multiplicity and iiridnci's vi cntaili in F ere P. 586 THE HISTORY OF 3. To the revolution we are indebted for the prefervation and eftablilhment of the proteftant religion. We have feen the danger to which the proteftant religion was expofed, during the reign of Charles the fecond, from his fecret attachment to Roman catholics ; his indulgences intended principally for their relief; his treaty with France, ftipulating the eftablifhment of popery; and above all, from the converfion and bigotry of the duke of York. By thefe circumftances, the fears of the people were excited, vigorous meafures of oppofition concerted ; and the defigns of the court defeated. In the reign of James, the danger was more formidable, becaufe the popular alarm had entirely fubfided. None objeded to the one part of the kingdom, is not only mate- rially injurious to induftry and commerce, bat muft, in progrefs of time, be produdiive of inequality and unalterable fuperiority, which will overwhelm the independence and liberties of the fubordinate and more nume- rons clafles of men. How much were it to be wifhed, that the influence of that humane fpirit, which is fo honourable 10 our age, and fo fruitful of good works at home, were extended to our inter- courfe and commerce with dirtant countries ! Does not the genius of our conilitntion concur with the diftates of humanity, to re- commend to our legiflature the abolition of the infamous traffic in flaves ? If there are any who remain ftubborn againft the diflates of humanity, let them be perfuaded to in- veiUgate this queftion upon the footing of pubKc expediency and interell. Has not the value of individuals, in every fenfe, been im- proved, in proportion as they have become free and independent ? Has not that labour ever been found the moft produftive which redounds to the profit of the labourer, and which has been performed vith confent and chcerfulnefs ? Has not the emancipation of villains and bondmen contributed, more than any ether means of improvement, to the me- lioration of property, and the enriching of proprietors in England ? Is it not a fad, that the princes and ftates, who got the ftart of others by the abolition of villainage at home, have arrived firii at civilization, and have ftill retained pre-eminence in manufaftures, agri- culture, commerce, and every article of na- tional profperity ? Why fhould the ■ line be drawn, why fhould regulations the reverfe of thofe which have promoted domeftic profpe- rity, why fhould the violation of juflice and humanity, be deemed effential to the cultiva- tion and improvement of our diftant colonies ? With the chriftian, the fpirit of his religion fuperfedes theufe of argument, and renders him im[>atient of contradiftion in a point, which forms the mofl prominent feature and effential diftinftion of his profefTion. Benevolence, the moft pure and comprehenfive, is inculcated by the precepts and example of his matter. Can he then fubmit to any fyftem of policy, which has the effrontery to exclude a whole race of mankind from the reach and effeft of his cha- rity ? The caufe of juftice and humanity will prevail ; but ftiH it muft be a mortification to the patriot, if objeftions, founded in igno- rance and felfifhnefs, fhould fufpend the gra- tification of his moft ardent defire, and with- hold, from his beloved country, the glory of taking the lead in reprobating that fyftem of policy, which dooms any clafs of his fellow- creatures to wretchednefs and oppreffion. princess POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, .^:. ^87 prince's enjoying his own religion, while thcv conlidcd in his C !I A V XX' iolemn and repeated promlfes, that he would protcd that of the v ~.__^ nation. Fortunate it was, that the bigotry of James was too un- governable to admit of any compromife, or to regard the cbligatioot. of tiuth ; for had he been contented with the private and lawful engines of profelytifm, how fuccefsful might he not have been, or what changes might he not, with patience and time, have cfTcdcd ? But the infatuated monarch could not conceal his intention of de- voting every faculty of royal power to the fervice of Rome. He ftrained every nerve of prerogative, he violated his promifcs, he dcfpifed the reflraints of law ; and then it was that the protcflant religion, as well as the liberty of England, was brought to the extremity of danger. But, if the queftion had been merely political, the fame unanimous and fpirited force of refiftancc could not have been collected. Nothing lefs than a zeal for the proteftant religion was fufficient, to fufpend the animofities of parties, and to unite them in fcheraes and efforts for preventing its fubverfion. The diRin- guifhed abilities of the prince of Orange, his zeal for liberty and the proteftant religion, his influence among the princes of Europe, his near alliance to the royal family, marked him, as deftined by Pro- vidence to be the glorious inftrument of their deliverance. Violent diflenfions prevailed in the religious and political fcntiments of in- dividuals and parties, then incorporated by participation of danger. To have entered into any difcuflion of thcfe, or to have concerted any future plan of fettlement, might have proved fatal to their union. Farther queftions were therefore fufpended, while, in this one point, all agreed, that the interpofition of the prince of Orange was ncccf- fary to the prefervation of the proteftant religion ; that religion, which difclaims the ufurpation of human authority ; that religion, which holds the fcriptures alone to be the rule of truth ; that reli- gion, which, if purfued in its true principles, will finally triumph over all the corruptions of human invention, and rcftorc the purity 4 F 2 if 588 THE HISTORY OF H A XXI. Eftablifhcd toleration. of the gofpcl. The continuance of that religion, we owe, under the blefTing of God, to the revolution. 4. To that event we are indebted' for toleration and liberty of conlcience. Without toleration and liberty of confcience, the benefits of the proteftant religion muft be extremely circumfcribed and precarious. Though our firft reformers made illuftrious exertions in the difcovery of truth, they flill retained much of that metaphyfical dogmatifm, and fcholaftic jargon, which had encumbered chriftianity during the long night of barbarifm and fpiritual tyranny. They harboured too much of the contraded, intolerant and perfecuting fpirit, which pourtray the moft hideous features of corruption in that church which they profefTed to abandon ; and though it was by the ufurped dominion over the confcience and private judgment of men that chriftianity was firft defaced, and profefl'edly in order to demblifh this dominion that the ftandard of reformation was firft erected, yet, what is an aftoniflalng inftance of the inconfiftency of human cha- rader, almoft all the proteftant feds, which obtained the fandion of a legal eftablifhment, relapfed into the fame error, and urged the execution of penal ftatutes againft their proteftant brethren, who refufed to conform to their fyftem of faith, or regulations of eccle- fiaftical government. Lutherans, calvinifts, epifcopalians, prefby- terians, have, all of them, in the day of power, wielded, with unrelenting fury, the fword of perfecution. But, to take the ex- ample of our nation after the reftoratlon, the fecond parliament of Charles difcovered an extraordinary zeal for promoting uniformity in religion. No lefs than five different ftatutes, as we have feen, were enaded for this purpofe, every one of them, in progrefTion, ordaining penalties more fevere to be inflided upon thofe, who worftiipped God in any other way than according to the forms of the church of England. The fame fpirit was adopted by the mi- nifters of Charles the fecond in Scotland. The execution of penal 4 ftatutes POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 585 ftatutes on account of religion, in that kingdom, occafioned fomc of C H A I', the mofl: fhocking fcencs of barbarity that are to be met with in the hiftory of any age. Humanity recoils at the remembrance of them. At the period of the revolution, peifecution received a mortal wound, but did not immediately expire. The merit of the nro- teftant diflenters, operating with the church of England by refifting their common enemy, fuggefted to the latter the jufticc, and the policy, of maintaining future intercourfe upon terms of forbearance and charity. A plan of comprehenfion was propofed, but thwarted by the bigotry of the tories, the indifcreet violence of the leaders of the church, and, in part, by the peevifli fcrupuloufriefs of fome of the diffenters. The penal ftatutes were, not without fome ex- ception, aboliflied, and an ail of toleration palfed. It is probable, however, that neither this plan of comprehe-niion would have been propofed, nor the adt of toleration obtained, at that period, if both had not been agreeable to the ftrong defirc, and favourite policy, of the king. There is indeed no feature in the charader of that great prince more marked and brilliant, than his zeal for liberty of con- fcience. Though illuftrious for military and political talents, he was not unrivalled, perhaps he was excelled, by contemporary generals and ftatefmen ; but, as a friend to religious liberty, he had not a rival. In this point, his merits appear fingular and tranfcendent. The extenfion of relij^ious liberty at the revo- lution, though it exhibits an agreeable contraft to the penal ftatutes, and perfecutions in the preceding reigns, yet it was not proportionate to the liberal fentiraents of William. Tiic pro- teftant diflenters were excluded from many privileges, and tlieir clergy, by the letter of the law, fubjedted to fevere tclts and re- ftriaions. It is alfo to be lamented, that the recent remembrance of the danger of popery was the occafion, not only ot impofing prudent reftraints, but of enading unjuftifiable penalties againit the profeflbrs of that religion, and particularly againft Romaa catholic ^go THE HISTORY OF CHAP, catholic priefts. The mention of this fubjed draws our attention u-^-Y-^ once more to a ftriking example of the eiFeds of that meliorating tendency of our conftitution to which I have already referred. The ftatute, ordaining the fuppreflion of diffenting meetings whofe mi- uifters did not fubfcribe to the doctrinal articles of the church of England, and the ftatute, of one thoufand feven hundred, ordaining the perpetual imprifonment of catholic priefts and the difuiheriting of Roman catholic heirs, were fo repugnant to the fpirit of the Britilli conftitution, that they have feldom been executed with rigour. They at laft fell into difufe, and finally, by the unanimous confent of both houfes of parliament, have been expunged from the Englifli code; and, though the difgraceful oppofition, that was given to the repeal of the ftatute regarding Roman catholics, ob- ftruded that repeal in one part of the kingdom, and excited great commotions in another, yet there is not any doubt but, from the influen<;e of our conftitution, the fpirit of toleration is every day expanding and increafing. There is not any fyftem of religious truth, the moft harfli and illiberal, that is not mollified and huma- nifed by the fpirit of the age. We need only to advance in the fame fpirit for a little time, and it is to be hoped, that no trace or veftige of intolerance will remain to disfigure the beautiful fabric of the Britifti conftitution. :: r . Ourobiif»a- Impreffed by the views now illuftrated, it is natural to cherifli a nonstoking gj.j^(-gf,ii remembrance of our patriotic anceftors, and particularly of that illuftrious perfonage, who, under God, was the inftrument of working fo great a deliverance, and of obtaining fuch important privileges for us and for our pofterlty. There is not a more painful fenfation, than that which arifes from the difcovery of any imper-' fedion or blot, In the charader of a benefador, tending to diminifla the efteem, and reftrain the gratitude, which we find ourfelves dif- pofed to pay to him. ' As there is not any charader recorded in our hiftory, more ftrongly entitled to our gratitude, when we refled upon POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS, &c. 591 upon the ineftimable bleffings for which we (land indebted to his interpofition, fo few appear, after the moft critical inveftigation, more deferving of efteem and praifc, on account of the endow- ments and virtues with which it is adorned. The dawn of his life was lowering and clouded, and little pro- HlschanuCitr. mifed that luftre which brightened the meridian day. He was born in the feventh month, a few days after the death of his father, whofe authority had been declining under the oppofuion of the Louveftein fa/an, bifliop of London, transfers commiificns in the militia of London from difll-nters to zealous tories, 308. ConjUtutitn, Engliih, how aftedled by the revo- lution, 237. Compared with that of Scot- land, 242. The excellency of, pointed out, 579. Its antiquity examined, 580. Opportu- nities ftill remaining for its improvement, 585. Continental connexions, the great obligations England is under to, 291. ConiraSi, original, debates on, in the houfe of lords of the convention parliament at the re- volution, 205. Convmtide avSt, the objeils of, 58, note. Convention parliament at the reftoration of Charles II., its temper and meafuies, 2. Meeting of that at the revolution, 215. Corporation act paffed, 4. That of king Wil- liam levelled againft the tories, 294. Coventry, Mr. his embafly to Sweden, 19. Country party under king Chailes II , the motives ot their oppofiiion to government meaiures examined, 115. Caufes of the decline of, Criminal laws of England too fanguinary, 585, note. Crcnfweli., Oliver, his ftipulation with Holland reCpefling the prince of Orange, 187. 200. Crown of Engliind, precedents of the fucceffion to, being veftid in parliament, 120. The commons in the convent on parliament at the revolution vote the e.xclufion of Roman catho- Lcs from it, 228. D. Danhyt earl of, review of his minlfterial con- dudt, 31. Secret hiuory of his difgrace, 55. His profecution by the houfe of commons, 72. 75. Dangerfield, the informer of the meal-tub plot, 83, noti. Daritn, hiflory of the Scotch fcttlcfncni thcr«, 478. D'Ava:tx, his allegations againft the ptinccand princcls of Orange, 167. 1 heir circumlbiicct and authority confidcrcJ, 172. Dri'ton, the laws relating to, inconfiftent trith the principles of our conflituiinii, 5K5, ttit. De Crofs, his agency lieiwccii Charles \\. and iir U'illiam Ti-'iiiplc his ambaliador to the Dutch States, 51. 55, note. Dcm, Mr. agent for the exiled king James nt the Hague, his inflrudlinns duiing the nrgocii- tions at Ryfwitk, 457. Difpcnftng power of the king brought to a trial by J.inics II., 159. Hi* attempts to cxcrcifc it, ibid. This claim one of the leading caufes to the revolution, 182. Such a power iub- verfive of all the fecutities of a free coitfiitu- tion, J 85. Diffenten, a review of the afls pafl'cd againft, in the lecond pnrliami.nt of Charles II., 58, nzU. Bill to repeal the penal llatutes agait.ft them artfully (upprefl'ed, 91. No relaxation of the teft aol obtained for them at tiie rcvn, 272. Hiftory of the bill of comprchcnfion, 275. AJl of toleration obtained for them, 277. Dolhen, Mr. his fpeech in the convention parli.'w ment at the revolution on fcttiijig the govern- ment, 217. . Dundii, vifcount, attends the convention of Itaies at Edinburgh to fupport the intcreft of king James, 255. Elies Itctn Edinburgh, 256. Dyckevelt, the Dutch ambaiTador, his private nenociations in Eiigl.md on the part of ttic prince of Orange, 19^. Eofl India conipany, the renewal ot thf;r rnjitrr difcovered to have been obtained by bribery id parliament, 380. A new ore eftablilhcJ, 510. Ecclefiajlical conntiifTion, the court of, rcviv..d by king James II., 162. Edward 1. irnpruven>cnis made by him in tho Engliih conltitution, 297. Entails, the law permitting the breaking thcr» favciirabie to liberty, 3.^3. The muliipiitity and ftriclnefs of, injurious to indullry, con-.- mcrce, and ftcedom, 586, nsit, Exshe^uir, Oiut up by Charles IL, 20. M-tJufun I N D X. CaJilt)natn,\o'[iy his embafly to the pope, 151, «5/^. Catalonia, fucceflcs of mar(hal de Noailles there, X76. Cat'tnat, marfhal, defeats the duke of Savoy at SaluH'es, 340. Charles II. political unanimity that followed his rcftoration, i. Why inclined to tolerate the proteftant difTenters, 4.. His favourites in- trigue aijainlt the minillry, 6. Engages in a war with the Dutch, 7. Mifunderftandings between him and his parliament, 8. Cla- rendon difgraced. 9. Motives that difpofed him to a peace with the Dutch, 11. His fecret partiality toward the French intereft, 12. Enters into the triple alliance, 13. General review of his conduct thus far, 14. Secret, treaty with Lewis XIV., 15. De- fcription of his cabal miniftry, 17. His fecond war with Holland, 19. His arbitrary meafures, 20. Solicits the aid of parliament, 2t. His duplicity in favour of France, 36. Exerts his influence over parliamentary elec- tions, 39, Altercations between the king and the commons, 41. His views in confent- ing to the marriage of the prince of Orange with the lady Mary, 42. His embarraflments be- tween the diftrull: of parlian)ent and his at- tachment to France, 49. Concludes an al- liance with the Dutch itates, 52. Obferva- tions on his conduct relating to the peace of Nimiguen, 53. 55, tiate. His endeavours to corrupt his parliament, 60. His meafures to regain the confidence of the nation, 65. His conference with Dr. Tongue cpncerning the popilh plot, 72, 7i':te. Reforms his privy council, 74. Diflblyes, his third parliainejU, bp. Publifiies a proclamation againft peti- 'tii3:n?, {J5. Meets his fourth parliament, 86. His mean fuppreflion of the dillenters bill, 91. Diflblves his fourth parlianient, 92. Diflblves his Oxfo;d parliament, 94. His extreme de- pendence and inflability, 103. Difcordance of his minifters, 105. How expofed to the views of the French court, iii. His politics compared with thofe of the country party, 113. Decline of the country party, 131, Enters into a new treaty with France, 133. His duplicity, 135. Deprives London, and other corporations, of their charters, 140. Kye-houfe plot, lijz. His death and cha- racter, 144. His averfion .to the flates of Holland, i8'8.. ' . , ,. ,.„., Charlesll. of Spain, his death,. '526. Expecta- tions of Lewis XIV. from this event, 529. Motives of forming the partition treaty, 530. Bequeaths his dominions to the duke of Anjou, 53- C/;rtj7^r-houfe, the difpenfing power of the king wiihflot»d by the truftecs of, 159. Clar -"Ion, earl of, the wifdom of his adminiftra- tion on the reftoraiion, 3. His intol-rant principles, 4. The king's favourites intrigue againft him, 6. Caufes of his difgrace, q, Clifford, fir Thomas, une of Charles's cabal miniftry, his charader, 17. Clubs, political, in London in the time of Charles II. fome account of, lOl. Cft^Iv-houfes, a proclamation ifl'ued for the fup- preflion of, ioo. Cologn, difputes between Lewis XIV , the pope, and the emperor, concerning the choice of the elector of, 201. Commerce, the extenfion of, favourable to popu- lar liberty in England, 243. Was late Id- trod'jced into Scotland, 244. Commijfioners of public accounts inftituted by parliament, 337. The end of their inftitu- tion how defeated, 578. Commons, houfe of, their altercations with Charles II., 41. Are corrupted by him, 60. Profecution of lord Danby, 72. Difputes between them and the lords Oii this occafion, 75. Bill of exclufion introduced into the houfe, 77. Place and penfion bill, 79. Peti- tioners and abhorrers,,87. I'roiecution of the judges, ibid. Bill of exclufion revived, 88. Angry votes againfl the court, 91. The bill of exclufion revived in the parliament at Oxford, 93. They remonflrate with James II. for dilpenfing vi'ith the tells, J52. A meeting of, called by the prince of Orange on the king's flight, 212. Eleftion of the con- vention pailiament, 215. Debates of, con- cerning (ettling the government, 217- Their prudent caution on the fubjedt, 227. Debate on turning the convention into a parUament, 265. Then regulition of the public revenue, 266. Indemnification of the Dutch, 269. Refufe to relax the tefts in favour of the clergy, 274. Thwart the comprehenfion bill, 276. Pioceedings on the bill of indemnity, 279. Proceedings on the adt of fettlement, 282. Enter upon the redrefs of grievances, 288. Jitriigules between the whigs and the tories, 309. J heir unanimity after the battle of the Boyne, 34. I'heir lii humour on the bad fuccefs of the war with France, 349, Articles of advice given to the king, 362. Breach N D Breach with the houfc of lords, 364. Ad- drefs the king to withdraw his grant to the carl of Portland, 418. Their patriotic exer- tions to relieve the cmbarrafTmcnts of the revenue, 4.30. Refolve to difband the army in oppofition to the king's exprefltd willies, 508. Their violent proceedings rcfpecSling the partition treaty, 547. CtrnpoutuUrs among the Englifli Jacobites, their views explained, 401. Cotnprehenfion bill, hiftory of, 275. Caufes of the ill I'uccefs of this meafure, 276. Ctf;«/>/an, bifliop of I>ondon, transfers commiffions in the iriilitia of London from diflcnters to zealous tories, 308. Conjlitutitn, Englifli, how afte£led by the revo- lution, 237. Compared with that of Scot- land, 242. The excellency of, pointed out, 579. Its antiquity examined, 580. Opportu- nities flill remaining for its improvement, 585. Continental connexions, the great obligations England is under to, 291. Control, original, debates on, in the houfe of lords of the convention parliament at the re- volution, 205. Conventicle a£t, the objeiEls of, 58, note. Convention parliament at the reftoration of Charles J I., its temper and meafuies, 2. Meeting of that at the revolution, 215. Corporation act pafled, 4. That of king Wil- liam levelled againft the tories, 294. Coventry, Mr. his embafTy to Sweden, 19. Country party under king Chailes II., the motives ot their oppofuion to government mcafurcs examined, 115. Caufes of the decline of, Criminal laws of England too fanguinary, 585, note. Cromwell., Oliver, his ftipulation with Holland refpefling the prince of Orange, 187. 200. Crown of England, precedents of the fucceffion to, being veftid in parliament, 120. The commons in the convent on parliament at the revolution vote the exclufion of Roman catho- Lcs from it, 228. D. Danby., earl of, review of his minifierial con- dud, 31. Secret hiitory of his difgrace, 55. His profecution by the houfe of commons, 72. 75. DangerfieU, the informer of the meal-tub plot, 83, noti. Daritn, hiflory of the Scotch ftulemcnt there, D'Avaux, his allegations againd the print* ind princels of Orange, 167. I heir ciKumnaiicet and authority confidcrcJ, 172. Delitors, the laws relating to, incoiififtcnt with the principles of our conftisution, 5K5, noit. De Crofs, his agency between Chnrlcs \\, ar.d iir Uilliam Temple his anibali'adur to the Dutch States, 52. 55, note. Dem, Mr. agent for the exikd king James nt the Hague, his inftru(5linns duiing the negocia* tions at Ryfwick, 457. Difpenfing power of the king brought to 4 trial by Junes II., 159. His aitmipis to excrcifc it, ibid. This claim one of the leading caufes to the revolution, 182. Such a power fub- vcrfive of all the fecutitics of a free conliitu- tion, 185. DJJfenters, a review of the aifls parted againft, in the lecoiid pnrlijmi.iit of Chatlcs II,, 58, ncti. Bill to repeal the penal ftatutes agaiidl them artfully fupprellcd, 91. No relaxation of the teft ad obtained for them at the revolution, 272. Hiflory of the bill of comprchcnfion, 275. Ad of toleration obtained fur them, 277. Doll/en, Mr. his fpeech in the convention parli.'v- mcnt at the revolution on fettling the govern- ment, 217. . Dundee, vifcount, attends the convention of Itates at Edinburgh to fupport the intcreA of king James, 255. I'lies (rem tdmburgh, 256. Dyckevelt, the Dutch ambalTador, his private negociations in England on the part of the prince of Orange, 19^. Eafl India company, the rcncv.Ml ot thf;r cn^ttcr difcovered to have been obtained by bribery in parliament, 380. A new ore cftablifhcd, 510. Ecclefiojlical commiffion, the court o!, icvivti by king James II., 162. Edward 1. itnpruvemenis made by hjm in tha Englilh conltitution, 297. Etttaih, the law permitting the breaking lhct» fav( arable to liberty, a^j. The multipiicity and ftridnefs of, injurious to induilry, coir.* mcrce, and freedom, 58t>, note. Exsheiucr, (hut up by Charles 11., 20. Exdufiiit N D X. Excluffon bill brought into the houfe of commons, 77. Is revived, 88. Is rejected by the houfe of lords, 89. Ihe merits of this bill exa- mined, 117. Falkland, lord, evidence of his corrupt condufl: in the admiralty, 369. Farmer, a jcluit, preknted by James !l. to be elected prefident of Magdalen college Oxford, and refufcd, 160. Fenwiek, fir John, a bill palTeJ for his attainder, 42 »• Debates on the propriety of the mea- (ure, 425. Feudal inftitutions deftruiRive to popular union, 246. The feudal rights in England abolifhed at the reftoration, 299. Fitzhatrts, difagreement between the two houfes of parliament on his cafe, 94.. /'/w-mile adt, the objeds of, 58, note. Flerus, the allies defeated at the battle of, 34O. Foreigners, the acceffion of, as refugees, favour- able to Englifli liberty, 243. Forfeited scales in Ireland, money rai fed out of, by parliament, 337. AQ. pafied for refuming them, 520. Francis, Alban, a Benedi£tine monk, prefented by Jiimes II. to the univerfity of Cambridge for a degree, and refufed, 160. Friend, fir John, remarks on his offers to the abdicated king James, 388. Is tried for a confpiracy againft king William, 424. Funding, the practice of, when firft introduced to raife fupplies for government, 413. G. Glenco, narrative of the mafl'acre there, 472. In- quiry into the caufes of this event, 497. Ghucejlcr, duke of, fon of the princefs Anne of Denmark, his death, and the confequences of it, 525. Godfrey, fir Edmundbury, his myfterious murder, 68, note. Gordon, duke of, holds the caftle of Edinburgh for king James, 255. Grand alliance formed againft Lewis XIV. by the vigilance of king William, 338. 552. Grotius, his authority ufcd in the con\ention parliament to decide on the abdication of James II., 221, note. Green ribband club, account of, loi, note. H. Habeas corpus a£t pafles, 80. Is fufpended by king William, 286. Hague, congrefs of, for forming the grand al- liance againft Lewis XIV., 338. Remarks on the conditions on which the confederacy was concluded, 344. Hales, colonel, trial of the difpenfing power of theJcing in his cafe, 159. Halifax, lord, his political charafler and con- duiS, 136. Tendency of his reafoning in the debates on the king's abdication in the con- vention parliament, 229. Is made lord privy feal under William, 261. Is driven to a re- fignation, 294. Hall, taken and fortified by the duke of Luxem- bourg, 340. Hambden, Mr. his charafter defended againft the allegations of Barillon, the French ambaflador, 129, note. His (hare in the new miniftiy under William, 261. His motion for alter- ing the coronation oath, 271. Hanover, duchefs of, proceedings on introducing her name in the bill of fucceflion, 282. Con- fequences of this event, 284. The crown en- tailed upon this houfe by an extenfion of the a6l of fettlement, 54.5. Harley, Adr. his opinion of the whigs and tories, 563- Henry II. impofes fcutage on prelates bound to military Cervices, 298. High church, and low church, origin of this diftiniStion, 570. Holland, motives that induced Charles II. to engage in a war with, 7. The l^utch fleet fails up the Thames, 11. 7~he triple alli- ance formed againll France, 13. Second war with Charles II., 19. Union of the States under William prince of Orange, 200. The States not fully indemnified for their expences in the prince of Orange's expedition to Eng- land, 269. Important confequences of the connexion formed between England and Hol- land by the revolution, 337. Honejly, laboured profeflions of, fufpicious cir- cDmftances in offices of truft, 3^3. Howe, Mr. his virulent parliamentary cenfure of the partition treaty, 549, note. Hurd, \yv. his opinion of the Englifh revolu- tion, 581, note. Huy, taken from the French by the allies, 376. "Jacobites, N D ]•: J- Jocsbitcs under king '\ViIlI,-.m, the difcordancc of thtir private fenhmenrs and views fatal to their general w;(hcs, 40 1. "James il. fentimetils of the nation on his fuc- cceding to the throne, 146. The firft mca- fures of his-rel^ii, 1^7, note. Mis fcverity againft Monmouth and his adherents, i|q. His undiCjuifed bigotry and arbitrary condu:!, t^o. His difjilcafure at the rcmonlTrar.ee of the houfe of co;nmons againft difpiinfMiG; with the lefts, 153. Prorogues his piiliamcnt, 154. Brings his power of difpcnHng with the lefts to a trial, 151). Attempts to excrcife it on the Charter-houfe, ibid., and at the Un'verfities, ifro. Revives the court of cc- clffiaftical commiflion, 1D2. His indnftrions efFotts for t!ie piomotion of popery, i6j. Harafles boroughs by writs of quo warranto, 164. Encamps his army on Hounflow Heath, 165. Difjjenfes with alToath? and lefts, ibid. Seven billiops fent to the Tcswer, 166. Ac- cufes the prince of Orange as acccfTory to Monmouth's invafioii, 1(38. The authority of faiSs related in his own life confidered, 173. His bigoted attachment to the Roman caiholic religion," i'79'i"' tlis 'wSnf of finccrity, j8o.> Hi* claim. of a power of.dLfpenfing with the lefts, 182. The birth or a ion, hovv difid- vantageo'js to his views, 202. His timidity, weaknefs, and inconfiftencies, 205. Retires to France, 2cg. The convention parliament vote his flight an abdication of government, 221. His crown transferred to the prince and princefs of Orange, 236. His fuppofed views in leaving England, 241. His hopes from the loyalty of the Scots, 245. Review of his imprudent government in Scotland, 251. His expedition to Ireland, 281, note. 'I'he bill for abjuring him rejeilkd, 314. His expedition to Ireland, 323. Calls a parlia- ment there, 324. Vible'nt proceedings of him and his parliament, 325. Effeifls of his op- preflive governmeiu in Ireland upon tlie minds of the Knglifti, 32H. Is defeated at the battle of the Boyne, 331. A confpir^cy for his reftora- tion detciSled, 347. His preparations for an. invafion of England, 354. Battle of La Hooue, 355. Maintains a ' corrcfpondencc with many perfons in the court of king Wil- liam, 373. Lancaftiire plot, 3-g. CHiferva- lions on the correfpondences diiclofed by Mr. Macpherfon, 387. His bigotry and fuperfti- tion during his exile, 3<)g, nat. Rcrnirk* on his delic.nc fitu.iiion a* \ r.tngcc in 1 lancc, 400. His friends in Enj^LnJ difcordani in their views and fcnnmcnt!., 41. 1. Mn pnvaic characlcr unfavciurablc to hii public inietefi, 403. Is dcfpifcd at the court of Rome, 404.. An intended invafion from Fr^jicc in hii favour, how difconccttcd, ^i\. Ircaiy of Ryfwick, 131. Rtfules the oner of the crown of Poland, 447. Ntjtoii.itions rcfpuHing the payment of his queen's jointute, 45^. Hi» death and character, 55^. Sec Prittnder, and Wales, prince of. James Vi. of bcylland, fiis jcaloufy of prefby- tcry, 492. Jefcrtes, chief juftice, his rruel profecuiion o: ilie adherents of Moinnouih, 150. Review of his official conduifl and p;:!itic:i! rlur.idlcr. J57- ■ Impeachment, whether barred by «;.-..,. difcufled in the houfe of lords, 335. Indemnity', proceedings on the bill o/, 279. A.t of grace palled, 319. 'Iiiii':(ent XI. popcj Ins. difpute with Lewis Xr\'., 197. Is perfuaded to favour ih.: Ica-ic (>: Aufbn 199 -Innocent XII. pope, adopts the iiiterL; -..v.; againft that of the allies, 356. -Ireland, me'afurcs purfued there by J.imcs II. to fct alidc the proieftant religion, 151, n:tef His expedition to Ireland from Fiance, 281, note. Duplicity of the earl of TjrconncI, 32;'. James. calls a parliament there, 324. Violent j rocccdings of this parliatreni, 3^5. Severe meafurcs purfued againft the pro- leftanis, 326. Cruel behaviour of the French general at tlie licgc of Li)iidi>ndcrry, 329, note. James defeated at the battle of the Boyne, 331. Articles of Limerick, 483. Hopular opinions formed of thcle articles, ibid. Abufcs committed liy the ofHcers of government there, 486. Peaceable ftaie of the country after the furrcnder of Li:ncrick, 487. Kealbns why no attempts were made to improve its political circumftanccs, 488. Pro- portion of the i!CU\ IlIacdoTiald t^i Glenco, cruel maflacre of him and his family, 472. Inquiry into the caufe of this enormity, 497. Macpherfon, Mr. his reflexions on the condu(El of the prince of Orange confidered, 176. His charge of bigotry againft king William ob- viated, 300. His account of the reftoratlon of admiral Ruflel inveftigated, 367, >tote. The evidence in favour of the letters publifhed ly him admitted, 387. The nature of the cor- refpondences carried on with the abdicated king Jan)es inveftigated, 388. Examination of the charge brought againft king William, of agreeing to the fuccefllon of the fon of king James, 442. This charge refuted on the authority of bifliop Burnet, 453. Stridures on his charatSler of king James, 554, mtt. Magdalen college, Oxford, rcfufes to accept a jefuit for a prefident under the difpcnfing power allumcd by James 11., i6c, Makes, St. bombarded by capdin Denbow, ,367. Marches^ the court of, in Wales abolifljcJ by the revolution, 289. MarWorcugh, lonl, committed to the Tower on fufpicion of trcafon, 360. Mis tre.Khciou* correfpondcncc with the abdicated kin^; J.inir>, 375. Remarks on the duplicity of hit con- dud, 393. 402. Marr, earl of, governor of Stirling caflic, fup- ports the caufc of king James, 255. Is ar- refted, 256. Mary I. queen of England, her faiih and prJti- tude extinguiflied by her zeal for the Romifh religion, 120. Mary, piincefs, daughter of Jime» duke of York, married to \V'illiam prince of (Jrjngc, 42. Allegations againft her condud to Monmouth by D'Avaux, 167. Her declaration to lord Danby during the debates of the convention parliament, 233. The crown fettled upon hrr and the piince of Orange, 236. Addrcflet of both houfes of parliament to her after the battle of the Boyne, 333. Her prudent ad- miniftration on the threatened ir.vafion from France, 355. Her death and charitflcr, 377. Changes produced by her death, 378. 406^ Meal tub plot, 83. Melfort, call of, his intercepted letter to the Jake of Perth, 543. Military fervices, confequences of their convcr- fion into pecuniary aids, 295. Mil-tia, the regulation of, aflumed by Charles II. previous to parlianitntary confent, 3. Molyneux, Mr. his pamphlet aflcrting the indr- pendcncy of Ireland on the EngliOi patha- ment, 5 i ^, note, Monmouth, duke of, attempt to eftablifli his \c^\- timacy, to fct afide the pretcrUlons of the dule of York, II. Is deprived of his offices, and banifhed, 8^. His political charailcr and in- fluence, 108. His invafion of England, and execution, 149. Inquiry whether the prince of Orange was acccffory to hit expedition, 167. Acquits the prince of Orange under hit own hand, i 75. Mom, taken by Lewis XIV., 340. Montague, the Englifli ambaflador at Paris, his intrigues for the ruin of the carl of Danbv, Montagu, Mr. appointed chancellor of the ex- chequer, 375. His political charafter, 430. Attempt of the torics to impeach him, 512. Meutgmtryf fir Jamev, a zealous rcvolutioni(», 4 II :. engage* N D X. engages in a conlplracy to reftore king James, 466. Moor, fir John, lord mayor of London, his ir- regular meafures to influence the eledlion of fherifFs in favour of the court, 138. Mordaunt, lord, his private negociations in Hol- land with the prince of Orange on the part of tlie principal Eiiglilh nobility, 195. Mutiny aft, the firft occafion of paffing it, 286. N. Niimur-, taken from Lewis XIV., 3-7. Nantx, immediate conlequences of the revoca- tion of the edicl of, by Lewis XIV., 196. 200. Nimigtien, obfervations on the conduft of king Charles II. relating to the peace of, 53. Is broken by Lewis XIV., J35. Noailles, marfnal de, his fucceiFes in Catalonia, 376- Nobles and chieftains of Scotland, their cha- rafler, 245. i^onconformijis-i the proportion of, to that of the eflablifhed church at the revolution, probably greater than was then computed, 277, note. Non-cotnpowiders, this diftiiiflion among the Englifh Jacobites explained, 402. North, fir Francis, lord chancellor, his poliiicnl chura(£ter, 140, tiote. Nottingham, earl of, hi^ fpeech in the conven- tion parliament on the fettlement of the na- tion, 221. Is made fecretary of fiate under William, 261. is difmifl'ed, 367. O. Oatcs, Silus, the informer of the popifli plot, gratified with a pciifion, 288, note. Oath of allegiance, altered on the accCilion of king William, 10 accommodate the tcries, 236. Obligations may fomctimes be too great to meet with fuitable returns, 291. Orange, William, prince of, his early patriotifm, 38. Coriies ovirr to England, and marries the lady Mary, 42. His ir.;erelt fupplanted by the Louveitcin faction, 44. Comes over to England to folicit an alliance again'! France, 134. Inquiry, whether he was acctllkry to Monmouth's invafion, 167. Alleg<;tions of D'Avaux, ibid. Of father Orleans, 169. Improbability of James difcovering any private correfpondence between him and Monmouth, 172. The authority of fafts related in James's account of his own life confidered, 173. Is exprefsly acquitted by Monmouth's own hand writing, 175. Is acquitted by his own conduct and true interefl, 176. 1 he refleiElions ot Mr. Macpherfon to his prejudice refuted, ibid. His conduiSl: influenced by his peculiar circum- ftanccs, 177. Is vindicated from any concern in Argyle's invafion of Scotland, 178. His abilities, and the temper of the people, natu- rally tended to produce a revolution, 187. His declaration in anfwer to king James's ap- plication for his confent to a repeal of the tells and penal ftatutes, 194. Private negociations between him and the Englifh proteftant lea- ders, ibid. Prepares for his Englifh expedi- tion, 196. Negociates the league of Auf- bourg, 198. Accompliflies an union of the Dutch States, 200. His military prepara- tions, how favoured, 201. Lands at Torbay, 206. His declaration confidered, ibid. His propofals to James defended, 208. Summons a houfe of commons on the king's abdication, 212. His conduct previous to the meeting of the convention pariiament, 213. His letter to the convention parliament, 216. His de- claration to the peers during their debates, 232. ■ The crown fettled on him and his princefs, 236. See JVilUam III. Orleans, father, his allegations againd the prince of Orange confidered, 169. His charatler as an hiflcrian, 175. Orphan debt of the city of London, the fettle- ment of, obtained by parliamentary corruption, 380. Oxford, the difpenfing power of James II. vvith- Itood by the univerfity of, i&c. Parliament, the fecond, of king Charles II., the zealous loyalty of, 3. Caufes of ti»e king's difTatisfaflion with this parliament, 14. Firm- nefs and prudence of, on the king's application for aid, 22. Meafures purfued to check the. growth of popery, 29. RefleiSions on the proceedings of, 51. Is dilTolved, 57. Cha- racter of this feciird parliament, ibid. Meet- ing of the third pariiament, 66. Dilputes with the king on the choice of fpeaker of the houfe of commons, ibid. Meafures purfued by both houfes on the reports of a popifli plot, 68. Profecution of the earl of Danby, 72. 75. Habeas corpus ail, 80. The third parliament N D parliament difTolved, ibid. Meeting of the fourth parliament, 86. Its di(lo!utii)ii, 92. Meet- ing of a new parliament at Oxford, 93. The Oxford parliament dillolved, 94. Precedents of the fucccfllon to the crown hcing rcL^ulated by, 120. Charaifler of the firft parli.iriient of James II. J48. Meeting of the convention parliament, 215. The convention converted into a regular parliament, 264. Is diflalvcd, 295. Meeting of the fecond parliament of king William, 309. The bill for triennial parliaments rejeded by the king, 365. A place bill rcjetlcd by the king, 371. The triennial bill palled, 3^6. Difcoverics of cor- ruption in, 369. 380. View of the proceed- ings and charaiSer of the fecond parliament of kinw William, 412. Meeting of his third parliament, 416. Character of this pirlia- ment, 514. Meeting of the fourth parliament of king William, 516. This parliament dif- folved, 527. Strong recriminations between the whigs and tories in the fitih parliament of king William, 5^0. Extenfion of the ad of fettlement, 544. Cenfures paflcd upon the partition treaty, 56. JDilTolution, and meet- ing of liis fixth parliament, 558. See Lords, and Commons. Parties, the mcafures of, how governed by tem- porary circumfiances, 359. Partition treaty, its object, 526. 532. How it proved abortive, 533. Second partition treaty, 534. Parliamentary proceeding'? on, 547. Payton, Sir Robert, why expelled the houfe of commons, 102, Jiote. Pi-r,al laws of England, too fanguinary, 585, note. PcHj^oh h\]], introduced into the houfe of com- mons, 79. Perfccution, praflifed by all religious perfuafions while in pofleiTion of power, 588. Perth, earl of, king James's ambaHador at the court of Rome, his reprefeniations of the low opinion entertained there of his mailer, 405. Pelre, father confeflbr to king James II., his charaflcr, 157. P^jc^ bill, rejeded by king William, 371. Political maxims muft frequently yield to tem- porary circumllances, 569. Popifh plot, the firft public information of, 67. Vigorous meafures of both houfcs of parlia- ment on the occafion, 68. General panic of the people on account of, 70. Keafons that difcredit the reality of it, ibid. note. Portland^ eatJ of, conjeaures refpciting his myf- 3 terious private conferences with mirHial Bsuf. flers, 443. l"hc true objc.^) of them cx- jilaincd, 453. Is fcnt ambilFador to France, 5'5- PortJ:i!outl\ ducliefs of, her view in promoting the exclulion bill, 107. Power, dflcgatcd, nvMC infi.lcnl and opprefTnc than in the full inflance, 241. mtt. Prijhytirion miniller", great number* ejcfled by the acl of uniformity, 5. Of Scatlji •, their charatflir, 467. Their fevcriiy »;;i -1 the epifcopal clergv, 469. Prejentatiom, eccleriailical, in Scotland, coeval with the legal eftabliflimrnt of prcfl'ytery, 49 j. Frequent cfVorts fjr abolifhiiig patronage, 495. Pre/ton, lord, executed for a confpiracy ag4inft icing William, 347, note. Pretender to thecrown of England, the fon of king James, acknowledged by Lewis XIV., 55 j. 'I'his patronage deilruinive to hts- hope*, ^jo. Acis palTcd for attainting and abjuring him, 559- Privy council, that of king Charles II. new modelled, 74. PuniJl>rKcnts, capital, multiplied beyond found policy and humanity, 585, note. a p^uo TF'arranto, writs of, ilTucd by Ci... icv ii. againll the charters of F^ondon and other cor- porations, 140, and by James II., i6(.. R. Ref'.rmation in religion, carried to an extreme in Scotland, 247. Hillory of, in that country, 49 r. Regency, arguments for and agamft, in the houfe of lords of the convention parliament at thC revolution, 223. Refugees, foreign protcflant, why lefs kindfy re- ceived by the l.nglifli it.ries than by the whig*, 5^3- Religion, popular, always pliable to the views of the prince, 118. Re/]:ration o( Charles II. the tJp/y a comma. /or they reaii the commons. /or may r^a*/ might, /or his read the Icing's, yir objeft read objefts. /or account read accounts. /or thoufand read thoufands, /or who read which. /or oppofing read fupporting. col. 2. note, /or preferved ««i