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ALBERT KAHN TRAVELLING 
 FELLOWSHIPS 
 
 FEOM THE PEESIDENT'S OFFICE 
 TO THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 COLuuK li'irROJslONS 
 
 A REPORT 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ALBERT KAHN TRUSTEES ON THE RESULTS 
 
 OF A JOURNEY ROUND THE WORLD, 
 
 JULY 21, 1913, TO JULY 24, 1914 
 
 BY 
 
 DOUGLAS KNOOP 
 
 Lecturer on Economics in the University of Sheffield 
 
 October, 1914 
 
 LONDON: UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PRESS 
 
 IQI4 
 
ALBERT KAHN TRAVELLING 
 FELLOWSHIPS 
 
 COLOUR IMPRESSIONS 
 
 A REPORT 
 
 TO THE 
 
 ALBERT KAHN TRUSTEES ON THE RESULTS 
 
 OF A JOURNEY ROUND THE WORLD, 
 
 JULY 21, 1913, TO JULY 24, 1914 
 
 BY 
 
 DOUGLAS KNOOP 
 
 Lecturer on Economics in the University of Sheffield 
 
 October, 1914 
 
 LONDON: UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PRESS 
 
 1914 
 
\^'^ 
 
 ^t 
 
COLOUR IMPRESSIONS* 
 
 Under the general heading of *' Colour Impressions" 
 I propose, to discuss briefly some aspects of the relation- 
 ship of white races to coloured races. As I conceive the 
 situation, it is not a single colour problem that has to be 
 considered, but a series of more or less intimately related 
 colour problems. Roughly, I should divide them into 
 two groups : one set of problems is concerned with the 
 relationship of a white to a coloured race in the latter's 
 native country, the other set refers to the relationship of 
 a white to a coloured race in a country which is foreign 
 to the latter. 
 
 Amongst the former group of problems we have: — 
 
 (a) the relationship of ruling to subject races, as 
 in India, Ceylon, and Java; 
 
 (b) the relationship of a white people to the 
 inhabitants of a country which it has temporarily 
 occupied, as, for example, the English in Egypt and 
 the Americans in the Philippines; 
 
 * This report is based primarily on information I gathered during the course 
 of my travels, and I am much indebted to numerous gentlemen for the 
 hospitality and kind assistance they £!;ave me. I have, naturally, also made 
 some use of information obtained from books relating to the various countries 
 I visited. Amongst these books I may mention Lord Cromer's Modern 
 F.gvpt^ J. Chailley's Administrative Proble?ns of British India, A. Cabaton's 
 Java a fid the Dutch East Indies^ H. B. Morse's Trade and Administration of 
 Chinay and J. H. Longford's Japan and the Japanese. The few statistics I 
 quote are from the Statements Exhibitijtg the Moral a7id Mate7'ial Prog>'ess of 
 Jndia, 1910-11 and 1912-13, and fiom the Annual Report of the Japanese 
 Department of Educatiojt, 1910-II. 
 
 My best thanks are due to Dr. J. D. Jones for reading through this report, 
 both in MS. and in proof, and to Mr. T. S. Ashton, Mr. E. Deller and 
 Mr. C. R. Young for reading it through in proof. 
 
 0/6/290 C/10/14 (IJ404) A% 
 
 297309 
 
^ * • , •• 4 e* * *.)• • • .. • • / 
 
 (c) the relationship of white rCices to an inde- 
 pendent coloured race which is treated as inferior, 
 as, for example, the Chinese ; 
 
 (d) the relationship of white races to an inde- 
 pendent coloured race which is treated as equal, as, 
 for example, the Japanese; and 
 
 (e) the relationship of a white to a coloured race 
 in a country which is native to both races, as, for 
 example, the United States, with its white and its 
 negro population. 
 
 The latter group of problems appears to fall into two 
 classes : — 
 
 (a) those concerned with the reception and treat- 
 ment of coloured immigrants in a predominantly 
 white country, as is the case in the United States, 
 Canada, Australia, and South Africa; 
 
 (b) those concerned with the reception and treat- 
 ment of coloured immigrants in a predominantly 
 coloured country, as in Ceylon and the Straits 
 Settlements on the one hand, and the Philippine 
 Islands, Hawaii, and Java on the other. 
 
 There is at least one colour problem which falls out- 
 side my scheme of classification, namely, the relationship 
 of white people to half-castes. 
 
 In the course of my journey round the world I have 
 come into contact, to some extent at least, with all these 
 various colour problems, but I make no claim to have 
 made a special study of any of them, as that, I believed, 
 was contrary to the terms of my Fellowship, in which it 
 is stated that the Fellow is not to conduct any definite 
 piece of investigation or research. I availed myself of 
 the opportunities presented to me to observe and- learn 
 
what I could about colour problems, but it is not with- 
 out hesitation that I am stating my impressions on some 
 of these rather debatable subjects. 
 
 I. 
 
 Where Great Britain rules a country with a coloured 
 population, such as India or Ceylon, its object is to 
 govern the dependency or colony in the best in- 
 terests of the native inhabitants, or^ in other 
 words, it seeks to secure the political, economic, 
 and moral welfare of the subject races. The 
 political welfare consists in the protection of life 
 and property and the administration of justice. 
 During recent years British rule in India has not reached 
 as High a standard in this respect as could be wished. 
 Outrages on life and property have been much too 
 common in certain parts of the country, and in very 
 many cases the Government has failed to secure the 
 conviction of the offenders. Often it is known who the 
 offenders are, and yet their guilt cannot be brought home 
 to them. Where such a state of affairs exists — and its 
 existence in India is, I think, universally admitted — 
 something is wrong with the administration of justice. 
 The fault appears to lie in the attempt to give India a 
 system of judicial administration too closely based upon 
 the English model, without making sufficient allowance 
 for the great differences in the conditions prevailing in 
 England and India. Owing to intimidation of witnesses, 
 bribery, and the wholesale committing of perjury, it is 
 often impossible in India to prove a man guilty accord- 
 ing to the strict law of evidence. The native has no 
 sense of honour or truth ; at no stage of his life is he 
 
taught such things. Moreover, the working of his mind 
 is often incomprehensible to an Occidental. It is not 
 uncommon for a man to murder a father or other near 
 relative so that he may throw suspicion of the crime on 
 his enemy. The bringing of false or fictitious charges 
 is so common in India that it is dealt with in the penal 
 code as a crime, whereas in England malicious prosecu- 
 tion is a civil offence. 
 
 As far as civil cases are concerned, the introduction of 
 English legal procedure into India affords facilities for 
 delays and encourages litigation of which the natives are 
 altogether too fond. 
 
 What appears to be wanted in India is a much more 
 summary system of jurisdiction, freed from some of the 
 safeguards and technicalities which are theoretically 
 intended to protect innocent persons, but which in 
 practice permit a great many guilty persons to escape 
 punishment. Such a system might work hardly on a 
 certain number of innocent persons, but taking the 
 situation as a whole it appears that a greater measure 
 of justice would be secured. It is also probable that 
 under such a system it would be more difficult to secure 
 the conviction of innocent persons on fictitious charges. 
 The present system of administering justice appears to 
 many to encourage discontented persons to commit out- 
 rages, as the chances are very much against the guilt 
 being brought home to the offender. Further considera- 
 tion of this point, however, may be deferred until we 
 come to consider the general question of Indian unrest. 
 
 The efforts made by the British rulers in India to 
 enhance the material welfare of the people call for un- 
 bounded admiration. Great progress has been made in 
 the matter of providing transit facilities; the enormous 
 
expenditure on trunk roads, railways, and harbour works 
 has opened up the country and rendered it accessible to 
 shipping. 
 
 In many districts irrigation schemes have been carried 
 through, which have largely increased the productive 
 capacity of the country. Generally speaking, the 
 inhabitants have welcomed transportation and irrigation 
 schemes, as they realise the advantages which they derive 
 from them. But when it comes to sanitary improve- 
 ments, these have often to be introduced and carried on 
 in the face of much apathy, if not active opposition, on 
 the part of the natives. Contaminated water from a 
 well is nearly always preferred to pure water supplied 
 through mains. The precautions taken in well-built 
 municipal tenements to prevent overcrowding and to 
 secure through ventilation are frequently unavailing : 
 too many people occupy a tenement, and the openings 
 are largely barricaded with old bits of cloth and rags. 
 It is often difficult, if not impossible, to make the native 
 comply with regulations drawn up with the object of 
 stamping out the deadly malaria-bearing mosquito. 
 Similarly there is much opposition to the measures taken 
 to fight plague. In spite of the difficulties with which 
 they have to contend, the authorities have achieved a 
 great deal in the direction of improving sanitary con- 
 ditions. I was particularly struck by the work done by 
 the Bombay Improvement Trust. They have made wide 
 new streets through congested areas, they have bought 
 and pulled down insanitary dwellings and have erected 
 blocks of model dwellings in their place; they have 
 drawn up and begun to carry out a large scheme of 
 town-planning in the north of the Bombay Island, which 
 will prevent congestion in new quarters of the town. 
 
8 
 
 Another way in which the Government looks after 
 the material interests of the people is by accumulating 
 relief funds for distribution and for the provision of 
 work in any district in which the failure of a crop is 
 threatening the population with famine. 
 
 The British rulers of India are frequently accused of 
 being apathetic to the moral welfare of the population. 
 The policy of the Government has always been to offend 
 the religious susceptibilities of the people as little as 
 possible, so as to avoid arousing the religious pa'^sions 
 of the vast Hindu and Mohammedan population, as this 
 could not fail to render the task of governing the country 
 exceedingly difficult. In a few cases the authorities have 
 interfered, as, for example, to forbid the ancient Hindu 
 practice of burning of widows, and to discourage child 
 marriages, but on the whole they have been scrupulously 
 careful not to interfere in religious matters. The educa- 
 tion provided in Government schools and colleges is 
 non-sectarian, but, on the other hand, mission schools 
 and colleges can earn Government grants. The 
 immensity of the population on the one hand, and the 
 very restricted financial resources available on the other, 
 render it impossible to provide schooling for more than 
 a very limited proportion of the total number of children, 
 but the authorities are doing what they can to extend 
 educational facilities. 
 
 The financial difficulties to be overcome, however, are 
 very great, and a recent action of the home authorities 
 has not made the task of the Government of India and 
 of certain Colonial Governments any easier. I refer to 
 the Opium Convention of 1907, by which the production 
 of opium in India is being steadily curtailed for ten years 
 until 1917, after which it is practically to cease. Under 
 
an agreement signed in 191 1 the cessation of the trade in 
 opium will be accelerated if the native production of opium 
 in China is suppressed before the expiry of the ten years' 
 period. At the beginning of 1913 a further step was 
 taken and the export of opium to China was discon- 
 tinued. The Indian Government in the past has derived 
 a large revenue from the sale of opium. The average 
 net opium revenue during the three years prior to the 
 coming into force of the convention was ;^3,8oo,ooo per 
 annum. The immediate effect of curtailing the supply 
 w'as considerably to increase the revenue,* as the price 
 of opium rose greatly,t but already the revenue has 
 begun to fall, and the authorities will find it difficult 
 to replace it. 
 
 The British Government entered into the Opium 
 Convention with the object of assisting the Government 
 of China to stamp out the consumption of opium 
 amongst the Chinese. It may be said, therefore, to have 
 acted in the interests of the moral welfare of the Chinese; 
 but any credit it deserves for this moral act is seriously 
 diminished, if not entirely eliminated, by the fact that 
 the cost of the reform is being thrown upon the people 
 
 1907-8 
 
 1908-9 
 
 1909-10 
 
 1910-11 
 
 1911-12 
 
 1912-13 
 
 1907-8 
 
 1908-9 
 
 1909-10 
 
 1910-11 
 
 1911-12 
 
 1912-13 
 
 Net Opium 
 Revenue. 
 
 ;f3,576,ooo 
 4,649,000 
 4,425,000 
 6,275,000 
 5,231,826 
 4,524,863 
 
 Average price per 
 chest of opium. 
 
 ... R. 1350 
 
 13^4 
 1612 
 2892 
 2790 
 
 ... 2784 
 
lO 
 
 of India. It may be contended that it does not matter 
 whether the Government of India raises its revenue by 
 one tax or another, the people of India will ultimately 
 have to pay. This, however, is not necessarily the case. 
 It is almost certain that the revenue obtained by the 
 Government of India from the sale of opium, in the 
 production of which it enjoyed a considerable monopoly, 
 was secured at the expense of the Chinese consumers, 
 whose demand for the drug was extraordinarily great. 
 The burden was shifted on to the foreign consumers in 
 this case owing to the peculiar conditions, but the 
 Government will hardly succeed in raising new revenue 
 in the same manner. 
 
 A few more words with regard to the Opium Con- 
 vention. Poppies were formerly extensively cultivated 
 in China, but their cultivation there was to be restricted 
 simultaneously with the restriction in India. How far 
 this part of the agreement has been kept it is difficult to 
 say; British Consular officials from time to time make 
 tours of inspection, but they are only able to visit very 
 little of the cultivated land. Ever)^ restriction in the 
 importation of opium makes it more and more lucrative 
 to produce it; and one cannot help wondering whether 
 there are many Chinese officials, entrusted with the sup- 
 pression of poppy cultivation, who can resist the tempta- 
 tion of the very large bribes which cultivators of poppies 
 can now afford to pay to be freed from the attentions of 
 the officials. As far as suppressing opium smoking is 
 concerned, the Chinese authorities are pretty drastic, in 
 some cases at least. Shortly before my arrival in Canton 
 four Chinamen caught smoking opium paid for their 
 offence with their heads ! 
 
 There is another aspect to the Opium Convention. 
 
II 
 
 As opium smoking diminishes, the use of morphia and 
 cocaine for injection purposes is increasing rapidly 
 amongst the Chinese. The importation of these sub- 
 stances is forbidden, but as they are small in bulk they 
 are frequently smuggled, it being very generally said 
 that the morphia and cocaine are brought out to the 
 East on German boats from Germany, where these sub- 
 stances are prepared. Another substitute for opium is 
 cheap spirits. For a peaceful and, perhaps, some- 
 what dreamy, opium-smoking Chinaman, there is sub- 
 stituted a rather violent and disorderly Oriental, a great 
 deal more difficult to handle and much more objection- 
 able as far as the people he comes in contact with are 
 concerned. The Europeans in Singapore, for example, 
 where Chinese form the vast bulk of the population, are 
 by no means pleased with the change brought about 
 by the restricted sale of opium and the increased sale 
 of spirits. 
 
 British Government in India is paternal in character. 
 To a large extent the natives are treated as children 
 incapable of working out their own salvation. At the 
 same time, the Government, by means of education, is 
 seeking to make the people more capable of governing 
 themselves. Nearly all the inferior, and a few of the 
 superior, positions in the Government service are 
 occupied by natives. In matters of local government 
 the natives are often in almost complete control of their 
 own destinies. 
 
 A certain section of the native population is not satis- 
 fied with British rule in India; these natives desire either 
 a larger share in the government, or even complete control 
 of it. The Government is constantly face to face with 
 unrest, and it is necessary to consider whether the policy 
 
t2 
 
 it has adopted towards the native population is justifi- 
 able. As has already been stated, the desire of the 
 authorities in India is to govern the country in the best 
 interests of the many peoples who occupy the vast 
 territory known as British India. Is there some other 
 way in which these interests could be better advanced ? 
 
 India is occupied by people of many races and several 
 religions. Some of the races are more warlike than 
 others, and Indian history is full of accounts of invasions 
 and wars and of the subjugation of the less warlike 
 races. Some of these wars have been for the sake of 
 spoil or conquest alone, others have been undertaken in 
 the name of religion. This is one point to bear in mind. 
 Another is that it is only a very small proportion of the 
 population w^hich can make any pretension to be fit to 
 conduct the government of the country. It is doubtful, 
 however, whether even these few are fit to rule the 
 country efficiently, except in their own estimation. 
 
 Almost every European in India who has had to do 
 with teaching natives in schools or colleges agrees that 
 whereas natives are frequently extraordinarily good at 
 learning by heart, they rarely think for themselves. One 
 case described to me in illustration of this fact particu- 
 larly struck me, and I will mention it. A year or two 
 ago some three hundred schoolboys were sitting for a 
 university matriculation examination, writing an essay 
 on the subject of "The Weather.** It so happened that 
 it was pouring with rain at the time, that the roof leaked 
 badly, and that most of the boys had to sit with their 
 umbrellas up to protect themselves. To sit like this in 
 an examination-hall whilst writing an essay on the 
 weather is rather an unusual circumstance, yet not one 
 boy out of the three hundred mentioned it in his essay. 
 
^3 
 
 English officials in India are equally agreed that whereas 
 natives make good subordinates and carry out their 
 instructions under proper supervision, they are very 
 helpless if any circumstance arises which is not provided 
 for in the regulations. 
 
 No one who has not travelled in the East can have 
 any conception of the extent to which bribery and 
 corruption exist in Oriental lands. In some parts it is 
 called "backsheesh/' in other parts "squeeze," but under 
 one name or another it prevails everywhere in the East. 
 The desire to benefit himself to some extent in connection 
 with every transaction he handles seems ingrained in the 
 native. He sees absolutely nothing wrong in it. It is 
 practised from the lowest ranks of society to the highest. 
 The native servant charges his small commission on 
 every purchase he makes on behalf of his master. If he 
 spends eight annas in purchasing fruit, he will charge 
 his master eight annas two pice or nine annas; if he 
 orders something from a shop w^ith which his master has 
 an account, when that account is paid he receives a 
 commission from the shopkeeper. The employer knows 
 that he is being "squeezed," but he is obliged to put up 
 with it, provided the "squeeze" does not become exces- 
 sive. Occasionally when a young bride comes out to 
 the East she is horrified at the w^ay in which her husband 
 is being overcharged by his servants. She decides she 
 will do her own marketing. The bills, far from going 
 down, will go up, as she is quite unskilled in the art of 
 Oriental bargaining and cannot obtain as good terms 
 as the native cook did. The servants will very likely 
 refuse to stay and discomfort will probably result; and 
 the cook, whether it be the old one or a new one, will 
 still obtain a "squeeze," as the dealers from whom his 
 
74 
 
 mistress buys will pay a commission to him just ^s the 
 shopkeeper with whom his employer has an account. 
 There is no escaping from ''backsheesh/' as no native 
 regards it as wrong, but on the contrary, resents any 
 attempt to suppress it as interference with the liberty 
 of the subject. In this respect native Christians do not 
 differ from Hindus or Mahommedans. Incidentally, it 
 may be mentioned that native Christians are not popular 
 wuth Europeans as servants, because, in addition to the 
 vices possessed by Hindus and Mohommedans, they 
 may be addicted to alcohol, which no Hindu or Mahom- 
 medan may touch by the laws of his religion. 
 
 In the higher walks of native life "backsheesh*' is 
 equally common as in the lower. The recent investiga- 
 tions into the failure of "Swadeshi," i.e., natively-owned 
 and managed, banks, showed that a director would accept 
 a commission to make a loan from his bank on what he 
 knew, or should have known, was bad security. A 
 dealer in automobiles told me that he sold three pow'erful 
 cars to a native prince. To secure payment he had to 
 undertake to pay a lo per cent, commission to a high 
 functionary of the prince's court. The money, however, 
 W'as not forthcoming, although he made numerous efforts 
 to obtain it. Finally, he offered to raise the commission 
 somewhat, and very shortly afterwards he was in receipt 
 of the desired cheque. I may mention one more case 
 of bribery to which my attention was drawn. Some 
 years ago a native w^anted to erect a building in a large 
 Indian town, contrary to the building regulations. His 
 plans were rejected and had to be considerably modified. 
 Just recently he started making alterations in his build- 
 ing in accordance with his original proposals. The 
 authorities objected. He produced his copy of plans^ 
 
15 
 
 which apparently authorised the building operations he 
 was undertaking. The authorities referred to the original 
 of the plans filed away in their office, and discovered that 
 these corresponded with the owner's plans. Both the 
 original and the copy had been ** doctored," and it was 
 evident that considerable bribery must have been em- 
 ployed to secure the abstraction of the plan from the 
 official files to enable the doctoring to be done, and 
 afterwards to secure its return. 
 
 These illustrations are merely typical of the sort of 
 thing that exists on a very large scale in India and the 
 East generally. The native thinks that everybody is as 
 open to bribery as himself, and not infrequently presents 
 of a very substantial character are sent to English 
 officials or their wives, and the fact that they are invari- 
 ably returned does not appear to discourage the native 
 from repeating the attempt to bribe officials. Even now 
 in Government offices, though the Sahibs are incorrupt- 
 ible, the native staff will get some pickings in the way 
 of backsheesh. For example, whenever a native wishes 
 to see one of the Sahibs he will give backsheesh to the 
 personal orderly, various ** peons,'' doorkeepers, etc. 
 
 The authorities find it impossible to prevent bribery 
 and corruption, but they take what precautions they can 
 to prevent the misuse of Government funds by placing 
 Englishmen in charge wherever large sums are to be 
 handled. The creation of Improvement Trusts in 
 Bombay and Calcutta to do work w hich would ordinarily 
 be entrusted to the municipal authorities is probably a 
 case in point. 
 
 I am not considering here whether the acceptance and 
 payment of bribes is right or wTong, nor am I suggesting 
 for a moment that the Orient is the only part of the 
 
i6 
 
 world where such practices exist, but what I do assert 
 is that "backsheesh" and *' squeeze'' are practically 
 universal in the East, whenever opportunities occur, 
 and that these practices are detrimental to good 
 government. 
 
 Let us return to the question put before : Is there any 
 way in which the interests of the peoples of India could 
 be better promoted than by British rule in its 
 present form ? If w^e are convinced that no native 
 administration could enforce peace upon some of 
 the warlike races within or immediately without 
 the frontiers or prevent religious persecutions; if 
 we feel assured that native rule would mean the 
 exploitation of the many in the interests of the few; if 
 we believe that the great material benefits in the matter 
 of transit facilities and so forth, secured by an enormous 
 expenditure of capital and labour, would very shortly be 
 allowed to go to rack and ruin ; if w^e are of the opinion 
 that the country would be in a state of chaos almost 
 immediately after the withdrawal of the British troops 
 and officials from India, we need have no hesitation in 
 replying in the negative to the question asked above. 
 Once we accept the proposition that for some indefinite 
 period it is in the best interests of the peoples of India 
 that the British should continue to rule there, then the 
 present method of dealing with Indian unrest appears 
 to be mistaken. The basis of the unrest is largely 
 economic; a number of natives, very small in proportion 
 to the total population, but not inconsiderable from an 
 absolute point of view, are being educated to a point 
 at which they consider most occupations beneath their 
 dignity. They nearly all wish to become Government 
 officials ; most of them would be satisfied with quite small 
 
^7 
 
 posts, thanks to the dignity attaching to Government 
 service; but it is obvious that positions in the civil 
 service cannot be found for all youths who have passed 
 through a secondary school or a university, unless very 
 serious restrictions are imposed upon the number of 
 natives allowed to enjoy the advantages of higher educa- 
 tion. The number of English officials in India is very 
 small compared to the number of Indian graduates 
 turned out of the universities in any one year,* so that 
 the number of posts avaihible, even if all British officials 
 were removed, would be quite inadequate to satisfy the 
 demand for government employment. It is obvious that 
 the bulk of the natives who have received a higher 
 education will have to learn not to look to Government 
 for employment. In the meanwhile, nearly all the 
 political agitators come from their ranks. It does not 
 appear probable that it will be feasible to satisfy their 
 aspirations at any time; therefore, many people ask, why 
 pander to them and encourage more and more of the 
 better-educated youth of India to become seditionists? 
 Kindness is easily mistaken for w-eakness by Orientals, 
 and it is quite certain that the failure to put down 
 dacoity and political outrages of all kinds, is generally 
 accepted as an admission on the part of the Government 
 that it is unable to put them down. 
 
 The present attitude of the authorities in India towards 
 sedition and dacoity is, presumably, being carried out in 
 accordance with directions issued by the home authori- 
 ties, who seem to be imbued with high ideals about how 
 India should be governed, without any great considera- 
 tion for the safety of officials, British or native, high or 
 
 * About 5,cxx3 tudents graduate from Calcutta University every year, and 
 he other Universities are also turning out thousands of graduates. 
 
i8 
 
 low, in India. Newcomers to India, and ministers and 
 members of Parliament at home, often appear very re- 
 luctant to take strong measures in India, either on prin- 
 ciple or because they refuse to realise, or are unable to 
 realise, the conditions prevailing in that country. When 
 Lord Hardinge went out to India he insisted, either on 
 his own initiative or at the suggestion of the authorities 
 at home, on the precautions ordinarily taken for the 
 protection of a Viceroy being greatly relaxed. This was 
 done in direct opposition to the advice of British officials 
 in India, who were in much the best position to under- 
 stand local conditions, and in spite of the fact that 
 various attempts had been made on the lives of governors 
 and lieutenant-governors. Not very long afterwards the 
 outrage was committed in Delhi which nearly cost Lord 
 Hardinge his life ; now when he appears in public extra- 
 ordinary precautions are taken to secure his safety. On 
 the occasion of his recent visit to Calcutta, the first since 
 the capital w^as removed from that town to Delhi, the 
 streets were lined with troops three deep, two rows facing 
 the procession and one row with its back to the proces- 
 sion, facing the public. The Viceroy is absolutely right in 
 taking every precaution for the protection of his person ; 
 where a mistake appears to be made is that much 
 stronger measures are not taken to suppress political 
 outrages of all kinds. Giving protection to threatened 
 persons is merely a palliative which does not strike at 
 the root of the evil. More than one efficient native police 
 officer connected with the prosecution of some political 
 crime has been murdered, in spite of his being covered 
 by detectives. 
 
 If once it is decided that Britain is to continue 
 to rule India for some indefinite period, it is 
 
19 
 
 only common sense, it is mere fairness to British and 
 native officials in India, to take adequate measures to 
 secure safety of life and property in India. Cases of 
 dacoity are constantly occurring in Bengal. Bands of 
 ten, twelve, or more young men arrive at the village in 
 which the house they wish to rob is situated. They first 
 let off some firearms to announce their arrival and 
 frighten aw^ay villagers, then, masked, they push their 
 way into the selected house, whose scared inhabitants 
 offer no resistance. They ascertain, by torture if neces- 
 sary, where any silver, gold, or ornaments are hidden, 
 and then decamp with the treasure. Much of this 
 dacoity is political, to provide funds for political move- 
 ments. To ensure enthusiasm amongst the younger 
 generation, religion is often mixed up with the politics, 
 and a doctrine of ** self-sacrifice" is preached, which in 
 practice is misapplied and distorted in the interests of 
 the seditionists. Even where dacoits and assassins are 
 caught it is rare that a conviction can be secured against 
 them owing to the character of the legal procedure. 
 Seditionists can commit outrages with very little fear of 
 being punished. 
 
 There is a great danger of people at home attempting 
 to decide on abstract general principles how a great 
 coloured dependency like India should be administered, 
 without making adequate allowance for the utterly 
 different conditions which prevail in England and India. 
 Officials on the spot are much better able to judge what 
 is required in India than ministers and legislators at 
 home, who are, in many cases, ignorant of even the most 
 elementary facts concerning India; and, consequently, 
 the recent tendency to strengthen the control of the 
 Indian Office over the Government of India appears to 
 
 B2 
 
20 
 
 many to be a matter of regret. The tendency in India, 
 too, to diminish the powers of the local officials and to 
 concentrate these powers in the hands of the provincial 
 governments, is another step in the direction of ignoring 
 local conditions, which vary so enormously from one part 
 of India to another. 
 
 In a country like India a much more autocratic form 
 of Government is required than in a European country, 
 and it is often necessary in the interests of good govern- 
 ment to give powers to officials to an extent which at home 
 would be regarded as most undesirable. Officials may 
 commit acts which appear to be very high-handed, but 
 prompt and summary action by a man on the spot, well- 
 acquainted with local conditions, is likely to achieve 
 much better results than slow and lengthy proceedings 
 conducted in accordance with the requirements of the 
 present law. From a theoretical point of view it would 
 doubtless be a retrograde step to simplify the present 
 legal procedure with its facilities for lodging appeals 
 and its loopholes that provide opportunities for offenders 
 to escape punishment, in favour of strengthening the 
 hands of administrative officers; yet if that is the only 
 means of obtaining an adequate measure of security for 
 life and property, and of guaranteeing an orderly govern- 
 ment of the country, the authorities should not hesitate 
 to take the necessary steps, even though it might conflict 
 with their ideals. A practical system to secure justice, 
 even if a little rough-and-ready, is much to be preferred 
 to a system which may be theoretically perfect, but which 
 fails lamentably to protect life and property, because it is 
 not adapted to the conditions prevailing in the country. 
 
21 
 
 As has already been stated, the policy of the British 
 in India is to govern the country in tlie best interests of 
 the native races. This, however, is not the only attitude 
 which a colonial power may adopt towards one of its 
 possessions. It may feel that, having conquered a 
 country, it is entitled to remain there and exploit it. 
 In other words, the coloured population of a country 
 may be governed, not in their own interests, but in the 
 interests of the ruling race. This was the policy formerly 
 adopted by the Dutch in Java. The natives were kept 
 in a state of semi-slavery, and make to work on the 
 Government estates. They were given no education, and 
 little or no effort was made to enhance their material 
 welfare. The object of the administration was to obtain 
 for the mother-country as large a revenue as possible 
 from the island. 
 
 The system which produced such large profits for 
 Holland was that of *' compulsory crops." Van den 
 Bosch, when Governor-General, took from each culti- 
 vator one-fifth part of his land, on the understanding — 
 which was not carried out — that the land tax should be 
 abolished. The land thus seized was cultivated by means 
 of the corvee, or compulsory labour, with sugar, coffee, 
 pepper, tea, etc., for the benefit of the Government. 
 Whether the corvee left the natives time to cultivate their 
 own rice lands properly appeared to be a matter of 
 indifference to the Government. Gradually public 
 opinion in Holland was aroused at the way in which the 
 natives of Java were being exploited. Finally, legisla- 
 tion was enacted to do away wth the system of 
 "compulsory crops." The first compulsory crop was 
 abolished early in the seventies, and by 1890 the last had 
 disappeared. The number of days which natives were 
 
22 
 
 liable to work in the corvee was reduced, and the use of 
 the corvee was restricted to works of public utility; by 
 payment of a small tax natives could free themselves 
 entirely from liability to work in the corvee. 
 
 In addition to abolishing ''compulsory crops" and 
 modifying the corvee, the Dutch authorities have intro- 
 duced various other reforms, in particular a considerable 
 extension of the educational system. At first the old 
 prejudice against allowing natives to receive instruction 
 in Dutch continued, but in recent years this has been 
 considerably modified. The knowledge of Dutch and 
 of Western learning amongst the natives is spreading; 
 but Malay is, and is likely to continue to be, the lingua 
 franca of the Dutch Indies. Its use is even more wide- 
 spread than that of Hindustani in Northern India. 
 
 II. 
 
 So far we have considered the attitude of white races 
 towards the coloured populations of dependencies 
 and colonial possessions. Of recent years a new 
 type of relationship has been established between 
 certain white and certain coloured countries, under 
 which the latter are neither colonies nor protec- 
 torates, but are merely "occupied" by the white 
 power. The ''occupation " of Egypt by the British, and 
 the "occupation" of the Philippines by the Americans, 
 are examples of this type of relationship ; but, except that 
 in both cases the white power concerned has expressed 
 the intention of quitting the occupied territory when the 
 natives are considered fit to govern themselves, there is 
 little or no similarity between the position of the British 
 in Egypt and the Americans in the Philippines. The 
 
23 
 
 latter, except in name, are practically an American 
 colony, administered by a Governor and numerous 
 officials sent over from the United States ; the former is 
 certainly not a British colony, though it is difficult to 
 say exactly what it is. 
 
 The British occupation of Egypt is due primarily to 
 what the Americans describe as "dollar diplomacy.'' 
 Financial chaos reigned in Egypt around 1880, and 
 citizens of France and Great Britain were the principal 
 creditors of the Egyptian Government. The French 
 Ministry urged a dual occupation of the country, which 
 the British Ministry were unwilling to assent to. Finally, 
 however, a revolution broke out in Egypt, the lives and 
 property of foreigners were in danger, and the British 
 Government, much against their will, felt obliged to 
 intervene. Just previous to this there had been a change 
 in the French Ministry, and the new Ministry refused to 
 co-operate with the British at the critical moment. The 
 Italians were then invited to join in the expedition, but 
 they also refused. So the British, acting alone, under- 
 took to set things straight in Egypt. Alexandria was 
 bombarded in July, 1882; the battle of Tel-el-Kebir was 
 fought in September of the same year ; and the rebellion 
 being crushed, the work of straightening out the finances 
 was begun. It was quickly apparent that to put the 
 finances on a sound footing would involve re-organising 
 the whole administration and building up practically an 
 entirely new system of government. It almost imme- 
 diately became evident that the natives were not fit to 
 govern themselves properly according to Western 
 standards, and thus the British, instead of withdrawing 
 after a few months as had been the original intention, 
 stayed on ; and, after thirty-two years, they are still 
 
24 
 
 there, engaged in the task of training the Egyptians to 
 govern their country and of helping them to govern it in 
 the meanwhile. 
 
 This task would be difficult enough under the most 
 favourable circumstances ; but, as a matter of fact, 
 circumstances have been far from favourable. Very 
 shortly after the occupation began the French regretted 
 their refusal to co-operate with the British, and proceeded 
 to avail themselves of the very anomalous and ill-defined 
 position of the British in Egypt to obstruct them at every 
 opportunity. This continued until 1904, when, by the 
 Anglo-French agreement of that year, France undertook 
 to leave Great Britain a free hand in Egypt in return 
 for a free hand in Morocco. Since then things have 
 progressed more smoothly, but what I have described as 
 the anomalous and ill-defined position of the British in 
 Egypt still continues. Egypt is ruled by the Khedive, 
 his ministers, and a council, the country being nominally 
 under the suzerainty of Turkey. That the suzerainty is 
 very nominal is shown by the fact that Egypt remained 
 neutral whilst Turkey was at war with Italy in Tripoli, 
 on the very borders of Egypt. To the Court of the 
 Khedive are accredited diplomatic Agents of the various 
 Powers, and theoretically these Agents are equal. In 
 practice the British Agent occupies quite a unique 
 position. He acts as political adviser to the Egyptian 
 Government, his authority being derived from the fact 
 that there is a British Army in occupation of the country. 
 Since the occupation in 1882 there have been three 
 British Agents in Egypt : Lord Cromer, who filled the 
 position for twenty-four years, from 1883 ^o 1907, and 
 who may be regarded as the maker of modern Egypt ; 
 the late Sir Eldon Gorst, who was not a great success; 
 
25 
 
 and Lord Kitchener, who is the present occupant of the 
 position, and dominates Egypt to-day by his personaHty. 
 The position of the British Agent has changed materially 
 during the course of the occupation ; whereas formerly a 
 somewhat lengthy process of persuasion and diplomacy 
 had often to be employed, now- it is frequently only 
 necessary for the Agent to express a wish that something 
 should be done for it to be done. In some respects the 
 British Agent is more powerful than any Indian or 
 Colonial Governor, as the Foreign Office apparently 
 exercises less control over him than the India or 
 Colonial Office does over Governors. Further, his 
 actions are less likely to be the subject of questions or 
 criticism in Parliament, as transactions connected with 
 the Foreign Office are not generally regarded as matters 
 for pubHc discussion. Thus the British Agent is given 
 a very free hand as far as the home authorities are 
 concerned ; but in some respects he is, nevertheless, very 
 powerless. There are certain capitulations agreed to 
 before the occupation, to which fourteen Powers are 
 parties. The Egyptian authorities have no jurisdiction 
 over the citizens of these Powers. If a native of one of 
 these countries commits an offence he must be handed 
 over to the Consular officials of his own country. If the 
 Egyptian authorities W'ish to raid a foreigner's dwelling, 
 they must give notice to the Consul concerned. It 
 frequently happens that the foreigner in question is 
 warned through someone at the Consulate, and the object 
 of the raid is defeated. To deal with civil cases in w^hich 
 an Egyptian and a foreigner, or in which two foreigners 
 of different nationalities are concerned, there have been 
 established mixed courts in which lawyers who are sub- 
 jects of the various Powers signatory to the capitulations 
 
26 
 
 are appointed judges. The administration of justice in 
 Egypt is complicated and slow-working, and by no 
 means very efficient. Yet as long as it remains under 
 international control it is hardly possible to reform it. 
 
 In other matters great improvements have been 
 effected in the government of Egypt. For the misrule 
 which characterises the administration of a Turkish 
 province an efficient administration has been substituted. 
 In each Ministry a certain number of Englishmen and 
 other Europeans who have entered the Egyptian service, 
 are employed, and under their direction the different 
 departments of State are conducted. At the instigation 
 of the British Agent many steps have been taken to 
 enhance the material welfare of the natives. The system 
 of irrigation, upon which the prosperity of the country 
 depends so entirely, has been greatly extended, the con- 
 struction of the great Assouan Dam being perhaps the 
 greatest achievement in this direction. The railway 
 system has been extended and placed in charge of an 
 efficient management. Various measures have been 
 introduced with the object of benefiting the peasantry, 
 who are the backbone of a country which is primarily 
 agricultural. The oppression and exploitation to which 
 they were subjected by the officials under the old regime 
 have been done away with. The authorities, however, 
 have not contented themselves with abolishing old 
 abuses ; they have taken active steps to free the peasantry 
 from the clutches of money-lenders by establishing a 
 bank at which loans can be obtained at a reasonable 
 rate of interest ; and more recently by passing the " Five 
 Fedan Law," based upon the model of a Punjab enact- 
 ment, which is aimed at preventing small holdings being 
 mortgaged to and foreclosed by money-lenders. 
 
27 
 
 Savings banks have been established to encourage thrift, 
 and local cotton markets have been set up with a view 
 to enabling the peasants to obtain the most favourable 
 terms for their cotton. Serious efforts have been made to 
 improve sanitary conditions and to introduce an efficient 
 medical service. In both these matters, however, a great 
 deal still remains to be achieved, as religious prejudice 
 and Oriental indifference to cleanliness constitute 
 formidable barriers to progress. 
 
 Very considerable attention has been devoted to the 
 subject of the education of the natives, as this seems the 
 best means of fitting them for self-government. Primary 
 and secondary schools have been established, and also 
 certain institutions of university rank to provide training 
 in law, medicine, and technical subjects. The number 
 of children at school in Egypt is still not very great in 
 proportion to the total number of children in the country, 
 but it is increasing steadily. The great majority of 
 positions under the Egyptian Government are filled by 
 natives, but it is true that these positions are the less 
 responsible ones. Of recent years measures have been 
 introduced to increase the share taken by the natives in 
 the government of Egypt; provincial councils and a 
 legislative council have been established, and a system 
 of popular election h^s been adopted. Nevertheless, it 
 is probably true that these measures represent, for the 
 time being at least, nominal rather than real steps towards 
 independence. They do not indicate any diminution in 
 the power of the British Agent. 
 
 The British occupied Egypt with the avowed intention 
 of quitting it when the country was fit for self-govern- 
 ment. A visitor to Egypt naturally asks himself what 
 are the prospects of the British evacuating Egypt? In 
 
28 
 
 more than one respect conditions in Egypt are more 
 favourable to self-government than in India. The 
 country is inhabited almost entirely by people of one 
 race and one religion, and since the reconquest of the 
 Soudan, and its settlement as an Anglo-Egyptian 
 dependency, it is free from any warlike race on its 
 frontiers. On the other hand, there is no reason to 
 think that there would not be an almost immediate rever- 
 sion to the former corrupt and oppressive government if 
 the British evacuated Egypt at the present time. The 
 predominance of English influence in Egypt for thirty 
 years has probably had little or no effect upon the 
 character of the native. Though the better-educated may 
 seek to comply externally with Western standards, at 
 bottom they remain Orientals; they see nothing wrong 
 in ** backsheesh" or in a man in power feathering his 
 nest when the opportunity is offered. It is true that 
 there are many independent countries in which corrupt 
 and oppressive Governments rule in the interests of 
 small governing classes. The Governments of South 
 and Central America are probably all of this class, and 
 it may be urged that the Egyptians should be permitted 
 to manage their own affairs in the Latin-American way 
 if they so desire. The difficulty in permitting this ap- 
 pears to be that once the occupying Power has sought to 
 administer the affairs of the country in the best interests 
 of the people as a whole, it is under a moral obligation 
 not to allow the bulk of the population once more to be 
 brought under the heel of a small minority who would 
 hold the reins of government, in the event of the evacua- 
 tion of Egypt by the British. Until there is a reasonable 
 guarantee that the Egyptians are capable of governing 
 themselves properly according to reasonable Western 
 
29 
 
 standards, they can hardly be left to their own devices, 
 in fairness to the mass of the people. 
 
 The excellence of the results achieved by the 
 present regime, and the great improvements effected 
 in the condition of the inhabitants, are universally 
 admitted. I met various people who had known 
 Egypt under the old regime, and others who were 
 personally acquainted with the conditions prevailing in 
 a Turkish province to-day, and these men were very 
 positive in their emphasis of the benefits conferred upon 
 the country by British rule in Egypt. It must not 
 be forgotten, however, that even better results could be 
 achieved if the international control of judicial matters 
 could be abolished. This could be brought about by the 
 Egyptian Government, or the British Government on its 
 behalf, denouncing the capitulations — much as Austria- 
 Hungary did the Treaty of Berlin, when it incorporated 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina in its Empire — or by the British 
 Government declaring Egypt a British protectorate. 
 Another possible w^ay w^ould be to negotiate a revision 
 of the capitulations with the fourteen signatory Powers ; 
 but this would undoubtedly prove a very lengthy and 
 possibly interminable process. By this time the Powers 
 have become accustomed to the present regime in Egypt, 
 and must be quite prepared for some action which w^ould 
 do away with arrangements which are necessary for the 
 protection of foreigners living in a country more or less 
 under Turkish control, but which are merely embarrass- 
 ing to the present regime and inimical to good govern- 
 ment. It is absurd that the consent of fourteen Powers 
 should be necessary before an ordinance against reckless 
 motoring can be enforced against foreigners, or before 
 sanitary regulations can be made effective as far as 
 citizens of foreign Powers are concerned. 
 
30 
 
 To most foreigners in Egypt it is incomprehensible 
 why Great Britain has hesitated so long to take the steps 
 necessary to place the government of the country in a 
 more satisfactory position in its relationship to foreign 
 Powers. There are at least three particular occasions 
 on which some kind of announcement was expected. 
 One was in the early days of the occupation, at the time 
 when it was realised that immediate evacuation was out 
 of the question. A second was when the Anglo-French 
 agreement was signed in 1904. A third was during the 
 Turco-Italian war in 1911-12. The explanation of the 
 failure of the British Government to take any action may 
 have to do with the policy it has commonly adopted of 
 upholding Turkey. So long as Egypt retained any 
 connection with Turkey, how^ever nominal, the capitula- 
 tions could not be done away with. The mere 
 act of denouncing the capitulations would amount 
 to a declaration of independence from Turkish rule. 
 For all practical purposes Egypt is independent 
 of Turkey now, and the severing of the almost 
 imaginary thread which attaches Egypt to Turkey 
 could hardly be regarded as despoiling Turkey. 
 To declare Egypt a British protectorate would not 
 merely formally seal the deed by w^hich Egypt has ceased 
 to be Turkish, but might appear to be exceeding the 
 terms on which Britain occupied Egypt. As, however, 
 it would merely amount to recognising a fait accompliy 
 this objection does not seem very serious. However 
 the present extra-territoriality of foreigners in Egypt be 
 abolished, it is quite certain that it would imply a definite 
 British control of the country, for without some sub- 
 stantial guarantee of how justice was to be administered, 
 the Powers would never consent to their citizens being 
 
31 
 
 required to live under laws enacted and administered by 
 a coloured and non-Christian people.* 
 
 If the capitulations were abolished and Great Britain 
 were subsequently to evacuate Egypt, new capitulations 
 would presumably have to be entered into. On account 
 of this the abolition of the capitulations might have the 
 effect of making the British occupation of Egypt even 
 more enduring than it promises to be at present. 
 Nevertheless, it does appear very desirable that extra- 
 territoriality should be done away with in a country 
 like Egypt, where there is a not inconsiderable number 
 of foreigners of a somewhat nondescript and not very 
 high-class character, who, under the cloak of foreign 
 citizenship which they have not even always very sub- 
 stantial grounds for claiming, can do things contrary to 
 the law of the land more or less with impunity. 
 
 III. 
 
 The relationship of the white races to the Chinese, 
 who are treated as an inferior yellow race, does not 
 redound greatly to the credit of the white races nor bear 
 witness to the efficiency of international action. It is 
 hardly conceivable that the white races could treat the 
 Chinese as on an equality and let their citizens resident 
 in China be subject to the tender mercies of Chinese law. 
 Further, it is, generally speaking, pleasanter, owing to 
 native sanitary conditions, and safer, owing to outbreaks 
 from time to time of anti-foreign feeling amongst the 
 Chinese, that Europeans should be gathered together in 
 certain districts and administer their own affairs. 
 
 *-):Some reference to the case of Japan is made below. 
 
It was the Chinese who originally insisted upon 
 segregating the white settlers in China, when these were 
 first allowed to establish themselves in Canton. As the 
 Chinese, generally under pressure, have permitted white 
 people to reside in other towns of China, in each case, 
 whether on the seaboard or inland, known as treaty ports, 
 an area has often been set apart for their use. In some 
 cases these areas have been definitely conceded to one 
 or more foreign Powers by a perpetual lease, and such 
 ** concessions," as they are called, are treated as foreign 
 territory. In other cases the areas set apart remain 
 Chinese territory, and the title-deeds are sealed and 
 issued by the Chinese authorities. The local admini- 
 stration of some of these so-called "settlements" is in 
 the hands of the foreign residents, of others in the 
 hands of the Chinese authorities. 
 
 Shameen, a little island in the Pearl River off Canton, 
 is an illustration of the first type of reserved area. Two- 
 thirds of this island — which is joined to the mainland by 
 two bridges — are British territory, and one-third is 
 French territory. For many years the exact status of 
 Shameen was not very clearly defined; in any case 
 certain Powers chose to act as if they had some say in 
 the administration of the aflfairs of the island. On one 
 occasion, to demonstrate to these Powers the mistake 
 under which they were labouring, the British Consul- 
 General had the flagstaff removed from the Consulate 
 compound and set up in the street in front of the Con- 
 sulate, and it is there that the Union Jack flies to this 
 day. After a while the significance of this fact appeared 
 to be lost upon two foreign Powers, and during the 
 recent revolutionary troubles they proposed to land 
 armed forces in Shameen to assist in its protection. The 
 
33 
 
 Consuls of the Powers concerned were notified by the 
 British Consul-General that any foreign sailor or soldier 
 who was landed bearing arms would be arrested, and 
 thus the guarding of the British portion of Shameen 
 came to be performed by English and Indian soldiers, 
 assisted by the local volunteers. 
 
 The "concession" system exists in two other towns 
 I visited, viz., Hankow and Tientsin. In the former 
 there are British, Russian, French, German, and 
 Japanese concessions, and in the latter British, 
 French, German, Japanese, Austro-Hungarian, Italian, 
 Russian, and Belgian concessions, A foreign conces- 
 sion is ruled by the Consul of the Power concerned, 
 but in the case of the more important concessions, and 
 in particular of the British ones, most of the adminis- 
 trative functions are entrusted to Municipal Councils. 
 
 In Shanghai there are two "settlements,*' a French 
 settlement and an international settlement. The latter is 
 an amalgamation of former British and American settle- 
 ments. The settlements are areas in which foreigners 
 can hold land, leased in perpetuity by individuals from 
 the original Chinese owners. These two settlements have 
 complete self-governing powers; the one is governed 
 by the French Consul and French Municipal Council, 
 the other by the Consular body, on which the British 
 Consul-General has only one vote out of fourteen, and 
 by the International Municipal Council on which the 
 British predominate; as a matter of fact, the British 
 vote at Shanghai is strong enough to secure the return 
 of a purely British "International Municipal Council,** 
 and it is only by courtesy that an American and two 
 Germans appear amongst the members. Ordinarily in 
 Shanghai the two settlements and the two councils are 
 referred to as the English and the French. 
 
34 
 
 As an illustration of an international settlement under 
 Chinese control I may mention Hangchow, as this was 
 the only settlement of this type which I visited. The 
 area reserved for foreigners is at Konzenchiao, several 
 miles outside Hangchow, and there are only some half- 
 dozen white people living in the settlement, so that 
 self-government is practically out of the question. 
 
 In several of the treaty ports there is no reserved 
 area of any kind for foreigners. I believe that I am 
 correct in saying that Nanking is a town in point. In 
 any case, the foreign Consulates are within the walls 
 of the native city. In some treaty ports where there 
 are'^no reserved areas, but where there is nevertheless a 
 fair number of foreigners, these have banded themselves 
 together voluntarily and unofficially to maintain cleanli- 
 .ness and order in the quarters of the towns which they 
 occupy. The foreign section of Foochow is adminis- 
 tered in this fashion. 
 
 The only foreigners in China who are entitled to 
 reside permanently outside the treaty ports are members 
 of the diplomatic bodies and missionaries. The Powers 
 on the one hand, and the Chinese authorities on the other, 
 are not agreed as to whether a foreigner's right to live 
 in a treaty port applies to the whole place or merely to 
 the foreign concession or settlement where such exists. 
 The Chinese insist upon the narrower, the Powers upon 
 the wider interpretation of the treaties. In practice, 
 foreigners do live outside the settlements. At Shanghai, 
 for example, there are many foreign residences outside 
 the settlements, and at Hankow the Japanese have built 
 large barracks on Chinese territory, immediately behind 
 their concession. Quite a number of foreigners who 
 aie neither missionaries nor diplomats live right away 
 
35 
 
 from the treaty ports. There are two or three large 
 foreign firms who appear to have branches all over 
 China, the premises outside treaty ports being generally 
 owned or leased by Chinese employees of the firms in 
 question. 
 
 A foreigner in China, whether he lives within or 
 immediately without a treaty port, or whether he lives 
 right away from a treaty port, enjoys the rights of 
 extra-territoriality. He is not subject to Chinese laws, 
 but to the laws of his own country, administered by 
 Consular officials. 
 
 In securing for their citizens immunity from Chinese 
 law, and arranging in several cases for well-administered 
 and comparatively pleasant, if somewhat overcrowded, 
 districts in which to live, foreign Governments cannot 
 be said to have acted unreasonably. The administra- 
 tion of justice in China, including the use of torture to 
 extract evidence, and the somewhat severe system of 
 punishments employed there, though very possibly well 
 suited to Chinese conditions and probably much better 
 adapted to them than European legal codes of procedure 
 would be, are distinctly not such as most Europeans 
 would care to be subject to. The desirability of foreign 
 control over the foreign residential districts in China 
 is fairly obvious to anyone who has visited a few 
 Chinese cities. I did not see any at their worst, but the 
 smells and the dirt in the narrow streets, and the utter 
 disregard of the most rudimentary principles of sanita- 
 tion, did not make them appear very attractive places 
 in which to reside. In Peking many of the streets are 
 wide, but up to a few years ago the condition of the 
 roads was such that the only methods of locomotion 
 available were riding on horseback, driving in a 
 
36 
 
 springless ** Peking mule cart/* or being carried in a 
 sedan chair. When the German Minister was killed dur- 
 ing the Boxer troubles, he was being carried in a sedan 
 chair. Nowadays, since the roads have been greatly 
 improved, rickshaws, carriages, and motor-cars are 
 commonly used, but even at the present time, owing to 
 the awkward ruts, passengers are not infrequently 
 thrown out of rickshaws; and during the rainy season 
 the mud and slush are so bad that if a horse stumbles 
 and falls in the street it is liable to be drowned. In 
 Canton to-day there is only one road where a rickshaw 
 can be used, namely, that along the river front. Every- 
 where else the streets are too narrow, and a person has 
 either to walk or to be carried in a sedan chair. In 
 other Chinese towns the situation often approximates 
 to that in Canton. 
 
 But for the special provisions made for them, white 
 people w^ould find China very far from being an ideal 
 country in which to live, and thus the efforts of the 
 Powers to secure the special provisions may be justified, 
 though it must not be forgotten that the Chinese never 
 invited foreigners to settle in China. On the contrary, 
 the foreigners forced themselves upon the Chinese, 
 whose sole desire was, and probably still is, to be left 
 alone* During the past seventy or eighty years the 
 Powers have bullied China into doing various things, 
 but international jealousy has prevented their being of 
 much real help in developing China, or in increasing 
 the material welfare of the Chinese. Foreign action in 
 China has certainly not been initiated in the interests 
 of the Chinese, but in the interests of the foreign 
 Powers. The Chinese were perfectly happy in their 
 isolation^ but the Powers insisted upon the country 
 
being thrown open to trade, so that new markets might 
 be available for their manufacturers. Further, the 
 Powers insisted upon missionaries being allowed to 
 settle inland, knowing that their teaching against 
 Buddhism and Confucianism would naturally excite 
 anti-foreign feeling, and that the Chinese Government 
 would probably be unable to protect them. But any 
 outrage against missionaries, whom the Chinese never 
 wanted and would like to be rid of, supplied an excuse 
 for extorting indemnities or concessions; thus Ger- 
 many seized Kiaochow in 1897 as reprisal for the 
 murder of two German missionaries. 
 
 Constant attacks have been made upon the integrity 
 of China, often with little or no excuse. France has 
 encroached upon Chinese territory in the South, Great 
 Britain, Germany, and Japan in the East, Russia in 
 the North, and Great Britain in the West, if the British 
 policy in Tibet can be described as encroaching upon 
 Chinese territory. No sooner does one Power make a 
 move against China than all the other Powers do likewise, 
 for fear that the balance of power should be disturbed. 
 Thus, after Germany had occupied Kiaochow in 1897, 
 Russia occupied Port Arthur, which had been awarded 
 to Japan by the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895 at the 
 end of the Chinese- Japanese war, but which Japan had 
 had to forgo on the "advice" of Russia, France and 
 Germany. In reply to this move by Russia, Great 
 Britain occupied Weihaiwei in 1898, compelling China 
 to give her a lease of the desired territory, and France 
 did the same at Kwangchowwan* Even the Italians, 
 whose interests in China are practically nothing, tried 
 to obtain a port at this time, but their demand was 
 refused by the Chinese Government. 
 
38 
 
 Joist lately the Powers' game of land-grabbing appears 
 to have been given up in favour of concession-hunting 
 and loan-mongering. In these games the Powers do 
 not act directly, but content themselves with lending 
 their moral support to and backing up their nationals. 
 At the present time there are numerous complaints that 
 the British authorities are not sufficiently active in 
 upholding British interests, and that citizens of other 
 countries, with the assistance of their legations in Peking, 
 are securing all the plums. 
 
 Before any opinion can be expressed upon the present 
 action of the British authorities, or any other authorities 
 as far as that is concerned, it is necessary to examine 
 briefly what has happened in the matter of Chinese loans 
 and concessions. The principal items in the foreign 
 debt of China are ;^5o,ooo,ooo which represents the cost 
 of the Japanese war in 1894-1895; ;^67, 500,000 which 
 was incurred in connection with the Boxer rising of 
 1900, chiefly for the payment of indemnities to foreign 
 Powers; ;^33,ooo,ooo incurred between 1899 and 191 1 in 
 connection with railway construction; and ;^25,ooo,ooo 
 which was borrowed in 1913 for administrative purposes. 
 This last or quintuple loan, as it is called, is an excellent 
 illustration of the bullying policy adopted by the Powers 
 towards China. 
 
 On this occasion the Powers posed as the friends of 
 China and professed to be acting in her interests, but 
 professions of disinterestedness on the part of the 
 Powers in their relations to China cannot be taken very 
 seriously. Two years ago the Chinese Government 
 wanted to borrow some money, and negotiations were 
 entered into with a group of English banks * and a few 
 
 * Lloyds, London and South Western, Capital and Counties, and Chartered 
 of India, Australia and China. 
 
39 
 
 Stock Exchange firms for a loan of ;^ 10,000,000 on the 
 security of the Salt Gabelle, The British authorities 
 disapproved of the negotiations, but were not prepared 
 to go so far as to request the British banks to desist. 
 The real reason for the attitude of the Foreign Office is 
 not quite obvious; it may have been the protests of 
 certain friendly foreign Powers. No active steps, however, 
 were taken until the Crisp loan agreement was signed and 
 the first ;^5,ooo,ooo had been issued in September, 191 2, 
 Then the Powers intervened and prevented the Chinese 
 from paying the salt revenues into the Chartered Bank, 
 insisting that the surplus salt revenue should be em- 
 ployed for paying off Boxer indemnity arrears. This 
 was probably done merely to embarrass China and to 
 force it to abandon the rest of the Crisp loan, and to 
 borrow from the semi-official banks of the Powers 
 instead. 
 
 Russia and Japan were overburdened with debt and 
 had no money to lend, yet they insisted upon, nominally 
 at least, participating in a loan to China, so that they 
 might secure a share of the financial control. It was 
 not profit which they wanted, but political power. Great 
 Britain would have to provide the bulk of the money 
 while securing but one-fifth of the control, to which 
 inequitable arrangement the Foreign Office in London 
 gave its approval. The British "Hong Kong and 
 Shanghai Banking Corporation,*' the "German Asiatic 
 Bank," the French "Bank of Indo-China," the "Russian- 
 Asiatic Bank," and the Japanese "Yokohama Specie 
 Bank" undertook to provide the Chinese Government 
 with ;£'25,ooo,ooo on security of the Salt Gabelle, the 
 administration of which was to be placed under foreign 
 control, under an agreement which gives to the five- 
 
40 
 
 Power group a monopoly of all future administrative 
 loans to China. This is the famous Quintuple Loan 
 Agreement. It is supposed to maintain the integrity of 
 China and prevent it from being exploited by forcing 
 that country to obtain all administrative loans through 
 certain sources. It is absurd, however, to suppose that 
 these particular five financial institutions are the only 
 respectable banks of the first class capable of conducting 
 business on a proper basis wdth the Chinese Govern- 
 ment. It is only common sense that China would be 
 likely to secure better terms if there w^ere two or three 
 groups of bankers with which it could negotiate for 
 loans, than if it were obliged to resort to one particular 
 group. 
 
 The British Government stand for "no squeeze" 
 in connection with Chinese loans. It is a very 
 laudable object, which they are not very successful 
 in achieving. By helping to force China to consent 
 to the Quintuple Loan Agreement they hoped to 
 prevent the payment of "squeeze" in connection 
 with administrative loans. It is commonly said 
 that no Government business can be done in China 
 without "squeeze," and the quintuple loan is apparently 
 no exception. The five banks as institutions distributed 
 no bribes, but contented themselves with paying a 
 commission to their compradores^ or Chinese business 
 managers, as is always customary in China. The 
 commission on ;^25,ooo,ooo would amount to a very 
 large sum, and the great bulk of it had probably been 
 promised in advance by the compradores to various 
 Chinese officials to smooth out difficulties which occurred 
 in the course of negotiating the loan. 
 
 If the object of the British authorities was to put down 
 
41 
 
 "squeeze" they might have achieved their object equally 
 well, if not better, by throwing the door open to all who 
 could comply with the stipulated conditions, and refusing 
 to countenance a loan of any kind unless it was on 
 satisfactory conditions. Such a policy would hardly 
 have been so palatable to the Hong Kong and Shanghai 
 Banking Corporation as the other, and their managers 
 in London and Peking appear to be chief, if not sole, 
 advisers on Chinese finance to the Foreign Office and 
 to the British Legation. Nor would it have been 
 acceptable to three of the remaining Powers — Russia, 
 France, and Japan, who are desirous of preventing 
 administrative loans, so as to keep China weak and thus 
 facilitate encroachments. So far as I could judge. Great 
 Britain and Germany have common interests in China; 
 it is to their best interests to preserve its integrity and 
 to maintain the open door; but, unfortunately, home and 
 foreign politics often make Great Britain stand by 
 France, Russia, and Japan against her own best interests 
 in the Far East. 
 
 On a par with the Powers' policy of preventing China 
 from borrowing too freely for fear of its becoming too 
 independent, is their apparent indifference as to whether 
 such money as is borrowed is wasted or not. If another 
 ;^25,ooo,ooo were borrowed and squandered the debt 
 charges would be considerably increased, without, any 
 corresponding increase in revenue; very likely the 
 interest would not be forthcoming, and the Powers could 
 then step in and insist on a Caisse de la Dette under 
 foreign control. 
 
 China is undoubtedly anxious to free herself from 
 the restrictions imposed upon her by the Powers in 
 favour of the quintuple-group bankers, and her scheme 
 
42 
 
 appears to be the establishment of a strong and inde- 
 pendent Bank of China, The management of such a 
 bank would be conducted partially by foreigners who 
 were in no way connected with the quintuple-group 
 bankers and partly by Chinese. Needless to say, 
 the quintuple-group bankers are strongly opposed to 
 this scheme, unless they can control the appoint- 
 ment of the foreigners on the staff of the proposed 
 bank. In spite of this opposition, however, the 
 Chinese Government is going forward with its 
 scheme; but whether such a bank could be estab- 
 lished, let alone successfully run, against the wishes of 
 the quintuple-group bankers, and presumably without 
 the goodwill, if not with the active opposition, of the 
 five Powers behind these bankers, is more than doubtful. 
 The Quintuple Loan Agreement, and the opposition 
 to the establishment of a new Chinese bank, are not 
 the only cases of the financial bullying of China by the 
 Powers. The indemnities claimed in respect of losses 
 arising out of the recent revolution is another case in 
 point. The British and the German claims are com- 
 paratively modest, whereas those of the French and 
 Japanese are particularly outrageous. The claims of 
 France are about five times as great as those of Great 
 Britain, although the interests of the latter country in 
 China are so very much greater than those of the former. 
 One foreign firm of no great importance claims ;^5o,ooo 
 damages in respect of profits it anticipated making, but 
 did not realise, on goods imported just before the revolu- 
 tion broke out ! At the annual meeting in Europe of a 
 large foreign bank transacting business in China, the 
 chairman congratulated the shareholders on the fact 
 that in spite of the revolution in China the business had 
 
43 
 
 suffered no set-back, yet this bank is claiming a large 
 indemnity from China in respect of its supposed losses 
 in the revolution ! That foreigners make grossly 
 exaggerated claims for indemnities is bad enough, but 
 that their Governments in many cases support them in 
 these claims is disgraceful. 
 
 It is common knowledge that the Chinese finances 
 are not in as flourishing a condition as could be desired; 
 the central authorities at Peking are badly in need of 
 more money with which to carry on the work of govern- 
 ment; The easiest w^ay to secure more money would be 
 to raise the maritime customs duties, which at present 
 are at the very nominal figure of five per cent. This 
 figure, however, is apparently fixed in perpetuity by 
 various treaties, and can only be altered by consent of 
 the Powers. These duties are practically finance duties, 
 as China produces hardly any of the classes of goods 
 which it imports. Even if they were protective duties, 
 there could be no justification for refusing to allow them 
 to be raised to, say, ten per cent, so that the Chinese 
 finances could be put on a sounder basis. To this 
 reasonable alteration the Powers are unwilling to assent, 
 the chief opposition, it is said, coming from Japan. 
 There are already several cotton mills in China, and the 
 home output might be considerably increased if the duty 
 were raised from five to ten per cent. At the present 
 time Japan finds a remunerative market for cheap cotton 
 goods in China, and it fears that this large market might 
 be lost if the duties w-ere raised. What the other Powers 
 fear I do not know, unless it be that China would become 
 financially less dependent on them. 
 
 Intimately connected with the question of loans is the 
 question of concessions, as the latter very often involves 
 
44 
 
 the former. Foreigners are very anxious to secure con- 
 cessions to construct railways and extract minerals, not 
 merely because it enables numerous orders for plant and 
 materials to be placed with manufacturers at home, but 
 because it affords the foreign countries concerned an 
 opportunity for acquiring a sphere of influence in some 
 section of Chin'a. To secure a concession in China, or 
 to obtain a contract to do certain work for the Chinese 
 Government, generally involves a good deal of direct or 
 indirect bribery. Money may have to be paid over to 
 individual officials, or a loan in excess of that required 
 to finance the contract may have to be made to the 
 Government. Very possibly both these things will have 
 to be done. 
 
 When a foreign firm secures a contract to do certain 
 work for the Central or a Provincial Government in 
 China, it has frequently to arrange to lend the money 
 to the Government with which to pay for the work. 
 This is described as an Industrial Loan. Such a loan 
 would provide the Government with money, merely in 
 order to pay it all out again. The Government wishes 
 to have some funds to meet current liabilities, and seeks 
 therefore to secure a loan in excess of that required to 
 pay for the work done. Such excess will be available 
 for administrative purposes. The British authorities 
 say they cannot sanction such transactions, as these, in 
 their opinion, constitute a breach of the Quintuple Loan 
 Agreement, which provides that all administrative loans 
 shall be secured from the five banks. Unfortunately the 
 other Powers do not appear to regard the matter in the 
 same light, and consider their nationals are quite justified 
 in making indirect administrative loans to the Chinese 
 Government, and thus securing the desired contracts. 
 
45 
 
 Not long ago a British firm wished to secure a contract 
 for constructing electric tramways in Peking. It was 
 estimated that the cost would be ^600,000. The Chinese 
 Government was agreeable, provided the firm was able 
 to secure a loan for them of ;^7oo,ooo, or ;^ioo,ooo in 
 excess of the price to be paid. The Chinese Government 
 would, of course, have been responsible for the ;^700,ooo, 
 and the British firm would doubtless have been prepared 
 to find the money had the British authorities been 
 willing to give their approval. This, however, they were 
 not willing to do, and it was rumoured when I was in 
 Peking that the Belgians had secured the contract. 
 
 The Belgians, the French, and the Japanese are all 
 described as being particularly pushing in the matter 
 of securing concessions and contracts, and of inter- 
 preting the Quintuple Loan Agreement much less 
 strictly than the British authorities. Of the Japanese 
 it is commonly said that they borrow money in England 
 in order to lend it in China, thereby undermining 
 British influence in China with British money. The 
 Japanese have been especially aggressive in the Yangtse 
 Valley, which is supposed to be a British sphere of 
 influence. 
 
 In view of the Quintuple Loan Agreement the attitude 
 of the British authorities in the matter of indirect 
 administrative loans under the guise of industrial loans 
 IS unquestionably strictly correct, but it may fairly be 
 asked whether it is politic. What is to be gained by 
 preventing British subjects from breaking the spirit, if 
 not the letter, of the Quintuple Loan Agreement, if other 
 nationals are permitted to break it at will? Nothing, 
 as far as I can see ; and, on the other hand, a good deal 
 may be lost. Owing to the attitude of the British 
 
46 
 
 authorities there must be a tendency for foreign interests 
 and influence in China to be extended at the expense of 
 British interests and influence. 
 
 There is one other point about the attitude of the 
 British authorities towards concessions and contracts 
 which deserves mention. Not infrequently the efforts 
 to secure concessions and contracts are made, not by 
 the representatives of large firms capable of utilising the 
 concessions or carrying out the contracts, but by indi- 
 viduals of no particular standing and with little or no 
 support behind them. They seek first to obtain pre- 
 liminary agreements from the Chinese authorities, and 
 then to find firms willing to carry out the agreements. 
 Concession-hunters of this type the British authorities 
 refuse to support. But it would be a mistake to think 
 that the promotion of British interests is left entirely in 
 the hands of this type of concession-hunter. Several 
 large British firms have their own representatives in 
 Peking, but it is questionable if they are always as well 
 represented as they might be. It is not uncommon for 
 a firm to send an ex-military man as agent to Peking. 
 One consideration is that he will have the entree at 
 the Legation ; but so w^ill many other men, as far as that 
 is concerned. Further, it is very possible that he 
 qualified as language officer in Chinese during the time 
 he was serving; but I am assured that this does not 
 imply any great acquaintance with an exceedingly 
 difficult language like Chinese. To send a man to 
 Peking to look after business interests on the strength 
 of the entree at the Legation, and possibly a slight 
 knowledge of the Chinese language, without any con- 
 sideration of business capacity, hardly seems the right 
 way to secure concessions and contracts. These retired 
 
47 
 
 officers are doubtless very estimable gentlemen, but I 
 am convinced from what I saw and learnt in Peking that 
 they may very easily prove to be the wrong sort of men 
 to push British trade. 
 
 The white races have come in contact with a good 
 man)^ backward coloured races ; for example, the British 
 in India and Egypt, the Dutch in Java and Sumatra, the 
 Americans in the Philippines and Puerto Rico; and in 
 each of the cases mentioned the white race appears to be 
 acting fairly by the coloured race concerned. It is 
 striving to govern the country in the best interests of 
 the people as a whole, to educate the people, and to train 
 them in the art of government. In each case the white 
 race is trying to put down the bribery and corruption 
 which prevail so largely amongst Orientals, but which 
 is so inimical to good government. An Englishman, a 
 Dutchman, or an American is justified in contemplating 
 the work of his Government and of his countrymen in 
 those countries, and in many other countries where they 
 rule, with a feeling of satisfaction and even of pride; 
 but it is difficult for a white man to contemplate the 
 work of his Government or countrymen in China with 
 any feeling of satisfaction, let alone pride. Finding 
 China weak, the Powers have made the most of this 
 weakness. The actions of Europeans in coloured 
 countries in former days were not always very creditable, 
 but they are at least trying to do their duty by their 
 coloured subject-races now. In China many of the actions 
 of the Powers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries 
 are not at all creditable. 
 
 That China is backward and undeveloped, that its 
 system of government is far from perfect and that it is 
 
48 
 
 capable of benefiting by foreign assistance and experi- 
 ence, is obvious; but it is equally obvious that little has 
 been done to help China. There is no lack of foreign 
 advisers to the Chinese Government in Peking — only their 
 advice is not taken. Something more than mere advice 
 is wanted, but the jealousy among the Powers on the one 
 hand, and their actions in the past on the other, make 
 matters very difficult. No Power is prepared to trust 
 any other Power, and the Chinese are not to be blamed 
 if, in the light of past events, they doubt if any Power is 
 prepared to act honestly and honourably by them. A 
 foreisfn element has been introduced into the adminis- 
 tration of certain services, and in each case the results 
 appear to be satisfactory. In the case of the Inspectorate 
 of Customs the foreign element was introduced some 
 sixty years ago on the ground of **the impossibility of 
 obtaining custom-house officials with the necessary 
 qualifications as to probity, vigilance and knowledge of 
 foreign languages required for the enforcement of a close 
 observance of treaty and custom-house regulations.'* 
 This was done then in the interests of the Chinese 
 Government, but since that time foreign loans have 
 been secured on the Maritime Customs, and had 
 foreigners not already been associated with the adminis- 
 tration of the Customs, the Powers would doubtless have 
 insisted upon the introduction of foreigners, even as 
 they did recently into the administration of the Salt 
 Gabelle, when the salt tax was made security for the 
 quintuple group loan. 
 
 The Imperial Post Office was organised in 1896 as a 
 branch of the Inspectorate of Customs; consequently 
 foreigners were associated with its administration from 
 the outset, and this continues to be the case since its 
 
49 
 
 connection with the Customs was severed in 191 1 and 
 it was placed under the Ministry of Posts and Com- 
 munications. The year before that occurred the foreign 
 staff consisted of 120, whilst the Chinese staff consisted 
 of over 14,000. So far as I could judge, the Chinese 
 Post Office is well run, and all foreign residents in China 
 whose opinion I asked, spoke very well of it. One very 
 important cause of the efficiency of the Post Office in 
 China is undoubtedly the adoption of the principle of 
 paying every employee a living wage, so as to remove 
 the necessity of supplementing it by peculation. This 
 is quite contrary to the ordinary Chinese practice; the 
 remuneration attached to most Government posts in 
 China is very nominal, and even this nominal remunera- 
 tion is often not paid when it is due. This was the state 
 of affairs when I was in China; the salaries of most 
 Chinese Government employees had not been paid for 
 months. The system can have only one result : it forces 
 officials to obtain a "squeeze" at the expense of the 
 general public or of the Government whenever there is 
 an opportunity. It is obvious that no really decent 
 government is possible as long as the system continues. 
 Finance is at the basis of all government. The 
 primary object of government may be the maintenance 
 of law and order and the protection of life and property, 
 but these things cannot be accomplished unless adequate 
 resources are available. It may be very essential to 
 provide good ways of communication, to educate the 
 people, to take steps to enhance their social and material 
 welfare, but again the authorities can do little or nothing 
 if there are no funds at their disposal. Before any sort 
 of respectable or civilised government is possible, the 
 authorities must have developed an organisation to 
 
50 
 
 secure an honest and economical collection of an 
 adequate revenue, and an equally honest and economical 
 spending of the revenue raised. Bad finance and bad 
 government are almost synonymous terms. An im- 
 provement in the finances renders possible an improve- 
 ment in government. Nowhere is this better illustrated 
 than In the case of Egypt during the past thirty years. 
 But for the British occupation of Egypt, however, it is 
 very doubtful if the finances and government of Egypt 
 would be any better to-day than they were thirty-five 
 years ago. 
 
 An "occupation" of China by one Power prepared 
 to act honourably and honestly by the Chinese is hardly 
 conceivable on account of international jealousies ; other- 
 wise it should not be impossible, in spite of the great 
 size of the country and the enormous population, as 
 the Chinese are a peace-loving and law-abiding people, 
 who would probably be quite contented if given satis- 
 factory government. This is certainly the experience of 
 the British authorities in the Straits Settlements, w^here 
 there is a large Chinese population. An "occupation" 
 would almost certainly be the most rapid method of 
 setting the finances of China in order, of developing the 
 country, of enhancing the material welfare of the people, 
 and of fitting them for self-government; but as this is 
 hardly in the realms of practical politics, the best thing 
 probably for China is that it should make more use of 
 foreigners in its administrative services, with the object 
 of securing greater efficiency and freedom from corrup- 
 tion. The Chinese, without seeking to become completely 
 Westernised, might follow to some extent in the footsteps 
 of the Japanese, and utilise foreigners to assist in intro- 
 ducing certain Western ideas into their country. The 
 
51 
 
 task would be far from easy under the most favourable 
 circumstances; but the jealousies of the Powers, and 
 the desire of some of them at least to check rather than 
 encourage good and independent government in China, 
 would render the task of the would-be reformers exceed- 
 ingly difficult. Nevertheless, there does not appear to 
 be any other way in which China could attain a state of 
 real independence more rapidly. 
 
 IV. 
 
 The Japanese constitute the one example of a coloured 
 race that is treated on an equal footing by the white 
 races. It is only of quite recent years that this has been 
 the case — since 1899, to be exact. Before that date the 
 relationship between the white races and the Japanese 
 was somewhat similar to the relationship between the 
 white races and the Chinese, though the Powers have 
 never acted in quite the same hectoring fashion towards 
 the former as they have towards the latter. For more 
 than two hundred years prior to 1853 the Japanese had 
 had practically no contact with the rest of the world. In 
 that year Commodore Perry and a United States fleet 
 arrived in Yedo Bay, and insisted that Japanese isolation 
 should cease. The Americans entered into a treaty with 
 the . Japanese, and shortly afterwards Great Britain and 
 other Powers did likewise. In 1859 Yokohama, Naga- 
 saki and Hakodate were opened as treaty ports, and 
 settlements were established in which foreigners could 
 reside and trade. As in China, foreigners were not 
 subject to the laws of the country, but enjoyed the rights 
 of extra-territoriality. In 1863 the British fleet bom- 
 barded Kagoshima in reprisal for the murder of a British 
 
 D2 
 
52 
 
 subject; and in 1865 the allied fleets of Great Britain, 
 France, Holland, and the United States bombarded 
 Shimonoseki as a punishment for firing on foreign ships 
 and attempting to keep the Straits of Shimonoseki 
 closed. 
 
 Up to this time there does not appear to have been 
 much to choose between the treatment of the Japanese 
 and of the Chinese by the Powers, but in the face of the 
 danger of foreign aggression and possibly spoliation, the 
 Japanese adopted a very different attitude from the 
 Chinese. The Japanese decided that their only hope of 
 dealing satisfactorily w^ith the Western Powers was to 
 become Westernised. The definite adoption of this 
 policy may be dated from the resignation of the Shogun 
 and the restoration of the Emperor to full authority in 
 November, 1867. The fall of the Shogunate was partly 
 due to a strong anti-foreign feeling amongst the 
 Japanese, and to their resentment that foreigners had 
 been allowed to gain a foothold in Japan under various 
 treaties entered into by the Shogun. The new Govern- 
 ment, how^ever, did not attempt to reverse the actions of 
 its predecessor in the matter of foreign policy. Whilst 
 the Emperor and his Government established friendly 
 relations with the representatives of the Powers in Japan, 
 and began numerous reforms under the guidance of 
 foreign experts, with the object of introducing Western 
 civilisation into Japan, many of the people retained their 
 intensely anti-foreign feelings, and the outrages on 
 foreigners which had characterised the last years of the 
 Shogunate, such as two attacks on the British Legation 
 at Tokyo, continued after the Restoration. Thus, to 
 mention two cases only of the many which occurred : 
 shortly after the Restoration Japanese troops fired upon 
 
53 
 
 the foreign officials and merchants present at the opening 
 ceremony of the Kobe Settlement in February, 1868; 
 twenty-three years later the present Czar, as Czarevitch, 
 was attacked and seriously injured by one of the police- 
 men set to guard the route at Otsu on Lake Biwa. By 
 this time anti-foreign feeling in Japan was much less 
 marked than it had been, but the attack on the Czare- 
 vitch can hardly be regarded as an isolated event. It 
 was merely one episode of many. For example, in 1889, 
 the British Minister and his wife had to refrain from 
 driving in an open carriage in Tokyo for fear of a bomb 
 or a shot; and Mrs. Fraser, the British Minister's wife, 
 mentions in her letters that at this time stones were 
 thrown at her in her brougham. In 1890 an attack was 
 made by the crowd on the Russian Legation in Tokyo. 
 These later outbreaks of anti-foreign feeling had 
 largely to do with the question of treaty revision. For 
 years the Japanese authorities worked to secure the re- 
 vision of the treaties which accorded rights of extra- 
 territoriality to foreigners resident in Japan, as these 
 rights implied that the Powers regarded and treated the 
 Japanese as an inferior race. The foreigners in Japan, 
 whilst very desirous of securing a modification of the 
 clauses in the treaties which restricted their permanent 
 residence and trading activities to the treaty ports, and 
 which compelled them to provide themselves with special 
 passes before they could travel in other parts of Japan, 
 were strongly opposed to the proposal that they should 
 be subject to Japanese law. Amongst the Japanese, on 
 the other hand, whilst opinion appeared to be unanimous 
 in favour of bringing foreigners under Japanese law, 
 many feared that the throwing open of the whole of the 
 country to foreigners for trading and residential purposes, 
 
54 
 
 would lead to the bulk of Japanese tmde being concen- 
 trated in the hands of foreigners. Thus treaty revision 
 proved a lengthy and somewhat difficult problem to 
 solve. 
 
 For years the Japanese sought, by adapting their 
 institutions and codes to Western ideas, to secure 
 the approval of the representatives of the Powers in 
 Japan, and through them of their Governments, to the 
 proposal that foreigners should be subject to Japanese 
 law. The foreigners on the spot, officials and merchants, 
 were opposed to the suggestion, and it was only when 
 the negotiations were transferred from Japan to Europe, 
 where the Foreign Offices were practically unacquainted 
 with Japanese conditions, and where the protests of 
 foreigners resident in Japan carried much less weight, 
 that the Japanese succeeded in carrying their point. It 
 was in August, 1899, that the new treaties under which 
 foreigners became subject to Japanese law, but were 
 freed from restrictions regarding trade and residence, 
 came into force. Japan may then be said to have been 
 placed on the same footing as that occupied by a minor 
 European Power. In 1903 the Anglo-Japanese alliance 
 was concluded, and two years later, after the termination 
 of the Russo-Japanese war. Great Britain raised its 
 Legation at Tokyo to an Embassy, and the other 
 Great Powers followed suit, thereby implying a general 
 recognition of Japan as ranking amongst the Great 
 Powers. 
 
 Forty years have seen a truly remarkable change in 
 the relationship of the white races to the Japanese. 
 In 1865 Great Britain, France, Holland, and the 
 United States w^ere bombarding Shimonoseki as a 
 punishment for Japanese misdeeds, and at that time 
 
55 
 
 and for many years afterwards Great Britain and 
 France maintained troops in Yokohama to protect 
 their nationals. As late as 1895, Germany, Russia, and 
 France obliged Japan to give up Port Arthur, which 
 had been ceded to it at the end of the Chino-Japanese 
 war. Four years later came the abolition of extra- 
 territoriality, and six years after that the Great Powers 
 decided to be represented in Tokyo by Ambassadors. 
 
 The great change admitted by the Powers in the 
 status of the Japanese, from that of persons occupying 
 an inferior and subordinate position to that of persons 
 recognised as citizens of a Great Power, must be attri- 
 buted partly to the introduction of Western ideas and 
 institutions on a large scale into Japan, but principally 
 to the development of the military strength of the 
 country. At the point of the sword the Japanese have 
 gained not merely Formosa, Port Arthur, Korea, and 
 a predominating influence in Manchuria, but they have 
 secured for themselves the right to be treated as equals 
 by the white races of the West. The bullying attitude 
 of the Germans, Russians, and French towards the 
 Japanese in 1895, when the three Western Powers com- 
 pelled the Japanese to relinquish Port Arthur, is no 
 longer conceivable to-day. 
 
 The fact that the Japanese are treated by the white 
 races as citizens of a Great Power admits them to what 
 may be called "political" equality with the white races, 
 but this by no means implies that the white races have 
 admitted them to what may be called "social" equality. 
 The "political" equality is based largely on military 
 and naval considerations; the question of "social" 
 equality turns principally on the extent to which, and 
 the success with which, the Japanese have become 
 Westernised. 
 
56 
 
 Reference has already been made to the introduction 
 of Western ideas and institutions into Japan. Experts 
 were obtained from various countries to act as advisers, 
 but the man who must be regarded as adviser-in-chief 
 to the Japanese throughout the earlier years of reform 
 was undoubtedly Sir Harry Parkes, the British Minister 
 at Tokyo from 1865 to 1883. Experts on railway, 
 engineering, and naval matters were obtained from 
 England, on educational and postal matters from the 
 United States, on medical matters from Germany, and 
 on military matters from France, and later from Ger- 
 many. The old prohibition on Japanese leaving the 
 country was removed; they were encouraged to go 
 abroad to study Western conditions in Europe and the 
 United States. In 187 1 the prohibition against Chris- 
 tianity was removed, and about the same time the 
 Gregorian calendar was adopted instead of the Chinese. 
 Criminal and civil law and the system of legal pro- 
 cedure and punishments were entirely revised. The 
 new criminal law was based on the French code; 
 the new civil and commercial codes were modelled 
 on the German codes. The prison system was re- 
 formed after a study of the prisons for Asiatics con- 
 ducted by the British authorities in Hong Kong and 
 Singapore. In 1871 a postal service on the European 
 model was inaugurated. Six years later Japan entered 
 the Postal Union, and within two years the postal 
 agencies maintained by Great Britain, France, and the 
 United States in Japan were closed. This occurred 
 twenty years before the system of extra-territoriality 
 was abolished. Just recently China, on whose efficient 
 postal system I have commented elsewhere, has entered 
 the Postal Union ; it will be interesting to see whether 
 
57 
 
 the British, French, American, Russian, German, and 
 Japanese postal agencies in China are shortly closed as 
 a consequence of that event. International jealousies 
 will probably prevent this from happening, although 
 the foreign postal agencies in China are said to be con- 
 ducted at a considerable loss. 
 
 Perhaps more important than any other social reform 
 in Japan was the introduction of a national and com- 
 pulsory system of education, which dates from 1871. 
 At the present time the compulsory school attendance 
 ages are six to fourteen. In one respect, at least, the 
 Japanese educational authorities have an easier task 
 than educational authorities in the West ; the desire for 
 education amongst Japanese children and young people 
 appears to be universal ; children attend school with 
 great regularity, and are exceedingly attentive when 
 they are at school. In another respect, however, the 
 Japanese educational authorities are confronted with a 
 much more difficult task than similarly placed officials 
 in the West; the Japanese children in their earlier 
 years have to devote a great deal of time to learning 
 to read and write the thousands of Chinese ideographs 
 in which Japanese is expressed on paper; in their later 
 years, if they pass beyond the elementary schools, they 
 have to master a considerable knowledge of English, a 
 language utterly different in structure and idiom ffom 
 their own. In the later years of school life English is 
 not infrequently used as the medium of instruction in 
 studying new subjects, so that the knowledge of the 
 language required is very much greater than that which 
 an English schoolboy generally has of a foreign 
 language. One of the things that struck me most 
 forcibly in Japan was the widespread knowledge of 
 
58 
 
 English amongst the Japanese; it is much easier for 
 a traveller to manage with English in Japan than it 
 is in British India ! 
 
 The result of the language difficulties with which 
 Japanese children have to contend is clearly seen in 
 the educational statistics. The same statistics also show 
 how older people are striving to improve their educa- 
 tion. After a boy has spent six years at an elementary 
 school he is eligible for a middle school, in which the 
 course of study extends over five years. The age of 
 boys admitted to the middle schools in 19 lo varied from 
 twelve years to twenty-five years and two months, the 
 average being thirteen years and eight months. The 
 age of boys finishing their middle school course in 
 191 1 varied from seventeen to thirty, the average age 
 being nineteen years. From a middle school a boy 
 can pass to a high school, in which a three years' course 
 of study is provided. The ages of those admitted in 
 19 10 varied from sixteen years and nine months to 
 thirty years and four months, the average being nine- 
 teen years and five months. After a boy has had 
 fourteen years of schooling, six at an elementary school, 
 five at a middle school, and three at a high school, he 
 is eligible to enter one of the Imperial Universities. 
 In 1910 the average age of the students admitted to 
 the Imperial University of Tokyo was twenty-two years 
 and nine months. The youngest of the students would 
 be twenty years of age, the eldest probably thirty-three 
 or thirty-four. 
 
 By means of the various reforms inaugurated under 
 expert foreign guidance, the Japanese had become 
 sufficiently Westernised by 1899 to convince all the 
 Powers that the extra-territoriality enjoyed by 
 
59 
 
 foreigners in Japan might safely be abolished. There 
 were great misgivings on the part of foreigners resident 
 in Japan, but, on the whole, their fears have not been 
 realised. Life and property have been adequately pro- 
 tected. As far as criminal law is concerned, foreign 
 offenders appear to have fared better than they would 
 have done at home, as in some cases they have been 
 given a hint beforehand to leave the country, and in 
 others they have had the opportunity afforded them 
 of departing from Japan whilst on bail during the 
 preliminary inquiries or pending an appeal. Even 
 if they are convicted, the sentence is very often post- 
 poned for a period. Provided the offender behaves well 
 during that period, the sentence is not enforced. In 
 the case of two of the three Europeans recently con- 
 victed of complicity in the naval scandals, the sentences 
 were postponed. 
 
 In civil and commercial cases, on the other hand, it is 
 said to be very exceptional for a white firm to win a case 
 against a Japanese firm, so much so that most Europeans 
 prefer to accept any sort of a compromise or even to drop 
 their claims entirely, rather than bring a case against 
 Japanese. 
 
 As Japan is recognised as a Great Power, the Japanese 
 are politically on an equal footing with foreigners resi- 
 dent in that country, but socially there is very little inter- 
 course between white people and Japanese. The bulk of 
 such intercourse as there is occurs in Tokyo amongst 
 members of the Diplomatic Body and leading Japanese 
 officials. That the white people in Japan keep to 
 themselves so much may be due partly to prejudice 
 against colour, but it is to be attributed principally 
 to the entirely different standards of life maintained 
 
6o 
 
 by persons of European descent on the one hand 
 and Japanese on the other. I use the expression 
 ''standard of life" in a very wide sense as relating 
 not merely to the material necessities, comforts, and 
 luxuries of life, but also to the whole outlook upon life. 
 When white people take up their residence in Japan, 
 they do their utmost to make the life they lead there 
 resemble as closely as possible the life to which they 
 have been accustomed at home. The English mercantile 
 community in a Japanese town constitutes a bit of Eng- 
 land transplanted to the Far East. The life led has to 
 be modified a little to adapt it to the environment : people 
 have more servants than they do in England; they 
 patronise the Club to a greater extent ; in the seclusion of 
 their homes they may wear a kimono and a pair of straw 
 sandals; they will ride about in rickshaws instead of 
 taxis, but in all essentials they live a Vanglaise. They 
 read English newspapers published in Japan ; they wor- 
 ship at an English church; they play golf and tennis; 
 they attend race-meetings; they make week-end excur- 
 sions to the seaside and to hill resorts; they commonly 
 occupy houses which are built and furnished in Euro- 
 pean style; they may have been born and brought up 
 in Japan, but when they speak of "home" they always 
 refer to some place in England. This is so with every 
 Englishman one meets in the East. Of the Dutch in 
 Java, however, this is not so true; some of the Dutch 
 come to regard Java as home, and Holland merely as the 
 place from which they or their ancestors originally came. 
 The white missionaries in Japan probably live more 
 a la japonaise than do members of the white mercantile 
 community; but of all whites it may be said that they 
 seek to retain their Western civilisation and to lead a 
 
6i 
 
 life modelled closely on their home life, although they 
 are thousands of miles away from home, amidst an 
 Oriental people imbued with ideas utterly different from 
 their own. In other words, the foreign residents in Japan 
 have no wish to become assimilated to the Japanese, and 
 do their utmost to retain their own social institutions 
 amidst the strange environment. 
 
 I have referred previously to the introduction of 
 Western ideas and institutions into Japan and to the 
 considerable measure of success which has attended the 
 movement, a success sufficient at least to secure the 
 consent of the Powers to their nationals being subject to 
 Japanese law. Codes based primarily upon Roman law ; 
 a railway system which is traversed by ** limited ex- 
 presses" and other fast trains, with sleeping cars and 
 with dining cars supplying European food; a good net- 
 work of telegraph and telephone wires ; electric tramways 
 in the large towns ; an efficient army and navy on Western 
 models ; a well-managed currency on a gold basis ; a 
 large and comprehensive educational system ; the adop- 
 tion of Western uniforms for all officials, from the lowest 
 to the highest ; the almost universal use of electricity for 
 lighting purposes— these and many other indications 
 might be quoted to show how Westernised Japan is in 
 many respects. The Japanese as a people have un- 
 doubtedly incorporated into their life many of the out- 
 ward marks of Western civilisation, but the individual 
 Japanese still lead to a very large extent their old lives, 
 in the essentials at least, and are certainly Oriental rather 
 than Occidental in their outlook upon life. An Oriental 
 does not become an Occidental merely because he now 
 travels by train instead of being carried by coolies; 
 because he uses the telegraph or telephone instead of 
 
62 
 
 some more primitive system of communication ; because 
 he wears a coat, trousers, and boots instead of a kimono 
 and straw sandals; or because he learns English and can 
 read Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells in the original, 
 instead of being restricted to Japanese and Chinese 
 writings. 
 
 The Japanese standard of life on its material side 
 involves living in a house of wood and paper, almost 
 entirely devoid of furniture. The floor, covered with 
 mats, serves both as chairs and beds. The staple articles 
 of diet are rice and raw fish, w^hilst eggs and vegetables 
 are used to some extent. It is obvious that social inter- 
 course between Europeans and Japanese is not very 
 feasible as long as the Japanese style of living remains 
 what it is. A certain number of well-to-do Japanese, 
 especially in Tokyo, live in European style, or at least 
 have European quarters attached to their houses, and 
 use these and serve European food when entertaining 
 Europeans. The hotels in resorts frequented by white 
 people and the dining-cars on express trains are com- 
 monly conducted in European style; but for this, the 
 large foreign tourist traffic in Japan would never have 
 developed as it has done. 
 
 In what concerns the Japanese outlook upon life, the 
 sense of honour and the code of morality, both with 
 regard to private life and business matters, are not those 
 of the West. The attitude towards women differs from 
 that of Europe or America. Japanese standards and 
 ideas are not our standards and ideas, and the reason is 
 largely, if not entirely, historical. "All the nations of 
 the West have, broadly speaking, a common past, a 
 common fund of ideas, from which everything they have 
 and everything that they are springs naturally as part 
 
63 
 
 of a correlated whole— one Roman Empire in the back- 
 ground, one Christian religion at the centre, one gradual 
 emancipation, first from feudalism and next from abso- 
 lutism, worked out or now in process of being worked 
 out together, one art, one music, one kind of idiom, 
 even though the words expressing it vary from land to 
 land. Japan stands beyond this pale, because her past 
 has been lived through under conditions altogether dif- 
 ferent. China is her Greece and Rome. Her language 
 is not Aryan, as even Russia's is. Allusions familiar 
 from one end of Christendom to the other require a 
 whole chapter of commentary to make them at all intel- 
 ligible to a Japanese student, who often has not, even 
 then, any words corresponding to those which it is 
 sought to translate." * 
 
 If a close comparison between Japanese and Europeans 
 shows that the Western civilisation assimilated by the 
 former has not affected them very profoundly, as far as 
 their individual lives are concerned, this in no wise 
 contradicts the fact that enormous changes have been 
 wrought in Japan during the past forty or fifty years. 
 The Japanese have undoubtedly succeeded in sub- 
 stituting many of the external marks of Western civilisa- 
 tion for their own Oriental civilisation, but they have not 
 to any marked degree substituted a new style of living 
 for the old, nor, what is more important, have they re- 
 placed the old Oriental outlook upon life by a newer 
 Western outlook. At bottom, the Japanese remain 
 Orientals, and the white races cannot treat them on a 
 footing of social equality. Though this is the case, the 
 
 * Professor Basil Hall Chamberlain, Emeritus Professor in the Imperial 
 University of Tokyo. 
 
64 
 
 white races cannot but admire the success with which the 
 Japanese have sought to reform their poh'tical, social, 
 and legal institutions during the past half-century. It is 
 often said that the Japanese are mere imitators, that they 
 have originated nothings and that they deserve no credit 
 for what they have done. It is not the imitation, how- 
 ever, which one admires, but the determination and per- 
 severance with which the imitation has been carried out. 
 For the purpose of self-preservation the Japanese con- 
 sidered it necessary to become Westernised, and they 
 have never faltered in the pursuit of their object, except 
 where they have realised that their old institutions and 
 civilisation could be retained without in any way affecting 
 their aspirations to be the leading Power in the Far East. 
 At one moment they contemplated substituting European 
 clothes for their national dress, and giving up their 
 art in favour of European art. Fortunately a certain 
 revulsion of feeling against this Westernisation occurred 
 in time to save their national dress and art, partially if 
 not entirely. In recent years the policy of the Japanese 
 appears to have been to adopt such portions of Western 
 civilisation as are considered essential to further their 
 political ideals, but otherwise to retain their Oriental 
 civilisation. 
 
 In Japan to-day there is a peculiar mixture of Western 
 and Eastern institutions and ideas, and the task of har- 
 monising them is probably proving even more difficult 
 than the original task of Westernising the country. A 
 poor country, very heavily taxed to support political 
 aspirations ; a country in which the industrial system of 
 Europe has been introduced without the regulations and 
 safeguards there devised to protect the workers; a 
 country in which, according to the Emperor's Charter 
 
65 
 
 Oath, **the practice of discussion and debate shall be 
 universally adopted and all measures shall be decided 
 by public opinion," but in which only every seventh 
 man has a vote, and that generally bought and sold; a 
 country in which the Government is responsible to the 
 Emperor and not to the Imperial Diet ; a country which is 
 at the mercy of the military and naval narties, as by 
 certain permanent regulations of the Privy Council can- 
 didates for the Cabinet office of the Army and Navy are 
 limited to high officers in the active service; in such a 
 country, where the rising generation has been given a 
 good education, has been brought into contact with all 
 sorts of modern ideas, and has probably come to regard 
 the rigid feudal system which survived in Japan till about 
 fifty years ago as something which existed in the dim 
 past, the path of the statesmen who have to guide the 
 destinies of Japan cannot fail to be stony. I cannot sum- 
 marise the situation better than by repeating the recent 
 words of The Times Tokyo correspondent : — *' A micro- 
 cosm of the problem is presented in the student, girl 
 or boy, who at home reads Spencer and Ibsen, Tolstoy 
 and Bernard Shaw, Oscar Wilde and Maupassant, and 
 at school hears his or her teacher extol the superhuman 
 virtues of the Emperor, the sanctity of implicit obedience 
 to parents, the doctrine that the whole duty of woman 
 is to be a good wife and mother, and so forth." Great 
 as the changes in Japan have been during the past four 
 decades, it seems probable that there will be even greater 
 — though possibly less conspicuous — changes in coming 
 decades, before the country may be said to have reached 
 a position of comparatively stable equilibrium. 
 
66 
 V. 
 
 The United States of America, a predominantly white 
 country with a very considerable black population, has 
 a very special colour problem of its own. The American- 
 born negroes, descendants of West African negroes 
 brought to America to work as slaves on the plantations in 
 the Southern States, speak English as their native tongue 
 and regard the United States as their native country. 
 Since the amendment of the Constitution after the ter- 
 mination of the Civil War in 1864, American citizenship 
 has been conferred on the negroes. The United States 
 has a large and steadily increasing black population 
 within its borders, and the relationship of the white to 
 the black population is a very vexed problem. It was 
 the Northerners who liberated the negroes from slavery 
 and secured for them the rights of American citizen- 
 ship. In the North, where there are very few negroes, 
 a negro suffers from no disabilities because of his colour. 
 There is little or no social intercourse between whites 
 and blacks, which is perhaps partly explained by the 
 fact that most of the negroes occupy positions in the 
 lower strata of society. A negro, however, can exercise 
 his vote, can ride in a tram or a railway carriage beside 
 whites, and, if he can afford to pay the fare, can travel 
 in a Pullman car. However enthusiastic the Northerners 
 may have been to secure the liberty of the negroes, they 
 tolerate rather than welcome the negroes in the North, 
 and treat them on an equality that is obviously super- 
 ficial. In the Southern States the attitude of the whites 
 towards the negroes is very different; there is no pre- 
 tence of treating them on an equality. In more than one 
 State the whites are actually outnumbered by the blacks. 
 
67 
 
 In self-protection, it is claimed, the white population is 
 forced to assert itself ; negroes are not given an oppor- 
 tunity of exercising the political rights granted to them 
 by the Constitution, nor are they allowed to mix with 
 the whites on the trams or railways, but instead have to 
 travel in cars specially allotted to them ; marriage be- 
 tween a black and a white is a criminal offence. This is 
 true also in a good many of the Western and Northern 
 States. 
 
 Whatever the reason of the attitude of the whites 
 towards the blacks in the United States, whether it is 
 due to the alleged inferior mental calibre of the negroes 
 or to an unwillingness on the part of the whites to treat 
 them diiferently from formerly when they were still 
 slaves, or whether it is to be accounted for merely by 
 colour prejudice, it is quite certain that the black popula- 
 tion of the country is not on an intellectual level with 
 the white population at the present time, and any really 
 equal treatment of the negroes by the whites is hardly 
 conceivable. At the same time, it has to be recognised 
 that the blacks in the South are treated worse than the 
 coloured subject-races of the European Powers in the 
 Orient. In drawing attention to this fact, however, I do 
 not wish to suggest that the policy of the Southerners in 
 regard to the negroes is wrong. No one who is not well 
 acquainted with conditions in the Southern States is 
 really justified in expressing opinions about the relation- 
 ship between whites and blacks there. It is extra- 
 ordinary how people's attitude toward colour problems 
 changes after they have lived in a country where there 
 is a very large coloured population. This may be partly 
 accounted for by the fact that a newcomer in a coloured 
 country accepts without questioning the conventional 
 
 B2 
 
68 
 
 attitude of the older white residents towards the coloured 
 population, but it is largely due to the fact that he is soon 
 forced to recognise that any contrary opinions he had 
 formed at home were based on insufficient data. In the 
 North one hears criticisms of the attitude of the 
 Southerners towards the negroes; but the unanimity of 
 the people in the South in carrying out the colour policy 
 they have adopted — and in this matter I believe the 
 Northerners resident in the South act just as the 
 Southerners themselves — makes one feel that the whites 
 in the South must have very substantial grounds for 
 maintaining a relationship such as they have with the 
 blacks. 
 
 VI. 
 
 If the United States has a special colour problem of 
 its own, arising from the fact that it has both a white and 
 a black native population, it has also another colour 
 problem, which it shares with certain other countries, 
 namely, the problem of the Oriental immigrant. Canada, 
 Australia and New Zealand, as well as the United States, 
 are faced by this problem. I shall deal with it in refer- 
 ence to California, as that is where I came into personal 
 contact with it, but I believe that the situation in the 
 other Western States, and also in Canada, Australia, 
 and New Zealand is practically the same. 
 
 The problems raised by the immigration of Asiatics 
 into America may be said to be partly economic, partly 
 social, and partly political. The economic objections to 
 Chinese and Japanese centre round the question of cheap 
 labour. The Oriental immigrant has a very different 
 standard of life from the white population on the Pacific 
 
69 
 
 coast, a standard of life which it is very much cheaper 
 to maintain. It is often described as a lower standard 
 of life, but, in so far as it enables the Chinese and 
 Japanese to support as high a level of physical efficiency 
 as the white man, it is doubtful if this description can 
 be correctly applied. It is quite certain, however, that 
 the Asiatic can afford to work for a lower wage than the 
 white man, though it by no means follows that he always 
 does so. It is also true that he is not contented with 
 the same remuneration that he would obtain had he 
 remained at home. 
 
 The very lowest wage for which a Chinese or 
 Japanese servant can be obtained on the Pacific 
 coast is $40 (=^8 6s. 8d.) per month, with food 
 and quarters found, and a more common wage is $45 
 { = £g 75. 6d.) or $50 ( = ^10 8s, 4cZ.). The wage of a 
 reasonably good cook is $60 {=:£i2 los.) or $70 
 ( = ^14 11^- 8d.) a month. A white woman servant will 
 earn no more, and probably rather less, than a Chinese 
 or Japanese *'boy." As one travels further east in 
 America servants' wages fall. In the Middle West and 
 on the Atlantic coast a white woman servant will receive 
 $20 (=;^4 3s. 4^.), or possibly $24 { = £$) sl month, 
 and a man negro servant in a town like Baltimore or 
 Philadelphia will earn about the same. An Oriental, 
 however, can secure practically the same wages as on 
 the Pacific coast. A bachelor in Washington, D.C., told 
 me that he has to pay to the Japanese *'boy " who looks 
 after him and his little flat $50 (=:;^io 8s. ^d.) per month, 
 with food and quarters found. The ordinary wage of a 
 common white labourer in America is $2 { = 8s. ^d,) per 
 day, which may be regarded as equivalent to $45 or $50 
 ( = £9 7^' 6d. or ;^io 8s. 4^.) per month. Out of this 
 
70 
 
 he has to provide himself with food and lodging, so 
 that he really earns distinctly less than the Chinese or 
 Japanese "boy." 
 
 If we compare servants' wages in the Far East with 
 those in America, we find that Oriental servants earn 
 enormously higher wages in America than at home. A 
 servant in China or Japan will be paid from £i to 
 ;iCi 105. a month, with quarters found, but no food, A 
 "No. I boy'* or a cook may receive as much as £2 a 
 month, but younger servants will earn less than £1. 
 Perhaps nothing brings out the contrast between condi- 
 tions prevailing in the Far East and the Far West better 
 than to mention two actual cases which came to my 
 knowledge. A lady in San Francisco told me that she 
 paid her Chinese cook $65 (:=r:;^i3 los. lod.) a month, and 
 provided him besides with board and lodging. A gentle- 
 man I stayed with in China had ten Chinese servants, 
 whose total wages bill came to $Mex. 125 ( = ;^I2 los.) 
 per month. They received free quarters in the servants' 
 outhouse, but no food. In what concerns servants, the 
 contention that America is in danger of being flooded 
 with cheap Oriental labour hardly appears to be correct. 
 As far as I could ascertain, Chinese and Japanese 
 servants in America were anything but cheap. 
 
 One other occupation besides that of domestic service 
 which is often followed by the Chinese in America, and 
 with which I came into personal contact, was that of 
 laundry-men. As far as my experience went, the charges 
 at Chinese laundries in America were fully double those 
 in corresponding institutions in China, but were un- 
 doubtedly lower than those made by American steam 
 laundries, so in this case the cheap Oriental labour 
 argument does appear to apply. 
 
71 
 
 One of the industries which is most affected by the 
 competition of Asiatic labour is farming; or, in any case, 
 it is the one which has probably acquired the most 
 notoriety of recent years. In this case it is Japanese, 
 rather than Chinese, who are concerned. It is commonly 
 stated that the Japanese settle on farms in California 
 which white people find unremunerative. Able to live at 
 a lower cost, and probably willing to work harder and 
 during longer hours than the whites, the Japanese 
 farmers are able to sell their products, not merely for 
 as low a price as the white farmers, but actually for less. 
 More farms become unremunerative and gradually pass 
 from white into yellow hands, and thus the process of 
 under-selling white farmers and acquiring their lands 
 continues. The last step in the process was the passage 
 of a land law by the State Legislature to make it illegal 
 for Japanese to hold land in California. This Act has 
 proved a great cause of friction between the American 
 and Japanese Governments during the past two years, 
 and up to the present no solution of the difficulty, satis- 
 factory to the Japanese Government, has been found. 
 
 As far as the "cheap labour " argument against 
 Oriental immigrants is concerned, it is really part and 
 parcel of the protective policy of the country. Freely 
 to admit Asiatic labour into the country, whilst placing 
 heavy import duties on the cheap goods manufactured 
 in the Far East, would be to adopt two policies to some 
 extent at least contradictory. I say **to some extent," 
 because they would not be entirely contradictory unless 
 there were perfect international mobility of labour. It 
 is very unlikely that all the manufacturers in the Far 
 East, who produce goods suitable for the American 
 market, would move Svith their labour and factories to 
 
72 
 
 American soil if duties were charged on the goods but 
 Oriental labour were admitted freely. 
 
 There is another argument, partially economic in 
 character, which is urged against Chinese immigrants 
 in particular. They seldom bring their womenfolk with 
 them, as they generally ^ippear to have no desire to settle 
 permanently on foreign soil ; their object seems to be to 
 save enough to enable them to return to China and live 
 in retirement. It is frequently argued that to allow the 
 Chinese to settle temporarily in America with the object 
 of returning to China, w-hen they have accumulated 
 enough means, is to permit the Chinese to exploit 
 America purely in their, own interests. To my mind, 
 the argument is not very convincing, as the Chinese, 
 during the period they worked in America, would un- 
 doubtedly contribute to the development of the country, 
 and to that extent the country would have benefited, 
 even though the Chinese did remit their earnings home. 
 Many other people who have established themselves in 
 trade or industry in the United States must be doing 
 the same thing, though probably it is not so charac- 
 teristic of any particular race as it is of the Chinese. In 
 other parts of the world, especially in the Orient, the 
 object of nearly all Europeans who settle there for trad- 
 ing purposes is to save and remit to Europe enough 
 money W' ith which to retire home ; but I have never heard 
 it suggested that such temporary residence of Europeans 
 in the Orient w^as detrimental to the Eastern countries 
 in which they settled for the time being. 
 
 There is, however, a social aspect of the temporary 
 settlement in a country of Chinese without their women- 
 folk which, to my mind, is much more serious. For 
 want of Chinese women, the Chinamen may contract 
 
73 
 
 marriages with white women. When the time comes for 
 a Chinaman who has made such a marriage to return 
 to China, he may either desert his wife and children, or 
 take them to China. It is difficult to say which is 
 the worse evil of the two; very possibly the latter, 
 as the position of a white woman living a la 
 chinoise in some Chinese village would be very unenvi- 
 able. The Californian Legislature has sought to protect 
 white women by making marriage between Orientals and 
 whites a criminal offence. 
 
 This social evil is not restricted to Chinese or to 
 California, yet in various other countries no serious 
 effort is made to protect white women from Chinese, or 
 other Orientals, who may be residing temporarily in the 
 Occident. In a country like England there are many 
 Orientals, very possibly with wives at home, who whilst 
 in England pass as single men. It is by no means 
 unknown that in one way or another, perhaps by posing 
 as princes or as persons of substantial means, they 
 induce young English girls to marry them. The most 
 that is likely to happen is that probably some relative 
 or friend will warn such a girl how undesirable it is for 
 a white girl to marry an Oriental, and try to impress 
 upon her how utterly miserable her position will be if 
 once she reaches the East with her husband. She very 
 probably fails to realise how different is the status of a 
 woman in the East from that in the West, and contracts 
 the marriage in spite of warnings. Then at some later 
 period she will very likely find herself and her children 
 deserted in England, or maybe carried off to the East 
 to some wretched existence in which she will be entirely 
 cut off from social intercourse w^ith white people. Legis- 
 lation of the Californian type may appear to be rather 
 
74 
 
 drastic to those who have never hved or travelled in the 
 East; to those who have, however, it probably appears 
 justifiable. 
 
 The possible evil results of intermarriage between 
 Orientals and Occidentals is not the only social objection 
 which can be raised to Asiatic immigrants. One such 
 objection is that they tend to introduce certain diseases 
 from the evil effects of which they themselves are now 
 largely immune and which no medical examination, 
 however thorough, at the port of entry, can reveal. 
 White people frequently prove to be very susceptible to 
 the germs when once the germs enter their systems, and 
 suffer acutely from the illnesses. I was told by a medical 
 man that white fishermen were contracting diseases 
 which, there was every reason to believe, had been caught 
 from Japanese fishermen in Calif ornian waters. Another 
 social objection to Asiatics is that in the mixed schools 
 the attitude of Oriental boys towards white girls is said 
 not always to be as correct as it should be. This is 
 probably one reason why in California there is such a 
 strong feeling in favour of segregating Oriental children 
 in special schools. 
 
 A very serious objection to Oriental immigrants 
 which is partly social and partly political, has to do 
 with the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of assimilat- 
 ing Asiatics. The American people is made up of a 
 conglomeration of elements coming from practically 
 every country of Europe. At first the Anglo-Saxon 
 element greatly predominated. Then great numbers of 
 Germans, and also Swedes and Norwegians in consider- 
 able numbers, settled in the United States. In most 
 cases it was young, energetic, enterprising people who 
 came to America, a very desirable class of immigrants, 
 
75 
 
 who very quickly became Americanised. Later waves 
 of immigration brought hordes of people of the Latin, 
 Greek, and Slavonic races, whose languages and institu- 
 tions were often very different from those of America. 
 Moreover, they could frequently by no means be 
 reckoned amongst the most enterprising and energetic 
 of their countrymen. They were often distinctly inferior 
 material. 
 
 How far America will be successful in absorb- 
 ing these vast numbers of immigrants from Southern 
 and Eastern Europe still remains to be seen. The task 
 is an enormous one, and it is realised that it is almost 
 hopeless to look forward to Americanising such immi- 
 grants of this type as were adults when they first landed 
 on American soil. Many of them after years of residence 
 know no language other than their native tongue, and 
 their institutions, ideas, and standards of life remain 
 practically unaffected by residence in the United States. 
 Where child immigrants are concerned, and, above all, 
 in the case of children born to immigrants after they 
 have settled in America, the task is different. The 
 common school is the great Americanising factor. It is 
 not merely that the children of immigrants learn English 
 there, and by being brought into contact with children 
 who are already Americanised thereby acquire American 
 habits and ideas by a process of imitation, but that the 
 American Constitution is taught as a subject in the 
 schools, and flag drills are regularly held so as to incul- 
 cate patriotism into the children. In schools where 
 immigrant children are few and American children 
 many, the process of assimilating the few should be 
 comparatively easy; but in schools where immigrant 
 children greatly predominate, the Americanisation of 
 
76 
 
 tlie immigrants must be very imperfect, especially if 
 their parents in their homes have remained absolutely 
 alien in their language, style of life, and thought. 
 
 At the present time there is in America a very con- 
 siderable white population which has not been assimi- 
 lated. One hears of certain classes of work being done 
 by Greeks, others by Italians, and so forth. At a big 
 copper mine near Salt Lake City I passed a whole town 
 of Very small wooden huts, in which, I was informed, the 
 Greek labourers who worked at the mine lived. It is 
 more than doubtful whether these labourers' children, 
 some of whom were playing about stark naked in pools 
 of exceedingly dirty water, will become well American- 
 ised as the result of going to a school in which they will 
 probably be the only pupils. 
 
 In New York I was struck by the prevalence of 
 a strong anti-Jewish feeling. In New York City 
 there are said to be more than a million Jews, who 
 have come from all parts of Europe, and they 
 are looked upon with anything but favour by the 
 ordinary white citizen of that town. I was told that 
 when Jews begin settling in any district of New York, 
 the value of property in such district immediately falls, 
 as other people no longer wish to live there and take 
 the first opportunity of moving away. This is the same 
 sort of phenomenon that occurs in the United States 
 when negroes descend upon any district. This anti- 
 Jewish feeling was by no means restricted to the matter 
 of residence. Educational institutions in which there 
 are a considerable number of Jews are places to be 
 avoided as far as possible by children of Christians. 
 
 The existence in the United States of various larpe 
 distinct foreign communities, Greek, Italian, Jewish, and 
 
so forth, which up to the present have not been assimi- 
 lated, constitutes a danger to American civilisation. If 
 this type of immigrant is pouring into the country at a 
 more rapid rate than the existing social organism is 
 capable of absorbing it, the necessity will probably arise 
 for a more rigorous exclusion of this class of immigrant, 
 who at best is not very desirable, until those who have 
 already settled in the country have been properly 
 assimilated. It should certainly not be impossible in 
 the course of one or two generations to assimilate 
 Greeks, Italians, Russians, Hungarians, and so forth, if 
 serious efforts are made ; but should the anti-Jewish 
 feeling continue, and, above all, should it become more 
 marked than it is at present, it is quite possible that 
 there will be a Jewish problem in the United States, just 
 as there is a negro problem. 
 
 It is necessary to understand something of the general 
 immigration problem in the United States to appreciate 
 the strong objection that is felt to Asiatic immigrants. 
 If it is difficult to assimilate the recent waves of immi- 
 grants from Southern and Eastern Europe, how mucli 
 more difficult is it, if not impossible, to assimilate 
 Orientals. In writing about Japan I have referred to 
 the barriers which make social intercourse on an equality 
 between whites and Japanese in Japan practically im- 
 possible. In many external matters the Japanese have 
 become Westernised, but their way of living, many of 
 their institutions, and their mode of thought, remain 
 thoroughly Oriental. Other races in the Orient are even 
 less Westernised than the Japanese. Opinion in America 
 is almost unanimous that Asiatic immigrants who have 
 settled there and their descendants do not become 
 Americanised. They remain Chinese and Japanese, 
 
78 
 
 just as much as the European residents in China and 
 Japan remain Europeans. I met English people in 
 Japan who had been born and brought up there — one, 
 in fact, who had actually been educated at Japanese 
 schools, a very unusual occurrence. These people can 
 talk Japanese fluently, can live a la japonaise without 
 feeling any of the discomforts which a new arrival from 
 Europe experiences when asked to squat and sleep on 
 the floor, eat Japanese food, and so forth. In spite of 
 their knowledge of Japanese and intimate acquaintance 
 with Japanese customs and manners, these people were 
 thoroughly English, and the same undoubtedly holds 
 good of Chinese and Japanese settlers in America ; they 
 are thoroughly Chinese and Japanese in spite of a good 
 knowledge of English and some adoption of an American 
 style of living. Even if they desired to become thoroughly 
 Westernised, it is very doubtful how far they or their 
 children or grandchildren would succeed, but it is very 
 probable that they have no more wish to become Occi- 
 dentals than European settlers in the East have to become 
 Orientals. The Chinese and the Japanese in America 
 constitute separate communities, of which "China- 
 town" in San Francisco is the most substantial em- 
 bodiment. There thousands of Chinese are congregated 
 together and have set up what is practically a Chinese 
 city on American soil. Since it has been rebuilt after 
 the great fire of 1904, it is said to be less Chinese in 
 appearance than previously, but the fire can hardly 
 have affected the spirit that predominates in that section 
 of San Francisco. It remains as Oriental as ever. 
 
 The other Oriental communities in America are much 
 smaller than the Chinese community in San Francisco, 
 but there is no reason to think that they are any less 
 
79 
 
 Oriental. Even a Japanese family wearing European 
 clothes and living in a farm building erected in American 
 style, isolated amongst a white population, will probably 
 remain as Japanese in spirit as some European mis- 
 sionary, wearing Chinese costume and living in a 
 Chinese house in the interior of China, hundreds of 
 miles from the nearest white man, will remain European 
 in spirit. TKe fundamental differences between Orientals 
 and Occidentals are not obliterated by the residence of 
 an Oriental in the West or of an Occidental in the East. 
 The settler may speak the language and adopt the 
 clothing and even the style of living of the country in 
 which he settles, but he still retains his racial charac- 
 teristics. He does not become truly assimilated to the 
 people of the country of his adoption. For this reason, 
 then, the Americans object to Asiatic immigrants^ The 
 settlement on the Pacific coast of large Asiatic com- 
 munities which cannot be assimilated would be both a 
 social and a political danger — social, because it would 
 be detrimental to the development of American civilisa- 
 tion ; political, because in the event of war with an 
 Oriental country the presence of a large and compact 
 body of aliens of a warlike race in their midst, might 
 easily prove very troublesome, to say the least of it. 
 
 The feeling, for one reason or another, against 
 Oriental immigration into the United States has been 
 sufficiently strong to lead to very serious restrictions 
 being imposed upon it. Asiatic immigrants of the 
 artisan class are no longer admitted. In 1882 Chinese 
 immigration was forbidden for ten years, and in 1888 the 
 exclusion was made permanent. In the case of the Japan- 
 ese who began to migrate to America in large numbers 
 after the Russo-Japanese war, this exclusion has been 
 
8o 
 
 brought about by a "gentleman's agreement" between 
 the American and Japanese Governments, the Japanese 
 preferring voluntarily to restrain their citizens from going 
 to the United States rather than see a law passed to 
 prevent Japanese from landing in America. It must be 
 very galling for a country with the political aspirations 
 of Japan — a country, too, which has secured recognition 
 as a Great Power — to see its nationals rejected as un- 
 desirables in different parts of the world. It is a constant 
 reminder of the fact that white races are not prepared to 
 treat Orientals as equals. 
 
 The restrictions on Asiatic immigrants do not apply 
 to students, and every year a certain number of young 
 Orientals arrive in America to carry on their studies. 
 The institutions generally selected are the University of 
 California at Berkeley, Cal., and Leland Stanford 
 University at Palo Alto, Cal., as these Universities are 
 most accessible to Trans-Pacific students. In past years 
 the Japanese students have commonly worked their way 
 through the Universities by doing domestic work in 
 their spare time. Since the Russo-Japanese war, how- 
 ever, many of the Japanese students have been unwilling 
 to earn money by doing domestic work, holding, appar- 
 ently, that it is undignified to act as cooks or house 
 "boys.'' To an Englishman this attitude may not be 
 incomprehensible, but it certainly does not meet with 
 approval amongst Americans. Their Universities are 
 far more democratic institutions than ours, and it is quite 
 common for white students to work their way through a 
 University. Many white students earn money or their 
 board and lodging by waiting at table and washing up the 
 crockery during term time at clubs, boarding houses, and 
 private houses. Their social standing is in no way 
 
8i 
 
 affected by doing this. I was told of students who waited 
 at six-o'clock dinner on the girls residing in a women's 
 "fraternity house," then went home and put on evening 
 dress and returned to the same "fraternity house " at eight 
 o'clock to participate in a dance, at which they would 
 doubtless dance with the girls on whom they had 
 previously waited. If white students do not consider it 
 undignified to perform domestic work, and do not suffer 
 loss of social prestige thereby, there is no reason to think 
 that Japanese students in America would suffer in any 
 way by doing the same thing. 
 
 VII. 
 
 In the case of predominantly coloured countries it 
 may seem so obvious that the attitude of the authorities 
 towards coloured immigrants should be one of laisser 
 faire as to call for no comment. As a matter of fact, 
 though there are some Governments which adopt this 
 attitude, for example, those of Hong Kong and Japan, 
 there are others which are quite paternal in their solici- 
 tude for coloured immigrants, and again others who 
 adopt a restrictive attitude similar to that of the Govern- 
 ments of certain white countries. 
 
 Ceylon is an excellent illustration of a coloured 
 country in which coloured immigrants, or at any rate 
 certain classes of coloured immigrants, are especially 
 cared for by the Government. The native Singhalese 
 are, generally speaking, not very keen about working on 
 the rubber and tea plantations, and a large amount of 
 Tamil labour is brought over from Southern India to 
 supplement the Singhalese labour. When Tamils are 
 recruited in India their debts have to be paid before they 
 
82 
 
 can leave their villages. They come over in small gangs 
 with wives, families, and other dependants, under a 
 leader ; and all money advanced to the gangs to pay off 
 debts and so forth has to be paid by the estate on which 
 they first take up work in Ceylon. These debts can 
 gradually be recovered by deductions from wages, but 
 it is laid down by law that the deduction may not exceed 
 one-half of the wage which remains after rice has been 
 purchased. A common arrangement is to make the 
 maximum deduction allowed in alternate months, so that 
 in reality the estates only recover the debts owed by 
 their coolies half as rapidly as they might do. Whilst 
 the coolies remain on an estate, it frequently happens 
 that new advances are made to them on the occasion of 
 weddings and other festivals, so that in the course of 
 time the debts tend to grow rather than diminish. When 
 a gang of coolies passes from one estate to another, the 
 new estate is supposed to take over the coolies' debts, 
 refunding to the old estate the sums due to it from the 
 coolies. This is merely by mutual arrangement amongst 
 the planters ; if a coolie leaves an estate the planter has 
 no legal claim against the coolie for money owing. In 
 this matter the law appears to be exceedingly favourable 
 to the Tamil coolies. The only thing that prevents them 
 from leaving an estate and repudiating their debts is 
 that most planters will not engage coolies from another 
 estate except by mutual arrangement with the manager 
 of that estate. 
 
 When a planter engages Tamil coolies he has to 
 provide them with quarters free, and also supply them 
 with a certain quantity of rice each week. At the end 
 of the month when the wages are paid the value of the 
 rice supplied is deducted from the wages. For this 
 
83 
 
 purpose the value of the rice is taken at cost price, or 
 less. 
 
 Tamil labour is welcomed in Ceylon, and special 
 provision is made by the Government for its welfare. 
 The position is somewhat similar with regard to Tamil 
 labour in the Straits Settlements. In that country a 
 certain amount of Javanese, and a great deal of Chinese, 
 labour is also employed. No restrictions appear to be 
 imposed on coloured immigrants. The great majority 
 of the population of Singapore is Chinese, and the same 
 is probably true of Penang. The Chinese prove them- 
 selves to be peaceable and industrious citizens; a great 
 deal of trade is in their hands, and not a few estates 
 belong to them. As coolies on plantations they work 
 harder than Javanese or Tamils, and in consequence 
 earn considerably higher wages. Many Chinese appear 
 to be permanently settled in the Straits Settlements with 
 their womenfolk, and there is quite a large number of 
 Straits-born Chinese. 
 
 Another country which has welcomed Chinese, and 
 would gladly welcome more, is British North Borneo, 
 where the supply of labour is quite inadequate for the 
 development of the country. At the present time the 
 Borneo Company is engaged in negotiations to settle a 
 considerable number of Chinese families in Borneo; so 
 that it is quite obvious that the Government desires a 
 permanent Chinese population, if such can be secured. 
 
 Of the predominantly coloured countries which have 
 adopted a restrictive attitude towards coloured immi- 
 grants I may mention three : Java, Hawaii, and the 
 Philippines. This last country I did not visit, but I 
 am referring to it, nevertheless, as I had various oppor- 
 
 P2 
 
84 
 
 tunities whilst crossing the Pacific of discussing some 
 of the problems of those islands with American officials 
 who were returning from the Philippines to the United 
 States. 
 
 In Java it is the Chinese who have aroused the 
 hostility of the Dutch authorities, and whose immigra- 
 tion is restricted as far as possible. The reason for this 
 appears to be that the Chinese settlers have been too 
 successful to please the Government. The Chinese, with 
 the thrift and capacity for business which so strongly 
 characterise them, have gradually got into their hands 
 a very large proportion of the trade of the island; a 
 great many of the shopkeepers and not a few wholesale 
 dealers are Chinese, and the natives of the island appear 
 quite unable to hold their own against them. This is 
 doubtless due very largely to the fact that they lack the 
 qualities which go to make successful traders and 
 business men, but it is also due partly to some appar- 
 ently ill-conceived paternal legislation on the part of the 
 Government. To protect natives from exploitation, the 
 authorities have enacted that debts cannot be recovered 
 from natives by legal process. As a consequence 
 European firms established in Java are unwilling to sell 
 goods to natives on credit ; to the Chinese, on the other 
 hand, they are perfectly willing to give credit, as good- 
 class Chinese traders can be absolutely relied upon to 
 pay their debts in due course. A Chinese dealer ma> 
 take the risk of according a limited amount of credit to 
 a native shopkeeper, or he may let him have goods on 
 consignment, a more cumbersome but distinctly safer 
 process. 
 
 The cause of the legislation protecting native debtors 
 from their creditors is probably to be found in another 
 
85 
 
 sphere of Chinese activity, namely, money-lending to 
 small farmers. The native landowners who borrowed 
 money from the Chinese were frequently unable to 
 repay it, and bit by bit more and more of the crops and 
 agricultural land fell into the hands of the Chinese. At 
 the present time, a very considerable proportion of the 
 rice and sugar crops is said to be controlled by the 
 Chinese. This, even more than their great hold on the 
 wholesale and retail trade of the island, tends to make 
 the Chinese unpopular. Of recent years there has been 
 a good deal of agitation against the Chinese in Java, 
 which has been conducted nominally on religious 
 grounds. The natives cannot be described as strict 
 Mohammedans, but they regard the Arabs, w^ho have 
 been at the back of the movement, with great respect as 
 being good Mohammedans. The Arabs have made use 
 of their influence to stir up anti-Chinese feeling, so as 
 to get rid of their chief competitors in trade and money- 
 lending. Amongst Europeans in Java opinion appears 
 to be unanimous that the Arabs treat the natives much 
 worse in trading and money-lending transactions than 
 the Chinese ; so that the natives would be almost sure to 
 lose and not gain if the Arabs, by working upon the 
 Mohammedan prejudices of the natives, succeeded in 
 supplanting the Chinese. 
 
 It is generally believed that the Dutch would like to 
 restrict the activities of the Japanese in Java as much as 
 they would those of the Chinese, though up to the 
 present the Japanese in Java are not nearly so numerous 
 or influential as the Chinese. They have not ventured, 
 however, to impose the same restrictions on the Japanese 
 as on the Chinese, fearing apparently that Japan would 
 not brook a minor Power placing on its citizens dis- 
 
86 
 
 abilities from which citizens of European Powers were 
 exempted. 
 
 In the Philippines it is much the same story as in 
 Java; the Chinese and the Japanese are much more 
 industrious and thrifty than the natives, and have secured 
 a strong hold on the trade and agriculture of the islands. 
 Their immigration is now prohibited unless they can 
 prove they are close relatives of Chinese and Japanese 
 already settled in the islands. Certain American lawyers 
 are said to make handsome profits out of assisting 
 would-be immigrants to prove that they possess the 
 necessary relationship to existing settlers. I was told 
 that for $500 (;^io5) practically any Chinaman could be 
 proved to be the son of some settler or other ! 
 
 In Hawaii, where Oriental Immigration is now also 
 restricted, there is a very large Japanese community 
 which is regarded with considerable mistrust by the 
 American authorities. In the case of the Japanese, both 
 in Hawaii and the Philippines, it is not so much the 
 hold on trade and agriculture which they may secure 
 that is feared, but the fact that Japan is supposed to look 
 with covetous eyes upon those islands. How much truth 
 there is in this it is impossible to say. What appears to 
 be certain is that Japan has such a very large population 
 in proportion to her available resources that it would not 
 be unnatural if she should seek new fields in which her 
 surplus population could settle under the Japanese flag. 
 First Formosa and later Korea have been incorporated 
 in the Japanese Empire, but it is quite conceivable that 
 Japan might be willing to enlarge its territory again if 
 it could secure land where there was plenty of scope for 
 agricultural development. The Philippines, which are 
 close at hand, and on which Japanese settlers have 
 
8; 
 
 prospered in the past, undoubtedly possess great attrac- 
 tions for the Japanese. The fact that the FiUpinos 
 appear to be none too capable of governing themselves, 
 and that they are neither so industrious nor so numerous 
 as not to leave plenty of scope for the Japanese, should 
 make the Philippines appear all the more attractive to 
 Japan. I cannot think that Hawaii, on the other hand, 
 with its small area and great distance from Japan, can 
 be strongly Coveted by the Japanese, unless it be for 
 naval purposes. However that may be, now that Hawaii 
 is a "Territory " of the American Union it is only natural 
 that the same policy towards Oriental immigrants should 
 be adopted there as on the mainland, although local 
 conditions may be very different. 
 
 The relationship of the United States to the Philip- 
 pines is somewhat ambiguous — the islands are neither 
 part of the Union nor an American colony. They are 
 merely "occupied'' by the Americans, who claim that 
 they will hand the islands back to the Filipinos when 
 these are fit to govern themselves. In the meanwhile 
 the Powers treat the Philippine Islands as if they were 
 American, as it is obvious that they are not independent, 
 and that the United States are responsible for the 
 government of the islands. The United States, on the 
 other hand, refuse to treat the Filipinos as American 
 citizens, as I saw for myself when some of them were 
 desirous of landing in San Francisco from the boat on 
 which I had crossed the Pacific. Whatever the exact 
 status of the Filipinos may be, it is certain that the 
 internal and external policy of the islands is directed 
 by the United States. Part of this external policy is to 
 prevent more Japanese from settling in the islands, as 
 it is clear that, should Japan seek to take over the 
 
88 
 
 Philippine Islands, the larger the Japanese community 
 in the islands the easier the task of the Japanese Govern- 
 ment would be. The belief amongst Americans that 
 Japan covets the Philippine Islands is almost universal ; 
 whether the belief is justified there is no conclusive 
 means of showing. The belief, however, is undoubtedly 
 a very important factor in determining the relationship 
 between a great white race, both at home and in the 
 predominantly coloured country which it governs, and 
 a great yellow race. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The term half-caste is used to denote a person of mixed 
 parentage, or, more vaguely, one whose ancestry is 
 partly of one colour and partly of another. When the 
 word is used without any explanation, it implies that the 
 individual referred to has a certain amount of white 
 blood in his veins, though there is no reason why the 
 offspring of a pure-blooded Chinese and a pure-blooded 
 Filipino, for example, should not be described as a half- 
 caste. In several countries, instead of using the general 
 term " half-caste," people make use of some special word 
 which indicates more accurately the parentage of the 
 individual referred to. In India the common expression 
 is ** Eurasian," which indicates a person of mixed 
 European and Asiatic parentage; generally, such a 
 person has a white father and a native mother. The 
 word " Eurasian " is one to which some opprobrium is 
 supposed to be attached, and recently in official docu- 
 ments the term "Anglo-Indian" has been substituted 
 for it. To say the least of it, this is very confusing, as 
 
89 
 
 the term "Anglo-Indian " has been used in the past, both 
 officially and in general parlance, to denote a member of 
 the English community in India, and is still so used. 
 A change in name will certainly not alter the attitude of 
 the general public towards half-castes. If public opinion 
 disapproves of half-castes, it will do so whether they are 
 described as Eurasians or as Anglo-Indians. Any op- 
 probrium which may have attached to the term 
 ** Eurasian" will sooner or later attach to the term 
 *' Anglo-Indian," if that expression comes to be generally 
 accepted as denoting a half-caste. 
 
 A particular type of half-caste in India is described 
 as a Goanese. Strictly this indicates a native of Goa, 
 the little Portuguese colony on the west coast of India. 
 In practice, it is always assumed that all natives of Goa 
 have some Portuguese blood in their veins, so that all 
 Goanese are regarded as half-castes, though ordinarily 
 they are not described as Eurasians, perhaps because 
 their European ancestry is somewhat remote. 
 
 In the Philippines the expression "Mestizo" is used 
 to denote the descendants of Spanish and Filipino 
 marriages. In South America the same term is used to 
 indicate the descendants of Spanish and American- 
 Indian marriages. In Latin America there are also two 
 other expressions in common use : "mulatto," to denote 
 the offspring of Europeans and negroes, and "quad- 
 roon," to denote the offspring of white and mulatto. 
 
 There are two diametrically opposed attitudes towards 
 half-castes which white people may adopt. Some white 
 people strongly disapprove of mixed marriages, and look 
 down upon the offspring of such marriages and relegate 
 them to a very inferior social position. Other white 
 people seem to see no drawbacks to mixed marriages. 
 
go 
 
 and treat the children of a white father and a coloured 
 mother as if they were pure white. The former attitude 
 is characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race, both in British 
 territory overseas and in the United States; the latter 
 attitude is characteristic of the Dutch in Java, and also 
 of the Spanish and Portuguese in Latin America. 
 
 The position of Eurasians in India is certainly not 
 enviable. White people refuse to have any social inter- 
 course with them, and the natives, taking their cue from 
 the whites, also look down upon them. The Eurasians, 
 on the other hand, consider themselves superior to the 
 natives, and wish to live as Europeans. As a conse- 
 quence they form a community by themselves, living 
 very frequently under wretched conditions, with little 
 or no education ; their earning capacity is no greater 
 than that of natives. A wage which is adequate to 
 support a native in comfort according to his standard 
 of life is quite insufficient to support a Eurasian in 
 European style, and thus their economic situation is 
 often one of much misery. The post office and the 
 railways provide a very fair amount of employment for 
 Eurasians, but the salaries they can earn are hardly 
 such as will enable them to live up to their aspirations. 
 
 What exactly is at the bottom of the English attitude 
 towards Eurasians it is not easy to say. It is commonly 
 held that they inherit all the vices and none of the 
 virtues of the two races from which they spring. 
 Whether this really is so, or whether their deficiencies, 
 such as they are, are due to want of education and to 
 undesirable environment, it seems difficult to say. In 
 any case, white opinion in India is practically unanimous 
 in regarding Eurasians as lacking in moral qualities. 
 Another cause of the English attitude towards Eurasians 
 
91 
 
 may be the impression that to adopt any other attitude, 
 and in any way to encourage Eurasians, would be 
 subversive to British prestige. 
 
 In their relationship to Eurasians the missionaries are 
 in a somewhat different position to those Englishmen 
 who belong to the official and commercial communities. 
 The missionaries as a whole probably sympathise with 
 the Eurasians rather more than other Englishmen and 
 do a little more to help them. There are some 
 missionaries who go as far as to approve of mixed 
 marriages, and even consider it the duty of missionaries 
 to marry native women in order to secure more influence 
 with the natives, and convince them that they are 
 prepared to treat them as equals. I was told of one 
 young Oxford man who had recently married the 
 daughter of a native clergyman, but the missionaries who 
 mentioned the case were rather dubious about it and 
 seemed to regard it as ill-advised. My impression was 
 that the missionaries who advocate mixed marriages are 
 very much the exception. 
 
 The general attitude of missionaries towards 
 Eurasians I should describe as one of sympathetic 
 neutrality. The missionaries realise how miserable 
 is the position of many of the Eurasians, and in 
 one or two cases they have established schools in 
 which a very limited number of Eurasian children 
 receive an elementary education. With few exceptions, 
 however, they devote their efforts almost exclusively to 
 the natives, presumably because the funds subscribed 
 at home are earmarked for the education and con- 
 version, when possible, of Hindus and Mohammedans; 
 the home supporters of missions apparently hold that 
 the Eurasians, who are at least nominally Christians in 
 
92 
 
 many cases, do not require assistance. During my 
 travels I visited various secondary schools and colleges 
 conducted by missions of different denominations, and I 
 was much struck by the efforts being made to educate 
 young Hindus. Most of the pupils and students 
 belonged to the higher castes, especially to the Brahmin 
 caste. I was informed that these Brahmin youths 
 generally win the Scripture prizes, but practically never 
 became converts to Christianity. To anyone who is 
 unacquainted with the whys and wherefores of mis- 
 sionary policy, the sight of missionary funds being 
 lavished on educating natives with no real prospect of 
 converting them, whilst youths who are of partially 
 white descent and not supposed to be heathen are largely, 
 if not entirely, neglected, is somewhat incomprehensible. 
 To the outsider, the Eurasian youth appears to stand 
 in more need of education than the Brahmin youth, and 
 to be more deserving of the gifts of the charitable. 
 
 In referring to the negro problem in the United States 
 it was mentioned that intermarriage between whites and 
 blacks is in many States a criminal offence„ Neverthe- 
 less, there are a good many so-called negroes whose 
 ancestry is partially white. These half-castes do not 
 constitute a class by themselves as in India, but are 
 treated as forming part of the negro community. It has 
 already been stated that the general level of mental 
 capacity amongst the negroes is low; when any "negro'' 
 shows unusual mental capacity it is commonly held to 
 be a sure indication that he has some white blood in 
 his veins, though whether this really is so in any 
 particular case it is often impossible to establish beyond 
 doubt. Of certain leaders amongst the negroes it is 
 often disputed whether or not they are pure-blooded 
 
93 
 
 blacks, the negro community maintaining that they are, 
 and the white community that they are not. The dispute 
 may have some bearing on the general negro problem 
 as raising the question of the possibility of pure-blooded 
 negroes attaining considerable intellectual development, 
 but it does not affect the attitude of white American 
 citizens towards half-castes : the relationship between 
 whites and the offspring of mixed marriages and their 
 descendants, is exactly the same as that between whites 
 and negroes. 
 
 Coming direct from India and Ceylon I was par- 
 ticularly struck by the attitude of the Dutch towards 
 half-castes in Java. There the tawny offspring of Dutch 
 fathers and Javanese mothers are treated as whites. 
 Mixed marriages are not discouraged, and every Dutch 
 soldier in the colonial service appears to have a Javanese 
 concubine if not a wife. The barracks are described as 
 great nurseries ! I visited the chief secondary school in 
 Batavia and found the pupils to be boys and girls of 
 every shade of colour from white to brown — pure-blooded 
 Dutch, Chinese and Javanese, and the offspring of Dutch 
 and Javanese, and of Chinese and Javanese marriages, 
 sitting side by side in the same class room. It does not 
 appear to have been the original intention of the authori- 
 ties that the pupils at this school should be quite so varie- 
 gated ; no colour bar was established, but the school was 
 erected someway out of Batavia, and the requirement was 
 laid down that every child on entering the school should 
 have an adequate knowledge of Dutch. This, it was 
 thought, would restrict the school to better-class Dutch 
 and Dutch half-castes whose parents would be in a 
 position to have their children driven to and from school. 
 The opening of a steam tram from the town past the 
 
94 
 
 school, and the increasing facilities for well-to-do 
 coloured people to have their children instructed in 
 Dutch, has rendered the school a great deal more 
 accessible than was originally intended; which, I 
 gathered, is not at all to the liking of many Dutch 
 parents. 
 
 It is not merely the Dutch in the lower scales of 
 society who marry Javanese women ; quite a number of 
 Dutchmen in good positions have Javanese wives. This 
 was probably more common formerly, when Dutch 
 settlers remained out many years before returning to 
 Europe on leave, than it is to-day, now that the years of 
 service before home leave can be obtained have been 
 reduced. But even to-day the Dutch in Java visit 
 Holland at less frequent intervals than do the English 
 in India visit England, and this tends to encourage 
 mixed marriages. Once a Dutchman has contracted 
 such a marriage the ties which hold him to Java are 
 strengthened, whilst those which hold him to Holland 
 are correspondingly weakened. Java tends to become 
 his permanent home, and the desire to return to Holland, 
 even on a visit, is considerably diminished. Thus, owing 
 to intermarriages there are numerous permanent Dutch 
 settlers in Java. Their children may go to Holland for 
 a few years to obtain a university education which they 
 cannot secure in Java, but these half-castes look upon 
 Java, and not Holland, as their home. It is commonly 
 said that these half-castes are one cause of the growing 
 unrest in Java, as they feel that could they but get rid 
 of the Dutch the government would fall into their hands, 
 and not those of the Javanese, whose superiors they 
 undoubtedly are in the matter of education. The 
 position in the Philippines is said to be very similiar — 
 
95 
 
 it is the mestizos, the descendants of Spanish-Filipino 
 marriages, who agitate so strongly for the immediate 
 withdrawal of the Americans, as they feel that, in such 
 a case, they would have even more opportunities of 
 exploiting the Filipinos than they had in the old days 
 under the Spanish regime. 
 
 It would be a mistake to suppose that all the offspring 
 of mixed marriages remain in Java. In som.e cases the 
 fathers decide to return to Holland when their service in 
 the Indies has finished. The children are taken over 
 and settled in Europe. In due course many of them 
 marry there, and a strain of Javanese blood must be 
 widely diffused in Holland. One Englishman I met 
 in Java expressed the opinion that practically every 
 Dutchman and Dutchwoman was "touched with a tar- 
 brush," and that for an Englishman to marry a Dutch- 
 woman was a very risky experiment, as a child of the 
 marriage might closely resemble some dusky ancestor. 
 The Englishman doubtlessly exaggerated the extent to 
 which Javanese blood has permeated the Dutch 
 people, but the sentiments to which he gave expression, 
 even if rather crude, were characteristic of the English 
 attitude towards mixed marriages. 
 
 In Holland the fact that a man has some coloured 
 ancestors appears to constitute no bar to his pro- 
 gress; one of the most recent Governor-Generals 
 of the Dutch Indies was a half-caste ! To English 
 people the idea of a Eurasian being appointed 
 Viceroy to preside over the destinies of British 
 India must be almost inconceivable ; that the correspond- 
 ing position in the Dutch Indies has actually been filled 
 by a half-caste, clearly emphasises how utterly different 
 is the Anglo-Saxon from the Dutch attitude towards 
 
96 
 
 persons whose ancestry is partly of one colour and partly 
 of another. The Dutch are not alone in their attitude ; 
 the Spanish and Portuguese undoubtedly share it. 
 Possibly race-prejudice is greater amongst the Anglo- 
 Saxons than amongst the Dutch; possibly instincts of 
 race-preservation are more strongly developed amongst 
 the former than amongst the latter; possibly economic 
 circumstances have played an important part ; but what- 
 ever the reasons may be, there can be no doubt that the 
 Anglo-Saxon and the Dutch attitudes towards half-castes 
 are diametrically opposed. It is difficult to say which 
 attitude is morally the more correct, though there is some 
 reason for thinking that politically the Anglo-Saxon 
 attitude is sounder. 
 
 IX. 
 
 In the limited space at my disposal my treatment of 
 coloured problems is necessarily very inadequate ; many 
 points which are barely touched upon are deserving of 
 much greater elaboration. The importance of colour 
 problems cannot easily be exaggerated; the relation of 
 the Colonial Powers to their subject-races, and the 
 attitude of the white races to the Chinese and the 
 Japanese, both in the Far East and in those white 
 countries whose shores are washed by the Pacific Ocean, 
 raise questions of world-wide interest. A very consider- 
 able change in the situation has been wrought by the 
 Russo-Japanese war. Of the full effects of the war it 
 is impossible to judge at present. The Japanese have 
 doubtless been greatly influenced by their success, 
 though the sense of elation which followed their great 
 military and naval victories has now considerably sub- 
 
97 
 
 sided. The enormous financial burden involved on a 
 naturally poor country discharging heavy liabilities 
 incurred during the war, and trying to live up to the 
 standard of a Great Power, cannot have failed to have a 
 depressing effect on the Japanese expansion movement. 
 Nevertheless, the fact remains that the Japanese are a 
 good deal more aggressive to-day, both in the spheres of 
 commerce and politics, than they were before the war. 
 
 The Japanese, however, were not the only coloured 
 people affected by the result of the war. In China the 
 movement in favour of Westernisation has received a 
 considerable impulse, but it does not appear to have made 
 much real headway. China is a continent in itself, with 
 numerous countries, populated by various peoples, 
 speaking different languages and animated by unlike 
 ideals within its borders. The hold of the central 
 authorities in Peking over the whole country is compara- 
 tively weak, and these authorities are not in a position 
 to impose their will on the whole population, as the 
 Imperial Government at Tokyo is in the case of Japan. 
 A rapid evolution of China comparable to that of Japan 
 is almost inconceivable. The Chinese appear to be 
 largely lacking in the martial ardour which characterises 
 the Japanese and which makes a military despotism 
 possible. 
 
 If the Russo-Japanese war has had no serious conse- 
 quences for the Western Powers as far as China is 
 concerned, the position is very different in some of the 
 colonial dependencies of these Powers. It is certain that 
 in consequence of the war the prestige of the white races 
 has been considerably shaken in the eyes of all coloured 
 races, and that the spirit of unrest amongst the subject 
 coloured populations has increased. The Japanese have 
 
98 
 
 shown them that a coloured race can, not merely oppose 
 a white race, but oppose it successfully, and they do not 
 see why they should not do likewise. The position of 
 the dependent coloured races is quite different from that 
 of the Japanese; but that very likely they do not realise. 
 
 In this country colour problems do not appear to 
 receive the attention they deserve. From time to time 
 some phase of the colour question comes into the lime- 
 light, and the general public is aroused by the attempted 
 assassination of a British official in India, or by the 
 treatment of Indians in South Africa, or by a speech 
 of a British General in New Zealand on the danger 
 arising from the immigration of rice-eating people, or 
 by the refusal to allow certain Hindus to land in British 
 Columbia and the subsequent hunger-strike of the 
 would-be immigrants, or by the lynching of a negro in 
 the Southern States, or by the rumours of a rupture 
 betw^een the United States and Japan in connection with 
 the anti-Japanese legislation in California. Each case 
 as it occurs is treated as an isolated problem ; no attempt 
 is made to understand the relationship it bears to other 
 colour problems ; after a few days the newspapers cease 
 to report the case any more, and then all interest in it 
 dies down. 
 
 The reader may, not unreasonably, ask what con- 
 clusions I draw as a result of my brief survey of some 
 aspects of the colour question. My answer may seem 
 unsatisfactory, but I am afraid it is the only one which 
 I can give : the various colour problems are not merely 
 unsolved at the present time, but appear to be insoluble. 
 For the moment a sort of modus vivendi may exist, but 
 the frequent outbreaks of friction between the various 
 races concerned show that it is far from meeting with 
 
99 
 
 universal approval, and that its duration is likely to be 
 limited. The old idea was that a final settlement of the 
 colour question could be found in a permanent domin- 
 ance of the white over the coloured races. This idea 
 received its first set-back when the negroes in the United 
 States were granted equal political rights with the white 
 population by the amendment of the Constitution after 
 the Civil War. It received a second and much more 
 serious set-back when the Japanese secured recognition 
 as a Minor Power in 1899, and as a Great Power in 1905 
 after their successful war with Russia. Once the process 
 of modifying the modus vivendi has begun, it is impos- 
 sible to foresee at what point it is going to stop ; sooner 
 or later the clash of colour and racial interests may easily 
 prove to be a dominant factor in the world's history. 
 
PRINTED FOR THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PRESS, LTD., 
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