SUVOROFF 
 
 BY 
 
 LlEUT.-COLONEL SPALDING, 
 
 LONDON CHAPMAN AND HALL 
 
 LIMITED. 
 
 1890. 
 \_All nA/j reserved. \
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, LIMITED, 
 ST. JOHN'S HOUSE, CLERKENWELL ROAD.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. PAGE 
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 FIRST POLISH WAR 12 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR 38 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 STEPPE WARFARE . . .55 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR 72 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 SECOND POLISH WAR .106 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA 126 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 THE BATTLE OF Novi 163 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 SWITZERLAND 188 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 CONCLUSION . 212
 
 SUVOBOFF. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 
 
 ALEXANDER SUVOROFF was born in Moscow on the 
 24th November, 1729, in the same year as his great 
 benefactress the Empress Catherine. His family was 
 of Swedish extraction. In 1622 one Suvor crossed 
 the Baltic and, settling in Northern Russia, left descen- 
 dants who became faithful subjects of the Czars. 
 Basil Suvoroff, his father, likewise a soldier, attained the 
 grade of general and the dignity of senator. He was, 
 it appears, well-educated for those times, having actually 
 translated Vauban's works into Russian. He lived 
 during Suvoroff's childhood in retirement, either at 
 Moscow or at the family estate at Rojdestveno in its 
 vicinity. It was the reign of the Empress Anne, whose 
 minister and favourite, the notorious Biron, gradually 
 drove all Russians from office in favour of his German 
 countrymen. Fortunate were they who, forgotten in 
 the obscurity of exile, escaped persecution. Basil 
 Suvoroff was among the number, and employed his 
 leisure on the education of his son. On the accession of 
 
 B
 
 2 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Elizabeth, however, he was restored to active employ- 
 ment, and occupied important posts during the Seven 
 Years' War. Young Sasha (or Sandy) being a sickly 
 child and of small stature, was destined for a civil career. 
 In those days it was customary to enroll children of 
 noble parents in regiments as privates generally in 
 the Guards and frequently at their very birth ; thus 
 when they were old enough to join they had become 
 officers. This was not done in Sasha's case for the 
 above reason ; so he had to join as private and work 
 through all the military grades. This placed him at a 
 disadvantage, in one respect, but the completeness of 
 his professional knowledge was due to the circum- 
 stance. 
 
 Notwithstanding physical frailty, Sasha burned with 
 martial ardour. Bodily defects he tried to remedy by 
 continual exercise and exposure to hardship. The 
 tedious leisure hours of country life were devoted to 
 military history and the memoirs of great commanders. 
 Plutarch, Quintus Curtius, Cornelius Nepos, and Caesar 
 were his favourite authors. His model hero, however, 
 was Charles XI I., to whose character his own bore some 
 resemblance ; though the prudence which tempered his 
 valour might seem foreshadowed by his partiality for 
 the campaigns of Montecuccoli. Nor was his attention 
 monopolized by military subjects, for he is said to have 
 perused the philosophical writings of the day. He was 
 a good linguist, or he could not, in that age, have been 
 an extensive reader ; for the day of Russian literature, 
 had not yet dawned. He read French, German, Polish, 
 and Italian in youth, acquired other tongues subse- 
 quently, and still more remarkable accomplishment in
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 3 
 
 those days he spoke and wrote his native Russian with 
 elegance and propriety. But the father grew discon- 
 tented with his studious son, being of opinion that he 
 spent too much time in his chamber, poring over books 
 and maps, for he rarely appeared in the family circle. 
 
 Sasha was now twelve years old and the question had 
 to be decided : Was he to be a soldier ? The father 
 adhered to his own views ; but the son was obstinately 
 bent on a military career. And thus the point was 
 decided. An old comrade of the father's, a General 
 " Hannibal," resided in the neighbourhood. He was a 
 negro ; had been carried off from the shores of Africa in 
 childhood and purchased in the slave-market in Con- 
 stantinople by the Russian ambassador, who sent him 
 as a present to Peter the Great. The Czar caused him 
 to be baptized " Hannibal," educated in France, and 
 placed in the Russian army, in which he attained the 
 rank of general, dying at the ripe old age of ninety-two. 
 One day this dusky warrior, calling on the elder 
 Suvoroff, heard him complain about Sasha's unsociable 
 behaviour. " Where is he ?" asked Hannibal, " I will 
 go speak to him." " Up in his bedroom as usual," 
 replied the father. Hannibal soon discovered the 
 culprit amid maps, classical authors, histories, and 
 biographies ; but was so charmed with the evidence of 
 precocious talent which was thus afforded, that he inter- 
 ceded with Suvoroff, and finally persuaded him to allow 
 Sasha to pursue the career of his choice.* 
 
 In 1741 then, at twelve years of age, young Sasha was 
 
 * Hannibal was a maternal ancestor of Pushkin's. The poet's 
 features bear witness to his Moorish descent. 
 
 B 2
 
 4 SUVOROFF. 
 
 enrolled in the Simeonowsky regiment of Guards, and 
 during the five ensuing years was instructed in the mili- 
 tary profession under his father's roof and supervision. 
 At the expiration of this term, that is, at the age of 
 seventeen, he joined his regiment as a private, and, we are 
 informed, performed the duties of that humble rank in 
 an exemplary manner. Such was his zeal that he 
 cleaned his arms and accoutrements with his own hands, 
 instead of employing a batman, as custom permitted. 
 True, he did not reside in barracks, but outside that he 
 might prosecute his studies undisturbed ; yet he loved 
 their precincts and mixed freely with the soldiery, among 
 whom he spe'edily became a favourite. Passionately 
 fond of drill, he would persuade his comrades to do a 
 little privately "just to oblige him." The character of 
 the man was foreshadowed in the conduct of the youth. 
 He affected a laconic style in speech and correspon- 
 dence ; would reply to importunate interrogators, 
 " Ucheess" or " Find out ;" and here is a specimen of his 
 correspondence with his father : " Hail, I am serving 
 and studying. Alexander Suvoroff." His comrades 
 looked upon him as a cJmddk, or " oddity ; " and not 
 unnaturally. For, when taunted with unsociability, he 
 used to retort that he could not abandon old friends for 
 new. His old friends were Quintus Curtius, Caesar, and 
 the rest. Persistent in study, he not only learnt the 
 army regulations by heart, and hammered away at drill, 
 but obtained moral influence over his fellows main- 
 spring of his power in after years. These early pecu- 
 liarities deserve notice, as bearing on the question : To 
 what extent were they adopted for a purpose, and how 
 far the result of individual temperament ?
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 5 
 
 A piece of luck soon befell this " oddity." When on 
 sentry at Monplaisir, a kind of summer pavilion by the 
 sea-shore at Peterhof, he attracted the notice of the 
 Empress Elizabeth. Promenading in the gardens, she 
 passed his post, when the young soldier saluted so 
 smartly that the imperial lady, in spite of his low 
 stature," was struck by his appearance and inquired his 
 name, on learning which she exhorted him to become 
 as good a soldier as his father before him, and presented 
 him with a silver rouble. But the young sentry replied 
 that it was against orders to accept money when on 
 duty. Whereupon she, "patting him on the cheek," 
 exclaimed : " Ah, my fine fellow you know your duty," 
 placed the coin on the ground, and told him to pick it 
 up when relieved. In this he did not fail, nor to preserve 
 it with veneration to the end of his days. About this 
 time he essayed composition, made verses, and contri- 
 buted to the only periodical his country then boasted. 
 His article was entitled " Conversations in the Realms 
 of the Dead," and being signed with the initial S., was 
 attributed to Sumarokoff, then considered a literary 
 master, and it was in consequence extravagantly lauded. 
 Alexander the Great is represented as exhorting Hero- 
 stratus to observe the difference between true glory and 
 an insane desire for notoriety. Montezuma inculcates 
 on Herman Cortes that " mercy is indispensable to the 
 character of a hero." 
 
 Not till 1754 was Suvoroff, being then twenty-five 
 years of age, promoted lieutenant in a marching regi- 
 ment. His advancement was thus slow at first in com- 
 parison with luckier contemporaries. Yet fortune not 
 unfrequently redresses her wrongs with extreme rapidity,
 
 6 SUVOROFF. 
 
 and in 1757, three years after his first commission, we 
 find him a lieutenant-colonel. It was the second of the 
 Seven Years' War, and he was appointed commandant 
 of Memel, an important post on the Russian line of 
 communications. His uncommon educational attain- 
 ments procured him the post, but, his duties being, 
 chiefly connected with supply, his impatience whilst 
 the echoes of the cannon of Gross Jagerndorf and 
 Zorndorf were resounding through Europe may be 
 conceived. In the end his reiterated prayer was 
 granted, and in the summer of 1759 he joined Sol- 
 tikoffs army on the eve of the battle of Kuners- 
 dorf. He was attached to the staff of General Fermor, 
 commanding the right wing of the Russians, and greatly 
 distinguished himself during the action. He was 
 even charged with that offence to which staff officers are 
 said to be prone excess of zeal in leading the troops, 
 and defrauding their regimental comrades of the laurels 
 which are their due. The assertion may well be true, 
 for the conflict was obstinate and tumultuous, while 
 Suvoroff s nature was pushing and impetuous. But the 
 Russian army has always been under-officered ; there 
 is room for all, and possibly no ill blood was stirred on 
 the occasion. His conduct won him the admiration of 
 Fermor, which was heightened by his abrupt excla- 
 mation when the Prussians broke and fled, " To Berlin ! 
 to Berlin ! there is the kernel of the nut which has 
 broken our teeth !" But this great victory was barren 
 of result. The following year, however, he tasted the 
 satisfaction which was then denied him by accompanying 
 the force which occupied the Prussian capital. 
 
 In 1761 Suvoroff 's abilities became conspicuous in what
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. ^ 
 
 are termed the minor operations of war. Near Reichen- 
 bach he defeated Frederic's advance-guard under General 
 Knobloch, and since then was almost continuously 
 employed at the outposts. The Russian General had 
 found his man, and SuvorofFs rank was not yet so 
 exalted as to expose him to jealousy ; but his exploits 
 were all confined to partisan warfare, and history as a 
 rule is oblivious of such details, which live alone in the 
 memories of friends and biographers. They escape the 
 chronicler's eye and are quickly lost in the great current 
 of events. Perhaps his most brilliant deed of arms was 
 at Landsberg, on the Wartha. When SoltikofFs suc- 
 cessor, Buturlin, abandoned his Austrian allies before 
 Bunzelwitz and retired across the Oder, Frederic des- 
 patched 10,000 men under Platen to pass round the left 
 of the Russians, destroy their magazines on the Polish 
 frontier and proceed to the relief of Kolberg, which was 
 besieged by a Russian army under Rumantzoff.* 
 Though Platen had the start by two days, Buturlin, 
 informed of his movements, hurried off a force under 
 General Berg to protect his communications. Suvoroff 
 was placed in command of the advance-guard, and 
 though the Prussians destroyed a reserve column of 
 supplies, he cut them off from the great depot of Posen, 
 intercepting them by forced marches, and blocking their 
 further advance. Platen then directed his march towards 
 Pomerania by the left bank of the Wartha, followed by 
 the Russians on the right. Suvoroff, aware that the 
 enemy must cross the river by the bridge of Landsberg, 
 decided on opposing his passage with a hundred 
 
 * Commonly misspelt " Romanzoff."
 
 8 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Cossacks. He swam the Netze at Driesen and at dawn 
 appeared before Landsberg, having marched thirty miles 
 during the night. Having captured some Prussian 
 hussars who were posted in the town, he demolished the 
 bridge before the enemy appeared on the opposite bank. 
 Platen had to effect the passage in boats and the delay 
 thus occasioned enabled the Russians to overtake him. 
 The importance of this movement becomes apparent 
 when we consider that the Russians, marching by the 
 right bank of the Wartha, described an arc, while their 
 opponents traversed its chord. Near Arnswald, during 
 a tempest, Suvoroff lost his way at night in a wood, 
 having no escort but two Cossacks. Wandering at 
 haphazard, he stumbled on the pickets of a Prussian 
 foraging party under Colonel De la Motte Courbi&re. 
 Without losing his presence of mind he marked the 
 spot, reconnoitered its approaches and turning his horse's 
 head in the opposite direction, soon found himself in the 
 midst of his troops, whom, without a moment's loss of 
 time, he led forth in quest of the enemy. His Cossacks 
 were routed by the Prussian hussars, but rallying them 
 he not only put to flight the enemy's horse, but charging 
 their infantry, broke their squares and compelled them 
 to lay down their arms. At the conclusion of the 
 campaign General Berg thus recorded his opinion : 
 " Suvoroff is rapid and daring in reconnaissance, bold in 
 action, and he never loses his presence of mind." 
 
 " Gentlemen, remember that success of war depends 
 on three things : a correct eye, rapidity, and dash'' Such 
 was the maxim which Suvoroff habitually impressed on 
 the minds of his subordinates. Steadfastly adhering 
 thereto through a career which was never tarnished by
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 9 
 
 defeat, though in the face of greatly superior numbers, 
 the uninterrupted success which he enjoyed begets a 
 curiosity regarding those moral qualities which render 
 their possessor capable of deeds beyond the reach 
 of ordinary men. Suvoroff executed no elaborate 
 manoeuvres. Reaching the scene of action, he detected 
 the enemy's weak point instantaneously, and directed 
 the attack without a moment's vacillation. Such prompt 
 decision has the air of inspiration, engenders equal con- 
 fidence in others and prepares the victory. Hence the 
 braggart spirit he displays, which as we proceed grows 
 in intensity. He boasts he knows not the meaning of 
 "retreat, fatigue, hunger, cold," himself being physically 
 so feeble as to bend under the weight of his own sabre. 
 But, seeing how carefully he studied the Russian soldiers, 
 and the unbounded influence he possessed over them, 
 we may safely assume that this style of address was 
 calculated to arouse the dormant heroism of their breasts. 
 It was, in fact a stratagem of war. 
 
 His activity was now brought to a temporary standstill. 
 On the 5th of January, 1762, the Empress Elizabeth 
 expired, and was succeeded by Peter III., her nephew. 
 Notorious is the partiality which this prince entertained 
 for the Great Frederic, with the consequent court 
 intrigues which, combined with the ill-health of the late 
 Empress, had trammelled the action of the Russian 
 armies during the war. Peter not only made peace but 
 common cause with the Prussian sovereign, and his troops 
 were actually seen 'ranged under the banners which 
 shortly before had been the foe's. But the interlude 
 was brief. In July of the same year he perished, and 
 was succeeded by his consort, the able Catherine, who
 
 io SUVOROFF. 
 
 forthwith ordered her troops' return home. Russia with- 
 drew from further participation in the war, and Suvoroff, 
 was fortunate enough to be selected to carry to the 
 Empress the despatches which acknowledged the receipt 
 of her orders. He was graciously received by Catherine, 
 who possessed that rare endowment so indispensable for 
 a ruler of mankind, the faculty of selecting talent from 
 the mass of mediocrity. Promoted Colonel, he received 
 command of the Astrakhan Grenadiers, but was soon 
 after transferred to the Soozdal Regiment then quar- 
 tered at Ladoga. 
 
 Six uneventful years of peace and the dull round of 
 regimental duty ensued, their monotony relieved only 
 by an occasional field-day at Tsarskoe Selo. Here, on 
 one occasion, the Empress, then in her prime, appeared 
 at the head of 30,000 men, attired in the uniform of the 
 Preobrajensky Guards, and to Suvoroff and his regiment 
 was entrusted the guard of her person. This tranquil 
 interval was, we are assured, turned to excellent account, 
 for rarely did Suvoroff, though in the field, pass a day 
 without devoting a portion of it to reading. Now and 
 then he enlivened the monotony of existence by freaks 
 such as the following : On the march to Petersburg 
 with his regiment he passed by a monastery a building 
 which, in Russia, closely resembles a fortress when sud- 
 denly, and as by inspiration, forming columns of attack, 
 he advanced at the double, and storming the walls, his 
 men swarmed in, to the horror and confusion of its 
 peaceful inmates. The superior laid his complaints at 
 the feet of the Empress, who merely remarked with a 
 smile: "Never mind Suvoroff. I understand him." 
 Such proceedings, it is true, familiarized his men with
 
 CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH. 11 
 
 the possibilities of war; but his object lay deeper. Aware 
 that talents, however great, may languish for ever in 
 obscurity unless brought into prominence by adventitious 
 means, he resolved at all hazards to mark himself off 
 from the common herd. To rivet the attention of man- 
 kind and the Empress, from whom proceeded all good 
 things, he had neither riches, good looks, nor exalted 
 birth. He assumed the part of a buffoon to captivate 
 the public gaze. It was consistently played out and by 
 force of habit became a second nature to him.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 
 
 IN the year 1768 troubles in Poland interrupted the dull 
 monotony of Suvoroff's garrison life. Before following 
 his career in that country a brief summary of the events 
 which led to its First Partition seems needful. 
 
 The fall of Poland maybe traced to the fact that while 
 the various States of Europe were gradually emerging 
 from mediaeval anarchy through the consolidation of 
 the royal power, that kingdom was undergoing a con- 
 trary process the nobility were constantly encroaching 
 on the rights of the Crown. Scotland and Sweden en- 
 dured the miseries of feudal tyranny till late in the six- 
 teenth century, but Poland had not freed herself from 
 them late in the eighteenth. Commerce being carried 
 on by the Jews, she possessed no middle class to whom 
 the Crown might look for support against the aristocracy; 
 and thus she became in the end a pure oligarchy, in 
 which king and people were alike powerless. In the 
 days when she was great her monarchs enjoyed absolute 
 authority; but the dynasty of the half-mythical Piasts 
 became extinct A.D. 1370, in the person of Casimir the 
 Great, who was succeeded by their representative in the 
 female line, Lewis L, King of Hungary, a descendant of 
 Charles of Anjou, the conqueror of Naples. The nobility
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 13 
 
 seized the occasion to extort the pacta conventa from the 
 Crown, the provisions of which still further reduced its 
 prerogatives ; while, to purchase the succession of his 
 daughter to the throne, the newly-elected king added 
 still more ample concessions. The hereditary principle 
 was rudely shaken by these transactions, nor was the 
 monarchy long in becoming purely elective. Lewis was, 
 according to his wish, succeeded in this Polish throne by 
 Hedwig, his daughter, who was wedded to Jagailo, or 
 Jagellon, Grand Prince of Lithuania, the founder of the 
 dynasty which in history commemorates his name. 
 When Russia lay prostrate beneath the Tartar yoke, 
 Lithuania, under the conqueror Gedimin, had made 
 extensive acquisitions at the expense of her neighbour, 
 and these provinces, united to Poland personally under 
 Jagellon, but subsequently by a legal compact (1569), 
 became in course of time the subject of renewed con- 
 tention. For Russia, waxing powerful under the steady 
 and uniform despotism of her Tsars, longed to recover 
 the territory which had been snatched from her in the 
 day of adversity ; whilst the increasing weakness and 
 anarchy of Poland formed a standing temptation for her 
 to gratify these desires. Sigismund of Sweden, grandson 
 of the famous Gustavus Vasa, followed, after the brief 
 but glorious interlude of Stephen Bathori's reign,* the 
 last of the Jagellons upon the throne ; but, in 1668, his 
 son, John Casimir, abdicated it in despair, after fore- 
 telling the ruin which intestine commotion would bring 
 upon his country. Each demise of the Crown was 
 
 * That of Henrylof Valois can hardly be reckoned as such.
 
 i 4 SUVOROFF. 
 
 made the pretext for renewed encroachment on its 
 authority ; till, at last, the highest bidder among the 
 neighbouring potentates secured the coveted prize by 
 corrupting the most influential among the nobility; for 
 its possession by a foreign ruler enabled him to intrigue 
 for the ruin of the country. The glorious annals of the 
 reign of John Sobieski formed a brilliant episode amid 
 the ever-thickening gloom which gathered round the 
 destinies of Poland, but the Saxon dynasty which 
 followed him laid her bound hand and foot at the feet of 
 Russia, who henceforward nominated her candidates for, 
 and carried through their election to, the regal dignity. 
 In 1764 Catherine II. caused her favourite, Stanislas 
 Poniatowski, to be chosen king. Yet the epoch of 
 Russian interference had but commenced. The Empress, 
 possessing a pliant tool in her nominee king, soon dis- 
 covered a plausible pretext for intervention in the 
 question of religious freedom. The doctrines of the 
 Reformation had found a ready and wide acceptance 
 among the Polish nobility, though the wealth and 
 influence of the Church remained in the hands of the 
 priesthood of the ancient faith, a circumstance which 
 soon led to repudiation of the tolerance which had been 
 guaranteed to the Dissidents on the accession of Henry 
 ofValoisin 1573- The Jesuits, who infested the land, 
 used this advantage so skilfully, that in brief space they 
 managed to effect the exclusion of Dissidents from all 
 public employ. Crying grievances such as these 
 Catherine resolved to turn to account. She instructed 
 her envoy at the Court of Stanislas to demand the repeal 
 of the obnoxious edict of exclusion, but, though sup- 
 ported in this step by the Protestant Powers, Repnin, as
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 15 
 
 Catherine from the first anticipated, met with a decided 
 refusal from the Diet, who were instigated thereto by the 
 clergy. Armed confederacies the constitution sanc- 
 tioned these as lawful means of expressing discontent 
 with the executive assembled to enforce the rights of 
 the Dissidents All of them there were about two 
 hundred coalesced at Radom under the leadership of 
 the notorious Prince Charles Radzivill, a Lithuanian 
 magnate of immense wealth and a personal enemy of 
 the King's. But Repnin having in the meantime 
 bullied the Diet into acquiescence with his demands, a 
 new confederacy forthwith assembled at Bar, in Podolia, 
 which pronounced the deposition of Stanislas for con- 
 ceding those very liberties on which they themselves had 
 not long ago so loudly insisted. Unable to suppress 
 with his own unaided forces so formidable an insurrec- 
 tion, the King appealed to Catherine for assistance, and, 
 as may be conceived, his request met with joyful com- 
 pliance. The Confederates of Bar were declared rebels 
 by royal proclamation, while the Empress quietly 
 prepared to set her forces in motion. In the winter of 
 1768 a division was concentrated at Smolensk, then 
 close to the frontier of Poland, and placed under the 
 orders of General Nummers, in readiness to take the 
 field with the advent of spring. The Soozdal regiment 
 under Suvoroff was among those which were ordered to 
 that town, where its chief was placed in command of a 
 brigade with the corresponding rank. Having performed 
 the march from Ladoga to Smolensk, a distance of 500 
 miles in thirty days, he arrived at the rendezvous a 
 whole month earlier than expected. Nevertheless, 
 during the interval he found time to instruct his men in
 
 1 6 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the various duties connected with actual warfare, even 
 target practice, although he constantly exhorted them to 
 trust to the bayonet. " The bullet is a hag, the bayonet 
 a hero," was his favourite saying. On the march he was 
 ever beside the column cracking jokes with the men, and 
 diverting them by curious antics. His system would 
 have struck the strick martinet with dismay. There 
 were no halts made to allow the rear of the column to 
 "close up." "The head must not wait for the tail," was 
 a maxim which he constantly followed during the 
 irregular warfare which engaged him for many years to 
 come. " Stragglers," he averred, " were good riddance ; 
 the best men kept up ; time was worth more than 
 numbers." Yet he could adapt his methods to circum- 
 stances. At this period the forces he directed were 
 numerically weak and the inconveniences of such a 
 system were not much felt. Essen, the Saxon envoy at 
 Warsaw, estimated the Russian troops then in Poland at 
 15,000, but added that they gave themselves out as 
 double that strength to conceal their weakness. Leaving 
 Suvoroff at Smolensk diligently employing the winter 
 months in the instruction of his brigade, let us glance 
 at the theatre of war in which he is about to act. 
 Poland (the name probably derived from the Slavonic 
 polie\ a plain or field) consists of one vast plain which 
 extends from the shores of the Baltic to the base of the 
 Carpathian mountains. Lying but little below the 
 level of the sea, it must have been submerged beneath 
 it at no remote period, since fragments of boats have 
 been found imbedded in the earth very far inland. 
 Consequently, marshes abound ; the rivers and streams 
 are broad, sluggish, and deep; while extensive woods of
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 17 
 
 fir occupy the intervals between these liquid obstacles 
 to locomotion. The roads, to describe the country as it 
 existed at that time, were very bad, or to speak more 
 correctly, if we except the highways which united the 
 principal towns, they had no existence. The wayfarer 
 either found himself ankle-deep in sand, or engaged in 
 the passage of a morass on a causeway of branches and 
 trunks of trees. The villages were sparse and wretched, 
 and consisted but of a few poor huts ; while the towns 
 might have perhaps equalled in size, but certainly not 
 convenience, a modern village. The castles of the 
 nobility and the monasteries were in point of fact so 
 many fortresses in which their proprietors sought pro- 
 tection from the inroads of the Tartars and Cossacks 
 who infested south-eastern Europe. Supplies both for 
 man and beast, always inadequate, were exhausted after 
 the first month of hostilities, when the face of the country 
 assumed the aspect of an inhospitable wilderness. The 
 difficulties to be overcome by bodies of regular troops, 
 however small, operating in such a country may be con- 
 ceived ; while, as to large masses, it was totally impos- 
 sible to feed them. On the other hand the facilities for 
 waging guerilla warfare were proportionally great. We 
 shall observe how Suvoroff, by the rapid movement of 
 small bodies of troops, overcame the difficulties incident 
 to the situation. 
 
 Russia, for the time being, was in no position to 
 maintain large bodies of troops in Poland. The Porte, 
 instigated by the French minister Choiseul, who secretly 
 assisted the Polish confederations to embarrass Russia, 
 was threatening war and at last seized on the pretext of 
 a slight violation of her territory to declare it. It was 
 
 c
 
 1 8 SUVOROFF. 
 
 late in 1768, and no hostilities took place till the follow- 
 ing year, though Russia was compelled to concentrate 
 her forces to provide for the safety of her borders. 
 Troops which might have been poured into Poland 
 were stationed on the banks of the Dniester, which 
 then formed the boundary between the two empires. 
 In this neighbourhood the destinies of Poland were 
 really to be decided. The confederate cause languished 
 and again revived according to the vicissitudes of the 
 strife which raged in Bessarabia. In the spring of 1769 
 the Moslem armies, advancing to the Dniester, were 
 confronted on the opposite bank by the Russians under 
 Prince Galitzin. That conflict of the " one-eyed with 
 the blind," over which Frederic the Great made merry, 
 was then witnessed. Incapacity of the grossest kind on 
 either hand terminated with the retirement of the Otto- 
 man forces south of the Danube. 
 
 As long as the chances of victory hung evenly in the 
 balance the Polish confederates, inspirited by the Porte's 
 intervention in their favour, saw in imagination the 
 intruding Muscovite defeated and driven back to his own 
 borders. The invaders of Poland were at this time 
 commanded by General Weimarn who, fixing his head- 
 quarters at Warsaw, awaited with much apprehension a 
 popular insurrection such as that which in 1830 delivered 
 the capital into the power of the national forces. Soli- 
 citous for the support of Nummers' division, he directed 
 that officer to expedite his movements, in consequence 
 of which, on reaching Minsk, then a border-town, 
 Suvoroff was sent ahead of the main body with his own 
 regiment and a couple of squadrons of dragoons. To 
 save time the infantry proceeded in country carts with
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. ig 
 
 fixed bayonets in momentary expectation of attack, and 
 in two echelons, though this division of force was fraught 
 with danger, for the confederates infested the neighbour- 
 hood. At Brest (in Polish Brzesc-Litewski) he surprised 
 and captured without bloodshed two Polish regiments 
 which had embraced the confederate cause. He reached 
 Praga, the suburb of Warsaw lying on the right bank of 
 the Vistula, a distance of 400 miles, in twelve days ; in 
 fact, before the despatch which announced his departure 
 had reached its destination. He found the capital in a 
 state of ferment. It was rumoured that Marshal Kotlu- 
 bowski * was approaching with a force of 8000 men, and 
 that the populace but awaited his arrival to rise in open 
 revolt. Suvoroff at once started with a detachment 200 
 strong to reconnoitre the enemy, and, after ascending 
 the left bank of the Vistula for about five miles, he 
 descried their vedettes on the opposite side of the stream. 
 Having discovered a ford and crossed with fifty Cossacks 
 and a squadron of dragoons, he attacked and routed the 
 enemy; but subsequently ascertained from prisoners 
 that a force of no more than 400 mounted volunteers, 
 which rumour had magnified into a strong division, had 
 been opposed to him. 
 
 It is difficult to over-estimate the invigorating and 
 tranquillizing influence of a resolute, fearless spirit like 
 SuvorofFs in moments of panic, terror, and confusion. 
 No sooner had the scare occasioned by Kotlubowski 
 been dispelled than news arrived that the brothers 
 Frank and Casimir Pulawski were marching on Brest- 
 
 * This title indicated no military rank. It denoted the president 
 of a confederacy. 
 
 C 2
 
 20 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Litovski at the head of 2000 horse. Suvoroff, ever on 
 the alert, started with 1200 men and eight guns for that 
 town an important strategic point commanding the 
 passage of the Bug and reached it before the enemy 
 could do so. Leaving one half his force in garrison, he 
 pressed forward with the rest to seek the foe, and it is 
 a significant fact that, whilst he was thus risking all 
 with a handful of 600 men, two other Russian generals 
 each at the head of 1500 men were timidly observing 
 events from a distance. So little indeed did Suvoroff 
 appear to value his antagonist that he requested no help 
 from them before beginning the attack, though it is 
 possible that he shunned his colleagues to avoid being 
 superseded in the command. Taking with him a patrol 
 of 60 dragoons, under Count Castelli, whom he came 
 across by chance, he made straight for the enemy, who 
 were posted at a village named Orechowo. " I learnt," 
 he wrote, " that they were carelessly posted in a bad 
 position, crowded in an open space in the wood not far 
 from the village." The front was protected by a marsh, 
 across which a causeway led to a bridge which was 
 swept by two pieces of cannon. Suvoroff, having 
 stormed the bridge, passed his men rapidly across to the 
 opposite side, where he posted them with their backs to 
 a wood, into which in case of defeat they might retire 
 unmolested by the enemy's cavalry. Hardly had they 
 assumed this position when the avalanche of horsemen 
 swept down upon them. A fierce struggle ensued ; but 
 the Russian squares were steady as rocks and their 
 assailants at length withdrew to reform their shattered 
 ranks at a distance. Suvoroff profited by the momen- 
 tary calm to shell the village which lay behind them.
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 21 
 
 When he saw the flames ascending, a general advance 
 was ordered, and the Polish horse, alarmed by a con- 
 flagration which threatened to bar their retreat, de- 
 camped with precipitation. Their flight was gallantly 
 covered by a squadron under Frank Pulawski who, 
 while in single combat with Castelli, was stretched 
 lifeless by a shot from the pistol of his opponent. An 
 episode highly illustrative of Suvoroff's character 
 occurred during the earlier moments of the combat. 
 When the sea of horsemen came surging round the 
 Russian squares an officer exclaimed, " We are cut off !" 
 when Suvoroff at once placed him in arrest, in order to 
 check the spread of panic in the ranks. This victory 
 quelled the spirit of revolt in the surrounding district. 
 
 Suvoroff now fixed his head-quarters at Lublin, where 
 he was joined by the remainder of his brigade from 
 Warsaw a central point in the Poland of those days. 
 This town lies midway between the Vistula and Bug, and 
 forms a knot where the principal roads unite. Its walls, 
 though dilapidated, were strengthened by a castle or 
 citadel, while the suburbs were made defensible by 
 Suvoroff himself, who constituted the town his pivot of 
 operations and depot of supplies. From this point he 
 dominated the surrounding country by means of small 
 movable columns, which darted out and crushed parties of 
 the enemy collected within striking distance, and, having 
 accomplished this, returned to their post of observation. 
 So efficacious was this system that soon no hostile force 
 was able to keep the open country. The confederates 
 sought refuge in the fastnesses of the Carpathians, a base 
 of operations all the more promising, that Austria, 
 jealous of Russian successes on the Danube, was afford-
 
 22 SUVOROFF. 
 
 ing secret aid to their cause. So complete was the 
 subjugation of the plains that during the year 1770 they 
 were the theatre of nothing more stirring than insig- 
 nificant skirmishes. This collapse, it is true, was in 
 part due to the great victories obtained in the same year 
 by the Russians both by sea and land. In Bessarabia 
 the battles of Larga and Kahul sent the Turks in panic 
 rout across the Danube ; while the Ottoman fleet was 
 destroyed at Chesmeh Bay, near Smyrna, by the Rus- 
 sian squadron under Count Alexis Orloff, assisted by 
 several British officers. The prestige of these events 
 paralysed for a while the confederate cause in Poland, 
 but, on the other hand, conjured up a peril for Russia 
 to which she had not hitherto been exposed. The Great 
 Powers took alarm at her successes, dreaded that the 
 dissolution of the Ottoman empire was already at hand, 
 and saw in their apprehensions the Muscovite armies 
 advancing to universal domination. Austria was most 
 of all perturbed. She concluded an alliance with the 
 Porte, in addition to affording aid to the confederates of 
 Poland. France likewise improved the occasion ; Choi- 
 seul, desirous (as Dumouriez in his memoirs frankly 
 avows) of kindling a general war with a view to invading 
 England, liberally subsidized the confederates, and sent 
 the above-mentioned officer to the seat of war as their 
 military adviser. 
 
 Dumouriez, on arrival at Eperies, in Hungary, where 
 the confederates had fixed their head-quarters, found 
 affairs in a chaotic state ; the Polish magnates, luke- 
 warm -in the cause they had espoused, were engrossed 
 in the pursuit of pleasures upon which both private 
 resources and the public revenues were recklessly squan-
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 23 
 
 dered. According to him they were desirous of laying 
 the French King's subsidy likewise under contribution 
 for similar purposes ; but he maintained a strict watch 
 over the expenditure, and informed them that their mode 
 of life indicated opulence rather than indigence words 
 which so exasperated them that they sought revenge 
 by throwing every conceivable obstacle in the way of 
 the fulfilment of his mission. Nevertheless he set to 
 work to remedy, so far as lay in his power, the confusion 
 which reigned around. There was no artillery, no 
 infantry in the confederate army ; nothing but a mass of 
 irregular cavalry who scorned the restraints of discipline. 
 Each magnate desired a separate command and ridiculed 
 the idea of subordination to a superior. The first care of 
 Dumouriez was to create a respectable force of infantry, 
 and to this end he was constrained to employ agents 
 who enlisted Austrian and Prussian deserters on the 
 frontiers ; for the Polish nobles declined to place arms in 
 the hands of their serfs. In this way, by the end of 1770, 
 he had organized 1800 infantry and 8000 cavalry, which 
 were in readiness to take the field. To establish some de- 
 gree of unanimity among the magnates he had recourse 
 to the mediation of the Countess Mnishek, an influential 
 Polish lady who arranged that, pending the selection of 
 a general-in-chief (who was to be a foreigner, for the 
 magnates would not submit to one of their own number), 
 the campaign should be directed by a council in which 
 Dumouriez was to sit in the capacity of military adviser. 
 His plan of operations aimed at menacing simulta- 
 neously the city of Warsaw and the Russian magazines 
 in Podolia : if Weimarn hastened to defend the latter, 
 to march in force on the capital and there establish the
 
 24 SUVOROFF. 
 
 seat of insurrectionary government ; if, on the other hand, 
 the Russians concentrated for the protection of Warsaw, 
 to direct the mass of his forces on Podolia. The plan 
 was well conceived, but required a disciplined army for 
 its successful execution. The first step was to burst 
 through the cordon of Russian troops which blockaded 
 every avenue from the Carpathians into the plains, 
 extending in front c f Cracow from the Upper Vistula to 
 the banks of the Donajec. This part of the enterprise 
 was carried out on the night of the 29th April, when, as 
 the French General learnt from his Jewish spies, a ball 
 was to be given in Cracow, at which the majority of the 
 Russian officers would be present. But the enemy once 
 driven across the Vistula all semblance of discipline dis- 
 appeared from among the victors. Each magnate acted 
 according to his own inspiration, and Dumouriez found 
 it impossible to unite them for further effort. May and 
 the early part of June had been spent in wretched 
 squabbles, when suddenly news arrived that Suvoroff 
 had forced the passage of the Donajec, and was striding 
 forward to the attack. 
 
 Tnat commander (now a Major-General) had been dis- 
 abled for some time through a mishap which befell him in 
 crossing the Vistula. He fell from a pontoon bridge into 
 the stream, but was rescued from death by a Grenadier, 
 who, in hoisting him from the water, could not prevent his 
 receiving injury by coming into contact with the wood- 
 work of the bridge. He was bled profusely, according 
 to the fashion of the age, and, as a natural result, lay for 
 three months in a comatose state; but the early spring 
 of 1771 found him sufficiently recovered to take the field. 
 In March he defeated the Cossack leader Sava at
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 25 
 
 Krasnik in the Lublin district. The latter escaped from 
 the field severely wounded, but was captured at Szrensk, 
 on the Prussian frontier. Though well cared for by the 
 Prussians Weimarn sent him his own surgeon he soon 
 after died of his wounds. Rulhiere,* a well-known but 
 untrustworthy writer, intimates that the Cossack chief 
 was murdered by SuvorofP s orders ; but at the time of 
 Sava's death Suvoroff was at the other end of Poland, 
 in Volhynia, where he was employed in dispersing a con- 
 federate force under the command of Novicki. Ferrand.f 
 in his continuation of Rulhiere's work, admits that there 
 is not a tittle of evidence to support this accusation. 
 
 Suvoroff was returning from Volhynia when he heard 
 of the confederate advance and the consequent retreat 
 of his countrymen beyond the Vistula. On the i$th 
 June he started for the scene of action with about 1600 
 men and eight guns. On the igih he forced the Do- 
 najec, when Pulawski, who defended the passage with 
 2000 men, fled into the mountains, abandoning the main 
 body of the confederates. On the advance of the Rus- 
 sians becoming known, Dumouriez indicated Skawina, 
 a village near Cracow, as the point of concentration for 
 his forces, and entreated Pulawski to proceed thither, but, 
 according to the Frenchman's account, the Polish leader 
 replied by an insulting message expressive of his deter- 
 mination to act independently. It must be admitted 
 that the spot chosen was too far in advance for secure 
 concentration in the face of an active general like 
 
 * Anarchies de Pologne, iv. 221. Duboscage, his countryman, 
 styles this work a " defamatory libel." 
 
 f Histoire des trots Deinembremens de Pologne. Suite de 
 VHistoire de Rulhiere,
 
 26 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Suvoroff, who had already reached Cracow and set free 
 its garrison, 2000 strong. Repulsed in an attempt on 
 the strong convent of Tyniec, near Cracow, he turned 
 upon Dumouriez's detachment, which was now in full 
 retreat towards the mountains. On the 22nd he over- 
 took them, 3000 strong, posted on the heights of Lands- 
 kron. Their position was a spur of the Carpathians ; 
 their left covered by the castle of Landskron, their right 
 by a wood and ravine, and front by a slope covered with 
 brushwood. Some distance in advance, beyond an in- 
 termediate ravine, lay another eminence. French tirail- 
 leurs occupied the wood on the right and the brushwood 
 in front. No sooner had Suvoroff arrived with his 
 advance-guard than he seized, without a moment's delay, 
 the eminence in front of the enemy's position, and with- 
 out hesitation sent his Cossacks, supported by a squadron 
 of regular cavalry, dashing across the ravine against 
 the wooded slope. Having cut down the sharp-shooters 
 which guarded the wood, these horsemen galloped on 
 precipitately and in apparent disorder against the main 
 position ; when Dumouriez, having marked their irregular, 
 onset, endeavoured to lead his squadrons to the charge. 
 In this, however, he did not succeed, for the greater part, 
 after discharging their carbines, galloped from the field. 
 A small band under Mionczinski endeavoured to retrieve 
 the fortunes of the day, but the leader was taken prisoner 
 and his followers perished or shared his fate ; while 
 Prince Sapieha, in attempting to rally the fugitives, re- 
 ceived death at their hands. The leftwing,alone protected 
 by the guns of the castle, effected an orderly retreat. 
 The action lasted but half an hour. Dumouriez escaped 
 at the head of a few French horsemen, and soon re-
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 27 
 
 turned in disgust to France. The Duke de Choiseul had 
 been dismissed from office and was succeeded by the 
 Duke d'Aiguillon, who looked coldly on the enterprise 
 of his predecessor in Poland. 
 
 Pulawski had profited by Suvoroff s absence to seize 
 Zamosc, a town which the latter must pass in returning to 
 Lublin, and when, after the action at Landskron the Rus- 
 sian leader approached, he issued forth to the encounter. 
 The Poles were defeated after a gallant resistance, and 
 their commander retreated to the mountains with such 
 skill, that Suvoroff next day sent him a porcelain snuff- 
 box in token of his admiration. For these services the 
 Empress bestowed on her general the Order of St. 
 George, which he solemnly pinned on his breast in 
 presence of his troops assembled on parade. He caused 
 divine service to be performed ; he expressed his gra- 
 titude to his " mother," the empress ; thanked his men 
 for their bravery and conduct, nor forgot to improve the 
 occasion with the artless joke : " Remember, boys, St. 
 George the Victorious fights with us now." But his 
 utterances, grotesque as they may seem, were suited to 
 the mental calibre of his audience. " Bravo, heroes ! " 
 he would shout to his men after each success. " Listen 
 and remember : Obedience Discipline Instruction 
 Order Cleanliness Health Drill Courage Victory 
 Glory, Glory ! " These simple devices, we are assured, 
 brought tears in the eyes of the uncouth soldiers ; and 
 when desperate deeds were to be done, the whisper would 
 pass through their ranks : " To conquer or die ; Father 
 Suvoroff hath said it." 
 
 Prince Oginski, Grand Hetman, or Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Polish regulars, was stationed with several
 
 28 SUVOROFF. 
 
 regiments in Lithuania. Having agreed to embrace the 
 confederate cause, he had delayed action till too late, but 
 was dragged into the movement through the influence 
 of a mind more powerful than his own by Kossakowski, 
 the colonel of the Black Hussars. Early in September 
 (1771) the Prince attacked a Russian battalion, and 
 compelled it to surrender at discretion, a misfortune 
 which once more revived in Warsaw terrors which had 
 but recently subsided. Suvoroff at once applied for 
 instructions to General Weimarn, who rejoined by com- 
 manding him to remain where he was. But this 
 manoeuvre, so easy of execution, was not to the general's 
 taste. Overcome with indignation and disgust, Suvo- 
 roff acted for himself, and committed an act of insub- 
 ordination which was of course judged by its results. 
 We are assured that he returned the insolent reply, 
 " The match to the gun, Suvoroff to the field ! " and at 
 once set out for Lithuania with such troops as he had at 
 his disposal. They were about 500 in number, but at 
 Biala he received from Brest reinforcements which 
 doubled his strength. Having reached the town of Slo- 
 nim, in the province of Grodno, distant 120 miles, in four 
 days, he learnt that Oginski lay with from 3000 to 4000 
 men at Stolovitshi, a village some thirty miles in advance. 
 He had lost, as usual, about 150 stragglers, but was in- 
 different to this, exclaiming, " So much the worse for 
 them ; they will not share in the victory ! " When the 
 position of the enemy was ascertained, he decided to 
 advance, after a halt of two hours, to the attack. The 
 night was dark and tempestuous on the 22nd September, 
 when, at 10 p.m., Suvoroff reached the town of Stolovitshi. 
 The unsuspecting confederates lay wrapt in slumber as,
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR 29 
 
 guided by a lamp which gleamed from a convent tower, 
 he made the circuit of its walls without arousing the 
 vigilance of the sentinels. He disposed his troops thus : 
 Four companies of infantry in first line ; behind 
 these, two guns, escorted by a company of foot ; three 
 squadrons of cavalry in second line, and a reserve which 
 consisted of one company of infantry and the Cossacks. 
 During the advance four lancers belonging to the enemy 
 were surprised and captured without raising an alarm, but 
 an unforeseen obstacle was soon encountered in the shape 
 of a marsh, which was traversed by a single causeway 
 some 200 yards in length. The infantry, followed by 
 the horse, slowly defiled across this passage, but the 
 officer in charge of the guns in an attempt to drag them 
 through the bog itself left them imbedded in the 
 mire. When the Russians at length began to reform 
 on the opposite side, a musket discharged from the 
 walls of the town gave the alarm. The Poles sprang 
 to their posts, but were not able to form their 
 ranks in time to receive the attack ; the cavalry had 
 not time to mount, but abandoned their horses ; the 
 town was evacuated in haste and confusion. The sol- 
 diers of Albutieffs battalion, who had been taken 
 prisoners by Oginski, having been discovered in their 
 places of confinement, were released, and equipped with 
 the enemy's arms. Oginski himself narrowly escaped 
 capture. When morning broke, the Poles offered battle 
 outside the town, and Suvoroff accepted the challenge. 
 Being outnumbered, he moved obliquely to his left, and 
 attacked their right wing, a manreuvre he may have 
 witnessed during the Seven Years' War. When he 
 thought victory assured, a thousand Polish lancers
 
 30 SU VOROFF. 
 
 galloped on to the field and renewed the conflict. 
 Nevertheless the confederates, after brave resistance, 
 at length gave way, and taking the direction of Slonim 
 abandoned their military chest, containing 50,000 ducats 
 (or 24,000), to the victors. After an hour's repose, the 
 Russians followed, and their column, trailing out to the 
 extent of two miles, owing to the quantity of booty and 
 prisoners taken, might have been attacked with advantage 
 by the Poles,had they possessed sufficient enterprise. Su- 
 voroff, leaving sick, wounded, and prisoners at Slonim, 
 returned to Lublin by Pinsk. "Well-conducted sur- 
 prises," he wrote, " are generally successful. The soldier, 
 startled from his sleep, seldom offers a stout resistance. 
 The more sudden the danger, the greater it appears ; 
 and his first thought when surprised is not of resistance, 
 but escape and flight." On arrival at Lublin the insub- 
 ordinate victor was placed in arrest by Weimarn's 
 command. His disobedience of orders had, it is true, 
 been flagrant, though justified by success ; yet it would 
 have been prudent on the part of Weimarn to have 
 simulated for the occasion a short memory. On the 
 contrary, he applied to Petersburg for a court-martial 
 on the delinquent, of course without success, and he 
 might have foreseen that his own motives were certain to 
 be called in question. The upshot of the affair was 
 Weimarn's supercession in the command by Bibikoff, 
 a general officer who enjoyed the advantage of personal 
 friendship with Suvoroff. A generalissimo was required 
 who could consent to work in unison with an eccentric 
 but indispensable subordinate. A letter addressed by 
 Suvoroff to this officer while in confinement pending 
 reference of his case to the Empress, is subjoined as a
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 31 
 
 specimen of his epistolary style. The fact of its being 
 originally written in French is an additional reason for 
 its selection, as no translation from the Russian would 
 convey an adequate idea of the quaintness of the 
 original : 
 
 "KREUZBURG, 2$tk November, 1771. 
 
 " Un animal, dis-je, de notre espece, accoutume aux 
 soucis, malgre les inconveniens inevitables, se croit un 
 bete quand il en manquerait, et les trop longs delasse- 
 ments casuels 1'assoupissent. Que ces fatigues passees 
 me sont douces ! Je ne visais qu'au bien patriotique 
 enclave dans mon devoir au service de mon auguste 
 Imperatrice, sans faire tort particulier a la nation ou je 
 me trouvais, et les revers memes occasionnes par qui- 
 conque ne faisaient que m'encourager. La reputation 
 est le partage de tout homme de bien, mais je fondais 
 cette reputation dans la gloire de ma patrie, dont les 
 succes n'etaient que pour sa prosperite. Jamais un 
 amour propre, occasionne le plus souvent par un instinct 
 passager, n'etait maitre de mes actions, et je m'oubliais 
 s'il y allait du patriotisme. Urie education farouche 
 dans le commerce du monde, mais les mceurs innocentes 
 de ma nature et une generosite de coutume m'aplanis- 
 saient les travaux. Mes sentimens etaient libres et je 
 ne succombais pas. Dieu ! me trouverais-je bientotdans 
 des cas pareils ! A present je languis dans une vie oisive 
 propre a ces ames basses qui ne vivent que pour elles, qui 
 cherchent le souverain bien dans cette lassitude, et de 
 voluptes a voluptes courent dans les amertumes. Une 
 misantropie couvre deja mon front, et je crois prevoir 
 dans la suite une plus grande detresse ; une ame labo-
 
 32 SUVOROFF. 
 
 rieuse doit etre toujours nourrie dans son metier, et les 
 frequentes exercisses lui sont aussi sains comme les 
 exercisses ordinaires du corps." 
 
 This may not be, as an admirer has declared, the 
 literary style of the age of Lewis XIV. ; yet it presents 
 to the mind a more solid attraction by reflecting the 
 thoughts of a unique and original character. The genu- 
 ineness of its sentiment can hardly be called in question ; 
 for the writer was among those who, when they err in 
 their utterances, do so by excess of candour. His epistles 
 to Bibikoff were sometimes marked "a I'Anglaise" 
 which seems to have indicated that more than usual 
 candour was about to be used. To return to the facts of 
 his career : he was not arraigned before a court-martial, 
 but received the order of St. Alexander Nevsky with 
 the thanks of his sovereign for his brilliant feat in arms. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1772 General Viomesnil 
 assumed the post which had been vacated by Dumouriez. 
 Though ill-supported by the French Ministry he set 
 vigorously to work at repairing the disasters which had 
 befallen the confederate arms. To reanimate the cou- 
 rage of his crest-fallen allies he planned the surprise of 
 the castle at Cracow, an edifice which, perched on a 
 cliff overlooking the Vistula, was at that period encir- 
 cled by walls of masonry thirty feet high and seven in 
 thickness. The garrison of the city consisted of a de- 
 tachment from the Soozdal regiment, now commanded 
 by a Colonel Stackelberg, though the castle was guarded 
 by no more than thirty men. Stackelberg was, unfor- 
 tunately for himself, enamoured of a Polish lady in 
 secret communication with the enemy, who succeeded 
 in persuading him to remove the sentries[from a certain
 
 FJJtST POLISH WAR. 33 
 
 portion of the ramparts where, she averred, their cries 
 and challenges interfered with her slumbers. This turned 
 out to be no other than the locality near which the main 
 drain issued from the Castle, and by this sordid avenue 
 did the French propose to effect an entrance. On the 
 other side, the Russians having been recently strength- 
 ened by fresh arrivals from their country, it was 
 resolved to deal the insurgents a crushing blow in the 
 very heart of their mountain fastnesses. Suvoroff him- 
 self was about to start from Lublin on a distant raid, 
 when information reached him of the danger by which 
 the ancient capital of Poland was threatened. But, 
 deeming its source suspicious, he neglected to act thereon 
 and departed in prosecution of the business in hand. 
 
 On the night of the 2nd February a band of volun- 
 teers, under Captain Viomesnil, nephew to the general, 
 proceeded to the execution of their adventurous design. 
 With white shirts drawn over their uniforms, for snow 
 lay on the ground, they crawled through the narrow 
 aperture of the drain, surprising the feeble garrison of 
 the castle, whom they instantly put to the sword. Their 
 next act was to throw open the gates to Brigadier Choisy 
 who, with a body of 500 picked horsemen, was awaiting 
 the event outside. Stackelberg was at a ball, waltzing 
 with his fair, when news of misfortune first assailed him, 
 and he threw himself with such troops as he could collect 
 in the direction of the castle. But his attempt failed, 
 and the French remained masters of the place, in which 
 were found ample stores excepting meat only. Two 
 days later Suvoroff, having learnt what had passed, 
 hurried to the spot with 800 infantry, five regiments of 
 royalist Polish lancers and a few guns. Having dragged 
 
 D
 
 34 SUVOROW. 
 
 the latter to the roofs of houses in the vicinity of the 
 castle, he opened fire and on the 29th risked an assault, 
 which the French repulsed, inflicting on the assailants a 
 loss of 150 men. After this rebuff the siege was con- 
 verted into a blockade. 
 
 The intrepid Kossakowski now approached Cracow 
 with his Black Hussars, when Suvoroff, sallying forth 
 at the head of his cavalry, engaged him and drove him 
 from the neighbourhood, but nearly lost his life in the 
 fray. An officer of lancers, Reich by name, having 
 sworn to take his life, rode fiercely at the object of his 
 aversion, and, after discharging his pistols without effect, 
 attacked him with the sabre. Suvoroff, crossing swords 
 with alacrity, returned blow for blow and thrust for 
 thrust ; but must have succumbed in the end to his 
 youthful and vigorous assailant, had not a Russian 
 cuirassier galloped up in the nick of time and shot the 
 lancer dead. 
 
 Late in April provisions ran short in the castle, and 
 Galibert, Viomesnil's second in command, appeared at 
 Suvoroff 's quarters with proposals for surrender. Extol- 
 ling the military exploits of the Russian chief, he wisely 
 endeavoured to mitigate the terms by skilful adulation ; 
 but was shown a chair and asked to commence business. 
 The conditions offered were moderate ; but next day 
 the envoy, returning in hopes of further concessions, 
 had their stringency increased ; they were of course 
 accepted, and the castle surrendered. The French 
 officers retained their swords, Suvoroff merely re- 
 marking to them as he invited them to dinner : 
 "That his Empress was not at war with their King; 
 consequently they were not prisoners, but his guests."
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 35 
 
 Nevertheless, in spite of amenities, he marched them 
 under proper escort into Russia, and when D'Alembert 
 interceded with Catherine for their liberation, she 
 replied, as Guizot laments, with " pleasantries " of the 
 ne sutor kind. Suvoroff next laid siege to the strong 
 convent of Tyniec, which had previously baffled his 
 assaults, but was shortly afterwards relieved by an 
 Austrian force. They entered Galicia in pursuance of 
 the treaty of partition, upon which the three Powers 
 implicated were now agreed, since Russia had been 
 induced to relinquish her conquests on the Danube in 
 exchange for a portion of the Polish spoil the transac- 
 tion being confirmed by the Diet, coerced, it is true, 
 by Russian troops. The confederates, outlawed and 
 overwhelmed by numbers, thought further resistance 
 useless ; Casimir Pulawski, having emigrated to America, 
 was killed fighting under the banner of Washington. 
 Those who remained behind perished or submitted to 
 their fate. " Quiet reigned in Warsaw," as was declared 
 on a subsequent occasion.* 
 
 In September Suvoroff joined Elmpt's corps, which 
 was slowly progressing through Lithuania on the way 
 to Finland in view of a possible rupture with Sweden, 
 whose young king, Gustavus III., had recently by a 
 coup d'etat annihilated the preponderance of the aristo- 
 cracy and possessed himself of almost absolute power. 
 As a consequence the faction devoted to France gained 
 the upper hand and war with Russia seemed imminent. 
 But this anticipation was not realised and Suvoroff' s 
 activity on the Finnish border was limited to the in- 
 
 * By General Sebastian! in 1831. 
 D 2
 
 36 SUVOROFF. 
 
 spection of fortre-ses, and ascertaining the opinions of 
 the inhabitants regarding the late revolution in Stock- 
 holm. Such being the case, early in 1773 his fondest 
 wishes were gratified, and he proceeded to the Danube 
 to take part in that hereditary strife with the infidel 
 which so powerfully appeals to Russian sympathies. He 
 felt a deep antipathy for the Polish war, and ardently 
 longed for a more congenial sphere of action. 
 
 These three years of warfare in Poland, though every- 
 thing was on a small scale, are worthy of close attention, 
 if skilful adaptation of means to ends be the test of 
 military capacity. In this art Suvoroff was a master, 
 as we shall see. He fought Turks and Tartars, Poles 
 and Frenchmen, each in a different way. In the present 
 instance, having thoroughly comprehended the nature 
 of the ground and the character of the struggle, he 
 adhered to one simple plan, which alone in the long run 
 could guarantee success. It would have been absurd to 
 attempt to guard the whole extent of such an immense 
 theatre of war, thus imitating the disjointed proceedings 
 of the enemy. From his pivot at Lublin, whence the 
 highways radiated, he darted like a spider in its web on 
 the foe, and crushed him before he became formidable. 
 At the same time he maintained a chain of posts which 
 connected him with Warsaw and Cracow, the chief cities 
 of the kingdom ; likewise at points commanding pas- 
 sages over rivers, such as Pulawa and Sandomierz on 
 the Vistula, Brest and Sokol on the Bug. The reason 
 for his turning a deaf ear to warnings concerning 
 Cracow may be found in the fact that men of his stamp 
 abhor change of enterprise once commenced. If he 
 suffered repulses from fortified towns, it must be re-
 
 FIRST POLISH WAR. 37 
 
 mernbered that engineering science and its appliances 
 were in that day extremely defective, a truth the British 
 in Spain were soon to realise. Yet it may be at once 
 admitted that his storming the Castle of Cracow, when 
 a blockade would have answered every purpose, involved 
 useless bloodshed. He excelled in rapidity of move- 
 ment, but used to say when extolled in this respect : 
 " It is nothing. The Romans marched faster. Read 
 Caesar." If this be true, his sincerity may be called in 
 question ; for he was fond of comparing his exploits 
 with those of Caesar and Hannibal, not always to the 
 advantage of those heroes, and justified his arrogance 
 by asserting that the Romans boasted in public in order 
 to excite an emulation in glory. He was honourably 
 distinguished in Poland from some by the humanity of 
 his conduct. The subjoined extract from a letter to his 
 friend Bibikoff, written by him on quitting Poland, may 
 throw light on his disposition at this period. " I 
 follow my destiny. I approach home and quit a land 
 where I have wished to do good, following the dictates 
 of my heart where duty did not stand in the way. I 
 am glad that the people recognize this. I love them 
 and leave them with regret ; for I did my duty like an 
 honest man."
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 
 
 THE progress of the war with the Turks, and the effect 
 of the Moscovite triumphs in 1770 on the diplomacy of 
 the European Powers having been already briefly nar- 
 rated, it remains to sketch the course of events during 
 the two years which immediately preceded the advent 
 of Suvoroff to the seat of war. During 1771 nothing 
 decisive occurred. The Russians, indeed, overran the 
 Crimea, but lay inactive on the banks of the Danube. 
 The splendid hopes to which their recent victories had 
 given birth were doomed to partial disappointment ; 
 for the Turk made no overture for peace. Austria and 
 Prussia, however, alarmed at the progress of the Russian 
 arms, interposed, offering their "good offices" the 
 Empress would not hear of " intervention " for paving 
 the way to negotiations. After it had been agreed 
 between the three northern Powers to sacrifice Poland 
 in the interests of the European equilibrium, a congress 
 assembled in 1772 at Fokshani in Wallachia, and again 
 at Bucharest, but in both cases without results ; the 
 demand made by Russia for the liberation of the Crim 
 Tartars from the suzerainty of the Porte proving an in- 
 superable obstacle to successful negotiation. These 
 nomads were wont to employ their leisure in harrying 
 the southern provinces of Russia, carrying off immense 
 numbers of slaves with rich booty, and occasionally
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 39 
 
 reducing Moscow itself to ashes. Their subjugation 
 was, therefore, a constant object of the policy of the 
 Czars. Marshal Miinnich overran their peninsula in 
 1763 without durable effect ; and even after the crush- 
 ing victories of 1770, two more ruinous campaigns 
 were required to force the Sultan to abandon his 
 rights over the Crimea. 
 
 In the beginning of 1773 Suvoroff, having joined head- 
 quarters at Jassy, was appointed to a command in the 
 division of Soltikoff. The Russian army, though barely 
 34,000 strong, nevertheless occupied the whole of 
 Wallachia, and was extended in a thin cordon from 
 Widdin to the Black Sea. It was thus distributed : 
 Tekely's division, 3000 strong, at Kraiova, in Little 
 Wallachia; Soltikoff 's 12,000, between the Aluta and 
 the Jalomnitza ; Potemkin with 3500 was at Brailoff; 
 Weissmann occupied Ismail with a like number ; while 
 the Commander-in- Chief, Field-Marshal Rumantsoff, lay 
 at Jassy with a reserve of 12,000 men. It is clear 
 from the above enumeration that, making suitable 
 deduction for masking the strong places on the Danube 
 and guarding the communications with Russia, no force 
 could be assembled adequate for offensive operations 
 beyond that river. Yet the Empress Catherine, whose 
 usually sober judgment was perhaps warped on this 
 occasion by recent stupendous successes, was con- 
 tinually urging her general to decisive action which 
 should conquer a peace. She forgot that the army was 
 now far distant from its base ; that it had plunged 
 into a difficult and inhospitable country already ravaged 
 by the enemy ; and that the line of the Danube, 
 studded with its fortresses, presented an insuperable 
 barrier to any but an army of great numerical strength.
 
 40 SUVOROFF. 
 
 But peace was an absolute necessity ; the plague was 
 ravaging Moscow and the southern provinces of the 
 empire ; the Polish difficulty had not yet been solved ; 
 the attitude of Sweden was ambiguous ; the Cossacks 
 revolted in the region of the Caspian, murdered their 
 officers, and raised a commotion which, though sup- 
 pressed for the moment, was soon, owing to want of 
 troops to break forth with renewed violence. Surrounded 
 by such calamities as she was, we cannot wonder if the 
 Empress demanded impossibilities from her generals. 
 She wrote to Rumantsoff, in the classical slang of the 
 day, "The Romans used to ask where was the enemy, 
 not how strong he was/' and at last so badgered him 
 that he complied with her wishes against his better 
 judgment. 
 
 There is no reason for believing that the talents of 
 this commander were much above the common level. 
 As Mr. Carlyle truly observes in Frederick the Great, 
 " he saw considerably better than Galitzin," and, accord- 
 ing to the Prussian monarch and strategist, " among the 
 blind the one-eyed man is king." The victories of Larga 
 and Kahul were apparently due to sheer courage and a 
 happy tactical discovery. He found out how to beat Turks 
 by attacking them in square without awaiting the tre- 
 mendous charges of their janissaries and horsemen. The 
 Osmanli, it was now perceived, were only formidable in 
 a wild onslaught ; their disorderly masses were destitute 
 of manoeuvring power. Impressed with this conviction, 
 Rumantsoff cast away the chevaux de frise, which had 
 hitherto protected the Russian squares, and marched his 
 masses boldly in the open against the enemy. Success 
 attended the novelty, but when it came to the scientific 
 planning of a campaign the marshal showed himself to
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 41 
 
 be weak in conception, even vacillating in execution, if 
 we are to judge him by a modern standard. To preserve 
 intact the laurels he had already gathered ever seemed 
 the thought uppermost in his mind. The difficulties 
 with which he had to contend were great ; he was ill- 
 supported by his subordinates ; yet he cannot be absolved 
 from the charge of mediocrity. He was not the great 
 commander Catherine conceived him to be. He acted 
 on the faulty system of the age ; scattered his troops 
 over vast tracts of country, and, endeavouring to do 
 everything, effected nothing. At the opening of the 
 campaign of 1773, directing Weissmann's division to 
 move along the right bank of the Danube while his 
 own corps ascended the left, in order to distract the 
 enemy he directed isolated attacks to be made along 
 the whole line of the river from Turnu to Silistria. 
 Major-General Potemkin (in after times the celebrated 
 favourite of Catherine), seized Hirsova, a post favourably 
 situated for covering the passage of the Danube, whilst 
 Suvoroff was commissioned to effect a descent on the 
 fortified town of Turtukay which, lying on the right 
 bank of the stream, was garrisoned by about 4000 
 choice Ottoman troops. 
 
 With a view to carrying out these instructions Su- 
 voroff took post at Nigoyeshti, an ill-fortified convent 
 on the banks of the Arjish, a stream which discharges 
 into the Danube opposite Turtukay. The structure 
 lay fourteen miles distant from the great river, and 
 midway between them is the better known village of 
 Oltenitza. The Danube at Turtukay flows in a channel 
 some 600 yards in breadth between banks both high and 
 steep. The detachment at Nigoyeshti under Suvoroff's 
 command was over 2000 strong, of whom 600 were
 
 42 SUVOROFF. 
 
 cavalry, with seven guns. He chose for embarkation 
 purposes a point on the Danube somewhat lower down 
 than the mouth of the Arjish, and his boats, which 
 lay off Nigoyeshti, were to have been floated thither via 
 the mouth of the smaller stream. But the Turks having 
 moored an armed vessel so as to command its mouth, 
 no course remained open but to transport the boats 
 across country in ox-waggons. The vehicles and cattle 
 requisite having been collected, Suvoroff was preceding 
 them at the head of his troops, on the 2oth May, by 
 Oltenitza toward the place of embarkation, when he was 
 suddenly assailed by 900 Turkish Spahis, whose landing 
 had been unperceived. Instantly directing his reserve 
 column to make a circuit to the left under cover of a 
 wood, in order to take the enemy in flank and rear, he 
 charged when he deemed this movement effected, chas- 
 ing the astonished Spahis in confusion to the water's 
 edge. By nightfall it was observed that the armed 
 vessel had been withdrawn from the mouth of the Arjish 
 (possibly employed in rescuing the drowning Spahis), 
 and the Russian boats were in consequence transported 
 to their destination by water without molestation. 
 
 Five hundred picked infantry, and 200 horse were 
 employed in the nocturnal descent which followed. 
 Suvoroff, on reaching the enemy's bank, formed his 
 infantry in three squares, one of which with the whole 
 cavalry he held in reserve. Preceded by a line of 
 skirmishers, they charged the batteries in their front 
 and in the confusion of a night attack carried them with 
 but trifling loss. The town itself was next assaulted, 
 captured and committed to the flames. At four in the 
 morning, Suvoroff could write on a scrap of paper (which
 
 I7RST TURKISH WAR. 43 
 
 lias since been discovered) to Soltikoff: " Your Excel- 
 liKcy, we have conquered. Glory to God ! Glory to you ! 
 Alexander Suvoroff" Six hundred and eighty-three 
 Greek and Armenian Christians were collected for 
 removal to the opposite bank for fear of Moslem 
 vengeance. The Turkish flotilla, consisting of 5 1 craft 
 of various kinds, was burnt, and at seven in the morning 
 the victors with loud songs of triumph re-embarked and 
 gained the Wallachian shore. The coup-de-main had 
 been arranged with extreme care by Suvoroff ; his pre- 
 liminary instructions embracing the minutest details. 
 One paragraph must be quoted as an illustration of his 
 mode of warfare which has been so much misrepresented 
 from a humane point of view : 
 
 " Be careful not to injure women, children, and the 
 inhabitants, even if Turks, provided they do not carry 
 arms ; likewise spare the mosques and the clergy, that 
 our own holy places may be spared in turn." 
 
 Considered tactically, the occasion was important. It 
 is said to be the first on which columns of attack, backed 
 by a proper reserve of one-third the total strength, and 
 covered by a line of skirmishers, were employed a 
 system of tactics commonly attributed to a somewhat 
 later period. Hence arises the interesting inquiry : To 
 what extent did Suvoroff anticipate the revolutions in 
 military art initiated by the first of modern captains ? 
 It is certainly remarkable that the Poles criticised his 
 manoeuvres in terms similar to those in which the Aus- 
 strians censured Bonaparte during his Italian campaigns. 
 " Suvoroff/' they complained, " is only fit to fight bears. 
 If you expect him in front he attacks you in flank or 
 rear. We fled more from surprise and alarm than
 
 44 SUVOROFF. 
 
 because we were beaten." Again, Dumouriez, in his 
 Memoirs, labours hard to prove that, according to all 
 the rules of the military art, Suvoroff ought to have 
 been beaten at Landskron. 
 
 Turning once more to the main Russian army, Weiss- 
 mannonthe 3rd June crossed the Danube at Ismail and 
 on the 7th defeated 12,000 Turks at Karassu (Bulgarian, 
 Chernavoda, i.e. Blackwater). On the 23rd he protected 
 the passage of Rumantsoff 's corps a little below Silistria, 
 whither Osman Pasha had retreated with 30,000 men, 
 intrenching himself in advance of the city, with his right 
 resting on the hills and his left on the stream. The 
 slopes of these eminences being thickly covered with 
 vines and other obstacles, formed in conjunction with 
 the Danube a defile extremely formidable for an as- 
 sailant. On the 29th Rumantsoff delivered the assault ; 
 the Turkish right was broken by the intrepid Weiss- 
 man n, the favourite hero of the army ; but the left, sup- 
 ported by a vigorous sortie from the town, gained a 
 decided advantage over the Russians, who were con- 
 strained to retire. In the heat of the engagement a 
 mass of Turkish cavalry, coming from the direction of 
 Shumla, burst into the Russian camp, and threw every- 
 thing into the direst confusion, till Potemkin, arriving 
 with the reserve, repelled them. They were the advanced 
 guard of Nuuman Pasha, who, at the head of 20,000 men 
 was hastening from Shumla with the intention of cutting 
 the Russians off from the Danube. Rumantsoff upon this 
 (ist July) abandoning the offensive, decamped from 
 before Silistria despairing of success ; but the course he 
 should have adopted was plainly indicated by a subordi- 
 nate's success. For the better protection of his flank
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 45 
 
 he had detached Weissmann with 4000 men against 
 Nuuman, who had by this time reached the village 
 of Kutchuk Kainardji, near Silistria, with his army. 
 On the 3rd July that Pasha was attacked and totally 
 defeated by the heroic Weissmann, who however 
 purchased victory with the loss of his valuable life. 
 After this victory Rumantsoff might have securely re- 
 sumed his attack on Silistria, but, continuing his retreat 
 beyond the Danube, he alleged, as an excuse for his 
 lack of enterprise, the scarcity of forage and the con- 
 sequent exhaustion of the horses of his cavalry. Thus 
 ended a campaign which earned for the general in com- 
 mand the high-sounding title of Zadunaiski (Trans- 
 Danubian). 
 
 While these operations were in progress a second 
 descent on Turtukay had been effected by Suvoroff. 
 Soltikoff had been directed to transport his corps across 
 the Danube, in order to create a diversion in favour of 
 Rumantsoffs operations near Silistria, but that com- 
 mander, either grossly incapable or grossly insubordi- 
 nate, failed to comply with the instructions of his chief. 
 He preferred to hurl Suvoroff once more with his detach- 
 ment against Turtukay.* 
 
 On this occasion, 28th June, he disposed of 2500 
 men of all arms. Of these 1700 were regular infantry, 
 320 dragoons, or dismounted cavalry trained to the use 
 of the musket, 180 regular cavalry, and 360 Cossacks 
 and Arnauts. The expedition crossed in three detach- 
 ments, the brunt of the fighting falling upon the first. 
 
 * Suvoroff once said: " Kdmenski knows war ; war knows me ; 
 but neither does Soltikoff know war, nor war him.
 
 46 SUVOROFF. 
 
 It consisted of picked troops formed into three columns, 
 one of which, under Major Rehbock, at once stormed 
 the great redoubt which formed the key of the Turkish 
 position. The struggle was protracted, murderous and 
 long doubtful, because of the inaction of the remaining 
 columns which, instead of supporting the troops engaged 
 halted on an eminence in expectation of the second 
 detachment from the opposite bank conduct which was 
 near ruining the enterprise. Suvoroff was still on the 
 left bank, so ill and feeble from recent attacks of fever 
 that he had to be supported on either side by a soldier 
 while an aide-de-camp repeated in a loud tone of voice 
 the whispered orders of his chief. Observing that the 
 supports failed to reinforce the attacking column, he 
 threw himself hastily into a boat and crossed in com- 
 pany with the second detachment. But fortunately by 
 the time he arrived on the scene of combat Rehbock 
 had succeeded in capturing the formidable redoubt. 
 Thereupon Suvoroff, conducting his forces over its para- 
 pets, posted them beyond, in a line of columns facing 
 the Turkish camp. The Osmanli, headed by Sary 
 Mehemed Pasha, a man conspicuous by his size, beauty 
 and valour, dashed out with tremendous yells to the 
 attack, but disheartened by the fall of their leader who 
 was pierced by a Cossack lance, they finally turned and 
 fled, with a loss in men and material amounting to not 
 less than 1000 men and 15 guns. When the Russians 
 returned to their own side of the river, they carried with 
 them the corpse of the slain Pasha, which was indeed 
 interred with due military pomp ; but the Turks deem 
 it disgraceful to abandon the body of a chief to the 
 enemy. Suvoroff reported his victory to Soltikoff in
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 47 
 
 these words : " Dear Sir, Count John, son of Peter, we 
 realised yesterday the Veni, vidi, vici, and for me it 
 was a fine experience. I am your Excellency's humble 
 servant. I am a straightforward man, but get me as 
 soon as you can the Second Class " (St. George). Su- 
 voroff's almost childish fondness for badges and external 
 symbols of distinction was a foible which, had it not 
 been accompanied by the love of real greatness, would 
 have appeared mean and despicable. In later days he 
 used to carry his innumerable decorations with him into 
 the field ; would cause them to be laid out before him 
 during leisure moments, and would gaze on them with 
 concentrated rapture. He wrote again to Soltikoff on 
 the same subject: "At any rate, shall I obtain the 
 coveted reward ? Do not forget me, dear Sir. The race 
 for laurels is uncertain. Sometimes one breaks one's 
 neck, like Weissmann. But even that is good, if with 
 honour and usefulness. But what is not so may be such 
 as I ; and what is good, that may I not be " the last 
 phrase being worthy of himself, an enigma like him who 
 penned it. He obtained the object of his desires. 
 
 About this time he was severely injured by a fall down 
 the steps of the Convent of Nigoyeshti, an accident 
 which laid him up at Bucharest for the space of two 
 months. On recovery he was transferred from Soltikoff's 
 division to the command of the important fortified post 
 of Hirsova, on the right bank of the Danube, where, on 
 the 4th September, he was assailed by a body of Turks 
 I r,ooo strong. The garrison consisted of four regiments 
 of foot, about 2ODO men ; three squadrons of Hussars, 
 and a troop of Cossacks, in all about 500 horses. He 
 posted the two strongest of his infantry battalions with
 
 48 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the whole of the cavalry in ambush on an islet of the 
 Danube ; they were concealed from the enemy, by the 
 rising ground, on which lay the Russian camp, and the 
 islet itself was connected with the mainland by a pon- 
 toon bridge. The Turks appeared next morning and, 
 under the supervision of the French officers, formed a 
 regular order of battle in three lines instead of rushing 
 pellmell to the attack as formerly. Suvoroff was much 
 amused. " See," he exclaimed, with a burst of laughter, 
 " the barbarians are going to fight us in rank and file ! 
 So much the worse for them !" Then throwing forward 
 his Cossacks he endeavoured to draw the enemy on to 
 an assault. The artifice succeeded, though the engineer 
 was nearly hoist with his own petard. Their cavalry 
 charged with such uncommon speed that they almost 
 captured Suvoroff himself. There was just time left 
 for him to spring over the chevaux de frise by which the 
 camp was protected. The foot, closely following the 
 horse, were on the point of gaining its interior, when 
 they were assaulted in flank and rear by the troops in 
 ambuscade on the islet and put to flight with heavy loss. 
 This action was the only instance in which Suvoroff 
 fought on the defensive but it was a judicious defensive 
 which relied on the counter-stroke for victory. 
 
 Suvoroff, suffering much from repeated attacks of 
 fever, was now compelled to seek rest and relaxation in 
 Russia. He passed the winter at Kieff, while Rumant- 
 soff in obedience to the remonstrances of the Empress 
 once more assumed the offensive. When early winter 
 had dispersed the Turks to their homes, he organized a 
 a second invasion of Bulgaria, but its conception and 
 execution was so feeble as to inspire doubt whether any-
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 49 
 
 thing more was intended than ostensible compliance 
 with the Imperial will. While Potemkin and Soltikoff 
 threatened Silistria and Rustchuk, Ungern, the successor 
 of Weissmann, was pushed forward with 3000 men from 
 Babadagh ; Dolgoruki was thrown across the Danube 
 at Hirsova with 5000, while both were directed to move 
 on Shumla, where the Grand Visir was posted with 
 that portion of the Turkish army which still remained 
 present with the colours. Their junction was effected at 
 Karamurad on the 27th October, when 10,000 Turks who 
 had taken post at Chernavoda retired hastily to Bazardjik 
 at their approach. On the 3Oth the Russian corps 
 reached the latter town, but divided counsels and the 
 insurbordinate spirit which was rife among the Russians 
 produced their usual results. Unable to agree upon a 
 plan of common action, the two leaders separated, thus 
 subdividing a force which, even when united, was un- 
 equal to the task assigned to it Dolgoruki marched on 
 Shumla, Ungern on Varna. Reaching Varna on the 
 4th November, Ungern attempted to carry it by storm, 
 but discovered, though not till the troops were on the 
 edge of the counterscarp, that they were unprovided 
 with ladders and fascines. After keeping them in this 
 position under a destructive fire for a considerable time 
 with stupid obstinacy, he at length withdrew, and, dis- 
 gusted with failure, abandoned Dolgoruki to his fate, 
 returning to Ismail by the shores of the Black Sea. The 
 other, left thus isolated in the midst of Bulgaria, loudly 
 complaining of the treachery of Ungern, sought refuge 
 behind the Danube in his turn. 
 
 The campaign of 1774 began with loftier hopes. 
 Partly owing to the more promising aspect of affairs in 
 
 E
 
 50 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Poland, and partly through the pressure brought by 
 Frederic of Prussia to bear on his aspiring nephew, 
 Gustavus of Sweden, Catherine was able to raise her 
 Danubian army to the strength of 50,000 men. Peace 
 was now more than ever an object of solicitude for the 
 Czarina, since the Cossacks had risen again under the 
 notorious Pugatchoff who, giving himself out for the 
 late Czar Peter III., aimed at nothing less than the subver- 
 sion of the Imperial government. Owing to the interior 
 of the empire being denuded of troops, the disturbance 
 rapidly extended in area, with its accompaniments of 
 blood, murder,and rapine, and seemed steadily approach- 
 ing the capital itself. Peace extorted at the point of the 
 bayonet was once more demanded of Rumantsoff, 
 who consequently planned a series of operations 
 beyond the Danube which s if not more skilfully con- 
 ceived than their predecessors, were at least crowned 
 with success. Once again the bulk of his army was 
 disseminated along the northern bank of that river, 
 while not more than 14,000 were concentrated for the 
 decisive blow against Shumla. Kamenski, who com- 
 manded them, crossed the Danube on the 1st June at 
 the head of 8000 men, and moved on Bazardjik, there 
 to await Suvoroff, who, having crossed the Danube at 
 Hirsova with 6000 men, lay encamped at no great 
 distance from Silistria. But, though instructed to join 
 his senior by the shortest road and with the least of 
 possible delay, our hero manifested no eagerness to 
 obey. On the contrary, jealousy, personal antipathy, 
 perhaps mere " cantankerousness," combined to arrest 
 his march till a peremptory order from head-quarters 
 aroused him from apathy and conducted him to Bazard-
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 5 1 
 
 jik, where he arrived on the ipth of the month. Three 
 days later the united Russian forces moved on Shumla 
 and, plunging into the great forest of Deli Orman by the 
 mere bridle-path which at that period traversed its 
 depths, had proceeded no great distance when their 
 advance-guard came in contact with the enemy, who, 
 breaking up from Shumla on the same day that their 
 opponents quitted Bazardjik, were marching swiftly on 
 Hirsova, A "chance-encounter" was the result the 
 battle of Kosludji, which decided the fate of the 
 campaign. 
 
 The Russian advance composed of cavalry, was already 
 driven from the wood by the excellent Albanian infantry 
 which headed the Turkish columns, when Suvoroff, 
 flying to the rescue with two battalions of infantry, 
 forced the victors once more to seek its shelter. Then, 
 dashing along the narrow track, where four horsemen at 
 most could move abreast, he fought his way steadily 
 through the forest, his infantry being formed in a close 
 column with a front of six men. Two thousand Arnauts 
 in the pay of Russia threw themselves as skirmishers to 
 his right and left, but he would not permit the regulars 
 to engage in the wood, where disciplined valour would 
 not have told with due effect. The advance was slow, 
 being much obstructed by the waggons which, the enemy 
 having killed the oxen, obstructed the path ; but, after 
 plodding five miles the Russians at length emerged into 
 the open and descried the Ottoman army drawn up on 
 an eminence in their front. The heat was stifling. 
 Many Russian soldiers dropped dead in their ranks ; 
 though a smart shower of rain which fell refreshed and 
 invigorated them, while it incommoded the Osmanlis in 
 
 E 2
 
 52 SUVOROFF. 
 
 their flimsy apparel, and wetted their ammunition, which 
 was carried in cloth bags instead of leathern pouches. 
 
 Suvoroff issued from the forest at the head of his 
 column, and without stopping to consult Kdmenski, who 
 indeed was far away to the rear, at once prepared for 
 action. He had with him about 10,000 of the 14,000 
 men who marched under Kamenski's orders. The 
 strength of the Turks has been variously estimated.* 
 Forming his infantry in a line of contiguous squares 
 with the cavalry on either flank, he advanced rapidly on 
 the enemy's position, and a struggle, deadly and pro- 
 tracted, commenced. The Janissaries repeatedly burst 
 sabre in hand into the interior of the Russian squares, but 
 were immediately bayonetted by the reserves stationed 
 inside. The line of squares steadily though slowly 
 advanced ; the furious energy of the Osmanli by degrees 
 abated ; disciplined valour prevailed and the position 
 was won. On reaching the summit of the captured 
 heights, the Russian chief, looking down their reverse 
 slopes, beheld the small town of Kosludji at his feet, 
 and hard by the immense mass of tents and baggage, 
 the vast concourse of animals and hangers-on which con- 
 stituted a Turkish camp. Panic and confusion there 
 held undisputed sway, as Suvoroff, posting a battery of 
 ten guns at a convenient spot, turned their fire on the 
 struggling mass below. A terrible commotion and 
 headlong rush to the rear followed upon the whizz of 
 the first cannon-shot. Casting away their weapons, the 
 Moslems scattered to all points of the compass, 
 
 * Von Hammer (Gesch. des Osman-Rcichs) reckons their numbers 
 at 25,000, other authorities as high as 40,000. All estimates of 
 Turkish armies are, however, little more than guess-work.
 
 FIRST TURKISH WAR. 53 
 
 threatening destruction to all who attempted to rally 
 them. The foot shot the cavalry to get possession of 
 their horses, and the whole army melted into a cloud of 
 fugitives, which vanished from sight as if scattered by a 
 whirlwind. Camp and baggage with thirty guns and 
 eighty standards were the spoil of the victors, while 
 3000 Turkish dead lay on the blood-stained field. 
 
 So rapid had been SuvorofFs movements that Ka- 
 menski's division did not arrive on the field of battle till 
 the ensuing day, when a warm altercation arose between 
 the two generals. Suvoroff had again won a great 
 victory without orders, while Kamenski, in his official 
 report, magnanimously abstained from details, and was 
 congratulated in consequence by the Commander-in- 
 Chief for the ability he had displayed and the triumph 
 he had obtained. Rumantsoff however could not have 
 acted otherwise without a breach of both etiquette and 
 discipline. If an officer act without orders, or in 
 contravention of them, he should be prepared for pro- 
 fessional ruin in case of disaster, in that of success to 
 see his laurels appropriated by his military superior. 
 SuvorofFs philosophy was not equal to the strain thus 
 put upon it. Wounded vanity, personal antipathy and 
 exorbitant ambition combined to goad him into an act 
 which in a military sense was crime. Deserting his 
 post he appeared at Bucharest in the presence of the 
 amazed and indignant Rumantsoff, who had already re- 
 ceived Kamenski's report. A severe reprimand was the 
 result, and few would have escaped thus lightly. But 
 Suvoroff was already firmly established in the imperial 
 favour, and extreme measures were un advisable. Granted 
 leave of absence on account of sickness, he returned
 
 54 SUVOROFF. 
 
 to Russia, where he found his services already in re- 
 quest. 
 
 Kamenski, on the other hand, sitting down with his 
 small army before Shumla, cut off the garrison from all 
 communication with the Balkans. Want was in con- 
 sequence soon experienced within its lines which, not 
 being completely invested, the garrison deserted in great 
 numbers. Reduced to extremity, the Grand Visir sued 
 for peace, and on the 2ist July 1774 the treaty of 
 Kutchuk Kainardji was signed near the spot where a 
 few months before Weissmann had expired in the arms 
 of victory. The Porte recognized the independence of 
 the Crim and Kuban Tartars, and ceded Kinburn, Azoff, 
 Kertch and Yenikale to Russia, who likewise acquired 
 the right of navigating the Black Sea together with a 
 species of protectorate over the Christians of the Balkan 
 Peninsula.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 
 
 THE Cossack Pugatchoff,* like Suvoroff himself and 
 the Empress Cathrine, was born in the year 1729. 
 Having served with credit in Prussia and Poland, he had 
 risen to the rank of captain. Restless and turbulent by 
 disposition, he was perpetually inciting the Cossacks to 
 mischief, and was in consequence deported to Siberia 
 whence he effected his escape. He is said really to 
 have resembled the Czar Peter III. in person, though 
 more probably his military experience had rendered him 
 acceptable to the Cossacks as their leader. In 1773, at 
 the head of 300 followers, he proclaimed himself Czar, 
 and ascended the Ural river with a band which at length 
 reached the formidable total of 30,000 men. Storming 
 the military posts which obstructed his path, he hung the 
 officers but enrolled the men of the different garrisons 
 in his service. Nothing availed to arrest his progress 
 till he reached Orenburg, to which he was obliged to 
 lay formal siege. The nomad population of the Steppe 
 among them many of the sect called " Old Believers," 
 who feared that Government were about to deprive them 
 of their beards joined the standard of revolt. Inca- 
 pable generals were sent with inadequate forces to sup- 
 
 Pushkin, History of Piigatchoff's Rebellion.
 
 56 SUVOROFF. 
 
 press the movement till, after several disasters, Catherine, 
 at length aroused to the gravity of the crisis, despatched 
 Bibikoff to the seat of the disturbance. That general, 
 recently arrived from Poland, having fixed his head- 
 quarters at Kazan, adopted measures which would have 
 put a speedy termination to the rebellion had fate so 
 willed it. The towns of Orenburg and Ufa were relieved ; 
 Pugatchoff was beaten and chased beyond the Steppe as 
 far as the Tobol river. Bibikoff however died at this 
 crisis and was succeeded by an officer of inferior capacity. 
 Pugatchoff, pursued by a weak detachment, made his 
 way to the foundries of the Ural mountains, where, 
 seizing the treasure of Government, he caused ordnance 
 to be cast for his own use. Thence marching on Kazan, 
 he spread devastation and ruin around his path, putting 
 to death all who refused to join his standard. Paul Po- 
 temkin, cousin of the celebrated favourite, commanded 
 in that city, and retired into the Kremlin (or citadel) on 
 his approach, leaving the surrounding habitations to be 
 sacked and burnt. The rebel next moved with his 
 murderous hordes on Moscow. During the march the 
 mansions of the nobles were demolished, their owners 
 hanged and the serfs set at liberty. Though the Empress 
 exchanged jests with Voltaire on the subject, dismay 
 dwelt in her heart. The foundations of social order 
 and the fabric of her government seemed about to dis- 
 appear in the vortex of successful revolt. A dreadful 
 reckoning might seem at hand for her complicity in the 
 crime which had seated her on a throne. Michelson 
 however succeeded in checking the rebel's advance at 
 Arzamass, and eventually drove him in confusion be- 
 yond the Volga. His hordes retreated, laying in ashes
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 57 
 
 the flourishing cities of Penza and Saratoff as they went, 
 but, closely followed by their indefatigable pursuer, they 
 were finally routed at Tzaritzin and thrust across the 
 Volga deep into the Ural Steppe. 
 
 Catherine, when the rebels were approaching her capi- 
 tal, had announced the resolution of placing herself in 
 person at the head of her forces.* Dissuaded from this 
 step by the Minister Panin, she appointed to the command 
 his younger brother Peter, who asked and obtained 
 the services of Suvoroff as his coadjutor. The latter, 
 summoned to Moscow post haste, proceeded forthwith 
 to Saratoff on the Volga, where he arrived on the 24th 
 August, 1774. During the sack of that town by Pugat- 
 choff every serviceable horse had been swept off by the 
 rebels, and Suvoroff had consequently to embarkhis escort 
 on the Volga, while with his staff he followed the course 
 of the river mounted on the few animals they possessed. 
 In this way they reached Tsaritzin, the scene of the 
 encounter in which Pugatchoff had just been worsted. 
 The malefactor had plunged into the Ural Steppe, and 
 Suvoroff, desirous of making a name by capturing so 
 capital a rogue, collected a flying squadron and started 
 in pursuit. It consisted of some 700 horse, among whom 
 were 300 mounted infantry ; for Suvoroff's mind being of 
 a practical turn he was in the habit of making horse and 
 foot interchangeable. The Ural Steppe, part of the ancient 
 bed of the Caspian, being a wide expanse of shell- 
 covered sand, broken here and there by marshes and 
 
 * A spirit of mutiny was manifest even among the regular troops. 
 An officer once addressed Michelson as follows : " The soldiers 
 will not march against their Emperor " (Pugatchoff). Equal to 
 the emergency, the general seized a pistol and shot the offender 
 dead.
 
 58 SUVOROFF. 
 
 stagnant lakes of salt water, all supplies necessarily 
 accompanied the expedition, which, under SuvorofFs 
 guidance, moved with inconceivable rapidity. After 
 crossing the barren Steppe, a wooded district presented 
 itself, the valley of the Great and Little Usen rivers, 
 where he learnt that a few days -previously Pugatchoff 
 had been seized by his own Cossacks, and dragged 
 in chains to Uralsk where he was surrendered to the 
 Russian commandant. Suvoroff, on reaching that post, 
 took charge of the prisoner together with his son, a 
 savage lad of fourteen, lodging them both in a strong iron 
 cage which he had had constructed for the purpose. In 
 spite of their insults and annoyances, Suvoroff persisted 
 in spending his nights in proximity to the cage, being 
 resolved not to be cheated of his prize. At Simbirsk 
 the arch-rebel was handed over to Peter Panin and, in 
 1775, hanged at Moscow. One hundred thousand 
 individuals lost their lives during the progress of this 
 rebellion. 
 
 Suvoroff spent the winter of 1774 at Moscow, where he 
 married Barbara, the daughter of Prince Prozorovski. 
 The union was an unhappy one and soon followed by 
 a permanent separation. Already forty-five years of 
 age and with a mind wholly absorbed by ambitious 
 schemes, he was totally unfitted for entering on a domes- 
 tic life, and probably did so merely in deference to the 
 wish of his aged father. Yet, if an unsympathetic and 
 careless husband, he was a fond and judicious parent. 
 Two children resulted from the union: a son Arcadius, 
 and a daughter Nathalia, with whom in after life he 
 maintained an affectionate correspondence. With this 
 brief notice his domestic life may be dismissed from
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 59 
 
 consideration. After spending the year 1776 in his wife's 
 society at Moscow, he thus expressed his views on 
 matrimony: "The duties of the imperial service are so 
 engrossing that they swallow up private affections. 
 Having spent a twelvemonth in retirement, I am con- 
 scious of an increased longing for service and active 
 employment in the career to which I have devoted 
 myself," and soon afterwards he actually relinquished 
 domestic life for ever. An instance of paternal love ; 
 which in Suvoroff's case of course found an eccentric 
 mode of manifestation, may be mentioned before quit- 
 ting this subject. When journeying on a certain occa- 
 sion from one extremity of the empire to another, he 
 went a round-about way in order to visit Moscow and 
 obtain a glimpse of his children. Alighting at his 
 residence in the dead of night, he noiselessly made his 
 way to their chamber, and drew aside the bed-curtains, 
 silently gazing at them for some instants ; then, bestow- 
 ing on them a curt benediction, he departed and, 
 mounting his sledge, continued his journey. 
 
 Mention has already been made of the designs enter- 
 tained by Russia against the Crimea ; also of the Treaty 
 of Kainardji as having greatly facilitated them by 
 detaching that peninsula from the Ottoman Empire. 
 For the space of nine years after its conclusion a secret 
 conflict was waged between the two rival States for supre- 
 macy in that quarter, a conflict which was brought to 
 a termination by the Convention of January 1784, which 
 aimed at establishing a modus vivendi. In the history 
 of these fraudulent transactions Suvoroff played the part 
 of a soldier who executes the behests of the civil power, 
 while Potemkin was the crafty wire-puller of diplomatic
 
 60 SUVOROFF, 
 
 intrigue. That celebrated character, a singular compound 
 of mental grandeur and meanness, was gifted with a 
 powerful imagination, whose fondest dream was the 
 deliverance of Russia from the last vestige of alien 
 supremacy, and the infliction on the followers of the 
 Prophet of woes under which they had long made 
 Christendom groan. The Tartar Khans, the descen- 
 dants of Gengis, still possessed the Crimea ; their expul- 
 sion would be the first step towards the realization of 
 these designs. But beyond gleamed in airy magnificence 
 the grandiose scheme known as the " Greek Project," 
 the overthrow of the Turkish rule in Europe and the 
 revival of the Byzantine Empire under a Russian prince. 
 Potemkin's early religious training concurred with 
 patriotism to direct his thoughts into this channel. In 
 youth his choice had long vacillated between the 
 clerical and military professions, while to the end of his 
 days he is said to have discussed theological subjects 
 with eager delight, more especially disputes between the 
 Eastern Church and that of Rome. 
 
 The Khan of the Crimea who was thus released from 
 the suzerainty of the Porte was Sahib Ghirai, an adherent 
 of Russia, whom Dolgoruki had 'enthroned after the 
 successful campaign of 1771. When, four years later, 
 the Khan handed over to Russia the towns which had 
 been ceded to her by the Treaty of Kainardji, his 
 subjects rebelled, drove him from the country and 
 elevated Dewlet Ghirai, the leader of the Turkish faction, 
 in his stead. Sahib appealed to Russia, and Suvoroff, 
 overrunning the Crimea with troops, dispersed the 
 adherents of Dewlet, who fled for safety to Constanti- 
 nople. In 1777 Potemkin, requiring an instrument more
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 61 
 
 pliant than Sahib, promoted the election of Shahin 
 Ghirai, but his candidate was successfully opposed by 
 Selim Ghirai, who was devoted to the Turkish interest. 
 Russian troops under Prince Prozorowski, Suvoroffs 
 father-in-law, once more passing the frontier, captured 
 the towns of Kaffa and Bakchi Serai, the capital of the 
 peninsula ; when Selim in his turn fled to Constanti- 
 nople and Russia remained mistress of his territory. 
 
 Suvoroff during this campaign was attacked by a 
 fever caught in the malarious district of Perekop, in 
 which he had been quartered. After a brief sojourn 
 at Poltava he recovered and was ordered to the Kuban 
 district, to hold in check the Tartars who, backed by 
 their Circassian neighbours, were committing wholesale 
 depredations on Russian territory. To this end he 
 repaired an ancient line of forts, which extended from 
 the mouth of the Kuban river as far as Stavropol, but 
 had already fallen into decay. Situated at intervals of 
 fifty miles apart, each was garrisoned by a company of 
 infantry and a couple of guns. Suvoroff himself acted 
 as military engineer and, having caused 3000 labourers 
 to be brought from the Don, placed the works in a state 
 of thorough repair in six weeks. Early in 1778 Pro- 
 zorowski was summoned to St. Petersburg, when his son- 
 in-law assumed temporary command in the south of 
 Russia, administering the government of the Crimea 
 from his head-quarters in the palace of the Khans at 
 Bagchi Serai. A delicate task fell to his lot that of 
 preventing a Turkish landing without recourse to actual 
 violence. For the Sultan, deeming his rights on the 
 Crimea as valid as Russia's, had resolved to imitate her 
 crafty policy and, having despatched a small squadron to
 
 62 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the bay which is now the harbour of Sevastopol, in order 
 to secure a landing-place, he supported it with a great 
 fleet under the orders of Hassan, the Capudan pasha. 
 To alarm them inside the bay Suvoroff began to erect 
 batteries on either side its entrance, so as to cut off their 
 retreat, upon which the intruders weighed anchor and 
 departed. Soon afterwards the larger armament hove 
 in sight a fleet of 160 sail and openly prepared to 
 disembark. But Suvoroff had located batteries at every 
 point which favoured a landing, so that wheresoever the 
 enemy appeared he found Russian troops drawn up on 
 the shore to repel him. Hassan tried artifice, requested 
 permission to land and replenish his water-supply, but 
 was refused on the ground that the peninsula furnished 
 no more water than was requisite for home consumption. 
 Thus baffled, the Turkish admiral returned to Constanti- 
 nople. Suvoroff next superintended the emigration of 
 some 20,000 Greek and Armenian Christians, the invari- 
 able sufferers whichever Tartar faction held the reins of 
 power. These departed to populate the new provinces 
 of Russia in the south, where they founded the towns of 
 Mariupol and Nakhitchevan. In 1779 a convention was 
 concluded, in virtue of which the Sultan recognized 
 Shahin as Khan, while Russia in turn withdrew her 
 troops from his dominions. 
 
 In 1780 Suvoroff assumed direction of the naval and 
 military preparations which were being made at 
 Astrakhan ; for the Empress and Potemkin appear at 
 this time to have meditated designs on Persia. Nadir 
 Shah, the conqueror, had just expired, leaving his 
 dominions a prey to anarchy, and it is possible that the 
 imperial conspirators hoped to seize a province in the
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 63 
 
 scramble which was likely to ensue. Georgia had long 
 been the apple of contention between Russia, Turkey, 
 and Persia; but in 1784 Potemkin persuaded its ruler, 
 Heracles II., to acknowledge the supremacy of Catherine. 
 Again, Russia entertained a vague project of diverting 
 eastern trade from the ocean route to that of the Caspian, 
 since at that period navigation was obstructed by the 
 maritime warfare being waged between France and 
 England. The development of trade with Central Asia 
 was also aimed at, and to further these plans, Suvoroff 
 was authorized to seize upon the town of Astrabad, 
 situated on the Persian shore of the Caspian. He 
 endeavoured to discourage Potemkin's visionary schemes, 
 advising him that nothing useful could be effected at 
 such a distance from the seat of empire till districts 
 nearer home were better cared for, meaning the vast 
 tracts extending between the Crimea and the Ural 
 river which swarmed with predatory nomads ripe for 
 mischief at every opportunity. At Astrakhan, to his 
 disgust, he was compelled to remain till the close of 
 1781, when, transferred to the command of the Kazan 
 division, he conducted his troops next year to the 
 mouth of the Dnieper. The Crim Tartars had once 
 more revolted and expelled their Khan Shahin, who, 
 as before, fled to Russia for assistance and protection. 
 If this revolution was not the direct result of Potemkin's 
 intrigues, at any rate that minister was prompt in turn- 
 ing it to account. Six Russian corps being already 
 cantoned along the Turkish frontier from Khotin on the 
 Dneister to the mountains of the Caucasus, the Prince 
 entered the Crimea in person at the head of one of 
 them, the Turks having afforded a convenient pretext
 
 64 SUVOROFF. 
 
 for the step by forcibly occupying Taman, on the Straits 
 of Kertch. Meantime Suvoroff reached Azoff with his 
 division, being entrusted with the subjugation of the 
 Tartars of the Kuban. Shahin ceded his territories in 
 1783 to Russia in consideration of a yearly pension ; 
 the Empress in the same year annexed them to her 
 Empire, the Kuban district included. Suvoroff now 
 invited these Tartars to Yeisk, on the shores of the sea 
 of Azoff, that they might take the oath of allegiance 
 to their new sovereign. The solemnity, which took 
 place on the anniversary of the accession of the Empress 
 to the throne, was celebrated by a banqnet on a gigantic 
 scale. The festivities were protracted for two entire 
 days ; 100 oxen, 800 sheep, and 7500 gallons of brandy 
 (the guests like good Moslems would not drink wine) 
 were consumed during the orgy, which concluded with 
 horse-racing and other national sports, and many a 
 barbarian had drunk himself to death before these 
 newly-fledged Russian subjects sought their homes 
 delighted with their new rulers. But the ascendancy 
 of the stomach was brief, and their loyalty evaporated 
 with the fumes of the spirits which they had swallowed, 
 Either through the caprice natural to savages, or on 
 account of an attempt made to transplant some of them 
 to the pastures of the Ural, the entire nation of the 
 Nogai Tartars again flew to arms ; the emigrants, who 
 had already reached the banks of the Don, broke away 
 from their escort and returned to their homes ; and one 
 of their sultans laid siege to Yeisk with a force of 10,000 
 men during Suvoroffs absence. On the return of the 
 Russian general to the relief of that post, the enemy 
 raised the siege and fled to their desert fastnesses ; but
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 65 
 
 Suvoroff resolved to strike a blow at them which should 
 for the future hold them within the bounds of obedience. 
 He collected at Kopyl, near the mouth of the Kuban, a 
 force consisting of 2500 regulars with 2000 Cossacks, 
 while a second force of the latter, equally numerous, was 
 instructed to join him en route. He had been informed 
 that the principal camp of the Nogais lay near the con- 
 fluence of the Laba with the Kuban, and to that point, 
 ascending the right bank of the latter river, he directed 
 his march. Moving by night only, he concealed his forces 
 by day in hollows, ravines, &c., from the observation of 
 the numerous scouts of the enemy. The difficulties 
 which beset his path were immense ; roads of course 
 there were none, and the line of march was everywhere 
 intersected by marshy streams tributary to the Kuban. 
 The country was likewise destitute of supplies, except 
 the provision afforded by the captured flocks and herds 
 of the enemy. At length he reached the confluence of 
 the Laba and Kuban, where he was joined by the 
 Cossacks of Ilovaiski, who had marched thither from 
 Cherkask on the Don. Mounting an eminence, he de- 
 scried beyond the river the distant smoke of the Tartar 
 camps, and issued orders for crossing it the same night. 
 The Cossacks, probing the current with their long lances, 
 discovered a ford at a point where the channel extend- 
 ing to a mile in breadth was of course shallow in propor- 
 tion. The passage was facilitated by an islet in mid- 
 stream, but the opposite bank was precipitous. The 
 infantry stript before wading across, and held their 
 muskets high above their heads ; for the water reached 
 above their shoulders. The cavalry crossed higher up 
 in order to break the force of the current before it reached 
 
 F
 
 66 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the infantry, and they carried the clothes of the latter. 
 At dawn on the I2th of October 1783 the force, ascend- 
 ing the right bank of the Laba, surprised the principal 
 camp of the Tartars, who were in complete ignorance of 
 the proximity of danger. A terrible carnage ensued. 
 Four thousand of these warriors were slain on the spot 
 with many women and children who, according to the 
 habits of their race, shared the danger of battle with 
 their adult defenders. The Cossacks could not be re- 
 strained : an ancient blood feud existed between them 
 and their victims. Neither side asked or granted 
 quarter. The victory was complete and decisive. Suvo- 
 roff retraced his steps to Yeisk. The struggle was con- 
 cluded by the definite cession of the Crimea and Kuban 
 to Russia, in January 1784, by the Ottoman Porte. The 
 wretched Khan Shahin Ghirai, who resided at Voronej 
 as a pensioner of Russia, suddenly fled the country, 
 owing, as it was alleged, to the non-payment of his salary 
 by Potemkin. Seeking an asylum in the Turkish capital, 
 he was coldly received, and migrated to Rhodes, where 
 he was ultimately strangled by the Sultan's command. 
 
 Suvoroff, appointed to the command of the Vladimir 
 military district, now took up his residence at Undol, an 
 estate which he possessed in that neighbourhood. He 
 prosecuted his studies in military history during this 
 interval of comparative leisure ; read the lessons in 
 church ; sang with the village choir ; rang the church 
 bells, &c. &c., occupations with which he was accustomed 
 to beguile his rural leisure. He was to be seen trotting 
 about the village in white linen garments gossiping with 
 the peasants about their affairs, arranging their marriages, 
 playing with their children, and throwing ginger-bread
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 67 
 
 or coppers among them. Yet he speedily tired of 
 inaction and begged Potemkin, with whom he was as 
 yet on good terms, to restore him to a more active exis- 
 tence. In 1785 accordingly we find him appointed to 
 the command of the St. Petersburg military division; 
 and in the following year, having attained the rank of 
 full general, he was entrusted with a division of 10,000 
 men which had been collected at Kremenstchug on the 
 Dnieper. 
 
 Just then Catherine was meditating that triumphal 
 progress through her southern provinces which had 
 such important political results. It was through no 
 suggestion of Potemkin's that the project took shape : 
 a faction hostile to him whispered to the Empress that 
 the vast sums which she had lavished in colonizing 
 Southern Russia were squandered by the favourite on 
 unworthy or useless objects. Thus it was that she decided 
 to satisfy herself by personal inspection. Potemkin was 
 struck with dismay on learning her intentions, but soon 
 recovered his composure and resolved to confound the 
 machinations of his foes. Though a great genius, he 
 was likewise an arrant impostor. There is reason for 
 believing that he had acccomplished marvels in the new 
 colonies and advanced their material prosperity. Yet, 
 too suspicious to depend for justification on the solid 
 basis of truth, he had recourse to a system of deception 
 which was insulting to the intellect of the princess for 
 whose eye it was devised. The imperial cortege, leaving 
 Petersburg in January 1787, journeyed by sledge as far 
 as KiefT, but only to spend the rest of the winter in 
 that city. In the spring, embarking on the Dnieper in a 
 fleet of magnificently decorated galleys, they followed 
 
 F 2
 
 68 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the course of the stream through the provinces subject 
 to Potemkin's administration. To the astonishment of 
 all on board, the banks presented a fertile and blooming 
 aspect ; for the despotic Minister had assembled crowds 
 of peasantry from the neighbouring districts ; wooden 
 cabins had been constructed on the margin of the flood ; 
 groves of trees adorned its banks, on which flocks and 
 herds driven there for the occasion browsed in the most 
 picturesque situations, while the measureless expanse 
 behind was stript bare as a deal board, It is not pro- 
 bable that these stage decorations deluded the acute 
 understanding of the Empress, who without doubt 
 saw through the deception practised, while she recog- 
 nized the solid work which had actually been ac- 
 complished. Delighted to perceive that her favourite 
 was not wholly guilty, she was also spared the 
 necessity of publicly disgracing one who had gained a 
 marked ascendancy over her. On the 3rd May she was 
 met at Kaneff by King Stanislas of Poland, and on the 
 loth she reached Kremenstchug, where Suvoroff had 
 drawn up his division to receive her. Two anecdotes, 
 illustrative of Suvoroff's character have reached us from 
 this period. At a ball given at Kieff, he met Count 
 Alexander Lameth, then on a visit to the Russian Court. 
 Stopping short in front of the stranger, he cried : 
 " What are you ? your rank, and name." Lameth 
 replied : " Frenchman, Colonel, Alexander Lameth !" 
 " Good !" returned Suvoroff. But the French Count, 
 nettled at this abrupt address, demanded in turn : 
 " What are you ? your rank, and name." " Russian, 
 General, Suvoroff," was the prompt rejoinder. " Good ! " 
 exclaimed the other ; and Suvoroff, who was apt to form
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 69 
 
 a mean opinion of those who were abashed by his sudden 
 queries, burst out laughing and shook him warmly by 
 the hand. Again, at Kremenstchug, Catherine, having 
 passed his division in review, was so pleased with the 
 precision of its movements that, prior to leaving the 
 ground, she distributed rewards to the officers broadcast. 
 Suvoroff regarded in grim silence the obsequious crowd, 
 and when at length the Empress, turning to him, 
 inquired, " And you, General, do you require nothing ? " 
 " Well, mother," he replied, in the familiar style affected 
 by him when addressing the Sovereign, " pay the hire 
 of my lodgings." " Is it much then you are in debt ?" 
 inquired the Czarina. "Three and a half rubles," 
 replied this " Alexander Diogenes," as he was nicknamed 
 by the Prince de Ligne. After this adventure he was 
 accustomed to boast that the Empress had "paid his 
 debts." He felt a natural disgust for the obsequiousness 
 and rapacity which was too common amongst his con- 
 temporaries. 
 
 At Kaidak, Joseph II. having joined the Imperial 
 party, all journeyed in company first to Kherson, which 
 had recently been founded by Potemkin on the estuary 
 of the Dnieper, and thence into the Crimea. At Sevas- 
 topol, which had been selected by that minister as a 
 maritime post, they beheld from the heights of Inkerman 
 the Black Sea fleet, his latest creation, riding at anchor 
 below. They next visited Bagchi Serai, the romantic 
 capital of the old Khans, taking up their abode in the 
 palace but lately inhabited by the descendants of Gengis 
 Khan. Thence retracing their steps to the banks of the 
 Dnieper, the Imperial pair separated and sought their 
 respective capitals. At Poltava, the fatal battle which
 
 70 SUVOROFF. 
 
 sealed the fate of Charles XII. was rehearsed by the 
 troops under Suvoroffs command, when the Empress, 
 scanning the field from the lofty tumulus which is called 
 the " Grave of the Swedes," involuntarily exclaimed, 
 " One moment decides the fate of nations," an appropriate 
 but rather common-place sentiment. 
 
 Suvoroff, bidding adieu to the Empress at Poltava, 
 hastily returned in company with Potemkin to Kremens- 
 tchug ; for the Porte, justly irritated by the provocations 
 offered by the two Monarchs, had declared war against 
 Russia (i6th August, 1787). Since the Crimea seemed 
 likely to bear the first brunt of attack, Suvoroff trans- 
 ferred his head-quarters to the fortress of Kinburn, 
 which covers the approaches to that peninsula. The 
 second Turkish war, in which he was to acquire imperish- 
 able glory, had broken out. A glance at his person at 
 this period may not be out of place. It is thus described in 
 Polevoi's biography : " Suvoroff was in 1787 fifty-eight 
 years of age. Already in the decline of life, with thin 
 grey hair, wrinkled face, stooping attitude and low 
 stature, his appearance was well-nigh decrepit ; yet he 
 was strong and healthy, active and enduring, and an 
 excellent horseman. He could endure fatigue, hunger, 
 thirst and want of sleep. His blue eyes sparkled with 
 intelligence. His eccentricities astonished no one, for he 
 had long since lost the power of dissembling them. His 
 invincibility had become an article of faith in the army 
 and among the people, who, in narrating, exaggerated 
 his eccentricities ; how he ran, leaped and crowed like 
 a cock; spoke the truth to every one ; went without furs 
 in the depth of winter, and rode in front of his troops 
 in an old threadbare cloak." In explanation of the above,
 
 STEPPE WARFARE. 71 
 
 Suvorofif, a very early riser, on issuing forth before dawn 
 was accustomed to salute the first comer with a ringing 
 cock-a-doodle-doo, sung out at the top of his voice. Du- 
 boscage states that this piece of buffoonery meant in 
 words : Honour to the active and vigilant soldier ! But it 
 is needless to analyze the motives of such remarkable 
 proceedings. This was the man who was about to make 
 Europe ring with the fame of his exploits.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 
 
 THE liman or estuary formed by the rivers Bug and 
 Dneiper, witnessed the outbreak of hostilities. The 
 entrance to that broad sheet of water was commanded 
 on the north by the Turkish fortress Otchakoff, on the 
 south by Kinburn, which had been ceded to Russia by 
 the Treaty of Kainardji. The latter, built on a sandy 
 spit which projects into the Euxine, covered the ap- 
 proaches to the Crimea, while Otchakoff, on the 
 opposite shore, obstructed an advance on the Danube. 
 Near Kherson, at the head of the liman, was Glubokoi, at 
 that time Russia's principal naval station, where a 
 flotilla suitable for navigating its shallow waters had 
 been assembled. Such was the situation of affairs when 
 Suvoroff established his head-quarters at Kinburn. 
 
 In the autumn of 1787 the Russian armies were split into 
 two principal masses: that of the Ukraine, 37,000 strong, 
 which was stationed in Podolia under Rumantsoff, and 
 the main body of 80,000 men under Potemkin's imme- 
 diate command on the Dneiper. The duty assigned to 
 the former was to observe Poland and cover the army of 
 Potemkin, which was about to undertake the siege of 
 the border fortresses. Of these, Otchakoff was in a 
 neglected condition, destitute of supplies, fortifications
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 73 
 
 out of repair ; and had Potemkin acted with due vigour, 
 its fall could not have been long delayed. But, war 
 once declared, an unaccountable lethargy seems to 
 have descended upon the prince, and it soon became 
 manifest that, whatever the scope of his genius, a talent 
 for war was not comprised in its endowments. 
 
 Afflicted with a mania for vast conceptions in the 
 abstract, he appeared paralysed when the moment came 
 for action. A twelvemonth was spent by him before 
 Olviopol in dilatory preparations for the siege of 
 Otchakoff, whilst he indited plaintive letters to the Em- 
 press descriptive of the embarrassments incident to his 
 situation. But the Turks were of a more practical turn. 
 The Pasha of Otchakoff, first informing Suvoroff that 
 war was declared, added with commendable frankness 
 that he intended to commence hostilities forthwith, and 
 attack certain Russian vessels which lay at anchor off 
 Kinburn. Accordingly, on the 3Oth August, he fulfilled 
 his word, though the ships after a smart action escaped 
 to Glubokoi. A descent on Kinburn now appearing 
 imminent, Suvoroff prepared for the contingency. His 
 forces consisted of seven battalions, twelve squadrons of 
 regular cavalry, and three regiments of Cossacks, in all 
 about 5000 men. Posting his infantry inside Kinburn, 
 his cavalry were distributed in a cordon along the shore 
 as far as Kherson, so that timely notice might be given of 
 approaching danger ; and he began to throw up bat- 
 teries for the protection of Glubokoi, one masked and 
 intended for 27 guns at the extremity of the sandy spit 
 on which Kinburn stands. 
 
 On the 1 2th October the Turkish fleet approached, 
 and, under cover of a heavy fire, commenced disembark-
 
 74 SUVOROFF. 
 
 ing troops at the point where the masked battery was in 
 course of construction. Having thrown ashore 5000 
 picked Janissaries, the Turkish vessels ran out to sea, 
 leaving the troops no hope of safety but in fight. 
 Having hastily entrenched themselves on the shore, 
 they began throwing up approaches to the fortress ; but 
 the sandy nature of the soil, and the presence of water 
 at a little distance below the surface, soon necessitated a 
 recourse to sandbags. Suvoroff, strange to say, did not 
 interrupt the landing, nor did he allow a single shot to 
 be fired till the enemy had carried his approaches to 
 within 200 yards of the glacis. Whether he hoped to 
 destroy the whole of them, or was merely desirous of 
 gaining time for the arrival of his cavalry is uncertain, 
 but the prudent course would have been to sally forth 
 and drive them into the sea, when but half their force 
 was ashore. Still, when fighting with Asiatics, more 
 venturesome tactics are permissible than in operating 
 against a scientific foe, as our Indian annals proclaim ; 
 and this, no doubt, would have been Suvoroff's answer 
 to critics. When the Turks had arrived within the 
 above range he caused a general volley to be poured 
 into them from the ramparts, and charged forth at the 
 head of his infantry, having first despatched the few 
 horse he possessed to make the circuit of the fortification 
 and fall upon their right flank. These stumbling 
 across the ladder party of the enemy cut them to pieces 
 with ease ; but the Russian infantry, who on this occa- 
 sion fought in line, their flanks being protected by the 
 sea, and the enemy having no cavalry in the field, 
 met with a more formidable resistance. The Janissa- 
 ries opposed to them were picked warriors headed by
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 75 
 
 fifty dervishes, who advanced waving their Korans above 
 their heads. They repulsed the Russians, but Suvoroff 
 brought up his reserves, and restored the fight. A can- 
 non-shot killed his horse ; he was precipitated to earth 
 and speedily surrounded by the enemy. He thereupon 
 summoned a mounted Turk to surrender his horse, (mis- 
 taking him, no doubt for a Cossack, since the Turks 
 brought no horses, and this one must have been cap- 
 tured), but the stranger rushed at him, and was about to 
 deal a fatal blow, when a fusilier named Novikoff slew 
 him with a bayonet-thrust. The cry was raised, "Our 
 general is in danger," and a universal rush was made to 
 rescue him. But he was already mounted on a fresh 
 animal and superintending the action, which, renewed 
 with obstinacy, lasted till evening. The Russians were 
 already wavering and seemed about to turn, when, 
 suddenly to their joy the ten squadrons which had 
 been employed on outpost duty made their appearance 
 and charged with decisive effect. In the thickest of the 
 fray Suvoroff received a bullet in the arm ; but retiring 
 to the sea-shore with his suite, he bathed it in sea-water, 
 bound it with a portion of his shirt, and returned to the 
 conflict. The fortune of the day was already decided, 
 for the Turks, driven to the extremity of the sandy spit, 
 were perishing by the point of the bayonet or drowning 
 in the waves of the sea. Only 700 out of a total of 
 5000 survived ; the dervishes being slain to a man. 
 A Frenchman named Lafitte, who had been repairing 
 the works of Otchakoff, led the expedition and was for- 
 tunate enough to escape. Thus went Kinburn fight, 
 which concluded hostilities for the year. The Turks 
 made no further attempts on that fortress, whose de-
 
 76 SUVOROFF. 
 
 fences Suvoroff improved during the winter, when the 
 frost was so severe as to cover the liman with ice, which 
 he caused to be broken up near the shore to prevent a 
 surprise. 
 
 About this time he writes to his daughter Natalia : 
 " Although I am still weak from the effects of my wound, 
 my zeal is as constant as ever ; and I am gradually 
 recovering without in the least neglecting my duties." 
 
 Thus passed the winter of 1787. In February, the 
 following year, the Emperor Joseph united his arms to 
 Russia according to treaty, though reluctantly, being 
 probably aware of the antagonism which must ever reign 
 between Russian interests in the Balkan peninsula and 
 those of Austria ; distrusting also the uncertain and 
 capricious temper of Potemkin. " What am I going to 
 fight for ? " he is said to have exclaimed : " Potemkin 
 begins things without finishing them. He wants the 
 St. George of the first class ; when he gets it he 
 will make peace." Yet, faithful to engagements, he 
 assembled an army of 200,000 men, which he placed 
 under the command of Lascy, a leader almost as 
 incapable as Potemkin himself. Both Emperor and 
 general were imbued with the preposterous theory of 
 the age, viz. the cordon system which disseminated 
 troops in so vast a line as to cover every point but pro- 
 tect none. This great army, distributed into six corps, 
 which occupied the vast tract included between the 
 Adriatic and Euxine Seas, awaited motionless the attack 
 of the enemy, who, entering Wallachia, inflicted crushing 
 defeats on the imperial forces at Slatina and Lugos, and 
 carried desolation into the heart of Hungary. The Aus- 
 trian armies were in consequence consigned to inactivity 
 for the remainder of that year.
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 77 
 
 In May 1788 the Ottoman fleet reached Otchakoff 
 and several naval contests took place for the possession 
 of the linian. The Russians were usually victorious, in 
 part through a more accurate knowledge of the naviga- 
 tion, for the coast is beset with shoals, on which the 
 vessels of the enemy frequently stranded. On the 28th 
 June, Hassan, the Turkish admiral (the same who was 
 defeated by Alexis Orloff at Chesmeh Bay in 1770), 
 made a general attack, but had to retire to Otchakoff 
 with the loss of many vessels which had run ashore or 
 been taken, and next night he attempted to regain the 
 open sea. With the leading vessels of the squadron he 
 successfully weathered the spit of Kinburn under cover 
 of night, but the remainder were discovered and over- 
 whelmed by a tempest of red-hot shot from the masked 
 battery which Suvoroff had now completed. The Turk- 
 ish vessels, getting into dreadful confusion, began to 
 catch fire ; they blew up and ran ashore in every direc- 
 tion. Ignorant of the very existence of the battery 
 which was raking them, their commander judged that 
 they had strayed beneath the guns of Kinburn, and 
 knew not whither to steer. A dreadful spectacle met 
 the eye, vessels floating aimlessly to and fro amid smoke, 
 flame, and uproar, till they fell victims to the certain 
 destruction which awaited them. At daylight the 
 Prince of Nassau's flotilla co-operated, and with his 
 assistance the work of destruction was made com- 
 plete. 
 
 At length, on the 9th July, Potemkin broke up from 
 Olviopol and, with an army which numbered 40,000 men, 
 sat down before Otchakoff ; but it was soon perceived 
 that the season was too far advanced to admit of a
 
 78 SUVOROFF. 
 
 formal siege being undertaken. The principal generals 
 therefore entreated him to risk an assault, which would 
 put an end to the intolerable sufferings of the troops 
 from want and exposure. Among the most importu- 
 nate of these advisers was Suvoroff, now in command of 
 the left wing of the besieging forces. But Potemkin 
 pertinaciously refused compliance, alleging aversion to 
 bloodshed as an excuse, though lives were daily being 
 sacrificed through disease which would soon exceed in 
 the aggregate the deaths consequent on an assault 
 obstinacy which gave occasion for the display of the 
 fiery impatience and insurbordinate temper of Suvoroff ; 
 for, on the 7th August, seizing the occasion of a sortie 
 from the town, he pursued the routed enemy to within 
 the circle of its defences, hoping thus to force Potem- 
 kin's hand, and compel him to support an engagement 
 which was already in progress. Nevertheless, the Prince, 
 when informed of the occurrence, declined to interfere, 
 and sent peremptory orders to bring the troops out of 
 action. Meantime, Suvoroff, wounded by a bullet which 
 lodged in his neck, had been constrained to quit the field 
 and return to camp, while the officer who succeeded him 
 in command executed the retreat so ill, that a loss of 400 
 men was incurred through his awkwardness. The 
 wounded chief was conveyed to Kinburn in great pain, 
 and there he stayed till convalescence. 
 
 At this point of time the difficulties of Russia were 
 augmented by the policy of Gustavus III. of Sweden, 
 who, conceiving the moment opportune for the recovery 
 of the Baltic provinces which had been wrested from his 
 country by Peter the Great, declared war upon the 
 Empress. But he was in too great a hurry ; for a fleet
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 79 
 
 which she had caused to assemble at Cronstadt for opera- 
 tions in the Mediterranean was detained on news of the 
 rupture reaching St. Petersburg. Several naval actions* 
 ensued, which ended in the Swedish ships taking refuge 
 under the guns of Sveaborg, were they remained until 
 the conclusion of hostilities, while on land the progress 
 of the King was arrested by a mutiny among his nobles, 
 who denied the right of the Crown to wage offensive 
 war without the consent of the Council. But the action 
 of Sweden, in combination with the threats of England, 
 Prussia, and Poland, all interested in the maintenance 
 of the Ottoman Power in Europe, made it desirable that 
 a blow should be struck for the restoration of the pres- 
 tige of Russia, which had suffered through her recent 
 inaction. This consideration weighed with Catherine 
 and her minister and decided the fate of beleaguered 
 Otchakoff. The winter an intensely cold one was 
 long remembered in Russia as the " Otchakoff winter." 
 From thirty to forty soldiers were daily frozen to death 
 in the trenches, and Potemkin, moved alike by humanity, 
 the remonstrances of his generals, and the open murmurs 
 of his troops, at length gave orders for the assault 
 of the city. It took place on the i/th of December 
 1788. The garrison numbered 20,000, the assailants 
 no more than 14,000; who, formed into six columns of 
 attack, two of which were held in reserve, steadily moved 
 to their sanguinary task. The assault of the fortress 
 itself lasted but one hour and a quarter, after which the 
 butchery which is characteristic of Eastern warfare com- 
 
 * The sound of the cannon was heard in the palace at Peters- 
 burg, eliciting from the Empress the cry : " Truly Czar Peter 
 placed the capital too near the frontier !'*
 
 8o SUVOROFF. 
 
 menced. The Moslems fought desperately from house 
 to house ; neither age nor sex were spared ; 10,000 were 
 slain and 4000 taken prisoners, while the loss inflicted on 
 their assailants amounted in killed and wounded to no 
 less than 4000. The hard frost which prevailed had a 
 ghastly effect on the appearance of the dead, who lay 
 rigidly fixed in the posture assumed at the moment of 
 death. During this awful scene Potemkin was stationed 
 in a battery which commanded a view of the city, giving 
 no orders, but imploring celestial aid. Catherine was 
 ill when the welcome intelligence arrived, but at a ban- 
 quet held to celebrate the event she exclaimed : " I was 
 sick, but joy has cured me." Otchakoff, rased to the 
 ground after capture, has never recovered the blow. 
 
 Suvoroff lay wounded and in disgrace. He had in- 
 curred the displeasure of a domineering upstart, whose 
 vanity could neither forget nor forgive the slight on his 
 courage and capacity which an audacious surbordinate 
 had inflicted at the siege of Otchakoff, and who, conceal- 
 ing his rancour beneath the cloak of humanity, had 
 written as follows to the object of it : " My soldiers are 
 such a treasure that they must not be uselessly sacrificed. 
 Without rhyme or reason more lives have been lost than 
 the whole town of Otchakoff is worth. It is strange 
 indeed that my subordinates should order the move- 
 ment of troops without my sanction." The influence of 
 Potemkin was at its zenith, and the Empress, notwith- 
 standing her partiality for Suvoroff, seemed unable or 
 unwilling to screen him from her favourite's animosity. 
 His luck was indeed at a low ebb ; for, when lying 
 wounded at Kinburn, a powder-magazine blew up, and 
 a live shell, bursting into his apartment, severely injured
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 81 
 
 him, while it shattered into fragments the bedstead on 
 which he was stretched. It is surprising that a man of 
 his years should have survived the physical trials to 
 which he was subjected. He recovered, however, and in 
 the course of. the ensuing winter visited St Petersburg, 
 where the Empress bestowed on him a diamond aigrette 
 in memory of the victory at Kinburn. Potemkin likewise 
 repaired to the capital, where he was greeted with plau- 
 dits and ovations such as might have accompanied the 
 triumphal entry of a Caesar or a Hannibal. But, though 
 on the summit of human greatness,his creditwith the Em- 
 press was on the decline. He possessed a formidable rival 
 in the person of Prince Zuboff, whose brother was married 
 to Natalia Suvoroff, and it was probably owing to this 
 circumstance that her father was restored to active em- 
 ploy, and appointed to command a division of the army 
 of the Danube, where Potemkin now reigned supreme ; 
 for through the Prince's intrigues, Rumantsoff had been 
 removed from the command. That army was divided 
 into two principal masses : one under Prince Repnin (of 
 Warsaw celebrity) was destined for offensive operations, 
 while the second, led by the Commander-in-Chief in 
 person, laid siege to various fortresses under cover of the 
 first. Repnin's head-quarters were at Jassy ; his left 
 communicated with Potemkin at Kherson by a division 
 posted at Bender ; his right, with the Austrains of Prince 
 Coburg, 18,000 strong, who lay between the Sereth and 
 the Transylvanian mountains ; while his front was covered 
 at Berlat a central point in Moldavia, whence the 
 courses of the Sereth, Danube, and Pruth could be con- 
 viently watched by a division under Suvoroff. 
 
 Arriving at Berlat in May 1789, that officer learnt 
 
 G
 
 82 SUVOROFF. 
 
 from Derfelden, whom he replaced in the command, 
 that the enemy, having invaded Moldavia in the pre- 
 ceding March, had been defeated and pursued as far as 
 Galatz by his own division ; that he had attacked the 
 Ottoman forces in that town, but, deeming its position 
 too much in advance of the Russian main body, he had 
 burnt and abandoned it, returning afterwards to Berlat. 
 All these proceedings Suvoroff approved with the ex- 
 ception of the burning of Galatz, and the devastation of 
 the enemy's country ; " for," he justly observed, " by so 
 doing we have chiefly injured ourselves." May and June 
 passed idly by ; but shortly afterwards the Sultan Abdul 
 Hamid, who had just mounted the throne, all at once 
 became vigorous and active. Having crippled the 
 Austrians in the preceding campaign, the Osmanli now 
 determined to rid themselves of their Russian foes. 
 In July their advance, 40,000 strong, crossing the Danube 
 at Braila, moved on Fokshani with the intention of 
 crushing the Austrian corps of Coburg, which lay at 
 Adjud, near the junction of the Trotush with the Se- 
 reth. Repnin upon this ordered Suvoroff to march to 
 the rescue, who, informing his ally of the intended move- 
 ment by the laconic epistle, " I come," quitted Berlat at 
 the head of 5000 men, while 2000 remained to guard 
 the camp, and reached Adjud at 1 1 p.m. on the 28th 
 July, having travelled forty-eight miles in thirty-six 
 hours. Early next morning the Prince of Coburg sought 
 an interview, which was declined by his eccentric ally on 
 various comical pretexts. First he was informed that 
 the general was asleep ; next that he was at prayers ; 
 till, abandoning his design, the Austrian departed in 
 great perplexity. In the course of the day, how-
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR 83 
 
 ever, a note from Suvoroff was placed in his hand to 
 the effect " the troops having rested sufficiently will 
 march at 2 a.m. in two columns, the Imperialists on 
 the right, the Russians on the left. March straight for 
 the enemy, without waiting to clear the ground on either 
 flank, so as to reach the Putna in good time, cross and 
 attack the enemy early. They say the infidels are 50,000 
 strong, with another 50,000 in their rear. A pity that 
 they are not all in one body ; then we could beat them 
 all at once. But as this cannot be, let us begin with 
 these and put the rest to rout afterwards." Coburg, a 
 man of easy temper, and not improbably forewarned of 
 the peculiarities of Suvoroff, yielded a full compliance 
 with these dispositions. 
 
 At an early dawn on the $oth July 1789, the allies 
 passed the Trotush on three pontoon bridges, and next 
 day encountered the enemy's cavalry, which; after a 
 lively skirmish, were defeated and driven beyond the 
 Putna to the camp at Fokshani. While advancing 
 Suvoroff was careful to hide from the enemy as far as 
 possible the presence of his Russians. His advance 
 guard was therefore composed exclusively of Austrians, 
 while at every halt he caused his own men to bivouac in 
 some spot screened from observation. On the morning 
 of the ist of August he moved towards the Putna, the 
 Austrians, who were on the right, being distributed into 
 nine squares placed chequer-wise (en echiquier) ; five 
 being in ist line and four in 2nd, covering the intervals 
 between those in front of them ; the guns were placed 
 between the squares, the cavalry in reserve in rear of 
 the whole. The Russians adopted the same formation, 
 though their squares were no more than six in number. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Communication between the two wings was maintained 
 by Karaczay's brigade, which had formed the advance- 
 guard on the line of march. In this order the Allies 
 approached the banks of the stream, which the infantry 
 crossed by the pontoon bridge, the cavalry by a ford. 
 Having corrected their formation on the opposite bank, 
 the forces advanced, music playing and colours flying, 
 towards the enemy's position at Fokshani, though 
 Count Spleny with the two squares which composed the 
 extreme right of the Austrian line, had not yet come up. 
 Before long what seemed to be a vast sandstorm was 
 descried rapidly sweeping towards them. A rumbling 
 sound like that of thunder was heard, while flashes of 
 steel glittered from the midst of the cloud. Fifteen 
 thousand Asiatic horsemen were galloping in mass down 
 upon them. After expending their fury upon the 
 Austrian right, they were assailed in flank by the fire of 
 Spleny's squares, which, arriving opportunely on the 
 field, caused them to wheel to the right and charge the 
 Russians. Unsupported however by infantry, these 
 fanatical horsemen, after an obstinate struggle, aban- 
 doned the field, and the Allies, resuming their advance, 
 encountered an impenetrable wood, which caused their 
 wings to separate right and left. Reuniting at the 
 opposite end, the camp of the enemy was descried 
 an intrenchment which, defended by 6000 Janissaries, 
 covered the passage of the Milkoff close to the village of 
 Fokshani. The intervening space was thickly inter- 
 spersed with prickly bushes, which considerably impeded 
 the advance, actually drawing blood from both men and 
 horses as they picked their way through the obstacle. 
 In spite of this nuisance the original formation was
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 85 
 
 maintained till, the foot of the intrenchments reached, 
 the charge was sounded, one volley delivered, and the 
 post carried with a rush. The enemy fled panic- struck 
 to Braila, but a handful of resolute Turks, shutting 
 themselves up in the convent of St. Samuel, resisted to 
 the last, when their place of refuge was carried at the 
 point of the bayonet by an Austrian battalion, and all 
 perished. It was near this spot that the two allied gene- 
 rals met for the first time. A carpet was spread upon 
 the turf, and they breakfasted together with their staffs. 
 Coburg asked his colleague's reasons for refusing to see 
 him on the previous day, receiving this answer : " In- 
 terviews are useless. I was convinced that my friend 
 Coburg would not consent to act according to my views ; 
 for my plan was contrary to the rules of tactics. We 
 should have spent the whole day in deliberation. 
 Meantime the enemy would have attacked and routed 
 the tacticians." Suvoroff probably formed his opinion of 
 the Austrians from his experience of the Seven Years 
 War, and was not far wrong, ashistory proves. The enemy 
 lost in this action 1500 men and 10 guns. Coburg re- 
 mained at Fokshani while Suvoroff returned to Berlat. 
 
 The forces defeated at Fokshani were but the advance- 
 guard of the Grand Visir's army, which lay 90,000 strong 
 at Braila, in readiness to burst into Wallachia. On the 
 2 ist August the main army of Russia, having reached 
 the banks of the Dneister, prepared to invest the fortresses 
 of Bender and Akkerman, when the Grand Visir, cross- 
 ing the Danube at Braila, advanced towards Coburg's 
 camp at Fokshani, while another Turkish army, under 
 Hassan Pasha, penetrated into Bessarabia by way of 
 Ismail. Suvoroff, uncertain for a moment how to act,
 
 86 SUVOROFF. 
 
 took up a central position on the Sereth, which enabled 
 him to strike, as opportunity offered, at either the Grand 
 Visir or Hassan, while he posted a detachment on the 
 Pruth to secure the passage of that river. Repnin 
 meanwhile had passed into Bessarabia and forced the 
 enemy back on Ismail ; and Suvoroff, having received 
 positive intelligence of the Grand Visir's arrival on 
 the Rymnik, a small tributary of the Sereth, left Berlat 
 on the i pth September, and, in spite of the horrible state 
 of the roads caused by continuous rains, reached Tekutch, 
 eighteen miles distant, by noon the same day. After a 
 brief halt the march was resumed, when nine more miles 
 brought his division to the Sereth, where it was hoped 
 that a bridge had been laid for them by the Aus- 
 trians. Owing, however, to some misunderstanding it 
 had been constructed nine miles farther up the stream, 
 and, amid a terrific storm, the troops continued their 
 march to that point. But when half only had effected a 
 passage, the bridge was swept away by the force of the 
 current, which was in flood, and thus separated, the Rus- 
 sians spent the night without shelter from the tempest, 
 except that afforded by a small plantation of fir-trees. 
 Nevertheless, the bridge having been repaired during 
 the night, and the next morning the storm and rain having 
 somewhat abated, the march was resumed. On the 2ist 
 June Suvoroff, on approaching the Rymnik, curtly 
 announced his arrival to Coburg by a message inti- 
 mating that he intended to attack the Turks after an 
 hour or two of repose. The Austrian chief having 
 repaired to the tent of his colleague, found him stretched 
 on a truss of hay, and occupied in consulting the map. 
 when, taking a seat by his side, he was addressed by him
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 87 
 
 to the following effect : " We must attack without delay ; 
 for since the Grand Visir has halted on the Rymnik this 
 must be in expectation of reinforcements. We must 
 forestall him in this by attacking before their arrival 
 and by a surprise neutralize his superior numbers." 
 The other objected that " the disproportion of numbers 
 was too great almost four to one." " So much the 
 better," retorted Suvoroff, " the greater will be their 
 trouble and confusion/' declaring at the same time his 
 firm resolve to attack, even if assistance were denied him 
 by his allies. The Prince, however, consented, and 
 Suvoroff at once galloped off to reconnoitre the position 
 of the enemy. On an adjacent hillock he dismounted 
 and, with agility rare at his age, climbed into the boughs 
 of a tree, from which elevated station he surveyed the 
 country around at leisure. The enemy was posted 
 between the Rymna and Rymnik, tributaries of the Se- 
 reth, his right resting on the latter at Martineshti, his left 
 on the former at the fortified post of Tirgokukuli ; the 
 village of Boksa and the forest of Krungameilor, both on 
 the same hill, formed his centre ; his main body, under 
 the Grand Visir in person, lay at Martineshti on either 
 bank of the Rymnik. 
 
 It followed from the above dispositions of the enemy 
 that, his right wing being thrown back, the passage of 
 the Rymna in its front was undefended, and of this 
 circumstance Suvoroff resolved to take advantage the 
 more willingly that the direct line of advance approached 
 the stream where the opposite bank was lofty, steep, 
 and swept by the fire of the enemy. Diverging to his 
 left, he discovered a ford near the village of Choresti, 
 and issued orders for crossing on the following day, the
 
 88 SUVOROFF. 
 
 22nd of September, the anniversary, it so chanced, of his 
 victory over Oginski at Stolovitshi, eighteen years before. 
 The Turkish army, with its vast impedimenta, had reached 
 Martineshti on the i8th, i.e. a day before Suvoroff left 
 Berlat, and so, with due diligence, might have crushed 
 the Austrians before his arrival to assist them. On 
 the 1 9th they had driven the Imperial troops across 
 the Milkoff, but next day contented themselves with 
 occupying the convent of Tirgokukuli with their right 
 wing, and placing it in a state of defence. But 
 on the 2 1st Suvoroff appeared, and his right wing 
 composed of Russians 7000 strong, his left of Austrians 
 about 18,000 in the evening crossed the Milkoff. A 
 march of eight miles beyond brought them to theRymna. 
 The night was dark; the stream about 150 yards in 
 breadth, but shallow, the water not reaching higher than 
 the knee. Squares arranged chequerwise in two lines 
 were employed as at Fokshani ; the cavalry was 
 in reserve, the guns being in the intervals between 
 the infantry. The Austrians, having to make a circuit 
 down stream, did not come into action till later in the 
 day ; but the Russians on reaching the opposite bank 
 wheeled to the right and advanced in battle array 
 against the enemy's left at Tirgokukuli, a wide interval 
 being thus left between the two wings, which were con- 
 nected as at Fokshani by the advance-guard of Karacsay. 
 The defenders of Tirgokukuli, 12,000 strong, were 
 completely surprised, but gained time to form their ranks 
 owing to the fact that the Russians were obstructed in 
 their advance by a defile which admitted no more than 
 a single square at a time. There were six squares in all, 
 three in first and three in second line. Numbering them
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 89 
 
 from right to left, so that No. I represents the square 
 on the extreme right of the ist line, and No. 6 the one 
 on the extreme left of the 2nd, this is what took place : 
 No. I square having threaded the defile, charged the 
 battery opposed to them and routed its defenders. These, 
 however rallied at some distance beyond, when 3000 
 Turkish horsemen, each carrying a Janissary en croupe, 
 swiftly returned to the scene of conflict. The Janissaries 
 leaping to earth, scimitar in hand, rushed impetuously 
 on No. I square, which was compelled to retire on its 
 supports ; but at this moment Suvoroff came up with 
 No. 2 square and, aided by a cavalry charge delivered 
 on the right flank of the enemy, forced them in turn to 
 abandon the field. In the meantime No. 6 square was 
 violently assailed by 5000 Turkish cavalry, which had 
 been, detached from Boksa, and a long and dubious 
 struggle ensued. But Suvoroff, whose watchful eye had 
 marked the occurrence, caused squares Nos. 3 and 4 to 
 take post on the flanks of No. 6, so as to subject the 
 enemy to a cross fire of musketry. This manoeuvre, 
 assisted by a flank charge of a few squadrons, repelled 
 the Turkish horsemen, who sought refuge behind their 
 centre in the wood of Krungamelior, while the Russians 
 remained masters of this portion of the field. 
 
 In the opposite quarter, though somewhat later, the 
 Austrians moved against the centre of the enemy at 
 Boksa, but were immediately assailed by a vast mul- 
 titude of cavalry numbering 15,000 sabres. The conflict 
 raged for two hours, when the Osmanli, being as usual 
 unsupported by infantry, were thrust back behind their 
 intrenchments, which it was now seen, had been thrown 
 up by the enemy in front of their centre. Suvoroff, mean-
 
 90 SUVOROFF. 
 
 while, reforming- his line and leaving a single battalion 
 at Tirgokukuli to protect his rear, wheeled the whole 
 mass to the left and advanced, a manoeuvre which soon 
 brought him into touch with the Austrian right, when 
 the allies formed a continuous line which confronted the 
 Turkish intrenchments near Boksa. The first act of the 
 sanguinary drama had closed. It was midday, and the 
 allies halted for a brief interval of repose. The cavalry 
 watered their horses, while the soldiers consumed their 
 meagre fare. At one in the afternoon however the whole 
 line, starting up, fell into their ranks and advanced in 
 perfect order to the strains of military music against the 
 intrenchments and wood in their front, whose defenders 
 had meanwhile been strengthened by nearly 4000 men 
 from Martineshti under the Grand Visir in person. 
 The village of Boksa, being situated to the left and a 
 little in front of the intrenchments, so as to afford a 
 flanking fire in their defence, the Russians under Suvoroff 
 moved obliquely to the right, in order to turn a great 
 battery there which enfiladed the Austrian line. The 
 movement at once reopened the gap between the right 
 and left wings of the allies, and this tempting oppor- 
 tunity was seized upon by the Grand Visir, who hurled 
 his cavalry in mass upon the front, flanks, and rear of 
 the Austrians. Coburg sent urgent entreaties for assist- 
 ance to Suvoroff, who, having in the meantime carried 
 by storm the village of Boksa, and silenced its batteries, 
 had halted to reform his line, and now, wheeling- 
 to his left, moved perpendicularly on to the left 
 flank of the Turkish troops as they fought with 
 the Austrians. The manoeuvre brought the Rus- 
 sians into a position at right angles to the Aus-
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 91 
 
 trians while the gap between them constantly dimi- 
 nished as the advance continued. At length both 
 joined hands at the foot of the intrenchments, which 
 they enfolded, and Suvoroff, moving up the cavalry into 
 the intervals between the infantry squares, ordered a 
 general advance. When at the distance of 800 yards 
 from the enemy's works, this mass of horse charged at 
 speed over and into them, inflicting terrible losses on the 
 confused mass inside, while Suvoroff, placing himself at 
 the head of the infantry, advanced swiftly to their sup- 
 port. The Osmanli fled in panic rout. In vain the 
 Grand Visir, Koran in hand, endeavoured to arrest their 
 flight ; entreaty and menace were alike thrown away. 
 The desperate expedient of firing on the fugitives was 
 employed, but to no purpose. By four in the afternoon 
 the field of battle and the camps of the Turks were in 
 undisputed possession of their foes, whose exertions 
 were rewarded with an immense booty, one hundred 
 standards, and eighty cannon. In despair the Grand 
 Visir accompanied the flight of his troops as far as Braila, 
 while the bridge over the Buzeo, was blown up to retard 
 pursuit, and taking himself to Shumla, he shortly after- 
 wards died of a broken heart. 
 
 The victory at Rymnik did not produce results com- 
 mensurate with its magnitude, partly owing to Potem- 
 kin's irresolution, partly to diplomatic considerations 
 which rendered an invasion unadvisable. Nevertheless 
 it afforded opportunity for Suvoroff to display a tactical 
 ability which entitled him to take rank as a first-rate 
 military commander. He took full advantage of the 
 dissemination of the enemy's forces in several camps, 
 surprising and attacking them in detail before they could
 
 92 SUVOROFF. 
 
 arrange for mutual defence. The decisive cavalry charge, 
 closely supported as it was by the infantry squares, 
 stands out in marked contrast to the isolated and spas- 
 modic attacks of the Turkish horse, executed with 
 furious elan but unsupported, and therefore void of 
 permanent results. The cordial relations which existed 
 between the two allied commanders contributed to suc- 
 cess. Coburg, with rare good temper and judgment, 
 gave way to the eccentric genius with whom his lot 
 was cast, and Suvoroff, on his part, was wont to com- 
 pare their friendship to that which united Marlborough 
 and the Prince Eugene. For the exploit the Emperor 
 created him count of the Roman Empire, while he ob- 
 tained the same rank in Russia with the additional title 
 of Rymnikski. Other marks of Catherine's favour were 
 not wanting, among others a sword set with brilliants, 
 valued at .6000. Every Russian soldier engaged in the 
 battle received a silver medal perhaps the first instance 
 on record of the decoration of privates for service in the 
 field. In the hour of triumph Suvoroff wrote to Natalia : 
 " Tell the sisters " (of the convent where she dwelt) " that 
 I have brain fever. Hast heard, my darling? More from 
 my generous 'mother.' A rescript filling half a sheet, as 
 if addressed to Alexander the Great: the insignia of St. 
 Andrew, and above all the first class of the St. George. 
 Dost see what manner of man thy father is ?" At this 
 epoch an Austrian officer thus draws his character : 
 " This Suvoroff is a remarkable man. He is so old and 
 so crippled by wounds that he is unable to carry his 
 sabre. A Cossack riding behind him carries it, and 
 hands it to him when in action. At other times he bears a 
 riding-whip, which serves him for truncheon. He rides
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 93 
 
 any sorry jade he comes across, having no equipage. 
 His mode of life is very peculiar. As a rule he appears 
 in his shirt, on which are pinned his orders, but which 
 bears no other distinction of rank, while, if he wears 
 uniform it is always private's. He is on the alert all 
 night, visiting the sentries and piquets in person. At 
 8 a.m. he eats his dinner, which is very simple, sitting on 
 the ground. He is a great oddity yet nevertheless an 
 amiable, well-educated man, who is adored by his own 
 men and much esteemed by ours. Twice already has 
 he assisted us in gaining glorious victories, acting on 
 his own responsibility without waiting for the orders of 
 Potemkin, who might have disapproved." 
 
 Shortly after the battle of the Rymnik (called Mar- 
 tineshti by the Austrians), Bender and Akkerman sur- 
 rendered to Potemkin ; Belgrade and Semendria to 
 Loudon, who had at last been placed in command of the 
 Austrians. Suvoroff wintered with his division at Berlat. 
 
 In the beginning of 1790 the European situation 
 underwent a change unfavourable to the interests of Rus- 
 sia. Prussia concluded a peace with the Porte which 
 guaranteed the integrity of that empire, and contracted 
 an alliance with Poland ; both with a view to resisting 
 aggression from the north. In February the Emperor 
 Joseph died ; Catherine had to mourn the loss of a 
 faithful ally, and it seemed as if England and Holland 
 also were about to swell the coalition in course of forma- 
 tion for the protection of Turkey. The new Emperor, 
 Leopold II., being anxious for peace, on the 26th June 
 the Congress of Reichenbach assembled, which Russia 
 declined to attend and, menaced in every quarter, with- 
 drew her troops from the Turkish frontier to strengthen
 
 94 SUVOROFF. 
 
 her forces elsewhere. Her generals on the Danube lay 
 inactive, while the enemy collected an army of 200,000 
 men in Bulgaria for offensive operations. Coburg, who 
 occupied Wallachia with 45,000 men, in the month of 
 June laid siege to Giurgevo ; but the defenders, sallying 
 forth, captured his siege artillery and compelled him to 
 retire to Bucharest. In the same month 12,000 Turks 
 crossed the Danube at Widdin, but were repulsed by the 
 Austrian general Clairfait. Informed of these events, 
 and likewise of the Grand Visir's advance on Rustchuk. 
 Suvoroffleft Berlat, crossed the Sereth, and took post on 
 the Buzeo to be within reach of Coburg in case of need. 
 Further news that 70,000 Turks had entered Wallachia 
 induced him to seek an interview with that general at 
 Bucharest, where they arranged a combined attack on 
 the enemy. At this juncture however a courier brought 
 news that a convention had been signed at Reichenbach, 
 whereby Turkey and Austria agreed to a suspension of 
 hostilities. Suvoroff therefore returned to Berlat, Wal- 
 lachia having been neutralized by the terms of the 
 armistice ; while Coburg remained at Sistova during the 
 negotiations for peace which, though commenced on the 
 ipth September 1790, were not concluded till the 4th 
 August in the following year. 
 
 Through the peace of Verela, which had been concluded 
 with Sweden on the I4th August, 1790, Russia was 
 enabled to put forth more energy than hitherto upon the 
 Danube ; but, owing to the neutralization of Wallachia 
 by the terms of the armistice, her efforts were neces- 
 sarily confined to the space between the Sereth and the 
 Black Sea, inclusive of the delta formed by the Danube 
 a marshy tract, uninhabited, and used in the summer
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 95 
 
 only for grazing purposes and of Ismail, Kilia, Tulcha, 
 and Isakchi. Potemkin, after demolishing Bender, took 
 counsel with Suvoroff as to the further prosecution of 
 the war, when the latter replied : " The flotilla should 
 seize the mouths of the Danube, capture Tultcha and 
 Isakchi, combine with the land forces, storm Ismail and 
 Braila, and make Sistova tremble." Potemkin acceded, 
 and as the possession of Kilia and Tultcha, which com- 
 mand the navigable branches of the Danube, was 
 requisite before investing Ismail, the Russian flotilla, 
 under Ribas, entered the Kilia and Sulina mouths, while 
 Gudovitch laid siege to Kilia itself by land. On the 28th 
 October that fortress surrendered ; Ribas captured a 
 Turkish flotilla in the Sulina branch, while in the ensuing 
 month the fortresses Tultcha and Isakchi fell. Having 
 thus gained command of the Danube, the Russians 
 proceeded to invest the great fortress of Ismail, which, 
 situated on the northern bank of the Kilia branch, 
 was protected by earthen ramparts from thirteen to 
 twenty-four feet in height and by a ditch thirty-six feet 
 wide and twenty-four deep, but possessing no outworks 
 of any description. In two places only were masonry 
 defences to be found on the northern front and also the 
 western, where the rampart ended with the Danube, 
 The river front was badly protected, for the flotilla was 
 thought sufficient for its protection ; though after the 
 commencement of the siege it was provided with addi- 
 tional earthworks. The fortress mounted 250 guns of 
 various calibre ; and the garrison, commanded by the 
 intrepid Aidos Mehemet Pasha, consisted of 35,000 
 choice Turkish troops with ample supplies of provisions 
 and other necessaries of war. The siege was commenced
 
 96 SUVOROFF. 
 
 in November by General Gudovitch ; but want and 
 disease decimated the Russian battalions, and further 
 operations were postponed till spring. The troops had 
 set out for their winter quarters ; the siege train was 
 packed in Kilia ; the storm which menaced the be- 
 leaguered garrison seemed about to disperse. Suddenly 
 Potemkin, changing his intentions, addressed to Suvo- 
 roff the curt message : " You will take Ismail at any cost" 
 
 It found him at Galatz. Issuing urgent orders for 
 the recall of the troops which had departed, he selected 
 a detachment from his own division to take part in the 
 operation, and caused large quantities of facines, gabions, 
 and escalading-ladders to be forwarded to Ismail, whither 
 he betook himself in person, escorted by a guard of forty 
 Cossacks. 
 
 On the 1 3th December two horsemen mounted on 
 sorry Cossack ponies were observed approaching the 
 Russian camp before Ismail. It was Suvoroff, who, in 
 his eagerness, had outstript his escort, and was riding 
 attended by a single guide, who bore his more than 
 scanty field equipment. Potemkin's command that 
 " General Suvoroff will undertake the capture of Ismail " 
 was published, and in a moment gloom and despon- 
 dency yielded to hope and confidence; faces bright- 
 ened up ; hunger, cold, and misery were forgotten in the 
 assured prospect of victory. " Do you see that fortress ? " 
 asked Suvoroff of the soldiers who flocked around him ; 
 " the walls are high, the ditches are deep, yet it must be 
 taken ; the Empress, our mother, has ordered it, and she 
 must be obeyed. With your assistance this will be 
 accomplished." 
 
 The besiegers numbered 31,000, but half of these were
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 97 
 
 Cossacks, armed with no more formidable weapons than 
 their lances. The siege guns had not returned, but with 
 his field artillery Suvoroff armed several batteries which 
 he caused to be thrown up at about 400 yards from the 
 city. His flotilla anchored in two detachments above 
 and below it, and batteries were erected in the island of 
 Tchatal on the opposite side of the river. These pre- 
 parations made, he summoned the Seraskier, who in reply 
 exhorted him for his own sake to abandon his rash 
 design : " the season," he argued, " is advanced ; the 
 besiegers were in want of everything, the garrison of 
 nothing." To a second message the Turk replied with 
 bombast which rivalled the usual style of his foe : 
 " Sooner shall the Danube cease its flow, sooner shall 
 heaven fall to earth than the city of Ismail surrender." 
 Yet a third time, Suvoroff wrote : " If the white flag be 
 not hoisted this very day, the city will be stormed and 
 no quarter granted." Upon this, such was the terror 
 inspired by Suvoroffs name, that several pashas are said 
 to have advised a parley ; but Aidos Mehemet deigned 
 no further answer. 
 
 Suvoroff held a council of war, not that his resolution 
 wavered, but in desperate enterprises it is prudent to 
 obtain thus the hearty concurrence of subordinates. 
 He relied on his moral influence to electrify those whom 
 he consulted and hoped to inspire them with a heroism 
 equal to his own. In his speech he set forth how " a 
 retreat would destroy the moral of the army, be trum- 
 peted throughout Europe and thus increase the arrogance 
 of the Turks and their allies," and ended by expressing 
 his firm resolve " to plant the Russian flag upon the 
 walls of Ismail, or perish in the attempt." Brigadier 
 
 H
 
 98 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Platoff (afterwards renowned in the Napoleonic wars), 
 voted first as junior member, and of course in favour of the 
 undisguised wishes of his chief ; the rest followed suit ; 
 and Suvoroff in a transport of joy embraced Plotoff, 
 crying : " To-day for prayer, to-morrow for drill, the next 
 day victory or a glorious death" " Victory or a glorious 
 death," repeated in a loud tone the assembled chiefs. 
 
 But Potemkin soon began to hesitate, his firmness to 
 give way. He wrote to Suvoroff, commanding him that 
 " unless he were certain of success" he should abandon 
 the enterprise, which drew forth the reply that " a retreat 
 would now be disgraceful. No man could make certain 
 of success ; he could merely answer for himself and the 
 troops committed to his charge. Nothing that prudence 
 could do would be neglected ; the rest must depend on 
 God." He was resolved on executing his design at all 
 hazards, and, we may be sure, equally so not to survive 
 defeat. On the iQth and 2Oth details of the plan of 
 attack were carefully rehearsed under his personal super- 
 vision. The army was divided into three attacks ; two 
 by land, the third by water, each attack being executed 
 in three columns. Paul Potemkin commanded on the 
 right; Samoiloff the left, while Ribas led the flotilla. 
 The cavalry, 2500 strong, was held in reserve under 
 Suvoroff 's personal command. Each column of the 
 land attack contained five battalions, and was thus 
 arranged tactically : 
 
 A company of skirmishers. 
 
 Fifty pioneers with axes, spades, picks. 
 
 Three battalions with ladders (main body). 
 
 Two battalions reserve. 
 Two of the columns thus led by Orloff and Platoff,
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 99 
 
 were composed of the dismounted Cossacks who, as 
 before observed, were armed with lances only, but 50 
 sharp-shooters preceded them and they were supported 
 by two regular battalions. The river attack included 
 eleven regular battalions with 4000 marine Cossacks ; 
 the vessels were formed into two lines, the heaviest and 
 best-armed in rear to cover the disembarkation with 
 their fire. General instructions were to this effect : 
 " The columns to be conducted, under cover of darkness, 
 to within 600 yards of the place, there to await the signal 
 of attack. No descent to be made from the ramparts 
 into the town till the gates are thrown open and the 
 reserves introduced. Guards to be placed over the 
 enemy's mines and magazines. Nothing to be set on 
 fire. The unarmed population, women, children, and 
 Christians not to be molested." On the 2 1st a heavy 
 cannonade was opened on the fortress, whose defenders 
 made aware by deserters of the impending attack, replied 
 with vigour, and exploded with red-hot shot a Russian 
 brigantine on the river. Night descended, a night of 
 anxious suspense, a sleepless night, passed round the 
 bivouac fires in the bitter December cold. Suvoroff 
 approached in turn each martial group, speaking to 
 the soldiers with that easy familiarity which great men 
 alone can safely assume in their intercourse with in- 
 feriors. " What regiment ? " he would ask ; and on 
 receiving the reply, " Gallant fellows ! excellent soldiers ! 
 you did wonders in the past ; now you are going to 
 outdo yourselves ! " 
 
 At 3 a.m. a rocket ascended, illuminating the darkness 
 which hung over the Russian camp. It was the prepara- 
 tory signal. At 4, a second discharge warned the various 
 
 H 2
 
 ioo SUVOROFF. 
 
 columns to fall in, and all moved noiselessly to their 
 respective posts. A third exploding at 5, they glided 
 through the misty night towards an invisible goal. The 
 enemy received them with a burst of musketry which in 
 an instant converted the ramparts into a semicircle of fire. 
 The edge of the ditch was reached, the fascines pitched 
 into it, and the skirmishers, haltingon the brink, protected 
 by their irregular fire the storming parties, who, leap- 
 ing boldly from the counterscarp, planted their ladders 
 against the ramparts. These in many instances proving 
 too short, the assailants were obliged to climb the upper 
 portion of the parapet, scrambling up by aid of musket 
 and bayonet as best they could. Lascy who led the 
 second column from the right, was the first to reach the 
 top. Not having marked the ascent of the third rocket, 
 owing to the density of the fog, he had timed his move- 
 ments by the watch, and thus chanced to anticipate the 
 other columns by some instants. The first column 
 passed round and over the palisades abutting on the 
 Danube, and, though repulsed from the masonry bastion 
 at that point, succeeded in communicating with the 
 column of Lascy to their left. The third column met 
 with a more obstinate resistance. Their ladders were 
 too short by eleven or twelve feet and, although by plant- 
 ing one above the other the summit was attained, yet 
 the accident entailed heavy losses, which included Gene- 
 ral Meknob,* the commander of the column, who fell 
 mortally wounded. Meantime, the poor half-armed 
 Cossacks had been severely handled. Their loose gar- 
 ments, wetted in crossing the ditch, disabled them from 
 
 * Perhaps originally Macnab.
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 101 
 
 climbing the ramparts. They were repulsed, and the 
 Turks, seizing the opportune moment, issued sword in 
 hand from the Bender gate, and falling upon their right 
 flank made great havoc among them. The lances of the 
 unfortunate Cossacks were easily severed by the highly- 
 tempered blades of their adversaries, and left them 
 defenceless. But Suvoroff noted their mishap, and sent 
 five squadrons to their assistance ; while at the same 
 moment the reserve of two battalions arriving on the 
 spot, the Turks in their turn were obliged to retire 
 although numbers, by the premature closing of the gates, 
 were excluded from the town and cut to pieces by the 
 pursuing cavalry. The Cossacks, again conducted to 
 the assault, gained a footing on the parapet and com- 
 municated with the troops on the right and left. 
 Many women, it is stated, took part in this sortie, 
 taking their station poniard in hand beside their male 
 relatives. 
 
 Kutuzoff 's column,on the extreme left,had experienced 
 in the meantime a serious reverse. Though headed by 
 their chief in person, who was the first to scale a ladder, 
 all were hurled back into the ditch by the defenders of 
 the rampart. Suvoroff remarking this, sent word to 
 Kutuzoff that " he had already appointed him com- 
 mandant of Ismail, and informed the Empress that 
 the city was taken." Thus encouraged, Kutuzoff, by 
 aid of his reserve, recommenced the attack, cleared 
 the walls of defenders, and drove them into the 
 city ; and Suvoroff, now master of the fortified enceintei 
 made preparation for the more obstinate and sanguinary 
 conflict which he knew was impending inside. The 
 gates having been thrown open by the stormers, the guns
 
 102 SUVOROFF. 
 
 and cavalry were admitted, and the ramparts and 
 magazines secured, while the columns of infantry fought 
 their way step by step through the streets to the centre 
 of the town. Its numerous khanas, or inns stone 
 buildings of great size and strength formed so many 
 citadels, wherein the several pashas sought refuge with 
 their retainers and fought to the death. One near the 
 Bender gate, occupied by the Pasha of Kilia with 2000 
 Janissaries, was peculiarly formidable, but was ultimately 
 stormed at the point of the bayonet, its garrison with 
 the exception of 300 men being put to the sword. 
 Another, near the Khotim gate, sheltered Adios Mehe- 
 met himself, but, after a gallant defence lasting two 
 hours, its gates were blown open and the seraskier sur- 
 rendered. .Unfortunately, as the captives were departing, 
 a Russian soldier snatched from the Pasha's girdle a 
 richly-jewelled poniard ; when a Janissary, drawing his 
 scimitar in defence of his chief, accidentally wounded a 
 Russian officer who stood by. A scuffle, which became 
 a massacre, ensued. It cost the lives of the unfor- 
 tunate prisoners and their chiefs. 
 
 Suvoroff, having brought twenty field-pieces into the 
 town for the purpose of clearing the streets, strongly 
 reinforced the guards which secured the powder-maga- 
 zines, the enemy having made repeated attempts to 
 blow them up. Morning broke, yet still the con- 
 flict raged with unabated violence. Women, even 
 children, took part in it, till a fair fight degenerated 
 into ruthless slaughter. No quarter was asked or 
 accepted neither age nor sex were spared. An 
 exception to the charge of savagery must be claimed 
 in favour of the assailants of the Armenian con-
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 103 
 
 vent, whose defenders obtained their lives. " Kill 
 the little infidels," cried the Muscovite soldiery, drunk 
 with blood, " that they may not grow up into enemies !" 
 The Duke de Richelieu (Byron has utilised the incident 
 in Don Juan} with the utmost difficulty and personal 
 risk saved a girl of twelve from the sabres of two ruffians 
 who were in pursuit. Resistance, gradually dwindling 
 away, was at last extinguished. Kaplan Ghirai, a 
 descendant of the Crimean Khans, offered a desperate 
 resistance to the Cossacks, but fell pierced by countless 
 wounds, preceded in death by five sons, who had fought 
 around him. Then succeeded the awful three days of 
 plunder which Suvoroff was wont to grant his troops 
 after a successful assault. Seated on the blackened ruins 
 of the city he had destroyed, and encircled by heaps of 
 the slain, he informed Potemkin in these brief words of 
 his victory : " The Russian standard floats above the 
 walls of Ismail ; " while the report which he addressed 
 to the Empress was this : " Proud Ismail lies at your 
 Majesty's feet." 
 
 The Turks lost 26,000 men in killed, and 9000 taken 
 prisoners, among the former being five pashas and six 
 Tartar sultans. The victors captured 10,000 horses, 245 
 cannon, provisions for a whole month, and innumerable 
 standards, which now hang in the church of the Petro- 
 pavlovski citadel of St, Petersburg, still bearing the 
 impress of the bloody hands which once grasped them. 
 Booty estimated at half a million sterling rewarded their 
 exertions, all property for miles around having been 
 deposited within the fortress for security. The Russians 
 lost 10,000 in killed and wounded, and of 650 officers 
 who took part in the assault 400 fell hors de combat, in
 
 io 4 SUVOROFF. 
 
 most cases shockingly hacked and hewn by the razor- 
 like gashes of the scimitar. Suvoroff refused all partici- 
 pation in the spoil ; nor would he accept of so much as 
 an Arab horse which one of the generals eagerly pressed 
 upon him. "A pony of the Don," he replied, " brought 
 me here, and a pony of the Don shall take me away." 
 " But," objected the other, " he will now be unequal to 
 bearing the weight of your laurels;" the rejoinder was, 
 " A Don pony has always carried me and my fortunes," 
 and the fortunate chief took the road to Galatz in the 
 same simple guise in which he came a few days pre- 
 viously. 
 
 Thus happened the storming of Ismail, a feat regard- 
 ing which Diebitch, the hero of the Balkans in 1829, thus 
 expressed himself : "I consider the capture of Ismail 
 the most daring exploit recorded in the annals of war- 
 fare. For myself, I could never have made up my mind 
 to undertake it." It affords a striking illustration of the 
 value of promptitude in war, in which the golden oppor- 
 tunity, once let slip, rarely or never returns. A single 
 day's delay in this instance would have defeated the 
 enterprise ; for a dense fog set in, which, lasting all 
 through the winter, rendered all objects around invisible, 
 while the soil became so soft and clammy as to render 
 movement difficult, an escalade impracticable. 
 
 " How can I recompense you, Alexander, son of 
 Basil ? " exclaimed Potemkin, when Suvoroff appeared 
 in his presence at Jassy. " No one can reward me," was 
 the startling reply, " except God and the Empress ; I 
 have not come to haggle about a recompense,'' an im- 
 prudent outburst of suppressed envy and spite, the more 
 unexpected that he had lately been obsequious in his
 
 SECOND TURKISH WAR. 105 
 
 conduct to the powerful favourite. It rekindled in the 
 breast of Potemkin that jealous wrath which had in a 
 measure been assuaged, and doubtless the consequences 
 would have been disagreeable to Suvoroff. But in 
 1791 Potemkin enjoyed his last triumph. At St. 
 Petersburg he endeavoured to appropriate the glory of 
 Ismail's capture, and at a banquet, given in celebration 
 of the event, Suvoroff was conspicuous by his absence. 
 The Empress, apparently powerless to protect him from 
 the hate of the omnipotent minister, hurried him from 
 the capital on a mission to Finland. The favourite's 
 career on earth however was rapidly drawing to a close. 
 During his absence in the capital Repnin crossed the 
 Danube and, on the 7th of August, defeated the Turks at 
 Matchin, a victory which was immediately followed by 
 the Treaty of Jassy, which advanced the Russian frontier, 
 to the Dniester, ratified her sovereignty over the Crimea, 
 and confirmed the provisions of the Treaty of Kainardji. 
 Potemkin, aghast at the conclusion of peace without his 
 participation, returned to Jassy in hot haste, oppressed, it 
 is said, with dismal forebodings of approaching dissolu- 
 tion. Seized by a mortal distemper, he was being 
 removed at his own request to Nikolaieff, in order to 
 expire in the city which he had founded, when death 
 surprised him on a barren heath some twenty-five miles 
 from Jassy, where, laid upon the turf, he expired beneath 
 the open vault of heaven, on the i6th of October, 1791, 
 at the comparatively early age of fifty-five.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 
 
 SUVOROFF spent the next eighteen months, which he 
 used to call his " eclipse," in Finland. The post he 
 occupied meant honourable exile ; its duties were the 
 supervision of the defences of the frontier against Swe- 
 den.* After Ismail it seems as if he actually regarded 
 himself as Potemkin's equal in authority, but was mise- 
 rably deceived, as the " eclipse " unmistakably proved. 
 Nor did the death of the omnipotent favourite in the 
 first instance ameliorate his lot, for he had raised against 
 himself a cloud of enemies. Apart from those which 
 success inevitably engenders, he had made others un- 
 necessarily by the indiscriminate exercise of his powers 
 of ridicule. Hating and despising courtiers as he did, 
 his pleasantries at their expense were probably, like those 
 of the jester in Verdi's opera, saturated with the gall of 
 truth. Besides, he had not as yet reached the point of 
 prosperity where calumny tends to subside and rivals 
 grow obsequious. He was still a personage whom his 
 enemies thought it possible to suppress by their united 
 efforts, and thus the " eclipse " continued after the dis- 
 
 * It will be remembered that Sweden retained almost all Fin- 
 land till 1809.
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 107 
 
 appearance of his arch-persecutor from the scene. Un- 
 fortunately Suvoroff failed to support this trial with due 
 equanimity. He was a philosopher, but only in theory 
 as the reader has doubtless by this time discovered for 
 himself. Ambition and pent-up energy agitated his 
 breast as before, while a consciousness of neglected merit 
 exasperated his temper. Disappointment rendered him 
 envious, discontented, and intractable, but happily the 
 " eclipse " was of brief duration, and he was soon restored 
 to the active life for which nature had so well equipped 
 him. 
 
 In 1792 he was appointed to the command of a dis- 
 trict in the south of Russia, which comprised, in addition 
 to the Crimea, the newly colonized provinces of Ekateri- 
 noslaff and Kherson. His head- quarters were the city 
 of Kherson ; and the army under his orders numbered 
 100,000 men. But a brief narrative of political events 
 in Poland seems requisite before passing to the con- 
 sideration of the campaign which sealed the fate of that 
 monarchy. 
 
 The professed object of Prussian diplomacy at this 
 epoch was the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, its real 
 design to extort from Poland the cession of the province 
 of West Prussia with its prosperous and celebrated cities 
 of Dantzic and Thorn. Poland, relying on the encou- 
 ragement afforded by this neighbour, had recently torn 
 in pieces the treaty concluded in 1775 with Catherine, 
 which guaranteed the continuance of the elective 
 monarchy, of the liberum veto, and other evils in its 
 constitution which crippled the power of reform. On 
 the 3rd May 1791, King and Diet published a consti- 
 tution which suppressed the most crying abuses and
 
 io8 SUVORQFF. 
 
 made the crown hereditary in the electoral house of 
 Saxony. These innovations, following closely on the 
 revolutionary excesses of which Paris was the scene, 
 were extremely distasteful to most of the Polish nobility, 
 to the neighbouring monarchs, and lastly to Russia, as 
 destructive of the schemes of aggrandizement which she 
 founded on the anarchical condition of her neighbour. 
 A confederacy of nobles assembled at Targowice ap- 
 pealed to the Czarina for aid, who at once replied by 
 summoning the Polish sovereign to restore the status 
 guaranteed by the treaty of 1775. On the rejection of 
 this demand, and while the attention of Europe was 
 riveted on French affairs, she poured her troops into 
 Poland, and after a brief struggle became mistress of 
 Warsaw. The first partition of that country had ren- 
 dered a second act of spoliation necessary ; for had 
 Poland been permitted by reform to acquire stability of 
 government, she would have become a source of danger 
 to Russia or, at all events, to the ambitious projects of 
 the Tsars. The Empress herself became seriously 
 alarmed at the progress of revolutionary doctrines which 
 she had in a dilettante manner once fostered. When the 
 confederates of Targowice implored her intervention 
 having first won Prussia over by exciting the jealousy it 
 entertained of Saxony, that ancient rival in Germany to 
 whom the throne of Poland seemed about to pass, she 
 carried into effect the second partition. The time- 
 honoured anarchy was re-established, the army restricted 
 to 15,000 men, and the protectorate of Russia definitely 
 acknowledged. But these humiliating terms, though 
 ratified by the Diet, incited the nation to hazard one 
 more blow for independence.
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 109 
 
 The first move was made by Madalinski, who, when 
 ordered to disband his regiment early in the year 1794, 
 marched on the city of Cracow, and erected the standard 
 of national revolt. Joined by the famous Kosciuszko, 
 he marched northwards at the head of a force composed 
 of regular troops and peasantry armed with scythes, and 
 in the month of April defeated a Russian detachment at 
 Raslawice. On receipt of this news the citizens of 
 Warsaw, rising in revolt, drove the Russian garrison from 
 the city ; but the King of Prussia, Frederic William II., 
 having entered Poland at the head of an army, defeated 
 the insurgents and laid siege to the capital in concert 
 with the Russians of Fersen. But the insurrection 
 breaking out in his rear, that monarch raised the siege 
 and returned to his own borders, while the Russians 
 retired, ascending the left bank of the Vistula. Such 
 was the unpropitious aspect of the affairs when Suvoroff 
 became de facto commander of the Russian forces in 
 Poland, the appointment of Rumantzoff being merely 
 nominal. He had already disarmed, without effusion of 
 blood, the Polish regiments in Podolia who had accepted 
 the Russian uniform after the second partition. Those 
 who desired to remain with the colours were distributed 
 among other regiments ; those who objected to this were 
 provided with passes to their homes. 
 
 Suvoroff left Nemirow in Podolia on the 2$th August 
 at the head of 8000 men. He reached Warkowice, dis- 
 tant 220 miles, in seven days, though the further march 
 to Kovel, only eighty-four, owing to continuous rains 
 which broke up the roads, occupied as many as six. 
 Raised by reinforcements which joined on the march to 
 the strength of 12,000, and informed that Sirakowski
 
 no SUVOROFF. 
 
 was with 20,000 Polish troops at Kobrin, he resolved to 
 surprise that chief in his quarters. The Polish armies 
 were thus distributed : Kosciuszko was at Warsaw with 
 10,000 men ; Makranowski, at Grodno with 20,000, con- 
 fronting Repnin's corps at Wilna ; Sirakowski lay 
 between Brest and Kobrin ; while Poninski, with 5000 
 on the right bank of the Vistula, was opposed to the 
 Russians of Fersen on the Pilica. Warsaw thus formed 
 a centre from which the Polish commander could 
 strengthen any given point of his front with greater ease 
 than the enemy ; or, technically speaking, he occupied 
 interior lines of operation. Suvoroff, in the brief space 
 of two months, was able to annul and even reverse these 
 conditions. 
 
 On the 1 6th September he reached Kobrin, to the 
 inexpressible bewilderment of the Poles, whose advance- 
 guard was posted there. As usual, he employed no 
 scouts, contending that they merely served to warn the 
 foe of impending danger. We must, however, bear in 
 mind that the Poles were exceedingly negligent in the 
 performance of outpost duty, so that by approaching 
 them stealthily at dead of night, it was possible to 
 surprise them in the early morning in fact, before they 
 were awake. In such cases Suvoroff used to send 
 forward his cavalry in order to hold the enemy fast till 
 the arrival of the guns and infantry. Resuming his 
 march at midnight, he found Sirakowski, when morning 
 broke, strongly posted near the convent of Krupczice, 
 his flanks resting on forests, his front covered by a morass. 
 Though his strength exceeded that of the Russians, a 
 portion were mere peasantry armed with scythes. Suvo- 
 roff carried the position by a frontal attack of infantry
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. m 
 
 combined with a flank movement of cavalry, and when 
 Sirakowski attempted to change front always a critical 
 movement under fire his troops fell into disorder. 
 Forming them into three dense columns, and protecting 
 their retreat with cavalry, he crossed the river Bug and 
 pitched camp close to the town of Brest-Litovski. 
 Suvoroff bivouacked on the field of battle, having 
 ordered up his provision-train from Kobrin when he 
 perceived the tide of conflict to be setting in his favour, 
 and, on the 1 8th, encamped on a concealed spot near the 
 Bug. On the iQth, having crossed by a ford, he drew 
 his troops up at right angles to the right wing of the 
 enemy, who, again attempting a corresponding change 
 of front, once more, as at Krupczice, fell into disorder. 
 Upon this Suvoroff launched the whole of his cavalry on 
 the exposed flank (the right) of the Polish line, at the 
 same time throwing forward a body of light infantry to 
 menace the enemy's retreat on Warsaw. Sirakowski, 
 despairing of victory, formed his infantry into close 
 columns of great size and compactness, and, protecting 
 them with cavalry, began to evacuate the field. This 
 proved however to be a difficult task, for a marshy 
 stream obstructed the movement; while the Russian 
 cavalry at last broke into the Polish squares and sabred 
 all who opposed them. But little quarter can have been 
 granted, not more than 500 prisoners being made, and 
 an inconsiderable remnant of the Polish army escaping 
 from the field. It was exclusively a cavalry action, so 
 far as the assailants were concerned, since the mass of 
 their infantry and the whole of their artillery did not 
 arrive in time to take part in it. The exasperation on 
 either side was intense ; for the Russians were infuriated
 
 ii2 SUVOROFF. 
 
 by the massacre of their comrades at Warsaw the Poles 
 violently incensed at the wanton devastation of their 
 country by the invaders. The battle of Brest- Litovski* 
 was most important in its strategic results, apart from its 
 tactical consequences : the enemy's line of defence was 
 broken through, and his unity of action destroyed. 
 Derfelden, who had arrived with a division at Slonim, 
 was directed to expel Makranowski from Grodno ; Fersen 
 to remain stationary on the Pilica in observation of 
 Poninski. On the other side, Kosciuszko, who had 
 assembled 10,000 men at Lukow for the protection of 
 Warsaw, instructed Makranowski to break up from 
 Grodno and fall perpendicularly on SuvorofFs right flank ; 
 but he was too hard pressed by Derfelden to execute the 
 task ; abandoning Grodno, he retreated on Warsaw in 
 three columns, that on the left being of course most 
 exposed to the enemy. Suv6roff, after the battle, re- 
 mained awhile at Brest, feeling himself too weak to 
 advance further without support. Holding fast by the 
 abundant stores with which the town was provided, he 
 threw out Cossacks in every direction for the purpose of 
 collecting information regarding the enemy. Fersen, 
 however, crossed the Pilica and moved to Kosiennice, 
 thus commencing an operation which proved decisive of 
 the fate of the campaign; for, early in October, having 
 misled Poninski by a feigned march on Pulawa, he threw 
 a bridge across the Vistula lower down the stream, and 
 crossed to the eastern bank with his entire division, when 
 Kosciuszko,deceived by Poninski's report that the enemy 
 
 * The Russian spelling is adopted ; the Polish version is 
 Brzesc Litewski.
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 113 
 
 were crossing at Pulawa, hastened from Lukowto Okrzeja 
 in support of his lieutenant. There he unexpectedly 
 found himself in presence of Fersen's entire division 
 drawn up at Maciejowice to receive him. Deeming a 
 battle less hazardous than a retreat with raw troops in 
 the presence of a veteran foe, the Polish general intrenched 
 himself and calmly awaited the attack. This took place 
 on the nth October, the Polish army being destroyed ) 
 and their leader taken prisoner, narrowly escaping with 
 his life. Poninski, owing to non-receipt of orders, had 
 remained immovable at Pulawa during the progress of 
 the battle. 
 
 Suvoroff, when informed of the victory, ordered the 
 Russian division his own, Derfelden's, and Fersen's 
 to concentrate in front of Praga, the eastern suburb of 
 Warsaw, from which it is separated by the Vistula.- At 
 the same time he struck swiftly at the left-hand column 
 of Makranowski, as it was moving from Grodno on War- 
 saw, in the hope of intercepting its retreat. Marching 
 in person on Janow and Wengrow, he directed Fersen 
 on Stanislawow, while Derfelden pressed the enemy 
 closely in rear. On the 25th October, having effected a 
 junction with Fersen, the united Russians amounted to 
 17,000 men ; but at midnight they separated, the latter 
 moving on Okoniew, Suvoroff himself on Kobelka, a vil- 
 lage not far from Praga, where he surprised the column 
 he sought for as it was rapidly making its way to the 
 capital. Halting before daybreak, he sent his cavalry in 
 advance according to custom. The Polish forces were 
 drawn up in two lines on a plain, a forest in their rear, 
 flanks protected by cavalry, their front by a line of 
 skirmishers. The engagement closely resembled the 
 
 I
 
 ii 4 SUVOROFF. 
 
 actions near Krupczice and Bret, the Russian cavalry 
 deciding the victory without assistance from the in- 
 fantry. The Poles attempted a retreat on Warsaw in 
 heavy columns, which were successively attacked and 
 broken by the pursuing horse. Makranowski with the 
 other two columns, 15,000 strong, reached Warsaw by 
 moving behind the rivers Bug and Vistula, and this ac- 
 cession of strength emboldened the citizens to resistance. 
 Suvoroff, having pitched his camp on the field which 
 he had won, returned their swords to the captive Polish 
 officers, and, with his habitual courtesy, invited them to 
 share a frugal repast. He remained a week on the spot, 
 and was joined by Derfelden, whose arrival raised the 
 Russian forces to 22,000 men. 
 
 Zayonchek, having assumed command in Warsaw, sent 
 a letter to Suv6roff which proposed certain bases for 
 negotiation. Its style, however, was somewhat haughty, 
 and this aroused the ire of the Russian chief, whose 
 answer was not more urbane : " You frantic rebels," 
 he dictated, " desire to measure swords with Russia. 
 Zayonchek, false to his sovereign, imagines himself a 
 revolutionary general on a small scale, and dares to 
 address Suvoroff. Let this Jacobin's letter be returned 
 unanswered. None of your equality here, and no mercy 
 for mad rebels. Submission alone can purchase obli- 
 vion of the past. No other trumpet will be received 
 unless to express repentance for the past." After 
 despatching the above missive, he remained three more 
 days at Kobelka, probably in expectation of further 
 proposals ; but on the fourth he rode to Praga with his 
 staff, and, while his cavalry escort skirmished with the 
 enemy's outposts, carefully reconnoitred the locality.
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 1 1 5 
 
 On the 2nd November he left Kobelka, marching in 
 three columns, colours flying and drums beating, and 
 pitched camp in front of the suburb selected for attack. 
 Around its antique walls the Poles had constructed a 
 vast intrenched camp, within whose circuit they had 
 concentrated an army which, including volunteers from 
 Warsaw, was 30,000 strong. Its approaches were de- 
 fended by six lines of trous^de-loup, while 204 pieces of 
 artillery peered from the parapets. Suvoroff, in spite of 
 the strength of the works and of the superior numbers 
 of the enemy, decided to attack them openly, for the 
 flower of the Polish army had perished at Maciejowice, 
 and his veterans, though inferior in number, were 
 infinitely more formidable than the hasty levies and 
 volunteers who lined the opposing trenches. Besides, 
 he possessed no siege-train, and the season being far 
 advanced, the choice lay between retreat and assault, 
 and he knew by experience that an attack by storm 
 was less destructive of human life than the prolonged 
 miseries of a formal siege. There was also a political 
 consideration: the Prussians were advancing, and it was 
 desirable to forestall them in the occupation of Warsaw. 
 Anxious to conceal his intentions, during the night 
 following his arrival he set immense working parties 
 to construct batteries armed with eighty pieces of field- 
 artillery. At dawn the garrison were saluted with a 
 tremendous salvo, whose roar seemed to announce that 
 a formal siege was contemplated. 
 
 The cannonade was kept up all day long, but with 
 nightfall preparations were made for the intended assault. 
 The army was distributed into seven columns, each being 
 preceded by a company of sharpshooters and a party 
 
 I 2
 
 1 16 SUVOROFF. 
 
 carrying ladders, fascines, and hurdles to lay across 
 the trous-de-loup ; then followed the stormers, and, 1 50 
 paces behind these, the main body and guns. The 
 cavalry formed a cordon outside the whole to prevent 
 the escape of the garrison. The columns on the ex- 
 treme right and left were instructed to press towards 
 the bridge which spanned the Vistula, and thus cut off 
 the enemy's retreat. It was well arranged that the 
 four columns on the right should attack half an hour 
 before those on the left ; the supposition being that the 
 raw levies who composed the greater part of the garrison 
 would hurry in mass to the point first assailed, thus 
 leaving their posts denuded of troops. Written instruc- 
 tions were issued by the Russian chief, one clause of 
 which is here quoted as throwing light upon a page of 
 history which requires elucidation : " The troops will 
 devote their attention to the armed Poles : those without 
 arms, and those who ask quarter will be spared" The 
 reserves were instructed to cut passages for the cavalry 
 through the ramparts, while the artillery after the cap- 
 ture of the intrenchments, were to drag their pieces to 
 the top of them, and thus co-operate in the attack of 
 Praga itself. 
 
 Before dawn on the 4th November, Suvoroff, taking 
 post at the village of Bielolenka, awaited the precon- 
 certed signal of assault. At 5 a.m. a rocket flew into 
 the air, and the four columns on the right noiselessly 
 advancing, crossed the ditch and scaled the opposing 
 rampart. The clamorous struggle which ensued, as had 
 been anticipated, engrossed the attention of the besieged, 
 who flocked from every quarter to what appeared to be 
 the point of danger ; so that when, half an hour later
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 117 
 
 the three columns on the assailants' left were set in 
 motion, they encountered but feeble resistance, and 
 bursting into the camp, drove the defenders clean out 
 of it into the suburb. Masters of the outer circle, the 
 Russians prepared for the attack of the inner defences, 
 whilst cavalry, guns and reserves were poured into the 
 intervening space. Praga fell amid a scene of slaughter 
 which the mutual hatred and exasperation of the com- 
 batants made inevitable. The two flank columns of the 
 victors, having gained the bridge, cut the fugitives off 
 from Warsaw. Though naturally kindly and docile, the 
 Russian soldier maddens at the sight of blood, and often 
 turns a deaf ear to the voice of his officers. In spite of 
 Suvoroff's injunctions, quarter was refused, and the 
 helpless crowd at the bridge were ruthlessly massacred 
 in full view of their despairing relatives who thronged 
 the opposite bank. To rescue Warsaw from pillage, 
 Suvoroff directed the fire of his guns against the bridge, 
 which, being a wooden structure, was easily demolished, 
 though a hot fire from beyond the Vistula proved more 
 fatal to the Russians than had been the artillery of the 
 intrenched camp. During the bombardment which 
 followed, a shell, descending into the council-chamber of 
 the revolutionary committee, killed the secretary as he 
 sat at work. Suvoroff, on approaching the spot, stopped 
 the bombardment of the city and endeavoured to assauge 
 the fury of his troops. Nevertheless, the losses of the 
 Poles on this fatal day amounted to no less than 13,000 
 killed in action, 2000 drowned, and 14,860 prisoners.* 
 Among the former were 4000 citizens of Warsaw who 
 
 * Lieut. -Colonel Anting's Campagnes de Suvoroff.
 
 n8 SUYOROFF. 
 
 had taken arms in its defence, a fact which doubtless 
 gave rise to the malicious statement that the defenceless 
 townsfolk were massacred in cold blood. Eight thousand 
 prisoners were released on the spot, whilst the remainder 
 obtained their liberty on the following day ; but the 
 officers were detained and hospitably treated by the 
 victorious general. Suvoroff reported this achievement 
 to the Empress in the laconic style which was habitual 
 to him : " Most Gracious Lady, hurrah ! Warsaw is ours." 
 The reply, " Hurrah ! Field-Marshal Suvoroff," curtly 
 intimated his reward. 
 
 On the following day, when deputies arrived asking a 
 week's armistice for the conclusion of peace, Suvoroff 
 before receiving them dictated his terms : " No treaty 
 is requisite. The enemy must submit unconditionally. 
 The King's authority must be re-established The 
 Russians will enter Warsaw forthwith. The lives and 
 property of the inhabitants are guaranteed. An answer 
 is required within twenty-four hours." When they 
 were admitted into his presence, casting away his sword, 
 he advanced to meet them, exclaiming in the Polish 
 tongue, " Peace, Peace." On their return to Warsaw the 
 deputies found the Polish army engaged in evacuating 
 the city, carrying with them both the King and the 
 Russian prisoners ; but this attempt was frustrated by 
 the vigilance of the townspeople. Suvoroff, suspecting 
 an intention to gain time under cover of negotiation, 
 threw Fersen's corps across the Vistula above Warsaw, 
 thus menacing the rear of the insurgent forces, who, on 
 the 8th of November, decamped, and the city opened its 
 gates to the victors. Next day, that is the fifth after 
 the capture of Praga, Suvoroff entered Warsaw at the
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 119 
 
 head of his troops, the municipality issuing forth in 
 procession to meet him with the keys of the city. He 
 received them with a display of some emotion, and 
 expressed his joy that they had been obtained without 
 more effusion of blood. The populace, exhausted by 
 revolutionary violence, displayed no signs of hostility. 
 On the following day he paid a formal visit to King 
 Stanislas, who consented to surrender the arsenal and 
 sanctioned the disarmament of his capital ; while 
 Suvoroff in return set at liberty several favourite officers 
 of the King whom he had taken during the recent 
 engagements. The insurgent forces, after marching in 
 a southerly direction in the hope of gaining the moun- 
 tains of Galicia, were surrounded on the road thither, 
 and forced to capitulate. 
 
 The foregoing campaign ranks among the most 
 brilliant and decisive on record. Quitting Podolia on 
 the 2$th August, the Russian general first came into 
 contact with the enemy at Kobrin on the i6th Septem- 
 ber, and the 9th November witnessed his triumphal entry 
 into Warsaw. He found at the outset the Polish forces 
 in a state of concentration, his own troops disseminated 
 on a broad front encircling the enemy. By rapidity 
 of movement, and bold enterprise combined with well- 
 timed inactivity, he shattered the defensive line which 
 Kosciuszko opposed to him, intercepting its outlying 
 sections and inspiring that leader with apprehensions for 
 the safety of Warsaw. A rash advance after the victory 
 at Brest might have proved fatal ; but after the rout of 
 the Poles at Maciejovice, he furnished ample evidence of 
 promptitude and resolution by the way he turned that 
 triumph to account. The resolve to carry Praga by
 
 i2o SUVOROFF. 
 
 storm was audacious, but the alternative was a disastrous 
 and ignominious retreat which would have ruined the 
 prestige of the Russian arms ; for a protracted siege 
 lasting through the winter months was not to bethought 
 of in that rigorous climate. Delay might also have 
 afforded opportunity for foreign powers to intervene in 
 Polish affairs, a misfortune which it was of the highest 
 importance from a Russian point of view to avert. 
 
 As Governor-General of Poland Suvoroff remained at 
 Warsaw till November 1795, when he was summoned to 
 St. Petersburg by Catherine, who at that time meditated 
 intervention in the affairs of revolutionary France. She 
 presented him with a diamond snuff-box on which was 
 depicted the portrait of Alexander the Great with the 
 inscription : " No other man has so well earned the 
 likeness of your namesake. You are as great as he." 
 An estate containing 7000 serfs formed a more solid 
 recognition of imperial regard and gratitude. He was 
 admitted to familiar intercourse with his Sovereign, who 
 at court entertainments would draw him aside to some 
 secret cabinet where, before outspread maps, these hoary 
 schemers would discuss the problems and ambitions of 
 the future. 
 
 Suvoroff shared to the full the hatred felt by his 
 mistress for the Revolution, and the alarm she expe- 
 rienced at the progress of its doctrines. " Mother, 
 mother, send me against the French," he was constantly 
 reiterating, and his desire seemed at last attained when 
 she resolved to join the Allies in 1796. Though Prussia 
 had withdrawn from the contest, fresh treaties had 
 leagued Austria, England, and Russia together against a 
 foe who threatened to subvert the foundations of social
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 121 
 
 life. In May 1796 Suvoroff took command of 80,000 
 Russian troops who were concentrated in Podolia in 
 readiness to take the field. But the triumphs of 
 Bonaparte in Italy startled the Empress, and, though 
 Suvoroff had already crossed the frontier, he was 
 directed to retrace his steps. On the i/th November 
 Catherine, struck down by apoplexy, breathed her last, 
 being succeeded on the throne by her son Paul. " Mother 
 Empress/' cried Suvoroff, overwhelmed with grief, 
 " without thee I should have seen neither Kinburn nor 
 Rymnik, Ismail nor Warsaw ! " 
 
 The new Emperor, eccentric and perhaps insane, 
 introduced a variety of changes in the military service 
 which shocked Suvoroff's ideas of propriety : pig-tails, 
 hair-powder, and other vexatious minutiae copied from 
 the Prussians. The military milliner is apt to believe 
 that his art can compensate for the lack of military 
 genius. But Suvoroff knew that pipe-clay and pig-tails 
 had no part in Frederic's victories, and openly derided 
 these novel devices. An estrangement, which was care- 
 fully fomented by the new favourites at Court, arose 
 between the Emperor and his general. A remonstrance 
 was addressed to the field-marshal in respect of his 
 eccentricities, which were said to be prejudicial to dis- 
 cipline. <l Tell the Emperor," was the reply, " that his 
 mother Catherine put up with them for thirty years. 
 I played my pranks at Rymnik and Warsaw. I am too 
 old for the new system." Matters soon came to a crisis. 
 There arrived at head-quarters a packet of rods for 
 measuring pig-tails, in order to ensure a uniform length. 
 It was the last straw. Filled with contempt and indig- 
 nation he blurted out a doggrel verse to this effect :
 
 i2 2 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Hair-powder is not gunpowder, 
 Curls are not cannon, 
 Pigtails are not bayonets. 
 
 The sally was duly reported where its sting would be 
 sure to rankle. In February 1797 Suvoroff was dis- 
 missed from his command, and some weeks later a fresh 
 indiscretion caused his removal from the active list. It 
 must be admitted that his conduct had been improper. 
 The temper of Paul, though hasty, violent, and eccentric, 
 was in a certain distorted way chivalrous and noble ; 
 and a field-marshal should respect even the caprices of 
 his Sovereign. A personal interview would doubtless 
 have smoothed away difficulties, but Court intriguers 
 were able to prevent this, whispering at the same time 
 that Suvoroff 's popularity with the army was dangerous 
 to the security of the State. Before departure the 
 field-marshal assembled the troops on parade, and, 
 having deposited the insignia of his rank on a pyramid 
 of drums, thus addressed them : " Farewell, comrades, I 
 leave with you all I have earned by means of you. 
 Children, heroes, pray to God. Prayer to God, and 
 fidelity to the Tzar are not in vain. We shall meet 
 once more. Once more we shall fight side by side. 
 Suv6roff will reappear in your midst." Then, entering 
 his chaise, he drove swiftly away amid general lamenta- 
 tions. 
 
 He took up his residence in Moscow, but was not 
 permitted to stay there long. A police officer one day 
 alighted at his house presenting an order for his removal 
 into the country. " How much time to pack up ? " he 
 inquired. " Four hours," was the reply. " Time and to 
 spare," he ejaculated, " I've packed up and beaten Turks
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR. 123 
 
 and Poles in less than that ! " Finding a coach at the 
 door, he refused to enter, demanding an ordinary post- 
 cart " What do I want with a coach ? " exclaimed 
 this cantankerous veteran : " I've driven to the palace in 
 a post-cart ere this." Leaving Moscow for ever he 
 travelled with his police attendant to the family estate 
 of Kantchansk in the province of Novgorod, and there, 
 amid forests, marshes, lakes and all the gloomy majesty 
 of the north, he settled down in a small wooden house 
 perched on the summit of a hill, which house exists to 
 this day. 
 
 Here, during the day, he led the mode of life which 
 was peculiar to him when rusticating, and which has 
 been referred to before in these pages ; while at eve he 
 retired to a solitary cabin in his garden, and, like 
 Marcus Aurelius, devoted his declining years to study, 
 his lucubrations not unfrequently lasting till dawn. 
 Still delighting in the perusal of those classical authors 
 who had been the friends of his youth, he devoured 
 with eagerness the story of the young chief who was 
 now dreaming of universal dominion while plodding 
 through the burning sands of Egypt. " Oh, 'tis time, 
 'tis time to stop him ! The youngster's going too fast,' 
 was the cry which often escaped his lips. 
 
 The career of Suvoroff has been compared to a drama 
 of Shakspeare's which passes abruptly from the ludi- 
 crous to the sublime. Now we behold him, an eccentric 
 buffoon in his rural solitude, engrossed in trivial occu- 
 pations ; now he mounts the world's stage and directs 
 the fate of nations. Like many other powerful minds, 
 his could stoop to the humblest details : the arrangement 
 of a village wedding or a question of farmyard economy, 
 and return with equal facility to public affairs of the 
 highest moment.
 
 124 SUVOROFF. 
 
 The alliance concluded in December 1798 between 
 England and Russia against France was about to draw 
 him forth from his retreat. Since Great Britain partially 
 defrayed the expenses of the Coalition she claimed a 
 voice in the selection of the general who was to lead its 
 armies, and, through the mediation of the Emperor 
 Francis II., she proposed Suvoroff as commander of the 
 Austro-Russian army which was about to act in Italy. 
 Paul, flattered by this marked recognition of Russian 
 merit, acceded, and acquainted Suvoroff with his good 
 fortune in a letter written in a conciliatory spirit. The 
 joy of the aged marshal knew no bounds. He kissed 
 the scroll, and gave directions for instant departure. 
 His written instructions for the journey are extant : 
 " One hour for packing then away. Three to accom- 
 pany me. Get ready eighteen horses, and take 250 
 roubles for the road. Send Yuri over to the village 
 bailiff, and ask him for the loan of that sum. I'm not 
 joking. So, having sung bass as sacristan, I am now 
 going to perform as Mars." At St. Petersburg he was 
 received with acclamation. He was invested with the 
 Grand Cross of the Maltese Order, of which the Tzar 
 was Grand Master, and overwhelmed with his atten- 
 tions. The courtiers followed suit, but had to submit to 
 the lash of the inveterate cynic, who now gave vent to 
 his long pent-up bitterness. When an upstart parasite 
 of the Court bowed low to him one day, Suvoroff, 
 instead of returning the salute, made a succession of 
 deep reverences to a statue hard by. The error being 
 pointed out by one who attributed it to defective vision, 
 he made answer : " Never mind ; no knowing what this 
 may become in a few days." Meeting a parvenu covered 
 with decorations, he stopped him, and taking them one 
 by one in his fingers, inquired by what services they had
 
 SECOND POLISH WAR, 125 
 
 been earned. The poor victim, who durst not lie to 
 Suv6roff, stammered in reply, " For usefulness," when 
 Suvoroff, bursting into a loud laugh, strode away mutter- 
 ing contemptuously, "Usefulness! usefulness!" On 
 the arrival of a certain distinguished guest to dinner, he 
 ran to the entrance and escorted him back into the 
 dining-room, crying, " Oh, where shall I seat so great a 
 man ? Proshka, a chair another a third ! " and, 
 having piled one on the top of the other, he resumed, 
 " There, friend, get up ; and if you fall off, mind, 'tis no 
 fault of mine." 
 
 Suvoroff reached Vienna on the 26th March. Over- 
 taking the Russian columns en route to the seat of war, 
 he leaped from his conveyance and shouted, " So, my 
 children, I am with you again ! " and proceeded on his 
 way. At the Austrian capital he alighted at the Russian 
 embassy, in which abode of luxury he preferred to sleep, 
 as usual, on a truss of hay. He was appointed an 
 Austrian field-marshal, with a salary of 3200. When 
 the Aulic Council of War inquired for his plan of 
 campaign, he replied that he had none ; while to the 
 Emperor himself he was not more complaisant, saying 
 that if he had one, he would not reveal it to his Majesty, 
 because " the Aulic Council would know it to-morrow ; 
 the enemy a day after." In truth, his plans were traced 
 mentally but only in outline, to be filled in according to 
 the turn taken by events. Even a military genius like 
 Suvoroff is the slave of circumstances, which he can 
 influence but not compel. He used to boast, " I am 
 like Caesar. I make no detailed plans, but take a broad 
 view of things. For the whirlwind of events destroys 
 the best concerted plans." But the inert forces of routine 
 were in the end to ruin his noblest combinations.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 
 
 THE French Directory having treated the ma/ch of the 
 Russian columns through Moravia, in December 1798, as 
 a casus belli, on the ist March following Jourdan crossed 
 the Rhine at the head of 40,000 men, and entered the 
 defiles of the Black Forest. To his left at Mannheim 
 lay Bernadotte with 25,000, while Massena occupied the 
 eastern cantons of Switzerland with 30,000, intending to 
 turn the sources of the Adige and so dislodge the 
 Austrians from the quadrilateral Verona, Peschiera,. 
 Mantua, Legnago. On the 4th the Archduke Charles 
 passed the Lech with 70,000 men, and, operating in the 
 defile formed by the Danube and the Lake of Constance, 
 on the 25th defeated Jourdan at Stockach. On the 6th 
 April the French general recrossed the Rhine, thus losing 
 his communication with Massena in Switzerland. 
 
 The latter on the 6th March, throwing himself into 
 the valley of the Upper Rhine, had compelled the divi- 
 sion of Auffenberg to capitulate near Coire, while his 
 right, under Lecourbe and Dessoles, advancing by the 
 Engadine and Valteline, dispersed the troops of Laudon 
 at Martinsbruck. But this was the term of French suc- 
 cess; for, repulsed in two consecutive attacks on Feld- 
 kirch a post commanding the valleys of the Upper 
 Rhine and the 111 Masse'na's progress was arrested ;
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 127 
 
 while Bellegarde, advancing from the Tyrol, pushed 
 Lecourbe and Dessoles back into the Orisons. Severe 
 weather then set in and stopped active operations for a 
 season. On the 3<Dth April, however, Hotze, the Austrian 
 commander in the Vorarlberg, assaulted the French 
 position on the Rhine, but without success, and a fort- 
 night of inaction followed, during which the energetic 
 Lecourbe marched by the Via Mala and the St. Bernardin 
 Pass on Bellinzona in order to occupy the St. Gothard 
 Pass, and thus cover the extreme right of the French 
 position. For six weeks after the battle of Stockach 
 the Archduke remained in his Suabian cantonments, 
 while in Italy the French arms were incurring disaster. 
 On the 26th of March, General Scherer incapable and 
 distrusted by his men, but possessing an able coadjutor 
 in Moreau attacked the Austrians near Verona with 
 partial success ; but on the 3Oth Serrurier, having crossed 
 the Adige at Polo with inadequate forces, was over- 
 whelmed by Kray next to the Archduke the most 
 talented of the Austrian leaders who had sallied from 
 Verona in superior strength. On the ist April the 
 French, having concentrated on the banks of the Tartaro, 
 passed the Adige below Verona, but Kray, debouching 
 from the fortress, marched on Peschiera, thus menacing 
 their line of communications. Scherer, by Moreau's 
 advice, instantly turned and attacked him; the battle of 
 Magnano followed, wherein the French, defeated with 
 great loss, were compelled to recross the Mincio, and 
 continue their retreat beyond the Oglio and the Chiese. 
 On the I4th April, Melas, having superseded Kray in 
 the command, led his army across the Mincio, but on 
 the 1 5th had in his turn to hand it over to Suvoroff, 
 who reached Valeggio on that date.
 
 128 SUVOROFR 
 
 Quitting Vienna on the 4th April the Field-Marshal 
 had overtaken the Russian columns at Villach, and so 
 accelerated their movements that the remainder of their 
 journey was accomplished in one-third the time calculated 
 by the Austrian War Office. At Vicenza he was met 
 by the Austrian Marquis Chasteler, who had been 
 assigned him as chief of the staff, and who, taking a seat 
 beside his commander, endeavoured to elicit information 
 from him touching future operations. But Suvoroff 
 kept his own counsel, muttering " Bayonets, bayonets," 
 in reply to all inquiries and representations. At the 
 gates of Verona he was boisterously welcomed by the 
 populace, who, removing the horses, dragged his vehicle 
 to the Emilio Palace, which had been prepared for his ac- 
 commodation. All looking-glasses and articles of luxury 
 known to be hateful to him had been previously removed, 
 and a simple truss of hay prepared for his couch. A 
 levee of officers was at once held, at the conclusion of 
 which he began to pace the floor absently, muttering 
 with closed eyes his favourite military catch-words, as 
 for instance : " Flop ! like snow on the head ! The head 
 waits not for the tail. The bullet is a hag, the bayonet 
 a hero," &c. He then said, " We've come to fight the 
 frivolous, conceited> godless French. They fight in 
 column and we must beat them in column." Then turn- 
 ing abruptly round on Rosenberg, who commanded the 
 ist Russian Army Corps, he exclaimed : "Your Excel- 
 lency, oblige me with some infantry and Cossacks." 
 Certainly," was the reply ; " from which regiments does 
 your Excellency desire them ?" But the answer causing 
 evident annoyance, Bagration, who knew his chief better, 
 stepping forward, announced : " Your Excellency, the 
 troops are in readiness." "God bless you, Prince Peter/'
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBB1A. 129 
 
 was the reply. " Remember, the head waits not for 
 the tail. Flop ! like snow on the head !" Bagration's 
 troops were soon defiling out of Verona amid the shouts 
 of the people, the soldiers singing in chorus as if assured 
 of victory, so great was the confidence they had in their 
 chief. 
 
 At Valeggio he warmly congratulated Kray on his 
 recent success, assuring him that he had paved the way 
 to victory. Action was, however, delayed until the 
 arrival of the Russian corps, whose advance-guard only, 
 under Bagration, had reached head-quarters. The two 
 divisions it contained were marching from Vienna in 
 eight echelons, or detachments, with an interval of 
 twelve marches from front to rear, and, though on paper 
 they numbered 20,000 there were no more than 19,000 
 combatants in the ranks. On the iSth April the leading 
 division, 11,000 strong, under Lieut-General Pavalo- 
 Shvekovski, reached Valeggio ; the other, under Lieut. - 
 General Forster, not till a subsequent period in the cam- 
 paign. A halt of four days was employed by Suvoroff 
 in drilling the Austrians to charge home with the 
 bayonet, an implied ignorance which appears to have 
 displeased their officers. Chasteler proposed a recon- 
 naissance, but Suvoroff flatly refused in no very select 
 language. " A reconnaissance ! No ! They are for 
 poltroons who desire to give the enemy notice of their 
 approach. One can always find the enemy if one wants 
 to. Columns, bayonets, cold steel, attacks, charges, 
 these are my reconnaissances ! " 
 
 Though the French in Italy, together with the army 
 of Naples, amounted to 117,000 men, no more than 
 46,000 could be assembled on the Mincio under Scherer 
 
 K
 
 1 3 o SUVOROFF. 
 
 for field operations. Their losses around Verona from 
 the 26th March to the 7th April amounting to 18,000 
 and reinforcements thrown into Mantua and Peschiera 
 to 8000, their active strength was reduced to 25,000. 
 This small army, lacking confidence in its leader, 
 and dispirited by recent failure, was now confronted 
 by one twice its strength, and inspired with bound- 
 less confidence in the invincibility of its chief. In 
 spite of dilatory instructions from the Aulic Council 
 of War, Suvoroff resolved to push rapidly forward along 
 the roads which traverse the spurs of the Alps as they 
 sink into the Lombard plain, and thus preserve his 
 communications with Switzerland and the Tyrol, with a 
 view to the invasion of France in conjunction with the 
 Archduke Charles. He thus turned the excellent posi- 
 tions which the northern affluents of the Po offer to a 
 retreating enemy. These follow a south-easterly course, 
 and consequently an army advancing from the Mincio, 
 by massing its strength to the right, turns position after 
 position of an opponent who seeks to defend the line of 
 these rivers. On the ipth April the Allies, crossing the 
 Mincio in three columns, moved on the Chiese, while a 
 fourth under Hohenzollern passed the Oglio at Marcaria, 
 in order to cover their left. The 2Oth was a day of rest, 
 and Suvoroff availed himself of the opportunity to dis- 
 tribute his Cossacks among both the Austrian and 
 Russian columns, while eight Austrian regular squad- 
 rons were posted to the Russian infantry division. 
 Meantime the French continued their retreat towards the 
 Adda, their columns moving by the divergent routes 
 of Lecco, Cassano, and Lodi ; but they abandoned in 
 their haste the richly stored arsenal of Cremona.
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 131 
 
 Wukassowich, who had been detached by Bellegarde 
 from the Tyrol, in descending the valley of the Chiese 
 had captured Rocca d'Anfo, a fort on the shores of Lake 
 Idro, which barred his passage, and thence continued his 
 march to join the main body of the Allies at Brescia. 
 On the 2 ist that important city surrendered after a 
 feeble resistance. Next day the centre of the Allies, 
 under Melas, during their advance to the Mella lost the 
 way and fell into confusion ; a tempest was raging at 
 the time, the roads soon became impassable and the 
 water-courses flooded by the downpour. The Austrians, 
 it is said, murmured at having to ford streams, a circum- 
 stance which drew from Suvoroff the following reproof : 
 " I hear that the infantry complain of wet feet. The 
 weather is to blame. The march was ordered in the 
 Emperor's service. Only women, dandies, and sluggards 
 wait for fair weather. The grumbling babbler will 
 henceforth be treated as an egoist and deprived of his 
 command. Operations when decided on should be 
 executed without a moment's loss of time, that the 
 enemy may have no opportunity of looking about him. 
 Those who are out of health may stay behind. Italy 
 must be delivered from the yoke of the French atheists, 
 and every brave officer should be prepared to sacrifice 
 his life to that end. Grumblers cannot be tolerated in 
 an army. A correct eye, rapidity and dash. Enough 
 for the present." 
 
 On the 24th the French rear-guard, drawing up at 
 Palazzolo behind the Oglio, awaited the onslaught of 
 the enemy ; but the Russian General Shvekovski, 
 instead of at once proceeding to the attack, waited for 
 his column to " close up," incurring in consequence the 
 
 K 2
 
 132 SUVOROFF. 
 
 angry censure of the field-marshal. The head had 
 waited for the tail, and the French gained time to defile 
 through the town of Bergamo, which on the same 
 evening was occupied by the pursuing Cossacks. On 
 the 22nd the French stood fast hehind the Adda, and 
 three days later the Allies arrived. A swift, unfordable 
 stream, the western bank of the Adda in most places 
 commands the eastern ; its channel is in many parts 
 deeply imbedded, while bridges existed at Lecco, Cas- 
 sano, Lodi, and Pizzighettone only. The French army, 
 though reinforced from various quarters, did not exceed 
 28,000 men ; for Montrichard's division had marched 
 south of the Po in order to watch the issues of the 
 Apennines. Extended along the right bank of the 
 Adda from Lake Como to the Po, these weak divisions 
 covered an extent of not less than seventy miles, and 
 were posted as follows : Serrurier at Lecco ; Grenier at 
 Cassano ; Victor at Lodi ; the brigade of Laboissiere 
 at Pizzighettone. The consequences of this dissemi- 
 nation soon became apparent. With the mass of his 
 army, no less than 45,000 men, Suvoroff marched by 
 his right on Lecco, and Cassano, while weaker corps, 
 under Seckendorf and Hohenzollern, approached the 
 French right at Lodi and Pizzighettone. On the 26th Ba- 
 gration occupied Lecco, and the Adda only separated the 
 combatants. On the same day Scherer, dismissed from 
 his post by order of the Directory, was succeeded by 
 Moreau in the command, who, reaching French head- 
 quarters at Inzago, at 6 p.m., made a vain attempt to 
 rectify the faulty distribution of his troops. The right 
 wing he ordered to close in on the centre ; Victor from 
 Lodi to Cassano ; Laboissiere from Pizzighettone to
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A, 133 
 
 Lodi. Serrurier was already marching in the required 
 direction, and had reached Trezzo, when Moreau, hear- 
 ing that Wukassowich was attempting a passage at 
 Brivio, countermanded him to the menaced point. Thus 
 at the decisive moment, the French general was engaged 
 in repairing the errors of his predecessor. 
 
 SuvorofFs boastful confidence at this juncture would 
 have been ridiculous had it not been deliberately 
 assumed. Having learnt Moreau's accession to the 
 command, he remarked : " Here also I see the finger of 
 Providence. There would have been little credit in 
 beating a charlatan like Scherer. The laurels of which 
 we shall rob Moreau will be more fresh and green." 
 During the night of the 2Oth he caused a pontoon bridge 
 to be laid at Trezzo, a short distance above Cassano, 
 and, having effected this without arousing the enemy's 
 suspicions, at dawn he threw across the divisions of Ott 
 and Zopf, in all 10,000 men. Preceded by Cossacks, 
 these troops on reaching the opposite bank, wheeled to 
 the left and marched direct on Cassano, whilst Melas 
 assailed it in front and Wukassowich crossed the river 
 at Brivio. Moreau, when informed of these disquieting 
 events, instantly perceived that the attack on Trezzo 
 was in force ; that at Brivio merely a feint. He there- 
 fore directed Serrurier to suspend his march on the 
 latter point and halt at Verderio, which lies about mid- 
 way between the two an injunction which he only too 
 faithfully obeyed. He next stationed a brigade of 
 Grenier's in strong position at right angles to the Adda, 
 between the villages of Vaprio and Pozzo, and directed 
 Victor to hasten his approach. But so rapid had been 
 the advance of the enemy, that in galloping to the
 
 i 3 4 SUVOROFF. 
 
 menaced point the French commander narrowly escaped 
 falling into the hands of the Cossacks, who already 
 inundated the plain. With Grenier's 2nd brigade he 
 attacked with some success the right flank of the Allies 
 in his immediate front, but the advantage was soon 
 neutralized by the arrival of Denissoff's Cossacks, who, 
 extending to the right, occupied the village of Gorgon- 
 zola, and thus cut off the French from the direct line of 
 retreat on Milan. Moreau, menaced now both in flank 
 and rear, was constrained to retreat before the arrival of 
 Victor, while Melas, under a concentrated fire of thirty 
 guns forced his way over the canal Ritorto, which barred 
 approach to the river ; carried the bridge-head of Cas- 
 sano with a rush, and debouched in triumph behind the 
 French left wing. Moreau, conducted the retreat with 
 his usual prudence and firmness, and, closely pursued by 
 the enemy, led Grenier's division by a circuitous route 
 into Milan, having suffered a loss of 2000 men. Throw- 
 ing a strong garrison into the citadel, he left the city, 
 marching on the Ticino by Buffalora, while Victor's 
 division retired by Melegnano on Pavia. 
 
 Serrurier, on the other hand, had remained all the day 
 with half his division at Verderio, observing the letter, 
 not the spirit of his instructions. His position, five 
 miles above Trezzo, clearly afforded the opportunity to 
 attack in rear the Austrian divisions which had crossed 
 at that point and were engaged with Moreau at Vaprio. 
 Like Grouchy's conduct at Waterloo, or, as just related 
 in these pages, Poninski's at Maciejowice, Serrurier's in- 
 activity at Verderio entailed disastrous consequences. 
 The accepted rule in similar dilemmas is to march to 
 the sound of the cannon. As things fell out, the Allies,
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 135 
 
 advancing next morning on Milan the right by Monza, 
 the centre by Gorgonzola surrounded Verderio, and 
 the French general was compelled to surrender with 
 3000 men, though the remainder of his division escaped 
 from Lecco by Como and the shores of the Lago Mag- 
 giore. The French forces actually engaged in the con- 
 flict amounted to only 18,000, for Victor and Laboissiere 
 did not arrive in time to share in it, while their losses 
 were 2500 Jiors de combat and 5000 prisoners. Taking 
 into account the numerical weakness of his army and 
 its faulty distribution, it is creditable to Moreau that a 
 worse catastrophe was avoided. 
 
 On the 29th, Suvoroff approached the walls of Milan, 
 where he was met outside the gates by the archbishop 
 and a procession of clergy. Kneeling down, the devout 
 Russian kissed the crucifix, and, pressing the prelate's 
 hand to his lips, said : " I am sent to restore the ancient 
 papal throne, and to lead back the people to their 
 allegiance. Assist me in this holy cause." The Milanese 
 are said to have been reassured by the civilized aspect of 
 the northern " barbarian," who visited their city. He 
 did not enter however at the head of his troops, 
 but caused his secretary Fuchs to array himself in a 
 gorgeous diplomatic uniform, and ride at the head of 
 the cortege, while he himself followed simply attired as a 
 member of the staff. Great, though hardly decent, 
 was his merriment, when the proxy, gracefully bowing, 
 acknowledged the deafening cheers of the populace. 
 
 Next day, the 3Oth April, solemn thanksgiving was 
 offered in the cathedral, and the archbishop bestowed 
 his benediction on the Russian chief. " Let us pray," 
 replied Suvoroff in Italian, " that God may assist me to
 
 136 SUVOROFF. 
 
 rescue the altar and the throne." A gorgeous throne of 
 
 o o 
 
 crimson velvet had been prepared for his use, but he 
 declined to occupy it. It was Easter, and Suvoroff in- 
 sisted on the French " atheists," his prisoners and guests, 
 replying to the Easter Sunday greeting, " Christ hath 
 risen," by the proper formula, " In truth, He hath." 
 
 The Russian leader has been accused* of inactivity 
 after the capture of Milan, and it has been hinted that 
 he was dazzled by the splendour of his reception. The 
 criticism accords neither with SuvorofFs character nor 
 the testimony of the most reliable authorities. Jomini 
 expressly states : " L'eclat de son entree a Milan n'im- 
 posa pas a Suvoroff." His sojourn in the Lombard 
 capital lasted but three days, while the advance of his 
 troops was resumed on the day after the occupation, the 
 1st May, when the Allies approached the Po in pursuit 
 of Victor, and the division of Wukassowich followed 
 Moreau in his march on the Ticino. Having reorgan- 
 ized the civil government, left in confusion by the flight 
 of the Cisalpine Republican officials, Suvoroff transferred 
 his head-quarters from Milan to Pavia on the 3rd 
 instant. He found the army under his immediate com- 
 mand reduced to 36,000 men, though Forster's Russian 
 division, 7000 strong had recently joined him. The 
 total allied strength in Italy was 97,000, but the policy 
 imposed by the Aulic Council of War necessitated a dis- 
 semination of forces. Thugut, fixing a covetous eye on 
 the rich plains of Lombardy, to secure their permanent 
 possession insisted on besieging the fortresses in the rear 
 of the army, and so crippled its activity for offensive 
 
 * Among others by Alison, in the History of Modern Europe.
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 137 
 
 purposes. Had Suvoroff literally complied with in- 
 structions, he would have done nothing of consequence ; 
 but he ignored them to a great extent, excusing this 
 conduct as best he might. 
 
 The position of the army of Naples under Macdonald 
 demands passing notice. That the destinies of penin- 
 sular Italy are ever decided on the plains of Lombardy 
 is a strategic truth confirmed by long experience. It 
 was thus a gross error on the part of the French Direc- 
 tory to shut up 34,000, men in the Neapolitan kingdom, 
 where they remained destitute of influence at the de- 
 cisive point, irretrievably cut off from their base in the 
 event of disaster. And so it proved ; for Macdonald, 
 when constrained to evacuate the kingdom, did so too 
 late to secure a victorious issue to the campaign. Suvo- 
 roft" was, however, in complete ignorance of the progress 
 made by the French chief in his passage northward, deem- 
 ing his march much further advanced than was actually 
 the case. He therefore threw the bulk of his army across 
 the Po, between Pavia and Piacenza, in order to inter- 
 pose between Macdonald and Moreau and prevent their 
 junction. Shortly afterwards, altering his plan, he massed 
 his forces north of that river to meet a different combina- 
 tion on the part of the enemy for, as a matter of fact, 
 Macdonald had not yet quitted Neapolitan territory. 
 
 The French having destroyed the bridge of Piacenza, 
 the Allies had to construct a new one, which was not 
 completed till the 6th of May, when the divisions of 
 Zopf and Frohlich were pushed across, their outposts 
 being advanced as far as Bobbio on the Upper Trebbia. 
 Meantime Suvoroff, having thrown Rosenberg's corps 
 across the Ticino, it advanced to Dorno, while Bagration,
 
 138 SUVOROFF. 
 
 crossing the Po at Cervesina, occupied Voghera, where 
 Suvoroff on the 7th fixed his head-quarters. Thus the 
 allied army was posted astride the Po, and to secure the 
 communication of its parts, a bridge was constructed at 
 Mezzana Corte, where the high road from Pavia to 
 Casteggio cuts the river. By that date, consequently, 
 the Allies had attained an important strategic advantage. 
 With their left they separated Moreau from Macdonald, 
 while their right threatened Turin and the passages 
 of the Po at Casale and Valenza. The favourable 
 opportunity of separating the diverging columns of 
 Moreau and Victor by a swift march on the Ticino, at 
 Vigevano, hadibeen neglected, the assumption that Mac- 
 donald was close at hand having saved them. Moreau 
 had adopted this double line of retreat in order at the 
 same time to maintain his communications with Mac- 
 donald in the Genoese riviera, and provide for the 
 security of the Piedmontese capital. But the inhabi- 
 tants of the latter (among whom with misplaced confi- 
 dence arms had been distributed by the French) rising 
 in revolt, compelled him to depart, when, turning south, 
 he joined Victor on the 7th May, taking post in the 
 angle formed by the junction of the Tanaro and Po. 
 This impregnable position is flanked on the right by the 
 great fortress of Alessandria, and on the left by the 
 fortified town of Valenza. Thus on the 7th of May the 
 opposing armies of Moreau and Suvoroff were mustered 
 in close proximity, their head-quarters being at Alessan- 
 dria and Tortona respectively. 
 
 At this critical juncture Suvoroff once more received 
 false intelligence which entailed a serious check. Igno- 
 rant as yet of Moreau's arrival at Alessandria, he was
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 139 
 
 informed that the enemy had executed a general 
 retreat, and at once ordered Wukassowich from Novara 
 to Casale ; Rosenberg from Dorno to Valenza, with a 
 view to the passage of the Po. On the Qth Rosenberg's 
 advance-guard seized Mugarone, an islet in the Po near 
 Bassignano, below Valenza, and during the next two 
 days made the needful preparations for forcing a pas- 
 sage. Next day Suvoroff, having discovered Moreau's 
 presence at Alessandria, countermanded his previous 
 order, and instructed Rosenberg to join him with all 
 speed at Tortona, marching by Cambio. But that 
 general, deceived by the withdrawal of great part of 
 Victor's division to Alessandria, took the responsibility 
 of disobeying the order, though more than once re- 
 peated. Deeming the detour by Cambio "unneces- 
 sary/' he crossed the Po on the I2th, and, seizing the 
 heights which dominate the village of Bassignano, dis- 
 lodged with ease the feeble detachments left there to 
 observe his movements. But no sooner was the sound 
 of his cannon heard at Alessandria than Moreau, has- 
 tening with Victor's division to the spot, vigorously 
 assailed the captured heights and hurled the Russians 
 back into Bassignano. In this village their rear-guard 
 took post, gallantly covering the retreat of the remainder 
 under command of Miloradovitch, then a young major- 
 general, but in after times so renowned in the Napo- 
 leonic wars. During the uproar and confusion of 
 retreat, the Grand Duke Constantine's horse leaped into 
 the stream, and was being rapidly swept away by the 
 current, when a brave Cossack, Panteleye ff, a dexterous 
 swimmer, casting himself into the stream, rescued the 
 prince when nearly exhausted. In the thick of the fray
 
 MO SUVOROFF. 
 
 an aide-de-camp of SuvorofFs arrived, bringing a mes- 
 sage threatening Rosenberg with trial by court-martial 
 if he failed to comply with his instructions. But to 
 withdraw troops in good order when once committed to 
 action is more easily ordered than performed, and the 
 combat cost the Russians 1200 men and two guns. 
 The attack on Casale likewise miscarried through the 
 rapidity of the current, though the repulse did not in- 
 volve so serious a loss as that of Bassignano. Suvoroff 
 advanced as far as Cambio to support Rosenberg's re- 
 treat, but returned to Tortona on the following day. He 
 generously shielded Rosenberg from the consequences 
 which his misconduct might have incurred, palliated 
 his disobedience, and described the affair to the Tzar 
 as follows : " News came that Valenza was evacuated. 
 Rosenberg was ordered to occupy it. The news was 
 false, and the order was countermanded. But he, consult- 
 ing his valour alone, crossed the Po at Borgo Franco* on 
 the 1 2th of May, and engaged the enemy at Bassignano." 
 Events in Switzerland contributed at this time to 
 modify Suvoroff 's plans. Lecourbe, having retired into 
 the Orisons before Bellegarde and hastily crossed the 
 Alps for the protection of the St. Gothard Pass, was at 
 Bellinzona on the iithofMay, when he attacked and 
 defeated the Allies under Prince Victor Rohan on the 
 Monte Cenere. Their destruction would have been 
 complete had not the Austrian general Strauch sent 
 parties of infantry by unfrequented paths from Chia- 
 venna over the intervening ridge into the Vai Mi- 
 socco, and by thus threatening Bellinzona arrested the 
 
 * On the opposite bank to Bassignano.
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA 141 
 
 enemy's advance. Leaving Loison's brigade behind to 
 make head against the Allies, Lecourbe retired, hasten- 
 ing to secure the all-important defile of the St. Gothard. 
 These events, secondary as they now seem, convinced 
 Suvoroff at the time that a powerful diversion was con- 
 templated by the enemy from Switzerland. Converting 
 therefore the siege of the Milan citadel into a blockade, 
 he reinforced Rohan with the troops set at liberty, who, 
 with forces thus augmented, attacked Loison on the i8th 
 of May and drove him beyond Bellinzona. Hereupon 
 the troops from Milan, returning to that city, resumed 
 the siege of the citadel. Having meantime ascertained 
 the actual position of Macdonald, and being convinced 
 that Moreau at Alessandria was unassailable, the Rus- 
 sian chief resolved on approaching Turin by the left 
 bank of the Po, thus to sever the French in Italy from 
 their countrymen in Switzerland. On the i$th he issued 
 orders directing the passage of the Po on the following 
 day, the various columns to concentrate behind the lower 
 Sesia, while a demonstration was to be made at the same 
 time on the Tanaro in order to attract attention to 
 Alessandria. But Moreau had already resolved on 
 sallying from that fortress, hoping either to effect his 
 retreat on Genoa by the Bochetta Pass, or at least to 
 ascertain the strength and distribution of the enemy. 
 The position around Alessandria had become untenable ; 
 supplies had run short, while retreat had become difficult 
 owing to an insurrection of the peasantry. Having laid 
 a bridge across the Bormida during the night, the French 
 general crossed on the i6th May with Victor's division, 
 when the outposts of the enemy were at once driven in 
 on their main body. But the Allies had not yet crossed
 
 142 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the Po in execution of their new plan ; the troops facing 
 Moreau were consequently reinforced, and Bagration's 
 division suddenly appearing from Novi on his right at 
 Marengo, the French General deemed it prudent to 
 recross the Bormida. The movement was executed with 
 admirable steadiness and precision, the infantry retiring 
 by alternate brigades under the personal supervision of 
 Moreau, who conducted them in safety beyond the 
 Bormida, destroying the bridge behind them. Had he 
 delayed the sortie a single day, success might have 
 crowned his efforts, for the Allies would in that case 
 have been already beyond the Po in obedience to 
 Suvoroff s instructions. 
 
 After this failure Moreau marched with the division 
 Grenieron Asti, Victor at the head of his own on Acqui. 
 Suvoroff, for his part, reached the Sesia on the 2Oth 
 May, where he halted two days while bridges were being 
 constructed. On learning the retreat of the French, he 
 occupied Casale and Valenza, and on the 23rd, crossing 
 the Sesia, moved in two columns on Turin. On the 
 25th that city was invested, and on the refusal of its 
 commandant, Fiorella, to surrender, cannonaded from 
 the heights of Superga. But the citizens, according to 
 previous agreement, threw open their gates to the 
 Allies, when Fiorella, having retreated into the citadel 
 with his garrison, bombarded the city as a punishment 
 for the treachery of its inhabitants. Upon this Suvoroff, 
 denouncing such conduct as contrary to the usages of 
 war, threatened to expose his French prisoners on the 
 esplanade of the citadel to the fire of their countrymen. 
 The menace had the desired effect, the bombardment 
 ceased, the citadel was invested, and columns were
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 143 
 
 pushed forward on the track of the enemy towards the 
 passes which lead into France. But Moreau was in a 
 critical condition. Though Victor, passing by Acqui, 
 Dego, and Ceva, had surmounted the Apennines and 
 reached the Mediterranean coast, he himself, after 
 sending his heavy baggage by the Mont Genevre Pass 
 into France, was committed to the ardous task of forcing 
 a way through a hostile population in order to join his 
 lieutenant. But Ceva was already in the power of the 
 Allies, and all attempts at its recapture were vain, while 
 the defile over the Col di Tenda was choked by a land- 
 slip. From the cul-de-sac in which he was entrapped 
 Moreau escaped through combined energy and presence 
 of mind. One half of his force laboured hard to repair 
 the mountain path which leads by Garessio and the 
 valley of the Corsaglia to the sea, while the remainder, 
 posted at Mondovi, protected their efforts. On the 6th 
 June, having thrown reinforcments into Coni, he reached 
 Loano on the Mediterranean coast. 
 
 Suvoroff remained at Turin while the French were 
 effecting the passage of the Apennines without molesta- 
 tion. Hampered by the absurd orders of the Austrian 
 Court, and disgusted with its intrigues, he was unusually 
 apathetic at this crisis, though he had hitherto troubled 
 himself but little about Thugut and his plans of cam- 
 paign. That minister, we are told, having been a casual 
 spectator of a skirmish with the Turks, considered him- 
 self ever afterwards a passed master in strategy, much as 
 Frederic the Great was proud of his reputation as a 
 poet. Having traced a plan of campaign which Suvo- 
 roff had rejected with contumely, Thugut was resolved to 
 make him feel what manner of man he had offended. A
 
 M4 SUVOROFF. 
 
 system of espionage was established at the general's head- 
 quarters; supplies and transport were withheld at critical 
 moments; intrigues were set on foot for the removal of the 
 Russian troops from Italy. Austria, in fine, was exposed 
 to the possibility of disaster that her first minister might 
 gratify at the same time his military hobbies and his 
 spleen. Political differences also wrought dissension 
 among the Allies. The Emperor looked for compen- 
 sation in Italy for the loss of Flanders, while the Tzar 
 insisted on the restoration of the status which had 
 been destroyed by the arms of revolutionary France. 
 Suvoroff after the capture of Turin considered the resto- 
 ration of the King of Sardinia as a matter of right; 
 Thugut entrusted the government to Austrian officials. 
 Suvoroff became obstinate ; the Imperial Government 
 grew anxious to be rid of him, and were eventually 
 successful. Such was the tangled web of intrigue which 
 impeded the movements of his victorious troops. 
 
 A glance at events in Switzerland now becomes 
 necessary. Massena, retiring before the Archduke 
 Charles, halted at length in front of Zurich, where, on 
 the 4th June, he was attacked with indecisive result ; 
 but two days later he withdrew to a stronger position on 
 the Albis ridge in his rear. The retreat exposed 
 Lecourbe in the St. Gothard Pass to considerable 
 danger ; for Bellegarde, ascending the sources of the 
 Rhine, threatened his retreat on Altdorf. But one only 
 of the Austrian's brigades pursued this direction, the 
 mass of his corps having been ordered to SuvorofFs 
 head-quarters in Italy. Nevertheless, in Lecourbe's 
 absence, Loison, assailed both in front and rear, was 
 compelled to abandon the Pass, retreating on Altdorf.
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 145 
 
 On the return of his chief, however, the offensive was 
 resumed and the Austrians driven from the Devil's 
 Bridge. But Lecourbe, now made acquainted with 
 Massena's retreat, returned to Altdorf, whence transport- 
 ing his troops by water to Lucerne, he left the stupen- 
 dous defile of the Reuss in the possession of the Allies. 
 
 His right flank guarded through the definite conquest 
 of the St. Gothard, and Moreau reduced to impotence, 
 Suvoroff was now in a position to devote his undivided 
 attention to Macdonald, who was fast approaching the 
 scene of action. The Army of Naples had, after numerous 
 unforeseen delays, quitted Caserta on the 7th May, 
 marching in two columns, whose total strength was 
 19,000. The one following the sea-shore, the other 
 forcing a road through mountains which were infested by 
 insurgent peasantry, both arrived at Rome ten days 
 later, when their strength was augmented by the greater 
 part of the division of Gamier. Florence was entered 
 on the 2$th, when the junction of Gauthier raised their 
 numbers to 23,000 ; Lucca, on the 29th, where a halt of 
 ten days was conceded for purposes of reorganization 
 and repose a delay which probably involved the loss of 
 the campaign. But no communication had as yet been 
 opened with Moreau, who, it will be recollected, did not 
 reach Genoese territory until the 6th June. 
 
 A map of recent construction conveys the idea that 
 the junction of the two French armies might have been 
 best effected by the eastern riviera, while guarding the 
 issues of the Apennines with suitable forces. But at 
 that time no road practicable for artillery existed beyond 
 Sarzana, while the shore was commanded by the guns 
 of the British fleet. Moreau therefore, arriving at 
 
 L
 
 146 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Genoa on the 7th June, directed Macdonald to cross the 
 Apennines and cut the enemy's communications on 
 the Lower Po ; to raise the siege of Mantua and 
 endeavour to destroy in detail his scattered forces. The 
 Army of Naples lay extended along the southern declivi- 
 ties of the Apennines from the Florence-Bologna road 
 on the right to Lucca on the left ; Dombrowski's Polish 
 division was pushed in advance to Pontremoli ; while 
 Victor, detached by Moreau, to the valley of the Taro, 
 acted as a connecting link between the two armies. It 
 was agreed that Moreau, advancing from Geneo on 
 Tortona, should strike a blow at Suvoroffs rear while 
 that chief was engaged with Macdonald. The Army of 
 Naples, including Victor's and Montrichard's divisions, 
 reached the total of 36,000 men, against whom the 
 Allies, though over 100,000 strong could bring into the 
 battle-field no more than 32,000. Haddik, with 16,000, 
 watched the St. Gothard and the neighbouring Alpine 
 passes ; Ott with 7400 confronted Montrichard at 
 Bologna : the siege absorbed 20,000 ; the blockades of 
 Alessandria and Tortona, 10,500 ; of Ferrara, 4500. 
 Bellegarde, who as already stated was approaching with 
 8200 men, did not reach Como till the 28th May. The 
 28,000 under SuvorofFs immediate orders were encamped 
 around Turin with divisions pushed in advance to Asti 
 and Acqui. It was Moreau's part to distract attention 
 from Macdonald's movement, and induce his opponent to 
 concentrate in the opposite direction. Rumours were 
 therefore disseminated that large bodies of French troops 
 had been landed at Genoa, while the recent visit of 
 Bruix's powerful fleet to that port lent colour to the 
 assertion. These endeavours proved so far successful as
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 147 
 
 to cause Suvoroff to believe that offensive action from 
 Genoa through the Bochetta Pass was in contemplation ; 
 yet, Macdonald's exact position being still uncertain, he 
 adopted a resolution valid in most circumstances ; that 
 of concentrating his field army at a central point whence 
 he might attack an enemy from whichever side he might 
 approach. On the loth June he marched with 20,000 men 
 from Turin, leaving 8000 behind under Kaim to continue 
 the siege of the citadel ; reached Asti, distant thirty-five 
 miles, at 8 a.m. on the following day and, resuming his 
 march at 10 p.m., entered Alessandria at 2 p.m. on the 
 1 2th. Here, Bellegarde having arrived on the 8th June, 
 the Russian chief found himself at the head of 34,000 
 men, including the troops blockading the citadel and 
 that of Tortona. But difficulties arose regarding sup- 
 plies, the Austrian Commissariat declaring their inability 
 to support so great a mass of men concentrated at one 
 spot. Suvoroff, therefore, was in the act of cantoning 
 them over a wider area, when, on the I3th June, he 
 received positive information that Macdonald, having 
 crossed the Apennines, had inflicted a severe reverse on 
 Hohenzollern at Modena. 
 
 In fact, on the 9th June Macdonald had commenced 
 his advance at the head of 36,000 men. His right, com- 
 posed of the divisions Rusca and Montrichard, followed 
 the great highway which leads from Florence to 
 Bologna ; his centre, Olivier and Watrin, marched from 
 Pistoja on Modena ; his left, under Dombrowski, by 
 Castel Nuovo on Reggio ; Victor, by the Taro valley on 
 Parma ; while Lapoype, with 3000 Ligurian troops, 
 descended on Bobbio by the valley of the Trebbia. On 
 the 1 2th the French centre attacked Hohenzollern a 
 
 L 2
 
 148 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Modena, while their right wing, moving from Bologna, 
 endeavoured to cut the enemy off from the Po. Driven 
 through the town with severe loss, the Austrians would 
 have been surrounded had not Klenau, abandoning 
 the investment of Fort Urbano, taken post behind the 
 Panaro, and covered their retreat before effecting his 
 own on Ferrara. During this engagement Macdonald 
 was himself severely wounded. A party of the French 
 emigres hussars of Bussy, finding themselves cut off, 
 proceeded to hew their path through the ranks of the 
 enemy, when the French commander- in-chief becoming 
 entangled in the fray, received a sabre-stroke which dis- 
 abled him from riding. Leaving the divisions Montri- 
 chard and Olivier at Modena for the purpose of observing 
 Mantua, he continued his march on Reggio and Parma. 
 On the 1 4th Victor joined the advance-guard under 
 Dombrowski, and next day their united divisions reached 
 Firenzuola. On the other side of the Arda, Ott, with 
 5300 men, observed their movements, and, on learning the 
 defeat of Hohenzollern at Modena, retired to Piacenza, 
 while his outposts remained on the Nura. On the i6th, 
 assailed by the enemy in vastly superior numbers, he was 
 driven beyond the Tidone, not however till he had demo- 
 lished the bridge over the Po at Piacenza. On the follow- 
 ing day the main body of the Allies came to his assistance. 
 Suvoroff, as soon as he had ascertained the exact posi- 
 tion of Macdonald, resolved to crush him without giving 
 Moreau the time to march to his support. The requisite 
 orders were issued on the I3th, though by an unlucky 
 accident the bridge over the Bormida was not completed 
 till two days later. But at 10 p.m. on the i5th the 
 Allies passed the river in two columns the right Rus-
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 149 
 
 sians, the left Austrians and pointed their march on 
 Casteggio, leaving Bellegarde to maintain the blockade 
 of the Alessandria and Tortona citadels, and to repel 
 Moreau in case that leader should stir himself. In- 
 cluding Ott's division already engaged with the enemy, 
 no more than 30,000 men remained at SuvorofFs dis- 
 posal wherewith to oppose the 36,000 of his opponent. 
 Kray, indeed, who with 20,000 men surrounded Mantua, 
 had been enjoined to convert the siege into a blockade, 
 and join head-quarters with the utmost speed ; but 
 secret orders from Vienna prevented him from com- 
 plying. At 5 a.m. on the i6th the Allies reached the 
 Scrivia, whence, after a rest of three hours they resumed 
 their march on Casteggio, there halting for the night 
 with their advance-guard at Stradella, having covered 
 thirty miles in twenty-four hours. 
 
 At this juncture SuvorofFs superb confidence in 
 himself did not blind him to the contingency of defeat. 
 Writing to Kaim during the above march he thus 
 expresses himself: "I am off to the Trebbia to beat 
 Macdonald. Make haste with your siege of the Turin 
 citadel, or I shall sing Te Deum before you." Ad- 
 dressing his troops, he does not admit the possibility of 
 defeat. His general orders contain the following pas- 
 sage : " The kettles arid light baggage to be at hand 
 when approaching the enemy, so that, after his defeat, 
 the dinners may be cooked. But victors should be con- 
 tent with the bread in their knapsacks and the water in 
 their canteens." Yet his arrangements accurately pro- 
 vide against defeat. A bridge and tete-de-pont were 
 constructed at Valenza to ensure Bellegarde's escape in 
 the event of the main army being driven across the Po ;
 
 150 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the fortresses were revictualled for a siege ; the heavy 
 baggage sent north of the river by the bridge of Mez- 
 zana Corte, which was fortified and garrisoned with a 
 battalion and four guns ; a second bridge was laid at 
 Parpanese, opposite Stradella, as an- alternative passage, 
 in case Mezzana Corte fell into the hands of Moreau. 
 Lastly, 700 men were pushed up the valley of the 
 Trebbia to observe the movements of Lapoype. 
 
 At 8 a.m. on the I7th June, when the advance of the 
 Allies, moving by the high road from Casteggio, had 
 reached Stradella, Ott was assailed in his position behind 
 the Tidone by the divisions Victor and Rusca, while 
 Dombrowski menaced his right by a circuitous route 
 among the mountains. Driven from his post with heavy 
 loss, the Austrian took up another farther to the rear, 
 where he endeavoured to maintain himself till succour 
 should arrive. Suvoroff was now close at hand, and his 
 troops, aware that Ott was being crushed by overwhelm- 
 ing numbers, were running in a long straggling column 
 along -the great highway. The pace increased by 
 degrees ; Suvoroff, in his bare shirt down to the waist 
 and followed by a single Cossack orderly, continually 
 galloped from front to rear, while he encouraged his 
 men with jests, ejaculations, and proverbs. "Forward, for- 
 ward," he kept hallooing, " The head doesn't stop for the 
 tail." The column, indeed, was trailing out to a dangerous 
 length, the weakly continually dropping out, unable to 
 endure the tremendous pace. At times outriding the 
 foremost troops, Suvoroff would conceal himself; then 
 suddenly darting forward he would ride at full speed 
 towards them. Enthusiastic shouts greeted him and 
 the worn-out soldiers redoubled their exertions.
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 151 
 
 At 3 p.m. Ott, unable to maintain his latest position, 
 was being hotly pursued along the high road by the 
 French cavalry, when SuvorofF, accompanied by Bagra- 
 tion and four regiments of Cossacks, arrived on the 
 field. After a brief pause the Russian chief divided 
 the Cossacks, sending two regiments in support of each 
 flank of hardly pressed Austrians. In an instant the 
 pursuit relaxed, and Ott obtained breathing-time to 
 reform his shattered ranks. Dombrowski, on the French 
 left, being charged by the Cossacks with Austrian 
 dragoons in support, was driven from the field in the 
 greatest disorder. At 4 p.m. the heads of the foremost 
 Russian infantry columns were seen pushing forward to 
 support the cavalry ; yet so great was the fatigue of the 
 men and so thinned were their ranks by straggling that 
 even the impetuous Bagration counselled delay, affirm- 
 ing that there were not forty men in each company. "For- 
 ward, forward ! " yelled Suvoroff in reply, " attack in 
 God's name. Macdonald has not twenty." The nature 
 of the ground, intersected with hedges and ditches, 
 obstructed the advance ; yet before 9 p.m. the entire 
 French line had been thrust back across the Tidone, 
 with a loss of 1000 killed and wounded and 1400 pri- 
 soners ; nor did they stand fast till they were behind the 
 Trebbia. Their advance-guard being posted on its 
 western bank, the Tidone separated their picquets from 
 those of the Russians, whose main body bivouacked at 
 San Giovanni at some distance from the stream. 
 
 It was not Macdonald's wish or intention to fight 
 before the ipth, because his divisions left at Modena, 
 11,600 strong, were still a day's march in the rear, and 
 besides, every hour's delay increased the chances of
 
 152 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Moreau's co-operation. But Suvorofif was not a likely 
 man to wait the onset of the enemy. His strength, ex- 
 clusive of Chubaroffs detachment 1300 strong still in 
 rear, was 27,000, while the French, in the absence of their 
 rearmost divisions, could muster no more than 22,000 to 
 oppose him Determined therefore to attack next day, 
 he arranged his army in three columns and a reserve. 
 The two on the right, chiefly Russians, were commanded 
 by Rosenberg, the left-hand column and reserve being 
 Austrians led by Melas. The French left was the deci- 
 sive point both in a tactical and strategic sense ; for, by 
 forcing it back, communication with Moreau would be 
 prevented, and their whole army, backed against the Po, 
 might be compelled to surrender. Suvoroff accordingly, 
 concentrating on his right, ordered the attack to be 
 executed in direct echelon from that wing. It was 
 his intention that the reserve also, consisting of Froh- 
 lich's division, though using the high road for conve- 
 nience of movement, should, as the day wore on, move 
 obliquely to its right, throwing its weight in the same 
 quarter. To maintain the bold assurance of victory 
 which he was wont to assume, he indicated villages on 
 the Nura, which flowed in rear of the enemy's position, 
 as directing points for his columns ; and when Melas, in 
 confusion because no line of retreat had been indicated, 
 ventured a question on the subject, he retorted 
 " Retreat ? retreat ? across the Trebbia to Piacenza ! " 
 The following were his final instructions : " If, contrary 
 to expectation, the enemy wait for us, deploy into line 
 at once without confusion, yet without pedantry and 
 useless precision. If he retire, let the Cossacks and 
 cavalry pursue without losing an instant, supported by
 
 THE ADDA AND THETREBBIA. 153 
 
 the infantry, which in this case will not form line but 
 column. The cavalry will move by alternate squadrons 
 chequerwise." They conclude with the characteristic 
 injunction: "The word halt is not to be used. We 
 are going to a fight, not a field-day ! Cut, stab 
 hurrah ! drums and music ! " The divisions were formed 
 in two lines, the second at a distance of 300 yards from 
 the first; cavalry on the flanks. The i8th June being 
 the 42nd anniversary of the battle of Kolin, the names 
 Theresa and Kolin were given as parole and countersign 
 for a day which was destined in after years to acquire 
 a still greater celebrity. Owing to the fatigue of the 
 troops consequent on marching and fighting in summer 
 under a broiling Italian sun, Suvoroff did not give the 
 signal for attack until ten o'clock ; but at this hour his 
 columns advanced, plunged into the Tidone, and reached 
 the opposite bank without molestation from the 
 enemy. 
 
 The bed of the Trebbia (scene of Hannibal's memo- 
 rable exploit B.C. 218) is at this part of its course 1000 
 yards in breadth, sandy, and studded with numerous 
 islets. In summer its channel is dry or extremely 
 shallow ; so that, oddly enough, owing to the enclosed 
 nature of the surrounding district, it forms the most 
 favourable space in the neighbourhood for the action of 
 cavalry. Add to this that the battle-field itself is a 
 defile between the mountains and the Po, and a fair idea 
 may be formed of the contracted area which was to be 
 the scene of conflict. 
 
 The divisions Victor and Dombrowski being already on 
 the left bank of the Trebbia, the latter was first assailed 
 by Bagration, who conducted the extreme right of the
 
 154 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Russian wing. Both sides fought with equal rage : for 
 the memory of Warsaw was fresh and furious in their 
 minds. At length, however, the Poles sought refuge 
 behind the river, when Victor, seizing the opportunity, 
 fell upon Bagration's left flank which had become ex- 
 posed in pursuing the enemy, throwing his ranks into 
 dangerous confusion, from which he was only extricated 
 by the timely arrival of Schvekovski's division, the 
 second rung of the echelon. The divisions Montrichard 
 and Olivier having meantime reached the field from 
 Modena, Macdonald found himself at the head of 
 33,000 men, i.e. 6000 more than the Allies. Montrichard 
 crossed the Trebbia in support of Victor and Rusca 
 while Olivier stayed in reserved behind it. Yet, not- 
 withstanding this accession of strength, the French centre 
 was gradually pushed, disputing the ground step by step, 
 through the stream to the opposite bank. The decisive 
 moment had arrived ; the enemy's left and centre had 
 been forced back ; and Suvoroff gazed anxiously for the 
 arrival of his reserve to complete the victory. But he 
 gazed in vain. The attention of Melas had been fixed 
 on Salm's brigade, which, crossing the Trebbia near its 
 junction with the Po, seemed to threaten his left flank. 
 Alarmed by its progress he retained the reserve of Froh- 
 lich instead of despatching it to the right, its proper 
 destination, and Salm, having paralysed by this diversion 
 for it was nothing more one half the allied army, 
 easily retreated beyond the Trebbia by taking advantage 
 of the intersected ground, and the protection afforded by 
 Olivier's division on the opposite bank. Without a 
 reserve Suvoroff was unable to reap the fruits of victory. 
 Night and the Trebbia separated the combatants after
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 155 
 
 a drawn battle of ten hours as bloody as any recorded in 
 history. So completely had Suvoroff attained his object, 
 that Rosenberg's trDops had penetrated to the rear of 
 the French left, where they remained all night, in square 
 and under arms, ignorant of events and filled with dis- 
 quietude till, with the first streak of dawn, abandoning 
 their point of vantage, they joyfully retraced their steps 
 to the main body. Thus, owing to the timidity and 
 obstinacy of Melas, nothing resulted from all this blood- 
 shed. The wearied soldiery sank to sleep, but were 
 soon aroused by one of those unaccountable panics to 
 which assembled multitudes are liable. Three batta- 
 lions of the French left wing, suddenly and without 
 apparent cause springing to arms, rushed into the bed of 
 the Trebbia and assailed their nearest opponents. A 
 promiscuous melee ensued ; the artillery played indiscri- 
 minately on friend or foe ; and, in the words of Jomini, 
 the extraordinary spectacle was presented of cavalry 
 fighting by moonlight in the channel of a river. The 
 irrational conflict presented a grim picture of the hor- 
 rors of war. Two hours elapsed before it was appeased 
 by the united exertions of the generals on either side. 
 
 Next day, the ipthofjune, both armies seemed by 
 common consent to postpone the conflict till the late 
 hour of ten o'clock in the morning, by reason of physical 
 exhaustion. Suvoroff's dispositions were identical with 
 those of the preceding day, i.e. he massed his forces on 
 his right, while his left was refused, or thrown back, and 
 withheld from action. The reserve marched on the high- 
 way as the day before, to keep it fresh for action, but Me- 
 las was peremptorily enjoined to conform to orders as to 
 its eventual use. Macdonald, on the other hand, adopted
 
 156 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the extraordinary course of attacking simultaneously 
 the centre and both flanks of his adversary a grave 
 error which no superiority of numbers in this case 
 justified. Both sides simultaneously advancing, were 
 astonished by the unforeseen collision. The French were 
 in the act of crossing the Thebbia ; Watrin commanded 
 their right, Olivier their centre, Victor their left ; while 
 Dombrowski again made a circuit in the mountains 
 to gain the right rear of the enemy. They moved in 
 close columns covered by skirmishers, the intervals 
 being filled by cavalry, while a few deployed battalions 
 remained behind the Trebbia to protect a possible 
 retreat. Again Dombrowski's Poles were attacked and 
 overthrown, but Bagration by a flank movement to the 
 right left a gap into which Victor promptly thrust his 
 own and Rusca's divisions. Thus Shvekovski, who 
 followed next in echelon, found himself surrounded by 
 forces triple his strength, and here the most determined 
 struggle of the day was fought to a conclusion. The 
 regiment of which Rosenberg was titular colonel, not 
 having time to form square, faced its third rank about, 
 and in this formation repelled the enemy. The same 
 commander, having ventured to pronounce the word 
 retreat, was sternly reproved by Suvoroff, who had 
 galloped to the spot. Relief was, however, at hand ; 
 for Bagration, after driving Dombrowski across the 
 Trebbia, had retraced his steps by Suvoroff's order, and, 
 falling upon Victor's right flank, succeeded in dislodging 
 his division and pushing it across the river. As to 
 Melas on the allied left, Watrin had turned his position 
 by filing along the right bank of the Po, and, in spite of 
 positive orders, the Austrian again withheld the greater
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 157 
 
 portion of the reserve, while allowing the cavalry com- 
 manded by Prince Liechtenstein to proceed to its desti- 
 nation. This pig-headed obstinacy was rewarded with 
 results not unfortunate, though the measure of success is 
 unknown which might have followed a literal execution 
 of orders. Liechtenstein's horsemen, moving at full 
 speed to the right, fell haphazard and headlong on the 
 right flank of Montrichard's division as it stood contend- 
 ing with the Russians of Forster, and drove it in confusion 
 beyond the Trebbia ; then, wheeling to the left, and 
 flushed with success, these victorious squadrons fell upon 
 Olivier's division and obtained a similar result ; when 
 Watrin, exposed to imminent peril by the defeat of the 
 French left and centre, skilfully effected his retreat as 
 Salm had done on the previous day, behind ditches, 
 hedges, canals, and other impediments which divided 
 him from the enemy. At nightfall the opposing armies 
 resumed their former positions, and the chances of vic- 
 tory still seemed to hang in an even balance. 
 
 The losses on both sides had been almost equally 
 severe, but those of the French included an extra- 
 ordinary number of superior officers. The same night 
 Macdonald, who had travelled in a litter since his wound, 
 assembled a council of war, whereat it was resolved that, 
 owing to the disorganization which had overtaken the 
 army, and the fact that Kray with the army from Mantua 
 had shown himself in their rear, a general retreat should 
 forthwith be sounded. Montrichard's division set out at 
 once ; the artillery parks and baggage followed, and the 
 main body at a considerable interval, while cavalry ve- 
 dettes patrolled the banks to the Trebbia, feeding the 
 blaze of the bivouac fires to conceal the movement from
 
 158 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the enemy. Suvoroff at dawn on the 2Oth was about to 
 concert a new attack, when the joyful news came in of 
 the disappearance of the enemy. The pursuit was 
 organized ; ChubarofTs men, who had joined on the 
 previous evening, not having taken part in the battle, 
 took the lead. Victor, facing about at San Giorgio on 
 the Nura, offered a vigorous resistance, but was at length 
 dislodged, on which occasion the celebrated demi- 
 brigade D'Auvergne laid down their arms. Melas dis- 
 played little capacity at this juncture, and less prompti- 
 tude. Throwing his strongest division (Frohlich), which 
 had not yet been in action, into Piacenza, he entrusted 
 the pursuit to his weakest (Ott), which had been deci- 
 mated in the previous engagements. Watrin checked 
 the pursuit on the Nura, till Victor's defeat becoming 
 known, he quitted that position and retired to the Arda. 
 On the 2 1st Macdonald was at Reggio, where he halted 
 to reorganize his army, having covered fifty-six miles in 
 two days. On the 23rd he renewed his movement on 
 Tuscany, crossing the Apennines by the same route he 
 had used for his advance, and after undergoing the 
 severest privations, arrived at Genoa on the 1st July, 
 with an army in a state approaching dissolution. During 
 this movement, Ott, approaching the Secchia in pursuit, 
 passed a battalion across the river to block the road to 
 the mountains, which, enveloped by the enemy's 
 retreating columns, met the fate of Vandamme at Culm 
 after the battle of Dresden. 
 
 On the 1 6th the day of the action of the Tidone 
 Lapoype with his 3000 Ligurian troops was at Bobbio, 
 high up in the Trebbia valley, a position which menaced 
 the right flank of the allied army. Had he acted with
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREBBIA. 159 
 
 promptitude, and had reliable troops been at his com- 
 mand, he might have effected much. But, motionless 
 until the ipth, he did not arrive in sight of San Giorgio 
 till the defeat of Victor had been assured. Retracing 
 his steps, he found Bobbio in possession of the Russians 
 whom Suvoroff had detached to watch his movements. 
 Repulsed in attacking them, his troops dispersed with 
 alacrity to their homes in their mountainous districts, 
 with which they were of course familiar. Suvoroff 
 pursued Macdonald as far as Firenzuola, where, on the 
 23rd, hearing of Moreau's advance from Genoa, and his 
 engagement with Bellegarde on the Bormida, he faced 
 about, and, marching with the utmost despatch, fell in 
 with the outposts of the enemy on the same day near 
 Voghera. But their main body was already beyond his 
 reach, securely lodged in the defiles of the Apennines 
 above Genoa. 
 
 On the day of the action on the Tidone, Moreau had 
 issued from the mountains in two columns, which directed 
 their march on Tortona and Novi. Next day, having 
 learnt Suvoroff's departure, he resolved on pursuit, but 
 moved not with the requisite celebrity. On the 2Oth, 
 having raised the blockade of the Tortona citadel, he 
 pushed his outposts as far as Voghera, some thirty 
 miles from the Trebbia. Had he used more despatch, 
 it is doubtful whether he could have effected his purpose, 
 for Bellegarde, crossing the Bormida, offered him battle 
 at Marengo, convinced that a step thus bold was needed 
 to ensure the safety of the allied army while engaged 
 with Macdonald. The French leader could not safely 
 pass round a body of troops established on his flank, 
 and rear ; he must dislodge them. Suspending there-
 
 160 SUVOROFF. 
 
 fore his advance on the 2Oth, he attacked with Grouchy's 
 division and was in the first instance repulsed, but 
 bringing successive reinforcements into line, he at length 
 drove the Austrians across the Bormida with a loss of 
 2000 killed and wounded and five guns. Bellegarde 
 however, though defeated in the field, had accomplished 
 the strategic task allotted him. He had stopped Moreau 
 by a bold offensive stroke, and the material lost thereby 
 signified nothing in comparison with the respite obtained 
 by his chief. Moreau was pursued to the foot of the 
 mountains by Suvoroff, till, on the 26th, withdrawing his 
 troops, the latter pitched camp in the neighbourhood 
 of Alessandria, while Bagration took post in advance at 
 Novi. 
 
 Thus, in the brief space of about two months had 
 Suvoroff, driven the French out of Lombardy and 
 Piedmont, cooped them up within the narrow limits of 
 the Genoese riviera. Were it not that his forces were 
 greatly superior to the enemy's, these achievements 
 might seem to rival Bonaparte's youthful exploits in the 
 same area of conflict. The Archduke Charles, in his 
 criticisms on this campaign, seems to forget the existence 
 of the Aulic Council of War at Vienna. That illustrious 
 commander, when accusing Suvoroff of the absence of a 
 fixed plan in his operations, must have been aware that 
 in war a " whirlwind of events " arises to scatter the best 
 concerted plans, and he should have remembered that 
 many of the faults he criticizes really lay at the door of 
 the House of Habsburg. It is easy to find fault after 
 the event : a schoolboy may then expatiate on the errors 
 of Napoleon. After the occupation of Milan, the Rus- 
 sian chief made straight for the point on the theatre
 
 THE ADDA AND THE TREE B I A. 161 
 
 of war, which, according to the information possessed by 
 him at the time, was the decisive one, the banks, of the 
 Scrivia, near Tortona, a position which had placed him 
 between the armies of Moreau on the one hand and 
 Macdonald on the other. The moment the true situa- 
 tion of Macdonald had been ascertained, he modified his 
 plans accordingly, throwing himself on the Piedmontese 
 capital, to reappear on the banks of the Scrivia at the 
 proper moment. His inactivity at Turin, trammelled 
 though he was by the obstructiveness of the Austrian 
 authorities, seems indeed to require some sort of expla- 
 nation. Perhaps this may be found in advanced age, 
 for we instinctively feel that Napoleon in his prime would 
 have destroyed Moreau while crossing the Apennines, 
 whatever the obstacles which lay in his path. The 
 Russian chief however was already in his seventieth year. 
 The French leaders have likewise shared in the indis- 
 criminate censure which defeat usually involves. Moreau 
 doubtless fixed the date of his advance from Genoa too 
 late, since on that day, the i/th, was fought the combat 
 on the Tidone which practically decided the strategic 
 issue. As for Macdonald, the ten days lost by him in 
 Tuscany were probably fatal to his hopes, but as we 
 have already seen, he could not act without instructions 
 from Moreau, who did not arrive in Genoa till the 7th of 
 June, and consequently was not in a position to furnish 
 them earlier. His tactical dispositions on the field 
 appear, nevertheless, open to objection. He attacked 
 his opponent at every point of the line simultaneously, 
 without possessing that great superiority in numbers 
 which perhaps justifies the proceeding. Jomini aptly 
 contrasts his conduct in this respect with that of the 
 
 M
 
 162 SUVOROFF. 
 
 French king Charles VIII. three centuries before, who, 
 after evacuating Naples, found his homeward progress 
 barred at Fornuvo, near Modena, by an Italian army 
 quadruple his own ; when, forming his troops in a com- 
 pact phalanx, he charged and broke the enemy's centre, 
 and pursued his march without further molestation. 
 
 For the battle of the Trebbia Suvoroff was raised to 
 the rank of Prince, with the cognomen of " Italiski," or 
 the " Italic," added.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF NOV1. 
 
 THE battle of the Trebbia was followed by a period of 
 inactivity due to the action of the Aulic Council of War. 
 Suvoroff was forbidden to prosecute his victories till the 
 imperial rule in Italy had been consolidated by the 
 capture of Mantua, Alessandria, Tortona, and other 
 strong places in Lombardy and Piedmont. He therefore 
 remained in camp on the Bormida, covering the siege of 
 the Alessandrian citadel which was in active progress. 
 On the 22nd July it capitulated, and four days afterwards 
 the allied head-quarters were transferred to Rivalta on 
 the Scrivia, to protect operations against the Tortona 
 citadel and watch the issues of the Apennines leading 
 from Genoa. 
 
 The Aulic Council of War had, through the Emperor, 
 insisted on Suvoroff presentiug his plans for their 
 approval prior to carrying them into execution. He 
 complied and they were rejected. The Emperor wrote 
 enjoining him " to renounce distant and hazardous 
 enterprises," reminding him of the promise he gave when 
 at Vienna, to " report all his proposals beforehand ; " and 
 later, " at present you must direct your attention exclu- 
 sively to the subjugation of Mantua; then by degrees to 
 obtaining possession of Alessandria, Tortona, Com", &c." 
 
 M 2
 
 1 64 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Suvoroff complained : " His Roman Majesty wants 
 me to ask permission at Vienna before righting a battle. 
 In war, circumstances are momentarily changing; conse- 
 quently there can be no precise plan of action. I never 
 foresaw that I should follow in the footsteps of Hannibal 
 to the Trebbia ; nor that I should seize Turin, till the 
 opportunity presented itself of mastering its resources; 
 nor Milan, till Vaprio and Cassano opened its gates to 
 me. Fortune's poll is bare behind, but flowing locks 
 hang from her forehead. Her pace is swift as lightning. 
 Seize her hair while you can, or she may never again 
 confront you." At the same time the jealousy which 
 rarely fails to spring up between allies in the field grew 
 daily more intense; exasperated in this case by the con- 
 duct of the Austrian Court, who surrounded Suv6roff 
 with spies and issued orders to the army without his 
 knowledge. In addition, the Austrian officers are said 
 to have murmured at the hardships and exertions which 
 the Russian general imposed upon them, for his methods 
 in war were not in accordance with their preconceived 
 ideas. As usual in this envious world, his triumphs 
 were ascribed to luck. The Emperor Francis, unwittingly 
 perhaps, irritated him by adverting constantly to his 
 good fortune. " Luck, indeed," ejaculated the Field- 
 Marshal, " luck to-day ; luck to-morrow ; but next day 
 brains will be wanted." There was a still more serious 
 ground of complaint : the inefficiency of the imperial 
 Commissariat and Transport services, the fatal conse- 
 quences of which were soon to be made apparent. So 
 great was Suvoroffs disgust with the proceedings of his 
 allies that he contemplated resigning the command. 
 " The timidity of the Court of Vienna," he wrote to the
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 165 
 
 Tzar, " their jealousy of me as a foreigner, the intrigues 
 of certain hypocrites among their officers who are in 
 daily communication with the Aulic Council of War, my 
 inability to act without asking permission a thousand 
 versts away these things compel me to ask your 
 Imperial Majesty to recall me should matters continue 
 in their present state. I desire to lay my bones in my 
 fatherland and pray God for my Emperor." In conse- 
 quence, the Tzar adjured the Emperor Francis to forbid 
 the Aulic Council of War to interfere in the details of the 
 campaign, but to no purpose. Besides Thugut's meddle- 
 someness, conflicting interests were too abundant for 
 mere verbal representation to be operative. The bonds 
 of the alliance were strained by success ; disaster was to 
 snap them asunder 
 
 Festivities, martial pageants, and manoeuvres occupied 
 the leisure of the troops encamped on the Bormida. At 
 field-days the Russian chief was accustomed to push 
 mimic warfare to the threshold of reality. Charges 
 were always made home ; that is to say, there was actual 
 contact between the opposing masses, the troops passing 
 through each other's ranks. This was effected in the 
 infantry by alternate files dropping to the rear ; in the 
 cavalry, by opening out to extended order. For the 
 mounted branch this practice must have proved espe- 
 cially beneficial, since without it horses are apt to con- 
 tract the habit of stopping short just before the moment 
 of collision. He even ordered nose-bags with oats to 
 be in readiness behind the infantry attacked, in order to 
 obtain the required momentum from the horses. Acci- 
 dents were of course of frequent occurrence. A newly 
 arrived colonel, anxious to distinguish himself, served
 
 1 56 SUVOROFF. 
 
 out grog to his regiment before their first field-day under 
 the eyes of Suvoroff, and, in consequence, his troopers 
 charged with extraordinary dash and vigour ; sabre-cuts 
 were liberally exchanged with their opponents, and 
 serious wounds inflicted. Suv6roff did not notice the 
 occurrence, or perhaps feigned ignorance thereof. 
 
 On the 8th July Rehbinder's corps, which had arrived 
 lately from Russia, marched into camp, 8500 strong. 
 Rosenberg, relieved by Derfelden of the command of 
 the 1st corps, was placed at the head of the fresh arrival, 
 which raised the Russian contingent in Italy to the 
 strength of 27,000 men. But the Allies could assemble 
 no more than 45,000 men around Tortona; 30,000 under 
 Kray were besieging Mantua ; Rosenberg's division was 
 at Piacenza ; Ott's and Klenau's in Tuscany ; Kaim 
 defended Piedmont against the army of Championnet, 
 which was in course of formation behind the Savoyard 
 Alps ; and Haddick still guarded the passes which unite- 
 Switzerland with Lombardyand Piedmont. On the 3Oth 
 July, however, Mantua capitulated, after a feeble defence 
 of twenty-one days, and at last Suvoroff was in a position 
 to assume the offensive. Of Kray's army, 5000 were 
 left in garrison at Mantua, the same number reinforced 
 Klenau at the eastern extremity of the Riviera di 
 Levante, while the remainder, 20,000, joined Suvoroff at 
 Tortona on the nth August. The original plan of 
 campaign submitted by the Russian chief for approval 
 by the Aulic Council of War was as follows : to pene- 
 trate the Apennines in three columns of equal strength, 
 by the Col di Tenda, the Bochetta, and Pontremoli, with 
 a general reserve stationed near Alessandria. But on 
 reconsideration the project was abandoned, and a single
 
 THE BA TTLE OF NO VI. 167 
 
 line of operations substituted through the Col di Tenda, 
 in order to menace the enemy's communications with 
 France by Nice, while a containing- force, under Kray, 
 was to remain at Alessandria for the protection of flank 
 and rear. The I5th August was the date fixed for the 
 advance ; but the enemy anticipated the movement. 
 
 In consequence of changes in the composition of the 
 French Directory (18 June), General Joubert received 
 command of the army of Italy, while Moreau was trans- 
 ferred to the Rhine. The generous temper of the latter 
 officer impelled him to offer his services for awhile to 
 his youthful successor, a proposal which was frankly 
 accepted, and this disinterested act, viewed by the light 
 of after events, seems to have been the means of saving 
 the French army from total destruction. Joubert was 
 now thirty years of age. A lawyer originally, he had 
 entered the ranks of the army as a volunteer, and 
 attained the grade of general with remarkable rapidity. 
 Born in 1769 that year so fertile in military genius, if 
 indeed, it saw the birth of Napoleon as well as Welling- 
 ton* he served in the Italian campaign of 1796, and 
 earned the following encomium from Bonaparte : " The 
 intrepid Joubert is in valour a grenadier, but in know- 
 ledge and capacity an excellent commander." Having 
 contracted marriage just before setting out for the seat 
 of war, the parting words addressed by him to his bride 
 were : Tu me reverras mort on victorieux. The army of 
 which he now assumed the direction, though 45,000 
 
 * Guizot affirms in his History of France that Napoleon, really 
 born in 1768, postponed the date a twelvemonth in order to pass 
 for a born Frenchman ; Corsica having been ceded to France in 
 1769 by the Genoese Republic.
 
 1 68 SUVOROFF. 
 
 strong, was mainly composed of conscripts ; while want, 
 exposure, and disease had played havoc in their inex- 
 perienced ranks. The resources of the Genoese territory 
 were unequal to the maintenance of so large a mass of 
 men. While the Allies occupied the passes of the 
 Apennines, the British fleet blockaded the seaports, and 
 Klenau, posted with his division at Sarzana, interrupted 
 communication with the fertile south of Italy, the French, 
 once more, as in 1796, were under the necessity of 
 bursting their bonds in order to find the means of 
 subsistence. On the 4th August Joubert arrived at 
 Genoa, where, after consultation with St. Cyr, who, con- 
 vinced of the great strength of the enemy, counselled 
 delay, a general advance was resolved on. Joubert 
 attached no credit to the rumour which announced the 
 fall of Mantua, and the consequent augmentation of the 
 enemy's forces ; and to this fond hope he clung with fatal 
 pertinacity. 
 
 He distributed his troops into five columns, which 
 converged on the plain in front of Tortona. The three 
 on the right, under St. Cyr, moved by parallel roads on 
 Novi ; two on the left under Joubert in person on Acqui. 
 Deducting those left behind to guard the communi- 
 cations with Genoa, they did not exceed 40,000 in all. 
 The nth and I2th were the dates fixed for departure, and 
 the left wing, having a greater distance to traverse, 
 started a day in advance of the right. Suvoroff, on his 
 side, having for some days remarked increased activity 
 on the part of the enemy's outposts, drew in Rosenberg 
 from Piacenza to Broni, and Bellegarde to head-quarters 
 from beyond the Bormida. On the 4th August he 
 invested the fort on the Monte Buffo, which overlooks
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 169 
 
 the town of Serravalle and blocks one of the chief roads 
 to Genoa. Batteries were constructed during the night, 
 nre opened at dawn, and on the 7th it surrendered. On 
 the same day he transferred his head-quarters to Novi. 
 Although the day fixed for his own advance was the 1 5th 
 of the month, informed by the injudicious restlessness of 
 the French that an attack was impending, he resolved to 
 manoeuvre so as to entice the enemy into the plain, where 
 his great superiority in cavalry 9000 against 2OOO 
 would tell in his favour with decisive effect, His forces, 
 in all 65,000, were distributed in the following manner : 
 Kray, on the right, with 19,000 men confronted Joubert, 
 who was advancing from Acqui with the French left. 
 The main body, lying between the Orba and the Scrivia, 
 consisted of the following divisions : Bellegarde, 6200, on 
 the right ; Bagration, 5700, in the centre ; and Rosenberg 
 8300, on the left beyond the Scrivia. His general 
 reserve, 20,000 strong, lay in the rear of all at Rivalta, 
 while Alcaini, 5300, maintained the blockade of the 
 Tortona citadel. 
 
 On the 1 2th August, the extreme right of St. Cyr, 
 consisting of Watrin's division, driving in the Allied 
 outposts on the Upper Scrivia, occupied the town of 
 Serravalle which led Suvoroff to believe that the enemy, 
 descending that stream in force, aimed at the deliver- 
 ance of Tortona. Since this movement endangered his 
 communications with Milan, he posted Rosenberg's divi- 
 sion so as to guard them, an arrangement which con- 
 siderably influenced the fate of the pitched battle which 
 was approaching. On the I3th, St. Cyr took possession 
 of the heights above Novi ; next day of the town itself; 
 while Joubert, driving Bellegarde before him, reached
 
 170 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Pasturana, a village behind the left of the heights of 
 Novi destined for disastrous notoriety in the forthcoming 
 conflict. Having ascended in company with his principal 
 generals the heights which overlook the Allied camps, 
 the French leader discovered the unwelcome presence of 
 Kray, whose corps, 19,000 strong, lay extended in a 
 formidable mass at his feet. Then it was seen that 
 Joubert, though skilful and resolute as a subordinate, 
 was unfitted for supreme command. The painful surprise 
 caused him to vacillate ; he assembled a council of war, 
 where, after a sad display of mental agitation, he finally 
 resolved to return to the mountains, and dismissed the 
 assembled generals with the assurance that the requisite 
 orders would shortly be promulgated. But the conflict 
 between disappointed aspirations and the dictates 
 of prudence was protracted and no orders appeared. 
 At day-break the French columns, instead of being 
 far out of reach of the enemy, were discovered 
 bivouacked on the spots occupied the previous evening. 
 Nor had the position they were about to defend been 
 as yet militarily occupied, though an attack might be 
 looked for at any moment. Not a battery was in 
 position. 
 
 SuvororFs original design, as already stated, was to 
 entice the enemy into the plain ; but, perceiving 
 Joubert's evident hesitation, he prepared for an imme- 
 diate attack, fearing the intrenchment of Novi's already 
 formidable heights. He therefore instructed Kray to 
 assail the French left, for by forcing it in, their principal 
 line of retreat by the Gavi road would be laid open. 
 That evening, desirous of reconnoitring the enemy, he 
 approached them under cover of a chain of skirmishers,
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 171 
 
 who were extended in some fields of standing corn, 
 followed by a single Cossack orderly. The enemy, 
 easily recognizing him by his fantastic costume a 
 white linen shirt and pantaloons conceived the hope of 
 making him prisoner. A body of horse, assembled 
 under cover of a sharp musketry fire, dashed forward to 
 seize him, but the enterprise was frustrated by the 
 interposition of a handful of troopers under the Grand 
 Duke Constantine. On the eve of so eventful a day he 
 indulged with usual freedom his gasconading propensi- 
 ties ; composed some doggrel German verses,* which 
 triumphing by anticipation, and complimentary to his 
 Allies, showed a certain amount of sly tact on the part 
 of the author. 
 
 General Miliutinf thus describes the position of Novi : 
 " The heights on which the French army was drawn up, 
 are formed by the last slopes of the Apennines which 
 extend from the Scrivia to the Orba. A low but steep 
 ridge runs from one river to the other, decreasing in 
 altitude as it approaches the latter. Its declivities near 
 the plain are entirely occupied by vineyards and gardens, 
 dotted with detached houses, and intersected by walls 
 and ditches. At the foot of the most salient portion of 
 
 * Es lebe Sabel und Bayonett, 
 Keine garstige Retraite ! 
 Erste Linie durchgestochen, 
 Andere umgeworfen. 
 Reserve nicht halt 
 
 Weil da Bellegarde und Kray der Held. 
 De Letzte hat Suworow 
 Den Weg zu dessen Siegen gebahnt. 
 
 t History of the War between Russia and France in 1799: St. 
 Petersburg, 1852.
 
 172 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the ridge lies the town of Novi. It was defended by a 
 high crenelated masonry wall with towers, and sur- 
 rounded by suburban residences with their gardens." 
 But notwithstanding intrinsic strength, serious defects 
 neutralized its advantages as a defensive position ; the 
 ground in its rear was cut up by deep ravines, formed 
 by the Lemma and its tributary streams ; it offered no 
 facilities for retreat, the roads on either flank being 
 commanded or menaced by the enemy, and that leading 
 from the centre through Pasturana, being rendered 
 extremely dangerous by a narrow defile in rear of the 
 village. The French had 35,000 in the field, exclusive of 
 Dombrowski's division left to watch Serravalle ; the 
 Allies 50,000, without Rosenberg's and Alcaini's troops 
 at and around Tortona, who took no part in the battle ; 
 but 9000 men, under Melas, lay inactive almost all day. 
 At dawn on the I5th, Kray opened the conflict by 
 assailing the French left in front, while one of his 
 brigades under Seckendorf endeavoured to reach Pas- 
 turana in their rear. His corps, including Bellegarde, 
 who had been placed under his orders, numbered 25,000. 
 The enemy were completely surprised. The divisions 
 Lemoinne and Grouchy were in the act of forming on 
 the crest of the ridge when the storm burst upon them. 
 Even then not a gun was to be seen on the heights. 
 The cavalry of Richepanse, dashing to the front, gal- 
 lantly endeavoured to cover the formation of their 
 infantry, but failed to arrest the advance of the Austrians, 
 who, uttering loud cries of victory, pushed up the 
 vine-clad slope* and triumphantly crowned its summit. 
 Had Suvoroff been in readiness to support the attack, 
 the fate of the day was already decided. But it was far
 
 THE BA TTLE OF NO VI. 173 
 
 otherwise. For Bagration, who stood in advance of the 
 centre, when appealed to for aid, stated the positive 
 orders of his chief to abstain from action till the signal 
 was given. Joubert, in the meantime, aroused in his 
 quarters by the continuous rattle of musketry, galloped 
 to the scene of conflict, where, impelled by bravery or 
 despair, having thrown himself among the foremost 
 skirmishers, he was struck to the earth by a bullet, and 
 shortly afterwards expired. This untoward accident, 
 had there been no capable successor at hand, would 
 have brought ruin on the French army ; but Moreau, 
 hurrying to the spot, rallied the broken troops, at the 
 same time sending urgent messages to St. Cyr for assist- 
 ance. Colli's brigade was detached by him for this 
 purpose, and Perignon -bringing up the reserve from 
 Pasturana, Kray was in turn compelled to execute a 
 retreat, which he succeeded in accomplishing without 
 disorder. 
 
 During the progress of the above struggle, the beha- 
 viour of Suvoroff had given occasion for no little con- 
 sternation. Though aware of the crisis, he lay asleep 
 in his quarters, or feigning slumber, while it seemed as 
 if none would venture to awake him. The danger to 
 which Kray was exposed was not, however, overwhelm- 
 ing, for his corps numbered 25,000 combatants, while the 
 entire French army was not more than 10,000 stronger. 
 Still the Russian chief seems to have paraded on this 
 occasion an ostentatious indifference which cost his sol- 
 diers dear. At 9 a.m., however, springing to his feet 
 with the cry " it is time," he mounted his horse, and 
 issued orders for attacking the French centre at Novi. 
 The manoeuvre was, however, an isolated one, for Kray
 
 174 SUVOROFF. 
 
 had just experienced a second rebuff; the Russian divi- 
 sions of Derfelden and Forster were still on the march 
 from Rivalta, while Melas was many miles from the 
 scene of action. Bagration, in carrying into effect the 
 order of his chief, was compelled to move in close 
 columns, owing to the numerous obstacles which 
 blocked his march, but soon found himself engaged in a 
 hand-to-hand contest with Laboissiere's division, which 
 was posted between Lemoinne's men and the walls of 
 Novi. It raged awhile with destructive violence, but was 
 finally decided in favour of the French by a sortie which 
 Gardanne executed from the town. His left flank thus 
 assailed, the Russian general withdrew, though in good 
 order, and under the protection of his cavalry ; but on 
 the arrival of Forster, the attack was renewed, on this 
 occasion to the east of the town, when the perils of a 
 disconnected movement were at once made manifest ; for 
 Watrin, who occupied the extreme right of the French 
 line of battle, wheeled to the left, and fell upon the 
 exposed flank of the Russians before Novi, Melas not 
 having as yet taken up the place assigned him. Bagra- 
 tion was once more baffled in his attack, though 
 Derfelden's division, appearing opportunely in the field, 
 protected his retreat, and pushing forward, compelled 
 Watrin to seek a refuge on the heights originally occu- 
 pied by him. It was by this time one in the afternoon, 
 and, oppressed by their prolonged exertions under a 
 broiling Italian sun in summer, the contending hosts 
 desisted as by common consent from the work of 
 slaughter. The attempts of Kray on the French left 
 had been uniformly and signally defeated, wherefore 
 Suvoroff, abandoning all hopes of weakening that flank
 
 THE BATTLE OF NOVI. 175 
 
 of the enemy's line by exerting pressure on their centre, 
 resolved to transfer his efforts to the other one. Neither 
 side could as yet boast a decided advantage over the 
 other, but the French reserves had been committed to 
 action, while Suvoroff had 9000 fresh troops at his 
 disposal, who were approaching the field of battle under 
 Melas. That commander had been directed to ascend 
 the course of the Scrivia, and, falling on the right flank 
 of the French, to seize the high road to Gavi, their 
 principal line of retreat. Melas, on arriving abreast of 
 Novi, directed the brigade of Nobili to continue the 
 march up the stream, while that of Lusignan, supported 
 by Liechtenstein's cavalry, prolonged the left of the 
 Russian line, and Mitrowski's with Loudon's marched 
 straight on the Gavi road in rear of Novi. This 
 manoeuvre being sufficiently developed by 4 p.m., Suvo- 
 roff, for the fourth time on that day of carnage, gave the 
 signal for a general advance. 
 
 St. Cyr, to confront this new danger, threw back 
 Watrin's division en potence (i.e. at right angles to the 
 rest of the line), and awaited the onset of Lusignan 
 and Liechtenstein. But his troops, when they perceived 
 that Mitrowski and Loudon had reached the Gavi 
 road, broke into precipitate flight, and though St. Cyr, 
 by a spirited charge at the head of a demi-brigade, 
 arrested for a moment the pursuit, yet Suvoroff with the 
 Allied centre had by this time carried the town of Novi, 
 when the whole French army, facing about, rushed 
 in panic haste towards the village of Pasturana and its 
 narrow gorge, which was now the sole avenue of escape. 
 This defile, formed by the Riasco stream, was quickly 
 choked up with a vast concourse of men, horses, and
 
 176 SUVOROFF. 
 
 guns, and a scene of hideous confusion ensued. To 
 add to its terrors, a Hungarian battalion, stealthily 
 creeping round the village unnoticed by the enemy, 
 and gaining an eminence in its rear which commanded 
 the crowded pass, opened fire upon the fugitives. The 
 officer commanding the French artillery, instead of 
 accelerating his pace, dismounted the gunners and 
 drivers for the purpose of replying to the enemy's fire. 
 Several horses were soon disabled, and the line of re- 
 treat became irretrievably blocked. Panic spread with 
 lightning rapidity through the French army. In a few 
 seconds their battalions had broken their ranks, and 
 the entire army dissolved and scattered in all directions 
 like clouds whirled away by the tempest. Grouchy 
 and Perignon, ensconcing themselves in Pasturana with 
 a single battalion, endeavoured by prodigies of valour 
 to lighten the pressure of the pursuit, but they fell 
 disabled by sabre-cuts and became prisoners. Colli 
 with his brigade was compelled to surrender in front 
 of Pasturana. St. Cyr alone, with a portion of the 
 right wing, effected an orderly retreat, and stationed 
 himself in front of Gavi. Darkness alone rescued the 
 French army from utter annihilation. 
 
 Such was the sanguinary battle of Novi, wherein, it 
 must be confessed, Suvoroff displayed little of his 
 wonted tactical ability. Over-acting his part on this 
 occasion, he became involved in difficulties from which 
 his indomitable tenacity of purpose rescued him indeed, 
 but at the cost of an enormous expenditure of human 
 life. Kray attacked three hours before the Allied 
 centre entered into action, and eight hours before 
 the left under Melas. The event strikingly illustrated
 
 THE BA TTLE OF NO VI. 177 
 
 the dangers attendant on such a disjointed method of 
 attack ; the enemy was given the chance of concentrating 
 his forces on each successive fraction of the assailants 
 as it came into action. The attack, it must be remarked, 
 was not in echelon, where each division arrives in its 
 turn to support those which preceded it ; but a piece- 
 meal onslaught without unity or combination. But 
 though the tactics employed by Suvoroff have been 
 made the subject of just censure by competent military 
 writers, all are willing to admit that most leaders would 
 have abandoned the contest in despair after experiencing 
 so many sanguinary repulses. The Russian chief has 
 likewise been reproached with allowing a third of his 
 effective strength to be absent from the decisive conflict, 
 but he knew not on which side of the Scrivia the enemy 
 would operate : they might have descended by the right 
 bank, relieved Tortona, and cut him off from the 
 Po. This is why he left Rosenberg's corps in front of 
 that fortress an arrangement not indicative of daring 
 strategy, but prudent and safe, in fact that which would 
 have recommended itself to the judgment of a com- 
 mander of ordinary capacity. Napoleon, indeed, would 
 probably have acted differently ; for an enemy in a 
 state of concentration must in practice be attacked, 
 beaten, and dislodged from his position before daring to 
 operate on his communications. 
 
 A similar case, it will be remembered, occurred at 
 Waterloo, the British commander having posted a whole 
 division at Hal, in order to secure his right from being 
 turned by the road from Mons to Brussels. A victor 
 wants no plea, but it is interesting to speculate on the 
 original conception, whose incomplete or faulty execution 
 
 N
 
 178 SUVOROFF. 
 
 has given rise to adverse criticism. Confident in his 
 prestige and superior numbers, contemning perhaps the 
 youth and inexperience of the leader who was opposed 
 to him, Suvoroff may have aimed at nothing less than 
 the utter destruction of the French army, cutting them 
 ofif from Genoa, their base, by means of Kray's corps ; 
 and therefore it may be, he purposely delayed the 
 frontal attack till the enemy's line of retreat was seriously 
 endangered. Kray, being 25,000 strong, incurred no 
 real danger of being crushed, before the arrival of Su- 
 v6roff, by an army which counted only 10,000 more men 
 than his own ; especially as the presence of Bagration 
 at Novi held fast a portion of their forces. Kray, in 
 reality, led a separate army, which acted on the enemy's 
 flank and rear, like Ney's at Bautzen, Blucher's at 
 Waterloo, and the 2nd Prussian army at Sadowa. There 
 can be no doubt, however, that the Russian Chief de- 
 ferred entering into action till too late in the day, and 
 that terrible havoc in his ranks was the penalty he paid 
 for an error which might well have cost him the victory. 
 The loss of the French, including prisoners and miss- 
 ing, amounted to 12,000 ; that of the Allies to 8000. Of 
 the latter, 5000 belonged to Kray's divisions, 2000 were 
 Russians, while 1000 only were of the corps of Melas. 
 On receipt of the news, the Tzar published the following 
 ukase : " As a reward for the exploits of the Italic 
 Prince, Count Suvoroff of the Rimnik, it is hereby 
 ordained that the Guards and all other Russian troops, 
 even in the Imperial presence, shall pay him the same 
 honours as are due to his Majesty." The document was 
 signed by that Count Rostopchin who was the favourite 
 of Paul, but destined to win a nobler title to fame.
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 179 
 
 " To the protracted and sanguinary battle," writes 
 Miliutin, " succeeded a cool and tranquil night. By 
 degrees the sounds of conflict died away. The Allied 
 troops, exhausted with fatigue, took up their position 
 on the heights of Novi. Far away, in the distant gorges 
 of the mountains, the dropping fire of the foremost 
 troops was heard as they pursued the flying enemy. 
 The atmosphere was saturated with the odour of gun- 
 powder. The moon, emerging from behind the moun- 
 tains, shed her rays upon a mournful scene. On the 
 surrounding fields the dead lay piled up in heaps. 
 At intervals the groans of the wounded were heard. 
 To use the words of a spectator : round Novi the 
 bayonetted French lay as thick as sheaves of corn 
 upon the newly-harvested field. They were stretched 
 beside each other, intermingled with the fallen Russian 
 warriors." 
 
 The wearied soldiery had barely closed their eyes 
 when violent alarms within the town aroused them from 
 slumber. Some hundreds of French soldiers, who lay 
 concealed in dwelling-houses, had, with the connivance 
 of the citizens, it was asserted, congregated at dead of 
 night, attacked and overpowered the main guard, and, 
 rushing forth from the gates, endeavoured to effect 
 their escape. After a furious struggle the attempt was 
 defeated, and the Russians, who had suffered severe loss, 
 proceeded to sack the town in revenge for the supposed 
 bad faith of its inhabitants. By personal exertions, by 
 entreaty, and lastly, by threats, Suvoroff at length re- 
 established order. " You're doing wrong, boys," he 
 cried ; " you're doing wrong. Attack the enemy, but 
 leave the citizens in peace." 
 
 N 2
 
 i8o SUVOROFR 
 
 On the i6th, Rosenberg's division, not [having been 
 engaged in the battle, was passed to the front, to head 
 the pursuit. After a delay, which sorely irritated his 
 troops, he attacked St. Cyr and dislodged him from his 
 position in front of Gavi. Perignon, with the debris of 
 the left wing, had, in the meantime, retired up the valleys 
 of the Orba and Erro streams, while Dombrowski and 
 Watrin cut their way through Nobili's brigade at 
 Arquata. Moreau was preparing to evacuate Italy when 
 the slackness of the pursuit advised him that he had 
 little to fear from so unenterprising a foe. But, in reality, 
 the Allies were unable to follow up their victory, owing 
 to deficiency of transport and provisions, which the Aus- 
 trian officials had neglected to accumulate in sufficient 
 quantities. As a matter of fact, not more than supplies 
 for two days were available in Suvoroff's camp, though 
 the general movement had been fixed for the 1 5th, long 
 in advance. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that 
 the Aulic Council of War had issued instructions to 
 the Austrian generals in direct contradiction to those of 
 Suv6roff ; since, about this time, they ordered Melas to 
 occupy Tuscany and the Papal States without consulting 
 or even without making known their intentions to the 
 Russian chief. Intrigues like these, necessarily discon- 
 certed Suvoroff's plans and frustrated his intentions ; 
 while the Emperor Francis soon expressly prohibited 
 him from passing the Apennines, alleging the losses 
 which his troops had already sustained as his motive, 
 also that the French would be presently compelled to 
 evacuate Italy owing to lack of supplies. The battle of 
 Marengo in the following year scarcely responded to 
 these anticipations.
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI 181 
 
 Suvoroff, thus dominated by circumstances, pitched 
 his camp at Asti, a position midway between the Alps 
 and Apennines, where it was possible at the same time 
 to cover the investment of the citadel of Tortona, and 
 observe the army which, under the command of 
 Championnet, was collecting in the neighbouring pro- 
 vince of Dauphine. But Switzerland soon attracted the 
 attention of Suvoroff. The Archduke Charles, after 
 occupying Zurich in the month of June, had remained 
 for a long while inactive, and being apprehensive that 
 a further advance on his part in the direction of Bern 
 would expose his communications to attack, he had with 
 his wonted caution determined to await the junction of 
 the army of Korsakofif, which was on the march from 
 Russia to join him, before once more undertaking 
 offensive action. The hostile armies in Switzerland were 
 at this juncture extended in a thin cordon from the 
 Rhine, near Constance, along its course to the valley of 
 the Upper Rhone. Thus the French position followed 
 an arc which was interior to that occupied by their oppo- 
 nents, and Massena availed himself of the situation to 
 concentrate on his right with a view to assailing the St. 
 Gothard Pass. Lecourbe, an officer well skilled in 
 mountain warfare, was entrusted with the execution of 
 this enterprise, for which the brigades of Thurreau, 
 Gudin, Loison, and Molitor were placed at his disposal. 
 In the middle of August, Thurreau, ascending the 
 sources of the Rhone, dislodged Rohan from the Simplon, 
 driving him as far as Domo d'Ossola, when the Austrian, 
 Strauch, quitting the St. Gothard, descended the Furka 
 Pass and menaced the rear of the French general. Upon 
 this, Gudin, climbing the precipitous rocks oftheGrimsel
 
 i8 2 SUVOROFF. 
 
 with his brigade in the face of an Austrian battalion, 
 forced his way into the Rhone valley, thus intercepting 
 the retreat of Strauch, who, assailed and driven across 
 the Gries Pass by Thurreau, reached Airolo with diffi- 
 culty, then Bellinzona, where he paused to reorganize 
 his shattered forces. Lecourbe then assailed the St. 
 Gothard in person, while Gudin, marching by the Furka, 
 menaced it in rear, so that the Austrian, Zimschen, 
 abandoning its defence, retreated by the sources of the 
 Rhine into the Grisons, whither he was pursued by the 
 French as far as Ilantz. Thus did this important defile 
 pass into their temporary possession. But while Massena 
 was thus actively engaged on his right, he necessarily 
 exposed his left to the blows of the adversary ; and the 
 Archduke, desirous of striking a blow, after the arrival 
 of KorsakofT and prior to his own departure for Ger- 
 many, whither he had been commanded to lead the 
 army under his own personal command, seized this 
 inviting opportunity. His design was to cross the Aar 
 below the confluence of the Limmat, and, pushing along 
 its upper course, to menace Bern and the communica- 
 tions of the enemy with France. Pontoons having been 
 collected and troops assembled at a favourable spot, 
 during the night of the i6th August the construction of 
 two bridges was commenced. But the locality had not 
 been well reconnoitred and the channel of the river was 
 discovered to be too hard and rocky for the secure 
 anchorage of pontoons. At daybreak the Austrian 
 engineers were discovered and subjected to a murderous 
 fire; Ney hastened to the spot with all available forces. 
 The Archduke saw that his enterprise had miscarried. 
 A parley ensued, and the assailants were permitted to
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 183 
 
 withdraw unmolested, on the understanding that the 
 attempt should not be renewed that day. This disaster 
 was the occasion of much bitterness and recrimination 
 between the Austrian and Russian generals, their dis- 
 sensions being aggravated by the haughty and arrogant 
 bearing of Korsakoff, who, since the Italian triumphs of 
 the Russian arms, had, in common with most of his 
 countrymen, conceived the most exaggerated notions of 
 the worth of the national troops and the comparative 
 inferiority of the Allies. The Archduke departed, 
 leaving Hotze with 22,000 men with the Russians till 
 the arrival of Suvoroff, who was destined for the supreme 
 command. 
 
 The Powers, members of the coalition against France, 
 had agreed to his appointment, each actuated by diverse 
 and personal motives. It was soothing to the vanity of 
 Paul that a Russian should lead the army which was 
 about to invade France with the object of re-establishing 
 her legitimate monarch on the throne ; while Austria 
 longed for the removal of Suvoroff from Italy, where his 
 presence thwarted her designs. England, her enemies 
 affirmed, regarded with a jealous eye the appearance of 
 the Russian standards on the Mediterranean shores. 
 But the arrangement excited in the breast of Suvoroff 
 nothing but unmitigated disgust and wrath. He com- 
 plained to Rostopchin : " Having squeezed the juice out 
 of me which was needed for Italy, they are going to 
 pitch me over the Alps. I am sick of a fever brought 
 on by the poison of Viennese diplomacy." Nevertheless, 
 when informed of the departure of the Archduke from 
 Switzerland, he instantly prepared to proceed to his 
 destination, terribly solicitous lest the presumption and
 
 1 84 SUVOROFF. 
 
 arrogance of Korsakoff should involve him in disaster 
 when confronted with so able an antagonist as Massena. 
 Yet loath to abandon Tortona, whose citadel had capitu- 
 lated on condition of not being relieved before the nth 
 September, he delayed awhile, promising the Emperor 
 and the Archduke Charles : " By the rapidity of my 
 movements I will endeavour to make good the days I 
 consume for the welfare of Italy." On the 8th, however, 
 he commenced his march in two columns on Varese, the 
 artillery and heavy baggage moving by Milan, whence 
 they were to be sent, via the Tyrol, round the northern 
 shore of Lake Constance to Schaffhausen. But the 
 movement had no sooner begun than it was counter 
 manded, and next day all returned to their respective 
 posts near Tortona. Moreau was advancing on that 
 fortress. It was a last throw of the dice, staked on the 
 presumed negligence of his opponent ; for after ascer- 
 taining that Suvoroff had faced about again, the French 
 general once more sought the shelter of the mountains. 
 On the nth, as stipulated, Tortona surrendered, and the 
 garrison, marching out with the honours of war, pursued 
 their way to the French border. The same evening the 
 Russians resumed their march to Switzerland. 
 
 While the Council of the Empire, after the manner of 
 trained diplomatists, were ignoring their obligations, all 
 Europe was resounding with Suvoroffs fame. Espe- 
 cially in this country were his services appreciated at 
 their true value. " The recognition of your merits by 
 the English nation," writes Rostopchin to him, " must 
 be much more gratify ing to you than all the lofty phrases 
 of the Cabinet of Vienna, which talks so loudly but does 
 so little." Suvoroff, however, was heartbroken at the
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 185 
 
 vain result of all his efforts and triumphs. He had 
 dreamt of victory on the plains of France, and the re- 
 establishment of the " throne and altar " on the ruins of 
 the Republic. These fond aspirations were now, in his 
 opinion, impossible of realization. Driven from the 
 theatre of his exploits, the armies he led were exposed 
 to destruction through the incapacity or faithlessness of 
 the Austrian Court. It seemed a cruel destiny. Close 
 on attaining his seventieth year, his professional career, 
 which now covered half a century, had never been sullied 
 by defeat. Yet he was now condemned to see his work 
 undone. That no man can be esteemed fortunate 
 before death is a maxim whose truth has been affirmed 
 by the experience of ages, and Suvoroff's correspondence 
 at this period seems to furnish one more proof of its 
 universality, although the Tzar, instead of accepting his 
 proffered resignation, loaded him with additional marks 
 of his favour. Deeply affected by such tokens of 
 sympathy in the hour of tribulation, the Field-marshal 
 thus expressed his gratitude : " Graciously pardon me 
 if, in the bitterness of my heart, I asked permission to 
 return to my beloved country. Now, till it please God 
 to terminate my life, I dedicate it to the glorious service 
 of your Imperial Majesty. Highly sensible of your con- 
 descension, I shall lead your Majesty's gallant warriors 
 wherever your commands direct to Switzerland, where 
 in fresh fields of battle I shall conquer or die gloriously, 
 fighting for my country and my Emperor." It may be 
 added, that he had recently been highly incensed by the 
 advice said to have been tendered by Melas to certain 
 French officers on their release from captivity ; namely 
 to steer clear of the Russian quarters if they desired to
 
 1 86 SUVOROFF. 
 
 escape violence and pillage an insinuation which, even 
 if unfounded, proves how prone mankind is to reproach 
 the troops of other nations with excesses from which 
 their own are not exempt. The circumstance was 
 reported by Suvoroff to the Tzar, whose hasty temper 
 took fire at the insult, and the incident doubtless had 
 its share in determining his withdrawal from the 
 coalition which happened shortly afterwards. 
 
 The claims of Austria for compensation in Italy were 
 founded on that most unprincipled of transactions the 
 partition of the Polish monarchy. A secret article in 
 the Treaty of 1795 provided that, in consideration of her 
 share in the spoil being less than that of the other two 
 Powers concerned, she was entitled to look for future 
 indemnification in Bavaria or Italy. The Russian Em- 
 peror, on being reminded by Thugut of this stipulation, 
 inquired the precise extent of the Austrian demands, 
 " in order/' he added with engaging frankness, " that I 
 may judge whether I do well to make war on the French 
 with a view to giving them another form of government, 
 or whether I had not better direct my attention to pro- 
 tecting Europe from the boundless pretensions of the 
 House of Hapsburg, and its ambition to aggrandize 
 itself at the expense of those who are not in a position 
 to offer resistance." Meanwhile, he hastened to instruct 
 Suvoroff, that in case of difficulties with Austria, he 
 should assemble his troops in Switzerland, and thence- 
 forward act in concert with the British representatives 
 at his head-quarters. The exasperation of the two 
 Courts gradually grew in intensity till, informed of the 
 withdrawal of the Austrians under the Archduke from 
 Switzerland, and Korsakoff's consequent exposure to
 
 THE BATTLE OF NO VI. 187 
 
 all the weight of Massena's blows, the Tzar determined 
 formally to renounce alliance with Austria. This resolve 
 was strengthened by the news of the battle of Zurich, 
 which very shortly afterwards reached him.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SWITZERLAND. 
 
 SUVOROFF, we have stated, resumed his march for 
 Switzerland on the evening of the nth September. 
 The St. Gothard being in those days impassable for 
 wheeled traffic, he had directed Melas to assemble 1 500 
 mules at Taverna, the spot at the foot of the Monte 
 Cenere where the highway for vehicles comes to an end. 
 While Korsakoff held Massena at bay before Zurich, he 
 proposed, after carrying the St. Gothard by storm, to 
 penetrate to the rear of the French, marching by Altdorf 
 and Schwy tz; and, at the same time, the Austrians, Hotze 
 and Linken, approaching from the valley of the Linth, 
 were to assail their position in flank. Thus Italy was to 
 be abandoned as a base of operations, and, by forcing a 
 way through the stupendous defiles of Switzerland, a new 
 one was to be sought in south-western Germany. It 
 followed that during this change, the Russian army had 
 to be accompanied by all needful supplies, for the natural 
 resources of Switzerland, always limited, were now 
 thoroughly exhausted by the constant passage to and 
 fro of the contending armies. Suvoroff reckoned that 
 seven days would bring him to Schwytz, but from lack 
 of experience in mountain warfare, he struck his estimate 
 too low ; for Schwytz was 100 miles distant from Bel- 
 linzona, an interval which no troops could possibly cover
 
 SWITZERLAND. 189 
 
 in the specified time, through a district bristling with 
 strong positions, if opposed by a vigorous and resolute 
 enemy. The Russian chief appears in these calculations 
 to have been misled by Colonel Weyrother, an Austrian 
 staff officer who had been lent him for the purpose of 
 supplying local information. 
 
 The strength of the forces in Switzerland (exclusive of 
 Chabran's division at Basle) was at this time 70,000 ; 
 that of the Allies (not reckoning Suv6roff) only 46,000. 
 The republicans, moreover, occupied a position still more 
 compact than before, their entire forces being massed in 
 the space between Altdorf and Zurich, with the sole ex- 
 ception of Thurreau's division in the Valais. The Im- 
 perialists, on the other hand, were spread out in a wide 
 semicircle which embraced the shores of the lakes of Zurich 
 and Wallen, and extended as far as Coire and Dissentis 
 near the sources of the Rhine. Suvoroff' s army was 20,000 
 strong, inclusive of 4000 Cossacks. Thus 66,000 Allies 
 divided into several great fractions, and with no means 
 of intercommunication, were about to attack an enemy 
 who was both superior in numbers and strongly posted 
 in a central position, under the immediate command of 
 one of the ablest captains of the day. There was besides 
 an almost ludicrously fatal defect in SuvorofFs plan of 
 campaign. The road selected, dwindling to a mere 
 bridle-path at Taverna, came abruptly to an end at 
 Altdorf, intercourse thence with Lucerne and Schwytz 
 being carried on by water. Inconceivable as it may 
 appear, Suvoroff was ignorant of this fact ; nor was his 
 attention directed thereto by the precious chief of the 
 staff which the Austrians had provided. 
 
 The Russians arrived at Taverna on the i$th of
 
 190 SUVOROFF. 
 
 September, having traversed the hundred miles which 
 separates it from Alessandria in the space of four days. 
 It was then discovered that not a single mule of the 
 1500 ordered to be in readiness had arrived a fatal 
 delay sufficient in itself to ruin a combination whose 
 success depended on nice calculations of time and dis- 
 tance and correspondence in the movements of widely 
 separated columns.* Suvoroff, addressing the Emperor 
 Francis, writes : " I arrived here on the I5th, and con- 
 sequently have kept my word. In spite of difficulties, I 
 have traversed a distan.ce in six days for which eight are 
 usually considered requisite ; but not a single mule have 
 I found here, nor do I know when any are likely to reach 
 me. Thus the rapidity of our advance has become void 
 of result. The decisive advantages of speed and impetus 
 in the attack are thrown away. With all my devotion 
 to the common cause, the conviction that I have done 
 all that in me lies to execute punctually your Majesty's 
 commands brings me no comfort ;" and to his master, 
 on the 2Oth : " The Austrian general, Doiler, deceives us 
 shamefully with his ambiguous promises. Already I 
 have been five days at Taverna. This delay affords the 
 enemy time to make dispositions which may seriously 
 compromise my safety." When at length 650 mules 
 arrived, laden with oats, it was found that they were 
 not hired beyond Bellinzona ; and only with extreme 
 difficulty were their owners persuaded to proceed 
 
 * The responsibility for this rare piece of negligence was, as the 
 reader will easily conceive, ultimately laid on the shoulders of a 
 subordinate a commissariat officer who, as Melas declared, had 
 detained the animals at Pavia. The scape-goat is a time-honoured 
 military institution.
 
 SWITZERLAND. 191 
 
 further. In this emergency the Grand DukeConstantine 
 conceived the idea of dismounting the Cossacks and 
 using their horses as pack animals ; and sacks having 
 been collected from the neighbouring villages, the plan 
 was forthwith carried into execution. 
 
 The precise numbers of Derfelden's corps and Rosen- 
 berg's division, which together made up Suvoroft's forces, 
 were 20,280. He redistributed them into divisions of 
 the following strength : 
 
 Advance guard Prince Bagration . 2500 
 
 Division of Lt.-General Schvekovski . 4400 
 
 Forster . . 3100 
 
 Rosenberg . 6000 
 
 about forming a total of 16,000, the rest being Cossacks. 
 Twenty-five of them mounted preceded each division on 
 the line of march ; but the greater part of these irregular 
 horsemen escorted the baggage train on foot. Twenty 
 pioneers accompanied the advanced Cossacks with a 
 single mountain gun, twenty-five pieces having been 
 drawn from the Turin arsenal. The remainder of the 
 divisional artillery, with ten mules carrying a reserve of 
 small-arm ammunition, followed in rear of each division. 
 In case of resistance, the leading battalion was instructed 
 to extend in skirmishing order and gain the heights on 
 either flank, while the supports, forming close column, 
 charged the enemy with the bayonet. 
 
 On the Ipth of September Rosenberg's corps left 
 Taverna, for the purpose of turning the St. Gothard Pass 
 by the Val di Blegno, Dissentis, and the Oberalp lake ; 
 while Suvoroff followed two days later with the main 
 body towards Bellinzona. On the same day Rosenberg
 
 192 SUVOROFF. 
 
 continuing the ascent, reached the Luckmanier Pass, and 
 bivouacked for the night at Casaccia, destitute of firing 
 or protection of any sort from the cold at a height of 
 8000 feet above the sea. On the 23rd, descending to 
 Dissentis, where the Austrian brigade of Auffenberg 
 joined him, he wheeled to his left, and, mounting the 
 Tavetch valley, gained the Oberalp lake and the rear 
 of the enemy's position in the St. Gothard Pass. On 
 the 22nd Suvoroff also advanced from Bellinzona, and 
 reaching Giornico, pushed the Austrian brigade of 
 Strauch, which had joined him in the neighbourhood, 
 4500 strong, as far as Faido. During these marches the 
 Russian chief rode, as usual, on a Cossack horse ; but, 
 the temperature being less genial than in the plains just 
 quitted, he had drawn the cloth uniform coat of a pri- 
 vate over the more flimsy garments which he usually 
 wore. A shabby thread-bare cloak, nicknamed by the 
 soldiers " the ancestral," was thrown over all, but gloves 
 he never condescended to wear. Mounted on a mule, 
 by his side might have been seen Antonio Gamba, an 
 aged peasant with whom he had lodged at Taverna and, 
 in his funny way, grown familiar. In spite of protests 
 from his family, Gamba had consented to act as guide 
 through Switzerland an incapable one as it turned out, 
 for he was as ignorant as Weyrother and the rest that the 
 road came to an end at Altdorf. On the 23rd the Russian 
 head-quarters advanced to Dazio, when the attack on 
 Airolo and its overhanging heights was appointed for the 
 ensuing morning. 
 
 In spite of arduous marches and natural obstacles, 
 Rosenberg's progress through the Luckmanier Pass to 
 the sources of the Rhine had been successfully accom-
 
 S WITZERLAND. 1 9 3 
 
 plished. Turning movements such as this are commonly 
 successful in mountain warfare if they are properly timed 
 with the frontal attack to which they are subsidiary. 
 But failing this v the troops performing them are liable 
 to be crushed entirely before the main body can come to 
 their assistance. Thus Suvoroff, having arranged with 
 his subordinate that the combined attack should take 
 place on the 24th, was solicitous to carry out his part of 
 the programme with exact punctuality. On that date, 
 therefore, he advanced on Airolo in three columns ; the 
 left, under the Austrian, Strauch, after observing the 
 passes which lead into the valley of the Rhone, was to 
 join in the principal attack ; Suvoroff in person con- 
 ducted the centre, which marched straight on Airolo ; 
 while Bagration, executing a turning movement to the 
 right, was seen to scale with his troops the precipitous 
 flanks of the mountains. A part of Gudin's brigade 
 defended the pass, their advance being in Airolo, the 
 main body posted on the steep ascent above it, while the 
 remainder confronted Rosenberg at the Oberalp Pass. 
 Loison's brigade occupied the valley of the Reuss with 
 its lateral issues, whilst Lecourbe in person guarded the 
 Furka. 
 
 The village of Airolo was soon carried by the Russian 
 centre, when the French infantry, retiring in excellent 
 order, showed front to the enemy on successive positions 
 taken up on the declivity of the mountain. Their skir- 
 mishers from the cover it afforded poured a murderous 
 fire into the dense ranks of their assailants who were, in 
 contrast to the soldiers of the Republic, totally destitute 
 of experience in mountain warfare. On reaching the 
 summit of the pass and endeavouring to carry it by 
 
 o
 
 194 SUVOROFF. 
 
 storm they met with a bloody repulse which cost them 
 1 200 men.* But about 4 p.m., when Bagration had 
 attained to a commanding position on the slope of the 
 mountain to the right, Suvoroff gave the signal for a 
 second assault. Undismayed by recent carnage, his troops 
 rushed forward carrying everything before them, when 
 Gudin, retiring' through Andermatt, and the tunnel 
 called the Urner Loch, halted on the further side of the 
 Devil's Bridge. Rosenberg meanwhile, after driving 
 the enemy from the shores of the Oberalp lake, had 
 crowned the heights above Andermatt, whence, after a 
 moment's hesitation, his troops plunged into the fog 
 which filled the valley beneath them, and, seizing pos- 
 session of the village, cut off Lecourbe, who was hastening 
 from the Furka Pass to Gudin's succour, from his line 
 of retreat. Throwing his cannon into the current of 
 the Reuss, that enterprising commander proceeded to 
 scale the precipices of the Betzberg, which are 7800 feet 
 above the level of the sea, when, undercover of night, he 
 was so fortunate as to effect his escape into the Gesch- 
 ennen valley, and on the following day to rejoin the rest 
 of his division behind the Devil's Bridge. Suvoroff had 
 gained a victory, though at the cost of 2000 in killed and 
 wounded a loss which was due to his impatience ; for 
 had he in the first instance awaited the development 
 of Bagration's flank attack it could not have been so 
 severe ; but he was solicitous to ensure the safety of 
 Rosenberg, and prevent his being overwhelmed. 
 
 The Urner Loch, however, and the Devil's Bridge 
 
 * The anecdote recorded by Alison {Hist. Europe, xxviii. 129), is 
 declared by Milliutin to be unfounded. Many others about Suvo- 
 roff are equally so.
 
 SWITZERLAND. 195 
 
 still lay in front of him, obstacles yet more formidable 
 than those which had just been surmounted. The 
 former, a passage cut in the solid rock overhanging the 
 Reuss, lies about 400 yards south of the bridge, and was 
 at that time just large enough to admit a single pedes- 
 trian carrying his load. The wayfarer, on emerging 
 from its northern entrance, beholds the stream below 
 him, on the left-hand side, rushing with impetuous 
 violence along its rocky bed. The arch of the Devil's 
 Bridge of those days spanned the abyss at a height of 
 75 feet from the surface of the water, though the 
 modern structure stands 25 feet higher. Two men, at 
 the utmost, could traverse the bridge abreast, while 
 perpendicular cliffs of granite rose on either side of the 
 defile. The path crosses the stream a second and a 
 third time before reaching Geschennen, and the length 
 of the pass is one mile and a half from end to end. 
 
 At dawn on the 25th, the attacking columns having 
 assembled, parties were detached to climb the rugged 
 mountains on either side, on the right to gain the rear 
 of the Urner Loch, on the left to turn the Devil's Bridge. 
 The frontal attack on this occasion also was delivered 
 before the lateral movements were developed, and, as on 
 the previous day, a promiscuous slaughter resulted. A 
 French gun swept the tunnel from end to end with grape, 
 and mowed down all who entered. The rearmost Rus- 
 sians pushed those in front of them towards the hole, 
 till, its entrance becoming thronged and choked with 
 human beings, many were pushed over the edge of the 
 chasm and found death in the boiling waters beneath. 
 This bootless waste of life continued till the appearance 
 of the Russian flanking parties on the heights to their 
 
 O 2
 
 196 SUVOROFF. 
 
 left rear caused the defenders of the tunnel to retire 
 across the Devil's Bridge, having first broken up the 
 masonry platform by which it was approached. The 
 Russians followed closely and the battle was renewed. 
 Separated by the narrow chasm of the Reuss only, the 
 combatants discharged their volleys into each other's 
 ranks with murderous effect, till the French, perceiving 
 that the enemy was working his way along the moun- 
 tain above them to their right, showed signs of wavering, 
 when their assailants streamed across the narrow arch as 
 far as the rift in the masonry platform. A shed hard by 
 was pulled to pieces ; its timbers, bound together by 
 the officers' sashes, were laid across the chasm ; Prince 
 Meshtchersky dashed across, but instantly fell mortally 
 wounded with the characteristic injunction on his lips 
 " Do not forget me in the despatches." A Cossack 
 followed him, but fell into the torrent. These acts of 
 heroism found numerous imitators. The defence 
 slackened, the platform was repaired, and the assailants, 
 dashing forward in pursuit, before nightfall had reached 
 Wasen, eight miles distant from the scene of action. 
 
 Lecourbe, as he hurriedly made his way towards 
 Altdorf, was startled by a discharge of musketry which 
 audibly proceeded from a point on his line of retreat : 
 in fact, Auffenberg, having crossed the ridge from 
 Dissentis, had descended the valley of Maderan, and was 
 now attacking Amsteg, which was held by part of 
 Loison's brigade. But the Austrians, on Lecourbe 
 approaching their left flank, were themselves exposed to 
 considerable danger, though the French were in reality 
 too closely pursued to think of molesting them. Com- 
 mitting the bridge over the Kerstelen brook behind him
 
 5 WITZERLAND. 1 97 
 
 to the flames, the French commander defiled with all 
 possible speed through Amsteg, reaching Altdorf on the 
 26th, when, abandoning the town, he stationed himself 
 at Seedorf on the left bank of the Reuss, to await the 
 progress of events. 
 
 Suvoroff, having quitted Wasen early on the 26th, 
 and reached Amsteg before daylight, mistook Auffen- 
 berg's watchfires for the enemy's, an accident which 
 caused some delay. When sunrise dispelled this error, 
 resuming his march, he gained the town of Altdorf 
 without encountering resistance on the part of the 
 enemy. A magazine of provisions discovered there was 
 a welcome addition to his resources, though the satis- 
 faction he felt was diminished by rumours of KorsakofF s 
 defeat which began to be bruited abroad. Then it was 
 also that the alarming truth became known that the 
 road or track which he had hitherto followed had come 
 abruptly to a close. His provisions, likewise, were 
 nearly exhausted, while his pack animals were struggling 
 along the defile in his rear exposed to the depredations 
 of the French troops stationed in the valley of the Rhone. 
 At this point of time, had he been in possession of 
 accurate information regarding the progress of events 
 around Zurich, he might have reached the valley of the 
 Linth by the Schachenthal, and there effected his junction 
 with the troops of Linken. But as yet rumour but 
 vaguely boded evil, and so he determined to force his 
 way at any cost to Schwytz, his appointed destination 
 i.e. to march across the rugged ridge called the Rosstock, 
 which divides the Schachenthal from the valley of the 
 
 uotta. The Kinzig Pass, by which he proposed to 
 move, though it can be traversed under favourable
 
 198 SUVOROFF. 
 
 atmospheric conditions by the robust pedestrian, is quite 
 impracticable for a modern army with all its various 
 appurtenances ; nevertheless, and notwithstanding that 
 the season was already far advanced, Suvoroff deter- 
 mined to make the attempt. Habitual success had made 
 him unduly tenacious of his plans, which he now refused 
 to modify in conformity with unlooked-for events, 
 conduct which was wholly at variance with the principles 
 he was wont to advocate. Heroism silenced the still 
 small voice of prudence within him. But how rarely do 
 we find in the same individual an equal balance between 
 courage and prudence ! At one extreme stands a Charles 
 II., at the other an Archduke Charles, both falling short 
 of the cautious daring which makes a military com- 
 mander of the first rank. 
 
 On the 27th the ascent of the Kinzig Pass began. 
 Bagration, as usual, led the advance ; then came the 
 corps of Derfelden and Auffenberg's brigade, while 
 Rosenberg's division remained at Altdorf to protect the 
 movement. Miliutin thus describes it : " The path 
 became gradually steeper, and at times disappeared 
 altogether. The troops had to ascend one by one, now 
 on bare rocks, now on slippery clay. In other places 
 they had to clamber up steps, as it were, with no hold 
 for the sole of the foot ; in others loose pebbles gave 
 way beneath their feet, or they stuck fast in the snow 
 which covered the tops of the mountain. It was not an 
 easy matter for pedestrians to climb such a mountain ; 
 what then must have been the difficulty of conducting 
 horses and mules laden with guns, ammunition, and 
 cartridges ! The poor animals could hardly budge a 
 foot ; in many cases they stumbled from the narrow
 
 SWITZERLAND. 199 
 
 pathway headlong into the abyss, and were dashed to 
 pieces on the rocks below. The horses often dragged 
 the men with them in their fall ; a false step was death. 
 At times black clouds, descending the mountain sides, 
 enveloped the column in dense vapour, and the troops 
 were soaked to the skin as if by heavy rain. They 
 groped their way through the raw fog, all round being 
 invisible. The boots of both officers and men were for 
 the most part worn out. Their biscuit-bags were empty. 
 Nothing remained to sustain their strength. But in 
 spite of extreme suffering, the half-shod, starving troops 
 of Russia kept up their spirits. In the hour of trial, the 
 presence of their Emperor's son, who shared their 
 fatigues and dangers, encouraged them. During the 
 entire march the Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovitch 
 marched with Bagration's advance-guard." At about 
 5 p.m., after twelve hours' incessant marching, Bagration 
 descending into the valley, approached the village of 
 Muotta, where he captured a French outpost consisting 
 of two companies of infantry. But the main body spent 
 the night in the mountains, with scant provision of food, 
 no firing, exposed to the inclemencies of the weather at 
 that great altitude. Numbers perished from the effects 
 of cold and deficient nourishment. Meantime the rear- 
 guard was defending Altdorf against the assaults of 
 Lecourbe. On reaching the Muotta valley, Suvoroff 
 despatched a party of Cossacks over the Pragel Pass to 
 his right, to communicate with Linken, whose column 
 ought by this time to have reached Glarus ; but they 
 returned reporting that town in occupation of the French. 
 Here he received positive information of Korsakoff's 
 disastrous overthrow at Zurich ; of Hotze's defeat and
 
 200 SUVOROFF. 
 
 death on the Linth ; and of the consequent retreat of 
 the Austrian columns of Linken and Jellachich who 
 were to have supported his right. After having sur- 
 mounted so many obstacles he found himself imprisoned 
 in a Swiss valley, isolated from his allies. Massena was 
 approaching Schwytz to bar his exit in that quarter; 
 Molitor guarded the opposite outlet by Glarus ; while 
 the presence of Lccourbe at Altdorf precluded all thought 
 of returning by that route. He was caught in a trap. 
 Ill-luck, bad strategy, and the incapacity of others, had 
 ruined his combinations, while the obstinate resolve to 
 keep his rendezvous at Schwytz at all costs had plunged 
 him still deeper into disaster. But the same inflexibility 
 of purpose was to prove his salvation. 
 
 After the departure of the Archduke Charles from 
 Switzerland, the Russians of Korsakoff, 24,000 strong 
 (exclusive of their cavalry, 3000, who were quartered 
 beyond the Rhine as useless in a mountainous district), 
 were distributed along the course of the Aar as follows : 
 10,000 under his personal command in advance of 
 the city of Zurich ; 7800 under Markoff and Duras- 
 soff, lining the Aar as far as the Rhine ; while 5700 
 were kept in reserve till the eve of the battle of Zurich, 
 when they were despatched in support of Hotze to the 
 left. Of the Austrians who remained in Switzerland, 
 Hotze with 11,000 men, lay in the space between 
 the lakes of Wallen and Zurich ; Jellachich, with 4500, 
 at Sargans ; whilst 3500, under Linken guarded, as we 
 have said, the valley of the Rhine at Ilantz. Such 
 being the position of the Allies, Massena, resolute to 
 profit by the dissemination of their forces, on the 25th 
 September, having deceived the arrogant and prcsump-
 
 6 1 WITZERLAND 2 o i 
 
 tuous Korsakoff by a feigned attack on Zurich, threw 
 the mass of his army across the Limmat at a point 
 lower down the stream, and the Russian General, who 
 was rejoicing in the prospect of an easy victory, 
 was suddenly informed that the city was surrounded 
 by the enemy, and his own line of retreat severed in 
 consequence. Driven within its walls, he was that 
 same night summoned by Massena to lay down his 
 arms ; and no answer being vouchsafed to the demand, 
 the French moved on the following morning to the 
 assault. But Korsakoff, whose valour was equal to his 
 sullenness and pride, suddenly issuing from the fortifi- 
 cations, cut a way through the surrounding columns of 
 the enemy, and reaching the Rhine at Eglisau and 
 Diessenhofen, crossed to the opposite bank, though with 
 immense sacrifice of life and loss of the whole of his 
 baggage. In the meantime the Russian right, under 
 the orders of Durassoff, had remained inactive on the 
 Aar, facing the division Menard, and cut off from 
 Zurich by the victorious enemy. The situation bore a 
 strong resemblance to Serrurier's on the Adda ; but the 
 conduct of Durassoff, though severely criticised at the 
 time, and probably indefensible in theory, as a matter of 
 fact saved Korsakoff from annihilation by covering his 
 line of retreat. 
 
 Equally unpropitious for the Allied arms was the 
 fortune of war in other parts of Switzerland. On the 
 lower Linth, Soult, advancing simultaneously with his 
 chief, attacked and defeated Hotze, who lost life as well 
 as victory in the conflict, and two days later, the division 
 which he had commanded hurriedly recrossed the Rhine 
 at Rheineck. Jellachich, also on the 25th, having skirted
 
 202 SUVOROFF. 
 
 the shores of the Wallensee, attacked Molitor at Mollis 
 and Nafels, but, having ascertained the result of the 
 battle of Zurich and the fate of Hotze, returned to the 
 Grisons on the following day. Molitor was thus free 
 to deal with Linken, who, having reached Glarus on the 
 25th by the valley of the Linth, might, as related in the 
 foregoing pages, have been joined by Suvoroff had the 
 Russians marched from Altdorf by the Schachenthal 
 and the Klausen Pass to their right. During the ensuing 
 three days the Austrian confronted Molitor with his 
 division, but, on the 29th, having heard nothing of 
 Suvoroff, retraced his steps, and returned to the Grisons 
 the same way he came. Molitor, taking post in the 
 Klonthal, prepared to meet the Russians. 
 
 On the 29th Masse" na was at Altdorf in consultation 
 with Lecourbe ; but leaving the same day for Schwytz, 
 whither he directed the divisions Mortier and Humbert, 
 he ordered up Gazan, who had succeeded to the com- 
 mand of Soult's division, in support of Molitor, under 
 the impression that the Russians, blocked up in the 
 Muotta valley and destitute of supplies, would be com- 
 pelled to surrender at discretion. On that day Suvoroff 
 summoned a council of war, at which Bagration, being 
 the first to arrive, found his chief attired in full uni- 
 form, blazing with stars and decorations and pacing 
 the floor of the apartment in a state of great mental agi- 
 tation. Broken utterances escaped his lips : " Parades, 
 inspections, self-esteem ! all very good in their way, 
 but something more is wanted military knowledge, 
 topography, calculation, judgment, tactics ; easy to get 
 beaten, thousands destroyed, and such ones in a 
 single day," and so forth. Bagration, for once in his
 
 SWITZERLAND. 203 
 
 life, beat a retreat, and left his chief alone with his 
 indignation ; but when the council was assembled the 
 members were thus addressed by him ; " Korsakoff is 
 beaten and driven beyond the Rhine. Hotze is killed 
 and his corps dispersed. Jellachich and Linken have 
 retreated. Our whole plan of campaign is ruined." 
 Then followed a furious invective against the Austrians 
 which doubtless explains the absence of Auffenberg 
 from the assembly. " Now," he continued, " we are 
 surrounded in the midst of the mountains by an enemy 
 superior in strength. What are we to do ? To retreat 
 were dishonour. I have never retreated. To advance 
 on Schwytz is impossible. Massena has 60,000 men : 
 we have not 20,000. Besides, we are destitute of pro- 
 visions, cartridges, and artillery. We can look for 
 assistance to none. We are on the brink of ruin." It was 
 finally determined to march on Glarus and force a passage 
 past the Wallen lake, and the veteran added : " We can 
 do nothing but trust in God Almighty and the courage 
 and devotion of our troops. We are Russians. God is 
 with us." A scene ensued, almost comical according to 
 our ideas. The aged chief fell with emotion at the feet 
 of the Grand Duke Constantine, who, raising him 
 sympathetically, kissed his cheek. " Save the honour 
 of Russia and her Tzar. Save the son of our Emperor," 
 cried this strange being. " Yes. we are Russians. 
 With God's help we will conquer," was the enthusiastic 
 response of the generals. 
 
 The same day Auffenberg, seizing the Pragel Pass, 
 drove the enemy's outposts back into the Klon valley ; 
 but attacked himself next day by Molitor, fell back on 
 Bagration's division, which advancing opportunely to
 
 204 SUVOROFF. 
 
 his aid, charged the enemy in flank and pushed him 
 back to the narrow gorge between the mountains and 
 Lake Klon, Thus strongly posted, the French defied 
 the efforts of Bagration, who, expecting the arrival 
 of Schvekovski's division, postponed the attack till the 
 following morning. Meanwhile Rosenberg, who com- 
 manded the rear-guard, had been assailed in the Muotta 
 valley by Masse"na, who advanced from the neighbour- 
 hood of Schwytz with the division of Mortier. Steadfastly 
 met by Rehbinder's brigade, whose battalions were 
 deployed athwart the width of the valley, while dis- 
 mounted Cossacks scaled the heights on either side to 
 harass the flanks of the enemy, one resolute charge with 
 the bayonet drove the French in confusion from one end 
 of the defile to the other. At its gorge where a bridge 
 (styled Suvoroff's to this day) spans the Muotta, great 
 slaughter was inflicted on the fugitives, while many found 
 death in the waters of the stream. The ensuing night 
 was one of extreme misery for the Russians : cold, 
 hunger, and the elements conspired to make them 
 wretched ; the sleet fell without cessation, while a raw 
 fog enveloped their bivouac. The Grand Duke and 
 Suvoroff passed the night in a cow-shed while the 
 rearmost troops and animals were pouring in by the 
 Altdorf road. 
 
 At 1 1 a.m. on the ist October, Rosenberg was assailed 
 by Massena, who at the head of 15,000 men moved in 
 heavy columns up the valley, his front covered by a 
 numerous artillery, his flanks by skirmishers, who 
 swarmed along the adjacent heights. Rosenberg, 
 having drawn his battalions up in two lines, which occu- 
 pied the entire breadth of the valley, was riding along
 
 SWITZERLAND. 205 
 
 their front exhorting the soldiers to use the bayonet in 
 the Suvoroff style, when the French, having deployed 
 under cover of a brisk cannonade, suddenly beat the 
 charge and threw themselves impetuously on their adver- 
 saries. After delivering a staggering volley, the Russians 
 in their turn charging bayonets, rushed to meet the foe 
 halfway, when the French were thrown into disorder, 
 broke, fled, and were pursued for two miles. Instructed 
 by experience, they had erected a battery to protect the 
 bridge near the gorge of the valley, and this arrested for 
 a while the pursuit. But when captured, the guns found 
 in the work were directed on the fugitives, who reached 
 Schwytz with a loss of 2000 men, in addition to those 
 who had disappeared in the waters of the Muotta these 
 figures representing their own estimate, Suvoroff s being 
 very much higher indeed. Several hundred are said 
 to have perished by falling down precipices as they 
 skirmished on the rugged declivities of the mountains. 
 
 Whilst the above conflict was in progress, Molitor had 
 been driven from the defile of the Klon lake by Bagra- 
 tion, who, turning their position by the mountains to 
 his left, at the same time assailed the French directly in 
 front. Retiring in excellent order to Nettstal, when that 
 post became at last untenable, they receded still further 
 to Nafels, and ultimately to Mollis, where they were 
 fiercely assailed by the united forces of Bagration, 
 Shvekovski, and Auffenberg, in all 8000 men, against 
 whom Molitor nevertheless held his ground till the 
 arrival of Gazan's division rendered it possible for him 
 to assume the offensive. Bagration retraced his steps to 
 Nettstal by order of Suvoroff, who had in the meantime 
 occupied Glarus, where he made himself master of the
 
 206 SUVOROFF. 
 
 magazine of provisions, which for a while relieved his 
 most pressing necessities. 
 
 Early on the 2nd October, Rosenberg had sent into 
 Schwytz enjoining the municipal authorities to make 
 immediate preparations for the provisioning of 12,000 
 men, a device which had the desired effect of detaining 
 Massena, with the troops under his immediate command, 
 in the neighbourhood of the town for the whole of that 
 day. But Rosenberg, striking camp during the hours of 
 darkness, crossed the Pragel and rejoined Suvoroff in 
 safety two days later, notwithstanding that his progress 
 through the pass was impeded by a heavy fall of snow, 
 during which his troops were obliged to bivouac on its 
 summit without food or fire. Fortunately their wounded 
 who had been abandoned to the mercy of the enemy, 
 escaped exposure which would have been certain de- 
 struction. In the meantime Massena, made aware of the 
 disappearance of the enemy from the Muotta valley, had 
 quitted Schwytz, and was circling round by Einsiedeln 
 towards Glarus to support Gazan and Molitor. The 
 plan of the Russian commander to hew a path for him- 
 self in this direction had so far failed, and no further 
 attempt could be made owing to want of ammunition. 
 Indeed, on the 2nd the Austrians departed, making 
 their way back into the Grisons by the Sernfthal and 
 the Panixer Pass, though Suv6roff was compelled to 
 await the arrival of Rosenberg's division at Nettstal, 
 This took place, as already observed, on the 4th, when 
 a council of war was forthwith convened at the Russian 
 head-quarters, which determined to follow in the steps of 
 Auffenberg's brigade, while Linken was requested to 
 amass at Coire the supplies requisite for the use of the
 
 SWITZERLAND. 207 
 
 troops. This step has been adversely criticized by the 
 Archduke Charles, but is approved by Jomini, and was, 
 as we have seen, made unavoidable by the deficiency of 
 ammunition in the Russian camp. Unluckily, a fall of 
 snow subsequent to Auffenberg's passage had greatly 
 obstructed the Panixer Pass. It covered the ground to 
 the depth of two feet, and was the same storm which 
 overtook and nearly overwhelmed the division of Rosen- 
 berg. On the 4th, however, Suvoroff set himself in 
 motion. Miloradovitch led the advance ; next came the 
 pack animals, followed by the main body of the troops, 
 and lastly Bagration (whose division had dwindled from 
 3000 to 1800 men) occupied his usual post of danger in 
 the rear. At the village of Schwanden the prince, 
 facing about, offered a gallant resistance which enabled 
 his chief to ascend the Sernfthal as far as Elm, fourteen 
 miles from Glarus, before dark ; and again, at Engi, he 
 contained the enemy for the space of two hours, retiring 
 the same evening to Matt, whither they followed closely 
 upon his heels. At 2 a.m. on the 6th the steep and 
 arduous ascent from Eim began, and the French, when 
 they issued with the first grey of dawn from Matt in 
 order to harass the retiring columns, discerned no trace 
 of the Russians, except here and there a solitary Cossack 
 horseman. Abandoning the intention, they retraced 
 the path to Glarus. 
 
 The Panixer Pass with others parallel to it, presents 
 during the summer season no insuperable obstacle to the 
 passage of infantry ; but autumn having by this time set 
 in, tempestuous weather rendered it a task of difficulty 
 and danger. As the troops ascended the pass they 
 found that the snow, drifting into heavy masses, had
 
 2o8 SUVOROFF. 
 
 obliterated the track ; their guides decamped ; dense 
 fogs rolled down from the mountains and enveloped 
 them in gloom, which was only relieved by vivid flashes 
 of lightning, while the sound of thunder reverberating in 
 the valleys below them, terrified the Russians, to whom 
 this appeared a supernatural phenomenon. Rifts and 
 chasms choked up with snow beset their path, and into 
 one of these a mounted officer fell, disappearing alto- 
 gether with the animal he bestrode. Three hundred 
 mules perished and all the mountain guns had to be 
 abandoned. The advance-guard reached Panix, situated 
 on the reverse slope of the mountain, by nightfall, but 
 darkness surprised the main body while yet on the 
 summit of the dreary pass, where, without a stick of 
 firewood, the troops feared to sleep lest owing to the 
 cold they might never awake ; for a frost of intense 
 severity had rendered the snow as slippery as ice, and 
 vastly increased the perils of the descent. At intervals 
 huge fragments of rock thundered down the sides of 
 the mountain with terrific violence. Many a soldier 
 perished during that awful night through want and 
 exposure ; others fell headlong into fathomless abysses 
 and disappeared for ever ; but the survivors, pressing on 
 with indomitable fortitude, reached Ilantz, the term of 
 their sufferings, on the following day, when of 20,000 
 Russian soldiers who climbed the St. Gothard a fort- 
 night earlier, but 15,000 answered to the roll-call on the 
 banks of the Upper Rhine. On the 8th October, 
 reaching Coire, a liberal distribution of rations partially 
 obliterated the memory of past sufferings, and four days 
 later, at Feldkirch, the Russian chief once more found 
 his communications restored with Korsakoff, and
 
 S WITZERLA ND. 209 
 
 resigned into Austrian keeping 1400 wretched French 
 prisoners, whom he had dragged after him in his terrible 
 march. 
 
 The Swiss campaign may be characterized as a 
 gigantic strategic blunder which was atoned for by 
 superhuman energy and determination. In discussing 
 it the Archduke Charles has enumerated eighteen 
 pitched battles which, between the years 1794 and 1812, 
 were lost through operating on a line exterior to the 
 position of the enemy, or, in simpler language, endea- 
 vouring to envelope it. In addition to this original 
 vice of conception, the execution was faulty. Admitting 
 that the five days' delay at Taverna was the prime cause 
 of its failure, it is difficult to frame an excuse for a 
 leader who marched into the cut de sac of Altdorf, when 
 he might, by the Splugen Pass and the Grisons, have 
 reached his destination unmolested by the enemy. 
 Even at Altdorf he might, as we have seen, have extri- 
 cated himself and joined Linken by the Schachenthal, 
 thus avoiding the ruinous and demoralizing passage of 
 the Rosstock. But his obstinacy got the better of him : 
 he would get to Schwytz, cost what it might ; but that 
 quality which involved him in calamity extricated him 
 from it. 
 
 The conduct of Linken in withdrawing his forces 
 before the position held by Suvoroff had been ascer- 
 tained proclaimed a marked incapacity for independent 
 command. The Archduke's criticism on this point 
 must be regarded as conclusive. " Linken's task," he 
 wrote, " was to co-operate in an offensive movement : 
 he did not fulfil it owing to his disastrous inaction at 
 Glarus. Although, after the retreat of Jellachich, he 
 
 P
 
 210 SUVOROFF. 
 
 had nothing to hope for in that direction, and although, 
 on the other hand, he had heard nothing of Suvoroff, 
 yet he was in no wise justified in departing from his 
 instructions so widely as to relapse into complete 
 inactivity beyond the Rhine, without having at first 
 acquired the certitude that the Russian leader was 
 still at a great distance." 
 
 The applause of mankind has been showered on the 
 Russian chief for his heroic bearing in this trying and 
 perilous episode of his career, where an iron will, domi- 
 nating every obstacle, made amends for faulty strategy, 
 and inspired his subordinates with enthusiasm and 
 ardour equal to the occasion. The beautiful lines which 
 even his satirist, Byron, consecrated to his memory 
 
 'Tis thus the spirit of a single mind 
 
 Makes those of multitudes take one direction, 
 
 As roll the waters to the breathing wind, 
 
 Or roams the herd beneath the bull's protection 
 
 are literally applicable to the influence which he wielded. 
 Incidents which illustrate the means he employed to 
 acquire so marvellous an ascendency over the minds of 
 men, thus possess a special significance. A familiarity 
 with the soldiery, which few can venture to indulge, 
 was common to him and the great Frederic. He was 
 wont to visit the bivouac fires, when, perhaps, he would 
 point to the snow-capped mountains that universal 
 source of inspiration and speak of glory to the simple 
 souls who sat around the blaze. " Heroes, sons of Paul/' 
 lie would exclaim, " you will shed your blood for your 
 country and your Tzar !" and the reply came in chorus, 
 " Glad to do our best, father ! Lead us on and we will 
 follow !" Once, during a forced march of unusual
 
 S WITZERLAND. 2 1 1 
 
 length, when all seemed dead beat, suddenly raising 
 his voice, he sang out the refrain of a national ditty, 
 which may be roughly translated thus : 
 
 And what became of the maiden, 
 The pretty one, what befell her ! 
 
 when a hoarse roar of laughter ran down the column, 
 and fatigue and dejection seemed for the moment for- 
 gotten. On another occasion his attentive ear detected 
 murmers of discontent which fell from the lips of the 
 exhausted soldiery, "Our old man," they muttered, 
 " has taken leave of his senses. God only knows where 
 he's marching us to now ;" when, turning to his staff, 
 he remarked in a loud tone : " See how they praise me. 
 Just as they used to do in Turkey and Poland " an 
 allusion to bygone victories which probably had the 
 desired effect. 
 
 For the Swiss campaign the Tzar bestowed on him 
 the unusual grade of Generalissimo of the Russian Army, 
 at the same time writing to him in these terms : "While 
 gratefully promoting you to the highest rank which can 
 be earned by heroism and fortitude, I feel assured that 
 I have elevated to this distinction the most renowned 
 commander of this or any other age." The estimate 
 was an extravagant one, yet a Russian Tzar might be 
 excused for entertaining it. It is only after the lapse 
 of years that men and events are seen in their true 
 proportions. 
 
 P 2
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 WHILE Suvoroff thus broke through the toils which 
 entangled him, Korsakoff was attempting a diversion in 
 his favour. Reinforced by the arrival of Conde's division, 
 he crossed the Rhine at Constance and Schaffhausen, 
 advancing as far as the Thur, but on the 4th October, 
 attacked by Massena, he was once more driven across 
 the Rhine, and the city of Constance fell into the 
 hands of the French. The Archduke Charles forthwith 
 hastened to the Upper Rhine from Germany, and placed 
 himself in communication with Suvoroff with a view to 
 combined offensive operations. Such a design had 
 already engaged the Russian chiefs attention, for on the 
 nth he had sent the Archduke a memorandum which 
 embodied a proposal for a combined advance upon the 
 Thur from the Rhine above and below the lake of Con- 
 stance. But the Austrian prince, instructed by recent 
 experience, and mistrusting similar combinations, de- 
 clined the proposition, suggesting, that Korsakoff should 
 join his chief by making the circuit of the northern 
 shores of the lake. Meantime Suvoroff had determined 
 to reach Korsakoff by this route, and we may remark, 
 
 in passing, that recent trials and disasters had rendered 
 him peevish and unreasonable. His propositions of the 
 
 nth were not in the Archduke's hands till the I3th, yet
 
 CONCLUSION. 213 
 
 we find him on the I4th complaining to the Tzar : " We 
 have halted here three days in expectation of an answer 
 from the Archduke Charles. Meantime, we learn, from 
 various sources, that, as usual, he will do nothing. In 
 despair, we shall take the longer but safer route by Lake 
 Constance, and lose no time in effecting a junction with 
 Korsakoff." There is a suspicion of bad faith in this 
 transaction. Having changed his mind he proceeded to 
 act without allowing time for a reply to his original 
 proposal, with the rejection of which he endeavoured to 
 saddle the Archduke. It seems that almost immediately 
 after penning the memorandum to him, he discovered 
 that the Russian troops were not in a condition to take 
 the field again that year, and relinquished the idea of 
 doing so ; for in the letter of the I4th, already cited, he 
 proceeds to say: " Even if God permit our junction with 
 Korsakoff, offensive operations are not to be thought of. 
 The enemy is three times our strength, and can eat us 
 up unless the Archduke supports us with all his forces, 
 of which there is not the slightest hope ;" and concludes 
 by asserting the necessity of going into winter quarters 
 till the ensuing spring. He was clearly determined to 
 throw the blame on the Archduke in any case : if he 
 acquiesced in his plans, for delay in doing so ; in the 
 event of their rejection, for general obstructive tenden- 
 cies. So, on the next day, i.e. the I5th, he led his troops 
 from Feldkirch to Lindau, on Lake Constance, where, 
 as might have been anticipated, the reply of the Arch- 
 duke met him. Accepting to all appearances that 
 prince's alternative proposal, he began to retrace his 
 steps to the Vorarlberg, whilst Korsakoff and Conde, 
 relieved by an equal number of Austrians, set out to
 
 214 SUVOROFF. 
 
 join him. But, on the following day, once more 
 changing his resolve, he informed the Archduke that 
 the Russian troops stood in absolute need of repose, and 
 that consequently he renounced further participation in 
 that year's campaign. On the i8th he convened a 
 council of war, which decided to abstain from co-opera- 
 tion with the Archduke, on the ground of want of con- 
 fidence. The aged warrior was thoroughly soured by 
 the failure of an enterprise which should have been the 
 crown of his whole life. 
 
 If posterity looks upon the Swiss campaign as his 
 noblest feat of arms, he was clearly not of that opinion 
 himself. No display of skill, resolution, and valour on 
 the part of a military commander can make defeat 
 palatable in his estimation. Suvoroff viewed the pro- 
 ceedings of Austria, which were in reality questionable, 
 through the distorted medium of wounded vanity, and 
 declined an interview with her illustrious prince and 
 general in these plain and unvarnished terms : " That 
 young general, the Archduke Charles," he exclaimed, 
 " wants to fascinate me with his demosthenism." His 
 state of mind can only be described as " cantankerous." 
 He rejected every proposal, detected insult in every 
 phrase. Recrimination became the order of the day. 
 The Archduke was informed that his premature depar- 
 ture from Switzerland was the prime cause of all recent 
 disasters, and so forth. There was no end of debating 
 over spilt milk. Suvoroff would adjure further dealings 
 with a faithless ally, and retire to winter quarters in 
 Bavaria. The Archduke then had recourse to a " solemn 
 protest." He wrote, " If you persist in your intention, 
 I solemnly protest, in the name of his Imperial Majesty,
 
 CONCLUSION. 215 
 
 and in those of the Allied Powers, and I lay on your 
 shoulders the responsibility for all the disasters which 
 may result from such a step on your part." But Su- 
 voroff cared as little for protests as for responsibility. 
 Turning a deaf ear alike to threats, entreaties, and ex- 
 postulations, he declared that on the 3Oth he would 
 retire into winter quarters, a threat which was punctu- 
 ally fulfilled. On the 6th November the Russian army 
 was cantoned in the district between the Iller and the 
 Leek, their commander fixing his head-quarters at 
 Augsburg. His final letter to the Archduke is most 
 characteristic : " During the whole of my life," he wrote, 
 " I have never known the meaning of the words retreat 
 and defence. At the commencement of the present 
 campaign, the defence of the Tyrol cost above 10,000 
 men more than the conquest of all Italy. I am now 
 leading my troops to a place of repose, to prepare them 
 for the service of the allied emperors, and to co-operate 
 with your Highness in the subjugation of Switzerland; 
 afterwards, with the aid of Providence, to relieve the 
 kingdom of France from the cruel yoke which oppresses 
 her." 
 
 It is plain from the above that he anticipated a 
 renewal of hostilities in the following spring ; but the 
 Tzar had already withdrawn from the coalition. On 
 the i/th October Paul demanded a precise statement of 
 the claims of Austria and Italy, and at the same time 
 instructed Suvoroff to abandon his Allies in case of an 
 evasive or unsatisfactory answer. On being informed 
 of the disaster of Zurich he formally renounced the 
 Austrian alliance, and addressed the following undiplo- 
 matic letter to his brother sovereign : " Your Majesty
 
 216 SUVOROFF. 
 
 has now learnt the consequences of the premature 
 evacuation of Switzerland by the Archduke Charles, 
 who, according to agreement, should have remained 
 there until the junction of F.M. the Italic Prince with 
 Lieutenant-General Korsakoff. Being made aware 
 that my troops are being sacrificed by those Allies in 
 whom I most confided, that the policy of the latter is 
 diametrically opposed to my own, and that the security 
 of Europe is being made subordinate to the aggrandize- 
 ment of your monarchy ; having in addition many 
 causes for dissatisfaction with the hypocritical and 
 crafty behaviour of your ministry whose motives I 
 refrain from discussing out of respect to the high dignity 
 of your Imperial Majesty, I now declare, with the 
 same frankness I used when hastening to your assist- 
 ance, that henceforth I cease to trouble myself about 
 your affairs, and shall look in future to my own interests 
 and those of my other Allies. I renounce acting in 
 concert with your Majesty to avoid acting to the public 
 detriment." Suvoroff was furnished with a copy of the 
 above document, the candour of which would, if in 
 general use, render ambassadors superfluous, together 
 with the following rescript : " Prince Alexander, son of 
 Basil, you were meant to rescue sovereigns ; now save 
 the Russian troops and the honour of your Emperor." 
 During his stay at Augsburg the city was alive with 
 festivities, at which, contrary to habit, Suvoroff was 
 constantly to be seen, apparently in the best health and 
 spirits. He was the popular hero of the day, and the 
 fair sex laid at his feet the tribute of their admiration : 
 " Les dames/' we read, " se trouvaient heureuses de lui 
 baiser les mains qu'il leur offrait sans se faire beaucoup
 
 CONCLUSION. 217 
 
 prier." Nor were tokens of imperial favour wanting : 
 the Emperor Francis sent him the order of Maria 
 Theresa. On the 2$th November, however, the Rus- 
 sians commenced their homeward march through 
 Bohemia and Moravia, and on the 3rd December their 
 last echelons quitted Bavarian territory. Efforts , were 
 made to postpone their departure pending further re- 
 ference to the Tzar but in vain. Paul had enjoined 
 Suvoroff to reply to every such application, " that while 
 Thugut remained in power nothing could be believed, 
 and consequently nothing done." 
 
 Suvoroff had already been appointed to a command 
 which embraced the whole of Western Russia, not in- 
 cluding Poland. The head-quarters of this vast military 
 district were at Kobrin, the scene of his victory over 
 Sirakowski in 1794. He did not proceed at once to his 
 new destination, but passed the winter at Prague amid 
 festivities which rivalled in brilliance those which had 
 illustrated his sojourn at Augsburg. An idea prevails 
 that the vexations and disappointment consequent on 
 the Swiss campaign proved fatal to him. This, however, 
 is by no means the truth. Both at Augsburg and 
 Prague he was in the gayest of moods, a fact which was 
 remarked by the numerous visitors who flocked to pay 
 homage to his genius. He had not yet relinquished 
 hope. About this time he addressed several letters to 
 Nelson who was at Naples with the British fleet. These 
 two celebrities national and popular heroes in the 
 truest sense evidently felt some point of contact in 
 their natures (perhaps hatred of the French) ; and 
 Nelson, having been told that there was likewise a 
 resemblance in their features, sent his own portrait with
 
 2i 5 SUVOROFF. 
 
 a letter to the Russian, who rejoined : " I really see a 
 likeness between us when I examine your portrait. 
 This is flattering to me. But I rejoice yet more that 
 our minds and motives of action are alike." Their 
 intercourse, though intimate, was short-lived. Each 
 appeared enamoured of the other's renown. There was 
 in truth a resemblance both moral and physical between 
 the two heroes. Each mighty soul was imprisoned in a 
 fragile body ; each carried daring and enterprise to the 
 utmost extreme which was consistent with prudence. 
 
 Quitting Prague with the army on the 26th January, 
 1800, Suvoroff accompanied its march as far as Cracow, 
 where, handing over the command to Rosenberg, he 
 proceeded in advance towards St. Petersburg, bidding a 
 long farewell to those whom he had so often led to 
 victory. He was suffering from an eruptive disorder 
 which gradually increased in virulence, till at Kobrin he 
 found himself unable to proceed. Near this spot he 
 possessed a large estate which had been conferred on 
 him by the Empress Catherine for his services in Poland. 
 Paul had prepared a triumphal entry on a magnificent 
 scale to welcome his victorious general to the capital, and 
 Bagration, who accompanied Suvoroff on his journey 
 from Cracow, now went on in advance to St. Petersburg 
 to acquaint the Tzar with the illness of his chief. Paul 
 sent his own physician to tend him with the sympathetic 
 message : " Prince Alexander, son of Basil, with the 
 greatest regret I learn from your report of the 2nd 
 March that your health remains bad. But I hope that 
 your sobriety and endurance, together with my doctor, 
 will soon restore it to its former condition, and afford 
 me as soon as possible the pleasure of seeing you. 
 Farewell till we meet. Trust, as I do, in God." At the
 
 CONCLUSION. 219 
 
 same time, Arcadius arrived and took his place by his 
 father's bedside. The kindness of the Tzar appeared to 
 revive the patient ; he rose from bed ; attended divine 
 service ; and, according to custom, sang with the choir 
 and read the lessons to the congregation. It was Lent, 
 and in spite of weakness he persisted in observing the 
 fast. His aversion for medicine was as strong as ever. 
 " All I require," he insisted, "is a cottage in the country; 
 prayer, the bath, gruel, and kwass." He refused to 
 wear a sufficiency of warm clothing. " I am a soldier," 
 he replied to all remonstrances. "No! you are com- 
 mander-in-chief," urged the physician. " True/' was the 
 rejoinder, " but the soldiers follow my example." At 
 times hope resumed its ascendency ; he would discuss 
 the political questions of the day and the part he might 
 have to play in them ; but soon relapsing into despon- 
 dency he would sigh out : " No ! I am too old. I will 
 go to St. Petersburg. I will behold the Tzar, and then 
 die in the country." 
 
 When he was sufficiently strong to travel in a litter, 
 the triumphal reception was once more organized at the 
 capital in his honour. But a tremendous bolt was im- 
 pending over him. It has been shown in the course of 
 this narrative that its hero did not escape the common 
 lot of mankind: he had numerous and inveterate enemies. 
 As a matter of fact, he perhaps had more than the usual 
 share of them a circumstance which was partly due to 
 his astonishingly successful career, and partly to the un- 
 bridled use of a remarkably caustic tongue. The un- 
 stable mind of Paul, governed by first impulse, and 
 rapidly swinging from one extreme to another, was 
 peculiarly susceptive of the subtle poison of calumny ; 
 so that when the Court foes of the successful commander
 
 220 SUVOROFF. 
 
 whispered that he had, when in Italy, disobeyed the army 
 regulations by appointing a "general of the day" a 
 prerogative reserved for the Tzar alone the imperial 
 displeasure knew no bounds. Paul, regarding the cir- 
 cumstances as an intolerable breach of military etiquette, 
 addressed to him the following abrupt demand for ex- 
 planation : "Sir Generalissimo, the Italic Prince, Count 
 Suvoroff of the Rimnik, it has come to my knowledge 
 that, during the term of your command abroad, you were 
 in the habit of appointing a general of the day, which is 
 contrary to my regulations. Being much astonished, I 
 command you to inform me of your reasons for so 
 acting." The missive reached Suvoroff on the road near 
 Wilna, and proved his death-warrant ; for his malady 
 immediately attacked him with redoubled violence. 
 Stopping at a peasant's cottage, he was laid on a bench, 
 where he remained several hours in the greatest agony 
 of spirit, and groaning forth at intervals : " My God ! 
 why do I suffer thus? Why did I not die in Italy!" 
 When he resumed his journey, the country people 
 flocked round him uttering cries of rapturous welcome. 
 At Riga he was sufficiently recovered to attend divine 
 service on Easter Sunday, arrayed for the last time in 
 the uniform of field-marshal and covered with orders and 
 decorations which were at once the reward and chronicle 
 of a life spent in the service of his country. But on 
 reaching St. Petersburg, on the 1st May, 1800, he was 
 greeted by no triumphal reception, all popular manifes- 
 tations having been prohibited by the capricious despot 
 who was his master. Alighting at the residence of his 
 nephew, Count Khvostoff, in a very feeble state, he was 
 visited by Bagration, who had been despatched by 
 the Tzar to ascertain his condition. Presently Ros-
 
 CONCLUSION. 221 
 
 topchin brought him the order of St. Lazarus, which had 
 been sent from Mittau by the exiled Lewis XVIII. 
 " From Mittau," murmured the old warrior, now in 
 an almost unconscious state, " from Mittau ! The King 
 of France should be at Paris, not Mittau !" He had 
 already forgotten his Italian victories, but muttered at 
 intervals of Otchakoff, Ismail, Praga, &c. At length, 
 recovering his strength somewhat, he partook of the 
 sacrament, bade farewell to all around, and relapsed into 
 a swoon, during which he was heard to ejaculate various 
 words of command. Life was found to be extinct at 
 noon on the following day, the i8th May. 
 
 On the 2 1st his funeral cortege filed along the broad 
 Nevski Prospekt toward the monastery of St. Alexander 
 Nevski, where his bones still rest. The most illustrious 
 of the land followed as mourners, while Paul himself 
 was a spectator of the solemn scene from a building 
 hard by. It is said that as the procession moved past 
 him, the Tzar, raising his hat, exclaimed : " Farewell, 
 farewell! peace be with the ashes of the great!" In 
 compliance with his wish, expressed after perusing the 
 grandiloquent Latin epitaph on Laudon's tomb, this 
 simple sentence was inscribed above his remains : 
 
 Here lies Suvoroff. 
 
 But the following, which is still extant, was afterwards 
 substituted : 
 
 Generalissimo, 
 The Italic Prince, 
 
 Count Alexander Vasilievitch Sui>6roff of the Rimnik. 
 Born i3th November, 1729.* 
 
 Died 6th May, 1800.* 
 Name-Day, 23rd November,* 
 
 * Old Style.
 
 222 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Having thus traced the career of Suvoroff from first 
 to last, how must the features of so strange and complex 
 a character be summarized ? What is to be the verdict 
 passed upon his memory now that the softening influence 
 of time has interposed to correct prejudices which have 
 been the result of ignorance, calumny, and national 
 antipathies ? Assuredly posterity will not rest satisfied 
 with the epithet of " barbarian," which has been so 
 freely bestowed on him. But, ere attempting this diffi- 
 cult task, let the easier one of portraying his personal 
 characteristics and habits of life be entered upon, so that, 
 ascending from the physical to the mental and moral 
 attributes of the individual, a view may be obtained of 
 the personality of Suvoroff which shall leave some im- 
 pression upon the mind. His height, then, was 5 feet 
 4 inches, and, as may be gathered from the perusal of 
 the foregoing pages, his health and muscular development 
 was but feeble and delicate, though a life of sobriety and 
 exposure to hardship had fortified his frame. His fea- 
 tures were plain, but expressive of intelligence and a 
 certain good-natured cynicism. His eyes were blue, and 
 alive with the fire of genius. His brow, as time wore on, 
 became thickly furrowed with wrinkles, and these worked 
 in a most peculiar way, corresponding to the emotions 
 which he felt a word or gesture which displeased him 
 creating a commotion among them which only subsided 
 with the sensation which had provoked it. His usual 
 costume was a white uniform with green facings ; like 
 Charles XII., he lived in top-boots, while a small forage- 
 cap with green trimmings completed his attire. Of his 
 innumerable orders and decorations he generally wore 
 but one the 3rd Class of St. George of Russia. Rising
 
 CONCLUSION. 223 
 
 at two in the morning from his couch of hay or straw, he 
 would cause buckets of ice-cold water to be dashed over 
 his person. He then drank tea, said prayers, and repeated 
 a short lesson in Turkish as an exercise for memory. 
 His staff next approached him with the documents which 
 required attention. At 6 a.m. he dressed in uniform,and 
 attended parade or guard-mounting. At 9 a.m. dinner was 
 served, after which he appears to have eaten very little 
 during the day. It consisted of the most simple national 
 dishes. Grace having been said by an aide-de-camp, 
 glasses of brandy were sent round, according to the 
 national custom, those who had not said "amen" being 
 deprived of their kuska, or spirit ration. His servant 
 had instructions to nudge him and mildly expostulate if 
 he perceived that his master was exceeding the limits of 
 moderation in meat, drink, or even conversation. When 
 thus exhorted to abstinence, he would demand : " By 
 whose orders ? " and, on the set reply, " SuvorofFs" 
 would ejaculate with a sigh, " Well, he must be obeyed." 
 His staff interfered in the same manner when he sat too 
 long at office-work. The company remained long after 
 a meal was over, and at this convivial hour Suvoroff 
 would converse freely, and indulge in the antics for which 
 he was notorious : leaping over chairs and hopping 
 about on one leg, crowing, &c. &c. After an hour or so 
 spent in similar diversions, he would suddenly stop short, 
 repeat a prayer, rush from the apartment, and passing 
 to his chamber indulge in a siesta of several hours. His 
 evenings were devoted to reading. Like so many other 
 distinguished characters, he was fond of Ossian and 
 Homer. "Where there is an Achilles," he was fond of 
 observing, " there should be an Homer to inspire heroes 
 with a love of glory."
 
 224 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Possessing the knack of versification, he would occa- 
 sionally address poets such as Derjavin in rhyme, but, 
 when complimented on his proficiency in the art, he 
 had the sense to object : " No. I am no poet. I am a 
 rhymester. A poet must have inspiration." His un- 
 common linguistic attainments stand unrivalled among 
 military commanders, with perhaps the solitary excep- 
 tion of Gustavus Adolphus. Suvoroff spoke Polish, 
 German, Italian, Greek, Turkish, and Tartar ; French 
 with great fluency and correctness, although, as con- 
 noisseurs affirmed, the finesse of the language seemed to 
 escape him. The activity of his mind was by no means 
 subdued by old age ; for in 1798 we find him solacing 
 his exile at Kantchansk, besides studying the campaigns 
 of the youthful Bonaparte, by taking lessons in the 
 Finnish tongue, which is in use among the peasantry of 
 that region. 
 
 Like many other men of genius, he was not formed 
 for domestic bliss : his married life was unhappy, though 
 the reasons have never been divulged. He was the affec- 
 tionate father of two children : Natalia, who married 
 Count Nicholas Zuboff, and Arcadius, who, succeeding to 
 the paternal honours, was by a strange caprice of fortune 
 drowned in the flooded waters of the Rimnik. Where 
 the father found name and fame the son met his death! 
 Suvoroff was kind to both man and beast. After his 
 decease it was discovered that he was the unknown 
 who remitted a sum to Moscow every Easter Sunday 
 for the redemption of imprisoned debtors. At a country 
 seat belonging to him he was in the habit of fitting up 
 a hall as a refuge for birds during winter : the floor was 
 spread with sand, young trees planted therein, and
 
 CONCLUSION. 225 
 
 troughs of grain provided for sustenance. At Easter 
 the captives were released. Thrifty and methodical by 
 temperament, he administered his estates as an en- 
 lightened statesman manages the resources of an empire 
 as he himself would have ruled one had destiny 
 placed him on a throne. 
 
 This phase of his existence has recently been brought 
 to light through the publication of his correspondence 
 with the stewards of his estates.* It has been said that, 
 like Charles XII., he ignored domestic affairs and had 
 even forgotten the value of money. Nothing could be 
 farther from the truth. His instructions enter into the 
 minutiae of farm economy. " Bear in mind/' he writes 
 in 1784, " about the timber at Rojdestveno. Is it cut 
 down and drying? Sell half in Moscow, and let half 
 dry for next year." Again : " I presume that geese are 
 kept at Rojdestveno ; one or two pair, according to their 
 rate of increase ; one or two pairs of ducks with a drake ; 
 two or three turkeys with a male ; ten pair of chickens ; 
 and two or three pigs with a boar. In winter keep a 
 third of their increase in case of my unexpected arrival ; 
 but sell the remainder." Matveitch, his agent, is 
 upbraided with the bad quality of the snuff and tea 
 purchased by him at Moscow. He is told " to look 
 inside the box ; not on the label, to see whether there is 
 a gilt ass's head upon it" Mothers are called to account 
 for excessive infantine mortality. "The Undol peasantry 
 do not love their offspring ; there has lately been a terrible 
 mortality among children. This is due to negligence 
 
 * Rybkin. Generalissimo Suvoroff ': his Life on his Estates and 
 Domestic Affairs. Moscow, 1874. 
 
 Q
 
 226 SUVOROFF. 
 
 not the visitation of God He has not inflicted the 
 evil. Children with small-pox have not been protected 
 from the cold ; doors and windows have been left open ; 
 the little ones have not had sufficient nourishment. 
 Should negligent fathers be severely flogged in public, 
 they may settle the matter in private with their wives." 
 A peculiar arrangement in respect of recruiting existed 
 on Suvoroffs estates. That military service might not 
 inspire disgust, he did not permit recruits to be taken 
 by lot from among the peasantry, but directed substi- 
 stutes to be purchased at the expense of the commune. 
 We find him threatening a village elder with a flogging 
 because a peasant cut off his finger to escape enrolment. 
 But the Russian peasantry, who, like most agricultu- 
 ralists, are conservative in sentiment, failed to appre- 
 ciate this beneficent innovation, owing to the expense 
 entailed thereby; nor was their discontent allayed by 
 their master promising to pay half out of his own pocket. 
 They desired, as an alternative, to surrender to the 
 recruiting sergeant a young bobyl, or vagrant, i.e. with- 
 out settlement in the commune probably an orphan 
 but Suvoroff, indignant at the unworthy proposition, 
 commanded the village elder, under pain of a whipping, 
 to receive the youth into the commune, build him a 
 cot, and provide him with a wife and the simplest house- 
 hold requisites. 
 
 In 1870 there still lived in extreme old age a peasant 
 of Undol, who remembered Suvoroff in the year 1785. 
 He called to mind gambolling with his playmates under 
 the barin's (squire) balcony ; related how he was wont 
 to put down drunkenness on his estate by causing the 
 offender to be soused by ice-cold water ; how he was
 
 CONCLUSION. 227 
 
 astir before dawn, awakening the very labourers from 
 their slumbers. When the swollen rivulet barred the 
 way to church, he navigated it by means of a tub and 
 a rope stretched tightly from bank to bank, compelling 
 his visitors also to make use of this novel method of 
 water transport. Hatred of publicity was a notable 
 feature in his character. On his travels, when expected 
 at the mansions of the great, he would descend from his 
 vehicle at a distance, and, making a circuit, enter through 
 a backdoor and surprise the family, who were assembled 
 in front to receive him, with a polite invitation from a 
 window behind them to re-enter their habitation. 
 
 Such was Suvoroffs private life as it stands revealed 
 to modern inquiry. His character has been much tra- 
 duced by the French, whose language, being generally 
 understood, enjoys a wide publicity, while Russian 
 sources of information, from which the truth can be 
 gathered, are accessible to but few. The British nation 
 would be loath indeed to accept as final a French ver- 
 sion of Wellington's career ; nor has their delineation 
 of the great Russian commander been executed with 
 greater fidelity. Here, in Great Britain, Byron per- 
 haps has given the cue to popular opinion on the subject 
 by means of a famous passage in Don Juan, where the 
 poet avers that Ismail was beleaguered 
 
 By Souvarof, or Anglice Suwarrow, 
 
 Who loved blood as an alderman does marrow. 
 
 The rhyme was certainly tempting, but the truth of 
 the accusation is more than doubtful with regard to 
 Suvoroff. The storm of Ismail was so costly in human 
 life because Orientals, when defending their cities, 
 neither ask nor give quarter, but fight from house to 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 SUVOROFF. 
 
 house, resisting to the bitter end. Again, taking into 
 consideration the backward state'of the engineering and 
 healing arts at that period of time, a short and deadly 
 struggle was often less destructive than a formal siege : 
 for example, the assault of Ismail than the siege 
 of Otchakoff by Potemkin. Yet the capture of a city 
 by storm strikes the imagination the most for the 
 deaths are there compressed into one sanguinary tableau 
 of horrors ; while those resulting from the disease, want 
 and exposure of a protracted siege, being spread over 
 many months, escape popular attention. Let Suvoroff 
 speak in his own defence. Addressing the painter,. 
 Muller, whom the Saxon elector had commissioned to 
 execute the hero's portrait, he said, and the words must 
 be quoted in their original vigorous German : " Ihr 
 Pinsel wird die Ziige meines Gesichts darstellen. Diese 
 sind sichtbar, allein meine innere Menschheit ist verbor- 
 gen. Ich muss Ihren sagen dass ich .Blut in Stromen 
 vergossen habe. Ich erbebe allein ich liebe meinen 
 Nachsten. In meinem Leben habe ich keinen Ungluck- 
 lichen gemacht; kein Insekt ist von meiner Hand 
 gefallen. Ich war klein ; ich war gross (here he leaped 
 upon his chair). Bei der Fluth und der Ebbe des Gliicks > 
 auf Gott bauend, war ich unerschiitterlich, wie auch 
 jetzt."* The great poet just quoted has thus qualified 
 the hero whom we seek to portray : 
 
 Hero, buffoon, half-demon and half-dirt. 
 
 * "Your pencil will delineate the features of my face. These 
 a re visible ; but my inner man is hidden. I must tell you that I 
 have shed rivers of blood. I tremble, but I love my neighbour. 
 j n my whole life I have made no one unhappy; not an insect hath 
 pe rished by my hand. I was little ; I was big. In fortune's 
 e^b and flow, relying on God, I stood immovable even as now."
 
 CONCLUSION. 229 
 
 Four epithets, the first pair of which impartial history 
 must accept, while steadily rejecting the latter two. 
 There was nothing of the demon in the character of the 
 hero: the episode of the sheltered birds and the pro- 
 tected vagrant suffice to prove it ; while as regards the 
 minor charge, though dirt is oftentimes inseparable from 
 campaigning, we may safely affirm that where the pure 
 element was obtainable Suvoroff washed. In fact he was 
 a devotee of the tub ! 
 
 Grave prose has likewise traduced him. In one of 
 the few biographical dictionaries of ours which deign 
 to notice his name, we read that he first distinguished 
 himself in the Turkish wars by killing several Janissaries 
 with his own hand, when, having collected their heads 
 in a sack, he emptied it at the feet of Rumantzoff, the 
 Russian Commander-in-Chief. Now, it is not recorded 
 that Suvoroff ever in his life slew a man with -his own 
 hand. He possessed neither physical strength nor 
 dexterity in the use of weapons, and though his courage 
 on more than one occasion involved him in a personal 
 encounter, yet it was always the opportune arrival of 
 some stalwart grenadier or cuirassier that saved him. 
 Let the very worst of the accusations which his enemies 
 have piled on him be examined one which has been 
 repeated by Alison, namely, that he caused the inhabi- 
 tants of Warsaw to be massacred. The Enclycopcedia 
 Britannica, following the French, thus describes the 
 occurrence : " The small number that escaped (i.e. from 
 the battle of Maciejowice) fled to Warsaw and shut 
 themselves up in the suburb of Praga, whither they were 
 pursued by Suvoroff, who immediately laid siege and 
 prepared to carry it by storm. On the 2nd November
 
 2 3 o SUVOROFF. 
 
 he began the assault, and, having made himself master 
 of the place, put to the sword both the soldiers and the 
 peaceful inhabitants without distinction of age or sex. 
 It is computed that 20,000 persons fell victims to the 
 savage ferocity of the Russian general, and, covered 
 with the blood of the slaughtered inhabitants, the 
 barbarian entered Warsaw in triumph."* The real facts, 
 vouched for by credible eye-witnesses of the assault on 
 Praga, have been adduced in the foregoing pages, and 
 one circumstance alone will suffice to determine the 
 impartial mind in forming a judgment in this contro- 
 versy : a bridge across the Vistula connected Warsaw 
 with its suburb, and it is therefore quite incredible that 
 non-combatants, women and children, actually stayed in 
 Praga, exposed to the dangers attendant on an assault, 
 when a safe asylum lay within reach on the opposite side 
 of the river. The municipality presented Suvoroff with 
 a gold snuff-box in token of their gratitude for his hu- 
 manity in destroying this bridge with his cannon, and by 
 this means saving Warsaw from pillage. Duboscage, who 
 was present on the occasion, writes : " I have seen the 
 snuff- box ; the Marshall showed it to me ; it is in bad 
 enough taste and possesses no other merit than the 
 noble action which it commemorates." In fact, the 
 citizens of Warsaw had become disgusted with mob 
 
 * Art. '' Russia" xix. 488. Edition 1859. The passage is copied 
 from Castera ( Vie de Catherine), to whom we are likewise indebted 
 for the pleasant fiction concerning the sack of heads. Since 
 writing the above the last edition has appeared. In the article 
 " Suvoroff," which has been inserted, the accusation has been 
 toned down to the massacre of 15,000 Poles ; that is to say, the 
 Russians gave no quarter. But the article "Russia" still affirms 
 that "in 1794 Suwaroff stormed Warsaw, and the inhabitants 
 were massacred." So much for compendious history !
 
 CONCLUSION. 231 
 
 rule, as is usually the case in the long run. This 
 is Jomini's verdict on the point in question : " This 
 memorable event, which impartial history will represent 
 as a proof of the energy and military coup cFceil of 
 Suvoroff, was sullied by many a barbarous deed ; but so 
 far from that great captain being to blame, it is well 
 known that they were perpetrated by a soldiery mad- 
 dened at the recital of the revolt on the i/th of April 
 and the massacre of their comrades which followed." 
 
 We now approach the final question : What is 
 SuvorofFs position in history as a military commander ? 
 In the first place it is indisputable that he possessed in a 
 high degree the chief attribute which goes to make a 
 leader of men : to wit, the faculty of inspiring those 
 beneath him with boundless affection and confidence. 
 It may well be doubted whether Napoleon himself was 
 equally gifted in this respect : it lay not in his power to 
 convert gloomy discontent into uproarious good-humour 
 by an antic gesture or a rude witticism, as could Suvo- 
 roff. Second in importance among the qualities which 
 constitute a great commander comes that for which an 
 English equivalent scarcely exists coup cPceil> which 
 may be freely rendered as a " correct eye." He seemed 
 instantaneously and instinctively to apprehend the weak 
 point in an enemy's position, and, without a moment's 
 hesitation, he launched his troops against it. This 
 faculty, which was also well marked in the genius of 
 Napoleon, seems, when a commander is notorious for 
 displaying it, to have the effect of fascinating and para- 
 lyzing the adversary. To these brilliant natural endow- 
 ments seem to have been added the requisite modicum 
 of prudence and sagacity. " Bravery," writes General
 
 232 SUVOROFF. 
 
 Willisen, " is ever the best of qualities in the soldier 
 not always so in the commander. Machiavelli long ago 
 preferred a fox to a lion for a leader "* a figure of 
 speech purposely exaggerated in order to convey with the 
 requisite emphasis the oft-neglected truth that a just com- 
 bination of prudence and daring characterizes the mind 
 of the commander, and that it is this alone which enables 
 him to effect great things in war. To convince ourselves 
 that this just balance existed in the case of Suvoroff we 
 have but to call to mind the long halt made by him at 
 Brest after defeating Sirakowski in 1794, and his rapid 
 dash on Warsaw when the victory of Maciejowice had 
 inclined the scales in his favour. A less competent 
 leader would have attempted more or less ; the " dash- 
 ing" officer would have pursued incautiously a first 
 success ; a sluggard would have let slip the moment 
 propitious for action. The nice precautions adopted by 
 him for securing his retreat across the Po before march- 
 ing against Macdonald likewise deserve attention as a 
 proof of his strategic ability, though the fatal plunge into 
 Switzerland with but seven days' supplies, by an un- 
 known route, must be pronounced rash and unjustifiable. 
 But the greatest of strategists was detained, on at least 
 one occasion, by the glittering bait of victory in an 
 untenable position that around Dresden, in 1813. 
 
 Let us, however, judge the Russian chief by the 
 standard of his own pretensions, which no false shame 
 impelled him to moderate. Writing to the Archduke 
 Charles, he thus expressed them : " The Archduke 
 
 * Feldzuge der J'dhre 1859 und 1866.
 
 CONCLUSION. 233 
 
 Charles, since he is no longer at Court, but in the field, 
 is merely a general like Suv6roff, except that the latter 
 is the elder in experience ; and that it is he who has 
 overthrown the theory of the age, principally by his recent 
 campaigns in Poland and Italy. Thus the rules of the 
 art belong to him." This claim, though it may appear 
 somewhat arrogant at first sight, is really to a large 
 extent founded on a basis of truth. The " theory of 
 the age " to which he alludes, signifies the " cordon 
 system," which was essentially defensive, and which by 
 disseminating troops over a vast extent of frontier might 
 cover every point, but really protected none. The 
 modern system of strategy, on the other hand, which is 
 usually dated from Bonaparte's Italian campaign of 
 1796, is principally based on offensive action, even for 
 purposes of defence. This is the massing of superior 
 forces on weak points of the hostile front, the breaking it 
 asunder, and the piecemeal destruction of its parts ; or 
 the attack on one of its flanks with severance of the line 
 of communications. Now, it would really seem that 
 symptoms of this revolution in the art of war first 
 became noticeable in the course of Suv6roff s campaigns 
 At Hirsova, the solitary instance in which he accepted 
 battle in a defensive position, he delivered the counter- 
 stroke at the proper instant, and in strict conformity 
 with the canons of modern science, thereby winning the 
 day. He was the first who threw lightning rapidity into 
 his marches. Moving on Stolovitshi in 1771 he covered 
 1 20 miles in four days, falling like a thunderbolt out of 
 a blue sky upon the enemy. In the department of 
 tactics, again, it seems probable that he was the first to 
 employ columns of attack covered by skirmishers and
 
 234 SUVOROFF. 
 
 supported by a reserve : to wit at the second attack on 
 Turtukai. The formations he employed were always 
 modified according to the enemy with whom he was 
 engaged. Turks, Poles, and the French were each 
 encountered in a different way : the Osmanli by heavy 
 columns or squares, since nothing was dreaded but the 
 furious onslaughts of their cavalry; while his campaigns 
 against the French were never signalized by those head- 
 long charges of horse to which most of his successes in 
 Poland were due. On the contrary, the action of the 
 three arms was duly combined and calculated for 
 mutual support. 
 
 Comparing the progress of the Russian arms through 
 North Italy in the year 1799 with Bonaparte's in 1796, 
 we note that Suvoroff overran that region in a shorter 
 space of time than his great predecessor. Doubtless he 
 enjoyed the advantage of numerical superiority over his 
 opponents, but this was wholly neutralized by the 
 conduct of the Viennese cabinet, who insisted on the 
 simultaneous investment of the numerous fortresses of 
 Venetia, Lombardy, and Piedmont. He had also, it 
 will be remembered, studied the military occurrences of 
 1796, and doubtless gathered many a useful idea there- 
 from. On the whole his inferiority to the French 
 commander as a master of strategy is felt to be real : 
 Napoleon would never have permitted Moreau to escape 
 his clutches and cross the Apennines with his shattered 
 forces to the Genoese Riviera ; nor would he have 
 sanctioned so manifest a blunder as the irruption into 
 Switzerland. As in scientific discoveries there have 
 been those who suspected the truth long before it was 
 demonstrated, so in the military art the great Muscovite
 
 CONCLUSION. 235 
 
 may perhaps be looked upon as a herald and precursor of 
 Napoleon. 
 
 Thus lived and died Suvoroff. Born in a compara- 
 tively humble sphere of life, he early became conscious 
 of innate talents which were cultivated by him with an 
 assiduity rare in boyhood. With the stock of knowledge 
 thus amassed, he started on his career, but soon recog- 
 nized that ability and industry are, as the world is 
 constituted, insufficient to secure greatness. With no 
 adventitious endowments to support his early efforts, he 
 deliberately assumed the peculiar role which the world 
 has seen him perform with equal skill, perseverance, and 
 success. What marvellous insight into human nature 
 and weaknesses does all this presuppose ! The youth 
 while his comrades, better equipped with the gaudier 
 ornaments of nature and fortune, were starting on their 
 career, assured of success and with inflated notions of 
 their own deserts quickly became aware of the neces- 
 sities of his case, and resolved to force his way into 
 notoriety by exposing himself to ridicule. Again, his 
 career instructs us once more what great things may be 
 accomplished by singleness of purpose. A thirst for 
 military renown was the one absorbing passion of Suvo- 
 roffs nature, in which every other natural affection was 
 swamped and overpowered. He reached the pinnacle 
 of his aspirations, but there experienced the mutability 
 of earthly greatness, while his last hours were embit- 
 tered by the ingratitude of the sovereign for whose glory 
 he had laboured. When his remains approached the 
 monastery where they still repose, the gateway seemed 
 too low to admit the lofty hearse which transported 
 them. The procession was brought to a standstill ; but
 
 236 SUVOROFF. 
 
 a loud voice ascended from the ranks of the soldiery and 
 cried : " He'll go through. He went through everywhere'' 
 These words might have been SuvorofF s epitaph. 
 
 An Englishman once asked Suvoroff: "If you deceive 
 your contemporaries thus, are you not afraid of deceiving 
 posterity also ? You may remain an enigma for ever ! " 
 He rejoined : " Do not puzzle your brains over it. I 
 will explain myself. Monarchs praised me ; soldiers 
 loved me ; friends admired and foes slandered me. It 
 was natural then for courtiers to mock me. For my 
 country's good I spoke the truth and crowed like a 
 cock to awaken the drowsy."
 
 INDEX, 
 
 A. 
 AAR, failure of the Archduke Charles 
 
 to cross the, 182. 
 Acqui, 168. 
 
 Adda, the, 126, 130, 132. 
 Adjud, 82. 
 
 Aidos Mehemet Pasha, 95102. 
 Airolo, 182; attack on, 193. 
 Akkerman, fortress of, 85, 93. 
 Albutieffs battalion, 29. 
 Alcaini, General, 169, 172. 
 Alessandria, fortress of, 138, 141, 
 
 146 ; siege of, 163, 166. 
 Alliance broken between Russia 
 
 and Austria, 187. 
 Allies, the, 120, 124, 130, 136, 138, 
 
 140 ; dissension among the, 144, 
 
 149, 166, 168; at Novi, 172, 178, 
 
 1 80, 189. 
 
 Altdorf, 1 88, 197. 
 Andermatt, 194. 
 Apennines, the, 161, 163, 166, 168, 
 
 171, 181. 
 
 Arcadius, 58, 219, 224. 
 Arjish, a stream, 41. 
 Army, destruction of the Polish, 
 
 i'3- 
 
 of Naples, 129, 137 ; reaches 
 
 Rome, 145. 
 
 of Italy, 161. 
 
 Arnswald, 8. 
 
 Arquata, 180. 
 
 Arzamass, 56. 
 
 Asti, 181. 
 
 Astrakhan Grenadiers, 10. 
 
 town of, 62, 63. 
 
 Astrabad, town of, 63. 
 
 Auffenberg, General, 126, 192, 196, 
 198, 203, 205. 
 
 Aulic Council of War, 125, 130, 
 136, 160, 163, 165, 166, 180. 
 
 Austria, conduct of the Court to 
 Suvoroff, 164. 
 
 claims for compensation, 
 
 1 86. 
 
 alliance with Russia re- 
 nounced, 215. 
 
 Azoff, 54. 
 
 B. 
 
 BABADAGH, 49. 
 Baghi Serai, 69. 
 Bagration, General, 128, 132, 137, 
 
 143, 151, 153; at Novi, 160,173, 
 178, 191, 198, 202, 207, 218. 
 
 Bar, the confederates of, 15. 
 
 Barbara, wife of Suvoroff, 58. 
 
 Bassignano, 139. 
 
 Bautzen, 178. 
 
 Bazardjik, 49. 
 
 Bergamo, 132. 
 
 Belgrade, 93. 
 
 Bellegarde, General, 127, 131, 140, 
 
 144, 146, 159, 1 68, 172. 
 Bellinzona, the allies defeated at, 
 
 140, 182. 
 
 Bender, fortress of, 81, 85, 93. 
 Berg, General, 8. 
 Berlat, 81. 
 Bernadotte, 126. 
 Bibikoff, General, 30, 56. 
 Bielolenka, 116.
 
 2 3 8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Biron, I. 
 
 Bliicher, 178. 
 
 Bobbio, 158. 
 
 Bochetta, the, 166. 
 
 Bonaparte, 43, 123, 160, 167, 177, 
 
 231, 234. 
 
 Borgo Franco, 140. 
 Bormida, the, 163, 165, 168. 
 Braila, 82. 
 Brailoff, 39. 
 
 Brescia, surrender of, 131. 
 Brest-Litovski, 19; battle of, in, 
 
 232. 
 
 British fleet, the, 168. 
 Broni, 168. 
 Buturlin, General, 7. 
 Byron, 210, 227, 228. 
 
 C. 
 
 CARLYLE'S Frederic the Great, 40. 
 
 Casaccia, 192. 
 
 Casimir the Great, 12. 
 
 Castelli, Count, 20. 
 
 Catherine, Empress, i, 9, 10, 14, 39, 
 57, 67, 80, 105,118. 
 
 Championnet, 166, 181. 
 
 Charles XII., 70, 222, 225. 
 
 Charles, Archduke of Austria, 
 126, 130, 144; criticisms on the 
 campaign, 160, 181, 200, 207, 212, 
 214, 216, 233. 
 
 Chasteler, Marquis, 128. 
 
 Chequer-wise, squares formed, 83, 
 88. 
 
 Chernavoda, 44, 49. 
 
 Chesmeh Bay, destruction of Otto- 
 man fleet at, 22. 
 
 Choiseul, Due de, 17, 22, 27. 
 
 Choisy, Brigadier, 33. 
 
 Chubaroff, General, 152, 158. 
 
 Cisalpine Republican officials, 136. 
 
 Coburg, Prince, 81, 86, 90, 92, 94. 
 
 Coire, 126, 206, 208. 
 
 Col di Tenda, the, 164, 166. 
 
 Colli, 173, 176. 
 
 Conde, 212. 
 
 Constance, 181, 212. 
 
 Constantine, Grand Duke, 139, 171, 
 
 190, 199, 202. 
 Cossacks, 17, 26, 38,40,48, 50, 55, 
 
 97, 99, 103. 
 
 Council of War, 97, 214. 
 Courbiere, De la Motte, Colonel, 8. 
 Cracow, 32. 
 Crimea, 38, 60, 63, 66, 69. 
 
 D. 
 
 D'AlGUILLON, Due, 27. 
 
 D'Alembert, 35. 
 
 D'Auvergne, the demi-brigade, 158. 
 Deli-Orman, forest of, 51. 
 Denissoft's Cossacks, 134. 
 Derfelden, General, 82, 112, 166, 
 
 174, 191, 198. 
 Dessoles, 127. 
 Devil's Bridge, the, 194. 
 Directory, the French, 126, 132, 
 
 137, 167. 
 
 Driessen on the Netze, 8. 
 Dolgoruki, 49, 60. 
 D oiler, Austrian General, 190. 
 Dombrowski, 146, 151, 153, 172, 
 
 1 80. 
 
 Domo d'Ossola, 181. 
 Duboscage, 230. 
 Dumouriez, 22, 44. 
 Durassoff, 201, 
 
 E. 
 
 ELIZABETH, the Empress, 2, 5, 9. 
 Elm, 207. 
 
 Elmpt's corps in Finland, 35. 
 Eperies, 22. 
 Essen, the Saxon envoy, 16. 
 
 F. 
 
 FELDKIRCH, 126, 208. 
 Fermor,Suv6roff on staff ofGeneral, 
 
 6. 
 
 Fersen, 109, 112, 113. 
 Fiorella, Commandant of Turin, 
 
 142. 
 Francis, Emperor of Austria, 124, 
 
 163, 1 80.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 239 
 
 Frederic the Great, 7, 9, 143. 
 
 William II., 109. 
 
 French leaders censured, 161. 
 losses round Verona, 130 ; 
 
 at Novi, 178. 
 Frohlich, 137, 152, 154. 
 Fokshani, congress at, 38 ; battle 
 
 of, 83. 
 Forster, Lieutenant-General, 129, 
 
 136, 157, 174, 191- 
 Fuchs, SuvorofFs secretary, 135. 
 Furka Pas?, 181. 
 
 G. 
 
 GALATZ, 82, 96. 
 Galibert, General, 34. 
 Galitzin, Prince, 18. 
 Gamba, Antonio, 192. 
 Gardanne, 174. 
 
 Gavi road, the, 170, 174, 176, 180. 
 Gazan, 202. 
 Genoa, 168, 177. 
 Ghirai, Sahib, 60, 66. 
 Giurgevo, siege of, 94. 
 Glarus, 201, 203; occupied by Su- 
 
 voroff, 206. 
 Gorgonzola, 134. 
 Grenier, 132, 142. 
 Grouchy, 172, 176. 
 Gudin, 181, 194. 
 Gudovitch, 96. 
 Gustavus III., of Sweden, 35, 78. 
 
 H. 
 
 HADDIK, 146, 166. 
 Hannibal, 3. 
 
 Hassan, Turkish Admiral, 77. 
 Hirsova, 41, 47, 233. 
 Hohenzollern, 130, 132, 147. 
 Hotze, 127, 183, 188, 199. 
 
 I. 
 
 lLANTZ, 182, 208. 
 
 Ismail, 39, 44, 49. 
 
 Ismail fortress, 95, 97, 227. 
 
 J- 
 
 JAGELLON, 13. 
 Jalomnitza, river, 39. 
 Jassy, 39, 81. 
 Jellachich, 201, 209. 
 Jomini, 154, 207, 231. 
 Joseph, Emperor, 69, 76, 93. 
 Joubert, General, 167. 
 Jourdan defeated at Stockart, 126. 
 
 K. 
 
 KAHUL, battle of, 22, 40. 
 
 Kaim, 166. 
 
 Kainardji, Treaty of, 59, 72. 
 
 Kamenski, 45 ; note, 50, 52. 
 
 Kaplan Ghirai, 103. 
 
 Karaczay, 84. 
 
 Karamurad, 49. 
 
 Karassu, 44 ; see Chernavoda. 
 
 Kertch, 54. 
 
 Kherson, city of, 69, 72, 81, 107. 
 
 Khvostoff, Count, 220. 
 
 Kieff, 48. 
 
 Kilia, the Pacha of, 102. 
 
 Kinburn, 54, 70, 72. 
 
 Kinzig Pass, 197. 
 
 Klenan, General, 148, 166, 168. 
 
 Knobloch, General, 7. 
 
 Kobelka, 113 115. 
 
 Kobrin, no. 
 
 Kolberg, 7. 
 
 Korsakoff, General, 181, 188, 197, 
 
 199. 
 
 Kosciuszko, no, 112, 119. 
 Kosiennice, 112. 
 Kosludji, battle of, 51. 
 Kossa Kowski, 28, 34. 
 Kotlubowski, Marshal, 19. 
 Kovel, 109. 
 Krasnik, 25. 
 Kray, Austrian leader, 127, 149, 
 
 157, 166, 178. 
 
 Krupczice, convent of, nc. 
 Kuban district, the, 61. 
 Kunersdorf, battle of, 6. 
 Kutchuk Kainardji. 45, 54. 
 Kutuzoff, 100.
 
 240 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 L. 
 
 LABOISSIBRE, 132, 135. 174. 
 
 Ladoga, 10. 
 
 Lafitte, leader of the Turks at Kin- 
 burn, 75. 
 
 Lameth, Count Alexander, 68. 
 
 Landsberg, 7. 
 
 Landskron. 26, 44. 
 
 Lapoype, General, 147, 158. 
 
 Larga, battle of, 22, 40. 
 
 Lascy, Austrian General, 76, 100. 
 
 Laudon defeated, 126. 
 
 Lecco, 132, 135. 
 
 Lecourbe, 127, 140, 181, 196. 
 
 Liechtenstein, Prince, 157, 175. 
 
 Lemma, the, 172. 
 
 Lemoinne, 172, 174. 
 
 Lewis I., King of Hungary, 12. 
 
 Ligurian troops, 158. 
 
 Linmat, 182. 
 
 Linken, 188, 202, 209. 
 
 Loison, General, 141, 144, 181. 
 
 Lombard y, plain of, 130, 136, 163, 
 1 66. 
 
 Loudon, General, 93, 175. 
 
 Lublin, 21. 
 
 Lucca, ten days' halt at, 145. 
 
 Luckmanier Pass, 192. 
 
 Lugos, 76. 
 
 Lukow, 113. 
 
 Lusignan, 175. 
 
 M. 
 
 MACDONALD, 137, 145 ; severely 
 wounded, 148, 154; assembles 
 council of war, 157. 
 
 Maciejowice. 113, 119, 134. 
 
 Madalinski, revolt of, 109. 
 
 Magnano, battle of, 127. 
 
 Makranowski, no. 
 
 Mannheim, 126. 
 
 Mantua, siege of, 146, 163; capitu- 
 lation of, 1 66. 
 
 Marengo, battle of, 159, 1 80. 
 
 Mariupol, 62. 
 
 Martineshti, see Rymnik. 
 
 Masse"na, 126, 144, 181, 188, 200,212. 
 
 Matt, 207. 
 
 Meknob, General, 100. 
 
 Melas, 127, 131, 152, 172, 1 80; 
 
 advice to French officers, 185. 
 Memel, Suv6roff appointed com- 
 mandant of, 6. 
 Meshtchdrsky, Prince, 196. 
 Michelson, 56. 
 Milan, 134, 141, 164, 169. 
 Miliutin, General, quotations from, 
 
 171, 179, 198. 
 
 Military service, changes in, 121. 
 Miloradovitch, 139, 207. 
 Mincio, 127, 129. 
 Mionczinski, 26. 
 Mitrowski, 175. 
 Mnishek, Countess, 23. 
 Modena, 147. 
 Molitor, 181, 202, 205. 
 Monte Buffo, 168. 
 Montrichard, 132, 146, 154. 
 Moravio, 126. 
 Moreau, 127, 132; advance from 
 
 Genoa, 159; his generosity, 167 ; 
 
 rallies the troops at Novi, 173, 
 
 1 80. 
 
 Moskow, 56, 122. 
 Mummers, General, 15, 18. 
 Miinnich, Marshal, 39. 
 Muotta, 199 ; defeat of the French 
 
 at, 205. 
 
 N. 
 
 NAKHITCHEVAN, 62. 
 Nassau, Prince of, 77. 
 Natalia, Suv6roffs daughter, 58, 
 
 92, 224. 
 Nelson, 217. 
 Nemirow, 109. 
 Ney, Marshal, 178, 182. 
 Nigoyeshti, the convent of, 41, 47. 
 Nobili, brigade of, 175, 180. 
 Novi, battle of, 163, 168. 
 Novicki, 25. 
 Novikoff, Suv6roff rescued by the 
 
 fusilier, 75. 
 Nuuman Pacha, 44 r
 
 INDEX. 
 
 241 
 
 O. 
 
 OGINSKI, Prince, 27. 
 Okoniew, 113. 
 Okrzeja, 113, 134. 
 Olivier, General, 147, 154. 
 Orba, the, 169, 180. 
 Orenburg, 55. 
 Orldff, Count Alexis, 22. 
 Otchakoff, the fortress of, 72, 77. 
 Ott, 133, 146, 149, 158, 166. 
 
 P. 
 
 154 
 
 PANIC, unaccountable, 
 
 French army, 176. 
 Panixer Pass, the, 206. 
 Panteleyeff, a Cossack, 139. 
 Pasturana, 170. 
 Paul, Emperor of Russia, 121. 
 Pavalo-Shvekovski, Lieutenant - 
 
 General, 129, 131, 154, 191, 205. 
 Peace, terms of 117. 
 Penza, 57, 61. 
 Perignon, 173, 176, 180. 
 Peter III., 9. 
 Piacenza, 165. 
 Piedmont, 163. 
 Platen, 7. 
 
 Platoff, Brigadier, 98. 
 Podolia, 119. 
 Poland, 12. 
 Poltava, 69. 
 
 Poniatowski, Stanislas, 14. 
 Poninski, 1 10. 
 
 Potemkin, 39,67, 80, 95, 105. 
 Praga, 113, 217, 230. 
 Preobraje"nsky Guards, 10. 
 Prozorovski, Prince, 58. 
 Pugatchoff, 50. 
 Pulawa, 113. 
 
 Pulawski, Casimir, 19, 35. 
 Frank, 19. 
 
 R. 
 
 RADZIVILL, Prince Charles, 15. 
 Rehbinder, 166, 204. 
 Rehbock, Major, 46. 
 Reich, lancer officer, 34. 
 
 Reichenbach, 7 ; Congre of, 93. 
 
 Repnin, Prince, 14, 81, no. 
 
 Retreat, the French, 130; from the 
 Trebbia, 157. 
 
 Revolution, the French, 120. 
 
 Riasco, the stream, 175. 
 
 Ribas (General ? ), 98. 
 
 Richelieu, Due de, 1 03. 
 
 Richepanse, 172. 
 
 Rivalta, 163. 
 
 Rocca d'Anfo, capture of, 131. 
 
 Rohan, Prince Victor, 140, 181. 
 
 Rojdestveno, Suvdroff's family es- 
 tate, i, 225. 
 
 Rosenberg, 128, 137, 152, 166, 172, 
 177, 180, 191, 198, 204, 218. 
 
 Rostopchin, Count, 178, 183, 221. 
 
 Rulhiere, 25. 
 
 Rumantzoff, 7, 39, 44, 72, 81. 
 
 Rusca, General, 147, 154. 
 j Russian Contingent in Italy, 166. 
 
 Rustchuk, 49. 
 
 Rymnik, the, 86, 224. 
 
 SADOWA, 178. 
 Salm, General, 154. 
 Samoiloff, General, 98. 
 Sapieha, Prince, 26. 
 Sardtoff, 57. 
 
 Sary Mehemed Pasha, 46. 
 Sarzana, 168. 
 Sava, Cossack leader, 24. 
 Scherer, General, 127. 
 Schwanden, 207 
 Schwytz, 1 88, 206. 
 Scrivia, the, 169, 175. 
 Seckendorf, 132. 
 Semendria, 93. 
 Serravalle, 169. 
 Serrurier, 127, 132. 
 Sevastopol, 69. 
 Shumla, 44, 49. 
 Sigismund of Sweden, 13. 
 Silistria, 49. 
 
 Simednowsky regiment of Guards, 
 the, 4.
 
 242 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Simplon, 181. 
 
 Sirakowski, 109. 
 
 Skawina, 25. 
 
 Slatina, battle of, 76. 
 
 Smolensk, 15. 
 
 Sobieski, John, 14. 
 
 Soltikoff, 6, 39, 45. 
 
 Soozdal Regiment, 10, 15, 32. 
 
 Soult, 201. 
 
 Spleny, Count, 84. 
 
 St. Cyr, General, 168, 180. 
 
 St. Gothard Pass, abandoned by the 
 French, 144 ; assailed by the 
 French, 182. 
 
 Stackelberg, Colonel, 32. 
 
 Stanislas Poniatowski, 14, 119. 
 
 Stolovitshi, 28. 
 
 Stragglers, Suv6roffs opinion of, 16 
 
 Strauch, Austrian General, 140, 181. 
 
 Sumarokoff, 5. 
 
 Supplies, insufficiency of, 164, 180. 
 
 Suvoroff, Alexander, i ; routs Kot- 
 lubowski, 19 ; meets with an ac- 
 cident, 24 ; the Order of St. 
 George, 27 ; an act of insubordi- 
 nation, 28 ; the Order of St. 
 Alexander Nevsky, 32 ; the Turk- 
 ish War, 41 ; captures Turtukay , 
 42; battle of Kosludji, 51 : pur- 
 sues Pugatchoff, 57 ; the Crimea, 
 62 ; the Vladimir district, 66 ; 
 " Alexander Diogenes," 69 ; 
 second Turkish War, 72 ; cap- 
 ture of Ismail, 95 ; Poland, 
 1 08; enters Warsaw, 118; re- 
 moved from active list, 122 ; pro- 
 posed by Great Britain as com- 
 mander of the Austro-Russian 
 Army, 124 ; assumes command 
 at Valeggio, 127 ; marches on 
 Secco, 132 ; at Milan, 135 ; block- 
 ades Milan, 141 ; at Turin, 142 ; 
 enters Alexandria, 147 ; raised 
 to the rank of Prince, 162 ; 
 letter to the Tzar, 165 ; invests 
 the fort on Monte Buffo, 
 1 68; attempted seizure by the 
 
 enemy, 171 ; strange conduct at 
 Novi, 173; atAsti, 181 ; takes su- 
 preme command, 183; in Swit- 
 zerland, 1 88; letter to Emperor 
 Francis, 190; victory at Airolo, 
 194; effect of recent dis- 
 asters, 212; quarrels with the 
 Archduke Charles, 214 ; at Augs- 
 berg, 216; order of Maria The- 
 resa, 217 ; appointed to a fresh 
 command, 217 ; from Prague to 
 Kobrin, 218; reaches St. Peters- 
 burg, 220 ; death and funeral, 
 221 ; personality, 222; his defence, 
 228 ; position in history, 231 ; rul- 
 ing passion, 235. 
 
 Sweden, 40. 
 
 Swiss Campaign, the, 209. 
 
 Switzerland, forces in, 189, 200. 
 
 Systems of war, 233. 
 
 Szrensk, 25. 
 
 T. 
 TARGOWICE, assembly of nobles at, 
 
 1 08. 
 
 Taverna, 188, 209. 
 Tchatal, the island of, 97. 
 Tekely, General, 39. 
 Thugut, 136, 143, 165, 186, 217. 
 Thurreau, 181. 
 Tidone, French thrust back across 
 
 the, 151. 
 Tirgokukuli, 87. 
 Tortona, 138, 146 ; blockade of, 159, 
 
 163, 1 80. 
 
 Treaty of 1795, J 86. 
 Trebbia, the, 126, 149; battle of, 
 
 154; retreat of the French from, 
 
 157- 
 
 Trezzo, 133. 
 
 Tsarskoe Selo, 10. 
 
 Turin, revolt of the inhabitants 
 against Moreau, 138 ; bombard- 
 ment of, 142. 
 
 Turnu, 41. 
 
 Turtukay, 41. 
 
 Tuscany, 180.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 243 
 
 Tyniec, the convent of, 26, 35. 
 
 Tzar of Russia, 165 ; ukase, 178 ; 
 sympathy with Suvoroff, 185, 
 211, 215; letter to the Austrian 
 Emperor, 216. 
 
 Tzaritzin, 57. 
 
 U. 
 
 UNGERN, General, 49. 
 Urner Loch tunnel, the, 194. 
 
 V. 
 
 VALENZA, 138. 
 Vaprio, 164. 
 Varna, 49. 
 Verderio, 133. 
 Verela, peace of, 94. 
 Victor, 132. 
 
 Viomesnil, General, 32 ; Captain, 33. 
 Voghera, 138. 
 Volhynia, 25. 
 Vorarlberg, the, 213. 
 
 W. 
 WALLACHIA, 39. 
 
 Warkowice, 103. 
 
 Warsaw, taking of, 113, 229. 
 
 Waterloo, 177. 
 
 Watrin, General, 147, 169, 180. 
 
 Weimarn, General, 18, 23. 
 
 Weissmann, General, 39, 41. 
 
 Wellington, 167, 177. 
 
 Weyrother, Colonel, 189. 
 
 Widdin, 39. 
 
 Willisen, General, 232. 
 
 Wukassowich, 131. 
 
 YENIKALE, 54. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Z. 
 
 ZAMOSC, 27. 
 Zayonchek, 114. 
 
 Zimschen, Austrian General, 182. 
 Zopf, 133. 
 Zuboff, Prince, 81. 
 Zurich, 1 8 1, 188 ; taken by the 
 French, 201, 215.
 
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 OLIVER TWIST. With 24 Illustrations by Cruikshank. 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP and REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. With Illus- 
 trations by Cattermole, &c. 
 BARNABY RUDGE and HARD TIMES. 2 vols. With Illustrations by 
 
 Cattermole, &c. 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY. i voL With 
 
 8 Illustrations. 
 
 DOM BEY AND SON. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz . 
 LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES. With 16 Illustrations by Phiz. 
 THE UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. With 40 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS. With 17 Illustrations by Sir Edwin Landseer, R.A., 
 
 Maclise, R.A., &c. &c. 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. With 8 Illustrations by Marcus Stone. 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES. (From "Household Words" and "All the Year 
 
 Round.") With 14 Illustrations. 
 EDWIN DROOD AND OTHER STORIES. With 12 Illustrations by 
 
 S. L. Fildes. 
 LIFE OF CHARLES DICKENS. By John Forster. With Portraits. 2 vols. 
 
 not separate.)
 
 34 
 
 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued, 
 
 THE POPULAR LIBRARY EDITION 
 
 OF THE WORKS OF 
 
 CHARLES DICKENS, 
 
 In 30 Vols. , large crown 8vo, price 6 ; separate Vols. 4*. each. 
 An Edition printed on good paper, each volume containing 16 full-page 
 Illustrations, selected from the Household Edition, on Plate Paper. 
 SKETCHES BY "BOZ." 
 PICKWICK. 2 vols. 
 OLIVER TWIST. 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 2 vols. 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 2 vols. 
 UOMBEY AND SON. 2 vols. 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD. 2 vols. 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. 2 vols. 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES. 
 BLEAK HOUSE. 2 vols. 
 LITTLE DORRIT. 2 vols. 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP AND 
 REPRINTED PIECES. 2 vols. 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE. 2 vols. 
 
 UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER. 
 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 
 
 TALE OF TWO CITIES. 
 
 CHILD'S HISTORY OF 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 EDWIN DROOD AND MISCEL- 
 LANIES. 
 
 PICTURES FROM ITALY AND 
 AMERICAN NOTES. 
 
 HOUSEHOLD EDITION. 
 
 (WITH LIFE.) 
 
 In 22 Volumes. Crown 4/0, cloth, $ 8s. 6d. 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT, with 59 Illustrations, 53. 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD, with 60 Illustrations and a Portrait, 53. 
 BLEAK HOUSE, with 61 Illustrations, 53. 
 LITTLE DORRIT, with 58 Illustrations, 55. 
 PICKWICK PAPERS, with 56 Illustrations, 53. 
 OUR MUTUAL FRIEND, with 58 Illustrations, 55. 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY, with 59 Illustrations, 53. 
 DOMBEY AND SON, with 61 Illustrations, 53. 
 
 EDWIN DROOD ; REPRINTED PIECES ; and other Stories, with 30 Illustra- 
 tions, 55. 
 
 THE LIFE OF DICKENS. BY JOHN FORSTEK. With 40 Illustrations, 55. 
 BARNABY RUDGE, with 46 Illustrations, 43. 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP, with 32 Illustrations, 43. 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES, with 23 Illustrations, 43. 
 OLIVER TWIST, with 28 Illustrations, 33. 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS, with 26 Illustrations, 35. 
 SKETCHES BY "BOZ," with 36 Illustrations, 33. 
 UNCOMMERCIAL TRAVELLER, with 26 Illustrations, 33. 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS, with 28 Illustrations, 33. 
 THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, with 15 Illustrations, 33. 
 AMERICAN NOTES and PICTURES FROM ITALY, with 18 Illustrations, 3*.. 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES, with 25 Illustrations, 35. 
 HARD TIMES, with 20 Illustrations, 2S. 6d.
 
 CHAPMAN cr HALL, LIMITED. 35 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 
 
 THE COMPLETE WORKS OF CHARLES DICKENS, 
 
 ENTITLED 
 
 THE CROWN EDITION, 
 
 Is now being PUBLISHED MONTHLY. 
 The Volumes contain ALL THE ORIGINAL ILLUSTRATIONS, 
 
 And the Letterpress printed from Type expressly cast for this Edition. 
 
 LARGE CROWN OCTAVO. 
 PRICE FIVE SHILLINGS EACH. 
 
 The Volumes Now Ready are: 
 
 i. THE PICKWICK PAPERS. With Forty-three Illustrations by 
 SEYMOUR and PHIZ. 
 
 2. NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
 3. DOMBEY AND SON. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
 4. DAVID COPPERFIELD. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
 
 5. SKETCHES BY " BOZ." With Forty Illustrations by GEO. 
 CRUIKSHANK. 
 
 6. MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
 
 7. THE OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. With Seventy-five Illustra- 
 tions by GEORGE CATTERMOLE and H. K. BROWNE. 
 
 8. BARNABY RUDGE : a Tale of the Riots of 'Eighty. With Seventy- 
 eight Illustrations by GEORGE CATTERMOLE and H. K. BROWNE. 
 
 9. OLIVER TWIST and TALE OF TWO CITIES. In One 
 Volume. [October 2jt/i. 
 
 io. CHRISTMAS BOOKS. With Forty-three IllustrationsbyL*NDSKKR, 
 MACLISE, STANSFELD, LEECH, etc. [November 2$t/i. 
 
 ii. BLEAK HOUSE. With Forty Illustrations by PHIZ. 
 
 [December Tfi'.h. 
 12. LITTLE DORRIT. With Forty Illustrations by Puiz. 
 
 13. OUR MUTUAL FRIEND. With Forty Illustrations by MARCUS 
 STONE. 
 
 ETC. ETC. ETC. 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL, with the Original Coloured Plates. 
 
 Being a reprint of the Original Edition. With red border lines. Small 8vo, 
 red cloth, gilt edges, 55.
 
 3 6 BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 
 
 THE CABINET EDITION. 
 
 In 32 vols. small fcap. 8vo, Marble Paper Sides, Cloth Backs, with uncut 
 edges, price Eighteenpence each. 
 
 Each Volume contains Eight Illustrations reproduced from the Originals. 
 In Sets only, bound in blue cloth, with cut edges, 2 8s. 
 
 CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT, 2 vols. 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD, 2 vols. 
 OLIVER TWIST. 
 GREAT EXPECTATIONS. 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY, 2 vols. 
 SKETCHES BY "BOZ." 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES. 
 THE PICKWICK PAPERS, 2 vols. 
 BARNABY RUDGE, 2 vols. 
 BLEAK HOUSE, 2 vols. 
 AMERICAN NOTES AND PIC- 
 TURES FROM ITALY. 
 
 EDWIN DROOD ; AND OTHER 
 
 STORIES. 
 THE OLD CURIOSITY SHOP, 
 
 2 Vols. 
 
 A CHILD'S HISTORY OF 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON, 2 vols. 
 A TALE OF TWO CITIES. 
 LITTLE DORRIT, 2 vols. 
 MUTUAL FRIEND, 2 vols. 
 HARD TIMES. 
 
 UNCOMMERCIALTRAVELLER 
 REPRINTED PIECES. 
 
 CHARLES DICKENS'S CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 
 
 REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL PLATES. 
 
 Illustrated by JOHN LEECH, D. MACLISE, R.A., R. DOYLE, 
 
 C. STANFIELD, R. A., etc. 
 Fcap. cloth, is. each. Complete in a case, js. 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL IN PROSE. 
 
 THE CHIMES : A Goblin Story. 
 
 THE CRICKET ON THE HEARTH: A Fairy Tale of 
 
 Home. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF LIFE. A Love Story. 
 
 THE HAUNTED MAN AND THE GHOST'S STORY. 
 
 SIXPENNY REPRINTS. 
 READINGS FROM THE WORKS OF CHARLES DICKENS. 
 
 As selected and read by himself and now published for the first time. Illustrated. 
 
 A CHRISTMAS CAROL, AND THE HAUNTED MAN. 
 
 By CHARLES DICKENS. Illustrated. 
 THE CHIMES: A GOBLIN STORY, AND THE CRICKET 
 
 ON THE HEARTH. Illustrated. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF LIFE: A LOVE STORY, HUNTED 
 
 DOWN, AND A HOLIDAY ROMANCE. Illustrated. 
 
 The last Three Volumes as Christmas Works, 
 
 In One Volume, red cloth, 2s. 6d.
 
 CHAPMAN (f HALL, LIMITED. 37 
 
 DICKENS'S (CHARLES) WORKS. Continued. 
 A NEW EDITION, ENTITLED 
 
 THE PICTORIAL EDITION, 
 
 Now being issued in MONTHLY PARTS, royal 8vo, at 
 
 ONE SHILLING EACH. 
 
 Each Part will contain 192 pages of Letterpress, handsomely 
 
 printed, and, besides full-page Plates on plate paper, about 
 
 24 Illustrations inserted in the Text. 
 
 The Edition will be completed in about THIRTY-SEVEN PARTS, of which 
 Thirteen are now ready, and Will contain in all 
 
 UPWARDS OF NINE HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 The Volumes now ready are : 
 
 DOMBEY AND SON. 35. 6d. 
 DAVID COPPERFIELD. 
 
 3 s. 6d. 
 
 NICHOLAS NICKLEBY. 
 
 3 s. 6d. 
 
 BARNABY RUDGE. 35. 6<L 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. 
 
 3 s. 6d. 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 
 
 [Now being issued in Parts. 
 
 PROSPECTUSES AND SHOWCABDS ON APPLICATION. 
 
 THE TWO SHILLING EDITION. 
 
 Each Volume contains a Frontispiece. Crown 8vo, 2s. 
 
 The Volumes now ready are 
 DOMBEY AND SON. BLEAK HOUSE. 
 
 MARTIN CHUZZLEWIT. 
 THE PICKWICK PAPERS. 
 
 OLD CURIOSITY SHOP. 
 BARNABY RUDGE. 
 
 MR. DICKENS'S READINGS- 
 
 Fcap. 8vo, sewed. 
 CHRISTMAS CAROL IN I STORY OF LITTLE DOM- 
 
 PROSE, is. 
 CRICKET ON THE HEARTH. 
 
 CHIMES : A GOBLIN STORY, 
 is. 
 
 BEY. is. 
 
 POOR TRAVELLER, BOOTS 
 AT THE HOLLY-TREE 
 INN, and MRS. GAMP. is.
 
 38 BOOKS PUBLISHED B Y 
 
 SCIENCE AND ART. 
 
 a JTournai for STeacfjers anB StuUtnts. 
 
 The Official Organ of the Science and Art Teachers' Association. 
 MONTHLY, THREEPENCE; POST FEEE, FOTJBPENCE. 
 
 The Journal contains contributions by distinguished men ; short papers by prominent 
 teachers ; leading articles ; correspondence ; answers to questions set at the May Examina- 
 tions of the Science and Art Department ; and interesting news in connection with the 
 scientific and artistic world. 
 
 PRIZE COMPETITION. 
 
 With each issue of the Journal, papers or drawings are offered for Prize Competition, 
 extending over the range ot subjcts of the Science and Art Department and City and 
 Guilds of London Institute. 
 
 There are thousands of Science and Art Schools and Classes in the United Kingdom, 
 but the teachers connected wiih these institutions, although engaged in the advancement 
 of identical objects, are seldom known to each other except through personal friendship. 
 One object of the Journal is to enable those engaged in this common work to com- 
 municate upon subjects of importance, with a view to an interchange of ideas, and the 
 establishment of unity of action in the various centres. 
 
 TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. 
 
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 SINGLE COPY 4d. 
 
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 Agents for the Science and Art Department of the Committee of 
 Council on Education. 
 
 SOLUTIONS TO THE QUESTIONS IN PURE MATHE- 
 MATICS Stages i and 2 SET AT THE SCIENCE AND ART 
 EXAMINATIONS from 1881 to 1886. By THOMAS T. RANKIN, C.E., 
 Rector of the Gartsherrie Science School, arid West of Scotland Mining 
 College. Crown Svo, 2s. 
 
 SOLUTIONS TO THE QUESTIONS SET IN THE 
 FOLLOWING SUBJECTS AT THE MAY EXAMINATIONS 
 OF THE SCIENCE AND ART DEPARTMENT ANTERIOR 
 TO 1887. 
 
 1. Animal Physiology ... From 1881 to 1886. 
 
 2 . Hygiene . 1884 to 1886 
 
 3. Building Construction ... 1881 to 1886. 
 
 4. Machine Construction ... 
 
 5. Agriculture 
 
 6. Magnetism and Electricity 
 
 7. Physiography 
 
 Sound, Light, find Heat 
 
 1 88 1 to 1886. 
 1881 to 1886. 
 1881 to 1886. 
 1 88 1 to 1886. 
 1881 to 1886. 
 
 Each Subject will be deal' with in a Separate Volume, which will contain 
 Complete Answers to the Elementary and Advanced Papers for Ike Years noted. 
 Price is. 6d. each.
 
 CHAPMAN & HALL, LIMITED. 39 
 
 ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS, 1887, 1888, & 1889. 
 
 1890 IN THE PRESS. 
 
 SOLUTIONS TO THE QUESTIONS (Elementary and Advanced) 
 at at the Examinations of the Science and Art Department of JJ 'ay, 1887, 
 1888, and 1889, are published as under ; each subject and. year being kept 
 distinct, and issued in pamphlet form separately. Crown 8vo, ~$d. each. 
 
 1. ANIMAL PHYSIOLOGY. By J.H.E. Brock, M.D., B.S.(Lond.), F.R.C.S. 
 
 (Eng.), D.P.H. (Univ. of Lond.) 
 
 2. BUILDING CONSTRUCTION. By H. Adams, C.E., M.I.M.E. 
 
 3. THEORETICAL MECHANICS. By J. C. Fell, M.I.M.E., E. Pillow, 
 
 M.I.M.E., and H. Angel. 
 
 4. INORGANIC CHEMISTRY (Theoretical). By Rev. F.W. Harnett, M.A., 
 
 and J. J. Pilley, F.C.S., F.R.M.S. 
 
 5. Ditto, ALTERNATIVE COURSE. ByJ. Howard, F.C.S. 
 
 6. MAGNETISM AND ELECTRICITY. By W. Hibbert, F.I.C., A.I.E.E. 
 
 7. PHYSIOGRAPHY. By W. Rheam, B.Sc., and 'W. S. Furneaux, 
 
 F.R.G.S. 
 
 S. PRACTICAL PLANE AND SOLID GEOMETRY. By H. Angel. 
 
 9. ART THIRD GRADE. PERSPECTIVE. By A. Fisher and S. Beale. 
 
 10. PURE MATHEMATICS. By R. R. Steel, F.C.S., and H. Carter, B.A. 
 
 11. MACHINE CONSTRUCTION AND DRAWING. By H. Adams, C.E., 
 
 M.I.M.E. 
 
 12. PRINCIPLES OF AGRICULTURE. By H. J. Webb, Ph.D., B.Sc. 
 
 13. SOUND, LIGHT, AND HEAT. By C. A. Stevens and F. Carrodu?, 
 
 Assoc. N.S.S. 
 
 14. HYGIENE. ByJ. J. Pilley, F.C.S., F.R.M.S. 
 
 15. INORGANIC CHEMISTRY (Practical). ByJ. Howard, F.C.S. 
 
 16. APPLIED MECHANICS. For 1888 and 1889 only. By C. B Outon 
 
 Wh.Sc. 
 
 17. ALTERNATIVE ELEMENTARY PHYSICS. By W. Hibbert, F.I.E., 
 
 A.S.I.E. For 1889 only. 
 
 Price of each Pamphlet (dealing with both Elementary and Advanced Papers 
 for a single year), $d. net, postage included.
 
 01DUO 
 
 40 
 
 CHAPMAN &> HALL, LIMITED. 
 
 THE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 
 
 Edited by FRANK HARRIS. 
 
 HE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW is published on the ist of 
 JL every month, and a Volume is completed every Six Months. 
 The following are among the Contributors : 
 
 ADMIRAL LORD ALCESTER. 
 
 GRANT ALLEN. 
 
 SIR RUTHERFORD ALCOCK. 
 
 AUTHOR OF "GREATER BRITAIN." 
 
 PROFESSOR BAIN. 
 
 SIR SAMUEL BAKER. 
 
 PROFESSOR BEESLY. 
 
 PAUL BOURGET. 
 
 BARON GEORGE VON BUNSEN. 
 
 DR. BRIDGES. 
 
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 EMILIO CASTELAR. 
 
 RT. HON. J. CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. 
 
 PROFESSOR SIDNEY COLVIN. 
 
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 SIR GEORGE W. DASENT. 
 
 PROFESSOR A. V. DICEY. 
 
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