i ,: mm I I fflilfj ! '' : mi I 1 LjBR^tf. CALIFORN/A SAN DIEGO / THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (From a Photograph by Messrs. Russell and Sons.') B THE LIFE AND WORK OF THE SEVENTH EARL OF SHAFTESBURY E.G. BY EDWIN HODDER POPULAR EDITION WITH EIGHT FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS CASSELL & COMPANY LIMITED LONDON PARIS t MELBOURNE isas ALL RIGHTS BK8KBVEO PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION. FOE many years Lord Shaftesbury resisted every appeal that was made to him to allow his biography to be written. " No one can do that satisfactorily bnt myself," he said, " and I have neither the time nor the inclination." Towards the close of his life, however, it became apparent to him that a biography was, to nse his own word, " inevitable," and it was then his wish that it should be written with his co-operation. " If the story, snch as it is, must be told," he said, " I should like it to be told accurately. That cannot be done unless I furnish the means." He accordingly placed at my disposal a mass of material, and, in addition, he was good enough to allow me for many months to be in frequent personal communication with him, when, pen in hand, I took down the record of his life as he narrated it. His memory to the very last was surprising, and as the scenes of his earlier life passed before him, he would recall facts and figures, dates and words, with such accuracy that although, at his request, I subsequently verified them, it was almost unnecessary to do so. The conditions imposed upon me were simple and explicit, and were expressed as nearly as possible in these words : " I will give you every assistance in my power ; place letters, books, and documents, in your hands ; give you introductions to those who know most about me ; and tell you, from time to time, what I can remember of my past Iii-t<>ry. I will answer any questions and indicate all the sources of iufor- :i available to you. But I will not read a word of your manuscript, nor pass a sheet for the press. When the book is issued to the public I will, if I am alive, read it, but not till then. All I ask is, that the story of my life be told in its entirety political, social, domestic, philanthropic, and religious." I was aware that Lord Shaftesbury had kept voluminous Diaries, and from the first was anxious that these should be placed in my hands. " They are of no value to any one but myself," was his reply ; " they have never been seen by anybody, and they never will be. They are a mass of contradictions ; thnuirliH jotted down as they passed through my mind, and contradicted perhaps on the next page records of passing events written on the spur of the moment, and private details which no one could understand but myself." In these circumstances I felt that I could not urge Lord Shaftesbury to IV PREFACE. entrust thorn to me, but he promised that he would, if possible, go through them and furnish me with some extracts if he found any that were " worth putting into print." But neither time nor opportunity came for this ; the busy life was busy to the last, and increasing weakness made any effort of this kind impossible. For six months I continued my work, and in many long and intensely interesting interviews gained much information and many important details of his personal life. But I was conscious that without the aid of the Diaries I stood only on the threshold of the subject, and he was conscious of this too. I therefore lost no opportunity of urging him to let me have access to them. In June. 1885, warned by continued failure in health that the end was not far off, Lord Shaftesbury yielded to these entreaties, and placed the first volume of his Journals in my hands, promising to let me have the remainder in succession. "It was never my intention that a page or a lino should ever be pub- lished," he said to me ; " but I have been looking through them again, and I think it is possible that there are some portions of them that may do good. At all events, I do not see how you can perform your task without them, for I cannot give you the personal assistance I could have wished. Besides, all that I could tell you, and much more, is written here, and I must leave it to your discretion to make what use of them you like. Tou will find they were written in hurried moments, just as thoughts or events arose. They were true at the time, but I may have changed my opinions, or have found jif for- wards that I had taken a wrong view of things. Tou are at liberty, of course, to take any view you like of my actions, and to praise or blame them as you will, but do not attempt to represent me as always in the right, or you will inevitably break down in your task. Tou will find that the movements in which 1 was engaged brought me at times into opposition with all classes, even with those who were working with me, oftentimes with men I loved dearly and greatly admired. I did not seek this opposition ; I could not help it ; but do not represent me as having been always a man of a cantankerous disposition because of this, unless you find the evidence overwhelmiri"- that such was the case. Above all things and this is one of my strongest motives for placing these volumes in your hands try to do justice to those who laboured with me. I could never have done the few things I have, had I not been supported by true, zealous, earnest men, who gave me their time and their brains to help forward the different movements. My religious views are not popular, but they are the views that have sustained and com- forted me all through my life. They have never been disguised, nor have I ever sought to disguise them. I think a man's religion, if it is worth any- thing, should enter into every sphere of life, and rule his conduct in every relation. 1 have always been and, please God, always shall be an Evan- PREFACE. 7 pvliral of the Evangelicals, and no biography can represent me that does not fully and emphatically represent my religious views." For the selection of the quotations from Lord Shaftesbury's Diaries I am responsible. My object has been to make them illustrate, as much as possible, every phase of life and opinion. If it should appear that, in some instances, I have inserted passages which are of too purely a domestic character, I can only plead that I have acted in the spirit of the instructions given to me by Lord Shaftesbury. For example, on one occasion he had been narrating to me some incidents in the life of the late Countess of Shaftesbury in connection with his factory labours, and lamented how little the factory people knew the extent to which they were indebted to " that blessed woman," as he called her. Then he spoke of her death. "But you will find it all recorded in the Diaries," ho said. "Those entries would be far too private and personal to put into print, would they not ? " I asked. " Not at all," he answered ; " I should like you to use them. I should wish you to use them. Her memory is far better worth preserving than mine." And then taking down from a shelf in the library the " Shaftesbury Papers," edited by Mr. Christie, he turned to a page in which the First Earl pays a tribute of affection to the wife whose loss he mourns. " There," said he, " that, in my opinion, is the thing in the book." In his Diaries Lord Shaftesbury has unconsciously done what he so often *.u Mr. Haldane Mismanagement in the Crimea Change of Ministry Palmerston, Premier Offer of Duchy of Lancaster Correspondence ttMfWB with Lord Palmerston Letter from Lady Palmerston Organisation of Sanitary Commission for Crimea Letter to Lord Panmuro Instructions to the Sanitary Commissioners Letter from Miss Florence Nightingale Death of the Czar- Visit of Emperor of the French Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley Offer of Duchy of Lancaster Rene wed Letters from Lady Palmereton In Perplexity - Inter- position of Providence Religious Worship Bill- Opposition of Lord Derby and iiishop of Oxford Success of the Bill Sardinia National Education- Death of Sir Robert Inglis Milliners and Dressmakers Death of his Son Maurice Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley Woburn Abbey Life Peerages . . I.Sfl Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER :XXm. THE INNER LIFE. PAO- Unpopular Religious "Views An Evangelical of the Evangelicals Disclaims Leader- ship of the Evangelical Party The Old School Justification by Faith Inspira- tion of the Scriptures Dogmatic Truth Simple Preaching How to Meet Opponents Divine Providence The Second Advent Collected Passages from the Diary on Religious Themes The " Sortes Biblicse "The " Little Flock" The Incarnation Prayer Sins of Omission Distraction the Order of the Day The Highest Point of Christian Life The Religion of the Future Neology " Schools of Thought "Evangelical Union The Vicarious Sacrifice Intellect and Heart Merit Limiting the Almighty Calvin's C9mmentaries " It is Finished " " It is I " A Good Friday Meditation Preaching Smooth Things Easter Day Fears The Song of Moses 519 CHAPTER XXIV. 1856-1858. A Ten Years' Diary The Sabbath Day A Parisian Sunday The Crystal Palace- Sunday Bands A Packed Meeting Threatened Riots 24, Grosvenor Square in a State of Siege Early Closing Movement Saturday Half-Holidays At Wind- sorPeace Rejoicings Life Peerages Peers from the Ranks of Commercial Men Death of Lord Cowper Harvest Home Chinese Difficulties The Lorcha Arrow The Opium Trade Motion on its Legality Dissolution of Parliament General Election Return of Lord Ashley for Hull Exeter Hall Special Services Opposition Motion to Amend Religious Worship Act of 1855 Speech on Religious Worship Act Amendment Bill Action of Bishop Wilberforce and the High Church Party Bill Withdrawn in Favour of Archbishop of Canterbury's BiO Indian Mutinies A Special Prayer Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley Speech at Wimborne Comment in the Times A. Statement Questioned Letter from Lady Canning Fifteen Years Later Missionary Zeal Sir Henry Havelock Sir Henry Lawrence Vote of Censure on the Government Indian Affairs Ceaseless Correspondence Religious Meetings The People's Park, Halifax Eleyation of Mr. Macaulay to the Peerage Correspondence with Lord Macaulay His Death Letter from Mr. Charles Sumner Admission of Jews to Parliament Social Science Congress at Liverpool 531 CHAPTER XXV. 1859-1860. Dawn of Italian Freedom The Men and the Hour Events Leading to the Struggle Sympathy with Sardinia The Reform Bill Ministerial Crisis Palmerston's Cabinet A Proposed Italian Committee Correspondence with Garibaldi An- nexation of Savoy and Nice to France Letter to Count Cavour Speech in House of Lords on Savoy Affairs in Syria Druses and Maronites Sunday Services in Theatres The Victoria Theatre A Strange Scene Effective Reading Lord Dungannon's Motion against Theatre Services A Graphic Speech Letter from Lord Stanhope Christianity in India Testimonials Great Meeting in Free Trade Hall, Manchester Presentation to Countess of Shaftesbury Social Science Congress, Bradford Preparation of Speeches Nervous Susceptibility . 556 CHAPTER XXVL 1861-1863. metropolitan Improvements Displacement of Labourers Criminal Lunatics Appointment of Select Committee Lord Shaftesbury gives Evidence Proposed Benevolent Asylum for Insane of Middle Classes Meeting at Freemasons' Hall Speech Mr. Thomas Holloway Letter from Mr. Bowen May The Holloway Sanatorium Headstrong Zeal Death of Count Cavqur Civil War in America Indian Irrigation and Inland Navigation Famine in India Cotton Supply Illness and Death of a Daughter A Mother's Devotion Letter from Lord Pal- merston The Order of the Garter A Word of Warning A Generous Offer- Illness of the Prince Consort His Death" Journal of Passing Events " Renewed American War Obituary for 1861 Order of the Garter Accepted Lancashire Cotton Famine Lancashire People Address to Cotton Operatives Pauper Lunatics Insurrection in Poland Causes leading to the Insurrection Great Meeting in Guildhall Speech in House of Lords on Poland Letter from Miss Florence Nightingale Friendship with Lord Palmerston A Delicate Matter- Letter from Lord Palmerston His Generous Nature Financial Difficulties A Fraudulent Bailiff 570 CHAPTER XXVII 1864-1865. Climbing Boys Cruelties Practised upon Them Their Work and Rest Slow Pro- gress of Legislation The "Cant of Pseudo-Philanthropy" The Chimney- sweepers Regulation Act Fails to Answer its Intended Purpose Ten Years Later Suffocated in a Flue Manslaxighter The Chimney Sweepers' Emanci- pation Day Forcible Language Rapid Speaking A Stern Rebuke Justifica- tion of Strong Language Theological Discussions Neology " Essays and Reviews" Colenso on the Pentateuch Renan's " Vie de Jesus" " Ecce Homo" CONTENTS. Xlll The Creed of Neologiana The Worship of Intellect Correspondence with Dr. Pusey Letter from Bishop Wilberforce Endowment of the Greek Chair, Oxford Correspondence with Archdeacon Denison In the Orisons Letter to Mr. Haldane Law Suits Position of Parties in Church and State English Liberality With General Garibaldi Friendship Death of Rector of Wimborne St. Giles Bishop of London's Fund Illness of Lord; Palmeraton The Political Outlook Mr. John Stuart Mill The Malta Protestant College Death of Dowager Countess of Shaftesbury Protestantism in Paris Close of American War Cattle Plague Form of Prayer by Bishop of Oxford A Pending Calamity 53 CHAPTER XX VOL LORD PALMERSTON AND CHURCH APPOINTMENTS. 18551865. Career of Lord Palmerston His Approaching End Letter to Mr. Haldane Closing Scenes Death of Lord Palmeraton His Friends and Enemies Funeral in Westminster Abbey Estimate of His Character Gaps in Many Lives The Parties at Cambridge House Bounty Money Honours The Centre of all Action In Politics Review of Church Appointments The " Shaftesbury Bishops " Principle governing Lord Palmerston's Church Patronage List of Ecclesiastical Preferments The Bishop Maker" His Advice to the Premier Care in Select- Ing Practical Men Politics Disregarded in the Nominations Tribute to Mr. Haldane Prospect of Vast and Irrevocable Changes C31 CHAPTER XXIX.-1866-1867. A Gloomy Prospect Homeless Boys The Chichester and Arethusa Training- ShipsLoss of Early Friends Dr. Pusey on the Prophet Daniel The Victoria Institute The Reform Bill Correspondence with the Earl of Derby Office of the Duchy of Lancaster Declined Controversy on Ritualism Visit to St. Alban's Church, Holborn Social Science Congress, Manchester The Reform Bill in the House of Lords A Remarkable Speech Tendencies towards Democracy Socialism Conservative Working Men A Conservative Democracy Agricul- tural Gangs Bill for Regulating the Labour of Juveniles in Workshops Clerical Vestments Bill Proposed Abolition of the Fifty-eighth Canon Sacerdotal Do- minionA Ritual Commission Appointed Letter from Right Hon. Spencer Walpole In Paris Opening of the Salle Evangelique Theatre Services Sir James South Deputation to Napoleon III 613 CHAPTER XXX. 1868 1869. The Opening of Parliament Urged to bring forward Ecclesiastical Courts Bill Mr. Disraeli, Prime Minister Debate on Disestablishment of Irish Church May Meetings Publication of "Speeches, 1838 1867" Report of Ritual Commission Uniformity of Public Worship Bill Winthrop and Longfellow Statue to Lord Palmereton Death of Duchess of Sutherland -Letter from Mr. Robert Lowe- Letter to Mr. Gladstone Sir Moses Monteflore Special Diaries on Movements of the Times Fear of Debt Self-imposed Tasks Ecclesiastical Courts Bill An Old Friend in the Almswalk Uncovering Oastler's Statue Ovation at Bradford Houses and Glebes to Roman Catholic Priests Debate on Irish Church Bill- Death of Lady Palmeraton The Political Horizon Lord Ashley's Son and Heir Professor Seeley Dr. Temple and the Bishopric of Exeter Intolerance of Evangelicals Religious Controversy Report on St. Giles's Estate by Govern- ment Commissioner 629 CHAPTER XXXI. 1870-1871. Bible Revision Judge Payne Religious Education in Schools Demonstration in St. James's Hall Letter from Mr. vV. E. Foreter Deputation to Mr. Gladstone Letter from Mr. Gladstone Education Bill in House of Lords Mr. Orsman and the Golden Lane Mission Cestennongers The Barrow and Donkey Club "K.G. and Coster" Presentation of a Donkey Deceased Wife's Sister Bill Greek Brigandage Church Congresses At Pegli Italian Honours Levees- Female Sum-age Letter thereon Wedding Day Murder of Archbishop of Paris Correspondence with Archbishop Manning Children Employed in Brickfields Domestic Anxieties The Ballot -Daniel Webster's Opinion Speech in House of Lords A Further Speech on the Ballot In Scotland Foreter's "Life of Dickens "Self -Analysis Past, Present, and Future Gil CHAPTER XXXIL THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 1872. The Veiled Futuse An Annual Exile Sir Henry Holland Athanasian Creed- Ecclesiastical Courts Bills Letters to Lady Shaftesbury Thanksgiving for Recovery of Prince of Wales Religious Clauses of Education Bill Levee at Buckingham Palace A Patriotic Meeting Social Reforms Conference on Church Reform Foreshadowings of Evil At Panshanger Illness of Lady Shaftesbury Costermongere' Prayers Death of Lady Shaftesbury Letter to Lady Gainsborough At Mentone A Terrible Week Death of Lady Constance Ashley A Gleam of Sunshine 660 r:v CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXIH. -1873-1875. PAQK The Discipline of Suffering Watercress and Flower Girls' Mission" Emily" Loan Fund Temperance Movement A Moderate Drinker A good old Custom Evils of Intemperance Charity Organisation Society Mr. Plimsoll and British Seamen A Scene in the House Letter to Mr. Plimsoll Dr. Mcllvaine, Bishop of Ohio Church Reform Window Gardening and Flower Shows for the Poor Lines by Dean Stanley Facilities of Worship Bill The Confessional in the Church of England Great Meeting in Exeter Hall Death of Bishop Wilberforce In the Twilight Scotland State of the Church Public Worship Regulation Bill Strauss Among the Costers Return of Mr. Evelyn Ashley for Poole Church Congress at Brighton Sanitary and Social Questions Weary of Controversy Messrs. Moody and Sankey At the Agricultural Hall Shaftesbury Park Estate Artisans' Dwellings Company Urged to Visit America Master and Servant Factory System in India 670 CHAPTER XXXFV.-1876 1878. John Forster The Royal Titles Bill Visit to Windsor Moves Amendment on Royal Titles Bill A Brilliant House Vivisection Bill for Restricting Cruelty to Animals The Bulgarian Atrocities Meeting at Willis's Rooms Official Report on the Atrocities Indignation Meetings George Moore A Separation Mr. Dillwyn and the Lunacy Laws Select Committee Appointed Portrait by Sir John Millais The Hon. William Ashley Bosnian and Herzegovinian Refugees Tribute by Lord Hartington "S.P.C.K. '' Controversy Isolation Touching Memories Factory Consolidation Bill Freedom of the City of Edin- burghDeath of Earl Russell A Meteoric Course Roseneath Sensitiveness- Rev. Canon Reeve Rev. C. H. Spurgeon Correspondence with Mr. Spurgeon Mr. George Holland Mr. Joseph Geiit Mr. T. B. Smithies" And many more" 693 CHAPTER XXXV. 1879 1882. Bill for Regulation of Mills and Factories in] India An Old Theme Habitual Drunkards Bill Vivisection Scenes of the Past Manor House, iChiswick Wales A Congeries of Troubles Political Prospects Centenary of Sunday Schools At Gloucester Coming Changes State of Ireland Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley Diary of Political Events The Snapping of Old Ties Lord Beaconsfleld 80th Birthday Celebration in Guildhall Letters Lines by Miss F. P. Cobbe Open-Air Preaching In Whitechapel General Garfleld Corre- spondence with Mr. Russell Lowell The Opium Trade Among the Costers Reverence, the Basis of all True Religion- -The Salvation Army Letters to Admiral Fishbourne Letter from Dean Law Persecution of Jews in Russia The Oath of Allegiance Studying the Scriptures "One Tun" Ragged School A Christmas Gathering Death of Mr. Haldane At Willesden Cemetery A Thirty Years' Correspondence Some Gems of Thought and Expression . . 718 CHAPTER XXXVI. WORD AND WORK. 1874-1884. Speeches Church Pastoral Aid Society Church Reform Blue Books State of the Pulpit Burial of Nonconformists Anecdotes of Contemporaries Evening Com- munion Schism The Church not Apostate British and Foreign Bible Society That Book Young Men's Christian Association Stimulating and Inspiring Speeches Baron of Hyde Park (Ecumenical Council Temptation of Young Men Amusements A Coincidence Gymnastic Exercises Ambition Religious Tract Society Pernicious Juvenile Literature Reminiscences of Labour At George Yard Two Portraits Dan Liddle Punch, the Casual Tribute to a Woman's Influence Letters to Children Shoeblacks Among the Poor . . 740 CHAPTER XXXVH.-LAST YEARS. 18831885. The Evening of Life Memory A Curious Study In a Dilemma Holland House "Let me die in Harness" Summary of Labours Acrobats Luther Commemora- tion Donkey Show The Housing of the Poor Articles thereon Royal Com- missionLord Salisbury's Act Public Honours Banquet at Mansion House Freedom of the City At Brighton A Goodly Record Letter from Rev. C. H. Spurgeon Last Visit to Scotland Letter to Canon Wilberforce The House of Lords Correspondence with Lord Rosebery Home Rule Public and Private Moralitv Inquiry into Lunacy Laws Lord SeJborne's Lunacy Amendment, Bill Miss Marsh- Mr. Wey Hand Gifts and Legacies Distribution of 60,000 in Charities The Sunday Question Earl Cairns Eighty -fourth Birthday Failing Strength -Last Visits Protection of Young Girls Last Entries in the Diary- Folkestone A Sacred Chamber Into the Light Memorial Service in West- minster Abbey In St. Giles's Church Conclusion 751 APPENDIX 77J INDEX 786 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. \FTESBURY ....... FrO.Jia, ST. GILES'S HOUSE .......... 16 UMI -!: \\" M.K. \\i CIH-KCII, ST. GILES'S, DORSET .... 18 V ClUItrn VM .S.-HOOL ROOM . . . . . . .22 i m in' Tin. < 'MAI. .Mi\K . .... 221 JACK CAIM-:'.- 1 \sruuKCTiON" ........ 298 MINSTER SCHOOL OF INDUSTRY, OLD PYE STREET . . .467 LORD SHAFTESIK-UY I.vdi'ECTixo THE COSTERS' DONKKYS . 647 THE LIFE AND WORK OF THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. IN one of the most depraved quarters of London, not far northward from the foot of Holborn Hill, in a neighbourhood with a network of disreputable courts and alleys, the resort of notorious ill-doers, the dread of timid way- farers, and the despair of the police, there sit, in an ili-furnished room, two or three men, waiting anxiously. They are men belonging to humble but respectable walks of life, and have, it would seem, nothing in common with the people who pass along the uneven pavement of what is called by courtesy the " street " the crop-headed jail-birds, the cunning-faced cadgers, the sickly, ill-clad women hurrying away to creep into holes and corners for the night. The wind is in the east, and, although the spring of the year is approaching, it is as cold as in the depth of winter. The street grows quieter; the great clock of St. Paul's has some time since boomed out the hour of midnight, and there is silence, broken only by snatches of discordant song from some straggling reveller. Presently there is heard the firm, steady tread of one who walks as with a purpose. The step is recognised ; the door is thrown open, and the watchers grasp the hand of the stranger a tall, slight, pale-faced man, with a grave and thoughtful expression of countenance. He returns the salutation cordially although it is obvious that he belongs to a different rank from those with whom he is associated and without delay proceeds to the business that has brought him to this strange place at this strange hour. A hurried conference is held, cer- tain plans are discussed, there is a still and solemn silence for a few minutes, and then all the party rise, button up their stout overcoats, and sally forth, one of the number bearing in his hand a small parcel of candles ! They walk in silence until they reach their destination the Victoria Arches under Hdll)oni Hill, known as the Vagrants' Hiding Place where they light their caudles and enter the dark, dismal vaults. As they enter, a few poor, miserable, hunted wretches brush hastily past and make their escape into the street, or plunge into the recesses of the Hiding-Place, conscience making cowards of them all. It is some time before the visitors can distinguish objects distinctly the darkness is intense, and some of the arches are vast. As their eyes become more accustomed to the gloom, they see sights whicb 2 THE EAEL OF 8IIAFTESBURT. eannot now. thank God, be seen, and will never more bo seen in the great city where vice and misery are rampant still in the midst of luxury and high civilisation. There, spread on the dank floor, on layers of rotten straw filled with vermin of all kinds, lie wretched human beings whose poverty, occasioned by the wrong-doing or misfortune of themselves or others, has deprived them of every other resting-place. As the light falls upon their faces some of them start up with the keen, cunning look of those who know that they have broken the laws and must depend upon their wits to escape the penalty ; others turn over with a sigh of weariness, and draw around them the scanty garments that scarcely cover them ; while others break out into foul imprecations upon the intruders. Everywhere, in holes and corners, some almost burrowing into the soil, others lying closely side by side for the sake of warmth, are to be seen these poor outcasts, sheltering in the only place on earth where they can rest this hiding-place of sin and misery, of filth and rags. Terrible are the faces that meet the gaze of the visitors, faces that bear indelible marks made by vice, disease, or sorrow ; faces that haunt the imagination long afterwards, and re-appear as spectres in the visions of the night. Not to gaze and moralise, but to work, is the object of the visitors ; not to pity only, but to help ; and by two o'clock in the morning they have taken thirty of these wretched outcasts, and have brought them from the cold and darkness of the arches into the light and warmth of a comparatively cheerful room used as a Ragged School. Among the rescued are two boys mere skin and bone in bundles of rags whose sunken jaws and sparkling eyes tell the story of their sickness, and want, and premature decay. They are seated on either side of the tall, slight man, whose sorrowful eyes have grown more sorrowful, as he looks upon them through the mist of his tears. His heart has been torn by the revelation made to him of the hapless lot of those beys. They are brothers in affliction, who have been drawn together by mutual need, for both are orphans. One of them has seen better days, and can remember a bright and cheerful home ; but " when father died " and the home was broken up, he was left friendless and destitute, and in his misery found a shelter in the dark arches, where his companion had slept alone every night for a whole year, until this comrade in misfortune came to share the straw and the rags that made his bed. But the dawning of this day has brought with it the dawning of hope ; the " kind gentleman," beside whom they sit, has spoken to them words of tenderness and pity which seem like the echoes of words spoken in childhood, when happiness had a meaning ; and when they learn from him that they need no more go back to the arches, but may find comfort, and help, and home in a Refuge for the Homeless, the floodgates of their tears, closed since their young hearts had grown hard and cold with the world's neglect, are opened, and they weep for very joy. As their rescuer returned towards his home that morning, his head was bowed, and hia heart was heavy. He knew that there were hundreds, and it IN THE HOUSE OF LOKD& 8 might be, thousands, of boys in the great city in as hopeless a case, who were drifting from bad to worse until they should be past hope sunk into irre- l>le depravity; and he knew not how they were to be reached. By day ami night the wailing of the world's sorrow haunted him; the cry of the children rang ceaselessly in his ears ; and it was no figure of speech he used wli.-n those who saw his cheeks grow paler, and his face more sad, asked him of the cause, and he answered with choking voice : " I have been in a perfect agony of mind about my poor boys ! " Turn now to another scene. It is the House of Lords. There is a stillness approaching to solemnity, broken only by the voice of a noble lord who is speaking, in a strain not often heard in that august Assembly, upon a subject which has never been discussed there before. Every sentence he utters increases the spell by which he holds the House, and every develop- ment of his argument tends to move that stately assembly to a demonstration of feeling it is not wont to exhibit. For more than thirty years the speaker has been exposing the evils which beset operatives especially children, young persons, and women engaged in the manufacturing industries. He has carried measure after measure for their relief ; inhuman hours of labour have been shortened ; excess of physical toil has been abridged ; oppression and cruelty, resulting in premature death, have been checked ; and the means of education and jnental improvement made possible. There are millions in the land who thank God for the voice that is now ringing in that august chamber ; for it is the voice of one who has pleaded the cause of the poor and the oppressed as none other has done in the world's history. Rarely, how- ever, has it been raised with greater effect than on this night, albeit his speech consists mainly of extracts from a Bluebook. For years he has been waiting until the set time should come when, strengthened by the success of former efforts, he may introduce that part of the great question of Protection which presented the gravest difficulties in the way of legislation; and now he is informing the House that the evils which were supposed to be peculiar to manufactures exist, even in a more aggravated form, in connection with the cultivation of the soil. He speaks of organisations of rural labour in many counties, known as " agricultural gangs," a system of revolting cruelty under which the maximum of labour is obtained for the minimum of remuneration, by extortionate gang-masters who monopolise all the children in a district, in c.rdi-r that they may not be independently employed. The gangs are collected in the morning, marshalled by the gangsmen, and driven off into the fields to rli-ar them of weeds, to spread manure, to "thin" the turnips and mangel- wurzel, to pick off stones from the land, or to gather in certain root crops. At a rapid pace they are driven long distances to the scene of their labour ; the little footsore and weary children, not more than six or seven years of age, being dragged by their elders and goaded on by the brutal gangsmen. Tear in, year out; in summer heat and winter cnld ; in sickness and in health; with backs warped and aching from constant stooping ; with hands cracked B 2 4 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. tod swollen at the back by the wind, and cold, and wet ; with palms blistered from pulling turnips, and fingers lacerated from weeding among the stones ; these English slaves, with education neglected, with morals corrupted, degraded and brutalised, labour from early morning till late at night, and, by the loss of all things, gain the miserable pittance that barely keeps them from starvation. The plain, unvarnished tale is told, and the sigh of relief is followed by a burst of genuine and unusual applause. Then, when the outlines of a Bill to remedy these frightful wrongs, and to affect the entire agricultural population of every county, have been sketched, the speaker closes with this appeal : My Lords, in attempting to grapple with this evil I hope your Lordships will kindly aid me by your sympathy and support. In this way you will give the crowning stroke to the various efforts made for many years past to bring all the industrial occupations of the young and the defenceless under the protection of the law ; and that, whether they are employed in trade, in manufactures, or in any handicraft whatever, every child under a certain age may be subjected only to a limited amount of labour, and be certain to receive an adequate amount of education. All that remains for your lordships now to do, as representing the landowners of the kingdom, is to embrace within the scope of your beneficent legislation the whole mass of the agricultural population. Then, I believe, we shall be able to say that no country upon the earth surpasses us in the care we take of the physical, the moral, and the educational well-being of the myriads of our humbler fellow-creatures. My Lords, the object you have in view is well worthy of all the time, the anxiety, the zeal, and the talents which can be bestowed upon it ; and I am satisfied that your lordships will earnestly desire to see it accomplished. The appeal was not in vain, the " crowning stroke " was given and there was swept away from the face of the land the last of the long series of evils which could be dealt with by industrial legislation. Change the scene once more. It is the month of May. The busy Strand is unusually crowded; men and boys are distributing handbills concerning every philanthropic and Christian organisation under the sun. Multitudes are pressing in at the open doors of Exeter Hall. A group of foreigners, on the opposite pavement, are looking on in blank astonishment ; they are gazing at a sight which is more characteristic of English life and feeling than can be seen at any other place, or at any other season. It is the Festival time of England's great Religious Societies. There are assembling, from all parts of the earth, those who have been fighting throughout the year a hard battle with the world's sin, and misery, and want, and who have come to tell of their victories or defeats, to hear of the conquests of others, and to gather up strength for further conflict. From this centre will issue forth mighty waves of influence that will reach to the uttermost parts of the earth, and affect the condition of the ignorant, the needy, and the oppressed, from the rising to the going down of the sun, THE BIBLE EFFETE! 5 Enter the building. It is thronged in every part. The vast area of the hall presents at the first glance a motley, indistinguishable mass ; examine more closely, and there will be seen a larger proportion of earnest-looking faces than is commonly met with in so great an audience. There is an air of soberness and sedateness perhaps of demureness over the many, although scattered here and there are groups of friends who are exchanging cordial greetings. The vast orchestra, with the exception of the two front rows, is packed, for the most part with men, many of whom are attired in clerical garb. Presently the organ ceases to play, and there is a stir and a flutter in the audience, as divines, philanthropists, and social or religious leaders drop in by twos or threes, and take up their position on the platform. But the signal for a spontaneous burst of enthusiastic greeting is given when the secretary precedes a tall, slender, pale-faced man, who gazes for a moment with cold, passionless eyes upon the sea of heads and the waving handkerchiefs, as he holds the rail of the platform nervously, and then, after a formal bow, buries himself in the depths of a huge arm-chair. Every person in that hall has recognised him ; every person claims to know and revere him, and every person represents a constituency of some kind, each member of which would greet him as heartily on the ground of knowing and revering him. The preliminaries of the meeting over, the chairman rises to speak, and again the hall rings with repeated cheers. He stands unmoved still as a statue : there is a far-away look in his eyes ; he seems almost unconscious that he is the object of attention. As the cheering continues, he seems almost displeased at the demonstration, for no shadow of a smile passes over the strongly-marked lines of his face. Then, when the echoes of the thunderings have died away, he draws his slight, but graceful form to its full height, grasps firmly the rail of the platform, and in a loud, but rather indistinct, . commences his speech. It proceeds on a somewhat dead level, although uttered with great dignity, until he adverts to certain philosophical works that have recently issued from the press, and have disturbed men's minds by their tendency to teach that the Bible is nnsuited to the present times. Then the whole manner of the man is changed ; the pale face kindles ; the voice becomes clear and ringing ; the slender frame is all alive with strength and energy ; the whole man is traus- fignired. Good Heavens ! (he exclaims) were the truths of the Book prevalent in the hearts of men, should we be disturbed and frightened, as we are day by day, by those gigantic frauds that are bursting out in every community, and which lead us to believe that all honesty in trade, all honesty in public life, all honesty in private life, have left the world for ever ? Is it unsuited to the times in which we live, when, if its holy precepts and its Divine commands had been listened to, we should not have before us these gigantic evils. . . Ah 1 but now they come and tell us that the Bible is effete ; that it is worn out ; that it can do nothing ; and that we must now have some new influence, some new principle 6 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. by which to regenerate and guide man. Effete I Indeed, I should like to know whether it is effete at this moment in India. Is it effete in the effect lately begun to be produced in China ? Is it effete in the islands of the Pacific Ocean ? Is it effete in Madagascar ? Is it effete in Italy ? You see what a country Italy is now become ; you see how the Italians are now grasping at the Word of God ; and, although they have not thrown off the trammels of the Church of Rome, they have imbibed the first principles whereby their conduct in public and private life should be guided. The Bible lies at the root of their freedom, and they know it well enough to make it the basis of their hopes and fears. That is the Book that will guide them. That Book, so far from being effete, possesses at this moment a greater force a greater power of giving life, if I may so say than in any antecedent period of its history. I should like to know who are they who say it is effete ? Do the priests in Spain think it is effete 1 If they think so, why do they prohibit it under such fearful penalties? Why do they incarcerate, or confiscate the property of, or send into exile, those men who devote their energy and their time to the study of God's Word ? Does his Holi- ness the Pope of Rome think it effete ? Does he think it a harmless plaything, that may lie upon the tables of his subjects 1 Do the Neologists themselves think it effete ? If so, why do they pass their nights, why do they sweat and toil over the midnight lamp, for the sole purpose of destroying a book that is so effete that if left to itself, would soon die, or become an object of general con- tempt ? They do not think it effete. They know its power upon the heart and the conscience. They know that if left to itself, that good old Book must work its own way, and what they deny with their lips they confess with their fears. Effete ? It is effete as Abraham was effete when he became the father of many nations, when there sprang of one, and him as good as dead, as many as the stars for multitude and the sand upon the sea-shore innumerable. It is effete as eternity, past, present, and future, is effete. It is effete and in no other sense- as God Himself is effete, the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever. Last scene of all. The bright autumn sunshine is streaming in through the window-panes of a little village church, plain almost to meanness. Beside the entrance to a vault, made beautiful by evergreens, stands a coffin, covered and surrounded with floral tributes from princes and peasants, from nobles and costennongers. An aged man, of over four-score years, is being laid to rest in the burial-place of his fathers. Only his sons and daughters, his relatives, friends, and tenants, stand around the bier, yet the whole nation mourns. But yesterday that bier had rested, on its way to this simple village church, in Westminster Abbey, and then all England stood around and wept. Each man, woman, and child of the thousands who had gathered there, felt that a personal loss had been sustained ; every class in society, every section in the Church, every institution in the land, and been influenced by him. For sixty years he had been the champion in every battle on behalf of the poor and the oppressed ; the friend and helper of all who were afflicted in mind, body, or estate ; and, especially, the leader in every movement having relation to the claims and interests of the labouring classes. And vrhile those who thronged the Abbey shed their tears, ten thousand times ten IN A VILLAGE CHURCH. 7 thousand of operatives whose labour he had lightened, of orphans he had sheltered, of outcasts he had rescued, of the oppressed he had set free, of ragged children he had clothed, of emigrants he had transplanted to new spheres, of Christian labourers whose zeal he had fostered, of young men he had warned of spiritual and fleshly dangers, paused in their daily tasks to share in the expression of universal grief, and to pray that " though God buries His workman He will yet carry on His work." To tell the story of that life, in all its relations, religious, philanthropic, political, social, and domestic, is the task before us in these pages. CHAPTER I. ANCESTRY AND HOME. IN the reign of Jaines I., John Cooper, a descendant of an old and honoured family, dwelt in the picturesque manor house in the village of Rockborne, Hampshire, close to the borders of "Wiltshire and Dorsetshire. His father, Sir John Cooper, had been member of Parliament for Whitchurch, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and had inherited and amassed considerable wealth. Dying in 1619, he was succeeded by his son, John Cooper, who has been described as " very lovely and graceful both in face and person, of a moderate stature, neither too high nor too low, of an easy and affable nature, fair and just in all affairs." At no great distance from Rockbome, there dwelt, at St. Giles's House, Cranborne, in the county of Dorset, Sir Anthony Ashley, who was knighted at the taking of Cadiz, in 1597, where he served as Secretary-at-War, and was sent home to give to Queen Elizabeth an account of the battle. He was a man who "had been for wisdom, courage, experience, skill in weapon, agility and strength of body, scarce paralleled in his age ; of a large mind in all his actions, his person of the lowest." The Ashleys were a younger branch of an ancient family which came originally out of Wiltshire, where they were lords of a manor named Ashley. They had been planted at Wiin- borne St. Giles since the reign of Henry YI. ; and their ancestors, traced through heirs female, had been lords of that manor from before the reign of Edward I.* To Sir Anthony Ashley, the estate of Wimborne St. Giles came, when he was advanced in life, by virtue of the entail in his grand- father's will. He had an only child, a daughter, sole heiress. She was of small stature, " a modest and virtuous woman, of a weaker mould and not so stirring a mind as her father." John Cooper, the Hampshire squire, married this daughter and heiress of Sir Anthony Ashley, and the pair took up their residence at St. Giles's House. Their son was the first Earl of Shaftesbury. In an autobiographical fragment he says : " My birth was at Wimborn St. Gyles, in the county of Dorsett, on the 22nd day of July, 1621, early in the morning; my parents on both sides of a noble stock, being of the first rank of gentry in those counties where they lived. My mother's name was Anne, the sole daughter and heir of Sir Anthony * Hutchin's "History of Dorsetshire." 1080.] THE FIRST EARL. 9 Ashley, knight and baronet, lord of the manor and place where I was born ; my father, Sir John Cooper, knight and baronet, son of Sir John Cooper, of Rockborn, in the county Hamshyre. I was christened by the name of Anthony Ashley, for, notwithstanding my grandfather had articled with my father and his guardians that he should change his name to Ashley, yet, to make all sure in the eldest, he resolved to add his name, so that it should not be parted with." In his ninth year he was left an orphan. He was precocious, however, and was so well able to take care of himself, that at the age of thirteen he undertook the management of his property, which had been allowed to get into confusion, and successfully carried a law-suit against his grand-uncle, Sir Francis Ashley, who had dealt unfairly by him. He was short in stature, and weak in body, but he managed to distinguish himself at Exeter College, Oxford, as the " leader of all the rough young men of that college, famous for the courage and strength of tall, raw-boned Cornish and Devonshire gentle- men, which in great numbers yearly came to that college, and did there maintain in the schools coursing against Christ Church, the largest and most numerous college in the University." " Coursing " was at one time a trial of learning, but in Ashley's day it had degenerated into a trial of physical strength and annoyance. He succeeded also in causing " that ill-custom of tucking freshmen to be left off," a custom of great antiquity, but of great unpleasantness. It was, it seems, the custom for the seniors to call up the freshmen and make them hold out their chins, " and they (the seniors) with the nail of the right thumb, left long for that purpose, grate off all the skin from the lip to the chin, and then cause them to drink a beer-glass of water and salt." At the age of eighteen he married Margaret, a daughter of the Lord Keeper Coventry, and in his nineteenth year he was elected Member of Par- liament for Tewkesbury. Henceforth his career was brilliant but erratic. During the great Rebel- lion he was a Royalist and a Parliamentarian by turns; "a kind of half Cromwellian, with monarchical leanings, under the Commonwealth ; a courtier, a patriot, a member of the Cabal, and a fierce Exclnsionist under the Restora- tion. He changed sides with an audacity, a rapidity, and an adroitness, that made it difficult, almost impossible, to decide whether he was corrupt or in- corrupt, whether he acted upon principle or no principle, whether he adopted expediency, broad enlightened expediency, for the rule of his public conduct, or, in each successive crisis, simply waited for the tide, which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune." * His biographer, who dedicates to the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury the life " of his celebrated and much maligned ancestor," f says that " he lived in times of violent party fury ; and calumny, which * Quarterly Review, No. 2GO. t "Life of A.. Former vols., 1871. t " life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury. " By W. D. Christie, M.A., Formerly her Majesty's Minister to the Argentine Confederation and to Brazil. 10 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBUBT. [CHAP. I. fiercely assailed him living, pursued him in his grave, and still darkens his name. He lived in times when the public had little or no authentic inf orma- tion about the proceedings of members of the Government or of Parliament, when errors in judging public men were more easy than now, and when venal pamphleteers, poets, and play-writers drove a profitable trade in libels on public men." He played a very prominent and important part in the age in which he lived, and his vigilance in watching and taking advantage of every turn in the progress of events materially assisted in bringing about the Restoration. Honours were showered thick upon him ; he was made, soon after Charles had come over, Governor of the Isle of Wight, Colonel of a regiment of horse, Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Dorset, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a Privy Councillor. He was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Ashley of Wimborne St. Giles, in 1661 ; and in 1672 he was advanced to an earldom by the titles of Baron Cooper of Paulett, in the county of Somerset, and Earl of Shaftesbury. In the same year he was made Lord High Chan- cellor ; and it was with reference to his integrity and ability as a judge that Dryden, who elsewhere in his "Absalom and Achitophel" has scathed him with severe and bitter satire, wrote : " Yet fame deserved no enemy can grudge ; The statesman we abhor, but praise the judge. In Israel's courts ne'er sat an Abbethdin With more discerning eyes, or hands more clean, Unbribed, unsought, the wretched to redress ; Swift of despatch, and easy of access." Shaftesbury only retained the seals until November 1673, when, through the influence of the Duke of York and the Romish party in the Cabinet, he was required to relinquish them. Immediately on his dismissal from office he openly joined the ranks of the opposition ; and by raising the cry of " No Popery," soon regained his popularity among them. For declaring that a Parliament which had been prorogued for a year and three months was tanta- mount to a dissolution, and that there was no lawful Parliament in existence, he was committed to the Tower, where he remained for twelve months, and was only released upon submitting to the humiliation of begging pardon, on his knees, of the House of Lords and the King. After this he stood forth as the champion of Protestantism ; and took an eager part in maintaining the truth of the story of Titus Gates and the alleged Popish Plot. Among the many matters by which the first Earl of Shaftesbury has made himself to be remembered are his opposition to the Corporation and Uniformity Acts ; his denunciation of the transfer of Dunkirk to the French; his counsel to Charles II. to suspend the execution of the penal laws against the Nonconformists and Recusants ; and, especially, the introduction of the Habeas Corpus Act, the keystone of British liberty. It was with great diffi- culty he succeeded in passing the Bill ; and its third reading " is said to have 188S.J CHARACTER OP THE FIRST EARL. 11 been carried by an accident, though strongly opposed by the Court of King Charles and by the House of Lords. Bishop Burnet says Lords Grey and Norris were named to be tellers. Lord Norris, being a man subject to vapours, was not at all times attentive to what he was doing. So, a very fat lord coming in, Lord Grey counted him for ten, as a jest, at first j but, seeing Lord Norris had not observed it, he went on with his mis-reckoning of ten. So it was reported to the House, and decided, that they who were for the Bill were the majority, though it indeed went on the other side." * Later on, Shaftesbnry took the hazardous step of appearing at Westmin- ster Hall to present to the Grand Jury, then sitting in the Court of King's Bench, an indictment of the Duke of York as a Popish Recusant. Shaftes- bnry's action on this occasion, and his subsequent efforts to exclude the Duke of York from the throne, resulted in his being seized on the 2nd of July, 1681, at his residence, Thanet House, Aldersgate Street, and carried to Whitehall, where he was brought before the King and Council, and com- mitted to the Tower on a charge of high treason in conspiring for the death of the King and the subversion of the Government. When, however, the bill of indictment was preferred against him at the Old Bailey on the 24th November, the Grand Jury ignored it, to the great joy of the people, with whom he was highly popular, and who celebrated his acquittal "by halloaing and shouting, by bell-ringing and bonfires, and such public rejoicing in the city," that, as the Duke of York is reported to have said, " never such an insolent defiance of authority before was seen." After this Shaftesbnry contemplated an armed insurrection, but not receiving the support he had anticipated, and feeling that there was no longer safety for him in England, he determined, as he was broken in health, and weary with incessant toil, to make his escape to Holland. Disguised as a Presbyterian minister, he left Harwich on November 28th, 1682, and soon after reached Amsterdam, where he took up his residence. But he had not been there many weeks before he was taken ill with gout ; the malady flew to his stomach, and he died on the 21st January, 1683. There are many opinions as to the character of the first Earl of Shaftos- bury ; there is only one opinion as to his genius and ability. Hallain describes him as " a man destitute of all honest principle." f Macaulay says of him that "he had served and betrayed a succession of governments ; " J and, when speaking of his death in Holland, adds that " he had escaped the fate which his manifold perfidy had deserved." Elsewhere he says, with intense bitterness, " Every part of his life reflected infamy on the other." Hume recognises in him one of the most remarkable characters of his age, and acknowledges that whatever party Shaftesbury joined, his great capacity and singular talents soon gained him their confidence, and enabled * "Lives of Lord Chancellors," voL iii., p. 276. " Constitutional History of England, vol. ii. " History of England," vol. L, 213. 12 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBUBY. fCHAP. I. him to take the lead amongst them ; at the same time, he alleges that Shaftesbury's " eminent abilities, by reason of his insatiable desires, were equally dangerous to himself, to the prince, and to the people." Much of the calumny that has lingered round the name of the first Earl of Shaftesbury is due to inaccurate statements, that have been weighed in the balances of more just criticism, and found to be wanting. John Locke, who lived in confidential intimacy with Shaftesbury for nearly twenty years, and left a memoir of him full of glowing praise, admired in him " that penetration, that presence of mind, which always prompted him with the best expedients in the most desperate cases ; that noble boldness which appeared in all his public discourses, always guided by a solid judgment, which, never allowing him to say anything but what was proper, regulated his least word, and left no hold to the vigilance of his enemies." * Even Dryden acknowledged him to be " incorruptible ; " and Lady Russell bore witness to the perfect charity of " the great faulty human being in whom the faults are indissolubly blended with the greatness." His biographer says : " He was a man of eager temperament, great ability, and high mental cultivation ; he was a man of the world, and free from hypocrisy and cant ; he was outspoken, courageous, and honest. Honesty is a bad card in public life, where tact is more valued than truth, and servility than independence. Shaftesbury was fond of a simile from Sir Walter Raleigh's writings, that ' whosoever shall follow truth too near the heels it may haply strike out his teeth. ' f Raleigh had applied this to the writing of contemporary history ; Shaftesbury transferred it to a politician seeking truth and pursuing it, in opposition to power, and amid the hypocrisies, self-seekings, meannesses, and falsehoods of public men." He was throe times married, and, by his second wife, Frances, daughter of David Cecil, third Earl of Exeter, left a son, who succeeded him. Lady Frances Cecil was a direct descendant, through the Cecils, from Thomas of Woodstock, fifth son of Edward III., while " on her maternal side she was of kin, through the Egertons, the peerages of Derby and Cumberland, and the ducal house of Suffolk, to John of Gaunt. So that the descendants of the first Earl of Shaftesbury have Plantagenet blood in their veins, and are of the lineage of William the Conqueror himself." The second Earl appears not to have been strong either in body or in mind. Although of singularly handsome features, his physical and mental powers were below the average, and it was with reference to these infirmities that Dryden wrote of the inheritance of the first Earl : tt And all to leave what with his toil he won To that unfeather'd two-legged thing, a son, Got while his soul did huddled notions try, And born a shapeless lump, like anarchy." * Locke's Works, vol. x., p. 167. t Jn tbe preface to Sir Walter Raleigh's " History of the World." 1608.] TIIE THIRD EARL. 13 At the age of seventeen he married Dorothy, third daughter of John Manners, first Duke of Rutland, the marriage negotiations having been entrusted to John Locke. " My father," says his son, the third Earl, " was an only child, and of no firm health, which induced my grandfather, in concern for his family, to think of marrying him as soon as possible. He was too young and inex- perienced to choose a wife for himself, and my grandfather too much in business to choose one for him. The affair was nice, for, though my grand- father required not a great fortune, he insisted on good blood, good person and constitution, and, above all, good education and a character as remote as possible from that of Court, or town-bred lady. All this was thrown upon Mr. Locke, who, being already so good a judge of men, my grandfather doubted not of his equal judgment in women. He departed from him, entrusted and sworn, as Abraham's head servant that ruled over all that he had, and went into a far country (the North of England) to seek for his son a wife, whom he as successfully found." * There were seven children born of this marriage, and the eldest son, as third Earl of Shaftesbury, was destined to exercise a considerable influence in the world, and to hand down his name to posterity as the author of the " Characteristics." He was a great favourite with his grandfather, to whose guardianship he was formally made over when he was only three years old. It was arranged that his education should be under the absolute direction of John Locke ; and, although the actual instruction was given, in the first instance, by a Mrs. Elizabeth Birch, a lady of great ability, Locke super- intended everything. " To whom," his pupil confessed, " next my immediate parents, as I must own the greatest obligation, so I have ever preserved the highest gratitude and duty." Elsewhere he styles him his " friend and foster-father." In November 1683, at the age of thirteen, Shaftesbury was sent to Win- chester ; but he did not remain there long, and completed his education by a few years of foreign travel in company witli Sir John Cropley, to whom, throughout his life, he was warmly attached. He entered Parliament in 1693 as one of the members for Poole ; but his political career was brief cut short by serious ill-health consequent upon his assiduous attention to parlia- mentary duties, in which he signally distinguished himself. Owing to the failure of his health, he resigned his seat in 1698, and, assuming the character of a medical student, settled for a time in Holland, where he fell into the company of many distinguished literary men, and had a full opportunity of developing his own taste for literature. With the exception of a short period towards the close of the reign of King William and the accession of Queen Anne, when he made himself con- spicuous by his zeal in the House of Lords, he never again took any part in public life, but devoted himself exclusively to literature. Letter from the third Earl of Shuftesbury to Le Cler* 1 4 THE EARL OP SIIAFTESBURY. [CHAP. I. He published in quick succession for those times, his " Letter on Enthu- siasm ; " " Moralists, a Philosophical Rhapsody ; " " Sensus Communis, or Essay on Wit and Humour ; " " Soliloquy, or Advice to an Author," and other works, all of which, with one exception, were republished, shortly after his death at Naples in 1713, in three volumes, under the title of " Character- istics of Men, Manners, Opinions, and Times." His treatises created considerable public interest on their first appearance, and won for him a large circle of enthusiastic admirers, notwithstanding the fact that they were written in a pompous, pedantic, and affected style in- tolerable to the taste of the present day. The letter which provoked the greatest amount of controversy was his " Sensus Communis," in which he promulgated his famous doctrine that ridicule is the test of truth. In Ethics he maintained that everything is for the best, and that man is governed by a " moral-sense " a natural sense of right and wrong, " as natural to us as natural affection itself, and a first principle in our constitution and make." In Religion the articles of his creed were few and simple. They may, says Mr. Fowler,* briefly be summed up as a belief in one God, whose most characteristic attribute is universal benevolence in the moral government of the universe, and in the future state of man making up for the imperfec- tions, and repairing the inequalities of this present life. The " Characteristics " provoked much controversy, and Shaftesbury's " system " became the object of severe attacks from Bernard de Mandeville, Butler, Berkeley, Warburton, and others. On the other hand, Pope borrowed from him ; Leibnitz, Diderot, and Lessing acknowledged their indebtedness to him, and Voltaire lauded him as " the boldest English Philosopher." Blair, in his " Lectures on Rhetoric," considers the author of the " Cha- racteristics " as worthy of admiration for the beauty of his language, for the construction of his sentences, for cadence, for delicacy, and for refinement ; while Warburton, who could not tolerate Shaftesbury's philosophy, bears this testimony to the man and his works : " The noble author of the ' Character- istics ' had many excellent qualities both as a man and a writer. He was temperate, chaste, honest, and a lover of his country. In his writings he has shown how much he has imbibed the deep sense, and how naturally ho could copy the gracious manner of Plato." His only son, the fourth Earl, took very little part in public life. His delights were in literature, and art, and society. Handel was his intimate friend ; and a complete set of the musician's oratorios in MS., bequeathed to him by the great composer, is still preserved at St. Giles's. He was married first to Susannah Noel, daughter of the Earl of Gainsborough, and, on her decease, to Mary, daughter of Viscount Folkestone, by whom he had two sons and one daughter. Antony Ashley Cooper, the nfth Earl, succeeded to the title when he ' Shaftesbury and Hutcheon." By Thomas Fowler, M.A., LL.D. 1811.] CROPLET ASHLEY. 15 was ton years old. Ho does not appear to have made any mark in tho world, and his name does not occur in Hansard, except as a signatory, with others, to a protest in the House of Lords. Samuel Jackson Pratt, a voluminous litterateur, dedicated to him " upon his return from a long residence in France," a poem entitled " The Contrast," and the Gentleman's Magazine, October 1808, in reviewing it, quotes, without giving the authority, a de- scription of Lord Shaftesbury's seat, and of the " humble dwellings, whether situated in the adjacent towns and villages, or embosomed in the shades where the inhabitants are clothed, fed, or comforted by a benevolence that is hereditary in the Shaftesburys, and which has lost nothing of its genial glow by time or by descent." The fifth Earl died without male issue on May 14, 1811, and the honours of the family devolved upon his only brother, Cropley Ashley (of whom we shall speak more hereafter), the father of the seventh Earl. He, for forty years, was " Chairman of Committees " in the House of Lords ; and, during the great railway mania, his authority and impartiality in handling Bills which were brought before him were of great service to the State. " After the third Earl," says a writer in the Quarterly E&view, " occurs a long interval, during which no lineal descendant rose to celebrity. But let not those who maintain the hereditary quality of genius or character despair ; for in this instance we are reminded of the river which, after running many miles underground, emerges clearer, purer, and less turbid than at its source. Af tor a noiseless descent of nearly two centuries, the name and honours of the Earls of Shaftesbury have devolved upon one who inherits all the domestic virtues with much of the capacity, intellectual vigour, high courage, and eager, animated eloquence of their founder one in whom ambition is chastened by the pure aims which make ambition virtue who has uniformly employed his advantages of rank, wealth, and station to alleviate human misery, to improve the moral and material condition of the poor who stands pre- eminent amongst British nobles for elevated, disinterested, untiring bene- volence and philanthropy." * Before proceeding to tell the story of the life of the seventh Earl it will bo well, perhaps, having glanced at his ancestry, to introduce the reader to tho ancestral home of tho Ashloys. The hereditary seat of the Ashleys is St. Giles's House, near Wimborne, in Dorsetshire, where, from tho reign of Henry VI. the family has been ])l:uiti>d, their ancestors, the Plecys, having been lords of the manor from before the reign of Edward I. St. Giles is reached from London by the Exeter line of the South Western Railway as far as Salisbury, and thence by the branch line to Verwood or Wimborne. The village of St. Giles or Wimborne St. Giles is two miles west of Cranborne, and nine miles north from Wimborne, or Wimborne Min- ster, the market and union town and polling place for the county. Quarterly Rtviev, No. 260, p. 327. 16 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURT. [CHAP. L St. Giles's House was once strongly fortified and surrounded by a moat, but all traces of what it was in the troublous times of the Wars of the Roses have long since disappeared, except the curious existence of a stream which passes right under the building. This water, diverted from the neighbouring river and returning to it again at a point lower down its course, served evidently to fill the ancient moat. When the latter was disused and filled up, the stream, instead of being cut off, was carelessly allowed to flow away by a central channel which still remains. The house is now a handsome mansion, approaching in form to a parallelogram, and built principally in the Eliza- bethan style. The towers, in the Italian style, surmounted by Renaissance turrets, were added by the seventh Earl. The apartments are worthy of a great English nobleman's house. Their contents are full of interest. We can only refer to them briefly in passing. In the large entrance hall is the round table on which Thomson wrote his " Seasons." The dining-room is admirably proportioned, at once so compact and spacious, that forty guests will not crowd it, nor will half a dozen seem lost in it. It was Lord Shaf tesbury's favourite room, of which he was espe- cially proud, and, indeed, it would be difficult to find anywhere an apartment in which comfort and beauty are better united, and in which every detail combines to produce a more perfect harmony. The library, in which much of. Lord Shaftesbury's time was spent, overlooks the park and garden, and is one of the most cheerful and beautiful rooms in the house. It is between sixty and seventy feet long, though low in height, like most ancient rooms, and the bookshelves, rising from floor to ceiling on all sides, are filled with a choice selection of ancient and modern works, many of them rare and valuable. The most remarkable room in the house is the saloon or great hall. St. Giles's House was originally quadrangular in shape, and the central part waa open to the sky. Now it is covered over and lighted by an oval lantern, and forms a large and splendid hall or saloon, with a gallery on three sides. The walls are hung with family portraits, while antiques and works of art are tastefully displayed on every hand. In this saloon there are an organ and a grand piano, and it was here that on Sunday evenings the family, the visitors, the servants, and many of the village folk assembled for a " service of song " a pleasant homely service at which the Earl presided, and generally con- cluded by reading a chapter from the Bible and offering up a simple prayer. St. Giles's House stands in a beautifully wooded park of 423 acres. A fine avenue of trees extends from the centre of the east front to one of the entrance lodges, a distance of about a mile ; and another remarkably beautiful avenue of beeches, locally known as Brockington, was once one of the main approaches to the house. The clear sparkling stream, the Wim, or Allen, runs through the park, and forms, on the south side of the house, a lake of seven acres in extent, overlooking which is a summer-house, adorned with memorials of the poet Thomson, who died in a house at Richmond afterwards bought and inhabited by the sixth Earl. They were brought here when that house was pulled down. IS85.) THE CHURCH OF WIMBORNE ST. GILES. 17 In the pleasure grounds on the south-east of the house is a remarkable gro'.to, probably the finest in England. It consists of two parts, the inner- most and largest being composed principally of Indian shells, and the outer grotto of shells, ores, and minerals, collected from various parts of the world. The collecting of shells and minerals -was a hobby of the fourth Earl, and when he had amassed an enormous number of specimens he had them arranged in their present form. The work was begun in 1757, and took two years to complete. The cost of collecting, building, and arranging has been variously estimated ; but it is believed that at least 10,000 was spent upon it. There are many fine old trees in the park ; one, a magnificent yew, is said to be over two thousand years old. The parish church of Wimborne St. Giles is on the north side of the village, close beside the gates of St. Giles's House. It is by no means a picturesque church, and the interior, consisting of a chancel and nave, is ex- tremely plain. It was rebuilt and enlarged in 1732 by the fourth Earl of Shaf tesbury ; repaired and altered by his son about half a century later ; and entirely remodelled and beautified by the seventh Earl in the year 1852. Although the register dates only from 1652, the church is of much greater antiquity, and was probably the burial-place of the Malmaynes, the Plecys, and other lords of the manor, long before it became the family burial-place of the Shaftesburys. In the chancel there is an effigy believed to represent Sir John de Plecy, a Crusader, who died in 1313. On the north side of the chancel there is a fine monument, with full-length figures of Sir Anthony Ashley and his wife ; the former in armour and bare- headed, the latter in her state gown ; and both have the starched ruff round the neck. At the side of this tomb is the monument of Anne Ashley, their daughter and only child she who married Sir John Cooper of Rockborne (whence, as already stated, the double name in the Shaf tesbury family of Ashley- Cooper is derived). The body of their son, the first Earl of Shaf tesbury, who died in Holland, was conveyed across the Channel in a vessel hung with black and adorned with streamers and escutcheons. It was met at Poole by the prin- cipal gentlemen of the county, who formed a guard of honour for the funeral, which took place in this church. There is a tablet on the north wall to the third Earl, who is described as " a celebrated author ; " and on the south side is a beautiful marble monu- ment to the fourth Earl, " who, from a consistency of virtuous conduct in public and private, had as many friends and as few enemies as ever fell to the lot of man." A simple slab of Caen stone to the memory of the father of the seventh Earl bears the inscription, " Cropley, Earl of Shaftesbnry, born Dec. 21, 1768 ; died June 2, 1851. His own recorded wishes demanded the simplicity of this memorial." In addition to these are many other memorials, to some of which reference will be made later on, as they are more immediately connected with the family of the seventh EarL 18 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CnAP. I. Close to the church is a row of ten alinsliouses erected by Sir Anthouy Ashley about the year 1624. A stone in the centre of the row bears the in- scription, " Liberasti ine, Domine, in Maxima Tribulatione." While Ashley was serving abroad in 1596 at the siege of Cadiz, he was accused of having, previously to his departure, compassed the death of one of his dependants. He was, on his return, tried but acquitted by the Star Chamber ; and this building, thus inscribed as a mark of gratitude to God, and dedicated to the poor, is supposed to have been meant by him to commemorate his deliver- ance. Opposite the almshouses, protected by an iron railing, is a poplar tree which Lord Shaftesbury took pleasure in pointing out to his visitors, as it was planted by Dr. Livingstone, the famous African explorer and missionary, when on a visit at St. Giles's House in 1854. The village is pleasantly situated, and has a population of about 500, an increase of 150 from the year 1801, the year in which Lord Shaftesbury was born, and in which the first census was taken. The cottages are mostly semi- detached and surrounded by pleasant little gardens, neatly kept, and abound- ing in fruit trees, vegetables, and flowers. These cottages, admirable in their construction, and each consisting of five or six rooms, well planned for comfort, for convenience, and for health, are let at the low rent of one shilling a week, or one-sixteenth of the average wages of the labouring men who occupy them. The school-house stands in the middle of the village, and is the centre of many activities. The average school attendance in 1880 was one in four of the whole population. Not only in this village, but in the villages round about, the care and kindness of Lord Shaftesbury were manifested, and the charge which is often brought against philanthropists, of caring for those afar off while neglecting those close at hand, could never be brought against him by any one who had paid a visit to Wimborne St. Giles, j CHAPTER H. CHILDHOOD AND EARLY YEARS. ANTONY ASHLEY-COOPER was born at 24, Grosvouor Square, on the 28th of April, 1801. His mother was the daughter of George, fourth Duke of Marlborough, and his father, as we have seen, was Cropley Ashley, who, in 1811, on the death of his brother, Antony Ashley, the fifth Earl of Shaftes- bury, without male issue, succeeded to the title. The early home influences surrounding young Ashley were not in themselves favourable to the develop- ment of his character. His father was a man of considerable ability of keen sense, and of quick discernment ; but he was engrossed in the cares and duties of public life. His mother was a fascinating woman, attached, after a certain manner, to her children ; but too much occupied with the claims of fashion and of pleasure to be very mindful of their religious training or of their general warfare. It followed that the tone, the conversation, the amuse- ments, the opinions, the spirit of the home, were all opposed to the early bent of his mind which, from his earliest years, was in the direction of the career he ultimately made for himself. He received no help from his parents in his religions life. His mother did not attempt to influence him in such matters ; his father, on one or two occasions, asked him a question from the Catechism, and the answer would meet with approval or displeasure, according to the verbal accuracy witli which it was given. For the rest, the boy was left to grow up in the old " high-and-dry school " in the cold, lifeless, formal orthodoxy of the times. But, although there was little in the home to foster, while there was much to discourage, the growth of that piety which was to characterise so signally his after-life, one source of helpful and tender influence was preserved to him. There was in the household a faithful old servant, Maria Millis, who had been maid to young Ashley's mother, when she was a girl at Blenheim, and who was now retained as housekeeper. She was a simple-hearted, loving, Christian woman, faithful in her duties to her earthly master, and faithful in her higher duties to her heavenly Master. She formed a strong attachment to the gentle, serious child, and would take him on her knees and tell him Bible stories, especially the sweet story of the Manger of Bethlehem and the Cross of Calvary. It was her hand that touched the chords and awakened the first music of his spiritual life. Although not yet seven years of age, there was in his heart a distinct yearning for God ; and to her he was indebted for the guidance and the training under which the longing of his heart was ultimately developed into a settled and intelligent faith, c 2 20 THE EARL OP SIIAFTESBURY. [CnAp. II. She taught him a prayer the first prayer he over learnt ; a prayer which he never omitted to use through all the trying days that were soon to come upon him. And in his old age, especially in times of sickness, he very frequently found himself in his prayers repeating those simple words. It would have been interesting to have read the words of that prayer ; it would, perchance, have been helpful to those who have the care and oversight of young lives, to know what simple words may be made instrumental in leading a life towards its highest aims. Almost the last promise made to the writer by Lord Shaftesbury prior to his fatal illness was that he would endeavour to find time to put down the words of that prayer in writing, but the intention was frustrated. At the age of seven, young Ashley went to school. There were, at the beginning of this century, certain schools to which children of the aristocracy were sent, such as, happily, would not be tolerated now under any circum- stances. They were hot-beds of every kind of evil and mischief, where bullying, and many other forms of cruelty, were permitted, if not encouraged; where might was right, and the lives of weak and timid boys were made almost intolerable. To such a school, at the Manor House, Chiswick, now an asylum for the insane, young Ashley was sent. It had a reputation, and a good one in some respects ; it was eminently respectable, and the sons of noble families were sent to it. It was formerly a place of retirement for sick scholars from Westminster School ; and in 1657 the famous Dr. Busby was living there with some of his pupils ; but at the time of which we write it was in the occupation of the Rev. Dr. Thomas Home. Dr. Home was a good classical scholar, capable of imparting to his pupils plenty of Latin and Greek ; but the art of education, in its wider sense, the training of character and dispo- sition, the formation of principles, the cultivation of good habits these were tilings neglected or ignored. Evil of every kind was rampant ; there was neither proper supervision nor proper food ; cruel punishments were inflicted for slight offences ; and great offences, such as bullying, foul language, or blackguardism generally not coming within the range of school discipline were left unchecked. Says Crabbe, in his " Tales of the School " : " Oh 1 there's a wicked little world in schools, Where mischief's suffered and oppression rules ; Where mild, quiescent children oft endure What a long, placid life shall fail to cure." It was so in young Ashley's case. He lived in a state of constant terror from the cruelty of the elder boys, and suffered exquisite misery for years through the neglect and inhumanity of the principal of the school in failing to provide sufficiently even the necessaries of life. The young days of his life, instead of being full of brightness and sun- shine and merriment, were made utterly wretched. Even in old age he 808.) MARIA MILLIS. 21 would say : " The memory of that place makes me shudder ; it is repul- sive to me even now. I think there never was such a wicked school before or since. The place was bad, wicked, filthy ; and the treatment was starvation and cruelty." Young Ashley had not been long at the Manor House School when a , great trouble befell him. Maria Millis, the faithful servant and friend, the one who alone in all the world had sympathised with his simple child- faitli, and had been the means of giving it increased vitality, was called j to her rest. It was his first great grief, and it came at a time when he was least able to bear it. Boyish sorrow, although often very real and passionate, is com- monly resisted and overcome by a nature full of life and of life's fresh and vivid interests. But Ashley was feeling deeply the loneliness of a school life amidst uncongenial associates and under a system that offered no alleviation to one so tender and sensitive. He clung to his old friend, for she was the only grown-up person in the world he really loved; the only one to whom he had dared to speak of the misery of his school life; the only one with whom bright and beautiful memories of his earlier years were associated. And now that she was gone, there was no one to whom he could unbosom the great sorrow her loss had brought to him ; his parents were not cast in a tender mould, they ruled by fear and not by love, and his three sisters were too young, and lacked the opportunity, to give him help. He felt that with his old nurse his last chance of happiness had gone ; he mourned for her " with a grievous mourning," for she was more to him than all the world beside, and he felt a terrible loneliness which sent a chill through his life. Without a soul on earth to whom he could go for comfort, he turned with a child's simple faith to the old Book that she had loved, and spread his sorrows before the Heavenly Friend whom she had taught him to regard as full of pity and tenderness. In her will she left him 'her watch a handsome gold one and until the day of his death he never wore any other. He was fond even to the last of showing it, and would say, "That was given to me by the best] friend I ever had in the world." In one less earnest and resolute, the spiritual life, thus deprived of its accustomed support, and left to be lived apart, might have been in danger of decline. But, throughout the five years during which he remained at the Manor House, ho persevered in his habit of praying and reading the Bible, despite the sneers and opposition of his fellows; and he never forgot the lessons he had learned from Maria Millis. Of all the social changes of this century of change, perhaps there is none more remarkable than that which has come over the relationship of parents and children. It was once the almost universal practice for parents to rule their children by severity and fear, now the opposite extreme prevails; respect and reverence for parents have perhaps decreased, but affection has un- doubtedly increased. In the case of many, the severity of home was bearable, 22 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. II. inasmuch as it was of short duration, and the return to school was hailed with delight as a welcome relief. In young Ashley's case there was neither joy in going back to school, nor joy in coming home. His parents had a mistaken idea of education, of parental authority, rights, and obligations ; and the fear with which Ashley regarded his schoolmaster and the bullies of the school was less than the fear with which he regarded his parents. There was no sympathy of any kind between them ; no exhibition, in any way. of affection. His heart sank within him when the day came for him to go home for the holidays, and it sank within him when he had to return to school. Nor was it only the presence of his parents in the home that made life oppressive ; their absence had exactly the same effect, for then he was left with his sisters, to the tender mercies of the servants, and he knew, times without number, what it was to be kept for days without sufficient food until he was pinched with starvation ; and could recall many weary nights in winter when he lay awake all through the long hours, suffering from cold. It is not well to dwell upon these details it may be considered unwise to have referred to them at all. But they are necessary to the right appreciation of his subsequent career. No one who knew Lord Shaftes- bury could fail to observe in him an air of melancholy, a certain sombre- ness and sadness, which habitually surrounded him like an atmosphere. It was no doubt to be attributed, in great measure, to the scenes of suffer- ing and sorrow which were continually before him ; but it was also largely due to the fact that there had been no light-heartedness in his childhood, and that the days to which most men look back with the keenest delight were only recalled by him with a shrinking sense of horror. But it is important to the understanding of his life in another aspect that this record of his unhappy childhood should be given. Those early years of sorrow were the years in which he was graduating for his great life-work. He had suffered oppression ; henceforth his life would bo devoted to fight- ing the battles of the oppressed. He had known loneliness, and cold, and hunger; henceforth he would plead the cause of the poor, the lonely, the suffering, and the hungry. He had known the loss of a happy childhood ; henceforth he would labour, as long as life should last, to bring joy and gladness to the hearts and homes of little children. At the age of twelve there came a change, a welcome change, in the life of young Ashley. He was removed from the Manor House School, sent straight to Harrow, and placed under the care, and in the house, of Dr. Butler, the Head Master. He soon found himself associated with a gentlemanly set of fellows, among whom was Sir Harry Verney, who, as is well known, has greatly distinguished himself by his large-hearted philanthropy. No freed slave ever rejoiced in his emancipation, no over-worked factory hand ever hailed his "protection," no rescued outcast ever delighted in a newly-found " Home " more heartily than did young Ashley rejoice in his transfer to Harrow. It was the beginning of a new life to him ; whatever lS.) AT HARROW. 23 might happen now in vacation-time he would at least be able to look forward with pleasure to his return to school. He was still, however, without those influences which are sometimes thought to be of first importance in the formation of a religious character ; his conduct was regulated by Christian instincts, but not by any settled prin- ciples ; he had floating impressions of good, but no fixed and steadfast pur- pose. Yet his eyes and his heart were opening gradually, and meanwhile he could say, as regarded the letter of the moral law, " all these things have I kept." In speaking of these times to the present writer he said : " I distinctly remember how often it was impressed upon my mind that the Bible Society, which was founded when I was three years old, was an evil and a revolution- ary institution, opposed alike to Church and State. I was brought up in the old ' high-and-dry ' school, and believed it to be a meritorious thing to hate Dissenters. As to their doing any good in the world, the very idea seemed to be monstrous, if, indeed, it ever occurred to me. As to their having any views of their own worthy of consideration, it never crossed my mind, until one day I got hold of a copy of some Commentary, and after reading for a while with great interest, it suddenly struck me, ' The writer must have been a rank Dis- senter ! " and I instantly shut up the book, recoiling from it as I would from poison. One of the first things that opened my eyes was reading of Dod- dridge being condemned as a Dissenter, and I remember exclaiming, ' Good heavens ! how will he stand in the judgment, at the bar of God, as compared with Pope Alexander YI. ? ' It was not till I was twenty-five years old, or thereabouts, that I got hold of ' Scott's Commentary on the Bible,' and, struck with the enormous difference between his views and those to which I had been accustomed, I began to think for myself." Vast as was the improvement in his comfort at Harrow, the state of things was not in those days to be compared with these. " A strange reminiscence of Harrow in the first thirty years of the nine- teenth century was recounted by Lord Shaftesbury, when presiding at the Harrow Triennial Dinner, on June 18th, 1884. ' He recalled the case of a master who, being himself a bad sleeper, frequently called up his form the Shell at four o'clock on a winter's morning, and relieved the tedium of the night by this very early first school.' The venerable philanthropist also spoke with horror of the unpleasant state of Duck Puddle in his time, when it swarmed with insects, reform having been brought about by the Earl's own ingenuity in selecting the subject for Latin verse composition." * Although his father had succeeded to the Shaftesbury title and estates in 1811, it was not until some few years after that young Ashley paid his first visit to St. Giles's House. He went there from Harrow, to pass the summer holidays, and singularly happy days they were for him in comparison with those he had spent at the Richmond house, in summer, and the house in " Harrow School and it* Surroundings," by Percy M. Thornton, p. 364. 24 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBtJRlr. [CHAP. IL Grosvenor Square, in winter, when lie had come home for his holidays from the Manor House School. Even as a boy he was always an ardent lover of the country ; and was never so happy as when rambling in the midst of forest scenery, or in rural haunts, where, to a contemplative mind, every sight and sound is full of sug- gestion. | Harrow and its beautiful surroundings had done much to dissipate the gloom which had gathered over his childhood ; and St. Giles's helped to finish what Harrow had begun. His mind was braced up and invigorated ; new hopes and aspirations were kindled, old perturbations of spirit were allayed, and the, prospects of life looked brighter than they had ever done before as he viewed them under the influence of these country scenes. He was a great lover, too, of natural history and the various sciences which reveal the wonders of the world around ; and his rambles brought him every day in contact with these unwritten books of God, which he read with infinite delight. He explored every nook and corner of Cranborne Chase, an immense sylvan region, at one time comprising an area of eighteen square miles. As late as 1828 it contained 12,000 deer and as many as six lodges, each of which had its " walk " and was under the management of a ranger. " Nothing," says the poet Bowles, " can be more wild than this leafy labyrinth, opening at times and showing through the hollies, and thorns, and hazels some distant wooded hamlet in sunshine. On the bordering downs no object meets the eye except here and there, at a distance, a small round clump of trees on summits called by the people of the country appropriately a hat of trees." It was in Cranborne Chase that, after the battle of Sedgemoor, the Duke of Monmouth, disguised in rustic attire, was taken prisoner under the ash tree which is still pointed out. The tree stands on the Shaf tesbury estate. Nor were the surroundings of St. Giles's deficient in objects of interest of all kinds. There was the old town of Cranborne from which the Salis- bury family take their second title witli its ancient church, one of the oldest and largest in the county, near which Edward Stillingfleet, the famous Bishop of Worcester, was born ; and its picturesque Manor House, belonging to the Marquis of Salisbury, with interesting historical memorials of kings and queens who used it as a hunting lodge when visiting the Chase. A few miles further afield is the market town of Wimborne, or Wimborne Minster, with its exquisite and venerable collegiate church, where lie the remains of royal and noble personages. Bnt dearer than all was the "great house" which was now his home, with its treasures of art and literature, and its sumptuous and pleasant apartments. And dear, too, was the little village just outside the gates, where dwelt the simple country folk, in whose society, even as a boy, he found gratification. Throughout his life Lord Shaftesbury had never the least hesitation in tracing the time when his spiritual history had a beginning. He unhesitat- ingly affirmed that it was when he was seven years of age under the influence of his nurse Maria Millis. 1815.] A STRIKING INCIDENT. 25 In like manuer he used to say that he could remember the day and the hour in which he made his first start in a philanthropic career. It was while he was at Harrow, and when he was between fourteen and fifteen years of age, that an incident occurred which, simple as it was in itself, influenced his whole after-life. He was one day walking alone down Harrow Hill when he was startled by hearing a great shouting and yelling in a side street, and the singing of a low Bacchanalian song. Presently the noisy party turned the corner of the street, and to his horror he saw that four or five drunken men were carrying a roughly -made coflm, containing the mortal remains of one of their fellows, for burial. Staggering as they turned the corner, they let their burden fall, and then they broke out into foul and horrible language. It was a sickening spectacle. No solitary soul was there as a mourner. A fellow-creature was about to be consigned to the tomb with indignities to which not even a dog should be subjected. Young Ashley was horrified, and stood gazing on the scene spell-bound. Then he exclaimed, " Good Heavens ! can this be permitted, simply because the man was poor and friendless ? " Before the sound of the drunken songs had died away in the distance he had faced the future of his life, and had determined that, with the help of God, he would from that time forth devote his life to pleading the cause of the poor and friendless. It is a curious circumstance, that nearly seventy years after that day, Lord Shaftesbury was walking down Harrow Hill with Dr. Butler, the son of his old master, at that time the head master of Harrow School, and subse- quently Dean of Gloucester. " Can your Lordship remember any particular incident or occasion which induced yon to dedicate your life, as you have done, to the cause of the poor and wretched ? " asked Dr. Butler, in total ignorance of the circum- stances of the case. " It is a most extraordinary coincidence that you should ask me that question here," answered Lord Shaftesbury, "for it was within ten yards of the spot where we are now standing that I first resolved to make the cause of the poor my own," and he then told him the above recorded incident. In the beautiful park at Holwood, a few miles from Bromley, in Kent, there is a solid stone seat beside an old tree, just above the steep descent into the vale of Keston. It was on that spot that Wilberforce stood in earnest conversation with Pitt, and determined, on the recommendation of his friend, to give notice on a fit occasion in the House of Commons, of his intention to bring forward the question of the Abolition of Slavery. . It would bo well that some day there should be erected on Harrow Hill a suitable monument perhaps a similar one to mark the spot where the freedom of countless thousands of poor factory children, chimney sweeps, agricultural labourers, and others, had its origin. ,^^- But the work of life had not yet commenced he was still a mere boy, 26 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [OnAP. 1L with a great many floating impressions, and only a few determinations. It is no uncommon thing for earnest people to paint their own demerits in exceed- ingly dark colours, and in looking back across the many years of his life to this period, and on to the time when he took up the factory question, Lord Shaftesbury was wont to charge himself with " the besetting sin of idle- ness." " Many excellent persons," says Lord Macaulay, " whose moral character from boyhood to old age has been free from any stain discernible to their fellow-creatures, hare, in their autobiographies and diaries, applied to them- selves, and doubtless with sincerity, epithets as severe as could be applied to Titus Gates or Mrs. Brownrigg." * It is not difficult to understand why it was that Lord Ashley was wont to charge himself with the sin of idleness, and bemoan, what he sometimes calls, by a pardonable exaggeration, his misspent time. When once he was launched out into the full stream of labour, and was carried away with it so that he had to economise every moment of every day, he begrudged the years which he might, as he thought, have given to the help of his fellow-creatures. But those years were not really idle ; he was laying in a store of know- ledge on which he could hereafter draw ; he was drinking in influences which were to mould and discipline his future ; and his character was forming, not by violent and abnormal means, but by the gradual, steady development which culminates in true and abiding strength. ,A fragment written by Lord Shaftesbury towards the close of his life, and given to the writer merely as a memorandum, is partly an epitome of what has been already told : f Born 28th April, 1801, at 24, Q-rosvenor Square. Very little or no recollection of my earliest years. Remember that I soon passed under the special care of the housekeeper, who had been my mother's maid before her marriage. She was an affectionate, pious woman. She taught me many things, directing my thoughts to highest subjects ; and I can even now call to my mind many sentences of prayer she made me repeat at her knees. To her I trace, under God, my first impressions. I and my sisters all three of them older than myself were brought up with great severity, moral and physical, in respect both of mind and body, the opinion of our parents being that, to render a child obedient, it should be in a constant fear of its father and mother. At seven went to school a very large one at Chiswick. Nothing could have surpassed it for filth, bullying, neglect, and hard treatment of every sort ; nor had it in any respect any one compensating advantage, except, perhaps, it may have given me an early horror of oppression and cruelty. It was very similar to Dotheboys Hall. Remained for five years, and then sent to Harrow and became the pupil and * Macaulay'a "Biographies." (John Bunyan.) t This fragment Lord Shaftesbury took with him to Folkestone just before hia last illness, intending to amplify the account of his early years. 1801-19 A FRAGMENT OP AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 27 lived, with others, in the house of Dr. Butler, the Head Master of the school Things were there on a very different footing compared with Chiswick. Left Harrow soon after fifteen years of age. Had reached the Sixth Form and had learned very little. But that was my own fault. Though I obtained some prizes, I was, on the whole, idle and fond of amusements, and I neglected most opportunities of acquiring knowledge. At about sixteen I went to reside with a clergyman in Derbyshire who had married my first cousin. I was sent there, in fact, to be got out of the way, for the clergyman never professed that he was able to teach me anything, nor, indeed, did my father require of him any such services. I had a horse, and there were dogs belonging to the house that constituted my great amusement ; and a family in the neighbourhood showed me abundant hospitality. I remained there about two years, and perhaps no two years were ever so misspent. I hardly ever opened a book, and seldom heard anything that was worth hearing ; nevertheless, there were constantly floating in my mind all sorts of aspirations, though I never took a step to make their fulfilment possible. My father had resolved to put me in the army, but he was dissuaded from that purpose by the influence, I believe, of a friend, of whose kind act I shall always think with the deepest gratitude. My father then resolved to place me at Christ Church, Oxford, to which place he took me in 1819. The Rev. T. V. Short, afterwards Bishop of St. Asaph, was appointed to be my tutor : a kind man and a worthy, and a good one taken altogether. I remember well his first question, " Do you intend to take a degree 1 " This was a strong demand upon one who had lost so many years in idleness and amusements, yet I answered at once, " I cannot say, but I will try." He did try, and the result was that in 1822 he took a first class in classics. Referring to this in after-life, he said, modestly, " I have had a great many surprises in my life, but I do not think I was ever more surprised than when I took honours at Oxford." It was not a matter of surprise, however, to others, for he had entered upon his studies with the determination to succeed, and had worked with the vigour and concentration which characterised him in many other efforts in which he was similarly resolved. A year or two before his death he met, on the platform of the Victoria Institute, Bishop Short, of Adelaide, who had not seen him since they were students together sixty years before. There were cordial greetings, and in his speech the Bishop referred to their college days. " I well remember," he said, " watching Lord Ashley day after day walking up the great hall of that ancient house on his way to lecture, assiduous in his duties, diligent in his studies; and I remember thinking, 'If that is a specimen of the English aristocracy, we have in the House of Lords an institution which has no rival throughout the world.' " What were the thoughts and hopes and purposes, the plans and aspira- tions of Lord Ashley in this critical period between his college days and his entry upon his political career, have been told, as no one else could tell thorn, 28 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. TCHAP. II. by himself in a Journal of what he terms " fugitive and desultory notes," from which we make the following extracts : Aug. 13th, 1825. First discourse of Chalmers in Tron Church. (The power of man's reason and the bounty of God in the advance of his knowledge will be manifested even in this world towards end of existence. Monarchy is the great principle in physics ; close relation of physics to morality. Solar system typical of government on earth. Argue that the circle or elliptic form is the most complete (being the most celestial figure). Form of bodies, course of bodies, &c., all round infer that morals will follow physics. Mankind began with monarchy and simplicity. It will return to the point from whence it started by a different route, which in morals is equivalent to a circle. Mon- archy is the most perfect form, and will prevail again when man, as the planets, can perform his functions as simply and as truly.) Aug. 24th. Finished Chalmers ; " Bravo of Venice ; " " The Monk ; " " Lind- ley Murray's Grammar." He seems in everything inclined to destroy peculi- arities of English idiom. Aug. 25th. Versified half of the 27th Psalm. Aug. 31st. Read a French novel, " Baron de Felsheim." Walter Scott has taken his Caleb from the Brandt of that book. I remember observing when I read Fenelon's " Existence de Dieu " that he could claim the original conception of the trope used by Canning, "The sea which divides other nations," &c., &c., &c. Sept. 8th. London. Talked about Woodstock with Forster. To end of September at Stapleton and Chatsworth ; no thinking or reading. Oct. 8th. Ossington. Macgregor comes from paKpTiyopftv, from some rascally bore who talked at great length. Oct. 10th, Sunday. Feelings of a warm and generous nature may be often- times wounded on earth ; nay, they may appear a curse, but they are not so ; these sentiments shall be purified in Heaven ; Divine intensity shall be added to their virtue, and their Lord shall be God. God possessing all happiness Him- self, has shown by His creation that it consists in the communication of happiness to others. Oct. 12th. It may be argued that, even by moral institutions, giving is more noble than lending. To be sure one reasons upon the vices of one's nature, but regard the effects of each : lend to a friend, and you lose both friend and money ; is it so when you give 1 Sometimes (for one benefited is occasionally humiliated), but not so frequently. Oct. 13th. I have a great mind to found a policy upon the Bible ; in public life observing the strictest justice, and not only cold justice, but active benevolence. That is good towards individuals : is it so towards nations 1 It is certainly less practicable. Generosity in private affairs is strength to the giver with little hazard ; in empires it confers the discreditable charge of imprudence with great danger, through the increased force of the rival nation, and no gratitude. But justice raw justice is the Shckinah of governments. Oct. 14th. People talk of being misunderstood, not known, little valued, or rewarded according to their merits. Is not God in every one of the cases a srreater sufferer, if one may say so? He is absolutely forgotten. This has 18 if,.] BIRTHDAY THOUGHTS. 29 endured since the creation ; nay, even in His own family, the Jews, He waa as nothing. Can we not hold up, then, for the short space of some forty years.' 1826, April 5th. People talk of the divine right of kings. No man has a divine right to anything except salvation, and that he may lose by his own negligence. . At the age of twenty-five Lord Ashley did what .at that time was con- j sidered proper for a young man to do who had finished his college course, obtained a good degree, and, as eldest son of a peer, was possessed of influence I and position he entered Parliament. ( On the day he attained his twenty-fifth year he wrote in his Diary : 1826, 28th April. My birthday, and now I am twenty-five years old a great age for one who is neither wise, nor good, nor useful, nor endowed with capability of becoming so. People would answer me, " Why, you have not lost your time ; you have always been engaged ; " quite true, but always upon trifles ; indeed, since my quitting Oxford, a space now of three years, I have absolutely done harm to my intellects, by false reasoning which, however rare it may have been, is the only exercise which has disturbed my mental indolence. What might have been performed in three years ? but not a study commenced, not an object pursued ; not a good deed done, not a good thought generated ; for my thoughts are too unsteady for the honour of that title. Visions without end, but, God be praised, all of a noble character. I fancy myself in wealth and power, exerting my influence for the ends that I sought it for, for the increase of religion and true happiness. No man had ever more ambition, and probably my seeming earnestness for great and good purposes was merely a proof of hotter ambition and deeper self-deception than exists in others. That I am not completely in despair must come from God who knows, " qu(B sint, qua fuerint, qua mox ventura trah-antur" and who, if He wanted me, or knew that I could be useful, would doubtless call me forward. All that I can remark then is, that I will entreat Him to raise up for Old Britain young and aged saints and sinners, high and low, rich and poor, who may act as well for her interests as I always fancied I wished to do ; but as I said before, that was likely to be a self -error. Nor did I leave the world out of my calculations. England was to have been the fountain, and our globe the soil to have been watered by her ; may she do it yet, though I fear, unless God administer the healing branch, the stream will be very corrupt ! But he has perhaps other nations in view for the honour of vicegerency ; let us hope " not ; " nay, I may say, " let us try not : " for His blessings are still here, and as God is never capricious, He will not remove them without a cause. But, happen what may between now and the fulfilment of all things, He will eventually restore happi- ness to the world, and may He do it by the services of our country I Latterly I have taken to hard study. It Amuses me and prevents mischief. Occasionally the question " cut bono ? " sours my spirit of application ; but, generally speaking, I have stilled the passions. An attachment during my residence at Vienna commenced a. course of self-knowledge for me. Man never has loved more furiously or more imprudently. The object was, and is, an angel, but she was surrounded by, and would have brought with her, a halo of hell. 30 THE KARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. II. On the llth June, 1826, the excitement among the electors of Woodstock the pocket borough of the house of Marlborough ran high. The candi- dates were the Marquis of Blandford, Lord Ashley, Mr. J. H. Langstane, and Mr. R. Me William. Lord Ashley put up for Woodstock for family reasons, and to restore the family interests. He was the grandson of the old Duke of Marlborough, and was put forward with Lord Blandford, the son of the existing Duke. John Bull, in reporting the state of the poll on that date, after comment- ing on the excitement in the borough, owing to the " nearly equal strength and high respectability of the candidates," said, " The several candidates addressed the crowd, and the speech of Lord Ashley was distinguished by eloquence and sound judgment, and breathed a spirit of regard for our glorious Constitution which should animate the hearts of all electors and elected at this crisis, when the demon of Popery is struggling to raise its accursed head." The election resulted in the triumphant return of Lord Ashley. Nov. 16th. Took the oaths of Parliament with great good- will ; a slight prayer for assistance in my thoughts and deeds. When he entered Parliament his future had assumed no definite shape. One thing, however, seemed to be clear to him, which was that, although he had joined the Conservatives then led by Lord Liverpool and Mr. Canning and was prepared as far as possible to support the King's Government, he would not be the servile follower of a party. Thus we find him in 1828 voting with the Ministers against the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and in 1829 voting with them again for the Removal of Roman Catholic Disabilities. At the same time he held an attitude of independence, and from the first the support he gave to the Government was general, not constant. One of his earliest speeches was delivered in connection with the proposed provision for Canning's family, which he cordially supported, although he was careful to put it on record that he did so on private grounds. Of Canning's genius he had a high appreciation : Dec. 12th. Canning's speech the finest historical recollection of my life. Except the loftier flights of the Bible I have never heard nor read such rousing eloquence, such sentiments, such language, such a moment ; they almost maddened me with delight and enthusiasm could not sleep for agitation feverishly and indistinctly recollecting what I had heard. 13th. Wrote to Mrs. C., and received a most amiable answer. Lord Ashley's letter to Mrs. Canning is not forthcoming, but the tenor of it may be gathered from her reply : Mrs. (afterwards Lady) Canning to Lord Ashley. DOWNING STREET, Wednesday, Dec* 13th, 1826. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, Next to the speech of last night your note is the most eloquent and beautiful effusion of feeling I ever met with. It confirms 182fl.] AT STRATHFIELDSATE. 31 my opinion of you and of the merits of the speech itself, which I feel so strongly was calculated to be fully appreciated by a mind like yours, that the first question I asked was whether Lord Ashley was in the House during the last speech. The true test of the real merits of such a speech is the effect which it pro- duces upon a strong', highly cultivated, classical, and youthful mind. Your testimony is, therefore, doubly gratifying as a friend and as a judge. Perhaps the most satisfactory proof that I can give you that the expression of such warm and kind feelings is not thrown away upon ungrateful or uncongenial minds, is, that on reading your note both Mr. C. and myself found our eyes in that state of overflow which you describe your own to have nearly been on hearing the speech. I long to see you and talk it over with you. Ever yours most sincerely, J. CANNING. When Lord Ashley was a boy at Harrow, he, in common with every thoughtful boy in the land, had shared the enthusiasm with which the bril- liant exploits of the great Duke of Wellington were greeted. The daring deeds, the grandeur and simplicity of the man who wrought them ; the perils to the country that were averted ; the " special Providences," as it seemed, that gave victory to our arms ; these, and other things, combined to make him the hero of heroes in the eyes of young Ashley. To him the Iron Duke became the Ideal Man. His bravery and gentleness, his honesty and consistency, his career as a man, a soldier, and a statesman, all were admired. The impressions thus formed in .boyhood were by no means lessened when he came to years of manhood. How it came about there is no record to show, but there sprang up be- tween the veteran soldier and the young member of Parliament a strong personal friendship, which grew as the years went on. Among the many letters from the Duke of Wellington found among Lord Shaftesbury's papers, there is one, in which the date of the year is not given, written in a cold and formal way : " The Duke of Wellington presents his compliments to Lord Ashley and hopes he will call at Apsley House to-morrow at eleven." Whether in the interview that ensued, the friendship began, cannot now be stated, but the following letter shows that as early as 1826 all coldness and formality had passed : The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley. LONDON, October 20th, 1826. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, Will you come and pass a few days at S. Saye on the 8th of November 1 J hope you will meet some of your friends. Ever yours most sincerely, WELLINGTON. After this date we find Lord Ashley frequently at Stratlifieldsaye, and the recollections of those pleasant visits were fresh and green in his memory to rVn Pn rt O f jjjg days. 32 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CriAp. II. Jan. 22nd, 1827. How we change 1 Now I think Canning's speech a little imprudent. Feb. 14th. In House of Commons. I am too bilious for public life. What I suffer from the brazen faces and low insults of that Radical party 1 I am not fit for their accursed effrontery, which sneers at every sentiment of a gentleman, and is backed by the applause of those who pretend to education 1 Hume's conduct to-night was over-disgusting, and so was that of his civilised friends. I should have stormed in madness had it been against myself. I am not fit for the House of Commons. Feb. 17th. 111 and worn by this Ilchester Election Committee displeased with Fazakerley ; I don't like being so, but he talks too indifferently about Brogden's behaviour. Angry with Wortley also ; however, my feelings are always over- strong. Sorry that Sharpe is petitioned against, and I on the Committee ; he is a good-natured, kind-hearted, and well-informed creature, but it can't be helped. Got quieter in my political feelings. Lord Liverpool taken dangerously ill poor man ! beloved, trusted, and looked up to by every mind in England 1 What has he not done for the character of the Church ? God's ways are not our ways may He give us another like unto him 1 Denison disappoints me ; neither sound Ministerial nor true Whig, he rather cants for reputation. If Canning be present, he is for Canning ; if not, he seems for Abercromby. Perhaps I am still weaker, but as yet I have not found it out, lynx-eyed to another's faults I Feb. 22nd. Voted for old Sharpe to be M.P. for Ilchester. He and his col- league against me in politics, but I gave them the benefit of my doubts, accord- ing to custom of Parliament. Had I, or had I not, any feeling of kindness towards old Conversation 1 * I do business well and am attentive. Put on Northampton Committee and Emigration ditto. What am I fit for? I want nothing but usefulness to God and my country. Feb. 2.~>th. I am certainly more for the Catholics than I was before, but wholly as a matter of policy, because it does not seem that danger any longer exists. This is the result of private reason, uninfluenced by speeches or con- versation ; but as so little turns upon me I must and may conceal it ; my father otherwise would go mad. I am inclined to believe that, were this Bill carried, every man who has upheld its principle would prove an Argus of jealousy towards those he had befriended ; the warmest supporters would be the keenest spies. April 1st. Lady Carlisle wrote me word the other day that Brougham had been loud in my praises ; he has since set Warburton and John Smith to work, I think, upon my vanity, and make me thereby a member of his " Useful Know- ledge Club." Now I cannot feel indifferent to the encomiums of a man like Brougham, but in bottoming this question I must consider whether they be real or merely calculated to beguile a young man whose vote, or name, is far better than his talents. He is afraid of my adopting illiberal principles, at least, he says BO. I have often sneered at Normanby because he fell into the power of these Whig sirens, who had charmed his ears with smooth and specious flattery. But long before I knew that Brougham was even informed of my existence, I had ceased to confine my views within the narrow circle of hand-to-mouth politics. As for praises, they make me unhappy ; the time will come, and that * Mr. Sharpe was called "Conversation " Sharpe. RELIGION TOE BASIS OP GOVERNMENT. 33 right soon, when I shall be found not only wanting, but contemptible in abilities. I should be far happier if I were indifferent to knowledge ; the pursuit of it has engrossed my whole mind and attention, and much have I thrown away of calm ease and unruffled contentedness to arrive at that which, after a long chase, I find to be more distant from me than it is from others who are mere dabblers or beginners. Would to Heaven I could quit public life and sink down into an ambition proportionate to my capacity ! But I am cursed with honourable desires (they are so) and by predestined failure. This keeps spurring me on to desperation. What a happy fate to lose all hope, all aspiring sentiment, all nobleness of thought, all daring of mind, all wish for greater things ! I had rather be creeping and contented than aspiring and inefficient. It is a curse of tantalisation ; ride all my thoughts throughout this book. April 8th, Sunday. Locke has been greatly extolled for his simile of a child's mind to a sheet of paper ; it is not original ; vide Hooker's " Eccl. Pol.," Lib. I., sec. 6. " The soul of man is like a book," &c., &c. April 14th. What a job in all these resignations ! The whole run of Radicals, Whigs, and Canning's Party, is at the Duke of Wellington. Will this political intrigue triumph ? April 1 7th. I care for Peel and Wellington : were they again in the Cabinet I should be satisfied. What will become of the army ? But what of the navy, with that Bedlamite Duke of Clarence at the head, and Canning to dispose of Church Preferment I We shall see. I have decided in my own heart that no one should be Prime Minister of this great country, unless deeply imbued with religion ; a spirit which will reflect and weigh all propositions, examine each duty, and decide upon the highest ; be content to do good in secret, and hold display as a bauble compared with the true interests of God and the kingdom ; have energy to withstand politic..! jobbing, and refuse what is holy as a sacrifice to faction. He must calculate advantages to arise in a century, and not shows to glitter at the moment ; he must appoint that which is best, and not that which is most capable of appearing so. He must leaven every deed with the feeling of religion. All things must be done to edifying, and if he do not call in Scripture and holy aid to assist him in the discharge of each office, be it important or be it trifling, he must do it in that frame of mind and heart which is caused by long and genuine delight in the lessons derived from the truths of wisdom and Christianity. Now Canning will do none of this, and, therefore, I d re-ad his elevation. The Catholic affair is secondary ; we might live under that. Saw Jephson, doctor, of Leamington. He assured me he had never met a person with a more deranged system. Knew by my symptoms that my brain must be sadly loaded ; enough to bring on any excess of bad spirits. I have suffered dreadfully for many years with headaches, low spirits, and aost weari- some sensations, attended by great weakness of limbs. Perhaps I shall improve henceforward. April 18th. Increasing in anger about the conduct of Canning's Party towards Duke of Wellington. Entertained yesterday strong opinion that I ought not to give up public business, or rather the endeavour to qualify myself for it The State may want me, wretched ass as I am 1 Poor as Lord Ashley's opinion was of himself, there is abundant evidence 011 every hand that no one else entertained a similar opinion of him. It was D 34 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP II curious that he should have closed his entry on that page of the Diary with the words : " The State may want me," for the next entry shows that his ser- vices were required in the government of the country. This was a perilous time in the inner life of Lord Ashley. The habit was growing 1 upon him, and, as a matter of fact, had already taken such a hold that he never completely freed himself from it of analysing his own motives, principles, and actions ; of indulging in morbid self-depreciation, and of cherishing a nervous dread of failure. This was mischievous in itself, and mischievous inasmuch as " happy occasions oft by self -distrust were forfeited." Many circumstances were combining, however, to check the growth of the habit, and to show to him that there were wide spheres of usefulness lying open to him. On the 16th of February, the premier the Earl of Liverpool had been stricken with a terrible illness, and, though he lingered nearly two years, he never regained his full consciousness. On the 12th April, Mr. Canning was appointed his successor, and a place was offered to Lord Ashley in the Administration. His father held at that time, and retained until just before his death, the office of Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords. Mrs. (afterwards Lady} Canning to Lord Ashley. DOWNING STREET, April ISth, 1827. DEAR LORD ASHLEY, The newspapers are full of your father's resignation, of which, however, Mr. Canning has not heard anything in any other way. Whether the report be true or not, it makes no difference in Mr. Canning's feelings towards you, but if true, it would prevent him from making a direct offer to you, at the risk of a direct refusal. He has, therefore, desired me to ascertain, before he proceeds to his arrange- ments, whether a seat at one of the Boards would be agreeable to you ? Yours very sincerely, J. CANNING. Lord Ashley to Mrs. Canning. Wednesday Evening, April 18th, 1827. MY DEAR MRS. CANNING, My father has certainly not, as yet, resigned ; nor, even supposing him to have such an intention, could he do it before the meeting of Parliament, because the office is held of the House of Lords. That Mr. Canning should think that I could either assist or grace his Administration is, indeed, a very high compliment. Pray thank him warmly for this mark of kindness and esteem, and although I decline the acceptance of his nattering offer, do not believe yourself, and do not let him believe, that I have any feelings of ill-will or opposition. You know how sincerely I admire his policy in the late affairs upon the Continent, and I should have great 1827.) CANNING AND WELLINGTON. 35 satisfaction in supporting, with my best endeavours, so enlarged and so national a system. But there is a concurrence of circumstances which will not allow me to embrace his friendly proposal ; and, indeed, I feel so unqualified that I almost rejoice in the difficulty. I must again entreat you to thank him for this recollection of me, to assure him how ardently I hope that, whatever he shall undertake, may prove as beneficial as his foreign scheme to the interests, and honour of our country. I am, dear Mrs. Canning, Yours very truly, ASHLEY. April 18th (Diary continued). Found on my return after writing fore- going a note from Mrs. Canning to make me, in Mr. Canning's name, the offer of a place. It was delicately done. I declined in a letter as civil and as grateful as I could compose. My own mind reasoned thus : 1st. Catholic question has nothing to do with it. I should have just the same feelings were it already carried. Political opinions neither, for I agree with Canning in nine-tenths of his system. I distrust him somewhat. I think him dangerous at the head of Government, injudicious, hasty, loving show more than substance, aspiring anxious to keep his situation, and yet so weak that he will not be able to do so unless he gratify the powerful by jobs and improprieties ; fiery and domineering, with flippancy in foreign matters, he must place us oftentimes in ticklish circumstances. 2nd. With all these dangers, Peel and the D. of W. have retired from the Cabinet men who might have checked his extravagance and as they are those with whom I feel and think, an immediate acceptance of office would have seemed a declaration of contrary sentiments. 3rd. Canning is a friend, and so is the D. of W., there has been a personal dispute between them, and, if I went into place, I should apparently espouse the part of Canning, and I am entirely in favour of the Duke. 4th. I have here and there made known my sentiments, and it would be inconsistent to declaim against him und receive his largesses. Now, time may effect alterations. I may gain more confidence in Canning, there may be a reconciliation and a general amnesty. I am pledged to nothing. This violent language of the papers, if not authorised by Canning, remains unchecked by him, and I, a supporter of the Duke, hold him responsible. But with me the D. is the chief consideration. As an underling in office, I can labour for the country prospectively only ; were I a great man, the granting or withholding of my personal services might be duly weighed, but a place now would be simply a school of education for future services. It is a great loss to me, but I have done rightly. We must not always sneer at inferior persons having high notions. I do not pretend to any merit whatever, nor can my name or services be considered as of a moment's value ; but every one must have a principle of conduct, and my thoughts have run in this line. I have no regrets except that of having given way to my feelings in speaking with censure against Canning. Silence would have been better. I shall keep all secret, and by no means take credit for my magnanimity. Many, I know, would sneer at him because, unimportant as \ am in reality, I stood peculiar, D 2 36 THE EARL OP SHAFTESOURY. [CHAP. II. owing to my father's opinions. My refusal, if known, might annoy him, and the great must not be humiliated by the dignity of whipper-snappers like myself. April 19th. Leamington. Saw Jephson. How one improves by fancy even 1 I am better for having spoken to him. Sorry to have said so openly things against Canning ; but, however, it was in defence of Dukey. I have towards him a patriotic gratitude, as well as private respect. April 22nd, Sunday. Time was when I could not sleep for ambition. I thought of nothing but fame and immortality. I could not bear the idea of dying and being forgotten. But now I am much changed. Immortality has ceased to be a longing with me. I desire to be useful in my generation, and die in the knowledge of having advanced happiness by having advanced true religion. Massillon's " Petit Careme " is the best book for a young sovereign it is truth so adorned by eloquence as to seem inspired. The hostility shown to the new premier, Mr. Canning, was marked in a very decided manner. No sooner was his appointment made known, than the Lord Chancellor (Eldon), the Duke of Wellington, Earl Bathurst, the Earl of Westmoreland, Viscount Melville, Lord Bexley, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Robert Peel, and others, resigned. For support Mr. Canning had to turn to the Whigs, some of whom took office with him ; and others, including Mr. Brougham and Sir Francis Burdett, promised their co-operation. April 23rd. The state of affairs distresses me. The Whigs will come down on a divided party, and we shall be lost. April 24th. True enough. The Philistines are to join the Cabinet is it pos- sible that the Whigs can turn round and uphold the measures which, in this very session, I have heard them denounce as flagitious ? Can they have agreed to lay aside all their principles of reform, of. Catholic emancipation, of civil and reli- gious liberty, and solely for place ? Oh, honesty, honesty, thou art indeed but a name, if those who have so long worshipped thee be now degraded, if those who have so long scorned thee be now exalted ! I am almost sorry not to have ac- cepted office : I might have had the satisfaction of giving it up in honourable disgust. April 25th. At Guy's Cliff. Surely there is a natural feeling to be buried with one's fathers ; yet yesterday I heard it termed contrary to the decrees of Providence. It is one of those things that Providence cannot care about, unless by so doing we show a kind of idolatry towards the deceased. How I revolt at anything like religious sentiment merely to catch admiration ! It may be felt, but the display infuses an alloy. Yesterday a man took the opportunity of my presence to teach his child points of religious instruction, &c. He sought my applause, I could perceive. No doubt he means well towards the child, but the pretension displeased me. April 26th. So at Brooks's the language is, " Get in, no matter how." Are these principles to succeed ? If morality be real, certainly not. April 28th. My birthday again ; and God be praised that I have arrived at it without any intolerable calamity of mind or body. It has been a year of .study and exertion, but I have neither learnt nor done anything. Yet look at the CANNING'S INTRIGUES. 37 history of all men who have obtained a degree of efficiency. They began much earlier to signalise their merits. Cicero opened his Pleadings at twenty-six, my age, (yet quantum distat) ; Scipio was consul at twenty-four ; Pitt Prime Minis- ter at twenty-three. All the men i at the present day started while still of supple years. Peel, Canning, Robinson, were all younger than I am now, who have not done one thing, nor acquired the power of doing one thing, which might be ser- viceable to my country or an honour to myself. And yet I cannot keep down an aspiring sentiment a sentiment which, God knows, aims at all virtue, and through that, aiming at all greatness. I cannot understand why my time is less profitably employed than the time of others. I read, think, make every endea- vour, but no good result comes of it, and this year has found me as unprepared as the last, and the next year will find me no better than this has done. To be sure my weak stomach has a sad effect upon the head, but this is not all, I must con- fess painful deficiency, and in humbleness make the best of it. May 3rd. Duke spoke last night. Whatever is open, manly, and noble in sim- plicity, shone forth in the speech. Truth and honour were never more conspi- cuous, and while the great hero was defending himself in the full assembly of the British Peera> a halo of glory and merit seemed to enwrap his whole form and visage. God be thanked, I had rather have heard him thus successful than have made a thousand eloquent harangues to my own renown. How happy I am that in feeling thus towards him I refused office I An uncommon show of violence in House of Commons last night. Peel spoke out about the Coalition, and I agree with him. Every one looked upon these symptoms as prelude of good party fun. I cannot understand how the Whigs have founded the principles of Coalition ; but they have a justification, and so it ever is. Interest is far more eloquent and plausible than reason. They will end by turning out Canning, and I shall rejoice in his downfall, because I hear each day worse instances of his low political intrigue and treachery to the Duke of Wellington. I deprecate this fierceness of party, but shall not shrink from the struggle. It will be the cause of quarrel with all my friends, but I cannot help that. May 20th, Sunday. Dined yesterday and met Peel. He told me every syllable relating* to Canning's intrigues. I had met him before at his town house, where our talk was confidential. Read Canning's letter to the D. of W. ; a mixture of apology and accusation, alternately fierceness and truckling, which do no honour to his principles. I like Peel. I love honesty and truth. I hear that he and Dukey speak most highly of me. I never shall want more than the praises of true gentlemen. Heathen morality did not enjoin great respect to the mother. She was merely the &povpa, or soil of production, vide Eccles., chap. iiL, and 4th Comm., for dif- ference between views of God and man. May 27th. They seem desirous to humiliate the D. of W. as much as they can, but no man is humiliated except by himself. Will God suffer this lying and deceit to prosper ? Why am I so weak and useless 1 Why cannot I utter one word of eloquence or manliness ? July 19th. What a gap in one's notes. I am at Strathfieldsaye. Duke gone to Windsor by special message of the King, brought yesterday by Lord Mary- borough. July 20th. It is a great study to be in the society of this wonderful man. S8 THfe EAfeL OF SHAFTESBtJRY. [CHAP. tl. He seems to be thoroughly ignorant of his greatness, and has all the simplicity of a good-natured man who has done nothing but the mere routine duty of common life. How grateful I feel to God who guided my judgment when decision was necessary I July 27th. It is very odd. I have become a poet, and write verses just good enough to show that I might have been a better rhymer were my latent genius more cultivated. August 7th. St. Giles's. Canning is fearfully ill. Now all my compassion is roused. I feel keenly for him. ^ Lord Ashley's brother was about to enter the army, and was iu need of advice before proceeding to Gibraltar to spend some time in study. Lord Ashley, always a believer in getting information from the fountain-head, wrote to the Duke of "Wellington on the subject, and received the following characteristic reply : The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley. STBATHFIELDSAYE, August 8th, 1827. MY DEAR LOED ASHLEY, It is very difficult to answer your question re- specting the best military work for your brother to study. The answer would depend very much upon the previous education, habits, and disposition of the reader. Does he know anything of his profession ? If not, let him study Dundas, and Torrens' alterations of Dundas' " Rules and Regulations." There is a work upon the French Regulations by Macdonell or Macdonald, explaining the reasons of each, which is a very useful one ; and the perusal of it might accustom the reader to consider of our own, with a view to discover the reason for them. In the first volume of the " Life of King James II.," by himself, there are some admirable accounts of skirmishes, &c., which convey the truest notions of the reality that I have seen yet. The Histories of the Sieges of Gibraltar would be very interesting to anybody on the spot, as he might examine the place to which every story related. If he has not forgotten his Latin, let him never be without a Caesar. I think I have given you enough for the present. Mr. Canning died this morning at four o'clock. Ever yours most sincerely, WELLINGTON. August 9th. Canning died yesterday morning at four o'clock. I am really quite agitated, and can be alive to nothing but pity and almost horror. We can lament his fate in charity. He has died before anything has been done which we might regard as injurious to the country, and should execrate therefore, as the work of a selfish, ambitious statesman. But such a lesson was never submitted to the study of politicians. He had aspired exceedingly to the first post of honour ; he gained it after years of toil God alone knows thoroughly how. But the posses- sion was short, as pitiful, in its duration. For three months he lay on a burning 18*7.1 THE "SUBLIME AKD BEAUTIFUL." 39 rack, and then died almost without having exercised one nerve of his power. I do feel true compassion, and pray sincerely God rest his soul. Offered a slight prayer for His support in case of trial convinced that unless religion be our guide, religion our beginning, religion our end, there is neither happiness in power, nor utility in its influence. Aug. llth. Arrived in town yesterday. Felt sure that Peel would be- Minister, but found that poor creature, Lord Goderich, at the head of affairs. How the Whigs will bully and cajole 1 If they could manage Canning and all his sharpness, what will they do with Goderich's whimpering docility 1 The King is evidently averse to any trouble, and took this step as giving him the least. There is defeat in store for them yet. Aug. 13th. I have passed a pleasant time at Boyle Farm. It is great hum- bug to be prating about intellects, yet there is a pleasure in finding persons and women especially of cultivated minds and rational pursuits. Henrietta and Olivia are good girls God bless them both, and shower down his choicest happiness. It is very odd I can stand a compliment without growing conceited. I have had a good many this year. Somehow or other I like them, and so does every one. They call me and William * the sublime and beautiful very nattering ! Aug. 20th. Cirencester. D. Commander -in -Chief. There was no other measure left for him. As I foresaw, the Whigs have, I think, begun their pranks, else how interpret their anxiety to have Lord Palmerston instead of Herries, and their frightening Robinson into it 1 This will soon break up. Yesterday (Sun- day) read " Watson's Apology ; ". very glad to have done it ; think more highly of the book than of most ; an everlasting composer for busy Deists and wounded faith. Aug. 23rd. Lost my pet terrier, Paste, by an inflammation in the head almost ashamed to feel so touched could cry outright. We may draw a moral lesson from everything. She was perfectly well five minutes before the attack, but died in twenty-four hours. Not three weeks ago I was fancying she might be my companion for some years. Whether a monarch dies or a puppy, there ia almost the same uncertainty. Buried her in Lady Bathurst's garden, with an epitaph. Leaving Lord Batlmrst's, at Cirencester, Lord Ashley proceeded to Strathfieldsaye, in response to the following invitation from the Duke of Wellington : The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley. STBATHFIELDSAYE, Avguxt 12th, 1827. MY DKAH LORD ASHLEY, I write one line to tell you that I am going to Bankes' to-morrow for the Blandford races, where I shall be happy to meet you. Lady Charlotte Greville and Lady Francis Leveson have promised \,J come here on the 30th of August, and I shall be very happy if you will come and meet them. Ever yours most sincerely, Bring your gun if you should like to shoot. WELLINGTON. * Hia brother. 40 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBUfcY. [CHAP. 1L The work of his life came slowly to Lord Ashley. It was characteristic of him to deal somewhat listlessly with any matter into which he could not throw his whole heart. Parliament had not yet presented to him a prospect which opened up the future ; and he had not yet settled down into his place in life. Nevertheless, whenever he took up any subject which really interested him, he brought to bear on it the same indomitable resolution and dogged pertinacity that had marked his career at Oxford. In September of this year his sister, Lady Charlotte, who had married Mr. Henry Lyster, invited him to spend some time with them at their place in Shropshire, Rowton Castle, close to the borders of North "Wales. One day, while on this visit, he journeyed to Aberystwith, and there fell into the company of a genial companion, a "Welsh clergyman. The conversation turned upon the Welsh language, ivnd Lord Ashley determined then and there to study it. He took up his quarters in Aberystwith and began at once, and in a short time had sufficiently mastered it to enable him to read with some degree of fluency. Any one who knows anything of the Welsh language, its intricacies and permutations, will know that the task he set himself was no easy one ; but he had determined to learn Welsh, and he learnt it ! The Welsh people never forget a compliment paid to them, and they never forgot the fact that young Lord Ashley had studied their language. He was ever afterwards their friend, and when, in 1851, he became President of the Bible Society, he rose still higher in their estimation, for that Society is the object of Welsh adoration. Nor did their regard for him ever decline. Many years later he went on a visit to Carnarvon, where he was received with a wonderful ovation ; deputations from all parts of Wales being sent to welcome him. Frequently in after life he took pleasure in referring' to this early experience. On one occasion, when addressing the Christian Vernacular Education Society for India on the benefits of being able to hold intercourse with the people in their own language, he said : If people go among the Irish and the Welsh they will see how inherent the love is of the mother tongue. When I was about twenty -five years of age I went to stay in Wales for about two months. It became known that I was studying the Welsh language, and the people regarded me with positive reverence. They held a great gathering, and invited me to attend, and at that meeting I was, by common consent, promoted to the dignity of a Druid, and then immediately afterwards I was appointed a Bard. And at this present moment I have the great honour of being both a Bard and a Druid. Soon after his visit to Wales a project was set oil foot to establish a Cambrian Quarterly, the first number of which was to be published in January, 1829. The sympathy and assistance of Lord Ashley were enlisted in starting the enterprise, and a deputation of Welshmen waited upon him to request that he would write the prospectus for the new magazine. To this he readily assented, and, writing as a Welshman, delighted all the Principality 1827.) THE "QUARTERLY REVIEW." 41 by his efforts. It was written in haste, and with some bombast, but every line exhibited the enthusiasm of his regard for the people and the land and the language. " Inhabiting a land which came a virgin to the arms of our ancestors, unmixed in our race, uucorrupted in our language, civilised, though not adulterated by foreign intercourse .... we can vie with every nation in examples of honour, courage, and dignified obedience." One of the main objects of the Quarterly was to embalm in its pages the ancient writings in prose and verse of the most learned veterans of the language, and thus " to save our name from oblivion, our antiquities from dust and the worm, our poets from night, our manuscripts from the flames, and our venerable tongue from contempt." Oct. 22nd. Aberystwith. Physics and metaphysics are indivisible from each other. They are a body and soul which on this earth must be co-existent and reciprocal. It is absurd, as the Abbe Condilac remarks, to judge them ssparable, because we cannot see the place in which they are united into a whole. We should always recollect that there is but one science the science of nature. October 28th, Sunday. There is a text about lawful swearing. Isaiah Lxv. 16- November 4th. Patriotism, the cause of so many actions, is but a secondary virtue, though none seem more beautiful when we read of its doings. It could not, therefore, be enjoined directly by the Gospel. It is allowed to the passions and difficulties of our race. Engaged in niy treatise on the Evidences of the Heart. How much is opened by the least meditation of the Bible ! Sunday. Finished introductory chapter to the Evidences of the Heart. It is all very well by God's help. November 1 2th. It seems to me that philosophers of all ages have been led into their fanciful errors about God'a power and proceedings, by having taken for granted that the Almighty had spent His utmost strength and wisdom in the formation of man and the world we inhabit ; else why so limit His methods of acting, and define modes by which He must have been governed 1 All these reasonings are formed from the belief that we see all that He has done, and view the laws as the full effort of His power. Why does Leibnitz otherwise talk such trash as that " God must come into time and space " before He can perform a miracle 1 Has He no means of suspending His laws but by becoming subject to them ? December 2nd, Sunday. I have spent some time with the Welsh clergy. They are full of primitive hospitality and kindness. My week at Llaugynyw with Mr. Richards was most profitable and happy. Oh, how accursed is a busy life of politics and passions I Nothing has ever given me more delight and satisfaction than my study of the Welsh language. December 7th. St. Giles's. There is a gap here. I left Rowton in a hurry to see Denison* before he departed for India. London all in an uproar about this Navarino business shocking I Lord Ashley received the following letter from the Duke of Wellington : * Evelyn Denison, afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons, and created Lord Ossinsrton. 4 THfe EARL OP SHAFTESfctJRY. [CUAP. 11. The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley. WOOTTON, December 13iA, 1827. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, I have observed that since I quitted the Govern- ment in April last I have been the bete noire of Mr. Canning, his friends, the existing Government, and their friends and adherents. At times I am deemed a stupid fool ; and, moreover, everything that is bad. At other times when the gentlemen find themselves in a scrape they discover that they have acted exactly as I advised they should act, and therefore that they must be right ! ! ! This is the case at present. My opinion is that neither Parliament nor the public will be satisfied respecting that unfortunate affair, the Battle of Navarino* (as all now agree that it is), till they will have examined all that preceded it and would have occasioned it. The share which the late Government, and, above all, I, had in these transactions, will then appear ; and till then I will not say a word. But if any gentleman tells you that any private letter from me to Mr. Canning will be produced, you may say that I have copies as well as Mr. Canning's friends ; and that not one alone, but all must be produced if one is. Believe me, ever yours most sincerely, WELLINGTON. December Hth. Late at night. I took leave of Denison. I was deeply af- fected. God knows it is a heavy matter to separate one's self from an old and tried friend, and that for so long a term of years. From Lord and Lady Bathurst Lord Ashley had received many acts of kindness which, in his Diary, he gratefully acknowledges. Ho was at homo in their company, and felt sure at all times of their sympathy and considera- tion. In writing to Lady Bathurst he had confided to her some of his hopes, fears, and misgivings with regard to a public career generally, and speaking in Parliament in particular. To this letter Lord Bathurst replied as follows : Earl Bathurst to Lord Ashley. CIRENCESTER, December IWt, 1827. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, My lady has shown me your letter in which you express your alarm lest, in speaking in the House of Commons, you should disappoint the expectations of the House, and injure the cause of your political friends. Forgive me if I tell you that these apprehensions have been the bane of many young men who would otherwise have distinguished themselves. If nothing will satisfy you but attempting to make a speech of great display, on * The Battle of Navarino was fought on the 20th Oct., 1827, between the French, English, and Kussian fleets on the one side, and the Turco-Egyptian fleet on the other. The Turco- Egyptians were signally defeated, and eventually Ibrahim Pasha evacuated the Morea, and the battle decided the independence of Greece. At the time, however, there was a great conflict of opinion with regard to the whole affair, which was the proxi- mate cause of the break up of the Goderich Administration. 18-27.] FACING THE FUTURE. 43 the first occasion you speak, it is not impossible that you may fail ; but even if you did, that is no reason why you should not go on. Mr. Sheridan, Lord Gren- ville (when Mr. Grenville), and Mr. Canning, failed at first ; but they none of them injured their party by doing so, or gave up trying. Mr. Sheridan used to say, " I am sure. I have it in me, and will not give in-" Mr. Fox used to say of Mr. Grenville, " D the fellow, I see he will go on speaking until he will be a great speaker ! " It certainly requires stout nerves to go on after a first failure, and there are many (Lord Wellesley for example) who shrink at the idea of not always succeeding, but it may be doubted whether it be not less a proof of diffidence than of a love of distinction, to be thinking more of what others may think of your speech, than of speaking what you think. I am speaking of the possibility of your failing, if you attempt to make a speech of display on the first day of your speaking. But if, on some day of no great expectation (not on what is called a field-day), you satisfy yourself with speaking without making, or intending to make, a speech, I am as satisfied as I am that I am now hearing a novel read by my son Charles to his mother, that you will speak well, and will go on improving. Again I must beg you to excuse the liberty I am taking in writing this to you ; but I cannot but be interested that one, who I know to have good abilities, and what I value much more, who has sound principles and a high sense of honour, should be building up a wall between himself and that political influence which ought, in the process of time, to belong to him. I am, iny dear Lord Ashley, BATHUBST. December 17th. Attended Parkes' funeral. The old man died very rich, and left me nothing save one hundred as his executor. I never trusted to it, for not- withstanding his hints to myself, and positive declarations to others of making me a monied man, I did not rely upon him, and if I had what a fool I should have looked now 1 Bat fearing that Denison might leave town, I wrote and informed him of my expectations, as authorised by much testimony, and offered him the cash without interest or security. He declined it and was very grateful. Whether I shall ever be well off or not, God alone knows ; but this I pray, that never asking for wealth, should it bo sent me, I may receive at the same time a heart and spirit to lay it out for man's happiness and God's glory. But a serious epoch is approaching, and I must deliberate thereon. First, I must now choose my line of life, and stand to it manfully. After some thought, I see nothing but a political career, for every one must take that in which his various circum- stances will give him the best means of doing good. Where can I be so useful as in the public service ? This question could be easily answered did it require but zeal, patriotism, honesty ; but there is likewise a need of talent and know- ledge. Yet, perhaps, my success in earlier life has made me a debtor, and I am bound to try what God has put into me for the benefit of old England. My second session is fast approaching, and an attempt must be made, now or never. Each year passed over in silence will add to my difficulty, and increase the demand for sense and ability which the House has a right to make from those who address it. I did well in remaining quiet during the past session, but now 44 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CiAP. II. the Tories want young plants to shoot up and prepare their branches against the day when death shall lop off the more ancient oaks. The country is in danger of its existence. Its honour is already tarnished, and who shall defend her 1 He whom God shall think fit, and, perhaps, I may be he. I have had much encourage- ment from old and young ; but encouragement falls short of courage, and I despair. But there is no just means of escape. I must make an essay, not merely for party's sake and earthly power and place, but for the resuscitation of honour and British principle, with their handmaids, dignity and virtue ; and if I fall, I shall fall in no ignoble cause ; but may I, as I have ever endeavoured to do, begin in God, and, having throughout desired nothing but His glory and the" consummation of His word, conclude in the same, to the advancement of religion and the increase of human happiness. January 17th, Hatfield. What endless surmises Who will form the Ad- ministration ? How I nutter here and there in sentiments. I am half anxious for office half not. Half inclined to expect an Under-Secretaryship, and half inclined to think myself too despicable. Private life is better for me. I hear Lord Dudley will remain. Can the Great Duke sit in Cabinet with the man who signed that prodigy of injustice, the Treaty? Must the whole question be smothered ? What shall I do myself if they offer me a place 1 Can I submit ) all insignificant as I am, to such a compromise ? Is it possible now to change our policy ? Will Lord Dudley eat his own words, or must we go on in our wicked- ness 1 Can the Government propose an indemnification now ? and yet ought we not to wash out by apology so infamous a treachery ? I have no one with whom I can consult, and my discomfort is at its height. What is it that passes in my mind ? I cannot read it, so warm are my feelings. 1828, Jan. 24th. We have been growing quieter of late. Received note from the Duke to-day desiring my attendance to-morrow morning. What can he want ? To give me office then Heaven help me through it. Perhaps to move the Address. Any fate would be preferable. Jan. 25th. To put me in office ; how my impetuosity leads me away. A few moments' reflection and I judge rightly. What a deal I learned between 17th and 24th. I regret deeply the necessity of our re-union with the Canning party ; but the Duke has, according to his usual style, done that which is the best. Lord Dudley, I hear, is most repentant about the Navarino business. Can one be too guarded in the expression of one's thoughts 1 At the first moment of sur- prise, while yet in doubt as to the conditions granted to Mr. Canning's party, I vented some indignation against the admitting of Lord Dudley. A few hours convinced me of my error, but it was too late. I had vented it before Agar Ellis, who yesterday threw it in my teeth. This silly, childish ebullition of sentiment may give some one the power of calling me a dishonest man. How unpleasant, but I must steel my heart against such trifles, and learn caution in studying philosophy, not that of the schools, but the philosophy of men, and of a life of passions. God protect me and encourage me in a career of honour and right-mindedness, and may He give me also discretion and calmness to reflect , and now that office can no longer be avoided, I pray the Heavenly Father to give me the will to discharge my duty, and the strength to perform it ; to found all in His glory, and by seeking the welfare of mankind to render my public and my private thoughts a means of furthering the love of his Religion. 1828.] IN OFFICE. 45 A few days after his interview with the Duke of Wellington, the head of the new administration, Lord Ashley received the following letter -. The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley. LONDON, Jan. 29th, 1828. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, I told you that I must make use of you for the public service at one or other of the Boards I mentioned. Uncertainties in another quarter prevent me from deciding at this moment at which of the Boards I will employ your services. You shall know the instant I can decide. In the meantime, unless you should hear from me, and should have accepted what I sliall offer, you may safely go into the House of Commons this day. Ever youra most sincerely, WELLINGTON. The office to which Lord Ashley was appointed was that of a Com- missioner of the India Board of Control, which office he held until Earl Grey assumed the reins of Government, two years later. Feb. 6th. Woodstock. All has been 'going well, too well ; my whole con- dition is so bettered that I fear reverse of fortune. First, I must make the needy taste of the wealth that God has showered upon me. I shall send a large sum to Moore.* Last night I dined with Duke of Marlborough. Never did I feel so touched as by the sight of his daughter, Susan his natural daughter. She is Charlotte, our dear Charlotte, over again, in voice, in manner, in com- plexion, in feature, in countenance. I could hardly refrain from calling hei Sitter. Great God, have compassion upon her forlorn state 1 What will become of this poor girl ? What danger is she beset with ? May I have the means of doing her some real lasting service ! Father of mercies, grant Thy protection and keep her from the awful perils which are on every side. Feb. 15th. All is well over at Woodstock, and I am installed a man of office. I dread my duty, not my work. So much is now crowding upon me, and my difficulties appear so much greater, that I almost repent of the acceptance of this charge. But God be with me if I am honest. From the time of Ids appointment may be dated his interest in the teeming myriads of our Indian fellow-subjects, and in general missionary work. " Do right, whatever may come of it," was the principle which governed all his life, and governed him, therefore, in relation to Indian politics. He insisted at all times, and in the most unmistakable manner, that it was the best policy of the English nation to declare emphatically that its conduct was based upon Christian principles, that everything to be done * Itev. Robert Moore, the Rector of St. Gileo's, Dorsetshire, who would distribute the money among the poor of the parish. 46 THE EARL OF SHAFTESCURY. [CHAP. II. should be done in a Christian character to a Christian end, and that nothing would be gained by a time-serving forbearance of this principle. I recollect perfectly well, when I was at the India Board, in 1828, on the question of Sutteeism (that is, the burning of widows on the death of their husbands) coming- before us, thinking it a matter of the most outrageous cruelty and wrong. On saying so I was put down at once as if I was a madman ; I was wondered at for ever daring to mention such a thing. Well, my Lord William Bentinck was appointed to the command in India. My Lord William Bentinck thereupon, with a stroke of his pen, put the unnatural practice down,* and the whole of India was satisfied that it was right, because his Lordship appealed to those great principles of the human heart, which are implanted by the hand of God, and which may be overcome by abominable incrustations ; but conscience is still there, the mistress of truth, and does its work ; and if you appeal to the conscience, depend upon it the millions will go along with you.t That Lord Ashley's impression was a true one, and his theory correct, was proved by the events. As those who really understood the natives had pre- dicted, there was neither riot nor disaffection. No Sepoy shot his colonel, nowhere were magistrates or missionaries mobbed, treasuries plundered, or bungalows fired. The good example long ago set, has been followed by the tributary princes of India, moved by the influence of Residents and Agents, and Suttee is now unknown in any part of the great peninsula. Among the many schemes that Lord Ashley projected for the welfare of India during his short term of office on the India Board, was one for the establishment of Scientific Corporations for the institution and improvement of Horticulture and Husbandry throughout the Provinces of India. The draft memorandum to Mr. Lock, setting forth the principles, and demonstrat- ing the utility, of the scheme, was found among Lord Shaftesbury's papers, witk the following endorsement in his own hand: "Feb., 1880. Paper written in 1829. Read it after an interval of fifty-one years. Thankful to find that I had, then, begun to think of such things. Was at that time a Commissioner of the India Board." A Society was already in existence in Calcutta, and Lord Ashley's memorandum to Mr. Lock was intended to show the value of that Society, and to point out that, as Bengal was benefited by it, similar Societies should be established in Madras and Bombay. His argument was based on the defective state of agricultural knowledge among the natives of India, the listlessness of the people, and the consequent duty of increasing their know- ledge and stimulating their faculties by inciting and encouraging them to endeavours which, in a free and civilised country, give birth to generous and lucrative enterprise. The establishment of Agriciiltural Societies, the culti- vation of choice vegetables and fancy fruits and flowers, were not unworthy * Sutteeism was declared illegal, December 14th, 1829. t Speech at Wiroborne, Oct. 30th, 1857. 1628.) ROMAN CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 47 the care of Asiatic sovereigns. " Take the article, potato," says the memo- randum ; "it will give to Hindostan a second article of food ; it will furnish them with a cheap and agreeable sustenance to relieve the monotonous insipidity of their rice (there is wisdom, I think, in creating a taste for simple luxuries derived from increased labour), and it will become a resource in calamitous times when the season may have proved unfavourable to the staple subsistence of India." But in this, as in all things, the moral results were the higher consideration to Lord Ashley. " Among the various good results," he continues, in his memorandum, " from a system like this, I think there will arise a more friendly intercourse between the European and the native ; our kind inten- tions will be perceived, and community of pursuits will soften the rigid characteristics of English demeanour ; they will, perhaps, become more sensible of our benevolent policy, and we more alive to their various capabilities." Lord Ashley did not, as we have seen, make his mark immediately on entering Parliament ; in fact, it was nearly two years before he delivered his first important speech. There were several measures under discussion during this interval on which public opinion and party feeling ran high, and in which he showed a considerable interest. The question of all others that had the deepest hold on men's minds at that time was the question of Roman Catholic Emancipation. For many Sessions the subject had been discussed, the country had been agitated, and the fiery vehemence of the various parties had been growing in intensity. It was in March, 1827, that a motion was made by Sir Francis Burdett, affirming the necessity for taking into immediate consideration the laws im- posing civil disabilities on his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, with a view to their relief ; and within a year of that date it was evident that the settlement of those claims could no longer be delayed. Session after Session the Government majorities on the question were lessoned, and on May 12, 1828, the House of Commons carried, by a majority of six, the resolution of Sir Francis Burdett, affirming the expediency of " considering the state of the laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant Establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects." Another year passed, and still this was the unsettled but absorbing ques- tion, when, on the 5th of March, 1829, Peel, in a four hours' speech, moved " That the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the laws " by which these disabilities were imposed. This motion was carried, after two nights' debate, by a majority of 348 to 160, and shortly afterwards the Committee of the whole House passed a resolution to the effect that it was expedient to provide for the repeal of the disabling laws. To that end a Bill was forthwith introduced for the purpose, which reached 48 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. tCuAp. II its third reading on the 30th March, when it was carried by a majority of 320 to 142. Lord Ashley took no active part in this question, although he watched it with great interest. " I was very young in Parliament, and younger still in office," he said to the writer, when referring to those days. " I only entered Parliament in 1826, and the Bill was passed in 1829. At first I voted against it, but when Peel and Wellington took it up, and showed the necessity for it, I saw that resistance was impossible. It was a subject that was always coming up, and was always leading to endless machinations. If a Lor-d Lieutenant favoured the Roman Catholics, a Secretary was put to counteract his influence ; if a Roman Catholic was appointed to one place, a Protestant was appointed to impede him. It stood in the way of everything. So, although I voted against it at first, when Peel and Wellington changed, I changed, and recorded my vote for Emancipation as a member of the Commons and of the Govern- ment. But I thought then, and I have never had reason to alter my opinion, that, good as the measure was, they were not the proper men to carry it. They held office on it, instead of handing it over to those who had been its advocates. They should have said boldly to the Crown : ' It is a measure that must be passed, but it should be passed by those who agree with it. We are not the men to do it.' And I have often thought, in subsequent years, that their action inflicted such a deadly blow on confidence in public men that there has never since been a complete recovery." After completing his study of Welsh, Lord Ashley turned his attention to Hebrew. The two languages are alike in many peculiarities of constniction, in the paucity and confusion of tenses, in the conjugation of verbs, and in the binding together in one word of some prepositions and pronouns. It was not, however, on this ground that he took up the study. From early childhood he had loved and reverenced the Holy Scriptures, and he was ambitious to be able to read them in the Hebrew ; moreover, he loved and venerated the Jews, and was interested in everything that concerned them, and not least, therefore, in their language. But he was not destined to make great progress in this new study other matters were ripening which were to engage all his time and energy. It is interesting to watch him at this period of his life, and to see his mind stretching itself out towards objects which should satisfy him ; to mark the aptitude and capacity of the man, and the pent-up energy which must spend itself at times. No answer had come to the problem as to what he was to do with his life ; he was sailing quietly on the current of the stream, and it had not yet shown any indication of widening towards the ocean. It was about this time that there revived in him the desire to devote his life to science. From an early age he had taken pleasure in chemistry and botany, and allied sciences, and had always made scientific inquiries the hobby of his leisure.' It was not, however, until the beginning of the year 1859.1 CALLED TO ANOTHER CAREER. 49 1829 that he had ever seriously considered whether or not it would be worth while to give himself up wholly to scientific pursuits. He had then become acquainted with Sir James South, the eminent astronomer, whose indefatig- able ardour in the cause of astronomy inspired Lord Ashley to diligence in the same pursuits. For a time he was completely absorbed in this study, spending day after day in close application to books and instruments, and night after night in the observatory with Sir James South. It seemed that at last his object in life had been found. But at that same time he was just getting a hold of the Lunacy question ; a little later, the Factory question was taking form ; and by degrees he found that there were duties pressing upon him, which his conscience would not allow him to shake off duties that could only be carried on effectually by complete devotion to them. So it was that his visits to the observatory became only occasional, then still less frequent, until at last they ceased altogether. Referring, in his old age, to this period, he said In early life I was passionately devoted to science, so much so, that I was almost disposed to pursue science to the exclusion of everything else. It passed away and I betook myself to literature, hoping 1 that I should not only equal, but that I should rival many in mental accomplishments. Other things were before me, and other things passed away, because, do what I would, I was called to another career, and now I find myself at the end of a long life, not a philosopher, not an author, but simply an old man who has endeavoured to do his duty in that state of life to which it has pleased God to call him. The first of the " other things " before him was an inquiry into the Treat- ment of Lunatics. CHAPTER HI. 18281833. THE treatment, or rather the maltreatment of lunatics, was one of the pre- eminently bad features of the bad times in the early part of the present century. In the Middle Ages the insane had been canonised as saints, burnt as heretics, or hanged as criminals, according to the particular bias of their mental disorder. At a later date harmless madmen roamed the country and made sport for the people ; but if only suspected of being dangerous, society, in terror, took the most cruel precautions for its own safety, with an utter disregard for the feelings of the unfortunates, or for their chances of recovery. Londoners out for a holiday paid their twopences to stroll through Bedlam and laugh at the poor lunatics; at another time the town was panic- stricken because the Lord George Gordon rioters threatened to let the madmen out of Bedlam.* " In the early part of the present century," says one of the pioneers of enlightened treatment, " lunatics were kept constantly chained to walls in dark cells, and had nothing to lie upon but straw. The keepers visited them, whip in hand, and lashed them into obedience ; they were also half-drowned in ' baths of surprise,' and in some cases semi-strangulation was resorted to. The ' baths of surprise ' were so constructed that the patients in passing over a trap-door fell in ; some patients were chained in wells, and the water made to rise until it reached their chins. One horrible contrivance was a rotatory chair in which patients were made to sit and were revolved at a frightful speed. The chair was in common use. Patients, women as well as men, were flogged at particular periods, chained and fastened to iron bars, and even con- fined in iron cages." f Before describing the labours of Lord Ashley during a long series of years on behalf of these poor creatures, it will be well to set forth, very briefly, the state of the law at the time of his first connection with the subject, and the main features of antecedent legislation. Prior to the year 1808 the only Act of Parliament providing for the care of pauper lunatics was passed in 1744 ; it authorised any two Justices to apprehend them, and nave them locked up and chained.^ To protect society was the only aim of this Act ; it provided for those who " are so far disordered in their senses that they may be too dangerous to be permitted to go abroad." In 1774, as the result of a Committee of Inquiry upon which Pitt and Fox, Lord North and * Letters of Horace Walnole. t " Lunacy ; its Past and its Present," by Robert Gardiner Hill, F.S.A., p. 1_ 1 " HU. of Insane in the British Isles," by D. Hack Tuke, M.D., p. 98, 1826 ] STATE OF LUKATIC ASYLUMS. 51 Wilkes, and others had sat ten years before, an Act was passed to regulate private asylums, in which frightful abuses were prevalent. But this Act was so framed that it could accomplish nothing. Any one who chose could get a licence to keep an asylum, but though the College of. Physicians could receive reports of abuses, they could do nothing further. In 1808, the accommodation for pauper lunatics received some attention from Parliament, and an Act was passed for the building of County Asylums, but during the ensuing twenty years only nine English counties did thus provide them- selves.* Meanwhile circumstances had arisen leading to important changes, both as regards public opinion and legislation. The Society of Friends had started, and successfully carried on, a " Retreat " at York, on humane principles, for insane members of their society.f Attention was drawn to this enlightened experiment, and at the same time to the frightful abuses at a large asylum in the same city.J These two antagonistic examples, thus shown side by side, led to beneficial results. After one or two futile attempts at legislation, the friends of reform procured a Committee of Inquiry, which sat during 1814 and 1815, and placed before the public a vast amount of information as to the course of practice in English madhouses. In the review just referred to, the writer (Sydney Smith) apologises for the disgust he must cause his readers by the horrible details he is compelled to quote. The result of the investigation at York was, that every officer in the place was dismissed, and a flood of light poured in upon the bars and chains and handcuffs, the filth and nakedness and misery that seemed to be regarded throughout the country as matters of course. The Committee reported in July, 1815, and in the following year the Commons passed a Bill for periodical inspections of asylums by magistrates, for the appointment of eight Lunacy Commissioners by the Secretary of State, and for the establish- ment of other safeguards against abuses. || This Bill the Lords saw fit to throw out, only fourteen voting for it. In 1819 an Act was allowed to pass " For the bettor care of Pauper Lunatics," but its best clauses were simply permissive.^ A few scattered efforts were made in subsequent years to bring the state of English madhouses which, through impunity, had again developed many of their worst features under the notice of Parliament. But nothing effectual was done until 1828, the year in which Lord Ashley first took part in the movement, and when the inadequate Act of 1774 was still on the Statute Book as the only English law relating to the regulation of private madhouses. The apathy with which our forefathers permitted proved abuses, of so glaring a character, to flourish, is matter now for astonishment and indignation. * " Hiit. of Insane in the British Lsles," by D. Hack Tuke, M.D., p. 165. t See "Early Hist, of the Retreat." S. Tuke, 1846. j " Hist, of York Lunatic Asylum." J. Gray. *: Edinburgh Review, vol. xxviii., p. 433. II Hansard, vol. xxxix., 1974. ^[ Tuke'i "Hist, of Inane," p. 163. 2 52 THE EAKL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. IIL But deeply -rooted evils die hard. The old idea that connected madness with evil spirits, and made the safety of the community the first and almost the only matter of consideration, was long in giving place to sounder views. The unfortunate lunatic was treated as in a hopeless case, and beyond the reach of mental influence. Keepers whose very appellation betrays the prison notion that originated it never dreamt that it was any business of theirs to " minister to a mind diseased," still less to elevate or restore the troubled faculties. Their duty was to keep their charge secure with as little trouble or danger to themselves as possible, and there the responsibility ended. Such a system inevitably caused its wretched victims to sink into loathsome brutality, and permitted ignorant and ferocious keepers " to indulge in almost every species of cruelty, insult, and neglect." * From the time of which we have just spoken (1828), men of science and philanthropy, working hard to bring about a better state of tilings, found in Lord Ashley an ardent sympathiser and an earnest co-worker. The state of pauper lunatics in London was brought before the House of Commons in June, 1827, by Mr. Robert Gordon, and a report was issued by the Committee of Inquiry that had been appointed, revealing many shocking defects and abuses. On the 19th February, 1828, Mr. Gordon moved for leave to bring in " A Bill to Amend the Law for the Regulation of Lunatic Asylums," and pointed out instances of illegal detention and coercion of sane persons, and of gross neglect and cruelty to unfortunate lunatics. He showed that the Commissioners of the College of Physicians had omitted to carry out inspections as the law directed, on the ground that they had no power to follow up their discoveries. Lord Ashley seconded the motion, but Hansard asserts that " his Lordship spoke in so low a tone that he was nearly inaudible in the gallery. He alluded to the evidence given before the Committee to prove that it was highly necessary that something should be done relative to the treatment of pauper lunatics, and he cited several cases that had come within his own knowledge which clearly proved that the existing system was greatly defective." This was his first important speech in Parliament, and it was on behalf of the most unfortunate, the most wretched, and the most ill-treated of his fellow-creatures. In it he sounded the key-note of his whole Parliamentary career; he stood forth as the friend of the friend' ass, the helper of the oppressed, and from that day forward his whole life was devoted to the great interests of humanity. In his Diary Lord Ashley briefly alludes to his first speech in these terms : Feb. 20th. Last night I ventured to speak, and, God be praised, I did not ut- terly disgrace myself, though the exhibition was far from glorious; but the subject was upon Lunatic Asylums, a mere matter of plain business and requiring * Report of Parliamentary Committee. 1828.1 FIRST SPEECH IV PARLIAMENT. 53 simplicity alone with common sense. Gordon had requested me to second his motion ; having sat on the Committee and having felt unusual sympathy for those whom the Bill is intended to protect, I did not decline, more especially as I had heard that from certain circumstances my support in this affair would render some small service to the cause. And so, by God's blessing, my first effort has been for the advancement of human happiness. May I improve hourly I Those who knew him best, knew how dependent lie was for a word of encouragement from friends in whose judgment he had confidence ; and Lord Bathurst, who had watched his progress with almost fatherly solicitude, wrote to him as follows : Earl BatJiwrst to Lord Ashley. MANSFIELD STREET, Feb. 20th, 1828. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, I am very glad to see that you have begun speak- ing, and not at all sorry that you did not begin with a brilliant one, as that might have sealed up your lips afterwards. By all the accounts I have heard, there ia no doubt of your succeeding, by becoming more confident, which can only be acquired by practice. Peel said that if your speech had been uttered with as loud a voice as that of Lord Morpeth, everybody would have said it was an excellent speech. It is now your own fault if you do not go on. You will feel when next you speak that you are risking nothing, and this very feeling will encourage you to speak with more confidence. I could not help writing this, as I know you to be mighty sensitive, and may therefore take it into your head that there had been a failure, which I can assure you is not the case. Yours very sincerely, BATHURST. The Bill, of which the principal features were the transfer of powers from the College of Physicians to fifteen Metropolitan Commissioners appointed by the Home Secretary, and the requirement of two medical certificates for private patients, was passed on July 15, 1828. Of the new commissioners Lord Ashley was one. In the following year he became chairman of the Commission, and continued in that office till his death a period of fifty- seven years his great interest in the welfare of the insane having bwn sus- tained throughout that long period with unflagging energy. The condition of the lunatic population still left very much to be desired, and further efforts at improvement were made ; but nothing of striking importance was accomplished for several years. During this period, how- ever, Lord Ashley was not idle. He did not leave a stone unturned which could be of assistance to the contemplated reform ; he visited the asylums in many parts of London and the provinces, and saw the filthy condition, the horrible attendant circumstances, the misery and degradation of the inmates. He saw for himself that the lunatics were chained to their beds and left from Saturday afternoon to Monday without attendance, and with only bread and 54 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. III. water within their reach; he saw the nature of the barbarities that were committed upon the helpless sufferers ; he saw that the. violent and the quiet, the clean and the uncleanly, were shut up together in foul and disgusting cells, damp, dark, and unwholesome; but what astonished him more than anything else was, that people knew and cared absolutely nothing about this state of things ; and that it was with the greatest difficulty he could obtain from any outside source an opinion or a fact. So shocked and horrified was he with the revelation of misery and cruelty almost incredible in these days when lunatic asylums are models of cleanliness and of wise and humane treatment that he vowed he would never cease pleading the cause of these poor creatures till either death silenced him, or the laws were amended. And, as we shall see, he kept his vow. Meanwhile, another and vaster subject was looming before him : the great question of Factory Legislation. But before we can be in a position to see the scope of his labours in that gigantic movement which was to be for ever identified with his name and influence, we must linger awhile over these earlier years, glancing first at a few personal details, principally as narrated in his Diary, and then at the state of the times and the events which immediately preceded his connection with Factory Legislation : April 13th. Read to-day " Lord Rochester's Conversion," by Bishop Burnet. Surely it is the most delightful of books. I am determined to edit it alone in an attainable size, should there be no such thing existing already. I am certain that if this narrative were widely disseminated much good would arise from its perusal. God assist me in the undertaking. It was an ambition with Lord Ashley to distinguish himself in literature, and his mental accomplishments were such that there is no doubt he would have made his mark as a man of letters. But circumstances again and again opposed him, until, as he said, do what he would, he could not resist the influences which drew him to another career. In the present instance his intention was frustrated in a different way, for, following the entry quoted above as to editing " Lord Rochester's Conversion," there is a note added, " Found that it was already done." April 28th. My 27th birthday. Temporal advantages have increased upon me. I hope that others have felt my bettered state. But I look around now from a higher pinnacle and behold what mighty interests are entrusted to my care : India, with her hundred millions, is the compass of my mind's survey, and it is almost possible that some happiness or misery may depend upon my prin- ciple and vigilance. Can God, in His store of worldly exaltations, confer a greater than this sublime guardianship of countless myriads to advance their temporal welfare, open their understandings, fire their souls, and, by leading them prudently to a knowledge of religion, work out our own immortality by desiring theirs? This is absurd, I fear. I am not the Principal, but, like Terentiua 1828.) DO RIOIIT, AND TRUST TO PROVIDENCE. 55 Varro, let nations thank me because " I have not despaired of the Republic." How one is led away. Visions of glory possess my brain by day and by night ; but prudence, the sole guide of truth and lasting success, is cold and measured in her views. God's will be done. Somehow or other I have gained credit as a man of business. Never was man more friendly, more kind, than the Duke to me. He has given me this situation as the most instructive and important. Next year I must stand forward as the Oracle of India, the strength or weakness of the Government in this division of its energies. I shall wake but in vain unless God give me His aid. I have acquired, I think, some temper, some knowledge of mankind, some true philosophy, and a more enlarged view of things, but cannot withstand despondency. 1 cannot resolve to quit public life ; I may not. Surely there is some vanity at the root of all this. Vanity, that bane of what is really good. Wrote two prayers. Now let me consider awhile my future career. The first principle, God's honour ; the second, man's happiness ; the means, prayer and unremitting diligence ; all petty love of excellence must be put aside, the matter must be studied, the motives refined, and one's best done for the remain- der. No fretting of the mind. No conceited nervousness for fear some sentence should fail in arrangement, some point in fitness, some attempt at display be found presumption. I must not dread coming down to the level of others. If I am already there the descent is nothing, and why be desirous of appearing greater when that illusion can be maintained by silence alone and that silence I must break ? This is the hardest scheme I ever devised, to come forward at once and show myself no cleverer than others ; yet it is the wisest if I could but follow it I must think of my duties and the subject I have to uphold. If I stop to compare myself with others, either vanity overweening will rush in, or else a cruel des- pondency, arising equally from conceit, but differing in its mode of influence. Oh ! what wisdom and power in this saying, " Do what is right, and trust to Providence for the rest." My charities are not sufficiently extended. I must methodise them as soon as my debts shall be arranged and I have time to look around. I will begin afresh. One good thing has been done in getting William a dwelling-place in my house. He attends more to business, is far happier, and will, I now hope, lay up a stock of real fruit for after years. May 27th. Change again in the Ministry. It is well to be rid of such dis- honest men. I have spoken several times, at no length certainly, but enough to gain me credit and some confidence. I hope to advance in honour and uspful- m-ss. For Bishop Heber, whose brief but brilliant career in India was cut. short in April, 1826, by his sndclon death in his bath, Lord Ashley had a very profound admiration, and there are several references to him in the Diary. Thus : June 1st, Sunday. No man ever equalled Bishop Heber. His talents were of the most exquisite character. If he were not as Socrates, able to knock down by force of reasoning the most stubborn opposers, he was like Orpheus, who led even tones and trees by the enchantment of his music. June 5th. To Ascot races by command of his Majesty. As I travelled along I remembered the line, " Impe.riwm Oceano, fam-am qui tcrminct astrig" but is our empire bounded by the ocean, is our renown no higher than the stars? Op 56 THE EAEL OP SHAFTESBURY [CHAP III. earth we are lords of the sea, and should we as men, as Christians, regenerate India, behold, the Heaven of heavens will be the archive of our fame. Pat rial div&m domvi! The Lunacy Bill was under discussion in the House of Commons, and the following entry refers to the part he took in the debate : June 18th. Windsor. Last night I made my first attempt to maintain a lonjr and important speech. If there bo sensitiveness and timidity in man, doubt and nervousness of heart, it was in me for a long time before the day arrived. I prayed most earnestly, as I ever do, for aid and courage. Though I did not please myself, I found that the House was delighted. Cheers and compliments were abundant. I thanked God repeatedly ; hastened home to throw myself on my knees in gratitude. May I ever enjoy this Holy Assistance ! June 29th, Sunday. How I long to quit this hot and noisy town, that I might roam in the valleys and plains meditating on things immortal. A London Sunday neither peaceful nor retired. It is impossible to forget the world amid this heat and bustle. I must devise some plan to rid me of this inconvenience. July 25th. This frequent omission to put down my thoughts has become a real loss. I find no history of my mind. I did well to give a hundred pounds to King's College ; the sum, though large for me, is rightly laid out in erecting an embankment against the overflow of irreligion. Gave twenty for the monu- ment to Bishop Heber. This also was well done. Public honours, if deserved, are sublime rewards ; and though I could not by any act of mine add anything to his name when dead, or to his just pride when living, yet it is pleasant and becoming to have displayed one's reverence of lofty worth ; and the mind having yielded to such an impulse, feels the consolation of secret prayer, and rejoices in the virtue of another's virtue. Lord Ashley's Christianity was essentially practical, and entered into every relation of life. With the memory of his early days always vividly before him, and their effects exhibiting themselves in his mental and bodily state, there is great beauty in the spirit of forgiveness breathed in part of the following entry : July 27th. At Sudbrook, where I have been the two last Sundays. It is remarkable how riches have of late flowed in upon me. I have discharged two- thirds of my debt, and have wherewithal to discharge the other, which shall instantly be done. God be praised for this bounty. I shall extend my charities. 1 wish I could find some really deserving object. It is pleasant at last to be on good terms with Lord S , and Charlotte is so, too. We forgive him all his un- kindness. Memory is good to show a progress in virtue, not to furnish themes of indignation. I am here with my dear, sweet friend, Lady Francis ;* yet we have had no conversation as in olden time. I love her because I love the existence of such willing virtue. Her faults are errors which when laid open she takes pride in renouncing. It is well to contemplate a female mind rich in pureness and anxious for truth. * Lady Francis Egerton, afterwards Countess of Ellesmere IMS.) STUDIES ASTRONOMY. 57 August 3rd, Sunday. Another week gone by almost imperceptibly, and little has been done. Am happy to hare had the means of spending 5 in a good cause nothing less than a subscription to a fund which may educate a young girl and save her perhaps from misery and prostitution. Taste and inborn vice will take enough to that career without the number being swollen by the victims of treachery and distress. I shall give any money that may be wanted. August 6th. Dined with the Directors of the East India Company, and shall on every occasion. It is good to cultivate friendliness and kind feeling among them. That silly brag, Lord Wallace, whom I have found out from many circumstances to be a blustering talker, would have me treat them like thieves and murderers, " Keep them at a distance." " Do not let it be known that they have access to you." Stuff ; if a man be honest I am proud of his acquaintance. His recom- mendations would lead me to treat them with vulgar insolence. I shall not do BO. India : what can I do for .your countless myriads ? There are two things good government and Christianity. How shall I compass them? I have no influence as yet. If God would tip my tongue with fire I might speak in a voice which would be heard even at the ends of the earth ; but He knows best, and will ever raise up His champions to fight the Battle of Immortality. August 17th, Sunday. I cannot pet into any course of religious study. Pon- dering much the necessity and mode of conversion in India. It is hard to "find any documents which throw light on this most important matter. August 18th. Is not this prophetic of the Duke? Seneca says that he is happy, "eui non magix aurifulgor quam gladii perttringat oculot?" Sept. 24th. Thinking and reading lately a good deal on India. I shall never be able to do that Empire a service, but I shall nevertheless continue my en- deavours. " The effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man availcth much," but the difficulty is to be " righteous." In solitude very often of late I somehow begin to feel how truly God pronounced, " It is not good for man to be alone " The Bill to Amend the Law for the Regulation of Lunatic Asylums had been passed on the 15th July, and Lord Ashley watched its first operations with keen attention. The entry in the Diary continues : From eleven o'clock till half -past six engaged in the good but wearisome cause of Lunatic Asylums took Sunday, for it is the day on which the keepers of old sought their own amusements and left the unhappy lunatics to pain and filthiness. Did not wish for such an employment, but duty made it imperative. Walked after dinner to Kensington and studied a little astronomy. Saw the planet Saturn and hie ring ; it is a spectacle worthy of God alone. Man has not beauty of soul sufficient to comprehend such majestic loveliness. I thanked God that I had enjoyed so great a blessing. It came as a reward for obedience to my painful duty. There are many passages in the Diary at this period that show clearly how earnest was the desire of Lord Ashley to devote himself exclusively to scientific pursuits. For a month he had been spending all his leisure in the study of astronomy, and it was witli no little regret he came to the conclusion that henceforth he must continue it only as an occasional 58 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURY. [CHAP. III. recreation. " Every one chooses his career," he wrote, " and it is well if he chooses that which is best suited to his talents. I have taken political life because I have, by God's blessing, many advantages of birth and situation which, although of trifling value if unsupported, are yet very powerful aids if joined to zeal and honesty. It is here, therefore, that I have the chief way of being useful to my generation." October 26th, Sunday. Woodford. Came here last night.* There is cer- tainly a great change in the world's mind. All civilised nations are set to extend their knowledge, and the heathen seem less unwilling to receive it. I do not perceive much irreligion ; there may be some, but lukewarmness is more prevalent. London, November 13th. On 10th dined at Lord Mayor's feast it was heart-stirring. God be praised, who has made me citizen of this happy and generous empire. Yesterday, at our Lunatic Commission ; there is nothing poetical in this duty ; but every sigh prevented, and every pang subdued, is a song of harmony to the heart. Dined with East India Company at Albion Tavern. I felt happy. CertAlnty I begin to think that I am popular with all classes ; not vulgarly popular, but esteemed. This is by God's blessing. I am astonished at the wide dissimilarity of persons with whom I stand as a favourite. Persons who, if they were themselves brought together, would feel mutual dislike and aversion. The speaker last night said to me the kindest things. All sides of politics, Radicals, Whigs, high Tory, and neutrals, give me praise. Thank God I truckle for none ; I hold a straight course, and Providence blesses me above my deserts. The next two pages of the Diary contain remarks on the conduct of Lord Ashley's father and mother. It is clear that Lord Ashley and his brothers and sisters experienced unkindness almost amounting to cruelty when they were young, from both parents, but especially from the mother, and now that they were grown up, although, as we have recently seen, in the spirit of Christian charity they had forgiven the wrong done to them, there was evident aversion and a total absence of all those affectionate and confidential relations which are the great happiness of life, and are most to be looked for between parents and their children. The passage concludes with these words : " The history of our father and mother would be incredible to most men, and perhaps it would do no good if such facts were recorded." November 20th. Brighton. Had two or three walks on the cliff had an opportunity of what I love a silent prayer in solitude and contemplation. On my soul I believe that I desire the welfare of mankind! It strikes me that although God has blessed others with gifts and advantages far beyond what I enjoy, yet He has blessed me infinitely more than I deserve, so this consideration is enough. I love the sea. I see the works of the Lord and His wonders in the deep. * To Mr. Arbuthnot's place. ll I THE ROMAN WORLD. 69 December 3rd. Strathfleldsaye. In the house of my friend and patron. God bless him I What will be my future career ? I shall never be fit for a Cabinet, and yet, if I quit the service of politics, where are my means of ntility? Marriage, I have seen, corrects many and various errors in a man's character. I know and feel the vices of my moral constitution, but I dread the chance of a Jezebel, a Cleopatra, or that insupportable compound of folly and worldliness which experience displays every day, but history has not yet recorded. Give me the mother of the Gracchi, exalted by the Gospel ! December 6th. The other day I wrote to Lock, Deputy Chairman (of East India Company), touching the appointment of an astronomer for Bombay ; he gave me a most liberal and honest answer. We shall, at last, get a useful observer in that hemisphere, and advance science. It struck me this morning that the astronomer would, of course, have one or two assistants. I shall request him to take one native. This man, by contemplating the purity of Almightiness, will soon learn to despise Brahma and Vishnu. Who knows but what he might become an Orpheus to his compatriots? The idea is good, bravo I Last night I harangued Shelley on various points. It so fell out that I talked of the barbaric irruption into the Roman empire. Two ideas then passed across my mind ; that it was necessary to cleanse and sweep away that structure of corruption and beastliness which had wholly obscured the real purpose and calling of mankind, and was rapidly spreading amongst all other people contiguous to the Roman world. The imperial rule embraced the entire compass of civilised existence, and both governors and governed stank alike in the sight of morality. There remained, then, no polished nation wherewith to dilute, by conquest, the quintessence of Roman profligacy. Rebellion would have been useless, it would merely have transferred the helm from the director to the agent of accursed Filthiness. God, therefore, summoned to his aid the hardy and simple vices of barbarian minds ; they overran Europe, and, during the night of literature, saved, by the grace of Heaven, the seeds of morality. A second reason ; these rude, uncultivated hearts were better qualified to imbibe the pure spirit of Revelation. This is substantiated by the perusal of history. The pride, the licence, the illogicism of pagan belief (pagan as existing in the laboured and attractive ritual of Italy), might to eternity have withstood the Christian faith. The religion of Vandals, of Huns, of all tribes such as these, had nothing to gratify their pride or advance their pleasure*. They were, therefore, indifferent to ite perpetuation. A form of worship was all they wanted, for man will worship. Settled in prosperity, they became improved, and chose the most decent. It is not hard to justify the way* of God towards man. December 20th. After long and wearing toil, I completed my minute in the Jury question. It was the effort of good intention and warm interest towards the natives of India. I thanked God in prayer that I had been enabled to conclude it. The execution will depend on His wisdom. I have real and genuine comfort in thinking of the labour I have undergone. On this day Lord Ellenborough, having perused my memorandum, rejected its proposals. I never felt that success was probable. His vanity would not like to take from an inferior the hint of so glorious a consummation. If I err, I err with the greatest names of British India. What an easy question it is to oppose, and how difficult to uphold ! But I have done my best. 60 THE EARL OF 8HAPTESBUBT. [OHAP. III. December 2Bth. St. Giles's, Christmas. Thank God that I am able to pass this season at the ancient seat of my forefathers. Though alone and undiverted by social abstractions, I rejoice in the fancy of patriarchal duties, and look forward in the hope of better days. The village smiles, and the people flourish ; but it will soon cease to smile and the people to flourish if the countenance of the earthly lords be utterly withheld. What a purity of delight if God would bestow on me the wife of my heart, and a place for the exercise of imagined virtues I January 18th, 1829, Sunday. London. I cannot account for the peculiar vivacity of my heart to-day. There is no reason why I should be thus lively. I shall repay it by a corresponding dejection. However, joy is pleasant when- ever it comes. Began yesterday to read the Septuagint must some day learn Hebrew. February 5th. Parliament begins to-day, and with it comes the beginning of sorrows. This evening I must speak. The Duke, to my great joy, has resolved upon considering the expediency of removing all .Catholic disabilities, and substituting in their stead other defences for Church and State. I have long and deeply desired this policy. Who but he would have dared to conceive and execute it persuade the king and overcome popular abhorrence? Peel has resolved to aid him ; this is public virtue. I offered to say a few words expres- sive of my hearty concurrence. Peel was delighted. I did not know that my opinion was of such value ; and now, God, without whom there falleth not a sparrow to the ground, neither can there pass from the mouth one word of wisdom, give me Thy aid, save me from failure and disgrace. Half-past ten. I have spoken ; I am but just saved from disgrace. I love the Duke, and will serve the Government, and the best way of serving him is to say that my office shall be resigned whenever he shall have found another man more able to aid him in this and other departments. February 7th. Arbuthnot would not take my offer to the Duke how odd I Went on a visitation of madhouses. I can do good that way if in no other. February llth. God is all-wise and all-good, and I am sure that He has made me inferior to others for some kind purpose. I am, however, unpleasantly situated ; in honour I must go on, yet only to exposure. I pray night and morn- ing for His grace and assistance. February 25th. The measures now in progress touching relief to the Papista may have, by reflex, as it were, great influence on the question of Reform in Parliament. If the Jesuits, who are both rich and enterprising, aided by the Catholic gentry and noblesse, should possess themselves of many close boroughs, and with the additional assistance of disaffected Whigs and atheistical malcon- tents, command several votes in the Lower House, there would be an outcry for a more extended interposition of a Protestant people, as an antidote to Papistical ambition. Nevertheless the measure, although pregnant with danger, is one of high expediency. I rejoice. February 28th. The good laws enacted under Charles II. and his fierce despotism immediately following them, the existence of the ancient laws and institutions of Rome, and the servile obedience of the people to imperial govern- ment, are a proof how ineffectual are all safeguards of liberty and high principle, except the spirit of a nation. March 24th. My feast hist night went off very well, though disappointed of 1MM WITH THB KIKO. 81 an invited priest. Look told me that the despatch I so eagerly desire is ready. God be praised. I ain just come from a party, where, as usual, I found myself more ignorant and imbecile than any of the rest. What in Heaven's name has befallen me ? I see that geology has become a favourite weapon to wield against Revelation, by attacking the Mosaic history of the Deluge. At best it savours of presumption. It is curious to notice, in the entries in these early Journals, the same processes of thought and the same plans of aciion which characterised the whole life of the man. In the extracts we have given will be seen the germs of many of the great enterprises that were to make his after-life so remark- able, and to stamp him as the greatest philanthropist of his ago. The dis- tribution of his money to rescue the tempted girl, the tribute to the memory of Heber, the aid to King's College in rearing an embankment against irreligion, the quiet observance of the Sabbath, the desire to give freer circulation to religious literature, apprehensions of the spread of Popery, the fear of geology as a weapon against Revelation all these and many more show the beut of his thoughts and feelings, and foreshadow his future labours. March 27th. Last night I prevailed upon Aitch to promise me the despatch I require. God Almighty be Thou praised ! We have at hist established a new order of things for British India, and have dared to sow the seeds of freedom, of virtue, and of Christianity. Am I too sanguine 1 But let me hope. April 26th, Sunday. Last night dined at H.E.H. of Kent's. This morning read all the Revelation continuously. This, or these readings of this kind, will make the general scope more easy of comprehension. April 28th. Yesterday I heard (at Hatfield) that I was considered A SAINT. I do not regard it ; with all my faults, I fear that I shall never have the fault of being too good. April 30th. If any one were to read my book here, that person must inevit- ably regard me as the quintessence of querulousness ; however, I keep it all to myself. June 1st, Monday. Last night I dined with South.* I really cannot but feel grateful for his unceasing kindness and hospitality. I was soothed and elevated by contemplation of the heavens, and acknowledged inwardly how unworthy all matters on earth are of our anxious and heartrending consideration. But these sublimities endure but for awhile, and we return to the sorrows and business of mortality. June 8th. In all enthusiasm there is an intermixture of vanity. June 22nd. I have passed a moat happy time at the Lodge. Such a round of laughing and pleasure I never enjoyed ; if there be a hospitable gentleman on earth it is his Majesty. f I was so jovial that I almost forgot myself, but now I say with Job, " it may fa that I have sinned and cursed God in my heart," but I trust not I was harmless in my mirth. * sir James South, the astronomer. He had an observatory at Campden HQL t George the Fourth. 62 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURT. [CHAP. III. July 2nd. Again at the Royal Lodge. I like it. His Majesty is most hospit- able and gracious ; his whole demeanour is that of a perfect gentleman. Would to God he were always and innately so. No one has greater characteristics of British Royalty when he chooses to display them. By principle I am a lover of a constitutional monarchy. Lately reading " Southey's Colloquies ; " they are replete with learning and thought. I wish I had time and method to become an extensive reader. But I dp believe that if the mind be indelibly stamped with the precepts and wisdom of the Bible, it will acquire a force of analysis and judgment to extract from the labour of a day more than the scorner or neglect- ful could attain by the watchings of a century. I have had my solitary walk, and a short period of holy meditation. I prayed with all the fervour I could command, but all prayer is infinitely cold to express what is felt, or rather what one wishes to feel. Throughout the Diary, at this time, there are frequent passages to show that Lord Ashley, busy as he was, and happy as he was in his political associations, was still restless and ill at ease. His heart was yearning for a resting-place in wedded love, in a settled home, and in the joys of domestic life. His soul was seeking for more definite and systematic labour in distinctly religious spheres. His inind was craving for some absorbing interest which should wean him from his " desperate fits of lounging." Again and again he indulges in morbid self-analysis grieved that everybody should be able, as he supposes, to do everything better than himself ; dread- ing the chance of failure and consequent disgrace ; and constantly passing, as he says, " from the wildest of spirits to cruel and overwhelming despon- dency." There is, moreover, a certain unhealthiuess of sentiment in his tone, quite foreign to his earlier views, and unrelated altogether to his later, as for example when he says, " Surely there must arise happiness of soul, when Time shall be no longer, either to annoy many by its duration, or some by the rapidity of its flight." Again : " We should pray for the end of the world. If it come soon, how much wretchedness would be spared." But the time was rapidly drawing near when, in a new sphere of life, with new hopes and plans and purposes, much of this restlessness and de- spondency was to be dispelled, and meanwhile, his happiest moments were those when he was most engrossed in labour for others. July 20th, Monday. I held forth last night upon Astronomy a little ; it was to persons who had not considered its glories ; I hope that the few remarks I made will lead them to reflect more deeply on the immensity of power and goodness in the Creator I July 21st. I have taken up the Salt Monopoly of India ; this matter has always interested me as one affecting most nearly the comforts of several millions. May I, by the assistance of God, be able to do something for their benefit herein. July 22nd. Last night I spent at South's, in observation of the heavens. I was enraptured. I may be a wicked man, and one regarded by God as " deceitful upon the weight*," but still there is within me a spirit of love and adoration 1SSG.] ROBERT 80UTHET. 63 which bursts forth at the eight of any of nature's glories. My soul is so filled that it cannot find vent but in aspirations towards a higher being. Unless the mind be turned to contemplate some vast, indivisible, everlasting, omnipotent Superior, it wanders restless, unsatisfied, and ignorant, through the immensity of imagination, and, having begun in conceit, ends in satiety or despair. But as for myself, my heart is so touched when I view the sweet magnificence of the Creator, that I could fall to weeping in tear* of gratitude and joy. Oh, Great Parent, keep me ever in this frame of thought and feeling I I fear the advance of age with its coldness, its abstractions, its worldly pursuits, its hard and worldly common sense. July 26th, Sunday. I wrote yesterday to Arbuthnot and declared my final resolution not to sign that insulting despatch for transmission to Lord William Bcntinck.* It may end in my dismissal from office, but I shall have acted in alliance with a good conscience. Oh I how difficult it must be for a needy man to be honest and independent ! Suppose now I were the father of a dozen children, could I bring ^my mind to resolve thus greatly ? I know not ; I shall draw, however, this conclusion to be sparing of animadversion on those whose needs may cause a tenacity of office or other source of decent maintenance. It was while .Lord Ashley was a Commissioner of the India Board of Control that the first bit of " patronage " ever fell to his disposal. What use he made of it is best told in the following correspondence : Lord Ashley to Mr. Robert SoutJii'ij. PANSHANGEH, Se-jrtember 12th, 1830. MY DEAR SIB, I hope and believe that usage will justify me in the liberty I have now taken of addressing you without the preliminaries of a formal intro- duction. A man widely famed as yourself, by his publications, so abundant in jihilosophy and instruction, is virtually presented to every one of his readers. I, at least, cannot refrain from adapting my reasoning to my wishes, in this parti- cular matter. My business is shortly this. I have derived the greatest benefit from the study of your works, and I think that the world also is largely indebted to your genius and industry. I am anxious to testify, in any way that I can, my respect and gratitude, and I see but one means of effecting my purpose. My office has, I dare to believe, given me some weight and personal interest with the Directors of the East India Company ; the Writerships of that Service lead eventually to important trusts and lucrative emoluments ; if you have any son or nephew whom you wish to advance in an honourable and advantageous career, I shall be both proud and happy to obtain for him such a situation. I am fully convinced that a young man imbued with your principles, and instructed by your learning, will prove a public servant such as we need to superintend the immediate comforts, and gradually to promote the civilisation of India. The acceptance of my offer will not in the least place you under any obligation to me ; Then Governor-General of India. 64 THE EARL OP SHAFTB8BURY. [Cn*p. IIL it is due to a man who has done so much by his writings to extend the knowledge of true philosophy, and impress upon the world the consolation and practice of Religion. I remain, my dear Sir, your very obedient, humble servant, ASHLET. To this generous letter, in which the claims of India were considered, no less than those of personal gratitude and esteem, Southey replied as follows : Robert Southey to Lord Ashley. KESWICK, September 18th, 1830. I know not, my Lord, how to express my sense of your kindness. Nothing more utterly unexpected, or more gratifying, has ever occurred to me. A like offer was made to me in the year 1816 by Lord Bathurst, to whom, also, I am personally unknown. It was proposed through Mr. Grower, and upon the supposition that I had a son for whom it might have been acceptable ; but I had just before seen that son laid in the grave, and my dearest earthly hopes, as I then thought, with him. There then appeared no likelihood that I should ever have another child, but, after three years, it pleased God to give me a second son, who is now just beyond the age at which his brother was removed. My hope is that, if his life be spared, he may become a Minister in the Church of England, which I believe to be the happiest station in which he could be placed ; and with this hope I am educating him myself. But I have a nephew, now eleven years old, for whom I should most thank- fully and gratefully accept your Lordship's proffered kindness. This I could not say till I had communicated with his father, Dr. Southey. He is a promising boy, and has been well educated, thus far, in the usual course. I have the honour to remain, my Lord, with sincere respect and gratitude, Your Lordship's obliged and obedient servant, ROBERT SOUTHEY. That was the beginning of a friendship, maintained chiefly through correspondence, which continued until the long illness that terminated in Sonthey's death. On the dissolution of Parliament, in 1830, Lord Ashley was elected to represent Dorchester, for which borough his father had previously sat for many years, the place having been represented by his ancestors from the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The accession to power of Earl Grey relieved Lord Ashley from his official duties. He devoted the leisure thus obtained to the prosecution of his studies, and in 1832 ho took his M.A. degree at Oxford. Important as were the events in the times of which wo have written, ono event has now to be recorded of infinitely greater importance, relating to Lord Ashley's private life. " If I could find the creature I have invented," he wrote, while at Aberystwith, " I should love her with a tenderness and truth unprecedented in the history of wedlock. I pray for her abundantly, I '".".I MAKRTAGR. 6,1 God grant me this purest of blessings ! " That prayer had beon answered ; his ideal had been found ; and on the 10th of June, 1830, he was married to Emily, daughter of the fifth Earl Cowper he who at the beginning of the present century erected the mansion at Panshangcr, in Hertfordshire. For forty years she shared her husband's struggles, inspired his greater efforts, and was, as he himself has described her, " a. wife as good, as true, and as deeply beloved, as God ever gave to man." One of the first to whom he communicated the intelligence of his approaching marriage was the Duke of Wellington, who replied as follows : The Duke of Wellington to Lord Ashley. LONDON, April 12th, 1830. MY DEAB LOBD ASHLEY, I have received your letter, and I sincerely con- gratulate ynorgy, earnestness, and tenderness which Lord Shaftosbury exhibited iu all the actions of his life." * ' Earl Granville's ipeech at the Mansion House Memorial Meeting, October 16, 1885. r 06 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. III. The rejection of the Reform Bill brought about another dissolution of Parliament in 1831, and Lord Ashley was then chosen, on account of his personal popularity and the local influence of his family, to contest the County of Dorset in the Anti-Reform interest. He stood a fifteen days' con- test for the representation against the Hon. William Francis Spencer Ponsonby (afterwards Lord de Mauley), whom he ultimately defeated, after an opposition of unexampled vigour, and almost unexampled duration. An entry occurs in his Diary relating to this period the last entry that was to be made for the space of three years. 1831. No man, I am sure, ever enjoyed more happiness in his married life. God be everlastingly praised. April 28th. Dorchester. Another birthday in the midst of an election and a falling country. Were I not married to a woman whosa happiness, even for an hour, I prefer to whole years of my own, I could wish to be away from the scene of destruction and carried to an unearthly place, rather than see my country crumble before my eyes. Whatever be the result of this General Election relative to the Bill, the Ministers have succeeded in rendering some reform inevitable. It was at the urgent request of the Anti-Reform party that Lord Ashley had consented to stand for Dorsetshire, and on the distinct understanding that the expenses of the election which at that period were enormous would be borne by them, as hejkad, from the first, frankly declared his inability to defray them himself. By a aeries of misunderstandings, consequent upon not having guarantees properly secured, the fund that had been raised was altogether inadequate ; the burden of payment fell upon Lord Ashley, and he became involved in harassing and distressing difficulties. Read in the light of the Corrupt Practices Act of 1885, the following memorandum of the expenses incurred in the election of Lord Ashley for Dorset will point its own moral : DOBCHESTEB. King's Arms. s. d. I s. '1. House or Tavern Bill 1,9381511 Paid for Beds out of the House 38719 Hay and Corn 95 5 7 Coach Proprietors for Fares in Coaches 56 12 6 Post Horses 636 4 Hire of Carriages 95 Paid for a Horse Killed 20 Contingencies 26 12 6 3.256 9 6 Received 17 12 6 3.238 17 N.B. In the above the Hostler, Waiter. Chambermaid, and Porter, are not inclulcd. 1831.J ELECTION EXPENSES. 67 8. lving longer hours -and harder work. Lost time had to be made up by \ ork- they were required every other day to stop at the mill during tho dinner-hour to clean the frames, and there was scarcely a moment of relaxa- tion for them until Sunday came, when their one thought was to rest. Stage age they sank into the profonndest depths of wretchedness. In weari- ni"-, tin \ t.fteu fell njMin the machinery, and almost every factory child was more or less injured; through hunger, neglect, over- fatigue, and poisonous air. they iting magistrate came, for they were in abject fear of their task- rs, and, moreover, on those days tho house was swept and garnished for " The Cry of the Children," by Mrs. E. B. Browning. 78 THE EARL Of StlAFTESBURY. [CHAP. III. the anticipated visit, and appearances would have given the lie to complaints; if they perished iu the machinery, it was a rare tiling for a coroner's inquest to be held, and rarer still for it to issue in anything but a commonplace verdict. And when the time came that their indentures expired, after years of toil, averaging fourteen hours a day, with their bodies scarred with the wounds inflicted by the overlookers with their minda. dwarfed and vacant, with their constitutions, in many instances, hopelessly injured ; in profound ignorance that there was even the semblance of law for their protection these unfortunate apprentices, arrived at manhood, found that they had never been taught the trade they should have learned, and that they had no resource whatever but to enter again upon the hateful life from which they were legally freed. Should it happen that they had become crippled or diseased during their apprenticeship, their wages were fixed at the lowest possible sum, and their future was a long lingering death, y Such are some of the facts relating to the Apprentice System only one phase of the great Factory Question. Where such abominations were tolerated, the case of the other children and young persons, not apprentices, could not be otherwise than almost as bad, and, in point of fact, there grew up, as we shall see, consequent upon the rapid increase of trade, a system of iniquity even greater than that we have described, when, instead of church- wardens and overseers of parishes apprenticing the orphans and destitute of their parishes, parents voluntarily placed their children in the factories to do the same kind of work, during the same oppressive hours, and under many of the same heartless conditions. It is a curious fact that the first champion of these hapless apprentices was one who was himself a manufacturer, and had had a long experience and use of the system the first Sir Robert Peel, who in 1802 carried a measure to provide for their care and education. As far as it went the legislation was good ; it enjoined proper clothing, feeding, and instruction ; the limitation of the hours to twelve, exclusive of meals ; the abolition of night-work, and the appointment of visitors to inspect the factories. The effect of the Act was to do away gradually with the " Apprentice System." The mills at that time were placed where there was plenty of water tq drive the machinery ; and as this was often in thinly-populated districts, the employment of apprentices became a necessity. When, however, the steam- engine was invented, mills could be planted anywhere ; and, as a matter of fact, they were planted in densely populated neighbourhoods, in order that the children of the inhabitants might be employed instead of the apprentices, and so relieve the masters of the trouble of providing food, clothing, and education. This altered state of affairs introduced new evils, scarcely less formidable than those that had preceded them ; and in 1815 Sir Robert Peel again came to the relief of the oppressed children. After wearisome inquiries he suc- ceeded in obtaining, in 1819, an Act by which no child under nine years of age should be allowed to work in a cotton factory, and no young person under. 1833.) RESTRICTION OP HOURS OF LABOUR. 79 sixteen to work more than twelve hours a day, exclusive of meals. Sir Robert! Feel was greatly assisted by the untiring labours of Mr. Nathaniel Gould, al large-hearted philanthropist who gave his time and wealth and influence toj the cause unsparingly, and has left behind him a memory which will always] be cherished with gratitude in the manufacturing districts. While these evils existed in the cotton factories, evils every whit as great were prevalent in the woollen, silk, linen, and other factories evils which the legislation of Sir Robert Peel did not touch. In 1825, Sir John Hobhouso (afterwards Lord Bronghton) passed a Bill by whicli it became unlawful to employ any child in a cotton factory, who should be under eighteen years of age, for more than sixty-nine hours a week ; and which also prohibited night-work in specified departments. The Bill of Sir John Hobhouse, like that of Sir Robert Peel, related only to the cotton factories, and, as soon as it was passed, it was found that it was very inadequate to meet the difficulties which were increasing with the increas- ing trade, consequent upon the multiplication of inventions. Nevertheless its provisions were higlily beneficial as far as they went ; the health and morals of the factory-hands were undoubtedly improved, and an impetus was given to the desire of both masters and men for further legislation. It was not, however, till 1830 that the great and comprehensive movement with which, later on, Lord Ashley was to be pre-eminently identified, com- menced. In that year Mr. John Wood, of Bradford, Mr. Richard Oastler, of Fixby Hall, Huddersfield, the Rev. G. S. Bull, Mr. Walker, Mr. Philip Grant, and others, grasped the wider and more beneficent idea of seeking the reduction of the hours of work, not for children in cotton factories only, but for children employed in the manufacture of textile fabrics throughout the kingdom. Letters were written to the public journals, meetings were held, the on- tliu-i:i>m of tlio working men was kindled, and the opposition of the great body of the mill-owners was aroused. Petitions to both Houses of Parliament were presented on both sides, and the whole of the manufacturing dlst riots were kept in a state of increasing agitation. Meanwhile a further Bill was being promoted by Sir John Hobhouse and Lord Morpeth, which proposed to limit the hours of work to eleven and a in any one day, and to eight and a half on Saturdays ; to prohibit child- under nine years of age being employed in factories ; to exempt all y 'iimr ons under twenty-one yearn of ago from night-work; and to extend the operations of the Act to cotton, woollen, worsted, linen, and silk factories, and also to power-looms. The opposition to the measure on the part of the mill-owners was very strong, and the result was that the Bill which received the Royal Assent in 1831 was too much mutilated to bo at all effective. One of the most ardent supporters of Sir John Hobhouse at this time was Mr. Michael Thomas Sadler, M.P. for Newark, and so conspicuous and un- tiring were his labours, so wide his sympathies, and so powerful his influence, that ho was, by common consent, chosen as the future loader of the movnuout 80 THE EARL OP SIIAFTESBUHY. [CHAP. 111. in the House of Commons. Sir John Hobhouse had over and over again ex- pressed his conviction that nothing could be more idle than to talk of the pos- sibility of limiting the hours of daily labour to ten, for five days, and to eig-lit on the Saturday, and he was surprised to find that any one, who knew any- thing of the real state of the question, could hold a view so extravagant. Nevertheless, at the end of the Session of 1831, Mr. Sadler introduced his famous " Ten Hours Bill " into the House of Commons, and on the 18th of March, 1832, moved its second reading in a speech of extraordinary eloquence. It was urged by the opponents of the measure that his statements were exaggerated, one-sided, and inaccurate ; and such was the force of the opposi- tion that he was obliged to yield to the appointment of a Select Committee. It was while that Committee was carrying on its herculean labours, and Mr. Sadler was working night find day in the cause, that the country was agitated, as it had never been before, with the cry of Parliamentary Reform, and in that year the first Reform Bill received the Royal Assent. Mr. Sadler retired from the representation of Newark at the General Election of May, 1831, on account of the uncertainty of the result of that election and of his having been offered a safe seat for Aldborough. This latter town was disfranchised by the Reform Act of 1832, and ho then stood for Leeds and afterwards for Huddersfield, but, notwithstanding the support he received from the working classes in both places, he was defeated. The rejection of Mr. Sadler was a terrible blow to the operatives, and a meeting of delegates from the Lancashire and Yorkshire committees was at once held to consider what steps should be taken. At that meeting the Rev. G. S. Bull, of Brierley, near Bradford, one of the leaders in the movemontj was instructed to proceed to London to express their views and to confer witli the friends of the movement there. The result cannot be better told than in the words of the letter Mr. Bull addressed to the various Short-Time Committees and others. Rev. G. S. Bull to Short-Time Committeet. LONDON, February Gth, 1833. DEAR SIB, I have to inform you that in furtherance of the object of the delegates' meeting, I have succeeded, under Mr. Sadler's sanction, in prevailing upon Lord Ashley to move his (Mr. Sadler's) Bill. Lord Ashley gave notice yesterday afternoon, at half-past two, of a motion on the 5th of March, for leave " to renew the Bill brought in by Mr. Sadler last Session, to regulate the labour of children in the mills and factories of the United Kingdom, with such amendments and additions as appear necessary from the evidence given before the Select Committee of this House." This notice, I am very happy to say (for I was present), was received with hearty and unusual cheers from all parts of a House of more than 300. No other notice was so cheered ; and more than forty, some of them very popular, were given at the same time. less.) MIL SADLER'S SUCCESSOR. 81 I am informed that Lord Ashley received many unexpected assurances of support immediately after hia notice, and has had more since. Pray call your Committee together directly, and read this to them. As to Lonl A-ihk-y, he is noble, benevolent, and resolute in mind, as he is manly in person. I have been favoured with several interviews, and all of the most satisfactory kind On one occasion his Lordship said, " I have only zeal and good intentions to bring to this work ; I can have no merit in it, that must all belong to Mr. Sadler. It seems no one else will undertake it, so I will ; and, without cant or hypocrisy, which I hate, I assure you I dare not refuse the request you have so earnestly pressed. I believe it is my duty to God and to the poor, and I trust He will support me. Talk of trouble I What do we come to Parliament for ? " In a letter he writes : " To me it appeared an affair less of policy than of religion, and I determined, therefore, at all hazards to myself, to do what I could in furtherance of the views of that virtuous and amiable man " (meaning Mr. Sadler). I have just left his Lordship, andjind him more determined than ever. He says, it is your cause ; if you support him, he will never flinch. Yours most faithfully, To Mr. , GK S. BULL. i ry of the Short-Time Committee, A memorandum, written by Lord Ashley himself in 1838, and found .tfil and incomplete among his papers, recounts the incident of his ,\ : In the autumn and winter of 1832, I read incidentally in the Times some extracts from the evidence taken before Mr. Sadler's committee. I had heard nothing of the question previously, nor was I even aware that an inquiry had been instituted by the House of Commons. Either the question had made very little stir, or I had been unusually negligent in Parliamentary business. I suspect the first to be the true cause, for it had been an active Session, and j had taken my share in the activity of it. I was astonished and disgusted ; and, kuuwing Sadler to be out of Parliament (for he had been defeated at Leeds), I wrote to him to offer my services in presenting petitions, or doing any other small work that the cause might require. I received no answer, and forgot the ubject. The Houses met in the month of February ; on the second or third day ;uldr. sued by the Rev. G. S. Bull, whom till then I had never seen or heard of. He was brought to me by Sir Andrew Agnew, and they both proposed to me to take up the question that Sadler had necessarily dropped. I can perfectly recollect my astonishment, and doubt, and terror at the proposition. I forget the arguments for and against my intermeddling in the affair ; so far, I recollect, that in vain I demanded time for consideration ; it was necessary, Bull replied, to make an instant resolution, as Morpeth would otherwise give notice of a Bill which would defraud the operatives of their ten hours measure, by proposing one which should inflict eleven. O 82 THE EARL OP 8HAFTRSPURY. [CHAP. HI. I obtained, however, a respite till the next morning, and I set myself to re- flection and inquiry. Nevertheless the only persons I consulted were Peach and Scarlett, the present Lord Abinger. They strongly urged me to adopt the question, and I returned home armed with their opinions, to decide for myselfi after meditation and prayer, and " divination " (as it were) by the word of God. The resolution arrived at by Lord Ashley and announced in the hastily, written but graphic letter of Mr. Bull, was not reached without a struggle. He now stood at the parting of the ways. On the one hand lay ease, influence, promotion, and troops of friends ; on the other an unpopular cause, unceasing labour amidst every kind of opposition ; perpetual worry and anxiety ; estrangement of friends ; annihilation of leisure ; and a life among the poor. It was between these he had to choose. Had he been ambitious of political distinction there can be no doubt that, with his abilities, his popularity, and his great oratorical powers, he would have commanded a prominent position in his party. Already he had held an appointment in the Government under the Duke of Wellington, whose confidence he enjoyed, and had shown sucli tact and ability, combined with so thorough a knowledge of the matters he had to deal with relating principally to India that he had made his mark. The alternative before him was voluntarily to cut himself off from these prospects, to associate himself with the most unpopular question of the day, to become the victim of a virulent opposition from all parties, and even from many able and enlightened men who were in thorough sympathy with every movement which they believed to be for the improvement of the working classes, but who looked upoii the restriction of the hours of labour as an unjustifiable interference with the relations between employer and employed. But Lord Ashley was not a man to allow considerations of the baser sort bo weigh heavily with him. Already he had won the confidence of the poor and the oppressed. Already he had passed through the strait gate of his path in life, and had entered the narrow way. He would not look back now. He remembered that day at Harrow, when he had vowed that he would fight against the monstrous cruelty that allowed the weak and the unfriended to suffer and be trampled upon simply because they were poor. But that vow bad been made when he was a mere boy. Now he had a wife and a child, a home and a position. To espouse the factory cause was to give up home- comfort and domestic leisure ; to relinquish the scientific and literary pursuits which had for him such an intense fascination. Was it right for him so to disturb the natural course of his life, and to abandon the prospects it opened up ? He laid the matter before his wife, painted in dark colours all the sacrifice it meant ; weighed the burden it would place on her young shoulders ; and waited for the verdict. " It is your duty," she said, " and the consequences we must leave. Go forward, and to Victory ! " When Lord Ashley accepted the responsibility of taking up Mr. Sadler's ISM.) novorn TO WHOM HONOUR. 83 benevolent measures, he was only known in the factory districts as having voted for those measures ; his special aptitude and general fitness for the task had to be taken on trust. From all quarters, however, there came to him pn.mises of support, and foremost among those who welcomed him as their champion was Mr. Oastler, who had worked with unflagging zeal in the cause. To him Lord Ashley replied as follows : Lord Athley to Mr. Richard Oattler 16th Febrvary, 1833. DEAR SIB, I am much obliged to you for your kind and energetic letter ; much, very much, is owing to your humanity and zeal, and though I cannot reckon deeply on the gratitude of multitudes, yet I will hope that your name will, for years to come, be blessed by those children who have suffered, or would have suffered, the tortures of a factory. It is very cruel upon Mr. Sadler that he is debarred from the joy of putting the crown on his beloved measure ; however, his mutt be the honour, though another may complete it ; and for my part I feel that, if I were to believe that my exertions ought to detract the millionth part from his merits, I should be one of the most unprincipled and contemptible of mankind. Ask the question simply, Who has borne the real evil, who has encoun- tered the real opposition, who roused the sluggish public to sentiments of honour and pity ? Why, Mr. Sadler ; and I come in (supposing I succeed) to terminate in the twelfth hour his labour of the eleven. I greatly fear my ability to carry on this measure. I wish, most ardently I wish, that some other had been found to undertake the cause ; nothing but the apprehension of its being lost induced me to acquiesce in Mr. Bull's request. I entertain such strong opinions on the matter that I did not dare, as a Christian, to let my diffidence, or love of ease, prevail over the demands of morality and religion. Yours, ASHLEY. It was consistent with the fairness of his dealings, then and always, to give to Mr. Sadler, and to those who had laboured with him, the credit of their labours; nor did he ever alter his tone. In 1868, when he published his Speeches,* he stated in the preface " .... I desire to record the invaluable a of the remarkable men who preceded me. Had they not gone before, ami lx>rne such an amount of responsibility and toil, I do not believe that it would have been in my power to have achieved anything at all." And to the : his life he never ceased, when speaking on the Factory Question, to give in the honour which was their due. The spirit in which Lord Ashley took up this groat work is best told in vn words. Soon after he had entered upon his labours, a meeting, under the nusjiicos of the London Society for the Improvement of the Condition of Factory Children, of which the Duke of Sussex was president, was held in the London Tavern, and was attended by a large number of influential persons, " Sj-cccho of the Earl of Shaftesburj, K.G., upon subjects having relation chiefly to the clauim ud interest* of the Labouring Class. " London : 1868. U 2 84 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURY. fCHAr. III. among whom was Daniel O'Connell. An enthusiastic reception was given to Lord Ashley, as the new leader of the movement, and, in speaking to one of the resolutions, lie said : He could never be indifferent to the approbation of his fellow-countrymen ; if he were so, he would distrust himself, feeling, as he did, that a disregard of honest fame is almost invariably accompanied by a disregard of virtue ; but he did most solemnly assure the meeting that he did not take up this affair from motives of ambition. Strong and deep feelings impelled him to that course ; there were some present who could testify to that ; for when he found (and he had but a few hours to make up his mind) that upon him depended the furtherance or the loss of Mr. Sadler's Bill, he did not (he used the word deliberately) d are to refuse- . . . He most sincerely wished that some one of capacious mind and profound knowledge, had undertaken this task ; so deep and so varied were the objects to be considered. It was a great political, moral, and religious question ; it was political because it would decide whether thousands should be left in discontent, aye, and just discontent ; it was moral because it would decide whether the rising generation should learn to distinguish between good and evil be raised above the enjoyment of mere brutal sensualities, and be no longer, as they then were, degraded from the dignity of thinking beings. It was a great religious question ; for it involved the means to thousands and tens of thousands of being brought up in the faith and fear of the God that created them. He had read of those who had sacrificed their children to Moloch, but they were a merciful people compared with Englishmen in the nineteenth century. He had heard of the infanticide of the Indians, but they, too, were a merciful people compared with Englishmen in the nineteenth century. For those nations destroyed at once their wretched off- spring, and prevented a long career of suffering and crime ; but we, having sucked out every energy of body and of soul, tossed them on the world a mass of skin and bone, incapable of exertion, brutalised in their understandings, and dis- qualified for immortality. He feared that in the House of Commons they would have to encounter great and formidable opposition, but it was gratifying to think that all the masters were not against them, neither were they without numerous and cordial supporters in the House ; but it behoved those who were out of doors to use their best and most strenuous exertions to guard against the possible failure of the Bill. There was one consideration to which he particularly wished to call their attention namely, that before the publication of the evidence, the people of England had nothing like the responsibility which since rested upon their heads. So long as these horrid facts remained unknown, the guilt attached to the perpe- trators only ; but, if this terrible system were permitted to continue any longer, the guilt would descend upon the whole nation. As for himself he assured them that he would not give way a single moment on the question of the Ten Hours ; he would persevere in the cause he had adopted. He had taken up the measure as a matter of conscience, and as such he was determined to carry it through. If the House would not adopt the Bill, they must drive him from it, as he would not concede a single step. He most positively declared that as long as he had a seat in that House ; as long as God gave him health and a sound mind, no efforts, no exertions, should be wanted on his part to establish the success of the measure. If defeated in the present Session, he would bring it forward in the next, and so on in every succeeding Session till his success was complete. 1833.) FRIENDLY CONGRATULATIONS. 85 Having thus, and in inaiiy other way 8, expressed his views and shown the attitude which he intended to take up with reference to this question, he very BOOH gained the implicit confidence of the operatives and of the principal sup- jx>rtt>rs of the measure. It was necessary, however, that he should have a (li-tinet understanding with the operatives as to the principles on which the agitation was to be conducted ; and " they agreed from the outset that all should be carried on in the most conciliatory manner ; that there should be a careful abstinence from all approach to questions of wages and capital ; that the labour of children and young persons should alone be touched ; that there should be no strikes, no intimidation, and no strong language against their employers, either within or without the walls of Parliament." * The dauntless manner in which Lord Ashley had thrown himself into the breach, and the vigour with which he commenced his labours, called forth the warmest expressions of approval from all quarters, and many were the sug- gestions, many the words of counsel and advice, which he received. Thus Robert Southey wrote : Robert Southey to Lord Ashley. KESWICK, 7th February, 1833. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, There is one thing connected with these accursed factories which I have long intended to expose, and that is, the way in which Sunday Schools have been subservient to the merciless love of gain. The manu- facturers know that a cry would be raised against them if their little white laves received no instruction ; and so they have converted Sunday into a school- day, with what effect may be seen in the evidences ! This is quite a distinct question from that of the good or evil to be expected from Sunday Schools, as originally intended, and existing in most places. Upon the latter subject I have something to say when opportunities will allow me. But the Sunday School of the factories is an abomination ; it is an additional cruelty* compromise between covetousness and hypocrisy. Thousands of thousands will bless you for taking up the cause of these poor children. I do not believe that anything more inhuman than the system has ever disgraced human nature, in any age or country. Was I not right in saying that Moloch is a more merciful fiend than Mammon? Death in the brazen arms of the Carthaginian idol was mercy to the slow waste of life in the factories. God bless you I R Another of Lord Ashley's literary friends, on whose opinion he set great value, was John Ramsay McCulloch, the eminent Political Economist, who d the progress of the Factory Question with deep interest, and wrote thus: Mr. J. R. McCulloch to Lord Ashley. SOUTHAMPTON STREET, FITZROY SQUARE, 28* A March, 1833. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your note. You are not owing me anything ; and you may be assured that * Shafteabury Speeches, Preface, p. iv. 86 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. fCHAP. III. should you at any future period be inclined to approfondir any branch of Political Economy, it will be a gratification to me to forward your views. I hope your Factory Bill will prosper, and I am glad it is in such good hands. Had I a seat in the House it should assuredly have my vote. A notion is entertained that Political Economists are, in all cases, enemies to all sorts of interference, but I assure you I am not one of those who entertain such an opinion. I would not interfere between adults and masters ; but it is absurd to contend that children have the power to judge for themselves as to such a matter. I look upon the facts disclosed in the late Eeport as most disgraceful to the nation ; and I confess that, until I read it, I could not have conceived it possible that such enormities were committed. Perhaps you have seen the late work of M. Courin, who was sent by the French Government to report on the state of education in Germany. It is well worth your Lordship's attention. In Prussia, and most other German States, all persons are obliged to send their children to school from the age of seven to thirteen or fourteen years, and the education given to them is excellent ; as much superior to anything to be had in this country as it is possible to conceive. This is the sort of interference that we ought gradually to adopt. If your Bill has any defect, it is not by the too great limitation, but by the too great extension of the hours of labour. With great respect and esteem, Most faithfully yours, J. R. McCtJLLOCH. The activity of Lord Ashley, and those associated with him, aroused the opponents of the measure to renewed determination to resist it, step by step, with corresponding energy and firmness. On the 3rd April Mr. Wilson Patten, acting on behalf of the Association of Master Manufacturers, moved, in the House of Commons, " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying that he will be graciously pleased to appoint a Commission to collect information in the manufacturing districts with respect to the em- ployment of children in factories, and to devise the best means for the curtail- ment of their labour." This motion was supported by Lord Morpeth and other influential members, and was strongly opposed by Lord Ashley and his friends. On a division the motion was carried by a majority of one, the numbers being for, 74 ; against, 73. This was regarded by the operatives as a mere stratagem to delay proceed- ings. A. Royal Commission of Inquiry was, under the circumstances, most repugnant to them, incontrovertible evidence as to the state of things being already before the House and before the country. Moreover, power was given to the Commission to examine witnesses in private and report thereon, thus, as it was alleged by the working men, " giving them the option of selecting the testimony tendered, precluding all cross-examination, and, if they were so disposed, enabling them to smother, garble, or distort the evidence at plea- sure." From all quarters strong and numerous protests were entered, and a ISM.J THE MILL-OWNERS' COMMISSION OF INQUIRY. 87 manifesto from the Lancashire Central Short-Time Committee was issued in a forcible address to " all ranks and classes in the land," calling upon them to " let Lord Ashley's name be dear to Britain's honest labourers and oppressed factory children." Let his Factory Bill have your support Our request is that you will use every lawful and constitutional means to promote its legislative adoption this Session. Give them no rest ; pour out your petitions for us and our children at the foot of the Throne and into both Houses of Parliament. Protest, as we do, against the mill-owners' Commission. We will not, except by legal obligation, try our cause before it. We challenge such a jury, appointed as it is by those who have been arraigned at the bar of their country, to try their own cause, or rather to cover their guilt from public view. Our gracious Sovereign has been imposed upon. We acknowledge and revere his Majesty's authority, but we condemn immeasurably the act of his advisers. Is it thus that justice can be attained when the cause of the poor is tried in open court and that of the rich in the secret chambers of guilt ? We leave our cause in your hands, and implore our fellow-countrymen of every rank to petition without delay for the Ten Hours Bill, and that it may be passed without reference to a partial, unjust, unnecessary, and delusive Parliamentary Commission, sent out on false pretences, to the abuse of his Majesty's royal prerogative, and to the hurt and grief of his loving and loyal subjects. The Commissioners proceeded with their inquiry, but on every hand they were met with the stoutest opposition. At Manchester the delegates assem- bled and issued a protest against giving any further evidence before the Commission, and at the same time arranged for fresh evidence of an un- ! kind. They assembled the factory children, as they left the mills on Saturday afternoon, the 4th May, and marched thousands of them, with banners, through the streets, headed by a deputation from tho Central Committee, who presented, on behalf of the children, an appeal to the Commissioners. Not only in Manchester, but in every town where tho Commissioners sat, there were similar demonstrations, and at Leeds they were on a very extensive scale. The Short-Time Committee distributed slips t" hind round the hats with tho words "Ten Hours Bill" printed on them. Tin -so were eagerly sought after, and an immense multitude wearing them : i -gated at the Free Market, and marched to tho hotel where the Com- missioners sat. They delivered their protest, and " at this stage of the pro- eeeiliugs," says an eye-witness, "never surely was so interesting an exhibition witnessed; not less than 3,000 ragged, wretched little ones were there, attended by at least 15,000 spectators. The Commissioners had a full oppor- tunity afforded them of witnessing the disgusting effects of slavery in f.-i-'ti.rif- --an unanswerable argument that employment, such as their dress and dirt exhibited they had been engaged in, ought not to be prolonged to r hours than tho felon is condemned or the black slave constrained to labour." 88 THK EARL OF SHAFPESBURY. [CHAP. III. On the 13th July the Commissioners' report was laid on the table of the House of Commons, and, notwithstanding the fact that the Commission was appointed at the earnest solicitation of the mill-owners, some of the most influential of whom, as well as members of the Master Cotton Spinners' Association, were examined, the result was a corroboration of the evidence taken before Mr. Sadler's committee, and was summed up thus : From the whole of the evidence laid before us, of which we have thus endeavoured to exhibit the material points, we find : 1. That the children employed in all the principal branches of manu- facture throughout the kingdom work during the same number of hours as the adults. 2. That the effects of labour during such hours are, in a great number of cases, permanent deterioration of the physical constitution ; the production of diseases wholly irremediable ; and the partial or entire seclusion (by reason of excessive fatigue) from the means of obtaining adequate education, and acquiring useful habits, or of profiting by those means when afforded. 3. That at the age when children suffer those injuries from the labour they undergo, they are not free agents, but are let out on hire, the wages they earn beinjr secured and appropriated by parents and guardians. We are therefore of opinion that a case is made out for the interference of the Legislature on behalf of the children employed in factories. Meanwhile the work of Lord Ashley had been incessant. He had made it a matter of principle at the outset of his career and he never wavered from it to the close of his life not to take up any subject or advocate any cause until, as far as it lay in his power, he had acquainted himself with all tlio facts of the case, not at second-hand and from hearsay, but by close personal investigation. From the hour he consented to take the leadership in this movement, he was at work night and day in prosecuting inquiries, and in making himself master of all its details. This involved endless visits and conferences, innumerable letters, and an amount of toil which can scarcely be over-estimated. " I made it an invariable rule," he said on many occasions to the writer, " to see everything with my own eyes, to take nothing on trust or hearsay. lu factories, I examined the mills, the machinery, the homes, and saw the workers and their work in all its details. In collieries, I went down into the pits. In London, I went into lodging-houses and thieves' haunts, and every filthy place. It gave me a power I could not otherwise have had. I could speak of things from actual experience, and I used often to hear things from the poor sufferers themselves, which were invaluable to me. I got to know their habits of thought and action, and their actual wauts. I sat and had tea and talk with tliom hundreds of times." In due course lie introduced his Bill, and on the 17th of June it was read a second time. It provided for the limitation of the hours of labour for " women and young persons " to ten hours a day. , One clause in the Bill gave r H'.-J.J THE TEK HOURS BILL REJECTED. 89 rise to much controversy, almost producing a split in the camp, as well as grievously offending the mill-owners. The clause was to the effect that in nny instance in which the provisions of the Act were infringed, on the third offence personal punishment should be inflicted upon the mill-owner. Mr. Oastler, Mr. Bull, and many others who had long been identified with the movement, strongly upheld its insertion ; and the operatives in Yorkshire were almost unanimously in its favour. They denounced those who were against the clause in language so violent and threatening, that at one time a rupture seemed inevitable. But Lord Ashley was master of the art of managing men. He smoothed down the difficulties, and on the 18th July proceeded with his Bill. The Bill was opposed by Lord Althorp, who urged that it should be rejected in favour of one founded on the report of the Commission. Not- withstanding all the efforts made by Lord Ashley and his friends, the Government Bill was carried, on a division, by an overwhelming majority. It seemed that a death-blow to the Ten Hours Bill had been struck, so disastrous was the defeat. The delegates and friends who had been working so strenuously in the matter were discouraged and disheartened ; but they had pledged themselves to go forward, and they were determined not to relax their efforts. Lord Ashley did not abandon hope, although at first sight everything seemed against him. He rose, on the Speaker resuming the chair, and said -. " Having taken up the subject fairly and conscientiously, he found that the noble Lord (Althorp) had completely defeated him ; he would, there- fore, surrender the Bill into the hands of the noble Lord ; but having taken it up with a view to do good to the class intended, he would only say, into what- ever 1 muds it passed, God prosper it." Although the measure fell far short of what was desired, and would take effect slowly, inasmuch as it would not come into full operation until 1836, " it contained, nevertheless, some humane and highly useful pro- visions, and established, for the first time, the great principle that labour and education should be combined."* Before the delegates returned to their homes, Lord Ashley wrote to the Chairman of the Manchester Short-Time Committee, to acknowledge his indebtedness to their labours, and to explain that he alone was responsible for the concessions that had been made, and for the obnoxious clauses which had been expunged. "The late defeat," he said, "has proved the feel ileness of our partisans even npon principles. What, then, would have :he ivMilt upon detail*? But by withdrawing in time we have frmii our opponents the means of cloaking their hostility to a remedial measure under the pretence of resistance to an 'offensive and violent' inter- ference (as they term it) with the disposal of capital." Throughout the period during which Lord Ashley was engaged on the fc>L:iftcsbury' Speeches, Preface, p. T. 90 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [HAP. Ill Factory Question, his friend Southey, with almost parental solicitude, was watching his progress, and urging him, in frequent letters, to take care of himself. But the indomitable resolution that marked his career at Oxford, that possessed him in Wales, and that governed his conduct while on the India Board of Control, had, in even a more marked degree, urged him on to ceaseless activity and self-sacrifice on behalf of the factory-folk. Southey had advised him not to go to the manufacturing districts to see the physical effects of the system he was exposing. "The distressful recollections would be impressed upon you and burnt in" he wrote, " and I should fear that the subject might take possession of you so fully that it might affect your health, which always suffers when the mind is occu- pied too intently upon one subject, and especially if that subject be one with which strong feeling is necessarily connected." He did not know that the whole pathway of his friend's life would lie through impaired health, and suffering, and painfully-stirred feeling, which need not have fallen to his lot had ho not dedicated himself, his time, his talents, his all, to the cause of the poor and the friendless. The following letter was written immediately after Lord Ashley had resigned the Bill into the hands of the Ministry : Robert Southey to Lord AMey. KESWICK, July 21th, 1833. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, . . . You have done well, and will always look back with satisfaction on what you have done ; and others,. when they look back upon it, will honour you as they ought. Whatever good is done, whatever mitigation of evil is effected, will be through your means. The manufacturers and the Ministers would have done nothing unless you had forced them to it. On the whole, I am not sorry that it has now passed into their hands. They have given to the younger children more than you could venture to ask ; and they will, ere long, be compelled to give at least as much as you asked to the adolescents (as they please to call them), unless the over-production, consequent upon working two sets of children, should, in its seen consequences, bring this system of insatiable avarice, or, rather, greediness of gain, to a crisis. . . And now, the more you can direct your thoughts to other things, the better. It has been my fortune to see what effects are produced upon the health and happi- ness of those who suffer one great subject to take full possession of them. Turn away from it now, and you will, be the better able to stir in it hereafter when opportunity offers. . . . When you can run away from Pandemonium, I hope you will come here, where you would find new scenes, and breathe an air of quietness. You could not devise a more effectual diversion for your thoughts and feelings, and I am sure that they must need it, God bless you. R. S. The spirit of this advice was taken, and in the autumn of that eventful year there came, as we shall see in the next chapter, the much-needed rest. . V CHAPTER IV. ITALY 1833. To know the character of a man, travel with him. See whether he takes his cdii-i-ience abroad; see whether, when the restraints of daily occupation, public opinion, or forces of habit are removed, his character remains the same ; mark whether in varied and engrossing pleasure, and in exhilaration of spirits, his principles shine out as lustrously as when at home. On the 10th of October, Lord Ashley, in company with his wife and child " Sir Babkins," as he called him and Lord and Lady Cowper, started off on a six months' foreign tour. In a special book he wrote down day by day, in a pleasant, easy fashion, his impressions of all he saw and heard and felt. It was a task, sometimes irksome, but it was undertaken in order that, in years to come, he might live the scenes over again by his own fireside with the companion of his travels. The Journal is specially interesting as showing the state of his mind, at that period, on many subjects which were afterwards to engage his time and influence; how much broader were his views and sympathies than many have supposed ; and as giving a graphic description of travel more than half a century ago. The journey from London to Dover, a distance of seventy-two miles, took ten hours to perform, and the " excellent " passage from Dover to Calais was arrumplished in two hours and forty minutes. The route lay by road, through Altlx'ville and Beauvais, and then, he says, "we passed on to Melun, and omitted Paris. I have no pleasure in that capital." Beyond Sens the country became more interesting. The surface is more undulating and varied, and the vines give a peculiar rich- ness of colouring. These vast plains of Burgundy have a singular appearance, not a single tree, hedge, hut, or sign of inhabitants except the cultivation. <-e come the labourers, or where do they dwell ? If in the towns, they must have leagues of journey to their daily work. The Jura mountains were crossed in a violent snowstorm and amid other circumstances of terror. Notwithstanding the misery of the scene, the danger of the precipices, and the chance of an obstruction to our further passage, it was impossible to over- look the magnificence of such a spectacle. The dark colour of the pines behind the streams of snow, the ruggednoss of the cliffs, and the fury of the storm, combined to set before me the language of the Almighty : " Hast thou entered 92 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURT. [OHAP. IV. into the treasures of the snow, or hast thou seen the treasures of the hail, which I have reserved against the time of trouble, against the day of battle and war 1 " I thought, too, of the expedition to Russia, when He commanded the elements to do Him service ; " wind and storm fulfilling His word." After eight days of " wind and rain, and every discomfort," Geneva was reached in safety. Has nature, among all her riches, a nobler possession than this lake and its mountains 1 What a profound and indescribable pleasure it is to look upon such things I As to collecting one's thoughts or expressing one's feelings, it is neither possible nor even desirable ; our safest eloquence concerning them is our silence, and to confess, without confession, that His wisdom is inscrutable, His greatness above our capacity and reach. Quitting Geneva after a rest of six days ("it is a terrible place for shopping "), visits were paid to Lausanne and Chillon, the road passing through a series of gardens. Every mile is a subject for the genius of a painter ; and to all this loveliness is superadded the charm of various and careful cultivation ; order, neatness, taste, and manifold industry give an appearance of beauty and comfort and abundance which excite in one's mind a notion of virtue and happiness in the people. Everywhere he found in the changeless and everlasting hills, food for contemplation, and everywhere the vastuess of nature excited religious senti- ments : Ten times a day do I repeat, " These are Thy glorious works, Parent of Good, Almighty ! Thine this universal frame ; Thus wondrous fair "... while the Book of Job and the Psalms furnished him with pregnant words to Titter the thoughts that rose within him. But the glory of the scenery did not so absorb him as to make him oblivious of other things. Wherever he went he kept his eyes open to observe the ways and habits and wants of the people. Thus we find him writing : A Swiss in a town is very different from a Swiss in the country in the country all is clean and neat and fresh ; in the town he is dirty and close. . . . Their industry and enterprise are truly astonishing ; they have climbed to the last point of vegetation in quest of soil and sunbeams ; the small hovels built on the pinnacles, almost above an eagle's flight, reminded me of the Prophet's words against Idumea, " Oh thou that buildest thy nest in a rock.'' . . . We have now been for a day and a half in a Catholic portion of Switzerland unhappily we may be assured of it by the slovenly and negligent habits of the people. This contrast is very remarkable throughout the Confederacy j everywhere the IN MILAN. 93 Protestant cantons exhibit a picture of order, cleanliness, and taste. Dirt and discomfort are the guardian spirits of the Catholic. Yet these Catholic districts are not without a charm. The announcement and display of religion give a grace to these solitudes ; while the ensign of the Cross, comely in its form and adapted to the scenery, places the humiliation and the power of God in wondrous juxtaposition. The use of the Cross has been superstitiously abused, and Pro- : nations have therefore mostly abandoned it ; but we suffer by the change. Such a memorial is necessary and ought to be pleasing. . . . German is talked here (Brieg), and the people are far less cleanly. Walked to-day to a neighbouring village Everywhere we may trace the influence of Catholicism ; in a population of about 150 persons, I found churches and shrines, crosses and saints, for three thousand. Whence, too, the wealth and furniture of these places of worship each church must have absorbed the earnings of a century ? Came suddenly upon a catacomb, where were heaped up some, thou- sand skulls, the remains of many generations. " O Lord," thus said Ezekiel, " shall these bones live 1 " " So teach us to number our days that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom." In reminiscences such as these the Catholic religion leads us to moments of piety. After crossing the Simplou, through scenery of "terrible sublimity," where, as Gray says, in one of his letters to West, " yon have death per- pftually before your eyes, only so far removed as to compose the mind without frightening it," they reached Arona. Of course, Isola Bella was 1 : It is a complete embodying of every luxurious and Asiatic idea ; had I not seen it I should have disbelieved the existence of such a spot ; but still I have no wish to live there. Enclosed by water and mountains I should die of a suffoca- tion of spirit it would be Rasselas in the Happy Valley. At Milan, on Sunday morning : Went with Minny to High Mass in the Cathedral ; there was no Protestant place of worship ; but we preferred, to total omission, saying a few prayers in a house dedicated to His honour and service. It is a tedious and unspiritual cere- monial everlasting movement and gesture, with numberless repetitions of robing, candles, incense, and drawling chants. The effect upon the eye, all things in- cluded, is extremely grand ; nor can we fail to be struck by the motley, though vast, assemblage, huddled together : of every rank, profession, age, and sex. The rs are cold and short ; few can join and fewer can understand. . . . People come in and go out during the performance ; to stay, as with us, from the ling to the end, appears quite unnecessary. Surely our simple and hearty service is equally beautiful and more edifying. I contrast with all the gorgeous show of the Duomo at Milan, the Cathedral > of an Abbey Church ; the liturgy, the chanting of the psalms, the singing of the responses in the communion, all closed with a pious and learned sermon, and I really think that the chastened splendour of this ceremonial leads us, as near as ia possible on earth, to the heavenly pattern of the saints above. . . . 94 THE EARL OF SHAFTF-SHUHY. fCHAp. TV. On many subsequent occasions the Duomo was visited, and each time some kindly entry is made in the Diary. One great and honourable characteristic of this religion is, as Minny observed to me, that no one is ashamed to exhibit devotion. . . . The most zealous Protestant must applaud the Romish practice of leaving open the churches for any casual worshippers. Oftentimes in the midst of daily occupations the mind may desire the consolations of religion, and oftentimes it may be led to think of them by the sight and opportunity of houses of prayer. Much, however, as I approve the system, I doubt the possibility of it in our own country. It should be stated that, in this tour, Lord Ashley was taking his wife over ground which he himself had traversed ten years before. The cir- cumstances attending the journey were therefore doubly delightful to visit these places again after so long an interval, and to visit them in company with his young wife. I have retraced, almost without variation, the journey that I made nearly ten years ago. This is a long period in the life of man ; but I do not find that, though it haa added to my years, it has taken from my happiness. I may have, it is possible, less elasticity and imagination, but I have greatly increased my power and means of solid enjoyment. To every age there are allotted its peculiar pleasures ; and God, in His goodness, has so ordered my career that I have for every time its proper comforts ; to youth may be permitted the mere pursuit of pastime, but of riper years we must demand the pursuit of utility ; each one should seek how he can best be serviceable. I believed myself fitted for domestic life, and, God willing, I entered into that state. Little did I think, when pacing these streets, that I should next visit them as paterfamilias ; but often have I occasion to bless that Providence that put into my soul to desire a wife, and then guided my choice to rest upon one who must, if I be capable of any goodness, insure to me a perpetuity of earthly happiness. Finding Milan to be dull, " and the cold piercing in the streets there prevails a chill which ' divides asunder the bones and the marrow ' ' Lord and Lady Ashley moved on towards the south for a six weeks' absence, leaving their little child in the careful keeping of Lord and Lady Cowper and other friends. Passing through Brescia, Yerona, and Yicenza, they came to Venice, where they made their head-quarters. Lord Ashley notes on the way thither that : The former division of Italy into so many independent and sovereign states, whatever may have been its political and moral effects, was certainly favourable to the Arts every town had its churches, its palaces, its pictures, and its statues ; rivalry prevailed universally, and, combined with the influence of Religion, has enriched every corner of Italy more than whole empires under a single capital. 183S.J VENICE. 95 At tho end of three days at Venice, he writes : have never yet beheld the sun, but perhaps that IB in keeping ; the sun of Venice has set ; her own crimes and the powerful ambition of her neighbours would have wrought their effects, had the Cape of Good Hope remained in obscurity. The long continuance of her liberty is nearly as wonderful as the rise and establishment of it ; but she fell in a day, nay, almost in an hour ; and not one single life was offered in defence of the glory and freedom of fourteen centuries. To me there is nothing so interesting and nothing so curious as the history of Venice. To gaze upon her ruins, and to recollect her story, carries the imagination beyond ordinary life, and imparts a most painful though most salutary lesson of the uncertainty of freedom and empire. The whole I have applied to my own country, and I cannot resist the deep and constant melancholy which such reflections inspire. . . . Notwithstanding the loss of liberty, these people seem gay and comfortable. Pleasure, it would appear, is the great object of their lives. They laugh and sing, and lounge in groups, and look at Punch, and go to the theatre. The quay and the piazza are thronged with idlers, and nothing is heard but notes of merriment. Just now, while I am writing, the whole town is resounding with music, and multitudes pace to and fro in search of amusement. That they are not wretched is evident, but are they as happy as they might be ? And this is always a question to be studied by any one who wishes well to mankind. Every day in Venice, notwithstanding the fact that the weather was cold, was full of intense pleasure. "Truly Venice is a glory of human skill," he exclaims at one time ; and, at another, " These gondolas are an invention worthy of Capua or the ancient Sybarites. I can conceive no luxury beyond a hot season and a lounging gondola." At Padua, bought a small crucifix ; five centimes, or about one halfpenny, was all they asked for it. The worship of the material or the mere representation, is senseless, wicked, and idolatrous, but to bear about a memorial of what God Him- self once exhibited to the world, does but simply recall His death and passion, and forces us, as Scripture has foretold, " to look on Him whom we pierced." A glance at Padua, and a run through Ferrara, and the travellers reached Bologna. Wont first to the Accademin. a small but very beautiful collection. Unfor- tunately one must run through galleries and be content with little study, " taking," as old Fuller says, " rather a snack than a full meal." Bologna alone would occupy a month, and we can spare it a day ! However, if one may quote without impropriety, " one day in thy court* is better than a thousand." In this collection all are of merit ; but some are divine ; the Domenichinos, but especially the St Agnes, are very great ; in the corner of the St. Agnes there is a group of women, singularly happy. The Caraccis display abundant force, but they did not excite in me the pleasure and emotion that I felt in contemplating the Guides. The Samson and the Pieta overpowered me too much to allow a feeling for 96 THE KARL OF SIIAFTESBURY. [CUAP IV. criticism ; but hia Massacre of the Innocents has in it all that a mother can imagine, and an angel can execute. Then came the St. Cecilia of Raffael, full of dignity, elevation, and truth. In everything from this wonderful hand, we see him exalted above nature, and yet true to it. The ordinary sights seen by travellers, and the ordinary incidents con- nected with the tedious mode of travelling 1 in former days, fill the records of the Diary as regards Faenza, Ravenna, and Rimini; but a visit to the little Republic of San Marino is described with enthusiasm. On the road to Loretto an accident occurred, not important in itself, but the narration of it will be interesting as exhibiting some of the cha- racteristics of the future President of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to A nimals : On descending the hill a leader fell, and lay like one dead. Fortunately the carriage escaped an overturn, although for a quarter of an hour there was struggling and kicking to raise the poor animal, which seemed, I thought, incapable of moving. Never did I see such a fiend as the postillion ; blood and hell were in every line of his face, and, while he swore and blasphemed and beat the miserable beast, the foam ran from his mouth like a panting dog. With an iron heel he stamped upon its eye and mouth and sides ; in vain did I call upon the monster to desist. At last it got up, and our postillion insisted upon re-harnessing it to the carriage. This I opposed as extremely dangerous, the poor horse being weak and apparently very ill. However, it was useless to argue or to command ; to no purpose did I assert my right and property in my own vehicle .... I continued to declare my intention of applying to the police, telling the drivers that, whatever they did, they did at their peril. They were arbitrary, however, harnessed the animal, and drove us on. Being arrived at Loretto, I spoke instantly to the postmaster, who shrugged, admitted the guilt, but expressed an unwillingness to interfere. Determined, therefore, to see a commissary of police. It was necessary to curb the violence of these chaps, and an hour of my trouble, I thought, might save some score of foreigners from similar outrages. At considerable trouble he went from secretary to president, and the result was " three days' imprisonment for the rascally culprits." The journey was then resumed : over the Apennines to Casa-Nuova, Foligno, Terni, through a " country wanton with vegetation," to Narni, Cas- tellana, and Rome. Alpine scenery is sublime and soon fatigues, because it keeps the mind on a perpetual stretch. The scenery of Italy is soft, flowing, and graceful. The round swelling hills, clad with the richest underwood of every species ; the long and retiring vistas ; mountains and yet distant prospects ; the exquisite con- trasts of the olive and the cypress ; above all, the various outlines, far and near, convey a charm and a delight that I never experience from any other con- templation. 1833] ROME. 97 At Rome, everything that was to be seen and done was seen and done, and, in addition, " at a rough guess, one-fifth of our time was given to card- leaving." Nevertheless, the Journal was scrupulously kept, and the records, of which only a few specimens can be given here, are uniformly interesting, and written with great freshness and enthusiasm. A spot twenty times trodden at Rome is, as he writes, like a field twenty times manured it yields more abundantly. . . . St Peter's : apart from its beauty it is the liveliest church I have ever seen. This is, perhaps, the effect of the abundant light admitted through the many windows ; you may feel here a deep sensation of awe, but you cannot be gloomy. . . . Went to the Forum and Coliseum ; saw them with undiminished pleasure. The Coliseum must ever be peculiarly interesting ; it has much in its history of emperors, people, beasts, and gladiators, but its most solemn recollections bring before us the sufferings of the early Christians, and the heroism of those faithful ones whose blood, under Providence, has been " the seed of the Church." Romanists have abused these feelings to superstition, but Protestants have neglected them to ingratitude. They were great men, and their deeds should be recorded for " example of life and instruction of manners." Ventured to utter a prayer of thanksgiving to Gud for " all those who had departed this life in His faith and fear." . . . To St John Lateran ; the church is particularly handsome, and the ceiling rich in gold and colour. The relics here seem unrivalled : the heads of St Peter and St Paul ; the very table at which our Saviour held His last supper (and the piece of silver, to mark the place where He sat, could never so wvid our hicqney be torn off either by piety or sacrilege I) ; the altar through which the Host dashed to convince an unbelieving priest of the Real Presence; the vase on which the cock was perched when St Peter denied his Master ; and a measure of the height of Christ But I am not sure that this last is a relic. It has, however, according to the received belief, this peculiarity : that, among the many thou- sands who have tried themselves by this standard, no one is of the precise height, all being either too tall or too short ! In making the tour of the picture galleries of Rome, he notes from time to time those works which most impress him, and throughout the Diary there are short graphic and pithy art-i-ritirisiua. Thus : To the Rospiglioei, Guulo's Aurora : I can compare it to nothing that I know ; i pointing what Milton's Allegro is in poetry : everything that is most cap- ;. and original, and delicious. . . . '.y to see the pictures at the Vatican. At hut they have been framed, h meanly enough. The Transfiguration is ill-placed ; the light falls iin- ly on it Surely each of these fine works is worthy of a separato room constructed expressly to display its merits as the painter himself could have I Whatever may be the condemnation of my judgment, I most boldly my preference of the " Madonna di Foligno " to all the pictures of world. What a group the Virgin and Child I'!... U 98 THE EARL OP 8HAFTESBURT. [CHAP. IV. On the 8th December he attends the English service ; his critical remark on the preacher's style is characteristic : The chaplain is reckoned a fine preacher ; if it be true that " artis eat celare artem " he is deficient, for never did I hear or see a more manifest effort ; the whole thing would have been better suited to one of Mrs. Siddons' readings of Shakespeare or Milton, and his style was so laboured and wrought into antithesis, that each sentence might have danced a " vis a vis " to the other. The 21st of December was, throughout his life, a day of rejoicing to Lord Ashley. He was singularly sensitive to the influences of weather and of light, and for this reason always welcomed the arrival of the shortest day. Dec. 21. The shortest day. It may be called the midnight of the year, as after this period the advance is to light and not to darkness. It is a s'ngnlar co- incidence, and morally a most just one, that Christ, " The Light of the World," " The Day-spring from on High," should have been born in the depth of winter, the full period of human darkness ; and yet precisely at the commencement of returning light, and warmth, and happiness Dec. 24. ... This is Christmas Eve, a time of joyous celebration to all mankind ; in every Christian country a season of festivity, and in many of them, I hope, of love and prayer. Here, after a day of fasting, all families are prepar- ing for a domestic banquet. It is a precious season, and no one has so beautifully told it as our own Shakespeare : " It faded on the crowing of the cock. Some say that ever 'gainst that season comes, Wherein our Saviour's birth is celebrated, This bird of dawning singeth all night long ; And then, they say, no spirit dares stir abroad ; The nights are wholesome ; then no planets strike ; No fairy takes, nor witch hath power to charm, So hallow'd and so gracious is the time." J In /it I it, act i., scene L 25th, Christmas Day. " It is a day to be much observed unto the Lord." That it should be here celebrated as a high and sacred solemnity, here in the very fountain and seat of persecution, is indeed the Lord's doing, and is marvellous in our eyes. Went to see the ceremonies at St. Peter's, and grand indeed they were ; but worship and love, and humility and gratitude, have as little share in them as can well be bestowed. . . . Went in evening to the Santa Maria Maggiore. The church lighted up and decorated like a ball-room ; full of people, and a bishop with a stout train of canons listening to the music, which was fine, but, as usual, precisely like an opera. In such rites as these the soul has no share ; the Papists have re-imposed upon themselves the Jewish burdens, and renew the painful and imperfect worship of the Temple at Jerusalem. Walked home, read the Bible and all the prayers for the day, with Massillou's noble discourse on the ' Jour de Noel." 1834.) DR. PU8EY. 99 Dec. 27. In the evening to a ball at Mrs. Montague's lively and pleasant. Miniiy looked heavenly ; and a foreigner requested to be introduced to " Made- moiselle Ashley 1 " Is it wrong to be BO entirely proud of, and happy in, one's wife's beauty ? But surely there is nothing so pretty and fascinating as my Min. 31. To the Gesu. ATe Deum on the vigil of the New Year. Three organs in three parts of the church gave us some hop, skip, and jump music, each in succession. Never was I so little impressed ; it was a compound of Tancrcdi, Semiramide, va& Robert le Didble quick, rapid chromatic passages, executed with all the hurry and fervour of variations. Astonished the " foreign " audience, as much as it did the organ, an instrument " non hosformatum in utus." Surely the Italians must know but little of sacred music if they think such quirks and jigs (however suitable and charming in a theatre) " can swell the soul to rage or heavenly joys inspire." When the Te Deum at last began, and the auditors joined, I came away in surprise at the dull ears and discordant voices of Italian worshippers. Jan. 8. Went with Minny, Fordwich, and William Cowper to the Church of St- Agostino, to see the image of the Virgin, that has lately wrought such numerous and mighty miracles. As the liberality of the faithful keeps pace with the labours of the statue, it is not likely that her guardian priests will give her either long or speedy repose. A very fair estimate of the state of society here may be obtained by an enumeration of the knives and daggers dedicated to the Virgin by those who have escaped the arm of the assassin. They are hung up at one side, like an armoury. " Arma tit fund unique hello hie jxirit-t habcbit." Jan. 10. To the catacombs of St. Sebastian. Here were found bones, and inscriptions, and coffins of stone, the remains of the early Christians. The pcimgoa stretch out, it is said, for miles, far beyond what is either pleasant or safe to explore. Low, wretched, and dismal as they are, we see in them the nursery of the Christian faith ; and truly it is in keeping, for if the Founder of our religion were born in a stable, we must not be surprised that His humble and despised followers had no better shelter than the tombs. Now what a compass your thoughts must embrace if yon stand in the narrow chapel of the catacombs fleet on 8t Peter's, or in St. Peter's and reflect on the catacombs. . . . Jan. 12, Sunday. The sunset glorious. Home and read Massillon's fine discourse on the Passion. Gibbon and Massillou have been a great part of my stui ly here. Jan. 13. Out early to see Prince Altieri (late Senator of Rome) lie in state at .iirch of Sopra Minerva. As Senator of Rome he was buried with honours, ry unimpressive they were. A bier and some tall candles, with a few troops and a screaming Mass, constituted the whole ceremony. I could not but oinpare it with the funeral I had attended just previously to my departure from Mr. Wilberforoe's, in Westminster Abbey. One of the most interesting entries in the Diary at this tiino is that occur- iinclrr tin- dato Jan. 15. "Dined with Puaey. . . ." Dr. Pusey, who was one year older than Lord Ashley, had been a fellow- dent at Christ Church, Oxford, and had taken a first-class in classics in H 2 100 THE EARL OP SHAFTKSBURY. [CHAP. IV. 1822, the year in which Lord Ashley achieved a similar distinction. In 1833, while Lord Ashley was taking up the Factory Question, and becoming the leader in one of the greatest social movements of the day, Pusey was joining Dr. John Henry Newman in bringing out the celebrated "Tracts for the Times," and was taking a leading part in the great ecclesiastical movement with which, later on, his name became indissolubly connected, and which, for good or for evil, has influenced so powerfully the future of the Church of England. One of Dr. Pusey's keenest opponents was to be the man who was his guest that day. Lord Ashley was the cousin of Dr. Pusey through the Bouveries (the family of the Earls of Radnor), and was well known to him. But there was sitting beside him at the table a man whom he now met for the first time, one who was afterwards to be closely allied with him in important evangelical work, and in opposition to Pusey. This was the celebrated M. Bunsen. He was the son of a poor Dutch soldier, whose scanty living was furnished by a small pension and the produce of a few acres of land in Corbach, a town in the little German principality of Waldeck. From early childhood he had endured the vigorous training that poverty imposes ; he had been compelled to fight his own way through the world with nothing save his own " inward consciousness and a determination to live for an ideal aim, disregarding all else as insignificant,"* to support him. He studied at the University of Gottingen ; distinguished himself there as a classical scholar ; went to Paris to perfect himself in Oriental languages ; and then visited Italy, where he was introduced to the learned Niebuhr, and became his private secretary. He afterwards was made Secretary to the Prussian Embassy at Rome, then Charge d' Affaires, and finally full Minister. At a future date he was sent as a Special Envoy to England, to negotiate a matter that was destined to stir every circle of religious society, and in carrying out which Lord Ashley was to be one of his staunchest friends and fellow-workers. Jan. 15. Dined with Pusey. Bunsen, the Prussian Minister, whom I sat next to, is a most simple, unaffected, learned man. Jan. 17. Went in the evening to M. Bunsen's. I was anxious to improve my acquaintance with that excellent and enlightened man. Had some useful and pleasant conversation. He informed me that the Prussian Government had determined to establish, for the maintenance and advancement of the Protestant faith, bishops and cathedral institutions. Jan. 18. Received a very kind invitation from M. Bunsen to take an antiquarian trudge with him ; accepted it, and he came here to fetch me. First saw the view from his house, and then we descended to the Forum. The remains of the tabularium under the Capitol were quite new to me ; it is nearly the finest relic of Republican Rome. ... I am really glad to have made the acquaintance, and indeed almost the friendship, of this superior man ; his learning and abilities are embellished by a sound and ardent piety. Such men are an honour and comfort to their generation 1 * "Memoir of Baron Bunsen," by his Widow, Baroness Bunsen, vol. ii., p. 131. 1884J FLORENCE. 101 St. Anthony's Day. Received various felicitations ! Breakfasted with Pnsey. To the Coliseum, where a monk was preaching the Friday sermon. Such a picturesque scene, and as interesting as picturesque ! Passed St. Anthony's Chapel, where some horses were under the exorcising of the priests. Of this ceremony, like many others in Rome, the principle is good but the practice ridiculous. It has become a low, money-making craft on the part of the clergy, and a base, fruitless superstition on the part of the laity. It is right and wise, and merciful and pious, to recognise even animals as God's creatures, and believe that they have a share in the consideration of an almighty and beneficent Maker, but here they hold only to the charm of the benediction, a species of necro- mancy. Jan. 24. Viterbo. Rome is quitted, and we have now (perhaps for ever, certainly for a long time) resigned the contemplation and enjoyment of the most exciting and subduing (for the sentiments are here blended) spot in the civilised world. I do entirely thank God that I have been once more allowed to take such a pleasure. ... It was, however, pain and grief to leave it ; and nothing but the prospect of speedily seeing that dear child could have softened a feeling of sorrow which was going far beyond approvable limits. . . . Jan. 26. Siena is prettily situated amidst undulating hills. We arrived there at the full hour of the Corso, when mankind, dense as cabbage plants, and abundant carriages, were pacing up and down a long, narrow, crooked, cold, lofty street. This is the Italian pleasure ; having outside their walls, and at a distance of three minutes' walk, a fine view, a clean path, a fresh air, a bright oun, they preferred the dark, sad, chilly passage of their living catacombs. How different from the English ! All our amusements are in open spaces, with li. V. Sept. 7th. Spent two days at Wrest. Read the memoirs of Mrs. Hannah Moie,* amiable, virtuous, and wonderful woman ! What a true, diligent, and (humanly speaking 1 ) useful servant of Christ was she. Ah, let those who rely on works for justification cease to hope until they shall at least have equalled her, and then they will begin to despair ; for, finding no consolation in self- meritoriousness, and neither foreseeing time nor feeling strength to renew their efforts and supply the deficiency of them, they will look around for something else to assuage their souls. Oct. 17th. Received the news of the destruction by fire of the Houses of Parliament. I own that I feel it as a national calamity it appears like an omen of evil to our whole Constitution and Empire the scene and stage, as it were, of English history lay there, and if there be any force in local associations, we might have hoped, as long as the " genius loci " remained, for some (though perhaps feeble) imitation of the generosity of our ancestors. Many fine monu- ments of former days are now destroyed : Jerusalem Chamber, St. Stephen's Chapel, the Painted Chamber, the House of Lords with its exciting tapestry, the noble libraries with their invaluable contents many and various records trea- sures that no money can replace. This is, indeed, a moral conflagration. It is matter of thankfulness that the splendid Hall was rescued from the flames. Political events had reached a crisis. On the 14th of November the King 1 dismissed the Melbourne Ministry, and, on the advice of the Duke of Wellington, sent for Sir Robert Peel, who was then at Rome, where he had proposed to spend the winter. He did not arrive in England till the 9th of December, and during the interval the Duke of Wellington acted provisionally as Minister. During that interval Lord Ashley began to write a " Note Book of Passing Events," and continued the entries almost daily until April, 1842, when they were discontinued for twenty years, to bo resumed during the disruption in the United. States. In these records, from which we do not propose to qnote in this book, there is little that is personal to himself. There are, as he describes them, "minutes of proceedings," and "notes of Parliamentary campaigns, as tedious to detail as they have been stirring to fight." They contain digests of many debates, criticisms upon speeches, forecasts of political movements, comments upon men and things, rumours, reports, speculations and conjectures. Their chief interest now is that they clearly show how identical were Lord Ashley's views then with those he hold in later years. No matter whether the subject under consideration be changes of Ministry, discussions on the ballot, French affairs, Irish troubles, or matters of the most ephemeral nature, there is always Religion in the forefront, inquiries first as to the principles involved, analyses of motives, complaints of trust- ing in human wisdom, and all the characteristics of style that marked his later years. This singular identity in views, in principles, and in modes of enforcing them, is very remarkable. Many passages upon many subjects might bo Mn. Hannah More died on the 7th September in the previous year (1833). ivf) ] CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL. 109 extracted bodily from the Note Book of 183*, and inserted in the Diary of 1884 without any fear of detection. We resume our extracts from Lord Ashley's private Diary : NOT. 26th. Brighton. Dined last night with his Majesty. Amid all the chops and changes, what will be my fate ? Office I regard with dismay, the very thoughts of it are disagreeable to me. Dec. 10th. How dead religion falls on hearts unused to it, even in a kind, easy, and moral character. It seems like an acquaintance lately introduced whom they treat with civility, but are rather pleased to get rid of. Many excellent and exemplary persons in private life are satisfied with " going to church and doing the whole thing ; " the hardest of all notions to expel is the notion of self- righteousness ; men will measure themselves, not by the model of their Saviour, but by that of their neighbours. " Be ye perfect even as your Father in Heaven is perfect," is to them a superfluous command. " Be no worse than your neigh- bours " seems far more easy and intelligible. Dec. 15th, Yesterday I saw Peel, who sent for me in haste. I waited, for two hours and a half, his return from the King. I saw him at six o'clock. His object was to " invite me into the King's service." ... I yielded because I had nothing to oppose to his wishes but my own feelings and disinclination. Nothing definite was said at that interview as to the office Lord Ashley was to fill, although the Admiralty and the Treasury were mentioned Ixjth a descent from the higher station lie had occupied at the India Board, and ho dreaded "being called away from real usefulness to do what liis would probably do better." A few days Inter ho received the follow- in- l.-tt.T from Sir Robert Peel: Sir I!,,!-, ,-t l',,l > h>r,l .l.-7///-y. WHITEHALL, Dte. 20th, 1834. Mr DEAR ASHLEY, You know, 1 hupe, that in making my arrangements my first wish is to do that which I think moot likely to be agreeable to you, and to lie greater opportunity of useful exertion. The Admiralty Board is so magnificently constituted that I cannot help adding you to the number of Lords. There will be Earl de Grey, First Lord, Sir George Cockburn, Kir John Beresford, Sir Charles Rowley, Right Hon. Maurice erald, Right Hon. George Dawson, Secretary. T'UTO will thus be only two Civil Lords at the Board in the House of <'imn<>ns. ami it has occurred to mo that tho flnum- at the Admiralty may be agreeable to you. Ever most truly, ROBERT PEEL. Dec. 22nd. Yesterday I was obliged to answer Peel's letter, in which he offered me a Lordship of the Admiralty. Had I not, by God's grace and the study of religion, subdued the passicn of my youth, I should now have been 110 THE EARL OP SSAFffiSBtm?. [CHAP. V. heartbroken. Canning, eight years ago, offered me, as a neophyte, a seat at one of the Boards, the first step in a young statesman's life. If I am not now worthy of more, it ia surely better to cease to be a candidate for public honours. Yet Peel's letter, so full of flummery, would lead any one to believe that I was a host of excellence. The thing is a contradiction. The following is the letter referred to in the entry given above : Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel. PANSH ANGER, Dec. 2lst, 1834. MY DEAR SIR ROBERT, Being absent from London, I did not receive your kind letter before this morning ; but I trust that no inconvenience will have arisen from the delay in acknowledging it. I feel very sensibly your friendly expressions, and the warm concern you have shown in my welfare ; but as I was very explicit with you during our interview, I may, I hope, be equally explicit in my answer to you now. The offer of any situation in the Government is far more than I am entitled to demand. I have said to you already, and I again repeat it, that neither my character nor services can give me the smallest claim to a share in the Administration, and still less to the considerate manner in which you have pro- posed to me such agreeable colleagues. It would be both honourable and pleasant to act with those gentlemen ; and if, therefore, I presume to raise any objection, it will not be either to the dignity of the place, or the names of the Commis- sioners. Whatever be my own feelings or desires in respect of official life, I would most willingly undertake to serve you in any capacity where I could really be useful. I doubted, and I doubt still, my means of being so. Everything must be calculated in reference to the course of Parliamentary debate ; in this I am by no means practised, and I entertain a very strong desire, for your own sake, that you should engage the co-operation of men who, either actually or pro- spectively, may assist your Government in the House of Commons. If I cannot aid you by speaking, how can I here do so by official ministra- tion 1 The Board of Admiralty will afford me no opportunity of exercising (did I even possess them) any of the qualifications of a public man. I must be, of course, and every one else must know it, a subordinate agent amongst persons of such experience and practice in their own peculiar profession. I could not pre- sume to do more than consult their opinions, and acquiesce in their counsel ; neither could I exert any individual action or responsibility, so as to render myself in any wise personally useful in your service. Any man of common sense would be quite as efficient ; and even the good character you were so kind as to attribute to me, could add nothing of utility, as the whole world knows that the inexperience of a Civil Lord must yield, and justly so, to the weight and experience of his naval colleagues. I will tell you candidly that I think my motives would be sadly misrepre- sented in accepting a Lordship it is, I know, and heartily confess, quite as much as I am worth but when I see that all my contemporaries have been promoted, and many who have never served put over my head, I cannot but feel that, 1834.] APPOINTED A LORD OP THE ADMIRALTY. Ill having neither merit enough to advance, nor even to retain the scale of iny old position, I had better give way to other men. I most solemnly assure yon that I complain not of their appointments ; but the world, I think, would have reason to aay that my readiness to accept any situation I could get, was less the result of i;.y principles than of my necessities. Again, I say, did it present me even a chance of being humbly serviceable, I would not object ; but here I should be called upon to surrender many pursuits, and many (I hope) beneficial occupa- tions, for a career which could not advantage you or any portion of your Government. Your brother, you said to me, entitled as he was to higher office, was con- tented to serve you at the Treasury, but to compensate for that loss, he will enjoy much personal intercourse with you, and, perhaps, your private con- fidence. I did not seek for office, believing, as I do, that there are many others far more suited by inclination and ability to those duties ; but after my interview with you, I was willing to undertake it in the hopes that I might have some means of being in a slight degree personally useful to you. Most heartily shall I act, and wish for your success, not only as an honest, and wise, and able Minister, but also (I hope I may say) as my personal friend. I shall be always at your command to undergo any labour, or any odium, in sup- port of the sacred principles on which you stand. To this letter a reply was received from Lord Granville Somerset, who wrote at the request of Sir Robert Peel, to explain that the office was in fact that of the Civil Representative of the Admiralty in the House of Ci minions, the Member of that Board whoso business it was to move the Intimates, and to be leading Member on all topics connected with the Civil Service of the Admiralty. And, it was added, the motives of Sir Robert Peel were of the kindest nature. In acknowledging this letter Lord Ashley said, " My business and duty are to serve him in his way, nut in my own; and since he is willing to bear the responsibility of having appointed me to a prominent situation, and is kind enough to say that I really can contribute somewhat to his aid, I am perfectly ready, however I conscious of my own weakness, to undertake the charge he has liven pleased to assign me." Jan. 12th. Dorchester. To-morrow I shall be re-elected for the county. [.I rejoice and thank God that I was bold enough to speak manfully fence of the Church, and I pray He may give mo courage ever to persist and ready to sacrifice all for the maintaining of His true religion. During the short time Lord Ashley had held office under the Welling- ton Administration he had worked persistently, and had spared no pains to possess himself of all the information within his reach concerning Indian affairs; and now, as a Lord of the Admiralty, when it fell to his lot to answer from his place in the House of Commons a multitude of questions 011 the details of a variety of topics, he again distinguished himself fur 112 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. V. the accuracy of his information, and the painstaking diligence with which he made himself familiar with every subject connected with the duties of Ids office during the existence of that short-lived Administration. The Peel Government was defeated on the 19th February, 1835. on the Election of a Speaker, and again on the 25th, on a motion of Lord Morpeth for an Amendment on the Address. In April, Lord John Russell, in a series of motions on the Temporalities of the Irish Church, defeated the Government by so large a majority that they resigned on the 8th April. Lord Melbourne then commenced his second Administration, which lasted throughout the rest of the reign of William IV., and during nearly four years of the reign of Queen Victoria. The events of 1835, in which Lord Ashley was most interested, are thus described : Jan. 1st. The Conservatives and the Radicals will be the two great parties in the House of Commons ; between them will float a body of Whigs, bearing alternately to one side or the other, and strong enough to give preponderance to either. The feeling and temper of the country will ultimately decide the character of their politics ; if it persist in Conservatism, they will gradually and quietly range themselves with Peel ; if it renew its discontent and life of inno- vation, they will be hand and glove with the Radicals for place and power. Church Reform is proposed. Jan. 25th. . . . . Church Reform (if any) must be extensive ; it may be so, and yet be safe if rightly founded. I am prepared to go far, bub we shall do very little unless laymen will make sacrifices in proportion to those they demand from the clergy. On the eve of the resignation of Peel, there is a curious, but character- istic, entry : April 8th. It is a sign, a fearful sign of retributive justice, that every great question, every question involving the existence of principles, the safety of institutions and the stability of Governments, has now for jive years been deter- mined by majorities equal to, or less than, the numbers admitted from the ranks of Popery to the privileges of Members of Parliament. The other night the division was carried by thirty-three, the precise number of Papists in the House of Commons 1 ... We are out. Peel has resigned. It was evident that the Commons would not accept any measures at his hands, and they prefer anarchy under themselves to order under him. Even at this period of his life, there was well developed in him that peculiar capacity which distinguished his more public career the ability to attend to an amazing number of subjects at the same time, and to allow to each its proper place and proportion. Already he had become identified with many and various philanthropic efforts, in addition CHURCH PASTORAL AID SOCIETY. 113 tu those connected with the interests of the labouring classes. His influence had largely penetrated into religious circles, and he was now to take the |.-.id in the important ecclesiastical movement, about to be described, with which his name has ever since been closely associated. On the 19th February, 1836, there was held in the Church Missionary House, Salisbury Square, Fleet Street, a meeting of clergy and laity, with Lord Ashley in the chair. It was convened to discuss the best method of " Extending the means of grace in and to necessitous parishes, in strict conformity with the spirit, constitution, and discipline of the Esta- blished Church." It was not a large gathering, but it was thoroughly re- presentative, about sixty persons being present, many of whom were earnest, practical men. The result of the meeting was the establishment of the Church Pastoral Aid Society " for the purpose of benefiting the popula- tion of our own country by increasing the number of working clergymen in the Church of England, and encouraging the appointment of pious and -t laymen as helpers to the clergy in duties not ministerial." It was inevitable that such a society, with such a programme, in such time, should give rise to considerable opposition, criticism, and condemnation. It was alleged that the Society was started without Episcopal sanction ; that it infringed in a great degree on the discipline of the United Church; it was assailed as if it were false to the principles of the Church, and attempts were made to fasten upon it a sectarian and schismatical cha- racti-r. The rock of offence to the High Church Party was the nature of the lay agency to be employed, and of the association to employ it. It was contended by some tliat such agency, if used at all, should be limited to candidates for holy orders who had completed their university course, before they were of age for ordination. Others, and among them some of the Bishops, were opposed, not to the efforts of laymen for the spiritual welfare of those around tin -in, but to the introduction into the Church of a new and distinct order of lay teachers, who, as stipendiaries of a voluntary society, would not, it was alleged, be amenable to ecclesiastical authority. At first the committee were unwilling to abandon or limit lay agency in any degree whatever, but subsequently they became disposed to some modifi- r.'itinns, and eventually it was decided that " The society will assist, as it may be able, in the supply to destitute places of lay agents, whether candidates for holy orders or others, or whether partially or wholly to be maintained; which lay agents shall act under the direction of the incumbent, and be re- movable at his pleasure." The result of this decision was to estrange many who at first were in faviuir of the society (among them Mr. W. E. Gladstone, then a young man of twenty-six, who was one of the vice-presidents), and to lead to the estab- lishment of a rival institution, the " Additional Curates Society." The first years of the existence of the Pastoral Aid Society were years of trial, difficulty, and ceaseless controversy, and entailed upon Lord Ashley, l 114 TIIK RAUL OF SHAFTF.SnUUY. [CHAP. V. who took the lead on all occasions, an enormous amount of labour. His good judgment and counsel, his tact in smoothing down differences, his experience of the requirements of poor and neglected parishes, his patient attention to the details of every fresh move in the organisation of the Society, and the influence of his tongue and pen, were invaluable at this time. Nor did his efforts cease with the initial difficulties of the enterprise ; on the contrary, he continued to take the deepest interest in its progress and pros- perity. For nearly fifty years he was hardly ever absent from the chair on the occasion of the annual meeting, and always reserved for that meeting the full expression of his opinion on the state of the Church and the signs of the times. His speeches on behalf of the Pastoral Aid Society give the Religious History of nearly half a century. Lord Ashley was appalled to find, from reliable authority, the state of spiritual destitution prevalent in many parts of the country. The path ho had taken in public life led him to an intimate knowledge of the destitute condition of some of the manufacturing districts with respect to religious instruction, but he was surprised to learn from official documents that 100,000 souls were, in spite of every effort, national and voluntary, annually added to those who, in Protestant England, and under the wing of an Established Church, had neither pastors, sacraments, nor public worship ; but were left unheeded, with no man to care for their souls. It was the sense of this pressing and ever-increasing need, that urged him to strain every nerve to make the Pastoral Aid Society the efficient institution it has become ; and from first to last he claimed for it, in spite of all argument to the contrary, full recognition as a Church of England Society, regarding the wants of the Church on the one hand, and observing the order of the Church on the other. Meanwhile, the Government Factory Act of 1833 was meeting with the strongest condemnation from the supporters of the Ten Hours Movement. Its details had been artfully arranged to make different clauses come into operation at different dates, so as to delay the complete working of the Act till 1836. When Lord Ashley threw the Bill into the hands of the Ministry he retired for a time from the contest. Incomplete as the Bill was, it was better than nothing, and he had said " God prosper it." But he, and other friends of factory legislation, soon saw that the Act was in many respects absurd in its details, and foredoomed to be ineffectual. Practical men declared that it was never meant to be obeyed, and that those who framed it only wished to disgust the people with all factory legislation. As regarded the younger children, the Act was undoubtedly beneficial, inasmuch as it shortened their hours ; but in nearly all other respects it seemed to pro- duce vexation, disappointment, and confusion. In 1835 the new factory inspectors reported 177 convictions under the Act, the number of mills at work and reported upon being 1,948, so that one in every eleven mill-owners had broken the law. The number of proved offences, however, would have been far larger had it not been for the fact that the local magistrates them- selves set the law at defiance. 1 ":<.! AGITATION FOR A TEN HOURS BILL. 115 It will assist the reader to comprehend some of the difficulties with which Lord Ashley had to contend, to bear in mind that, sorely as ho was tried by I'nnents, he was scarcely less tried by his supporters; and that the labour of urging on some was often less than the labour of restraining others. One of the most irrepressible of the agitators was Mr. Richard Oastler a worthy but eccentric man, wielding a large influence over the operatives who kept up excitement to a white heat by counsels which, if followed, would have had ruinous results. Harassing as were the main issues of Factory Legislation, its side issues were scarcely less perplexing. Letters innumerabble on every conceivable branch of the subject poured in upon Lord Ashley. One correspondent com- plained that the children were summoned to the mills by the discordant blasts of a horn, and as it was " very disagreeable to have attention drawn to the hardships of the factory children at three, four, five, and six in the morning,*' he hoped a clause would bo inserted in the Act " to make the nuisance punishable by penalty!" Another, who had held the office of Factory Inspector, and had been summarily dismissed because " the faithful discharge of his duties had drawn upon his head the unmitigated feelings of revenge of some of the factory people," begged Lord Ashley to bring this " monstrous outrage " before Parliament. And everybody who had any grievance, real or fancied, or who wanted information, whether entitled to it or not, sent forth- with his complaint or his application to Lord Ashley, who for many years inserted in his Diary words which meant much to him " Harassed by fruit- less correspondence." During 1835 and 1836, under the conduct of Mr. Oastler, the Rev. Mr. Bull, the Rev. J. R. Stephens, and other Great-hearts of the cause, the Ten Hours Agitation in the North grew stronger and wider. Mr. Charles Hindley, M.P. for Ashton-under-Lyne, an extensive mill-owner, pledged him- Hrlf to bring in a Ten Hours Bill, and to renew his efforts, session after session, till the victory was won. This Bill had been printed and widely distributed, when it was made known that Mr. Poulett Thompson,* M.P. for Manchester and Vice-President of the Board of Trade, was about to bring in a Hill, on behalf of the Government, to repeal the " thirteen-years-of-age " clause in Lord Althorpe's Act of 1833, and to exclude thereby all between tw.-lvo and thirteen years of age from the shelter of its clauses. This was, in effect, " to legalise the slavery of some forty thousand children, for the most part females. A more faithless proposal was never made to the integrity and -t;mdin-_r of a legislature; the pledges to the country that children -honld be 'protected up to a certain point;' the compromise between the ousters and the operatives guaranteed by the interposition of the Govern- and thi> induct iin of common-sense, which required at least the fair trial of so solemn an enactment, were all equally violated." f Notice of the new Government measure was given in March, 1836, only * Afterward* Lord Sydenbam. t An article by Lord Ashley in the Quarterly Review, Ivii. 417. I 2 llfi TTTE EABT, OF RTTAFTESBURY. fCi.Ap. V. nine days after the clause referred to came into operation. The factory districts were at once the scene of intense excitement and anxiety. Great meetings were held to uphold the " Bible, truth, and justice," against " Gold and Poulett Thompson's Bill."* Petitions were sent up to the House remonstrating against the attempt to repeal the " best part of the present Act." The second reading of the Government Bill was moved by Mr. Poulett Thompson on May 9th. He declared that children between twelve and thirteen should be allowed to decide for themselves, like their seniors, that sixty-nine hours' work per week would do them no harm, and that the House would throw 35,000 children out of work if it refused to pass the Bill. Lord 'Ashley moved that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. He showed that the threatened dismissal of the children was not even possible ; quoted evidence to prove how severely the children suffered from the long hours ; and met his opponents with a formidable, and, as it proved, irresistible array of facts and figures. A long debate ensued, in the course of which a vigorous opposition to the new measure was manifested, but the Government, confiding in their strength, pressed the Bill to a division. In a House of 354 members, however, they only secured a majority of two, and accordingly thought it wisest to withdraw the Bill.f Having thus defeated the attempt of the Government to gratify the mill- owners by a retrograde movement, Lord Ashley and his coadjutors saw that it was needful, not only to watch, with increased vigilance, the working of the present Act, in order to get as much good out of it as possible, but, at the same time, to press forward towards the passing of laws of a more decidedly beneficial character. On June the 13th he called the attention of Govern- ment to a flagrant breach of the Act, some boys having been made to work for thirty-four hours successively in the foul cellar of a Yorkshire factory, the air of which was so bad that workmen tied handkerchiefs round their mouths before going into the place. Lord John Russell promised in- vestigation. On June 23rd Mr. Charles Hindley moved for leave to bring in a Bill " to Amend the present Factory Acts." The House was surprised, and Lord Ashley thought the time inopportune ; but said that, if the Bill were brought, in, he should give it his cordial support. Mr. Hindley, after a short debate, withdrew his motion, but not till it had " served the useful purpose of wring- ing from an unwilling Government a direct and distinct pledge, given by Lord John Russell, that the existing laws should be enforced with all the authority at its command." J The enforcement of the law was difficult to accomplish when the mill-owners and the magistrates were identical. Sometimes magis- trates refused to hear factory complaints, and bade applicants go to Mr. Oastler, for it was his law. Mr. Oastler replied by threatening to incite the children to apply their grandmother's knitting-needles to the spindles, " in a Mr. Oastler at Huddersfield. + Hansard, 3, a. xxkiii. 737, and xxxiv. 306. J Hansard, 3, s. xxxiv. 489. I s 01 COBDE.V'S OPINION ON THE FACTORY QUESTION. 117 way which will teach these law-defying, mill-owner magistrates to have respect pv.-n to 'Oastler's law,' as they have wrongfully designated it." * Many such wild speeches were made in the course of the agitation, which daily grew in volume and intensity. Reports of the meetings were published as pamphlets, and everywhere circulated. Meanwhile Lord Ashley awaited the opportunity to intervene with effect, doing good service from time to time by pointing out evasions of the present Act. Thus, on July 18th, he called the attention of the House to the fact that one of the factory inspectors was permitting attendance at Sunday-school to be included in the twelve Lours' education per week which the Act required. He also pointed out thi- in-i'il for a large increase in the number of inspectors. During 1837 Lord Ashley refrained from bringing the subject before the House, except in connection with the erratic proceedings of one or two of the inspectors, nor did he take any very prominent part in the agitation out of doors. An immense meeting held at Leeds, to bring about an eleven hours' compromise between masters and men, resulted in an all but unanimous reso- lution to petition for a Ten Hours Bill. The people grew more enthusiastic; the magistrates, on the other hand, compelled to act by Government super- vi.-idii, used their power of imposing merely nominal penalties, and made disol>edience to the law more profitable than its due observance. Amongst those who, in the earlier days of the factory agitation, were latterly hostile to legislative action, but afterwards modified their views, was Ki-liard Cobden ; and as Lord Shaftesbury was specially mindful of his opinion, it will be interesting to note what, at this stage of the question, were Cobden's exact sentiments with regard to the movement as recorded by liis It is historically interesting to know what Liberal electors were thinking about in these days (1839). We find that they asked their candidate his opinion as to the property qualification for Members of Parliament, Primogeniture, the Poor Law Amendment Act, and the Factory Question. The last of the list was probably the most important, for Cobden had taken the trouble, many months before, to set out his opinions on that subject in a letter to the chairman of his committee. The matter remains of vital importance in our industrial system to the present time, and is still, in the face of the competition of other nations, the object of a controversy which is none the less alive in the region of theory because the Legislature has decided it in one way in the i jgion of practice. As that is so, it is interesting still to know Cobden's earliest opinions on the matter ; and I have therefore printed at the end of the volume the letter that Cobden wrote, in the autumn of 1836, on the restriction by Parliament of the hours of labour in factories. What he said comes to this : that, for plain physical reasons, no child ought to be put to work in a cotton mill so early as the age of thirteen ; but whatever restrictions on the hours of labour might be desirable, it was not for the Legisla- ture to impose them ; it was for the workmen to insist upon them, relying not on " HUtory of the Factory Movement," iL 104. 118 THE EARL OP 8HAPTESBURT. [CnAP. V. Parliament, but on their own action. A workman, by saving the twenty pounds that would carry him across the Atlantic, could make himself as independent of his employer as the employer is independent of him ; and in this independence he would be free, without the emasculating interference of Parliament, to drive his own bargain as to how many hours he would work. In meeting his committee at Stockport, Cobden repeated his conviction that the factory operatives had it in their power to shorten the hours of labour without the aid of Parliament ; but to infant labour, as he had said before, he would afford the utmost possible pro- tection. He laughed at the mock philanthropy of Tory landowners, who took so lively an interest in the welfare of the factory population, and yet declined to suffer the slightest relaxation of the Corn Laws, though these did more to degrade and pauperise the labouring classes, by doubling the price of food and limiting 1 employment, than any other evil of which they had to complain.* On June 22nd, 1838, Lord Ashley, at the request of the factory operatives, moved, as an amendment on the order of the day, the second reading- of a "Factories' Regulation Bill" that had been introduced and several times deferred. Into this Bill it was his intention to have inserted a Ten Hours Clanse on reaching the committee stage. Lord Ashley charged the Govern- ment with having " deluded and mocked " him with false promises, with having taken the matter out of his hands by their solemn pledges, and with having failed to keep their promises. In the course of the debate that followed, Sir Robert Peel said he was not prepared to support the Ten Hours Clause of his noble friend Lord Ashley, but the subject demanded attention, and he implored the House to come to a decision that night. On a division the matter was again shelved by a majority of eight 119 voting for the Government, and 111 for Lord Ashley .f The public attention (said the Times) cannot be too forcibly directed to the scandalous conduct of the Melbourne Government with regard to the Factory Question as exposed by Lord Ashley on Friday evening in his most impressive and striking speech. It was not merely that the noble Lord, to whom parents and children, and the cause of humanity, are all alike and so deeply indebted it is not, we say, that he has himself been " mocked and deluded " in the prosecution of his benevolent schemes by the broken faith and callous feelings of this mercenary and jobbing clique, but that laws of their own making have been left unenforced, and the unfortunate children unprotected, and that " all the repre- sentations and remonstrances made to the Ministers upon the subject had been treated with total neglect and contempt."! Lord Ashley's motion on the Factories' Regulation Bill did not by any means involve an acceptance of the Government measure, which was a remarkable Bill of fifty -nine clauses to amend the fifty clauses of the Act of 1833, and gave inspectors such dispensatory and licensing powers as would have rendered its penal clauses worthless. Lord Ashley's object in dragging * " Life of Richard Cobden," by John Morley, vol. i., pp. 115 16. t Hansard. $ Times, June 25, 1838. 1838.) CHILDREN' IK PACTORIKS. 119 it from its obscurity was of course only to keep the subject alive by bringing it before the House. His defeat was, in some respects, a success : it was now evident that the great question could not be evaded. " The promptitude and activity of his Lordship," says the historian of the movement, " were beyond all praise ; certainly, not any leader could have done more for his clients. The respect and attention he commanded in the House of Commons, were outward and visible signs too marked to be misunderstood by Ministers." * Fortified by the evidence of widespread popular support, Lord Ashley renewed the assault on July 20th. An attempt to bring the question forward on July 12th had been frustrated by a " count out," referring to which the Times next morning declared that there had been " trickery of the grossest kind."f On the 20th, Lord Ashley (on the question that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply) moved " That this House deeply regrets that the law affecting the regulation of the children in factories, having been found imperfect and ineffective to the purpose for which it was passed, has been suffered to continue so long without any amendment." He supported this resolution in one of the ablest speeches ever made on the Factory Question. A great impression was produced on the House by the formidable array of facts and arguments with which he set forth the deplorable condition of the factory operatives, and by his extracts from public documents and reports of inspectors, proving the inability or unwillingness of the Government to make tlit-ir own Factory Act work efficiently. After denouncing the dilatory con- duct of the Government, he said Thus had a great Measure, closely affecting the temporal and eternal welfare of so vast a portion of the population, been set aside and treated like a Turnpike Bill. But the noble Lord might be assured that the people of this country hod too much humanity, and that he (Lord Ashley) who had humbly undertaken the subject, was too strongly determined to obtain justice, to allow the matter to rest in its present state. Did he really think that he could stifle public sympathy or silence him (Lord Ashley) by such devices ? " Though he should hold his peace, the very stones would immediately cry out." The evil was daily on the increase, and was yet unrcmedied, though one-fifth part of the time the House had given to the settlement of the question of negro slavery would have been sufficient to provide a remedy. When that House, in its wisdom and mercy, decided that forty-five hours in a week was a term of labour long enough for an adult negro he thought it would not have been unbecoming that spirit of lenity if they had considered whether sixty-nine honra a week were not too many for the children of the British Empire. In the appeal he had now mode he had asked nothing mm ,-isonable ; he had merely asked for an affirmation of a principle they had already recognised. He wanted them to decide whether they would amend, or repeal, or enforce the Act now in existence. But if they would do none of those History of the Factory Movement," ii., p. 124. July 13, 1838. 120 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. ICHAP. V. thing-s, then he warned them that they must be prepared for the very worst results that could befall an empire.* A warm discussion followed, in the course of which Mr. Fox Maule (after- wards Lord Panmure) denied the charges made against the Government, and prophesied evil results from throwing children out of the labour market. Daniel O'Connell turned against the clause, and flatly opposed all that he had himself said at the London Tavern meeting in 1833. Lord John Russell said restricted hours meant diminished wages and imminent starvation; while Mr. Hume declared that the Factory movement was a mere party manoeuvre. Several members spoke in support of the resolution, but it was lost on a division 121 voting for Ministers, and 106 against. Charles Dickens was always a warm admirer of Lord Ashley, and, as we shall see in the course of this narrative, on several occasions aided materially some of his great labours for the poor. It was towards the close of this year that he became an ally on the Factory Question, and the following letter gives a glimpse of his mind with reference to his future action in the matter: Charles Dickens to Mr. Edward Fitzgerald. 48, DOUGHTY STREET, December 2Sth, 1838. DEAR SIR, I went, some weeks ago, to Manchester, and saw the worst cotton mill. And then I saw the best. Ex uno disce omncs. There was no great difference between them. I was obliged to come back suddenly, upon some matters connected with the publication of "Oliver Twist," and saw no more. But on the llth of next month I am going down again, only for three days, and then into the enemy's camp, and the very head-quarters of the factory system advocates. I fear I shall have little opportunity of looking about me, but I should be most happy to avail myself of any introduction from Lord Ashley which, in the course of an hour or so, would enable me to make any fresh observations. With that nobleman's most benevolent and excellent exertions, and with the evidence which he was the means of bringing forward, I am well acquainted. So far as seeing goes, I have seen enough for my purpose, and what I have seen has disgusted and astonished me beyond all measure. I mean to strike the heaviest blow in my power for these unfortunate creatures, but whether I shall do so in the " Nickleby," or wait some other opportunity, I have not yet determined. Will you make known to Lord Ashley (confidentially) my intentions on this subject, and my earnest desire to avail myself, either now or at some future time, or both, of his kind assistance 1 Pray thank him warmly, from me, for tender- ing it, and believe me, Very truly yours, CHARLES DICKENS. It is always interesting to be able to picture a man in the mind's eye, as ho stands, in the midst of his work, at certain periods of his career. The * Shaftesbury'g " Speeches," p. 14. 183S.J A "WORD- PORTRAIT." 121 following extracts from a " word-portrait," written in 1838, will assist the reader in this respect : Lord Ashley possesses, perhaps, the palest, purest, stateliest exterior of any man you will see in a month's perambulation of Westminster ; indeed, it would be difficult to imagine a more complete beau-ideal of aristocracy. His Lordship looks about six-and-twenty, but is some ten years older. He is above the medium height about five feet eleven, with a slender and extremely graceful figure, which might almost pass for that of some classic statue attired in a fashionable English costume ; and the similarity is not at all impaired by the rigidity of his Lordship's muscles. His forehead has also much of the marble about it ; his curling dark hair, in ite thick masses, resembles that of a sculptured bust, and his fine brow and features are distinctly, yet delicately cut ; the nose, perhaps, a trifle too prominent to be handsome. He has light blue eyes, deeply set, and near each other, with projecting white eyelids ; his mouth is small, retiring, and compressed. The whole countenance has the coldness, as well as the grace, of a chiselled one, and expresses precision, prudence, and determination in no common degree. To judge from the set form of the lips, you would say not only that he never acts from impulse, but that he seldom, if ever, acted from an impulse in his life. All that Lord Ashley does seems to be done from conviction and principle, and not even a muscle dares to move without an order from head-quarters. Every separate lock of his hair appears to curl because it has a reason for so doing, and knows that to be the right course of conduct. I believe his character quite corresponds with his appearance ; he is said to be long in determining on a line of proceeding ; but, when his mind is once made up, nothing can turn him aside or alter his resolution ; he proceeds with an indefatigable perseverance, and spares no effort to accomplish his pur- pose. . . . As pieces of composition his addresses are faultless ; every sentence is perfect in its form and correct in its bearing. His delivery is fluent, but not rapid ; his voice fine and rich in tone, but not sufficiently exerted to be generally audible ; and his manner, though evidently he is quite in earnest, is animated but some- what cold. . . . When he addressee an audience he stands with his hand resting on the platform rail, and as erect as such a position will possibly allow ; he looks his hearers coolly in the face, and, with a very slight bowing movement, barely sufficient to save him from the appearance of stiffness, he delivers, without a moment's hesitation, and with great dignity of voice and manner, a short, calm, serious address. The applause with which he is always heard (for he is very popular in the Societies over which he presides) seems rather an interruption than a pleasure to him, as it breaks into the mutual dependence of his sen- tences. I have understood that his Lordship is very nervous, and yet the most striking feature of his public deportment is his apparently rigid self -possession, which he never loses for a moment. ... V CHAPTER VI. 18381839. IN September, 1838, Lord Ashley, who had never completely overcome, as ho thought, his tendency to allow time to pass unimproved, determined to com- mence the systematic writing of a Diary. It was undertaken, in the first place, to assist his " treacherous memory," and in the next to be a source of amusement to him in his old age. But there was yet another reason : he had an almost insuperable aversion to writing, and he determined to adopt this expedient as a means to assist him in overcoming that aversion. There are in the course of the Diaries occasional gaps and breaks, but tlie.se are easily accounted for by the pressure of his enormous labours. It is marvellous that with the amount of correspondence he carried on, the articles lie wrote, and the speeches he prepared, he could ever find time for, or force himself to the task of, posting up a record of past events, however brief. But his Diaries, exclusive of four travel-diaries, occupy twelve quarto volumes, averaging several hundred closely- written pages in a volume, -and were continued until very nearly the close of his life. They are written with extreme care ; every line is straight as an arrow, although on unruled paper, and there is scarcely a blot or erasure on any of the pages. He had precisely the same gift in writ- ing that he had in speech : his words and his thoughts came in right order and sequence, and the most apt and expressive adjective that could adom a sentence always fell into its proper place. He never, in his public speeches or in conversation, had to hesitate or recall a word ; the exact word he wanted, and generally the best word that could be used, was ready at the right moment. This was also the case in his writing ; in the whole of his Diaries there are probably not half a dozen words scored through in order to substitute others. At the time the Diary commences, Lord Melbourne was First Minister of the Crown, and had been the head of the Cabinet from 1834. He was the son of Peniston Lamb, first Viscount Melbourne, of Brocket Hall, Herts ; his wife, Lady Caroline Lamb, who died in 1828, wrote novels, and was notorious for her admiration of Lord Byron. The sister of Lord Melbourne, the Hon. Emily Lamb, was married in 1805 to the fifth Earl Cowper (who died June 27th, 1837), and her daughter Emily, it will bo remembered, became the wife of Lord Ashley. Lady Cowper, the mother of Lady Ashley, was married a second time, in 1839, to Viscount Palmerston, the famous Minister. Such were the family relationships, to which frequent allusion is made in the Diaries. 18S8.1 JERUSALEM AND THE JEWISH PEOPLE. 123 Sept 28th. Every one who begins to keep a journal regrets that he did not do so h fore. I follow the general example, and regret the many "fine and apt" thin trs, both of fact and imagination, that are now irrecoverably lost. I had a book, a few years ago, in which I made, from time to time, some short, desultory entries, but the natural impatience of my disposition, and the mischievous and indulged habit of doing nothing consecutively, broke the thread of my record, tod I now resume a business which will conjoin a head and a tail by the exclusion of all intermediate carcase. Yet an actual journal, a punctual narra- tive, of every day's history would be an intolerable bore a bore when written and a bore when remembered at least it would be so to me ; the probability is that this book of memorandums will share the fate of all my other attempts, and go into oblivion unsullied by ink or pencil ; but, should it be carried on, I will make it a mere cage for light and grave thoughts (the paucity of them will rer.der the task easy), which, unless they be caught as they arise, take wing like larks and owls and are gone for ever. . . . Just finished Lockhart's Life of Sir W. Scott. I knew the man. and to know him was to love him. The two greatest characters of the last century and of the present, perhaps of any one, are, in my mind, the Duke of Wellington and Sir W. Scott, and they have many points of resemblance, none more striking than their simplicity. . . . Sept. 29th. Took leave this morning of Young, who has just been appointed ; ijesty's Vice-Consul at Jerusalem ! He will sail in a day or two for the Holy Land. If this is duly considered, what a wonderful event it is ! The ancient city of the people of God is about to resume a place among the nations, and England is the first of Gentile kingdoms that ceases "to tread her down." If I had not an aversion to writing, almost insuperable, I would record here, for the benefit of my very weak and treacherous memory, all the steps whereby this good deed has been done, but the arrangement of the narrative, and the execu- tion of it, would cost me too much penmanship ; I shall always, at any rate, remember that God put it into my heart to conceive the plan for His honour, gave me influence to prevail with Palmerston, and provided a man for the situation who " can remember Jerusalem in his mirth." Wrote by him a few lines to Pieritz, and sent him a very small sum of money for the Hebrew converts there (I wish it were larger), that I might revive the practice of apostolic times (Romans xv. 20), and " make a certain contribution for the poor saints that are at Jerusalem " I Oct. 3rd. Lord Lindsay's " Travels in Egypt and the Holy Land " are very cmlitable to him, more so in the ff clings and sentiments they express than in the originality and composition. But he saw and felt like a man who fattened on the Word of God, and found it as delicious as it is wholesome and true. I am convinced that Providence has laid up in store many riches of " testimony " to the authenticity of the Bible, to be produced in these evil days of apostacy and unbelief that will afflict the earth in the latter times. Egypt will yield largely in confirmation of the Jewish records ; and Palestine, when dug and harrowed by enterprising travellers, must exhibit the past with all the vividness of the present. The very violences of Ibrahim Pasha (the Scourge of Syria) have opened the first sources of its political regeneration by offering free access to the stranger in the repression of native lawlessness ; hundreds now go in a t\v. hemonth where one trod the way in a quarter of a ceutury, and the Bible 124 THE EART, OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. vt. is becoming a common road-book ! God give me, and mine, grace to help forward this accumulation of testimony, that our lamps may be trimmed and our loins girded, whenever we are called on, in the awful advance of saucy rationalism or malignant infidelity, to " render a reason of the hope that is in us." I should like to see a good treatise, exhibiting 1 the successive developments of evidence of the truth of God's Word, suited to the character and wants of each- age successively. . . . Gave a decision to-day, along with colleagues, in the Commission in Lunacy (upon a division of 6 to 4, the first division that has taken place since the institu- tion of the body, now ten years ago), that one, R. P., should be set at liberty. It ia an unpleasant and responsible office either to detain or discharge a patient : in the first case you hazard the commission of cruelty to the prisoner ; in the second, to his friends or the public. We can lay down no fixed rules for decision ; we must take our course, according to doctors' prescriptions, pro re nata. In the instance before us, R. P. (as he is designated in the correspondence of his rela- tives) had been seized only a few days when we proceeded to inquire into his alleged insanity and the grounds of his detention ; a more heartless rufiian, one more low in mind and coarse in language, though a man of talent and education, never entered the walls of a prison or a madhouse. The opposite party, however, could not prove against him one single act of personal violence ; his words, his manner, his feelings, were awfully wicked ; but had never as yet (although their charge extended over several years) broken out into action. In fact a decision on our part, that he was rightfully detained, would have authorised the incarceration in a Bedlam of seven-tenths of the human race who have ever been excited to violence of speech and gesture. Three days' sitting, myself chairman, of five hours each, and all " gratis 1 " Oct. 4th. In the chair of the Pastoral Aid Society. Under God's good providence, this Society has wrought wonders ; it has scarcely subsisted two years and a half, and we can number thousands and tens of thousands who have received, almost for the first time, through the channels our labour has opened the knowledge and the practice of the Gospel of Christ. We pray that we may see the fruit of our toil every time we meet in committee for despatch of busi- ness ; no prayer was ever so largely or so speedily answered ; very little of our seed has fallen by the wayside, or become the prey of obscaeni volucrcg. I never was called by God's mercy to so happy and blessed a work as to labour on behalf of this Society, and preside at its head ; the language of thankfulness and grati- fied piety in the various letters from the clergy whom we have assisted is a fore- taste (God grant that it be said with all abandonment of self-righteousness) of the blessed words, " Well done, thou good and faithful servant 1 " My youngest boy christened to-day at St. George's Church named Antony Lionel George : George after his godmother, Lady Dover, with a reference also to poor Dover. It is a lovely and solemn ceremony, heavenly in its purport and almost so in its composition. May God in His mercy grant that as the child was this day " signed with the sign of the Cross," so he may never be ashamed to confess, and to fight for, a crucified Saviour ! The service abominably performed by the curate, Mr. S . Oct. 8th. Panshanger. Here again, after an interval of nearly two years. Scarcely any change in men or things : a little in the feelings with which I visit ISM.J AT WIVDSOR CASTf.K. 125 it ; nor is this unnatural, for, notwithstanding the kindness of the present owners, my position is necessarily altered. I had lived in this house for many years as my home, as a man would live, bag and baggage, with his father ; now we are guests where before we were inmates. At church yesterday ; had not been there since I followed poor Lord Cowper's funeral. . . . Could we not erect a Protestant Bishopric at Jerusalem, and give him juris* diction over all the Levant, Malta, and whatever chaplaincies there might be on the coast of Africa ? llth. Windsor Castle. Here for a few days by desire of her Majesty un- inably a great honour, which demand? all gratitude and loyalty from us. We have the mornings to ourselves, and the beauty and magnificence of the place, the fineness of the weather, and the comfort of the apartments, enable us to pass the time very agreeably. . . . 1-th. A noble ride yesterday through the park with her Majesty and train. The order of the ride, and the arrangements at dinner, the same as usual ; in fact the same since her Majesty mounted the throne. No ride to-day ; the Queen had a bad cold. I should be most ungrateful did I not feel and speak of her condescension and kindness with the warmest affection and loyalty ; from the hour she became . to the present day, I and mine have received one invariable succession of friendly and hospitable acts, bestowed with a degree of ease, good-humour, and considerateness, that would be captivating in any private person. She manifests a desire to make her favours as pleasant as they are honourable ; and in most instances (strange to be said of a Court) she is successful. 15th. Weather has been very bod. Cold in the extreme. Yesterday (Sunday) Queen did not attend chapel, nor walk on the terrace. The difference in the day was marked in the evening by the absence of music at dinner and afterwards, and no whist for the Duchess of Kent I am agreeably surprised here by the civility of the servants, the ready attendance, the ease with which everything is procured, above all, the comfort of the house : it has, conjoined with all its magnificence, the arrangements and convenience of a private dwelling. Let me see, the hours were ten o'clock for breakfast, unless it were preferred to breakfast in one's own room ; two o'clock for luncheon ; a ride, or a drive, at three o'clock for two hours or so ; dinner at half -past seven. A military band at dinner, and the Queen's band after dinner, filled up, and very necessarily, the pauses of conversation. We sat till half-past eleven at a round table, and then went to bed. The year 1838 was remarkable for the development of scientific wonders. On September 17th the London and Birmingham Railway was opened throughout its whole length; in the early part of the year steamships had crossed the Atlantic between New York and this country ; the dream of communication with India by steam was indulged in ; telegraphic messages were beginning to he sent the first experiment, between Eustoii Square and Camden Town Stations, was made in July of the previous year ; and the idea of a Fenny Post was under consideration. To many of these events allusion is made in the Diary and speeches of Lord Ashley : - 120 THE EARL OF SIIAFTESr.UUY. [CHAP. VI. Oct. 19th. Rowton. Came by the railroad to Birmingham; the speed is sublime, but the amusement and interest of travelling are gone. We shoot like an arrow through almost a dead solitude. We see, now and then, cattle and sheep, but human beings are rare as jewels ; no carts, no carriages, no foot- passengers, no towns, no villages. I believe it to be much safer than the road, and incomparably more dull. An article contributed by Lord Ashley to the December number of the Quarterly Review was ostensibly a notice of Lord Lindsay's " Letters on Egypt, Edom, and the Holy Land," but was really written to draw attention to the state and prospects of the Jews. After speaking of Lord Lindsay's labours, and following him in his travels, Lord Asliloy indulged in a little light criticism on the style of the writer : We cannot repress a gentle hint that he is vastly too fond of an attitude in his writing ; frequently, when the time is come for a sentiment, he throws him- self, like a dancing master, into the first position, and pours forth a passage, excellent indeed in its spirit and observations, but florid and verbose enough for an Irish reporter. There are " and oh's " in sufficient number to supply a six months' correspondence to a whole boarding-school of young ladies. Leaving Lord Lindsay's book, after the first ten pages, the remainder of the article was devoted to a masterly sketch of the growing interest manifested in regard to the Holy Land an interest not confined to Christians, but shared in and avowed by the whole body of the Jews. It was no new sentiment that animated the children of the dispersion as to their return to their own land : the novelty was, the fearless avowal of the hope ; it was no new thing that there should be a revival of religious feel- ing among the Jewish people ; the novelty was that this was not only not followed by Christian persecution, but that the Christians were manifest- ing a new and tender interest in the Hebrew people, between whom inter- course and reciprocal inquiry now became far more possible. He traced out an existing feeling among the Jews of Poland and Russia, of India and else- where, that the time for the turning of their captivity was nigh at hand ; and he saw, at the root of this feeling, a growing approximation towards Christianity, as shown by the records of many societies and the testimony of many travellers. There was apparently an abatement of the old anti- pathies and prejudices ; there was a desire to investigate the claims of Chris- tianity; and recent conversions to the Faith had taken place to a great extent among persons of cultivated understandings and literary attainments. There was a demand for copies of the Word of God, a more kindly reception given to missionaries, and everywhere indications appeared of a prodigious change, not the least being that Hebrew disputants would now reason with the mis- sionaries out of the Scriptures. The main object of Lord Ashley in this article was to give publicity to movements in which he took an intense personal interest, and which were to 1839.) STATK \JfD mOSPF.CTS OF TTTK JEWS. 127 Income, chiefly through his instrumentality, subjects of tlio same absorbing iutcn-st in the religious and political world. He wrote : But a more important undertaking has already been begun by the zeal and piety of those who entertain an interest for the Jewish nation. They have designed the establishment of a church at Jerusalem, if possible on Mount Zion itself, where the order of our service and the prayers of our Liturgy shall daily be set before the faithful in the Hebrew language. A considerable sum has been collected for this purpose ; the missionaries are already resident on the spot ; and nothing is wanting but to complete the purchase of the ground on which to erect the sacred edifice. Mr. Nicolayson, having received ordination at the hands of the Bishop of London, has been appointed to the charge ; and Mr. Pieritz, a Hebrew convert, is associated in the duty. The service meanwhile proceeds, though " the ark of God is under curtains ; " and a small but faithful congregation cf proselytes hear daily the Evangelical verities of our Church on the Mount of the Holy City itself, in the language of the Prophets, and in the spirit of the Apostles. To any one who reflects on this event, it must appear one of the most striking that have occurred in modern days, perhaps in any days since the corruptions began in the Church of Christ. It is well known that for centuries the Greek, the Romanist, the Armenian, and the Turk have had their places of worship in the city of Jerusalem, and the latitudinarianism of Ibrahim Pasha had lately accorded that privilege to the Jews. The pure doctrines of the Reformation, as embodied and professed in the Church of England, have alone been unrepresented amidst all these corruptions ; and Christianity has been con- templated, both by Mussulman and Jew, as a system most hateful to the creed of each, a compound of mummery and image-worship. This was an action on the part of the Church; another equally striking a<-ti<>n on the part of the State was next recorded, to which allusion has already been made in the quotation from the Diary, under date September liyth: The growing interest manifested for these regions, the larger investment of British capital, and the confluence of British travellers and strangers from all parts of the world, have recently induced the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to station there a representative of our Sovereign in the person of a Vice- Consul. This gentleman set sail for Alexandria at the end of last September ; his residence will be fixed at Jerusalem, but his jurisdiction will extend to the whole country within the ancient limits of the Holy Land ; he is thus accredited, as it were, to the former kingdom of David and the Twelve Tribes. The longest gap in Lord Ashley's early Diaries occurs between October 1838, and February, 1839. In the interval the threatened progress of Popery had largely engaged his attention. Feb. 2. This is a fair specimen of " gurnalising," as Walter Scott says, to have paaaed three months without an entry. I have written an article on the Jews in the Quarterly ; set agoing another on the Archbishop of Cologne, and 6tJrred up 128 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CiiAi. VI. the Times to warn the country to learn wisdom from the experience of the King of Prussia, and prepare itself for resistance, or disgraceful and perilous sub- mission, to the progress of Popery. Never did plan succeed better. The article and the newspaper comments on it have produced all the effect that is possible in the present day on the inert masses and ignorant or unthinking individuals o? the richer classes. It is but small in comparison of the danger ; nevertheless, it is a beginning full of hope ; it has run through the country in all directions, opened many eyes, and convinced some few hearts ; and though bepraised, trumpeted, used in menace by London and provincial press, no one has dared to contravene its facts or reasonings. I think my friend the Rabbi McCaul * may well rejoice and thank God for the fruit of his labours. As for my own work, I am astonished when I reflect on it. At the time I undertook to write the article, I knew nothing of the Jewish question save and except the appointment of a Vice- Consul. Not only did Lord Ashley " stir up the Times " with regard to Popery, but he aroused activity in many other quarters. Among those to whom he wrote on the subject was Sir Robert Peel, who replied thus : Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley. DRAYTON MANOR, January llth, 1839. MY DEAR ASHLEY, I ought before this to have thanked you for having been good enough to call my attention to the article in the last Quarterly Review on the subject of Pa;>al Usurpations and the Spirit of Popery. I have long thought that there were fearful indications of the approach of a great religious struggle, which will probably be co-extensive with Popery and Protestantism in Europe. There is probably an intimate union and combination among the professors of the Roman Catholic faith. I fear the harmony is not so great among their oppo- nents. I little thought that a torch of discord would be lighted up within the walls of the University of Oxford. Ever, my dear Ashley, Most faithfully yours, ROBERT PEEL. The Ministry of 1 ord Melbourne was not popular, and in May (1839) a proposition to set asid<5 for five years the constitution of Jamaica was fatal to it. The measure was hotly opposed; a majority of only five in its favour was a virtual defeat, and in consequence the Ministry resigned. The Queen sent for the Duke of Wellington, and he advised her to apply to Sir Robert Peel, on the ground that " the chief difficulties of a Conserva- tive Government would be in the Hoxise of Commons." Up to a certain point Sir Robert Peel was successful in his negotiations as regarded the new * Rev. Alex. McCaul. He was playfully called " Rabbi " by Lord Ashley on account of hia knowledge of Hebrew and his interest in the Jews. 1839.) THB "BEDCHAMBER QUESTION." 129 appointments, and then a series of difficulties arose to which reference is made in Lord Ashley's Diary. It was found that in the Royal Household the ladies most closely in attendance upon the Queen were Lady Normanby the wife of Lord Normanby, who had been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland under the Whigs and the sister of Lord Morpeth, the Irish Secretary. It became evident to Sir Robert Peel that he could not proceed with his appointments unless there should be a readjustment of the Royal Household as regarded the ladies in close attendance upon the Queen. If a new Irish policy were to be worked and the policy of the Conservatives was in direct opposition to that of the Whigs it could not be done satisfactorily if the wife and the sister of the displaced statesmen remained the confidential companions of the Queen. It is probable that had this matter been made perfectly clear at the outset, the difficulty, known as the " Bedchamber Question," would not have arisen. As it was, there was a misunderstanding and a complication. While Peel desired a readjustment only as regarded the higher offices, the impression made upon the mind of the Queen was, that the composition of her whole Household was to be changed. It was a saying of the Duke of Wellington, when speaking of the ease and elegance of Lord Melbourne, and his gift of doing things gracefully " I have no small talk, and Peel has no manners," and it is probable that, in this instance, the mode in which the alterations were proposed may have had some influence on the result. The Queen wrote to Sir Robert Peel : The Queen having considered the proposal mode to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel, to remove the Ladies of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to a course which she considers to be contrary to usage, and is repugnant to her feelings. To this communication Sir Robert Peel replied : Having had the opportunity, through your Majesty's gracious consideration, of reflecting upon this point, he humbly submits to your Majesty that he is com- pelled, by a sense of public duty, and of the interests of your Majesty's service, to adhere to the opinion which he ventured to address to your Majesty. He trusts he may be permitted at the same time to express to your Majesty his grateful acknowledgments for the distinction which your Majesty conferred upon him by requiring his advice and assistance in the attempt to form an Administration ; and his earnest prayer that whatever arrangements your Majesty may be enabled to moke for that purpose, may be most conducive to your Majesty's personal comfort and happiness, and to the promotion of the public welfare. Thus ended Peel's attempt to form a Ministry, and Lord Melbourne was recalled. He said : I resume office unequivocally, and solely for this reason, that I will not desert my Sovereign in a situation of difficulty and distress, especially when a demand ia made upon her Majesty with which I think she ought not to comply ; a demand I 130 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (CHAP. VI. inconsistent with her personal honour, and which, if acquiesced in, would render her reign liable to all the changes and variations of political parties, and make her domestic life one constant scene of unhappiness and discomfort. The matter created a great deal of public excitement at the time, but eventually it cooled down, and in the end the question was settled in a manner satisfactory to all, viz., that on a. change of Ministry " the Queen would listen to any representation from the incoming Prime Minister as to the composition of her household, and would arrange for the retirement, of their own accord, of any ladies who were so closely related to the leaders of Opposition as to render their presence inconvenient." Incidentally the Bedchamber Question had an important bearing upon Lord Ashley, whose relation to the affair is told in the following words : May llth. Gaps of course. Up to the present day not an entry, and yet I have seen, and heard, and done enough to fill volumes, that is with matter interesting to myself. Peel in, and Peel out, to be uttered almost in the same breath. Both steps became him. On morning of 9th received letter from Peel desiring my instant attendance. Went thither ; waited a short time ; he then joined me and opened conversation by saying that the sense of his responsibility weighed him down. " Here am I, 1 ' added he, "called on to consider the construction of the Queen's Household, and I wish very much to have your free and confidential advice on the subject. I remember that I am to provide the attendants and companions of t his young woman, on whose moral and religious character depends the welfare of millions of human beings. What shall I do ? I wish to have around her those who will be, to the country and myself, a guarantee that the tone and temper of their char- acter and conversation will tend to her moral improvement. The formation of a Cabinet, the appointment to public offices, is easy enough ; it is a trifle compared to the difficulties and necessities of this part of my business. Now," said he, " will you assist me ; will you take a place in the Queen's Household 1 Your character is such in the country ; you are so connected with the religious societies and the religion of the country ; you are so well known and enjoy so high a repu- tation, that you can do more than any man. Indeed, I said to Arbuthnot this morning there were but two men who could render me essential service, and they are the Duke of Wellington and Ashley. I am ashamed" he added with em- phasis, " to ask such a thing of you. I know how unworthy any place about Court is of you, but you see what my position is, the service you may render to the Queen, and the satisfaction I may thereby give to the country and to myself." I was thunderstruck. Everything rushed before my mind : the trivialities of a Court life, the loss of time, the total surrender of my political occupations, and of all that an honourable ambition had prompted me to hope for ; instead of being a Minister, to become a mere puppet : to abandon every public employment and all private and domestic comfort ; to submit, moreover, to the insults and intrigues that every subaltern in a palace must be aware of, was too much to bear. I felt my vanity not a little wounded then ; I felt it would be wounded much more when people said that Peel had placed me according to his estimate 1839.1 RESIGNATION OP SIR ROBERT PEEL. 131 of my abilities. I had not desired office ; I was anxious to avoid it ; bat a life at Court I had ever contemplated with the utmost horror as the most disagreeable. I was silent for some minutes, and then I told him that, while I felt the whole force of his appeal, I could not but consider the absolute and painful sacrifice of everything I valued in public and private life ; that I thought he had misjudged my efficiency, as, being a Commoner, I could not hold any place which might bring me at Court into contact with the Queen nevertheless, that, as I believed the interests, temporal and eternal, of many millions to be wrapped up in the success of his Administration, and no man should live for himself alone, but should do his duty in that state of life to which it should please God to call him, I would, if he really and truly thought I could serve his purpose, accept, if he wished it, the office of Chief Scullion I I thought he would have burst into tears. " You have given me," he said, " more relief than you are aware of." We then proceeded to discuss appointments. . . . My impression was, throughout; that never did I see a man in a higher frame of mind for the discharge of his duties ; in a state of heart more solemn, more delicate, and more virtuous. I am sure that no parent ever felt towards his own daughter a more deep sense of duty and affectionate interest than he did then towards Queen Victoria. I added that he must appoint, not only persons against whom nothing could be said, but those of whom it would be at once remarked, " This is a good appointment" Lord Ashley then drove with Sir x JRobert Peel to Buckingham Palace, but did not go in himself. On the way thither, the conversation was resumed. He asked me my opinion of .... I objected to him as no great thing in himself, and as having a noisy wife, who would be distasteful to the Queen. " My suggestion is," I said, " in respect of the ladies, that you do no more than is absolutely necessary ; " he quite agreed ; he did not seem to anticipate any difficulties whatsoever in anything respecting the Household. " There are the maids of honour," he said ; " why should I remove Miss Rice, for instance f I don't think it necessary." " Certainly not," I replied ; " it is more gracious to the Queen, and more gracious to those whom you succeed, to leave as many as you can without danger to yourself." He entirely concurred ; and I remarked that the " Queen should be the Queen of the Kingdom, not of a party." He then repeated his gratitude to me, and we separated. He had no view to patronage, and was endeavouring simply to combine the public necessity with the Queen's personal satisfaction. Now, whether I was right, or whether I was wrong, God lone can know. I implored His grace, as I ever will do, before I went, and prayed for "counsel, wisdom, and understanding." On reflection, I renew my antipathies, but adhere to my decision. May 14th. On Friday morning I went to him, and heard, to my astonish- ment, of his resignation ; he gave me a clear and succinct narrative of the whole, and his letter to read. I told him at the end he was a fine fellow, and that I rejoiced both in his conduct and the step he had taken. I am now writing on May 14th ; his explanation of last night tells a great deal, but not the whole. " I remembered," said he to me, after he had done speaking, " that I was talking of a Lady not present in this House ; " " and," I added, " that Lady your Sovereign." " Precisely," he rejoined. He had, in his interview with the i 2 132 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VI. Queen, entreated her not to be precipitate, but calmly to consider his proposi- tions ; three successive times did he see her ; and once, by her permission, he fetched the Duke of Wellington, who urged the same things, and can tell the same story ; the final decision was then deferred to the Friday morning, and was as we all know. " Nothing can be more unjust than to charge me," he said, " with an attempt to change all the ladies ; I should, for instance, have been really sorry had Lady Lyttleton quitted her Majesty." When Peel's Administration of three days " three glorious days " had ended, he retired, satisfied with himself, and without a dissentient voice from any one of his party. The Diary continues : May 21st. Melbourne is back again. . . . Reports everywhere prevalent that the Ministry, though formed, cannot be sustained. I am inclined to believe, from Melbourne's language to Anson, that he is labouring to persuade the Queen to revert to the Tories ; his own Government he feels to be impossible without such concessions to Radicalism as will destroy both Whigs and Tories together. If he is honourable, and in earnest, he will succeed. Dined last night at the Palace. I cannot but love the Queen, she is so kind and good to me and mine ; I do love her, and will serve her ; it is a duty and u pleasure, a duty to her and to God 1 Poor soul 1 she was low-spirited ; I do deeply feel for her. " Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown." Oh, that she knew what alone makes a yoke easy, and a burden light ! This entire episode has been painful ; it has shown me another proof of what I always assert, that party feeling is superior to all passions ; no one seems to fall so soon before it as your professors of principle. Early in 1839 (February 12th) Lord John Russell had announced the in- tention of Government to constitute a Board of Education, consisting of five Privy Councillors, and to place at its disposal from 20,000 to 30,000 per annum as a grant in aid of schools. Hitherto that is to say from 1834, when the first grant of public money for the purposes of Elementary Education was made by Parliament the distribution had been carried out by the Lords of the Treasury through the National School Society and the British and Foreign School Society. It was now proposed that the grant should be in- creased by 10,000 ; that it should be distributed by a Committee of the Privy Council, and that instead of the grants being confined to Church of England or Protestant Schools, they should be extended to schools not neces- sarily connected with the two great educational societies, even including those in which the Roman Catholic version of the Bible was read. The scheme met with fierce opposition, chiefly on the ground that public money ought not to pass through the hands of the Committee of the Privy Council, and that it ought not to be in any way diverted from schools in con- nection with the Established Churcli. The Duke of Wellington, whose opinion Lord Ashley was always glad to have, held very decided views on the subject, to which he gave expression in the following communication : |83.) THE COMMITTEE OP PRIVY COUNCIL. 133 Tiie Duke of Wellington to Lord Athlfy. , May 20th, 1839. MY DEAR LOBD ASHLEY, I have received your note, and I am much con- oerned that I cannot attend the meeting to be presided over by the Archbishop of Canterbury on the subject of Education. I don't know what course our leaders in the House of Commons will take upon the subject. I could say nothing without running the risk of differing in opinion with them. I do entertain a very strong opinion upon it, and have written a memorandum upon it, which I will send to you as soon as I can get it copied. I will subscribe in every diocese with which I have any relation, provided it is to establish schools really and bondjide under the exclusive superintendence and >n of the clergy of the Church of England. I must subscribe, if so required by law, and pay for the establishment of schools, established on the principles of the Minutes and Orders of Council, under the superintendence of the Committee of Council. But I will not subscribe, or, unless compelled by law, pay one farthing towards the establishment of such systems. This is my opinion and resolution in few words. Believe me, ever yours most sincerely, WELLINGTON. On the 14th June, Lord Stanley moved for "an humble address to Her Majesty to revoke the Order in Council appointing a Committee of Council to superintend the application of any sums voted by Parliament for the pur- pose of promoting public education." Lord Ashley supported the motion in a long and exhaustive speech, and by arguments which, it must be confessed, are not in accordance with modern -. He said that while he would not assert that the plan proposed by the -Mini-lit was unconstitutional, he would assert that the measure would nevertheless be adverse to the Constitution. The Committee were to deter- mine tin- principle, mode, and measure of distribution; to introduce new ns of education, to say what was to be taught, and what was to be with- lirl'l ; what was the form of belief to be propagated ; to define the limits of doctrine, and to declare what was to be common to all, and what was to be i'-red as special to a few. He objected to the mode in which Lord John Hussi-11 liail Miliinittcd the question ; it should not have been a motion "That tin- Order of the Day for the Committee of Supply be now read," but a Bill, inasmuch as it would then be sent up to the House of Lords, the only Branch of the Legislature where the Church is represented. He said : It is a mockery to require the assent of their Lordships to a turnpike or a road Bill, and pass it by on the weighty topics of moral and religious education. It ia 134 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VI. above all a matter of astonishment and regret that the Bishops of the land, the parties most responsible for the good conduct and government of the people in this country in spirituals, should be denied the liberty to express their opinions on the tendency of the proposed system to promote the spiritual welfare of the Church. Has the noble Lord assigned any public advantages to be derived from such a course ? The party-advantages are evident enough ; the opposition to it in another place might be inconvenient and fatal ; but we have a right to demand some public grounds. Consider the evil nature of the precedent you are laying down by converting measures of unspeakable interest into mere money- votes, abating thereby the reverence due to the subject-matter, limiting the means and opportunities of consideration to the House of Commons, and wholly excluding the House of Lords. Lord Ashley then attacked the measure itself in unsparing terms. He regarded it as hostile to the Church, inasmuch as she would gradually be deprived of all control and superintendence over her own schools, except those that might be founded on the purely voluntary system. He foresaw that all the new schools, and probably half the old ones, would require assistance, and that, if they accepted a grant, they must submit to the sole, or at least the joint, inspectorship of the State, and it was not difficult to see the degree of authority that would fall to the lot of the weaker party. Nothing less than the question who should command the whole mind of the country was involved, and it was not fitting that merely political persons should devise and control the proposed system. Not only did he regard it as hostile to the Church, but as hostile to Revealed Religion itself. In the Government plan, religion was to be divided into " general and special," and that he considered to imply a disjunction of the most sacred truths, and the opening of the door to every kind of heresy. He said, in conclusion : You may call all this bigotry and fanaticism, but I maintain that it is the solemn sentiment of a nation, and, as such, entitled to respect. Will the noble Lord force his plan upon the country? This would be persecution ; and the more ridiculous, as it would be undertaken to carry out principles which, as members of the Established Church, the Ministers must conscientiously deny. I recollect well the time when the Dissenters petitioned for the abolition of church-rates, on the ground that it was unjust to summon them to support the fabric of a Church whose doctrines they repudiated. On that occasion they pleaded conscience ; the Ministers allowed the plea, and proposed a remedy. Though these Dissenters were a minority a small minority of the whole country yet the Government proposed to abolish, in their behalf, an impost which had subsisted for 800 years, and under which all the property of the kingdom had been taken. They now reverse the policy, and propose to force on the great majority a novel tax, for the purpose of giving instruction in creeds which the majority declare to be unscriptural and false, repugnant alike to their feelings and their religion. I know that, in making these remarks, I expose myself to the charge of bigotry and illiberality. I regret it ; but I cannot consent to abate the expression of any sentiments I may have avowed this evening. I have no objection, nay, quite the l.Jy I COUNCIL ON EDUCATION CONSTITUTED. 135 reverse, to consider any plan that may tend to the moral advancement of the people of England ; bat I will never consent to any plan that shall sever religious from secular education ; and by religious education I mean the fall, direct, and special teaching of all the great and distinctive doctrines of the Christian faith. The House divided on Thursday, June 20th. For Lord John Russell's motion, 180 ; for Lord Stanley's amendment, 175. But the matter did not rest here ; a fiercer struggle awaited it in the Upper House, to which it was transferred, when the Archbishop of Canterbury moved and carried an address to the Queen praying her to revoke the Order in Council. The Qneen replied firmly, and at the same time gently rebuked the peers for insinuating that she was inattentive to the interests of the Established Church. " Of the proceedings of the Committee," she said, "annual reports will be laid before Parliament, so that the House of Lords will be enabled to exerrise its judgment upon them ; and I trust that the funds placed at my disposal will be found to have been strictly applied to the objects for which they were granted." The Committee of Council on Education was therefore nominated the institution by which our system of public instruction has been managed ever CHAPTER VII. SCOTLAND 1839. ON the 9th August, Lord and Lady Ashley, accompanied by their eldest son, set off for a tour in Scotland. Only once before in his Parliamentary life had he quitted London while the Houses were sitting. There were urgent reasons for his doing so now, or he would not have left when, as he says, it " is the time for Parliamentary rogues and vagabonds ; " when " job may follow job, and blacken the whole surface of the Lords and Commons." A closely-written Diary of over a hundred quarto pages tells the story of his travels, penned at odd moments and in divers places during the tour. Aug. 9th, 1839. Left London by the 2 o'clock train for Birmingham. Found Roebuck in the carriage : he was civil and by no means disagreeable. . . . 10th. Saw the Bull Ring, famous for mobs and conflagrations. These towns always affect me the mass of human-kind, whom nothing restrains but force or habit, uninfluenced, because unreached, by any moral or religious discipline ) presents a standing miracle. We imagine a force and trust to a habit ; it ia neither one nor the other. " Sceptra tencns mollitque animos et temperat iras. Ni faciat ! " . . Spanked along the road to Liverpool. It is quite a just remark that the Devil, if he travelled, would go by the train. . . . Surveyed the town, admired its buildings, commended its broad streets, and wondered at its wealth. Ships, colonies, and commerce, with a vengeance, and yet (I thank God for it) there seem to be more churches here than in any town I have seen. . . . Thousands of the dirtiest, worst-clad children I ever saw, throng the streets, presenting a strange inconsistency with the signs of luxury all around. You marvel whence they come, till you get a peep into the side-alleys. We perceive at once the Irish parentage of these cheerful, but unclean beings. But Liverpool is a town of good repute ; though " her merchants are princes, and her traffickers the honour- able of the earth," they serve God with a portion of their wealth, and raise temples to His name and worship. . . . Lord Ashley did not take any very prominent part in the great movement for the abolition of the slave trade ; but his sympathies were warmly with those who were bearing the brunt of the battle, and frequent references to their labours, and to the horrors of the system, are to be found in his Journal. Thus we find him, on his holiday tour, studying the latest information on the subject, in the volume just ptiblished by Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, entitled " The Slave Trade and its Remedy." 1*39.1 ROBERT SOUTHEY. 137 Aajr. 13th. Have been reading, on the journey, Burton's account of the actual state of the slave trade. It is enough to make a man miserable for life ; and, in fact, were it not providentially ordained that we forget some things, and grow dead to others, we should, had we a spark of sentiment, be unceasingly suffering. But sympathy is useless, nay, contemptible, without corresponding action ; what can we do to wipe out this " damned spot," and mitigate this horrid tyranny ? The human arm has utterly failed ; treaties, force, persuasion, the march of intellect, and the lessons of Christianity, all have stumbled like wretched infants with rickety legs and idiotic apprehensions. Let those who believe in God, and have faith in Him, cry day and night, and almost, like Jacob, wrestle, as it were, for a blessing on those peoples and nations, black though they be. But will man ever succeed ? It is our duty to persevere in the holy attempt, but the triumph, I bslieve, is reserved for other hands and other days ; for that peculiar and hallowed time when lie " shall undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free." We went to see the view from the Rayrigg ; delicious ; the lights varied it at every moment, the whole lake seemed to sparkle, and every succeeding hour till now, nine o'clock, has exhibited a new and peculiar beauty in the sky and in the landscape. Arthur Kinnaird joined us to-day in our boat to the Rayrigg. He is an agreeable, good-humoured man, with a sound honest conscience, as he has proved by the resignation of his seat in Parliament. The correspondence with Robert Southey, begun in 1829, continued with great regularity and growing interest. Southey often repeated his invitation to Lord Ashley to break away from his ever-increasing duties, and take some recreation at the Lakes. He wrote : . . . Few things would give me more pleasure than to row you and Lady Ashley round this beautiful lake in a good old boat, called the Ark, for its form and capacious size, and to go up Skiddaw with you, which is the easy work of five hours ; and to show you my books (probably the best collection that ever was possessed by one who had no other wealth), and to let you see my way of life, than which a more tranquil or happier one could not be devised, if tranquillity and happiness depended upon ourselves alone. But this pleasure was not to be realised, as the following entry will show : Aug. 15th. Called at Southey's house, and found that he was absent. I had been led to fear this ; but although a visit to him had been, for many years, a great object with me, and a very principal motive of my journey this season, I could not recall my plans and forego the gratification of seeing the Lakes. I may neyer have another opportunity, perhaps, of seeing him in this world. Well, may God bless him, and his, in this life and the next, for the mighty good his works have done. I owe much, very much to them ; and I especially remember his Book of the Church, his Colloquies, and Moral Essays. . . . It was not only to the works of Southey that Lord Ashley was indebted ; he had derived great benefit from his personal friendship. On one occasion, 138 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VII. when they were talking together on methods of work, reference was made to the strain laid on the mind by too continuous attention to one theme of study. Sonthey narrated a plan he had adopted, by which he not only secured relaxa- tion, but, by a frequent change of mental pursuits, was able to accomplish almost any amount of work with vigour and freshness. " He told me," said Lord Shaftesbury, in speaking to young men on the necessity of labour as an element in all healthy recreation and rest, "that he had six or seven different reading desks in his study, with a different book or theme on each ; on one, a magazine article ; on another, a poem ; on another, a study in history ; on another, a letter to a friend ; and so on. When he tired of the one he went to the other, and found himself so refreshed by the change that he was able to be in his study from early in the morning till late at night, going to each subject with fresh zest and vigour." It was singular that Lord Ashley should have written, " I may never have another opportunity, perhaps, of seeing him in this world," for even while he was writing it, the beginning of the cud had come and he never saw his friend again. In June of the following year he received a letter from Mrs. Southey (better known by her maiden name of Caroline Bowles), who had only been married to the poet in June, 1839. The letter was as follows : Mrs. Southey to Lord Ashley. GBETA HALL, 20th June, 1840. MY LORD, The regard with which you have so long honoured my beloved husband, together with my knowledge of his high consideration for your Lord- ship, induces me to believe that I act consonantly with what would be his desire, could he express it, in making you acquainted with the cause of his prolonged silence ; one, if not two of your Lordship's letters having lain ten or twelve months in his desk unanswered, although noted for immediate reply on our arrival at Keswick. It is more than probable that public rumour has conveyed to you something of the sad truth that serious indisposition of the most afflicting nature has for many months incapacitated Mr. Southey from all use of his pen, all literary ap- plication, all continuance of his extensive correspondence. No specific disease of any kind having manifested itself unequivocally, his brother and physician, Dr. Henry Southey, encouraged me to hope that, as the debilitating effects of repeated attacks of influenza wore off, his constitution would gradually right itself, and the mind (then affected only by sympathetic languor) recover its healthful tone. On this hope I lived till within the last few months till the sad conviction pressed itself upon me, that all rational ground for it was giving way. That " the night when no man can work " was closing on my husband's life of moral usefulness, and that though, with care, his existence may be many years pro- longed in this state of being, I must look heavenward only, beyond " the pale and grave of death," for the restoration which will then be perfect and in- destructible. 1830.] SOUTH K* 8 LAST TEARS. 139 In the meantime, God be thanked 1 there is no actual suffering, and in my grievous trial I have the consolation of a humble hope that, in permitting our late union, He has provided for my beloved husband, in his friend of two-and- twenty years, a more fitting companion for the days of his decline, than any other earthly friend could be. The receipt of a third circular from the Incorporated National Society, of which your Lordship is chairman, has decided me to make the foregoing com- munication. I had for some time hesitated on the fitness of such an intrusion on your Lordship from one personally unknown to you. Had all been well with Mr. Sonthey, I am sure he would have joined " heart and hand " in co-operation with your Lordship to the furtherance of an end so important as that proposed by the National Society. I beg to subscribe myself, Your Lordship's obedient servant, CAROLINE SOUTHET. With unwearied devotion and tenderness this gifted woman whose poems and other literary labours were very popular in her day, and still have a charm for many ministered to her husband, who sank deeper and deeper into unconsciousness, until in 1843 he passed away. Soon afterwards Lord Ashley wrote in his Diary : March 24th. After three years of mental eclipse Robert Southey has been gathered to his fathers ; I loved and honoured him ; that man's noble writings have, more than any other man's, advanced God's glory and the inalienable rights of our race. He was essentially the friend of the poor, the young, and the defenceless no one so true, so eloquent, and so powerful The friend of his youth was never forgotten ; and among Lord Shaftes- bury's papers was found a letter, dated 1864, thanking him in terms of wannest gratitude, that through his influence with Lord Palmerston, " The Queen had been pleased to confer a pension of 100 a year upon Mrs. Hill, aa the daughter of Robert Southey." The Diary continues : Aug. 20th. Not had time till now to make any entnes. Saw the Cathedral at Carlisle, old, and somewhat ungainly. There are points in it of beauty and interest, but the charm (and that is an unfailing one to my mind) lies in its antiquity Carlisle is a bad place, and always has been. Hand-loom weavers here, as elsewhere, are the stock-in-trade for the agitators to work with Sunday. Netherby. To church sermon good and pious. No evening service ; this was a disappointment. I dearly love the afternoon service of a rural parish. Its omission is a great error ; the service is good for all, and necessary for many who cannot attend the earlier worship. It is the ordinance of the Church, and the business of the day. The longer I live the more I reverence and adore the benevolent wisdom of God, which has set apart one day 140 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VII. in seven for His service and man's refreshment. It is the peculiar right, privi- lege, and comfort of the poor. The established service in this diminutive parish, struck me forcibly as a proof of the advantage and necessity of an Endowed Church, and a composed Liturgy Tuesday. On the road to New- battle. A glorious day though cold, but admirably adapted to distant views. Passed the house of Sir Walter Scott. Nearly twenty years ago I spent some days in the society and house of that great man, whose memory I hope will ever be blessed. Since that day how many of those I met there have been gathered to their fathers Sir Walter, his two daughters, neither of them, I believe, older than myself ; I understand, too, Mrs. Maclean, and Thompson the tutor. .... Newbattle Abbey, the seat of the Marquis of Lothian, stands on the site of an abbey founded by David I. for a community of Cistercian monks. The last abbot was an ancestor of the noble Marquis. This was the next halting-place of Lord Ashley on his tour: Arrived after a long journey long in time, not so in distance. Found Lothian away ; a letter despatched to warn us, and which we had missed. Aug. 22nd. Lothian returned last night. Rode to see the ruins of Crichton Castle, celebrated in " Marmion." Impressive, as ancient ruins always are, but less splendid than the remains of English castles. ... I observe, in many directions, a considerable change in the architecture of the kirks, indi- cating, I hope, a certain change in the ecclesiastical feeling. You may see towers and steeples and ornamented windows, but, above all, various parts of the edifice surmounted by a cross ; it is especially so at Liberton and Dalkeith. May this be taken as a proof of the abatement of the bigoted ignorance and furious spirit of the Covenanters, and a practical advance towards the reasonable ser- vice of the Church of Englarud ? Aug. 23rd. To-day we must depart. They have been exceedingly kind to us, and have made the house particularly agreeable. This is the great draw- back in touring ; no sooner are you well shaken together, and become at ease, than the tocsin sounds for separation. It is, however, a fac-simile of the world itself, and as such should be improved into a moral lesson. . . . The children that I have seen in these northern parts, beginning with Westmore- land, are, in many instances, very pretty. They interest me exceedingly, and I feel a sympathy and a love for the whole infantine world. Aug. 24th. Walked to Rosslyn Castle and Chapel. The latter is a beautiful specimen of the Gothic, and now carefully preserved by the owner. In these days we have not the will, and, had we the will, we have not the taste and the skill, to raise such edifices to the honour and worship of Almighty God. We dole out our miserable subscriptions, and erect a building for God's House which most of those who contribute would not think suitable for their stables ; thus our nobles and merchants dwell in their palaces of vermilion, while " the Ark of God is under curtains." It is a wonderful thing, and one which ought to shame us, that seven-tenths of the churches where our countrymen now worship the Lord, in spirit and in truth, raised their venerable heads in the dark times of Popery and superstition 1 Where should we have been now had they not preceded us ? 18.) SCOTLAND AND THE SCOTS. 141 Aug. 2">th. To Kirk 1 absolutely the Presbyterian Kirk. What could we do otherwise if we desired to go to any place of worship at all? But they protest against Popery and preach the Atonement in faith and love, so I can, under stress of weather, take shelter in one of their chapels. But their service I cannot call worship ; it appeals neither to the senses, the feelings, nor the reason ; the business of the congregation is to listen ; they have neither part nor voice in the function. They cannot pray, for their thoughts are turned from private supplication, but are not turned into a public channel, for they wait on the minister and must follow him. You must listen first to catch what he says and then to pass a hasty judgment on what he utters. Any one who is sincere would wish to ponder the meditations of his heart before he makes them the request of his lips. No responses, no Amens ; all is silent, save the minister, who discharges the whole ceremony and labours under the weight of his own tauto- logies. I complain not so much of what he says, as of what he omits. . . . Aug. 26th. Edinburgh. Visited the Castle. It is hardly possible to imagine anything more noble for the residence of man than the city as it lies at your feet ; nature has lent considerable aid in her rocks, and hills, and waters, giving thereby a magnificence to the scene, that even Babylon, the Lady of Kingdoms, could not have boasted. Saw the Regalia with the deepest interest all antiquity moves me but the antiquity of bygone rule, and empire fled, is singularly impressive. The crown is a precious memorial of a noble and heart- stirring deed in the history of Scotland. It is the crown of Robert Bruce, made by his order, after the glorious victory of Bannockburn, to supply the place of the jewels carried away to England by our brigand King Edward. I have always sympathised with the Scottish people in their resistance to English aggressions ; no Caledonian, kilted or unkilted, in this country, can more delight in the triumphs of Wallace and Bruce. My patriotism, though by God's blessing I believe it to be deep, fervent, and true, does not extend to exultation in insolence, cruelty, and injustice. . . . The annals of Scotland are full of events. So many have been transacted within so narrow a compass of territory, that almost every square mile is dignified by some occurrence in the pages of history. Wherever you go, the imagination and the memory are constantly at work ; the contrast of things in the present day is infinitely pleasing to the spirit of political economy ; but the poetry is gone ; yet, no doubt, to the advan- tage of the human race ; those things that make the best figure in narrative and verse are, for the most part, terrible in the reality. . . . The enthusiasm of Lord Ashley for Scotland and the Scots was not a passing emotion kindled by the pleasurable circumstances of his holiday. Again and again he returned to Scotland, and, up to the close of his life, he expressed the same sentiments of attachment to the country and its people t he felt in these earlier years. In 1875, when he visited Glasgow to ssist in the establishment of a Home for Incurables, he said, playfully, but in good truth, " In the Home for Incurables I may almost claim a berth for myself, for I plead guilty to an incurable love for the people of Scotland." To Holyrood House on foot, down the High Street and Canongate, and thus tli rough a great part of the old town. The whole thing is far more like a foreign 142 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VII. city. Had I not heard the English language on all sides, I should have believed myself to be in some Flemish town ; the buildings, the caps and bare feet, the transaction of everything in the street, the dirt, the smell, the stir and general appearance of life, made me think I had crossed the Channel. It would have amused us to have perambulated the streets for hours. . . . Linlithgow. The ruins of the palace, very fine indeed, and, of course, as all ruins are, very interesting. These old Scotch females who act as Cicerones amuse me much. They get their story well up, and clack away like a scarecrow with clappers. Aug. 29th. . . . Walked through the Trossachs to the head of the lake ; most attractive and sublime scenery, alternately tender and grand, sometimes both united, exciting in our minds the idea of that Great Being (if we may venture to use such a similitude) who alone combines in Himself supreme love and supreme power. The vegetation is wildly luxuriant ; dwarf oak, fern, heather, furze, &c., all mingled together, which receives a softening delicate tint from the lovely, graceful hues of the heather. Minny was melancholy in this walk, and talked much of " olden time " and people long since dead, and living ones growing old, the painful contemplation of years advancing without piety, and sorrows without experience. The lovely evening, with, its calm and soothing breezes, bestirred this in her heart ; and truly this is oftentimes the effect of fine prospects and a setting sun. There is a melancholy without despondency ; ft sober and pensive dejection which is infinitely healthy to the soul ; the glory that God sheds over His works, even in their corrupted condition, revives the hopes of man, and while he feels and bewails the height from which he has fallen, he lifts his eyes and his heart to it in faith and fear ; yet, " in the sure and certain hope of a happy resurrection through Him that hath redeemed us." Aug. 30th. . . Walter Scott has contrived to throw an indescribable charm over the whole region. People have absolutely talked themselves, and quoted themselves, into a full belief of everything he imagined ; a sufficient proof of the excellence of his genius ! But it is all melancholy to me ; I knew and loved the master-mind which is now dead and gone ; and I cannot divest myself here in Scotland of the recollection of him. Aug. 31st. Found that our carriage had been robbed during the night of some articles not very valuable. Regretted that anything of the kind should have happened in the country of the Gael ; attributed it to some English servants who were about, yet more through antiquarian sympathy for these Celtic tribes, than any just evidence against the Saxon 1 .... The travellers next proceeded to Rossie Priory, ihe beautiful mansion of the Kinnaird family, in a charming situation, and overlooking the banks of the Tay. To Roeaie, Lord Kinnaird's . . . found here, besides the family, Lord Kinnaird's sister Olivia, Mr. and Mrs. Ponsonby, their daughter, Lady Fitz- harris, and a Captain Baker, also Lord Stormont. The usual preliminaries of stiffness, dulness, and hesitation being past ; when we had, as dogs, sniffed every corner and ascertained the whole lay of the place, we became very sociable and were well amused. . . . 139.) THE HANDIWORK OP THE REFORMERS. 143 Sept 2nd. The people here are very amiable and pleasant ; . . . nothing can be kinder, nothing more hospitable. . . This is an excellent house ; large, comfortable, and handsome, fall of articles of wealth and taste, pictures, statues and china, infinite in extent and value. The place is gentlemanlike, and highly agreeable, commanding fine views of the country and the course of the river Tay. Sept. 4th. A drive of singular beauty ; a series of the most delicious views of the Carse of Gowrie bounded by the distant hills. No one, unless he see this place on a really favourable day, can form a judgment of its fascinations the intermixture of mountain and cultivated plains, the glow of the harvest, the blue expanse of the Tay, the dark foliage of pines and wooded hills, are incon- ceivably rich. The day, too, was in itself absolutely luscious. . . . Sept. 5th. Dunkeld. Issued out to see the cathedral, very ancient and very ruinous ; this is again the handiwork of the Reformers, " Quae regio non plena laborii ! " Perhaps a certain degree of violence towards these splendid and eye- striking edifices, which had so often and so long been abused to superstition, was inevitable in the then state of men's minds ; perhaps it was not ; but in the present day surely it would be an act of sacrilege to lay hands on these, or any part whatever of these venerable churches. And yet there are men who even now, at this hour, would revive the dormant feeling of fanaticism, and level the glorious cathedrals of York, of Lincoln, and of Westminster, with the dust around them. Dr. McCrie, in his Life of Enox, sternly exhorts the world to imitate those times, and wipe out every trace of a temple which idolatry has defiled. He is foolishly, criminally wrong. History and principle are both against him. The early Christians converted to their use the heathen shrines ; and why more destroy these buildings, whose purpose is changed, than a proselyte heathen or a repentant sinner? Hezekiah broke up the brazen Serpent and made it Nehushtan, because it was unavailable for good, and had itself become an object of worship. Those cathedrals had become the receptacle* of superstition, not the actual " lie " that was adored. . . . In the evening, by Lord Glenlyon's invitation, went to see the Highlanders dance their reels in costume. Very entertaining, perfectly national, and they were happy as grigs. They worked like fellows whose lives depended on the number of steps they could cut in each figure. Sept. 7th. Started early for Inverness ; delighted with the scenery ; uncom- monly wild and free, very unlike the other Highlands we had seen. Here we beheld, for the first time, true Gaelic life, the real abodes of the Celtic popula- tion ; every now and then a few black spots in the middle of the waste marked a Highland hamlet At a distance it looked like a Hottentot kraal ; when near, like a corporation of pijj-styes ; yet the people in them seem well-clothed, and the children are stout and ruddy. This is the true taste of the Highlander ; we cannot judge of their condition by the appearance of the frequented parts of Perthshire. Landlords and landladies have learned the trick of setting up " sweet cottages " by the roadside I .... Wherever Lord Ashley went, he always had the welfare of the poor in | his thoughts, and, whenever he wanted information as to their condition, he I was not content to get it from any other source than direct from themselves. J 144 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VIL It was natural for him to walk into the harvest field and talk to the reapers, and it was equally natural for him to sympathise with them in their toils and the lack of generosity which shut them out from the joys of harvest. He always regarded liberality in employers as an essential part of practical Christianity, and the privilege of gleaning in the corn-fields after the reapers as the right of the poor, notwithstanding the fact that modern law has decided to the contrary. Sept. llth. I walked into the fields hard by to talk to the reapers. No wonder the Scotch farmer can afford to give a better rent, when he gives so much worse a wage as the remuneration of labour one shilling a day to the women, and fif teenpence to the men, for twelve hours at harvest time, is con- sidered sufficient 1 We saw standing in the field two buckets of water ; their employer gives no other refreshment. Nor does Sawney recognise either the practice, or the philanthropy, of the " system of gleaning." " We alwaynt take a long rake," said the farmer to me, " and gather it up." To be sure he does, and thus makes of none effect one of the most gracious and beautiful provisions of the Levitical law : " And when ye reap the harvest of your land, thou shalt not wholly reap the corners of thy field, neither shalt thou gather the gleanings of thy harvest " (Lev. six. 9). Again : " When ye reap the harvest of your land, thou shalt not make clean riddance of the corners of thy field when thou reapest, neither shalt thou gather any gleaning of thy harvest ; thou shalt leave them unto the poor and to the stranger. I am the Lord your God " (xxiii. 22). . . Oban. Had a dressing-room with a window in the ceiling, so that when it was opened the rain came in. This is perverse in Scotch architects ; it renders it im- posoible to enjoy fresh air in a climate where the rain is so abundant that they have a million spoute of water for one ray of sunshine. . . . My room so low that, if I attempted to brush the crown of my head, I rapped my knuckles against the ceiling ; and the bed so short that, if I stretched my legs, I drove my head against the other walL I was like a basket of game covered in the middle, with head and feet out. . . . One of the visits on this journey, which appears to have given Lord Ashley unusual pleasure, was paid to Mr. Alison, the historian, afterwards Sir Archibald Alison. It was in this year that the first volume of his great work, " The History of Europe," was published. Sept. 21st. Early to Alison's ; kindly and sincerely received. To Glasgow mth him ; Minny accompanied us. We saw first Mr. Monteith's calico printing works. They have, in the dyeing department, all the effect of magical trick. . . . Mr. Napier's ironworks, the factory of steam-engines, boilers, and the whole apparatus of these scientific monsters of the deep these wonderful subjugators of nature by science, permitted, by a bountiful Providence, for man's benefit, but perverted to the glorifying of his own intellect. . . . Minny drove home ; Alison and I walked. At dinner Colonel and Mrs. Kearney, Dr. Macleod, of the Scotch Church, a man of great natural abilities, original, simple, full of zeal, kind in his manner, and, I am told, infinitely kind in his heart. I had seen him once before, but I have now made his acquaintance, and am delighted that I have 1899.] SYMPATHY WITH THE BUND. 1*5 done so. Mr. Montgomery, the author of "The Omnipresence of the Deity," &c. kc., lately ordained in the English Church, and appointed to an Episcopal Church in Glasgow. Some good talk very good talk ; an hour of excellent conversation with Alison after the company was gone ; and to bed. Among those on whose behalf Lord Ashley felt the keenest sympathy were the blind. He was wont to say that insanity and blindness were the two direst afflictions that could befall mankind, and we have seen how vigorously and successfully he had exerted himself on behalf of the insane. Terrible as was their condition, that of the indigent blind of the metropolis was scarcely less so ; but until the year 1834 no opportunity for making any special effort for them had occurred. In that year a Mr. Harman called .upon him, and representing that these poor creatures were wholly uncared for, urged upon him that an institution should be founded for the purpose of visiting them in the cellars and dark, damp slums where they were hidden away. The result of that interview was the formation of the "Indigent Blind Visiting Society." The object of this admirable insti- tution was to seek the general improvement of the condition of the indigent blind by systematic visitation in their own dwellings ; by providing them with guides to take them to places of worship, and to classes for their instruction in reading and writing, and in various branches of remunerative employment, and by affording them pecuniary relief in times of great necessity. For fifty years Lord Shaftesbury was President of the Society, and took an unabated interest in its labours. It is not surprising, therefore, to find in the Journals of his travels that he lost no opportunity of ascertain- ing how the blind were being dealt with in the places he visited. Sept 23rd. Glasgow. To the Blind School This is, indeed, a thing to gladden man's heart when he observes the power and mercy of God, compensating for the privation of one sense by the supernatural vivacity of another. It is beautiful and consolatory to behold the peace of mind that these poor creatures enjoy, through the instrumentality, under Providence, of these inventions ; they are now become capable of every mental and spiritual gratification ; many can exercise various trades and callings, and, instead of being a clog, prove an assistance to their families. I could hardly refrain from tears when I saw their easy and happy acquaintance with the art of reading Scripture, and heard the pleasure they took in the pursuit Blindness is, next to insanity, the heaviest of God's visitations ; bears with it something of mystery, inasmuch as God has ever reserved to Himself personally, as it were, the power of restoring the eyesight. No mere man has been permitted to wield this power. Sept 24th. . . . Joined Alison at the Registration Court, and walked with him through the "dreadful " parts of this amazing city ; it is a small square plot intersected by small alleys, like gutters, crammed with houses, dunghills, and human beings ; hence arise, he tells me, nine-tenths of the disease, and nine- tenths of the crime in Glasgow ; and well it may. Health would be impossible in such a climate ; the air tainted by perpetual exhalations from the most itinking and stagnant sources, a pavement never dry, in lanes not broad enough K 146 THE EARL OP 8HAFTESBURT. [CHAP. VII. to admit a wheel-barrow. And is moral propriety and moral cleanliness, so to speak, more probable ? Quite the reverse. Discontent, malignity, filthy and vicious habits, beastly thoughts and beastly actions must be, and are, the results of such associations. Oh ! for a temporary but sharp despotism, which, founding its exercise on an imitation of God, would pass beneficial laws, and compel men against their wills to do wisely 1 There should be a law prohibiting the con- struction of streets, except of a fixed, and that a very considerable, width. In large open spaces there is more health, more air, more cleanliness, more observa- tion ; and public opinion comes in along with light. Though you could not thus exterminate what is bad, you would externally abate it, and, as Burke says, " Vice itself would lose half its evil, by losing all its grossness." These are the last abodes of many of the factory population ; broken in health and spirits, cor- rupted in mind, and ignorant alike of what is useful and true, be it in temporal or eternal things, they pass, after the days of their fitness for mill-labour, from one point of degradation to another, till they sink down, as to a common centre, in this dark pit of misery. The high-mettled racer is a type of them, as in his life, so also in his death. " Who knoweth," said Solomon, " the spirit of a man that goeth upward, and the spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the earth 1 " But do these differ from the beast ? I trow not. . . . No one at dinner but ourselves much useful and pleasant conversation. Alison is a man after my own heart ; we agree in our views of ancient and modern history ; we hold the same opinions of the future, and we never tire of discussing the same subjects. His reading is immense, his powers of reflection commensurate ; his thoughts deep and just, founded on induction and corrected by experience. I have derived immense benefit and great pleasure from my in- tercourse with him. Sept. 25th. . . . Went to see Cora Linn, the great fall ; day most favour- able for it. Taken with all its accompaniments of scenery, it is the noblest cascade, perhaps, in Europe. The perpetual flow, and deep, though soothing sound, resembles immortal eloquence. Thought of St. John's description of our Saviour, " And His voice was as the sound of many waters." Lord and Lady Ashley next visited Chillingham Castle, the residence of the Earl and Countess of Tankerville, celebrated for its herds of wild cattle. Sept. 26th. To Chillingham. Found here no one but Henry Liddell, M.P. for Northumberland, and his son. Glad of it. Sometimes pleasant to have but few people. Nothing kinder than our reception. Sept. 27th. This delicious old castle is ten times as agreeable as it would be, fsjvere it transmogrified by modern staircases and new rooms, with nothing left of a castle but the name. The very originality, to us at least, of this kind of domi- cile, has a charm. The apartments are neither many nor large ; but the bedrooms are abundant and comfortable. The gardens and grounds are very striking from their harmony with the edifice ; all has an air of grandeur, less owing to the splendour of the castle and its appurtenances than to the spacious, solitary region which surrounds it, the herds of red deer and wild cattle, and the manifest anti- quity impressed on every object. . . . Out walking with Minny and Accy,* * His son Antony. 1830.] VAN MILDEKT, BISHOP OF DURHAM. 147 and Lord and Lady Tankerville, and Mr. Cole the gamekeeper, to look for the wild cattle. Had already seen them, through a telescope, lying in mass on the hillside ; beautiful and interesting creatures, I have no doubt that they are the pure descendants of the aboriginal cattle of the island, driven by degrees, like the ancient Britons by their invaders, to the remote and wild fastnesses of Northum- berland. . . . We came upon them in full view ; they rose immediately and re- treated in order, the bulls closing the rear. The sight was worth a journey of two hundred miles ; there is nothing like it in England nothing even in Europe. Sandy the antlered despot of the park seems to be the lord and master of Chillingham ; he is far more talked about than Lord Tankerville, and, in fact, there is reason for it, as he puts every one's limbs in danger, and Lord Tanker- ville threatens none. What with bulls, and what with stags, our lives here are in a constant state of excitement, a pleasing sense of dignified peril. We discuss them by day, and dream of them by night . . . On leaving Ckillingham, the travellers proceeded to Alnwick Castle, the princely abode of the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland, one of the grandest specimens in the kingdom of an old baronial residence. Every stone of the castle, and every acre of its grounds, which extend for miles, bristles with legends of the times when its strength and situation rendered it one of the most important defences against the invasions of the Scots. Oot 1st Alnwick. Quitted Chillingham with regret ; had received much kindness and hospitality, and very great amusement. Received, almost when on the point of starting, an invitation from the Duchess of Northumberland. Resolved to go on immediately. . . . Had no idea of the splendour of the castle, nor that so much of what is ancient remained. The towers, courts, and gateways are majestic. Though the interior of the habitable part is new, the chief of the masonry throughout is of very early date. In this respect it very often surpasses Windsor. Oot 2nd. Breakfast at 9 o'clock, punctual as clockwork. This appears to be a Northumbrian virtue it was so at Chillingham, and I infer from a letter of Lady Ravensworth's that it is so likewise at her castle. Made the circuit of the walls the precincts comprise five acres. Oot 3rd. . . . Parted from her Grace, in high admiration of her character, and great fondness for herself. To Ravensworth. Oct 4th. This is a good house ; handsome rooms, and full of fine things. The people are dear, kind, friendly people whom I have long known. " Peace be to this house ! " Oct 5th. To Durham and saw the cathedral. Stood on the tombstone of Van Mildert, the last Bishop of Durham, and the last prince-bishop that ever will be there. Church reforms have levelled all these dignities. Perhaps they were ri^'lit, perhaps they were necessary, but one's antiquarian sympathies are keenly excited. A better man, or a more munificent soul, never flourished in the whole catalogue of our bishops a catalogue dignified by all that is great and good in learning, wisdom, generosity, and religion. I knew him well, and most pro- foundly esteemed him ; would that it pleased God to give us others such a* he to adorn and sustain His Church. K 2 148 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VII. Newby, the residence of Mr. and Lady Mary Vyner, was next visited, and an excursion was made to Studley Royal, the seat of the late Earl of Ripon, father of the present Marquis. The magnificent ruin of Fountains Abbey adjoins, and is part of the domain. Oct. 7th. Drove to Studley Park and Fountains Abbey. The park abounds with magnificent trees, tempting me, most terribly, to covet my neighbour's goods. Fountains Abbey, by common consent the finest ruin in England, is infinitely graceful, infinitely touching. Looking at these delicious relics we are apt to think of nothing but the pomps and impressive ritual of the Romish worship, their long vigils and devout superstition ; all that is captivating even in error ; their piety ; their hymns and their prayers. All that could charm the sense, overwhelmed the mind then, and the imagination subjugates it now. We should not like to return to the coarse and filthy orgies of those dens of hypocrisy ; the oppression, vice, and violence that reigned in their precincts, the degradation of soul and body, for time and eternity I Yet, why could we not retain the building, when we got rid of the inmates 1 . . . . Oct. 9th. To Ripon to call on the Bishop and see the minster. Saw the Bishop and his new palace, at least the skeleton of it ; a pretty thing and a comfortable. I wish these bishoprics had larger revenues ; 4,500 a year are wholly inadequate to the claims made on the diocesan by the wants of the W. Riding. The minster a handsome and interesting church, now the cathedral. Many periods and many styles of architecture ; much Saxon ; the chapter-house especially curious, entirely of the ancient order. The crypt now turned into a species of catacomb, and garnished with skulls and cross-bones. " Gracious God, what is man ? " said Lord Bolingbroke, as he stood weeping and disbelieving over the death-bed of Pope ; how much more true, how much more exalted, the exclamation of the Psalmist, " Lord, what is man that Thou art mindful of him, or the son of man that Thou regardest him 7 Thou madest him a little lower than the angels, to crown him with glory and worship." I know not what scoffers and sceptics may feel in the contemplation of these, and the like exhibitions of mortality ; had I not, by God's blessing, "a sure and certain hope of a joyful resurrection," I should lose my senses with disgust and terror. Oct. llth. . . . Took a walk with Minny. Sun broiling. Much interesting conversation with the darling. It is a wonderful accomplishment, and a most bountiful answer to one's prayers, to have obtained a wife, in the highest matters and the smallest details, after my imagination and my heart. Often do I recol- lect the very words and sentiments of my entreaties to God, that He would give me a wife for my comfort, improvement, and safety ; He has granted me to the full all that I desired, and far more than I deserved. Praised be His holy name. . . . Oct. 14th. Very sorry to leave Newby. The people I have long, very long, known. Many virtues and many attractions. To me and mine they have ever been kind, friendly, and affectionate. I hardly know those from whose society I derive more quiet satisfaction, or from whom I part with deeper regret. To Bishopsthorpe. Found the Archbishop in high force dear friendly old man- Prayers in the chapeL . . . Oct. 15th. York. . . . Saw the minster ; the most lovely of all perishable 1839.] CASTLE HOWARD. 149 buildings the most refined conceptions of the most refined ages of Greece and Rome were poor in comparison of this ; the very aspect of the edifice inspires a religious sentiment ; and a few moments' contemplation overwhelms you with the awe that impressed and elevated the heart of Jacob : " How dreadful is this place 1 this is none other but the home of God, and this is the gate of Heaven." .... Saw, within the compass of the first edifice an ancient altar of great size, the steps leading up to it still quite perfect an early and glorious triumph of the Cross. Here then, as at St. Peter's, the House of Christ rose and stood erect over the House of Baal. . . . Heard part of the afternoon service. . . . And people would destroy this service, and call it a vain ceremonial, an useless form I Cloaking their real stinginess under utilitarian argumentation (a disgusting thing in itself), they calculate pounds, shillings, and pence, and show that, for an organist and a choir, they might have two curates. So they might, and they might have ten times as many for the keep of a dozen gilded footmen, or a third of their usual port wine, or, for any imperceptible abatement of luxury, be their rank high, middling, or low. Why not have both ? Why not sustain this soul- inspiring worship, for the honour of God and the comfort and elevation of the human heart ; and then, if they so desire, devote the residue to their palaces ? I hope and believe that a better feeling is arising ; the trains, I am told, bring hundreds from Leeds to hear the anthem. The taste and the due reverence will thus be diffused, and our cathedrals will thus again become the boast and glory of our land. To Castle Howard. Nearly nineteen years have elapsed since I was last here. I came then with Morpeth (both of us just entered at Oxford) on our return from a tour in Scotland. I come back now, advanced in life, married, the father of six children ; our respective capacities and respective careers (then in an obscurity full of hope) well known ; the past now left to me for reflection, and, thank God, not altogether a painful one ; the future, for eternity and my children. Found them all unchanged here, except in age and position. Just as friendly, affectionate, and sincere as ever. Time has mellowed and consolidated their feelings ; it has effaced none. ... I rejoiced to have visited them once more, and to have renewed my intimacy and ancient habits. This is the great advantage of periodical visits to country houses ; valuable Nhips are made, sustained, or revived ; new acquaintances are formed to fill the gaps that the course of nature has rent in your circle, and you gain some little prospect that you will not be stranded by time on the bleak shore of a forgotten or friendless old age. They enlarge, too, the mind and soften the spirit ; the visitors and the visited summon up all that they have in them of the most amiable ; many a sharp feeling is subdued and many a good one begotten by this rural intercourse. . . . Almost the last visit on the tour was paid to Chatsworth, the stately idence of the Duke of Devonshire. From thence Lord Ashley proceeded Rowton, the home of his brother-in-law and sister, Mr. and Lady Char- tc Lyster. To Chatsworth. ... An immense party to meet the Duke and Pucheat Cambridge foreigner* " plenty as blackberries." . . . 150 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. fCHAp. VIL I can just conceive that some ancient Koman villa, the possession of somo Emperor of taste and wealth, was the type of Chatsworth. They have many things which bear resemblance. Splendid and unwieldy buildings, far too large for use, and infinitely too extended for comfort. Grandeur which wearies by its excess and its repeated calls for admiration. Everything magnificent, and half of it unnecessary, even for the just display of the dignity suited to the rank and fortune of the proprietor everything in the wildest abundance that constitutes wealth. All ia vast, yet nothing clumsy ; magnificence and refinement are combined. It is royal. His greenhouses, foreign plants, his gardens and cottages, would alone ruin half the German potentates. It is a curious thing to have seen ; it is probably the last great effort of hereditary wealth, of aristocratical competition with the splendour of kings. Acquired properties can never be so magnificent, either in extent or in display ; heredi- tary properties are undergoing diminution, and the custom, moreover, of primo- geniture (the sole means of retaining the unity of possessions) has reached the full, and is now upon the wane. . . . Nov. 1st to 8th. At Rowton. Residence there, as usual, happy, cheerful, and refreshing. I love the people, I love the place ; it ever does me good, in body and in mind : it soothes and pleases me. 8th. To Birmingham ; distance from Shrewsbury forty-three miles, six hours performing it. 9th. To London. Thus are we all again, once more, together, preserved and reunited, by God's kind Providence, under the same roof. We looked for health and amusement, we found both ; we sought instruction, it has not been wanting ; body and mind have been alike strengthened. On the last page of the Diary written on this tour there is the following note: 1880. . . . Believe have never read this since it was written. " Nessun maggior dolore Che ricordarsi del tempo felice Nella miseria." * Dante. In the spring of this year Daniel Webster made his first and only visit to Europe, and Lord Ashley was one of those in whose society he found much pleasure. They corresponded for some time after Mr. "Webster returned to America, and on the principle of mutual help, as indicated in the following letter : Daniel Webster to Lord Ashley. LONDON, November 19th, 1839. MY DEAR LORD ASHLEY, On my return from the Continent, I had the pleasure to find here your letter from Bishopsthorpe. I "was quite in hopes of falling in with you at the North, as I heard of you in several places ; but we were, as you suggest, constantly on the wing, having much space to fly through in a short time. * " No greater pain than in time of sorrow to recall tunes of bliss." RECONCILIATION. 151 1 leave England, my dear Lord, much gratified, but with a good deal of natural regret, that I cannot, for the present at least, farther cultivate the agreeable acquaintances I have had the honour and good fortune to make. I hope you will allow me to say that it will give me great pleasure to keep myself in your remembrance by an occasional letter. I read the London papers, and, of course, the debates of Parliament as there reported. If, on any of the great questions likely to come before the House, your own speeches should be published, corrected, in pamphlet form, I should be quite glad to receive a copy. Whatever I may think you would like to receive, I shall have pleasure in sending you in return. Perhaps yon would like an accurate account of the ballot gystem as practised in the several States which use it. If so, I could easily obtain, at Washington, exact statements from members of Congress from the several States. I received the little volume containing your essays, for which I am quite obliged to you, I pray you make my respects to Lady Ashley ; and when yon next have intercourse with the Archbishop, do me the favour to remember me kindly to him and his daughters. He is an admirable example of vigorous, cheerful, respected old age. With all good wishes for you and yours, I am, my dear Lord, faithfully yours, DANIEL WEBSTER. There were two events, towards the close of the year 1839, which had a marked influence on the private life of Lord Ashley. Through no fault of his own his father had again become estranged from him. There had never been much sympathy between them thoughts, habits, pursuits, ideals, were all far as the poles asunder and the course that Lord Ashley had marked out for himself had, from the first, met with the strong disapprobation of his father. It was a source of anxiety and regret, but it was a matter for which there was no help. Believing, as he did, that it was the voice of God which spoke to him, and urged him to go forward in his labours on behalf of the poor and the oppressed, he "conferred not with flesh and blood," and the consequence was that the coldness of his father strengthened into an opposition very painful to a nature so sensitive as Lord Ashley's. A reconciliation was brought about, however, at this time, and the way in which it was regarded is very touchingly recorded in the Journal. Nov. 23rd. I can hardly believe myself or my senses ; here I am in St. Giles's, reconciled to my father, and actually receiving from him ardent and sincere marks of kindness and affection 1 Who would have thought, not I at least, when I quitted this house ten (!) years ago, that I should never return to it, until I came a married man with six children I But it is a blessed thing that it has happened at last ; a thing good for him, and good for me, a thing for which I ought, and for which I do, thank God most heartily. He is now an old man, and it would have been a sad and a terrible matter had he died otherwise than in peace with his children ; but, God be praised, we are reconciled, and his heart and mine are lighter. His amiableness is wonderful ; he puts himself, as the phrase is, to sixteens to find ways of giving us pleasure. 152 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cnxp. VIL Nov. 25th. Quite fidgety and unsettled, walking in fact, and wandering in thought, through mere satisfaction. Just looked out of my window, and saw the kids pacing the lawn, giving life, and health, and joy to the whole scene blessed them, and blessed God, who is good to me and mine beyond all, even His, goodness. Dec. 3rd. It cannot be disguised, I do enjoy being here ; it is very natural, and not criminal, to derive profound and sincere pleasure from a restoration of long- omitted pursuits, long-denied affections, and long-desired scenes ; but experience and mature life, and God's grace, teach me to "rejoice with trembling." These things of this world, like Jonah's gourd, come up in a night, and may perish in a night. I do most entirely thank God for His mercy in softening my father's heart, and pouring therein the sympathies of charity and truth. Not only in great things, but in the smallest, there is a wonderful and a complete change. . . . The second important event to which we have referred is told in these words : Dec. 16th. This day my mother-in-law will be married to Palmerston. . . . The marriage of Lady Cowper to Lord Palmerston was an event which had an important bearing on the future of Lord Ashley. For many years we shall find them associated in the closest intimacy, and the influence of their lives acting, and re-acting, on one another. Lady Cowper was a recognised Queen of Society. Twenty years before her marriage with Lord Palmerston, she had ruled the world of fashion at Almack's, when Palmerston, one of the greatest dandies of the day, was a leading spirit in that gay circle. She was clever, brilliant, and witty ; and after her marriage with Lord Palmerston " her assemblies neutral ground where distinguished persons of all parties, whether foreign or domestic, met for social intercourse, forgetting for the moment their political differences were a powerful aid to him as head of a Government." Mr. Disraeli in a speech at Glasgow, while alluding to it as a happy circumstance of public life in England that we do not, as a rule, permit our political opinions to interfere with our social relations, recalled, in the following words, one of his reminiscences : " If you are on the Continent, and wish to pay your respects to a minister, and go to his reception, you are invited by the minister. The consequence is that you find no one there except those that follow him. It is not so in England. I remember some years ago meeting, under the charm- ing roof of one of the most accomplished women of the time, the most celebrated diplomatist of nearly half a century, and he said to me, ' What a wonderful system of society you hav in England ! I have not been on speaking terms with Lord Palmerston for three weeks, and yet here I am ; but yon see I am paying a visit to Lady Palmerston.' " * There was much in the character of Lady Palmerston that was trub estimable and lovable ; and a time was coming when Lord Ashley was to "Life of Lord Pahneraton." By Hon. Evelyn Ashley, M.P. 18.J CHRISTMAS AT ST. GILES'S. 153 find in her a staunch and valuable friend, in whose society he would take ever-increasing delight, and whose large-hearted sympathies would bring him much comfort and satisfaction. Few years in Lord Ashley's history closed more happily than this. Projects that he had long had very near at heart had taken definite shape ; forces to assist in carrying them to completion were developing their strength; and, in addition to all this, a great void in his life was filled. The sense of estrangement between himself and his father had been an oppressive weight for many years, and now the burden was removed. A pleasant picture of his life at this time is given in the closing words of his Diary for 1839 : Dec. 25th. Christmas Day. St Giles's. A long -established festival for soul and body, the date and centre of domestic " gatherings ; " a day blessed by every- thing that is gracious in past, present, and future times. After a long period of gloomy weather, the sun shone brightly. The church was alive with holly, and thronged by a decent, well-behaved, well-dressed congregation. The sacrament was administered to about one hundred communicants (an immense proportion in BO small a parish), of whom I and my father formed a part, reconciled, God be praised, and made one again after so large an interval of human life. Never have I, by God's goodness, more enjoyed the public service of our blessed church, felt more soothed and elevated, more warmed and strengthened to future efforts under His guidance and rule, and in submission to His service. Dec. 31st Much occupied of late in cutting down bushes and improving the garden this is a healthy and innocent pleasure. " God Almighty," says Bacon, "Jirtt planted a garden." So He did, and man was told "to dress it and keep it" This is the thing I have ever desired, and now I have my own way, for Lord S. is delighted to give it me, and is happy that I take so lively an interest in it. CHAPTER VIIL 1840. THE Parliament of 1840 was opened by the Queen in person, and the Speech from the Throne announced her intention to marry her cousin, Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, a step which she hoped would be " conducive to the interests of her people as well as to her own domestic happiness." Sir Robert Peel, in the course of the discussion that followed in the House of Commons, observed that her Majesty " had the singular good fortune to be able to gratify her private feelings while she performed her public duty, and to obtain the best guarantee for happiness by contracting an alliance founded on affection." The early meeting of Parliament broke up the period of rest and satis- faction that Lord Ashley was enjoying with his father at St. Giles's. Jan. 6th. Although no chicken, I had never attended a Sessions before, either as a spectator or a magistrate. I was interested and instructed, and I endeavoured, by God's mercy, to do judgment and love mercy. Our residence here is drawing to a close the early meeting of Parliament, Jan. 16th, for the Queen's marriage, we suppose, will separate us very soon. It will be a Pro- vidence, and almost a wonder, if we ever come together again, perfect in our health, our happiness, and our numbers. Jan. 9th. Acted as a magistrate in the local meeting at Cranborne. These things are epochs in one's life, and I have run half my course before I attain this one. It is easy now to understand, by experience, how difficult it is to combine the due administration of justice with the love of mercy. Raise then your eyes to the counsels of .Heaven, and survey but the millionth part of the outmost verge of God's attributes and operations ; unsparing justice and un- limited pardon at one and the same moment. Jan. 12th. Sunday. The last we shall enjoy for the present in St. Giles's Church. Were we under the caprices of a blind chance, I should quit this dear place in fear and sorrow ; but, praised be God, we know in whom we trust, and He will unite us again, or separate us for ever, as seemeth best to His merciful wisdom. Jan. 23rd. London. " Crambe repttita " the old story renewed. The Carlton Club, the House of Commons, the turmoil and vicissitudes of politics, the hopes and fears of party I But politics and party now are not what politics and party were formerly ; the struggle is between antagonist principles, and the issue is life or death to the Constitution in Church and State, under which the mercy of God has hitherto appointed us to live. I can imagine a successful resistance on our part, but I see eventual triumph for our enemies, because a 1840. j THE QUEEN'S CORONATION. 155 mighty revolution is gradually taking place in the habits and character of thinking among men. To oppose this is to oppose the flow of the river Amazon steady, certain, and overwhelming. The only Conservative principle is the Protestant religion as embodied in the doctrines and framework of the Church of England. As a nation we have rejected it, and as individuals we neglect it ; the few, compared with the numbers of "the great" in this realm, who have brought oil in their lamps, will hardly form the proportion of the ten to the population of Gomorrah. I am always cast down when I estimate by com- parison with others my Parliamentary capacity of doing service. " Je manque de profondtur et de suite." My memory is deficient, my knowledge scanty ; I have no readiness for impromptu speaking ; all must be prepared, and the greater part even to the language ; but nevertheless I most do my best, and commit the issue to Him in whose service I am labouring. During the comparatively short previous Parliamentary career of Lord Ashley, the occupancy of the Throne had been marked by frequent changes. The death of King George IY. in 1830, the accession of King William IV., his decease in 1837, and the accession thereupon of Queen Victoria, are events in history to which we need not refer particularly, although, as the entries in the Diaries and note-books prove, they were matters of great personal interest to Lord Ashley. An extract, written just when the excitement attendant npon the Queen's coronation was subsiding, may be given here, as a specimen, and as a prelude to the subsequent entry in his Diary referring to her marriage: July 2nd, 1838. It has been a wonderful period, one long and seriously to be remembered by every Englishman. An idle pageant, forsooth? As idle as the coronation of King Solomon, or the dedication of his temple. The service itself refute* the notion ; so solemn, so deeply religious, so humbling, and yet so sublime I Every word of it is invaluable ; throughout the Church is everything ecular greatness nothing. She declares, in the name and by the authority of God, and almost enforces, as a condition preliminary to her benediction, all that can make princes wise to temporal and eternal glory. Many very many were deeply impressed. The crowds immense ; perhaps half a million of people assembled, in admiring affection and loyalty, to witness the Royal procession. Both during the day and the night such order and good-humour observed as would have done honour to a private family. Even the fair in Hyde Park has been quiet, decent, respectful, and safe. What a nation this is ! What materials for happiness and power ! What seeds of honour to God and service to man 1 May He grant to us yet to be His humble, joyous, and effective instruments for His great and gracious purposes ! Feb. 10th, 1840. A day of events I The Queen was married. ... I and Minny were present by invitation. A Coronation gains everything by splendour and numbers ; it is a national act, and receives force and fire from national demonstrations. But a Marriage is, in its essence, private and particular ; although the marriage of a Queen, it is domestic : and the interest must be drawn from the same sources as those which furnish interest to any other marriage. 156 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VIII. March 6th. Days fly swifter than a weaver's shuttle ; we number them, and BO obtain the first part of the Psalmist's prayer ; but we do not apply our hearts unto wisdom, and so lose the second. For my part, I am full of schemes and no accomplishments of them, " Never ending, still beginning "devising under- takings, worthy of all the statesmen, thrown into a mass, that ever existed, with Parliamentary and oratorical abilities diametrically opposite. A letter from Mr. Daniel Webster to Lord Ashley, written in May of this year, when the election of General Harrison as President of the United States was proceeding, and which was followed by the appointment of Mr. Webster as Secretary of State, indicates the friendly feelings existing between the great American statesman and the English philanthropist, to which we have previously referred : Daniel Webster to Lord Ashley. WASHINGTON, May 27tk, 1840. DEAB LORD ASHLEY, I owe you many thanks for a kind note which I received at the moment of my departure from London last autumn, and for the present of a copy of a very excellent edition of the Holy Bible. You could have given me nothing more acceptable, and I shall keep it near me, as a valued token of your regard. The older I grow, and the more I read the Holy Scriptures, the more reverence I have for them, and the more convinced I am that they are not only the best guide for the conduct of this life, but the foundation of all hope respecting a future state of existence. We have an edition of the New Testament which I am fond of using, and of which I would send you a copy if I could lay my hand on one here. It is the common and authorised text, without being broken into verses. I send you an account of the canals and railroads in the United States, by which you will see what progress we are making, especially in the latter kind of communication. I suppose the lines of railroad now in operation in the United States exceed, in aggregate length, by three or four times, that of all other rail- roads in the world. This is not wonderful, considering the extent of the country, and the cheapness and facility with which railroads are built in many parts of it. I send you also a little annual, called the Token, which I have not looked over, but which I thought likely to be as good as any of these ephemeral things ; and I send it because it is edited by Mr. Goodrich, the veritable Peter Parley, who may have been heard of in Lady Ashley's nursery. Our Congressional documents are barren of interest just now, and I think of nothing worthy your attention. We are in the midst of a very warm political election. Our President, as you know, is chosen for four years, and a choice is to be made next November. Mr. Van Buren is candidate for re-election, and General W. H. Harrison is the opposing candidate, and is supported by the party now called Whigs. Party denominations have changed often with us, and names do very little towards description. The Whigs are, in fact, the Conserva- tive party. Their opponents call them Aristocrats, British Whigs, &c. &c. The other party call themselves Democrats, and thoir opponents call them Radicals 1840.] LETTER FROM DANIEL WEBSTER. 157 or Tories, or anything else opprobrious. Whig and Tory were the old party names here in the time of the Revolution, and Whigs of the present generation think it expedient to take the party denomination by which Washington and others were distinguished. General Harrison is an elderly man, of an old family in Virginia, bred to the army, and at different times has occupied stations of considerable importance in civil life. He has not been regarded as eminent for talents, but has read a good deal, writes pretty well, is of good character, and amiable temper. His life has been spent very much in our New World, in the West, in the forest, and in the neighbourhood of the Indian tribes. New settlers in that country build their houses of trunks of trees, and these are called " log cabins." Some political opponent unluckily attempted to ridi- cule the idea of making President one who had lived in a log cabin, and had drunk "hard cider." This foolish sneer has very much influenced the whole Western country. The people in that region are all alive for the " log cabin " candidate, and will give him very great support. Representations of log cabins are everywhere, on newspapers, on handkerchiefs, on buttons, on everything. The result of the election is, of course, in some degree uncertain, but present appearances indicate strongly that General Harrison will be elected. I have known him long and well ; we have always been on quite friendly terms, and I have hopes that his election may do something towards checking us in the courses in which we have recently been running. I read the English papers with new interest since I have seen England. Among others, I take the Times, but the bitterness of that print towards me, and the gross ignorance of those who write for it, on American subjects, render it certainly less agreeable. It is strange that such a paper, so Conservative at home, should publish and applaud everything written here by the lowest Radicals and the followers of Fanny Wright. I cannot account for it. Mrs. Webster is with me, and we both desire to be respectfully remembered to Lady Ashley. I read your speech on introducing your Bill with great interest. Indeed, I read all you say, and notice all you do, with interest Present me also to Mr. Lockhart when you meet him. I have the honour to be, The Diary continues : With faithful regard, yours, DANIEL WEBSTER. June 12th. The last month, filled with horrible events, tends much to recall to our minds the natural sinf ulness of man and the uncertainty of all worldly things. Lord William Russell murdered in his bed by an unknown hand, under circumstances which superadd horror upon horror to the crime. On the 10th of this month the Queen's life attempted on Constitution HilL By God's merciful and gracious Providence she was delivered from the danger the same good Providence which has so long and so undeservedly watched over this Empire. What a state of things, had the King of Hanover come to the throne by such a previous vacancy of it I God grant that we may, as individuals and as a nation, lay these thing* seriously to heart, and give Him, in private and in public, 1 58 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. LCnAP. VIII. unceasing thanks and glory 1 I went down to the House of Commons to propose a public thanksgiving, but was withheld by hearing a full and open recognition of God's mercy in the Address ; and, moreover, I was sitting in the gangway, and, while musing what I should do, I was anticipated by that good man, Plumptre. So it has been proposed, and God be praised for it. The attempt upon the life of the Queen was made by Edward Oxford, a pot-boy of seventeen. There was no political significance in the crime, nor, indeed, in any of the attempts on the life of her Majesty made by others in the course of a few years f ollowing. In the case of Oxford the deed was the result of a craving for notoriety, induced by his connection with a so-called secret society named Young England, at which amateur highwaymen and assassins young and foolish like himself met armed with swords and loaded pistols, and with black crape caps to cover their faces. In certain quarters there was an effort to make political capital out of the affair, but it was clearly proved that there was no wide-spread disaffection. July 1st. Last night Church Extension was launched by Sir H. Inglis I could not speak ; there was no opportunity for it. The House was in such a state that a speech, such as I must have made, would have been intolerable at 11 o'clock. Having suffered cold and clammy sweats all the forepart of the evening, I was disappointed, almost, not to answer Baines ; he would have "cut up " beautifully. There was no debate ; in fact, no one of note, except Inglis, spoke at alL Though defeated by nineteen we gained a victory ; the question will, under God, be carried another year, notwithstanding the lukewarnmess of our friends. My hands are too full : Jews, Chimney-sweeps, Factory Children, Education, Church Extension, &c. &c. I shall succeed, I fear, partially in all and com- pletely in none. Yet we must persevere ; there is hope. For years I laboured in the Factory cause ; some few sympathised, more ridiculed, as many resisted, and far more were indifferent ; but how stands the question now 1 many confess the good that has been done, and no one ventures to deny it ; the refuted are silent, and the mockers abashed ; a path is opened to future and wide exertions ; the horizon brightens with the dawn of day, and hope is displayed for the things of this world and the next. As we turn to each fresh phase of philanthropic labour in which the energies of Lord Ashley were successively, or, indeed, more often simul- taneously engaged, we are constantly reminded of the hard battle that always has to be fought whenever the dictates of humanity come into con- flict with motives of self-interest. In the history of public opinion on great moral questions, it is almost universally found that a long time elapses before the conscience of a nation is distinctly awakened to any evil that exists, and in which it takes a part. It was so in the case of juvenile chimney-sweeps. For more than a hundred years, the miseries of these poor little creatures were persistently kept before the public by philanthropic individuals, and yet the iniquities of the system were not abolished. Chiefly in order that owners of property 1MO.) CLIMBING BOT8. 159 should be spared the expense of having to alter their chimneys, children were permitted to lead lives of torture and degradation. As early as 1760, a letter appeared in the Public Advertiser advocating the cause of the little sweeps ; and. in particular, suggesting that masters should be punished if they let their apprentices go about without proper covering. Among the readers of that letter was Jonas Hanway, a fellow- worker with Robert Raikes in founding Sunday schools. He co-operated with several London merchants and others, who, in 1773, formed a com- mittee, and wrote letters to master chimney-sweepers appealing to their humanity on behalf of their apprentices. For a time some good was done by these letters. In 1785, Hanway published his " Sentimental History of Chimney-Sweepers in London and Westminster; showing the necessity of putting them under regulation to prevent the grossest inhumanity to the Climbing Boys," &c. Three years afterwards, Parliament was induced to pass an Act forbidding master chimney-sweeps to have more than six :i}>I>reutices, or to take them under eight years of age. And this was all that could be wrung from Parliament for nearly fifty years. Early in the present century we find the "Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor " taking up the subject of Climbing Boys, and influencing the masters whore possible. Then came the " Society for Superseding the Necessity of Climbing Boys," numbering among its supporters the Prince of Wales, homas Baring, William Wilberforce, Stephen Lnshington, and others. This Society encouraged the use of a machine to do the work hitherto performed by boys, and presented it gratuitously to poor masters. Attempts were vainly made in 1804, 1807, 1808, and 1809 to induce Parliament to grant the little chimney-sweepers further protection. The subject was referred, in 1817, to a Select Committee, and the printed report is a record of sickening horrors. It reveals how children of a suitable size were stolen for the purpose, sold by their parents, inveigled from workhouses, or apprenticed by Poor Law Guardians, and forced up narrow chimneys by Mows, by pricking the soles of the feet, or by applying wisps of lighted fit raw. The food and lodging of these children (some of them little girls) ; sores and bruises ; their peculiar diseases ; the occasional death of some :M from suffocation, the physical and moral ruin for life of the survivors all this waa set forth for the benefit of both Houses of Parliament, and made known to the public in a harrowing article, by Sydney Smith, in the Edinburgh Review. The Commons passed an " Amending Bill " to improve 1788, but it was thrown out on the third reading in the House of Lords. In 1834, an Act was passed with stricter clauses for insuring that no apprentice should be employed under ten years of age. It was also made a misdemeanour to send a child up a chimney on fire, for the purpose of extin- M_- it. Hitherto, this atrocity had been of frequent occurrence. For tin- futur<>, apprentices were to go on trial, and not be bound if they objected. The Act also imposed penalties for ill-treating apprentices, and made some regulations as to the size of chimneys. Flues were not, in future, to measure 160 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. (Cuxp. VIII less than fourteen inches by nine, and all projecting angles were to be rounded off. Parliament did not see its way to prohibit entirely the occa- sional smothering of a child, but was desirous of making the scene of the tragedy a little more comfortable than had hitherto been the case. Even this moderate and compromising Bill was opposed by Lord Kenyon and others, on the ground of its endangering the safety of the metropolis, and the " Sun," the " Phoenix," and some other Insurance Companies petitioned against it. A new departure was taken in 1840, when an Act was passed, pxinishing, with fine, all who should " compel, or knowingly allow, any one under the age of twenty-one years to ascend or descend a chimney, or enter a flue, for the purpose of sweeping or cleaning it."* No chimney-sweeper's apprentice was to be under sixteen years of age. This Act, like the preceding one, also con- tained regulations as to the future construction of chimneys. In the passage of this Bill through the House of Commons, Lord Ashley was warmly interested, and took part in the debates that ensued. On April 14th, when, in Committee of the whole House, a resolution was passed giving leave for a Bill to be brought in for the regulation of chimney-sweepers and chimneys, he expressed his gratitude to the Government for the manner in which they had taken up this measure. The House had been very kind and benevolent to the children employed in factories, he said, but from personal inquiry into both cases, he could say that the condition of those children was tenfold better than that of the chimney-sweepers. Every Fire Insurance Company in London, except one, had adopted machines for sweeping chim- neys, and recommended their adoption to others. He trusted that the system of sweeping chimneys by children would shortly pass away, for it had led to more misery and more degradation than had prevailed in any other Christian country.f When the Bill was in Committee, Lord Ashley aided the promoters by making vigilant efforts to prevent it from being spoiled by amendments. In the course of his remarks, he said that he had no notion that cruelties so barbarous could be perpetrated in any civilised country, as had been recently brought under his notice in connection with this subject. Children of seven, six, and even five years were sent on this dangerous service. It was a fact, within his own personal knowledge, that a child of four and a half years was at the present moment employed in sweeping chimneys. The practice led to extensive demoralisation, and to loathsome disease. The children were sent up naked ; they often passed the night naked on the soot-heap, and the soot produced a most noxious effect upon their flesh. As regards the demoralising effect of the system, it was a fact that there were at that time twenty -three climbing boys in Newgate for various offences. In combating a strong effort to make the age for apprentices twelve instead of sixteen, he said that, even as the clause stood, it would be difficult 3 & 4 Viet cap. 85. t Hansard, Debates, 3, s. liu. 1093 1-0] CLIMBING BOYS. 161 . --lit children from being employed by chimney-sweepers at a very early aije.* The Bill, after pa -ing the Commons, was carried successfully through the Lords, in >pite of a strong opposition, and a formidable attempt to .shelve it, by referring it to a Select Committee, aiul on Augu.st 7th it received the Royal Assent. The labours of Lord Ashley in Parliament were, as a rule, the least part of his work on behalf of any cause he espoused ; and it was so in the present case. He went to see the climbing boys at their work; he confronted the masters; he ascertained the actual feeling of employers ; he took legal proceedings at his own expense as " test " cases, and even made provision for life, in certain instances, for the poor little sufferers whom he was able to rescue from their living death. It would have been impossible, however, for him to have ac- complished what he did, had he not been largely assisted by others, and ho was never backward in acknowledging the help he received. In his efforts on In-half of the climbing boys, at this time and biter on, he was greatly indebted to the aid of Mr. Steven, the Secretary to the Hand-in-Hand Insur- ance Office, a large-hearted, benevolent man, who laboured unweariedly in the cause. It was he who really set on foot the present movement, and it was he who eventually brought all the Insurance Offices to see that the old system was as unnecessary as it was cruel. July 4th. Anxious, very anxious, about my sweeps ; the Conservative (!) Peera threaten a fierce opposition, and the Radical Ministers warmly support the Bill. Normanby has been manly, open, kind-hearted, and firm. As I said to him in a letter, so say I now, ' God help him with the Bill, and God lies* him for it ! " I shall have no ease or pleasure in the recess, should these poor children be despised by the Lords, and tossed to the mercy of their savage purchasers. I find that Evangelical religionists are not those on whom I can rely. The Factory Question, and every question for what is called " humanity," receive as much support from the " men of the world " as from the men who say they will have nothing to do with it ! I do not wonder at the Duke of Wellington ; I have never expected from him anything of the " soft and tender " kind let people say what they will, he it a ban! man. Steven tells me he left the Oxford Petition at Apslcy House, thinking that the Duke, as Chancellor, would present it ; he received this answer, " Sir. : 't tit to leave some petitions at Apsley House ; tltnj trill Irfvunil July L'lst. Much anxiety, hard labour, many hopes, and many fears, all rendered useless by " counting out the House." The object of years within my grasp, and put aside in a moment A notice to investigate the condition of all the wretched and helpless children in pin works, needle works, collieries. &c. kc. The necessary and beneficial consequence of the Factory Question 1 God known I had felt for it, and prayed for it ; but the day arrived, everything seemed advene, a morning sitting, a late period of the Session, and a wet afternoon ; and. true enough, at five o'clock there were but thirty-seven members, and these mostly Radicals or Whigs. Shall I have another opportunity? The inquiry, Time*, June 26, 1&40, and Hansard, 3, a. Iv. 106. L 162 THE EARL OF SIIAFTESBUUY. [CHAP. VIII. without a statement in Parliament, will be but half the battle, nay, not so much I must have public knowledge and public opinion working with it. Well, it ia God's cause, and I commit it altogether to Him. I am, however, sndly dis- appointed, but how weak and short-sighted is man ! This temporary failure may be the harbinger of success. Aug. 24th. Succeeded in both my suits. I undertook them in a spirit of justice. I constituted myself, no doubt, a defender of the poor, to see that the poor and miserable had their rights ; but " I looked, and there was none to help. I wondered that there was none to uphold, therefore God's arm, it brought salvation to me, and His fury, it upheld me." I stood to lose several hundred pounds, but I have not lost a farthing ; I have advanced the cause, done indi- vidual justice, anticipated many calamities by this forced prevention, and soothed, I hope, many angry, discontented Chartist spirits by showing them that men of rank and property can, and do, care for the rights and feelings of all their brethren. Let no one ever despair of a good cause for want of coadjutors ; let him persevere, persevere, persevere, and God will raise him up friends and assistants ! I have had, and still have, Jowett and Low ; they are matchless. Sept. 16th. I hear encouraging things, both of my speech in the House of Commons, and of my suit v. Stocks. The justice of the suit is so manifest that even (so to speak) " my enemies are at peace with me." What man ever lost in the long-run by seeking God's honour / Sept. 19th. Steven wrote to me yesterday, and gave me information that he had at last succeeded in negotiating the delivery of the wretched sweep behind my house in London. I had begun to negotiate, but the master stood out for more money than was fair, and we determined to seek the unnatural father of the boy, and tempt him, by the offer of a gratuitous education. We have done so, and have prospered ; and the child will this day be conveyed from his soot- hole to the Union School on Norwood Hill, where, under God's blessing and especial, merciful grace, he will be trained in the knowledge, and love, and faith of our common Lord and only Saviour Jesus Christ. I entertain hopes of the boy ; he is described as gentle, and of a sweet disposition ; we all know he has suffered, and were eager to rescue him from his temporal and spiritual tyrant. May God, in His unbounded goodness and mercy, accept and defend the child, and train him up to His honour and service, now and for ever, through the mediation and love of our dear and blessed Lord I The month of August was memorable for the success of Lord Ashley's labours on behalf of suffering children. Not only did he carry the day with regard to the climbing boys, but he also won the battle on behalf of the factory children. We must go back a little in the narrative, to trace the progress of the movement. The division taken on his Resolution in the House in July, 1838, was, as we have seen, sufficiently close to force upon Government the conviction that, unless they did something themselves, he would become supreme on this question. Accordingly, on February 15, 1839, they brought forward a Factory Act Amendment Bill. It provided that no child should work in more than one factory on the same day, introduced certain safeguards as to the granting 1 and checking of certificates of age, and required two hours' 1840.1 FURTHER FACTORY LEGISLATION. 163 schooling each day. In the debate which followed, Lord Ashley welcomed the Bill as an improvement, so far as it went ; and as a justification of his own policy in so often calling the attention of the House to the subject.* The House only got into Committee on the Bill on July 1st, having been delayed and adjourned so frequently as to call forth from Lord Ashley an indignant protest. It came out in debate that 8,300 had been received in penalties during 1838, and that the inspectors found it impossible to keep the law from being violated. A proposal to raise the limit of age for " young persons " from eighteen to twenty-one, was defeated by 87 to 44. Lord Ashley's attempt to get silk-milk included in the operation of the Bill, was ; ved by 49 to 55. He made another effort to improve the Bill, by mov- ing the reduction of the number of hours of weekly labour for "young persons " from 69 to 58. Amongst those who opposed this proposition, was Mr. J. Pease, of Darlington, who declared that " if the hours of labour were abridged, he must, unless he submitted to torture and over-drive the children, inevitably close his manufactory." By 94 to 62 the amendment was lost.f When the Order of the Day for the further consideration of the Factories Bill was reached, on July 26th, Lord John Russell informed the House, "that inconsequence of Lord Ashley having declared his intention of op- posing the Bill," if it were not extended to silk-mills, he (Lord John Russell) had determined to withdraw the measure. A greater tribute to the strength of Lord Ashley's position could not have been paid. It should be remem- bered that just at this time there was rather a lull in the popular agitation on the 1 1 nest ion. The Chartist movement was absorbing public interest, and although its leaders sympathised with the Ten Hours Movement, yet, amidst the din of j>.>litii-;d agitation, and the prevalent popular discontent, the need for special social reforms was more or less lost sight of. In addition to this, 1 istler, who had hitherto kept the enthusiasm alive on public platforms, was thrown into prison for debt by his former employer. He had been one of tin- prime movers in the agitation, and his withdrawal was a severe loss to the cause. He was detained in the Fleet Prison from August, 1838, to February, \ ln-n his debt, amounting to over 3,000, was paid by public subscription. On the 31st March, Lord Ashley's proposal for a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of the "Act for the Regulation of .Mills and ries," was agreed to without opposition.^ The investigations of this Committee, over which he presided, were exceedingly comprehensive. The first six reports (914 pages) contain the evidence of witnesses. The actual . published in 1841, testified to the improvement that had taken place in the condition of young factory-workers, and proposed various means for :tintf the frequent infringements of the law. In the Factory Act of 1844, many of these proposals were, as we shall see, adopted. Leaving the question of the improvement of the Factory Acts temporarily in abeyance whilst the above-named Committee was engaged in its labours, Hansard, 3, s. xlv. 886. * Hansard, 3, s. lii. 8S9. t Hansard, 3, s. xlviii 1067, Ac. See ParL Papers, 1840, r., and 1841, ix. i. 2 164 THE EAUL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VIII. Lord Ashley, on August 4th, 1840, commenced a crusade on behalf of the thousands of children and young 1 persons to whom these Acts as yet gave no protection whatever. He moved, in the House-, " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct an inquiry to be made into the employment of the children of the poorer classes in Mines and Collieries, and in the various branches of trade and manufacture in which numbers of children work together, not being included in the provisions of the Acts for regulating the employment of chil- dren and young persons in Mills and Factories ; and to collect information as to the ages at which they are employed, the number of hours they are engaged in work, the time allowed each day for meals, and as to the actual state, con- dition, and treatment of such children ; and as to the effects of such employ- ment, both with regard to their morals and their bodily health. >v | He explained his motives for introducing this fresh subject by saying : I have long been taunted with narrow and exclusive attention to the children in the factories alone ; I have been told, in language and writing, that there were other cases fully as grievous, and not less numerous ; that I was unjust and inconsiderate in my denouncement of the one, and my omission of the other. I have, however, long contemplated this effort which I am now making ; I had long resolved that, so soon as I could see the factory children, as it were, safe in harbour, I would undertake a new task. The Committee of this Session on Mills and Factories having fully substantiated the necessity, and rendered certain the amendment of the law, I am now endeavouring to obtain an inquiry into the actual circumstances and condition of another large part of our juvenile popu- lation Now, whatever may be done or proposed in time to come, we have, I think, a right to know the state of our juvenile population ; the House has a right, the country has a right. How is it possible to address ourselves to the remedy of evils which we all feel, unless we have previously ascertained both the nature and the cause of them 1 The first step towards a cure is a knowledge of the disorder. We have asserted these truths in our Factory Legislation ; and I have on my side the authority of all civilised nations of modern times ; the practice of this House ; the common-sense of the thing ; and the justice of the principle. He then proceeded to describe the unhealthy and oppressive character of the legalised slavery to which the children were subjected, in connection with employment in earthenware, porcelain, hosiery, pin and needle making, manufacture of arms, iron works and forges, iron foundries, glass trade, collieries, calico printing, tobacco manufacture, button factories, bleaching and paper mills, and various other industries. And now (he said in conclusion) my first grand object is to bring these children within the reach of education ; it will then be time enough to fight about the mode. Only let us exhibit these evils there is wit enough, experience enough, activity enough, and principle enough in the country, to devise some remedy. I am sure that the exhibition of the peril will terrify even the most sluggish and the most reluctant into some attempt at amendment ; but I hope for far better motives. For my own part I will say, though possibly I may be 1*40.) THE SYRIAN QUESTION'. 165 charged with cant and hypocrisy, that I have been bold enough to undertake this task because I must regard the objects of it as beings created, as our- selves, by the same Maker, redeemed by the same Saviour, and destined to the same immortality ; and it is, therefore, in this spirit, and with these sentiments, which, I am sure, are participated in by all who hear me, that I now venture to entreat the countenance of this House, and the co-operation of her Majesty's Ministers, first to investigate, and ultimately to remove, these sad evils, which press so deeply and so extensively on such a large and such an interesting portion of the human race. After a short discussion, the motion was agreed to and a Commission granted, and this was as convincing a proof as could well be given that Lord Ashley had attained a power and influence in the House of Commons, as a Social Reformer, which it would be unsafe for any Government to resist. To the report of the Commissioners, and the results that followed, we shall have to refer later on. Aug. 3rd. Shall I get my motion on to-morrow, or shall I not? I speak to all my friends to insure a House. "Oh, you are sure of a House," they ay ; " quite sure ; " " but I," adds every one, " am going away 1 " Thus it is : for a party movement you may command numbers ; for one of principle, hardly your own shadow. Twrlce o'clock, nigM. Successful beyond all expectations ; watted in anxiety from twelve o'clock Every ten minutes seemed to open my turn after the orders of the day. for so it was arranged for me by the Govern- ment, to whom (could I choose otherwise with no more than six friends?) I yielded everything ; the House was barely kept. At three minutes before four the Black Bod summoned us to the House of Lords ; had he arrived three minutes earlier or three minutes later the House would have been lost, for a division was called for, with insufficient numbers. As it was. the Government Bent for fresh men ; we increased our strength, and the interval of the Speaker's absence gave a novelty and a spirit on his return. Thank God a thousand times for His mercy and goodness ! I spoke my case, delivered my opinions, made my motion, and was most attentively and kindly received. I do rejoice in the flattering and civil things that were said to me ; nevertheless, I wind up with the prayer : "To them be all the benefit, but to Tlice be all the glory in Christ Jesus our Lord ! " Of Conservatives a very small sprinkling many, at least enough, were in London, but three or four came ! Why was I left to the s of Whigs and Radicals ? Yet so it was, and I will say always and A here, that the behaviour of the Government towards me was most kind and most gentlemanlike. Towards the close of this year the " Syrian Question," regarded by the public with but little interest at first, became, as it involved the prospect of war with France, one of the burning topics of the day. Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, after many victories gained by his adopted s"ii. Ibrahim Pasha, over the armies of the Porte, had rendered himself virtually supreme in Syria. In 1839, a long-determined effort was made by tlio Sultan to subdue him, but his arms, under Ibrahim Pasha, were again triumphant. Not long after this the Sultan died, and the Capitan 166 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VIII. Pasha, or Lord High Admiral of the Ottoman fleet, went over to the enemy, carrying his ships with him. The co-operation of England and the other European Powers was now sought and obtained to support the waning fortunes of Turkey. There were then, as always, many conflicting interests among the Western Powers. England's traditional policy was to preserve the Turkish Empire as a safeguard against Russia. Austria sided with England, as also did Russia herself, from motives diametrically oppo- site. Prussia was lukewarm in the matter, and France was jealous of any influence that England might have in Egypt. On the 15th July, 1840, a convention was signed in London, between the Courts of Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, on the one part, and the Ottoman Porte one the other, for the pacification of the Levant. France took no part in the alliance, and for some time it was an open question whether she would not engage in actual hostility against it. M. Thiers, the Prime Minister, did not disguise his opinion, that England was seeking a pretext to drive out Mehernet Ali, not from Syria only, but also from Egypt, in order that she might obtain possession. Louis Philippe, on the other hand, was most anxious to avoid any quarrel with England; and, on the resignation of M. Thiers, in consequence of an objection on the part of the King to certain passages inserted in the Royal Speech, of a nature likely to bring about a war, M. Guizot, who was strongly in favour of peace, became Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the peace-party carried the day. Meanwhile the terms of the July Convention were duly proposed to Mehemet Ali, and were met with a point-blank rejection on the 5th September. On the 7th of that month, Beyrout was bombarded by the allied fleet, and on the 10th an engagement took place between the allied troops and Ibrahim Pasha, which terminated in the complete defeat of the latter, and his flight to the mountains. On the 3rd November, Acre was bombarded and captured, and shortly afterwards Alexandria itself was blockaded. Mehemet Ali was obliged to come to terms, and on July 18th, 1841, the " Treaty of London for the Pacification of the Levant " was signed. The claim of Mehemet Ali to Syria was abandoned, on condition of the Pashalic of Egypt being made hereditary in his family, and certain other stipulations were added which need not be specified here. These events, apart from their own merits, were of intense interest to Lord Ashley. He had long cherished the belief, founded upon an earnest and diligent study of the prophecies contained in Holy Scripture, that the Jews were to return to their inheritance in the Holy Land, and it appeared to him that the time was ripe for the accomplishment of those prophecies. Eventually the settlement of the Syrian Question assisted to make possible a scheme upon which his heart was set the establishment of an Anglican Bishopric in Jerusalem. July 24th. It seems as though money were the only thing wanting to regene- rate the world. Never was an age so fertile in good plans, or with apparently more 1840] EFFORTS ON BEHALF OF THE JEWS. 107 and better men to execute them, but where are the means 1 Churches, mission- aries, clergymen, all temporal and spiritual associations, what is required for them ? Money I Why, money would almost restore the Jews to the Holy Land. Certainly so far as Mehemet Ali is the arbiter of their destinies. . . . Anxious about the hopes and prospects of the Jewish people. Everything seems ripe for their return to Palestine ; " the way of the kings of the East is prepared." Could the five Powers of the West be induced to guarantee the security of life and possessions to the Hebrew race, they would now flow back in rapidly augmenting numbers. Then by the blessing of God I will prepare a document, fortify it by all the evidence I can accumulate, and, confiding to the wisdom and mercy of the Almighty, lay it before the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. . . . Aug. 1st. Dined with Palmerston. After dinner left alone with him. Pro- pounded my scheme, which seemed to strike his fancy ; he asked some questions, and readily promised to consider it. How singular is the order of Providence 1 Singular, that is, if estimated by man's ways I Palmerston has already been chosen by God to be an instrument of good to His ancient people ; to do homage as it were to their inheritance, and to recognise their rights without believing their destiny. And it seems he will yet do more. But though the motive be kind, it is not sound. I am forced to argue politically, financially, commercially ; these considerations strike him home ; he weeps not like his Master over Jerusalem, nor prays that now, at last, she may put on her beautiful garments. . . . Aug. 24th. Palmerston tells me that he has already written to Lord Pon- sonby, to direct him to open an intercourse with Reschid Pasha at Constantinople respecting protection and encouragement to the Jews. This is a prelude to the Antitype of the decree of Cyrus, but, humanly speaking, we must pray for more caution. Those gentlemen who have now got access to the columns of the Times will, by over-zeal, bring a charge of fanaticism on the whole question. God, from whom alone " cometh all counsel, wisdom, and understanding, be Thou our Guide, our Instructor, and our Friend." Aug. 29th. The newspapers teem with documents about the Jews. Many assail, and many defend them. Sept. 1st Broadlands. We have left Cowes, and I do not regret it. The air, or some other cause, gave a perpetual languor ; one had neither elasticity of body, nor liveliness of spirit. This is its general character ; but I am come to the sad conclusion that the sea does not agree with me. Sept. 5th. St. Giles's. " Dear earth, I do salute thee with my hand." Once more settled here, bag and baggage, mother and kids, in the portion of my fathers, under my own vine, and under my own fig-tree, and drinking waters out of my own cistern. Sept. IGth. Attended yesterday at Blandford to set on foot a branch associa- tion to the Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade. Having been instru- mental in forming the parent,* I could not refuse, though I hate these meetings, * The first public meeting of the Society for the Extinction of the Slave Trade was held In Exeter Hall on June 1st in this ycar,pre8ided over by Prince Albert, who then mado his first public address in England. (" He was very nervous," writes the Queen in " Early Years," " before he went, and had repeated his speech to me in the morning by heart.' ) Mr. Fowell Buxton, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord Ashley were the other principal speakers. I 168 THE EARL OP SHAPTESBURY. fdi.u>. VIII. to patronise the child. I never spoke with less effect ; the audience were like so many mummies, and the platform assigned to the orator put me in mind of Jingles' stage at a fair. Quoad me, the thing was a failure ; quoad the branch, it was tolerably well. Really these speeches at these meetings are so much alike and in the same style, that I long to say, "Gentlemen and ladies, the mixture aa before," and then close it. Sept. 25th. Yesterday began my paper for Palmerston, containing, in full, the propositions for the recall of the Jews to their ancient land. " Recall " is too strong ; it is simply a " permission," should they think fit to avail themselves of it. I wish to prepare a short document, which may refresh his memory, and exist as a record both of the suggestion and the character of it. The document, read in the light of the efforts that have been made in later years by Englishmen, Americans, Germans, and Jews, in the Plain of Sharon, the Yale of Urtas, and other spots in Palestine, and the wider efforts in other parts of Syria, is interesting and curious. Lord Ashley to Viscount Palmerston. ST. GILES'S HOUSE, September 25th, 1840. MY LORD, The Powers of Europe having determined that they will take into their own hands the adjustment of the Syrian Question, I venture to suggest a measure, which being adopted will, I hope, promote the development of the immense fertility of all those countries that lie between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean Sea. The consideration of the person or the authority to whom these territories may be assigned by the award of the contracting Powers is of no importance. The plan presupposes simply the existence of a recognised and competent Dominion ; the establishment and execution of Laws ; and a Government both willing and able to maintain internal peace. Those vast regions are now nearly desolate ; every year the produce of them becomes less, because the hands that should till them become fewer. As a source of revenue they are almost worthless, compared, at least, with the riches that industry might force from them. They require both labour and capital. Capital, however, is of too sensitive a nature to flow with readiness in any country where neither property nor life can be regarded as secure ; but if this indispensable assurance be first given, the avarice of man will be a sufficient motive, and it will betake itself with alacrity to any spot where a speedy or an ample return may be promised to the speculator. An inducement such as this is sufficient to stimulate the mercantile zeal of every money-maker under Heaven, and it would be advisable that the Power, whoever he may be, to whom these provinces may fall, should issue and perform u solemn engagement to establish, in his laws affecting property, the principles and practices of European civilisation ; but, in respect of these regions now under dispute, there are, BO far as a numerous, though scattered, people is concerned, other inducements and other hopes, over and above those which in- fluence the general mass of mankind. Without enterinsr into the grounds of the desire and expectation entertained 1840.) SCHEME FOR COLONISATION OF PALESTINE. 1G9 by the Hebrew race of their return ultimately to the land of their fathers, it may be safely asserted that they contemplate a restoration to the soil of Pales- tine. They believe, moreover, that the time is near at hand. Every recollection of the past, and every prospect of the future, animates their hope ; and fear alone for their persons and their estates represses their exertions. If the Govern* ing Power of the Syrian provinces would promulgate equal laws and equal pro- tection to Jew and Gentile, and confirm his decrees by accepting the four Powers as guarantees of his engagement, to be set forth and ratified in an article of the Treaty, the way would at once be opened, confidence would be revived, and, prevailing throughout these regions, would bring with it some of the wealth and enterprise of the world at large, and, by allaying their suspicions, call forth to the full the hidden wealth and industry of the Jewish people. There are many reasons why more is to be anticipated from them than from any others who might settle there. They have ancient reminiscences and deep affection for the land ; it is connected in their hearts with all that is bright in times past, and with all that is bright in those which are to come ; their industry and perseverance are prodigious ; they subsist, and cheerfully, on the smallest pittance ; they are, almost everywhere, accustomed to arbitrary rule, and being totally indifferent to political objecte, confine their hopes to the enjoyment of what they can accumulate. Long ages of suffering have trained their people to habits of endurance and self-denial ; they would joyfully exhibit them in the settlement and .service of their ancient country. If we consider their return in the light of a new establishment or colonisation of Palestine, we shall find it to be the cheapsst and safest mode of supplying the wastes of those depopulated regions. They will return at their own expense, and with no hazard but to themselves ; they will submit to the existing form of Government, having no preconceived theories to gratify, and having been almost everywhere trained in implicit obedience to autocratic rule ; they will acknow- ledge the present appropriation of the soil in the hands of its actual possessors, being content to obtain an interest in its produce by the legitimate methods of rent or purchase. Disconnected, as they are, from all the peoples of the earth, they would appeal to no national or political sympathies for assistance in the path of wrong ; and the guarantee which I propose, for insertion in the Treaty to be carried out by the personal protection of the respective Consuls and Vice- Consuls of the several nations, would be sufficient to protect them in the exercise of their right .... The plan here proposed may be recommended by the consideration that large results are promised to the application of very small means ; that no pecuniary outlay is demanded of the engaging parties; that while disappointment would t'rinu' no ill-effects, except to those who declined the offer, the benefits to be d- rived from it would belong impartially to the whole civilised world. . . . I have the honour to be, my Lord, Tour Lordship's most obedient, humble Bervant, ASH LET. Hie Viscount Palmerston, M.P., Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreiim Affair*. 170 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VIIL For seven or eight years of their early married life Lord and Lady Ashley had lived constantly, while in the country, with Lord and Lady Cowper, a period to which the later Journals refer as full of happiness. The London house, 49, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, is also often mentioned as my " beloved home." Here we find him on November the 7th, the date of the following entry : Sunday, Nov. 7. Minny is gone to Panshanger, and I am all alone not a bairn with me, and nothing but a housekeeper and three maids I Yet this is good for me. I now taste, by separation, more truly the blessings of God's goodness ; His manifold, gracious, and paternal bounty in the gifts He has bestowed upon me of a wife and children and such a wife and such children ! But all things must sit loosely on this earth. God has given, and God may take away. I now can imagine what I should suffer if bereaved of these dear and darling creatures. How great are the benefits we enjoy, and how poor and miserable are our thanks ! .... Read, to-day, Burton's " Testimonies of the Ante-Xicene Fathers," an invaluable book, full of everlasting and comfortable knowledge ; and more par- ticularly was I instructed and consoled by his comment on Acts xx. 28 (in the extracts from St. Ignatius), confirmatory of the reading, " the Church of GOD," which " He purchased with His own blood." Also Matthew Henry's comment on the first chapter of Genesis. What a mind ! Whatever part of Scripture he handles, he presents it, so to speak, in a new light. ..." And now I go to my rest in peace. Would to God it were the same with all the world ! Nov. 9th. It is really heart-stirring to read of our successes in Syria, the forward valour, the iron-steadfastness, of our countrymen ; wherever they go, they impart life, and soul, and energy one midshipman does more than a hundred Turks, though they be all Seraskiers every man is an army, every sailor a fleet, and yet the whole fleet acts as one sailor. Marvellous the effects of discipline, acting on the vigour of British character. What materials for great- ness I What elements for service ! What instruments, should it so please God, for the alliance and protection of His ancient people, and for His final purposes on earth ! And yet there are men who would destroy all this ; our political institutions, which have made us what we are, and our Church, which, under God, has made our institutions. Many, I understand, are angry that the Times upholds Palmerston's policy they are losing, they think, an opportunity of attack so they are, and deeply should they be obliged to us for saving them, first from the crime of openly taking part against the interests of their country ; and, secondly, from the disgrace of assailing the Minister, and then doing, should they obtain office, the very thing for which they assailed him. But I hope and believe that the Leaders of our party do not share these sentiments so far, however, as I myself am con- cerned, I don't care a straw if they do. Nov. 12th. Did ever country present such a spectacle in its Administration 1 Their differences and cabals are become notorious as the secrets of the town- crier ; one-third is with Palmerston, one-third, it seems, against him, and one- third do not know which way to go. The "Bear" Ellice,* they say (and it This name was given to the Eight Hon. Edward Ellice in allusion to Stock Ex- change transaction*, and with a side reference to his roughness of demea our. 1840] SYRIAN AFFAIRS. 171 most have been a pore love of intrigue and mischief), nrged Thiero to resist the policy of Palmerston, assuring him that the Cabinet would never meet any real French resistance. England and Europe may then thank this man for all their past alarms and present expenses ! Lord Holland writes to Guizot, and tells him everything. Clarendon talks to everybody, follows in the tail of Charles Greville, and throws confusion into the Cabinet, which, said Lord Minto, was very unanimous and reciprocal in confidence till Clarendon joined it. The Due de Broglie writes to Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Lansdowne writes to Broglie ; can this be done with- out communication, on my Lord's part, of his misgivings, waverings, &c. &c., and all the mischievous puerilities of the English Cabinet ? Palmerston and his friends in the Ministry are propped up by the Times and Standard against the other portion, which is bepraised by the Examiner and the Morning Herald. The fact is there has been a foul intrigue to displace Palmerston and get his office ; the plotters designated Clarendon to the situation (did they think him more docile to themselves personally ?) ; he, forsooth, saw the thing, and asked no questions. Meanwhile, Melbourne, the Prime Minister, suffers all this, having neither authority nor principle 1 A man of the slightest force of mind would have stopped it in an instant. I confess I am disgusted at the unpatriotism and pusillanimity of these fellows ; they sign the Treaty of the 15th of July, they undertake to carry it out ; Thiers blasters, and they crouch ; Palmerston is firm, thank God, Thiers is dismissed, Guizot appointed, and our success in Syria complete. Guizot calls out, " Give me a concession, I want to make a flourish in Paris ; surrender to Mehemet Ali the Pashalic of Acre as a boon to the French people." Instantly although this surrender would be tantamount to a reversal of everything we have done, tantamount to an investiture on him of the whole of Palestine, and in fact the whole of everything that is contested ; although it would be a treachery to our allies, and a stultification (to say no worse) of our- selves ; instantly they catch up Guizot's note (who, by-the-by, is a thorough Parisian, with Parisian feelings and Parisian views), and say, " Give it him ; you will otherwise have a revolution in France, and where should we be then ? " Why, where ? all would be lost, perhaps except our honour. Nov. 16th. St. Giles's again. It is very curious to see me an ardent sup- porter of Palmerston, using every endeavour to counteract Guizot and Clarendon in their influence over the Time*, and fighting his battles against his own friends 1 Dec. 8th. Affairs have wonderfully advanced in Syria. Acre has fallen (the most impregnable city of the East) into our hands, after three hours' bombardment I On our side scarcely any loss. Thiers now avows himself the Apostle of Revolution. His speeches con- tain all the principles, though they as yet avoid the language, of Danton and Marat. What a hornet it is I "I was prepared," said he, " for a war in which might be shed the blood of ten generations." And, clever as he is, he is notwithstanding a fool ; he seeks to raise a feeling, even in England, against Palmerston, and yet he adds (Globe, Nov. 30), "the views of France upon Egypt are a profound and ancient French instinct" He affects hatred and fear of Russia ; yet he instructs Walewski to urge Mehemet Ali to march to Constantinople, the very course that would bring the Russians into Turki-y. Palmerston should steadily refuse to make any speeches or give any explaua- 172 THE EARL OP SIIAFTESBURY. [CHAP. VIII. tions ; his defence would lie in extracts from the Debates of the Chamber, and the orations of M. Thiers. After Christmas-tide we find Lord Ashley again at Broadlands, and the contagion of the- genial and cheerful society of Lord and Lady Palmer- ston seems to have infected him, for he writes : " Here we are, a family reunion, with the domestic adjuncts of two Foreign Ambassadors, two Cabinet Ministers, and two friends." There probably was never a statesman more social in disposition, or more ready to throw himself heartily into everything that interested his friends and guests than Lord Palmerston ; and while he brought the shrewdest common-sense to bear practically upon every matter under dis- cussion, he would brighten up every topic by his pleasant jokes, his irre- sistible playfulness, and his unfailing good humour. In his society Lord Ashley took ever-increasing pleasure, and the day was not far distant when he was to find in him one of his truest and staunchest allies in many of his most cherished plans. It was at Broadlauds that the final entries for the year were written in the Diary. My article on " Infant Labour " has appeared in this Quarterly. Lockhart pave me every assistance towards obtaining a place for it ; he bepraised it much, but I have not heard a word from any one else. France is discussing a Factory Bill in her Chamber of Deputies. There is exhibited some sense and some principle there is also the reverse ; but we have gained in that country, and in the whole civilised world, this mighty admission that the evil does prevail, that it deeply and seriously affects the bodily and mental condition of large masses of the human race, and that if a safe remedy can be found (and " safe " means " inexpensive "), it should be applied. Lord Ashley's article on "Infant Labour," published in the December number of the Quarterly Review, was, to some extent, a recapitulation of the arguments he had used in his speech on the subject in the House of Commons, and was written for the purpose of keeping alive the public interest in " mercy by statute." It showed that the clamour, and the awful predictions of ruined trade and a starving population, raised when the first efforts were made some seven years previously, had failed to influence the movers, who had throughout been guided by "one great and quickening principle, comfortable and true as revelation itself (for it is deduced from it), that nothing which is morally wrong can be politically right." The class on whose behalf legislation was now sought, exceeded in a tenfold degree the number of those who were engaged in the four great departments of industry the cotton, the woollen, the worsted, and the flax whose labours were regulated by the provisions of statute-law. Numerous as they were, however, many causes combined to shut them out SOCIALISM AND CHARTISM. 173 from observation and sympathy. They were not concentrated in single -CM!-, in large masses, and enormous buildings, but were >]>ivad over the whole country, and attracted little attention, because it was no one's interest to examine their wrongs and institute that wholesome agitation which, in the case of their brotherhood in the factories, had acted first on the feel- ings of the country, and, at last, on the decisions of Parliament. Notwith- standing this, it had been found that thousands upon thousands of poor children were engaged in trades, in many instances dangerous and hurt- ful, in which they were employed through fifteen, sixteen, and seventeen hours of daily relentless toil. Some of the lace-mills about Nottingham were open all through the night, and the children were detained, in order to be ready when wanted. It was in evidence that they were found lying about on the floor, weary and exhausted, waiting for their turns to come. Similar cruelties wore practised in other trades in the silk manufacture, for example, little girls of tender years, of eight, of seven, and even of six, were employed in arduous labour for ten hours a day. Some of the children were so small that they had to be placed on stools before they could reach their work. A review of Continental and transatlantic legislation on Infantile Labour showed that everywhere, in Europe and America, steps were being taken to wipe out the old system of domestic slavery, and thus to follow the example which Great Britain was setting. Much, however, remained to be done in this country, and expectation was fixed upon the Report of the Commissioners appointed to investigate the claims of the children not included in the Factory Acts. Great issues were at stake. The minds of Him were not as tranquil as they had been, and discontent could not be frowned down, or rebellion checked with equal facility. In course of his article Lord Ashley said : The two great demons in morals and politics, Socialism and Chartism, are talking 1 through the land ; yet they are but symptoms of an universal disease, spread throughout vast masses of the people, who, so far from concurring in the uttitiiK tfii/i, suppose that anything must be better than their present condition. It is useless to reply to us, as our antagonists often do, that many of the prime movers in these conspiracies against God and good order are men who have never suffered any of the evil to which we ascribe so mighty an influence. \\'<- know it well ; but we know also that our system begets the vast and inflam- mable mass that lies waiting, day by da}', for the spark to explode it into mischief. We cover the hind with spectacles of misery ; wealth is felt only by its oppressions ; few, very few, remain in these trading districts to spend liberally the riches they have acquired ; the successful leave the field to be ploughed afresh by new aspirants after gain, who, in turn, count their periodical profits and exact the maximum of toil for the minimum of wages. No wonder that thousands of hearts should be against a system which establishes the rela- tions, without calling forth the mutual sympathies of master and servant, land- lord and tenant, employer and employed. We do not need to express our firm 174 THE EARL OF SHAPTESBURY. [CHAP. VIII. belief that there are beneficent and blessed exceptions ; but generally speaking, in those districts and those departments of industry the rich and the poor are antagonist parties, each watching an opportunity to gain an advantage over the other. Sickness has no claim on the capitalist ; a day's absence, however neces- sary, is a day's loss to the workman ; nor are the numerous and frightful mutilations by neglected machinery (terminating as they do in the utter ruin of the sufferer) regarded as conferring, either in principle or practice, the smallest pretence to lasting compensation or even temporary relief. . . . But here comes the worst of all those vast multitudes, ignorant and excitable in themselves, and rendered still more so by oppression or neglect, are surrendered, almost without a struggle, to the experimental philosophy of infidels and democrats. When called upon to suggest our remedy of the evil, we reply by an exhibition of the cause of it ; the very statement involves an argument, and contains its own answer within itself. Let your laws, we say to the Farliament, assume the proper functions of law, protect those for whom neither wealth, nor station, nor age has raised a bulwark against tyranny ; but, above all, open your treasury, erect churches, send forth the ministers of religion, reverse the conduct of the enemy of mankind, and sow wheat among the tares all hopes are groundless, all legislation weak, all conservatism nonsense, without this alpha and omega of policy ; it will give content instead of bitterness, engraft obedience on rebellion, raise purity from corruption, and " life from the dead." These were timely words at a period when there was universal anxiety, and when forces were gathering which threatened revolution. " I would give anything," said Dr. Arnold, about this time, " to be able to organise a Society for drawing public attention to the state of the labouring classes throughout the kingdom. Men do not think of the feai-ful state in which we are living. If they could once be brought to notice and to appre- ciate the evil, I should not even yet despair that the remedy may be found and applied; even though it is the solution of the most difficult problem ever yet proposed to man's wisdom, and the greatest triumph over selfishness ever yet required of his virtue. A Society might give the alarm, and present the facts to the notice of the public. It was thus that Clarkson overthrew the slave-trade ; and it is thus, I hope, that the system of transportation has received its death-blow." * What Arnold, and many other good men and true, were sighing for, Lord Ashley was doing, by striking blow after blow at oppression and injustice and tyranny, the causes which had produced discontent and disaffection in the labouring classes. * Stanley's " Life of Arnold." CHAPTER IX. 1841. INDIFFERENCE to poverty and suffering, especially in those who professed to be influenced by the Christian religion, was inexplicable to Lord Ashley. He says : Jan. 5th, 1841. No stir as yet in behalf of my " Children's Employment Com- mission." I cannot discern how, humanly speaking, I have ever made any progress at all. To whom should I have naturally looked for the chief aid ! Why, undoubtedly, to the clergy, and especially those of the trading districta Quite the reverse ; from them I have received no support, or next to none ; one or two in their individual capacity have given me encouragement, and wished me God speed ; but, as a body, or even numerously, though singly, they have done, are doing, and will do, nothing. And this, throughout my whole career. There are grand and blessed exceptions, thank God for them t Bickersteth is a jewel, a jewel of the first water ; one of those that God will " make up," so we read in Malachi, at the last day. The only public act in behalf of these wretched infants was a petition signed by fifty of the clergy in the neighbourhood of Bristol, got up by the amiable exertions of the Rev. Sir Henry Montagu ; and yet we have in our Church, beside prelates, sixteen thousand ordained ministers of Christ's Gospel. The saying, " The poor ye have always with you," was literally true with Lord Ashley, and it remained true to the end of his life. Only a few ex- amples, to show how constantly the poor were in his thoughts, are given in the quotations from the Diaries, although such entries abound throughout those volumes. The state of the weather, depression in trade, illness, be- reavement, separation from children or friends these and a hundred other things suggested to him no extraordinary cause of complaint as they affected himself personally, but they led him invariably to think how much more terrible similar circumstances must be to the poor and friendless. Nor did his sympathy exhaust itself in merely thinking about them. During the pauses in the greater labours which absorbed so much of his time, he would devise schemes for the relief of those within his reach, and would make the help he gave a thousandfold more acceptable by the manner in which he gave it. He was never too proud to grasp the hand of a poor honest man, or take up a sickly little child in his arms, or sit in the loathsome home of a poor starving needlewoman as she plied her needle. He never spoke down to their level, but sought to raise them up to his, and his kindly words were as helpful as his kindly deeds. The time had not yet come for 176 THE EARL OF SIIAPTESBURY. [Caxr IX that peculiar personal devotion to the welfare of the poor which distinguished his later years; that was only at this period occasional which afterwards became continual, but the principle that inspired it was the same ; it was de- votion to Him who had said, " Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these, ye have done it unto Me." To Lord Ashley, Christianity was nothing unless it was intensely practicap^On one occasionT^henaaarcssing them to a life of usefulness, he said, "Depend upon it, whatever you think when you are young and stirring, the time will come when you will take counsel with your gTey hairs, and you will bless God if your career has been one by which your fellows have been bene- fited, and God honoured, and if you have endeavoured, as much as lay in your power, to advance His Holy Name, and to do good to all that were within the reach of your influence. Nothing is more likely to keep you from mischief of all kinds, from mischief of action, of speculation from every mischief that you can devise, than to be everlastingly engaged in some great practical work of good. Christianity is not a state of opinion and specula- tion. Christianity is essentially practical, and I will maintain this, that practical Christianity is the greatest curer of corrupt speculative Christianity. No man, depend upon it, can persist from the beginning of his life to the end of it in a course of self-denial, in a course of generosity, in a course of virtue, in a course of piety, and in a course of prayer, unless he draws from his well-spring, unless he is drawing from the fountain of our Lord Himself. Therefore, I say to you, again and again, let your Christianity be practical." * In the following extracts allusions to the Free Trade agitation are inter- woven with the subjects in which Lord Ashley was more immediately concerned. Jan. 7th. Under indisposition only does one rightly estimate God's bounties ; how assuaging, how necessary are the many comforts and attentions, which, particularly in winter, the poor cannot get ! Here have I been dreadfully vexed by a cold in the throat, accompanied by a cough, hard as timber and dry as gravel, which gives me no rest day nor night ! Now if I, with all the appliances that money and kindness can give, suffer so much, what must be the endurance of the destitute ! Feb. 10th. We have now sat for some days in Committee to consider the Report we shall make on the Act for regulating Mills and Factories. My success has hitherto been greater than I dared to hope for. I have the Government with me, and the mill-owners against me ; this is a curious revolution of parties. The children in silk and lace mills are included in the draft report. I shall be compelled to strike them out and fight their battles another way. The mill- owners cannot beat me either in the Committee or the House ; they know it, and they have made, therefore, like the thieves in Proverbs, "one purse," and intend to raise opposition in the House of Lords, where, alas ! it is but too easy to maintain the status quo, whatever be its offences against truth, justice, and humanity. The benefits of the Second Chamber overbalance the evils ; and I * Bristol Young Men's Christian Association, Jan., 18G1. 1841.1 REGISTRATION BILL (iRELAXD). 177 must bepraise the hand that destroys my hopes. The very qualities that make the Peers bulwarks against mischief render them also slow to impressions of good. They have hard common-sense ; strong feelings of personal and political interest, but few sparks of generosity, and no sentiment. Well, it is here that the tyrants of silk and lace propose to obtain a Committee, and thus throw off all legislation to another year ; and this they will compass, unless I can prevail on Fox Maule to divide the Bill into two ; the Factory Bill for the four great aepartments of industry will thus go forward with all its great and important details ; it will establish a precedent, elevate a model, and present a contrast. Perseverance and zeal will, by God's blessing, bring up all the rest to follow in their train. But I must have more patience and more faith. Feb. 13th. Ministers threaten a dissolution, which would undoubtedly be followed by a change of Government. I don't much think they will accomplish their threats ; I hope not, at least just yet, for I desire, above all things, to carry my Factory Bill ; and sure I am (" tell it not in Gath ") that I have got more, and may get more, from the Whigs than I shall ever get from my own " friends. Feb. 18th. Concluded our Report to-day on Mills and Factories, and presented it to the House. To God above be all the glory ! Great and signal has been the support I have received under great difficulties ; may He continue it in the final difficulties of its passage through Parliament. Considering the nature of the Committee, its objects and members, we have been wonderfully harmonious. Feb. 26th. Sadly disappointed by the tame and empty tone of Sir Robert Peel's speech on Morpeth's Registration Bill (Ireland). A fairer and fitter opportunity was never offered to any man for a bold, striking, and solemn address, based on the most sacred principles, and directed to the highest feelings ; but he missed it, and allowed caution to prevail where the heart only should have governed. I wrote to him and urged on his recollection the solemn com- pact of 1829, the history of tho disfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders, and the increase of the rate of voting to 10. This preliminary measure was the I ft tutiinn-n of the Relief Bill, the indispensable security, the accorded and witnessed price, solemnly and for ever, of our mighty concession. He quite concurred with me. I sat in a fool's paradise, expecting an indignant, though just and solemn, protest against so monstrous a breach of a compact, the more binding because unwritten, and ratified upon honour. A fervent and im- passioned address, so suited to the moment and the man, would have carried conviction ; the House would have felt it, the country still more ; he would have retained all that prudence requires, and yet have conciliated many distrustful supporters, and softened many asperities that the Relief Bill has left, and will leave, in the recollections of Protestants. March 5th. On the first of the month is dated the beginning of Mr. Poynter's engagement with me, as tutor to my boys. God grant he may be a true Gamaliel 1 Am I then so old that I must have a grown man to instruct my children ? Everything relating to the welfare of the Jews had a special interest for Lord Ashley, and the Bill for removing the test by which Jews were ex- cluded from certain municipal offices was watched by him with close atten- tion, although he took no part in the discussion. There were great anomalies M t 178 THE EARL OP RHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. IX, in the case which called for remedy ; for example, it was possible for a Jew to be high sheriff of a county, or Sheriff of London, but he could not become a mayor or alderman, or even a member of the Common Council. It was not until the end of 1847 that a Jew ever held the dignity of an alderman in the City of London. The difficulty in the way was the oath, which had to be laken " on the true faith of a Christian ; " and on this Lord Ashley held very strong views, to which he gave full expression later on, when the ques- tion of admitting Jews to Parliament was under discussion. March 12th. On Wednesday last (10th) a discussion took place in the House of Commons on the admissibility of Jews to municipal offices. Inglis opposed the second reading of the Bill, but not in prudent style, bringing all his great guns of argument, principle, and feeling to the skirmish, when he should have reserved them for the battle. He talked as though the question were their admissibility to Parliament. No doubt there is much wisdom in the saying, " principiis obgta;" but we ought to adapt the quantity and quality of our resistance to the nature of the attack, otherwise we should fire a broadside on a pilot-boat, solely because it was to be followed eventually by the whole squadron. This unnecessary force recoiled on itself ; none were convinced, some were amused, and others offended. Meanwhile, arguments forestalled are arguments evaporated; Fastidit cnimlir repetita ; we can devise nothing new, and what is old will have become ridiculous. I did not myself vote against the Bill, intending, as I do, to reserve all my opposition to the claim for Parliament. The distinction between the two claims is wide and palpable ; in neither is there danger to the State, but in the last there is an insult to Christianity. Lord John Russell made a speech of surpassing latitudinarianism. " Prophecy," said he " was of doubtful interpreta- tion." " In our legislative deliberations," he added, " we were to take no cogni- sance of the prophetic Scriptures." " God," he continued, " had no need of our co-operation to carry out His wise purposes." Most true ; but has not the Almighty been pleased to command that we shall do nothing to thwart them? It was the privilege of Lord Ashley, as we have seen, to enjoy the personal friendship of the Duke of Wellington, and he was still a fre- qupnt visitor at Strathfieldsaye, where nothing gave him more intense pleasure than to wander in the grounds with his host and hear the old warrior fight his battles o'er again. Memoranda of conversations, written down hurriedly while the impressions were fresh in his mind, were treasured by him to the end of his life, and incidents of battle told to him by the Duke, were more often introduced into his speeches than any other form of illustration. It is easy to understand the fascination that this intercourse would have for him. His mind was saturated with Scripture ; he looked upon life as a long, hard battle, and every evil as a foe to be met and conquered; and though the weapons of his warfare were not carnal, he saw in every incident related to him an analogy to the spiritual warfare in which the 1841.1 A POLITICAL CRISIS. 179 soldiers of the Cross were engaged. Thus we find him over and over again, and all through his life, relating stories such as these : " I remember the old Duke of Wellington talking to me one day, after our arms had conquered the greater part of the Burman Empire. The Duke said to me, ' I have been called upon to look for a good efficient frontier to our territory in India. I have got it ; but I have gone upon the rule that no frontier is good for defence unless it is equally good for attack.'" The application of the story was that Christian institutions must be aggressive as well as defensive.* Again, when the School Boards threatened the existence of Ragged Schools, he said : " I little thought we should be able to present such an appearance as we do this evening. But we have acted upon the principle which the groat Duke of Wellington acted upon, and of which he frequently spoke to me with great satisfaction, as having crowned his military operations with success. He said that in all the Continental armies if a point was carried the Generals considered themselves beaten, 'But I never thought myself beaten,' said he, ' so long as I could present a front to the enemy. If I was beaten at one point I went to another, and in that way I won all my victories.' "f On another occasion Lord Shaftesbury remarked : " I remember that the great Duke of Wellington said to me, in speaking of the Battle of Waterloo, 'After a defeat sustained, the greatest sorrow is a victory won.' "J And again : " Many years ago, in conversation with the old Duke of Wellington, I said to him, ' Now, Duke, what is your opinion of that most distinguished officer of the Emperor Napoleon, Marshal Massena?' He thought for a moment, and said, '111 tell you what: I always found him in the place where I did not wish him to be.' " The application of the story was this : "I will reverse that saying," said Lord Shaftesbury, "in respect of the City missionary, and say that I always find him in the place where I wish him to be." On the 3rd of May the Premier (Lord Melbourne) in the course of a debate raised by the presentation of petitions against any alterations in tlio Corn Laws, had expressed himself in favour of a change. In allusion to this Lord Ashley writes : May 4th. There cannot be a doubt, whatever be the final issue, the Ministers are thinking of a dissolution, and apprehending compulsory retirement Succes- sive defeats have loosened the cement, and a vigorous blow would batter down the walL I believe they will " go," as the phrase is. I know not whether I ought Speech at Olnsgow, Oct., 1874. J Ragged School Union, May, 1876. t Ke lijiou* Tract Society, May, 1877. London City MUion, May, 1879. II 2 180 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAt. II. to wish it. To be sure, their good deeds are very hollow in principle and truth ; I would not give much for the chance of virtue and excellence and human service in the face of political calculation. Horner writes me word that the Factory Bill is suspended indefinitely ; the state of affairs is assigned as a plea ; it may be so in some respects ; but I cannot altogether be blind to the fact that the delay punishes me , and will embarrass Peel. Suspended, forsooth ! and thus another year is added to the period over which wrong and violence are to reign without control ! The whole of last Session and the best half of this utterly lost ; all the evidence will be stale, facts without point, and cases out of date ; to say nothing of other opinions and other conduct in a succeeding Government. Nevertheless, " against hope I must believe in hope ; " as I began in faith, so must I continue, regarding difficulties as so many trials, and delays as essential to maturity " Without faith it is impossible to please Him." May 13th. We are lost and bewildered in a labyrinth of speculation ; every one knows the intentions of the Ministers, though, in fact they do not know their own. I hear from Alava that the Queen takes it all very calmly, not liking it but yielding to it. ... World busy in assigning offices to men, and men to offices. Lord Ashley's name was freely mentioned in connection with office ; and commenting on the estimates made of him by others, he fell into a strain in his Diary to which he was becoming accustomed a strain of self-deprecia- tion and somewhat morbid self -analysis. If speaking be required, ready off-hand statement or reply, there are few men not equally competent with myself. I never hear a speech without feeling that, inferior though it be, it is better than I could make. I begin to contrast the powers exhibited with my own, and I remain overwhelmed by my own deficiency. I do regret it, because I feel fully, deeply, unanswerably, that I am thus limited, very limited, in my means of carrying out the tenth part of what I con- ceive, and the half of what I propose, for the general welfare. It is marvellous to observe how much might be effected in these days by a man who had right notions and an effective tongue. May 19th. A great victory, no doubt, last night ; * but will it be a fruit- ful one? May 20th. Not yet Ministers go on 1 ! But the Melbourne Ministry was doomed. It would be foreign to our purpose to attempt a history of the Free Trade movement, or to show the successive stages of that great agitation, which Lord Melbourne affected to regard with contempt, and which Lord John Russell condemned ; nor would it be within our scope to trace the other causes which led to the fall of the Ministry. On the 24th of May, Sir Robert Peel gave notice of his intention to move that " her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently possess the confidence of * Government defeated on Lord Sandon's motion against reduction of duty on foreign sugars. 1841.) COMMEMORATION DAT AT OXFORD. 181 the House of Commons to enable them to carry through the House measures which they deem of essential importance to the public welfare, and that their continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance with ihe spirit of the Constitution." The division was taken on the 4th of June, with the result that Sir Robert Peel's "No confidence" motion was carried by a majority of one. May 25th. Received yesterday a most laudatory letter, sent in the name of many Conservatives of Leeds, to request me to stand for that borough. Of course I declined it, but the honour of the offer was great, and the grounds of it still more so. June 8th. Windsor Castle. Arrived here hist night ... I find we are invited for the races at Ascot. I am sorry for it, but I cannot refuse to go there. I am the Queen's guest, and I cannot think it right to put upon my Sovereign Bur.h a rebuke as would be conveyed by my declining to accompany her. I wish to avoid and discountenance races, and I do not like to add the value of my example (such as it is) to aid the maintenance of the practice but the thing ia not wrong in itself, simply in its consequences. I shall acquiesce, therefore, in this instance, and pray God it may not be productive of any mischief to the slight influence I may have in the world for carrying forward measures and designs of good to mankind. June 9th. It was a dull affair, and I hope harmless. It is a thing by itself it is, in fact, an nnnnal exhibition of the Sovereign to the people, in great state and circumstance. June 15th, Commemoration day at Oxford ; went over from Nuneham, whither I had been invited to meet the Queen ; received the degree of Doctor in Laws ; it was my due so far as it is worth anything long ago, but I did not like to refuse it now. The Prince must have seen Whiggery at a fearful discount ; the undergraduates enjoyed their Saturnalia to excess, showing, however, great respect to the Prince, and unbounded loyalty to the Queen. I was received with courtesy, and nothing more ; my popularity, such as it is, lies with a portion of the " great unwashed." On June 22nd, Parliament was dissolved by the Queen in person. "I entertain the hope," her Majesty said, " that the progress of public business may be facilitated, and that divisions injurious to the cause of steady policy and useful legislation may be removed by the authority of a new Parliament, which I shall direct to be summoned without delay." June 22nd. This day Parliament dissolved by the Queen in person. Thus do the Ministers seek to identify her with what is odious and wicked, and hide their own hoary profligacy under her young virtue.* It is a solemn day, the beginning of the end, the final issue if beaten now, our account is settled, the sentence will clearly have been passed, and the nation must await the execution. An increase of power in the hands of these Ministers, frightened and stimulated, as they are, by the prospective loss of it, will be followed by an increase of violent, * A dissolution on the cry of " Cheap bread," Lord Ashley regarded "u the most improper and moat mischievous that ever entered into the mind of a statesman." 182 THE KARL OF SHAFTESI>rRY. [CHAP. IX. infidel, Jacobinical, extirpating 1 measures, to cut up, root and branch, every hope, nay, possibility, of our accession to office. This is the position to whom then do we turn ? ... In some churches a call has been made to the whole nation to " lift up their hearts " ; grave, solemn, wholesome, necessary counsel would to God it were obeyed. . . . We shall triumph in the elections, I verily believe. I have laboured hard for Jocelyn* at Leeds ; he has been wonderfully received, I believe in great measure through my influence this is greater than I thought it was ; but as I have ob- tained it by the proposition and maintenance of certain measures, I must use it for the advancement of those measures. I have no right to call on the operatives, who confide in me, to support either me personally, or any party politically, unless such a course be, in my honest belief, conducive to their success in the matter they seek. I may be disappointed after all ; but at any rate they will be in no worse condition, and we shall have made a great and legitimate experiment. I have done much in hope to conciliate the landed gentry in their behalf, and ap- proximate the parties who have common interests, and. " tell it not in Gath," a common enemy, the mill-owner ; he is not necessarily, but optionally so he is the Jacobin of commerce. It astonishes me to see what I have done. The operatives have been enabled in many places (and they were never so before) to tell their own story. This has been sufficient to baffle the Corn-Law Leaguers. I cannot but admire and love these poor fellows ; they have shown an ardour, a gratitude, and a sincerity that would put to shame nine-tenths of the gentry. They promised me to give Jocelyn a good reception, and they have done so. It was not unnatural that, in the midst of the changes that wore going on in the political world, some of the operatives should feel a little anxiety whether their leader would stand steadfast, and whether his opinions on certain details in connection with the limitation of the hours of labour would remain unchanged. Mr. Mark Crabtreo was appointed spokesman on behalf of the operatives of the West Riding, and, in fulfilling his mission, he added the expression of a fear lest, in the event of Sir Robert Peel forming a Ministry, Lord Ashley might accept some office which would embarrass him in these matters. To this he replied : " Without speculating on the proba- bility of a Cabinet to be formed by Sir Robert Peel, or on the probability that I should be invited to take any subordinate station in his Govern- ment, I will never place myself in any situation where I shall not be as free as air to do everything that I may believe to be conducive to the happiness, comfort, and welfare of that portion of the working classes who have so long and confidingly entrusted to me the care of their hopes and interests." June 29th. Down here (Salisbury) to aid John.f This week will be a stirring one. God in His goodness give us the victory, but may He give us grace therewith to use it aright 1 But all success (I speak as a man) seems to hang on the Lon- don election, and the repulse of Lord John it is proceeding at this very hour 1 Lord Jocelyn, son of the Earl of Roden, had married Lady Ashley's sister t TLe Hon. John Ashley, brother of Lord Ashley. 1841.1 SPEECH TO THE ELECTORS OP DORSET. 183 July 1st. To London and back yesterday to vote for Rous,* who, though last in the field, was first at the poll. Not so John, who was defeated to-day by 55. This is a sad disappointment, but now it is' lost, let us act as though it were bet :er for us not to have won. July 3rd. Dorchester. I have just heard that Jocelyn has been defeated. Thus fall my hopes and efforts. The Ten Hours Bill, if not retarded, has lost a grand means of advance. Fresh toil, fresh obstacles, fresh anxieties await me. " Ilri fffusut labor." July 4th. Sunday. The book of Ruth is a beautiful picture of agricultural life, a happy peasantry and a good landlord. There are passages in it of un- rivalled sweetness and beauty, exhibiting a state of things, and a simplicity of intercourse arising from and coloured by religion, such as this country now can never enjoy 1 July 6th. St. Giles's Rectory. Elected this morning for the fourth time as County Member without trouble and without expense. In his speech to the electors of the county of Dorset, Lord Ashley reviewed the political history of the last ten years ; the period since he first represented them in Parliament. The Corn Laws naturally furnished him with his prin- cipal subject. In the course of his remarks he said, " If the price of corn be low it will pauperise the producer ; if the price of corn be high it will oppress the consumer, and thus you will have this constant and happy alternation, at one time stripping the fanner, at another time starving the people. I am anxious for the due maintenance and proper remuneration of the 1mm --t industry of this realm, and will never consent to any arrangement whatsoever Dint will abate by one farthing the wages of labour either in the county of Dorset, or in the town of Manchester. . . . This leads me to that which has lii-cii held out as a groat boon the cry of "Cheap bread." I hold that that cry is both absurd and wicked. It tells but half of the truth, and mystifies the dt her. Many things may be exceedingly cheap, but at the same time wholly uiiiittainable. Let them add the other half of the story, low wages, and then you have the whole truth. And I beg you to recollect the budget of the itinerant philosophical Irishman, who entered a shop in one of the streets of London to inquire the price of eggs, and was informed " two for sixpence." He replied that in the county of Mayo, whence ho had come, he could procure a dozen for the same money. " Then why did you not stay in Mayo ? " was the question then put to him. " Arrah ! " says he, " because I could not get the sixpence to buy them with ! " In the latter half of his speech he brought an exhaustive indictment against the Government in a series of charges, launched with tremendous vigour, and each justifying the vote of " No confidence." July 12th. Sat next to Peel at dinner last Saturday. What possesses that man? It was the neighbourhood of an iceberg with a slight thaw on the surface. * Capt. Hon. Henry Rous, Member for Westminster, afterwards well known n* Admiral Rous, the great authority and arbiter in all Turf matters, but always most dis- tinguished for his integrity and honour amid somewhat doubtful surroundings. 184 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. IX. We have triumphed in the W. Riding ! This is indeed a marvellous work, and calls loudly for our humblest and heartiest thanks. July 13th.^Called on Oastler to-day in the Fleet Prison. I broke off from him when he became ungovernably violent, and dealt in language and advice which must have issued in fire and bloodshed. Years have now elapsed ; his fury has subsided, and his services must not be forgotten. No man has finer talents or a warmer heart ; his feelings are too powerful for control, and he has often been outrageous, because he knew that his principles were just. The factory children, and all the operatives, owe him an immense debt of gratitude. It is difficult to assign him his due portion of all the service that was rendered in the beginning of this mighty question. His employer, Mr. Thornhill, has used hiiu infamously. I had intended to call on him a few weeks ago ; but, on reflection, I delayed my visit until after the elections, lest I shoald be suspected of an interested motive of a desire to obtain his influence in the W. Riding. . . . The result of the General Election was a gain to the Tories greater than the most sanguine had anticipated, the lists showing 368 Tories to 292 Liberals. July 24th. Shortly will begin a new Administration, and God grant it may open new hopes and new principles. . . . The country has no real confidence in Peel ; they have attempted this great experiment under a sense of duty, and many in a spirit of prayer ; but they do not disguise from themselves the awful probability that it may not please God to render Peel an instrument of good to this nation. They fear his love of expediency, his perpetual egoistry, his dread of an im- movable principle, his delight in the praise of men. I confess they have much and sad truth on their side. I cannot see in him those great qualities which the present times peculiarly require we need mighty virtues far more than mighty talents. He has abundance of human honesty, and not much of Divine faith ; he will never do a dishonourable thing, he will be ashamed of doing a religious one ; he will tolerate no jobs to win votes, he will submit to no obloquy to please God ; a well-turned phrase of compliment, and eulogy from John Russell or Macaulay, will attract him more than " Hast thou considered my servant Job?" . . . Wrote to him urgently and solemnly on the future conduct of his Govern- ment, and more especially on the danger of Puseyism. The more I reflect the more I thank God that I have written. For the country's sake, and for his own, I must ever feel the deepest interest in his public success and personal welfare. July 28th. London. Came up for a few hours from Panshanger. Her Majesty was there. The letter referred to above was as follows : Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel. BBOADSTAIBS, July 2ith, 1841. Mr DEAR SIR ROBERT, I have ventured, during the last twelve months, to write to you with intimacy and confidence on two or three subjects. J 1S41.) LETTER TO SIR ROBERT PEEL. 185 shall do so once more, and only once more, because a limit most be pat to such interferences ; nor would I have done BO now, had I not felt that immense interests were involved in what, as it appears to me, is a right understanding of certain questions which will shortly come before you. We have obtained, by God's blessing, a most signal victory in the elections, the issue of which will, to all human probability, be your elevation to the Government of these kingdoms. I will not presume to talk of duties and responsibilities ; few men can either know them or feel them more intensely than yourself ; but I will tell you the very general language of many persons among the clergy, the middle classes, and the operatives persons who may be fairly considered to represent the opinions of a vast portion of those classes. My habits and pursuits have, of late years, brought me much into contact with a great variety of individuals and orders ; they speak to me without reserve, and treat me with the intimacy of a friend. Now this is the sum and substance of their statements to me, and almost the very form of words universally adopted : " We have made immense efforts during the last few years to reject the present Ministers, but Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives must not think that we have done so for him and their party we have no more pre- ference for them than for Lord John Russell and the Whigs ; we look to the assertion and execution of great principles, and the maintenance of great interests ; should we be disappointed, we shall become as hostile as we have hitherto been friendly." But the Church will present more serious difficulties, and I fear more awful dangers, than any other matter of Government. There are now, within its bosom, two parties, divided against each other on principles irreconcilable, heart-stirring, and vital. The party denominated the Puseyites are strong in number, possess character and learning, but are confined chiefly to the clergy. Their opponents are the majority, but do not enjoy the advantage of being concentrated in an university ; they have more piety, and less reading, but carry with them the great body of the laity. These parties regard one another with the greatest dislike and suspicion. The Puseyites consider their opponents as little better than Dissenters ; the others look upon the Puseyites as inchoate Papists. You may estimate the feelings of each by the character of the opinions he holds of his antagonists. The Puseyites assert that the Evangelicals depreciate the authority of the Church and the Fathers ; the Evangelicals maintain that the Puseyites prefer it to the Bible. My purpose, however, is simply to point out to you (and I do it with the most conscious sense of the perils to which the whole Church may be exposed) the consequences that must flow from the elevation, to high ecclesiastical offices, of persons distinguished for the new opinions. The Church will be shaken by violent commotions. The Low Church, as they are called, will believe, and will preach too, that Popery is encouraged and promoted. The prodigious zeal they have manifested against the present Ministers will re-act upon you. I say not that your Government can never withstand such an onset as that, but I do say that our Establishment will be destroyed. I will not disguise from you my own belief that many of that party are actually Romanists in creed, and will declare themselves to be such when- ever conscience gets the better of Jesuistry ; that they are enemies to the 186 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cn.\r. IX. Reformation (God's best gift to this country) is proved by their hostility to its doctrines, and their reviling of its martyrs ; that they are half-hearted to the Constitution is shown when they pervert into rebellion the Revolution of 1688, whitewashing James, and blackening King William. Pray, during the short leisure you may enjoy before the meeting of Parlia- ment, just look at the work I have sent you. It is by an impartial hand, a good man, and a Bishop of the Protestant Church in the United States ; a person, therefore, disconnected from our party -strifes and ecclesiastical divisions. His treatise will show you how far the Oxford Theologians have departed from the Anglican, and how closely they have approached to the Roman Church. You are now about to be summoned to the highest and most responsible of all earthly situations. No crowned head has a tenth part of the dignity and moral power that accompany the Prime Minister of the Sovereign of these realms ; it will place you at the head, if you choose to assume it, of the poli- tical and religious movements of the whole world. No statesman will ever have acceded to office with so many and so fervent prayers to the throne of grace. My firm belief is that thousands and tens of thousands have daily poured forth the most heartfelt devotions that you might become an instru- ment in the hands of Almighty God, for the advancement and glory of His Church, the welfare of this people, and of all mankind. In these days of speciousness, of peril, and of perplexity, there is nothing to guide you through the false shoals on every side of your course but a vigorous and dauntless faith which, utterly disregarding the praise of men, and having a single eye to the glory of God, shall seek none but that which comes from Him only. . . . Though your lot be cast in times of novel difficulties and unprecedented dangers, in times to produce events which will throw all the past into a shade, they believe that, while your conflict may be tremendous, your reward will be ample. If the piety of your supporters can be of any avail (and we know from Scripture that it is), you will be sustained by the prayers of a noble company, many unknown to you and to me, and perhaps to any but God and their own hearts, who will " wish you good luck in the name of the Lord." And for myself, let me say that, whether you shall be destined, in God's wisdom, to success or to defeat, to power or to retirement, I shall ever desire your real honour and your- real happiness, both in time and in eternity. Believe me, &c. &c., P.S. Do not answer this letter. ASHLEY. Having determined to watch the working of the Factory Act iu all its bearings, and being especially anxious to elicit the opinion of the operatives, and to observe the effect of the Act as regarded themselves, Lord Ashley seized the first opportunity that presented itself, and set off into Lancashire on a tour of inspection. August 2nd. Manchester. Came here on a factory tour to see the latest improvements (!) in machinery. Went to a meeting of operatives and talked to them ; poor fellows, the times are heavy, and their position is most dis- tressing, nor can I foresee any possibility of amendment for them ; the Teo 1841.1 THE VALUE OF LAW. 187 Hours Bill would come too late for all the practical purposes we once pre- dicted ; the evil unchecked has attained so fearful a height that human legis- lation is more verbiage. The meeting went off very well. I expressed sympathy and friendship it soothed their spirits, and somewhat lightened the burthen by an apparent sharing of it. The clergy here, as usual, are cowed by capital and power. I find none who " cry aloud and spare not ; " but so it IB every- where. Two more clergy, I am happy to say, in other parts, have offered me assistance, Mr. Sparks Byers and Archdeacon Wilberforce ; Mr. Byers has been singularly active and friendly. August 6th. Leeds. Convened meetings at Bolton, Ashton, Huddersfield. and Leeds ; success went on increasing, and each reception was more hearty and affectionate than the last. What a sin it is to be ignorant of the sterling value and merit of these poor men I A few words of kindness are as effectual with them as a force of fifty thousand soldiers on a French population. Never have I met with such respect and affection as on this journey. I see and feel the truth of Oastler's observation, " they are neither infidels nor Jacobins ; they love the Monarchy and they love religion." It is most correct, though they have been denied the blessings of the one, and excluded from the benefits of the other. God, the God of all righteousness, mercy, and love, give us all grace and strength to conceive and execute whatever may be for Thine honour and their welfare, that we may become at the last, through the merits and intercession of our common Redeemer, a great and a happy, because a wise and understanding, people. In a speech at Leeds, Lord Ashley instanced the case of a young woman in a mill at Stockport, who had been caught by the machinery, whirled round, and dashed to the ground, with limbs broken and body mutilated. Her employers deducted eighteenpence from her w_ages for the uuexpired portion of the week since the accident happened ! In illustration of the thoroughness of the manner in which Lord Ashley worked on behalf of the operatives, the sequel to the story may be told here. He prosecuted the mill-owners, with the result that they had to pay 100 damages to the girl, and expenses on both sides, amounting to 600. The expenditure of a few shillings in the first instance, in properly boxing off the machinery, would have saved this loss to the mill-owners and the more terrible loss to the injured girl. It was thus that he impressed on the minds of the operatives the value of law, and proved to them that it was not necessarily opposed to the interests of the working classes. August 16th. Broadstairs. Passed a few days happily with my wife and kids. A letter from Peel in answer. He is civil and even kind, but says nothing to inspire confidence, and he dislikes Puseyites because they have abused him in the British Critic, not because of their political and religious opinions. Sir Robert Peel to Lord Athley. DRAYTOX MANOR, Avg. l*t, 1841. MY DEAR ASHLEY, You never need make the slightest apology for communi- cating to me, in the most frank and unreserved manner, your own opinions upon public matters, or information you may receive aa to the opinions of other* 188 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Cn>r. TX. The books you mentioned have safely reached me, and they have already received some attention from me. If you will read a late article in the British Critic, you will find that I do not stand very high in the estimation of the Puseyites. I hope I am doing that party an injustice in supposing that they would countenance such spiteful and malevolent feelings, concealed under the thin garb of superior piety, as that article exhibits. Still, I suppose the British Critic is a Puseyite organ. I have no doubt you state correctly both the extent and the bitterness of the feud which is raging in the Church. It is fit and right that men should adhere steadfastly to sincere religious opinions, and should enforce and maintain them with all the ability and strength of argument they can command ; but it fre- quently happens that these zealous controversialists on religious matters leave, on the mind of their readers, one conviction stronger than any other, namely, that Christian charity is consumed in their burning zeal for their own opinions. I have read some controversies of late which have made me rejoice that the parties to them have no other power over their neighbour than to abuse and defame him. Ever most faithfully yours, ROBERT PEEL. August 27th. Fresh difficulties beset my path. The master-spinners have held a meeting in Manchester, and have resolved to oppose any Bill that I can bring in. This determines much of my course. I knew what / should do before ; I now can guess what Peel will do : he will succumb to the capitalists and reject my Factory Bill. No human power, therefore, shall induce me to accept office. I am bound by every obligation, human and Divine, not to allow myself to be placed in any situation where I may not be equally, if not better, circumstanced to advance these great interests. My part is resolved. If Peel oppose me, nay, even if he does not support me, I will surrender interest and ambition to the cause ; I will persevere in it, God helping me, through storm and sunshine ; I will commit all to Christ, and, trusting in Him, I shall never be confounded. An incident in connection with the appointments of the new Ministry will be read with peculiar interest, told as it is, in the Diary, with vivid minute- ness, and with all the warmth and fervour of the moment at which it occurred. In offering an appointment to Lord Ashley, it was evidently the desire of Sir Robert Peel to place him in some sinecure office where he would be kept quiet ; and his " high morality " was made the pretext for requiring his services in the Royal Household. The Factory Question was now one of the burning questions of the day. It had materially influenced the past elections, and it was gathering around it forces which threatened to become increasingly formidable. To silence the leader of the movement, by luring him to accept an office in which it would be impossible for him to carry on a great political agitation, was a stroke of policy worth any effort. It was a grave mistake, however, to offer an inferior post. No doubt it was the intention of Sir Robert Peel, in the event of the offer being declined, to press upon him a iwi.i PEEL'S APPOINTMENTS. 189 higher and more congenial appointment ; but that intention was frustrated by the reception given to his first proposal. Lord Ashley's pride was naturally wounded. He had a right to expect a more adequate appreciation of his services to his country ; he could not regard the offer as other than an insult to the position he had taken in great national questions, and to the causes lie represented. Sir Robert Peel did not know the man with whom he had to deal. He was incapable of realising the high and generous motives of one who, for the sake of the poor, and the wretched, and the oppressed, was ready to sacrifice position and emolument, and close upon himself the gates leading to political power through which the majority of men are only too eager to pass at all hazards. Lord Ashley, on the other hand, saw through the man with whom he had to deal ; perceived the speciousness of his arguments, and the injury any compliance with them would do to the cause he had so warmly at heart, and at once resolved upon the course of action he would pursue. He determined that he would not accept any office, of any kind, under any conditions which would interfere witli his perfect freedom to act in the interests of the factory operative. To the resolution taken on this occasion he was faithful throughout his life. In 1845 Sir Robert Peel urged him with great persistency to accept a place in the Cabinet, but he again declined. Under different Administra- tions, and from opposite sides, he was urged to take office ; but his resolution was fixed and unalterable. "There are still 1,600,000 operatives," was his reply to Lord Derby, as late as 1866, " excluded from the benefits of the Factory Acts ; until they are brought under the protection of the law, I cannot take office." August 30th. Peel sent for me this morning ; and having put into my hands an order from the Queen to attend her at Windsor, desired my advice, " Who shall be Lord Steward, who Lord Chamberlain ? Shall I propose Lord Liverpool for the Stewardship ? "... He then opened his budget, as I had anticipated, and proposed that I should accept an office in the Household. He re-stated his arguments of 1839. I told him the case was altered ; the Court was no longer the same, the Queen was two years older, had a child, and a husband to take care of her. I added, moreover, 'You misunderstand the Court ; a man, however high his rank in social life, is placed according to his official position ; the Queen cannot, consistently with etiquette, admit one in a subordinate station to inti- macy and confidence ; she would speak to mo as Treasurer, only in the language of authority.' ... He asked me " what he should say to the Queen if she proposed my name ; " we agreed he should say, " he would confer with me on the point." I then requested two minutes, in which I expressed to him most em- />lxif //-ally all that I had put down in my entry of the 27th. I told him I had intentionally compromised myself, and that while I was ready to serve him as shoe-black for the interests of a Conservative Government, I would not abate my principles by the breadth of a hair. This was indispensable even to the discussion on taking office. He said he did cot know the jircu-nt position of the Factorj 190 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. IX. Question. I told him. " I can talk to you about it another time," he said, and dismissed me coldly. There is not a shadow of reason for desiring- me to take an appointment at the Court ; the truth is that he thinks me too full of my own opinions and principles, too ready to act on my own judgment and conscience, and likely, in consequence, to be independent, and therefore troublesome in office thus he will not appoint me to a situation of power ; he can hardly replace me in the Admiralty, because I have a right to promotion : he finds, therefore, a sort of reason for putting me out of the way into the Palace. I was much struck that he did not, as in 1839, apologise to me for making such an offer, nor did he say anything about its being unworthy of me. August 31st. The Queen at least has said nothing about me, for Peel has re- turned from Windsor, and has not sent for me thus another excuse is cut from him. . . . This majority of ninety-one* has infused much confidence, more perhaps than will prove advantageous. In 1834, when he proffered me an office, and I begged him to think of men who would take offence if omitted, " My object," said he, " is to win the confidence of the country by my appointments ; it is to persons of your character that I look." When in 1839 I pleaded the Factory Question as a bar to my acceptance of place, he absolutely (I now see his manner, and hear his voice) " pooh-poohed " it as a thing as easy to be adopted by him as a breath .of wind. In both these cases he had no majority, and was desirous of getting one. He is now successful, and is proportionally indifferent and frigid. Sept. 1st. We were encouraged to propound and maintain sturdy principles in Opposition, whether aggressive or defensive. We are now told " not to be extreme ; " " Every man must not run his own hare ; " " We must concede part of our principles to preserve the remainder," and such-like time-serving balderdash. Peel, to be sure, has always avoided any principles at all, he has thriven on the generous " imprudence " of his supporters. Thus it is on all sides ; there are two sorts of truth, both of them convenient, according to circumstances one for Oppo- sition, one for Government ! I detest this " public morality." I cannot but feel indignation when I remember the cool, careless way in which Peel endeavoured to shelve me on the establishment of the Palace not an apology, not a regret, not a civil word ! He said, to gild the pill, that he wanted my advice, and then asked it on one point where, it was clear, he had already made up his mind. It would have been far more becoming, and even more kind, to have left me un- noticed altogether. The period of suspense and anxiety was, happily, short. On the 2nd of September, Lord Ashley called upon Sir Robert Peel at mid-day in com- pliance with his request. Sept. 3rd. ... I did not go without hearty prayer to God for a right judgment in all things, and strength of mind to act in accordance with it ; above all, that I might come to that decision which might most conduce to the glory of God and the real welfa're of mankind. Saw him ; he renewed his proposition, totally disregarding, and treating as unworthy of mention, my * The majority against the Melbourne Ministry after three nights' debate on the Address. 1841.1 INTERVIEW WITH SIR ROBERT PEEL. 191 difficulties on the score of the Factory Bill. He urged the Queen's desires and the Queen's wishes, &c., admitting', however, that his reception had been gracious. I re-stated the obstacles : he observed that this limitation of the hours of labour would require the deliberations of several Cabinets, as a great Ministerial measure. I told him the question was not a novel one ; it had been frequently discussed in the House of Commons during the last ten years ; if further inquiry were necessary for others, it conld not be so for me ; it had excited the sympathies and interests of many thousands in the country, and had, in fact, carried the West Riding, and other places, at the General Election. He was extremely urgent, seemed much distressed, talked of my unblemished reputation, &c., the necessity of having such ones about the Court. I said, " Consider my position ; I have, during ten years, enforced these principles ; I have told the Government (being in strong Opposition) that they did not know the rights and interests of the working classes, that they were indifferent to their welfare, and were ignorant of the wants of human nature ; that the question was vital, and concerned the permanency of the social edifice : that I would never allow it to be tainted by party ; that I should push it under all circumstances, whoever might be the Leader of the House of Commons, and whichever the party in power. I have spoken and acted in this spirit ; and can I now, because my friends hold office, either withdraw or modify the principles I have declared to be sacred ? Did I do so, I should, first, be deprived of all those requisites, moral character, &c., to which you attach so high a value ; and, secondly, I should be rendered incapable of accom- plishing the purpose for which alone you desire my adhesion." He proposed various middle courses, all of which I rejected as useless to him and injurious to myself. He thought I might take office, reserving to myself the right, as he said, " of entering into some other arrangements with- out any general disturbance," and thus resuming my power to urge the ques- tinii. "It cannot," he observed, "become a subject of discussion before the spring." " I should, by so doing," I replied, " convey an universal impression 'that you were favourable to my views ; and let me observe that it would be far less injurious were I to decline office now, saying that your minds were undetermined and I could not consent to shackle my free action by joining a doubtful Government than to remain with you four months, and then declare that, on experience, I found you so hostile to the working classes, that I could not go on with you. A resignation demands stronger reasons than a non-junction. Besides, to take office in the belief that I shall vacate it in four months would be held puerile, and perhaps deceptive." I was bound, moreover, by the words, the calculated words, of my letter to Crabtree, "not to place myself in any situation where I should not be as free as air to maintain and advance the interests of this great question." " During the four months of interval, I must remain quiet ; I could not, as a member of the Government, marshal forces, collect evidence, gather materials for an explosion in the House of Commons." " You could not," he said, " have any open agitation." All this I urged in reply to an argument that there was a wide difference between an office in the Household and a political appointment. Goulburn then came in, and Peel desired me to discuss the question with him. I agreed to do so. . . . Peel then came back and 192 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. CCHAP. ix. begged me to speak to Graham, submit the matter to other men, &c., all of which I promised, because, although I was resolved, it seemed delicate and kind so to do. " Mark you," I said, " a change of conduct would involve a total ruin of character this, perhaps, would hurt no one but myself with reference to the individual, but it does so happen that I am, at this moment, no doubt unworthily, the representative of the whole aristocracy in respect of the operatives should I deceive them, they will never henceforward believe that there exists a single man of station or fortune who is worthy to be trusted." I retired, and stated the case to Henry Corry, Lincoln,* and Jowett all declared the necessity of my alliance with the Government ; Lincoln alone hoped that a middle course might be found, but he could not devise one. I sent for Seeley, who was very decided. I shall ever keep his letter as full and satisfactory. Wrote a decided negative to Peel, and sent it at eight o'clock this morning with Seeley's letter. Notwithstanding this decided negative, Sir Robert Peel, within a few hours, again sent for Lord Ashley, desiring his presence in Whitehall. Went there, dreading a revival of the conflict and all the distressing circum- stances of our late interview had been miserable for hours and continued so I was somewhat angry too, recollecting how urgent he had been to overpower my conscience by entreaty, and determined, if that were renewed, to cut the matter short. Told me he had heard again from the Queen, who desired to know whether I were to be about the Court ; I repeated my objections ; urged that I could have no object in public life but to obtain a good Conservative Govern- ment. . . . We were silent for a few minutes. I then said, " You will some day see and confess the service I have been able to render ; the country has re- sisted all agitation on the Corn Laws ; I had agents in Lancashire and Yorkshire before the elections, and during the elections there was the greatest tranquillity : depend upon it, I had a material influence over the return of the West Riding, and I know that I have conciliated thousands of hearts to our blessed Constitu- tion." " Oh 1 this I fully and freely admit," was the reply. " Well, then," he continued, " I still hope some means may be found for bringing us together, and that at no distant period, when we come to look into matters, and examine individual cases (I hardly understood the expression), we may find a way." I fully concurred, having concluded that he meant to investigate the question with a strong bias to concede it. Be it so much, I fear, of the grace and popularity will be gone. He then rose and said, " I suppose I must convey a negative to the Queen." " A solemn principle," I answered, " and a deep feeling of conscience, stand between me and my acceptance of office." He was very kind in his man- ner, and, having shaken my hand very warmly, " I have never," he said, " in the whole of my public life, experienced half so much pain as in your refusal of office ; " he then left me. I forgot to mention that on the second day, towards the close of the interview, Peel said, " If I believed you preferred civil office; I should, of course, make * Afterwards Duke of Newcastle. 1841.] OFFER OF AN APPOINTMENT DECLINED. 193 arrangements to that end." This was very well after I had declared an objection in principle to the acceptance of office at all I Now it is clear that he wanted my narn/c, and nothing but my name. Had he desired anything else, he would never have pressed on me a department in which I could exhibit nothing good but my leg's in white shorts ; every day of such tenure throwing me more and more out of the way of political occupation. So long as he thought I was persuadable he stuck to the Treasurership ; when he saw I was obstinate he purchased a little power of flourish, by appearing to pro- pose what, it was evident, I could not accept I have been fourteen years in Parliament, twice in office ; in both cases I have won, thank God, esteem and honour ; I have taken part in many debates, I have proposed great questions, I have been mixed up with the most important under- takings of the day, and been prominent in all ; vast numbers are good enough to have confidence in my principles and character ; no one questions the great services I have rendered to the Conservative cause, and all this was to be hence- forward employed in ordering dinners and carrying a white wand ! ! The thing was a plain, cruel, unnecessary insult. Here is an additional proof. When I urged, in the first interview, the needlessness of my appointment, the Queen being now in the position of a matron, " Yes, but," said he, " it would be desirable to exhibit a ' high morality ; ' still," he continued, " we should display a contrast to the bad appointments of the kite Administration at Court" Now, what has taken place 1 I was to be cajoled and persuaded to sacrifice my public honesty, and lower myself by taking an inferior place, on the ground that my morality was necessary to please the country and facilitate his Government 1 He had already, I now hear, offered the situation of Vice-Chamberlain to Lord .... (the hero of Madame Grisi), who had remarked himself, "Thank God my character is too bad for a Household place I I " Morality, therefore, was not the reason for putting me at Court .... I hear now that I was discussed for a variety of offices Secretaryship for Ireland, &c. but Peel thought me " impracticable," which means, in other words, that I had an opinion and principles of my own. This is a melancholy issue with which to begin a Government after ten years of Opposition we break down in a day the favour and popularity we have been slowly accumulating during many years, and it can never be fully and freely recovered. Should Peel concede the question (a bold hypothesis), the honour will come to me alone, and not, as I desire, to Conservative rule and Conservative principle. My exertions must be directed now to retain and increase the influence I possess, in the hope that I may be enabled to transfer it all, tinder happier circumstances, to the cause of paternal and constitutional govern- ment . . . Thus the decisive step is taken, and I have chosen that course which will exclude me, perhaps for ever, from a share in the official government of this kingdom. I foresaw and forechose this issue. But a man is not his own ; he must do his duty and give his whole self to whatsoever it may please God to assign him. There are paths of profit and honour ; there are paths of "no gain" and humility that one alone must be followed where God is "a light and a lantern unto our feet" In this spirit I addressed the operative* before the dissolution, knowing that, while I warmed and encouraged their hearts, and stirred them up to support the Conservative candidates (especially 194 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. IX. in the West Riding:), I was shutting the door of power against my own entrance. Tn this spirit I made my tour in the Factory districts, and have exhibited thereby the moral impossibility of a retreat from my opinions. I shall reap the fruit of this decision. All who have any respect for principle will approve my conduct ; and I shall be still able to bring- to the aid of the Conservative party, all the weight and influence (perhaps greatly increased) that I ever possessed. Alas, how men in general treat great principles as means, and not as ends. They regard my Factory Question aa the road to notoriety and influence, but the accomplishment of the mighty moral and social benefits it involves can wait for " a more convenient season." Perish such time-serving 1 The step that Lord Ashley had taken met with the highest praise from those who were most interested in his career. Commendations came in from all quarters, and he says, " My pen would blush were I to detail the lofty, glowing, grateful praises I have received." Sept. 6th. Wrote on Saturday to Crabtree and Turner, stating the case for the information of the Operatives. I must do all that I can, and have a right to do, to mitigate the unpopularity. We must uphold the Conservative Govern- ment, for, although it be not good, another would be terrible. Lord Ashley's letter to Mr. Crabtree, the Secretary of the Yorkshire Central Short-time Committee, was as follows : LONDON, Sept. 4, 1841. MR. CRABTREE, In answer to your inquiry, on behalf of the Operatives of the West Riding of Yorkshire, I have to reply that an office was tendered to me by Sir Robert Peel. Having, however, ascertained from him that his opinions on the Factory Question were not matured, and that he required further time for deliberation, I declined the acceptance of any place, under circumstances v> Inch would impede, or even limit, my full and free action in the advancement of that measure which I consider to be vital both to the welfare of the working classes and the real interests of the country. In taking this course, however, I neither express nor feel despair. It will be your duty and mine, not only to persevere, but to redouble our efforts ; and I will still entertain a hope that Her Majesty's advisers, after an investigation con- ducted with sympathy and candour, will, under God's good Providence, give to us all an answer of happiness and peace. I remain, Your most obedient, humble servant, ASHT-EY. Mr. MARK CRABTREE, Bradford, Yorkshire. In commenting upon this letter, Mr. Philip Grant, in his " History of Factory Legislation," says : " The sacrifice thus made can only be appre- ciated by those who best understood the pecuniary position of this noble- minded man. He had at that lime a large and increasing family, with an 1M1.1 TJTK PERL MINISTRY. 195 income not equal to many of our merchants' and bankers' servants, and a position, as the future representative of an ancient and aristocratic family, to maintain. By this step, political power, patronage, social ties, family comforts, nay, everything that was calculated to forward the ease aud comfort of himself, and in soino degree of his family, were laid down at the feet of the Factory children of these districts, and freely given up for the sake of the sacred cause of which he had become the leader." Sept. 7th, Peel again desired to see me. It was to urge the acceptance of an office in Prince Albert's Household. I declined it, as involving the same prin- ciple as the other, yet without touching the question whether I would take any "Household appointment" at all. Prince Albert had offered it himself as a middle-term. Sept 9th. Another interview with Peel. Albert desired a Peer for his House- nold, but to " secure such a man as Lord Ashley " (these are his words) " he would willingly take a Commoner." I felt the whole force of his kind expres- sions, bat stuck to my decision. Peel admitted that in principle all these appointments were the same. Sept. llth. Broadlands. Arrived here yesterday by railway; very incon- venient to come, but I could not refuse, lest a thought should cross Palmerston'a mind that, had he still been in office, I should eagerly have visited him for the news and gossip, or the Jewish business. My letter to the Operatives has been very successful. It has had in Bradford a soothing effect ; it has abated the fall without saving Peel's popularity he never will be a popular Minister. The Ministry is now complete. On a revision of my course, I feel more and more assured that I have been led to a right judgment. I feel a real solid peace and internal satisfaction. God be praised, the good I have rendered to the Conservative cause must be measured by the evil I thovld have done had I abandoned my professions. ... I want not office. I will run, by God's help, the course I have begun, steering clear between right-hand defections and left-hand fallings off. My finances are low, very low, but I and mine have yet, blessed be His name, the barrel of meal and the cruse of oil. The Peel Ministry was apparently strong, and came into power with every hopeful prospect. It included Lord Lyndhuret as Lord Chancellor; Lord Wharncliffe, President of the Council; Sir Jaines Graham, Home Secretary ; Lord Aberdeen at the Foreign Office ; Lord Stanley, Colonial Secretary. The Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords, wit In nit office. Sept. 17th. ... A request from Peel, in a most complimentary letter, to insert my name in the Ecclesiastical Commission. This, of course, I accede to, as it brings no salary and no official restraint. After these episodes we find Lord Ashley again in the midst of the work nearest his heart. Sept 27th. What a perambulation have I taken to-day in company with Dr. Southwood Smith ! What scenes of filth, discomfort, disease I What scenes of V 2 196 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. IX moral and mental ill I Perambulated many parts of Whitechapel and Bethnal Green, to see, with my own eyes, the suffering and degradation which unwhole- some residences inflict on the poorer classes. No pen nor paint-brush could describe the thing as it is. One whiff of Cowyard, Blue Anchor, or Baker's Court, outweighs ten pages of letterpress. And yet the remedial Bills for ventilation, drainage, and future construction of the houses of the poor, brought in carefully and anxiously by the late Govern- ment, are not to be adopted by this / so I was informed this evening, and I blessed God that I formed no part of it. Sept. 28th. Windsor Castle. The Queen very kind and amiable. Evelyn and Maurice with us Sir R. and Lady Peel, Lincoln, Lord Aberdeen, and St. Aulaire. . . . Oct. 5th. Sat to-day, for the first time, on the Ecclesiastical Commission. I see clearly I shall not like it. ... I have just heard from Jowett that Bick- ersteth has undergone a slight seizure of something akin to paralysis may God in His goodness be pleased to spare and restore this " master in Israel." I know nothing that would give me greater pain, scarcely anything that I should con- sider a heavier loss to myself as a friend, to evangelical religion, and the Jews, than his incapacity or removal the prayers of individuals and of the Church should be offered up for him. Nevertheless if it be the will of our All- wise and All-good Father to put out so great a light, we must submit in faith, and be thankful that we have possessed him so long. Oct. 7th. In yesterday's Chronicle, Normanby appears as having stated in the House of Lords that he should consign the drainage and ventilation Bills to me as " an independent member." Received a letter from him this morning to say that he had presumed to do so on the strength of my interest in them, the Government being unwilling to adopt the measures. I replied that " I would readily undertake both labour and anxiety for so good a cause, and that I was, moreover, bound to oblige him in return for his kindness in the Chimney Sweepers' Bill, and the Infant Commission." Had a sad and shocking walk yesterday in Bethnal Green. What are we made of in this world I A very little trouble, and a very little money, would place thousands in health and comfort. Oct. 9th. Found a new ally in the Factory cause. The author of the " History of the Peninsular War," Colonel Napier, has addressed to me some " observations." I am happy to record the alliance of another clergyman the Rev. Henry Christmas called on me to offer the free use of the CJiurch of England Magazine ; he expressed great sympathy and interest. God be praised I I need every help. The Duke of Buckingham friendly to the utmost extent. Colonel Napier to Lord Ashley. BATH, Oct. 9 impression, which was borne into the heart of Lord Ashley, the King of Prussia, and the principal leaders of the movement, that a "special pro- vidence " was opening the way for an extraordinary evangelisation of the peoples. The Druses " warders on the mount of the world's secret, since the birth of time " * a fanatical sect worshipping a prophet of their own and sworn to keep their system of religion a secret from every other sect, and to persecute all who differed from them had echoed that ancient cry, " Come over and help us ! " The Druses have sought " religious protection " at our hands : teachers and schoolmasters. Again was I consulted by Palmerston ; I advised the instant mission, not of letters, but of living men, to make the promise. He did so. Have since heard from Nicolayson, who was sent, that they received it joyfully. Aberdeen, I fear, very shy of it. . . . Oct. 16th. Dined yesterday at Richmond with Bunsen to celebrate the King of Prussia's birthday ; a happy and a stirring meeting, only eleven present ; but there was much feeling of loyalty, affection, reverence, and hope. I proposed his health. May he revive, among us Gentiles, the glory and the faith of David and of Hezekiah ! Gladstone, McCaul, and my brother William were present. Gladstone stripped himself of a part of his Puseyite garments, spoke like a pious man, rejoiced in the Bishopric of Jerusalem, and proposed the health of Alexander. This is delightful ; for he is a good man, and a clever man, and an industrious man. Oct. 22nd. Saw Peel to-day by request never wish to have another interview. He was an exaggeration and caricature of his habitual coldness. Wished to know how far he would conform to the promises of his predecessors, and give the Druses the means of instruction they asked for. It was manifest he disliked the whole thing, and fully shared the opinions and feelings (if feelings they can be called) of his friend Aberdeen. He was afraid of exciting the French, disbelieved the religious stir in the East, thought it might be ascribed to English agency, thought we might appear as making "a crusade against the Roman Catholics " * Robert Browning. 202 THE EARL OP SIIAFTESBURY. [Cn A p IX of all people I wanted to know how much the Druses could contribute, and many other unworthy excuses to get out of a difficulty. I urged the propriety of imi- tating the late Government in their conduct towards the Ashantee princes, and educating a young Druse, who was to be sent over. He admitted that no one had a right to complain of our educating a Druse, and, though most reluctant, said he should speak to Aberdeen. I then proposed my main and most dear object, the grant of a steamboat by the Government to carry out the Bishop to Jaffa. . . . Thus ended a short interview, equally unpleasant and odious, I should think, to both parties. Oct. 25th. Wonderfully surprised received yesterday a short note from Peel, stating that " orders would be given for an Admiralty steamboat to carry out the Bishop to Syria " ! Had I not been almost accustomed, so to speak, to God's mercies, I should have disbelieved it. " Surely the Isles shall wait for thee and the ships of Tarshish first, to bring thy sons from afar and thy daughters from the ends of the earth." Oct. 26th. Very glad to have heard that many of the very High- Church are warmly in favour of the Hebrew Bishopric, Archdeacons Samuel Wilberf orce and Manning. Palmer, too, of Worcester, supposed to be among the most violent, spoke to Bunsen in terms of the greatest delight. Nov. 12th. Returned to St. Giles's. ' Glad of an hour to record, if possible, what I have seen and felt during my short visit for the purpose of attending the consecration of Mr. Alexander. Went up on the 7th with Moore* full of anxiety lest the Queen should be taken ill on the very day, and so cause the absence of the Archbishop ; but, God be praised, there was no impediment, and all went well. The first official act of the Jewish Church was perfonned on the 18th of November, when the new Bishop preached a sermon and gave " the first epis- copal benediction that had fallen from Hebrew lips for seventeen hundred years " that is to say, the first since Jude, the last of the sons of Abraham mentioned by Eusebius, occupied the Episcopal See in the Holy City. Nov. 18th. . . . This was, indeed, " a night to be much observed of the Lord." I rejoice I had proposed this service in committee, and Alexander assented to our resolution. The chapel at Bethnal Green was thronged, the congregation were touchingly devout, visibly affected by the event and the thanksgiving. The music went to one's very soul. The beautiful voices of the Hebrew children, singing as they were praises to the Messiah, seemed like the song of the redeemed in Heaven. " Many kings and prophets have desired to see the things that we see, and have not seen them, and to hear the things that we hear, and have not heard them." How is it that we have attained this result ? We have many enemies, some of them the antipodes of each other. Pusey is at one end ; Baptist Noel at the other, both followed by their several sections, doing us what mischief they can. It is evident that not a little of the hostility, and not a little of the hesitation, arise from a feeling which those who entertain it will scarcely admit even to themselves. They cannot stomach the notion of a Jew elevated to the Episcopate. Christianity has modified, without uprooting, their antipathies ; * Rev. Robert Moore, Rector of Wimborne St. Giles's. i841.1 THE GODFATHER OP THE PRINCE OF WALES. 203 they remember that Moses says, " they shall be a byeword," and forget that Paul declares them yet " beloved for the fathers' sakes." Bat no wonder. This Bishopric strikes at many things, at Popery, at Puseyism, at over Church, at no Church ; all writhe unrter it The order of Providence now seems to demand that in proportion as we have abased the Jew, so shall we be compelled to abase ourselves. His future dignity shall be commensurate with his past degradation. Be it so ; I can rejoice in Zion for a capital, in Jerusalem for a church, and in a Hebrew for a king-. Writing at this distance of time (13th), I have lost the vividness of my impressions hurry and ceaseless occupation prevented an earlier record yet for days I felt, without power of describing it, that the heart a oftentimes alone, and that " a stranger intermeddleth not with its joy." Two days after the Consecration of Bishop Alexander, Lord Ashley sent his portrait to Chevalier Bnnsen, and a book (a collection of prayers out of the writings of English Fathers) inscribed with these characteristic words : " Nov. 9, 18-11. To my dear friend Bunsen, the worthy minister of the best and greatest of the kings of this world, as a memorial of our solemn, anxious, and by God's goodness, successful labours, which, under His grace, we have sustained for the consolidation of Protestant truth, the welfare of Israel, and the extension of the Kingdom of our blessed Lord. ASHLEY. 'We took sweet counsel together, and walked in the house of God as friends.' " Nov. 20th. My four blessed boys, Antony, Francis, Maurice, and Evelyn, brought me to-day some money for the Bishopric at .Jerusalem. They offered most willingly, nay, joyfully ; and, wonderful to say, the little ones did it without a word on my part ; I had spoken to the elder boys, who cheerfully acquiesced ; the little ones, hearing from them, burned to do likewise. Nov. 26th. Two days ago received from Bunsen the most extraordinary intelligence. He waited on Prince Albert (thank God I had obtained the inter- view), when the Prince, after showing him the future heir to the throne, announced that " the Queen was extremely desirous that the King of Prussia should be godfather to the Royal child, and should, if possible, be present in person to hold him at the font of baptism." Where are we ? What will happen next ? There is no end to God's goodness. On my knees immediately to give Him thanks. Such an event, at any time, satisfactory ; now, clearly provi- dential ; the union of the Anglican and German Churches, followed by the most intimate friendship of the two great Protestant Powers ; the open avowal of the Royal attachment to the principles of the Reformation ; the testimony of respect from our own Sovereign to that pious King ; the happy sympathy that it will beget between the two nations ; the manifest advantage to the peace of Europe, the cause of true civilisation, and the diffusion of the Gospel ; all this over a combined effort for the welfare of God's ancient people, cannot but fill the heart of every thinking man with gratitude and joy. But the King must come. Wrote most emphatically to Bunsen he must come. He would lose half of what he might accomplish for Europe, for himself, for Christianity, and for the world. We must build a new and large ward for the Puseyites in Bedlam 1 Nov. 29th. Yesterday, the first Sunday in Advent; to-day, the Bishop of 204 THE EARL OF SHAFTES15URY. [CHAP. IX. Jerusalem sets out on his journey, the " one who telleth good tidings to Zion." Surely the coincidence is striking ; I felt it so when the Collect was read. In order that he might become thoroughly acquainted with the thoughts and habits, the wants and wishes, of those on whose behalf he was labouring, Lord Ashley gathered round him from the rank and file of his clientele, a few persons from whom he could derive reliable information. " I should like to know all," he was wont to say, " but, as this is impossible, I make friends with a few." It was a remarkable characteristic, this power of attaching men to himself, and exerting so strong an influence over them that they in turn were able to influence the large bodies they represented. But for their aid it would have been utterly impossible for him to have carried on his ever- increasing labours. As each succeeding enterprise developed, Lord Ashley's first step always was to fix upon some man, or perhaps some group of men, in whose judgment and zeal he could repose perfect confidence, and then set them to work. One of the most surprising things in connection with the almost innumer- able societies and institutions of which he was the head, was that so few of them were " mistakes." He would not espouse the cause of any society unty he had fully satisfied himself that its work was thoroughly sound in every respect ; nor would he attach any new worker to himself until he had made the most minute inquiries with regard to him. He had in a singular degree the power of reading men's motives, and he was very rarely deceived in those whom he selected to be his helpers.* It is probably no exaggeration to say that the demands upon the judgment and penetration of Lord Ashley were greater than upon those of any man of his generation, and it is safe to add that few men were less often deceived. The cripple Dodd, to whom he frequently refers in his Journals, was one of the " working element " with whom Lord Ashley was in frequent communica- tion at this time. Deo. 3rd. Every day brings fresh stories of suffering and oppression from the factory districts. My poor cripple Dodd is a jewel j his talent and skill are unequalled ; he sends me invaluable evidence. But then " mine eyes do fail with * Perhaps he derived this gift from his great ancestor the first Earl, of whom John Locke says : " I never knew anyone penetrate so quickly into men's breasts, and, from a small opening, survey that dark cabinet as he would. He would understand men's true errand as soon as they had opened their mouths and begun their story, in ap- pearance to another purpose." He instances a remarkable case. Shaftesbury and Sir Richard Onslow dined by invitation with Sir John Denham, an elderly widower, who before dinner told them that he wished to take their advice upon a subject of deep import to his happiness, namely, whether he should, or should not, marry his house- keeper, for whom he had long entertained affection and esteem. Sir Richard Onslow was beginning a strong protest, when, looking their host steadfastly in the face, Shaftes- bury asked, "Are you not married to her already?" And he confessed that he was. " Well, then," said Shaftesbury, " there is nothing left but to send for her to join us at dinner." On their leaving the house, Sir Richard Onslow asked what put him on the scent. "The man and the manner," he replied, "gave me a suspicion that, having dine a foolish thing, he was desirous to cure himself with the authority of our advice. I thought it good tc be sure before you went any further, and you see what came of it." 1M1.] CHRISTMAS AT ST. GILES'S. 205 tears. . . . for the destruction (I should say sin) of the daughter of my people ; " it takes from me all enjoyment, present and prospective ; if such things reach my ears, how many lie hidden, aye, and will do so until " the earth shall disclose her blood." God give us faith and strength, and some success. Entire success no man may or can attain, it is reserved for the Great Undoer of every heavy burthen 1 Dec. 21st. Broadlands. Minny unwell ; came here yesterday to comfort her. God be praised, she is better. I would rather be with her at the Saint,* when "my children are about me ; " but her dear, smiling face makes everything shine. Factory and Drainage concerns occupy my time and fill me with correspondence. Dec. 23rd. I have no time for reading and writing, for replenishing my armoury, or exercising my guns. Dodd's letters infuse both information and terror. " I increase knowledge, and increase sorrow." Nevertheless, I have put my hand to the plough, and, God being my Helper, I will not look back. And now I am involved in the Puseyite controversy. I did not seek it ; but the occasion seemed to call for an avowal of sentiment ; and, not hesitating to believe, I did not fear to speak. Letters of congratulation and gratitude without number have reached me ; I rejoice in it for purposes of future good. . . . But I have disturbed a hornets' nest ; they buzz about me in furious rage. The Press, especially the Morning Pott, sweats with vituperation. But no matter. " In Thee have I trusted, let me never be confounded." Dec. 25th. Christmas Day. St. Giles's. My sweet Minny absent. Took the sacrament ; peace, hope, and spiritual joy by God's blessed grace. It is an august and holy day. Oh ! that I could, for a few hours, forget the turmoil and anxieties of the world 1 Many communicants ; the proportion to the population, immense clean, simple and devout ; not only shopkeepers and farmers, but many of the working classes really a beautiful sight ; it is a true specimen of a rural vicarage, a pastoral cure, a shepherd and his flock. May God in His good- ness cherish this primitive simplicity 1 Yet it has not been quite the same Christmas Day without a vacancy. Minny was away, who should always share the communion with me. I left her ill at Broadlands to spend the day here in the midst of the ancient families of the house, and be with my elder boys, who must not be quite alone, especially at this festival. * St. Giles's House. CHAPTER X. 1842. THE end of 1841 and the beginning of 1842 found Lord Ashley engaged iu warm discussion with the leading members of tlio Tractarian party. On the 15th of March, 1841, the Vice-Chancellor and the Heads of Houses held a meeting at Oxford to pass censure on No. 90 of " Tracts for the Times," in these words, " That modes of interpretation, such as are sug- gested in the said Tract, evading rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty-nine Articles, and reconciling subscription to them with the adop- tion of errors which tLey were designed to counteract, defeat the object, and are inconsistent with the dun observance of the statutes of the University." On the following day Dr. John Henry Newman declared himself to be the author of the Tract. Although the centre of the Tractarian movement was the University of Oxford, the whole country was shaken by it ; every section of the Christian Church, and almost every leader of thought in the nation, felt its influence. Arrayed on either side were the groat masters of argument. The principal leaders of the Oxford School \vere the " seraphic Keble," supported by Richard Froude who died early in the fight Dr. Pusey, and John Henry Newman. Their claim was that Rome had not fulfilled her high mission ; that the real Catholic Church was the Church of England ; that the Successors of the Apostles were to be found in her; and their efforts were directed to rouse the Church to what they considered to bo her true mission. " There is something greater than the Established Church," wrote Dr. Newman, " and that is the Church Catholic and Apos- tolic set up from the beginning, of which she is but the local presence and the organ." The causes which lay at the root of the movement were numerous and strong. It was a crisis in the history of religious thought. Rationalism, imported from Germany, was making rapid advances; the Church of England having been in a dull, cold, and apathetic state, was now threatened with assault from the Reform Party in respect of her rights and property ; and the leading motive at the outset was to revive and invigorate her. What were some of the results of this movement are only too well known. The battle of the Reformation had to be fought over again, and Lord Ashley, for forty years, was one of the leaders in the fight. It was at a time when the controversy was at its keenest that the Jerusalem Bishopric was created. From first to last the Oxford School OXFORD PROFESSORSHIP OF POETRY. 207 were fierce in their denunciation of the whole scheme, while the Evangelicals And mniiy leaders of the Broad Church were enthusiastic in its favour. And it was at this time, too, that the incident now to be recorded occurred. Among the papers of Lord Shaftesbury there was found a large bundle of letters and other documents endorsed : March 5th, 1874. These letters were written at the outbreak of the Tractarian movement in 1841-2. They arose out of my letter in the Standard to Roundell Palmer (Lord Selborne) refusing to vote for Mr. Williams as Professor of Poetry at Oxford. The interest may have indeed, it has passed away. But they are curious as showing how zealous people were then, and how cold now. S. The correspondence will speak for itself : Lord Athley to Mr. Roundell Palmer. ST. GILES'S Hoc<3E, Dee., 1841. SIR, In a letter which I have had the honour of receiving from you " to solicit my vote and interest in Mr. Williams' behalf," you desire also, on the part of the committee, a reply to their communication. I hasten to forward that reply. The Rev. Isaac Williams has presented himself for the vacant chair of the Professor of Poetry. I have no doubt whatever that he possesses all those amiable qualities and high attainments which his supporters put forward as the ground of his election, nor should I hesitate, as I replied to my friend Dr. Pusey, to render him any private service that may lie within my power ; but the reverend gentleman claims a public post, and seeks to be invested with public authority, and it has become, therefore, the duty of every one who has a voice in the decision, to consider the consequences of raising him to such an office. The Rev. Mr. Williams aspires to be a moral teacher. The Professor of Poetry, in a Christian university, must impart to his writings and his lectures, frequently on secular, always on sacred subjects, those sentiments and principles which he believes to be essential to the propagation of the truth. This we should expect of a layman ; we should demand it of a minister. The late accomplished and amiable professor* was animated by this spirit, and pub- lished, with the attraction of his respected name, and the authority of his official station, sundry poems of admitted talent and disputed theology. I am now summoned to consider whether a similar appointment would not confer a similar authority. The venerable members of Trinity College have issued a disclaimer " for Mr. Williams himself, and have deprecated, on the part of others, any attempt whatever to introduce upon the occasion questions of theological controversy." With all the deference that is due from a layman, I cannot believe myself at liberty to set aside these important considerations. I acknowledge the latitude of speculation that must be permitted to all the members of a common Church The Rev. John Keble. 208 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBUR*. tc^p. x but there are limits, I maintain, which must not be overpassed, at least without a solemn and indignant protest on the part of those who have an opportunity and a right to give an opinion. I have endeavoured, then, to ascertain the principles of Mr. Williams, and I have found that he is the author of the Tract * entitled " Reserve in Preaching the Doctrine of the Atonement." There is no power on earth that shall induce me to assist in elevating the writer of that paper to the station of a public teacher. I see very little difference between a man who promulgates false doctrine and him who suppresses the true. I cannot concur in the approval of a candidate whose writings are in contravention of the inspired Apostle, and reverse his holy exultation that " he had not shunned to declare to his hearers all the counsel of God." I \vill not consent to give my support, however humble, towards the existence of exoteric and esoteric doctrines in the Church of England, to obscure the perspicuity of the Gospel by the philosophy of Paganism, and make the places set apart for the ministrations of the preacher, whose duties must mainly lie among the poor, the wayfaring, and the simple, as mystic and incompre- hensible as the groves of Eleusis. These, Sir, are my reasons for refusing my vote to Mr. Williams, and I hope I have given my answer as candidly as you have required it. I am, Sir, Your very obedient servant, ASHLEY. Lord Ashley, at the request of Dr. Gilbert, Principal of Brasenose College, consented to support the candidature of the Rev. James Garbett, in opposition to that of the Rev. Isaac Williams; his next step was to accept the chairmanship of Mr. Garbett's committee. A circular was drawn up by Mr. Cardwell t (double-first of Balliol), but to this Lord Ashley took exception on the ground that he did not rest his support of Mr. Garbett's claims " on his poetical acquirements and critical acumen," as stated in the circular, but upon his religious views. " I would vote," he said, " for Stern- hold and Hopkins, Nicholas Brady or Nahuin Tate, against a whole host of the mightiest geniuses in the art of verse, were they candidates, upon the same principles, for the office to which Mr. Williams aspires." A modified circular was, therefore, issued, and the canvass was vigorously prosecuted. The battle was to be fought, and, if possible, won, as a matter of principle and duty only. Congratulations and offers of aid poured in from all quarters, and a specimen of a few of them, showing the opinions held, and the fervour of those who defended them, may be quoted here. Lady Ashley was at Broadlands, in delicate health, but she wrote : " Nothing but compliments about your letter. Spencer says he heard it discussed at Lady Holland's by Macaulay and many savants, who all agreed it was so well written. Dr. Badham said everybody was so much obliged to Tract No. 80. t Afterwards Viscount CardwelL Hill OXFORD PROFESSORSHIP OF POETRY. 209 yon for it, so well done, and at such a moment when it was so much wanted." The Hon. Wm. Cowper* to Lord Ashley. CASTLE HOWARD, Dec. 16th, 1841. MY DEAR ASHLEY, Your letter on the Williams and Garbett affair will be most useful ; it is admirable in laying open boldly and clearly the decisive point of the question. I was delighted to see it. A neighbouring clergyman told me that the clergy about here are rather unsettled, and that at the visitation at Malton he heard some of them starting questions about the nature and origin of their Orders, and hazarding opinions without being at all aware of the conclu- sions to which they lead, or of their tendency towards Romanism ; and he thinks, but I do not, that it would be better for the Church that all who are just now Romanists at heart should break outward connection with her, but I think it's better to give them time to come round, and wait for the reaction. Ever affectionately yours, W. COWPER. The Rev. E. Bickertteth to Lord Athley. WATTON RECTORY, WARE, Dee. 14th, 1841. MY DEAREST LORD ASHLEY, I cannot forbear to thank you for your most seasonable and most forcible letter to Mr. R. Palmer. It was of vast importance, just at this crisis, to make a stand against what I believe to be in this country " the unclean spirit out of the month of the false prophet," which the word of prophecy, at this precise time, so clearly leads us to expect, and which the affect- ing state of our Church so clearly manifests. I do most heartily unite, I doubt not with thousands of God's own children, in earnest prayers that your Lordship may ever have a Scriptural judgment in all things, and be strengthened greatly to honour God and bless our country, by a wise, holy, and full use of all the talents which He has given yon. . . . EDWD. BlCKERSTETH. " Charlotte Elizabeth" (Mn. C. E. Tonna") to Lord Ashley. BLACKHEATH, Dee. nth, 1841. MY DEAR LORD, What a noble dash you have made at the Puseyites! I to be so rejoiced when you got angry in the House about the factory child- Yon know there is an anger not sinful, and I want you to bestow a little ipowder on the Oxford gentry. I am editor of the Protettant Magazine since fnne last, and lately, in my chief article, " The Watchman," I mentioned some- ling that I know to be true about Jesuits in the Church. Forthwith the Christian Hserct-r attacked the Protestant Association for this, and some of our gentlemen rere much frightened, and some talked of forbidding any attack on Puseyism in le magazine. On this I wrote to the committee a respectful letter rather in the eborah-to-Barak style, and the result is that I am to have that dearest privilege * Now Lord Mount Temple, 210 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. {CHAP. X of womankind my own \oay. So now, thanks to the Lord, I have two magazines at command, and can fire two guns. . . . Meanwhile, fight the good fighti be valiant, and do exploits. May the Lord of lords bless you and yours. My dear Lord, Yours very gratefully, C. E. TONNA. Among those who rallied round Lord Ashley and congratulated him upon the bold stand he had made " against the influence and pretensions of Puseyisin and Popery," were his brother John, Sir J. S. Pakington, J. C. Colquhoun, Sir W. R. Farquhar, Hon. and Rev. Montagu Yilliers, Dean Gamier, Dr. McCaul, Rev. Chas. Priest, Sir Andrew Agnew, and many others whose names are still familiar. Meanwhile angry letters from anonymous Puseyites to the press, and to private individuals, were issued abundantly, and the excitement grew rapidly. Mr. Gladstone wrote to Lord Sandon urging him to entreat Lord Ashley to avoid, for the Church's sake, the scandal of a contest. Others, among whom was Mr. C. Dodgson, wished to maintain a strict neutrality, partly on the ground that they did not attach the same meaning to the doctrine of " Reserve" that Lord Ashley had done, and would wish to vote for a third candidate unconnected with either party and sufficiently qualified for the office. A scheme was set on foot by Mr. Gladstone to effect this compromise, but the manoeuvre fell through, notwithstanding that the petition for Williams and Garbett to withdraw was signed by 244 non-resident Members of Con- vocation. The contention of the advocates of Mr. "Williams's claims was, first, that the candidate's success was not made to depend upon the possession of qualities suited to the office ; and next, that electors were called upon to pledge them- selves to opinions " perhaps only known to them through vague and imperfect representations." The position of the advocates of Mr. Garbett's claims was that, sooner or later, a struggle upon the religious principle involved was inevitable, and that it could not come at a more auspicious season, and they would not hear of any compromise. Many efforts in various forms were, of course, made to induce Lord Ashley to desist from the course he was pursuing. The following letter from Dr. Pusey is written in the vein which he found hardest to resist : Tlie Rev. Dr. Putey to Lord Ashley. Ember Week, Advent, 1841. MY DEAB ASHLEY, You have not probably grey hairs, as I have, nor have you had sorrows like me, and both ought to soften your mind ; yet I could wish that, without them, your language could be a little softened. I often used to think it stronger than you meant ; and yon are, doubtless, all the while milder 1M2.) CORRESPONDENCE WITH DR. PU8ET. 211 and more loving than one's self. Ton speak of " abhorring our principles ; " are yon quite sure that you know them ? It is some years now since I saw you at your house, and yon talked over them, and then you seemed to think that in mnch we agreed. No one objects to the Bishopric of Jerusalem for what I imagine yon most value it the sake of the Jews but on account of the " experimental Church " (as it has been called) which they are going to make of Prussians, one knows not whom. Our Church never was brought into contact with the foreign Reformation without suffering from it ; and certainly that Reformation is not in a state now to do us less harm than heretofore ; besides the grave injury of countenancing heresy. I fear very few reformed German teachers would be found who would uno anima adopt all the truths of the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds. Try and think more mildly of us ; love us more ; perhaps yon will understand us better ; pray for us, as I do daily for yon. The enclosed * is not my selection. God be with yon. Your affectionate Cousin, E. B. PtJSET. Lord Athley to the Rev. Dr. Putey. ST. GILES'S HOUSE, January ISth, 1842. MY DEAR PUSET, Your kind letter should have been answered a long time ago, but I have been so very much engaged that I have been obliged to postpone writing from day to day. It is true that I have not yet grey hairs, nor has it pleased God to visit me with sorrows ; but though I have as yet been spared by His rich and undeserved mercy, I have not a heart hardened against the woes of others ; and much do I sympathise with all that you have suffered ; with all that He has been pleased to impose upon you. God grant that it may be sanctified to your immortal part, and that the griefs of a day may issue in the joys of eternity I You say to me, " Are yon quite sure that you know our principles, the princi- ples that you talk of abhorring ? " I may reply, are yon quite sure that yon know them yourself? I know what you have written. I know what your co-thinkers have written. I find your principles (does any one deny them f) in your letter to the Bishop of Oxford. I find them in " Fronde's Remains." I find them in the " British Critic." I find them in Tract 75 Q^ -ytVoiro). I find them in Tract 80, in Tract 87, in Tract 90. I find them in your opposition to the Bishopric in Jerusalem. I find them in your Protest I find them in Mr. Palmer's letter. I find them in the adhesion of our Presbyters to the Romish Church ; and I find them in the very letter to which I am now replying. You talk there, in allusion to the Bishopric, of " the grave injury of countenancing heresy ; " this is the necessary language, the inevitable issue of your principles ; thus yon class with the Gnostics, Corinthians, &c., of old, with the Mnnster Anabaptists and Socinians of modern days, the whole mass of the Protestant Churches of Europe, exoept England and Sweden. Every one, however deep hi* * The enclosure was a selection of "Prayers for Unity and Guidance into the Truth." o 2 21 THE EARL OP RHAFTESBURY. fCHAP. X. piety, however holy his belief, however prostrate his heart in faith and fear before God and his Saviour, however simple and perfect his reliance on the merits of his Redeemer, is consigned by you, if he be not episcopally ruled, to the outer darkness of the children of the Devil, while in the same breath you desig- nate the Church of Rome as the sweet Spouse of Christ, and hide all her abomin- able idolatries under the mantle of her Bishops. This is, to my mind, absolutely dreadful ; and I say of your friends, as old Jacob said of Simeon and Levi, " Oh, my soul, come not thou into their secret." You say, too, that " some years ago I talked with you, and that I seemed to think that in much we agreed ; " it is more than probable ; but had the Tracts then appeared ? had Froude been published ? had you recalled your spirited and unanswerable defence of Luther and the German Reformation ? I dare say we then agreed ; but you have ebbed since that time, and have left me stranded. " Pray for us," you add, " as I do daily for yon ; " to be sure I will' ; he must have but a scanty feeling of the Gospel who does not ardently desire the repair of the breaches in Christ's Church. The Unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace is the main element of the blessings in the latter days ; let us endeavour, by God's grace, to have a foretaste of that happy time ; but certain I am that it is attain- able only by a heart that is truly Catholic, by the imbibing and exercise of an immense philanthropy. For yourself, I must ever entertain real kindness and esteem ; no one, amidst 11 this conflict of passion and principle, has, at any time, doubted your sincerity and devotion. I wish we were one ; it is sad that we differ, but let not that difference amount to enmity. I have enough of foes ; my public course has be- gotten me many haters among the powerful and wealthy. You and I have now lived more than half our time according to the language of the Psalmist. We are hastening to the grand end of all things, and then may God lead you unto living fountains of water, and in His mercy wipe away all tears from your eyes I Very truly yours, ASHLEY. Letters continued to pour in from men known and unknown. Among them were several from members of the University of Oxford of long stand- ing in some cases as many as thirty or forty years who had never voted, but who now, impelled by a sense of duty, promised to come up and vote. Others, and some of these ill able to afford the expense, expressed their willingness, if additional votes were urgently needed, to come up to take their M.A. degrees. Curiously enough, Archdeacon Samuel Wilberforce was among those who warmly espoused the side of Lord Ashley in his efforts to procure the election of Mr. Garbett, as will bo seen by the letter given below : Archdeacon Wilberforce to Lord Atkley. ALVEESTOKE RECTORY, GOSPORT, Jan. 20th, 1842. MY DEAR LORD, The Rev. , the minister of one of my district churches, IB quite willing to accompany me to Oxford to vote for Mr. Garbett, but is not in a situation to defray the expenses of the journey. There are, of course, no general 1MM RESULTS OP THE CONTEST. 21 3 funds available for any such purpose, but I will gladly defray his expenses my- self if there is the smallest reason for apprehending that the issue is doubtful. ... I imagine our majority is certain. . . . Believe me. my dear Lord, to be most truly yours, SAMUEL WILBEBFOBCE. An interchange of letters between Lord Ashley and the Rev. John Keble author of the " Christian Tear " with reference to some of the contents of the " Lyra Apostolica," which had apparently been wrongly attributed to Mr. Keble, discloses the same courteous and kindly relations between the two men as we have seen in a similar case of difference with Dr. Pusey, although in this instance they were personally unacquainted. Lord Ashley concludes his letter, written from St. Giles's House, Jan. 15th, 1842, by saying : Perhaps yon have forgotten what I well recollect, that you were one of the examining masters when I took my degree some eighteen or nineteen years ago. Your amiable and gentlemanlike demeanour then made an impression on my mind which has never been effaced. Cum talis fit utinam noster esses. I cannot take leave of you without adding that I shall always think of you with respect, not unmingled with affection. The termination of the contest was thus announced by Mr. Gregson, the zealous secretary of Mr. Garbott's committee : Mr. W. Gregson to Lord Ashley. B.N.C., OXFOBD, Jan. 20th, 1842 (noon). DEAB LORD ASHLEY, The contest has just terminated by the withdrawal of Williams, after a comparison of the promises churned by the respective parties : Garbett claimed 921 Williams ., 623 Majority 298 Our majority wat larger than our opponents reckoned on ; the utmost they gave as credit for was 900. Still, their minority is large, but not larger than our friends in Oxford anticipated. Believe me, dear Lord Ashley, Yours faithfully, W. GBEGSON. One significant result of the controversy was that Dr. Gilbert, the Prin- cipal of Brasenose College, a strong anti-Puseyite, and one of the leaders of the opposition to the candidature of Mr. Williams, was immediately appointed to the Bishopric of Chichester, in succession to Dr. Shuttleworth. This was regarded as a wise and courageous declaration of the Government against PnseyLjiu. 214 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. ICHAP. X. On the 21st of January, the eve of the great Mohammedan festival of the Co urban Bairam, Bishop Alexander made his public entry into Jerusalem; and the day was dedicated by Frederick William IV. to prayer throughout his kingdom for " the peace of Jerusalem." On the 22nd the King of Prussia was received as the guest of the Queen of England, to stand at the baptismal font, a few days later, as sponsor for the Prince of Wales ! The King was welcomed with the greatest cordiality everywhere, and by all classes, with the solitary exception of the Tractarians, who viewed un- easily these friendly relations with a Monarch who was avowedly anxious to bring about an alliance between his Protestant Church and the Church of England. The climax to the uneasiness, and to the period of protest, was reached when the King of Prussia stood in the midst of the splendour at Windsor on the day of the Christening. Jan. 24th. The King of Prussia has come. May God bless him for it, sanctify his journey to both kingdoms, and pour on the Church, and on him personally, the richest mercies. Of all these things Peel will have the credit. And yet what trouble had I to obtain even an interview for Bunsen when he first came over I Jan. 25th. The King of Prussia's reception by the Queen and the people has been truly cordial and magnificent. It is worthy of a great, glowing, open- hearted Protestant nation. Jan. 28th. London. Everything is bright on the royal visit ; its effects will, I believe, long survive the hour that produced them. I should have been almost broken-hearted had his reception been cold. His visit to Eton is among the best fruits. The boys followed him with cries of joy, even to the Castle. Many a young heart will have been impressed by the visit of a great Protestant Sovereign, blessed be God. Surely the King will confess that I spoke truly when I wrote to him that " the people of this country loved Monarchy and loved Religion." To-morrow I shall meet him at Bunsen's. I have asked leave to take Accy and Francis there. They will long remember the sight of a "good King." Jan. 31st. Many things in a few days. On Saturday went to Bunsen's to be presented to the King of Prussia 150 at least present ; proposed his health at Bunsen's request. Thence to Windsor. . . . While at luncheon at Bunsen's, the King addressed to me a question which I shall record while fresh in my mind, with the conversation that followed. He spoke across Lady Canning and Bunsen, and in the hearing of others. " What hope," said he in French, " have you of carrying your Factory Bill ? " " None at all, sir," I answered in English (as he desired me), " none at all. The Prime Minister has written to me to-day to say he shall oppose me." " Indeed," replied the King in English. He paused, and then said, " We have done it for you in Prussia." " Yes, sir, I know you have, and there are thousands and tens of thousands of hearts that bless your Majesty for it." " I did not do it ; it was begun by our merchants and manufac- turers, I did not do it." " No, sir ; but it was done by your Majesty's father." "Yes, all great and good things in Prussia were done by my father." Here it dropped. PEEL'S HOSTILITY TO TUE FACTORY BILL. 215 Feb. 3rd. Yesterday the "Jews' Society" went up in deputation to present an address to his Majesty. That day was one of the red-letter days in Lord Ashley's life. It celebrated the completion of a scheme on which he had prayed,- written, spoken, and laboured unceasingly, and in a cause which lay as near to his heart as any in which he had ever been engaged. But the day was not to be one of unclouded happiness few of the days of his life ever were and immediately following the entry in his Journal, of the presentation of the address and its gracious reception, these words occur: Came home, wrote and sent a letter to the Times containing the announce- ment of Peel's hostility to the Factory Bill ; painful enough, but it cannot be helped. The steps which led to this decision may be briefly recounted here. On the 24th of January, Lord Ashley had noted in his Diary : Have written twice to Peel to obtain his final decision respecting the Factory Bill. It is manifest how the tide is setting. I must persist, and we shall break asunder. But it is a formidable step. God alone can strengthen me. The first letter to Sir Robert was as follows : Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel. ST. GILES'S HOUSE, Jan. 2lt, 1842. MY DEAR SIB ROBERT, Nearly five months have now elapsed since the subject of the Factory Question was brought before you. I may, therefore, safely and justly request, in accordance with the wishes of many parties in the Northern Districts, that you will be kind enough to tell me whether you have made up your mind to resist or concede the prayers of the operatives for the further limitation of the hours of labour between the ages of thirteen and twenty-one. My efforts have hitherto been confined to this point, and it is on this only that an answer is required. As the meeting of Parliament is close at hand, you will, perhaps, feel no objection to remove the suspense in which so many thousands are at present detained. Yours truly, ASHLEY. To this letter Sir Robert Peel replied : Sir Robert Peel to Lord Athby. WHITEHALL, Jan. 22nd, 1842. MY DEAR ASHLEY, In reply to your letter of the 21st, I beg leave to acquaint yon that I am not prepared to pledge myself, or other members of the Government, to the support of a Bill limiting the hours of labour to ten for all persons between the age of thirteen and twenty-one. Sir James Graham, as Secretary of State for the Home Department, has 216 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP X under his consideration a measure connected with the important question of labour in factories, and the education of children employed in them, and I am confident that he will, if you will allow him, be glad to have an opportunity of conferring with you, who have given so much of your attention to these subjects, if you will call upon him. Very faithfully yours, ROBERT PEEL. The object of Lord Ashley's second letter on the subject was to obtain a distinct understanding whether it would be the determination of the Govern- ment to oppose a Bill if brought in from any other quarter ; but to this Sir Robert replied that he considered his first letter was sufficiently explicit. Thereupon, Lord Ashley wrote to the Short-Time Committees as follows : LONDON, Feb. 2, 1842. TO THE SHOBT-TlME COMMITTEES OP CHESHIRE, LANCASHIRE, AND YORKSHIRE. GENTLEMEN, It is with the deepest regret that I am obliged to announce to you that Sir Robert Peel has signified his opposition to the Ten Hours Bill ; and I conclude, therefore, as you will conclude, that his reply must be taken as the reply of the whole Government on this important question. Though painfully disappointed, I am not disheartened, nor am I at a loss either what course to take, or what advice to give. I shall persevere unto my last hour, and so must you ; we must exhaust every legitimate means that the Constitution affords, in petitions to Parliament, in public meetings, and in friendly conferences with your employers ; but you must infringe no law, and offend no proprieties ; we must all work together as responsible men, who will one day give an account of their motives and actions ; if this course be approved, no consideration shall detach me from your cause ; if not, you must elect another advocate. I know that, in resolving on this step, I exclude myself altogether from the tenure of office : I rejoice in the sacrifice, happy to devote the remainder of my days, be they many or be they few, as God in His wisdom shall determine, to an effort, however laborious, to ameliorate your moral and social condition. I am, Gentlemen, your faithful friend and servant, ASHLEY. The Diary continues ; still on the same day when this cloud had arisen, namely, Feb. 3rd : To Lambeth ; an admirable party of bishops and dignitaries ; no English laymen but myself and Inglia. It was a striking and affecting thing to see the King there, when I recollected the doubts and anxieties which attended our discussions on " the Bishopric " in the same palace, only six months before. '"This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes." A day somewhat of trouble and rebuke, yet I should have been prepared for it politicians are chameleons, and take the colour of the passing cloud. My letter approves itself to their consciences, but obstructs their wishes ; they 1843.) TRUE TO PRINCIPLE. 217 feel that I am in the right, and Peel in the Treasury ; so the House of Com- mons will think with me, and act with him. I have had some cold praise, but no promises of support. I am complimented with some formal regrets ; but they all show me that the right hand of the chair presents objects in a dif- ferent point of view from the left hand some have suddenly found out that " I may be going too far ; " all seem secretly to wish that I would go no further. " Peel has made a propitiatory sacrifice to Cobden and Co., and why should not you to the whole party ? " These are their thoughts, though not, as yet, their language. " Probitat landatur, et alget" I confess I feel sadly alone ; I am like a pelican in the wilderness or a sparrow on the house-tops. I have no one with whom I can take counsel, no one to aid me, no one to cheer me. Feb. 4th. By chance I lighted on the Morning Pott, and found there the most violent and venomous article I ever read against any public man, directed against myself. . . . This is only a sample of the things I shall have to endure. Were I just coming into public life, fresh from school, and lessons of morality, I should die outright of astonishment and disgust ; but though affected, I am acclimated, and, having endured an attack, shall recover a part of my health, but no more. Those who do not openly desert, discountenance my progress ; some look black, all look cold ; the very men who patted me on the back, praised my exertions, rebuked the apathy of the Government (while 100 were in Opposition) now reverse all three. Sandon talks of it as very natural, if not very justifiable " To be ture, " he gays," when in Opposition your friendi wished to annoy the existing Government; now, of course, they look more carefully into the thing." This he did not condemn, but called it "human in- firmity 1 " This was his tone throughout a long conversation, in which he endeavoured to show that, as much evil would be left after all that I could do, I might as well leave the whole. When Lord Ashley was yet very young in Parliamentary life, he had laid it down as a rule, to govern him in all future action, ever to be honest and straightforward and true to principle, quite irrespective of party con- siderations. As early as 1834 he had recorded in his note-book that on a certain debate many Conservatives had stayed away on various pretexts, bnt none admissible. " Our single rule," he adds, " should be, to do in Oppo- sition precisely as we should do in Government, and not lose sight of prin- eij>li\s in a burst of personal antipathy to the Minister." It was as a matter of practical Christianity that Lord Ashley had, in tlio first instance, taken up the Factory Question, and it was in the same spirit that he dealt with every fresh phase of it. Nor did he ever lose a chance of bringing the subject of personal religion before communities or individuals, as he had opportunity. On the 8th of February he received a letter from a man who bore the reputation of being an advanced and dan- gerous Socialist, requesting an interview, as he had recently made an extensive tour in England and Scotland to test popular opinion on various subjects, but particularly on Factory Legislation. He concluded his letter thus : "That your Lordship may long be spared to advocate the rights of the 218 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBDRY. [CHAP. X. poor, the oppressed, and him that hath none to help him, and that you may continually enjoy that greatest of all rewards, the blessing of an approving conscience, is the sincere prayer of your Lordship's admirer and humble fellow-worker in the cause of the white slave, ." To this letter Lord Ashley sent the following characteristic reply : You have been represented to me as a Socialist and an advocate of prin- ciples that I regard with terror and abhorrence ; and you will therefore readily believe the pleasure with which I observed the spirit and language of your letter. I could not but apply to you the words of that Book whose expres- sions you have borrowed, and say, as was said to Ananias of Saul, " Behold, he prayeth I " I deeply rejoice in this, because I respect your talents, I admire your zeal, and I hope to find in you a true and faithful ally in these great and final efforts for the moral, social, and religious welfare of the working people. The unfavourable attitude of Sir Robert Peel to the Factory Question was A source of continuous anxiety to Lord Ashley. Feb. 24th. . . . All Peel's affinities are towards wealth and capital. His heart is manifestly towards the mill-owners ; his lips occasionally for the opera- tives. What has he ever done or proposed for the working classes ? His speech of last night was a signal instance of his tendencies. He suppressed all the delinquencies of the manufacturers, bepraised machinery, and treated the distress as severe but temporary. Now, he might have said that no small portion of the suffering was caused by the forced immigration of families in 1836, reducing the already low wages, and aggravating the misery, in the stagnation which followed. He might have said, too, that, while we cannot interdict machinery, we ought not to be blind to its effects : it may cheapen goods for the consumer, but it pauperises irrevocably thousands of workpeople, who can never resume their position, what- ever be the activity of trade. In short, his speech was a transcript of his mind : cotton is everything, man nothing I Feb. 25th. Time creeps on, years fly past, and the city of oppression and vice has not capitulated ; the factory system stands erect ; millions of infants are con- sumed in other departments ; and, in the course of nature, it seems probable that before long I shall be removed to another scene of action to the House of Lords. If I regard this event as a man only, I must see in it utter annihilation of all my schemes for the benefit of the working classes, and a total retirement from public life, because in that House, except for one who holds high official station, there is little or no power of originating anything which may conduce to the welfare of the poorer sort. The Peers act as breakwaters, and think as such ; this is their office, and they never rise above it. The House of Commons is the depository of Power ; any favour acquired there is more effective than ten times the amount in the House of Lords ; they are won, besides, by different qualities, and the station occupied by different men. I should be quite overwhelmed by such peers aa Salisbury, Redesdale, and Wharncliffe. Character of all kinds is FAB LESS required and appreciated among the Peers. Lord Lyndhurst. both in Opposition and in Government, exercised an influence, and commanded an attention, which would be utterly denied to him in the House of Commons. March 3rd. Matters do not brighten. I see hardly a speck of day. There 1341] HOSTILITY OP THB GOVERNMENT. 219 may be a ray of light to break forth in God's mercy, but it is not yet above the horizon. It is manifest that this Government is ten times more hostile to my views than the last, and they carry it oat in a manner far more severe and embarrassing. I find that the inspectors are terrified by Sir J. Graham. Home and Saonders are now warmly with me, but they do not dare to say so. Now I fear delay ; the Minister knows my position, and can defy me, because he has both power and specioosness on his side. Matters may be postponed to a late period of the Session, when I shall be more than usually helpless through the absence of many supporters. I am particularly dejected. I feel an unusual conviction of incompetency ; every one seems more equal to the task, be it what it may, than myself. I am become quite timid. I have undertaken things that are too hard for me, and yet I have asked at least I thought so counsel of God in everything ; but man oftentimes asks amiss. ... I might have suspected what I now know, that I have raised ap a host of enemies by my letter to Roundell Palmer. A body of them in the House have determined " to crush me," and they are resolved to do so through the Factory Question, for which purpose two went down in January hist to the manufacturing districts. They cannot make any personal charge, but they may deeply and seriously wound me by depriving me, even for a year, of my hard-earned fruit. They may, and will, give me pain, but they cannot tarnish me. March 5th. Fresh labour added to old sinews. I am like a factory spinner more toil and less wages. The Committee of Elections has now put me on the Chairman's panel (and I cannot decline it, for such is the law), and the panel have put me in their own chair. This is burdensome, because I am already over- occupied. . . . News travelled leisurely in those days, and it was not till the end of February that the papers published the account of the entry of Bishop Alexander into Jerusalem, and his cordial reception by the authorities. March 8th. There must be something more than ordinary in the Bishopric of Jerusalem, else why this fury in England and on the Continent? British Puseyites and French Papists against it I The Journal det Debatt contrasts the entry of the Bishop with the humble ingress of oar Saviour ; but would our Lord have refused the courtesy of the Governing Powers, had they proffered it to Him? Lord Lyttleton stirs in the Lords, Dr. Bowring in the Commons, while all the realms of Pusey are vomiting out essays. God will turn the wrath of man to His own honour. March 9th. Awoke in high spirits. There is a strong feeling " circum prtg- cordia " that all will go well. March llth. Peel has been eminently successful in his plans ; his Corn Bill has been sharply debated, but, on the whole, favourably received. His new taxes and new tariffs (to-night) almost gave satisfaction, a thing unheard of in the history of the Exchequer 1 To be sure, he had an astounding case of necessity, but that plea, even, has oftentimes failed. His success puzzles me ; I cannot regard him in any light but as a mere seeker of human praise ; his moral phrase- ology seems the result of calculation. His speech this evening was a chrf-d'cntvrf of self-confidence. This is unquestionably the next best thing to a vigorous faith ; it leads to victory. I begin to fear that I have as little of the one as of 220 THE EARL OP 8HAFTESBURY. [CHAP. X. the other. I am quite down again ; easily raised, easily depressed. I catch at a straw, and writhe under disappointment. The fact is, I am almost tired. I have laboured now for nearly ten years, and the haven recedes as I approach. . . . Not a cheer is given to Peel in the House of Commons that does not retard my success, multiply my toil, and add to my anxiety. This is a jovial prospect ! March 18th. Spoke again last night on the Lunacy Bill. I seemed to myself to do it without force or point, and with difficulty ; half left unsaid and the other half said ill. This is humbling and despairing, because I plough not in hope. How can I look to success in the great measures I propose, if I am so weak in the smaller ? The House will despise schemes so brought forward. Am I working in the truth and for the truth ? This doubt often arises now, and yet, what is my guide if I am not? March 29th. If things are not put down as they arise, they are either lost or are recorded with their point blunted. A reconciliation with Peel. We shook hands, and avoided all explanations. So much the better ; an explanation only gets rid, for the moment, of the old quarrel, for the purpose of laying the grounds of a new one. Facts may be set right ; but we should have had to deal with opinions and expressions. He was very cordial, and clearly much pleased. April 9th. This day is, perhaps, the last of leisure I shall have for a long time. Gave it to the reading of the Colliery Report, that I may be thoroughly furnished to the good work. I can never produce, in a speech, one-tenth part of the truth, and yet, unless that be fully told, I shall not accomplish my purpose. Great labour, great difficulty, first to read, and then to select and arrange the matter. But the Longford Committee will, I fear, occupy an alarming amount of time. " Why is sufficient for these things 1 " April 26th. I see the setting of the wind. People are already beginning to say, " You will do nothing this year with your Factory Bill ; the Government w,ill have no time," &c. &c., and all these commonplaces. Meanwhile, wrong, oppression, mutilation, death, with all the grim roll of physical and moral evils, are in full liberty. May 7th. Yesterday the Jewish anniversary. Never had we such a meeting, never such sympathy, never such enthusiasm. Every one felt deeply moved, all hearts were lifted up, to God give the glory. Heartily did I wish our venerable President * many happy returns of such a day, in the Lord's name. A blessing manifestly rested on it. All that we had done was approved, all that we sug- gested was adopted, every one was pleased, and many were comforted. Everlast- ing love and praise to the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob I In August, 1840, Lord Ashley had moved for a Commission to inquire into the employment of the children of the poorer classes in mines and collieries, and in May, 1842, the first report was issued.f Few, if any, Blue Books of the kind ever became so widely known. Continental as well as English reformers and philanthropists studied its fearful disclosures with intense interest. A mass of misery and depravity was unveiled of which even the warmest friends of the labouring classes had hitherto but a faint conception. It would be utterly incredible, were not the testimony overwhelming, that, * Sir Thomas Baring, President of the Society for Conversion of the Jews, t Parliamentary Papers, 1842, xv., xvi., xvii. HORROUS OF THE COAL MINES. 1*41] CHILDREN IN MINES AND COLLIERIES. 221 in the most Christian and civilised country in the world, such enormities could have been permitted ; and if we dwell briefly upon a few of the details, it is only that this generation may be the better enabled to realise what was the actual state of things in the " old time before them," and how great was the deliverance that Lord Ashley was instrumental in effecting. A very large proportion of the workers underground were less than thirteen years of age ; some of them began to toil in the pits when only four or five ; many when between six and seven, and the majority when not over eight or nine, females as well as males. A man must have strong nerves who, for the first time, descends a deep shaft without some uncomfortable sensations. To a young, timid child, the descent was a cruel terror, nor was the first impression of the mine less horrible. It was damp, dark, and close ; with water trickling down its sides, the floor ankle-deep in black mud ; and around, a labyrinth of dark, gruesome passages. The first employment of a very young child was that of a " trapper," and any occupation more barbarous it is difficult to conceive. The ventilation of a mine was a very complicated affair, and cannot be easily explained in a few words. Suffice it to say that were a door or trap left open after the passage of a coal-carriage through it, the consequences would be very serious, causing great heat and closeness when the miners were at work, and perchance an explosion. Behind each door, therefore, a little child, or trapper, was seated, whose duty it was, on hearing the approach of a whirley, or coal-carriage, to pull open the door, and shut it again immediately the wbirley had passed. From the time the first coal was brought forward in the morning, until the last whirley had passed at night, that is to say for twelve or fourteen hours a day, the trapper was at his monotonous, deadening work. He had to sit alone in the pitchy darkness and the horrible silence, exposed to damp, and unable to stir for more than a dozen paces with' safety lest he should be found neglect, ing his duty, and suffer accordingly. He dared not go to sleep the punish- ment was the " strap," applied with brutal severity. Many of the mines were infested with rats, mice, beetles, and other vermin, and stories are told of rats so bold, that they would eat the horses' food in the presence of the miners, and have been known to run off with the lighted candles in their month and explode the gas. All the circumstances of a little trapper's life were full of horror, and upon nervous, sensitive children the effect was terrible, producing a state of imbecility, approaching almost to idiocy. Except on Sunday they never saw the sun ; they had no hours of relaxation, their meals were mostly eaten in the dark, and their " homes " were with parents who devoted them to this kind of life. The young Iambs are bleating in the meadows, The young birds are chirping in the nest ; The young fawns are playing with the shadows. The young flowers are blowing toward the west. THE KARL OF SHAFTESBURT. [CHAP 1. But the young, young children, my brothers, They are weeping bitterly 1 They are weeping in the playtime of the others, In the country of the free. As they grew older, the trappers were passed on to other employments, "hurrying," "filling," "riddling," "tipping," and occasionally "getting," and in these labours no distinction whatever was made between boys and girls in their mode of work, in the weights they carried, in the distances they travelled, in the wages they received, or in their dress, which consisted of no other gar- ment than a ragged shirt or shift, or a pair of tattered trousers. " Hurrying" that is, loading small waggons, called corves, with coals, and pushing them along a passage was an utterly barbarous labour performed by women as well as by children. They had to crawl on hands and knees, and draw enormous weights along shafts as narrow and as wet as common sewers, and women remained at this work until the last hour of pregnancy. When the passages were very narrow, and not more than eighteen to twenty-four inches in height, boys and girls performed the work by " girdle and chain ; " that is to say, a girdle was put round the naked waist, to which a chain from the car- riage was hooked and passed between the legs, and, crawling on hands and knees, they drew the carriages after them. It is not necessary to describe how the sides of the hurriers were blistered, and their ankles strained, how fheir backs were chafed by coming in contact with the roofs, or how they stumbled in the darkness, and choked in the stifling atmosphere. It is enough to say that they were obliged to do the work of horses, or other beasts of burden, only because human flesh and blood was cheaper in some cases, and horse-labour was impossible in others. "Coal-bearing" carrying on their backs, on unrailed roads, burdens varying from half a hundredweight to one hundredweight and a half was almost always performed by girls and women, and it was a common occur- rence for little children of the age of six or seven years to carry burdens of coal of half a hundredweight up steps that, in the aggregate, equalled an ascent, fourteen times a day, to the summit of St. Paul's Cathedral ! The coal was carried in a creel, or basket, formed to the back, the tugs or straps of which were placed over the forehead, and the body had to be bent almost double to prevent the coals, which were piled high on to the neck, from fall- ing. Sometimes these tugs would break in ascending the ladder, when the consequences would always be serious, and sometimes fatal, to those who were Immediately following. Another form of severe labour to which children of eight years of age and upwards were frequently put, was that of pumping water in the under-bottom of the pits. The little workers stood, as a rule, ankle-deep in water, per- forming their unceasing tasks during hours as long as those in the other departments of labour. It sometimes happened that the children employed in the mines were required to work " double shifts," that is to say, thirty-six hours continuously, CHILDREN IH MIXES ATTO COLT.U: KIF3. 223 and the work thus cruelly protracted consisted, not in tending self-acting machinery, but in the heaviest kind of bodily fatigue, such as pushing loaded waggons, lifting heavy weights, or driving and constantly righting trains of loaded corves. In addition to the actual labour, the children, especially the apprentices, Buffered terribly from the cruelty of the overlookers, who bargained for them, dismissed them, and used them as they pleased. The revelation of the brutal punishments inflicted for the most trifling offences, is too sickening to dwell upon, nor will we advert to the fact that the food of the children was almost invariably insufficient, was of the coarsest kind, and was eaten irregularly. It is needless to say that the poor little creatures, who laboured thus like beasts of burden, and who scarcely ever saw the sunshine more than once a week, suffered terribly in health. The foundation of diseases of the heart and lungs was laid in early life ; many died young, and at thirty years of age most colliers became asthmatic, while rheumatism was almost universal. Every person employed in a coal mine was, in addition, exposed to danger constant and imminent, and it was a common saying that a collier was never safe after he was " swung off to be let down the pit." The accidents, many of them pre- ventable, to which persons were chiefly exposed, were falling down the shaft, coal falling upon them, suffocation by carbonic acid gas, drowning from the Budili-n breaking in of water, and other minor accidents, which better regula- tions and machinery have now made impossible. Education was totally neglected and the morals of the people were in the lowest possible state. Nor can this be wondered at when it is remembered that in a great number of the pits men worked in perfect nakedness, and in this state were assisted in their labours by females of all ages, from girls of six years old to women of twenty -one, these women being themselves quite naked down to the waist, their only garment being trousers. As a rule the wages paid to labourers in the mines, and especially to the I women and children, were unreasonably low, and in some districts the I ini'jiiitous " truck system" prevailed, that is to say, the people were not paid I in money, but by advances of goods from a shop in the neighbourhood where I the necessaries of life were dearer by 25 per cent, than in shops farther off. I For all the revolting cruelty practised upon the poor children employed in mines and collieries ; for all the dreadful sufferings to which they were subjected in their premature and destructive labour; for all the horrible ii.'l ucies daily passing before their eyes and inviting their imitation ; for all tin- ignorance, licentious habits, and social disorganisation springing out of this state of things, the main excuse given was, that without the employ- ment of child-labour the pits could not possibly bo worked with a profit; that after a certain age the vertebra of the back do not conform to the required positions, and therefore the children must begin early, and that unless early inured to the work and its terrors no child would ever make a good collier. It was when the condition of things was in this state that Lord Ashley had demanded a Commission of Inquiry. 224 THE EARL OP SHAPTESBURT. [CHAP. X. May 7th. The Report of the Commission is out a noble document. The Home Office in vain endeavoured to hold it back ; it came by a most providential mistake into the hands of members ; and, though the Secretary of State for a long while prevented the sale of it, he could not prevent publicity, or any notice of motion. Perhaps even " Civilisation " itself never exhibited such a mass of sin and cruelty. The disgust felt is very great, thank God ; but will it be reduced to action when I call for a remedy 1 May 14th. The Government cannot, if they would, refuse the Bill of which I have given notice, to exclude females and children from coal-pits the feeling in my favour has become quite enthusiastic ; the Press on all sides is working most vigorously. Wrote pointedly to thank the editor of the Morning Chronicle for his support, which is most effective. Concurrently with the Factory Question, Lord Ashley was continuing his labours in other movements, and especially those on behalf of the Insane Thus he writes : May 17th. This day I have visited Han well, in company with Serjeant Adams, and well may I, aye, and by His grace do I, heartily thank God for all that I saw there. Could any man, who has the least regard for his fellow-man, as created and redeemed by the same Blessed Lord, behold such a triumph of wisdom and mercy over ignorance and ferocity and not rejoice, and give God the glory 1 These things cannot be expressed, no, nor felt, by any but the spirit of Christian love, of the love of that dearest Lord, whose very essence is the indivisible, necessary, and single principle of goodness itself. What sufferings mitigated, what degradation spared, what vices restrained, what affections called forth ! May 21st. The Government had well-nigh given away Thursday (my day for the Colliery Bill) to C. Buller. It is clear that they desire to get rid of the motion. This day I received a formal proposition from Freemantle to give precedence to the Bridport case. No reason assigned why the Minister demanded precedence ; there is quite as good reason why I should precede Buller, as he precede me. I told him that such a request came with a very bad grace from a Government which was hostile, not only to past measures of the kind, but, I really believed, to this one in particular I I, of course, refused ; postponement would be total surrender. May 23rd. Peel, knowing my determination not to give way, advised Wynne this evening (Wynne told me so himself) to take Thursday for a question of privilege, thereby destroying me altogether. Never was there such treatment, such abominable trickery. May 24th. One would have thought that a " paternal " Government would have hastened to originate, certainly to aid, any measures for the removal of this foul and cruel stain ! No such thing, no assistance, no sympathy every obstacle in my way, though I doubt whether they will dare openly to oppose me on the Bill itself. Have no time for reflection, no time for an entry. I hear that no such sensation has been caused since the first disclosures of the horrors of the slave trade I God, go before us, as in Thy pillar of a cloud I May 30th. 26th, day fixed ; persisted, having received an assurance from Peel and Freemantle that the privilege question would not occupy two hours, 1SI?) "THE GREATEST JACOBIN" 225 Poel bavin? engaged to give me a day if I were disappointed. So it turned out ; Wynne was absent ; I was called ; the first sentence was all but begun, when cries arose that Wynne was coming ; I gave way, and this famous " two hours " debate occupied from five till twelve o'clock I Never did I pass such an evening ; expecting, for six hours, without food or drink, to be called on at any moment very unwell in consequence, and have been, in fact, ever since. Peel then gave me Tuesday (to-morrow), and just now such is the apparent fate of the ques- tion a horrid attempt to assassinate the Queen has caused an adjournment of the House. . ... A second attempt to murder our young Queen is really as shocking individually as it is alarming publicly. May God hear the prayer of those who faithfully adore Him, and shield her from every mischief ! May 31st. This is the day; but I fear that all will be so engrossed by this terrible affair, that there will be no hearing for us I Wrote to Peel, and offered to release him from his engagement (which he was quite ready to hold to) seeing his great anxiety to finish the Income Tax Bill. He had lost his day by so terrible an event, that it would be kind and becoming on my part to anticipate his wishes and postpone my own. He wrote a grateful acceptance of my offer, and now I stand for Tuesday next, like the god Terminus on the Capitol, resolved not to budge. June 1st. I am glad I have done so. Peel has carried his Bill, and I am not the worse for the 'delay at least, I hope so. I foresee a covert and spiteful opposition ; the Great Northern coal-owners have produced a document of defence of themselves, which throws the mantle of their comparative merit over the enormities of the general practice. Here is party ! It is a vain, insolent, and feeble paper, quite in the style of the old apologies of the Factory masters. These repeated delays have tried my patience, and stumbled my faith God forgive me. I shall yet see that the harvest is retarded, not denied. "There, Madam, is i ho greatest Jacol>in in your Majesty's dominions." Tims spoke Lord Melbourne, in his laughing way, addressing the Queen and point ing to Lord Ashley, who was dining one day at Windsor during tlio Factory Agitation. Lord Shaftesbtiry also used to laugh when narrating tin- incident, but it is clear from the following entry that his sensitive natim> smarted during this period under the badinage of men of that school : Met Melbourne at dinner a good deal excited by his language and opinions, and spoke strongly. I will never henceforward say anything to him, I have pro- tested fully and finally, and there the matter shall end. There is a decided change in feeling towards my measures even Howick declared last night to me, that long as he had been opposed to interference, he was compelled to admit its :it necessity. . . . The Report of the Commission had aronsed the indignation of the whole country. No one had the least conception of the enormity of the evil that existed ; but it was reserved for Lord Ashley to expose the iniquity of the system in a speech so powerful that it not only thrilled the House, but sent a -liudder through the length and breadth of the land. P 22G THE EARL OP SIIAFTESRUUY. [CiMr X Tune 9th. Ob, that I had the tongue of an angel to express what I ought to feel I God grant that I may never forget it, for I cannot record it. On the 7th, brought forward my motion the success has been wonderful, yes, really wonder- ful for two hours the House listened so attentively that you might have heard a pin drop, broken only by loud and repeated marks of approbation at the close a dozen members at least followed in succession to give me praise, and express their sense of the holy cause. . . . As I stood at the table, and just before I opened my mouth, the words of God came forcibly to my mind, " Only be strong and of a good courage " praised be His Holy Name, I was as easy from that moment as though I had been sitting in an arm-chair. Many men, I hear, shed tears Beckett ,Denison con- fessed to me that he did, and that he left the House lest he should be scon. Sir G. Grey told William Cowper that he "would rather have made that speech than any he ever heard." Even Joseph Hume was touched. Members took me aside, and spoke in a vary terioun tone of thanks and admiration. I must and Avill sing an everlasting " non nobis." Grant, oh blessed God, that I may not be exsiltcd above measure, but that I may ever creep close by the ground, knowing and joy- fully confessing that I am Thy servant, that without Thee I. am nothing worth, and that from Thee alone cometh all counsel, wisdom, and understanding, for the sake of our most dear and only Saviour, God manifest in the flesh, our Lord Jesus Christ I It has given me hopes for the Empire, hopes for its permanence, hopes for its services in the purposes of the Messiah. God prosper the issue I ... June llth. Has not this carried, in fact, the Ten Hours Bill? Yet two such mercies in one year would exceed, not God's goodness, but man's capacity. The masterly speech in which Lord Ashley introduced his Bill, gave AH epitome of the Commissioners' Report, and set forth the whole question in its physical, moral, social, and religious aspects. "Is it not enough," he said, in conclusion, "to announce these tilings to an assembly of Christian and British gentlemen P For twenty millions of money you purchased the liberation of the negro; and it was a blessed deed. You may, this night, by a cheap and harmless vote, invigorate the hearts of thousands of your country people, enable them to walk erect in newness of life, to enter on the enjoyment of their inherited freedom, and avail themselves (if they will accept them) of the opportunities of virtue, of morality, and religion. These, Sir, are the ends that I venture to pro- pose ; this is the barbarism that I seek to restore." * Lord Ashley's motion, " and the copious and judicious speech in which ho introduced it, were received with an unanimity almost unexampled in any political assembly. The noble Lord must have felt himself well re- warded, for his exertions in the cause of humanity, by the remarkable tribute of admiration and consent which he received from all parts of the House." So spoke the leading journal, and Englishmen generally warmly united in the tribute of admiration. In passing through Committee, and at the third reading, there were innumerable difficulties to overcome, and * A member, in a preceding discussion, had said that "this kind of legislation would bring back the barbarism of the Middle Ages " (Hansard, 3, s. Ixii. 1320). 1848.) RICHARD COBPF.W. 227 repeated attempts were made to modify and delay the measure. Bat, backed by the great body of the House, Lord Ashley was able to triumph over all obstacles. When, however, the Bill came down from the Lords on August 6th, it was fonnd that its utility had been considerably impaired by amendments, which, however, it was thought politic to accept, rather than endanger the passing of the measure during the existing Session. One of the most determined opponents to factory legislation, as proposed by Lord Ashley, was Mr. Richard Cobden. He was not only opposed to the luc.-isnrt's, but to the man; and his view of the character of Lord Ashley was as ungenerous as it was unjust. In one of his earliest speeches in Parliament, Cobden uttered his protest -t, the " Philanthropists." In a letter to his brother Frederick ho says, " The part of my last speech that struck home the most was at the close. I had observed an evident disposition on the Tory side to set up as Philanthro- pists. Old Sir Robert Inglis sat with his hands folded ready to sigh, and, if needful, to weep over a case of Church destitution ; he delivered a flaming I>;meyric upon Lord Ashley the other night, styling him the friend of the unprotected, after he had been canting about the sufferings of lunatics. Added to this, Peel has been professing the utmost anxiety for paupers, and Sir Eardloy Wilmot is running after Sturge. When I told them at the close of my speech, that I had been quietly observing all this, but it would not all do unless they showed their consistency by nntaxing the poor man's loaf, there was a stillness and attention on the other side, very much like the conduct of men looking aghast at the first consciousness of being found out." On another occasion, turning to a member who was a great friend of negro slaves, and to another who favoured Church Establishments, and who had lately complimented Lord Ashley as the great " friend of humanity generally, and of factory children in particular," Cobdon said, " When I see a dispo- fiition among you to trade in humanity, I will not question your motives, but this I will toll you, that if yon would give force and grace to your professions of humanity, it must not be confined to the negro at the Antipodes, nor to the building of churches, nor to the extension of Church Establishments, nor to occasional visits to factories to talk sentiment over factory children yon must nntax the people's bread ! " Although Cobdon had steadily opposed Lord Asliley, stop by step, both publicly and privately, he raised no opposition whatever to the Minos and Collieries Bill. On the contrary, when Lord Asliley had concluded his great speerh a speech ho always considered one of the most successful he ever -l"li vered Cobden came over to him, at its conclusion, and sitting down on the hi-iu'h beside him, wrung his hand heartily and said, " Ton know how opposed I have been to your views ; but I don't think I have ever been put into such a frame of mind, in the whole course of my life, as I have been by your speech." The impression produced upon the mind of Cobden was not evanescent. " In 1842," says his biographer,* " Cobden took a more generous, or rather a * " life of Richard Cobden." By John Morley. p 2 '228 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. X. more just, view of Lord Ashley's character than he had been accustomed to express in his letters and conversation. ' He would confess very frankly that, before he had entered that House, he had entertained doubts, in common with many of the employers in the North, whether those advocates of the Short Hours Bill, who supported the Corn Law, were really sincere ; but, since he had had an opportunity of a closer observation of the noble Lord, ho was perfectly convinced of his genuine philanthropy.' " There were occasions, in subsequent years, whon Cobden considered that Lord Ashley's philanthropy was leading him astray, and he resisted him accordingly ; but all personal animosity had ceased, and, in its place, a friendship sprang up which bore fruit in later years, when mutual sympathy helped them each to bear the sorrows of domestic bereavement that came upon them. June ICth. Accounts from all parts full of promise. The collier people themselves are delighted ; the hand-loom weavers (poor people !) rejoice in the exclusion of the females, as they themselves will go down and take their places. Here is the first point of success. June 23rd. . . . Last night pushed the Bill through Committee ; a feeble and discreditable opposition 1 " Sinners " were with me, " saints " against me strange the contradiction in human nature 1 ... Had I trusted in man, I should have been lamentably forlorn : not a member of the Government, except Manners Sntton, who was necessarily present. Graham, it is true, apologised, as summoned to the Queen ; but where were the rest ? It is very curious (but so I have invariably found it) that those who promised support failed, and those who made no promises were present I must except a few. Bell and his Northern gentry behaved admirably. Some who came down to support me spoke against me 1 There was one in the House of Commons who, not for the first time, had come forward to show his sympathy with the oppressed poor, and with tho man who was so nobly fighting on their behalf. That helper was Lord Palmerston, who pleaded that the measure might pass into law without any alteration that would affect its principle, and he was convinced that it would pass if it received the cordial and sincere support of the Government. Nor did he leave the matter here. In its passage through the House he continued to resist the amendments which tended to remove the security against the employment of women. He " taunted Ministers with not having given that cordial support which Sir James Graham had promised. . . . He would not accuse them of backing out of their intentions, but their reluct- ance to object to these amendments proved that there was a power greater than their own which exercised a sort of coercion over them."* June 24th. A notice given last night, by Mr. Ainsworth, to refer the Bill to a Select Committee, to see whether it would not abate the wages of the working classes ! This involves delay long and serious delay. I suffer much from anxiety. George Anson gave me a kind message from Prince Albert, expressive * " Life of Lord Palmerston." By Hon. Evelyn Ashley, M.P. IMS.] LETTER PROM THE PRINCE CONSORT. 229 of his sympathy and the Queen's, adding that he had read every syllable of it to the Queen, who was particularly pleased with the message to herself from Isabel Hogg.* I found on my return home a most excellent and amiable letter from the Prince. May God bless him and prosper him ! HM.H. the Prince Contort to Lord Athli y. BUCKINGHAM PALACE, June 23rd, 1842. MY DEAR LOBD ASHLEY, I have carefully perused your speech, which yon were so good as to send me, and I have been highly gratified by your efforts, as \\ 1 1 as horror-stricken by the statements which you have brought before the country. I know you do not wish for praise, and I therefore withhold it, but God's best blessing will rest with you and support you in your arduous but glorious task. It is with real gratification I see in the papers the progresB which you made last night. I have no doubt but that the whole country must be with you at all events, I can assure you that the Queen is, whom your state* mcnts have filled with the deepest sympathy. 1 1 would give me much pleasure to see you any day that you would call on me, at twelve o'clock, and to converse with you on the subject. Believe me, with my best wishes for your total success, Ever yours truly, ALBERT. June 25th. Late last night, or rather at two o'clock in the morning, forced my Bill through the Report, despite the resistance of Mr. Ainsworth. Thank God ! but the day is not yet won. There may be difficulty on the third reading. Waited on Prince Albert ; found him hearty, kind, sensible, and zealous. Ho is an admirable man ! June 28th. Deputation from South Staffordshire ; very positive, very un- reasonable. But they have secured Hatherton's co-operation in the Lords ; and I, meanwhile, have not found any one to take charge of the Bill. Buccleuch, i-v.'ii, requires longer time for the exclusion of females. Locke, I hear (the agent of Francis Egerton), is secretly setting men's minds against the " female clause." The whole struggle is reserved for the Upper House. God be with us ! June 29th. A day of expectation and hope. Disappointed at the last. The House was counted out, and my Bill again delayed. The mercy of God is ever qualifying evil. I have lost the day, but I have gained the Duke of Buccleuch. He will undertake the charge of the Bill ; for him I will extend the time of operation to 1st of March. July 1st Last night the Duke of Buccleuch informed me that his colleagues objected ; they refused him permission to undertake the Bill ; they would not make it a Government measure. Surely, after such promises of support from Graham, such unanimity in the House, and such feeling in the country, they should have done so ; but they are hostile in their hearts. Hathcrton has notified his opposition in the Lords. I have no one to take charge of the Bill. "Another witness, a most excellent old Scotchwoman, Isabel Hogg, says: ' Collier people suffer much more than others. You must just Ml the Queen Victoria that we are quiet, loyal subjects. Women-people don't mind work here, but they object to horse-work ; and thut she would have the blessings of all the Scotch coal- women if she oould get them out of the pits and send them to other labour. ' " Quoted by Lord Ashley in hi* speech, June 7th, 18 1J. 230 TUB EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. X. July 2nd. Resisted again last night Two divisions on the adjournment of the debate late at night. Peel and Graham voted with me on the first, but went away on the second. Neither of tfom said a word in my favour. Gladstone voted against me, and Sir Edward Knatchbull ; Graham, the evening before, had changed his tone, and began to express his doubts to Jocelyn. Here again is "cordial support ! J> The Government will openly desert me in the House of Lords. Wharncliffe attempted to break his engagement, by desiring me to postpone all parts of the Bill except tJuit which related to females. I positively refused. July 5th. On Saturday, Francis was respited ; on Sunday, the Queen's life ag;iin attempted. Had the first miscreant suffered, we should not have had this second 1 God be praised for her escape 1 I have great difficulty in finding a patron for the Bill in the House of Lords ; I have tried the Dukes of Buccleuch, Richmond, Sutherland, to no purpose. July 6th. Ainsworth again resisted it as a " dropped order," fixed it, how- ever, by right, for the later part of the evening. It came on about niue, and, God be everlastingly praised, received, amid cheers, the fiat that " Lord Ashley do carry the Bill to the Lords." Palmerston told the Ministers that, " if they were sincere (and they would soon be tested), the Bill must pass the House of Lords." It is almost impossible to understand the prolonged trouble and anxiety Lord Ashley had to encounter and endure, both before and after any groat public effort. As an illustration, the following entries from the Diary are quoted, even at the possible expense of weariness to the reader : July 8th. Much, very much trouble to find a Peer who would take charge of the Bill. It is " the admiration of everybody, but the choice of none." So often refused, that I felt quite humbled ; I was a wearisome suitor for a moment's countenance. All had some excuse or other ; praised it, but avoided it. Have since tried Lord Abercorn, the Duke of Cleveland, Lord Dalhousie, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Carnarvon, who has given me no answer, and Lord Stanhope, who dissuaded me from urging my request by showing how his advocacy of the Bill might ruin it in the estimation of their Lordships. He was truly zealous and kind ; but his plea was a just one for " non-interference." At last, this very evening, a debate still raging in the House of Lords, I obtained Lord Devon, who spoke, with shame, of the indifference of the Peers to such a measure. Never did one body present such a contrast to another as the House of Lords to the House of Commons the question seemed to have no friends ; even those who said a sentence or two in ita favour, spoke coldly and with measure. Hatherton gave notice of a Committee, and the Duke of Wellington approved it, and spoke with contempt and suspicion of the Commissioners. I could not guess at his motive, unless it were an attack on the late Government. And this, after he had told me ten days ago at Buckingham Palace that he entirely approved my speech, and that " the House of Lords would give us no trouble " I nay, more, in a letter I received from him still later, he assured me that " he should take the same line in the Lords as the Ministers had taken in the Commons " I This is the accomplishment of "cordial and earnest support" I But God will overrule, and turn all things to His glory at last. There is, I doubt not, and will 1842.) SUCCESS OP TOE COLLIEET BILL. 231 be, more success than I now see, for disappointment and apprehension lie heavy on me. I sent the Bill to the Lords with deep and fervent prayer, consecrating, and committing it to God, as Hannah consigned her son Samuel, to His blessed service. May He, in His mercy, have " respect unto me and my offering 1 " July 13th. Last night fixed for debate in House of Lords, postponed to Thursday. Lord Londonderry attacked me, Clanricarde defended me. Misery makes one acquainted with strange bedfellows 1 He did it kindly and well. Government at last declared, by the voice of Lord Wharncliffe, that it would " be iijuice, it would give no support to the Sill" This, too, after having promised groat things in the House of Commons ; and moreover, after having done the Bill a dis-scrvice by recommending that it should be referred to a Select Committee. Now then I am impotent nothing remains (humanly speaking) but public opinion were it not for this I should not be able carry one particle of the Kill ; but something, please God, I shall attain through that His instrument ; yet a Miall portion of what I desired. It is impossible to keep terms with this Ministry, their promises are worth nothing. July 26th. Bill passed through Committee last night. In this work, which -lould have occupied one hour, they spent nearly six, and left it far worse than tlu-y found it; never have I seen such a display of selfishness, frigidity to every human sentiment, such ready and happy self-delusion. Three bishops only pro 1 liiehester (Gilbert), Norwich (Stanley), Gloucester (Monk), who came late but he intended well. The Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury * ut away I It is my lot, should I, by God'a grace, live so long, to be here- after among them ; but may He avert the day on which my means of utility in I'uMiu life would be for ever concluded ! . . . Aug. 1st. . . . Said Peel to me the other evening, "I shall be as great a MiilVrer as most people by the Bill, but it was perfectly right ; the evidence coukl not be resisted though I shall be so great a sufferer, I assure you / have not I the tllghtett impediment" I told him " I believed his statement." J ooiiM not, however, pay compliment*, for he ought to have done far more thai his negative aid ; In- ouyht to hate co-operated vigorously. \ ' o'rlnck, night. Redesdale moved the third reading. I was much buoyod uj with the notion (which papers, bills, peers, and clerks confirmed) that the amend- (!) admitting the women into pits "only not to work," had been omitted ; full of excitement and thankfulness ; when I suddenly discovered that the words were added on a ilip of paper. God forgive me for my bitter disappointment ; God strengthen my faith and patience ! I am in a fix : shall I accept the word-, or > mleavour to strike them out? If they remain, the Bill is neutralised; if they be objected to, the Bill is lost. The long period of anxiety and disappointment carao to an end at last. I Tln< Hill one of the greatest boons ever granted to the working classes I passed the House of Lords successfully, and the celebration of the victory u ' thus recorded : August 8th. Took the Sacrament en Sunday in joyful and humble thankful- ness to Almighty God for the undeserved measure of success with which He has blessed my effort for the glory of His name, and the welfare of His creatures Oh that it may be the beginning of good to all m^nkin^ I jV'orK* t&clomm. 232 THE EAUL OP SIIAFTESBURY. ICHAP. X. nascitur ordo ? Whatever has been done, is but the millionth part of what there is to do ; and even then, should such an end be accomplished, which man never yet saw, we should still be " unprofitable servants." The more I labour, the more I see of labour to be performed, and vain at the last will be the labour of us &11. Our prayer must be for the Second Advent, our toil " that we be found watching." Owing to the depression in trade this year, there was a terrible amount of distress in the manufacturing districts. In the neighbourhood of Stockport the poor-rates had increased from 2,628 in 1836 7 to 7,120, and it was stated, at a meeting to memorialise';the Queen on the subject of the distress, that more than half the master-spinners had failed, and 3,000 dwelling-houses were untenanted. At Leeds, one-fifth of the entire population were depen- dent upon the poor-rates. At Manchester, shopkeepers and operatives held almost daily meetings, to devise measures of relief. At Sheffield, 10,000 people were suffering the direst distress. Early in the year, bread riots of a serious nature had taken place in Ireland and in Scotland, and in August alarming disturbances broke out in the manufacturing districts of England, chiefly at Manchester, Stalybridge, Stockport, Macclesfield, Dudley, Boston, and Huddersfield, under the direction of Chartist demagogues. So serious was the disorder that, after a special Cabinet Council had been held, troops of Artillery and Grenadiers were despatched to Manchester, and special instructions issued to magistrates. Eventually order was restored, but from the 18th to the 25th of August there was a reign of terror. Excited mobs clamoured in the streets by day, and night was made fearful by incendiary fires, while seditious placards were issued by the Executive Committee of the National Chartist Association to keep alive the agitation. Arrests were made in great numbers ; iu one gaol alone there were 500 prisoners, who wore tried by special commissioners sent down by the Government. They were troublous times ; and those outbreaks were presages of the storm that was browing, not in England only, but over tho whole Continent of Europe. August 18th. Have visited St. Giles's with William ; found it in beauty and peace. Oh, si sic oninia ! The country is distracted by lawless mobs and sudden insurrections, throughout the trading districts, more general, prolonged, and systematic than we have seen for years. It is singular that the commotion began among the pitmen in Staffordshire, in those regions which, represented by Lord Hatherton and the deputation, succeeded in mutilating the Colliery Bill, asserting, as they did to me, that " any provision for time and education was wholly unnecessary in those parts, the people being moral, religious, and fully instructed." The resistance of the colliers to a reduction of wages found sympa- thisers in all the manufacturing communities. The disaffection being set afloat, ovcry department of industry produced its own grievances, and all are acting together, not so much because they are carefully organised, as because they are all ill at case. The affair, however, has now taken the colour of a political movement ; and all minor objects (the Poor Law, Factory Bill, Truck System, fcc. &c.) are subordinate to the grand and final remedy of the Charter I IN THE MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS. 233 For this we are as much indebted to Sir B. Peel as to Feargus O'Connor. Peel's refusals create an appetite for O'Connor's offers. At the dissolution of Parliament the mass of the working classes were with Peel, because they had hopr ; they are now against him, because they have none. His course on the Ten Hours Bill was taken as the test and measure of his sympathy for the operatives of the kingdom; his perpetual talk of "imports and exports " (his mind and heart never entertain higher projects in the responsibilities of Government) does not deceive them, for they know full well that a brisk trade would not bring to them a bettered condition. They see in their rulers no interest or care, and they will, therefore, feel no confidence. " Had we," said the Chartists of Leeds to me, " a few more to speak to us as you have done, we should never again think of the Charter." In September, Lord Ashley again made a tour through the manufacturing districts, accompanied by Lady Ashley, and spent much time amongst the operatives, both publicly and privately, to warn them against the prevailing spirit of lawlessness, and to urge them to persevere in their efforts for emancipation in a quiet and peaceable manner. Then, for relaxation, a few days were occupied in a hasty journey to North Wales for the purpose of visiting Llangollon, the Menai Bridge, and other places of interest. On their homeward journey, the following entry was made at Cholmondeley Castle : Sept 29th. Spent three days at Gawthorpe admirably well with Dr. Kay- Shuttleworth (formerly my antagonist) and Mrs. Shuttleworth, visiting the cottages, consulting colliers and hand-loom weavers, and conciliating mill- owners. We conversed from morning till night, and scarcely ever touched a subject unconnected with the moral and physical condition of the poor, and the means of repairing it. The grace of God has done much for the man ; he always had a kind heart, he has now a religious heart ; his whole pleasure is centred in moral good, his whole life seems devoted to the essential welfare of the British nation ; he gives daily manifest and undeniable proofs of his sincerity. This is a mighty gain for me and my cause, and I heartily bless God, who has raised up agents for Himself where, in my infirmity, I least looked for it 1 Thence to Worsley ; a happy visit. I enjoyed an opportunity of renewing my habits of friendship and intimacy with that dear and excellent woman, Lady Francis Egerton, one of the earliest, and certainly the truest friend I have in the world. Never did there live a more simple-minded or pure-hearted person, full of zeal for God's honour, and indefatigable in His service. Peace be to the house 1 Had several interviews with Col. Shaw, of Manchester ; acquired most extensive and important information respecting the working population ; he is a jewel to me ; I bless God that I have found him. Perambulated the town on Saturday night in company with two inspectors, and passed through cellars, garrets, gin-palaces, beer-houses, brothels, gaming-houses, and every resort of vice and violence. These things cannot go on for ten years longer, with a people increased by three millions. Saw a darling little girl seven years old in the very depth of dirt and uproar ; never did I witness such beauty of natural, untaught affection, towards its rough and unkind mother. I determined, God willing, to rescue it if possible. Descended a coal-pit 450 feet ; thought it a duty ; easier to talk after you have seen ; so away I went, and had ever in my mind, "Under- 234 T1IE EAIIL OF SUAFTESBURY. [CIIAP. X neath are the everlasting arms " so I feared not. Passing through Manchester. Monday, Sept. 26th, received and answered an address from the Central Short- Time Committee. While Lord Ashley had been giving his attention more especially to the underground workers, the factory agitation for a Ten Hours Bill had, neces sarily, although not for that reason, made very little material progress. It was desirable, therefore, that the people should be stirred up, and ho " wrote his Answer to the Address of the Central Short-Time Committee with groat care, as he wished it to be a manifesto of opinions." He expressed his thanks for their approval of his past services ; but did not disguise his firm conviction that the measures hitherto either carried or suggested, were but preliminaries in the great undertaking of domestic regeneration. After alluding to the passing of the Collieries Bill, and the unexampled assistance given by an unanimous press, which had awakened a healthy and vigorous public opinion, ho called upon them to persevere in their just and necessary demands for a reasonable Time Bill, for a measure which, by the more equal distribution of labour, should save them from the alternation of absolute idleness and intolerable toil. Ho continued : Nor must we omit to press upon the attention of tho public the gradual dis- placement of male by the substitution of female labour, in a large proportion of the industrial occupations of the country an evil we have long observed with fear and sorrow. This evil, as you well know, is not confined to the mills and factories of the United Kingdom, but is spreading rapidly and extensively over other departments, desolating, like a torrent, the peace, the economy, and the virtue of the mighty mass of the manufacturing districts. Domestic life and domestic discipline must soon be at an end ; society will consist of individuals no longer grouped into families ; so early is the separation of husband and wife, of parents and children. Sept. 29th. To Cholmondcley Castle. Dear and friendly and agreeable people the old Duchess,* God bless her, was there though deeply religious they are cheerful, nay, joyous ; they think good, do good, and God gives thorn Ilia grace and blessing. Among Lord Shaftesbury's papers there wore fouud a number of lottera from Sir Robert Peel, many of them undated. There is one which refers to tho excellent Duchess of Beaufort, and justifies all that the foregomg extract from the Journal states ; but whether the letter relates to this particular time is doubtful ; it may have been written some few years earlier. Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley. WHITEHALL. MY DEAR ASHLEY, I shall be much obliged to you to convey to the Duchess of Beaufort my sincere thanks for the kind consideration which induced Her Grace to send to me, through you, the volume of sermons which accompanied your note ; and to assure her that the occupations of public business, and the contentions of political strife, do not so wholly absorb my thoughts as to make me insensible to the full value of her favourable opinion and kind wishes. * Duchess of Lcaufort, mother of the Marchioness of Cholmondeley. 18*2.) WITH T11E QUKEH DOWACEK. 235 I would say more if I did not feel that, in serious matters like those forming the subjects of your note, any approach to flattery would be misplaced, and give pain rather than satisfaction to the sincerity and simplicity of a virtuous and religious mind. But I am truly grateful for being remembered in the prayers which such a mind offers up for the spiritual welfare of those who, placed in such positions as I am, are too apt to have their thoughts diverted from matters of the highest and most Listing concern. Ever, my dear Ashley, most faithfully yours, ROBERT 1'i.i.r.. October 5th. Rowton, Have been reading lately Sidney's Life of Rowland Hill ; he was one of a race of martyrs, or rather of confessors, who maintained their pious but painful ground in the face of a persecution which, to many minds, would be more formidable than racks or gibbets. He and Simeon and all their brethren withstood contempt, and ridicule, and desertion at a time when neither in private nor in public was there any refuge or kindness for an evangelical man. This was by God's grace, and we reap the fruits of it Oct. 27th. Bournemouth. Melbourne has received the merciful warning of a paralytic stroke, and poor Irby is dead at Newmarket, a kind-hearted amiable man, who maintained amid the turfites (is it not well-nigh impossible?) a generous, unselfish spirit towards his competitors in the game. Oct. 29th. Went yesterday with the Queen Dowager to see the Stocphill Nunnery, near Canford. No males admitted generally, and the Lady Abbess made objection, but was overruled by the Priest, who declared that the invitation of a Queen to her suite, masculine though it were, contained a dispensing power. A Cistercian nunnery, a female La Trappe ; rules very rigorous, observance of them much mitigated ; among others a rule prevails that no one speaks to her follow; words are never exchanged except with the Superior or Chaplain. And this, poor things, is to be their notion of Christianity, and of the requirements of Scripture. " Then they that feared the Lord spake often one to another, and the Lord hearkened and heard it." November Dth. Wilton.* Here for the first time in my life a most magni- ficent dwelling-place it is " ceiled with cedar and painted with vermilion," yet I rejoice to say that the occupier, though not the actual proprietor, Sidney rt, has entered into and shared the spirit of David ; he has not been content to " dwell in a house of cedar, while the Ark of God dwelleth within curtains ; " the new and noble Church in the town attests his zeal for the "Temple of the Lord." Quod fdix faustumque sit! Have been to London to transact business in Lunacy. This is a mighty snb- nd one on which authority and power could be extensively and beneficially exercised. How often do I exclaim, for this and many other purposes " O Thou, my thoughts inspire, Who touched Isaiah's hallowed lips with fire." But God's strength is " made perfect" in man's weakness. * Wiltou, Salisbury the Earl of Pembroke's. Sidney Herbert, afterward* L Herbert of Lea, was Lord Pembroke's younger brother. 236 THE EARL OP SHAFTKSBURY. [Cmr. X. The history of our arms in Afghanistan in the xinfortnnate expedition to reorganise the internal condition of that region which has been called " the laud of transition between Eastern and Western Asia," was studied very attentively by Lord Ashley, and his Diaries contain a digest of all the stirring events from the first visit of " Bokhara " Burnes, and through all the series of disasters that followed, until, in 1842, the result was that " after four years of unparalleled tidal and disaster, everything was restored to the condition in which we found it; except that there were so many bravo Englishmen sleeping in bloody graves." It would be foreign to our purpose to quote at length from his Diaries on subjects that were not personal to himself, but his views on the Campaign in Afghanistan, as well as on the China War, may be given here briefly, as upon both those subjects he was before long to take a public stand. China and Afghanistan remit us by every mail fresh accounts of useless successes and indelible disgraces. The wretched inhabitants and soldiery of that unintelligible empire are mowed down, with as little resistance, as grass for the oven ; the narratives of Captain Bingham's work are the records of an abattoir. . . . Nov. 15th. And t his is the way to recommend Christianity to the Orientals ? Timour and Nadir Shah did more for Mahometanism. Have been studying, every morning, St. Paul's epistles. Well may St. Peter say, "there are some things hard to be understood " 1 Nov. 22nd. Intelligence of great successes in China, and consequent peace. I rejoice in peace ; I rejoice that this cruel and debasing war * is terminated ; but I cannot rejoice, it may be unpatriotic, it may be un-British, I cannot rejoice in our successes ; we have triumphed in one of the most lawless, unnecessary, and unfair struggles in the records of History; it was a war on which good men could not invoke the favour of Heaven, and Christians have shed more Heathen blood in two years than the Heathens have shed of Christian blood in two centuries ! I tremble the more, because I feel assured that vengeance will come in some terrible shape ; these sins will not remain unpunished ; failure might have mitigated our retribution, but success will prove our ruin. Nov. 24th. Intelligence yesterday of further success in Afghanistan. Capture of Ghuznee and Cabul, and consequent peace. This is a blessing, and saves us from further cruelty and sin ; but I tremble ; " Pride goeth before a fall." Nov. 25th. The whole world is intoxicated with the prospect of Chinese trade. Altars to Mammon are rising on every side, and thousands of cotton children will be sacrificed to his honour. What can be more disgusting than the total oblivion of all causes, modes, and results of these wars, in the foresight or f orehopes of large profits 1 . . . The peace too is as wicked as the war 1 We refuse, even now, to give the Emperor of China relief in the matter of the opium trade. . . . Dec. 16th. The Home Secretary has appointed one special Commissioner a limb of the Poor Law to investigate the employment of women and children in Agriculture. The motive is manifest, when you know the man ; it is calculated first to delay, and then to oppose my efforts. He tvill allow me to do nothiag * The reference is to the first Opium War. 1WS.J THE SECOND ADVENT. 237 u-ntil the report be made, and then, beside, qualify my doings by arguing that agriculturists are no better off. This would be inconceivably untrue, but quite enough for a Parliamentary statement, backed by official authority. What are the proportionate numbers of females, the intensity of their labour, the duration of absence from homo, the hours of toil, the locality, and all the circumstances 7 As a million to zero. Dec. 17th. Anxious all nig-ht, full of suspicions that a trick is intended. . . . Dec. 22nd. The weather we have enjoyed throughout this whole year has been the temperature and climate of Eden. God be praised I the poor find their comfort in it. Yesterday was my father's birthday, on which he completed his seventy-fourth year, a most green and vigorous old age God grant that he may turn it to his everlasting account 1 Dec. 25th. Christmas Day. There is very little seeming, and no real, hope for mankind but in the Second Advent ; all our efforts are weak and transitory, and issue in works very little stronger or more lasting if we succeed in any project having for its end the good of the human race ; first, we have to contend against the various lets and hindrances which arise in the execution of every honest purpose, the abatements, the diversions, the overthrows of our schemes ; next, we must consider how small a portion of our fellow-creatures can receive benefit from any policy of ours the widest plan and the fullest success of benevolence never yet affected the twentieth part of mankind nothing can be universal but the reign of our blessed Lord on the throne of David, when there shall be "Glory to God in the highest, peace on earth, and goodwill towards men ; " " even BO come, Lord Jesus ! " Dec. 2fith. The collect for the third Sunday in Advent contains the whole object and means of national and individual education. It exhibits (as is most true) the affairs of this world as subservient to those of the next ; it shows the object to be the preparation of man's heart for Christ's Second Coming ; the means, to be the general diffusion and maintenance of the Gospel by the " ministers and stewards " of God's holy mysteries. Here is wisdom 1 Now, had I my own way, as absolute Prince, or Prime Minister, of these realms, I would reduce these principles to action. I would recast the whole arrangement of parishes, especially in towns. I would assign to every three thousand souls a ri'-i'li-nt pastor, with a decent income and comfortable house ; and I would then leave education to take care of itself, forbidding to the State any meddling, suggesting, directing, planning, in matters wherein it can have no knowledge. The State should insist and enforce that the duty be done, but not presume to interfere with its own theories and doctrines. Dec. 31st. It is manifest that my "public support " in the coming year will undergo considerable abatement Publicity being one of my instruments, any means towards it being abstracted, I shall find myself in greater labour and less co-operation. Even the Dortet County Chronicle has imbibed the poison, and seems shy of rendering me any service among my constituents. A man having neither an official station nor a party to back him, cannot, humanly speaking, afford to lose the assistance of newspapers. I am beginning to be a little anxious ; I wonder now whether I am so for myxrJf, or in behalf of "ttit- cause." I know full well that there is in all these things a leavon of personality. CHAPTER XI. 1843. "I SAVE undertaken," wrote Lord Ashley in 1842, "more than I know how to accomplish." Tet the year 1843 was destined to bring him an enormous accession of labour. Three gigantic questions National Education, the Opium Trade, and B agged Schools were to be added to those which already occupied his attention. Before proceeding to quote from his Journals on these subjects, or to narrate the position of affairs in relation to them, wo must first glance at other matters concerning his own personal history and the movements of the time. Jan. 1st. St. Giles's. Here I am in Quarter Sessions : the same vice, the same misery population increasing, and crime also. The evil and the danger growing hand in hand, and yet not an attempt at remedy ! . . . Jan. 10th. Lord Londonderry has invited the formation of a league to attain the repeal of my Colliery Bill. Sharp practice, seeing that it will not come into full operation before next March ! I see that the proposal is received with favour in Scotland. I can hardly believe that the Parliament will so speedily reverse its decision, or the Government their " support." It is, however, another element of anxiety, and another subject of prayer. A grand oration by Gladstone at Liverpool in favour of Collegiate Institutions and education of middle classes. The papers bepraise him, his eloquence, hig principles, and his views. Well, be it so ; there is no lack of effort and declama- tion in behalf of fine edifices and the wealthier classes ; but where is the zeal for ragged pin-makers, brats in calico works, and dirty colliers ? Neither he nor Sandon (how strange !) ever made or kept a house for me, ever gave me a vote, or ever said a word in my support. Jan. 12th. Yesterday's Times and Morning Post are dissatisfied with their friend : he is but a hybrid in Puseyism for them. The Timax says something that is true ; the Post is unjust. Here is the awkward and half-ridiculous posi- tion of Gladstone : he has asserted principles in matters ecclesiastical that he cannot reduce to practice in the present hour : and yet he has taken office with a Ministry that neither can conform to them, nor even desires it. He is allied with men, and must, to retain office, act with men who feel differently, think differently, and speak differently from himself on questions of the highest moment. His public life has long been an effort to retain his principles, and yet not lose his position. He seems a kind of theological bat, partaking of two natures. Early in the year there is a significant entry in the Diary : " Peel will yet find his difficulties to lie in Ireland." And the prophecy met with its AFGHANISTAN 239 fulfilment. We can only summarise, in this place, the conrse of events fully detailed in the Diary. Throughout the year 1843 Ireland was, apparently, on the very verge of revolution. O'Connell had termed it " the Repeal year," and, by organising enormous gatherings of the people, called " monster meetings," had hoped to bring about a Repeal of the Union. At these meetings he exhorted his countrymen " to die freemen rather than live as slaves ; " ho held out to them tlio Impe that, before twelve months had passed, " an Irish Parliament should sit at College Green," and vowed that, within that period, " he would himself be f roe or in his grave ! " Alarmists were astonished at the calm attitude in which these lawless ]>r..<-iTiliii^s were viewed by Sir Robert Peel and his Cabinet, especially when preparations were being made to hold a monster meeting of unusual import- ;iiic-f on the 8th of October, at Cloutarf, near Dublin, a spot famous in the war-annals of Ireland. But, on the day before the intended meeting, a Proclamation was issued by the Lord-Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, warning all well-disposed persons from ai tending the meeting, organised by "factious and seditious men." This Proclamation struck terror to the heart* of the " Repealers." The meeting was countermanded. O'Conuell, forsaken by the bulk of his former supporters, indulged in violent and ill-judged language, and on the llth of October he, and eight of the most prominent leaders in the agitation, wore arrested on the charges of conspiracy, unlawful assembling, and sedi- tion. The result was that a fine of 2,000 and imprisonment for twelve months were inflicted on O'Connell, and his companions wore also punished by fines and imprisonment ; and thus a death-blow was struck to the agitntion. O'Connell survived his defeat only three years. As already stated, the terrible events that occurred in Afghanistan in 1842 had taon carefully studied by Lord Ashley, and every great episode noted from time to time in his Diary. Especially did he watch the policy of Lord Ellonborough (the Governor- General of India in succession to Lord Auck- land), a man of brilliant talents, erratic genius, and overbearing temper, whoso high-headed action and bombastic utterances reached their climax in the extraordinary Proclamation issued by him on the restoration to India of the gates of the Temple of Somnauth, carried off by his orders when Ghu/.noo was retaken by the English. It ran thus : " To all the Princes and Chiefs f nd People of India. My brothers and my friends, Our victorious army bears the gates of the Temple of Somnauth in triumph from Afghanistan, ami tin- despoiled tomb of Snllaii Muhuiond looks upon the ruins of Qhu/.nm Tin- insult of 800 years is at last avenged. The gates of the Temple of Som- nautli, so long the memorial of your humiliation, are become the proudest record of your national glory ; the proof of your superiority in arms over the nations beyond the Indus." . . . Jan. 22nd. Is Ellenboron^h mad? Has any person, private or royal, ever uttered such a speech, or sent such a circular, since the days of Herod I NM tot 240 THE EARL OP 8HAFTESRURY. [CnAr XI. homincm sonat. Ho is stately and oracular as a tutelary Apollo, a false and cox- combical deity. But this folly is serious ; it vitally affects the honour and service of Christianity ; the British Government is to conciliate the Hindoos by the repair of their temples and by the adoration of their idols 1 The Mahometans had been good enough to do, eight hundred years ago, what we could not think of now, to destroy the house of a beastly image, and now we are set on the restora- tion of it I . . . Jan. 23rd. Just finished Lieutenant Eyre's narrative* of the affairs at Cabul and the captivity in Afghanistan, deeply interesting, graphically yet simply told, with the force and painting of Captain Head. Much as I hated and dreaded the policy which prompted and executed the invasion of that country when it first began, I hate and dread it more now. What a mass of needless sin and suffering ! What a mighty waste of virtue, courage, heroism, fortitude I What energies thrown away nay, more exerted in a wicked cause by noble and reluctant parties I Here were minds and hearts destroyed in that wilderness of misery, which might, in a day of necessity, have been, under God, the glory and strength of Great Britain ! This is bad enough in itself ; but there is something yet worse ; there ia an immense national sin altogether unrepented of. People rejoice, and say, " they are glad v/e are well rid of the matter ; " but are we so ? . . . March 10th. Voted last night against the Government, to condemn Lord Ellenborough's Proclamation. What have I to do with the party-motives of the Whigs, who brought forward the resolution 1 Their motives may be vile, but they do not alter the quality of the fact. It is on this that I had to pronounce, irrespective of the sentiments of those who attacked and defended it. Talk of party, indeed I The defence was as much the work of a faction as the assault. Never was I more disgusted and depressed ; never did I feel less regard for public men, or less pleasure in public life. The character of the Proclamation, its effects on the native race, on Christians in India, on Christians in England, were quite forgotten ; everything sacrificed to the defence of the Governor-General. Any attempt to palliate slavery was abhorrent to Lord Ashley, ax the following entry will show : "^ Jan. 25th. Morpethf has written a letter to the female editor of the Liberty Bell in America. . . . He shuna any part in the Slavery Question in the U.S. ; but while his prudence may be applauded for abstaining from interposi- tion in local disputes, his language seems somewhat to express a diminution of feeling on this great human wrong. He states his discovery that many persons of sense, refinement, and piety, defend and practise the institution of slavery. This is the first step towards the justification of it perhaps by both parties. . . . Piety forsooth ! I should much like to ascertain these points : do his pious slaveholders discourage, in every way, and between all parties, illicit sexual con- nection ? Do they encourage nay, compel among their slaves the institution of marriage God's holy ordinance in the days of man's innocency and all the consequent domestic relations 1 Do they spread among them the knowledge and * *' Narrative of a Prisoner in Afghanistan." t Afterwards Earl of Carlisle and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He was travelling in the States. 1M3.) ASSASSINATION OP MR. DRUMMOXO. 241 oof Christianity? Do they provide for them the administration of the Sarrainriits, tho fn-c use of the Bible, the regular attendance at public worship? Or they shut them out of such privileges as above the slavish station ? Uufil he shall have priced these things, Lord Morpeth has no right to talk of PIOUS slaveholders I ... On the 20th of January, Mr. Edward Drummond, Private Secretary to Sir Robert Peel, was shot when passing along Whitehall ; and there was little dinilit that tin; assassin, Daniel McNaughten, intended the ball, not for him, but for Sir Robert Peel Lord Ashley wrote a letter of condolence and sympathy, as follows : Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel. ST. GILES'S HOUSE, January 30th, 1843. MY DEAR SIB ROBEBT, Perhaps a few words from me of condolence and sympathy with the great loss you have sustained in poor Edward Drnmmond will not be considered out of season, or out of place. He was to you so true a friend, and so valuable an assistant, that I may venture to rank him among those whom you most loved and honoured. God knows the loss is not yours alone ; every one who enjoyed the acquaintance of the poor dear fellow must feel how ill society could afford the privation of so simple-hearted and so English a gentleman. But his melancholy end fills me with horror ; it has 1 God in His wise and merciful, though unsearchable Providence, to per- mit him to fall by the blow that was, no doubt, intended for another. I cannot that it is a disconnected act; it is the beginning of sorrow. Sit mum ; these events must prove to us of what slight avail are all human precau- tions ; that in the everlasting arms is our oijly safety ; and that as we hope to die, so must we learn to live, in His faith and fear. May God, of His mercy, guide, protect, and cherish you 1 May He reserve you for His gracious purposes towards this country and mankind, for His service in this world, and for Ilia glory in the next 1 Yours very truly, ASHLKY. To thia letter Sir Robert replied : Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashlt y. WHITEHALL January ."!.'/. 1*1:1. MY M :\i: .\-:ii,i:v, If anything could administer consolation to me for the ;il loss I have sustained, under circuin.sUiiK.vs of the most painful nature, >ld be the letter which you have written to me, full of the kindest of sympathy, and inculcating, with all the authority of a lofty and \ rit, solemn truths too often iu'glcct<-d. What human precaution c;m Ailing/ The assassin of my poor friend had no grievance that we ever heard of. II. n. \ < r preferred a complaint Ho was ten times more affluent than ust majority of his class in life. 1 must have passed within throe yards of him half an hour before the murder w..s committed. Ever, my dear Aahley, with sincere regard, Host faithfully yours, ROBERT PEEL. 242 THE KARL OP 8IIAFTESBURY. [CnAp. XL Feb. 22nd. Dined with Peel on 18 Lh ; had much conversation. He asked me much about Pusayism. Ifo now seems to hold it in horror. The Second Report of the Children's Employment Commission, having reference to the condition of juvenile labourers in various branches of iiulust r y not affected by the Factory Act, was published early in 1843.* In this voluminous document and its appendices, it was proved that in many trades children began to work at seven, six, five, and even four years of age. Parents sent their children to work as early as possible ; in many cases to pay off debts to the master by the children's labour. In other cases children \vei-e apprenticed for long terms of years to receive food and clothing, but no wages. The apprentices had no legal protection against unmerciful masters, but convictions of apprentices for breaches of contract were very numerous. Magistrates were opposed to cancelling contracts, even when neglect or cruelty was evident, lest the apprentices should return to be a burden on the parish. Bail treatment of the children by adult workmen was common. The average day's work was from ten to twelve hours. Ignorance and moral depravity were general ; the Sunday schools inefficient ; the evening schools of little use for overworked children. With all this labour there were associated great poverty and bad food, especially in the nail-making, needle, lace, hosiery, and tobacco manufactories, in the potteries, and the calico-printing works. The picture revealed by this investigation into the " free industries " (as they wore termed), was much more melancholy than anything that had been reported with reference to the great factories. And yet, in spite of efforts by Lord Ashley, to whiclnwe shall have occasion presently to refer, only in one or two directions was anything done to remedy these terrible abuses, until the passing of the first Factory Extension Act in 1864. The Factory Question, in consequence of the revelations made by the Reports of the Children's Employment Commission, became so closely associated with the subject of the Education of the Working Classes, that i* was necessary to treat it in this connection, and on February 28th Lord Ashley moved an Address to the Crown praying her Majesty " to take into her instant and serious consideration the best means of diffusing the benefits jind blessings of a moral and religious education amongst the working classes of her people." In support of this proposition ho produced a mass of start !in;r statistics, and unveiled a picture of widespread depravity. In concluding his speech he said : This, Sir, completes the picture I desired to lay before the House : it has been imperfectly, and I fear tediously drawn. There is, however, less risk in taxing the patience than in taxing the faith of indulgent hearers. I have not presumed to propose a scheme, because I have ever thought that such a mighty undertaking demands the collective deliberation and wisdom of the Executive, backed by the authority and influence of the Crown. But what docs this picture exhibit? Mark, Sir, first, the utter inefficiency of our penal code of our capital and * 1'arl. I'u|cr8, 18-43, xiii., xiv.. x. 1843.] EDUCATION OP THE WORKING CLASSES. 243 secondary punishments. The country is wearied with pamphlets and speeches on gaol-discipline, model-prisons, and corrective processes ; meanwhile crime advances at a rapid pace ; many are discharged because they cannot be punished, and many become worse by the very punishment they undergo punishment is disarmed of a !;ir_-e part of its terrors, because it no longer can appeal to any sense of shame ; and all this because we will obstinately persist in setting our own wilfulness against the experience of mankind and the wisdom of Revelation, and believe that we can regenerate the hardened man while we utterly neglect his pliant childhood. You are right to punish those awful miscreants who make a trade of blasphemy, and pollute the very atmosphere by their foul exhibitions ; but you will never subdue their disciples and admirers, except by the implements of another armoury. You must draw from the great depository of truth, all that can create and refine a sound public opinion all that can institute and diffuse among the people the feelings and practices of morality. I hope I am not dictatorial in repeating here that criminal tables and criminal statistics furnish no estimate of a nation's disorder. Culprits, such as they exhibit, are but the representatives of the mischief spawned by the filth and corruption of the times, the crimes of these offenders the sum total of the crimes of England,, although we should lament for the individuals, we might disregard the con- sequences ; but the danger is wider, deeper, fiercer ; and no one who has heard -tatemouta and believes them, can hope that twenty years more will pass without some mighty convulsion, and displacement of the whole system of society. Next, Sir, observe that our very multitude oppresses us ; and oppresses us, too, \vith all the fearful weight of a blessing converted into a curse. The Bang's h ought to be in the multitude of his people ; and so it is ; not, however, such a people as we must shortly have ; but in a people happy, healthy, and virtuous: "Sacra Denim, tanctique patret." Is that our condition of present comfort or prospective safety ? You have seen in how many instances the intel- lect is impaired, and even destroyed, by the opinions and practices of our moral world ; honest industry will -decline, energy will be blunted, and whatever shall remain of zeal be perverted to the worst and most perilous uses. An evil state of morals engenders and diffuses a ferocious spirit; the mind of man is as much affected by moral epidemics as his body by disorders; thence arise murders, l)!;i-[ihemies, seditions, everything that can tear prosperity from nations, and peace from individuals. See, Sir, the ferocity of disposition that your records disclose : look at the savage treatment of children and apprentices ; and imagine ful resulta, if such a spirit were let loose upon society. . . . Nor let us put out of mind this great and stirring consideration, that the moral condition of England seems destined by Providence to lead the moral con- dition of the world. Year after year we are sending forth thousands and hundreds of thousands of our citizens to people the vast solitudes and islands of aimthrr hemisphere; the Anglo-Saxon race will shortly overspread half the habitable globe. What a mighty and what a rapid addition to the happiness of mankind, if these thousands should carry with them, and plant in those distant regions, our freedom, our laws, our morality, and our religion ! This, Sir, is the ground of my apial to this House ; the plan that I venture to propose, and the argument by which I sustain it It is, I know, but a portion of what the country requires ; and even here we shall have, no doubt, disappoint toente to undergo, and failures to deplore; it will, nevertheless, bear for us Q 2 214 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [Cu/.rXL abundant fruit. We owe to the poor of our land a weighty debt. We call them improvident and immoral, and many of them are so : but that improvidence and that immorality are the results, in a great measure, of our neglect, and, in not a little, of our example. We owe them, too, the debt of kinder language, and more frequent intercourse. This is no fanciful obligation ; our people are mure alive than any other to honest zeal for their cause, and sympathy with their necessities, which, fall though it oftentimes may on unimpivssil>!n In arts, m-vrr fails to find some that it comforts, and many that it softens. Only let us declare, this night, that we will enter on a novel and a better course that \ve will seek their temporal through their eternal welfare and the half of our work will then have been achieved. There are many hearts to be won, many minds to be instructed, and many souls to be saved; Oh Patria! oh D-iviim ilmin/x .' the blessing of God will rest upon our endeavours ; and the oldest among us may perhaps live to enjoy, for himself and for his children, the opening day of the immortal, because the moral, glories of the British Empire. This powerful speech met with the general applause of the House, and the motion was agreed to. March 1st. Last night brought forward my motion on " National Education." Whatever I received from the goodness, grace, and mercy of God, when I intro- duced my Colliery Bill, I received in a tenfold measure here. Hearts were prepared, opportunities furnished, success vouchsafed. The unanimity was wonderful ; the feeling in the House still more so ; it presented the spectacle of a Christian assembly, invested with mighty power for Christian objects. Could this have been effected a few years ago 1 Such a speech would have been heard with cool indifference or shouts of derision ! novus sm-lorum nascitvr ordo ; if we will but seize the blessing that God Almighty, who has long waited to be gracious, now holds out in His lavish, inconceivable, and undeserved mercy, the country will not only be saved, but rise to loftier degrees of dignity, usefulness, and virtue ! What lessons does such success as mine offer to the weak in faith 1 And what a lesson to myself in all my doubts and misgivings and ungrateful perplex iti.s ! But this comfort I have, that it is in the hope and strength of God's word that I have laboured : the blessed words of our dear Lord have ever been before me, " feed My Limbs." 5th. I am more and more astonished by the success of my motion, and by the excitement of fervour and sympathy it has raised. It is wonderful how God gives us more than wt- desire or deserve ; dcsvrte so much is wicked to think of ; desire so much was beyond all conception. Graham behaved well, and rose immediately after me to catch (as he said) the House in its warm and gmicruua temper. I was much struck by the spirit and feeling of John Russell ; he spoke like a man deeply impressed by some strong conviction. They tell me that on Wednesday morning shops and public-houses were thronged by persons anxious to read the papers. O God, in Thy mercy, grant that this be the grain of mustard-seed in the heart of the nation, which shall grow into a tree like the cedar of Lebanon, and stretch forth its branches unto the sea, and its boughs onto the river 1 Why was it? About a quarter of an hour before I concluded, I stopped J8.] TIIK FACTORY EDUCATION BILL. 245 ;ly, lost the thread of my discourse, and nearly broke down 1 Was this the :i in the flesh " lest I should be exalted beyond measure ? Thu i volume (of the Diary) with a triumph in my public career. To mercy be all the honour, and may I have strength, and wisdom, and real, and power to persevere, and to see, and to do " yet greater things than these ! " On the evening that Lord Ashley brought forward his motion, Sir James Graham stated tliat a Factory Education Bill was in course of preparation. On March sth tliis Hill was laid before tho House; it reduced the honrs of lalxmr for children from eight to six and a half hours per day, tho whole of which was to l)i- accomplished either in tho morning or in the afternoon. (MuMmi wen- to bo allowed to begin working at eight instead of nino years (if ago. " Young persons" between thirteen and eighteen were only to work twelve hours, and females were to bo deemed "young persons " till twenty-one of age. Tlioro wore some other protective clauses, and joined to tlies. tl.ere was a scheme of education, to some extent compulsory. Tho schools to bo provided wore each to bo under tho caro of a clergyman, two chu wh- in, and fonr elective trustees. To this provision, which evidently gave a preponderance to Church influence, tho Billowed its eventual detraction. Tin* opposition of the Dissenters was roused, and soon Iwcamo formidable. When the Bill was read pro forma on tho 1st of May, Sir Jamos Graham said: "Tho petitions which have been presented against tho Educational Clauses of the Factories Bill, to which I am about to advert, have been numerous almost without precedent." Well might he say so, for up to that late 11. till petitions, bearing 1,757,297 signal uros mainly thoso of Dis- senters- had Keen given in. May llth. . . . Education scheme seems to languish ; foes active, friends supine; imlei-d, it has bat few zealous friend*. Many acquicsco under the pressure of necessity ; doubtless it is pushed to tho very verge of principle ; a hairVbreadth in addition would render my acceptance of it impossible Oniham's interpretation of the teaching of tho Scriptures is an exaggeration of .itiah and Foreign system; it would preclude any doctrinal explanation whatever ; confine the child to grammar and syntax, and leave him in full pos- session, humanly speaking, should he have them, of the grossest and most perilous errors. Yet I will take the Bill, because the whole Word of God is put into the hands of the scholar and is road by him. My poverty, but not my will, consents. God, I hope and pray, in compassion to our infirmities, will bless the ose of His Book, notwithstanding the denial of the oral teaching of His minister. Three times a week, moreover, the child will bo trained in the tenets and dis- cipline, the Creeds and Liturgy, of the Church. To meet the views of the Nonconformists, tho Government introduced some modifications into tho Bill, but it became increasingly evident that f he-i- con cessions were of no avail. In presenting th,> Amended Hill, Sir James Graham posed in the now attitude of iv pence -maker, but not until ho had effectually used his arts of irritation beforehand. 246 THE EARL OF SIIAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XT. " I am aware for the symptoms are too evident," he said, " that upon this question the waters of strife have overflowed, and that they now cover tho land ; this" (the modified Bill the Right Hon. Baronet then placed upon tho table), " this is my olive-branch. I tender it in the hope that tho harbinger of peace ere long may return, with the glad tidings that tho waters liavo subsided. On tho part of tho Government, I tender this peace-offering in tho spirit of concord and of Christian charity and goodwill." But the waters of strife were not to be spoken down info calm by Sir James Graham. By the 15th of Juno the petitions svgainst tho clause* in their amended form were almost as numerous as those against the elan s. > in their original form; in tho City of London alone, 55,000 persons signed a protest against tho further progress of the Bill. On that date, therefore, Sir James Graham gave notice of tho intention of tho Government to abandon the Educational Clauses. June ICtfh. Graham withdrew, last night, the Education Clauses of tho Factory Bill. The Government are right, it could not have been carried in the House except by forced and small majorities ; it could not have been reduced to practice in tho country, without fierce and everlasting collisions as harmony was the object, so harmony must have boon the means. The fierceness and strength of opposition, however, were not the sole reasons of withdrawal ; at least in my mind, the apathy of our own friends, lay and clerical, was a death- blow to any hope of immediate or final success. No one liked the scheme, though many acquiesced in it ; all desired that it should not pass, because one part thought it would do real harm, and the other believed it would do no good. One result has issued to my conviction, and I dare say to that of many others. " Combined Education " must never again be attempted it is an impossibility, and worthless if possible the plan is hopeless, the attempt full of hazard. So I will never vote for combined education let us have our own schools, our Catechism, our Liturgy, our Articles, our Homilies, our faith, our own teaching of God's Word. June 17th. Wrote on Wednesday to Peel, to relieve him from any obligation he might conceive himself to be under to me, to persevere in the Educational Clauses. I admitted his extraordinary and unprecedented difficulties. II o returned a most thankful answer, and stated that, without my assent, he could not have withdrawn the Bill. Sir Robert Peel's reply was as follows : Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley. WHITEHALL, June 16th, 1843. MY DEAB ASHLEY, Tour kind and considerate letter in respect to the Educational Clauses in the Factory Bill relieved the Government from the great embarrassment which they would have felt in abandoning those clauses, if, after the part you have taken on the subject of Education, and the religious and social welfare of the manufacturing classes, and considering your high authority on any question relating to the improvement of their condition, your opinion had been decidedly in favour of perseverance. 1W3.J COVERVMF.XT FACTORY BILL. 247 My own opinion 5s, seeing what has passed, that there would be no advantage to the cause of religious education in trusting to the co-operation of the Dissenting body in the measure we proposed, and that the abandonment of it is preferable to failure, after religious strife and contention. It is but a sorry and lamentable triumph that Dissent has achieved. Most truly yours, ROBERT PEEL. June Ifith. Wrote yesterday to urge perseverance in the remaining clauses. Wrote most strongly, because I suspected Graham. I pointed out, in fact, that the Government could not, with honour, retire. This evening received his reply in the affirmative, yet I think that, without my letter, they would have surren- dered the Bill 1 The clergy are not to be blamed ; they have agreed to con- cessions never before heard of, but in the hope of conciliation and pence. . . . I never thought that I could have accepted such a scheme, and yet it was wise both to make it and receive it. Extreme necessity and extreme hope acted on my judgment, and I did what I never did before and will never do again. All was gulpable, but when called on to adopt " the teaching of the Bible," as pro- posed by Sir James, the simple text without note or comment or word of inter- pretation, the grammatical sense and nothing else, the actual leaving, ns t In- case might be, of a Socinian in Socinian ignorance, of a Socialist in Socialist impurities, except so far as the grace of God might bless even the " letter " of His word I did fool a nausea, almost to faintness ; nevertheless, for the sake of peace, I agreed to even that. The letter referred to above was m these terms : Lord AMey to Sir Robert TV/. June I5(h> Jm MY DEAR SIR ROBERT, Sir James Graham asserted this evening that the Factory Bill was so complicated with Education Clauses as to require very serious deliberation whether it could be proceeded with this Session. Sir James's statement is tolerably incorrect, nay, I think, unfair ; the Educa- tion Clauses were engrafted on a Bill found in the Homo Office ; a Bill which had been recommended by the Committee of 1841, of which I was Chairman, and introduced by Mr. Fox Manle. This Bill contained the Six-hour Clause, the limitation of time for children under thirteen years of age, suggested and propounded some months before your Government came into office. The Bill, if shorn of its Educational Clauses, is a complete measure, and has the sanction of a Committee appointed to investigate and improve the state of the Factory Acts. Surely you cannot withdraw the Bill now on the table ; such a step would bo a departure from what is due to the House, to the operatives, and, I may say, to myself. I urged the late Government for years, and at last persuaded them to ]>;u-;i;il justice; their Bill was lost by the Dissolution. It can scarcely be neces- sary that I should recall all the private and public communications I have had with your Government on this subject. Nothing was done in 1S41 ; I expected something, and was disappointed, in 1842, but excuses were assigned, and I lived on the promise for 1843. 248 THE EARL OP SnAFTESBURY. TCiiAr XI. I must appeal from Sir James Graham to you. I cannot believe that you will allow such a wanton abuse of power, for such it would be. I have no following in the House, and no party to rest on ; I am therefore at the will of those who have ; but I still trust that some consideration will be shown, not to myself, but to these wretched people in whose cause I have now begun the eleventh year of anxiety and toil. I am, very truly yours, ASHLEY. On the 19th Sir James Graham declared that tho remainder of the Factory Bill would be proceeded with, and moved that it he committed. Tho Bill then passed throiigh Committee, and in the course of the discussion Lord Ashley deplored the dissensions that had broken out. " Wherever tho fault lay, one thing was quite clear that the really suffering parties were tho vast body of neglected children, who, as present appearances wont, were now con- signed to an eternity of ignorance." Ultimately, the Government saw fit to abandon the measure altogether, promising, on July 31st, in reply to a question from Lord Ashley, to bring in another Bill early in the ensuing Session. The introduction of Lord Ashley to tho Opium Question is told by him in his Journal in those simple words : Feb. 13th. On Saturday last Samuel Gurney and Mr. Fry called on me to lay the state of the Opium Trade with China before me, and request that I would submit it to Parliament, as a grand questjon of national morality and religion- I agreed in all they said, for I had long thought and felt the same ; but doubted my fitness and capacity to undertake such a task promised, however, to consider the proposition. They told me, and gave most excellent proofs of their correct- ness, that the Government were not averse to the abolition of the Opium Monopoly, though fully aware of its extreme difficulty ; that the Board of Trade were actually favourable, and that Peel positively condemned the contraband trade. This was tho commencement of an official alliance with a caxise which, for more than forty years, was to receive his advocacy. There can be little doubt that future generations of Englishmen will unhesitatingly condemn the policy that has so long been pursued with regard to this iniquitous traffic, and it will seem scarcely credible that in the nineteenth century, wliilo British missionaries were preaching tho Gospel in every quarter of the globe, and while British philanthropists were combating almost every known phase of evil under the sun, British statesmen could be found capable of dof ending, for the sake of the revenue, a system which has been again and again con- clusively proved to bo fraught with misery and ruin to tens of thousands of the Chinese people. Vainly have tho best and wisest of Chinese statesmen opposed the introduction of the pernicious drug ; English Ministers wore determined that the revenues of our Indian Empire should not bo curtailed, and did not scruple to secure, by firo and sword, the maintenance of the tjnholy traffic. 1813.) TIIK OPIUM TRADE. 249 It may assist to a clearer understanding 1 of the issues involved in this momentous question, if we very briefly state the salient facts in the previous history of the exportation of opium to China from our Indian dependencies. Prior to 1773, some of the Civil servants of the East India Company, in defiance of the rules which were supposed to regulate their conduct, had been enriching themselves by the cultivation of opium, and the sale of it to Dutch merchants and others, who found a market for the produce. In that year the Company took the monopoly into its own hands. Either directly, by the Company's agents, or by those persons to whom they disposed of it, Empire they are appointed to govern; and, if there be any guilt in the system which I shall develop, tho guilt is not theirs exclusively: it is shared by the Legislature and the whole nation; it is shared by the members of this House, which, in tho year 1832, sanctioned by a law the rev.-niie derived from the opium trade, commending the production of the druir, and actually approving its destination." He quoted various authorities to show that this system of smuggling led to riot and disturbance, and that tho Chinese people were naturally indignant when they saw native dealers in opinm severely punished, whilst the f< importer prosecuted his business with impunity. From the testimony of wit ii"--'"v he showed that all Chinese society, from the Imperial Family down to the lowest ranks, suffered from the baneful effects of the drug, that officials were corrupted and multitudes ruined, that with the traffic was associated in the Chinese mind every sort of embarrassment and penal inflic- tion, and that the trade was a source of danger, shame, and disgrace to all concerned, and was a hinderance to legitimate commerce. Those were the causes of the war, and they still remained in full activity. Tho vessels engaged in tho opium trade had to bo armed ; those engaged in peaceful traffic had no such need. Such a state of things was not only inimical to peace and honourable intercourse with China, but it had operated most injuriously on our trade by substituting a pernicious drug for tho produce and manufactures of Great Britain. " and this," he said, " had seemed to him a connecting link between himself and tho question, because tho extension of commerce and opening <>f new markets seemed akin to his previous efforts to promote the welfare of the working classes." He showed that no progress had been mado in commerce with China, bnt, on the contrary, that wo had gone back in our im- portations into that country, whilst our manufactures and products had neither deteriorated nor risen in price. It was not the faidt of the Chinese ; 252 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBLmY. [OnAp. XI, testimony was overwhelming that tho Chinese were anxious for trade, but the opium traffic stopped the way. He then gave elaborate statistics showing how all legitimate commerce was swayed by tho opium traffic, and stated his conviction that, if the temptation were removed, the Chinese would readily give their produce in exchange for our goods. He continued : But, Sir, another, and by far the greatest, consideration remains behind ; that for which kings reign and princes decree justice, the consideration of that which affects the moral welfare of whole nations. For what purpose, I ask, is all government instituted ? I speak not of the practice that is too often corrupt- but of the principle of government. For what purpose are all rulers invested with power, but to encourage religion and morality, to protect and advance the real interests of those committed to their charge, and to hold forth to their subjects, and to the world, the example of wisdom and virtue ? Has it been so here ? Has such been our conduct in this particular ? Quite the reverse. I will venture to assert that our encouragement to this nefarious traffic has retarded the progress of Christianity, and impeded the civilisation of mankind. Lord Ashley then proceeded to give a vivid description of tho general effects upon its victims of indulgence in opium as a luxury their physical, mental, and moral debility, their hideous disfigurement and premature decay resulting in misery almost beyond belief, destroying myriads of individuals annually, and casting its victims into a bondage with which no slavery on earth could compare, and from which there was scarcely a known instance of escape. There was immorality involved even in the cultivation of the plant, for such pressure was put upon the ryots that, in many cases, they were compelled to accept the Government grant and supply tho needed quantity of poppy. In fact at every step tho system was associated with evil, and only evil. Splendid regions were laid waste to supply the commodity (for poppies require a special soil) ; the trade was in the hands of desperate fellows who carried it on by fraud, violence, and oppression. It was an intolerable outrage to the feelings of the civilised and Christian nations of the world, that this iniquitous trade should be part of tho fiscal arrangements of the Government an important part of tho Imperial policy of India. The opium was grown by advances from the Imperial Government ; carried down to Calcutta, and put up for sale under Government authority ; shipped in opium clippers lying in tho river, and the clippers supplied with arms from the arsenals of tho Government. Lord Ashley frankly admitted that, for the sake of the revenue, Parliament in 1832 sanctioned tho opium monopoly. " I was in Parliament myself at tho time," ho said, " and I share in tho responsibility ; but I had not, at that time, the most remote idea of the enormities which the details of tho system have since brought to light." Having now studied tho whole question, tho revelation of tho facts of the case had filled him with horror. He saw that it stood in the way of the progress of society, the civilisation of man, and the advancement of the Gospel. It could never be that Opium and the Bible 1843.) SPEECH ON T11E OPIUM QUESTION. 253 could enter China together ; ho was constrained to endorse the testimony of missionary agents, who asserted that *' the proud escutcheon of the nation which declares against the slave trade, is made to bear a blot broader and darker than any other in the Christian world." Lord Ashley enforced this conclusion as follows : I am fully convinced that for the country to encourage this nefarious traffic is bad, perhaps worse than encouraging the slave trade. That terrible system of slavery does not necessarily destroy the physical and moral qualities of its victims. It tortures and degrades the man, but it leaves him susceptible of regeneration. But the opium trade destroys the man, both body and soul ; and carries a hideous ruin over millions, which can never be repaired. You may abolish the evil this night, but you cannot restore the millions who have been tempted, by the proceedings of the Government of India, to indulge in the use of the pernicious drug. Now, a fact has just occurred, than which nothing, I am certain, can reflect greater disgrace on all our conduct ; it occurred on Wednesday last. The Baptist iM issiouary Society a Society which has done a great deal in effecting the spread of the Gospel among heathen nations, and which has produced some most eminent and pious men at a meeting last Wednesday, took into consideration the propriety of sending out missionaries to China ; and it was decided to work through the agency of the American missions, because the public feeling in China was so strong against the English, that if the missionaries hoped to work at all, it must be through America, which had kept aloof, in a great degree, from the disgraceful traffic. And what was the result? Why, the Baptist Missionary Society of England voted 500 to be put at the disposal of the American missionaries for the propagation of the Gospel in China ! So, Sir, it has come to this, that England, which professes to be at the head of Christian nations, is precluded by her own immoral conduct from sending her own missionaries to that part of the world which she herself has opened for the advancement of civilisation and the enlightenment of Christianity. Having set forth the evil, with its causes and results, Lord Ashley demanded, in the first place, that Parliament should destroy the monopoly, which the East India Company possessed, of the growth and manufacture of opium in India, and thus abolish nine-tenths of the mischief; and in the next place, in order to remove another feature of the evil, that the cultivation of tln> drug in tho territories of tho East India Company should bo prohibited i her. In a series of masterly arguments ho combated tho opposition which would be raised to these proposals, and concluded in tin sr words: This, Sir, is the statement on which 1 rely ; and while I most sincerely thank tin- House for the kindness and indulgence with which they liavo listened to me, I may be allowed, perhaps, to express a hope that those who reply will answer me with facts and statements of equal authority. Now, Sir, let us make the c;tse our own. What would be said, if any other nation were to treat us as w> the Chinese I What would be said in this country, and what an amount of just indignation there would be in this House, if we were told that French buccaneers were ravaging our coasts, defying our laws, and murdering our fellow -subjects J 254 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP XI. Should we venture to act thus towards any other State that was bold enough, and strong enough, to make reprisals upon us 1 Certainly not. And in admit- ting this, we admit that our conduct towards the Chinese is governed by our pride and our power, and not by our own estimate of justice. . . . Do you know, or are you indifferent to, the opinions and language of foreign nations 1 Can you take up a single foreign journal without finding it full of sarcasm and contempt of our conduct and policy ? Have you heard the honest, sober, and conscientious opinions of foreign statesmen? Do you value the sentiments of foreign historians ? Here is the language of Count Bjornsterna, in his authentic work on the British Empire in the East, a work that is widely cir- culated on the Continent. "Strictly speaking, the whole trade with India," says the Count, " rests at present on a highly immoral basis ; on 15,000 or 20,000 chests of opium, of the value of 2,000,000 or 3,000,000 sterling, with which the Chinese are every year poisoned. Thus a country, which had for thousands of years accumulated the gold of the world, which is destined by nature to bear the finest fruits, and the dearest spices, which contribute to the enjoyment and refreshment of man, has been compelled in our days to bear a noxious drug, which spreads physical and moral debility among the millions of inhabitants of the Celestial Empire." If such accusations as these were unjust, I should altogether despise them ; but, knowing that they were richly deserved, they are to my mind absolutely in- tolerable. Sir, although I may be animadverted upon, and perhaps rebuked, for having presumed to handle so important a matter, I shall ever be thankful that I have acted as an instrument to lay this abominable evil before the eye of the public. I shall deeply regret to have given offence to this House, or to any indi- vidual ; nevertheless, I shall rejoice in the disclosure, and the possible removal, of the mischief. Sir, the condition of this Empire does demand a most deep and solemn consideration ; within and without, we are hollow and insecure. True it is that we wear a certain appearance of power and majesty ; but, with one arm resting on the East, and the other on the West, we are, in too many instances, trampling under foot every moral and religious obligation. I confess I speak most sincerely, though few, perhaps, will agree with me; but I do say it is in my heart, and I will bring it out if this is to be the course of our future policy ; if thus we are to exercise our arts and arms, our science, and our superiority of knowledge over the world if all these are to be turned to the injury, and not to the ad- vimtage, of mankind, I should much prefer that we shrink within the proportions of our public virtue, and descend to the level of a third-rate Power. But a grout and noble opportunity is now offered to us, of being just and generous in the height of victory. In such a spirit, and with such an aim, there is hope that we may yet be spared to run a blessed, a useful, and a glorious career ; directing all our energies and all our vows all that we have, and all that we shall receive to that one great end of human existence, "Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace, goodwill towards men." This important speech occupied seven closely-printed columns of The Times on the following morning'. It was the first great indictment of the Opium Trade uttered within the walls of Parliament, and it was felt to be unanswerable, even by those who thought it inexpedient to meddle with the 1&43.] COMMENTS ON THE OPIUM DEBATE, 255 question. A debate ensued. Mr. Brotherton, Sir R. Inglis, Captain Layard, and others supported Lord Asl Jey. A few members argued that his proposals were impracticable, and would not have the desired result. Sir Robert Peel, on behalf of the Government, appealed to him to withdraw his motion, inas- much as a vote upon it under existing circumstances would act prejudicially to the negotiations then pending in China. At the same time he indulged in a line of deprecatory argument, of which the gist seemed to be that, as we could not put down gin at home, we need not concern ourselves about intro- ducing 20,000 chests of opium into China every year. Lord Ashley, in his reply, said that he woidd be the last man to act to the prejudice of negotia- tions now being carried on, and therefore acceded to the Ministerial request.* The Times, in commenting, a day or two af terwards, on the speech, said that " it was grave, temperate, and practical, well stored with facts, authorities, and arguments, and strictly confined to a consideration of those measures which it might be possible and expedient to take, for the prevention of the grow tli of opium within the British dominions in India, audits importation by British subjects into China." It was added that Lord Ashley's speech was "far more statesmanlike in its Tiltimate and general views than those by which it was opposed," whoso arguments amounted to this : " That morality and religion, and the happiness of mankind, and friendly relations with China, and new markets for British manufactures, were all very fine things in their way; but that the opium trade was worth to the Indian Government 1,200,000 a year, and 1,200,000 was a large sum of money, which it would not be easy to make up from any other source without offending somebody in India ; and, upon the whole, that we could not afford to buy morality and religion, and the happiness of mankind, and friendly relations with China, and new markets for British manufactures, quite so dear." f April 5th. Last night, Opium 1 Though I did not succeed in carrying my motion, yet I made a sensible impression on the House, and through that, I hope, on the country. I was, perhaps, more master of myself than on any former occasion, yet down to the very moment of commencing my speech I was in dejection and uncertainty. God, however, I see was with me, and I reached the consciences, though I could not command the support, of several members. S|,nku for nearly three hours, nevertheless the House listened to me throughout with patience and sympathy. . . . Ministers wished to avoid speaking, and called on me early to close the . I refused to do so, not choosing that such a question should be lightly treated, and dismissed without a word from a member of the Cabinet. They put u ji I'lingham Baring to move "the previous question." He was feeble, though some of his matter was not bad. He had one argument, touching British goods exported to India, which was somewhat specious, but utterly unsound. Hogg was clever, but audacious, affinnatory, and almost false. Peel was forced to rise at last, and certainly took a line for which I was not prepared. I had expected a fuller condemnation of the traffic, and a less positive and contented defence of Hansard's Debates. + The Tiniet, Ayril titb, 1842. 256 TITE EARL OP SIIAFTKSntTRY. [Ou.ip. XI. the East India Monopoly. He sneered at our care for the health and morals of the Chinese, and altogether assumed the tone of a low, mercantile, financial soul, incapable of conceiving or urging a principle, which finally disgusted me, and placed him in my mind much below the Christian level, and not any higher than the heathen. But as he stated that the negotiations on foot by the Govern- ment would be really impeded by such a motion as mine, I of course withdrew it. His speech was shallow and feeble. . . . Very remarkable not one person even attempted to touch the morality of the question ; that seemed to be tacitly but universally surrendered. The prayer of the 28th was heard ; the hand of the Almighty was with me. To Him, and to Him alone, be all the glory ! April 7th. I have since heard spiteful comments on my determination not to divide the House ; argued as a defect of principle in me ; a proof of insin- cerity. Ah, well 1 I must submit to such things. How could I venture to throw myself between the Executive Government and a just and profitable treaty? Peel, it is true, hinted that legalisation of the traffic (which my enemies assume I ought to condemn, and which I do) was within his view. I said in my reply that, " probably, I should not concur in his conclusions." This, however, was but a part, and the Minister moreover requested that the whole thing should be left in the hands of the Government. The House, too, would not have tolerated such a division ; had Peel said nothing of the sort, I should have been very strong. After his declaration, my numbers would have been reduced so as to become ridiculous. . . . The tone now is, among my adversaries, 'JL well-meaning, amiable sort of man, with no fragment of penetration." This is the second stage of my public character 1 In many of Iris undertakings, and now more especially in those two great movements National Education and the Opium Traffic Lord Ashley was brought into close and frequent communication with Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and the estimate he formed of their characters is given in the following entry, written shortly after the withdrawal of the Educa- tional Clauses from the proposed Factory Bill : July 8th. They are invested with enormous powers of doing good to the human race, and they utterly neglect them. How, and by what means, from what cause, or what influence, have the Ministry so declined in public and private " estimation " ? That it is so, is shown by the papers, by conversation, by noise, by silence, by open attack and no defence, by the joy of the Opposition, by the dejection of friends, by the looks, they say, and the language of the Govern- ment themselves. Their numbers are undiminished, and yet they carry nothing ! They have committed no leading and palpable folly, and yet no one confides i n their wisdom ; no great and manifest crime, and yet who animates himself by conviction of their honesty? All is doubt, uncertainty, vain wishes, and disap- pointed hopes, much anger and discontent, personally and collectively, with p re- sent men, and yet an unwillingness to change them. I speak of the Houses and Clubs, for among the middling and other classes they seem irrecoverably ruined. It would not be easy for them to assign a definite reason, but they all feel dis- pleasure, which would neither use nor admit argument at a general election. Compare the state of moral and political power they possessed in 1811 with 1843.] SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 257 what they possess in 1843 ; and it is as Lord Bacon to a baby 1 Among secondary causes a very principal one is the high expectations formed of the mighty con- trast the Tories were to exhibit in comparison with the Whigs. Now, the contrast they have exhibited, and it is a beneficial one, is far less in what they have done than in what they have not done. They have produced and carried but few things, but they have introduced no mis chievous legislation and made no wicked appointments. This, however, is negative merit, which few can appreciate their positive deserts are neither abundant nor showy. The war in Afghanistan, which they denounced and terminated, has been suc- ceeded by one quite as unjust, which they began and now sustain. Lord Ellen- borough boasted of the pacification of India, and censured, in a proclamation, the conduct of his predecessors ; he has become involved in a new and probably longer strife, and committed the same criminal folly he imputed to Lord Auck- land I The Cabinet, nevertheless, retain him 1 They are parties, therefore, to his policy, and thus form the first equation with the expelled officials. Why dise wore all drawn together in one band of brotherhood, known as the Ragged School Union. We have broken the continuous thread of the personal history in order to give clearness to the action of Lord Ashley in the three great move- ments which signalised this year. We must now go back to the Diary to gather up some of the entries which have been omitted. Good Friday. Ramsgate. With thousands and tens of thousands of people in this Christian (!) land, this day will pass over without a notion that it is any- thing different from other days. Factories will run; apprentices will groan; coal mines explode ; gin shops absorb and vomit forth ; the labourers in absolute ignorance, the masters in practical infidelity, of God's saving truths I To the parish church ; heard a sermon from a gentleman of the new school cold, declamatory, without unction or comfort. I find fault with him not for what he did say, but for what he did not say,- it was a discourse of omissions. He could not fail on this day to speak of our Lord ; but his whole sermon was in the style of a French bloge ! The reader bowed his head at every mention of the name of Jesus, whether it were in the lesson, the epistle, the Gospel, the creeds, or the sermon. This is the novel practice, and I think a very superstitious one. He took no notice of the name " Christ," though perhaps the higher name of the two. This is an affected obedience to the text in Philippians, "that at the name of Jrsus every knee should bow," affected, I think, because if they really desired a li.tr ml obedience in the belief of a literal command, they would resort to a genuflexion instead of a reverence. But the text cannot be taken literally ; the whole context is adverse to such an interpretation ; it is said " That at the name of Josus every knee should bow, of things in heaven," &c. &c. Now what things in heaven have a knee to bow with 1 They can and do offer spiritual homage and reverence, but they do not, and cannot, offer any bodily worship. Neither do they listen to and adore "a name " as pronounced by human lips, but they contemplate and revere and extol the power, glory, and essence of the Saviour of mankind, and herein they set us an example, and in this way alone can we on earth join in simultaneous worship with the hosts of Heaven. The repeated bowings, where the name frequently occurs, savours of idolatry, not unmixed with a spice of the ridiculous. Why then bow at the name of .Ft-tuis in the creed? Because it is an old and long- established practice, conformed to, and understood, by all members of the Church, and one which it would be as unwise and unnecessary to change, as it is to intro- duce the other. To bow, when making the confession, is a representative homage of all that is due at all times and in all places to the authority, glory, majesty, and dominion, temporal and eternal, of our blessed Lord, for this is the true meaning of His " name " as is set forth in many passages of Scripture. April. Easter Sunday. The parish church, where we attended divine service on Good Friday, is infestxd with Puseyism, so to-day we went and took the sacra- ment at St. Lawrence, a small village distant much less than a Sabbath day's IM3.) FAILURE AND SUCCESS. 263 journey. No show, " no form nor comeliness," but at least health in the service ! The little church of St. Lawrence is crammed and choked with high gawky boxes that they call pews ; the common people are fairly elbowed out ; the gentry aud middle classes sit as if they were packed for security. I do dislike pews, they ore always ungainly, and, in parish churches, vnjunt. The parishioners of the poorer sort are altogether excluded from their rights, and if they go to church at all, go, as it were, by sufferance, and for the chance of a sitting. Strangers, too, who walk in, are not sure of an hospitable reception ; they must very often stand up, or walk out. This is not the House of God. There may be something to be said in respect of proprietary chapels, or other places of worship built, not for the masses, but for private accommodation ; these are different from parochial churches. We have, it is a very sad thing, rendered pews indispensable in many places for the maintenance of the clergyman ; they are a vile and painful source of revenue. Minny and I, through God's mercy, took the sacrament together : had after- wards, towards evening, a solitary walk on the seashore (while the blessed child- ren ran about the sands), and recalled the past and anticipated the future, in faith, and fear, and fervent prayer. April 26th. The issue I have long foreseen is approaching ; a collision between the Clergy and the mass of the People. The Church will destroy itself. Undoubtedly a struggle of some sort is at hand. Sir George Grey expressed a wish that these violences and consequences of Puseyism should be noticed in some debate. He is right, and please God, I will do it April 27th. The Popish aggressions in Tahiti have not contributed to render Puseyism popular among us. What a scene of fraud and violence is that, and yet can ice complain ? The same post brings us an account of our tyranny in Scinde. Power guided by no principle, restrained by no apprehensions, but stimulated by a sense of profit, influences and oppresses all mankind alike. . . . April 28th. My birthday. I am this day forty-two years old, more than half my course is run, even supposing that I fulfil the age assigned by the Psalmist to fallen man. " A short life and a merry one," says the sensualist's proverb ; a lo u' life and a useful one would be more noble and more Scriptural ; but it if spoken to the praise of Solomon, and by God Himself, that he had not asked a long life ; neither then will I ; but I do ask, for to this we have the warranty of the Holy Word, that the residue of my years be given to the advancement of the Lord's glory, and to the temporal and eternal welfare of the human race. Surely I may also pray to see, and even to reap, some fruit of my labours, to discern at least some probability of harvest, although to be gathered by other hands ! The Factory Bill drags along ten years have \* itnessed no amelioration the plan for Education is defeated ; the Opium effort is overthrown. On the Colliery Question alone have I had partial success, and that even is menaced by evil and selfish men. f Early in January, Lord Londonderry had invited the formation of a league to obtain the repeal of the Colliery Bill ; and by February there had been a " mighty stir in Scotland " to effect this end ; while in Ireland there hiul been organised hostility to the Chimney Sweepers Act. It seemed in truth that there was a fatality attendant upon these measures, but as it proved the Colliery Act was yet to be added permanently to the list of successes. 264 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XU May 16th. Juat returned from House of Commons. Gumming Bruce at- tempted a repeal of the Colliery Act. He called it a modification of a clause ; Imt such tampering is suspicious and full of danger. I resisted his bringing in the Bill, and beat him by 137 to 23. God be praised I No one was thoroughly odious but Roebuck, who I thought was with me. He entered into a long and laboured argument about the interference with the rights of labour ; and main- tained all the positions that ignorance and heartlessness are so fond of taking up. The Government was cordial. I had many cases of benefit to show ias having occurred in England, and thus to infer that, were the law obeyed, similar results would ensue in Scotland. May 21st. Brocket.* Found Melbourne better than I had expected. He looks older, and perhaps weaker ; nevertheless, his intellects are clear, though his temperament almost seems subdued. With care he may yet do well. The state of the Churches in the year 1843 was very remarkable. In England the Tractarian movement was advancing rapidly ; in Ireland it wa the " Repeal " year, and the Roman Catholics were making capital out of the political agitation ; while in Scotland it was the year of the Disruption, and, on May the 18th, some five hundred ministers of the Church of Scotland, under the leadership of Dr. Chalmers and Dr. Candlish, seceded from the old Kirk and initiated the Free Church. May 30th. Dr. Pusey has preached a sermon at Oxford so strongly savouring of Popery that the Vice-Chancellor demanded a copy, and submitted it to the judgment of a Theological Board. The wisdom of this course will, in the opinion of most people, be determined by the result. Had they seized on Tract XC. and condemned it, the course would have been easier, clearer, safer. The means of evasion, in a discourse on such a subject, are far greater than in a treatise so bold, false, and unprincipled. Curious state the country is in Ire- land rent by Popery, within a hair's-breadth of rebellion ; the Papists hearty, united, furious the Protestants cold, discordant, indifferent their bishops, clergy, and laity all as one man I ours as a multitude ; Scotland with her Church torn asunder, urging religion, but really sowing democracy, and pre- paring a forward movement England with Popery in her Universities ; her uhapels, churches, societies rent in the midst; with nine-tenths of the people arrayed against the Ecclesiastics if an aggressive movement be made by the Dissenters (and what more likely ?) where is our power of resistance ? All is gloomy, there is no dawn ; it seems like a preternatural darkness it fills me with grief and anger to hear the language, and watch the supineness, of the wealthy and great. " You have said the same thing for the last twenty years, 1 ' "yon have got out of difficulties before, and you will do so again," "there is nothing in it," " all flourish," " never mind," and so forth. Ah, well 1 a man who has recovered from four attacks of fever might just as well conclude that he shall certainly recover from the fifth ; every additional access of the disease must find him weaker. But thus we shall go on chewing a moral opium, every one seeking to delude himself, and enjoy the passing hour. The deluge came on * Brocket belonged to Lord Melbourne, and came, after his death, to Lord and Lady 1'; Jmerston. Lord Lawrence at one time rented it. It now belongs to Lord Cowper, I^stdy Palmerston's grandson. IMJ.J LETTER FROM ELIZABETH 1 KV. 265 the world in its momenta of feasting and thoughtlessness ; the world has not changed, nor will it ... June 3rd. Pusey's sermon condemned, and himself interdicted to preach for two years ; this is good, simply as showing that we are not all of one com- plexion ; but it will not operate as a check ; all is running into confusion, the Low Church are becoming lower and talk of Dissent, the necessity of abolishing the Catechism, the Prayer-book, the everything. Mother Church will soon be eviscerated, 'Esau and Jacob are striving within her bowels, yet she consults not the Lord I ... June 6th. Grand battles by the Indian mail, grand victories, and still arrander injustice I Wrong and robbery on a splendid and successful scale are sure to bo hushed up, if not applauded. I shrink with a combined feeling of rerror and nausea from our national sins. . . . Whither are we going ? Oh, England I England I Magna lui* commigsa, yet there is no repentance, no shame, no self-abasement ; in vain God's ancient people, by their history and by their prophets, exhibit the peril and point out the refuge. " I have surely heard Ephraim bemoaning himself thus : Thou hast chastised me, and I was chastised, ;i.- a bullock unaccustomed to the yoke ; turn Thou me, and I shall be turned, for Thou art the Lord my God." . . . July 10th. Every day adds to my burthen. I have just received a long treatise, by a medical man, written in defence of the Factory system. This will have its weight, and, humanly speaking, add another obstruction to the enact- ment of remedial measures. Lord Ashley, it need hardly be said, had many friends, and, in the midst of the anxieties which, rather than the work, made the burden of life, he found help and encouragement in the counsel of those whose opinion he could value at once for its wisdom and sincerity. Among those for whom he enter- tained great esteem and affection was Mrs. Elizabeth Fry, who wrote to him .it this time as follows : Mrs. Elizabeth Fry to Lord Ashley. UPTON, 7th Month 10th, 1843. DEAR LORD ASHLEY, We were sorry not to see thee and thy dear children on the 8th, as the weather cleared here, and we therefore expected yon, but we hope it is only a pleasure delayed, and that I may now have the satisfaction of eeing Lady Ashley also. My husband and myself are anxious for you to propose an early day to bring your children to pay us your country quiet visit. I do not know of our having any engagement this week of an evening except on the 12th inst., therefore any day but this we should be glad to receive you to dinner, as proposed, at half -past four o'clock. I felt thy observations, dear Lord Ashley, aa to the little we appear to accomplish in our labours for the good of mankind. I observe that we do not at once see what we desire, but I feel assured that if in our labours we seek to do all unto the Lord, our labour will not be in vain in Him. Remember there is a seed-time as well as a harvest, and sometimes the need remains long in the earth before it appears above ground ; this I have found the case frequently in works of charity. I observe what thon saidst upon our remembering thee in our prayer ; I did do it yesterday particularly, and was enabled earnestly and in faith to commend those who loved the Lord to Hia 266 THE BART. OF SHAFTESBURY [CHAP. XL holy keeping 1 , and to pray for their being firmly fixed and established on Christ the Rock of Ages, and that they might be so strengthened to adorn His doctrine and live to His praise, as to be instruments in drawing others who were far ott' near unto Himself. With kind regards to Lady Ashley, I remain, with Christian esteem and love, thy friend, ELIZABETH FRY. July 15th. . . . Have sat for three days, now concluded, on the Durham Election Committee ; in the chair ; unseated Lord Dungannon. * I am resolved, whenever I have the opportunity, to run breast-high against all cases of bribery. This is a perilous, a wicked system ; it is corrupting our people, and spreading moral and political mischief in all directions I Hurried beyond all precedent ; never a moment to myself ; just now got an evening, and here I am alone, trying to think of past, present, and to come ; but I have lost all power of consecutive meditation all must be like my daily life, broken by interruptions. Bead and said, God be blessed, some of old Bacon's godly prayers, beautiful and comforting. 18th. Met to-day, at Freemasons' Tavern, to consider best mode of combining the laity in one general movement against Puseyism ; it was an unanimous and hearty assemblage. " Not many mighty, not many noble." We numbered but myself, Sandon, and Grosvenor, among Lords ; Colquhoun, Sir G. Rose, among the M.P.'s ; my brother William, and Frankland Lewis. This is a sad time ; great dangers and no courage, much subtlety, and moderate penetration ; great need, and very little activity ; vast public hazard, and abundant self-seeking. Meroz would be a pattern of promptitude and self-denial to the religious and political patriots of our day. They shun trouble, they fear responsibility ; they cannot hazard rebuke, or comment, or even observation. They will give wishes and praise, but no co-operation, at least, while the thing is uncertain " it ia better not to be committed," " are you quite sure ? " " have you plenty of names ? " Many rejoice that the thing should be done, but prefer that it should be done by others. And yet in zeal, in faith, and fear, and full hope, we signed the Memorial to the Powers of the University (I, leading as chairman), and consigned it for execution to a committee. And now may the God of all truth and love bless it and prosper it to His glory, and to the service of " the faith once delivered to the saints." We several times nearly ran aground on the shoals of caution, expediency and delay ; but we were saved from shipwreck. . . . July 27th. All in a hurry ; about to start for Antwerp by the steamer. The residence and regimen of Carlsbad is recommended for Minny. Many things left undone. Cannot bear to leave the Session when I might be useful ; but the season will not wait, we are already behind the proper time. Parted from the younger children this is a sad and sickening drawback to any pleasure. May God, in His mercy, goodness, and power, protect and bless them, and restore us safe and happy to each other in Jesus Christ our Lord I Got in my Agricultural Bill, God be praised. * Lord Dungannon, Conservative, was returned at the election for the city of Durham, by a majority of 101 over Mr. Bright, of the " League." 1843.J ANTWERP. 267 Following the course he had pursued in his foreign tour, ten years pre- viously, Lord Ashley took with him a book, in which he recorded, from day to day, the principal incidents of the journey, and the impressions produced upon his mind by what he saw and heard. Every page in the Journal is -t ing ; but as it is only one of four such Journals, we most content our- selves with giving brief extracts from it here. Arrived at Antwerp, his first visit was To the citadel to survey the scene of useless carnagre and unwarrantable violence. Why did old Chass bombard a defenceless quarter, and destroy the buildings, and ruin the inhabitants ? A mere spirit of revenge. Why did the King of Holland cut open the dykes, and sluice a whole region of fertile lands ? From the same motive. Why, above all, did he attempt a resistance to the com- bined forces of England and France, and hope (or rather pretend to hope) to hold the fortress in the face of such an army as never before laid siege to a place of euch dimensions ? It was a proud, wanton, shameless waste of human life. The cathedral is unimpressive. No monuments of ancient champions in sword or spirit ; no dim religious light ; few recollections and few anticipations. The perpetual succession of shrines to the Virgin and to the saints, glittering with tinsel, and in a style of architecture altogether discordant with the architecture of the edifice, is unfavourable to solemnity of feeling. One nauseates the rivalry of these canonised sinners ; disgust is excited in the heart of true Protestants, and unity of worship must be impossible to the devotion even of a Roman Catholic. . . . It was natural to him to look at cities, as at events, in the light of the lessons they teach, and he adds : Contrast the city with what it was once, and with what Napoleon intended that it should be ; and see the vanity of human wishes. Let us Englishmen take warn- ing, and, while we quote our imports and exports, the amount of our tonnage and the number of our capitalists, call to mind that Antwerp, in her palmy days, could boast of a trade with half the world ; count at one time two thousand five hundred vessels in her harbours, and exhibit on her 'Change five thousand mer- chants, whose business demanded their presence there no less than twice every day 1 " O Lord," well may our nation sny, " make me to know the number of my days, that I may be certified how long I have to live ! " All went well with the travellers at Antwerp, Liege, and Verviers, but at Aix-la-Chapelle they were for some days detained by the indisposition of Lady Ashley, which gave Lord Ashley ample leisure to see the place, and also for quiet reading and meditation. Saw the cathedral ; parts of it ancient ; little, I think, to impress the mind. The lon< high lancet windows are very grand ; but there is a sad medley of architectures. Under the dome is the inscription, " Carolo Magno ; " there was his body, and there is now his memory. Death brings th rich and the poor to one level ; the resurrection will disturb that level, and raise many of the poor above the rich. The widow and her mite may carry it over Charlemagne and his churches. . . . 268 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XL Have been reading Seeley's abridgment of Wilberforce's Life. How many things have we felt alike, what similar disappointments, misgivings, and dis- gusts ! Pitt comes out to advantage as a patriot, a worldly man of high senti- ments and high actions, with a full and rich amount of heathen virtues and elevated philosophy ! but as a man of piety and religion, as a Christian man, he is like an unbaptised person. Policy and expediency were " a lamp unto his feet, and a light unto his path ; " he had no other, and they led him into many a quagmire. Aix has an air of comfort among the people that is highly agreeable. I walk through all the streets and see no shoeless, shirtless paupers. The houses are clean and well built, the streets sufficiently broad, and fountains in abundance. The children look plump, and the natives easy and tranquil. Popery here does not wear a very degrading and superstitious aspect ; it must always be in unfavourable relief compared with Protestant countries, but these parts, if estimated by the standard of Italy or of Ireland, enjoy a form of religious freedom. Wnen the health of Lady Ashley was sufficiently restored, the journey was resumed in easy stages, and Cologne was the next resting-place. August 4th. What a hotel the " Belle Vue " ! the rooms looking on the Rhine and the City ; all is life and cheerfulness, and apparent friendliness. The Germans always pleased me ; I like their origin, akin to ours ; I like their history, their character, their social life. I like their patriotism, their depth of intellect, their powers of perseverance and research ; I hope mighty things from their fervour of spirit, their capacity for affection, their disposition to piety. What an union for the honour of God, and the best interests of mankind, might be formed between England and the German people I Of the cathedral he says : Interior very splendid, architecture of the choir equal in lightness and purity to anything in the whole world gold and frescoes and painted windows without stint ; the church, when completed, in all its similar details, will be perhaps, excepting St. Peter's, the finest temple in the universe erected to the worship of God ; but so long as it is disgraced and profaned by those intrusive Saints and Madonnas, it will be little better than a Pantheon. It has gained exceedingly in splendour by these renovations in gold and purple, but it has lost in venerableness. The hand of time is effaced, and everything you see is from the hand of man. I could not help thinking, as I walked out through the old grey pillars and dusky aisles, that there was more to stir the heart and the imagination in these sober and time-honoured solitudes, than in the gay and gorgeous surface of the youthful ohoir " New lamps for old 1 "... Such a night, and such a view along the river, the scene for hundreds, nay, thousands almost, of years, of ambition and patriotism, of attack and defence, of blood and violence, of public wars and private feuds, of untold sins and some few rude virtues, now all still and abounding in peace. " Give peace in our time, O Lord, because there is none other that fighteth for us, but only Thou, O God." War is erected into a science, and its professors enjoy, and will continue to enjoy, a prodigious share of the admiration and applause of mankind. It will 1848.1 FKOM FRANKFORT TO BAMBEKO. 269 be carious (may we use such a term ?) to observe the estimate and measure of uch heroes as Napoleon, &c. &c., when weighed, hereafter, in the balance of the world to come. From Frankfort, the travellers continued their journey, by road, in their own carriage. Much apparent change of character in people, after passing frontiers of Bavaria. Good-humoured, but slovenly, and less clean. Country rural and agreeable. Poplar-trees quite magnificent. More trouble in Bavaria with pass- ports, &c., than elsewhere. In those days steam was a novelty, and at Eselbach They complained, as others do elsewhere, of railways and steam-boats, that these conveyances had abstracted large bodies of travellers. Mr. Sigar, of the Hotel de Bussie, said that they threw upon him such vast and sudden companies that he could not entertain them. So it is everywhere ; all tends to ruin the small and simple proprietor, and swell the already enormous possessions of the great capitalist. But whatever the drawbacks of steam might be, travelling by post was certainly not free from difficulties. At Hardtfeld detained by want of horses at inn (The Anchor), which is also the Post. Manifestly a pre-determination on the part of the landlord to keep us all night. As manifest a determination on our part not to be kept. Various negotiations ; alternately dignity and coaxings. Kruse (the tutor) paid several visits to shopkeepers and peasants. They promised frequently, and as frequently started from their promises. Excuses plenty as blackberries. We asked for oxen ; promised, of course, and then told it would be a disgrace to Bavaria. At last two horses were procured. . . . Bamberg is a handsome town, and so is Baireuth. Germany, like Italy, pre- sents many specimens of ancient magnificence, formerly imperial, now provincial. Divided, as these countries have been, into many separate and independent governments, they offer, on the same extent of surface, a far greater amount of the works of art than is found in countries long united under the same capital. Bamberg possesses a noble cathedral, highly ancient and of a most dignified simplicity. There are few buildings in Europe to compare with it for majesty and reverence. The series of monumental brasses is unrivalled, and will repay a whole day's study. There are fewer of those intrusive saints here than in Popish churches generally ; that's a relief, and adds to its imposing and venerable aspect. The prince-bishops all lie in the crypt, their resting-places marked by a stone only. This is striking. A long line of eighty-two ecclesiastical sovereigns, who were content to be " splendid in life " without being " pompous in the grave." lu bed very lute at Bamberg. Scarcely slept a wink. As I lay awake, heard the cock crow. I wonder how often that ordinary and rustic sound recalls to the mind of the hearer St. Peter's presumption and his fall, It struck me forcibly that all perhaps must say, with the cruel Bishop Gardiner, whenever they to that note, " I have sinned with Peter, but I have not wept with him." On the 1 2th August the party arrived at Carlsbad. 270 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURT. [CHAP. XL Aug. 14th. Dined at the Saxischer Saal. Drank coffee suit jove on the espla- nade by the Wiese. Foreigners certainly surpass us in the nature and variety of their social enjoyments. What could surpass the simple and cheap luxury of a pretty scene, a splendid day, delicious air, well-dressed company, green trees, and coffee and milk enough to satisfy five persons, for about a shilling ? Good, very good, if that were all. But I myself could not stand it. Such a facility and sach a character of amusement would prove my ruin ; I should fall like Hanni- bal's soldiers at Capua, and surrender all sense of duty, all effort for mankind, to the overwhelming fascinations of ease and selfishness. There are many Jews here in their costume. They seem in comfortable circumstances, but separated from the Gentiles. I have bowed to several to show my respect for the nation. I shall next open a conversation with some of them. They are not oppressed here, but manifestly avoided. The veil is upon the hearts of the Gentiles in respect of that people nearly as much as it is on their hearts in respect of the Gospel. Blessed will be the day when it shall be taken away from both! Aug. 17th. What heavenly weather ! Days of Paradise, and nights too ! It sounds sometimes like freedom or affectation to say " God be praised for this," and " Thank God for that," which men may consider a mere trifle ; yet I cannot but feel it. And surely every moment of innocent pleasure, every moment of averted mischief (His unltnoion mercies are endless), affords new cause of thank- fulness, of joy. If, in addition to these delights, the soul be lifted up to com- munion with the spirits above, there is the foretaste of another life, and, so far, a preparation for it. I can never see a fine prospect, or a sun setting in glory, without blessing God for the wonders and beauties of His creation. At Carlsbad Lord Ashley, as well as Lady Ashley, drank the waters, and he makes frequent allusion to them in his Journal. Aug. 14th. Saw Dr. Hochberger. Agreeable man. Asked his advice about drinking the waters. Sensible reply : " You need not have come here to drink them, but, being here, you may do so, and you will, I think, derive benefit from them." And so I shall begin my goblets and promenade to-morrow morning. Aug. 16th. The waters again from goblets. Felt half ashamed to drink them in my comparatively vigorous health, but really one need not entertain such delicate conceptions. Saw robust and muscular men, in full swig, who could sustain or undertake a siege, walk or eat for a wager. Took courage and affected as much necessity as they did. Baths and springs exhibit very few apparently sickly people. Seem bent on society and dissipation quite as much as on cure. Aug. 21st. Advised by Dr. Hochberger to take seven goblets. It is the life of a whale ! . . . Aug. 23rd. The waters seem to produce on me neither good nor evil ; a hogshead of the Thames would be quite as effective. Aug. 27th. Sunday. Psalms of the day contained that beautiful CXXII. with its touching prayer and promise, " Oh, pray for the peace of Jerusalem ; they shall prosper that love Thee ! " I rejoice that I bear this blessed inscription on my right hand, in a ring carved at Jerusalem, and by the only Hebrew there who possessed such skill. It is rudely done ; but that enhances the sentiment which arises from the discovery of genuine, though perhaps uninstructed piety, under a coarse and unpromising surface. I prize the ring ; it was sent me (that CARLSBAD. 271 is, the stone) by the Bishop of Jerusalem. I do not say that I wish it to be buried with me, that would be ascribing to it a talismanic effect ; I would rather wish it to be worn by generations of my descendants, like Urim and Thummim on the breast of the High Priest, on which they might, hour by hour, cast their eyes and read the mind of the Lord ! Aug. 29th. . . . Walked to Freundschaf to Saal with Galitzin, and a Russian colonel, a good-natured chap, but the veriest coxcomb I ever saw the victim of his own charms, a martyr to the admiration and love his accomplishments had begotten. The whole world, all the English lords, a Devonshire, a Bnccleuch, Jersey, &c. &c., had all taken him by force and compelled him to stay either six weeks at Chatsworth or two months at Middleton, or take a sail in a yacht ; he could not resist, not he ; like Saturn he was eaten by his own children I Sept. 1st. Walked up the hill to enjoy the view ; day beautiful. I love these open prospects ; give me always an expanse of sky, I value not a handful of it. I then can fancy the dawning glories of the Second Advent. " Behold He cometh with cloutid 1 " Oh that it were so in the providence of God that the intervening " days should be shortened " and a speedy and a closer limit be set to the sins, and coming sufferings, of mankind ! Sept. 5th. Saw the most perfect and beautiful rainbow I ever beheld ; so thought Minny, who was with me. " Behold I do set my bow in the cloud ; " one could almost, without either revelation or tradition, infer that so much loveliness and grandeur were speaking truth and comfort to men. . . . Reading Jeremiah with Minny, how forcibly was the 15th v. of Chap. VTIL applied in my heart to the administration of Sir Robert ; " we looked for peace, but no good came ; and for a time of health, and behold trouble ! " Never did Minister accede to office with such a force of moral power ; never has Minister disappointed so many hearts. Sept. 7th. . . . One must buy presents for one's friends as reminiscences. The occasion enhances the value ; you could not for thrice the money in England do so civil a thing. Tet the choice, &c., takes as much time as though I were set on a grand political movement. There is much amiable simplicity and good humour about the people here of all classes ; I am not disappointed in my expectations of finding the working classes, here as elsewhere, alive to kind words and willing nay, anxious to be obliging and courteous. They are very engaging, and the children are quite darlings. On Sept. 14th, after a pleasant visit of five weeks, during which Lord Ashley had only seen two English newspapers (" never read one without injurious consequences ; find in it a variety of things to excite imagination and rtir bile "), he thus takes leave of Carlsbad : . . . Walked up the hill with Minny to enjoy final look of the sweet scene and offer up final prayer. The country has received me hospitably, treated me kindly, and dismisses me in peace. We delight in the scenery, and love the people, who are honest, civil, intelligent, and grateful. I can render them no service, but I wish them well, and beseech God to give them peace on earth and peace in henven. The next halting-place was Prague 272 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURT. [CHAP. XI. Sept. 17th. . . . The Church of St. James, handsome and heavy. Prague is full of Protestant recollections, l no time allowed for breakfast, half an hour for dinner, and one hour for the education of the children 1 Children to be educated in the midst of 14 hours' dully labour. Oh, the pious humbug, the hypocritical spirituality ! Both the directors, one who had been there forty -five years, and the other a young Englishman, three years ago from Manchester, assured me that the labour was far too long and oppressive. . . . The Austrian Government prides itself on being " paternal," and yet it knows and permits these things ! The mills on the whole not very bad ; I have seen far worse in England ; some of the spinning rooms, however, very filthy and close. Children never beaten. . . . All the dwellings of the work-people are on a fine dry soil, an open plain, well ventilated, and in every respect most favourable. If such, then, be the evil results in such a locality, what must they be in the crowded, un- drained, filthy towns of Manchester, &c. ? October 1st. Sunday. To cathedral to view the High Mass. What a sensual and alas ! successful endeavour to stifle the heart by satiating the eye I Bells ringing, priests dancing, incense rising, fiddles playing, nothing calm or sta- tionary but the worshippers, who remain there like fellows looking at a balloon. Half the world seems to think that to have seen the priest is an act of acceptable deration. I cannot feel moved by this exhibition ; there is neither rational devotion nor hot-headed enthusiasm ; nothing to satisfy your judgment nor stir your sympathies. Great God, save Thy Church of England from such vain and silly babblings, and grant her grace yet to speak forth the words of truth and soberness ! One of the greatest drawbacks to the pleasure of Lord Ashley in foreign travel was the " Continental Sunday," especially in great cities. Vienna, and all places like it, he found to be fatal to Sunday contemplations and Sunday habits and feelings. I could not bear to remain here. Give me my happy, precious, useful Sunday evenings in Londonj when one can surrender one's whole time, mind, and heart to thoughts of higher and better things. I wish increasing and unbounded happiness to all the inhabitants of Vienna ; I pray, I would labour, for their welfare ; I entertain a lively sense of their kindness, of the good-humoured courtesy of all classes, but I do not desire to reside among them. A man's virtue here would be no more proof against their seductive modes of thinking and living than a hothouse against a battery. And yet, thank God, I begin to feel " bored." Oct. 3rd. Linz. . . . It is a very displeasing characteristic of these countries, and principally in Bohemia, the general and abundant employment of females in all departments of labour. I have seen them in the fields, on the roads, and engaged in buildings, dividing, in their numbers and their exertions, the toil with the men. We Englishmen have no right to comment on this mis- usage of the female race ; the horrors of the mines and collieries have put us, for a generation at least, out of court ; all that we can urge is that these things were transacted in darkness, and hid from the public eye ; but such would not 1843.1 KATISBON. 275 now be the truth, nor any excuse if it were so. The commercial spirit has gotten hold of us, and had the remedial Bill stood over to another year the public would have tolerated the degradation of the women. . . . Oct. 6th. Ratisbon. Walked through the fair, interesting to see the humours and products of the country. The town, nevertheless, is like a graveyard, full of s ones and recollections, with a few people wandering through it, as the shorter cut to some other point. Its solitude is overwhelming narrow streets, empt^ squares, dark, silent, dismal, old houses, each bearing on its face the traces of a fortress or a dungeon ; few or no vehicles of any kind ; a foot-passenger here and there, no groups of talkers, no voices in the streets. A judgment seems to rest on it ; it shall be more tolerable for Sidon in the Day of Judgment than for a city that can produce, or rather that must face, such records of sin and cruelty as are displayed in the prisons of the Council-House. My whole heart quailed, and even my stomach sickened, at the sight of these enormous devices of human nature against beings formed by the same God, and redeemed (for these wretches pretended to talk of Redemption) by the same Saviour ! The darkness and ferocity of the Middle Ages were concentrated for the antagonists of the Refor- mation ; political and religious hatred have each had their day in these frightful chambers. . . . These times may yet return ; the heart of man is not changed ; it is, as it ever was, " deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked." If such be thy will, give us, blessed Lord, the spirit of ancient .days ; the glorious aspiration and courage of those holy martyrs " of whom the world was not worthy," who fought a good fight, who kept the faith, and who received a crown of righteousness. . . . . . . Drove to see the Valhalla. A strange name for the purpose. The great of Germany are classed together in a heathen Paradise ; notoriety, not virtue of any kind, is the sole requisite for a niche. Goethe, Schiller, Alario, f the Goths (the scourge of God I), Genserio, King of the Vandals, Handel, Odoacer, Hans Holbein, Frederick the Great, all cheek by jowl. Luther is ex. eluded from this hodge-podge of merit, and the bigoted, ignorant Papist who sits on the throne of Bavaria, and built this gorgeous stable of fat and lean cattle, believes that he has degraded such a prodigious mind by refusing it a place alongside the Huns and the Hernli of ancient barbarism I ... A tablet in a Christian church, a bust in a great public institution, a periodical euloginm at some University, any glorification of such a kind, might be complimentary, if not a full satisfaction to ambitions hopes ; but to be thrust, head and shoulders, into this receptacle of barbarian spirits ; to be enrolled among the furies who placed all their bliss in swigging mead out of the skulls of their enemies ; to be ranked with ignorance, not with civilisation ; with Odin and not with Christ, is a singular reward, and founded on Satan's opinion that it is " better to reign in hell than serve in Heaven." Oct. 8th. Sunday. Nuremberg. Fallen from its high estate, and yet a great city. Why has she thus fallen 7 She pays the penalty of cruelty and in- justice, of violence and oppression towards God's ancient people, whom no one has ever afflicted without smarting for the sin. She banished them from her borders. She "left, too, her first love," and in the days of persecution and savage ungodliness, refused to open her gates to the conscientious Protestants fleeing from the revocation of the Edict of Nantes I May God, in His gooineffl, give her space to repent ! 276 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBUR*. (CHAP. XI. In Nuremberg all the churches were visited, and in them all, but espe- cially in St. Lawrence's and St. Sebald's, Lord Ashley was chiefly struck by the exterior signs of a Romanist establishment, in the midst of a Protestant population. Referring to this he says : The Reformation was introduced and confirmed here without noise or violence ; no plunder, no destruction ; every image is erect, the Virgin presides over every corner, the saints rejoice in their niches. Crucifixes in abundance. This may be tolerated, but I am offended to see those intrusive demi-gods in possession of their shrines and side-altars, though no longer worshipped. Why were they not ordered to give place, and their pictures and decorations trans- ferred to galleries ? . . . Was the Reformation at Nuremberg a sincere and heartfelt movement ? Did the promoters and subjects of it clearly perceive, and sensitively acknowledge, the errors and evils of Romish heresy ? I cannot com- bine this belief with the fact of their extreme tolerance of the daily and visible abuses of Popish superstition. Nothing has been removed and denounced as " Nehushtan ; " the adored images of the Virgin crowd their churches, and still represent her as " Queen of Heaven ; " the side-altars to saints require only the priest, and all would be found ready to his hand ; the clean napkin is yet spread every week on each table I Truly, the zeal of God's house has not eaten them up ! ... Oct. 10th. . . . Entered Wurtemberg. The watchman here, as he goes his rounds, sings at each hour, some words of moral or religious wisdom. The voice may be harsh, and the notes without melody ; but the stillness of the night, the lateness of the hour, and the truth of the counsel, give them grace and power. Many ears may be closed and hear them not, but one or two, restlessly awake, in sickness or sorrow, may catch and may apply the heaven-sent wisdom. " In a dream, in visions of the night when deep sleep f alleth upon men, in slumberings upon the bed, then He openeth the ears of men, and sealeth their instruction ; that He may withdraw man from his purpose and hide pride from man." At eleven o'clock the watchman sang, that we should remember the parable of Our Blessed Lord, and, even at the eleventh hour, enter with confidence into His vineyard. At twelve he announced the close of the cycle of one day, and admonished all to bethink themselves "whether they should live to see the close of another." Here is the sum and substance, the beginning and the end, of all real wisdom ; all the rest is but vain jangling, not to be carried out of this world, and utterly useless to disembodied spirits. Listen to it, ye wiseacres, neologists, philosophers, savants, saints, and sinners, old men and young, prince and peasant, and sit down in humility at the feet of such a Gamaliel t Oct. llth. Heidelberg. Went to see the palace. It is one of the many standing monuments of the oppressions perpetrated by the French monarchy on Germany and mankind. This gorgeous residence was first desolated when the most polished villain that ever possessed and prostituted the gifts of God sent forth an army to ravage the dominions of his enemy, the Palatine. Fire, the sword, with their necessary results starvation and disease laid waste towns, plains, and villages. Thousands of men, women, children, who had never offended, even in thought, this unprecedented monster, experienced the most horrid sufferings, and died by the most cruel deaths. Which is the more hateful RETUKN TO LONDON. 277 in the sight of God, the wretch who perpetrates these crimes, or the authors who bepraise him ? The great day of judgment will exhibit some fearful reckonings. If Herod be arraigned for his Massacre of the Innocents, so will King Louis the Fourteenth, for the blood of the numberless children whose souls are still " under the altar," crying for inevitable vengeance. Oct. 12th. Frankfort. For the last few days I have been reading to Minny, and Minny has been reading to me, "Russie en 1839, par le Marquis de Custine." The condition of things in that vast edifice of power and ambition, if estimated by our proportions of feelings and opinions, is one below the condition of shivery. The picture of man, as there exhibited, is not the picture of a thinking being, but of a machine, or of an animal purely sentient. He is prompted and limited, even in his pleasures, by the rule of functionaries. " Amusez von*, met enfant" said the affable Dey of Algiers, " et g'il y a quelqtfun qui ne s'amvse pas, il tera empale de suite." The Russian people, prince and peasant, would obey and assume an artificial satisfaction the only one possible to them. What a surprising, pro- digious, and irritating description of a whole empire 1 Sixty millions of men subjected to the caprice and the fancies of a single creature, and such a creature as the heartless monster who now sits in the torture chamber of the ancient Cz:irs 1 Civilisation and refinement add an extreme sensibility to the perceptions of tyranny. The ferocity of the Shah of Persia is far less distasteful to the rude and ignorant Asiatics, than the insolent prying, material, and mysterious oppres- sions of the Emperor would be to us. Oct. 19th. Ostend. A little woman has been singing under our windows on a guitar, and very nicely. We gave her some francs. I love to encourage street music ; it pleases the people and softens them ; indeed, unless they get it in the street, they get it nowhere. To-morrow we embark for England. Oct. 20th. London. Thus has terminated our tour of nearly three months' duration, and, in all this time and all this movement, there has scarcely occurred u single thing to cause even a momentary embarrassment. Minny was ill at Aachen, and God's goodness restored her. Excepting that event, not one of us h:is had a day's sickness, nor a bruise, nor a fright. The carriage even, faithful after thirteen years of service, lost not a pin, nor required a smith. We have eeen much, heard much, I hope, too, profited much, especially the boys. It haa been amusement, but amusement, God grant, combined with instruction. Health we have certainly attained, Minny particularly, for whose sake the journey was undertaken. Now let us pray that all may be turned to greater, more zealous, more fruitful service in the cause of our Lord and Redeemer. On the last page of this Diary there is the following note, written in characters as firm and flowing as in the preceding pages : Angu*t, 1880. Until this month have never, I believe, re-opened this book ; a space of 37 years t Since it was written, three of the blessed ones mentioned in it, and their deeply, and still-beloved mother, gone to their rest. It recalls a hundred memories, none more touching and consoling than the records of a profound, constant, and ever-increasing solicitude for the welfare and safety of the children in the Lord Jesus Christ Immediately upon his return to London, Lord Ashley resumed the Jourual of liis busy public and private life. 278 THE EARL OF SHAPTESBURY. [CiiAP. XI. Oct. 21st. Found irmense accumulation of letters and papers. Waded through many before going to bed last night. Old story of postmen, knockers, bells, visitors, business, questions, answers, hopes, fears, doubts, difficulties. Saw Crabtree. Newspapers. Ministers have proceeded against O'Connell for sedition ! Why, he has been guilty of sedition for twenty years. I cannot judge ; it seems to me the energy of feebleness an acquittal on a trumpery charge will give him power one on a serious and well-grounded charge could not entail contempt. My heart sank within me as I walked to the Carlton. Keminiscences of toil, vexation, and broken promises, hopes raised, and efforts disappointed. Saw Bonham in the dumps Conservative candidate (an excellent one, by-the-bye) Thomas Baring, defeated by 127. Triumph of the Anti-Corn-Law League ! . . . Oct. 26th. St. Giles's. Arrived here yesterday with the whole cavalcade of brats and nurses. . . . Oct. 27th. Walked yesterday to my post on the Downs above Brockington Avenue, and there thanked God, on the very spot where I had besought Him to bless my thoughts and prosper my undertakings. As He prospered me according to His wisdom and mercy in the last Session, so I again implored Him to prosper me in the next one. As yet, though much seed has been sown, no harvest has been reaped ; the tree, indeed, has scarcely put forth blossoms ; much less has it borne fruit ; but let me confide in His blessed Provulence, and be content that I am called even to the proposal of good things. All the children with me, not without a tinge of melancholy. Probably, the last family walk before Antony * goes to school, possibly (for who can foresee all) the last that we may ever take together. " Keep us, oh, keep us, King of kings, Under TJiine own Almighty wings. "' Oct. 28th. The Times of the 25th contains a good and t-ue article on our Indian policy ! Eight follows might, ambition squared with principles, principles being first contracted within the views of ambition. Afghanistan was a bad case, but Scinde is worse. . . . Oct. 30th. The last day that Antony will pass with his family before he enters on his new state (for such it is) of life. During many years I have passed every morning with him, hearing and reading the Word of God. I cannot bear to part from him ; were I not deeply, entirely convinced, that the plan is for his real welfare, I should be miserable ; " I commit him to God and to the word of His grace." Eleven o'clock at night. It seems to me almost incredible that I am about to surrender my Reuben to the care of a stranger. I have watched every moment, weighed every expression, considered every thought, and seized every opportunity to drop a word in season. All will now be left to an " hireling " ; will he care for the sheep 1 God, be Thou to him a guide, an instructor, and :i friend ! Probably, the course of his affections may be stopped, or made to run in another channel ; they will not, at any rate, flow on in their clear and early simplicity. Yet he must be gradually introduced to the world ; and tec gradually severed from him. This is the order of Providence (and since it is His order, wise and good), that the children shall imbibe new loves, and form new con- nections, while the parents are left by the receding tide, stranded like sea-weed * His eldest son. 1843.] OPPOSITION OF M188 MART1XEAU. 279 on the shore, their time being come for decay and transmutation. This seems to be painful, and probably is so, but here is not our permanent treasure, or our final resting-place. If we have trained up a faithful servant of the Lord, to go forth and fight His battles, vigorous and young, while we are nickering at home, " I therein do rejoice, yea and will rejoice." . . . Nov. 1st. Why was not a syllable uttered by our rulers in behalf of the Chaldean Christians ? We have suffered them to be butchered without a voice in their defence. Yet Palmerston spoke for the Jews at Damascus ! . . . Nov. 22nd. Russia is the political Rome ; she is to the politics of nations what Rome is to their spirituals, she seeks the same ends, and uses the sam< means. The Jesuit works by all 'instruments, at all times, and on every feeling : he is, according to his opportunity, an Absolutist, a Constitutionalist, a Democrat* an Anglo-Catholic, a Dissenter, an Infidel so is the Russian Empire, having but one object, and ten thousand means. Universal dominion I ... Lord Ashley's philanthropic labours did not, as his Diaries abundantly in- dicate, meet with unqualified and universal approval. On the contrary, he was often attacked even by those upon whose support he had a right to count, as well as by those who differed with him in principle and policy. His chief opponents, however, belonged to that party which appeared to look for a social millennium, to be brought about by the rigid application rf the dogmas of political economy, and who considered that he was endeavouring to limit freedom of contract, and in other ways unduly to interfere between capital and labour. Miss Harriet Martiuoau may be quoted as the exponent of the views of this party. They either knew nothing of the relations between Lord Ashley and his father, which supplied the key to the whole situation, or thought it best not to appear to do so, that they might be able to represent the direction of Lord Ashley's philanthropy as strange and questionable. " His residence," says Miss Martineau, " was in an agricultural county where the labourers were reduced to the lowest condition then known to English- in > MI. It was so on his father's estates ; on the estates to which in the course of nature he was to succeed ; yet he did not take under his protection his nearest neighbours, with whose needs he was, or ought to have been, beat acquainted ; but constituted himself the champion of the Lancashire opera- tives whose families had been earning 3 a week, while the peasant families, liis nri'/lihours, were earning from eight to ten shillings per week, living on food too mean and scanty to support strength, and sleeping under rotten thatch which let in the rain. Lord Ashley was agitating for the personal safety and for the education of the class, which was actually the most en- li-litt.-nrd and the best able to take care of itself, of any working class in Fnirloiid, while the agricultural labourers of his own county were in a stat ]>erate ignorance and reckless despair, which demanded all his efforts to redress. Knowing nothing of "the manufacturing system," as it was called, he had to depend for information on persons from Lancashire and other mill districts ; and it is notorious that his informants were not always respectable. ;.! ;th of May, 1842, Lord Ellenborongh wrote to the Resident, Major Ontrara : " The Governor- General is led to think that you may have seen reason to donbt the fidelity of some one or more of the Ameers of Scindo." Lord Ashley then traced the process of encroachment by the British Government, and argued that when the Ameers might have crushed us, they were prodigal in assistance, contributing, by every facility they could afford, to the recovery of our position and honour. Notwithstanding this, it was alleged that they had attempted our destruction when our troops, returning in victory, had rendered success in such an effort impossible. This, Lord Ashley ienied, but added that even if they were guilty, a sufficient penalty had been exacted from them. " You have torn them from their thrones," he said, " reduced them to the level of your meanest dependants, seized their dominions, incarcerated their persons, plundered their houses, and exposed them to various forms of privation and insult." In conclusion, Lord Ashley said : Sir, we are often admonished, with oracular solemnity, that our empire in Hindoetan is founded on opinion. Is it the opinion of our justice, our humanity, or our power T A wise and patriotic Government would ardently pursue such a noble combination ; and this House, by the fulness and* promptitude of its reply to an injured sufferer, would compensate for the enormous, though inevitable, concession of despotic authority to the rulers of those distant regions. Sir, the generosity of absolute power is cheap and safe and honourable ; true principle alone is of so attractive a nature as to lead many to believe that a really Christian empire would soon acquire the sovereignty of the world by the voluntary and eager resort of all nations under the shadow of its wings. Whether, by such means as these, Great Britain shall accomplish the dominion of the East, remains to be seen. We have not, I fear, made an auspicious beginning ; but if we are to gain no more by virtue, let us not lose what we have by injustice. Let us hasten to wipe out the awful rebuke passed by them on their Christian conquerors " Hcupietat, heu pritra Jida / " saying, as they were led away into captivity, " Now we perceive that there is no hope for us of judgment or justice, until God Almighty shall sit in the last great i 1 ."* Of the long and forcible indictment thus brought by Lord Ashley against the Indian Government, only a very brief summary has been given here. A journal that did not share in his views said of it : " The splendid speech of the noble mover was worthy of his humane and generous motive, and both wore worthy of his high character." f Mr. Roebuck followed with a spiteful harangue, as usual abusing everybody all round ; and, after the debate had run its length, Sir Robert Feel (the Prime Minister) defended the Indian Government, apparently basing his defence on the general principle that uncivilised nations were made to be conquered. Ho certainly did say, " I am * Hansard, Debate*, 3 ., Ixxii. 301. f St. Jama'i Chronicle, March 8, 1844. 288 THE EARL OF SIIAITKSHURY. (CHAP. XII. afraid there is some great principle at work wherever civilisation and refine- ment come in contact with barbarism, which makes it impossible to apply the rules observed amongst more advanced nations." He stated that the libera- tion of the Ameers was incompatible with the peace of India, but that they woidd be removed to a greater distance, where less restraint would be neces- sary, and 24,000 a year would be devoted to their maintenance and service. The result of the motion is thus told by Lord Ashley in his Diary : Feb. 9th. Wonderful success last night personal success, I mean, alas 1 in my motion respecting the Ameers of Scinde. But what is the use of making speeches which are admired and extolled? I obtained but sixty-eight votes against two hundred and two for the Government. Never did I see a more convincing proof of the pernicious effect of party on the moral sense : most were satisfied, indeed, some said so, and yet voted, because Peel did, point-blank against me ! Peel, as usual, was narrow, and in a tone of morality lower, by far, than the ordinary run of Ministers ; even John Russell rebuked him 1 Feb. 10th. I am certain that Palmerston and John Russell, influenced a little by Peel's specious, though legitimate, policy, in declaring that he objected to Roebuck's motion, voted against me, because, as they had not read the papers, it was safer to vote with Government than in opposition to it ; Palmerston I found really ignorant of everything. But how wisely and mercifully God overrules all things 1 It had been suspected, and stated, that I had concocted this move- ment with the Whigs ! Many Conservatives said to Jocelyn, " We never gave such an immoral vote before." Public opinion strongly with me. . . . Campbell, ex- Attorney-General, said to me, very kindly, " Any jury in England would have given you a verdict." Charles Wood said " It was one of the best speeches I ever heard in Parliament, and so was the reply." ... A Christian kingdom may refuse all intercourse with its neighbours, but if it open an intercourse and derive advantages, it cannot turn round when well satiated and exclaim, " By- the-bye, a thought strikes me, you are so abominably wicked that really I must exterminate you 1 " The affairs of Scinde were not the only " foreign affairs " engaging the attention of Lord Ashley. A dispute between England and France, witli reference to Tahiti (Otaheite), threatened, at one time, to be attended with disastrous consequences. Queen Pomare, the sovereign of the Island of Tahiti, a convert of English missionaries, had placed herself by compulsion, it was alleged under the protection of France, while her sympathies, and those of her people, were with England. There arose, in consequence, a coldness between the French residents and the islanders. The French Admiral, who had beguiled or compelled the Queen into placing herself under the protection of the French, arrived off the coast, and demanded that the French flag should be hoisted above her own. Upon her refusing to do this, he pulled down her flag, hoisted that of France in its place, and proclaimed that Tahiti was henceforth French territory. Pomare at once appealed to England ; but France, while disavowing the act of the French Admiral, considered that there was some intrigue on the 1844.] TAHITI. 289 part of England to obtain possession of Tahiti, and would not remove the French flag or candel the proclamation claiming the island as French territory. For some time affairs remained in this critical state, and then a further complication arose. An English missionary, named Pritchard, had exercised a very powerful influence in Tahiti, and had been successful in gaining many converts to Christianity, among whom was the Queen herself. For some tiuio prior to her deposition he had been acting as English consul in the island. One day a French sentinel was attacked. In reprisal Pritchard was seized as the mover and instigator of the disturbances by the natives, and D'Aubigny, the commander of the French establishment, declared : " His property shall be answerable for all damage occasioned to us by the insurgents; and if French blood is spilt every drop shall recoil on his head." Pritchard was thrown into prison, and upon his release was expelled the island. On his arrival in England, the story of his wrongs produced a profound sensation, and stirred public feeling into great excitement. Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aberdeen both characterised his treatment as " a gross and intolerable outrage." Satisfaction was demanded of the French Government, and M. Guizot- who, in tho first instance, was loud in his condemnation of the French Govern- ment, was now equally loud in the profession of his anxiety and that of tje King, that justice should be done in Tahiti and a good understanding restored with England. For some months there was great excitement ; popular passion was hot on both sides, and war between France and England at one time seemed inevit- able. However, on September the 5th the hist day of the Session Sir Robert Peel announced that " the outrage on Mr. Pritchard of Tahiti had been arranged amicably." Substantial compensation was made to Pritchanl. and Queen Poinaro was ostensibly restored to power. France would not withdraw her "protection," however, and to all intents and purposes Tahiti became, in time, completely subject to French rule. The course of these events was followed very closely by Lord Ashley, and there are many passages in his Diary relating to them, one of which only we will quote here. Oct. 4th. Grief and indignation cannot go beyond what I feel against the French aggressions in Tahiti A peaceable and helpless people, a State present- ing, as such, the only Christian model in the world, are subjugated by savagra and powerful Europeans, and inundated with bloodshed, devastation, profligacy, and crime. God gave the regeneration of this island to our people as a triumph of the Cross ; and so it was a thing without parallel in the history of the Gospel. The missionaries made it Christian ; they made it English in laws and Constitu- tion. It had, by God's blessing, under their administration, everything but power and commerce. But, failing these, it has obtained no sympathies, and in the hour of danger, perhaps of extinction, finds not a single friend. Tho infidel and lukewarm are indifferent ; the Tractarians are hostile ; the Evangelicals wary. Public men estimate its value by political measurements and the probable effects on their own ease and tenure of office. What a disgusting and cowardly attitude T 2!)0 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. (CHAP. XII. for England, thus to stand by and raise not a hand in defence of this merciful gift of Providence ! God grant that the Tahitian people may endure and triumph over this fraud and violence. Interest in affairs abroad did not distract Lord Ashley's attention from the more pressing affairs at home. The demand for further limitation in the hours of labour had been urged by the working classes with increased vehemence, especially in Lancashire aud Yorkshire, between the Session of 1843 and the opening of Parliament in 1844. The reports of the Inspectors of Factories, issued from time to time, had been eagerly read by those who were interested in the welfare of the working classes ; and the agitation, headed by Lord Ashley, was daily staining fresh sympathisers, and, in the same proportion, was concentrating the enmity of those who were opposed to it. The time was ripening rapidly for the great struggle which was to end in victory. On the 5th of February, Sir James Graham introduced into the House of Commons his promised Bill for the Regulation of Labour in Factories. It contained no education clauses, but provided that children should be allowed time in which to receive education. The further objects of the Bill were to ensure that the working-time for children should be reduced to eight hours, and for persons above the age of thirteen, to twelve hours a day. The definition of a " child " was extended to mean children between nine and thirteen ; that of " young persons " remained as heretofore, namely, from thirteen to eighteen. " I propose," he said, " that such young persons shall not be employed in any silk, cotton, wool, or flax manufactory, for any portion of the twenty -four hours longer than from half -past five o'clock in the morning till seven o'clock in the evening in summer, and from half -past six o'clock in the morning, till eight in the evening in winter, thus making thirteen and a half hours each day, of which one hour and a half is to be set apart for meals and rest, so lliat their actual labour will be limited to twelve hours." This was exactly what Lord Ashley did not want. His contention was that the hours should be limited to ten, and on that issue he would fight the battle to the end. On the 12th of February the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Then went forth the rallying cry of " Ten Hours and No Surrender ! " mid it echoed through the length and breadth of the land. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed. Meetings were held, pamphlets were scattered broad- cast, and all the paraphernalia of agitation was set in motion with a vigour that had never been known before. Twelve delegates were despatched to London to assist Lord Ashley in his labours, and nobly they worked. London and Westminster were divided into districts, and every Member of Parliament in these districts was canvassed, the working of the factory system explained, and its evils exposed. The course of events is thus noted in Lord Ashley's Diary : 1M4.] A NOTABLE SPEECH. 291 Feb. 27th. Factory Bill postponed. Shall I ever prosper in this ? Will Goa umile upon the endeavour ? Heard that Mr. Bright was waiting for his oppor- tunity to make a most violent attack on me. I dare say. . . . March 2nd. Unpleasant rumours that Government (is it possible?) will exert their Parliamentary influence to defeat the Ten Hours ! March 4th. Graham informed me this evening that " if I would not make an adverse statement," so as to provoke debate and a reply from him, he would grant the Committee. He clearly fears a full expose. March 6th. Moved for Committee last night in half a dozen words. Graham thanked me for my silence. March 8th. Strange accusation that in the Times. Surely a man wholly unconnected with the manufacturing districts was less likely to be influenced by hopes and fears, either commercial or personal, than one whose interests lay in the thick of them. I thought so myself when I undertook the charge. "It would have been more graceful," it adds, "had I devoted my attention to agricultural grievances." Why, that question was not uppermost, was barely thought of, when I laid hold of the Factory wrongs in 1833 at that time the prominent topic of conversation. March 9th. The Times bepraises Sidney Osborne'a letter to me, and adds : "These factory ten-hours men never dreamed of agricultural wrongs until forced to it by their fears." Eight years' exclusion from the paternal house, and three of utter impossibility to interfere while there, will answer any imputations. March 12th. Had intended to take the chair at public dinner of Journeyman Tailors' Society (euphonious and dignified name I), but told by Cobden, as I entered the House, that he proposed to assail the county of Dorset. Obliged, of course, to send excuse, and sit out his speech temperate and often true. Could not reply, taken by surprise, had no paper with me. Thus was unfair on hia part ; unwilling, too, to come into collision with Bankes ; an unseemly sight, two county members sparring with each other ; unwilling besides, by a vote, to come into collision with Lord S., who would assert that it was directed at him. No disguise on Cobden's part that he wished to pay me off for exposing the factory districts. Felt humbled, dejected, and incompetent. Had no heart within me. O God, let not mine enemies triumph over me 1 . . . On March the 15th the Bill went into Committee, and, in the discussion I of the clauses fixing the limitation of the hoars of labour, Lord Ashley endea- I voiired to obtain his purpose by moving that the word "night" should be I taken to mean from six o'clock in the evening to six o'clock in the morning, I thus practically limiting the factory day to ten hoars. In support of his proposition, he made one of his most forcible, compre- hensive, and interesting speeches a speech which took two hours and a quarter in delivery, and occupies twenty-eight pages of Hansard.* In his opening sentence, Lord Ashley gave utterance to that intense anxiety which, as the Diaries clearly reveal, weighed down his spirit as he approached the struggle. " Nearly eleven years have elapsed," he sai'l. " since I first made the proposition to the House which I shall renew this Hansard, S .. lu. 483. T 2 292 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. night. Never at any time have I felt greater apprehension or even anxiety ; not through any f oar of personal defeat, for disappointment is ' the badge of all our tribe,' but because I know well the hostility I have aroused, and the certain issues of indiscretion on my part, affecting the welfare of those who have so long confided their hopes and interests to my charge." Disclaiming the accusation that he was actuated by any peculiar hostility against factory masters, he met them with the challenge, " Strike, but hear me." Taking for his standpoint the proposition that the State has a right to watch over, and an interest in providing for, the moral and physical well-being of her people, he proceeded to show what foreign powers were doing to recognise and enforce this principle. Then, expatiating upon the immediate application of this theme, he described minutely the amount of toil and. exertion required in the various departments of factory labour, and the physical evils proved' to have resulted from it, when too long continued. He entered fully into the ques- tion of the distances traversed daily by women and children, and gave evidence, founded upon measurements and calculations made, at his request, by one of the most distinguished mathematicians of the day, conclusively proving that those distances varied from seventeen to thirty miles, and that the exertion was materially increased by the strain of having continually to lean over the machine and then return to an erect position a performance that had to be undergone not less than from four to five thousand times a day. The physical effects of this toil upon women was disastrous in the extreme, and he adduced ample medical testimony in proof of his assertion, besides pointing to the results shown in the bills of mortality and the statistics of pauperism and disease. Nor were the moral effects less disastrous. Ho showed how impos- sible it was that the obligations of domestic life could be performed by women employed for long periods in factories. He demonstrated, by incon- trovertible facts and arguments, that this unnatural toil engendered every possible form of moral evil ; intemperance, impurity, demoralisation were the inevitable consequences ; all the arrangements and provisions of domestic economy were annihilated ; dirt, discomfort, ignorance, and recklessness, were the portion of almost every household, when the time of the wife and mother was wholly monopolised by factory labour. Such a system, affecting the internal tranquillity of the land and all rela- tions between employer and employed, was a perpetual grievance, and must ever come uppermost in times of difficulty and discontent. It disturbed th" order of Nature, and the rights of the labouring men, by ejecting males from the workshop and filling their places by women ; it was destructive of the health of females, the care of their families, their conjugal and parental duties, the comfort of their homes, the decency of their lives, the peace of society, and the laws of God. In conclusion, he repudiated, in tones of righteous indignation, the charge so often flung at him, that this contest was but a struggle between the country gentleman and the manufacturers, and that he was actuated by a wish to exalt the landed and humiliate the commercial, aristocracy. He said : i44.) MR jonx BRIGHT'S ATTACK. 293 Most solemnly do I deny the accusation. If you think me wicked enough, do you think me fool enough for such a hateful policy ? Can any man in his senses now hesitate to believe that the permanent prosperity of the manufacturing body in all its several aspects, physical, moral, and commercial, is essential, not only to the welfare, but absolutely to the existence, of the British Empire ? No, we fear not the increase of your political power, nor envy your stupendous riches ; " Peace be within your walls, and plenteousness within your palaces ! " We ask bat a slight relaxation of toil, a time to live, and a time to die ; a time for those comforts that sweeten life, and a time for those duties that adorn it ; and, there- fore, with a fervent prayer to Almighty God that it may please Him to turn the hearts of all who hear me, to thoughts of justice and of mercy, I now finally commit the issue to the judgment aud humanity of Parliament * At the close of this appeal, Sir James Graham rose, aud in a tone which he knew only too well how to use, declared emphatically that her Majesty's Government had determined to give the proposition of the noble Lord their most decided opposition. The mill-owners found an advocate in Mr. John Bright, who addressed the House at considerable length, and in a style " perhaps the most vindictive towards the working classes ever used in the British Parliament." f He ridiculed the notion that there was any need for a new Factory Act; he contradicted Lord Ashley's statements as to the unhealthiiifss and other miseries of the manufacturing districts ; ho violently attacked the whole body of operatives who supported the Ten Hours Bill ; ;iii declared that high wages and general prosperity prevailed among the manufacturing population. Then, taking up the old libel as to the condition of the Dorsetshire labourers, he said Lord Ashley looked at Lancashire through a telescope, but when he looked at his suffering neighbours he reversed the glass. He reiterated the groundless charge that Lord Ashler's information had been obtained in an improper way, and from a notorious character, whose story was full of false statements and gross and malignant exaggerations. This was more than Lord Asliley could bear, or would have been justified hi bearing. He rose to his feet, and, atiamo with impassioned earnestness, rehemently demanded a full explanation of the insinuations of Mr. Bright. The scene which ensued is still memorable in the annals of Parliament. "I think," said Lord Ashley, "the House will fool that in smno mon-sure I have a right to make one or two observations on the remarkable speech -if the honourable gentleman. I will thank the honourable gentleman to explain hargc against me which he has insinuated, and which he said he would nut pursue. I will not allow it to pass. I therefore throw myself on tho indulgence and on the protection of this House, and I do request all honour- able gentlemen present to exert their influence, as members of this House, and as gentlemen, to make the honourable member for Durham pursue his charge, and state his case." i-ecchea, p. 115. t Delegates' report quoted in " History of Factory Legislation," p. 7& 294 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESUURY. [CHAP. XH. Loud cheers followed this challenge. Then, in evident confusion, and amidst loud expressions of disapprobation from both sides of the House, Mr. Bright at first attempted to deny that he had made any charge, and eventually concluded with an apology in these words : " I regret if in stating these things I have said a word that could be considered derogatory to the character of the noble Lord. I know I have a warm temper, but I meant no personal insult. I desired merely to state facts, and I readily withdraw any offensive expression." It was then two o'clock, and, on the motion of Mr. Warburton, the debate was adjourned. March 16th. Factory Bill last night in Committee. Spoke for two and a quarter hours. What will be the issue ? Had we divided last night, we should. I am told, have beaten the Government ! The interval will be favourable to them ; official whips will produce official votes. March 18th. Jocelyn came to me yesterday, after morning service, and said that " he had something important to communicate." Stanley had taken him aside on Saturday evening, and had urged upon him the mischiefs arising from the amendment for " ten hours " that I had proposed. " Ashley," he added. " does not know the condition in which he places the Government. If he carries his point, as it seems probable he will, two courses remain ; we must either throw up the Bill, for Graham is pledged to carry it as it is, or throw it into his hands." He then said a great deal more about the effect such success would have in aiding the repeal of the Corn Laws, and remarked : " If Ashley is strong enough to beat the Government, he must take all responsibility : if he thinks himself strong enough to defeat them here, perhaps he thinks himself strong enough to take the Government." Jocelyn said : " What would you have Ashley do ? He has given his life, you may say, to the question ; what would you have him do 7 He could not surrender it." Stanley replied in a drawling, uncertain tone : " I don't know ; I don't say what he could do." The upshot was that Jocelyn, without delivering a direct message, was to inform me of the Ministerial mind. He did so. I replied that " if my perseverance in- volved the repeal of ten thousand Corn Laws, and the dissolution of as many Governments, I would go on with all the vigour I could command ; that, were I disposed to hold back, I could not do so in the smallest degree ; that even in a mere question of politics, a man would be regarded as a sad specimen of faith- lessness who retired simply to gratify the convenience of his Parliamentary friends, but that in this case, when I had toiled for so many years, and placed the whole matter on the basis of duty and religion, I should be considered, and most justly, too, a hypocrite almost without parallel." We rang the changes on all this, and Jocelyn went away. I saw him again in the street, just before I entered the Chapel RoyaL " I have seen Stanley again," he said ; " he never thought you could resign the question ; you were too deeply pledged." " It would be a sad thing," continued Stanley, " for the Government to appear aa alone resisting the wishes and feelings of the people ; it would look very ill to the country if the question had a majority in the House, but was rejected solely by the Government." Then Lord Stanley added (O tempora, mores!}, *What I meant was that yon (Jocelyn) and your friends should not bestir 1844.] A VICTORY. 295 yourselves so much to obtain votes, and Ashley might save his character by maintaining his point, and yet allow himself to be beaten !" If ever insult wa* pat on an individual, here it was with a vengeance I I told Jocelyn that " the only difference was whether I should be an open or a secret sconndreL" I added that "I would exhaust all legitimate means to obtain my end, and that if defeated, I would never cease to work on the sympathies of the country." On March the 15th the debate on the Ten Hours Bill was resumed. The discussion was animated almost beyond precedent, and the excitement grew to a point of intensity, when Sir Robert Peel, in a long and laboured speech, pointed out that other branches of manufactures required restriction more than the cotton, woollen, and silk factories, namely, the Sheffield and Birmingham wares, glass, porcelain, earthenware, calico printing, and, above all, dressmaking and needlework, and he maintained that by restricting labour in cotton factories, a premium was being placed on the laborious and cruel employment of women and children in these other manufactures. " In the House prepared to legislate for all these people ? " asked the Premier. A tremendous cheer, and a cry of " Yes," answered the demand of the head of the Government. Sir Robert Peel, evidently much astounded by this powerful and decisive response, continued : " Then I see not why we should not extend the re- striction to agriculture." Another ringing cheer, from the agricultural members, again threw the Premier from his equilibrium, and Sir Robert. Peel abruptly concluded his speech by declaring that he could not undertake a task which would involve so difficult and perilous an enterprise, above all human strength, and full of individual injustice. " I cannot, and I will not, acquiesce in the proposal of the noble Lord ! " was the emphatic exclamation with which he sat down.* Far-seeing as Sir Robert was in many things, he little dreamt that he \>. \ called forth a foreshadowing of Lord Ashley's future labours on behalf of the working clnroea. Lord John Russell followed, and did good service to the cause by drawing attention to the fact that Lord Ashley's amendment introduced no no\r principle into the Bill, and that he (Lord John Russell) could not see wli.-.t tremendous consequences would follow the limitation of labour in factories to ten hours when the Government themselves proposed a limitation, though to a somewhat longer period. The division resulted in 179 votes for Lord Ashley's amendment and 170 against it, thus giving a majority of 9 for the amendment ; but this vote tl..? Government endeavoured, by a stratagem, to rescind, by going at once to a division on the original question; calculating, in all probability, that, by taking a second division immediately upon the other, the result would be confusion, out of which they might make capital. The stratagem failed, Urn result being : For Lord Ashley's proposition, 161 ; against it, 153. Majority for Lord Ashley's proposition, 8. * Morning Pott, March 16, 1U 296 THE EARL OP 8HAFTESBUBY. [CHAP. XII. In face of theso two divisions, Sir James Graham determined to make another effort to rescind the votes. " Sir," he said, rising amid profound silence, " the decision of the Committee is a virtual adoption of a Ten Hours Bill without modification. To that decision, with the utmost respect for the opinion of the Committee, I have an insuperable objection." Whereupon he announced that he would not drop the Bill, but would proceed with it up to the eighth clause, when Lord Ashley would move that the word " ten " should be substituted for "twelve" hours. He therefore moved that "You now report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Friday next." March 19th. Last night "adjourned debate" on Factory Bill, and division. Can I believe the result? " It is a night much to be observed of the Lord." Oh, gracious God, keep me from unseemly exultation, that I may yet creep by the ground to Thine honour, and to the recovery of the people from Egyptian bondage ! The Red Sea is yet before me, the enemy are in pursuit, and the wilderness has shut us in ; but we will, by His grace, " stand still and see the salvation of the Lord." He will cleave a path for us through the mighty waters, and ordain in our mouths a song of praise in the land of promise and of hope. My supporters wonderfully firm ; had no whipper-in, yet they stuck to me admirably. The Government that is, Peel and Graham evidently out of temper. This seems as much the cause of their opposition as anything else. Their speeches, ingenious in argument, but wretched in principle and feeling, purely commercial : Peel urging a decay of trade ; Graham, an abatement of wages. Neither touched my facts or arguments ; but most unfairly Graham spoke a second time, and at great length, before others had spoken once. Peel argued, in fact, against all interference, and then appealed to the House on the merits of his Mil I denounced our legislation with factories as unjust, quoted the condition of thousands of children who are as yet unprotected (passing, in truth, on me the old sneer of the Millowners & Co., that I was one-sided), and speaking as Prime Minister, in detail, of all these horrors, declared that he had no thought of assuaging them.. In the sight of God and man he abdicated the functions of Government. A curious division. My members included very many who repre- sented the mightiest trading constituencies, and this on a commercial question ! The Ministers have signified their intention to try over again the whole question by a division on Friday next. The interval will be employed in every Government method of influence and coercion. What engine can I employ to counteract and extinguish their fire ? They are unjust, bitter, headstrong, but powerful. I am alone, but I commit all to God, who will maintain his own work. It is a wonderful event, an especial Providence ; is there a precedent like it ? A. single individual, unaided by a party, with scarcely a man whom he could trust to second him, has been enabled to defeat the most powerful array of capitalists, overcome the strongest domestic apprehensions, and the most powerful Ministry of the last fifteen years ! Struggle as they will, the question is passed ; >t may be delayed in its final accomplishment, but surely it cannot be reversed. God give us faith, faith, faith I ... March 21st. An oppressive weight appears to have been removed from my shoulders, and yet I cannot recover my elasticity. I feel like a man that has 1844.1 A GOVERNMENT STRATAGEM. 297 been stunned or bled. I am conscious of a change, but hardly of relief : partly the effect of long: habit, partly the effect of the foreseen Government hostility (and their power is great I). I find no real comfort but in beholding 1 God as the author, and, I pray, as the finisher, of this work in His blessed Son Jesus Christ. Ministers quite mad, using every exertion, no reasoning 1 , no misstatement, no falsehood almost, spared ! Expresses sent off the whole of Sunday. I offered to delay "Ten Hours "for two years and a half . Everyone satisfied except Peel and Graham, who are furious in temper. On March the 22nd the debate on the Ten Hours Bill was resumed, when Lord Ashley moved that the blank in the eighth clause should be filled with the word " ten." At the close of the debate there was a majority of three (186 to 183) asrainst adopting 1 the word "twelve" as proposed by the Government. Lord Ashley's amendment that the word " ten " should be inserted in tho eighth clause was then put, when all who had voted for " twelve " now voted " No ; " but, inasmuch as five who had previously voted " No " again did the same, rnnfnsion once more prevailed, and the result was that 188 voted against the amendment, and 181 for it, and it was lost by a majority of 7 ! The stratagem of the Government had succeeded. The question was reduced to chaos. The Government proposal for a Twelve Hours Bill, and Lord Ashley's proposal for a Ten Hours Bill, had both been negatived, and the Bill was in extreme jeopardy. In these circumstances, Sir James Graham postponed stating what the Government would do, and moved that the Chairman should report pro- Lord Ashloy bowed to the decision of the House, acknowledged that for the present he was defeated, but declared that he " would persevere to tho last hour of his existence, and he had not the slightest doubt that, at no very mt time, he should, by God's blessing, have a complete victory." March 23nL Last night victorious in rejecting Twelve Hours by 186 to 183 ; defeated in attempting Ten Hours, by 181 to 188 1 Tet the cause is mightily advanced. God, in His wisdom and goodness, demands a little longer trial of faith and patience. The consummation will then arrive, and it will be the more evidently seen to be His own work. The House of Commons never saw, before these events, such an utter resignation of party feeling' on all sides to the asser- tion of a great act of humanity. The influence of Ministers, used unscrupulously and unsparingly, obtained at last but a majority of seven, and that not in support of their original proposition. . . . March 25th. fflobti of this afternoon contains a most direct attack on me " ambition, love of office," &c., &c. " the Prince of Canters." What a scene in the House hut night I The tiptoe of expectation, every one anticipating an Eleven Hours BilL I was prepared to accept it, reserving to myself the power of moving whenever I pleased. It would have settled the question for at least two years. Graham, I am told, very hostile in Cabinet Peel for it; determined, however, to resist Graham notified his opposition, and signified that all who 298 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBUEY. [CHAP. XII. supported me were entering on a course of "Jack Cade* legislation." Indecent, foolish, and stupid ; but he did himself thereby irreparable mischief. Considera- tion of Bill, or rather of withdrawal of it, deferred till Friday next. March 26th. Consultations without end ; annoyances of all kinds ; unabated anxiety. Prayed heartily for counsel, wisdom, and understanding. March 27th. Resolved to act in conformity with my first impression, ni.il allow withdrawal of Bill. . . . Did so, and Graham pledged himself to briiij.r in a new Bill. I can, therefore, do on this what I could not have done on the old Bill take a debate and division on the simple question of ten hours I It was generally anticipated that the Government would endeavour to effect a compromise by proposing an Eleven Hours Bill. When, however, it became known tbat Sir James Graham proposed to bring in a new Bill, and to stand doggedly to the Twelve Hours principle, and when, moreover, lie expressed this in words and actions which were intolerable, the excitement, especially among the operatives, became intense. The Committees united in memorialising the Queen against " the ill-advised perseverance in a course f cruelty and injustice of your Majesty's principal Secretary of State for the Home Department, who has avowed his intention of withholding all relief from oppressed women and children, and has sought to effect his object, by means most insulting to the faithful representatives of your Majesty's loyal subjects in Parliament, and tending to degrade the high office bestowed on him by your Majesty." At this period of his career, Sir James Graham was one of the most un- popular men in the country. Except by a few personal friends, he was almost universally disliked ; and it is not surprising to find in Lord Ashley's Journals some strong comments upon his character and conduct. The " novel ami somewhat questionable course " he had pursued in endeavouring, by stratagem, to rescind the votes in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, had increased his un- popularity generally, and in a marked degree among the friends of factory legislation. But Sir James Graham had not yet shown the whole length to which he could go, when his will was thwarted ; and in the near future he was to make a display of some of those qualities which kept alive his unpopu- larity. He had an overbearing manner, which in itself raised opposition; and, once having become convinced on any snbject, his mind seemed to shut its eyes, and he plunged deeper and deeper into partisanship. " He exulted, as a strong man, in the power he possessed, and sometimes," says his bio- grapher, " it must be owned, its exercise savoured of tyranny." f It did so during this year, when the Factory Bill was the burning question in and out of Parliament ; and the friends and foes of the movement were agreed in this perhaps more than in anything else a common dislike to Sir James Graham. In the interval afforded by the Easter holidays, between the withdrawal of * " H. B." published a lively caricature on this. Lord Ashley as Jack Cade, followed fey Lord John Manners, Sir R. Inglis, and Lord John Russell, advancing against Sir Robert Peel and Sir J. Graham on the defensive. t " Life of Sir James Graham," by T. M. Torrens, ii. 199. 1844.) THE SIMPLICITY OP FAITH. 299 Sir James Graham's Bill and the introduction of a new one, Lord Ashley, longing for a few days' repose, went on a short visit to Dover; but the Diaries reveal how little real rest there was for him while the great question ou which his heart was set was pending. April 3rd. Dover. . . . Read the Bible with the boys ; a useful an 1 agreeable morning ; beautiful day ; walked to the top of Shakespeare's Cliff ; enjoyed the scene, the refreshing air, the hope of renewed strength, and fuller service. . . . Home at seven, very tired. I often think, when fatigued, how much less my weariness must be than that of the wretched factory women. It has, at any rate, this good result that I feel and make additional resolutions to persevere in their behalf. April 5th (Good Friday). Do what you will you cannot so entirely banish the past and disregard the future as to make the mind rest solely, simply, exclu- sively on the present hour. " This is the day that the Lord hath made ; let na rejoice and be glad in it" Much do I desire it, but I am haunted, and I know I shall be haunted by debates, divisions, spectres of attacks, defences, failure, success. I am of a very nervous and excitable temperament; an impression once made is not easily effaced ; it hangs to me like a conscience \- I taught the little children to-day, it seemed to me wonderful in how small a compass is contained the whole sum and substance of Christian religion. Volume* without end, years of study, years of controversy, immense thought, immense eloquence, all expended, and mostly wasted, to dilate or torture that which mar be comprehended by the understanding, and relished by the soul, of a simple child. What will all the learning in the world, all the meditation of the pro- foundest spirits, add to the plain facts of the fall of man and hid salvation by Christ 1 Little but perplexity and the embarrassment of that which is intrinsi- cally simple I April 6th. Mill-owners have got out a manifesto contradicting me on every point, and specially on " the distances." I hold to my statements. If I be refuted, my career as a public man is over ; I could never again make a speech in the House of Commons or elsewhere. I should be proved to be as near to a liar as a man can well be, short of the actual dealing in falsehoods. . . . April 12th. Panshanger. Rode with William Cowper to Watton. Saw Bickersteth. ' Rejoiced to have some conversation with him ; he is full of faith, and truly and dearly loves our Lord and Master. But there are few, like him, proof against temptation and expediency in the hour of trial. . . . April 15th. Wrote a few days ago a challenge to Greg and Ash worth to meet Fielden and Ken worthy and superintend the re-measurement of the distances. Will they accept it or no ? I think not However, I shall, thank God, have a triumph in either case. If they attend, I must prove my accuracy ; if they refuse, I shall prove their dishonesty. . . . There was a long paper warfare on this subject. The letters are still in existence, but it would be needless to quote them here. Suffice it to say that tin- challenge was evaded, and the accuracy of Lord Ashley's statement was proved by incontestable evidence. * Rev. E. Bi. kersU-th. Rector of Watton, Ht-ru. 300 THE EARL OP 8HAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. Sir Robert Peel saw, or thought he saw, a way out of the difficulty connected with Lord Ashley's Factory measures. It is referred to in the following entry : April 17th. London. Well, what next? Can I believe my ears ? Old Bon- ham* informed me (stating, while he did BO, that it was almost a breach of confidence, inasmuch as no hint of any sort or kind was to be given) that Peel had determined to offer me the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, with almost unlimited powem, in respect especially of the Church. Peel, he said, had told him, and Graham confirmed it, that no one in the kingdom could effect such good in Ireland ; no one but myself could grapple with the landlords and the prelates, and maintain, against influence, the rights of the working clergy. ... I listened in silence and astonishment ; a little gratified, but not at all in, doubt. I quite admitted that I could, probably, do more with the Irish clergy than most men at present. . . . Silent, not offended, notpuffed-up, not\>egui\ed,fully resolve// /i/>, / to do or accept anything, however pressed by the strong claims of public necessity and public usefulness, which should, in the least degree, limit my opportunity or control my free action in respect of the Ten Hours Bill. . . . God give me a right judgment in all things ! God, grant that I may never be seduced by any worldly motive to abandon truth and mercy and justice ! Keep me from all specious patriotism, and alike from all fear of man's reproach ! . . . April 22nd. One thing now perplexes and annoys me. I perceive, or fancy that I perceive, within the last few months, a great diminution of intellectual power. I have no energy, no command. If I attempt to speak, my utterance is unsteady. I have no flow of ideas, and not much more of language. I feel no confidence, no hope, no satisfaction. I positively dread the necessity of presenting even a petition. I never open my lips without a prayer to God, and yet I tremble at the duty. All this adds greatly to my sorrow. April 23rd. Which is the more wicked, a covert or a barefaced ro^ue ? Peter Borthwick went this evening to Henry Baring (who told me of it the instant after the transaction) and made a proposal. "Would you like to hear," said Baring to me, " a specimen of public virtue ? Peter Borthwick has just said to me, ' I have a motion to-night ; pray keep me a House. You remember how I voted on the Factory BilL I voted against the Government. Now, if you will keep a House until I shall have made my speech I will vote for the Government.' Do not show me up," said Baring. How can I march through Coventry with such a tale as this ? On the 3rd of May leave was obtained to bring in a new Bill, and the occasion was utilised by Mr. "Ward (Sheffield), Mr. Roebuck, and Captain Rons, to make a series of attacks upon Lord Ashley. The Bill was so worded that it would not admit of any amendment being proposed on any of its clauses, and it was therefore necessary for Lord Ashley to give notice that he would move the introduction of a new clause to the effect that no young person should be employed more than eleven hours a day, or sixty-four hours a week, and that from October 1st, 1847, these numbers should be reduced to ten hours and fifty-eight hours respectively. It was a night, as he says, " of trouble and rebuke." * Bonham was " whip." 1844.) TEN HOCRS BILL VIEWED COMMERCIALLY. 301 May 4th. ... I was the direct and indirect target. They fired at me without mercy, and left me, like a portrait of St. Sebastian, shot through and through by their arrows. Had not intended to make any reply ; perhaps I felt incompetent, as I always do now. Strong in my cause and conduct, weak in my capacity. . . . In moving the introduction of the new clause on the 10th of May, Lord Ashley set himself to the task of meeting the objections that had been urged against the Ten Hours Bill on commercial grounds namely, that it would cause a diminution of produce ; that there would take place a reduction, in the same proportion, of the value of the fixed capital employed in the trade ; that a diminution of wages would ensue to the great injury of the workmen ; and, lastly, that there would be a rise of price, and consequent peril of foreign competition. Having examined and refuted these arguments, he continued : Sir, this House is now placed in a novel position ; it is summoned to rescind its resolution, not because new facts or new conditions have appeared, but because the Minister has declared his hostility. Nothing has been stated that was not stated before no fresh knowledge communicated, no unseen dangers discovered. The House is summoned to cancel its vote, not upon conviction, but to save a Government. . . . Sir, the whole question of representative Govern- ment is at stake ; votes have been rescinded before, but never such as this. Yon are almost declaring, to those who are your ordinary friends, they shall never exercise a vote but at the will of the Minister. This is a despotism under the forms of the Constitution ; and all to no purpose ; for your resistance will be eventually and speedily overcome, but your precedent will remain. In concluding his vigorous denunciation, he uttered prophecies which, singularly enough, were soon to be fulfilled to the very letter, although the causes leading to those results were then entirely unknown. He said : The feeling of the country is roused ; and so long as there shall be voices to com- plain and hearts to sympathise, yon will have neither honour abroad nor peace at home, neither comfort for the present nor security for the future. But I dare to hope for far better things for restored affections, for renewed understanding between master and man, for combined and general efforts, for large and mutual concessions of all classes of the wealthy for the benefit of the common welfare, and especially of the labouring people. Sir, it may not be given to me to pass over this Jordan ; other and better men have preceded me, and I entered into their labours ; other and better men will follow me, and enter into mine ; but this consolation I shall ever continue to enjoy that, amidst much injustice, and somewhat of calumny, we have at last lighted such a candle in England as. by God's blessing, shall never be put out As soon as the loud and continued cheering ceased, Sir James Graham rose, and for once appeared to be unequal to the task of answering the arguments arrayed against him, endorsed as they were by so many of his own party and supporters. And it may be noted, in passing, that, although the 302 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBURY. (CHAP. XII. debate lasted for two nights, there was no one in the House who even at- tempted to overthrow the arguments adduced by Lord Ashley. It was evi- dent to the Ministry that a crisis in its history had come, and Sir James Graham declared it in these words : " Sir, I shall not be unjust towards the noble Lord, whatever others may be ; and I am quite satisfied that the cause which he has advocated this evening can never fall into the hands of a better advocate. I am quite satisfied that his motives are of the highest and purest nature, and he is no less an able and powerful advocate than I believe him to be a sincere one. He has, however, said, that her Majesty's Government seek to exercise a tyranny upon this occasion. Now, Sir, with humble submission, 1 say that I am quite prepared to bow to whatever decision this House may come to upon this question, but I can conceive no tyranny greater ; none greater upon the part of the Crown, and I should certainly say that it would bo the extreme of tyranny on the part of a popular assembly, to expect that any Minister should remain responsible for the conduct of public affairs when the representative assembly of the nation, bearing so large a portion of the whole power of the Government of the country, demands a course to be taken which that Minister, in his judgment and in his conscience, believes to be fatal to the best interests of the country. I must say, with perfect sub- mission and perfect frankness that I leave this case to the decision of the House ; but with equal firmness, and with equal frankness, I am bound to *tate that, if the decision of the House should be that the proposition of the noble Lord should prevail, it will be my duty to seek a private station, hoping that the decision of the House may be conducive to the welfare of the country." The debate was continued with great animation, Lord Howick, Mr. Bernal, Mr. C. Buller, Mr. Ferrand, Mr. Muntz, and others, supporting Lord Ashley; and Mr. Liddel, Mr. G. Knight, Mr. Mark Philips, and Mr. Roebuck, op- jKJsing him. Mr. Roebuck, who was always a strong enemy to Factory Legislation, distinguished himself by giving utterance to one of the most \iolent speeches ever heard in that House, even from him. At one o'clock the debate was adjourned. May 12th. Sunday. At last a day of repose 1 Have been in a whirl by night and by day occupied and anxious all day ; sleepless, or if sleeping, like a drunken man, all night ; my head quite giddy, and my heart absolutely fainting ; too much to do, in quantity, in variety, and importance. Delivered at last, by (cod's especial mercy, on Friday night of my burden, not only without failure, as I felt at the time, but also with honour, as I learned afterwards. Oh, what trouble, time, and perplexity removed ! The adjourned debate was resumed on Monday, May 13th. It was evident that the great Parliamentary struggle upon the subject was approach- ing its end ; the fate of the Ministry was trembling in the balance. Among the speakers was Mr. John Bright, who again gave the hottest opposition, while Mr. Macaulay, who had hitherto voted against all legisla- 1844.J A CRUSHING DEFEAT. 303 tion on the subject, now declared himself in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, and supported it in one of his brilliant orations. But the case was doomed when Sir Robert Peel, having addressed the House for upwards of two hours, con- cluded by sayin-, " I know not what the result may be this night, but this I do know that I shall, with a safe conscience, if the result be unfavourable to my views, retire with perfect satisfaction into a private station, wishing well to the result of your legislation." This was decisive. In the face of such a contingency there were many who felt they could not do otherwise than vote against the measure they approved, in support of a Ministry whose malevolent action in threatening to break up the Administration unless the House of Commons rescinded the vote it had given in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, they disapproved. On tlie question being put, the House divided. Ayes, 159 ; Noes, 297. Majority against Lord Ashley's amendment, 138. It was a crushing defeat, but it was evident to all the friends of the movement that the future triumph could not much longer be delayed; and Lord Ashley left the House reiterating his determination to renew the subject at an early date. May 14th. Last night defeated utterly, singularly, prodigiously defeated by a majority of 138 1 ! The House seemed aghast, perplexed, astounded. No one could say how, why, and almost when. It seemed that 35 or 40 was the highest majority expected. Such is the power and such the exercise of Ministerial influence ! ! . . . May 15th. The majority was one to save the Government (even Whigs being reluctant to turn them out just now), not against the question of Ten Hours. . . . Freemantle went from one member to another assuring them of Ministerial danger, and thus each man believed that his own vote was the salvation of the Government. May 16th. Dined last night at the Lord Mayor's feast. Found much sym- pathy, as I do everywhere. This great majority far better for the question than one of, say, 23. It proves that there was no division againxt the principle, but one to save the Ministry ; it begets, too, a high reaction. " Cast down, but not destroyed." I feel no abatement of faith, no sinking of hope, no relaxation of perseverance. The stillest and darkest hour of the night just precedes the dawn. " Though it tarry, wait for it," believing that God sends you a trial, and yet bears you up with a corresponding courage ; .and, although you may pass not the stream of Jordan, it is something that God has permitted yon to wash your feet in the waters of the promised land. It is interesting to learn from contemporary sources what was the impres- sion left on various minds by these stirring incidents, especially when these impressions were made on minds holding opposite views. One specimen only can be given here. Mr. Charles Greville says : * "1 never remember so much excitement as has been caused by Ashley's Ten Hours Bill, nor a more curious political state of things, such 0. C. GreviUe'i "Journal of th Reign of CJueen Victoria, 1837-52," voL ii., p. 236. 304 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. intermingling of parties, such a confusion of opposition ; a question so much more open than any question ever was before, and yet not made so or acknow- ledged to be so with the Government ; so much zeal, asperity, and animosity ; BO many reproaches hurled backwards and forwards. The Government have brought forward their measure in a very positive way, and have clung to it with great tenacity, rejecting all compromise ; they have been abandoned by nearly half their supporters, and nothing can exceed their chagrin and sore- ness at being so forsaken. Some of them attribute it to Graham's unpopu- larity, and aver that if Peel had brought it forward, or if a meeting had Imeu previously called, they would not have been defeated ; again, some declare that Graham had said they were indifferent to the result, and that people might vote as they pleased, which he stoutly denies. Then John Russell voting for ' Ten Hours,' against all he professed last year, has filled tho world with amazement, and many of his own friends with indignation. It has, I think, not redounded to his credit, but, on the contrary, done him con- siderable harm. The Opposition were divided Palmerston and Lord John one way, Baring and Labouchere the other. It has been a very queer affair. Some voted, not knowing how they ought to vote, and following those they are accustomed to follow. Many who voted against Government, afterwards said they believed they are wrong. Melbourne is all against Ashleyj all the political economists, of course ; Lord Spencer strong against him. Then Graham gave the greatest offence by taking up a word of the Examiner's last Sunday, and calling it a ' Jack Cade legislation,' this stirring them to fury, and they flew upon him like tigers. Ashley made a speech as violent and factions as any of O'ConiielTs, and old Inglis was overflowing with wrath. Nothing could be so foolish as Graham's taunt. He ought to have known better how much mischief may be done by words, and how they stuck by men for ever. Lyndhurst rubbed his hands with great glee, and said, ' Well, we shall hear no more of " aliens " now ; people will only talk of " Jack Cade " for the future,' too happy to shift the odium, if he could, from his own to his colleague's back. The Ministers gave out, if they were beaten last Friday, they would resign ; but they knew there was no chance of it. Some abused Ashley for not going on and fighting again, but he knew well enough it would be of no use. The House did certainly put itself in an odd predica- ment, with its two votes directly opposed to each other. The whole thing is difficult and 'unpleasant. Government will carry their Bill now, and Ashley will be able to do nothing, but he will go on agitating Session after Session ; and a philanthropic agitator is more dangerous than a repealer, either of the Union or the Corn Laws. We are .just now overrun with philanthropy, and God knows where it will stop, or whither it will lead us." I The Bill passed to the House of Lords as a Government measure. It was warmly opposed by Lord Brougham on the third reading, but it became lav.- on the 6th of June, 1844. During the time that this great and memorable struggle was proceeding in Parliament, the whole country was in a state of great agitation. Friendu 144.) RESCINDING VOTES. 305 of the cause held meetings in all the large towns to support the action of Lord Ashley, whose movements the factory operatives and their friends watched with intense interest and anxiety. Among those who greatly assisted him in his labours were Mr. B. Jowett, Mr. W. B. Ferrand, Mr. John Wood, and Mr. William Walker, of Bradford, while eminent clergymen, dissenting ministers, medical men, tradesmen, and operatives, vied with one another in placing at the disposal of Lord Ashley evidence to assist him in his arguments, and sympathy to aid him in his toil. To the press he was greatly indebted ; and Mr. Walter, in the columns of the Times, gave very material aid to the cause. The new law, although not giving all that was required, was yet a distinct gain, as it acknowledged and established a new principle namely, that adult female labour ought to be restricted. Soon after these events, the political world was thrown into a state of great excitement by the rumoured resignation of the Ministry. On the 14th of June the Government were defeated in Committee on the Sugar Duties Bill, by a majority of twenty ; and at a Cabinet Council, held two days later, it was settled that Ministers would resign unless the House accepted the Bill as originally framed. On the 17th, Sir Robert Peel held out the threat of resignation unless the House of Commons rescinded its vote of the 14th, a course which Mr. Disraeli described as " dragging his supporters unreason- ably through the mire," and denounced as a species of slavery, inasmuch as, at every crisis, he expected that his gang should appear, and the whip should sound. " The Minister," he said, " deserved a better position than one that could only be retained by menacing his friends and cringing to his opponents." The result of the division was a majority of twenty-two (233 to 255) in favour of the Ministry ! Twice in one mouth had Sir Robert Peel summoned independent and responsible men to rescind their votes, a course that Lord Ashley described as " neither constitutional, loyal, politic, nor Christian-like." He wrote a private letter to Peel on the subject, in which he said : I think it unconstitutional and tending to dictatorship, under the form of free government. I am unwilling to use the several terms my reflection suggests, by which I should designate the policy in its aspects towards the country, your supporters, and, above all. the Queen. I can think of it only with astonishment and trrief. convinced that the mischief now done is irreparable, and destined to hasten the evil day which, in God's just anger, has long impended over us, and yet might have been averted. . . . . . . The speech yon made, and the events which followed it, have rendered it impossible that I should continue to entertain the hopes and feelings of former days ; and duty, perhaps, demands that I should not conceal from yon my opinions. Referring to the correspondence, Lord Ashley noted in the Diary : June 22nd. Peel wrote a kind reply, but assuming that I had totally with- drawn all support. I replied that I should still vote for most of hu measure*, u 306 THE EARL OF SHAPTESBURY. [CHAP. XIL but could repose no great confidence. That I should never seek a leader among the Whigs. He rejoiced upon that, and expressed his great satisfaction. But I have done good ; his tone is altered ; he has spoken in a conciliatory manner, and, in fact, cried " peccavi." I cannot doubt that my letter has materially contributed to it. He knows that though I have few followers in the House, I have many who think with me in the country. I tremble for the issue to the nation, and I cannot forget ancient friendships, ancient hopes, ancient co-efforts with Sir R. Peel. ".. . Among the measures of this Session was the Dissenters' Chapels Bill, relating to the condition of property vested in Unitarian trustees for religious and charitable uses. Soon after the Restoration, the Act of Uniformity had rendered illegal any gift for such uses, except to the Church of England. This restriction was removed by the Toleration Act of William III., as far as Trinitarian Nonconformists were concerned; but Roman Catholics and Unitarians were exempted from the benefit. They, however, were relieved by statute in 1813. There was one exception to these acts of toleration still outstanding. It was that which " left endowments under deeds of gift which did not specify sectarian tests of application, to be interpreted by courts of equity as they might deem fit, on the doubtful balance of proof as to the opinions of the donor ; although the effect of such decision might be to divest a congregation of the place of worship, the cemetery, and school-house, they had uninterruptedly held for fifty years." The Dissenters' Chapels Bill was designed to set at rest the doubts and the ceaseless litigation occasioned by the anomalous state of the law ; and although stoutly opposed by the Church and by evangelical Dissenters, it was carried, and passed into law before the end of the Session. In addition to this Bill, a lengthened debate on the condition of Ireland, and, later, on the Irish Church, occupied much of the attention of Lord Ashley during the Session, and frequent reference to these questions is made in his Diaries. Feb. 24th. Debate on Ireland closed this morning at a quarter past three, after nine nights of discussion ; result favourable to the Government, unfavour- able to Church. Peel and his colleagues amply justified their administration of Ireland, and their conduct in respect of the repeal movement and O'Connell. The Protestant Church was furiously and brilliantly attacked, and most feebly defended. Every argument, ingenious and true, urged against it ; scarcely one advanced in ite behalf. The Ministers declared their resolution to uphold it, but assigned no reason which could conciliate any one affection or satisfy any one doubt. John Russell said truly that " all their prospective difficulties were but as feathers in the scale compared with the magnitude of the existing evil." The Church, in fact, is assailable on twenty points, defensible only on one, and that one is, that it testifies and teaches the truth. This ground the Peel Ministry will never take, and therefore, say what they will, they will warm no hearts, and appeal to no principles, and will have nothing but dry, shop-like details of possible, or probable, inconveniences, to set against the stirring and dazzling facts and sentiments of the complaining party. I, for one, could not 1844.] PEEL ON THE IRISH CHURCH. 307 support the Church in Ireland, on the sole grounds taken by Sir Robert Peel. . . . Feb. 27th. Never did I hear such a speech from a Minister I never may I hear such another, as that last night from Sir R. Peel on the Irish Church ! If the Church is defensible on those grounds only, I, for one, will vote against it. Half an hour of surprise that Roman Catholics did not act up to the engagement of " acquiescing in the Church arrangements," and half an hour in ringing the changes upon this : " I assume there must be an Established Church ; the Roman Catholic offers me one set of terms, the Protestant another ; I prefer the Pro- testant ; " and here was his conclusion : " I will not surrender the Irish Church except " (with my life ?) " under some overwhelming necessity of public policy 1 " What, thou Minister ! does the Church, then, rest on no principle ? The argu- ments of the whole clique have a strong affinity in form and disposition on every subject. Sir W. Follett said, on the Dissent Bill, that though a Trinitarian might have founded a Chapel, we had no reason to believe that he wished those who came after him to preach the same doctrine I and that inexplicable states- man, Mr. Gladstone, intimated that all Dissent tended to Socinianism, and that a vast portion of the founders were, in fact, Unitarians 1 June 28th. Dissenters' Chapels Bill read a third time and passed. Privately objected to a division, but was overruled. July 16th. Lords last night affirmed Dissenters' Chapels Bill by a majority of 161 I I . . . A public man, holding my position and entertaining my views, and bepraised (for I cannot say " supported ") by a certain portion of the religious community, is oftentimes in serious embarrassments. Some plan is pro- posed ; he is required to assist it ; he urges against the possibility, or expediency, some deductions of his experience ; he is secretly suspected, or openly accused, of want of faith, self-seeking, or relying on an arm of flesh ; he exercises no judgment, and falls into the scheme ; he is baffled, and mischief ensues, both to the cause and to himself in reputation for common-sense. Will these gentlemen define the rules and the situations in which human judgment may be safely and lawfully exercised 1 The condition of the lunatic population of the country, notwithstanding 1 the legislation of 1828, still left very much to be desired. In 1842 Lord Granville Somerset had asked leave to bring in a Bill to extend the Metro- politan system of inspection to the provinces, and to appoint barristers as Inspecting Commissioners, who should devote themselves exclusively to the service, it having been found that the supposed annual visits of magistrates frequently never took place at all. Lord Ashley supported the Bill, which passed into law in July of that year.* The Metropolitan Commissioners, now invested with larger powers, thoroughly investigated the state of the English and Welsh asylums, and presented to Parliament in 1844 a valuable report, fitly called " the Doomsday Book of all that, up to that time, con- cerned Institutions for the Insane." It rovealod a deplorable state of things, however, in many asylums, notwithstanding the various Acts of Parliament that had been passed ; but its publication laid the foundation for wiser and * Haimard. 3 s. Ixi. 800. THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. more comprehensive enactments, in the passing of which Lord Ashley was to take a leading part. He notes in his Diary : July 2nd. Finished, at last, Report of the Commission in Lunacy. Good thing bver. Sat for many days in review. God prosper it ! It contains much for the alleviation of physical and moral suffering. It has been well said that the services which Lord Ashley rendered to this cause alone, would have carried his name down to posterity in the front rank of English philanthropists. His untiring labours in connection with it ceased only 'with his life. On the 23rd July he brought forward a motion for an address to the Crown, praying her Majesty to take into her consideration the report of the Metropolitan Commissioners of Lunacy, as, in the following Session, the statute under which they acted would expire. He called upon the House to consider in what form and to what extent power should be confided to an administrative body for the government of lunatics throughout the kingdom, and stated that " it was the duty of the House to prescribe the conditions under which a man should be deprived of his liberty, and also those under which he might be released ; it was their duty to take care that for those who required restraint, there should be provided kind and competent keepers, and that, while the patient received no injury, the public should be protected." In commenting upon the immunity from visitation of houses for single patients, he said : " A power of this kind ought to be confided to some hands that would hunt out and expose the many horrible abuses that at present prevailed. No doubt there were many worthy exceptions, but the House had no notion of the abominations which prevailed in those asylums. It was the concession of absolute, secret, and irresponsible power to the relatives i.l' lunatics and the keepers of the asylums, and exposing them to temptations which he believed human nature was too weak to resist." There was the temptation to keep patients from recovery, because the allowance (often as much as 500 per annum) would then cease. So strong was his opinion of the bad effect of this, that, if Providence should afflict any near relative of his with insanity, " he would consign him," he said, " to an aylum in which there were other patients and which was subjected to official visitation." The only control they had over single houses was, that if patients resided more than twelve months in one of these, the owner of the house must com- municate the name of the patient to the Clerk of the Commission. This rule was either disregarded, or evaded by removing the patient every eleven months. The second class of houses to which he called attention was the county asylums, and, after specifying certain of these that were admirably managed, he pointed out that twenty-one counties in England and Walos had as yet no asylum whatever. Tn speaking of the private asylums, which, on the previous 1st of January, 1844.) TREATMENT OF LUNATICS. 309 contained 4,072 patients, Lord Ashley referred to the evil of a system by which a profit was realised by the superintendents on pauper patients, who were taken in at rates as low as seven or eight shillings a week. It often happened that an old mansion, transformed into an asylum, was the residence of the superintendent and a few private patients, while the paupers were sent into offices and out-buildings. After pointing out some of the glaring cases of cruel neglect and ignorant and brutal treatment, detailed in the Report, he adduced many facts and statistics to show the importance of treating lunacy in its early stages, as, where the practice had been adopted, the most, beneficial results had followed, while an opposite policy led to confirmed madness, with little or no chance of !<. ivery. _ Turning to the question of restraint, he paid a high tribute to " those good and able men, Mr. Tuke, Dr. Hitch, Dr. Corsellis, Dr. Conolly, Dr. Vitro, Dr. Charlesworth, and many more, who had brought all their high moral and intellectual qualities to bear on this topic, and had laboured to make the rational and humane treatment to be the rule and principle of the government of lunacy." Lord Ashloy concluded his speech in these words : These unhappy persons are outcasts from all the social and domestic affections of private life nay, more, from all its cares and duties and have no refuge but in the laws. Yon can prevent, by the agency you shall appoint, as you have in many instances prevented, the recurrence of frightful cruelties ; you can soothe the days of the incurable, and restore many sufferers to health and usefulness. For we must not run away with the notion that even the hopelessly mad are dead to all capacity of intellectual or moral exertion quite the reverse ; their feelings, too, are painfully alive. I have seen them writhe under supposed contempt while a word of kindness and respect would kindle their whole countenance into an expression of joy. Their condition appeals to our highest sympathies, " Majestic, though in ruin ; ' for though there may be, in the order of a merciful Providence, some compensat- ing dispensation which abates within, the horrors manifested without, we must jud.ire alone by what we see ; and I trust, therefore, that I shall stand excused, though I have consumed so much of your valuable time, when you call to mind that the motion is made on behalf of the most helpless, if not the most afflicted, portion of the human race.* On the assurance of Sir James Graham, that the matter should receive attention next Session, Lord Ashley, after a short debate, which served to draw public attention to the subject, withdrew his motion. Mr. Slid] spoke in the debate, on the condition of criminal and pauper lunatic's in Ireland, and concluded with a eulogy upon Lord Ashley in these words : " It is a saying that it does one's eyes good to see some people, and I may observe that it does one's heart good to hear others ; one of those is the * Hansard, 3 s., Ixvi. 1257. Shaftesbury's Speeches, p. 144. 310 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. noble lord. (Cheers.) There is something of a sursum corda in all that the noble lord says. Whatever opinion we may entertain of some of his views, however we may regard certain of his crotchets, there is one point in which we all concur namely, that his conduct is worthy of the highest praise for the motives by which he is actuated, and for the sentiments by which he is inspired. (General cheers.) It is more than gratifying to see a man of his high rank, not descending, but stooping from his exalted position, in order to deal with such subjects not permitting himself to be allured by pleasure or ambition, but impelled by the generous motive of doing good, and by the vir- tuous celebrity by which his labours will be rewarded. It may be truly stated that he has added nobility even to the name of Ashley, and that he has made Humanity one of " Shaf tesbury's Characteristics."* (Much cheering from all sides.) f July 24th. Last night motion on Lunacy obtained indulgent hearing. The speech did its work so far as to obtain a recognition from the Secretary of State that legislation was necessary and should be taken up in my sense of it. Sheil made a neat allusion, by way of compliment, to my great-grandfather's works. He added, too, " the noble lord's speaking is a surgum corda kind of eloquence ; " this is the most agreeable language of praise I have ever received ; it is the very atyle I have aimed at. July 25th. My friend, the Times, in character as' usual, charges me with weakness. How can I be otherwise, not having in the House even a bulrush to rest upon ? " No politician I no statesman ! " I never aspired to that character : if I did, I should not be such a fool as to attack every interest and one half of mankind, and only on behalf of classes whose united influences would not obtain for me fifty votes in the county of Dorset or the borough of Manchester. " Rides but one hobby at a time 1 " Of course ; a man who cannot afford to keep a groom, if he be rich enough to have two horses, must ride them alternately. I have no aid of any kind, no coadjutor, no secretary, no one to begin and leave me to finish, or finish what I begin ; everything must be done by myself, or it will not be done at all. \ Exceptional as were the public demands, in variety and extent, upon the nime of Lord Ashley, he did not allow the claims of private and social life to pass unrecognised. | How he managed to get through his labours is a mystery only to be understood by those who have made a study of the economy of time. It was a mystery to himself, and he makes frequent entries in his Diary like the following : So grievously hurried that I have not time to record anything. Hurried in body and mind ; longing for a few days of repose. ... In bed late ; up early. There are scattered throughout the Diaries, however, very graphic indica- tions of matters that were filling his mind with joy or sorrow ; of duties and engagements accomplished, and of plans and projects for the future. In the * It will be remembered that the third Earl of Shaftesbury was the author of the well-known book called "Characteristics of Men and Manners." t Times, July 24, 1&44. 1M4J PLACING A SOX AT SCHOOL. 311 early part of this year he placed his eldest son at school in the Isle of Wight; and a glimpse of his fatherly solicitude is given in the following entries : January 2nd. Dear Antony is about to start for school. I cannot bear to part with him ; he is a joy to me. March 4th. What a blessed letter Minny received from Antony this morning I So simple, and yet so deep in its feeling and its truth. Oh, well can I under- stand the gracious and precious wisdom, the more than manly intelligence, that shone in the hearts of Josiah and King Edward 1 God, make him, like Samuel, to walk before Thee, in youth and in age, with joyful obedience, unwearied service, and ever-increasing love. June 28th. Yesterday to Isle of Wight to fetch Antony, and to-day returned with him. Praised be Thy holy name, O God, for all Thy mercies to us and to him ! I found him well, happy, and full of gracious promise. Minny went with me, and also Francis, Maurice, and Evelyn. Very expensive ; but we had incautiously made the promise. Children hold much to such engagements ; and the loss of money is of less account than the loss of confidence. Admirable school ; all the care of solicitous parents, with the encouragement of every manly thought and exercise. His master is watering the seed that, by God's grace, I was permitted to plant ; He alone can, and will, give the increase. The claims of friendship wero not lost sight of in the pressure of other engagements. March 17th. Minny and I saw Mrs. Fry yesterday on the bed of sickness. Kissed her hand to show my respect and love. That woman has, assuredly, been called to do God's work, and love her blessed Lord and Master. May He yet spare her for further service, and then take her to Himself. It was only when a demand was made upon his time that could do no more than gratify his own personal pleasure, that he refused to comply with it. June 12th. The Emperor of Russia is here, and firing away in visits. . . . Have never in my public life been more hurried than during last month ; not an hour to do anything, not a minute to reflect God grant that my engagements be good, for they are all-absorbing 1 Would have given a great deal, as the phrase is, to talk to the Emperor ; did not succeed. It was not until August that Lord. Ashley obtained the rest he had so long desired ; and even then it was but partial repose. On the 3rd of August he reached Ryde, in the Isle of Wight ; but the entry following this VMM ml shows that on the 7th he " hurried up to town to be sworn in as Com- missioner in Lunacy heard and resolved to expose some shocking Welsh esses." Then back again to tho Isle of Wight ; bat it is clear that his mind was otherwhere. August 10th. Visited Parkhurst to-day with Jebb.* What a harvest of misery and sin ; actual sin, prospective misery. Vain, very vain, these corrective Colonel Jebb was head of the Convict Department. 312 THE EAIU, OF SIIAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XIU processes ; yet they must be attempted, and duty must lord it over hope. One heart may be touched, and one soul may be saved ; and it is worth all the trouble and all the expense, But how ignorant and how criminal is the nation quite as ignorant, and far more criminal, than these wretched boys which permits, by its neglect, these tares to be sown, and then tediously labours to uproot them ! . . . . August 17th. Long and solitary walk by sea-shore ; much and agreeable meditation. Thought over the example and history of Daniel as a model and guide for statesmen. The scantiness of his biography much to be regretted in this sense his position and conduct as Minister of the Empire of Babylon, a beacon and a pole-star for the helmsmen of modern kingdoms. He ruled a nation of religious belief diametrically hostile to his own. What was his policy ? What his action ? A right understanding of this great and good man's government would open the eyes and smooth the path of a ruler in Ireland ! You would learn how Ministers can deal with religionists of a different complexion, leave an established faith untouched by power, and yet retain their own integrity. A few days later he paid a visit to St. Giles's House. August 23rd. St. Giles's. "Dear earth, I do salute thee with my hand." Left all my kids, Antony excepted, at Eyde. My heart misgave me as I saw baby straining her darling little face through the bars of the pier to get a last sight of us. " I commit them unto God, and to the word of His grace." . . , Here I am in perfect solitude, an immense house, a wide garden, hardly the step of a human being, and no sound but that of a distant sheep-bell ; it i a moment to reflect on God's prodigious and undeserved goodness to me and mine. " What am I, and what is my house, that Thou hast brought me hitherto ? " August 28th. Heard this morning of the death of W. Fry. * I am deeply grieved ; a worthy man, a friend of the poor, and a devout believer. It is a most serious loss to those who desire to see many and mighty improvements in public and private conduct. I am indebted to him for requesting me to undertake the Opium Question, and for immense aid in the execution of it. I had hoped for till further aid in the next Session. Sept. 2nd. Ryde. To Portsmouth to see the gun-practice of the Excellent, commanded by my old friend Sir T. Hastings. ... If the Government and nation would show half the zeal to defend themselves from the Devil that they do from the French, we should speedily become a wise and an impregnable people. . . . Towards the end of September came the renewal of anxiety and work in a journey through the factory districts. Sept. 26th. May God turn the hearts of the mill-owners and give me grace in their eyes 1 What a blessing were I quit of this undertaking, and able to direct my efforts to other and untrodden fields ! Glad to be with my ancient and well-beloved friend Lady Francis ; t I ever remember her in my prayers. They have built a fine house here ; they have done well to plant themselves, despite of * William Storrs Fry, son of Mrs. Elizabeth Fry. t Lady Francis Egerton, afterwards Countess of Ellesmere. She was a sister of Mr. Charles Grevillo. Lord Francis Egerton's place was Worsley, near Manchester. 1*44.1 TOUR IN THE FACTORY DISTRICTS. 31$ the unpleasant neighbourhood, in the midst of their duties and responsibilities. Many people of wealth would hare fled to brighter spots ; may God bless them in their dwelling with years of peace and usefulness ! Sept. 27th. I see by the papers that Dunn, the proprietor of the Chinese Collection, is just dead. Thus I have lost. in six weeks two men (him and Fry) who moat ably assisted me in the Opium Question. How mysterious are the ways of God ! Well did old Hooker say : " The little we perceive thereof we darkly apprehend and admire ; the rest with religious ignorance we devoutly and meekly adore 1 " The campaign of Lord Ashley iu the manufacturing districts was very arduous, but it was well worth all the toil He saw, as he had never done* before, how many of the mill-owners, desperate in adversity and unthinking* in prosperity, were playing with men as with ninepins. He saw, in other cases, a growing readiness to accept a limitation of hours to eleven, if not to- ten, on the ground that it would be physically and morally desirable. He- went minutely into the question of " distances " travelled during the day by the operatives, and found that, despite the contradictions, he had rather understated than overstated them. He perambulated the towns to see for himself the actual condition of the people, and the filth and pallidness of house and person. Lord Ashley met the Lancashire Central Short-Time Committee, and > few of their friends, at the Brunswick Hotel, to receive an address. In thanking them for it, and for their appreciation of his services, he paid an eloquent tribnte to all the workers who had aided in the agitation, and par- ticularly to Nathaniel Gould, of Manchester ; the late Michael Thomas Sadler ; John Wood, of Bradford ; Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Fielden, Mr. Oastler, and Mr. Bull, men who, " when the question was surrounded with greater hazards than it is at present, did not fear to come forward and declare, in the face of contempt, and prejudice, and power, that, by the aid of God's bless- ing, they would strive against every difficulty, and persevere until they had brought the struggle to a successful termination." In reviewing the position of the question, and contrasting it with that of sixteen years before, he enumerated some of their gains, which were : an enactment limiting the labour of children to six hours a day ; protection against accident, death, and mutilation, from the unguarded state of machinery ; mid the important provision that no woman, of whatever age, should be em- ployed in any mill or factory more than twelve hours a day. He explained tn those who were not conversant with the forms of the House of Commons, the difficulties that had beset the matter in the last Session of Parliament, showing how the Bill was in constant jeopardy and how a false step would have caused the loss of it, the object being to preserve the Bill, in order to got what good they could from it, and at the same time to remain faithful to the main principle of the Ten Hours. In concluding, he dcniod that ho was the enemy of the factory masters, or of the factory system. " I am an enemy of the abuses." he said, " but not of the system itself," and he exhorted them 314 THK EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. to go forward with strength and resolution, promising, on his own part, that he would persevere with an unbroken and determined spirit until a happy consummation of their united labours should be reached. During this visit a deputation waited on Lady Ashley at the Albion Hotel to present her with an address in which her self-sacrifice was recog- nised, and the aid she had given to the cause, in consoling and sustaining their leader in his arduous toil, was gratefully acknowledged. Oct. 19th. London. Have called on many master-spinners. Hear that they are gratified. Did so before I met operatives. Addressed a body last night. Admirable meeting ; urged the most conciliatory sentiments towards employers ; urged too the indispensable necessity of private and public prayer if they desire to attain their end. Told what I felt, that unless religion had commanded my service I would not have undertaken the task. It was to religion, therefore, and not to me, that they were indebted for benefits received ! What a place is Man- chester silent and solemn ; the rumble of carriages and groaning of mills, but few voices, and no merriment. Sad in its very activity ; grave and silent in its very agitation. Intensely occupied in the production of material wealth, it regards that alone as the grand end of human existence. The operatives, poor fellows, to a man, distrust this present prosperity. Have visited print-works. Mr. Thomson's, Clitheroe ; Mr. Dugdale's, near Gawthorpe ; Mr. Field's, Man- chester. Thirty-five thousand children, under 13 years of age, many not exceed- ing 5 or 6, are worked, at times, for 14 or 15 hours a day, and also, but not in these works, during the night 1 Oh, the abomination ! Now, therefore, God helping me, I will arise and overthrow thia Philistine. Oh, blessed Lord and Saviour of mankind, look down on the lambs of Thy fold, and strengthen me to the work in faith and fear, in knowledge, opportunity, wisdom, and grace ! Soon after his return to London, Lord Ashley began to revolve in his mind the programme for the Session, and resolved that he would devote his energies, in the first place, to the Ten Hours Bill for the Protection of Children in Calico Print-works, to a Lunacy Bill, and, after that, to sucli other matters as occasion offered. His Diaries at this time are very full, and a few extracts will show the current of his thoughts and the scope of his aspirations : Jt. 26th. Everything now is rushing at the " landed proprietary ; " its over- throw is aimed at, illuc cuncta vergerc. The comparative prosperity of other branches of industry brings forward agriculture in invidious contrast, and this feeling will continue, and perhaps increase, until the day of manufacturing con- vulsion. Entails, primogeniture, large estates, &c. : all to be got rid of. Many even of the Conservatives incline that way ; they perceive difficulties in our social state, and catch at any solution. If so, the thing will be done,, and God prosper the issue 1 But strange it is that all improvement and salvation should be found in the overthrow of the "landocracy," while the enormous accumula- tions of banking, trading, milling are to be petted and praised as the very foun- tains of universal joy. . . . Oct. 30th. London. Fogs, smoke, muffin bells. Much need of internal light IM4.] RUGBY AND ETON. 315 and joy ; very little external, yet promise myself occupation and amusement even. Must look up Societies, Committees, &c., and attend Police Courts. Nov. 3rd. Sunday. Windsor Castle. Arrived yesterday. Attended service in St. George's Chapel ; exquisite chanting: ; cold and comfortless discourse, and yet better than the one I heard some two or three years ago. Queen and Prince Albert at private chapel in Castle. . . . Nov. 9th. Good deal of business. No repose. Sittings renewed in Lunacy. What a scene of horrors I If such be the condition of things under all our inspection, law, public opinion, and the whole apparatus of "philanthropy" (what a sad word ! ), what must it have been formerly, and what would it be again in a state of pure principle of non-interference ? Long interview with Roper, secretary to Society for Protection of Needlewomen. I find, as usual, the clergy are, in many cases, frigid ; in some few, hostile. So it has ever been with me. At first I could get none ; at last I have obtained a few, but how miserable a pro- portion of the entire class ! The ecclesiastics, as a mass, are, perhaps, as good aa they can be under any institution of things where human nature can have full swing ; but they are timid, time-serving, and great worshippers of wealth and power. I can scarcely remember an instance in which a clergyman has been found to maintain the cause of labourers in the face of pew-holders. ... Nov. 18th. Visited Peckham Asylum on Saturday last. Long affair six hours. What a lesson ! How small the interval a hair's-breath between reason and madness. A sight, too, to stir apprehension in one's own mind. I am visiting in authority to-day. I may be visited by authority to-morrow. God be praised that there are any visitations at all ; time was when such care was un- known. What an awful condition that of a lunatic I His words are generally disbelieved, and his most innocent peculiarities perverted ; it is natural it should be so ; we know him to be insane ; at least, we are told that he is so ; and we place ourselves on our guard that is, we give to every word, look, gesture a value and meaning which oftentimes it cannot bear, and which it never would bear in ordinary life. Thus we too readily get him in, and too sluggishly get him out, and yet what a destiny ! Nov. 21st. Went yesterday to Rugby to examine the physical and moral aspect of the place and see whether it would be a good school for Antony. Hope nay, think it will do ; universal testimony, so far as I hear, in its favour from all who have sons there. Saw Dr. Tait. and Cotton, the tutor ; both advised the age of fourteen as, on the whole, the best ; much, said they, will depend on the position he takes when he enters the school ; " The great advantages we offer are found in the higher grades ; every advance in rank is regarded by the boys as involving an increase of responsibility." I fear Eton ; I dread the proximity of Windsor, with all its means and allurements ; dread the tone and atmosphere of the school ; it makes admirable gentlemen and finished scholars fits a man. beyond all competition, for the drawing-room, the Club, St. James's Street, and all the mysteries of social elegance ; but it does not make the man required for the coming generation. We must have nobler, deeper, and sterner stuff ; less of refinement and more of truth ; more of the inward, not so much of the outward, gentleman ; a rigid sense of duty, not a " delicate sense of honour ; " a just estimate of rank and property, not as matters of personal enjoyment and display, but as gifts from God, bringing with them serious responsibilities, and involving a fearful account ; a contempt of ridicule, not a dread of it ; a desire and a 316 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XII. courage to live for the service of God and the best interests of mankind, and by His grace to accomplish the baptismal promise : " I do sign him with the sign of the Cross, in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified, and manfully to fight under His banner against sin, the world, and the Devil, and to continue Christ's faithful soldier and servant unto his- life's end." Graham has asked me to undertake the Lunacy Bill, promising to treat it as a- Government measure. Prodigious work ! but cannot refuse to lighten the burden on a Minister's shoulders. Agreed on condition of full Government support in every respect. Oh, that I might prosper and do something for those desolate and oppressed creatures ! Nov. 26th. Many starving people in the streets ; an alms here and an alms- there very unsatisfactory ; no effectual or permanent good done ; a very small iota of the mischief abated. It makes me miserable, never absent from my thoughts, like having a bad taste always in one's mouth. Where is the root of the evil 1 It cannot be inevitable to have so many poor. Poverty, of course, we must have, but not, surely, deep and extensive destitution. It is wrong, awfully wrong, that so many able-bodied and willing labourers should want employment and bread. What can be done ? Nov. 28th. Thoughts of a great scheme for relief of people pass through my mind. Would it be a measure of relief, or an aggravation of distress 1 Repeal duty on tea to one-sixth of present amount ; sugar the same ; repeal the malt tax totally, and the Corn Laws at the end of five years ; keep on the income tax, raised to five per cent, for ten years. I like the scheme very much. Nov. 30th. A fellow has taken the trouble to sneer against me all across the Atlantic. Received this morning a New York paper with a prodigiously long account of a game-law case in England. On the margin, in manuscript : " A case for Lord Ashley's philanthropy, from an American slave-holder." Untrue in respect of me, for I hate, and have always hated, these excessive preservations of birds and beasts ; illogical in respect of the analogy, for there is no similitude between the trade in human flesh and the over-rigid custody of cock pheasants ! Dec. 1st Sunday. To St. George's in afternoon. A melancholy sight : the parish church, with a handful of " genteel folks," and not twenty square inches of space for the vulgar fry, choked up by monopolising pews, excluding and affronting the working man ! Deo. 3rd. Yesterday took chair of meeting on behalf of wretched seam- stresses. Good Heavens I that in such a cause there should have been so scanty an assemblage 1 Happily, we had foreseen the event, and had proportioned our room to our expectations. The place of meeting was small, but, being filled, assumed a dignity it did not possess. No " quality," no wealth ; people very highly respectable. My chief supporters, always zealous and kind, W. Cowper and Redmayne, the wholesale dealer. . . . It will be remembered that in 1839 the long estrangement between Lord Ashley and his father was followed by a hearty reconciliation. Unhappily, that reconciliation was not to remain unclouded. The career Lord Ashley had adopted, and the causes he had espoused, were not such as met with the sympathy of his father, and ever since the speech at Sturminster in 1843, in 1844.) THE "8TURMIN8TER SPEECH." 317 which he had spoken plainly of the responsibilities of landed proprietors, there liad been a growing coldness, which had resulted as shown in the following 'iitry : Dec, 16th. St. Giles's. The Stunninster speech is not forgotten. It is one of the ingredients of his hatred.* Curious occurrence ; the League are reviling me for doing nothing, at the moment I am turned out of my father's house for doing ton much. Dec. 10th. League busy ; letter this morning to say that an attack was to be made by Cobden on me, drawn from state of dwellings at Martin and Damerham.f Duncombe tells me that a spy has been there for three days. God be with me ! I am innocent as a child unborn, and yet it seems that they will strip me at last of all power to effect anything in the House of Commons. I commit it all to <3od. He will yet deliver me. Dec. 24th. Christmas Eve. Broadlands. " Hallowed and gracious is the time." What a season for united action, for mutual and reconciling prayer, for s If -knowledge, for self-abasement, for inquiry who we are, what we are, whence we are, why we are ! . . . Dec. 28th. Private hints and my own suspicions have led me to believe that my " favour " has been, for some time, on the decline in the county of Dorset. I have said but little, excepting my speech at Stunninster ; but I am disliked, not only for what I have said, but for what I have omitted to say. I cannot do as George Bankes does attend the agricultural meetings and farmers' clubs, and roar out about Protection, the superhuman excellence of landlords, the positively divine character of tenants, tickle the ears with fulsome flattery, and rise in popularity as you rise in declamation. The labourers are generally ill-treated in houses and wages ; the gentry and farmers know the fact, and know, too, that I think so ; hence their aversion ! The proceedings of the late agricultural meeting at Blandford confirm my opinion. I was mentioned but once, and my name amid cheers and three times three to many others attracted there but a cold " Hear, hear." It was introduced by Bankes clearly not to honour me, but to furnish an attack on the Anti-Corn-Law League. Well, let them do as they like ; I know and God be praised for it that I am right ; and I will not abate one breath of my lips to save the seat for the county. Nothing but bulls of Bashan ; I am encompassed on every side. * The allusion is to Lord Shaftcsbury. t Martin and Danicrham were outlying gpote on hi* father'i ectata. CHAPTER Xin. 1845. IN the Ten Hours movement there was little to be done during this year, except to watch the working of the new Bill, and to keep the Committee well together, especially now that those who were pledged to Ten Hours were reinfoi'ced by such powerful allies as Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell, Lord Howick, and Mr. Macaulay. The subject, however, was never out of Lord Ashley's mind, and in an early entry in his Diary for the year we find him reviewing his position : Jan. llth. It will be a singular thing if this great and much-agitated question ends in a mere vapour ; if the labours of twelve years, and the anxiety and notoriety of forty, commissions and committees, disclosures of sinfulness, cruelty, and peril, that make one's head to be sick, and one's heart to be faint terminate as tranquilly and entirely as though nothing had been known and nothing attempted ; nevertheless (humanly speaking), such an issue appears to be most probable ; I can hardly anticipate a longer period (if so much) for efforts in the House of Commons than the duration of the coming Session. Should I be removed to the House of Lords, I shall be taken to an assembly where it would be vain to propose such measures, and I should leave the other without a suc- cessor to my office. Is there any one who would undertake the career from which I should have been removed ? I know not the man. It is possible that the duty now would not be so burdensome and painful ; it is possible that, Moses-like, I may have been a humble instrument to bring the people to the borders of Jordan, while to some Joshua, at present unseen, may be given the honour and delight of leading them into Canaan ; but if it be not so, and any one be called to pass through what I have already passed through, he will not do it willingly. Here are twelve years of labour, anxiety, and responsibility, especially the first and the four last ; but every year since 1836 has been one of toil and preparation, though nothing, by defect of opportunity, may have appeared in public. Eight years of open support and of suppressed antipathy from the Conservatives while in Opposition ; three years of coldness and one of decided resistance from the same when in Government. . . . Except Fielden. Brotherton, and Inglis,* I am certain of no one in public. I have borrowed and spent, in reference to my income, enormous sums of money, and am shut out from every hope of emolument and every path of honourable ambition. My own near kinsfolk dislike my opinions, and some persecute me. I am now a sufferer in domestic relations, and I am excluded from my father's house, in no slight degree because I was known to have maintained the cause of the agricultural labourer. No one but myself can estimate the amount of toil by day and by * Sir Robert Inglis. 1845.) THE IRISH SECRETARYSHIP. 319 night, of fears and disappointments, of prayers and tears, of repugnances con- tended against and overcome, of long journeys, and unceasing' letters ; and will all this have no greater result than the simple and resisted issue of the Colliery Bill ? "I will stand on my watch-tower and will see." Not once or twice in his career had Lord Ashley been agitated already by the question of accepting or refusing office. Whenever that question came to him, it filled his mind with conflict. He was patriotic to the core, and the responsibility of declining to accept any position that would give him larger means of benefiting the country, weighed heavily upon him. On the other hand, the temptations to accept office were very great ; his name was almost as familiar on the tongues of men as that of the Premier ; there were large bodies of the people who looked upon him as the one npon whom their hopes were fixed, as the leader in all great social and religious ques- tions ; he was still young, with a young man's proper and laudable ambition ; and, moreover, his private means were altogether inadequate to the demands upon them. Jan. 24th. Brighton. Colonel Wyndham has lent us his house, and here we are ! Saw Bonham yesterday. Asked him who was to be successor to Lord Eliot as Secretary for Ireland. " Why should not you take it ? " said he. " The Factory Question," I replied, " stands in the way." " Oh no," he rejoined, in a strain of droll logic, " that is an English question, and has nothing to do with Ireland. There may be perhaps some difficulty on your part to accept Peel's measures for Ireland, but I can see no other." He then showed me a letter from Sir J. Graham which he had just received. " Is Ashley quite out of the question for the Irish Secretaryship 2 The Factory Question is settled, and he would find ample room for all his activity and for the exercise of all his warm feelings in that career." . . . He closed by saying : " After all, you may never hear of this again." Feb. 1st. As Bonham said, " I have heard no more of it ; " it would have been to no purpose, for nothing should have, or shall, induce me to surrender these social and moral questions. Many changes ; Gladstone goes out, I know not why ; Knatchbull, because Peel is sick of him ; Sir T. Freemantle to Ireland ; S. Herbert and Lincoln to seats in the Cabinet. It will be a Cabinet of Peel's dolls. Cunning fellow ! How adroitly he has tarnished and then dismissed the two ' farmers' friends ; " thus he would dispose of every one either actually or pros- pectively troublesome to him ; and so he would have done with me. Feb. 5th. Peel expressed to Jocelyn his earnest, most earnest, wish that I could be induced to take office very likely. Graham, too, said the same ; spoke of the folly of my perseverance ; that the thing was hopeless ; and that I kept up bad feelings ! Bad feelings ! Why, I never called any one Jack Cade 1 " But," added Sir James (it is curious to discover their calculations), " he will soon be removed to the House of Lords ; he can do nothiny u-ith kin J-artory Hill there" (most true), " and then he will be sure to join us." So here is their device, to run their opposition against my father's life in the sure and certain hope that an elevation (!) to the House of Lords is a death-blow to my exertions ! Lord, I beseech Thee again and again, for Christ's blessed sake, turn the counsel of Aluthophel into foolishness ! 320 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CRAP. XIII. Although, as we have said, there was little to be done for the present in regard to the Ten Hours Bill, Lord Ashley's attention was much engaged upon a kindred subject, the Report of the Children's Employment Commis- sion, for which he had moved in the year 1840, and especially, on the state of the Calico Print-works. The lives of the poor wretched children who were engaged in this branch of industry were made miserable by reason of their cruel bondage. Employment began generally at from seven to nine years of age, although there were cases known of children beginning to work .at three or four years old. The hours were always long ; lasting, for young girls, as well as for adults, from sixteen to eighteen hours a day, amid cir- cumstances and conditions that were fearfully injurious to health. The rooms in which the work was carried on were hot and unhealthy, and in the -" singeing room " the air was always full of small burnt particles, which irritated the eyes intolerably, so that all the children were more or less affected with inflammation and other diseases of the eyes. The nature of their work was distressing, as it required unremitting attention ; their arms they had to keep in a continual rotatory motion, and they were upon their feet the whole time they were at work. The wages of these poor children were extremely low ; their education was totally neglected ; and they were being ruined in body and soul by their long hours of labour, often protracted far into the night. Altogether, the young calico printers seemed to be about the most miserable class of workers to be found in the industrial population. On February the 4th Parliament was opened by the Queen in person, and on the 5th, Lord Ashley gave his notices, and obtained, by ballot, precedence for his motion respecting children occupied in Print-works. The interval, as usual, was full of suspense, and every day his hopes and fears are recorded, and all his thoughts run in the direction of his labours. Thus he writes : February 7th. The progress of crime, both in amount and intensity, is dreadful ! How mysterious are the ways of Providence ! Why is it that children of the tenderest years are subjected to the fiercest tortures ? God give us Hia Holy Spirit to amend our hearts aud lives, for we are desperately wicked they who do such things, and we who do not prevent them. Shall I deliver my poor children in the Print-works ? God be with me ! February 9th. Brighton. For days, and almost for weeks, I have prayed, in the words of Lot, " Give me this Zoar : behold, it is but a little one." This day that chapter was read as the first lesson ; and then came the reply : " See I have accepted tkee in this thing also." I felt it almost like an answer from Heaven that I should rescue my children in the Print-works, and, like the Israelites, " I bowed the head and worshipped." On February the 18th Lord Ashley moved, in the House of Commons " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to regulate the Labour of Children in the Calico Print- Works of Great Britain and Ireland." Although the subject was much akin to others lie had brought forward, and the nature of the evidence was of necessity almost identical, he startled the House, and eventually the country, by the revelations he made as to the condition of 164i.j CHILDREN IN CALICO PRINT-WORKS. 321 these oppressed and almost forgotten children. In earnest and eloquent language he pleaded their cause, dwelling upon every point that could touch the heart of the House and draw forth sympathy to the sufferers, yet avoiding any expression reflecting on the conduct and character of individual Print- masters. He was at a loss to conceive on what grounds an opposition would be made to his proposal, the third in the series he had brought before that House ; but he hinted at the possibility in these words : Sir, in the various discussions on this and kindred subjects there has been a perpetual endeavour to drive us, who seek the aid of the law, from the point under debate, and taunt us with a narrow and one-sided humanity ; I was told that there were far greater evils than those I had assailed that I had left tm touched much worse things. It was in vain to reply that no one could grapple with the whole at once. My opponents, on the first introduction of the Ten Hours Bill, sent me to the collieries ; when I invaded the collieries, I was referred to the Print-works ; from the Print-works I know not where I shall be sent, for can anything be worse 1 . . . Sir, it has been said to me, more than once, " Where will you stop 1 " I reply, without hesitation, " Nowhere, so long as any portion of this mighty evil remains to be removed." * The Bill, which received some opposition, and was also subjected to some mutilation in its passage through the House, became law on June 30th as " The Print Works Act, 8 and 9 Yict. c. 29." Its provisions were akin to those of the Factory Act of the previous year, and contained similar clauses as to inspections and penalties. The Act was defective, however, in many of its provisions, Lord Ashley's proposals having been modified on lines sug- gested by Mr. Cobden. But, although it did not remove all the evils, it mitigated many, and the condition of the children was greatly ameliorated thereby.f Feb. 2 1st. Time so occupied and harassed, no leisure for entry. Print-works speech over on 18th. The House is weary of these narratives of suffering and shame ; the novelty is past, and the difficulty, the apparent difficulty, of a remedy remains ; it catches, therefore, at any excuse for inattention, and damns the advocate for the toiling thousands, by courteous indifference. Civil and even kind to myself personally, though manifestly tired of the subject and somewhat of me. Here is another burden added to my shoulders, already bruised and ;>eeled, to fight against an averted and reluctant audience. Sir James complimen- tary, cold, hostile, subtle, admitted the Bill, and made preparations to throw it out 1 Public opinion, too, either dead to the woe or preoccupied by trade ; not a newspaper will give one syllable to the wrongs of these miserable whelps ; and yet, how, without public opinion, can I make the least progress 1 However, be this as it may, I will against hope believe in hope ; I will not throw up the cause ; I will, God helping me, persevere ; I may have to mourn over the blighted prospects of these children, but I shall find peace for myself. March 26th. Panshanger. Up at 7. Bright and soft morning. Birds singing Speeches, p. 165. t Von Plener's " Factory Legislation," p. 35. 322 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XIII in a variety of notes. It is inspiriting and beautiful a general and cheerful prayer of all Nature to God, the Author and Preserver of all. " Let everything that has breath praise the Lord." Ay, children in Print-works no less than birds and beasts and creeping things ; but a fierce resistance is begun, fierce as though their strongholds were assailed by a legion of angels. Alas 1 I stand alone j not a " penny-a-liner " with me : all dark, dismal, silent ; but I shall yet " expect." March 31. Beautiful morning seems to tempt one from duty and business and make one idle. I could live in the country with joy, but I must, God willing, first accomplish my task in the active haunts of men. Although there were so many questions pending, and under treatment, in which Lord Ashley was personally engaged, he was not in any way indifferent to the general drift of public affairs. On the contrary, his Diaries abound in comments upon these, although it is beside our purpose to record them here ; but the following passage, relating to the defenceless state of our coasts in those days, will be read with interest : March 31st. This evening Navy Estimates in House of Commons. Who will ably and effectively exhibit the defenceless condition of our dockyards, and the whole line of our shores ? Never was a great nation, humanly speaking, in such a state of exposure. Now, here is the proof of it, and never has God in His mercy, no, not even to Hezekiah as against Sennacherib, exhibited a more singular and special providence. Sir Thomas Hastings told me that he had received and reported officially to the Government the intelligence that during the negotiations respecting Tahiti, the French had collected in the harbour of Cherbourg eight steam-vessels equal to the Gomer, fully equipped for war, with troops on board, and ready to start at a minute's notice the commander would have learned, by telegraphic despatch, that the negotiations were at an end, and, without declaration of war for such, says the Prince de Joinville, is now unnecessary would, in sixteen hours, have reached both Portsmouth and Plymouth 1 What was there to oppose them ? Absolutely nothing. Not a steam-boat within a day's sail, not a gun-boat in the harbour, not a cannon mounted on the batteries to fire even a salute ! All this was confirmed on the visit of the King of the French to England the other day ; he spoke to John Russell, who mentioned it to Palmerston, from whom I have it. "A war between England and France," said he, " is much to be deprecated ; we should gain some advantages at first, though we should, on the seas, be worsted in the end. I am glad that our negotiations on Tahiti terminated favourably ; I should have been grieved to do any injury to your capital, the seat of civilisation and humanising commerce, but I was advised to make an attempt on London, and I should have been successful." To be sure he would. Palmerston remarked that this was somewhat of a threat. I take a very different view. The King knows well that his dynasty depends on the position of England ; and he gave this as a hint for our advantage, and not as an expression for insult ! Well, well may we exclaim, "0 God, we have heard with our ears the noble works that Thou hast done in our days ! " In the ecclesiastical world the sky was thick with clouds and the air with portents. It was in this year that the Tractarian Movement may be said to :845.j MR. WARD'S CENSITUE AND DEPRIVATION. 323 have reached its crisis. Although Lord Ashley had keenly watched every fresh development of the controversy, he had not, hitherto, owing to the pressure of other matters, taken much active public part in it. The stages by which the present position had been reached may be briefly told in this place. Early in 1844, Keble had written : " We go on working in the dark, and in the dark it will be, until the rule of systematic confession is revived in our Church." Later on he had complained that it was impossible to ascertain the moral and religions condition of the people " for want of being able to use the arm of confession." Towards the end of the year Dr. Pnsey had declared that ho neither could nor would subscribe the Articles of the Church in the sense in which they were propounded by those who framed them. Many public meetings were held in various places, and it was the burden of their protests that the High Church party was attempting to bring back into the National Church usages which were associated in the minds of the people with the superstitions and corruptions of Rome. Throughout the year 1845 excitement ran high, notwithstanding the address in the early part of that year by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in which he recommended to the clergy and laity mutual forbearance and concession on the points in dispute between the Tractarian and the Anti-Tractarian parties On February the 13th there was a meeting of Convocation at Orford, to condemn a book written by the Rev. George Ward, M.A., entitled "The Ideal of a Christian Church, Considered in Comparison with Existing Prac- ti<-e." and to deprive the writer of his degree, on the ground that passages in his book were utterly inconsistent with the Articles of Religion of the Church of England, and with the declaration in respect of these Articles, made and MiliM-ribed by Mr. Ward previously, and in order to his being admitted to the es of B.A. and M.A. respectively. On a division, the condemnation of the book was carried by 777 votes against 386, giving a majority of 391 against Mr. Ward ; and the proposition t.i n, at least, some approximate level with the other Collegiate institutions of the Empire, without, it was alleged, in any way interfering wit): its teaching or discipline. The Maynooth Bill comprehended an increase in the salaries of the president and professors, provision for sixty additional stndents making the number 500 and an augmentation of the grant to each. The annual grant of 9,000 hi;hcrto contributed towards the expenses of the College, was to be increased to nearly 30,000, not subject to an annual vote, and the repairs of the College were to be executed, as in other public buildings, by the Board of Works. The excitement in the House on the introduction of the Bill was pro- digious, and the debate on the second reading lasted over six nights, in the course of which Mr. Disraeli launched philippic after philippic against the Premier. " Explain to us," he cried, " why, after having goaded Ireland to madness for tho purpose of ingratiating yourself with the English, yon are now setting England on fire for the purpose of ingratiating yourself with tin- Iri>h." It was in vain, however, for Mr. Disraeli to utter his philippics, or for Colonel Sibthorp to say he would " submit to have his head shaved off, rather than forget that lie was a Protestant ; " the second reading was carried in the Commons by 323 against 176 ; majority for Ministers, 147. With the exception of Lord Ashley, Mr. Fox Maule, and Mr. G. Bankes, no one who had held political office voted in the minority. The excitement in the ecclesiastical world was now intense ; never before or Miice has there been such wild commotion. An nnceasing torrent of I it-til ions against the measure rained in; angry denunciations were hurled against the Government ; and every Evangelical pulpit and platform in the land uttered its loudest protest. Lord Asldey was a Protestant of the Protestants, and ho stood forth in the name of the Evangelical body of the Church of England, both in and out of Parliament, in the strongest opposition to the measure. He was not s, nor at any, time " an apostle of mere blind, unreasoning fanaticism." In 1829, as we have seen, he supported Catholic Emancipation by his vote, and, as we shall see, he held sentiments with regard to Roman Catholics for which few, who knew only one aspect of his character, would have given him credit ; but he drew a strong distinction between the persecution and the patronage of Roman Catholics. Of the latter, now and always, he was a eonnstent and determined opponent. In the great popular agitation he took an important part, and heavy demands were made upon his time, already crowded with manifold labonrs of other kinds. His speeches stand in striking contrast to those of some who identified Sir Robert Peel as the veritable Antichrist of Dr. Croly, for example, who said that George IV. came to a premature end, And the Houses of Parliament were burnt down, because Catholic Emancipation "that un- happy, harsh, ill-judged, fatal measure " was passed in 1829. 326 TllE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. Xlll. Throughout tins period Sir Robert Peel remained unmoved. Since lie had overcome Mr. O'Connell, the bitterest of his enemies, he had become, as he thought, master of Ireland ; and the panacea for soothing the irritation of the conflict in which he had been victor, was to be the extension of education in Ireland among the Roman Catholics as well as the Protestants. He affected to regard the opposition to the Bill as " mainly the opposition of Dissent in England partly fanatical, and partly religious mainly un- willingness to sanction the germ of a second Establishment, and to strengthen and confirm that of the Protestant Church." He was of opinion that many of his opponents " merely yielded to the wishes of Dissenting constituents. Tariff, drought, forty-six shillings a quarter for wheat," he wrote to Mr. Croker, " quicken the religious impulses of some ; disappointed ambition, and the rejection of applications for office, others." * He looked upon the storm which the Bill had raised with indifference, l>eing resolved to carry the measure, and he professed to be careless as to the consequences which might follow, so far as they concerned him or his position. The result was as he anticipated : the Maynooth Endowment Bill was carried. Despite the repeated efforts that were made for its repeal, it con- tinued in force until 1868. It was abolished by Mr. Gladstone's Govern- ment when the State Church in Ireland was disestablished. As, in the course of this volume, we shall see Lord Ashley standing forth as the champion of Protestantism under circumstances in which his own individuality will be more conspicuous, .we shall not quote from the many speeches in which he refers to the Maynooth question. There are many references in the Diary to the same subject, only a very few of which we shall extract, as the interest in the matter has now, to a great extent, died out. April 4th. Last night Maynooth carried (first reading) by 216 to 114, the whole thing almost a counterpart of 1829 ; the same changes of principle, and by the same men. What a spectacle ! Why were the Whigs displaced ? These measures go beyond anything they ever proposed, or even imagined ; and yet Peel was brought in to correct their mischiefs. The main cause of Whig unpopularity was their confederacy with the Romanism of Ireland, union with O'Connell, and supposed desire to act for the advancement of the Papal Church. Peel was their opponent, and led every one to believe that he was also their opposite, and therefore to support him. His conduct, then, is considered to be treacherous. And is it not so ? As for the measure, it is useless and foolish foolish because it irritates and insults the opinions and feelings of a large body of people in these realms ; and useless, because it will not conciliate a single heart in England or Ireland. . . . April 7th. Maynooth will prove a stumbling-block ; the House, as I foresaw, would readily pass it, but the country is becoming furious. The Free Church of Scotland, the " religious public " of England, Wesleyans, Dissenters, all alike are protesting and petitioning, probably with little chance of success, but with fixed " Croker ' Correspondence," vol. iii., p. 32. 1845.] SPEECH ON MAYNOOTH. 327 resolution, so far as in them lies, to cashier their representatives at another election. What a strange ignorance, or haughty contempt of the deep, solemn Protestant feeling in the hearts of the British people 1 Can a statesman, ought a statesman, to force a measure, by dint of a legislative majority, utterly hateful to the great mass of the nation 7 . . . April 8th. I am resolved to oppose it on this ground : I leave on one side the question of the increased grant and its lawfulness ; because, upon that head, you are all at variance. I proceed to the endowment of the College by Act of Parliament, with a grant of large funds from the national purse you thus make it one of the great institutions of the Empire, place it on a level in rank, and on an eminence in favour, as compared with Oxford and Cambridge, and con- firm it by more powerful securities. This endowment and elevation lead neces- sarily to the endowment and elevation of the whole priesthood of Ireland you must, having raised them to a certain level, keep them there, and this can be effected by adequate endowment only. Thence the establishment by law of the Roman Catholic Church, and the concurrent existence of two Established Churches ! The thing is another term for ruin ! It was not until April the 17th, on the second reading of tho Bill, that Lord Ashley made his speech on the subject in the House of Commons, although on one or two occasions he had gone there, during the long con- tinuance of the debate, with the full intention of speaking. He felt con- siderable hesitation as to the line he should adopt. To argue it on financial grounds, would only be to give a handle to the supporters of the Bill ; to argue it on Church of England grounds, would place him in the position of only representing the opinions of a minority ; the theological objections were worn threadbare, and had become unpalatable ; and the argument that there was political danger in the progress of the Church of Rome, did not seem likely to be effective. When he went down to the House he felt " dismayed beyond all former fears," with not a thought in his mind, and his memory a blank. It was with pardonable pride, therefore, that he was able to make the following entry : April 18th. I obtained hist night nothing but compliments from Whig, Tory, Radical, and even Roman Catholics. I can hardly conceive why. I can only pray God that all may be turned to His future service. . . . Did all that I could to avoid harsh or personal expressions against Roman Catholics sitting in face of me, and yet to assert my Protestant principles. Glory to God, I effected both. Redington, a Roman Catholic, said, in reply (no paper has reported it), if all Protestants would so speak, and choose me for their leader, it would raise a more fearful enemy to Roman Catholicism than any other way. . . . This is very remarkable, an effect quite amounting to a sensation produced by a single speech from a man in a private station on a worn subject, and in the middle of a prolonged and frequently adjourned debate; it passes my comprehension. D' Israeli said to me last night : " I think it quite a duty to tell you what an effect your speech has produced. I have spoken to-day to all kinds of persons, from Crock- ford's up to the Bank, and have heard but one voice. Tou have hit out a line of action and argument ; great conciliation with tteady and full attertion oj 328 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XIII. Protestantism. The very violent, the discreet, the lukewarm, have all concurred in expressions of approval. The peroration was of especial value." I thanked him, and replied that, " standing as I did so much alone, these things gave me hearty encouragement." " Yes," he added, " I have long 1 observed your single efforts, and I thought it a duty to break the ice, and Bay what I have heard." . . . Although the second reading was carried by a majority for Ministers of 147, that majority was curiously composed viz., Conservatives in favour of the Bill, 158; Liberals, 165. Against: Conservatives, 145; Liberals, 31. Sixty-four Conservatives were absent from the division. April 21st. It was a fearful minority ; 145 of Peel's friends voted against him. He had a majority of Conservatives in opposition to his Bill. He lives, therefore, moves, and has his being through John Russell. The Bill was not read a third time until the 21st of May, but its eventual success was regarded as certain. Lord Ashley speaks of it in the following entry as if already achieved : May 3rd. Ireland thankless, as I foresaw, for the boon. . . . Is it not to weaken the religious argument when you protest against Maynooth, not because of its purpose, but because of its effects ? The effects have nothing to do with the arguments ; were they even good, humanly speaking, it would be equally a duty to resist the national and permanent teaching of that religion which was declared and established by the Council of Trent. . . . What a blessing to me it is that I am not tied by the strings of a Party either indoors or out ! The month of May brought Lord Ashley many pleasures and duties in connection with the meetings of religious societies. Especially was his interest excited, at this period, in the Jews' Society, which was enjoying its l>:Jmy days. There had been everywhere a revival of zeal on behalf of ' God's ancient people ; " good news was constantly arriving from Jerusalem cf the labours of the Bishop and his noble band of workers, and certain promises and prophecies of the Scriptures were regarded as about to be speedily fulfilled. As a matter of fact their fulfilment was not accomplished, hut the anticipation stimulated faith and hope in those who read, what they thought to be, the " signs of the times." It reminds one of the eleventh chapter of Hebrews, to read the muster-roll of the " great cloud of witnesses " the Fathers of the Evangelical Church v.-ho were on the platform at the " exciting meeting," as Lord Ashley calls it, on the anniversary day in this year, most of whom have now gone to their rest. There were Sir Thomas Baring, the Bishop of Chester (Stunner, after- wards Archbishop of Canterbury), Lord Ashley ; the Revs. E. Bickersteth, Hugh Stowell, T. S. Grimshawe, P. C. Ewald, W. R. Premantle ; Dr. Wolff ( f Bokhara, Hugh McNeile, W. W. Pym, and Dr. Marsh, of the largo majority of whom it may now be said, " These all died in faith, not having received the promises, but having seen them afar off, and were persuaded of them and embraced them." Lord Ashley was singularly happy in his speech from the chair. He eaid : DEATH OF THE BISHOP OF JERUSALEM. 329 Oar Church and our nation have been called to the glorious service of making known the Gospel of Christ to the many thousands of Israel. Now, in whatever liu'ht I view this great question, whether I regard it as purely secular, whether I regard it as purely religious, or whether I regard it as partaking of both characters, I see no subject which can surpass, or even approach it, in magnitude and in all those attributes which feed the imagination and stir into life the warmest energies of the heart. . . . We rejoice in the end and hopes of this Society, as seeking the fulfilment of a long series of prophecies, and the institution of unspeakable blessings, both in time and in eternity, for all the nations of the world. We believe (and we act, too, as we believe) that, if the casting away of the Jewish people be the reconciling of the world, what shall the receiving of them be but life from the dead ; and turn where you will to examine the operations of this and all kindred Societies, and of every people on earth, and you will see in our tardy progress, and in our comparative unfruitful- ness, the necessity of this revival. ... It is our duty, our most high and joyous duty, that every effort be made, that no exertion be spared, that all our toil be given, by day and by night, that into every prayer, with all our souls, this special supplication should enter, for the revival and exaltation, be it figurative or be it literal, of repentant and forgiven Jerusalem.* It was little droamed by those who had taken part in the meeting', that hofore the year closed they would have to mourn the death of Bishop Alexander, the one, it was believed, who was to be the instrument for carrying out many of the great schemes on which their hearts were set. The sad -vent, and its effect on Lord Ashley's mind, are thus recorded : Dec. 15th. Just received, in a letter from Veitch, the examining chaplain, intelligence of the death of the Bishop of Jerusalem at Cairo. I would rather have heard many fearful things than this sad event ; it buries at once half my hopes for the speedy welfare of our Church, our nation, and the Children of Israel t What an overthrow to our plans ! what a humbling to our foresight I what a trial to our faith 1 Alas, this bright spot, on which my eyes, amidst all the surrounding darkness, confusion, and terrors of England, have long been reposing, is now apparently bedimmed. But what is our condition ? Have we run counter to the will of God 1 Have we conceived a merely human project, and then imagined it to be a decree of the Almighty, when we erected a bishopric in Jerusalem, and appointed a Hebrew to exercise the functions ? Have we vainly and presumptuously attempted to define ' the times and seasons which the Father hath put in His own power / " God, who knoweth our hearts, alone can telL It seemed to us that we acted in faith for the honour of His name, and in the love of His ancient people ; but now it would appear that the thing was amiss, and not according to God's wisdom and pleasure. And yet, short-sighted, feeble creatures a we are, all this may be merely a means to a speedier and ampler glory ! The year was memorable for a mania among speculators, as curious an that of the South Sea Bubble. Jaeuh Intelligencer, June, I84& 330 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. Xtll The railway system had been in partial operation for some years, but there had not been any remarkably vigorous speculation in shares, due in great measure to the languor and depression that had prevailed since 1839. In 1843 a few adventurers had succeeded in doing " a good thing " in railways ; and the notion soon became prevalent that the best way to make money grow was to invest it in railways. Speculative capitalists caught at the idea, and resorted to every available means to create a demand for investment of the money that had been lying idle for the past four years. Success attended their labours ; a railway speculative fever set in, and soon became an epidemic. Grave and sedate people, no less than the dreamers of dreams, seemed suddenly to have lost their senses ; the old and the young, the millionaire and the thrifty artisan, people of all ages, of both sexes, and of every rank, were eager to risk all they possessed, so confident were they that timely investment was the sure road to fortune. Parliament was besieged by the promoters of Bills for new railways ; and every fresh scheme proposed brought forward a host of enthusiasts, who, despite the fact that the advantage to be gained from some of these wild and ruinous propositions could only be the saving of a little time and a little money to those who travelled or carried goods, were ready to back up the designing and unscrupulous few who were making gigantic profits by their frauds on the public. It was at this time that Lord Ashley's father, Lord Shaftesbury, so greatly distinguished himself as Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords. Much labour also devolved on Lord Ashley in connec- tion with these railway matters in the House of Commons, and there are many entries in his Diary to the following effect : May 26th. In the chair of Railway Committee I Six days in the week. Sharp work. . . . June 7th. Still in chair of Railway Committee I This was happening at a time when he was more than usually pressed with Parliamentary duties. He had determined to bring forward further measures with regard to Lunatics and Lunatic Asylums, but " had been let hitherto." The subject was continually in his thoughts, and, at different periods of the early part of the year he refers to it in his Diary. It was not, however, until the 6th of June that Lord Ashley found his opportunity, and then, at the request of the Government, who had pledged themselves in the previous Session to support him, he brought forward, simultaneously, two Bills : the first, " For the Regulation of Lunatic Asylums," and the second, " For the Better Care and Treatment of Lunatics in England and Wales." In reviewing the past history and present position of the question, he described the lamentable state of the law prior to the Act of 1828, and the partial benefits which that, and other Acts, had conferred ; but pointed out that evasions of the law were frequent, and that horrors of almost every kind were possible under the existing system. He proposed now to establish a permanent Commission, and thereby secure the entire scr- 1845.] BILL FOR REGULATION OP LUNATIC ASYLUMS. 331 vices of competent persons. The Bill would give the power of more detailed and more frequent visitations, fix the limit of expenses, and place all asylums or " hospitals " under proper regulations. ' My Bill will also provide an additional security against the improper deten- tion of pauper patients, by requiring that the persons signing the order for their confinement shall personally examine them beforehand, and that the medical officer who certifies as to their insanity shall see them within seven days previous to their confinement. I may add that neither of these safeguards exists at present. I propose, also, that my measure should compel every person receiving a patient to state his condition, mental as well as bodily, when first admitted, and the cause of his death when he dies. It will also direct that every injury and act of violence happening to a patient shall be recorded, and will require a case-book to be kept, thereby affording additional securities against mismanagement, and showing how far the patients have the benefit of medical treatment. It will also authorise the visitors to enforce a proper supply of food (in licensed houses) to pauper patients, who are at present fed at the discretion of the proprietor. Fur- ther, it will enable the visitor to order the admission of a patient's friends ; at present they are admitted or excluded at tho caprice of the person who signs the order for the patient's confinement. It likewise will enable the visitors to sanc- tion the temporary removal of a patient in ill-health to the sea-side or elsewhere. It, moreover, will enforce an immediate private return of all single patients received for profit, and authorise the members of a small private Committee, named by the Lord Chancellor, to visit them if necessary. This is the provision of the law in France : in that country licences are prescribed for every house, and certificates and visitors for every lunatic. The abuses and cruelties perpetrated in these retreats for single patients would surpass the belief of the House. . . . These returns are universally evaded at present, the law rendering it unnecessary to make any return unless the patient has been confined for twelve months. The Bill will give the Chancellor power to protect the property of lunatics against whom a commission has not issued, by a summary and inexpensive process, and it subjects all workhouses in which any lunatic is kept to regular visitation." The purpose of the second Bill was to extend the system of county asylums. It provided that the erection of county asylums should be com- pulsory, the existing accommodation increased where necessary, and separate buildings provided for chronic cases. The Bill further provided for the prompt care and treatment of all classes of lunatics ; that those whose friends could not pay for them should be placed in an asylum as paupers, and that all limntics taken care of by their friends, instead of being placed in asylums should be inspected quarterly by a medical man, and lists of them returned to the Commissioners. After giving details of the financial part of the question, and a charac- teristically vivid description of the horrors still prevalent in certain quarters under the existing system, Lord Ashley urged the necessity of utterly abolishing the practice of making pauper lunatics the prey of speculators. After appealing to the House " an assembly of educated, humane, and Christian men " on behalf of this utterly helpless class, who " were under 332 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURT. [CHAP. XIII. the marked visitation of a wise, though inscrutable Providence a class who could not make the least compensation for their disinterested zeal and labours," he paid a high tribute to the wise and humane efforts of Pinel, to the signal success of the Society of Friends, and that remarkable family of the Tukes who founded the retreat at York, and concluded his speech thus : To secure not only the progress, but even the continuance of this improved condition, we have need of a most active and constant supervision ; if this be denied, or even abated, the whole system will relapse. There is the strongest tendency, and it is not unnatural, amongst the subordinate officers of every asylum, to resort to coercion ; it gratifies all the infirmities of pride, of temper, and of insolence. . . . It is our duty, and our interest too, when we have health and intellect tnens gana in cor pore sano leisure and opportunity, to deliberate upon these things before the evil days come, and the years of which we shall say \ve have no pleasure in them. Here are we sitting in deliberation to-day ; to-morrow we may be subjects of this fearful affliction. Causes, as slight apparently as they are sudden, varying through every degree of intensity a fall, a fever, a reverse of fortune, a domestic calamity will do the awful work, and then, " Farewell, King I " The most exalted intellects, the noblest affections, are transformed into fatuity and corruption, and leave nothing but the sad though salutary lesson how frail is the tenure by which we hold all that is precious and dignified in human nature." * After a debate, in which there was no opposition, leave was given to bring in the Bills, and Lord Ashley carefully guided their further course. The two Bills became law in 1845, and have been not inaptly called " the yL&gna, Charta of the liberties of the insane." The permanent Lunacy Commission now introduced, whose functions were greatly widened, comprised six paid Commissioners at salaries of 1,500 each. Lord Ashley, who since its foundation had always been a member, became unpaid Chairman of the Commission, an office he retained until the end of his life. June 7th. I must enter an expression of humble, hearty, and unceasing thanks to Almighty God for my great success in the introduction of the Lunacy Bills yesterday evening. Sir J. Graham seconded the proposition in a very kind and fervid speech, and announced the full support of the Government. Just as I. had concluded my speech amid applause from the House, two Masters in Chancery appeared from the Lords, and announced their acceptance of the Bill for the protection of women and children in the Calico Print-works. What an answer to my prayers ; on the same day, and at the same hour 1 June 30th. Never have I suffered more anxiety than on these Lunacy Bills. I dream every night, and pass, in my visions, through every clause, and con f us the whole in one great mass. It is very trying perpetual objections, perpetua correspondence, perpetual doubt ; and yet there are good feelings exhibited. July 30th. Both Bills passed Committee in the Lords, and they are now quite * Hansard, 3 a. Ixxxi. 180. >.l COWPER'S INSANITY. 333 safe. Most humbly and heartily do I thank God for my success. Snch a thing almost before unknown, that a man, without a party, unsupported by anything private or public, but God and His Truth, should have overcome Mammon and Moloch, and have carried, in one Session, three such measures as the Print-works Regulation and the two Bills for the erection and government of Lunatic Asylums. Aug. 20th. Have been reading, in snatched momenta of leisure, "Life of Cowper." What a wonderful story ! He was, when he attempted his life, thoroughly mad ; he was never so at any other time. Yet his symptoms were such as would have been sufficient for any " mad doctor " to shut him up, and far too serious to permit any " Commissioner " to let him out, and, doubtless, both would be justifiable. The experiment proved that Cowper might safely be trusted ; but an experiment it was, the responsibility of which not one man in three generations would consent, or ought, to incur. We should, however, take warning by his example, and not let people be in such a hurry to set down all delusions (especially religious delusions) as involving danger either to a man's eelf , or to the public. There are, I suspect, not a few persons confined whom it would be just as perplexing, and yet just as safe, to release as the poet Cowper. Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of August, but there was little time for Lord Ashley to rest. For him, repose consisted more in the change than in the total absence of occupation ; and a mind like his, active and hungry, needed something to feed upon more definite and practical than speculation. It is not surprising, therefore, to find the lull in one kind of engagements occupied busily in other directions. Sept. 1st The Society of Friends watch me with unparalleled love or un- paralleled malignity. Wherever I turn, I see, or hear, or read, some token of their sleepless zeal. Mr. Bright gives me no rest in the House of Commons ; Ashworth in Lancashire ; Pease has paused but for a time in the public press. There is a Quaker, whose name I forget, but who keeps all alive at Fordingbridge ; and now a Mr. Wright, of Pontefract, has written to denounce the oppression of the peasantry, " thy tenantry near thy residence in Dorsetshire ! " as set forth in the Tim ft of August 23rd. Replied to contradict his assertions, and express my sense of the love the Quakers bear me and their zeal for my reformation. Sept. 12th. Turning over in my mind some scheme of general education, such, at least, as may bring the vast mass of the juvenile population within the u reading of the Bible." It is sad to see, and quite awful to consider, the vast multitude of immortal creatures who live and die without ever hearing, except in an oath, the name of Christ. This every one admits, deplores, and leaves unredressed. The more I think, the more I am embarrassed and perplexed ; the Church on one side, which ought to be respected ; the Dissenters on the other, who will make themselves heard, seem to present insurmountable difficulties, and meanwhile the people perisheth I In the early part of this year the Peel Administration was standing, apparently, upon the firmest possible foundation, and when Parliament was prorogued, on the 9th of August, there was not a cloud in the sky to give warning of the coming storm. 334 THE EABL OP SHAFTESBURY. ( CHAP. XIII Only two days, however, passed, before Sir James Graham received a letter from a potato dealer, informing him that, from some unaccountable cause, a species of blight, or other form of disease, had fallen upon the potato crop of the country, and that all the potatoes sent to the markets bore indica- tion, more or less, of the disease. The 'news soon received confirmation. It was found that throughout the whole of Kent and Sussex the disease was prevalent ; and, later on, similar reports came from all quarters. In England, where the people partly owing to the operation of the Poor Law had not to depend upon the potato for subsistence, the threatened danger was not so alarming as to suggest the idea of famine. But in Ireland, if the disease should spread there there was no evidence at present that it had done so, the crop being later in its yield there than elsewhere the result would be disastrous in the extreme, as the vast majority of the working population were entirely dependent upon the potato crop for their existence, and its failure would mean nothing less to them than ruin and starvation. The Government could not shut their eyes to this terrible contingency, and frequent Cabinet Councils were held. People began to inquire what these could mean, for, as yet, the public in general were ignorant of the approaching danger, and rumours were current that there was a division among the Ministers. A few weeks sufficed to explain the mystery, and then there was a clamour for the immediate calling together of Parliament, and, on the part of the Anti-Corn-Law League, for the ports to be thrown open. Sir Robert Peel had come into office in 1841 to maintain the Corn Laws, but now, seeing the extent of the danger, his first consideration was the necessity of throwing open the ports to the importation of provisions of every kind. This in itself would have been an easy matter, if it were only to meet the present emergency ; the difficulty would be to re-impose restrictions after they had been once relaxed. Towards the end of October, the news arrived that the distemper was spreading throughout Ireland with frightful rapidity, and on the last day of the month a Cabinet Council was held at Sir Robert Peel's residence, to deliberate on the alarming prospects of the country. On the following day, he set before the Cabinet his opinion that the Corn Laws could no lone e r be maintained, that the existing duties should be at once suspended, an. I the ports thrown open. No definite action, however, was taken at that tiiae ; a Commission, consisting of the heads of departments in Ireland, was appointed to take steps to guard against the sudden inroad of famine, and the idea of an autumnal Session was abandoned. Shortly after this there arose a great cry in Ireland, and the Mansion House Relief Committee of Dublin inter- preted it in a series of resolutions which stated that there was undoubtedly approaching, throughout that land, calamitous famine and pestilence, and which concluded by impeaching the conduct of the Ministry, for refusing to open the ports or to call Parliament together earlier than usual. Ii5.1 ALTERED VIEWS UPON THE CORN LAWS. 335 In this position of affairs Lord Ashley addressed a lengthy letter to his constituents setting forth his altered views upon the Corn Laws. This letter, published in the Dorset County Chronicle, was copied into all the principal journals. The Diary continues : October 2oth. I cannot see my opinion on the Corn "Law question in a different light I am sure it is safe, and even necessary, in the present position of affairs ; and as for the insinuation that I am shifting or changing, I cannot treat regula- tions as principles. I have written this in reply to Melbourne, and stated the case fully. October 27th. Violent articles in papers ; tent to me, of course. League paper absolutely truculent ; every form of baseness ascribed to me. Surely this extreme and ferocious bitterness from the two opposites is a tolerable proof that I have hit the mean. This comes of speaking the truth. Good it is, no doubt, that the truth should be told, and it will, no doubt equally, at last prevail ; but the man who speaks it is oftentimes a martyr to his sincerity, and others are enlightened to praise him when he is either dead or ruined. I fancy I see the motives of this eruption of anger. The high Protection party conceive that my letter gives an impulse to abolition, the very shadow of which is frightful to them ; the Free- Traders conceive that it will aid to qualify their scheme of abolition by adding time and modifications. Thus I have grievously offended both sides ; my strength, if I have any, will be found among the reasonable, thinking men of the land. I do not, cannot, repent of the step I have taken. But by adopting this line I separated myself from many with whom I had hitherto acted. And I thus invited the assaults, the combined assaults, of two parties, and, standing alone, lost the countenance (such as it is) of the third 1 I had, in this way, nothing to rest on but my general influence and character. It was impossible to be blind to the ill-suppressed hatred of many individuals of all classes ; and the tone and language of the public papers, metropolitan and provincial, develop the grounds of the animosity il canting, saint, hypocrite, pretence of religion, &c." every- thing, in short, that can pass a sneer on the principles I have ventured to maintain. It has always been so, and will be so to the end of time. God help me 1 .... For my own satisfaction and conscience I could not endure the annual repeti- tion of sham-fights, so to speak. We were summoned, every Session, to make a plain, unconditional resistance to the repeal of the Corn Laws. I had long suspected that it would be ultimately unavailing, that the agricultural interest would some day be summoned, either by the presence of commercial difficulty, or by the will of the Minister, to reverse, in some following Session, the decision of the one that had preceded. The last debate confirmed both this opinion and that of utter hopelessness of continued resistance. What, then, was to be done / I could not think this without saying it. There are, no doubt, many occasions on which it is wise to be silent ; but here I could not with propriety refrain from speaking out. I could not deceive those whom I represented, by urging them on to protracted resistance, by promising resulta which I was sure would never arrive. I could not myself coldly persist in a line of conduct which was (I thought at least) fatal to the interests of the landed gentry, and at variance with my own judgment of what was required. I said it, therefore, and awaited, sud do await, the personal consequences I ... 336 THE EARL OF 8HAFTESBDRY. [CHAP. XIII. Tlie action of Lord Ashley had raised a storm around him, such as was novel even in his experience. Two years before, the Examiner had said, " If this man goes on as he now does, telling the truth to every one, he will soon become the most hated person in England." The prophecy now appeared to be about to receive its fulfilment. Nov. 3rd. At times I almost quail when I think of the concentrated hatred against me. Nov. 24th. After all, what have I done to provoke such constant, minute, and pointed hatred ? The League hate me as an aristocrat ; the landowners, as a Radical ; the wealthy of all opinions, as a mover of inconvenient principles. The Tractarians loath me as an ultra-Protestant ; the Dissenters, as a Churchman ; the High-Church think me abominably low ; the Low-Church some degrees too high. I have no political party ; the Whigs, I know, regard me as leaning very decidedly to the Conservatives ; the Conservatives declare that I have greatly injured the Government of Sir R. Peel. I have, thus, the approval and support of neither ; the floating men of all sides, opinions, ranks, and professions, who dislike what they call a " saint," join in the hatred, and rejoice in it. Every class is against me, and a host of partisans in every grade. The working people, catching the infection, will go next, and then, " Farewell, King : " farewell any hopes of further usefulness. On the 22nd of November, a letter from Lord John Russell, written from Edinburgh, and addressed to the electors of London, appeared in the daily papers, announcing his unqualified conversion to the principles of the Anti- Corn Law League, and expressing his surprise that, with calamity of an un- precedented nature threatening, Ministers had separated, apparently, without having taken any steps to meet the impending scarcity. It concluded in these unmistakable words : " The Government appear to be waiting for some excuse to give up the present Corn Laws. Let the people by petition, by address, by remonstrance, afford them the excuse they seek. . . . Let the removal of restrictions on the admission of the main articles of food and clothing, used by the mass of the people, be required in plain terms, as useful to all great interests and indispensable to the progress of the nation." On the re-assembling of the Cabinet two days afterwards, it became evident that Sir Robert Peel had resolved either to repeal the Com Laws or to resign. On the 4th of December it was announced in the Times, with all authority, though not using the word itself, that Parliament would meet at an early date, and that the repeal of the Corn Laws would then be proposed by the Ministers. It is quite impossible now to realise the intensity of the excitement caused by this announcement. How the information found its way into that paper, remains to this day a mystery, and it was indignantly denied by the Minis- terial press. Lord Stanley and the Duke of Buccleuch intimated to the Premier that they declined to be parties to any measure involving the ultimate repeal of the Corn Laws, and refused further to retain office ; and a feeling having 1345.) A CRITICAL QUESTION. 337 become prevalent that others would do the same, Sir Robert Peel, on the 5th of December, repaired to Osborne, and tendered his resignation to her Majesty. Lord John Russell was summoned to form a Government, but his ar- rangements fell to the ground, and before the end of the year Sir Robert Peel was again First Minister of the Crown. Dec. 23rd. A question will shortly arise, which we, M.P.'s of a certain com- plexion, shall be called on to answer " Do you intend to vote for the Bill of Sir E. Peel, which will take away all protecting duties (though gradually, perhaps) from British Agriculture ? " I will look to my own case ; I was elected by an agricultural body, who expected, undoubtedly, that what they called " Protection," should be maintained. I was not tied, by their language or by my own, either to mode or to extent, to sliding scale or sixty-shillings ; it was not a matter on which they could have demanded, or I would have given, a pledge but a new case has arisen, one not then in the contemplation of either party, the case of total abolition, one on which the electors would have had a right to ask, and possibly I should have been ready to give, a decided engagement. It seems then that, if I were to vote for abolition, I should vote in a sense diametrically opposite to the sense of their hopes and views when they chose me as their representative, and in a way which, had it been then foreseen, would have, in all likelihood, prevented my election. Now we must take heed what we do, and pray earnestly to God for a sound judgment, for counsel, wisdom, and understanding, that those especially, who make profession of religion, may bring no scandal on honesty and truth. The last entry in the Diary for the year finds Lord Asliley face to face witli this alternative : Dec. 31st. If Peel's plan be for total abolition, and I be disposed to support it, must I not previously resign my seat ? What a tremendous sacrifice ? The Ten Hours Bill abandoned, and all my projects at once extinguished 1 God in His mercy give me wisdom and prosper the issue. w CHAPTER XIV. 1S46. ON the 22nd of January Parliament re-assembled. For some weeks pre- viously public feeling had been strained to the uttermost, and the announce- ments to be made by the restored Minister were awaited with feverish anxiety. But, although it was clear that Sir Robert Peel had become a convert to the Manchester School, and that it was his intention to abandon the Corn Laws he had come into office to maintain, he did not make any definite statement : " I will reserve to myself the unfettered power of judging what will be for the public interest," he said ; " I will hold office unshackled by any other obligation than that of consulting the public interest, and providing for the public safety." A few days later, however (Jan. 27), he announced his policy, into the details of which it is not necessary that we should enter here. The important part of the explanation was, that he proclaimed himself " an absolute convert to the Free-Trade principle, and that the introduction of the principle into all departments of our commercial legislation was, according to his intention, to be a mere question of time and convenience." Throughout this period Lord Ashley was full of anxiety. He had ever been an opponent of the Repeal of the Corn Laws ; he had been sent to Par- liament to defend them, but now he felt that defence was no longer possible. Staunch Protectionist as he had been, he could no longer conscientiously retain his old opinions ; and he felt it to be his duty forthwith to avow his conviction, and, as a consequence, to resign his seat in Parliament. That this resolution was not arrived at without a struggle, the entries in the Diary abundantly testify. He was supported in the step lie was about to take by Lady Ashley, who went with him, heart and soul, wherever duty called. Jan. 15th. Ought I not to be deeply thankful to Almighty God that He has given me a wife capable of every generous self-denial, and prepared to rejoice in it, if it be for the advancement of religion and the welfare of man ? Oh, that my children may inherit, by God's grace, of their mother's spirit, and find their truest pleasure in the virtue and happiness of others ! Jan. 27th. Ten o'clock at night. He (Peel) has just made his statement, and, to my mind, it is most satisfactory. The landed gentry ought to be content \vith the proposed adjustment ; nay, thank God for it. If they do their duty by their estates and the people on them, they will be richer and more powerful than ever ; but I rejoice that this repeal of the Corn Laws will compel them to care, and to some effort, at least, towards improvement. If I remain an M.P. I shall vote for it in all its parts, and throughout all its stages ; but can I remain so I Though no pledges were given or asked, was there M40.J RESOLVES TO RESIGN HIS SEAT. 3.39 not between the electors and myself an " honourable understanding " that " Pro- t ction " of some kind should be maintained ? If this be the case, I may not vote in direct contradiction of the principle ; neither will I vote for it. Public necessity and public welfare both demand the repeal of the Corn Laws. I could justify such a vote before God, because I am convinced that it would be for the best for every material and moral interest ; but I have entered into relations with men, and I must observe them, though it be to my own detriment. The slight influence I possess is founded on an estimation of character ; if that be lost, I shall have nothing left for a " stock-in-trade ; " besides, I must recollect the principles I have maintained, the language I have held, the public professions I have made ; and it will then appear far better that I should suffer any loss than give " occasion to the enemies of God to blaspheme," and say that, " after all, your religious men, when they come to be tried, are no better than any one else," Many would say this ; many more would think it ; and I should thus, by a deliberate act, have myself brought discredit on the public profession of religion ; and, when I have endeavoured and prayed that all my conduct might be to the honour of God, I should have done more, in a single hour, to cast a stain on " pious statesmen," than I could render of service to His holy name in the labours of twenty years. I remember, therefore, those blessed texts : " Seek ye first the Kingdom of God and His righteousness ; and all these things shall be added unto you." " Commit thy ways unto the Lord ; and He will direct thy paths." In this hope I will surrender all ; and maintain my integrity, while I lose my office. I shall resign my seat, and throw up all my beloved projects ; all for which I have sacrificed everything that a public man values ; all that I had begun, and all that I have designed. Nearly my whole means of doing any good will cease with my membership of Parliament. But God's will be done : " Though he slay me," said Job, " yet will I trust Him." Notwithstanding the fact that the agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws was occupying the attention of the great bulk of the people, the Ten Hours Bill was not allowed to languish. There was still strong opposition in Parliament, but many of the supporters of the League had stated that if the Corn Laws were repealed they would vote in favour of the Ten Hours Bill, although many entertained the curious notion that the necessity for f actory legislation would cease in that case. Mr. Cobdeu had said, " The demand for labour will be so great that three masters will be looking after one man." The stannchest opponents, however, were those who on principle objected to State interference with private rights. Lord Ashley, knowing that there was little time for him to act in the present crisis of affairs, left no stone unturned to advance the cause he had so much at heart, and his skill and judgment, his indomitable perseverance and importunity, were now displayed in the midst of circumstances of a peculiarly embarrassing nature. On the 31st of January he resigned his seat. Two days before taking that step, he re-introduced into the House of Commons his Ten Hours Bill with every prospect of success. In support of his views, he adduced a largo w 2 340 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURT. [Cnxp. XFV. mass of important facts and information recently collected, including the results of experiments tried in several of the leading factories, as to the effects of shortened hours of labour. From this testimony he deduced the strongest case for further restric- tions, and argued that the present system gave to female children a certain amount of teaching until the age of thirteen, and that then, at a period when the acquisition and experience of whatever is practical should begin, they were advanced to the full extent of adult labour, and debarred, by their unceasing occupation, from the attainment of the knowledge, indispensable to- their welfare in life. They became unsexed in nature and habits by such constant abstraction from domestic duties, and all the community suffered in consequence. " There was wisdom," he said, " concentrated wisdom, in the saying of Madame de Stael, who, in answer to a question of the Emperor Napoleon, ' What shall I do for the benefit of France ? ' replied without hesitation, ' Give us, sire, a generation of mothers.' " All the strength of his opponents was put forth in the debate that followed, and Mr. John Bright was again conspicuous for the warmth of his opposition. Lord Ashley was well supported by Lord John Manners, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Fielden, and others, and the Bill was read a first time. Everything was ready for a f urther, and, it was hoped, a successful campaign. But its future conduct was reserved for other hands. He probably little thought when, on the 10th of May, 1844, he had said : " It may not be given me to pass over this Jordan ; other and better ineii have preceded me, and I entered into their labours ; other and better men- will follow me, and enter into mine," that his words were to be, in some respects, so speedily fulfilled. But, as we have seen, two days after he had re-introduced the Ten Hours Bill, conscience demanded that he should resign his seat in Parliament, aud the future charge of the Bill devolved on Mr. Fielden, the Member for Oldham. Jan. 30th. Last night Ten Hours Bill. Through it, God be praised, without failure. Not in heart, not in vigour ; but again I say, God be praised I ... Most awfully reviled by Messrs. Bright, Trelawney, Roebuck, and Escott, of which I took no notice, except to clear away a misstatement by the belligerent Quaker. . . . Jan. 31st. Heard from Farquharson. He gave me his own opinion, and, no doubt, the true one, that the yeomanry would consider me as "acting in direct reversal of the principle," &c. &c. ; wrote, therefore, immediately for the Chiltern Hundreds, and am now, for the first time in nearly twenty years, no longer a member of Parliament ! Many will condemn me, some for doing that which they ought to do ; some for appearing to sanction the principle of dele- gation. Others will approve the course as wise and safe for public men. Much touched by the honest and virtuous sincerity of Fielden, Wood, and Philip Grant. They are, if any men be, deeply anxious and deeply interested that I should remain a member of Parliament, yet they did not hesitate for an instant. 1818.] A FACTORY VISITATION 341 Moved almost to tears they were, while they applauded my decision, and hoped and believed that it would prove, eventually, the best. Feb. 6th. Bonham very anxious to see me yesterday before the post went out. It was to say that a few persons had contributed two thousand pounds towards the expenses of a re-election. I found that Peel and Graham (is there an end of wonders ?) were among them I Their language was generous and delicate ; they instructed Bonham to say that they considered a great public principle was involved in my re-election; that their assistance conferred no personal obligation ; that if I were returned, and the next night moved the Ten Hours Bill, and by success drove them from office, they should consider that is was simply within the compass of my inevitable duty. I did not refuse at once. Such a decisive course has always somewhat of harshness in it ; but refuse I shall, because acceptance of aid of that kind, however guarded and deli- cate the terms, limits independence of thought and action. The parties who confer the favour may expect nothing, but the party who receives it has a sensa- tion of being fettered. A requisition, I hear, to be got up on Protestant grounds. children witli the fact that he was intensely in earnest. No man ever received greater encouragement from visible results. Tear after year he had seen the law of kindness produce the most wonderful effects on the minds of the wildest, the rawest, the most ungovernable children ; often he had seen the heart melted, for the first time, by the language of sympathy and of love ; often his voice had been like the voice of God speaking to the heart of a z 354 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XIV. child. It was always through the children that he hoped to win the parents. As the shepherd with refractory sheep will carry the lambs into the fold, certain that eventually the sheep will follow, so his efforts were mainly directed to reaching the children and to putting them in places of safety, as the surest means of alluring their parents thither. Wherever Lord Ashley went during these perambulations, the people clustered round him in groups, and received him with respect. And it may be remarked here that, throughout his life, although he went freely among vagi-ants, paupers, harlots, drunkards, thieves, and criminals of all kinds, the refuse of society, he never, on any one occasion, or in any circumstance, received an insult. Everywhere the people were grateful to him for the interest he took in their condition, and, in the large majority of cases, answered freely the questions he put to them. Bad as he had expected to find certain quarters of the Metropolis, the actual state of things was a thousandfold worse than he had conceived possible. He found, in some cases, hundreds of human beings equal to the population of a whole village compressed and hidden in a dozen small and wretched houses packed in a court, the houses and court occupying less than the area of a good-sized barn, or a village church, or a moderate-sized emi- grant ship. He saw how the people became liable to disease ; why contagious maladies were not only bred and extended, but likewise why they clung to these places. He saw how utterly impossible it was for the physician to minister in them with any degree of satisfaction or success, for everywhere the drainage was bad, the ventilation worse, and the light of heaven almost excluded. He saw, too, that Nature was attempting to do her part towards that which sanitary reformers recommended : she was attempting to reduce the number of inhabitants by commissioning fever, scrofula, and other diseases, to slay them. One of the things that appears to have struck him with great force, and to have strongly laid hold of his imagination, was the terrible injustice involved in the want of sufficient accommodation. He found that in a large number of instances, it was not extreme poverty that had driven the inhabitants into these dreadful dens as they were earning what, with proper management, might be called a decent living but the exorbitant prices charged for accommodation. There were few house-rents so extravagantly high as those paid by the veriest outcasts of our streets. The tenant of a mansion paid a lower nightly rent, in proportion to the space he occupied, and the cubic feet of air he breathed, than did the miserable urchin who spent his two or three pence for pel-mission to stow himself under a bed of a low lodging-house filled to suffocation by the most abandoned of all ages one of the twenty or thirty inmates of a space not large enough for the accommodation of more than two or three. It was necessary to the purpose Lord Ashley had in view that publicity should ho given to this state of things ; and on the 22nd of May we find him at a meeting of the " Society for Improving the Condition of the Working Classes," held at the Hanover Square Rooms, bringing the subject before d4.J AMONG THE POOR. 355 an influential audience as vividly as it could be brought. " I do not." he said, " speak merely from book ; I do not speak merely from the accounts that have been given me ; because I have, not only in past years, but during the present year (having, from certain circumstances, rather more leisure than I formerly had), devoted a very considerable number of hours, day by day, to going over some of the worst localities in various parts of this great Metropolis." He startled his audience by some of the revelations he made, of rooms " so foul and so dark that they were exposed to every physical mischief that can beset the human frame " so foul that when a physician, habituated to enter such places, visited them, he was obliged to write his prescription outside the door ; of courts and alleys thronged with a dense and most immoral population of every caste and grade of character, but almost every one of them defiled by perpetual habits of intoxication, and living amid riot and blasphemy, noise, tumult, and indecency. It was not enough, however, to state the evil ; active practical steps must be taken to meet it, and Lord Ashley announced that it was the intention of the Society, if funds were forthcoming, to erect in the heart of the parish of St. Giles's a Model Lodging-House a house where a young man coming up from the country for the first time, or others who wished to live in a place where some, at least, of the decencies of life were observed, might find a place of retirement and shelter at a moderate rent. This was the germ of that great Model Lodging-House system, which has now sprung up in the neighbourhoods once occupied by reeking courts and alleys. Not by lip only, but by pen also, Lord Ashley turned to good account the results of his perambulations. In the Quarterly Review for December, there appeared a startlingly graphic article from his pen, on " Ragged Schools," in which he gave the results of his own observations of the habits of the clientele of those schools, founded upon his recent visitations. This admirable article was the means of giving a great impetus to Ragged School work. It was the talk of the town; people ran wild about it ; extracts were inserted in all the papers ; and innumerable people made appli- cations to be taken to see the Ragged Schools. Lord Ashley was greatly amused one day at hearing two men discussing the article. " I believe it was written by Lord Ashley," said one. " I don't think so, because his name isn't mentioned, and it isn't like his style." " Those are the very reasons that make me think he wrote it," was the answer. A few extracts from his Diary will show how completely absorbed Lord Ashley was in the beneficent work in which he was engaged : April 28th. St. Giles's. This is my birthday. I am this day 45 years old. Praised be the Lord that hath fed me all my life long until this day. . . . Starting for London, though day be tempting here, to take Chair at Ragged School as a sort of thankful offering and appropriate duty. May 29th. Dined yesterday with . . . The courtesies of life and ancient friendship demanded it. A splendid display of luxury and grandeur, yet unsatis- factory. The contrast so great to the places where I have passed so many hour* x 2 356 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBUEY. [CHAP. XIV. lately, that I felt almost uneasy. The few pounds, too, that I want, and shall not obtain, for the establishment of Ragged Schools, seemed wasted in every dish. All this is very well, according to their wealth and station, now and then ; but the crumbs which fall from their table are in scanty proportion to the number and abundance of their feasts. A greater simplicity, however, even in permitted things, would be more beneficial to the poor, to society, and to themselves. A life so led rivets " the world in the heart ; " and all the externals of good humour, pious language, and occasional charities, &c., &c., only contribute a hollow and delusive sanction to that system of things which the individuals, and the world at large, have pre-determined to be right, because they know it to be pleasant. . . , May 31st. Whitsunday. Broadlands. . . . Day beautiful, rose early, antf went out, like Wilberf orce, to make the field my oratory ; but the prayers of the birds, and of all animated Nature, had more, no doubt, of sincerity and less of murmuring than mine. We know well what we dislike and deplore ; but little do we know or consider for what we ought to be thankful. I wish that every one would daily and hourly set before his eyes, and confess his sin and the sin of his people : what we have received and done as individuals and as a nation ; what we have left undone ; what, in the despite of God's long-suffering, we per- sist in leaving undone ; our hopes and fears ; our loves and hates ; our enormous wealth, and still more enormous covetousness ; the cry of the poor, and the sen- suality of the rich ; and then, if there be but the smallest spark of grace in the soul, we shall, one and all, exclaim with Job, " Wherefore I abhor myself, and repent in dust and ashes." June 8th. Went to Lambeth on Ragged-School business ; called on a poor Irishwoman whose husband had just committed suicide : bought, alas I a " pledge medal " from the widow of a man who had hung himself in a fit of intoxication ! Took a short walk afterwards in Park with my sweet Mary and the baby ; dear Evelyn accompanied me. May God be praised. Oh, if some Dive* would give me two or three hundred pounds, the price of a picture or a horse, I could set up schools to educate six hundred wretched children ! . . . June 12th. I am now begging for four objects circulars out upon each. God give me, first wisdom, and then success I Busy in founding a Ragged School ; peculiar evils require peculiar remedies. Alas ! alas ! I can set up a school which shall give education every evening to 280 children for 58 a year hardly more than it costs to prosecute one criminal and yet I can barely collect the sum ! The laboiirs of Lord Ashley were all-consuming. His time was so broken to pieces by small details, public and private, that if, perchance, he had a quarter of an hour to spare, he hardly knew what to do with it ; so many things offered themselves, that the period was exhausted in making the selection. For a long time he was only able to get through one book, of which he writes : June 16th. Have crawled by degrees through a very entertaining Life, by Tytler, of Sir W. Raleigh. Energy, genius, speculative and practical knowledge of all kinds, unlimited courage and perseverance, promptitude at every moment, and adaptation to every circumstance. What a chequered life 1 what an unhappy close I Indignation and contempt towards that despicable reptile of the human race, James I., are impotent ; but I feel them as though he stood before me. As 1846.) A PLAN OF CAMPAIGN. 357 dreams may be urged as an argument in favour of the Immortality of the soul, so may this sense of injustice, perpetrated whole centuries ago, be maintained as A proof of final retribution ! Lord Ashley could not but think with some anxiety of the future, and ask himself the question, whether he should ever return to Parliament. Useful AS his present labours were, he felt himself " like a man at sea without a rudder." He was constantly moving on, but not to the point he desired. He was collecting facts, examining evidence, and instituting inquiries, none of which he could turn to account as he wished. He felt that there was *' no attraction or compensation in the study of human misery and degrada- tion, except in the prospect of abating them," and in order to do this he must be back again in Parliament. At length the future shaped itself to him with some distinctness, and he wrote : June 1st. I assume, if the Lord will, that I shall return very speedily to the House of Commons. What, then, shall I do ? I must throw aside many ques- tions in which I take a deep and glowing interest, because I have neither time nor strength for them all Ireland, India, the Colonies. . . . I will take, first, the long-agitated, much-desired, and most blessed Ten Hours Bill ; this, with a Parliamentary effort in behalf of the " Ragged Children," will constitute the work of next Session. I will then proceed with Church Reform, a Tef orm that shall restore it to the scheme of Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, and revive, if possible, the primitive examples ; and the last that I dare to contem- plate will open a series of exertions to aid spiritually and physically, the oppressed, forsaken, and heathen children described and reported on by my Com- mission of 1840 a vast and foul mass, which our avarice has engendered, and our luxurious ignorance overlooks, and increases, and perpetuates. " Who is sufficient for these things ? " Not I alone, but any one, if God be with him. And, now, God, the Father of the forsaken, the help of the weak, the supplier of the needy, who hast diffused and proportioned Thy gifts to body and soul, in uch sort that all may acknowledge and perform the joyous duty of mutual service ; who teachest us that love towards the race of man is the bond of perfectness, and the imitation of Thy blessed self : open our eyes and touch our hearts, that we may see and do, both for this world and for that which is to come, the things which belong unto our peace. Strengthen me in the work that I have now undertaken ; give me counsel and wisdom, perseverance, faith, and zeal, and in Thine own good time, and according to Thy pleasure prosper the issue. But, Lord, pour into me a spirit of humility and fear ; let nothing be done in a vain and wicked notion of righteousness and merit, but in devout obedience to Thy will, thankfulness for Thine unspeakable mercies, and love to Thine adorable Son, Christ Jesus, with a constant and hearty confession of sin and unworthiness, and everlasting hope through His merits alone, our only Redeemer and Saviour. June 3rd. Another object I have, but I can leave the special conduct of it to others, because societies are formed and joint-stock companies on foot ; alow, it is true, and not very sure, but nevertheless in action the health of towns and 358 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBTJRY. [CHAP. XIV. dwellings, of all physical questions the moat important by far, and exercising- a terrible influence on things spiritual. In religious circles there was an almost restless activity; many important movements were beginning to strike root, and, to employ a Scriptural meta- phor, often used by Lord Ashley to denote the early indications of new life in religious work, there was " the sound of a going in the tops of the mulberry trees." Never was there a time when religion was brought more prominently for- ward, and public prayer more largely attended. To Lord Ashley this did not suggest relaxation of effort ; on the contrary, he felt it was an hour in which every one should be up and doing, and he himself came forward more than ever into the forefront of the battle. It was in this year that he became officially connected with the British and Foreign Bible Society as Vice-Pre- sident that Society which, in his youth, he had been taught to regard as- revolutionary, and as undermining the foundations of Church and State ! A few years later he became its President, and, until the close of his life, he never ceased to take the deepest interest in its operations. Two other movements, of which more will have to be said hereafter, are referred to for the first time in his Diaries, in this year. Feb. 28th. Night before last took chair at " Young Men's Christian Associa- tion." Four hundred persons to tea, a very striking scene young shopmen, with their mothers and sisters, attending really in a religious spirit. Last night pre- sided in Covent Garden Theatre at Anniversary of Metropolitan Drapers' Associa- tion for early closing of shops. Both these Societies have their origin in the Ten Hours movement. The death of Bishop Alexander of Jerusalem had been a terrible blow to the friends of the enterprise he inaugurated. He seemed to have been a man with the special gifts and graces essential to the trust reposed in him. His own zeal helped to keep alive the zeal of those who, full of hope for Israel, lived in anticipation that the hour for their restoration to their own land would speedily arrive. The death of the Bishop, cut off in the midst of his labours, when engaged in his first episcopal visitation of the darkened kingdom of Egypt, threw a gloom over these hopes, which, as the years rolled on, were never again revived in the same intensity. According to the terms of the arrangement made on the foundation of the bishopric, it was now the turn of the King of Prussia to appoint a successor to the see of Jerusalem. He selected Dr. Gobat, of the Church Missionary Society, a German by nationality, who was duly appointed, and retained his episcopate for thirty-three years. He was a man of high character and prin- ciple an excellent man in every respect. Unfortunately, however, he was not without enemies, and, prior to his consecration, Lord Ashley had to defend him from some odium and calumny. He believed in the man thoroughly, and, throughout his career, gave him hearty and persevering support in the difficult position in which he was placed. Notwithstanding opposition. 1840.] IN BELGIUM. 359 Dr. Gobat's influence was felt throughout the countries over which his jurisdiction extended, and many abiding works have been left behind as memorials of his labours. As the years went by, other difficulties and dissensions arose; the bishopric did not answer the expectations formed of it ; Jerusalem showed no signs of being " a city at unity with itself," and the saying of Newman, " I have never heard of any good or harm that bishopric has ever done," was bandied about until, at last, it was endorsed even by some of those who in 1844 were most enthusiastic in its favour. On the 7th of July Lord and Lady Ashley, accompanied by their four sons, started on a tour in Switzerland in quest of health and repose. There were important reasons why " at this season, in a time of great interest, of changing government, of schemes of his own, of Commissions in Lunacy, and sittings on the Malta College " Lord Ashley should leave London. It was, however, contrary to his own wishes, and throughout the journey he was depressed and harassed by the claims of his many conflicting duties. " I am not very full of agreeable anticipations," he writes ; " a little low-spirited. My heart returns to my objects in public life." From his ample Diary we shall only quote very briefly. The first halting- place on the journey was at Ghent. . . . Went to see the Church of the Beguines. ... I cannot get over these Beguines ; they seem to be the " ne plus ultra " of uselessness. What purpose do they serve, 750 of them, beyond making a sight for curious foreigners, materials for a handbook, and aids to a rhapsody ! Doubtless, the first view of the church was singular and, to a certain extent, impressive, but only from its novelty. The large white covering on the head of each gave an appearance as if the church were studded with pigmy tents, but then the silence of the assembly, and the attitude of prayer, struck the imagination, until the bursting of the or^an into something like a jig, after a few notes of more reverential music, raised the eyes to the figure of the Virgin, the great object of their adoration, a doll of about two feet in height and figged out in a pink court-dress ! There is evidence in the Diary that, to Lord Ashley, the first few days of the tour were full of irritation and unrest. The cares and anxieties which had thickened around him of late, had left their impression ; he was out of health, and jaded in body and mind. The first real relief came to him, as it came in old time to the Psalmist, " in the sanctuary of God." Sunday. Attended Service. An unknown man preached a sermon from the text, " Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou shalt find it after many days." He proceeded to enlarge on the hopes and duties of perseverance never to be weary in well-doing, to banish despair, or even despondency, in the pursuit of things tending to the honour of God and the welfare of mankind. He directed his discourse specially to ministers with cure of souls ; to philanthropists, and to parents. His observations were just, true, and affectionate ; he dwelt more particularly on the cares, anxieties, and disappointments of parents, and showed that fhey were seldom, if ever, without their fruit at the last ; he considered 360 THE EARL OP SHAPTESBURY. [CHAP. XIV. their labours and their prayers as seed which might lie long before it sprang, and still longer before the harvest, but he held it to be nearly sure, as the fulfilment of a Divine promise. His entire discourse seemed a special message to my doubts and apprehensions, a spur to my discouragements, a balm to my failures, a word of exhortation to invigorate the mind into which I had fallen during the last few days ! Blessed be His name ! At Carlsruhe, (" built like a fan, of which the streets are the ribs, and the tower from which you see it, the bulb,") he enjoyed the forest scenery, and pronounced his rest there to be " good, very good." July 16th. . . . Baden. Certainly, it is a lovely spot ; nothing is common, nothing is without its point. The undulating hills all around, clad with the deep, close velvet of the Black Forest, keep the place at all times in a dress of state. But I am sure that it shares the climate of Aix and Carlsbad, and, down in its luscious valleys, would suck out every energy of mind and body. Ascended hill in a carriage to view Alte Schloss. . . . When one stands on the pinnacle of these remnants of former days, and surveys, even to giddiness, the terrible abyss below, the almost unassailable strength of the fortress, and endeavours to estimate the vice and violence against which these preparations were made, and the sorrows and fears their inmates must have often endured first one heartily, ay most heartily, blesses God that our lot is cast in a milder and a better age ; and then one proceeds to sympathise with those victims of robbery and murder, who, to flee from power, had made their nest in a rock. All this sentiment con- tinues in full force until you descend to the Neue Schloss below, and there inspect the distressing dungeons and all the various inventions and appliances of incar- ceration and torture. These scoundrels inflicted as much as they suffered ; it was defect of means, not excess of compassion, that restrained their hands ; the wretch that screamed on the rack, or pined in the oubliette, had forecast the same for the monster that thrust him in. These things, although memorials of events long past, turn me quite sick. I felt the same at Ratisbon three years ago ; I felt it here. Ay, well may we say with David, " Let me fall into the hands of God, and not into the hands of men I " July 17th. Read one of the "Tales of the Genii" to the kids, making such verbal alterations and omissions as propriety required. Works of fiction may be read in moderation with considerable effect ; and specially such as these, where there is always a high tone of morality and sentiment. The author, by a hazard- ous attempt to render, by his descriptions, the indulgence of the passions odious, has excited thoughts which should ever be suppressed. The best way to avoid sin is not to know it ; the knowledge of evil brought in both the practice and the love thereof. July 18th. . . . These Germans lead an easy, sensual, sleepy life of placid and noiseless current. It is wonderful that creatures of such a vegetative habit should have produced, and should still be producing, men and things of so high an order. Intellectually they are very great ; were they physically equal in their energies to the British people there would be nothing on earth to compare with them but it is not so. One Englishman will perform his work in half the time that it takes two Germans to consider it, and whether it be the stoker of a steam- 1846.] CHRISTIAN WORK ABROAD. 361 boat, a banker's clerk, or a commissioner of police, or a gentleman at dinner, the British nation will save both time and trouble. Surely their mode of life in the present day, their constant and friendly intercourse, their tranquil smoking, their baths, their gardens, their naps, their mid-day retirement, are a wonderful contrast to the savage conflict, the uproarious festivals, the dirt, the prisons, and the everlasting watchfulness against danger, of the Middle Ages. In Strasburg a visit was paid to the grand monument of Marshal Saxe. The piece of sculpture has made a great noise in Europe.* I confess that, greatly as I admired many parts of it, the figure of the Marshal made me laugh. He looks like a principal singer coming forward to the lamps at the theatre to give us a popular air ; all smiles and self-possession. The female figure is un- equalled, and there is much original genius and execution in the figure of Death. As for the British lion, the Dutch bear, and the sentimental Hercules, they are good, but irresistibly comic ! Much later in life Lord Shaf tesbnry took an active part in the movement I in London for funeral reforms ; and was even an advocate of cremation. It is interesting to catch a glimpse of his views on these subjects at this early 1 date. . . . Taken to see a dried Count of Nassau and his dried daughter, all in their fine clothing as they were embalmed and buried four hundred years ago. What is this passion that people have had, and still have, to battle with Nature, and resist, if they can, the decree, " Dust thou art and unto dust shalt thou return ? " Do they believe in the resurrection of the body 1 If so, let them trust the power and goodness of God. Do they disbelieve it ? What satisfaction to prolong the existence of a shrivelled, sapless, disfigured, and disgusting car- case ! . . . Alsace suggests to him this query : Why did the Allies in 1815, when they adjusted the kingdoms of Europe, leave this German territory in the hands of France ? It was acquired by fraud and violence, by the actions of war in a period of peace, under the authority of that arch- villain and exceeding charlatan, Louis " le Grand." It is " as one of the royal cities," and should be restored to the German Confederation. I believe, however, that it is not ill-governed ; and had it been restored to Germany would probably have been annexed to some second-rate Duchy. In his journeys Lord Ashley always took care to try and find out what signs of activity were being shown in Christian work, and at Basle, the " Holy City " of Switzerland, he discovered more regard for religion than in any other town of the Republic. There were missionary establishments and Bible societies and Evangelical preachers and Sabbath observances. Called on the Professor Hoffmann ; found him kind, intelligent, and pious. He gave an encouraging account of the progress of Christian principle and Christian action in Germany. He stated that, seven years ago, he knew but five * It represents the Marshal as in the act of descending into the tomb, opened f or M reception by Death, while a female figure, symbolising France, strives to detain Mm ; and Hercules, in mournful attitude, leans upon his club. 362 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XIV persons of station who took any interest in missionary operations ; he now knows fifty ; and that their meetings, which at one time were " well " attended by twenty persons, numbered at present nearly four thousand. As set against this, however, he found that the progress of systematic and avowed " Freethinking " the foe he was hereafter to meet in constant battle was increasing to an alarming degree, and spreading even among the poorer sort. Here is a peculiarity among the German literati ; professorial chairs are held, and public lectures given, by men of open, acknowledged, and boastful Atheism ; nor does opinion frown them down. We have bad people in England, but few dare to parade their make-beliefs with ostentation and joy. . . . Saw the cathedral curious, and worth the walk if it were only to pay respect to the memory of Erasmus. I have always a sneaking sympathy with that man ; he saw the truth, loved it, and yet he dared not to be a martyr in the hour of trial. I fear I should have been a hare like him. The fountains of the towns and villages, combining ornament and use in a signal manner, were to Lord Ashley a most agreeable feature : Had I a landed property I should erect them in every village for the con- venience of the people. The resort to them in the evening recalls the primitive times and the narratives of Scripture. Just now, under the window, there are assembled at one fountain several women with their vessels, a number of naked- legged children, and many cows and oxen drinking. " Our father Jacob gave us this well and drank thereof himself, his children, and his cattle I " . . . The sunset was lovely : and, as it lighted up the distant peaks of the snowy range of the Alps with its parting rays, revived the consolatory words of our blessed Lord, " I will not leave you comfortless ; I will come again unto you ! " Even at such an early date as 1846, the hand of change was working wonders in Switzerland : Aug. 1st. Interlaken. ... I saw this place two-and- twenty years ago ; it was then a beautifully rural spot, an Auburn to have delighted Goldsmith. Cows, cottages, and peasants, everything in harmony with the scenery around, and the few strangers who flitted past, or stationed themselves for a while in the modest inn, had all the air of travellers, persons who had trodden, or were pre- paring to tread, the mountains. This evening I drove along a miniature revival of the Parisian boulevards shops, benches, groups of fashionables in suitable conversation, hotels, casinos, and all that can banish the country and bring in the town. The hills are still high, and the pastures green, but they are peopled by a different race, and " All, save the spirit of man, is divine ! " At Grindelwald the freshness and vivacity of the air gave all the party elasticity and spirit, " with a capacity," says Lord Ashley, " I, at least, had not known since I left England, to enjoy life." His admiration of the glacier was unbounded : Never was a river born so suddenly and so magnificently. It does not come creeping in a thread-like stream, from small and silent fountains, but gushes 1846.) HOLLAND. 363 forth in full size, like Minerva from Jupiter's head, and rushing with thunder into an amphitheatre of mountains, escapes through the windings of the valley. On either side of these mighty pyramids of ice, stands an enormous mountain of naked granite, and behind them rise the lofty and terrible peaks of the Vischerhorn, covered with masses of everlasting snow. There they all stand in the stillest and most awful majesty, engaged, as it were, to watch the only thing that has sound and motion, the river, which issues forth from a beautiful arch- way beautiful in the form and colour of the ice at the foot of the glacier. The illness of his son Maurice, who was one of the party, had given cause from time to time for great anxiety, and on the 4th of August, the following entry appears in the Diary: Maurice has become languid as a drooping flower ; the good effects of the place are gone back ; we must return without delay to England. . . . The determination was not altogether in opposition to Lord Ashley's desires. I felt wonderfully well, and gloriously enjoyed existence, when on the Wengern Alp ; I know not that I have been really elastic at any other time during this tour. They returned at once to Interlaken, and from thence the travellers pro- ceeded to Berne, en route for Rotterdam. Aug. 19. Rotterdam. Went to see a Dutch Fair, amused beyond all pre- cedent ; could have spent hours, had but minutes. We must, if it please God, have at some future time a tour in Holland, and a leisurely one ; nothing could be more interesting and instructive. . . . Why did we ever (God forbid that we should repeat such a folly) go to war with the Dutch ? Our interests are- alike ; one or two trifling questions of trade may, for a while, place us in oppo- sition, though on false grounds, but our great political interests, all that concerns our social and national positions, are the same. . . . The passage from Rotterdam, occupying thirty-six hours, was accom- plished in a dreadfully rolling sea, with an adverse wind, heavy rains, and: an awful thunder-storm, but owing to a severe attack of mal de mer t Lord Ashley says . I regarded them with the indifference of a man who has more important things to think of. On the last page of the Diary there is the following note : This journal, like the three of preceding dates, re-opened for the first time (after having being written) in August, 1880. Never kept, afterwards, the journal of a tour. The re-perusal of them is best described in Cowper's words : " How soft the music of those village bells, Falling at intervals upon the ear In cadence sweet, now dying all away, Now pealing loud again and louder still, Clear and sonorous as the gale comes ont With taty force it opens all the cellt Where memory tlcpt." 364 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. (Oiup. XIV. And so here. What experience of life ! what tenderness of feeling, what truth of heart ! what depth of simplicity in these lines 1 In all these journals, which I bequeath to my beloved daughter Victoria, there may be seen consistency of the past with the present. May have been right, may have been wrong, but at least do not contradict myself and make the last half of my life antagonistic to the first. Great infirmity, much trace throughout of original sin, and yet, though now, on a revision, could wish, were it possible, to add much to what is gone by, see nothing to take away. Never intended for the eyes of any one but of myself and of that beloved woman now gone to her rest, they are the entries of one day after another ; and everything may be said against them but the charge that they were not hearty and sincere. Tictoria may find them interesting and, possibly, even profitable. Almost immediately after his return to London, Lord Ashley received "two important letters, one from Bath, and the other from Oxford, inviting ihim to be the representative in Parliament of each of these constituencies. He briefly records the fact in his Diary, and adds : Nightmare ! and dreams all night. Went up, of course " for my degree." * Later on he writes : Oct. 3rd. Offers from Bath to represent that place at the next election replied that I wished to have some assurances and guarantees as to support and expense. Many, from the county, urge my reconsideration of Dorset ; but the matter is very doubtful. The Protection party are determined to regain all that they have lost, and will, therefore, oppose my at least quiet return. I am not prepared with any seat, nor have I, except Bath, any prospect of one. Dec. 26th. Many kind letters from Bath, still urging me to become a candidate, and engaging to bear every expense. I am not anxious to accept the offer ; I have, indeed, ceased to be anxious, at least I fancy so, to enter Parlia- ment again ; but I must receive the deputation. I should prefer, no doubt .an honourable return to my own county, but my enemies there are bitter :and my friends are slow every word that I read from the county confirms me in my judgment, that I ought not to place myself forward unless invited by a requisition, which, in all likelihood, I shall never have. . . . The month of October found Ireland on the brink of starvation. Lord Ashley had maintained that every one ought, by private self-denial, to aid the legislative effort for relief, and abridge his own consumption, that " all might have a little." He never advised others to do what he was not pre- pared to do himself, and it is not surprising therefore to meet with these records : Oct. 7th. Found all provisions rising in price. Gave orders that no more potatoes should be bought for the house. We must not, by competing in the market, raise the cost on the poor man. He has nothing after this to fall back upon. . . . Dec. 12th. Ireland is manifestly set for our punishment, the slow but just * He used to say that, whenever he had a restless or disturbed night, his dreams always recurred to the " going up " for his degree at O-xford, IM.) WITH LORD JOHN" RUSSELL. 365 punishment of a ruling 1 power that thrust upon it Popery, anarchy, and un- sympathising proprietors. The nation is irreconcilable to the Saxon authority. Our late repentance, and numerous benefits, are perverted to our injury. Famine stalks through the land. We expend money for their maintenance at the rate of 127,000 a week ; and the starving' peasantry can save, from this effort of mercy and munificence, enough to purchase arms to a greater extent than was ever before known for the assault and overthrow of their benefactors I And yet BO besotted are we, that all this is turned into an additional argument for the endowment of the Irish priesthood 1 ... December 29th. Ireland is terrible, terrible, terrible. And the year 1847 will be worse than 1846. Counsel has perished from among us. We are at our wit's end. It is a just retribution for our sins towards that country. " Be sure your sin will find you out." A few extracts from the Diary, selected from many, will tell, in the briefest way, what were the subjects pressing upon the thoughts of Lord Ashley towards the end of this year of ceaseless activity : Sept. 1st. A Pope called Pius IX. has mounted the Roman throne. He i " like the Son of Nimshi," he ;< driveth furiously." He will soon be the most popular, as he seems to be the most liberal, man of his day. Shouts attend him wherever he goes. His plans for " reform " are more rapid and more extensive than the capacity, at the moment, of the people to receive them 1 To what will all this grow ? Most assuredly these political advances cannot co-exist with the maintenance of ecclesiastical monarchy. Sept. 16th. The "Evangelical Alliance" is, like the Anti-Corn-Law League, a " great fact." It does not appear likely, however, to have practical results in the same proportion its chief result, for the present, must be that such a meeting could have been collected and conducted on such principles and in such a manner. Oct 25th. Dined hist night with Kingscote, to consider plan for larger admis- sion of laity to services in the Church. To be submitted to the Bishop of London. Our consultation seemed to prosper, and all present were of one mind. It is a great undertaking, and involves, so far as our human eyes can see, the permanency and efficiency of the Church of England. Two days later Lord Ashley wrote to Lord John Russell to request an interview, in order that he might talk to him on tin- state of the Church, and on the 29th he called on him by appointment. The interview was a hurried one, but the conversation then commenced was resumed at a further interview on the 31st. Oct. 31st. I have, thank God, done my duty ; I have " testified " to this Prime Minister, as I did to the last ; the fruit from both may be about equal ; but I prefer Russell as a man to Sir R. Peel. Nov. 14th. Yesterday to Broad wall to meet Committee on Ragged School established a class of industry for one evening in the week : tailoring and shoe- making for the boys, needlework for the girls have undertaken to pay the expense ; am in hopes of making nearly sufficient by one article in the Quarterly Review on " Ragged Schools." . . . 3G6 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. ICHAP. XIV. Macaulay argues, and well, that the term " superficial " is relative, and can seldom be applied accurately. That which is profound in one day becomes shallow in another ; the utmost depths of Roger Bacon would be paddling-pools for the schoolboys of our day. This is not the objection to be raised against education altogether, or even the education of the present era. My objection is that all are taught alike, whatever their stations, hopes, views, and necessities there is little practical, little of use for future application, and boys are ill- educated, not because their knowledge is acquired by rote and lies mainly on the surface, but because they are lifted above their political and social station, filled with personal conceits, and inflated with notions that they are fit to reform the world, and then govern it. Dec. 31st. Croesus would be pauperised if he were to meet half the demands that are made upon me every month ! Alas, I must refuse the largest proportion, and give very sparingly to the remainder. I say " alas," because the cases are oftentimes meritorious, and I shall always be misrepresented, and frequently misunderstood. Many people choose to believe that I am rich, and ask accord- ingly ; yet more than half of my income is borrowed, to be repaid at some future day, with heavy accumulations of interest ; eight children, the two eldest costing me more than 200 a year each ; a ninth coming, and an allowance from my father of only 100 annually more than I had as a Bachelor at Oxford! Are these sources of wealth 1 . . . CHAPTER XV. 1847 1850. THE TEN HOURS BILL. THE great struggle for the Ten Hours Bill was drawing near its end, and, by the irony of fate, the victory was to be achieved while Lord Ashley was out of Parliament. The winter of 1846-7 had seen him in Lancashire, attending meetings in every large town, and adopting all possible means to support the efforts which Mr. Fielden was to resume in Parliament in the ensuing Session. Everywhere Lord Ashley met with an enthusiastic recep- tion. He reminded his hearers that his opponents used to taunt him about the Corn Laws, and argue that there lay the obstacle which prevented the passing of his Ten Hours Bill. " With respect to myself," he said, at a public meeting at Manchester, " I know the arguments I used to encounter while the Corn Law was yet in force how often it was said, ' You are the cause of the long-time vexation ; it is you who are to blame, because, for your own exclusive interest, you keep up the price of bread, and prevent ns from entering into competition with foreign manufacturers.' I recollect perfectly well one of your present members saying, ' If I vote for the noble lord on the Ten Hours Bill, will he follow me into the lobby for a division on a motion for the repeal of the Corn Laws ? ' " He went on to say that, now he had voted for repeal, he asked for concession in return. The object of Lord Ashley on all occasions, was to encourage and stimu- late the friends of the movement to rally round Mr. Fielden with the same enthusiasm with which they had rallied round him. Many, out of friendship for himself, had said, " "We may as well relax our efforts, and wait until Lord Ashley is again in Parliament," not realising that he was anxious, not for his own honour, but that the measure might be launched on the crest of the popular wave. It must not be supposed that he alone was bearing the whole brunt of the battle. In various parts of the country Mr. Oastler and others were vigorously prosecuting similar labours, while a weekly periodical, The Ten Hours Advocate, published by Mr. Philip Grant, an able and zealous colleague, was, under the advice and guidance of Lord Ashley, doing good service to the cause.* On the 26th of January, Mr. Fielden moved for leave to bring in the Ten Hours Bill; the motion was seconded by Mr. Ferrand, and leave was given. On the second reading (Feb. 10) the subject was discussed for several hours, Alfred's " History of the Factory Movement," p. 248. 368 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XV. Mr. Hume strenuously opposing the measure on grounds of political economy, and Mr. Roebuck, who never lost an opportunity of attack, assailing it on aD sides. There is a natural and mournful ring in the following words from the Diary : Feb. 10th. Factory Billis under discussion in the House of Commons. I lingered in the lobby ; had not spirit to enter the House ; should have been nervously excited to reply, and grieved by inability to do so. March 1st. Intense anxiety about Factory Bill. I dream of it by day and by night, and work as though I had charge of the Bill. March 12th. Lady De Grey observed to me, last night, that I was grown silent, and had lost all my spirits. It is quite true. I have, during the last two or three years, been growing more melancholy and even stupid. It is, perhaps, because I have little or no play, and that makes Jack a dull boy. March 17th. Long labour yesterday in furnishing John Russell, at his request, with notes for a speech. Notwithstanding all opposition, the second reading was eventually carried by a majority of 108, and on the 3rd of May the third reading, after an animated debate, was likewise carried by a majority of 63 ! When, ten days later (May 13), the Bill was introduced into the House of Lords, it was observed that the attendance of bishops was larger than had ever been known on any previous occasion. The Earl of Ellesmere (formerly Lord Francis Egerton), moved the second reading, which Lord Faversham seconded. Lord Brougham then rose, and. apologising for interrupting the unanimity which Lord Faversham had hoped would characterise their proceedings, at once addressed himself to " the large uumber of right reverend prelates whom he saw assembled opposite," and laid before them his views of the question in its relation to the morals of the people. The vote for the second reading was earned by a majority of forty- two. On the 17th of May the bishops again mustered in full force. The debate was one of the most interesting ever listened to in the House of Lords, the most remarkable speech being that of the Bishop of Oxford, who set himself to the task of meeting the arguments used in opposition to the Bill, which were grounded in great measure upon a number of untrue assertions, and then, passing on to the discussion of the practical question at issue, he asked, " Could their lordships believe, that upon the last two hours' labour of trembling hands, tending upon that machinery, after long, unceasing, and heart-consum- ing attention, when Nature almost refused to perform her functions could their lordships believe that upon those two last hours depended all the profits and accumulations of the manufacturers ? He believed that the work done in those two last hours was infinitely inferior in quality to that which was done in any other portion of the day ; it was demanding work when Nature refused the power of working ! " d The Bill was read a second time without a division, nearly every member M47.) VICTORY! 369 of the Bench of Bishops voting in its support, and on the 1st of June it I passed its final May 18th. The Bishops behaved gallantly 13 remained to vote ; three spoke, and most effectively : London, Oxford, St. David's ; Clarendon (1) and Brougham (! 1) in opposition. This will do very much to win the hearts of the manufacturing people to Bishops and Lords it has already converted the hard mind of a Chartist Delegate. June 1st. Six o'clock. News that the Factory Bill has just passed the third reading. I am humbled that my heart is not bursting with thankfulness to Almighty God that I can find breath and sense to express my joy. What reward shall we give unto the Lord for all the benefits He hath conferred upon us? God, in His mercy, prosper the work, and grant that these operatives may receive the cup of Salvation, and call upon the name of the Lord ! Praised be the Lord, praised be the Lord, in Christ Jesus ! . . . This great victory was received throughout the country with intense en- thusiasm. The rejoicings in the manufacturing districts were such as had never been seen before. Lord Ashley and Mr. Fielden were greeted with ovations wherever they went ; many of the mill-owners welcomed the change, and arranged for festivities in honour of the occasion. Medals were struck in commemoration of the event, and the Queen was graciously pleased to receive, at the hands of Lord Ashley, one of these medals sent to her by the factory operatives. The importance of the Act of 1847 becomes very apparent, when we remember that out of 544,876 persons employed (according to the returns of that year) in the textile industries, no less than 363,796 were young persons and women, whom the Act directly affected ; the time of their labour being limited, from the 1st of July, when the Act came into force, to eleven hours a day or sixty-three hours weekly, and from May the 1st, 1848, to ten hours a day or fifty-eight hours weekly. For forty years the subject had been before the world, and for fourteen years Lord Ashley had been working incessantly for the boon now granted. He had, at the first, demanded that the agitation should be carried on in the most conciliatory manner possible, and now that the great principle of the Ten Hours' limit had been affirmed by the Legislature, he urged that there should be no noisy or affronting exultation. Three days after the Bill had passed its final stage, he addressed a letter to the Short- Time Committees as follows : MY GOOD FRIENDS, Although there is no longer any necessity to name you collectively and as united together for the purpose of obtaining a reduction of the hours of working in factories, I will address a few words to you, in your capacity of representatives of the whole operative body, on questions of the highest and dearest interest. First, we must give most humble and hearty thanks to Almighty God for the unexpected and wonderful success that has attended our efforts. We have won the great object of all our labours the Ten Hours Bill has become the law of Y 370 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. fCHAP. XV. the land ; and we may hope, nay, more, we believe that we shall find in its happy results, a full compensation for all our toils. But, with your success have commenced new duties. You are now in posses- sion of those two hours which you have so long and so ardently desired ; you must, therefore, turn them to the best account, to that account which was ever in the minds of your friends and advocates when they appealed to the Legisla- ture on behalf of your rights as immortal beings, as citizens and Christians. You will remember the principal motive that stimulated your own activity, and the energetic aid of your supporters in Parliament, was the use that might be made of this leisure for the moral improvement of the factory people, and especially the female workers, who will now enjoy far better opportunities both of learning and practising those duties which must be known and discharged if we would have a comfortable, decent, and happy population. You will experience no difficulty, throughout your several districts, in obtain- ing counsel or assistance on these subjects. The clergy, the various ministers, the medical men all who have been so forward and earnest in your cause will, I am sure, be really delighted to co-operate with your efforts. I need not, I know, exhort you to an oblivion of past conflicts, and to hearty endeavour for future harmony. I trust that there will be no language of triumph, as though we had defeated an enemy. Let us be very thankful that the struggle is over, and that we can once more combine, not only the interests, but also the feelings, of employer and employed, in a mutual understanding for the comfort and benefit of each other, and for the welfare of the whole community. I cannot entertain a doubt that you will have anticipated me in this respect ; it has been my endeavour from the beginning to seek and to advise all methods of conciliation ; and I can safely declare, that in the periods of the greatest ardour or disappointment, I never heard, either in meetings or from individuals, a single vindictive expression. Although the final completion of this great measure has been achieved by another, I could not, after so many years of labour, take leave of it altogether without a few words to you of advice and congratulation. To no one could the lot have fallen so happily as to our friend Mr. Fielden. He joined me in 1833 in the introduction of the first Bill, and has been ever since, as you well know, your able, energetic, and unshrinking advocate. In bidding you farewell, I do not retire ifrom your service. I shall, at all times, hold myself in readiness to aid you in any measures that may conduce to the moral and physical welfare of yourselves and of your children ; and I shall, indeed, most heartily pray that it may please God to prosper this consummation of our toils with every public and private blessing. I remain, your very affectionate friend and servant, ASHLEY. It will be well in this place, perhaps, to glance at some of the subsequent features in the history of the Ten Hours movement. At the time of the passing of the Act a great commercial crisis caused many factories to stop working, or at least to work only half time. There was, therefore, at first, a reduction of wages, solely due, not to the Act, bat to a concurrent stagnation of trade. When, however, in May, 1848, the Ten 1849.) THE SYSTEM OF " RELAYS." 371 Hours Day came to be adopted, a revival of production had taken place. The legal working day was reckoned to begin at 5.30 a.m. and to end at 8.30 p.m., and the manufacturers took advantage of this to work their young persons by a system of " relays " and what was still worse of " shifts " of hands, so as to keep the operatives employed, and the mills in action, the whole of this time. The masters who kept the time prescribed by the Act, were loud in their denunciations of the practice. There was a struggle between the manufacturers and the Inspectors on this point ; and the country justices, of the manufacturing class, assisted the mill-owners in thus evading the purposes of the Act. Great alarm was created among the operatives, and, in order to allay it, a test case was got up by the Lancashire Central Short-Time Committee, and tried, when the bench decided that the law was not explicit enough to enable them to convict, and an appeal was entered to carry the case before a superior court. Throughout the year 1849 there was intense anxiety amongst the friends of the Ten Hours movement, who feared that the whole question would have to be re-opened in Parliament. The old Committees were re-established, tours of inspection were organised ; all the machinery of agitation had to be called again into use, and it was found that the system of " relays " was spreading in all directions. The Masters' Association, on the other hand, was equally active, and petitions were drawn up against the Ten Hours Bill, and circulated freely. A few extracts from the Diary will show Lord Ashley's attitude towards the question during this anxious time : March 5th, 1849. The Ten Hours law is in jeopardy : God gave it us in His mercy, and admirably has it worked, no reduction of wages, no flight of capital, no misuse of vacant hours, nay, the reverse of all this. Some of the masters, a small, thank God, though powerful minority, have discovered a means of evasion. The Government say that they cannot prevent it, and they will, there- fore, partially legalise it ! Here is fresh toil, fresh anxiety. Would to God it were settled for ever I June 8th. Old John Fielden is dead. . . . Poor old Fielden ; he had many kind qualities, and was a true and energetic friend to the Ten Hours Bill : greatly, indeed, am I, and the operatives also, indebted to him, and we shall misa him very seriously now, when wealth and capital and avarice and power are again in arms against weakness and poverty. The mighty boon of the Ten Hours law is nullified by fraud and abused justice ; and they seek now to annihilate it by open legislation ! Oct. 4th. . . . The Ten Hours agitation still alive. Mr. Oastler and Mr. Stephens have seized the opportunity to revile me and place themselves at the head of the operatives ; but I rejoice to say that the operatives will neither believe them nor accept them. This matter must be speedily determined by an appeal to one of the Superior Courts : it is disgraceful that the Home Secretary has so long neglected this pressing necessity. Nov. 1st. Mr. Oastler and a crew of others (I can use no milder term), including Sam Fielden (why he ?) are denouncing and reviling me in every Y 2 372 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XV. society, by day and by night, in speech and on paper, as a traitor, and a thousand other things, to the Ten Hours Bill. God knows my sincerity, my labours, vexations, losses, injuries to health, fortune, comfort, position in that cause. It is true I told the workpeople that I would assent (if they would assent, but not without) to the concession of half an hour, provided they received in return the immediate and final settlement of the question, and the limitation of the rang-e from fifteen to twenty hours, a concession the masters alone could make. Here i my offence, and I am too busy, and also too tired to beg-in a controversial defence. Like Hezekiah, I " spread it before the Lord." ... I wish I could be cheerful, but mirth hath perished. It was not until the 8th of February, 1850, that the test case came on for hearing in the Court of Exchequer. The decision was awaited with feverish anxiety, as it seemed that the whole effect of the statute hinged upon it, and the adverse judgment of Mr. Baron Parke, in which it was decided that the system of " shifts " and " relays " was not contrary to the letter of the Act, was received with dismay. Feb. 1st, 1850. Judges will decide adversely on factory case submitted to them, and thus legalise relays I The Attorney-General said to me this afternoon, " They will give judgment, not according to law, but. on policy. Judge Parke,' r he added, "observed to me, 'I have no doubt that the framers of the Act intended that the labour should be continuous, but as it is a law to restrain the exercise of capital and property, it must be construed stringently.' " Might not this judge have said and thought, with equal justice and more feeling, " This is a law to restrain oppression and cruelty, and alleviate an actual slavery under a nominal freedom. I will, therefore, construe it liberally I " . . . Feb. 15th. Adverse judgment in Court of Exchequer. Great remedial measure, the Ten Hours Act, nullified. The work to be done all over again ; and I seventeen years older than when I began ! But, as I did not commence, so neither shall I renew it, in my own strength. My sufficiency, if there be any? is of God. It was now clear that the cruel system which had been declared legal, would spread rapidly throughout the manufacturing districts. But Lord Ashley was equal to the emergency, and, having in the interval taken his seat for Bath, he, four days after the decision had been given, introduced the question into the House of Commons, by calling the attention of the Govern- ment to the necessity for " taking some steps to obviate the very evil con- sequences of that decision ; " and on March 14, after a smart discussion, obtained leave to bring in a Bill. He insisted upon immediate action, as, in the then present state of things, with the mills going for fifteen hours, and the actual labour of young persons restricted to ten, it resulted in their being turned out into the streets at different intervals during the day, which was not only an incentive to vice, but it made it impossible for Inspectors to ascertain how many hours the hands really worked. Even Mr. John Bright acknowledged the need for settling what was, he admitted in some degree, an unsatisfactory state of the law ; but he took occasion to charge Lord Ashley with posing at one time as the " hired advocate " of those who were anxious 1850.) "RELAYS" AND "SHIFTS." 373 to paint in the blackest colours the condition of the manufacturing districts, " ami at another time as if he were engaged, in consequence of the passing of the Ten Hours Bill, to paint an entirely different people." Throughout the Session the Ten Hours question was constantly before the House, and every stage in its progress was guarded anxiously by Lord Ashley. Sir George Grey, on behalf of the Government, proposed a plan to which Lord Ashley had previously agreed namely, in return for the strict limitation between six and six, to allow ten and a half hours labour per day, and not more than sixty hours per week. The real compensation in this was and it was worth all the rest that the time of labour was limited to a range of twelve hours with a certain termination at six o'clock. There were many amendments to this proposal, and endless discussions in and out of Parliament. Lord John Manners moved that the factory day should be limited to half past five in the afternoon. Mr. John Bright seconded a proposal to legalise the hateful system of " shifts and relays," and to fix the factory day from half -past five a.m. to half -past eight p.m. ! Both of these motions were lost, as was also a motion by Lord Ashley, that children between eight and thirteen years of age should be included in the six to six clause. But although this was lost then, it was afterwards effected by Lord Palmer- ston, when at the Home Office in 1853. March llth, 1850. Saw Grey ; he proposes, in fact, an eleven hours' bill, and admitted that it was so, offering at the same time advantages in the reduction of the range from 15 to 12i hours ; all mills to close at six o'clock. He would not interdict relays, and by permitting them, enable masters to work for eleven hours ; why this ? All has prospered under the ten hours, why thus propitiate Bright and Ashworth ? Evasions would be universal ; detection, impossible. May 7th. Harassed day after day by this Factory Bill impossible to get a stringent clause to prohibit relays ; tried many and failed have resolved then, as only hope of getting anything good and secure for the operatives, to accept Government Amendments. I am sure that they are the best terms that ever will be offered, and probably that this is the last time of their being offered. I fear, too, division among the operatives, for, if some reject, some will accept the terms ; once divided they are lost, the masters will effect an Eleven Hours Bill ! May 8th. Harassed exceedingly by Factory affair resolved to adopt clauses of Government, and wrote letter to Timet announcing it. Expect from manu- facturing districts a storm of violence and hatred. I might have taken a more popular and belauded course, but I should have ruined the question ; one more easy to myself, but far from true to the people. May 9th. Two considerations have greatly determined me to take the resolute course of accepting the Government proposals. First, I felt most distrustful of the disposition of the House to support me in the full demand for the " ten hours." The majority, that, in 1847, gave victory to the old supporters of the Bill, were governed, not by love to the cause, but, by anger towards Peel and the Anti-Corn Law League. Had not these passions interposed, there would have been no unusual "humanity." Our position in this respect, is now altered. Secondly, it is manifest that neither party (the employers, or the men) is striving 374 THE EARL OF SHAPTESBURY. [CHAP. XV. for what is considered to be really essential. The two additional hours could give nothing of value to the amount of production ; the two hours spread over the week, could take nothing of importance from the operatives, the rule being- constant and rigid that the mills should be closed at six o'clock every day. They are struggling merely for victory ; no side chooses to be beaten. This may be natural, but I could not consent to be the tool. Doubtless it is a blow to my reputation, because many will misunderstand, while many will misrepresent, my position and conduct. After a long and wearisome course, the Bill was passed, and received the lloyal assent on July 26, 1850. It reduced the legal working day for all young persons and women, to the time between six in the morning and six in the evening, with one and a half hours for meals. This permitted ten and a half hours work on five days in the week ; on Saturdays no protected person was- to work after two. Such was the main feature of the Act 13 & 14 Vic. cap. 54, which has, since 1850, regulated the normal day in English factories. The principle established by the Ten Hours Bill has had an effect, the importance of which it is difficult to over-estimate, and, owing to the perse- verance of Lord Shaftesbury, that principle has been extended, until to-day we have "a complete, minute, and voluminous code for the protection of labour ; buildings must be kept pure of effluvia ; dangerous machinery must be fenced ; children and young persons must not clean it while in motion ; their hours are not only limited, but fixed ; continuous employment must not exceed a given number of hours, varying with the trade, but prescribed by the law in given cases ; a statutable number of holidays is imposed ; the children must go to school, and the employer must every week have a certifi- cate to that effect ; if an accident happens, notice must be sent to the proper authorities ; special provisions are made for bake-houses, for lace-making, for collieries, and for a whole schedule of other special callings ; for the due enforcement and vigilant supervision of this immense host of minute pre- scriptions there is an immense host of inspectors, certifying surgeons, and other authorities, whose business it is 'to speed and post o'er land and ocean' in restless guardianship of every kind of labour, from that of the woman who plaits straw at her cottage door, to the miner who descends into the bowels of the earth, and the seaman who conveys the fruits and materials of universal industry to and fro between the remotest parts of the globe ! " * One of the most interesting circumstances in connection with the later labours of Lord Shaftesbury on behalf of factory operatives was, that his steady perseverance, in the long mn, brought round to his side many of those who had most stoutly opposed him. In 1860, Mr. Roebuck, who had for- merly been bitterly hostile, stood forth in Parliament and made his public recantation. The question before the House was the labour of children, young persons, and women employed in Bleach-works. He said : " I am about to speak on this question under somewhat peculiar circumstances. Very early in my Parliamentary career Lord Ashley, now the Earl of * Mr. John Morley's " Life of Cobden." i860.] MR. ROEBUCK'S RECANTATION. 375 Shaftesbury, introduced a Bill of this description. ... I opposed Lord Ashley at that time, and was very much influenced in iny opposition by what the gentlemen of Lancashire said. They declared then that it was the last half hour of the work performed by their operatives which made all their profits, and that if we took away that last half hour we should ruin the manufacturers of England. I listened to that statement, and trembled for the manufacturers of England but Lord Ashley persevered. Parliament passed the Bill which he brought in. From that time down to the present the factories of this country have been under State control, and I appeal to this House whether the manufacturers of England have suffered by this legislation ? " (Loud cheers.) * The burden of his speech throughout was, that in his former tooth-aud-nail opposition, he had been wrong in almost every particular. No sooner had Mr. Roebuck concluded than Sir James Graham came up to him, and, laying his hand on his shoulder, said, " I am glad that you have read your recantation, and I will read mine to-morrow." Roebuck's recanta- tion was more fully announced in the following letter, written a few days after his speech in the House : Mr. Roebuck, M.P. t to Lord Shaftesbury. 19, ASHLEY PLACE, S.W., March 24, 1360. MY DEAR LORD SHAFTESBURY, I am much obliged by your kind expres- sions and by your flattering appreciation of my labours on behalf of the women and children working in Bleaching and Dye-works. The praise, however, if any be due, belongs to yourself, for the evidence supplied by the enactments which you promoted made a convert of me, and led me, as far as I was able, to imitate your example and follow in your footsteps. That good will come of last Wednesday's division I feel certain. The success of the measure is now assured, and much misery, which has hitherto disgraced us, will now be prevented. The present state, however, of these poor women and children is a serious lesson to all legislators. It teaches us, in a way not to be mistaken, that we ought never to trust to the justice and humanity of masses of men whose interests are fur- thered by injustice and cruelty. The slave-owner in America, the manufacturer in England, though they may be individually good men, will, nevertheless, as slave-owners and masters, be guilty of atrocities at which humanity shudders ; and will, before the world, with unblushing faces, defend cruelties from which they would recoil with horror if their moral judgments were not perverted by their self-interest. It is happy for us that we have an impartial public around us, who, being unswayed by evil interests, can, without a sacrifice, give a iust judgment. Thanks again for your approval, Believe me, very sincerely yours, J. A. ROEBUCK. True to his word, in a debate upon the same subject (the Bleaching and Dye- Works Bill), Sir James Graham rose and said: "I have a confession to Time*. March 22, 1860. 376 THE KARL OP 8HAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XV. make to the House. Experience has shown, to my satisfaction, that many of the predictions formerly made against the Factory Bill have not been verified by the result, as, on the whole, that great measure of relief for women and children has contributed to the well-being and comfort of the working classes, whilst it has not injured their masters. . . . By the vote I shall give to-night I will endeavour to make some amends for the course I pursued in earlier life in opposing the Factory Bill." * In March, 1864, Mr. Gladstone, in a speech on interference by prohibition, referred to the Factory Acts, and said, " It is an interference, as to which it may be said that the Legislature is now almost unanimous with respect to the necessity which existed for undertaking it, and with respect to the beneficial effect it has produced both in mitigating human suffering, and in attaching important classes of the community to Parliament and the Govern- ment." In a note written by Lord Shaftesbury in the margin of Mr. Grant's " History of Factory Legislation " are these words : " He does not retract with the honesty of Roebuck and Graham." In all quarters, testimony was borne to the beneficial effects produced by the intervention of the Legislature in the employment of women and children in factories. To quote such testimony would be an endless and unnecessary labour. One extract only, as a sample, shall be given here. At a meeting of the British Association in Mancl ester, in September, 1861, Pro- fessor Newmarch, in his opening address as President of the Economic Science Statistics Section, after referring to the progress of Factory Legis- lation, and the " wholly successful " issue of the limitation of hours, said : " It had consolidated society in this part of the island, swept away a great mass of festering and growing discontent, placed the prosperity of the dis- trict on a broad, solid, and safe basis ; on the orderly, educated, contented labour of Lancashire, a security against foreign competition, a guarantee of power, and fund of undivided profits. These results had followed from the sagacious, persevering, and moral exertions of the advocates of the Ten Hours Bill." By far the most interesting summary and comment upon the great Factory struggle, is supplied by Lord Shaftesbury in some manuscript notes appended on fly-leaves to Mr. Philip Grant's " History of Factory Legislation." They were written towards the end of his life, and are as follows : My friend Grant has made some omissions, and especially in p. 145. He has left out the whole history of what follows on my acceptance of Grey's offer of a ' limitation of the hours between 6 and 6, with an hour and a half off for meals," thus making the working day 10 J instead of 10 hours. It led to a violent disruption. Oastler, Walker, and the Fielden family de- nounced me as a traitor, and never ceased afterwards to hurt and slander me. I assented on the ground that twenty years of well-balanced conflict showed that neither party could gain its full purpose ; and that compromise was the only solution. And the gain to the people was far beyond the concession to the Times, May 9, 1860. 1847 CO.) SUMMARY OF FACTORY LEGISLATION. 377 employers, who, for an additional half hour, surrendered their right to take the hours of labour over an interval of 15 hours with all the means of evasion, and agreed to close their works at 6 o'clock. This was recognised, at the very first, by very many of the operatives, and< eventually, by alL It, moreover, prevented a " sore place " by giving neither party the absolute victory. And in nothing have I seen more reason to admire and trust the factory- workers, than in their readiness to conform to my advice (which I gave in abun- dant letters and speeches) that, while there was much joy, there should be no insolent exultation, no language of triumph, but expressions of gratitude, ad- dresses of friendly sentiments, and desire for harmony and common action. All this had the desired effect ; for the masters, instead of a sulky opposition, were zealous to aid the operations of the measure, and hence, under God, ita success. From the first hour of my movement to the last, I had ever before me, and never lost sight of it, the issue of a restoration of a good understanding between employer and employed. He has also omitted to note the completion of the Act by bringing, in 1853 (this we owe to Palmerston), the children between 8 and 13 under the 6 to 6 Clause. To this time, though the adults and young persons were liberated after 12 hours' detention on the premises, the children of tender years were detained 15 hours, many of them, in Yorkshire, coming 3 miles to their work. These new measures (the Extension Acts) were mentioned in the Queen's Speeches both at the opening and the closing of Parliament in 1867. The next entry, on another fly-leaf, appears to have been written at a later date: Forster * suggested that, in the preface to my " published volume " (!) I should set forth many of the obstacles that had beset my progress. This could not be done by myself ; the narrative would savour of egoism. But for my children, if this book survive me, I may say that they were many and severe. I had to break every political connection, to encounter a most formidable array of capital- ists, mill-owners, doctrinaires, and men, who, by natural impulse, hate all "humanity-mongers." They easily influence the ignorant, the timid, and the indifferent ; and my strength lay at first (" tell it not in Gath ! ") among the Radicals, the Irishmen, and a few sincere Whigs and Conservatives. Peel was hostile, though, in his cunning, he concealed the full extent of his hostility until he took the reins of office, and then he opposed me, not with decision only but malevolence, threatening, he and Graham, to break up his administration and " retire into private life" unless the House of Commons rescinded the vote it had given in favour of my Ten Hours Bill. The Tory country gentlemen reversed their votes ; but, in 1847, indignant with Peel on the ground of Corn Law repeal, they returned to the cause of the factory children. Fielden and Brotherton were the only " practical " men. as the phrase then went, who supported me, and to " practical " prophecies of overthrow of trade, of ruin to the operatives themselves, I could only oppose " humanity " and general Jchn Forster, author of "Life of Dickens," and many other work*. 378 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. {CHAP. XV. principles. The newspapers were, on the whole, friendly ; some very much so. A few, especially the local journals, inconceivably bitter, though balanced by local papers sound and hearty in their support. Out of Parliament, there was in society every form of "good-natured ' and compassionate contempt. In the provinces, the anger and irritation of the oppo- nents were almost fearful ; and men among first classes of workpeople, over- lookers and others, were afraid to avow their sentiments. It required, during many years, repeated journeys to Lancashire and Yorkshire, no end of public meetings in the large towns ; visits, committees, innumerable hours, intolerable expense. In very few instances did any mill-owner appear on the platform with me ; in still fewer the ministers of any religious denomination. At first not one, except the Rev. Mr. Bull, of Brierley, near Bradford ; and even to the last, very few, so cowed were they (or in themselves so indifferent) by the overwhelming influence of the cotton lords. I had more aid from the medical than the divine profession ; and ever must I record the services and skill of Mr. Fletcher of Bury. The demands upon time and strength were quite up to my powers, and, indeed, much beyond them. I suffered a good deal. The operatives themselves did their duty. Their delegates, whom they main- tained at their own cost, were always active and trustworthy men : specially my friend and fellow-labourer, Philip Grant, who was, in my support, as two right hands. Perhaps the various efforts made by Sir K. Peel to induce me to take office were amongst the greatest of my difficulties. The attractions of office were not weighty ; but Sir R. Peel wishing, not so much to have me as a member of his Government as to withdraw me from the Factorj Bill, spared no entreaties, no " flatteries," no almost falsehoods, to entice me. He shifted his ground in every way, first one thing, then another. Among other things, the Lord- Lieutenancy of Ireland, as " a man who would have great influence over the clergy to induce them to accept reforms." In the Times of Saturday, April llth, 1868, there is a review of the Life of Wilberf orce ! There are many things said in it of him that might be said of me, but they never will be. He started with a Committee and a Prime Minister to back him. I started to assail home interests, with every one, save a few unim- posing persons, against me. O'Connell was a sneering and bitter opponent ; Gladstone ever voted in resistance to my efforts; and Brougham played the doctrinaire in the House of Lords. Bright was ever my most malignant opponent. Cobden, though bitterly hostile, was better than Bright. He abstained from opposition on the Collieries Bill, and gave positive support on the Calico Print-works Bill. Gladstone is on a level with the rest ; he gave no support to the Ten Hours Bill ; he voted with Sir R. Peel to rescind the famous division in favour of it. He was the only m onber who endeavoured to delay the Bill which delivered women and children from mines and pits ; and never did he say a word on behalf of the factory children, until, when defending slavery in the West Indies, he taunted Buxton with indifference to the slavery in England 1 Lord Brougham was among my most heated opponents. He spoke strongly against the Bill in 1847. Miss Martineau also gave her voice and strength in resistance to the measure. !847-O.J FRIENDS AND FOES. 379 By degrees some public men came round. Russell, then Lord John, did me disservice while he was Minister ; he espoused the cause when turned into Oppo. sition. Then Sir G. Grey adhered ; and, towards the end, Macaulay grave us one of his brilliant and effective speeches. My latter years in the House of Commons were dogged by Oastler and the Fieldens, who resented my policy in bringing all things to a happy conclusion by making and accepting concessions to abate too much exultation in the operatives, and too much soreness in the mill-owners. The pressure upon purse and upon time was very great ; the pressure upon strength was greater, but the pressure on the mind was greatest of all. I endured terrible anxieties. (I have omitted above that the famous O'Connell was, for a long time, very bitter and hostile, and spoke of the " good-natured nonsense " I delivered. He became, afterwards, much milder.) What follows was written evidently after another long interval : On May 15th, 1869, a great celebration at Bradford to uncover Oastler'e statue. The reception the operatives gave me was wonderful. There must have been one hundred thousand people present ; many had come from distant town* in Yorkshire. CHAPTER XYI. 1847. THERE were many who did not hesitate to declare that the scare produced by the threatened failure of the potato crop in 1845, and the consequent famine, was neither more nor less than a political coup. It was, nevertheless, a terrible fact, and Ireland had been plunged into unprecedented distress. In the autumn of 1846 the disease reappeared with greater virulence than ever ; And in 1847 Ireland was in a state of absolute famine. It is impossible to describe the terrible condition of that unhappy country ; tens of thousands were threatened with actual starvation, and thousands more were suffering iroin disease consequent upon insufficient food. Then it was seen that the repeal of the Corn Laws was a stroke of the wisest policy ; the ports had not been thrown open one day too soon, nor had the intimation to countries from whence grain could be imported, been given an hour too early. The descrip- tions in the daily press were of the most harrowing kind, and the whole world was horrified by their shocking details, to which there is, happily, nothing similar on record in the annals of this country. Despite all the efforts that were made, " there was not a house where there was not one dead." It was ascertained by the census of 1851 that a million and a half of persons, of all ages, had disappeared either starved to death, destroyed by pestilence, or fled the country. In a great variety of ways the sympathies of Lord Ashley were called out -towards the suffering people, to whom constant reference is made in the Diary throughout these years of famine. February 21st, Sunday. Sermon for relief of Irish ; held one of the plates in Park Street. Largest collection ever known here, 192 14s. lid. f*ad to see how many well-dressed people pass by and give not a brass farthing . . . February 26th. Wrote to Bishop of London to urge day of humiliation. It is something to reverence God as a nation, though it be only externally. March 24th. The day appointed for fast and national humiliation. At ten o'clock, prayers being ended, some bread and cocoa. The savings in the house- books to go (it is the homage, not the sum) to some Irish fund. Were this done in every family, thousands of pounds might be collected. It has been a comfort- able day to me ; the service, the reading, the conversation, have all been con- solatory and profitable. Seldom have I known my heart more touched, or my eyes more fulL ... God, may this people stand before Thee in penitence, in prayer, confession, and forgiveness ! May they yet be Thy instruments, for honour to Thee and welfare to the human race, Thy chosen soldiers of the Croea of Christ against sin and the devil I 184T.J SPEECH AT BATH. 381 In the early part of the year Lord Ashley was engaged in rendering important service to Lord John Russell, who was about to .submit to Parlia- ment a scheme for the education of the people, based upon the grant of 100,000 to l)e asked for during the Session. He proposed to exclude Roman Catholics from the benefit of the grant, and to take up their case in a separate form. The details of his plan were submitted to the House on the 19th April, when he expressed his belief that any proposal for making State education purely secular would be opposed to the opinion of Parliament. April 1st. Much engaged in endeavouring to bring the Wesleyan body to accept and support new scheme of education. Lord J. Russell to Lord Ashley. CHESHAM PLACE, April 7, 1847. MY DEAB ASHLEY, Your exertions to induce the Wesleyans to accept our Minutes will, I trust, be successful. But at all events, I cannot refrain from expressing the obligations which I feel to you for your very active and judicious endeavours to obtain the support of that most valuable body to our Minutes. I remain, ever yours faithfully, J. RUSSELL. April 15th. All is well 1 The Wesleyans have accepted the Minutes. May God prosper the issue I Took chair in evening yesterday of great education meeting in Freemasons' Hall. Very enthusiastic, very successful ; everything prospered. April 23rd. A majority last night on the Education Minutes of 345, forty- seven only voting against it I I am truly thankful. May the measure be pros- pered to the advancement of true religion 1 Now, where would the Government have been bad the Wesleyans joined the Dissenters ? Their union would have damped the ardour of the Church, and all would have been in confusion. Lord Ashley had accepted the invitation of an influential deputation that had waited upon him, urging him to stand for the representation of Bath, at the forthcoming General Election, and offering to pay all his expenses ; and on the 25th May he addressed the electors. In his opening remarks he gave a graphic description of Parliamentary life. He said : I was almost willing to retire from public life, and all its distracting voca- tions ; for, however tempting to the young and inexperienced however full of promise of usefulness and of honour to those who have never tried it the House of Commons does not present, to its more practised members, such an amount of unalloyed enjoyment as to render it, of all sublunary things, the most to be desired. The immense consumption of time, the constant demand on the moral and physical energies, the enormous effort which is required to do the smallest good, and the misunderstanding and abuse which constantly attend that attempt these circumstances, when seen and felt, greatly diminish the attraction of Par- liamentary honours. Add to these the state of public parties, the uncertainty of 382 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XVL the opinions of your own ordinary political friends, and the total impossibility of reposing entire confidence in any public man consider all these things, and you have but little left to inspire any inordinate desire of senatorial privileges. The subjects he principally brought forward were those connected with the social condition of the labouring classes, indicating principles rather than precise measures, and holding himself free to decide the time and mode of asserting them ; but, in all, he pledged himself to maintain the " great prin- ciples of the Constitution in Church and State those great principles which, ever since the Revolution of 1688, have been recognised and cherished by the people of these realms the Crown, the Bishops, the Houses of Lords and Commons, and every institution ecclesiastical and civil." His opponent was Mr. Roebuck, then his bitterest antagonist in the Factory agitation. Mr. Roebuck had arrayed on his side capital, as well as considerable influence, the Jews alone subscribing 2,000 towards his expenses, and he made, moreover, the usual extravagant display which pro- duced no inconsiderable impression upon a certain class of electors in those days. Lord Ashley, on the other hand, declined to allow banners, proces- sions, or even ribands ; determined that if he triumphed, it should be a triumph of principles. July 24th. Bath. Arrived yesterday all seems quiet, and appearances are not bad. It would require a world of argument to make me vote for the repeal of the Septennial Bill ; a more frequent repetition of the toils, expenses, excite- ment, and evil passions of a contested election would be awfully injurious to all parties. July 26th. Mobbed on Saturday, and struck in the evening by a man, who was instantly seized, his blow having been broken yet I shall continue to walk about. Violence is expected at the hustings ; I trust that the police will do their duty. Attended several committees, very crowded and very hot all looks pretty well, but " Dieu dispose" Mr. R. is determined, I hear, to wither me by sarcasms doubtless he will have the opportunity to revile, and I shall have none to answer ; but God judge between us 1 July 28th. The nomination has passed off quietly people noisy, but good- humoured. An immense meeting ; Mr. Roebuck, piano in comparison of what I expected, so much so that I could not produce the only part of my speech that I had prepared in answer to his invectives ! Perceived a change in the popular feeling towards end of my speech : cries of " Ashley for ever ! " ten times more frequent all this evening than before. July 31st. London. No time for entries till this morning many events ; returned, however, thank God, at the head of the poll I * A., 1278 ; D., 1228 ; R., 1093. August 2nd. I am deeply sensible of the immense value of the mode in which I have been returned, and of the principles asserted in it. I can never sufficiently thank God for the whole event, and for the prospect it has opened to me of restoration to public usefulness. I have been excluded from Parliament * Lord Ashley, Lord Duncan, Mr. Roebuck. The latter was left at the foot of the poll after a connection of fifteen years with the constituency. 1847.] ROGER MILLER, CITY MISSIONARY. 383 for two Sessions, but the time has not been entirely lost ; and I am now replaced in it in a way the most honourable, and the most pleasant on record in the history of elections. I did not ask a single vote ; I appeared but once in Bath, and made a single speech before the week of the dissolution ; I did not pay a single farthing ; I had not an inch of ribbon, a banner, music, or a procession ; not a penny during six months was expended on beer ; nor had I one paid agent ; the tradesmen conducted the whole, and with singular judgment and concord. This is indeed a model for elections, and heartily do I thank God that the precedent has been set in my instance. We had no mob, no bludgeon-man, and trusted entirely to the police and common sense. . . . Aug. 7th. The unanimity of the London press, great and small, the blue- bottles and the gnats, against me and for Roebuck, is very remarkable. Punch of yesterday added his sting. Such perseverance cannot fail of some general effect on the public mind ; for, as Mr. Hardwick, the architect, told us a few days ago, the repeated jars of a train, passing over an iron bridge, were equal, in the aggregate, to one mighty blow 1 The interest excited in Bagged Schools and the London City Mission showed no sign of diminution. Many influential persons were eager to see the strange sights which Lord Ashley so graphically described by pen and speech. The newspaper press lent material aid in making the subject popu- lar ; and the mustard seed was beginning to s] >read itself into the largest of trees. Frequent notes similar to the following occur in the Diary : March 27th. To Pye Street at 11 o'clock to show Ragged School to Fox Maulo and Mr. Guthrie. Lord, how we ought to bless Thee for this measure of success I May 1st. An article in the Edinburgh Review on " Ragged Schools," written, evidently, by one who knows nothing of them. No mention of our Ragged Union, no recognition of our labours and services. The spirit of it is good no tendency to irreligion. Now, I discern the reason of their silence ; I see a contemptuous allusion to factory legislators, and any praise of the Union would involve a praise of myself. Such things are in themselves of no value ; the result is the sum and substance, wherewith we should be content ; but to a public man, the praise of successful efforts, especially if he be a " philanthropist," is stock-in-trade for further enterprise ; to withhold it where it is due, is not BO much to injure the man as to retard humanity. The Broadwall Ragged School in South London owed its existence to the indefatigable labours of Mr. Roger Miller, a City missionary, who had at first gathered about 130 of the most destitute and forsaken children lie could find, and, in a tumbledown building, had laboured, week-days and Sundays, to lead them into better paths. Soon the crowds of applicants were too numerous for the accommodation ; and Lord Ashley happening to hear of this, sent for Mr. Miller, to see if something could not be done to assist him in his work. Lord Ashley seemed to know instinctively the men he could trust, and wii h whom he could work ; and once having taken kindly to a man he would trust him implicitly, and work with him ungrudgingly. It was so in this case ; and Mr. Miller was soon entered upon his list of friends. This was no meaningless distinction implying mere patronage. He sought out in men 384 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. fCHAp. XVI. beauty of character and singleness of purpose, and it mattered not to him whether they belonged to the humbler walks of life or to the higher : he gave them his friendship in no ordinary sense of the term. He accepted the motto of the poet Young : " Judge before friendship, then confide till death." Roger Miller was a man whom Lord Ashley highly esteemed. He was a frequent, and always a welcome visitor, and his simple, earnest devotion to the poor, his practical piety, and his cheerful, hopeful faith, were often help- ful to the spiritual life of Lord Ashley. The death of this faithful mis- sionary, just at a time when his labours were more than ever needed, was a serious blow, which deeply affected Lord Ashley. June 7th. This morning overwhelmed with grief ; but God give us faith and obedience. Miller killed in the Birmingham train on Saturday night. I had seen him in the morning, well and full of zeal. He was going to Manchester to bury Ms mother. How inscrutable are Thy ways, Lord 1 Write this lesson on our hearts. Here was a man rich in good works, piety, truth, service to God and man, labouring by night and day for humanity and religion, and especially amongst the poorest of o'ir race. He is suddenly cut off, his work unfinished, his wife and children left destitute 1 And this, too, when so many profligate, idle, mischievous, useless, survive. Let us rejoice that we know the issues of life and death to be, not only in the power, but in the care, of our Father which is in Heaven ! He is gone, I believe, to his rest ; and now, God, give us the will and the means to aid his widow, who is a widow indeed, and the children, who are orphans ! But where shall I find another such for the charge of our Ragged School ? Where another so f ull,of love, piety, earnestness, discretion, and labour ? Lord, Thou knowest. Blessed Saviour of mankind, remember Thine own words " Feed my lambs." June 9th. A far greater man might have gone out of the world with much less effect. All was grief on Monday at Broadwall ; children and adults wept alike, and blessed the memory of poor Miller. I have known men of a hundred thousand a year depart this life, and every eye around dry as the pavement. Here goes a City missionary at thirty shillings a week, and hundreds are in an agony of sorrow. I have lost an intimate friend. We took, I may say, " sweet counsel together." A gap has been made in my life and occupations which will not easily be filled up. Lord Ashley had in early life often wished to devote himself to science. At this period in his career he seemed about to devote himself to literature. Two articles from his pen appeared in the Quarterly Review for 1847. The first was on Mrs. Elizabeth Fry, whose biography it reviews. The second article was on " Lodging Houses," and was written to assist the efforts being made by the Labourers' Friend Society, in the same way in which the article on Ragged Schools had assisted the Ragged School Union. It was successful, and paved the way for attempting greater things, not only by the Labourers' Friend Society, but upon their model, and not in London only but in many of the large provincial towns and cities. IN SCOTLAND. 385 In August Lord Ashley set off on a round of visits, to take a little relaxation before the labours of the new Parliament should commence. Aug. 12th. Broadlands. Went over yesterday to St. Giles's. Minny, and the four boys ; no one there ; place solitary as the plains of Tartary, but, thank God, it looked well and uninjured. A few years ago I could have adopted a rural life : I could not, I think, now I My habits are formed on metropolitan activity, and I must ever be groping where there is the most mischief. . . . Aug. 23rd. William Cowper writes to Minny, " I hear Ashley sometimes spoken of as the only man who is calculated to lead the majority of the Con- servative party, and certainly if he were an ambitious man he might assume a leadership with many followers next Session, particularly on subjects relating to the Church, &c., &c." Well, this is a new view of my futurity ; what sport for the newspapers ! If they shot at me while I was merely a cocksparrow, what would they do when I had become a Popinjay 1 no, no, no ; I have opinions and feelings, strong and deep ; they may be right or wrong ; but, right or wrong, they can never lead a party, because no party would follow them. Aug. 30th. Ryde. Beading " Missionary Enterprises " by Williams. It may well make us all blush blush by contrast with the missionaries, blush by contrast with the natives of the South Sea Islands. Zeal, devotion, joy, simplicity of heart, faith and love ; and we, here, have barely affection enough to thank God that such deeds have been done. Talk of "doing good "and "being useful in one's generation," why, these admirable men performed more in one month than I or many others shall perform in a whole life I God, bless our land to Thy service, and make every ship an ark of Noah to bear the Church of Christ and the tidings of salvation, over all the waters of the ocean. Sept 17th. Galloway House. There cannot be a lovelier or more enjoyable spot. The air is so elastic and bracing that it saves one from Sybaritish affec- tions ; one feels up to doing something. God give me a stock of health to be used in His service 1 Dear old Duchess of Beaufort here ; talked much with her on the Second Advent ; we both agree and delight in the belief of the personal reign of our blessed Lord on earth. I cannot understand the Scriptures in any other way ; it is, however, a doctrine much abhorred by certain people, and greatly ridiculed and persecuted in those who profess it ; the adversaries argue and revile as fiercely as though they attacked or maintained the fundamentals of the Christian religion, whereas the reception of this text, however comfortable, is no matter of faith. Sept. 25th. Wishaw, Lord Belhaven's. Arrived here yesterday, hospitably received ; found Miss Strickland, authoress of " Lives of Queens of England " ; put up my bristles in fear, and prepared for an onslaught of blue-stocking Tractarianism ; agreeably disappointed ; a good-natured, kind-hearted woman. She spoke gloriously of my public exploits, hence I suppose my becalmed spirit, . . . Sept. 30th. Achnacarry. Visit to Lord Malmesbury. Found here Ossulston, the Castlereaghs, and a Mr. Giles, a skilful limner. Rose this morning at 6. The purple hills were tipped with the rising sun, and all around is heathery mountain. It is like living at the bottom of a teacup with lovely edges. Oct. 2nd. Impossible to describe the fascinations of these Highland regions; z 386 THE EARL OP SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XVI the hills must be seen, and the air must be breathed ; one's old limbs become elastic, and we " leap exulting like the bounding- roe ; " it is a joy which fills the heart with thankfulness. The colours and tints of every kind and hue, in most abundant variety, enliven the valleys and mountains with a brilliant glory. It looks as if some mighty giant, intending to do a landscape, had used a whole district for his palette, and spread it over with all the colours that singly or combined can exist in Nature. And as for the whole effect, language is altogether impotent ; one's vocabulary will supply no adequate terms, and must be content to admire in silence or by short and emphatic ejaculations. . . . Oct. 9th. Rossie Priory. Been here since Wednesday ; it is a fine posssession, people hospitable and kind ; found here Sheriff Watson very glad indeed to meet him a tutelar saint of Ragged Schools ; also Sir David Brewster, a dear old man, combining beautifully science and religion. ... I have been in good spirits since my arrival in Scotland, and have laughed a great deal, perhaps too much. Oct. 20th. Boiling Hall, near Bradford, in Yorkshire. Yesterday evening the Short Time Commissioner of the West Riding presented to Minny a full- length portrait of me, painted by Bird, and an excellent likeness, as a memorial of gratitude for my services. Nothing could have been more acceptable in every sense. * On his return to London Lord Ashley found abundant labours awaiting him. One matter in particular claimed his attention, and it was characteristic of him that he would carry an urgent case to its final issue, however pressing other claims might be. A lady, Mrs. H,, had been shut up as a lunatic, but, as far as Lord Ashley and three other Commissioners could judge, she was as sane as any woman in England ; and he was pained and alarmed to find how, with all the safeguards of the law, there were still facilities for in- carcerating a victim. He spared no pains in sifting the evidence on both sides, and prosecuted the investigation day by day until he had proof indispxitable that the lady was the victim of a cruel conspiracy, and was perfectly sane. It need not be added that she was set at liberty with the least possible delay. The patience and skill and unwearying labour of Lord Ashley as a Com- missioner in Lunacy can never be told. One story out of many, illustrating the characteristic promptness with which, even late in life, he would examine a case and take immediate action, may be cited here. A lady, Mrs. A., residing in the West End, was on visiting terms with Mrs. B., a woman of fashion and position. There was very little in common between the two, and the visits of Mrs. A. would have been less frequent than they were, had she not taken a more than passing interest in a young lady, Miss C. who was staying, indefinitely as it seemed, in the house of Mrs. B. There was a great charm in her conversation, and the visits of Mrs. A. seemed to afford her considerable pleasure, although they were only of an occasional and somewhat formal kind. One day when Mrs. A. called, * It now hangs at St. Giles's House. 1847.) THE OATH OP ALLEGIANCE. 387 Miss C. was not there, and on making very pointed inquiries, she was, after some hesitation, informed that her young friend was out of her mind, and was in an asylum fifty miles away from town, the name of the asylum being mentioned. That evening Mrs. A. felt troubled and distressed ; she had seen Miss C. only a week or ten days previously, and perceived no indication of a dis- ordered mind. It was true she had observed indications of sadness and depression of spirits, and had feared that her young friend was not happy ; but that she was out of her mind and fit to be in an asylum, she could not and would not believe. She was greatly troubled, not knowing what to do f or where to go. At length it occurred to her that the Earl of Shaf tesbury was a Commissioner in Lunacy, and she went straight away to his house, found him at home, and told him the whole story. It was evening when she arrived in Grosvenor Square, and dinner was on the table, but within a quarter of an hour Lord Shaftesbury was on his way to the railway station to go down to the asylum and investigate the matter for himself. He did so, and on the following day the young lady was released, it having been authoritatively ascertained that she was not in a state to render it necessary for her to be an inmate of an asylum. The new Parliament was opened by the Queen in person on the 23rd November, and her speech was, for the first time, transmitted to the chief towns in the kingdom by the electric telegraph. At the preceding General Election Baron Lionel Rothschild was returned for the City of London the first Jew ever returned to the House of Com- mons ; and, in order that he might be allowed to take his seat, the question of the removal of Jewish Disabilities was revived. The subject had been frequently under discussion since Mr. Robert Grant, in 1830, first brought forward a Bill to enable Jews to sit in Parliament. At that time a Jew was liable to every kind of humiliation: he could not vote unless he took the prescribed oath ; he could not be an attorney, or practise at the bar, or be employed in a school, and, in many other respects, was " conspicuous in a free community as a man under a social and political ban." In the course of years, however, various concessions had been made, until all the privileges of citizenship were accorded to him, except the most coveted honour of all the right to sit in Parliament. Lord John Russell moved a resolution to enable Baron Rothschild to take his seat, and, although it was strongly opposed by the Conservatives, the resolution " for the admission of Jews into Parliament " was carried by a majority of 253 to 186. The Bill was eventually thrown ont, however, in the Lords. Lord Ashley took part in the debate, and his speech told with consider- able effect. His objection was not to admitting them as Jews, but that the Oath of Allegiance should be altered to suit them. " What I said in effect was this," said Lord Shaftesbury, whon telling the story of these times to z 2 388 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XVI the writer : " You call on us to alter the oath by striking out the words ' on the faith of a Christian,' and ask the Legislature to affirm that this is unnecessary. I will not be a party to playing with the name of Christ, by striking it out of an oath, to please any one. If you like to have no oath at all, well and good, but I will have nothing to do with its alteration, which is a practical denial of the faith." The closing events of the year are thus recorded : Nov. 15th. Dined with John Russell on Saturday last. I had some thought of avoiding any "private" civilities; but I determined otherwise he made a friendly advance and quasi-apology ; let us forget all in the common necessity. . . . Nov. 19th. Windsor Castle. Came here on Wednesday evening. Quen kind and hospitable : may God shield her and hers from every mischief, and, above all. incline her heart to thoughts of service and of love. My visits here mark the lapse of time and the progress of things ; as such they have a tinge of melan- choly in " looking after those things that are coming upon the earth." Sir G. Grey here also ; he is " a good man and a just." . . . Dec. 13th. A singular correspondence in the paper to-day. The Bishops (twelve in number, Winchester and Ely surprise me) remonstrate with Lord J. Russell for his appointment of Dr. Hampden 1 Their letter is weak, almost foolish, his reply is clever and just. My opinion is quoted as having been given to Russell in support of the appointment. He did not previously consult me on it. He asked me subsequently what I thought. I replied, " I should not, had I been Prime Minister, have made the appointment myself ; but now that it is made, I venture to say that more good than evil will, I think, come out of it. His appointment as Regius Professor was infamous, because his writings at that time were Neological, of the school of Strauss ; but during the last four or five years he has written and published very beautiful and orthodox dis- courses." . . . Dec. 15th. To-morrow Jew Bill in House of Commons. I must speak ; may God give me a mouth and wisdom ; if I fail I shall be discouraged for any future effort : my spirit is far from elastic, I was always easily depressed, I am more sc now. . . . Dec. 17th. Who ever trusted in God, and was disappointed 1 Spoke last night, and obtained (I am full of wonder) astonishing success. How curious t I was so frightened and dejected that I had almost determined not to rise. A minute more of my predecessor's speech would have consigned me to silence I ... Dec. 20th. Now, is this result traceable, in His free mercy to past faith ? I resigned my seat in Parliament, and all my public hopes and public career, that I might not give " occasion to the enemies of God to blaspheme," and I sur~ rendered everything to His keeping. Mark the issue : my Ten Hours Bill is carried in my absence. I am returned to Parliament in a singularly and unusu- ally honourable way, and within three weeks I begin to occupy a higher position than at any antecedent period : surely it is a completion of the promise, " Them that honour me, I will honour." . . . CHAPTER XVH. 1848. THE year 1848 was ushered in amid distrust, perplexity, and doubt. Every- where there was foreboding of some unseen and undefined misfortunes. Men's souls were stirred by strange presentiments. It was not long before the first rumblings were heard which presaged the approaching storm. "Events are coming to the surface," wrote Lord Ashley, early in the year. " We see the stir on the waves, and we shall soon see the mass thrown up by the volcanoes. Italy is in open revolution ; Austria is crumbling to pieces; France internally is threatened by reform conflicts; England is harassed by falling revenue, want of employment, republican principles, and Church dissensions ; America is rushing to debt, foreign conquest, and dissolution of States." The great event which was to become the signal for the pent-up fires to break forth all over Europe was not a surprise to some, although unexpected by the majority a third revolution in France, the proclamationof a Republic, the expulsion of the Orleans dynasty, and the election of a Provisional Government and a National Assembly. It is not necessary to trace here, however briefly, the causes which led to the Revolution. The spark which caused the explosion was an arbitrary attempt to stop a proposed Reform banquet. Lord Ashley took an intense interest in watching the progress of events ; and his Diary gives a complete epitome of the revolutionary epidemic, which spread over nearly all the courts and capitals of the Continent. If we quote from it only sparingly, it is because we wish to confine our extracts more particularly to those passages which show the current of his own life. Feb. 25th. Are we not in times of wonder, distress, and danger? To-day the grass is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven. On Tuesday the King of the French was in all the plenitude of his power, with an army of a hundred thousand men in Paris alone ; and on Thursday he is an outcast from his dominions, expelled with indignity from his capital, his palace plundered, and himself cast down to a private station. Revolution and anarchy are in the ascendant ; the whole royal family is exiled, a Republic proclaimed, and France, apparently, on the eve of a democracy, a consulate, and an empire I " Woe, woe, woe, to the inhabitants of the earth I " None of this surprises me, except the electrical suddenness of the event. The King has, for seventeen years, been combating the principles that placed him on the throne, resisting the national 390 THE EARL OF SHAFTESEURY. [CHAP. XVII. feelings that were evoked and cherished to prepare the Revolution of 1830, and fighting the whirlwind that he himself sowed as a storm. How could he, and his Minister Guizot, suppose that a nation of thirty-two millions would rest content with an electoral system based on 240,000 voters, one-half of whom were Government placemen ? One thing alone surprises me : that they should have fallen into the same error as Charles X., and have been deceived in their estimate of the fidelity of the soldiers ! This is really a judicial blindness, that with such an example to guide them, they should have fallen into the same pit 1 Feb. 26th. A Republic is proclaimed, and anarchy reigns in Paris. Revolu- tions, which in former days required years, are now perfected in days ; a week is an age for these extraordinary events. " So great power in one hour is come to nought ; " all his schemes about dynasties, his astute and false diplomacy for the Spanish marriage, his rigorous and absolute laws for the foundation of despotism, his terrible army schooled in Africa, his vast fortifications of the capital, his mighty authority among crowned heads as the ruler of thirty-two millions of a military nation, all blown away like a soap bubble ! " Afflavit Deus." . . . We are not safe here ; a falling revenue in the face of a necessarily, I fear, increasing expenditure, and a determination to admit no new taxes. Trade, too, is fearfully stagnant, and distress prevails universally. In this state of things comes a French Revolution I ... Now what sufficient ground is there for all this rebellion 1 The sagacious Cobden said, a week ago, in taunting contrast with the English system : " The French are most happy, they have no privileged orders, no large properties, no established Church ; they have obtained all that they want, another Revolution is impossible 1 " With the flight of Louis Philippe from France the spirit of Revolution was let loose in Europe. Every country suffered more or less, but those countries which suffered least were England and Belgium. In England, however, disaffection had, in a limited degree, been for some time growing, and the events in France brought it to a head. The Chartists, led by mad Feargus O'Connor, who had been returned for Nottingham at the General Election of 1847, immediately commenced an agitation for " their rights." Their programme included " Down with the Ministry," " Dissolve the Parliament," " The People's Charter," and " No Surrender ; " and preparations were made to hold a monster demonstration in April to demand these points. The state of England was to some extent alarming. In the manufactur- ing districts distress, almost unprecedented, prevailed, and a revolutionary spirit was abroad ; nevertheless, the people remained tranquil thanks, in no small measure, to the boon of the Ten Hours Bill and in Manchester alone, some thousands of the operatives enrolled themselves as special constables. In London there was a spirit of turbulence and lawlessness, excited partly by Mr. Ernest Jones, and others like-minded, who urged the people not to fear " the vile men of the law, the police, the troops, or the shop-keeping ' specials.' " In Ireland the United Irishman was urging its readers " to sell all that they had to buy a gun." In Glasgow, Edinburgh, and Liverpool, there was riot- ing and loss of life among the starving and the unemployed. Everywhere these symptoms caused a sense of uneasiness ; no one knew 1848.] THE REVOLUTION IX FUAXCK. 391 what surprise and alarm the next hour might not bring forth. Meanwhile, events in France were hurrying on. March 2nd. If the King, instead of signing his abdication, had thrown him- self among the troops which remained firm, he might have prolonged the mon- archy of the barricades. But he has been " demented " for a long time past ; his obstinate maintenance of all the corruptions of France, both in public men and public things, because he chose to govern by them ; his eager pursuit of wealth and place for his own children, the history of the Conde property, the appanages, the Montpensier marriage, regarded simultaneously with his apparent indiffer- ence to the social welfare of France, led the whole nation to believe that he was Harpagon engrafted on Louis XIV. Like the present Bishop of Exeter, he over- reached himself by his over-cleverness, and has now found that all the sagacity and experience of the most tried of men are not necessarily " counsel, wisdom, and understanding." . . . But we are in a social revolution ; the first was against aristocracies and established Churches, the second against a particular dynasty, the third against that which alone remains, the possession and rights of property I The workpeople have thrust their special representatives, Blanc and Albert, into the highest offices, and have propounded their own code of laws for the regula- tion of labour. ... In England we have yet Conservative feeling enough to resist a storm. Our peril will arise from a calm. A storm of violence we should shrink from or withstand ; the calm of Republican success would inevitablj breed a spirit of imitation. March 4th. Louis Philippe is actually in England. He landed at Newhaven, in Sussex, from an English steamer, on one of the points selected, by his son Prince Joinville and others, as the fittest for a descent upon the British territory 1 He was kindly and hospitably received. God be praised, adversity covers a mul- titude of sins. March 8th. Noise and disturbance yesterday and to-day in Trafalgar Square ; windows, lamps, and heads broken ; a mass of housebreakers and pickpockets, swollen by idlers. In these days, however, everything must be noted. More serious riots at Glasgow ; many shops of great value plundered. March 10th. Breakfasted with Mahon, to meet Macaulay and Carl vie ; plea- sant, but strange. Provisional Government have fixed wages of cab-drivers at three francs and a half a day ; and the Minister of Instruction has issued a circular to announce to the electors that "education" and "fortune" "are not required for a Deputy." An unlettered peasant " would be better for an agricultural district" Go it, my hearty I " France for the French." All English workmen have been expelled, and with circumstances of great oppression and dishonour. They were driven out by the bayonet ; not allowed to bring away even their property, nor to receive their arrears of wages. Yet, without their aid, not a railway could have been con- structed in France, and, I believe, hardly a factory carried on. A general panic among the English residents in Paris ensued. They fled in various directions, and abandoned the city. Those only were left behind who had no means of flight artisans and domestics, dependent for employ- ment upon the better classes of their countrymen. Nor was the situation of 392 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [CHAP. XVII. the English artisans in the provinces any safer. There were many thousands scattered over France ; in the factories of Normandy alone there were no less than 2,500 English workmen employed. There, and elsewhere, riots were of frequent occurrence, all masters who gave employment to British artisans being marked out for attack. At Boulogne, from one single factory, English workmen, numbering, with their wives and families, 700 souls, were dismissed in compliance with the demands of the rioters. Turned out of their homes, denied employment or public relief, with rents half a year in advance imposed upon them, involving them in losses ; met at the savings bank, where their earnings had been deposited, with the answer of " No funds," their case was desperate. They crowded the French out- ports, and clamoured to be sent back to their own country. With Lord Ashley originated the scheme for their relief. An influential committee was called together, over which he presided ; funds were collected, agencies were set to work, and Lord Palmerston and the authorities at the Foreign Office gave effect to their aims in various instances in which it might have been difficult for the committee to have realised them. Among the results of their efforts, upwards of 6,000 refugees were brought over, cared for on their arrival, and passed on to their respective destinations, while special provision was made for the children of the British Orphan School in connection with the Marbosuf Episcopal chapel in Paris, which had been broken up during the general panic in that city. In referring to these and kindred efforts, and also to a speech made by Lord Ashley, on the 16th of March, on better " Medical Relief to the Sick Poor," the Times said, " Political economists and men of the world vote Lord Ashley a bore, but there is none of them who would not rather have twenty speeches from him on matters of Humanity, than one circular from Ledru Rollin ; " while the Morning Chronicle, treating him with contemptuous kindness, said, " No thinking man concurs with Lord Ashley ; but it is a very good thing, in these days, to have a nobleman who brings forward the dis- tresses and needs of the people, and gives them assurances that their case will be considered." It was in allusion to these remarks that the following entry in the Diary was made : March 21sfc. Amidst all this contempt and desertion, I may rejoice and heartily thank God that the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire, suffering as they are, remain perfectly tranquil. Such, under God, is the fruit of many years of sympathy and generous legislation. In Manchester several thousands enrolled themselves as special constables. While uneasiness was increasing at home, " men's hearts were failing them for fear " on the Continent. March 23rd. Insurrection at Berlin ! Insurrection at Vienna ! The Prince Metternich deposed 1 It is astounding at first to see how these great monarchies fall ! They seem as though they had no roots, nor ever had any. The truth is, that for years their foundations have been undermined ; they were as rotten a IMS.) CHARTISM. 393 quarter of a century ago ; but either the gale of wind was not strong enough, or it failed to hit them on the weak side, and at the right moment. The first Revolution in France shook the whole system ; but war and terror diverted men's minds. Peace brought reflection, comparison, anticipation. The second Revolution gave a blow on the other side, and completely snapped the roots and loosened the earth ; the third brought down the Cedar of Lebanon in a single gust ! March 25th. Revolutions go off like pop-guns ! Lombardy is in full revolt ; it will doubtless be severed from the Austrian Empire. . . . March 30th. . . . We have yet a tumult in store, English Chartists and Irish Repealers are to have their day. " Count no man happy before he be dead," count no event small until it shall have passed. Happily, the event so much dreaded the great Chartist demonstration collapsed in a most ignominious manner. But the alarm had been serious, and the precautions unprecedented. The military defence of the metropolis was under the care of the Duke of Wellington ; troops were ready everywhere ; a quarter of a million citizens were enrolled as special constables ; Downmi,' Street was barricaded. But on the day before the " Demonstration " tlie Chartist leaders quarrelled amongst themselves ; on the morning of the day < I Usimsions wore renewed; the police informed the rioters that they would not be allowed to cross the Thames, and the whole affair ended in a ridiculous fiasco. April 10th. The threatened day has arrived. How will it end ? Referring to all the circumstances, I think it will close peaceably, but who knows ? We are in the hands of God. He has told us, and would that one and all recognised from our hearts, " Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain." April 12th. It ended, how shall we sufficiently praise God, according to our minutest prayers. All was peaceable. The meeting at no time exceeded thirteen thousand. No more actual disturbance than on ordinary days. The procession was abandoned, and the petition came down in a hack cab. Surely the glory must be to Him " who stilleth the raging of the sea, and the madness of the people." April 13th. Nevertheless, I remain of the same mind. All things are tending to a change. We are entering on a new political dispensation ; ai.d many of us probably will outlive the integrity of our aristocratical institutions. Men are talking, they know not why, and they do not reflect how, of thi* slight concession and that ; of an " enlargement of the franchise," and other vagaries. No one, except the Chartists, has asked for it, and they will rest satisfied with nothing short of the whole. The middle classes are content, and so are nineteen- twentieths of the working people ; but this will be of no avail against indistinct terrors, ignorant uneasiness, and speculative, not social policy. A Sanitary Bill would, in five years, confer more blessing and obliterate more Chartism than universal suffrage in half a century ; but the world, when ill at ease, flies alway* to politics, and omits the statistics of the chimney-corner, where all a man'i comfort or discomfort lies. . . . Tu the " Life of the Prince Consort," Sir Theodore Martin, after describing 394 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBUKT. [CHAP. XVII. the turbulent state of the country and the anxiety with which it was regarded by the Queen and Prince, proceeds to say : " An opportunity arose during this month (May) for the Prince to take the position before the world which he afterwards occupied with so much honour, as the advocate of measures for improving the condition of the labouring classes. Four years previously he had testified his interest in the subject one that always lay nearest to his heart by becoming the President of the Society which had been established with this special object.* The Society, in the meanwhile, had been making its way steadily, but slowly, for public attention had yet to be awakened to the importance of the subject ; and it was considered by Lord Ashley, and others of its active promoters, that the appearance of the Prince in the chair at a public meeting to advocate its interests at this time might be attended with excellent results. The Prince, ever ready to show his sym- pathy and interest for that class of our community which has most of the toil, and least of the enjoyments, of this world, f at once fell in with their views."! It is somewhat singular that Sir Theodore Martin, who elsewhere has described so fully the circumstances leading up to any important event in the life of the Prince Consort, should, in this instance, have omitted all mention of them, and passed over in silence not only the action of Lord Ashley in the matter, but also some interesting details as regards the action of the Prince. These omissions we are fortunately able to supply. Under the date of the 19th April, Lord Ashley entered in his Diary : April 19th. Osborne, Isle of Wight. The Queen has sent for me to talk over the condition of the working people ; and here I am. I was obliged to put off Golden Lane Ragged School (W. Cowper took the chair for me). Her Majesty very amiable and very considerate for the poor. God be praised, who has put such thoughts into her heart ! May they bring forth fruit to His glory on earth, and her own peace in time and eternity I ... From a memorandum found among the papers of Lord Shaftesbury, and from conversations with him upon the subject, noted down at the time, the following particulars are obtained : The Queen sent for me to Osborne ; the fairy was ready for me at Gosport, and I went. The Queen was greatly alarmed, and so was the Prince, by the Revolution in France and the exile of Louis Philippe. They feared the continuance of commotions in England, and were desirous to know how they could exercise their influence to soothe the people. The Queen, on my arrival, expressed this sentiment very warmly, and added at dinner, " The Prince will talk to you to- morrow. We have sent for you to have your opinion on what we should do in view of the state of affairs to show our interest in the working classes, and you are the only man who can advise us in the matter." On the following morning, during a long walk in the gardens, lasting for * The Labourers' Friend Society. t His own words in his speech at the meeting of the Society, 18th May, 1848. J "Life of the Prince Consort," vol. ii., p. 46. 1848.J THE PRINCE CONSORT AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL. 395 over an hoar and a half, I discussed with the Prince the condition of affairs and the state of the nation. He asked me my advice, and how he could best assist towards the common weaL " Xow, sir," I said to him, " I have to ask your Royal Highness whether I am to speak out freely, or to observe Court form 1 " " For God's sake," he answered, " speak out freely." " Then, sir, I would say that at this juncture you hold a position in which you oan render to the country far greater assistance than if you were ite king. You can speak as a king, represent a king-, without the necessary and inevitable restrictions of a king. Your presence, though formally different, is virtually the presence of the Queen. My earnest advice to you is, that you should put yourself at the head of all social movements in art and science, and especially of those movements as they bear upon the poor, and thus show the interest felt by Royalty in the happiness of the kingdom." " What can I do 7 " the Prince asked, eagerly. " On the 18th of May next, the anniversary of the Labourers' Friend Society will be held, and if your Royal Highness will accompany me, first to see some of the dwellings of the poor, and afterwards to preside at the meeting, I am satisfied it will have a good effect. You should come in three carriages, and have the footmen in red liveries even these things are not without their influence." The Prince at once fell in with the suggestion, and arrangements for carrying it out were discussed. But when Lord John Russell heard it he was frantic, and brought to bear every possible opposition, as he often did with regard to other schemes which he did not originate himself. It was with no little regret that Lord Ashley received the following letter from the Prince : H.R.H. the Prince Contort to Lord Asldcy. OSBOBNE, April 23rd, 1848. Mr DEAR LORD ASHLEY, Lord John Russell did not like the idea of my presiding at Exeter Hall on account of the risk of a disturbance. I begged him to consider the question a little longer, and to consult Sir George Grey before committing himself against it. I have received this morning the enclosed, which, I am afraid, is decisive against the plan. Though I must admit that there is strong reason against it, I sincerely regret it, as it will be difficult to find another becoming opportunity for expressing the SINCERE interest which the Queen and myself feel for the welfare and comfort of the working classes. You may have opportunities for conveying our sentiments. At any rate, our Society ought to be more prominently brought before them, and they ought to be invited to make suggestions for the amelioration of their own condition, to have these gone into by those who understand the matter, and to give, in this way, the means to the higher classes to assist them in their work. Ever yours truly, ALBERT. The enclosure referred to in the above letter was as follows : Lord John Rustell to H.R.H. the Prinea Contort. CUESHAJC PLACE, April 22nd, 1848. SIR, On considering further Lord Ashley's proposal to your Royal Highness, it soems to me that the risk is greater than the probable advantage. Any Chartist 396 THE EARL OF SHAFTKSBURY. [CHAP. XVII. might attend and attempt to speak ; such an attempt would be resisted by the meeting, and much confusion might ensue. The triumphant reception of your Royal Highness would not compensate for any disturbance of the meeting. Sir George Grey, to whom I have spoken, concurs entirely in this opinion. The Repealers in Dublin have become more violent since my declaration, but the well-affected are confirmed in their loyalty. In England the Chartists seem to be declining in numbers and mischief. I have the honour to be Your Royal Highness's Faithful and obedient servant, J. RUSSELL. Soon after this Lord Ashley had another interview with the Prince at Buckingham Palace and urged him to persevere in his intention. " This is a matter," he said, " in which your Royal Highness is perfectly free to act as you may please, and my advice is that you tell Lord John Russell that you are as good a judge as he is." On the 29th April the Prince wrote to Lord John Russell : The book which you sent me certainly shows great disposition on the part of some mischievous folks to attack the Royal family ; but this rather furnishes me with one reason more for attending the meeting, and showing to those who are thus to be misguided, that the Royal family are not merely living upon the earnings of the people (as these publications try to represent), without caring for the poor labourers, but that they are anxious about their welfare, and ready to co-operate in any scheme for the amelioration of their condition. We may possess these feelings, and yet the mass of the people may be ignorant of it, because they have never heard it expressed to them, or seen any tangible proof of it. Eventually the advice of Lord Ashley prevailed, the opposition of Lord John Russell was overruled, and the Prince wrote : From H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Ashley. B.P., $, 1848. MY DEAR LOBD ASHLEY, I am glad that all difficulties are removed with respect to the meeting. Thursday, the 18th, at twelve o'clock, will suit me perfectly. I must see you soon upon the subject ; perhaps you could call here to-morrow at four o'clock. Ever yours truly, ALBEET. On the appointed day the Prince arrived with a brilliant cortege, and, accompanied by Lord Ashley, went to George Street, St. Giles's, and other streets in that neighbourhood, entered house after house to examine the actual state of affairs, and was received everywhere with the utmost enthusiasm.f Later on the Prince took the chair at the public meeting, and, as Sir Theodore * Quoted in "Life of Prince Consort," vol. ii., p. 47. t " If the Prince goes on like this," said a Socialist to the Rev. Mr. Branch, a zealous evangelist to the working classes, "why, he'll upset our apple-cart ! " 1848.] STATE OF SANITARY SCIENCE. 397 Martin says truly, " made it the occasion for the speech which first fairly showed to the country what he was." Lord Ashley refers to it in his Diary thus : May 19th. Yesterday, a glorious meeting of the Lab. Friend Soo. Prince Albert in the chair Non nobis Domine, non nobis Domine ! but, God give us grace to bless Thee ; no drawback at all, it is new life to our efforts. . . . May 20th. Hear little but satisfaction at the success of the meeting, " So wise, so opportune, so very happy," all this because it succeeded. What would have been the indignation and contempt against me had it failed t But God was my helper ; I may now, on this stock of reputation for good judgment, obtain influence to do good in other things. " Put into my heart good desires, and enable me to bring the same to good effect." Prince Albert did his part admirably, with remarkable gra