HISTORY OF MEDICINE EARLIEST AGES TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. BY ROBLEY DUNGLISON, M.D., LL.D., LATE PROFESSOR OF THE INSTITUTES OF MEDICINE AND MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE IN THE JEFFERSON MEDICAL COLLEGE OF PHILADELPHIA, ETC. ETC. ARRANGED AND EDITED BY RICHARD J. DUNGLISOX, M.D. PHILADELPHIA: LINDSAY AND BLAKISTON, 1872. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1872, by RICHAKD J. DUNGLISON, M.D., in the Office of the Librarian of Congress. All rights reserved. PHILADELPHIA: COLLIXS, PRINTER, 705 JAYXE STREET. Hmit PREFACE The history of the progressive steps in the develop- ment of medicine, embraced in these pages, is an em- bodiment of the course of lectures delivered by my father at tlie University of Virginia many years since. The arduous duties devolved upon him in that institution covered a much more comprehensive field than would be possible or practicable at the present day. The labor now usually allotted to almost an entire faculty of pro- fessors was there assigned to him alone ; for, according to the terms of his appointment, he was expected " to teach to the best of his ability, and with due diligence, Anatomy, Surgery, The History of the Progress and Theories of Medicine, Physiology, Materia Medica, and Pharmacy." Such an aggregation of branches of instruc- tion must have severely taxed the energies, while it doubtless stimulated the ambition, of the then young professor. It seemed to be the desire of Thomas Jefferson, at that time Rector of the University, and of those associated with that illustrious personage in its government, that the student should learn something of the earlier pro- gress of the science and the art, while he was at the same time pursuing a course of instruction in the usual tech- nical details of a collegiate medical education. It was a wise provision that thus incorporated with the other iv PREFACE, features of a didactic course a knowledge of medical literature, which, however valuable, is generally con- sidered as an accomplishment rather than as an indis- pensable necessit}'. The students of those times were therefore, in this particular, a step in advance of the condition of their successors of the present day, who are left to gather their information on the previous state of medicine in whatever manner the}' maj' find it practicable or convenient to do so, after graduation. Even at this period, however, the difficult}' arises that there is scarcely a convenient congenial work on the history of medicine to which they can have access, and the study of this subject is therefore usually wholl}' neglected. It is believed that the present work will supph' the want, long felt b}" the profession, of a condensed history of the progress of medicine, presenting all the main facts in systematic order, avoiding, as much as possible, pro- lixity or unnecessar}' discussion of the merits of men and theories, and not laying an}' claim whatever to the title of an exhaustive treatise. When these lectures were delivered, the works of Freind, Sprengel, and a few other foreign authors, were the main reliance of the medical historiographer. It is but just to state that some of the material used in the lectures, on which this volume is based, were derived from these trustworthy sources. Some portions, especially those referring to the history of the progress of medicine among the most primitive nations, are translated or condensed from the celebrated Geschichte der Arzneykunde of Kurt Sprengel, published near the beginning of this century. The section included in brackets, relating to American medical history, has been added by the Editor, to give greater completeness to the work. K. J. D. CONTENTS CHAPTER I. ORIGIN OF MEDICINE. PAGK Introduction— Early history involved in obscurity— Super- stitious practices— First treatment of the sick . . .17 CHAPTER 11. MEDICINE OF THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. Medical powers of Isis and of other deities— First books on medicine — Early works on anatomy, diseases of females, &c. — Priest-practitioners, their manners and customs, dietetic rules, &c. — Practitioners of specialties — Treatment of various diseases — Medicines used by the ancient Egyp- tians — Description of the process of embalming — Early aversion to dissection — Ignorance of anatomy, physiology, &c .28 CHAPTER III. MEDICINE OF THE ANCIENT GREEKS. Medical mythology— Orpheus— ^sculapius ; his life and medical opinions — The sons of ^sculapius — First recorded operation of bloodletting — Practice of medicine in the tem- ples—Votive tablets— Early medicines— First notions on anatomy, &c 36 * vi CONTENTS. CHAPTEK IV. MEDICINE OF THE ROMANS TO THE TIME OF CATO THE CENSOR. PAGE Tiieir early knowledge derived from the Greeks— Establish- ment of medicinse or shops by the freedmen — Medical practitioners exempted from banishment — Archagathus, the executioner — Porcius Cato, censor and physician . 53 CHAPTER V. MEDICINE OF THE JEWS TP TO THE CAPTIVITY OF BABYLON. Egyptian origin of their medical knowledge — Medical attain- ments of Moses and the lawgivers — Cure of the lepra — The healing art a vocation of the prophets — Medical work of Solomon — Recorded cases of paralysis, affections of the intestines, leprosy, etc. — First origin of monks and monk physicians 57 CHAPTER YI. MEDICINE OF THE HINDOOS. Early state of civilization — Brahmin physicians — Laws in regard to poisons — Diseases caused by evil genii — Super- stitions — Pathology of the Hindoos — Treatment of fevers, smallpox, &c 65 CHAPTER YII. MEDICINE OF THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE. Causes of their imperfect civilization — Ancient code of the Chinese physicians — Medical schools— Chinese knowledge of anatomy, physiology, &c. —Exploration of the pulse — Physicians of the court of Pekin — Medical knowledge and practice of the Japanese — The moxa, its preparation and uses 71 CONTENTS. Vll CHAPTER VIII. MEDICINE OF THE SCYTHIANS. PAGE Progress of their civilization — Wonderful cures — Abaris, the Hyperborean — Anacharsis — Toxaris 81 CHAPTER IX. MEDICINE OF THE CELTS. The Gauls and the Belga? — The Druids, the Eubages, and the Bards — Medical sorceresses — Druidical remedies . 84 CHAPTER X. FIRST TRACES OF A MEDICAL THEORY IN THE PHILOSO- PHIC SCHOOLS OF GREECE. •Medicine emerging from the age of superstition — Pj^thagoras and his school — His services to the cause of medicine — Die- tetic and other regulations of himself and followers — Psy- chological and physiological theories — Medical practice of his time — Alcma^on, the first comparative anatomist — Most ancient treatise on physiology — Empedocles of Agrigentum — His valuable services in time of an epidemic — His views on anatomy and physiology — Successors of Pythagoras — Anaxagoras and his views — Democritus of Abdera — Demo- cedes of Crotona — Gymnastic physicians — Political con- dition of the physicians of Greece — Military surgeons — Charlatans . . . ' 86 CHAPTER XL THE AGE OF HIPPOCRATES. Revolution in medical science — Important era in the history of medicine — Biographical sketch of Hippocrates — His medical career— The great plague at Athens— Brilliant cures— Authenticity of his works— Books falsely ascribed to him — His undisputed works — His knowledge and views on anatomy, physiology, semeiology, pathology, thera- peutics, surgery, dietetics, bloodletting, &c. . . . 104 viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. THE IMMEDIATE SUCCESSORS OP HIPPOCRATES. PAGE Founders of the dogmatic school— Liberal views and civili- zation of the time— Aristotle— His views on anatomy, phy- siology, &c.— Theophrastns— Praxagoras and his physio- logical discoveries — The term arteries first employed — Medical practice of the period — The age of the Ptolemies — The library of Alexandria — Publication of doubtful works, interpolated manuscripts, &c. — Medical school of Alexandria — Herophilus and Erasistratus; their discoveries and views — Their followers — Division of medicine into its branches, surgery, pharmacy, &c. — The surgeons of Alex- andria and their operations — Lithotomists — Surgical appa- ratus — Proliibitions to young surgeons . . . .126 CHAPTER XIII. THE EMPIRICAL SCHOOL. Origin of the empirical sect — Views and theories of the em- pirics contrasted with those of their predecessors — Trau- matic tlieoiy — Their neglect of anatomy and physiology — Distinguished followers of this school .... 146 CHAPTER XIV. STATE OF MEDICIXE NEAR THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA. Royal toxicologists — Rome a centre of attraction to the world — Asclepiades and his views on anatomy, patholog}^, &c. — Bronchotomy first proposed — Disciples of Asclepiades — Themison of Laodicea — First employment of leeching — Followers of Themison — The methodic school . . . 153 CHAPTER XV. STATE OF MEDICINE DURING THE EARLY CENTURIES OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA. Cornelius Celsus, the medical Cicero — His views on ana- tomy, surgery, etc.— Elegant Latinity of his works— Con- CONTENTS. IX PAGE tempt of Pliny for the Roman practitioners of this age — Medical pretensions of Thessahis Trallianns — Symmachns and his clinics — The first medical lexicographer — The sub- divisions of the methodic sect — Aretseus and his medical practice— Medical writings of Soranus— Claudius Galenus ■ (Galen), his life and services, writings, etc. — The imme- diate successors of Galen — State of medical literature at this period — School of Alexandria — Study of medicine in Persia — Celebrated medical school at Edessa, and its pro- fessors—Establishment of the first institution for clinical instruction. . 160 CHAPTER XVI. STATE OF MEDICINE IN EUROPE AND THE EAST FKOM THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTH CENTURY. Epidemic of the sixth century — Aetius of Amida, and his use of charms — Alexander Trallian — Theophilus — Paulus jEgineta, the first obstetric physician— Medical writers and practitioners of the next centuries — Decay of medicine in the West and its rise in the East — Arabian physicians and schools — Spanish medical schools and libraries — Progress of Arabian practice of medicine and surgery — First writer on smallpox — First account of academic degrees conferred — Serapion the elder — Rhazes and his works — Avicenna — Albucasis — Avenzoar — Decline of science in Spain and the East in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries . 183 CHAPTER XVII. STATE OF MEDICINE AMONG THE MONKS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. Monk physicians of the West — Cures by prayer, relics, &c. — English ecclesiastical physicians — Medidal schools estab- lished by them in England and France — Schools of the cathedrals — Physicians first so called — Curious laws affect- ing physicians — Practice of medicine restricted to the lower clergy — Eminent medical ecclesiastics of the day CONTENTS. PAGE — Medical celibacy — Practice of medicine- by the nuns — The Abbess Hildegarde — Laws in regard to pregnant women — Constantine the African — Influence of the Cru- saders — Celebrated schools of Monte-Cassino and Saler- num — Dietetical precepts of the latter — Chief physicians of this school — Degrees of bachelor, licentiate, &c. first granted to physicians in France — Doctors first so called . 200 CHAPTER XVIII. STATE OF MEDICIXE DURING THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES. Medical progress in France under St. Louis — Jean Pitard — Lanfranc of Milan — Progress of surgery in Italy — The school of Bologna and its followers — Encouragement of medical instruction in the fourteenth century — First dissec- tion of the human body — Rough modes of dissection — Astrology and theosophy intermingled with medicine — The Arabists — Decay of the school of Salernum . . 213 CHAPTER XIX. STATE OF MEDICINE DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. Absurdities taught in the schools and afterwards denounced by the fficulty of Paris — Distinguished medical men of the day — Surgery in the hands of the barbers and bathers — ' Scarcity of operators in Europe — Operation for replacing the nose when lost — Basil Valentine, the monk, and his experiments with antimony, &c. — Lectures of Chrysolore, ambassador of the Emperor of the East — Invention of print- ing — Prevalence of scurvy, lues venerea, &c. . . .217 CHAPTER XX. STATE OF MEDICINE DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Improved taste and knowledge of medicine — New trans- lations of Hippocrates and Galen— The Royal College of Physicians founded— Multitude of editors, commentators, CONTENTS. xi PAGE &c. — Distinguished writers on practical medicine — Medi- cal controversies of tliis century — John Argentier and his principles of reform — Belief in demons as a cause of dis- ease — Alchemy in medicine — Paracelsus, his life, opinions, and vagaries — Chemical medicines more generally em- ployed — New pharmacopoeias — Remarkable progress of anatomy and surgery — Improvement in surgical operations — Treatment of gunshot wounds— Study of special surgical diseases — Tagliacozzi and his rhinoplastic operation — Re- markable discoveries in anatomy — The daj^s of Sylvius, Vesalius, Pare, Fallopius, Fabricius, and Eustachius . 223 CHAPTER XXL STATE OF MEDICINE DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. Harvey's discovery of the circulation of the blood — Advance of practical medicine — Rosicrucians — Eclectic conciliators — Van Helmont and his doctrines — Sympathetic powder of Sir Kenelm Digby — Mathematical sect — Borelli, Bellini, Willis, Keill, and other celebrated physicians and philoso- phers — Humoral pathology — Malpighi, Bartholin, Steno, Aselli, Wirsung, Pecquet, Wharton, and their discoveries in the glandular system, &c. — The days of Sydenham, Baglivi, and Boerhaave — Distinguished contributors to medical science. 234 CHAPTER XXII. STATE OP MEDICINE DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. New systems of medicine — Doctrines of Stahl — Expectant medicine — Systems of Hoffmann and Boerhaave — Haller's physiological theory of irritability — The Cullenian sys- tem — Doctrines of Brown — Darwin and the laws of asso- ciation — Brilliant progress of anatomy and physiology — Interesting researches on the circulation, respiration, ner- vous sj'^stem, organs of the senses, generation, surgery, pathological anatomy, &c. — The concluding years of the century — Jenner and the discovery of vaccination — Xavier xu CONTENTS. * PAGE Bichat — John Hunter — Other contributors to medical science. Sketch of American medical history in the eighteenth century — Colonial condition of the country — Practice of medicine by the clergy and others — Absence of all restrictions in its exercise — Practice of midwifery by women — !Modes of practice — Inoculation for smallpox — Systems of medicine — Medical authorshii:) — Medical education — Medical schools of this era — Conclusion 245 HISTORY OF MEDICINE, CHAPTER I. ORIGIN OF MEDICINE. Introduction — Early history involved in obscurity — Superstitious practices — First treatment of the sick. As a point of history, pregnant with valuable deductions, it is good to look back upon the condi- tion of medicine in former times and to find that it has always kept pace with the progress of the phy- sical and moral sciences. Where these, however, have been marked by folly and credulity, it has ex- hibited the same imperfections. "When we notice, in our professional ancestors, strange conceits, fan- tastic reasoning, and singular confusion in tracing the relation between cause and eifect, it is well to reflect on the state of philosophy at the time ; and if we investigate closely, we shall find that the men who appear to us so defective in their powers of observation and reflection were but examples of the general learning of the age in which they lived. It may not be so easy for us to trace the gradual improvement in any two successive eras, which melt into each other by indefinable gradations ; but if we 2 1 8 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. select distant periods, the evidences of mental ad- vancement are signal. In ancient times, for in- stance, as with rude, untutored nations of the present day, the physician acted as the magician, and conversely. Physic was an art which was supposed to he most mysterious, and its practisers were presumed to hold communion with the world of spirits. The practice of medicine of those days was made up of such unreliable agents as the word ahracadabra^ hung around the neck as an amulet, to chase away the ague ; an hexameter from the Iliad to allay the agony of gout, and a verse of the Lamentations to cure the rheumatism. Many of the superstitions connected with the earlier history of medicine prevail now as the}^ did formerly ; but the facility for the reception of the marvellous and the imperfect state of experimental science at that time occasioned their prevalence in the higher intellects, whilst at the present day they are mainly restricted to the vulgar. Those higher intellects were indeed sadly deficient in wisdom. Learned they were in all the scholastic knowledge of the period ; but where mystery existed on any subject, instead of submitting it to the test of experiment and observation, they received it as an heirloom from their predecessors, and never dared to dispute the Avord of the master. It has been said that the delusions under which they labored were inevitable — that the improvement of the world is destined to proceed in cycles, and that whenever a new light bursts upon the eye, it requires some time before the organ can discern clearly amidst the ANTIQUITY OF MEDICINE. 19 unaccustomed blaze. In this there is truth; and, as the world proceeds, successive cycles and epicycles will doubtless exhibit the fruits of anterior experi- ence. Ages of obscurity, bootless conjecture, and dreamy enthusiasm preceded those of sound sense and rational observation; but they were necessary antecedents, and intimately connected with the results. The belief that some human beings could attain the power of conferring good or inflicting ills on their fellow-creatures, and of controlling the opera- tions of nature, is one of the highest antiquity. It has appeared in every region of the globe; and, from its extensive prevalence, it is evident that the human mind, especially in its state of ignorance and bar- barism, is a soil well adapted for its reception and cultivation. Life has so many evils, which the un- informed mind can neither prevent nor avert, and encourages so many hopes, which every age and condition are anxious to realize, that we can hardly be astonished to find a considerable portion of man- kind become the willing prey of impostors, who, as we shall see, practised on their credulity by threats of evil and promises of good, greater than the usual course of nature would dispense. Even the lights of divine revelation, and the circumstance of their being discountenanced by both civil and ecclesiasti- cal laws, did not prevent such frauds and absurdities from being encouraged. Their foundation seems to lie deep in the heart's anxiety about futurity, in its impatience for good greater than it enjoys, and in 20 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. its restless curiosity to penetrate the unknown, and to meddle witli the forbidden. Much time and learning have been wasted in attempting to depict the first origin of medicine. Thus Schulze, who was professor at Altorf in the beginning of the 18th century, has traced it to the fall of man, showing, with great gravit}^, what ob- servations were likely to be made by Adam and Eve on the subject of their natural appetites; and Bram- billa, a surgeon of Vienna, has asserted that Tubal Cain was the inventor of cauterizing instruments, machines for the reduction of fractures, and other surgical apparatus, whence he endeavors to prove that surgery is of more ancient date than medicine. Medicine, it is evident, must have had a very early origin, for mankind, in the most uncivilized ages, would necessarily be exposed to a variety of casualties, and would gradually learn the means of alleviating the pain or averting the consequences of the more common external injuries. The more or less agreeable and salubrious qualities of the different articles of food would also cause them to form for themselves certain dietetic maxims and rules for the treatment of those diseases to which thej^ found themselves liable. Their materia medica would pro- bably, at first, consist of only a few herbs, of which they fancied they had found the efficacy in internal and external complaints. Unacquainted, however, with the economy of the human body, and incapa- ble, for the most part, of tracing the progress of disease, the more fatal internal disorders would be PRIEST-PHYSICIANS. 21 ascribed to the powers of sorcery, or to the displeasure of those deities whom they had been taught to fear, and they would resort for their cure to those rites and ceremonies by which they imagined they could dispel the charm or appease the wrath of the offended gods. Hence would arise various sujDcrstitious prac- tices which would be handed down from generation to generation. Such we may imagine to have been the origin of the medical art, and such is nearly its condition at the present period amongst the savages of Africa, Australasia, Polynesia, Sumatra, &c. The first individuals who raised themselves above the vulgar, made a particular study of medicine, and obtained success by practising it, were raised to the rank of gods. Altars were erected to them, and the priests who administered the duties became physicians themselves from being the oracles of the divinity whom the peo]3le wished to consult; so that for a long time the practice of medicine was a part of the priestcraft, and was taught by the minis- ters of the altars with many occult and mysterious ceremonies. For a long period there could have been no other medical instruction than that of the communication of the knowledge of the mechanical means and properties of remedies which had been previously employed with success in the cure of wounds and diseases. The science did not then exist; there were not even physicians. Each was probably physician in his turn, and recommended to him who was suffering the remedy which he knew to have succeeded, or whose virtues were attested by tradition. Herodotus informs us that even in 2 2 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. his time the Babylonians, Chaldeans, and other nations had no physicians. When any one was attacked with disease he was carried into the public street, and the passers-by who had labored under a similar affection, or had witnessed a similar case, advised the individual to adopt such means as their judgment and memory might suggest. [N'o one was permitted to pass near a sick person without inter- rogating him on the nature of his sufferings. The first writers on medicine trace its origin, in common with that of most other branches of know- ledge, to the Egyptians; but its history is so in- volved in fable, and so mixed with the pagan mythology, that it is impossible to arrive at their knowledge of this, or of any other branch of sci- ence. The medicine of the Indians, Chaldeans, Chi- nese, Japanese, &c., was a mere collection of receipts applied at hazard by men without study and expe- rience, according to vulgar, and often superstitious, traditions, as it is even at present, to a great extent, in those countries. CHAPTER II. MEDICINE OF THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. Medical powers of Isis and of other deities — First books on me- dicine — Early works on anatomy, diseases of females, &c. — Priest-practitioners, tlieir manners and customs, dietetic rules, &c. — Practitioners of specialties — Treatment of various dis- eases — Medicines used by the ancient Egyptians — Description of the process of embalming — Early aversion to dissection — Ignorance of anatomy, physiology, &c. The Egyptians a23pear to have been the first na- tion which cultivated medicine. The history of the progress of the art, during the period prior to the reign of King Psammetichus, who died about 617 years before the Christian era, is, however, wrapped in mythological obscurity. To the deity Isis, the wife and sister of Osiris, a peculiar medical power was attributed, and a multitude of diseases were regarded as the effects of her anger. She had given an unequivocal proof of her power in the restoration of her son Orus to life. The Egyptians attributed to her the discovery of several remedies, and be- lieved that she possessed considerable power in me- dicine. Even at the time of Galen, the materia medica contained several compound remedies which bore her name. As all diseases were supposed to originate from her anger, the Greeks compared her to Proserpine, queen of the infernal regions, or to 24 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. the redoubtable Hecate. In the temples of Isis a species of resin was burnt in the morning, myrrh at noon, and in the evening a composition termed eyphy, which was formed of sixteen drugs, regard being had in its preparation to the quaternary num- ber, which was always considered sacred. After these preparations, the sick were made to sleep in these temples, in order that the oracle might reveal to them, during sleejD, the means which ought to be had recourse to for their cure. Orus or Horus, the son of Isis — the Apollo of the Greeks — was the last Egyptian king of the mytho- logical dynasty of the gods, and is said to have ac- quired from his mother the knowledge of diseases and of their modes of cure. Independently, how- ever, of this family of the gods, the Egyptians re- vered Theath, Thouth or Taaut — the Hermes Tris- megistus of the Greeks — whom they regarded as the inventor of arts and sciences. All ancient historians accord in representing Taaut as the friend and con- fidant of Osiris. He first taught the Egyptians the use of writing, invented arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music ; gave laws to the people, regu- lated their religious ceremonies, and first cultivated the olive. When the Egyptians had discovered a mode of forming paper from the stalk of the papyrus, the knowledge of Taaut was described, engraved upon the columns and collected in a book entitled Emhre^ or Scientia Causalitatis. This book, according to Diodorus, contained the rules of medical science, to which the physicians were compelled scrupulously EARLY MEDICAL WORKS. 25 to adhere, and comprised various additions made by the more immediate and celebrated successors of Taaut or Hermes. When the physicians strictly con- formed to the regulations, they were held free from blame, should the patient even die ; but if they wan- dered from them they were punished with death, whatever miffht be the issue of the disorder. It is by no means improbable that this book contained a collection of the semeiological observations made up to that period, for we are informed by Horapollo in his HieroglyjyUca^ that the priests or physicians re- ferred to it for the purpose of predicting whether any disease would have a favorable or unfavorable termination. Diodorus gives us reason to suppose that their diagnosis was principally formed on the position which the patient assumed in bed, a mode of discrimination, as may readily be conceived, at once nugatory and absurd. The blind adherence to the opinions and rules of their predecessors, and the criminality, as it was considered, of all innovation — w^hilst they continued — effectually prevented any improvement in the science, or as it might, at that time, be more properly styled, the art of medicine. At the time of lamblicus, who lived A.D. 363, the priests of Egypt showed forty-two books which they attributed to Hermes. Of these, according to that author, thirty-six contained the history of all human knowledge ; the last six of which treated of anatomy, of diseases, especially those of females, of affec- tions of the eyes, instruments of surgery, and medi- cines. It is probable, however, that several of these were of a more modern date, as lamblicus is very 2 6 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. doubtful regarding their authenticity, and Galen does not hesitate to declare them apocryphal. Sprengel asserts, and with some degree of proba- bility, that several of these works were penned about the time of the existence of the school of Alexandria, when alchemy and some of its kindred branches had their origin, from a wish to show that these chimerical investigations were of an ancient date, and consequently entitled to more considera- tion than they might otherwise have received. The number of works attributed by some to this Egyp- tian deity is truly prodigious. Seleucus estimates them at 20,000, and Manetho at 30,000! Galen, however, attempts to reconcile these incredible as- sertions by observing that we should read books or dissertations in place of books or volumes. Apis, another divinity of the Egyptians, was also regarded as the inventor of medicine. They like- wise adored as a tutelar genius, Esmun or Schemin, the Pan of the Greeks; but greater influence was attributed to Serapis, whose most ancient temple was at Memphis, and who was worshipj^ed by both Greeks and Egyptians. The history of the last dis- ease of Alexander the Great shows that Serapis was much revered as a medical divinity at the time of that conqueror. In whatever way these divinities may have first attracted the adoration of the people, it seems clear that the priests from among whom the ancient kings of Egypt were chosen were the practisers of the medical art. As diseases were considered to be the efiects of the anger of the gods, they could not PRIES T-PRA CTITIONERS OF EGYPT. 27 be cured until the wrath of these estimated power- ful beings was appeased. The awe, however, with which the deities were regarded, and the weakness of the diseased, required the aid of mediators who might implore pardon for them. In the hands of the priests, consequently, the healing art was nothing more than an absurd worship paid to the different divinities of the country. They concealed the medi- cines which they administered by the aid of an allegorical language, and medicine was esteemed a secret, the knowledge of which was only vouch- safed by the gods to their favorites. A description of the manners of these priests and the dietetic restrictions which they imposed upon themselves will throw some additional light on the ars sanandi of these remote ages. The six books of the works of Hermes, just referred to as being the part devoted to medicine, were studied by the Pastophori or Image-bearers, an inferior order of the priesthood on whom the practice of common medicine devolved. The higher branches, which required more magical formulse, as well as a greater knowledge of the virtues of drugs, were reserved for the superior priests. These latter, the wise men and magicians of whom Moses speaks, boasted of the power of producing a multitude of supernatural effects and of possessing in themselves alone all erudition. At the time of Heliodorus, who lived about 167 years before the Christian era, there existed, clothed in a symbolical language, several works on natural history, in which the plants and animals were designated by mystical HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE, appellations. Thus the ivy was called the plant of Osiris; the vervain, the tears of Isis; a species of lily, death's blood ; a variety of the artemisia, the heart of Bubastis ; the saffron, the blood of Hercules ; the squill, the eye of Typhon, &c. The more modern fanatics, and chiefly the alchemists, eagerly laid hold of these symbolical names, in order to attract more consideration amongst the ignorant. The manner of living of all orders of the priest- hood was subjected to very severe rules. They were especially obliged to attend to the greatest cleanli- ness ; were expected to wash themselves twice in the day and as often during the night, and to have the hair cut every three days, except in time of mourning. It was likewise, according to Herodotus, with views of cleanliness that the operation of cir- cumcision was introduced amongst them, an opera- tion to which Pythagoras himself was compelled to submit. They subsisted on the produce of their lands and the offerings made to their gods. Their nourishment was confined to the vegetables and meats which mis-ht be offered to their deities. The animals intended for sacrifice were ceremoniously marked with a seal of clay. It would seem that this custom had its chief origin in the care which it was considered necessary to take in the well dis- tinguishing of the sound from the unsound meat. It was, indeed, at an early period remarked that the diseases of the eyes, lepra, and different other cor- poreal affections, frequently supervened on the im- moderate use of certain articles of food. But, independently of this salutary precaution, certain DIET OF PRIESTS AND PEOPLE. 29 animals were chosen in preference to others from some symbolical signification attached to them from the most early period. Those were sacrificed by preference, which had some similarity to the genius of evil, as, for example, red oxen, because Typhon, who murdered their favorite Osiris, was of that complexion. The farinaceous legumina and onions were espe- cially proscribed ; the first, according to Herodotus, because they are difiicult of digestion and engender flatulence, or, as Plutarch supposes, because they afford too much nourishment, or, perhaps, rather from mystical reasons which are unknown to us. Onions, according to Plutarch, were forbidden be- cause they excited thirst. The regimen of the peo- ple, although not so much restricted as that of the priests, was nevertheless subjected to certain rules, from which they were not permitted to wander, and which were always intended for the preservation of health. Even to the kings, according to Diodorus, a fixed quantity of meat and drink was prescribed, beyond which it was not permitted for them to pass. On the temple at Thebes was placed an inscription filled with imprecations against king Menes, who first led the people from their simple and frugal life, and introduced amongst them the luxury of the table. Diodorus informs us that almost ever^^ func- tion, even the act of generation, was regulated, and had a time assigned for its performance. The education of the children tended to fortify them against fatigue and to accustom them to frugality. They always ran about barefooted, and 30 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. almost wholly subsisted on fruits, roots, and the pith of the papyrus. Until manhood the food was never suffered to exceed twenty drachms a day, and gym- nastic exercises were proscribed from a belief that they occasioned but a momentary vigor. Each Egyptian, according to Herodotus and Diodorus, was expected ever}^ month to make use of emetics, purgatives, and clysters, for it was imagined that the majority of diseases originated from intem- perance and crudities in the alimentary apparatus. Herodotus asserts that in his time there was in Egypt a particular physician for each disease ; one occupjnng himself with diseases of the eyes, a second with affections of the teeth, a third with those of the stomach, &c. As for the rationale of their medicine, we have received too few data to judge of it with certainty; it seems, however, probable that diseases were principally left to nature, and that the Egyptians con- tented themselves with promoting those evacuations which she might endeavor to establish. If we may credit Strabo, they exposed those who were dangerously ill in the streets, in order that the passers-by might afford them advice. Sprengel, however, is of opinion that this observation applies more especially to the Assyrians, as the fact respect- ing them is stated by many authors, whilst Strabo is the only authority on which the assertion rests as regards the Egyptians. That they were not very Bkilful in the cure of external diseases is evidenced by their not having been able to cure Darius of a simple luxation of the foot which he received whilst ART OF EMBALMING. 3 1 hunting. The prophets predicted the changes and termination of diseases, and the inferior priests or pastophori treated them strictly according to the rules laid down in the hooks of Hermes, and were personally responsible for everything which they undertook in acute diseases before the fourth day of their invasion. Very few of the practical observations of the Egyptians have come down to us. Amongst other medicines, however, which they were in the habit of prescribing, was the squill, especially in the environs of Pelusium, in the dropsical affections which were very common in that neighborhood. In honor of this plant they erected, according to Panus, a temple, where it was adored under the name of Kpo^iuvoj/. By Horapollo we are informed that in cases of cynanche or sore throat great use was made of a species of adianthum, or maiden hair. The astitrii., or eagle-stone, a species of oxide of iron, was likewise successfully employed against dropsies and tympanitis. Horapollo relates a case to show that the dissection of rabid animals may occasion hypo- chondriasis or mania. - Two arts were practised by the Egyptians which have some connection with medicine, and the per- fection of which amongst them the lovers of the marvellous have highly extolled. The first is that of einhalming. If we are to credit several modern writers, we ought to give the Egyp- tians credit for considerable anatomical acquirements from their skill in this art ; but if we carefully and unprejudicedly inquire into the circumstances, we 32 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. shall find that the mode in which the operation was performed was not such as to demand any of these qualifications, whilst there were some feelings against the dissection of the dead which must efiectually have tended to the retardation of anatomical inves- tigations. The mode in which the operation was performed and the ceremonies attending it are thus described by Herodotus : As soon as an individual was dead, the persons employed for embalming him repaired to the house of his relatives, and showed them different cofiins of painted wood of the shape of a mummy. The first or chief were of very ex- quisite workmanship, the second were less beautiful and costly, and the third were still more moderate. -- The embalming was performed in the following manner: The brain was first drawn through the nose by means of an iron crotchet, or hook, and aromatics and spices were then pushed into the cranium. The abdomen was opened by a sharp Ethiopian stone ; the intestines were removed and the abdominal cavity cleaned out, and then washed with palm wine, and spicy substances dissolved in water poured into it. It was subsequently filled with myrrh, cassia, and other aromatics, and the integuments were brought together. The body was now washed with a solution of salt, and suffered to remain at rest for seventy days, but not longer. At the expiration of this time it was again washed and covered everywhere with a gum, which the Egyp- tians used in the place of size, and enveloped in a linen cloth. The relations then took the body, in- closed it in a wooden cradle modelled after its form, ART OF EMBALMING. -^l and deposited it in the catacombs. "With those of a poorer class, they were satisfied with injecting liquid resin into the abdomen through a tube, without opening it. The body was then treated with the solution of the salt as before, and, at the expiration of the seventy days, the resin, and the viscera along with it, was withdrawn, and there remained nothing but the skin and bones. The third species of embalm- ing, reserved for the poor, consisted in cleansing out the dead body, and macerating it for seventy days in the solution of the salt. Women of unusual beauty, or of high birth, were not put under the hands of the embalmers until three or four days after their decease ; a precaution rendered necessary, according to Herodotus, from some of the pastophori having been known to vio- late the dead persons of such females. The first species of embalming cost a talent of silver, or about three hundred dollars, and the second twenty min^e, or about one hundred dollars. A holy functionary, termed by them a scribe, marked on the left side of the body the place where the incision should be made, when the imraschistes., or operator, made the incision andhastily withdrew, from a dread of being assailed with imprecations, and even with stones, by the assistants, so great was their horror at any one who dared to inflict an injury, by means of a cutting instrument, on the remains of a friend. Diodorus afterwards describes the process of embalming nearly in the same manner as Herodotus, with this slight difference, that he makes mention of a process, by 3 34 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. means of which they preserved in the dead body the form which the individual had during life. The conduct of the assistants towards the para- schistes strongly exemplifies the aversion which the Egyptians had for dissection, and it could not con- sequently be expected, whilst such sentiments pre- vailed, that many discoveries would be made relating to the structure, position, and connections of parts of the body in states of health and of disease. More- over, the process which was followed was too rude to contribute to enrich the science. Besides, we have historical proofs that the Egyptian priests were ignorant of the first elements of anatomy and phys- iology. They believed, for example, that every year the weight of the heart was increased by two drachms, until the age of fifty, and that afterwards it diminished in the same proportion; and that a small nerve or tendon had its origin in the little finger which proceeded to the heart, and this was the reason why they dipped that finger in the liquor of their libations. In chemistry and in metallurgy the ancient Egyp- tians certainly possessed a degree of knowledge which is still an inexplicable enigma to our most celebrated scientists. They were acquainted with the art of applying silver of a blue color to surfaces, and of fabricating emeralds of a prodigious size. It was formerly believed that cobalt was used in these pre- parations, but Gmelin has demonstrated that there was none of that metal in all Egypt, and that proba- bly they made use of the blue scum which swims on the surface when the hematite is melted. Finally, IMPERFE CTION OF EGYP TIA N MEDICINE. 3 5 it seems very doubtful whether even the ancient Egyptians had made sufficient progress in chemistry and pharmacy to have even known, as Galen and Bergmaan pretend, how to prepare plasters and ointments of verdigris and ceruse. Being possessed of but a very small number of data regarding Egyptian medicine prior to the 600th year before the birth of Christ, the details here pre- sented must necessarily be imperfect and unsatis- factory, but they are sufficient to show that although the healing art was cultivated by the Egyptians, it never attained with them any degree of importance. Confined to the priests, forming an essential part of their divine worship, and not being permitted to be freely exercised by every one, its progress was neces- sarily insignificant. ^NTo scientific plan, no union of observation with theory, formed the basis of their studies, and medicine, therefore, became nothing more than the art of prophesying, and was confined to a blind adherence to rules for a long time adopted. The son received, as a divine deposit, the knowledge of his fathers, and transmitted it to his posterity without it having undergone the least change. CHAPTER III. MEDICINE OF THE ANCIENT GREEKS. Medical mythology — Orpheus — ^sculapiiis ; his life and medical opinions— The sons of ^sculapius — First recorded operation of bloodletting — Practice of medicine in the temples — Votive tablets — Early medicines — First notions on anatomy, &c. The condition in which we find medicine amongst all the rude and uncivilized nations is absolutely the same as that which it originally presented in Greece, a country, however, in which, at a later period, the human mind developed all its resources, and where the most brilliant discoveries were made. Without dwelling on the medical mythology of Orpheus, Musffius, Melampus, and Bacis, who are considered to have been its first founders, or the history of the miraculous nature of the healing powers of Apollo, Diana, Ilithyia, or Chiron and his disciple Achil- les, or Aristseus, we may at once direct our attention to the most renowned of Chiron's pupils, and to one who is deserving of the most conspicuous place in the history of medicine — Asclepius or ^sculapius. Pausanias has transmitted to us several popular traditions respecting the place of his birth. Phleg- yas, king of Thessaly, had a daughter named Coro- nis, who became pregnant by Apollo. That prince having invaded Peloponnesus and destroyed a part TRADITIONAR V HISTOR V OF ^SCULAPIUS. 3 7 of the inhabitants of the peninsula, took his daugh- ter along with him. Coronis was delivered clandes- tinely, and her son was left on Mount Myrtion. The infant was suckled by a goat and guarded by the dog of a shepherd called Aresthanas. The goatherd, ob- servincf that his doo; as well as o-oat was missins;, went in search of it, and discovered them with the infant, which was surrounded by an areola of light. Ac- cording to another tradition, says Pausanias, Coro- nis, when pregnant with ^sculapius, was too fami- liar with Ischys, when Apollo killed her for her perfidy, but at the instant when the body, already placed upon the pile, was about to become a prey to the flames. Mercury drew from it the infant still living, ^sculapius, like the greater part of the young heroes of his time, was instructed by the Centaur Chiron in all the arts, and especially in that of curing external diseases. In process of time he acquired so great a dexterity in the treatment of those affections that he obtained the pre-eminence over all his companions on the expedition of the Argonauts. Several ancient writers have described to us in what his science consisted. One passage of Plato is especially deserving of attention. That philosopher begins by observing that medicine cannot exist without luxury, and that man, in a state of nature, has need only of physicians for wounds and epi- demics to which he may be exposed ; that conse- quently the medicine of ^sculapius must have been extremely simple, and that experience must have taught him the knowledge of some^useful remedies, 38 HIS TON Y OF MEDICINE. especially in external affections. At that time we are told they had no idea either of catarrhs or of the gout, nor of flatulency, nor, according to him, were they acquainted with dietetics or gymnastics. The skill of ^sculapius was, therefore, nearly confined to the dressing and healing of wounds with herbs proper for arresting hemorrhage and assuaging pain. Plutarch asserts that such comprised the whole of the ancient Grecian medicine. Pindar describes nearly in the same manner the method pursued by ^sculapius. He cured, we are told, persons labor- ing under old ulcers, those who had been wounded, or who had been indisposed from heat or cold. He employed, for the restoration of health, agreeable songs, drinks, and external medicines or incisions. If, therefore, we except some simple remedies ob- tained from the vegetable kingdom, ^sculapius had almost always recourse to prayer and invocation to the gods, a method of cure, as has alreadj^ been observed, the most ancient of all. Pursuing such a plan, however, it seems absurd to find the author of an introduction to the works of Galen, ranking the medical skill of ^sculapius at so high a standard. " Before ^sculapius," observes that writer, " medi- cine was nothing but blind empiricism, and was confined to the external application of plants; but that hero knew how to perfect and form it into a divine art." Various accounts have been given by authors respecting the death of ^sculapius. Diodorus Si- culus asserts that he restored so many people to life, that Pluto beseeched Jupiter to destroy a man who THE SONS OF ^SCULAPIUS. 39 SO materially injured the population of his empire. Jupiter, therefore, hurled his thunder at ^sculapius, and Apollo revenged the death of his son, hy de- stroying the Cyclops who forged the bolts. Sextus Empiricus repeats this story in nearty the same words, and almost all the writers of Greece follow his example. Heraclitus, a more modern writer, explains his death in a more natural manner ; being occasioned, according to him, by a violent inflamma- tion, the seat of which Suidas places in the chest.-' The sons of ^sculapius also enjoy a conspicuous place in the history of the healing art ; they are con- sidered as the fathers of surgery. Mach aox and Pod a- LiRius — so they were called — ^were as skilful in the sciences and in eloquence as in the healing art. The two brothers were at the siege of Troy, where they distinguished themselves so much by their valor that Homer always ranks them amongst the chief Greek heroes. They lived together in the most perfect union, attending jointly on the wounded, and they acquired so great a reputation amongst their com- panions that their presence in battle was dispensed with, and they were not expected to take part in the other fatio-ues of war. That internal medicine was in a very rude state is evidenced by the observations of Homer, that ^Nestor, when Machaon was wounded at the siege of Troy, ordered him Pramnian wine, * ^sciilapiiis is always painted with a staff, because the sick have need of a support ; and the serpent entwined round it is the sjmibol of wisdom. The figures of the sons of ^sculapius form, the supporters to the arms of the Royal College of Surgeons of London. 40 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. with cheese, onions, and meal, as Pope has correctly rendered it, with the exception of omitting the onions : — "The nymph of form divine, Pours a large potion of the Pramnian wine, With goat's milk cheese a flavorous taste bestows, And last with flour the smiling surface strows. This for the wounded prince the dame prepares." Yilloison in his Scholia considers that these sub- stances presented to Machaon, — "the wounded off- spring of the healing god," — were considered less as remedies than as refreshments necessary in conse- quence of his fatigue ; and a nearly similar observa- tion is made by Eustathius in his commentaries on the works of Homer. Neither Machaon nor Podalirius seems to have possessed the kingdom of their father, after the end of the Trojan war. Machaon passed the remainder of his days in Messenia near the sage JSTestor; he was killed by Eurypylas, the son of Telephus, and his bones were preserved as sacred deposits. Eurypylus himself was afterwards wounded, and the surgical treatment of his case is thus described by Homer : — "Patroclus cut the forky steel away. When in his hand a bitter root he bruised ; The wound he washed, the styptic juice infused. The closing flesh that instant ceased to glow, The wound to torture, and the blood to flow." {Iliad, Book XL) The sons of Machaon — Alexanor, Sphyrus, Polemo- CRATES, GoRGASUS, and XicoMACHUs — also practised medicine. On the return of Podalirius from Troy, MEDICAL SKILL OF PODALIRIUS. 41 a tempest cast him on the coast of the Isle of Scyros, where he landed, however, safe and sound. He wandered alone in the peninsula of Caria, in the neighborhood of this island, until a shepherd showed him hospitality and took him to King Damootas. At the court of that prince he soon gave proofs of his medical skill by curing Syrna, his daughter, of the eiFects of a fall from a roof. He bled her in both arms, when her life was despaired of, and suc- ceeded in restoring her to health. Damoetas, agreea- bly surprised at the fortunate issue of an operation which was then rarely practised, consented to the marriage of Podalirius with Syrna, and gave him the whole of the peninsula of Caria. Here Poda- lirius founded, in honor of his wife, the town of Syrna, and likewise built another to which he gave the name of the shepherd who had been the first cause of his good fortune. This is the first instance Avhich we have upon record of the performance of l)loodletting, an o^^eration regarding the origin of which we know nothing certain. The life of Podalirius is related differently in another place. Lycophron asserts that he was assas- sinated on the coast of Ausonia, in the country of the Dauni, v/ho adored him under the name of fdfjcov azfffrvjj. These people bathed in the river Althenus, and listened, whilst lying under hides, to the infalli- ble oracles of the god of medicine. Strabo remarks, also, that the tomb of Podalirius might be seen at a hundred stadia from the sea, in the country of the Dauni, the capital of which, Luceria, exists at' the present day in the Capitanata at the bottom of the 42 HISTORY OF MEDICIXE. Gulf of Maufredonia, and he adds that the waters of the river Altheiuis (at the present day called Candelaro) cured all the diseases of cattle. Although Clemens Alexandrinus dates the origin of the worship of ^sculapius at fifty-three years be- fore the destruction of Troy, nothing is to be found in the poetry of Homer whieli can lead us to suspect that this hero had been classed amongst the gods. Hesiod would also unquestionably have admitted him into the Theogony, if at liis time they had paid him divine honors. Pindar, indeed, far from regarding him as a god. reproaches him. on the contrary, with being avaricious, although he calls him the hero and vanrjuislier of a great number of diseases : — " Those whom nature made to feel Con-odiug ulcers gna\r the frame ; Or stones far hurrd, or glittering steel, All to the great physician came. By summer's heat or winter's cold Oppress' d, of him they sought relief. Each deadly pang his skill controll'd, And found a balm for every grief. On some the force of charmed strains he tried, To some the medicated draught applied : Some limbs he placed the amulets around ; Some from the trunk he cut, and made the patient sound. But wisdom yields to sordid gain : Hands "which the golden bribes contain Are bound by them alone.'' {Third Pyifdan Ode.) Hygein — from whence comes hygiene, or the art of preserving health — the pretended sister of ^scula- pius. and also Hercules, were both worshipped by the Greeks. Epilepsy was called the disease of Hercules, PRACTICE OF MEDICINE IN THE TEMPLES. 43 after the latter, as it was believed that he had been aiFected with it. Several plants, as the Teucrium Chamsepitjs (" Tencer," Hercules), take their names from him, and there is also an entire genus called Heracleum. We need not attempt to describe the various tem- ples erected to the different deities in Greece, but rather refer briefly to the manner in which medicine was practised in those temples. The mode there adopted clearly proves that all diseases were regarded as the effects of the anger of heaven ; and the gods alone could consequently cure them. It was in those sacred places that ^Esculapius gave the most ostensi- ble marks of his power. The ceremonies and reli- gious customs by means of which they endeavored to obtain, as a gift from heaven, the restoration of the sick, varied at different periods. They were almost all, however, especially directed, in acute and simple diseases, to the excitement of the imagination and to the re-establishment of the health by a very strict re- gimen. The entrance to the temples of ^sculapius was interdicted to all those who had not previously undergone purification. These preliminary processes necessarily contributed to excite hope in the minds of the sick, to inspire them with consoling ideas re- specting the future, as well as to give them full con- fidence in the important revelations about to be made to them. "When permitted to appear before the idol, and to present him their offerings, they found him surrounded with so ,many mysterious symbols, and witnessed the performance of so many imposing ceremonies, that their strained imagination made 44 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. ^ them regard as infallible every oracle which ema- nated from the mouth of the god. Most of the temples too were situated in very salubrious places, and had either in their interior or in the environs mineral and thermal springs. It is therefore easy to conceive that the purity of the atmosphere and the change which the sick experi- enced in their pilgrimages to consult the oracle had a powerful influence on their cure. The preliminary ceremonies, however, to which they were subjected, and the sacrifices which were required of them, con- tributed still more effectually to exalt their imagi- nation and to strengthen their hope. In the first instance the most rigorous abstinence was enjoined. They were obliged to fast for several days before they could approach the cave of Charonium. At Oro- pus, in Attica, it was required of them before con- sulting the oracle of Amphiaraus, to abstain from wine for three days and from every kind of nourish- ment for twenty-four hours. At Pergamus this absti- nence from wine was equally necessary in order that the ether of the soul, as Philostratus expresses it, might not be sullied with that liquor. The priests did not work less on the minds of the sick by the wonders which they recited to them, as they led them through all the avenues of the temple, explaining to them, in considerable detail and with every sort of mystical expression, the miracles which the god had operated on other persons whose ofifer- ings and votive inscriptions they preserved. It will be readily conceived that these ceremonies made a deep impression on the minds of the sick, especially MYSTICAL CEREMONIES FOR THE SICK. 45 as the priests, in relating to them so many histories of extraordinary cures, had the art of dwelling particu- larly on those diseases which had some relationship to theirs. After these promenades in the interior of the temples, sacrifices were offered to the divinity. These commonly consisted of a ram, the skin of the animal being reserved for another use ; but frequently also a cock or hen was killed in his honor. At Gy- rene a goat was offered to him, a custom which was not observed at Epidaurus, and at Tithorea all kinds of animals were sacrificed except goats. The sacri- fice was accompanied with fervent prayers to obtain the revelation. Pliny relates that no offering could be made without prayers, but that, as some of the principal names of the divinity might be forgotten, the priest read or chanted the hymn, and the indi- vidual who presented the offering repeated it in a high voice. The patients were also obliged to bathe before being admitted to hear the oracle, a custom to which Euripides alludes : — " The law ordain' d in reverence we must hold. First I would cleanse them with ablutions pure ; All man's pollutions doth the salt sea cleanse." (.IpMgenia in Tcmris.) The Plutus of Aristophanes was also washed by a slave with sea-water before entering the sanctuary. The baths were always accompanied with frictions and other manipulations which produced surprising effects on those whose nervous sj-stems were delicate. Anointing, according to Aristides and others, was also employed on coming out of the bath. The sick were almost always subjected to fumigations before 46 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. receiving the answers of the oracle : they were after- wards prepared by prayers, and slept in the neigh- borhood of the temple on the skin of the ram which they had offered up, or b}^ the side of the statue on a bed, awaiting the appearance of the god of health. It is not surprising that under such circumstances they fancied they obtained the revelation of future events. In their dreams, we are told, they saw ^sculapius or some other divinity appear to them and indicate the means which they ought to use for their cure. "When the dreams transmitted by the god are dissipated," says lamblicus, "we hear an interrupted voice telling us what we shall do. Fre- quently the voice strikes our ears when in an inter- mediate * condition between sleeping and waking. Some patients are enveloped in an immaterial spirit, which their eyes cannot perceive, but which im- pinges upon some other sense. ]^ot unfrequently a mild and resplendent light spreads around, obliging them to keep the eyes half shut," &c. Sometimes the god of health presented himself accompanied with other divinities or appeared under different forms. Venus appeared in the shape of a dove to the cele- brated Aspasia, and cured her of an ulcer which she had on the chin. All these visions, however, it is probable wxre only so many evidences of the jug- glery of the priests. The medicines recommended in the dreams were generally of a kind to do neither good nor harm, such as, for example, gentle purgatives prepared with stewed Corinth raisins, or food easy of digestion, or HEROIC TREATMENT OF ARISTIDES. 47 fasting, baths, and mystical ceremonies. Occasion- ally, however, remedies so powerful and advice so absurd were recommended, that it required a person to be wholly blinded by superstition to make use of them. Gypsum and hemlock were prescribed to Aristides, who had become dropsical from weak- ness produced by the repeated emetics which ^scu- lapius had ordered him. He was recommended to alternate their employment with that of bloodletting, and once the god prescribed that one hundred and twenty pounds of blood should be abstracted. Ad- vice so inconsistent with good sense might have led him back to reason had he not been imbued with the most ridiculous prejudices, and if an ab- surd credulity had not formed the basis of his cha- racter. When the patient died, the fatal event was attri- buted to his want of confidence or af obedience ; at least such was the excuse offered by Apollonius in the name of ^sculapius on the occasion of the death of a dropsical patient, and of another indivi- dual whose eye had been torn out. The interpreta- tion of the dreams was the province of the priests, and sometimes of the guardians of the temple. These guardians dwelt in the vicinity of the edi- fice. At a more recent period orators, sophists, and philosophers might be met with in the avenues and peristyle of the temples, with whom the sick could discourse, and who assisted the priests in explaining the dreams. Aristides speaks of his learned confer- ences with the sophists in the peristyle of the tem- ple of -^sculapius at Pergamus, and Philostratus 48 HIS TO R V OF MEDICINE. cites similar examples. Frequently there were at the side of the temples gymnasia, where persons lahoring under chronic diseases recovered their strength by the use of gymnastics, and of baths and unctions. When the patients were cured, they returned to give thanks to the god, and to carry him ofterings ; they made also presents to the priests, and gave some ornament for the use of the temple. In that of Amphiaraus the custom was to throw pieces of gold and silver into the holy wells, and occasionally the sick, after their cure, had modelled in ivory, gold, silver, or other metal, the part which had been the seat of the affection, species of offerings which were called d^a^T^^ara, and a number of which were preserved in the temples. Gruter, in a work entitled De incrementis art is medicce j^er expositionem cegrotorum in vias imhlicas et temjyla, published at Leipsic, in 1749, has given a copy of several votive tablets discovered in the Isle of the Tiber, of which the following is a transla- tion: ""Within these few days a certain person named Gains, who was blind, learnt from the oracle that he ought to repair to the altar, offer up his prayers, traverse the temple from right to left, place his five fingers on the altar, raise his hand, and place it over his eyes. He did so, and immediately re- covered his sight in the presence and amidst the acclamations of the people. These signs of the om- nipotence of the god were manifested in the reign of Antoninus." Again, "A blind soldier named Valerius Aper, having consulted the oracle, received VOTIVE TABLETS, 49 for answer that he ought to mix the blood of a white cock with honey and make an ointment to rub the eye with for three days. He recovered his sight, and returned thanks to the god in presence of the people." Again, "Julian seemed lost without re- source from a spitting of blood. The god ordered him to take on the altar some pine-apple seeds, to mix them with honey, and to eat this preparation for three days. He was saved, and returned thanks to the god in presence of the people." There is one circumstance which not a little con- tributed to confirm to the priests the exclusive exercise of medicine. As soon as an important remedy was discovered, the mode of preparing it was written on the gates and columns of the temple of ^sculapius. Those who invented surgical instru- ments deposited them also in the temples of the god of medicine. Thus, Erisistratus, according to Coelius Aurelianus, presented one to the temple at Delphi, intended for extracting teeth. At Cos the priests of .^sculapius appear at a very early period to have had in view the assistance of nature, and thus to cause her to develop her energies. The Proenotiones Coacce^ which are usually ranged amongst the writings of Hippocrates, exhibit a proof of this. By some au- thors, indeed, it has been asserted that the works of Hippocrates were in a great measure composed from the votive tablets preserved in the temple at Cos. The remembrance of the benefits of ^sculapius was perpetuated by the institution of feasts, which were celebrated with much solemnity at Epidaurus, An- cyra, Pergamus, and Cos, and at which the greater 4 50 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. part of the inhabitants of the cities of Asia Minor congregated at certain periods. The descendants of ^sculapius dwelt, some in Peloponnesus, and others in the island of Cos. They transmitted to their children the medical knowledge which they had inherited from their ancestor, with- out divulging the secret to any stranger. The family of ^sculapius consequently formed, like the priests of Egypt, a particular caste, professing the practice of medicine and the mysterious worship of its founder. One of its most ancient laws expressly says, "Sacred things can only be revealed to the elect, and ought not to be confided to the profane until they are initiated in the mysteries of the science." All these who were so initiated were compelled by the Asclepiades to swear according to the statutes of the order of Apollo, ^sculapius, Hygeia, Panacea, and of all other gods and god- desses, not to profane the mysteries, and only to divulge them to the children of their masters, or to those who would bind themselves by the same oath. Galen asserts that medical knowledge was originally hereditary, and that the parents transmitted it to the children as a family prerogative ; but that afterwards they relaxed and communicated it to strangers after their initiation, and it consequently became less exclusive property. The theurgic physicians of the school of Alexandria afterwards restored this old habit, in order, by the obligation of a religious silence, to excite more consideration to their super- stitious practices. The Asclepiades wholly neglected two essential parts of the healing art, dietetics and IMPEDIMENTS TO ANATOMICAL STUDY. 51 anatomy. Plato asserts that the former was not culti- vated before the time of Hekodicus, of Selybria, who lived 396 years before Christ, and Hippocrates con- firms the assertion. Anatomy could not flourish in Grreece, because they condemned and regarded as a crime worthy of an exemplary punishment all conduct towards the dead which was contrary to the popular prejudices. These prejudices had their source in the opinion for a long time entertained that the soul, when freed from its material covering, was obliged to wander on the banks of Styx until the body was consigned to earth, or consumed by the flames ; hence the eagerness with which sepulture was performed on the dead to insure the rest of their souls, and the duty imposed upon all travellers of covering with earth the dead bodies which they might meet with, as well as the religious respect entertained for the tombs, and the severe punishments inflicted on those who profaned them ; and, finally, the utility of imploring the clemency of the gods in favor of those who had perished in foreign countries or in fleets, and to whom sepulture could not be given. Sacrifices and libations were made ; the dead were loudly in- voked by name, and monuments erected to them, for which they had frequently as much respect as for the graves themselves. At Athens a speedy burial of the dead was esteemed the most sacred of all duties, and the transgressor of the laws was severely punished. The attention of the Greeks to the bodies of their warriors who had died in battle went so far, that 5 2 HIS TORY OF MEDICINE. six officers, who had gained a brilliant victory at Arginusge over the Lacedsemonians, were sentenced to death because they had not collected with suffi- cient care the dead bodies which had fallen into the sea. At the time even of the war of Troy, the two armies, at the prayer of Priam, suspended hostilities until they had burnt the dead : — " Next, O, ye chiefs ! we ask a truce to burn Our slaughter'd heroes, and their bones inurn, That done, once more the fate of war be tried, And whose the conquest, mighty Jove, decide." After each battle the first duty of the conqueror was to inter the dead bodies of the enemy. The fear of a fate similar to that of the heroes of Arginusse prevented Chabrias from prosecuting the victory which he obtained at ISTaxos over the Spartans, and he occupied himself in burying those warriors who had fallen during the action. There is no question but that the Greeks had some notions of osteology, or the description of the bones, and syndesmology, or the description of the ligaments, suggested by the treatment of luxations, fractures, and other diseases of the bones ; but the extent of these notions will be more particularly detailed in tracing the history of Hippocrates. CHAPTER TV. MEDICINE OF THE ROMANS TO THE TIME OF CATO THE CENSOR. Their early knowledge derived from the Greeks — Establishment of medicinge or shops by the freedmen — Medical practitioners exempted from banishment — Archagathus, the executioner — Porcius Cato, censor and physician. Of the medicine of the Romans up to the time of Cato, or prior to the 150th year before Christ, but little need be said, as their manners and customs connected with the healing art so nearly resembled those of the Greeks, so much so, indeed, that Strabo affirms, " all that they know they owe to the Greeks, without having made the least additions themselves, and whenever any hiatus is observable, it need not be expected to be filled up by them ; even all their technical expressions are of Greek origin." Their mythology, both general and medical, resembled that of Greece, modified according to the difi*erent char- acters of the people ; and, the more their relations with this nation multiplied and luxury made pro- gress amongst them, the more physicians were ob- served to establish themselves in the capital of the world. The Greek physicians who first settled there were all keepers of baths, except a small number of philosophers who were anxious for the improvement 5 4 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. of the theory of medicine, by the introduction of the dialectic or logical method. The majority of these adventurers were slaves, whom their masters, incapable at first of appreci- ating the advantage of the sciences and afterwards enervated by the luxury of the Greeks, frequently sold or freed, after having made them considerable presents, when they had received from them any •eminent services. These freedmen established shops which the Romans called medicince, and where they sold medicines and exercised their art. Other phy- sicians, however, who came to Rome under more favorable circumstances, enjoyed those advantages and privileges which so important an art as that of medicine has a right to expect from polished nations. It would even seem that the mid wives, to whom Pliny attributes the prerogatives of nobility, and one of whom had the title o^ latroncea^ regionis sucepriina, were originally from Greece, and, when the Romans expelled the Greeks from Italy, the laws which pro- scribed them excepted all those who practised medi- cine. Archagathus of Peloponnesus, and son of Lysanias, is the first Greek mentioned m history as having gone to Rome to practise the healing art. He went thither 219 years before Christ, under the consulate of Lucius ^Emylius Paulus and Livius. The Senate granted him the right of citizenship, and bought him a shop in the suburbs. He soon, however, treated diseases in so barbarous a manner that he received the surname of the executioner^ and all the inhabi- tants refused his assistance. CATO, CENSOR AND PRACTITIONER. 55 Several celebrated personages amongst the Romans detested the Greeks on account of their avidity, the latter regarding Italy as a country for their own aggrandizement. Porcius Cato, the Censor, especi- ally distinguished himself for the aversion which he had for that nation. Scipio Africanus, on the con- trary, admired and protected it. This reason deter- mined Cato to inspire his son with an implacable hatred of the Greek physicians. The austere censor possessed, also, an old book of formulae, which he religiously followed, and which contrasted in a strik- ing manner with the ideas of the Greeks. Cato himself practised medicine after his manner and conformably to the precepts contained in his book. Some idea may be given of the principles on which all his science rested, when it is known that, like Pythagoras, he regarded the cabbage as a universal remedy ; that he expressly interdicted fe- males from administering anything to diseased cattle; that he regulated according to the ternary number the medicines which ouo;ht to enter into the composition of a remedy for cows ; and, finally, that he pretended to cure dislocations, after the manner of the Etrusci and Pythagoreans, by barba- rous expressions and magical songs, such as " Motas vaeta daries dardaries astatutaries /' or ^'huat,hanat huat ista pista sista, domiabo damnaustra et luxato;^'' or, finally, " huat^ haut haut ista sis tar sis ardanuahon dunnaustra^" and such absurd and unmeaning com- positions. These superstitious notions, however, are not confined to the ancients, but have found advo- cates even in much more recent periods, when it 5 6 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. would naturally be supposed that, in the march of civilization, they would have long since been oblite- rated.* * They were even cherished until very recently in some dis- tricts of Great Britain, and there are frequent allusions to them in the popular poetry of the 17th century :— " Tom Pots was but a serving man — But yet he was a Doctor good ; He bound his kerchief on the wound, And with some kind words staunch'd the blood :" And Sir Walter Scott, in his "Lay of the Last Minstrel," re- marks : — " She drew the splinter from the wound, And with a charm she staunch'd the blood." CHAPTER V. MEDICINE OF THE JEWS UP TO THE CAPTIVITY OF BABYLON. Egyptian origin of their medical knowledge — Medical attainments of Moses and tke lawgivers — Cure of the lepra — The healing art a vocation of the prophets — Medical work of Solomon — Recorded cases of paralysis, affections of the intestines, leprosy, etc. — First origin of monks and monk physicians. Having already referred to the medicine of the Egyptians up to the reign of King Psammetichus, or prior to the 600th year before the Christian era, we may now appropriately investigate the history of the art amongst the Israelites to the captivity of Babylon. The conformity which existed between the constitution, manners and degree of civilization of the Egyptians and those of the Israelites ought not so much to astonish us when w^e reflect on the various journey ings of Abraham and his children into Egypt, and the sojourn of four hundred years' duration which the descendants of Jacob made in that country. It is true that the Israelites professed the worship of the true G-od, and continued to a certain extent faithful to the customs of their ances- tors ; but it is easy to perceive that they borrowed considerably from the Egyptians, even under the legislation of Moses. The resemblance, indeed, be- 58 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. tween the two nations is so striking that it has in- duced Strabo and others to believe that the ancient Jews were descended from the Egyptians. For four hundred and thirty years the descendants of Jacob lived in Egypt under the dominion of the Pharaohs, when a liberator appeared to deliver them from servitude, and to conduct them to the borders of the country which the Almighty had promised to their ancestors. This liberator was Moses, who, having been adopted by the daughter of the king of Egypt, was instructed in all the arts and sciences of that empire. Ancient writers pretend that the priests taught him arithmetic, geometry, and me- dicine, and Philo Judeeus asserts that the Greeks, established in the country, instructed him in the other profane sciences, but this is evidently an an- achronism. As the domination of the priests formed in Egypt the basis of the constitution, Moses also established amongst the Israelites a religious government. "And ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests, and an holy nation." (Exod. xix. 6.) Like also as in Egypt, knowledge of every kind was hereditary in the priesthood, the Levites forming also the here- ditary noblesse amongst the descendants of Jacob. They were at once the judges and physicians of the people. A variety of passages in the Scriptures, and especially in the laws of Moses, show that the lawgiver had considerable knowledge of natural history and medicine. I^ot only he surpassed the magicians of Egypt, his instructors, but he also succeeded in burning and reducing to powder the MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE OE MOSES. 59 golden image which Aaron had made for the people to worship, and changed the hitter water of Ma rah to sweet by casting a certain wood into it. Without more exact information, however, respecting the means which he employed on those occasions, it is impossible to form any accurate estimate of his de- gree of physical or medical knowledge. Moses has given the least equivocal proofs of his medical proficiency in that portion of his laws which comprises his hygienic precepts, and in the descrip- tion of those characters by which the white leprosy might be discriminated, as well as of the means which ought to be had recourse to for its cure. He teaches how to distinguish the spots which announce the speedy invasion or existence of the lepra from those which ought not to inspire suspicions, and treats fully in the 13th chapter of Leviticus of the various symptoms of that dreaded affection. The cure of the lepra, like that of all other diseases, was considered as the immediate effect of the om- nipotence of God, and prayer was the chief means employed for its removal. An immediate revela- tion to Moses declared that, if the people did not observe all the laws of Moses, God would make their plagues wonderful, visit them with sore sick- nesses, and bring upon them all the diseases of Egypt. (Deut. xxviii. 59.) When Miriam murmured against the lawgiver, she was struck with leprosy, from which she was not freed until Moses had prayed God to cure her. The people, also, having revolted, an epidemic arose which destroyed 1 -l-,700 men, and did not yield until Aaron the high priest 6o HISTOR y OF MEDICINE. had offered up incense. The Levites alone knew how to treat the lepra. They isolated the patient, purified his body by repeated ablutions, and offered up expiatory sacrifices. The exercise of medicine remained in their hands even after the Israelites, having become masters of the land of Canaan, abandoned their nomadic life, in order to form a state which might be considered as an agricultural republic. The healing art became subsequently the avocation of the prophets, up to the reign of Solomon, which elevated, for some time, the Jewish nation to the highest point of splendor. Civilization made but little progress, from their avoiding every kind of connection and admixture with the neighboring people, although the divine laws expressly enjoined them to treat all nations with friendship. E'otwithstanding their proximity to the Syrians, with whom they kept up commercial relations, presented a valuable op- portunity for perfecting themselves in the sciences and arts, they knew so little how to profit by it, that Solomon was compelled to procure workmen from Sidon to build the temple, because he could find no person in all Judea who could work the wood with so much dexterity as the inhabitants of that industrious city. In the time of Samuel, the Philistines who had carried away the ark of God were struck with hae- morrhoids, from which they were not freed until they had offered to Jehovah figures in gold of those excrescences. When King Saul was attacked with melancholy, the afiection was attributed to an evil MEDICAL BOOK OF SOL OMON. 6 1 spirit, which the melodious sounds of David's harp alone succeeded in expelling. The reigns of David and Solomon considerahly advanced the civilization of the Jews, but the pro- gress which they caused in it was not of great dura- tion, for the division of the kingdom and the inca- pacity of the rulers were not long in replunging the people into sloth and stupidity. The extensive wisdom of Solomon does not less merit our attention than his enlightened taste for commerce and the fine arts which so much contributed to the welfare of his people. His wisdom, we are told, excelled the wis- dom of all the children of the last country and all the wisdom of Egypt; "he spake three thousand pro- verbs : and his songs were a thousand and ^y(6. And he spake of trees, from the cedar tree that is in Leb- anon, even unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall ; he spake also of beasts, and of fowl, and of creeping things, and of fishes." (1 Kings iv. 32.) It is not, consequently, surprising that tradition should have attributed to him a book which in- structed how to treat diseases by natural means, a book which, according to Suidas, Ezechias destroyed, because the use of the remedies pointed out in it might injure the interests of the Levites, who cured diseases by expiatory sacrifices. The qualifications of this great prince are thus spoken of by Jose- phus : " God," says he, "had accorded him the power of appeasing his rage by prayers, and of driving im- pure spirits out of the bodies of the sick by conjura- tions." " This method," he adds, "is the one followed in our own days." He mentions also having been 62 HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. witness of the cure of one possessed of an evil spirit, performed by Eleazar in the presence of the Emperor Vespasian. The prophet introduced into the nose of the patient a root recommended in such cases by Solomon, pronouncing at the same time the name of that prince. The Jews became so corrupt, and the Levites de- generated to so great a degree, under the successors of Solomon, that God was constrained to send pro- phets to bring back the people to their duty and the observance of the law. These missionaries were more agreeable to the people than to the Levites, from whose hands they took away the practice of medicine. King Jeroboam having been wanting in respect to one of these servants of the Lord, his hand dried up, " so that he could not pull it in again to him," and in order to get rid of the paralysis he was compelled to supplicate the prophet to intercede for him with the Almighty. Abijah, the son of Jero- boam, having fallen sick, and the queen being desi- rous of knowing what would be the event of the disease, she went to Shiloh for the purpose of con- sulting the prophet Ahijah, who predicted the a|> proaching death of her son. He, however, who rendered himself the most famous for his prophetic cures was Elijah, who restored to life the son of a widow at Zarephath, laboring under " a sickness so sore that there was no breath left in him" (1 Kings xvii. 17), who predicted to King Jehoram a disease of the intestines in which his bowels should fall out, and to Ahaziah that he should surely die. Elisha inherited the prophetic spirit of Elijah. MIR A CULOUS CURES B V THE PR OPHE TS. 6 3 He restored to life the son of a woman of Shunem, and freed I^aaman, the Syrian general, from leprosy by prescribing bathing in the waters of Jordan. The prophet Isaiah cured also King Hezekiah of an imposthume by the application of a cataplasm of figs. King Asa, in the twenty-ninth year of his reign, was diseased in his feet, until, we are told, his disease was exceedingly great: in his affliction, however, he sought not the Lord, but the ordinary physicians, — the Levites, — and died after having lan- guished for two years. King Uzziah was also struck with leprosy for having burnt incense in the temple and for having resisted the priests when they repre- sented to him the impropriety of his conduct. Such are the principal facts which can give us any idea of the state of medicine amongst the Israelites prior to the captivity of Babylon. The habits and modes of thinking, however, of that people changed considerably after ten tribes had been led by Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, into the cities of the Medesand intoHalah and Haborby the river of Gozan, and wdien the tribe of Judah was led to Babylon by ^Nebuchadnezzar. The Jews then found themselves transported into nations more pol- ished than themselves and whose civilization had followed a different march. Possessing no longer a temple, they offered up their prayers in secret, living a contemplative life, conjoined with the severe abstinence of the Orientals. It is thus, ac- cording to Sprengel, that the first monks sprang up amongst the Israelites, and the members of that con- 64 HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. gregation were regarded as saints and physicians. The first who devoted themselves to this new mode of life were the Rechahites, who never drank wine, built houses, sowed seed, nor cultivated the vine, but dwelt in tents according to the rule established by their founder Jonadab. CHAPTER VT. MEDICINE OF THE HINDOOS. Early state of civilization — Brahfnin physicians — Laws in regard to poisons — Diseases caused by evil genii — Superstitions — Pa- thology of the Hindoos — Treatment of fevers, smallpox, &c. Although these people date at too early a period the origin of civilization amongst them, and their chronology extends to a most astonishing antiquity — their period Caliuga being 3100 years before the Christian era, at which time they pretend to have calculated the equations of the moon and performed other difficult astronomical investigations — it cannot be denied that Alexander, when he undertook his expeditions into Egypt, found the social institutions at a very high degree of perfection and almost in the same condition as they are at the present day. Although the chronology of the Brahmins above referred to is evidently absurd, it is unquestionable that the inhabitants of India had made some astro- nomical observations a long time before they had any intercourse with Greece. As among the Egyptians, the Hindoos were, at the time of Alexander, and are still, divided into several tribes or original castes, of which that of the Brahmins comprised the savans and physicians. From the testimony of Strabo, these Brahmins ob- 5 66 HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. served the greatest sobriety, passed their lives in con- templation, and in solitude meditated on the causes of all natural phenomena. There was also in India another sect of philosophers which Clemens of Alex- dria calls the Samaneans, and which are the same as the Schamans of Thibet and of the coast of Malabar. The Samaneans were also divided into two distinct classes, the Hylopians ai^d the physicians properly so called. These latter led a very simple life, but did not dwell in the woods like the Hylopians. Their food consisted of rice and meal. They cured diseases, less by medicine than by regimen, and their ordinary remedies were ointments and cataplasms, for they ascribed a less certain action to means of every other kind. From this caste of physicians were dis- tinguished the magicians and sorcerers who wandered from village to village to exercise their imaginary art. The surveillance of the sick was entrusted in the towns to a particular class of magistrates, who were also charged with the burials and under whose in- spection the Samaneans practised physic. It appears also that there existed a law for the purpose of pre- venting any one who should discover a poison from making it known before he had found out an anti- dote to combat its effects. Should he, however, succeed in doing the latter, the king loaded him with honors, but if he published the formula for the poison without pointing out that of the remedy, he was punished with death. At the time of Megas- thenes, about 300 years before Christ, the knowledge of the Brahmins and the laws of the Hindoos were BRAHMIN PHYSICIANS. 67 not consigned in books, and were only transmitted by tradition. All diseases were considered as the effect of the influence of evil genii, and could not be cured until the latter had been expelled by purifica- tions and magic words. The Brahmins of more recent days have not been wholly devoid of medical knowledge, but they exer- cised medicine as a vulgar profession, scarcely ever endeavoring to improve it, and transmitted their mode of treatment to their children such as they had received it from their parents. They had not the slightest knowledge of anatomy, but possessed some old works on the healing art, written in verse and containing collections of formulae, of which sugar formed the chief ingredient, applicable to all diseases. In the exercise of medicine as much superstition existed amongst the Hindoos as amongst the Chinese. Of this there is a striking example in the treatment of the bites made by venomous serpents. Oil was poured into a vessel containing the urine of the person bitten, and according as it might swim or be precipitated they prognosticated death or recovery. Future events were also looked for in the aspect of the stars, the flight of birds, and other similar futilities. It has been asserted that there at one time existed on the coast of Coromandel eight classes of physi- cians, having each their particular department, some adhering to the diseases of children and acknow- ledging the wind as their patron ; others confining themselves to the cure of the bites of serpents, and considering the air as their protecting deity, &c. The pathology of the Hindoos was extremely con- 6S HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. fused. They attributed to worms all the diseases of the skin, and every other they ascribed to three prin- cipal causes, wind, vertigo, and change of humors. According to one of their theories, the body is com- posed of 100,000 parts, in which are comprised 17,000 vessels, each of which has seven different canals, and in which are ten species of wind. Diseases arise from the irregular directions of these winds, and as the external air which enters the lungs in the act of respiration is the source of all the wmds, the best preventive of these disorders consists in not breathing too quickly. According to the memoirs of the Danish missionaries, there were some Gentoos who reckoned 44:48 different species of diseases. Regimen formed the principal part of Hindoo me- dicine. A considerable portion of them lived only on vegetables, even in a state of health, an observa- tion which Strabo and Suidas had already made. They do not, at the present day, attain the very advanced age of which these authors speak, and which might in some measure be expected as the results of their mode of life. According to Clarke, however, it would seem that their sobriety preserved them from several severe disorders, especially the in- termittent fevers occasioned by the insalubrious air of marshes. Their excessive cleanliness, the frequent use of the warm bath, and particularly the custom of using friction and brushing of the skin on coming out of the bath, also had a powerful influence on their health. It has been aflarmed that the Brahmins were well acquainted with the virtues of plants, and that they HINDOO TREATMENT OF DISEASE. 69 employed certain medicines with much advantage. They made use of lime-water and the dolichos pru- riens in cases of worms; formed with juice of the euphorbium and maize flour, pills which they ad- ministered, as well as the excrement of the cow, in a considerable number of cases. They prescribed rice in cholera morbus, and sand-baths in the beriberi, a disease of the nervous function not uncommon in those parts. They were not in general advocates for the operation of bloodletting, but regarded the opening of the lingual veins as an excellent remedy in angina and difi;erent other affections. Caustics w^ere their favorite means, and they a23plied them like the Japanese in bone fever and in cholera morbus ; they scarified the eyelids, and made incisions in the forehead in ophthalmia, which was very frequently observed amongst them, but they had no idea of amputation. In acute fevers they prescribed the most rigid diet, and, when the indications were press- ing, bloodletting. The chief occupation, however, of the physician was to explore the pulse, which he never felt without attentively considering the countenance of the patient, for, according to their opinion, every change in the pulse drew on an altera- tion in the features. In the smallpox they ordered an antiphlogistic regimen, modified according to the individual constitution of the patient, and, accord- ing to Mackintosh, but which, to say the least of it, is problematical, they knew how to remove the scars left by the variolous pustules, by the aid of an ointment, of which the Europeans have not yet discovered the composition. They used, in the treat- 70 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. ment of venereal diseases, some particular and in- digenous medicines, principally pills of eupliorbium, which enjoyed with them a great reputation. They had an aversion to glysters, and possessed, accord- ing to one authority, an arcanum which, against the bites of serpents, acted like the most energetic opiates, and almost always cured those who might have been bitten. Such is a summary of what we know regarding the medicine of the Hindoos; but under the influ- ence of greater civilization many of these views may have become modified, and other remedies and modes of treatment adopted by them. It is impos- sible, in the accounts we have given of the medical relations of the Brahmins, to make any chronologi- cal arrangement. It is j)robable that many of the agents referred to are of purely modern employment among them, and we have no reliable data to inform us how many of the ancient remedies have been dis- carded. CHAPTER VII. MEDICINE OF THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE. Causes of their imperfect civilization — Ancient code of the Chi- nese physicians — Medical schools — Chinese knowledge of ana- tomy, physiology, &c. — Exploration of the pulse — Physicians of the court of Pekin — Medical knowledge and practice of the Japanese — The moxa, its preparation and uses. A VARIETY of insurmountable obstacles have op- posed themselves to the Chinese ever attaining the same degree of civilization that the European arrives at with so much comparative facility. The first is situated in his organization, whether natural or acquired by education; the second in the frightful despotism which hangs over his head ; the third, in the foolish vanity which has induced him to believe that China is the country of wisdom and the sciences. Du Halde, although a panegyrist in other respects of the handicraft of the Chinese, has accused them, with reason, of pushing superstition to blindness, and of being in absolute ignorance of every branch of natural history. According, also, to Chirardini and Sir Geo. Staunton, they possess neither an inventive spirit, taste for the fine arts, nor genius in works of. the mind. Isolated from every other nation, the Chinese were, comparatively speaking, known only in modern times 7 2 HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. to Europeans. The first remarks which we possess of them were commmiicatecl in the 13th century ; but it is highly probable that they had previously had com- munications with the advanced nations of Europe, and that they had acquired from them some of their knowledge. It is known that Bactriana and Sogdi- ana were conquered by the Scythians, 126 years before the Christian era. The sciences and arts have flour- ished in those countries since the time of Alexander, and the Chinese themselves relate, in their ancient cjironicles, that towards this period several savans, especially astronomers, went from those countries to reside amongst them. It is consequently not unrea- sonable to presume that the astronomical knowledge of the Chinese may be dated at that period, and that it was introduced through that channel. It is said by Le Comte, in his Memoires sur VEtat present de la Chine, that Hoang-ti composed, four thou- sand years ago, the code by which the Chinese phy- sicians have been until recently and may at the present day be guided. According to the testimony, however, of the best informed mandarins, this code was not substituted for the ancient, until after the burning of a considerable library in China, which occurred 230 years before the Christian era. There were formerly in China imperial schools, in which medicine and astrology were at the same time taught, the latter forming a favorite branch with the Chinese. The physicians were but little esteemed and very badly paid, and those of the court, according to Du Halde, were commonly de- prived of their virility. Every one, however, was CHINESE NOTIONS OF ANATOMY, ETC. 73 permitted to exercise medicine according to his own fashion, and to prepare his medicines in the manner which he considered the most suitable. The physi- cians who enjoyed the highest consideration were those who had learned the healing art from their fathers and who transmitted it to their children. Even at the present day it is probable that there does not exist in China a school in which the art can be studied, so that it may be considered as in a state of comparative infancy. The notions which the Chinese possess regarding the structure of the body mainly rest on old tradi- tions, which probably originated from the G-reek physicians of Bactriana ; superstition preventing them from dissecting. It is on this account that their anatomical information has been so very in- correct and confused as to scarcely deserve mention. A single glance at the plates given by Cleyer, in his Specimen Ifedicince Sinicce, will at once show their slight knowledge of the human organization. Their physiology is not less contemptible. They admit two constituent elements of the body, heat and moisture. These elements residing in the blood and in the vital spirits, their union produced life, and their separation occasioned death. The six chief parts in which the radical moisture is seated are, — on the left side, the heart, the liver, and the left kidney; on the right, the lungs, the spleen, and the right kid- ney. To these they give the name of the gates of life. The viscera in which the vital heat resides are, — on the left side, the small intestines, the gall- bladder, and the ureters ; on the right side, the large 74 HI ST OR Y OF MEDICINE. intestines, the stomach, and the genital organs. There exists, moreover, according to them, a certain concordance between these viscera, tlie small intes- tines being in harmony with the heart, the gall- bladder with the liver, the ureters with the kidneys, the large intestines with the lungs, the stomach with the spleen, and the organs of generation with the right kidney. The vital heat and radical mois- ture pass at certain periods from the limbs into the viscera, and vice versa. The body they consider to heal in connection with certain external matters which exert a constant agency upon it. Thus we are told that in summer heat acts upon the heart and large intestines ; that the viscera are in harmony with the south ; the liver and gall-bladder with the atmos- phere, and both one and the other with the east as well as with spring; that the metals exert an in- fluence over the lungs and large intestines, and are in harmony with the west and with autumn; and a variety of sundry absurdities. To the Chinese the credit has generally been given of understanding the circulation of the blood, but if we believe Cleyer nothing can well be more ab- surd than their ideas on this subject. According to that author, the Chinese physicians make the circulation of the vital heat and radical moisture to begin at three o'clock in the morning. It com- mences in the lungs, and terminates at the expira- tion of twenty-four hours in the liver. They have even calculated the rapidity of the circulation, and pretend that in twenty-four hours the number of pulsations amounts to from 54,000 to 67,000, whilst CHINESE EXPLORATION OF THE PULSE. 75 the number of respirations in the same period is generally about 35,500 ; a calculation, however, evi- dently most absurd, the pulsations being estimated no higher than twice the number of respirations. The exploring of the pulse is the most important part of Chinese medicine. They compare the human body to a musical instrument, and conceive that such an accordance exists between its different parts and the viscera, that we may be able to know whatever is going on in it by inspecting the eyes and tongue, and especially by feeling the pulse. They flatter themselves that they can discover by the aid of the last, viz., the jDulse, not only the seat but also the causes of diseases. Most of the examples, however, which the credulous missionaries have related as proofs of their extraordinary dexterity in that re- spect are only so many proofs of the charlatanry and deceit of their physicians. The mode in which they explore the pulse is as mystical as it is ridicu- lous; they apply the four fingers upon the artery, raising and depressing them over the vessel as if they were playing upon the piano-forte. In diseases of the heart, they feel the pulse of the left arm ; a little higher, but on the same side, in affec- tions of the liver ; in the right arm, in those of the stomach ; at the wrist in those of the lungs, and above the joint of the hand in those of the kidneys. According to an old codex quoted by Cleyer, the Chinese distinguish three different places at the wrist where the pulse may be felt : the nearest to the hand on the left side they consider as the pulse for affections of the heart and pericardium, and on 76 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. the right side for diseases of the lungs ; the highest place of those indicated, on the left side, diseases of the left kidney and small intestines ; on the right side, those of the right kidney and large intestines ; the middle between the two, on the right side, is considered the pulse of the liver and diaphragm ; on the left side, that of the stomach and spleen. They pretend also that they can determine the variation which the pulse undergoes during the phases of the moon and at the changes of the seasons. The other principles of Chinese medicine are equally devoid of rationality with their theory of the pulse. The physicians of the court of Pekin attributed the greater j)art of diseases to spirits or winds, and dysentery to the want of heat in the fluids. The chimerical idea of a panacea capable of causing everlasting life existed in China as in other countries. The ancient Scythians had labored hard to discover the important secret, but the Chinese fancied that they possessed it in the root of ginseng, if properly administered. The sect Tao-tse pretended that they knew the composition of a similar means adapted for indefinitely prolonging life. Staunton presumes that there entered into this preparation opium and other similar substances capable of for some time exalting the imagination. The Chinese made use of the China root in the majority of dis- eases ; and they even now sell in all the markets, under the name of cordials, an incredible quantity of medicines, which the common people employ in- discriminately. Du Halde has given an extract from an old Chinese book on botany, in which the virtues MEDICINE OF THE JAPANESE. 77 of various simple and compound medicines are ex- posed with much superstition. If we may credit the recital of some missionaries, the Chinese were at one time neither subject to the stone nor the gout, ex- ceptions which are attributed to the use of tea. They frequently employed the bile of the elephant, white vegetable wax, ivory, and musk. They rarely used bloodletting, but -were great friends to baths, dry cupping, and cauterization, which they principally used for expelling wind, the cause, according to them, of the major part of disorders. The Japanese have borrowed of the Chinese the majority of their principles, and the practice of the art has been with them enveloped in the same prejudices. They were afraid of bloodletting, and had not the least notion of anatomy. All their science consisted in the exploring of the jjulse. They employed the actual cautery in all diseases, but especially in the gout. The most common form of the cautery was the moxa, which w^as afterwards, although under a modified construction, introduced into Europe."^ The Chinese moxas were formed from the dried leaves of the Artemisia vulgaris latifolia^ or Artemisia Chinensis, a species of mugwort. The Japanese considered that it was proper to gather the artemisia for this purpose only on those days which had been selected by their astrologers, and which * A description of tlie mode in which it may be extemporane- ously formed for practical purposes, and the cases in which the physician may advantageously avail himself of its administration, may be found in the author's translation of Baron Larrey's Memoir on the Use of the Moxa, London, 1832. 78 HI ST OR y OF MEDICINE. were thought to possess the advantage of a particu- larly benign influence of the heavens and stars, by which the virtues of the plant were considered to be greatly increased. These were the first five days of the fifth Ja]3anese month, called by the natives G-on- guatzgoritz^ which, according to the Gregorian cal- endar, answers to the beginning of June, and some- times, but seldom, to the latter end of May, the Japanese commencing their year with the new moon next to the spring equinox. The artemisia received the name of moxa when dried. Its preparation, which it is not necessary here to describe, was formerly kept a great secret by the Chinese. According to Kaempfer, the Chinese and Japanese burned with the moxa indiflerently and without re- gard, old and young, rich and poor, male and female ; women big with child were alone spared, if they had not been burnt before. The intent of burning with the moxa was either to prevent or to cure dis- eases, but it was more particularly recommended by their physicians as a preventive medicine, for which reason they prescribed it to the healthy more frequently than to the sick. This practice they grounded upon the principle that by the very same virtue by which it dispelled and cured present distempers, it must of necessity destroy the seeds of those to come, and by that means prevent them. It was at one time the custom for all persons who had any regard for their health to cause themselves to be burnt once every six months, and this custom was so thoroughly and so religiously observed in Japan, that even those unhappy persons who were THE MOXA. 79 condemned to perpetual imprisonment were not de- prived of this benefit, but were taken out of their dungeons once in six months in order to be burnt with the moxa. The neighboring black nations made more use of this agent than the Chinese and Japanese themselves, in epilepsy and all chronic cephalic disorders, their plan being to burn a con- siderable quantity of it on the crown of the head, which, it is said, was sometimes attended with so much success, that some patients are said to have recovered who had been previously given over by their physicians. In all the northern provinces of China the prin- cipal remedy for most diseases consisted in making deep punctures in the body, after which small balls of the down of the artemisia were burnt, these punctures being made with needles of gold, silver, or steel, without drawing blood; and all the skill required in the physician was to determine their number and depth, and where it was necessary to make them. It was formerly considered that every kind of fire was not proper for lighting these salu- tary balls, and, therefore, mirrors of ice or metal were employed for that purpose, which caused the water, according to the Abbe Grosier, to freeze in a round convex vessel, and the ice, being presented to the sun, collected its rays and set fire to the down of the plant. Ten Rhyne observes that acupuncturation became a peculiar art in Japan, and that the. houses of the practitioners were known by the wooden image of a man in the vestibule, on which the places for 8o HISTORY OF MEDICINE. acupuncturation and the application of the moxa were delineated. The last absurdities respecting those people which may be mentioned are the belief that the color of red was very advantageous in the smallpox, for which purpose they lined the chambers of those laboring under it with cloth of that color; and the plan pur- sued by some of their magicians, who are said to have cured the majority of their diseases by placing before their idols the description in writing of particular characters of the affection under which the patient labored, making the paper afterwards into pills and causing the patient to swallow them. Some of these absurdities, from all we can learn, still influence, with slight modification, the practitioners of the modern em23ire. As previously remarked in regard to the Hindoos, it is imj)0ssible to speak definitely of the more recent progress of medicine in China and Japan, especially as so large a portion of the interior of each vast country is still in a state of only semi- civilization or partial barbarism. In a brief sketch of Oriental pathology and practice, much that is modern is necessarily mingled with a large amount of ancient traditionary information, which it would be a useless task to classify chronologically. , CHAPTER YIII. MEDICINE OF THE SCYTHIANS. Progress of their civilization — Wonderful cures — Abaris, the Hy- perborean — Anacharsis — Toxaris. The southern part of Russia from the Black Sea to Mount Oural has been inhabited, from time im- memorial, by the Scythians. This nation descended, like almost all others, from Caucasus, and, always more and more compressed by those which sur- rounded it, were at last obliged to abandon their territory to the Huns or Oriental Mongols, at the period wdien Europe and Asia were inundated by hordes of barbarians from the icy regions of the north. The Greeks were acquainted with this nomadic nation a short time after the Trojan war, for the excellent productions of the country which they in- habited excited the cupidity of the merchants of Miletus and several other Greek cities of Asia Minor, who established at the mouth of the Danube, of the Tyras, the Borysthenes, and on the banks of the Palus Maeotides numerous colonies, by means of which they entered into a more intimate connection with the Scythians, to whom they gradually com- municated a certain degree of civilization. Many singular and incredible traditions reigned 6 HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. in Greece on the mode of life, manners, and know- ledge of this people. So many surprising facts are related of Abaris, Zamolxis, and of different other Scythians who had travelled in G-reece or received some tincture of civilization in the Asiatic colonies, that, if we believe the tales, it would seem that the inhabitants of Scythia had discovered the means of attaining knowledge beyond the ordinal y capa- bility of man. It is true, however, that the Chal- deans, Egyptians, and other nations have not been less held up to admiration. The history of Abaris, the Hyperborean, is a tis- sue of so many fables, that we are tempted to believe him an absolutely imaginary personage. He under- took, in the quality of priest, a journey to Delphi, cured several patients by magical means or by charms, as was the habit of all the priests of that period, and as we are assured put a stop to an epidemic. Ac- cording to some authors, he built the temple of Kdpi? ffwttipa at Lacedsemon, pronounced several oracles, and arrested by charms the plague which desolated that city. Another Scythian not less famous, Anacharsis, travelled into Greece at the time of Solon, and, on his return from his travels, instructed his country- men in the regimen which they ought to observe in acute diseases, as well as the means best adapted for appeasing the wrath of the gods. He rendered him- self celebrated for his great wisdom and the purity of his manners. A third, named Toxaris, accompanied Anacharsis in his travels to Athens. He acquired great reputa- SCYTHIAN MEDICAL CELEBRITIES. 83 tion ill that city, from his becoming one of the Asclepiades, and practising medicine with the great- est success. After his death he is said to have arrested a plague by appearing to the wife of one of the members of the Areopagus, and the Athe- nians, in gratitude, erected him an altar on which was sacrificed every year a white horse. CHAPTER IX. MEDICINE OF THE CELTS. The Gauls and the Belgse — The Druids, the Eubages. and the Bards — Medical sorceresses — Druidical remedies. Under the name of Celts we include especially the Gauls and the Belgse. The former lived at first in France between the Seine and Garonne, but subse- quently crossed into England and were replaced by the Belg88, who had previously resided between the Loire and the Ehine, Although the latter were a little more enlightened than the others, there is every reason for believing that the knowledge of their priests was very limited. The learned amongst the Celts were called Druids. They were at the same time judges, legislators, priests, physicians, and divines. The isle of An- glesey in England was, according to Rowland, at first the place of their congregating, and they would seem to have been more highly estimated by the inhabitants of Great Britain than amongst the Gauls ; several Druidical remains being still observa- ble in that country. Subsequently they became divided into three classes, the Druidi or Druids pro- perly so-called, who were the legislators ; the Eubages, who studied nature ; and the Bardi or Bards, who confined themselves to poetry and history. Clemens of Alexandria compares them, with considerable justice, to the Schamans of Thibet, of whom we have THE DRUIDS AND THEIR REMEDIES. 85 already spoken. In fact these Druids were so many impostors who had succeeded in rendering themselves free from all authority by persuading the people that they kept up a correspondence with the gods. Their wives, Avho were called Alraunes, exercised also the calling of sorceresses, causing considerable evil by their witchcraft, but taking charge of those warriors who might have been wounded. They gathered those plants to which they attributed magical vir- tues, and unravelled dreams. Women in childbed especially implored their assistance. The Druids revealed only their principles and methods to tliose who were initiated in their mys- teries, and communicated their instructions in the woods and unfrequented places. As they celebrated their religious ceremonies under the oak, they at- tributed to the mistletoe, a plant sacred amongst them, the virtue of curing all diseases. They col- lected it in great pomp on the first day of each year, and immolated white bulls immediately after having found it. They regarded also the selago, a plant re- sembling savin, and the vervain as sacred plants, capable of curing all sorts of diseases and wounds. This latter was always gathered at the rising of the star Sirius, and the time of collection was preceded by mystical ceremonies. From this brief account of the Druids it appears how erroneous it is to ascribe to them, as has been done by some writers, considerable knowledge. All the barbarous nations resembled them ; their priests being only so many impostors, who arrogated to themselves the exclusive possession of medicine and other sciences. CHAPTER X. FIRST TRACES OP A MEDICAL THEORY IN THE PHILOSOPHIC SCHOOLS OF GREECE. Medicine emerging from the age of superstition — Pythagoras and his school — His services to the cause of medicine — Dietetic and other regulations of himself and followers — Psychological and physiological theories — Medical practice of his time — Alcmaeon, the first comparative anatomist — Most ancient treatise on phy- siology — Empedocles of Agrigentum — His valuable services ia time of an epidemic — His views on anatomy and physiology — Successors of Pythagoras — Anaxagoras and his views — Demo- critus of Abdera — Democedes of Crotona — Gymnastic physi- cians — Political condition of the physicians of Greece — Military surgeons — Charlatans. The fragments which we possess of the works written by the ancients, and the wreck of the monu- ments of antiquity which has escaped from the de- structive jaws of time, exhibit but a feeble glimmer- ing amidst the profound darkness which enveloped the ancient world, and demonstrate that the condition of the science charged with watching over the pre- servation of health was nearly the same amongst all the first people of the earth. Closely connected with the adoration of the gods, it was itself everywhere a species of secret and mysterious worship. Left exclusively to the priests, it was with the Egyptians as with the Greeks, with the Eomans as with the Hindoos, a tissue of absurd juggleries, a system of SERVICES OF PYTHAGORAS TO MEDICINE. 87 more or less refined imposture, by aid of which the ministers of religion amused themselves with the credulity of the profane. The Greeks were the only nation in whose temples the dignity of medicine was not entirely overlooked, and although the priests might equally seek to de- ceive the people by oracles, they were compelled to improve the science by attentively observing the operations of nature, and by profiting with discern- ment from the votive tablets of the sick. ^N'o per- son, however, had given any satisfactory explanation of these natural effects, because the ancient Egyp- tians, Israelites, Greeks, and Eomans, adoring, with perfect confidence, the gods whose worship their fathers had introduced, and attributing all natural phenomena to the absolute and immediate pleasure of these divinities, regarded every ulterior research as useless and superfluous. Two great reasons induce us to assign to Pytha- goras (580-489 B.C.) and his school a distinguished place in the history of medicine. First, he rendered important services to physiology by directing the attention of his disciples to the explanation of the functions and phenomena which are observable in man when in a state of health; and secondly, he acted with considerable wisdom in rendering medi- cine serviceable to the progress of legislation and the art of governing, it having, as has been already seen, formed prior to his time a part of the divine worship. Writers worthy of credit speak of {he long journeys which Pythagoras made into foreign countries, especially into Asia Minor, Phoenicia, and 88 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. Egypt. It is a matter of inquiry whether he ob- tained his philosophical doctrine from the inhabi- tants of the last country, and whether he learned from the priests metempsychosis and the several other dogmas which he subsequently professed. It seems, however, probable that he borrowed from them the use of several medicines, and the severe rules for the preservation of health which he established among his disciples ; and his symbolical language also, ac- cording to Porphyrins, was absolutely the same as the sacred dialect of Egypt. The mildness of the climate, fertility of the soil, and vigor and robust health of the inhabitants of Crotona in Grrsecia Major, determined him, when he had ended his voyages, to try in that small state whether his schemes were capable of being put into execution, as the goverment of that Grecian colony seemed to be the most susceptible of reform. The mode in which he was received there fully answered his expectations. His venerable figure, engaging manners, and irresistible eloquence gained all hearts, and he appeared to the Crotonians a messenger from the gods. Instead of undeceiving them in their belief, he endeavored to keep up that idea, and, in order to give more weight to his institutions, he made them pass for inspirations from heaven. He himself indeed, according to Diodorus, was so fi.lled with the grandeur and importance of his objects, that he probably believed that he really acted through the influence of the divinity. This society was composed of a certain number of persons assembled together for receiving instruction in every department of knowledge with which he THE DISCI PL ES OF P YTHA CORAS. ^ was acquainted, and in concurring with liini in the execution of his vast projects. His disciples lived in the most perfect union, all their works tending towards that consummation. Every hour was ap- propriated, and each duty accurately determined. The whole of their lives was devoted to preserving the forces of the body and soul in a continual state of harmony, and to the shunning of the least infrac- tion of the rules of the order, and the least error in the moral and physical regimen which their master had prescribed for them. To arrive more certainly at that end, they lived in a habitation common to all, dressed in a uniform manner, and with the linen of Egypt, observed the greatest cleanliness and frequently cut the hair, shaved and used baths, in order to maintain the body as pure as the soul. They accustomed themselves to certain exercises, such as promenading, wrestling, running, and dan- cing. Sobriety was one of their principal obligations. 1^0 example of strictness similar to that of Pytha- o^oras had ever been witnessed in Greece, as res^arded the choice and quantity of food. Several articles were forbidden, not alone because he believed them to be dangerous, but because the voluptuous inha- bitants of Grsecia Magna abused them, or because they were proscribed in the sacrecl mysteries of the Egyptians, his masters. Aliments drawn from the animal kingdom were not all interdicted to his disciples. Those only of which they could not make use were fish and certain parts of other animals, which probably the Egyp- tians excluded also. It has been generally, and for a long period, considered that the Pythagoreans did 90 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. not eat beans, and several different explanations have been given of their reasons for abstaining from them ; some asserting that this was introduced because beans engender wind, which oppresses the mind and disturbs its functions, others believing that the cause of the proscription was the resemblance of a bean to one of the organs of generation, and pre- tending that it was a symbol of the laws which interdicted all kinds of debauchery; and others, aofain, considerino; that the custom owed its oris^in to some affinity which they conceived beans to bear to the human body, or to the ojDinion that the souls of the dead transmigrated into that legumen. A modern Pythagorean, however, Aristoxenus, affirms that the Samian philosopher particularly recommended beans and ate them frequently himself, because he regarded them as an article of food . easy of digestion. It has consequently been considered that the expression " abstain thou from beans" was of a political meaning. The election of magis- trates took place by a sort of scrutiny, for which beans were employed ; a custom which existed not a very long time ago in Holland.^ Diogenes Laertius * Horace alludes to the mode of conducting elections amongst the Romans, as well as to the proscription by Pythagoras of the use of beans ; of the latter he remarks : — " 0, quando faba Pythagoras cognata simulque Uncta satis pingui ponentur oluscula lardo?" (Sat. Lib. 2, 6, 63.) "Oh when shall I enrich my veins, Spite of Pythagoras, with beans ? Or live luxurious in my cottage On bacon, ham, and savory pottage?" [Francis.) DIETETICS OF THE PYTHAGOREANS. 9 1 and Porphyrius consequently conceive that, by the expression just quoted, Pythagoras wished to warn his disciples not to search after honors, in order that they might be more attached to his order. He accustomed them so much to self-denial, that when they were tormented w^ith hunger, he placed before them the most delicate dishes, and immedi- ately removed them, without their being permitted to touch a morsel. His precepts regarding sobriety and moderation in the pleasures of love agreed perfectly with his age and the nation in which he lived. He forbade them, especially, to addict them- selves at too early an age to venereal excesses, and, in order to remove from the young men every voluptuous idea, he wished them to be constantly occupied either with works of the mind or gym- nastic exercises. The Pythagoreans were warned against giving way to any passion, even of the most innocent nature, such as effusions of joy, for fear of disturbing the harmony between body and soul. To this unalterable moral tranquillity they joined exercises of piety, founded on pretended intimate relations with the gods. They not only chanted hymns, prayed, and offered up sacrifices, but also predicted the future by dreams or the flight of birds, and attempted to conjure up the shades of their friends. The latter qualities procured them a de- gree of consideration equal and even superior to that of the priests, who were almost all beneath them both in piety and knowledge. With the psychological ideas of Pythagoras we have not much to do, and his physiological theories 92 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. were sufficiently absurd. He pretended that the principle of life resides in heat, and that that of locomotion is of an ethereal nature, or, according to the expression of Aristotle, of an aerial character ; he defined health to be a continuation of the primi- tive constitution, and disease to be a derangement of such organization. Pythagoras also practised medicine, but we may, from the ruling spirit of the age, readily form an idea of the way in which he exercised it. Up to that period, the healing art had been closely connected with the divinatory. The priests alone had cultivated it in the temples of ^sculapius, and the multitude regarded all the cures performed by them as the immediate effects of the divine power, or as miracles. Pythagoras himself had acquired his knowledge in Egypt, where magic, the divinatory art, the interpretation of dreams, and medicine formed one and the same science. These circumstances account for the strange way in which the Pythagoreans practised medicine. Pythagoras attributed magical virtues to plants, and employed them in the treatment of diseases. Pliny asserts that he believed the vinegar of squills capable of lengthening the term of existence. He considered the cabbage to be possessed of many virtues, recommended aniseed wine against the bite of the scorpion, and fancied that aniseed, held in the hand, possessed considerable efficacy in epilepsy. Mustard he esteemed a most penetrating remedy, principally affecting the head, and very appropriate for the bites of serpents and scorpions. The Pytha- goreans made more frequent use of external than THE FIRST COMPARATIVE ANATOMIST. 93 of internal remedies, and especially of fomentations and ointments, but they had never recourse to the great operations of surgery, or even to incisions and cauterization. History, however, informs us that they were much distinguished for their skill in the treatment of internal diseases. In fact, the Croton- ians passed for the most experienced physicians of all Greece. One of them, who, according to Diogenes, had been a disciple of Pythagoras, acquired a very brilliant reputation. This was Alcm^on, the son of Pirithus. Chalcidius assures us that he was a naturalist, and that he first occupied himself with anatomy, and composed several writings on the structure of the eye ; but that commentator lived at too late a date for his evidence to be regarded as convincing. Several reasons, which have been already mentioned, oppose the belief that they could, at that time, easily dissect human bodies, and a Pythagorean would have greater scruples than any other indi- vidual. There is some reason, however, for believing that AlcniBson was the first anatomist, as far as re- garded the dissection of animals, although that was also contrary to the principles of Pythagoras. The opinion of his having been the first comparative anatomist, or one of the first, is strengthened by the circumstance of Aristotle refuting Alcmseon, who had asserted that goats breathe through the ears, and it has since been imagined, although with very insufficient evidence, that he must have known of the existence of the Eustachian tube, which ex- tends from the middle ear to the pharynx. 94 HIST OR V OF MEDICINE. The animal functions and those of generation appear to have awakened in a particular manner the attention of the Pythagoreans. Diogenes and Clemens Alexandrinus assert that Alcmseon wrote a work on the functions, which would consequently be the most ancient treatise on physiology known. Like his master Pythagoras, he placed the seat of the reasonable soul in the brain, and regarded the human semen as an emanation from that organ. He pretended that the head of the foetus was first developed, because it is the seat of the reasonable soul, and that the foetus received its nourishment not by the moutK or umbilical cord, but from the whole surface of the body, absorbing the nutritive juices like a sponge. He explained in the same manner the nutrition of the chick in ovo, regarding the white as the milk which nourishes the yolk and the embryo to which it gives birth. Empedocles of Agrigentum (504-443 B.C.) lived at a later period than Alcmseon, and was one of the most celebrated philosophers of the Pythagorean school, wandering, however, very considerably from the sys- tem of his master. He was, like the majority of the sages of antiquity, at once poet, legislator, physician, and divine. He rendered a great service to his native city, whose inhabitants had given themselves up to all sorts of debauchery, by correcting the public manners, changing the form of government, and defending the cause of liberty, after the example of the philosopher of Samos. His imposing appearance and miraculous cures caused him to be considered as the confidant of the gods, and as a prophet whose EMPEDOCLES OF AGRIGENTUM. 95 power extended so far as to arrest the progress of nature and to stay even death. What most of all contributed to render him im- mortal was the ingenious means which he adopted for arresting the severe epidemics occasioned by the sirocco, a hot, suffocating wind which prevailed in those parts. This consisted in closing up a passage which existed between two mountains, through which the wind blew with the greatest fury. Hence, he received the epithet of oXi^av^iio^ or "tamer of the wind." During a tempest which broke out at the time of an eclipse of the sun, he saved many persons by means of fumigations and fires. Philostratus relates what would be another brilliant action of this philosopher were it but correct, that he pre- vented the total ruin of Agrigentum, by putting a stop to a rain which menaced the city with inunda- tion. He is also said to have restored to life a female in a state of asphyxia or apparent death, who had been for a long time considered dead. These different occurrences and several other similar ones obtained him so much celebrity, and inspired him with so much vanity, that he con- sidered himself as a fit companion for the gods. A great portion of this presumption, however, he owed to the principles of the Pythagoreans, who regarded themselves as the equals of the gods, so soon as they had received their initiation. Diodorus of Ephesus relates a remarkable fact of this philo- sopher. The city of Selinus was ravaged by a pestilential disease, owing to the exhalation from the stagnant and corrupt waters of a neighboring g6 HISTORY OF MEDICINE. river. Empedocles put an end to the cause, by conducting a river of pure water into the marsh, and emptying it in that manner of all the stagnant water which it contained. Since that circumstance, the inhabitants of the city have adored him as a, beneficent deity. The opinion most generally received regarding the death of this philosopher is that he threw him- self, from pride, into ^tna, or that, having ap- proached too near the crater of this volcano, he fell in, and was swallowed up by the flames. At the lower termination of the limits of perpetual conge- lation on ^tna, at the present day, is found a little plain named Fiano del frumento^ on which are the ruins of an ancient monument, generally known under the name of the Philosopher's Tower, because tradition assigns it as the residence of Empedocles. Empedocles in his ideas was decidedly a mate- rialist, and believed that everything in nature was the efl:ect of pure chance. He was of opinion that, as the universe one day resulted from the at- traction of its elements, so one day it would return to chaos in consequence of their disunion or re- pulsion, and again appear after an incalculable lapse of time, without there ever being any inter- ruption between these alternations of creation and destruction. This last opinion will account for the ideas of Empedocles respecting the production of animals from accidental causes, or what has been termed equivocal generation. According to him, the animal body is not regulated by necessary laws, no intelligent being presided at its construction ; CURIOUS PHYSIOLOGICAL VIEWS. 97 chance alone produced it. Empedocles believed that the vertebrse and the diflerent joints composing the spine resulted from the distortion or fracture of one bone, which ran at first the whole length of the ver- tebral column. He attributed the formation of the abdominal cavity and that of the intestines to the sudden and rapid passage of water through the body at the moment of its formation, and the ex- ternal openings of the nose to a current of air, which had established itself from the interior to the exterior. He believed also that animals mis^ht spring up from earth when it had warmed to a cer- tain extent, for, according to him, it was but neces- sary for the four elements, fire, air, earth, and water, to meet under special circumstances in order to pro- duce the origin and formation of all bodies. These physiological views he trusted only to his most intimate pupils. Openly, he made use of ex- pressions which were within the conception of the vulgar, and accorded with their social prejudices. Thus, like the lonians and Pythagoreans, he taught that in nature everything is animated, and filled with divinities; that consequently the soul of man is identical, not only with the gods, but also with that of vegetables, as they all, without distinction, emanate from the general soul of the world. He admitted also in vegetables a soul endowed with the same powers as those which he accorded to the soul of animals, possessing consequently a volun- tary faculty, and being capable of feeling joy as well as grief; in this respect, however, not diftering from the Pythagoreans in general. This opinion of 7 98 HISTOR Y OF MEDICINE. the affinity between plants and animals determined him to employ, when he spoke of the former, the same expressions which are wont to be used when treating of the latter. Thus, he called their seed eggs, and their fructification gestation and preg- nancy. The principal difference which he estab- lished between them was that the organs of genera- tion were united in the same individual in vegetables, in place of being distinct and separate as in animals. He compared also the leaves of plants to the hair of the mammalia, the feathers of birds, and the scales of fishes. The principal object of his physiological researches, as well as of those of his contemporaries, was the the- ory of generation. Already there reigned amongst philosophers a great diversity of opinion relative to this theory, and all those who were desirous of dis- tinguishing themselves made a point of embracing one sect or another. The philosopher of Agrigentum asserted that the embryo is not the product of the semen of one part}^, either of that of the male or of that of the female, but that it results from a mix- ture of each, and receives the form of the father or of the mother, according as the semen of the one or the other may predominate, or according as the im- agination of the mother may be more or less called into action. The semen of each sex he believed to be composed of different parts, between which there existed a mutual attraction. The sex he conceived to depend solely on the degree of heat in the womb, the infant being of the male sex if the semen enter a warm uterus or womb, and of the female if the VISIONARY THEORIES OF EMPEDOCLES. 99 organ which receives the fluid be cold. He attribu- ted monsters to the superabundance or want of semen, or to the dispersion or erroneous direction of that fluid, and twins to the too great quantity or dispersion of it. Inspection of some foetuses which had come into the world before their time had probably taught him that all the parts of the embryo are developed from the thirty-sixth to the forty-fourth day, and he ap- plied his theory to the mode in which each organ is formed.. The muscles, according to him, result from a mixture of equal parts of the four elements, fire, earth, air, and water; the tendons from a super- abundance of fire and earth ; the nails from exposure of the tendons to air ; and the bones from a pre- dominance of earth and water. In a similar manner he explained the formation of sweat and tears. It was Empedocles who first gave the name of amnios to the membrane which incloses the foetus and to the water in which it swims. He has the credit also of having first dissected the ear with accuracy. The above are all the visionary theories of Empe- docles which need be detailed, but, although visionary, they are highly interesting as being some of the first dawns of medical philosophy and characteristic of the times in which they were conceived. Ancient history makes also mention of several other successors of Pythagoras, but we have no examples of their works regarding either the theory or practice of medicine. Pliny, Diogenes, and Eudoxus mention Epicharmus, who was born at Cos, but who passed his life in Sicily. He wrote several HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. works on medicine, which no longer exist, and from which no author has given extracts. Tiraquel, in- deed, asserts that his productions still exist in the library of the Vatican, but it would seem that this assertion is devoid of foundation. Anaxagoras of Clazomense (B. C. 500-428), a cotemporary of Empedocles, whose strange theory of the heavens and earth being made of stone are well known and have been celebrated by Butler in his Hudibras, is the next physician worthy of notice. The greatest portion of his physiological observa- tions, like those of most others about that period, are concerning generation. He believed that the embryo or foetus proceeds solely from the paternal semen, and that the mother provides only a place for its development, and he explained the reason of the diflerence of sexes by the situation which the child occupied in the womb, boys being, he absurdly enough says, always on the right side and girls always on the left. Another and a still more gross absurdity, however, is his belief that the crow and the ibis coupled by the beak, and that the polecat brought forth its young through the mouth. There is an- other of his opinions of a pathological nature, which proves how common the belief in the multiplicity of bilious diseases was even in those days, — that the bile, by passing into the lungs, air-vessels, and pleura, becomes the cause of acute diseases. Aristotle, however, in contradicting this assertion, affirms, and supports his affirmations by anatomical observations, that in a very great number of such cases the bile is not found to predominate. NOTED GREEK PRACTITIONERS, lOI Democritus of Abdera (B.C. 494-404) is painted by the ancient writers of Greece in nearly the same colors as Pythagoras. He had, they remark, all the powers of nature at his disposal, and owed his science to the priests of Egypt. Pliny informs us that he busied himself much with the anatomy of the chameleon, and wrote a whole book on that rep- tile. His physiological theories very much resembled those of Empedocles. There were some other theorists about this time as well as practitioners of medicine, such as Hemelitus of Ephesus, Acron of Agrigentum, Iccus of Taren- tum, Herodicus of Selybria, Euryphon, and Thales, but their theories were visionaiy and unworthy of consideration. Before passing, however, to a period when a luminary appeared in the medical world, who is fairly entitled to the appellation of the father of medicine, and whose works are still considered by some as the guiding star, by whose light their theories and practice are regulated, we may briefly refer to other persons who devoted themselves about this time to the profession of physic, and who were occasionally remunerated by a fixed salary. Democedes of Crotona, for example, was retained at the court of the Samian tyrant, Polycrates, with an allowance of two talents yearly. Being after- wards taken prisoner, and carried as a slave into Persia, he acquired great reputation by curing Da- rius of a sprained foot after the Egyptian physicians had failed ; and also by his successful treatment of a tumor of the breast, under which Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus and wife of Darius, had labored I o 2 HIS TOR V OF MEDICINE. for a considerable period. Such practitioners, from their wandering lives, were sometimes called ferio- deutai ; of this class, one of the most conspicuous was AcRON of Agrigentum, the contemporary and rival of Empedocles. According to Diogenes, he was the author of some books on medicine and die- tetics written in the Doric dialect, and signalized himself at Athens at the time of the great plague by introducing the i^ractice of fumigation, and thus affording relief to many. The gymnasia of ancient Greece seem also to have contributed to the improvement of the healing art. It belonged to the gymnasiarch or paloestrophylax to regulate the regimen of the youths who were trained in those seminaries; the sub-directors or yvixva^oi treated all diseases which occurred ; and the subal- terns or bathers, the axfi^rat, performed bloodletting, administered injections, and dressed wounds, ulcers, fractures, and other surgical cases. Of the class of gymnastic physicians, one of the most celebrated was Herodicus of Selybria. He is frequently mentioned by Hippocrates, who censures him for extenuating his patients by excessive fatigue, and of sometimes causing their death. It is to be regretted that we have so little infor- mation regarding the political condition of the physicians of Greece. All that we know must be gathered from some obscure passages in various Greek writers. In a State so polished as that of Athens, the physicians would necessarily be sub- jected to certain laws. Plato seems to insinuate that at his time the Athenian physicians, as formerly LAWS AFFECTING GREEK PHYSICIANS. 103 those of Egypt, directed the treatment of their dis- eases according to certain precepts marked out for them, and that they were responsible to the State for all the deaths occasioned by their negligence. A passage of Xenophon also proves that the young men, before establishing themselves on the territory of the republic of Athens, were obliged to ask per- mission in a public discourse, in which they ex- plained the manner they had previously, or whether they had at all, practised, and proclaimed by whom they had been instructed. Hyginus says that there existed a law amongst the Athenians forbidding slaves to exercise medicine, and reserving it exclu- sively for freemen. The Greeks had in their pay military surgeons ; but it would seem, from Xenophon, that they were only called in after sanguinary battles to dress the wounded. There seems also some reason for be- lievmo; that there were at Athens charlatans who sold their nostrums in the public places. Aristo- phanes introduces in one of his comedies a person seeking in all the streets and shops for a potion which might accelerate the delivery of a pregnant woman. The aleiptai or physicians sold also secret remedies at the public baths, and were frequently consulted in cases of wounds, &c. CHAPTER XI. THE AGE OF HIPPOCRATES. Revoliition in medical science — Important era in the liistory of medicine — Biographical sketch of Hippocrates — His medical career — The great plague at Athens — Brilliant cures — Authen- ticity of his works — Books falsely ascribed to him — His undis- puted works — His knowledge and views on anatomy, physio- logy, semeiology, pathology, therapeutics, surgery, dietetics. The first year of the 80th Olympiad gave birth to Hippocrates (B.C. 460-370), the second of that name, who was destined to effect a greater revolu- tion in medical science than had previously been accomplished, and whose authority continued to be regarded with almost implicit veneration by his successors during a period of more than two thou- sand years, and is still in some parts of the Euro- pean continent, especially, looked up to with the greatest deference and respect. "He saw," says M. Cabanis,- "that too much and yet not enough had been done for medicine, and he accordingly separated it from philosophy, to which it had never been united by its true and reciprocal relation. He brought the science back again into its proper channel, that of rational experience. * Coup d'CEil sur les Reyolutions, &c., de la Medecine. REVOLUTION IN MEDICAL SCIENCE. 105 However, as he himself observes, he introduced both these sciences into each other, for he considered them as inseparable ; but he assigned to them rela- tions which were altogether new. In short, he freed medicine from false theories, and formed for it new and solid systems; this he, with justice, said was to render medicine philosophical. On the other hand, he elucidated moral and natural philosophy by the light of medical science. This we may, with propriety, call, with him, the introduction of one into the other. The new spirit of improvement which was then communicated to medicine resem- bled a sudden light that dispels the phantoms of darkness, and restores to bodies their proper figure and natural color. By rejecting the errors of former ages, Hippocrates learned more fully to avail him- self of the useful part of their labors. The connec- tion and dependence both of the facts which had been observed, and of the conclusions which had been legitimately deduced from their comparison, were now perceived with a degree of evidence, which, till then, had been unknown. All the discoveries were certainly not yet made, but from that moment inquirers began to pursue the only path which can conduct to them. From that moment, if they had been able to preserve themselves from delusion, they would have possessed sure means of estimating, with precision, the new ideas which time was destined to develop; and if the disciples of Hippocrates had un- derstood his lessons well, they might have laid the foundation of that analytical philosophy, by the aid of which the human mind will be henceforth enabled I o 6 HIS TORY OF MEDICINE. to create to itself, as it were, daily some new and improved methods of advancement." Unfortunately, however, for the progress of the art, the disciples of Hippocrates soon wandered from the path which he had marked out. Instead of quietly and carefully watching the operations of nature, they kept inventing, like his more immediate predecessors, to whose visionary speculations we have already re- ferred, fanciful hypotheses to explain them, and in place of studying assiduously the works of the master whom they professed to worship, thc}^ falsi- fied his writings in order to make them meet their own particular views; so that it has hecome a mat- ter of very considerable difficulty to distinguish the genuine from the spurious compositions which have been ascribed to the father of medicine. Of Hippocrates, as Dr. Parr has correctly observed , it is difficult to speak with impartiality, in a manner that will satisfy his warm admirers, or those who reject everything which is not of a modern era. If we look at him as a physician, when medicine had scarcely escaped from the trammels of superstition, the refinements of philosophy, or the dictates of antiquated tradition, our admiration will rise almost to enthusiasm, for we shall perceive sound judgment, accuracy of reasoning, and acuteness of observation superior to his era or the state of science at that period. But to study and admire Hippocrates at this time is very difierent. Science has opened newer and more extensive views ; diseases are dis- tinguished with greater accuracy, and the remedies, as they are more numerous, may be more appro- BIOGRAPHICAL SKE TCH OF HIPPOCRA TES. i o 7 priately adapted to the circumstances. He forms, however, so vast a space in the history of medicine, that a detailed notice of liimself and of some of his doctrines is necessary and of the highest interest. Hippocrates, whose science and skill made the aire in which he lived memorable, was descended from a line of physicians, and inherited the instruc- tions of his father and grandfather, who were them- selves descendants of the Asclepiadse. His biography would be extremely interesting, had it been trans- mitted to us by authors wholly worthy of confidence, but with the exception of some fragments preserved by Soranus, we have but a small number of authentic accounts reo-ardins: the circumstances of his life. His father Heraclides gave him the first part of his education, and probably taught him the art of observing diseases as they presented themselves in the temples, and the mode of treating them as practised by the Asclepiadse. Herodicus of Selybria and Gorgias Leontinus are also mentioned as having been his masters, and, according to others, he was a disciple of Democritus of Abdera. The votive tablets of the temples of ^sculapius furnished Hippocrates with a part of his observations on the progress and nature of diseases. Andreas asserts that he reduced the temple at Cos to ashes, in order to prove that he was the author of the semeiological observations which he has given, but in this there is not the least shade of probability, as no other author has made any mention of the act, and it could not have failed to produce a considerable sen- sation at the time, so considerable, indeed, as not io8 HIST OR Y OF MEDICINE. to have been passed over in silence. ]S'or could it be conceived, supposing it were true, how Hippocrates, after such an act, could have preserved himself from the fury of a people who vowed implacable hatred to the despoilers of their temples. Soranus asserts that Hippocrates went to the court of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, and that he cured that prince of a consumption occasioned by an un- fortunate afiection for his mother-in-law, Phila, a fact which is not controverted by chronology, as Perdiccas the Second did not mount the throne until the fourth year of the 87th Olympiad, a time when Hippocrates was enjoying his greatest celeb- rity ; but what makes it a little suspicious is, that history relates a similar circumstance to have oc- curred at the court of Seleucus JS'icator. It is not improbable that he passed some time at the court of Perdiccas, as Pella, Olynthus, and Acanthus are all situated in Macedonia, at which place he is asserted to have observed several diseases. He appears to have resided a long time in Thrace with the Edonians, for he frequently speaks, in his book on Epidemics, of the towns of Abdera, Datus, Doriscus, (Enus, and Cardia, situated in Thrace or on the isle of Thasos. It may likewise be conjectured that he travelled into Scythia, and into the country surrounding the kingdom of Pontus and the Palus Mseotides, for he gives a faithful picture of the manners and mode of life of the Scythians. The same Soranus remarks that Hippocrates de- livered Athens, Abdera, and Ill3'ria from a plague which occasioned great ravages. This cannot refer to PUBLIC SER VICES OF HIPP OCR A TES. 1 09 the terrible plague at Athens, which occurred during the Peloponnesian war, as Thucjdides, who has given a full account of that epidemic, of which he was an eye-witness, makes no mention of Hippocrates, and, on the contrary, expressly asserts that the skill of the physicians failed in it, as well as in all those diseases the knowledge of which the gods had revealed to man. Soranus goes on to observe that, in consequence of the above circumstance, the Athenians out of gratitude initiated him in the mysteries of Ceres, according him the right of citizenship, and directing that he should be feasted, as well as his descendants, in the Prytaneum, where all those who had rendered a service to their country were entertained. Galen also refers to the circumstance of his arresting the epidemic, and adds that Hippocrates caused fires to be burnt as well as aromatics, over the whole city, in order to purify the atmosphere, which he observes perfectly succeeded and arrested the disease, so that the epidemic mentioned by Soranus and Galen cannot have been identical with that referred to by Thucydides. In another place, Galen holds that Hippocrates practised the healing art amongst the Athenians, supporting his assertion by the case of a patient who dwelt in the market of Cecrops. Amongst the most brilliant cures ascribed to Hippocrates is that of Democritus of Abdera, whom he took under his care at the request of the Abderites. Soranus confines himself to observing, that, having cured the philosopher of his insanity, he returned to the town of Abdera, having rendered it as great a service as if he had delivered it from HISTORY OF MEDICINE. the plague. Tzetzes, however, adds that the in- habitants, full of gratitude, oflered him ten talents, but that, the conversation which he had with Democritus having proved the Abderite to be the wisest of all men, he refused the same, thanking the Abderites, on quitting them, for having made him acquainted with so great a philosopher. The last years of his life this illustrious physician passed in Thessaly, more especially at Larissa, Cranon, Pher?e, Tricca, and Melibcea, as proved by the observations which he made regarding the dis- eases of those different towns. Soranus asserts, also, that he succeeded in arming the Thessalians in favor of his countrymen, when the Athenians declared w^ar against the inhabitants of Cos and attacked them. According to the same author he died at Larissa in the 99th year of his age, and a long time after his death his grave was to be seen between that town and Gyrtona. It is much to be regretted for the sake of the science that we have no certainty respecting the authenticity of several of the works which have been published as those of Hippocrates. The ancients themselves questioned the authenticity of a multi- tude of writings ascribed to the son of Heraclides, and many of them were attributed to his relatives, but frequently they were uncertain to whom to give the credit, and fixed them almost indiscriminately on the different members of the family of Hippocrates. Hippocrates, the son of Heraclides, lived at a period when paper was uncommon amongst the Greeks. They were acquainted, it is true, with the papyrus, THE WORKS OF HIPP OCR A TES. 1 1 1 wliich the Greek colonists in Egypt had learned to prepare after the reign of Amasis, but the use of paper was by no means common in Greece until the time of Alexander the Great. Hippocrates therefore wrote his observations in a very concise style on tablets covered with wax, or on the skins of animals. Several of these collections were not intended for the public eye, but were kept for his own private use. His two sons, however, Thessalus and Dracon, and his son-in-law Polybus, who adopted the princi- ]3les of the modern sects, falsified his writings, changing their arrangement, making interpolations, and endeavoring to elucidate obscure passages by additions of their own. The greatest disorder also took place when the Ptolemies, after the example of Aristotle who col- lected the first large library, founded several collec- tions of books, and amongst others that of Alexan- dria, and forbade the exportation of paper in order that they might procure for themselves a greater num- ber of copies of the works of the ancients. Hence, numerous mercenary individuals profited by the enthusiasm of the kings of Egypt, either by selling to them the writings of the other Hippocrates under the name of the most celebrated, or by adding to the writings of Hippocrates their own productions, satisfied that the Ptolemies, who were ambitious of forming a richer library than that of the kings of Pergamus, would readily take without examination everything which was ofiTered to them. To distinguish the real works of Hippocrates has hence been a problem of very considerable difiiculty. 1 1 2 HIS TORY OF MEDICINE. The literati of Alexandria were extremely doubtful, even at that time, of their authenticity, and en- deavored to select the true from the false. At the expiration of five hundred years, also, the task was attempted by Galen, who, with an intimate knowledge of what the successors of HijDpocrates had written, possessed a discriminating genius and critical dis- cernment of the style and manner of the Coan sage, which peculiarly fitted him for the task. . Mercu- rialis, too, a man of very extensive erudition, and Haller, a physician of the first literary eminence, as well as Gruner, have all labored in the same field, assuming as a principle that Hippocrates was a man of singular abilities, extensive information, and consummate candor and modesty. By these tests, although as uncertain as it is possible to imagine, they have tried every imputed work. The undisputed works of Hippocrates are said to be the first and third book of Epidemics^ two books of the Frcenotiones (a difterent work from the FrcB- notiones Coacce, published by Elzevir in 1660, by Duretus at Paris, and with commentaries by Holle- rius at Ley den, which is considered to be certainly spurious) containing the Prognostica and the second book of the Frorrhetica ; De Dmta in Acutis ; Aphorismi ; De Aere^ Aqiiis et Locis ; De Natura Hominis ; De Huraorihus Purgandis ; De Alimento ; De Articidis ; De Fractiiris ; De Capitis Vulneribiis ; De Officina Medici ; and De Locis in Homine. This is nearly the enumeration of Haller, but even the au- thenticity of several of these has been strongly called in question. THE WRITINGS OF HIPPOCRATES. 113 Even the disputed works of Hippocrates are, how- ever, entitled to very attentive perusal from the information they give respecting the mode of reason- ing and practice of medicine at that period. The writings of Hippocrates, as Dr. Parr has correctly observed — and the remark may be extended to the whole of the literature of medicine — merit attention. "Where the title of doctor," he proceeds, "is as- sumed merely as a claim to receive the fee of a physician, it is of little importance whether the practitioner can read, the world is contented to take his talents on trust ; but the man who claims the rank of a regular, well-instructed physician should not be ignorant of the opinions of Hippocrates or of the state of physic at the earliest period of recorded observations. He will derive no little satis- faction from the candid relation of facts, whether favorable or otherwise, and from the firm, undeviat- ing integrity which seems to have regulated the conduct of this father of medicine." Having thus briefly sketched the life of the Father of Physic, Hippocrates, the "divine old man," as he has been denominated by some writers, and pointed out those of the works generally attributed to him which have been considered authentic, and the neces- sity of an acquaintance with the state of physic at the earliest period of recorded observation, and espe- cially of its condition at the time of Hippocrates, we may next proceed to glean some particulars of the knowledge of that distinguished individual in the different branches which comprise the science of medicine. 8 1 1 4 HISTOR V OF MEDICINE. First, with respect to his acquaintance with ana- tomy, this would not seem to have been considera- ble, and it is extremely doubtful whether he had ever acquired it by regular dissection. Galen, it is true, attributes to him the invention of scientific anatomy, and asserts that the Asclepiad?e were at that period very skilful in the art ; but it is well known that at the time of Hippocrates there still existed the prejudice of interring the dead with the greatest possible celerity. It is consequently probable that Hippocrates, like Empedocles, AclniEeon, and Democritus, confined himself chiefly to the dissec- tion of animals. Those of his writings which bear the stamp of authenticity prove in fact that, with the exception of a tolerably exact knowledge of osteology, he was completely ignorant of anatomy, or at least had but a very vague and superficial knowledge of the organization of the human body. Between arteries and veins Hippocrates established no difference. He called them collectively