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 BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
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 ir 
 
 CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. 
 
 PAET SEVENTH. 
 THE BAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 CHAPTEB PAGE 
 
 I. RISE OP THEBAN POWER . . . . . .1 
 
 Character of the Thebans, 1. Epaminondas and Pelopidas, 2. Humili- 
 ation of the Spartans Battle of Tegyra, 6. Congress at Sparta, 10. 
 Battle of Leuktra, 13. 
 
 II. OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH -HELLAS . . .19 
 
 Invasion of the Peloponnesus, 19. Pelopidas in Thessaly, 28. The Tear- 
 less Battle, 26. 
 III. CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER . . . . .28 
 
 The Persian Rescript, 23. Death of Pelopidas, 80. Battle of Mantineia 
 
 Death of Epaminondas, 31. 
 IV. RISE OF MACEDONIA .'.>". . . .38 
 
 Death of Agesilaus, 38. Decline of the Naval Power of Athens, 40. An- 
 archy, 41. Second Sacred War, 42. Philip, King of Macedonia, 45. 
 Demosthenes, 47. End of the Second Sacred War Growth of Phil- 
 ip's Power, 54. New Sacred War Battle of Chreroneia, 56. Char- 
 acter of the First Hellenism, 58. 
 
 PART EIGHTH. 
 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM, 
 
 I. EXTENSION AND REORGANIZATION . , . ' . v. .61 
 
 Historical Account of Macedonia, 61. Philip, 64. Eeorganization of the 
 
 Macedonian Army, 69. 
 
 II. THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS . . . .73 
 
 Conquests in Thessaly, Thrace, etc., 73. Olynthian War, 77. Athenian 
 Proposals of Peace, 81. End of the Phokian War, 85.
 
 iv CONTENTS. 
 
 CKAPTEB PAO1 
 
 III. LAST DATS OF PHILIP . . . . . .86 
 
 Preparations for the Asiatic Expedition, 86. Assassination of Philip, 
 
 87. Philip's Position in History, 63. 
 
 IV. ALEXANDER THE GREAT . . -'^ . . .91 
 
 Consolidation of his Power, 91. Destruction of Thebes, 94. Visit to Cor- 
 inth and Delphi, 95. Entry into Asia, 96. 
 
 V. BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND Issus - V " .97 
 
 The Opposing Armies, 97. The Battle at the Granlkus, 100. Conquests 
 in Asia Minor, 105. The Gordian Knot, 106. Death of Memnon, 107. 
 Battle of Issus, 10S. 
 VI. FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER . . . .115 
 
 Darius submits Propositions of Peace, 115. Tyro and Gaza, 117. Alexan- 
 der's Visit to Egypt, 119. Battle of Gaugamelo or Arbola, 121. 
 VII. ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA .... 129 
 
 Revolution of King Agis, 129. New Victories and Projects of Alexander, 
 181. Death of Phllotas and Pormenio, 182. Death of Kleitus, 184. 
 Conquests on the Indus, 136. 
 VIII. LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER ..... 189 
 
 The Return from India, 189. Alexander's Innovations Height of his 
 Power, 140. Death of Alexander, 148. Conclusion, 147. 
 
 PART NINTH. 
 
 TIIE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 I. REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS . . . . . .149 
 
 Settlement of the Empire, 149. The Lamlan War, 155. Death of Demos- 
 thenes, 161. 
 II. THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY . . . . . 1C3 
 
 Proceedings of Perdlkkas, 163. Combination against Eumenes, 165. 
 
 Death of Perdlkkas, 169. 
 HI. ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHON ..... 170 
 
 Affairs in Europe and Asia, 170. Death of Antlpator and Demades, 172. 
 
 Polyspcrchon Death of Phokion, 178. 
 IV. ANTIOONTS AND EUMENES. ..... 182 
 
 The Struggle for Supremacy. 182. 
 V. ANTIOONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS .... 190 
 
 The War against Antlgonus, 190. Condition of Hellas, 198. Athens freed 
 
 by Demetrius Pollorketcs, 195. 
 VI. THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS . . . ... 200 
 
 Defeat of Ptolemy Capture of Kyprus, 200. Antlgonns In Egypt, 206. 
 Siege of Rhodes, 208. Demetrius in Hollas, 214. Battle of Ipsus 
 Death of Antigonns, 217. 
 VII. LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER'S GENERALS .... 220 
 
 Proceedings of Demetrius Death of Kassander, 220. Death of De- 
 metrius. 224. Death of Ptolemy and Lysimochus, 226. Death of
 
 CONTENTS. v 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 VIII. THE INVASION OF THE GAULS ..... 229 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Keraunus, 229. Anarchy in Macedonia Antigonus 
 
 Gonatas King, 231. 
 IX. STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD ..... 233 
 
 Expedition of Pyrrhus of Epirus, 233. Hellenism in the West, 286. Hel- 
 lenism in the East, 237. Macedonia and Hellas, 241. 
 X. THE ROMAN CONQUEST ...... 242 
 
 The JEolian and Achsean Leagues, 242. Agis and Kleomenes, Kings of 
 Sparta, 244. Roman Successes, 247. Polybius, 252. Permanence of 
 Hellenic Influence, 253. 
 
 PAKT TENTH. 
 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 I. AFFAIRS IN HELLAS . . . . . .258 
 
 The Mithridatic War, 258. The Pirates Krete, 261. The Eoman Civil 
 Wars, 262. The Emperors, 265. The Sophists, 267. Trajan, 270. 
 Hadrian, 271. Antoninus Pius Marcus Aui^lius, 278. 
 II. BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS ..... 275 
 
 Early Decline of the Empire, 275. Hellenism the First Herald of Chris- 
 tianity, 280. 
 III. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT ...... 286 
 
 Division of Imperial Power, 286. Conversion of Constantino, 288. Con- 
 stantine Sole Emperor, 291. Arius, 293. Foundation of Constanti- 
 nople, 297. The Last Seven Tears of the Reign of Constantino, 299. 
 Remarks on the Life of Constantine, 801. 
 IV. CONSTANTIUS AND JULIAN . ..... 302 
 
 Constantius, 302. Julian the Apostate, 303. The Reign of Julian, 308. 
 V. JOVIAN TO THEODOSIUS I. . . . . 811 
 
 Peace with the Persians, 311. Basil and Gregory, 812. New Invasions of 
 
 the Barbarians, 814. Theodosius I, 815. 
 VI. ARCADIUS AND HONORIUS. . . . . .317 
 
 Barbarian Incursions, 817. John Chrysostom, 319. 
 VII. THEODOSIUS II . . . . . . .323 
 
 Pulcheria and Eudokia, 323. Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople, 826. 
 
 Attila, 827. 
 VIII. END OF THE ROMAN RULE .... 328 
 
 Leo the Thracian, 828. Zeno Anastasius Justin I, 829. Justinian I, 
 830. The Temple of St. Sophia, 839. 
 
 PAET ELEVENTH. 
 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 I. HERAKLIUS . . . . . . .342 
 
 Overthrow of Phokas, 842. Rise of Mohammedanism, 843. Conflict be- 
 tween Islamism and Christianity, 847.
 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 II. CONSTANTINE IV TO LEO III ..... 848 
 
 Siege of Constantinople, 848. The Greek Fire, 850. Justinian II, Rhino- 
 tinotus, 852. Lcontlus Tiberius Absimarus, 858. Second Period of 
 the Reign of Justinian II, 854. Pliilippikus Anastatius II, 856. Leo 
 III, the Isaurian, 857. 
 III. LEO III TO LEO V . . . . . . 869 
 
 State of the Eastern Empire, 859. Constantino Y, 864. Constantino 
 
 VI, 864. NlkephoroB I, 865. Michael I Leo V, 86. 
 IV. THE DYNASTY OF MICHAEL II ". . . . 868 
 
 Michael II Tbeophllus, 863. The Successors of Theophilus, 870. 
 V. THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY THE COMNENI . . . 872 
 
 The Reign of Basil I, 872. Leo VI, 878. Alexius I, 874. .Robert Ouis- 
 
 card's Invasion, 375. The Crusades, 877. 
 VI. THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS ... . . 381 
 
 The Second Crusade, 8S1. The Crusaders in Constantinople, 883. Or- 
 ganization of tho Latin Empire, 886. Recovery of Constantinople, 
 888. Fall of Constantinople, 390. 
 
 PART TWELFTH. 
 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 I. TURKISH RULE . . . . . . ; . 892 
 
 II. THE GREEK REVOLUTION ...... 898 
 
 General Survey, 898. The Fall of Mesolonghl, 400. Naval Triumphs, 404. 
 III. THE KINGDOM OK GREECE . . . . 407 
 
 INDEX ........ 417
 
 PART SEYEJSTTH. 
 THE BAN SIT PR EM A C T. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 
 
 Character of the Thebans. 
 
 WE have already alluded to the character and life of the 
 Boeotians- and Thebans. The Thebans were certainly not 
 among the noblest tribes in Hellas. They possessed neither 
 the advantages which the Athenians derived from their 
 matchless intelligence, nor those which the Spartans ob- 
 tained through their wonderful political and military organ- 
 ization. The very sentiment of Hellenic autonomy was for 
 a long time weak among the Thebans. They had openly 
 united with Xerxes and Mardonius during the invasion of the 
 Persians. But the Thebans were brave soldiers, and pos- 
 sessed souls, if not always noble, yet ever resolute ; bodies, if 
 not prepossessing, yet athletic and well prepared, by exercise 
 and thorough drill from early childhood, for every military 
 duty. The Thebans in the fifth century B. c. repeatedly ob- 
 tained the honor of having defeated the Athenian hoplites, 
 then in their glory. At Koroneia they showed the Spartans 
 themselves that they were not unworthy opponents. This 
 warlike spirit and dexterity only had need of some power- 
 ful motive to accomplish great deeds. The dastardly plot
 
 2 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 through which Sparta sought to humble Thebes by the 
 peace of Antalkidas provided this necessity. The violent act 
 of Phoebidas and the tyranny of Leontiades made it more 
 imperative. The indignation which the ruinous policy of 
 Sparta produced at Thebes was exemplified by a few men 
 first by Ismenias, then by Pelopidas, Mellon, Charon, Gor- 
 gias, Theopompus, and others ; but it was poured into the 
 veins of all the Thebans, and like some sacred fire kindled 
 and incited them to the contest, and to every sacrifice for 
 the preservation of their restored independence. 
 
 Thus may be explained to some extent the sudden promi- 
 nence of the city of Thebes. The life and government of 
 the Athenians recall to our mind the countries which Nature 
 has made fertile by many and great rivers. The life and 
 constitution of Sparta recall the lands in which art and indus- 
 try, by an economical use of the few streams running through 
 them, and by the construction of various canals, have suc- 
 ceeded in making fertile even the most arid plains. But 
 the life and constitution of the Thebans were for a long time 
 almost unproductive ; until, from a powerful sentiment of 
 liberty and ambition stirring the lowest and apparently in- 
 sensible depths, there suddenly burst forth a living spring 
 which changed the desert into a garden. 
 
 Epaminondaa and Pelopidas. 
 
 Was the man also a product of that moral revolution, 
 who, by his military genius, his political fitness, and his pow- 
 er of speech, made immortal that period of Hellenic history ? 
 Unfortunately, while we can to some extent ascertain the 
 causes of the rise and decline of nations, the growth and 
 power of great men have heretofore remained unexplained. 
 We certainly can not say that the political growth and re- 
 generation of the city of Thebes entirely recreated that man, 
 because only in 371 i. e., seven years after the restoration of 
 independence does he seem to have held the first rank ; yet
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 3 
 
 on the recovery of freedom, in which he certainly was less 
 engaged than Pelopidas and many other citizens, he was 
 already forty years old, and in the very prime of his bodily 
 and intellectual forces. It can not, therefore, be affirmed 
 that the advancement of the city produced Epaminondas, 
 nor that he caused the growth of the city. Each seems to 
 have grown independently of the other, though they united, 
 and acted the one with the other. Without the growth of 
 Thebes, the genius of Epaminondas would not have received 
 stimulus; and without the genius of Epaminondas, the growth 
 of Thebes would have been limited to the small hegemony 
 of Bceotia. 
 
 The family of Epaminondas, son of Polymnis, traced its 
 lineage to the race called Sparti, whose heroic progenitors 
 were said to have sprung from the dragon's teeth sown by 
 Kadmus ; * but it was in such reduced circumstances that 
 not even the name of his mother was ever known. Epami- 
 nondas was trained from early youth in all the branches of 
 gymnastics and military duty, such as were imposed upon 
 every Theban citizen. In this respect he had need of no 
 better school than that of his own country, because bod- 
 ily exercise received great attention at Thebes. But he 
 was also distinguished by the diligent care he took of his 
 intellectual education. He eagerly sought the society of 
 philosophers within his reach, among whom were the Theban 
 Simmias and the Tarentine Spintharus, both of them once 
 companions of Sokrates ; so that Epaminondas may be re- 
 garded in some measure as the pupil of that great Athenian. 
 As the relations between Athens and Thebes, ever since the 
 close of the Peloponnesian war, had become more and more 
 friendly, we may reasonably presume, with Grote, that he 
 profited by teachers of the latter city as well as of the former. 
 But we are told that the man to whom he especially devoted 
 himself, and whom he not only revered as a pupil, but tended 
 
 * Pausanias.
 
 4 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 almost as a son toward the close of his long life, was a 
 Tarentine exile named Lysis, a member of the Pythagorean 
 brotherhood. With him and many other such men did 
 Epaminondas associate for several years, and engage in all 
 the branches of study and research. But, while possessed of 
 so lofty a genius, and so much addicted to the improvement 
 of the mind, he was at the same time modest and wholly 
 devoid of a boasting spirit. This is especially to be admired, 
 since the Hellenes were noted for their self-love and self- 
 sufficiency. He was indifferent to money, and remained 
 poor throughout his life, leaving not even the means neces- 
 sary for his burial ; while strangers often submitted to him 
 propositions of bribery, and friends offered to relieve his 
 pressing needs. He was distinguished for the mildness of 
 his political sentiments, his repugnance to harsh treatment 
 of conquered enemies, and his refusal to mingle in intestine 
 bloodshed. These virtues are especially worthy of admira- 
 tion, since they were rare among the Hellenes. If there were 
 men whose conduct justified the severest punishment, they 
 were Leontiades and the traitors with him. They not only 
 opened the gates of the Kadmeia to the Spartans, but also 
 killed Ismenias. Epaminondas, however, disapproved of the 
 scheme of Pelopidas and the other exiles to assassinate them, 
 partly on prudential grounds, but in part from conscientious 
 scruples.* 
 
 Epaminondas does not appear in the career of political 
 action before 371 B. c. Let it not be supposed, however, 
 that he had remained idle in the interim. He took an active 
 part in the success of the daring plan, and provided also the 
 means for the defense of Thebes. He was among the first 
 to urge the Thebans to intrench and fence off the fertile plain 
 on the north of the city, from which they derived their prin- 
 cipal means of sustenance. At the same time he organized 
 with Pelopidas the famous sacred lochos or band, composed 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 5 
 
 of three hundred picked men, bound together by the closest 
 ties of friendship and devoted to each other to the death. 
 This lochos was maintained at the public expense, was con- 
 stantly drilled, and, being actuated by the noblest sentiments, 
 proved one of the principal supports of the power of Thebes. 
 It filled Hellas with the fame of its achievements, and fell 
 only on that fatal day when the autonomy of Hellas disap- 
 peared. 
 
 Thus Epaminondas was in the service of his country 
 from the very beginning of its freedom, although during 
 the first seven years Pelopidas held a higher rank than he. 
 It was Pelopidas who first conquered the Spartans, and 
 first restored the hegemony of the Thebans over Bceotia. 
 He was unlike Epaminondas both in his circumstances and 
 habits of life. He was younger than the latter, rich, and a 
 happy father of a family, while Epaminondas was never 
 married. He delighted more in bodily exercises, and amused 
 himself in the wrestling-ring or in hunting, while Epaminon- 
 das spent his hours of leisure in philosophical researches. 
 But they were united by the strictest and most inviolable 
 friendship, which remained constant to the last, in all the 
 high posts which they held, both military and civil. This 
 was a rare instance indeed of such union between two leaders 
 and fellow aspirants in ancient Hellas. In fact, the names 
 of these two men are usually mentioned in history side by 
 side. One of the greatest historians of antiquity, the Pelo- 
 ponnesian Polybius, who flourished during the second cen- 
 tury B. c., said that the supremacy of the Thebans was 
 formed, flourished, and declined with the lives of Epaminon- 
 das and Pelopidas.* But this parallel between the virtues 
 and achievements of Pelopidas and Epaminondas is true 
 only in part. Pelopidas was the best of the Thebans Epam- 
 inondas, the best of the Greeks. Pelopidas began the work 
 
 * Kal yap ffwriv^Or) col ffvvfiKp.a.ffe KO! (rvy/caTe\<507j ret Qr/Batuv epya T<J> 
 ev nt\oiri$ov ply irpofavwr.
 
 6 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 of the freedom and supremacy of the Thebans, but to 
 Epaminondas are due its completion and the Panhellenic 
 achievements of Thebes. After the death of Pelopidas the 
 city continued to grow under Epaminondas ; but after the 
 death of the latter it fell as if by magic. In a word, if the 
 daring of Pelopidas and his devotion to his country were in 
 every point similar to those same virtues in Epaminondas, 
 yet the victor of Leuktra and Mantineia, and he who glori- 
 ously advocated in the national congress the rights of his 
 own country, the restorer of Messenia, the founder of Mega- 
 lopolis, proved himself without doubt greater than his great 
 and noble friend. 
 
 Humiliation of the Spartans Battle of Tegyra. 
 
 After the return of Kleombrotus from Boeotia, the Spar- 
 tans persuaded Agesilaus himself to undertake the war 
 against the Thebans. This veteran warrior repeatedly in- 
 vaded Boeotia during 378 and 377, but accomplished nothing 
 of importance. The Thebans, assisted by the Athenians, 
 manfully met all the attacks, and in fact began to extend 
 their operations to other Boeotian cities. While Agesilaus 
 was returning from Boootia in 377 he ruptured a blood-ves- 
 sel, and his one healthy limb was also injured, rendering 
 him for a long time unfit for service ; and the command 
 again passed to Kleombrotus. The latter marched in 376 
 against Boeotia, but was unable even to cross the Kithreron, 
 which was already occupied by a force of Athenians and 
 Thebans, and turned back without effecting his purpose. 
 
 The Spartans, who were daily losing their prestige and 
 becoming humbled, resolved to try their fortunes at sea, 
 hoping to detach the Athenians from the alliance of the 
 Thebans. But their admiral Pollis, in command of sixty 
 triremes, was totally defeated near Naxos in September, 376, 
 by the Athenian Chabrias with eighty triremes. The Athe- 
 nians, availing themselves of the victory, began to extend
 
 KISE OF THEBAN POWER. 7 
 
 their naval sway, and their influence was felt as far as the 
 Ionian Sea. 
 
 In like manner did the Thebans continue to prosper. No 
 new invasion of Boeotia was made by the Lacedaemonians 
 during 376 and 375. In the former year Kleombrotus was 
 unable to cross the Kithaeron, and in 375 the attention of 
 Sparta was directed to the movements of the Athenian Timo- 
 theus on the Ionian Sea. Hence the Thebans daily gained 
 strength in Bceotia. They had frequent skirmishes with the 
 Lacedaemonian garrisons there, which gave them considerable 
 drill and improvement. " For their spirits," says Plutarch, 
 " were raised, their bodies were inured to labor, and, by being 
 used to these encounters, they gained both experience and 
 courage." The most noted of these combats was the battle 
 of Tegyra, in which the Thebans, led by Pelopidas, achieved 
 a splendid victory, which served as a sort of prelude to that 
 of Leuktra. 
 
 Pelopidas, learning that the Lacedaemonian harmost, with 
 two divisions from the garrison at Orchomenus, had gone 
 on an incursion into the Lokrian territory, made a dash 
 from Thebes with the Sacred Band and a small party 
 of horse to surprise the place. On approaching Orchome- 
 nus, he was informed that there were other Spartan troops 
 in the town, and that no surprise could be effected. He 
 therefore retraced his steps, but on reaching Tegyra met 
 the Lacedaemonian polemarchs, Gorgoleon and Theopompus, 
 who were returning from the Lokrian foray. The Lace- 
 dsemonian force was twice as numerous as that of Pelopidas, 
 and the polemarchs accordingly welcomed this encounter. 
 The Thebans were at first much dispirited, and one of them ran 
 and told Pelopidas, " We are fallen into the enemy's hands." 
 " And why not they," said he, " into ours ? " But it was only 
 after repeated exhortations from their leader that they 
 finally regained their courage. A severe battle ensued, 
 which proved how unconquerable was the united strength
 
 8 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 and courage of the Sacred Band. The shock began on the 
 spot where the generals fought in person, and raged there 
 furiously. The Spartan commanders, who attacked Pelopi- 
 das, were among the first that were slain, while all that were 
 near them were either killed or put to flight. This so terrified 
 the whole army that they opened a lane for the Thebans, 
 through which, if they had pleased, they might have passed 
 safely and continued their route. But Pelopidas, disdaining 
 to retreat, charged those who yet stood their ground, and 
 made such havoc among them that they fled in great con- 
 fusion. The neighborhood of Orchomenus forbade any long 
 pursuit, so that Pelopidas could only erect his trophy and 
 strip the dead before returning to Thebes.* 
 
 This battle, in which the Lacedaemonians were for the 
 first time routed in fair field by numbers inferior to their own, 
 produced a marked sensation throughout Hellas, and raised 
 the hopes and strengthened the energies of the Thebans. 
 About 374 B. c. the latter controlled all the cities throughout 
 Boeotia except Orchomenus, with its dependency Chaeroncia. 
 This battle first taught the Hellenes that it was not the Eu- 
 rotas which alone produced brave warriors, but that wher- 
 ever the youth are ashamed of what is base, are resolute in 
 a good cause, and more inclined to avoid disgrace than dan- 
 ger, these are the men who are terrible to their enemies, f 
 
 At the same time the Thebans began to retaliate upon 
 their neighbors the Phokians, who were not only the allies 
 of Sparta, but also their auxiliaries in the recent attacks on 
 Thebes. They were, however, compelled to withdraw, since 
 Kleombrotus was sent across the gulf to their aid, with four 
 Lacedaemonian divisions of troops and an auxiliary body of 
 allies. 
 
 Athens now became jealous of the growing influence 
 and prosperity of Thebes, and hastened to send envoys to 
 Sparta to propose terms of peace. What these terms were 
 * Plutarch. f Ibid.
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 9 
 
 we are not told, but Sparta accepted them at once. For- 
 tunately for the Thebans, this peace did not last long. Timo- 
 theus, who had been dispatched with a powerful fleet to cir- 
 cumnavigate the Peloponnesus, alarm the coast of Laconia, 
 and acquire new allies in the west, was now ordered home. 
 On his return he landed at Zakynthus, which had remained 
 faithful to the Lacedaemonians, certain Zakynthian exiles 
 who had served with him during his voyage. The Zakyn- 
 thian government lodged complaints at Sparta, which de- 
 manded redress of Athens. This was refused, wherefore 
 the peace was at once broken off, and war again declared. 
 In 373 a Lacedaemonian squadron besieged Korkyra, which 
 Timotheus had prevailed upon during his periplus to declare 
 itself for Athens. The Korkyrseans, assisted by the Athe- 
 nians, compelled the Lacedaemonians to decamp in such haste 
 that much corn and wine, many slaves, and even the sick and 
 wounded soldiers, were left behind. The Athenians after- 
 ward sent out another powerful fleet under Iphikrates, and 
 so they fairly ruled the Ionian Sea. 
 
 Thus in 372 B. c. the Spartans were humbled on all sides. 
 Their despondency was heightened by the terrible earth- 
 quakes and rains which during that year occurred in the 
 Peloponnesus, and which they regarded as tokens of the 
 wrath of the god Poseidon. These formidable visitations 
 were more disastrous than any that ever before or since oc- 
 curred in the Peloponnesus. Two towns, Helike and Bura, 
 were destroyed, together with a large portion of their pop- 
 ulation. Ten Lacedaemonian triremes, which happened to 
 be moored on this shore, were sunk with their crews by the 
 tremendous rush of the waters. The Lacedaemonians again, 
 as fifteen years before, sent Antalkidas to Persia, to solicit 
 money and seek once more the interference of the great king 
 in Hellenic affairs. But the king simply recommended to 
 all the cessation of hostilities, on the basis of the peace of 
 Antalkidas. Hence Sparta was little assisted by her ancient
 
 10 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 ally, and would have come to still greater stress had not the 
 Athenians again decided to make peace. 
 
 Congress at Sparta. 
 
 The reasons for abandoning the alliance of the Thebans 
 which existed three years previously had daily become 
 stronger. The fear which caused the union of the Athe- 
 nians with the Thebans in 378, to fight against the Lacedae- 
 monians, had entirely disappeared. The Athenians, having 
 established their new naval dominion, had no longer ground 
 on which to continue the war, since their supremacy was in 
 no danger whatever from the Lacedaemonians. The war 
 was only prolonged for the sake of the Thebans ; and the 
 Athenians justly deemed it unwise to sacrifice their resources, 
 not for the sake of the autonomy of Thebes, but merely 
 to secure their rule throughout Bceotia, which they ever re- 
 garded as dangerous to their own interests. It was accord- 
 ingly voted by the Athenians, and by the majority x of her 
 allies, to send to Sparta for peace, where it was well known 
 that similar dispositions prevailed. Notice of this intention 
 was given to the Thebans, who were also invited to unite in 
 sending ambassadors thither if they wished. In the spring of 
 371 B. c., at the time when the allies of Sparta were assembled 
 in that city, there came also the ambassadors -of the Athe- 
 nians, as well as those of the Thebans and of the various 
 cities which composed the new hegemony of the Athenians. 
 Kallias and Autokles, the most prominent of the Athenian 
 ambassadors, both belonged to the best families of the city. 
 They were accompanied by Kallistratus the orator. Epam- 
 inondas, then one of the Bceotarchs, was the only prominent 
 delegate from Thebes. 
 
 Of the debates which took place during this memorable 
 assembly of the Hellenic nation we have very imperfect 
 knowledge. Xenophon only alludes to the speeches of each 
 of the three Athenians. Kallias spoke as a friend of Sparta,
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 11 
 
 and his speech is eminently philo-Laconian in spirit. Auto- 
 kles, on the contrary, bitterly censured the conduct of the 
 Lacedaemonians. Kallistratus, who spoke after the other two, 
 kept a middle course, acknowledged the mistakes of both, 
 and concluded that the war was damaging to the best in- 
 terests of all, and that the general welfare demanded peace 
 on both sides. " Sparta," said he, " now commands on the 
 land, and the Athenians rule on the sea ; they must be con- 
 tent with this distribution of power, and not continue wran- 
 gling, and resembling those foolish dice-players who, if they 
 win, risk double stakes." 
 
 The words of the orator were at least conscientious, but 
 they did not please the remaining cities, which saw them- 
 selves surrendered to the discretion of Sparta and Athens. 
 Hence the orator added that peace should be made on the 
 basis of the freedom of all the Hellenic cities. But this 
 principle did not meet the views of the others respecting the 
 supremacy of Sparta on the land and that of the Athenians 
 on the sea. It was evident that a peace concluded on such 
 terms would at once produce new causes of discontent. In- 
 deed, such was the result. The Lacedaemonians accepted 
 the proposals of the Athenians "to take away their gov- 
 ernors from the cities, disband their armies, both those on sea 
 and land, and leave the cities free. If any city should vio- 
 late these conditions, all were at liberty to take arms for the 
 support of the injured party ; but no one who did not feel 
 disposed was bound to take arms." 
 
 "When the hour came for the stipulated conditions to be 
 voted upon, the absurdity of the terms became apparent. 
 The Athenians restricted themselves to taking oath only for 
 their own state, and their allied cities also swore each inde- 
 pendently. The Lacedaemonians vouched both for them- 
 selves and their allies. Now, according to the truce, the 
 cities were autonomous, and the first principle of indepen- 
 dence is the right of concluding peace and declaring war.
 
 12 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Thus the Lacedaemonians, by vouching not only for them- 
 selves, but also on behalf of the allies, interfered with one of 
 the most precious rights of complete liberty. 
 
 When, therefore, the turn of the Thebans came, Epami- 
 nondas insisted on his privilege of taking the oath, not for 
 Thebes separately, but for Thebes as president of the Boeo- 
 tian federation, which included all the Boeotian cities. The 
 ephors, and above all Agesilaus, opposed this measure vehe- 
 mently, and demanded that Epaminondas should swear for 
 Thebes alone, and each Boeotian city separately for itself. 
 Thus matters became much complicated. Epaminondas 
 daringly opposed the dictatorial conduct of Sparta, while 
 most of the other ambassadors, frightened by her suprem- 
 acy, lowered their heads before the haughty Agesilaus. 
 Epaminondas declared that only the unjust claims of the 
 Lacedaemonians prolonged the war, and that a lasting peace 
 could not be concluded unless they should agree to lay aside 
 these claims. He alone preserved a proper dignity and free- 
 dom both in his manner and his propositions. His speech 
 was in favor, not only of the Thebans, but of Hellas in gen- 
 eral. He showed that war tended to aggrandize Sparta at 
 the expense of the other states, and insisted that the peace 
 should be founded upon justice and equality.* " The The- 
 bans," said he, "are ready to answer only for themselves, 
 leaving the other Boeotian cities each to vouch for itself, but 
 only when Sparta swears for herself alone, leaving not only 
 the allies, but the cities of Laconia itself, to vouch each in 
 its own name." 
 
 The representatives were terrified at this daring proposi- 
 tion. But Sparta presided over this congress, and Agesilaus 
 over Sparta ; and the bare idea of the equality of the The- 
 bans with the chief city of Hellas made that ruler almost 
 beside himself. Springing up in anger and interrupting 
 further discussion, which he considered insulting to Sparta, 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 13 
 
 he said to Epaminondas, "Speak plainly. Will you, or 
 will you not, leave to each of the Boeotian cities its sepa- 
 rate autonomy ? " To which the other replied, " Will you 
 leave each of the Laconian towns autonomous ? " Without 
 another word Agesilaus caused the names of the Thebans to 
 be struck from the roll, and declared war against them upon 
 the spot. 
 
 Such was the result of that memorable congress of the 
 Hellenic nation which took place during June of 371 B. c. 
 Sparta thought that Thebes, as formerly, would succumb to 
 her will without battle, or, in case of battle, that she could 
 easily be crushed. But before the lapse of a year nay, 
 even before a full month from the dissolution of the synod 
 that haughty city was destined to see how illusive indeed 
 were her hopes. The Athenians hastened to recall Iphikrates 
 from the Ionian Sea, but took no part for the present in the 
 struggle between the Spartans and the Thebans. The Lace- 
 daemonians also recalled their governors and garrisons from 
 the cities which they held, and turned their attention princi- 
 pally to the speedy overthrow of the Thebans. A peremp- 
 tory order was dispatched to Kleombrotus, who was at the 
 head of an army of Lacedaemonians and allies in Phokis, on 
 the northwestern frontier of Bceotia, to march at once against 
 the Thebans and compel them to abandon their supremacy 
 over the rest of the Bo3otian cities. 
 
 Battle of LeuJctra. 
 
 Epaminondas on his return to Thebes found cordial sym- 
 pathy with the resolute bearing which he had adopted be- 
 fore the congress. The Thebans felt the greatness of the 
 danger, but they hoped that the enemy might be prevented 
 from penetrating from Phokis into Bo3otia ; -and to this end 
 they occupied with a strong body, under Epaminondas, the 
 narrow pass near Koroneia, lying between a spur of Mount
 
 14 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Helikon on one side and Lake Kopais on the other.* But 
 King Kleombrotus, instead of forcing the passage, which 
 was the regular road from Phokis into Boeotia, turned south- 
 ward by a mountainous road deemed hardly passable, easily 
 overpowered the Theban division which guarded it, and 
 crossed the ridge of Helikon to the Boeotian port of Kreusis 
 on the Krisssean Gulf. There he captured twelve triremes, 
 left a garrison to occupy the port, and marched without de- 
 lay over the mountainous ground into the territory of Thes- 
 piae on the eastern declivity of Helikon, where he encamped 
 on an eminence, near the ever-memorable village of Leuktra. 
 
 This strategic and daring entrance into Bosotia filled the 
 Lacedaemonians with joy and confidence, while the Thebans 
 were disheartened and terrified. It required all the ability 
 and daring of Epaminondas and Pelopidas to revive the cour- 
 age of their countrymen. The Hellenes were wont on such 
 occasions to deem every physical or accidental occurrence 
 an evil omen, and these presentiments Epaminondas especial- 
 ly sought to overcome. It is said that he then uttered the 
 famous Homeric adage, " Our best omen is to fight for our 
 country." He finally prevailed upon the Thebans to march 
 to Leuktra, whore he encamped on a hill opposite the Spar- 
 tan camp. Here arose new doubts as to whether they ought 
 to fight on the open field, or to shut themselves up in Thebes 
 for a siege, and send their wives and families away to Athens. 
 But the opinion of Epaminondas again prevailed for a battle 
 " on equal terms," and at the same time propitious omens 
 came which somewhat encouraged the Thebans. 
 
 While others confided to omens and superhuman assist- 
 ance, Epaminondas, to whom had been intrusted the com- 
 mand of the coming battle, took care that no human precau- 
 tions should be wanting. The work was difficult, and, if we 
 
 * This pass was occupied by the modern Hellenes in 1829, and there was 
 fought the last battle of the War of Independence, in which the Turks were 
 completely defeated with severe loss.
 
 RISE OF THEBAN TOWER. 15 
 
 accept the testimony of late writers, the army of Kleombro- 
 tus was nearly double that of the Thebans, while some of 
 the Boeotians present were untrustworthy, and not a few 
 were without experience. 
 
 It was on this occasion that the great military genius of 
 Epaminondas shone in all its brilliancy. Up to this time 
 Hellenic armies had been drawn up in parallel lines ; hence 
 the more numerous and the best armed and drilled were 
 necessarily always victorious. If the Thebans had thus met 
 the Lacedaemonians, since the latter were far more numer- 
 ous and better drilled, no matter how bravely the Thebans 
 might have fought, they must finally have succumbed. Epa- 
 minondas thought that, in order to gain the victory, it was 
 not necessary to conquer the enemy throughout his whole 
 line, from one wing to the other. If, by massing upon the 
 center a greater force than that of his opponents at that 
 point, he should break this line, the two wings of the ene- 
 my, separated from each other, would be easily overpowered. 
 Likewise, if he could concentrate in superior numbers upon 
 one of the wings, and put the enemy there to flight, he might 
 reach the rear of the center and of the other wing. This 
 plan, which, like every other great measure, seems very 
 simple, Epaminondas conceived on that memorable day, and 
 hastened to execute. Knowing that Kleombrotus, with the 
 Spartans and all the officials, would be on the right of their 
 line, he placed on his own left wing Theban hoplites, with a 
 depth of fifty shields, with Pelopidas and the Sacred Band 
 in front. This arrangement of Epaminondas was afterward 
 largely adopted by military leaders, and by its successful 
 application some of the greatest battles of the world have 
 been gained by such generals as Frederick of Prussia and 
 Napoleon. 
 
 Epaminondas, having drawn up his left wing in very 
 deep order for desperate attack, and having posted his cav- 
 alry in front of his line, marched down the declivity to the
 
 16 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 plain below. Kleombrotus did not realize the importance 
 of this strategy. Trusting to his numbers and to the eager- 
 ness of his men, he hastened to the plain with the army mar- 
 shaled in the old way i. e., having the center and the two 
 wings on an even line and of equal strength, with a depth 
 of twelve shields. Kleombrotus also stationed all the cav- 
 alry before his army. As soon as the battle was begun by 
 the encounter" of the cavalry, the result was as Epaminondas 
 had presaged. The Thebans routed the Lacedaemonian cav- 
 alry and drove it back upon the infantry, whose ranks were 
 thus thrown into confusion. Kleombrotus, in order to re- 
 construct the order of battle, at once ordered the infantry 
 to advance, himself personally leading the right. Now, 
 while the victorious cavalry kept back the center and left 
 wing of the enemy, Epaminondas and Pelopidas assailed 
 with great fury Kleombrotus and his right wing. The onset 
 was terrific ; and, although the warriors of Sparta fought 
 bravely and well, it was impossible long to hold out against 
 the thick body that fell like a thunderbolt on them. In this 
 desperate encounter Kleombrotus himself fell, and around 
 him lay the most eminent members of the Spartan official 
 staff Deimon the polemarch, Sphodrias with his son Kle- 
 onymus, and several others. After an obstinate resistance 
 and a slaughter such as had never been known before,* the 
 right wing of the Spartans was completely beaten, and driven 
 back to their camp on the higher ground. The center and 
 left wings did not dare to await the assault, and also has- 
 tened to seek safety in their encampment, whither the vic- 
 torious Thebans did not attempt to follow them. 
 
 Of the seven hundred Spartans who an hour or two be- 
 fore left their camp, only three hundred returned, while 
 more than a thousand Lacedaemonians lay on the field of 
 battle, together with King Kleombrotus. The allies, who 
 for the most part had marched unwillingly, openly rejoiced 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 RISE OF THEBAN POWER. 17 
 
 at the misfortune. A few of the Spartans pressed for a re- 
 newal of battle, but this, after due deliberation, was declared 
 impracticable. The surviving polemarchs sent a herald to 
 solicit the regular truce for burial of their dead. This the 
 Thebans granted, after erecting their trophy and stripping 
 the dead of their arms, the most precious of which Pausa- 
 nias, five hundred years afterward, saw preserved at Thebes. 
 "What the Theban loss was, Xenophon does not tell us. 
 More recent writers say forty-seven, others three hundred. 
 The first number is preposterously small, and even the latter 
 is not any too large, remembering that a victory in close 
 fight, with soldiers like the Spartans (who on this occasion 
 of all others fought with desperate valor), must have been 
 dearly purchased. 
 
 This defeat astounded all Hellas. Only a little while 
 before Sparta had haughtily presided over the national con- 
 gress, and her king had deliberately excluded the Thebans 
 from peace. Many had rejoiced over the brave resistance 
 of the Theban general, but feared the vengeance of all- 
 powerful Sparta. Twenty days had hardly elapsed when 
 it was suddenly reported that the Lacedaemonians had been 
 utterly vanquished in the open field by the Thebans, with a 
 vastly inferior force. But their defeat on the battle-field 
 was not their only misfortune. In their city also appeared 
 signs of the disruption of their ancient national spirit. For- 
 merly the Spartan mothers and wives heard with a superhu- 
 man fortitude of the death of their children and husbands ; 
 while at Athens, when the great defeat of ^Egospotami was 
 announced, not a man slept on that night, but passed the 
 hours in grieving not only for the slain, but more for their 
 own fate ; so that the wailing and cries of woe, beginning 
 in the Peirseus, were transmitted by the guards stationed on 
 the long walls up to the city.* Even on the destruction of 
 the Lacedaemonian battalion at Corinth, the relatives of the 
 
 * Xenophon. 
 22 *
 
 18 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 fallen heard with joy and pleasure of the death of sons, 
 fathers, and brothers. The ephors now tried to arouse the 
 pristine Spartan fortitude, by urging the women not to raise 
 any cry, but silently to bear the misfortune. They were 
 even forced to issue a general order to endure their woe in 
 silence. 
 
 The ephors hastened to send at once Archidamus, son 
 of Agesilaus, who was still disabled, with all the available 
 force of Sparta, to the aid of the army at Leuktra. The 
 Thebans now endeavored to obtain reinforcements from 
 without, before following up their recent victory. We are 
 told that they sent to Athens a herald crowned with wreaths 
 proclaiming their triumph, and asking the Athenians to join 
 hands with them in taking full revenge upon Sparta. But 
 the Athenians did not witness with pleasure the laurels of 
 their neighbors, and dismissed the herald without even a 
 word of courtesy. The Thebans next applied to Jason of 
 Pherae, who shortly before had subdued all the cities in 
 Thessaly, had been proclaimed tagos, and had established 
 one of the greatest powers mentioned in ancient Hellenic 
 history. Jason hastened to their aid, but strongly advised 
 them to permit the departure of the enemy under capitula- 
 tion, and not to attack them within their fortified camp. A 
 truce was agreed upon, assuring to the Lacedaemonians the 
 liberty of quitting Boeotia. On reaching ^Egosthena, the re- 
 treating army met Archidamus, who, deeming the purpose 
 of his march completed, advanced no farther. The arma- 
 ment was disbanded, and the Lacedaemonians and their allies 
 returned home.* 
 
 * Xcnophon.
 
 OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH HELLAS. 19 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NOKTH HELLAS. 
 
 Invasion of the Peloponnesus. 
 
 THE return of the Spartans showed again how much the 
 ancient spirit of the city had degenerated. It has already 
 been stated that the Spartan who survived a defeat lost all 
 the rights of a citizen, and was always an object of con- 
 tempt. But now, on the proposition of Agesilaus, it was 
 decided that " the laws must be allowed to sleep to-day." In 
 other words, the defeated Spartans were freed from blame, 
 because the number of the citizens was so much lessened, 
 that any new diminution by act of the city itself was deemed 
 dangerous. Aristotle well said that the city was lost through 
 lack of population.* 
 
 Epaminondas now took care to secure the supremacy of 
 the Thebans in Boeotia, by compelling the Orchomenians 
 to recognize it. He also expelled the Thespians (because, 
 shortly before the battle at Leuktra, they had sought to 
 abandon the camp of the Thebans), and extended the power 
 of his country over the nations around, by subduing the 
 Phokians, Euboeans, Lokrians (both Epiknemidian and Opun- 
 tian), Akarnanians, Melians, and Herakleans. Hence, except 
 during the autumn of 370, he was not able to give his atten- 
 tion to the events which in the mean while had taken place 
 in the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Following immediately upon the defeat at Leuktra, a 
 great revolution had broken out against Sparta in the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. Her harmosts disappeared from all the cities, and 
 returned home. Nowhere did the movement become strong- 
 er than in Arkadia, the inhabitants of which, seeing their 
 
 * 'H ir6\is a.
 
 20 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 ancient masters defeated, hastened to free themselves from 
 their tyranny. The Mantineians first of all secured their 
 city, which had been tyrannically overthrown fifteen years 
 previously by the Spartans, by fortifying it with safer walls 
 and towers. It was furthermore resolved to establish a 
 Panarkadian federation, composed in certain proportions of 
 all the sections now autonomons, and invested with absolute 
 power of determining action by the vote of its majority. 
 This "commune Arcadum" found favor in most parts of 
 Arkadia. Tegea itself, the ever-faithful ally of the Lacedse- 
 monians, now cordially united with Mantineia, and only 
 Orchomenus and Heraea (on the west of Arkadia, bordering 
 on Elis) stood aloof. 
 
 The Arkadians, feeling the necessity of some external 
 protector against Sparta, solicited the assistance of Athens. 
 Being met with a refusal there, they applied to Epaminon- 
 das. He eagerly promised his assistance, and invaded the 
 Peloponnesus with the Thebans and their allies, with whom 
 the Argeians, Arkadians, and Eleians united, swelling his 
 army to about forty thousand men. The Thebans aroused 
 the admiration of all by their warlike appearance, by their 
 exploit at Leuktra, and by their determination to accomplish 
 still greater achievements. 
 
 But the greatest advantage of this army was its leader, 
 who, having shown himself a powerful orator and a most 
 excellent general, was now about to give signal evidence of 
 his statesmanship. Epaminondas entered the Peloponnesus, 
 not merely to assist the Arkadians, but to execute the great 
 plan which he had conceived immediately after the victory 
 at Leuktra. This plan was not to destroy or simply over- 
 come the city of Sparta, but to abolish entirely her suprem- 
 acy in Hellas, limit her to Laconia, restore autonomy to the 
 Messenians, and reorganize both the Messenians and Arka- 
 dians, so as to surround that haughty city with two strong 
 bulwarks. To accomplish this, he did not deem it impera-
 
 OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH HELLAS. 21 
 
 tive to invade Laconia. But finally, though it was winter, 
 he yielded to the impatience of all around him to revenge 
 upon Sparta her long career of pride and abused ascen- 
 dancy, and gave the order of invasion.* Slowly and cau- 
 tiously he entered Laconia, always keeping his Theban 
 troops in the best battle order, and approached almost to the 
 very gates of Sparta. 
 
 Great was the confusion which prevailed in that city. 
 Full six hundred years had elapsed since the first establish- 
 ment of the Dorians in Lacedsemon, and this was the first 
 time in all that long period that they had seen an enemy in 
 their territory. The armies of Sparta had often penetrated 
 into Attica, Boeotia, and indeed every part of Hellas ; but up 
 to that period no one had ever dared to return their visits. 
 Now the confederates advanced without resistance, laying 
 waste with fire and sword, as far as the Eurotas and the 
 very suburbs of Sparta ! It is difficult to depict the tumult 
 and disorder within the city the outcries of the old men, 
 who moved back and forth expressing their grief and indig- 
 nation, and the wild behavior of the women, who were ter- 
 rified even to madness at the shouts of the enemy and the 
 flames which ascended around them. It was the boast of 
 the city that " no Spartan woman ever saw the smoke of an 
 enemy's camp." In like manner, when an Athenian disputed 
 with a Spartan on the subject of valor, and said, " We have 
 often driven you from the banks of the Kephisus," the Spar- 
 tan replied, "But we never drove you from the banks of the 
 Eurotas." Near akin to this was the repartee of a Spartan 
 to a man of Argos, who said, " Many of you sleep on the 
 plains of Argos." The Spartan answered, " But not one of 
 you sleeps on the plains of Lacedaemon." f 
 
 Now, however, a numerous army of implacable enemies 
 suddenly appeared at the very gates of the city, overturning 
 prehistoric claims and casting down the pride of that haugh- 
 
 * Xenophon. f Plutarch.
 
 22 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 ty people. Not only did the sentiment of humiliation op- 
 press the Lacedaemonians, but the danger was in itself great. 
 Their allies, with the exception of a few Orchomenians and 
 Phliasians, had abandoned them. Many of the Helots, and 
 of the dissatisfied Spartans known under the ordinary name 
 of the Inferiors (to whom Kinadon had belonged), joined 
 the ranks of the enemy. We may therefore understand the 
 feeling of wounded pride, misfortune, and danger with which 
 that city was now agitated, as the enemy steadily ap- 
 proached. But there was one man who felt more strongly 
 than any one else that strange reverse of fortune. Is it neces- 
 sary to say that that man was King Agesilaus, who twenty 
 years before managed the Hellenic affairs in Asia Minor, and 
 began the conquest of Persia, and was now compelled to pro- 
 vide for the safety of his own city ? 
 
 Epaminondas, however, did not attempt to take the city 
 by storm. Satisfied with having defied the Spartans and 
 "manifested his mastery of the field even to their own 
 doors," he turned to the south and reached the Arkadian 
 frontier. It now remained for him to complete the humilia- 
 tion of Sparta by executing the two enterprises which had 
 formed the special purpose of his expedition the reestab- 
 lishment of Messcnia and the consolidation of the Arkadians. 
 Accordingly, he strengthened the Arkadian knot by found- 
 ing the " Great City " (Megalopolis), which he fortified and 
 made the metropolis of the Arkadians. He proclaimed the 
 independence of all the Helots and of the Periceki of Mes- 
 senia, called thither all the Messenian exiles, who for cen- 
 turies had wandered hither and thither in Hellas, and se- 
 cured the autonomy of that unfortunate land by founding 
 another new city, Messene. Upon the summit of Mount 
 Ithome (twenty -five hundred feet above the level of the sea) 
 the acropolis of the new town was built, with which the 
 town itself, situated lower down on the slope, was connected 
 by a continuous wall.
 
 OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH HELLAS. 23 
 
 Having deprived Sparta of all her western land, the best 
 of the Spartan territory, and the inaccessible mountainous 
 regions of Arkadia, and having marched to the very gates of 
 the city, Epaminondas departed from Arkadia to return to 
 Thebes. 
 
 Meanwhile the Athenians, yielding to the entreaties of 
 the Lacedaemonians, and being themselves profoundly af- 
 fected by these proceedings of Epaminondas in the Pelopon- 
 nesus, decided to humiliate, if possible, the daily increasing 
 power of the Thebans. They accordingly sent Iphikrates to 
 Corinth, with a large number of hoplites, to oppose the 
 Thebans on their march. But Iphikrates, who had per- 
 formed so many brilliant deeds with his peltasts, was now 
 able to accomplish nothing of importance ; and Epaminon- 
 das, almost without battle, crossed the isthmus and returned 
 victorious to Thebes. 
 
 Pelopidas in TJiessaty. 
 
 Such was the complete change of affairs which had oc- 
 curred in the Peloponnesus within the space of eighteen 
 months, from June, 371 B. c., when the Thebans were insult- 
 ingly driven from the national congress by Sparta, to the 
 spring of 369, when the Thebans advanced to the very gates 
 of Sparta and triumphantly returned home. But outside of 
 the Peloponnesus serious changes had also taken place. It has 
 been stated that Thebes, even before Epaminondas invaded 
 the Peloponnesus, had occupied most of the countries as far 
 as Thessaly. The kingdom of Jason, which, through his ambi- 
 tion, energy, and great force of character, could have become 
 dangerous to the Thebans, did not last long. Jason was 
 murdered in 370 B. c., while in the fullness of his vigor. 
 His two brothers, Polyphron and Polydorus, succeeded to 
 his position of tagos, but not to his greatness. Polyphron 
 murdered his brother, and enjoyed power for a short time ; 
 but he was in turn assassinated by a third brother, Alex-
 
 24 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 ander of Pherae. The latter, to make his hold on the 
 throne secure, committed enormous atrocities, killing and 
 banishing many of the most eminent citizens of Larissa and 
 Pharsalus. The Larissaean exiles, many of whom belonged 
 to the great family of the Aleuadae, escaped to Macedonia, 
 where Amyntas II, who died in 370 B. c., had been succeeded 
 on the throne by his youthful son Alexander. The latter, 
 having invaded Thessaly at the instigation of the fugitives, 
 occupied Larissa and Krannon. 
 
 The Thessalian cities at the same time invited not merely 
 the assistance of Alexander of Macedonia, but also of the 
 Thebans, against the tyrant Alexander of Pherae. Accord- 
 ingly, Pelopidas in 369 invaded Thessaly, subdued the 
 greater part of that country, limited to a few cities the tyr- 
 anny of Alexander of Pherae, and banished the Macedonian 
 Alexander, who, surrounded by enemies, found enough diffi- 
 culty in maintaining his own dominion at home, without 
 investing Thessalian towns. After a reign of scarcely two 
 years, he was assassinated (368 B. c.), and new civil wars 
 broke out in Macedonia. Eurydike, the widow of Amyntas, 
 was now left with her two younger children Perdikkas, a 
 young man, and Philip, yet a youth. Deserted by many 
 of her most powerful friends, she sought the protection of 
 Iphikrates, who, after his return from Corinth, was sent by 
 the Athenians to the coasts of Macedonia and Thrace to 
 strengthen and increase their naval resources. Eurydike re- 
 minded Iphikrates that Amyntas was in life not only a faith- 
 ful ally of the Athenians, but had also adopted him (Iphik- 
 rates) as his son, and had thus constituted him brother to 
 the two young princes. Placing the elder, Perdikkas, in his 
 bands, and causing Philip, who was then about fourteen 
 years old, to embrace his knees, she implored the aid of the 
 Athenian as the only chance of personal safety to the family. 
 Deeply moved by this affecting supplication, Iphikrates de- 
 clared in her favor, suppressed Pausanias, her principal op-
 
 OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH HELLAS. 25 
 
 ponent, and surrendered the scepter to the house of Amyn- 
 tas, under Ptolemy of Alorus as regent for the time.* 
 
 Who then could have told the Athenians that with their 
 own hands they were establishing the kingdom of the man 
 who, after the lapse of thirty years, should gain the victory 
 of Chseroneia ? But during those years the Athenians nat- 
 urally suspected no danger from Macedonia, but believed that 
 the fate of Hellas depended upon their relations with Sparta 
 and Thebes. 
 
 Since their neighbors the Thebans had grown strong 
 beyond their own boundaries, the Athenians preferred the 
 alliance of Sparta ; and accordingly these two states entered 
 into a permanent league, by the terms of which the com- 
 mand both on land and sea should alternate between Athens 
 and Sparta for periods of five days.f They occupied Corinth 
 and Mount Oneium, so as to prevent the Thebans from again 
 penetrating into the Peloponnesus. But these measures did 
 not prevent Epaminondas from repeatedly invading that re- 
 gion during 368 and 367 B. c. He again demonstrated not 
 only his military but also his political virtues. It was the 
 general practice of the Thebans to kill all the Boaotian exiles 
 who fell into their hands as prisoners ; but at the capture of 
 a village named Phoebias in the Sikyonian territory, Epami- 
 nondas took captive a considerable body of exiles, whom he 
 allowed to depart under ransom. Again, when in 367 he 
 made the Achaeans submissive to the Thebans, he agreed to 
 accept them as his allies, without requiring either the estab- 
 lishment of democratical forms in place of the oligarchical, 
 or the banishment of the existing rulers. He was satisfied 
 with their promise that they would faithfully carry out their 
 obligations to the Thebans. 
 
 The Thebans were also prosperous in the north of Hellas. 
 In 368 Pelopidas again invaded Thessaly, and still further 
 limited the rule of Alexander of Pherse. He next advanced 
 * Xenophon. f Ibid.
 
 26 TDEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 into Macedonia, and compelled Ptolemy to abandon his alli- 
 ance with the Athenians and join the Thebans, and to give 
 him thirty hostages from the most distinguished families in 
 Macedonia, as a guarantee for his faithful adherence. Among 
 these was the youthful Philip, son of Amyntas, who remained 
 in this character at Thebes for some years, under the care of 
 Pammenes. 
 
 TJie Tearless Battle. 
 
 During these years, therefore, Thebes was the ruling 
 city in Hellas. Macedonia, Thessaly, most of the countries 
 between Thermopylae and the isthmus, and much of the 
 Peloponnesus, obeyed her. But her supremacy was not 
 destined to become more enduring than that of the Athe- 
 nians or Spartans. Already in 368 the spirit of the Ar- 
 kadians had been so raised by the formation of the new 
 Panarkadian communion, that, forgetting that they mainly 
 owed their independence to the Thebans, they claimed to 
 divide the leadership with Thebes, as Athens divided it with 
 Sparta. But they were severely punished for their presump- 
 tion. 
 
 About the end of 868 Archidamus implored his soldiers, 
 in an emphatic and pathetic appeal, to rescue the great name 
 of Sparta from the disgrace into which it had fallen, and, 
 availing himself of the absence of Epaminondas from the 
 Peloponnesus, invaded Arkadia, and attacked an army of 
 Arkadians and Argeians near Megalopolis with such fierce- 
 ness that they fled with scarcely any resistance. The pursuit 
 was a murderous one, especially by the Gallic mercenaries 
 whom the tyrant Dionysius had sent to the assistance of the 
 Spartans. Ten thousand men were slain, without the loss of 
 a single Lacedaemonian.* The Spartans called it " the tear- 
 less battle," and so great was the emotion produced by this 
 victory, that all the Spartans who heard the report burst into 
 
 * Diodorus.
 
 OPERATIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH HELLAS. 27 
 
 tears Agesilaus, the senators, and the ephors setting the 
 example. Multitudes flocked to the river, stretching out 
 their hands and blessing the gods, as if Sparta had washed 
 off her late unworthy stains, and had seen her glory stream 
 out afresh.* A striking proof, as Grote remarks, how hum- 
 bled and disaccustomed to the idea of victory their minds 
 had recently become ! a striking proof also, when we com- 
 pare it with the inflexible self-control which marked their 
 reception of the disastrous tidings from Leuktra, how much 
 more irresistible is unexpected joy than unexpected grief, in 
 working on these minds of iron temper ! The Arkadians 
 became extremely prudent and cautious after this unprece- 
 dented defeat, and recognized the fact that they were not 
 independent of Theban aid. 
 
 But even at Thebes there existed, as it appears, a party 
 opposed to Epaminondas. During his first campaign in the 
 Peloponnesus it became necessary for him to extend his office 
 of commander four months beyond the legal expiration of 
 the term. On his return he was " capitally tried," f but, 
 having eloquently defended himself, he was freed from all 
 blame. In 367 he was again accused, this time by the Arka- 
 dians, for his mild course toward the Achaeans. The oppo- 
 site faction now prevailed, and not only reversed the policy 
 of Epaminondas in Achaia, but also refused to reelect him 
 as Bo3otarch during the ensuing year. The result was disas- 
 trous for Thebes. A great body of exiles from Achaia was 
 soon accumulated, who expelled the Theban harmosts, and, 
 again allied themselves with Sparta. 
 
 * Plutarch. t Ibid.
 
 28 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER. 
 
 The Persian Rescript. 
 
 THE Thebans, having now discovered that the Lacedae- 
 monians had dispatched ambassadors to the king of Persia, 
 to obtain, if not military, at least pecuniary aid, sent Pelopi- 
 das (366 B. c.) to Susa to oppose this measure. The king of 
 Persia, remembering the ancient alliance of Thebes with 
 Xerxes against Sparta and Athens, fully granted his de- 
 mands. Messene was declared autonomous and indepen- 
 dent ; the Athenians were directed to order home and disarm 
 their ships of war now in active service ; Thebes was de- 
 clared the head city of Hellas, and any city refusing to ad- 
 mit her leadership was menaced with instant compulsion by 
 Persian force. In other words, the decree of Antalkidas was 
 repeated, except that it was now delivered in behalf of the 
 Thebans and not the Spartans. But when the deputies of 
 the allies were asked to take an oath to the rescript, they 
 flatly refused to adhere to it. The deputies from Arkadia 
 went still further, and entered a general protest against the 
 supremacy of Thebes. When the Thebans saw that the al- 
 lies collectively refused to adhere to the royal decree, they 
 resolved to try the efficacy of individual application ; but 
 they were again disappointed. All the cities that were vis- 
 ited refused to bind themselves by any common oaths with 
 the king of Persia. The Thebans, in their efforts to have 
 their supremacy recognized throughout Hellas, sent envoys 
 not only to the Peloponnesus, but also to Thessaly and the 
 northern districts of Hellas. 
 
 Pelopidas was the envoy appointed to Thessaly, and 
 while in the execution of his duty was seized and detained 
 as prisoner by Alexander of Pherse. When the Thebans
 
 CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER. 29 
 
 were informed of this outrage they were filled with indig- 
 nation, and gave orders to their army to march directly 
 into Thessaly and liberate their beloved leader. But, unfor- 
 tunately, Epaminondas did not command this army. That 
 bitterly wronged but ever moderate man served then as a 
 simple hoplite. His worthless successors, unable to accom- 
 plish anything against Alexander, were forced to retreat 
 homeward ; and so unskillful was their generalship that the 
 entire army was in imminent danger of being destroyed. 
 Therefore with one voice they called upon Epaminondas to 
 assume the command. This he did, and succeeded in re- 
 pelling all the attacks of the enemy and in conducting the 
 army safely back to Thebes. The Theban generals returned 
 home in disgrace, and were condemned to a fine of ten thou- 
 sand drachmae and deposition from their office ; and at the 
 same time Epaminondas was given the command of the army 
 that was to act in Thessaly. 
 
 Epaminondas, knowing the savage disposition of the 
 tyrant, and the little regard he paid to reason or justice, 
 was careful not to reduce him to such despair as might prove 
 fatal to the prisoner. He kept Alexander in suspense, until 
 he finally became so terrified at the name and character of 
 Epaminondas that he hastily sent an embassy to offer satis- 
 faction. Epaminondas refused to admit such a man into 
 alliance with the Thebans ; he only granted him a trace of 
 thirty days, engaging to evacuate Thessaly in return for the 
 release of Pelopidas. His terms were accepted, and he had 
 the delight of conveying Pelopidas in safety to Thebes.* It 
 soon became evident, however, that the influence of Thebes 
 in Thessaly was materially diminished after this occurrence, 
 and that Alexander of Pherse was henceforth its true ruler. 
 
 The supremacy of the Thebans had already begun to 
 crumble. Like its predecessors, it was based not on an 
 equality of rights, but on a domination which Hellenic in- 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 30 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 dimduality could not suffer. The Thebans, however, were 
 destined yet to see some glorious days. Many Peloponne- 
 sians recognized the autonomy of Messene, and concluded 
 peace with the Thebans. Thus their supremacy was at least 
 established in the Peloponnesus. But let us not forget that 
 Alexander of Pherae was the ruler of Thessaly, and that the 
 Athenians during 365 and 364 B. c. wonderfully extended 
 their naval power, recovered Samos and a part of the Thra- 
 cian Chersonese, and captured many cities of Chalkidike. 
 They were assisted by Perdikkas, king of Macedonia, who, 
 having murdered Ptolemy of Alorus, regent of that country, 
 seemed favorably disposed to the Athenians. 
 
 Death of Pelopidas. 
 
 Pelopidas, burning with ardor to revenge both the city 
 and himself for the ill-treatment he had received at the 
 hands of the tyrant Alexander, prevailed on the Thebans to 
 place him at the head of a fresh army for the purpose of 
 invading Thessaly.* 
 
 The successes of the Athenians, under their admiral Timo- 
 theus, also excited the jealousy of the Thebans, and Epami- 
 nondas resolved to grapple with Athens on her own element 
 and abolish her supremacy on the sea. A powerful opposi- 
 tion arose at Thebes against this scheme, which was charac- 
 terized as a hazardous attempt, since the Thebans had never 
 distinguished themselves as sailors. But the eloquence and 
 emphatic language of Epaminondas aroused the zeal of the 
 Thebans to such a degree that it was immediately voted to 
 equip one hundred triremes, and construct docks and ship- 
 houses for the maintenance of such a number. As soon as 
 the fleet was ready, Epaminondas crossed the ./Egean, and 
 visited Byzantium and other cities near it subject to the 
 Athenians. He brought back his fleet at the end of the 
 year, without having gained any marked victory ; but by his 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER. 31 
 
 presence and energy he had materially weakened the claim 
 of the Athenians to the supremacy of the sea. He intended 
 in the next year (362 B. c.) to push his maritime enterprises 
 still farther, but unexpected circumstances called him to 
 another field of battle. 
 
 In the mean time Pelopidas invaded Thessaly in order 
 to depose the tyrant Alexander, then in the zenith of his 
 glory. He routed the forces of Alexander near a place 
 called Kynos Kephalae or the Dog's Heads. Suddenly per- 
 ceiving the tyrant encouraging and rallying his mercenaries, 
 he was no longer master of himself, but, sacrificing both his 
 safety and his duty as a general to his passion, he sprang 
 forward a great way before his troops and was slain. His 
 death was a great loss to the Thebans. His soldiers were 
 deeply afflicted, calling him their father, their savior, and 
 their instructor in everything that was great and honorable. 
 When night came on, a melancholy silence prevailed through- 
 out the camp ; the soldiers refused to kindle a fire or take 
 refreshment, as if, instead of gaining so great a victory, they 
 had been worsted and enslaved by the tyrant.* Neverthe- 
 less, the Thebans, as though still inspired by the spirit of 
 that great man, pressed Alexander hard and compelled him 
 to submit to their own terms. He was forced to abandon all 
 his dependencies in Thessaly, to confine himself to Pherae, 
 with its small territory near the gulf of Pagasce, and engage 
 by oath to submit to the Thebans and to keep his forces in 
 readiness to execute their orders. At the same time the 
 Magnesians, Phthiotae, and Achaean s recognized the suprem- 
 acy of the Thebans ; and thus their influence was more than 
 ever before established in the northern districts of Hellas. 
 
 Battle of Mantineia Death of Epaminondas. 
 
 In the mean while matters became seriously complicated 
 in the Peloponnesus. Not only the Achseans, but even the 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 32 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Eleians, oppressed by the Arkadians, had already united with 
 the Spartans. Worst of all, the Arkadians were divided 
 among themselves ; one portion of them, led by the Manti- 
 neians, leagued itself with Sparta, while another remained 
 in alliance with the Thebans. Therefore, about the middle 
 of 362 B. c., Epaminondas deemed it necessary to march 
 again into the Peloponnesus, in order to strengthen the ad- 
 herents of the Thebans and put down their numerous oppo- 
 nents. This was the last and most glorious of his expe- 
 ditions. 
 
 The army which he led comprised nearly all the Greeks 
 beyond the isthmus Boeotians, Euboeans, Thessalians, Lokri- 
 ans, JEnianes, and others. On reaching Tegea, it was fur- 
 ther increased by the addition of all his Peloponnesian allies 
 the Arkadians of Tegea, Pallantium, Asea, and Megalopo- 
 lis, the Messenians, and the Argeians. His opponents, con- 
 centrated at Mantineia, consisted of the Mantineians with 
 the major part of the other Arkadians, the Eleians, and 
 the Achseans. They expected to be joined by the Athenians 
 and the Spartans, led by Agesilaus, now in his eightieth 
 year. 
 
 Epaminondas decided to engage the Mantineians in battle 
 before the Spartans and Athenians joined them. He accord- 
 ingly marched close to Mantineia, but the enemy kept care- 
 fully on their guard, not wishing to risk battle. Epaminondas 
 retreated to his camp, as they were too strongly posted to be 
 forced. Being apprised that Agesilaus was on the way to 
 Mantineia, he decamped from Tegea in the night, unknown 
 to the Mantineians, took a different road to Lacedsemon from 
 that chosen by Agesilaus, and led his Theban force with all 
 speed toward Sparta, hoping to come upon that town " as upon 
 a nest of unprotected young birds," at a moment when no re- 
 sistance could be made.* He would certainly have become, 
 without battle, master of the city, and would have thus in- 
 
 Plutarch.
 
 V ertsova_ 
 Battle of 
 
 MANTINEIA 
 
 B.C. 362. 
 
 JfariAufEpaminondatfrvm Tegea. TlMAYENIS' GREECE 
 
 _4rmy of JZpaminvndas at formed fur attack
 
 CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER. 33 
 
 flicted on his opponents a mortal blow, had not a Kretan 
 runner hurried to Agesilaus with the news that the Thebans 
 were marching rapidly southward from Tegea.* Agesilaus 
 instantly led back his troops to Sparta, and succeeded in 
 placing the city in an effective state of defense before the 
 Thebans arrived. In a little time the Thebans passed the 
 Eurotas and attacked the town. Agesilaus defended it with 
 a vigor above his years. He knew that this was the time for 
 the boldest and most desperate efforts. Every Spartan on 
 this occasion proved himself a hero. Archidamus, son of 
 Agesilaus, with one hundred hoplites, dashed against the 
 Theban lines, and actually beat them back with some loss, 
 but was finally himself repulsed and forced to retreat. 
 
 But the bravery of the Spartan Isidas, son of Phcebidas, 
 was the most extraordinary and striking spectacle, not only 
 to his countrymen, but to the enemy ; and it did signal honor 
 to Sparta, in this day of her disaster and comparative decline. 
 "He was," says Plutarch, "tall and beautiful in his person, 
 and just growing from a boy into a man, which is the time 
 the human flower has the greatest charm. He sallied forth 
 naked and unshielded, with his body oiled as in the palaestra. 
 Wielding in his right hand a spear and in his left a sword, 
 he rushed with desperate valor against the enemy, striking 
 down every man he engaged with. Yet he was suffered to 
 retreat unwounded, as he appeared to his adversaries to be 
 something more than human. The ephors honored him with 
 a wreath for the great things he had performed, but at the 
 same time fined him one thousand drachmae for daring to ex- 
 pose himself without defensive armor." 
 
 It was by such acts of heroism that the Spartans warded 
 off the present danger, and snatched the town out of the 
 hands of Epaminondas. But the Theban general had many 
 arrows in his quiver. He knew that the Arkadians and 
 their other allies in Mantineia would be immediately sum- 
 
 * Xenophon.
 
 34 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 raoned to Sparta, to avert all danger from that city. Ac- 
 cordingly, he marched against Mantineia, already destitute of 
 defenders. On reaching Tegea he saw that it was absolutely 
 necessary that the infantry should rest after such severe fa- 
 tigue ; for the hoplites had been kept for nearly forty hours 
 in incessant movement. The cavalry, however, was sent to 
 Mantineia, as alone sufficient to accomplish the object. But, 
 although the Arkadians and Spartans and the other allies 
 were far from the town, the Athenian cavalry had arrived 
 almost an hour before, and had just dismounted from their 
 horses within its walls. An engagement ensued, in which 
 the Athenian cavalry forced the assailants to retire. We 
 must bear in mind, however, that the Theban and Thes- 
 salian horsemen were wearied by two days and nights of 
 almost incessant march, and had not tasted food for many 
 hours, while the Athenians had taken their evening meal and 
 rested at the isthmus of Corinth. The Athenian cavalry 
 commander, Kephisodorus, and Gryllus, son of the histo- 
 rian Xenophon, were both slain in the battle. The famous 
 contemporary painter Euphranor, in a splendid picture which 
 adorned the city of Athens, commemorated the battle and 
 the distinguished valor of Gryllus, to whose memory the 
 Mantineians also paid great honors. 
 
 Thus two well-conceived plans of Epaminondas failed by 
 the strange concurrence of unexpected events. The general 
 then decided to meet the enemy in the open field. The lat- 
 ter, in the mean time, had united their forces and encamped 
 at a narrow defile near the city of Mantineia. Epaminondas 
 came out from the northern gate of Tegea, leading his army 
 to battle. He first marched straight toward the enemy at 
 Mantineia, but presently changed his course, turning to the 
 left, and slowly advanced toward the Meenalian range of 
 mountains, which forms the western boundary of the Manti- 
 nico-Tegeatic plain (two thousand feet above the level of the 
 sea), and which he probably reached somewhere near the site
 
 CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER. 35 
 
 of the present Tripolitza.* Thence he marched northward, 
 skirting the flank of the mountains, until at length he neared 
 the right wing of the enemy. Here he ordered his phalanx 
 to halt, face to the right, and stack their arms, as if he in- 
 tended to encamp. 
 
 The enemy, who had watched him ever since he left 
 Tegea, thought at first that he was coming directly against 
 them for the purpose of offering them immediate battle, but 
 now supposed, from these movements, that he had given up 
 the intention of fighting that day. Hence they broke up 
 their ranks and scattered about the field. But Epaminon- 
 das, who even in the hour of rest kept his phalanx in a com- 
 pact body, suddenly ordered his army to take up arms and 
 march forward. The enemy saw the danger and hastened 
 to recover their arms ; but it was evident that these hurried 
 preparations could only prove disastrous. It was certainly 
 not to be expected that soldiers thus taken unawares " were 
 in a condition to stand the terrific shock of chosen Theban 
 hoplites in deep column." 
 
 In the allied army the Mantineians occupied the ex- 
 treme right wing (because the battle was to be fought in 
 their territory), together with the other Arkadians. Next 
 to them were the Lacedaemonians, Eleians, and Achaans. 
 On the extreme left were the Athenians. The cavalry was 
 not drawn up, as at Leuktra, in front of the infantry, but on 
 both wings the Athenian on the left, and the Eleian on the 
 
 * Colonel Leake's account of Tripolitza is accurate. It is the greatest 
 of that cluster of valleys in the center of the Peloponnesus, each of which is 
 so closely shut in by the intersecting mountains that no outlet is afforded to 
 the waters except through the mountains themselves. "This plain stretches 
 from north to south, bordered by the mountain ranges of Maenalus on the 
 west, and of Artemisium and Parthenion on the east. It has a breadth of 
 about eight miles in the broadest part, and of one mile in the narrowest. Man- 
 tineia is situated near its northern extremity, Tegea near its southern ; the 
 direct distance between the two cities, in a line not much different from north 
 to south, being about ten English miles,"
 
 36 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 right. It is not known whether Agesilaus or any other king 
 of Sparta was present. Epaminondas repeated here the same 
 tactics which he had used in the battle of Leuktra. He 
 formed on his left a colossal phalanx, composed of all his 
 Boeotians, having a depth of fifty shields, intending to bear 
 down the enemy on that side with irresistible force. He 
 ordered his right and center not to attack until the battle 
 should have been thus wholly or partially decided. His 
 splendid Theban and Thessalian cavalry was drawn up, like 
 that of the enemy, on both wings. Diodorus estimates the 
 number of the allied forces at twenty thousand foot and two 
 thousand horse, and those of Epaminondas at thirty thousand 
 foot and three thousand horse. But little value can be as- 
 signed to such statements, especially since Xenophon men- 
 tions no numbers whatever. 
 
 The battle began with an attack by both the infantry 
 and cavalry of Epaminondas stationed on the left. His fine 
 cavalry soon broke and routed that of the Eleians, and then 
 turned to the right to fall upon the phalanx of infantry. In 
 the mean time Epaminondas had assailed with irresistible 
 force the much less compact ranks of the Mantineian and 
 Lacedaemonian hoplites, and, after a desperate conflict of 
 shield against shield, spear against spear, and sword against 
 sword, he put them to flight. At the same time the Arka- 
 dian, Messenian, and other allies of Epaminondas bore down 
 upon the now terrified Achseans and Eleians, whom they 
 easily routed. Thus the whole army of the enemy was driven 
 from the field, and Epaminondas appeared to have complete- 
 ly established the supremacy of his country, when, as he was 
 pressing on the retiring enemy at the head of his Theban 
 phalanx, he received from a spear a mortal wound in his 
 breast. We must remember that a Greek general fought on 
 foot in the ranks, and carried the same arms as a private 
 soldier. Epaminondas was ever foremost in braving danger, 
 and on this occasion exposed himself in the thickest of the
 
 CULMINATION OF THEBAN POWER. 37 
 
 conflict as a means of encouraging his men and breaking the 
 wing, upon the accomplishment of which victory depended. 
 
 The fall of Epaminondas produced in the victorious army 
 the most extraordinary and unique occurrence in military 
 history. As soon as the fact was known, the arms of the 
 multitude of men about him, which up to that moment had 
 been deemed unconquerable, fell as if by magic. "We do not 
 speak of this to praise the Thebans. Those nations are not 
 to be envied whose existence depends upon the life or death 
 of one man. But is it possible not to revere the genius of 
 men like Epaminondas, who cluster about themselves the 
 whole national spirit to such an extent, that through them 
 and by them alone it seems to exist? Epaminondas, still 
 alive, was carried to the camp, and the physicians declared 
 that he must die as soon as the spear-head was withdrawn. 
 The general heard unmoved the decision of science, and first 
 of all asked whether his shield was safe. His shield-bearer 
 answered in the affirmative, and showed it to him, when he 
 again asked what was the result of the battle. Being told 
 that his own army was victorious, he desired to see lolaidas 
 and Dai'phantus, who he intended should succeed him in the 
 command. He received, however, the ominous news that 
 both had perished. " Then," said he, " you must make peace 
 with the enemy." He ordered the spear-head to be extract- 
 ed, when the efflux of blood speedily terminated his life. 
 "We are told that even in his last moments he did not lose 
 the consciousness of the great deeds which he had accom- 
 plished. Being told by those about him, " Thou diest child- 
 less, O Epaminondas ! 5> " No ! by Zeus," he said, " for I 
 leave two daughters, the victory at Leuktra and that at Man- 
 tineia." Epaminondas died in July, 362 B. c., at about the 
 age of fifty-seven. 
 
 To determine correctly the relative value of great men is 
 not only a difficult but perhaps even a vain task. Supposing 
 that the historian can accurately weigh the various degrees
 
 38 ITHEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 of genius, yet such is the difference of circumstances and the 
 means through which great men have accomplished their 
 deeds, that one may easily appear unjust in his comparisons 
 and estimations. But, while both in ancient and modern 
 times various opinions have been expressed concerning the 
 great men of Hellas, there has ever been for Epaminondas 
 only praise and admiration. He was the last great political 
 and military leader of the first historic period of the Hel- 
 lenic nation ; the last of those many and glorious heroes 
 who typified, led, and held together the Hellenic commu- 
 nity. After he fell, political anarchy prevailed for twenty- 
 five years, ending only in the Macedonian supremacy, from 
 which period there begins another phase of Hellenic life. 
 Here ends also the last great historic work of this first period 
 of Hellenism, the "Hellenika" of Xenophon. Hencefor- 
 ward, for a long period, we know the incidents of Hellenic 
 history only through historians who lived long afterward 
 Diodorus, Plutarch, Pausanias and through the unconnect- 
 ed and often untrustworthy information found in the works 
 of the orators. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 BISE OF MACEDONIA. 
 
 Death of Agesilaus. 
 
 THE Thebans hastened to follow the dying advice of 
 Epaminondas, and concluded peace probably at once, be- 
 fore the army left the Peloponnesus. It was decided to 
 maintain the status quo to leave everything exactly as it 
 was before the battle ; yet " admitting Megalopolis, with 
 the Panarkadian constitution attached to it, and admitting 
 also Messene as an independent city." Sparta vehemently
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 39 
 
 opposed this measure, but we are told that not one of her 
 allies sympathized with her feelings. 
 
 Thebes by this peace did not wholly master the Pelopon- 
 nesus, as she would have done had Epaminondas lived ; yet 
 she retained many important advantages through which she 
 could still be regarded as the strongest city in Hellas. But 
 soon the Phokians revolted, and not long after the Eubceans. 
 Thus this body, however vigorous it might have appeared, 
 was already deprived of its soul, and the slightest breath of 
 wind threatened to dissolve it into its component parts. 
 
 Still more unfortunate was the condition of Sparta, which 
 was deprived not only of her Peloponnesian allies, but of 
 the greatest and most fertile part of her country. Agesilaus, 
 hopeless from this state of affairs, though now more than 
 eighty years old, and with his body full of wounds and scars, 
 decided to seek his fortune elsewhere. The paralysis of the 
 Persian empire during those years was at its height, as most 
 of the western satrapies had revolted against the great king. 
 Tachos, king of Egypt, supported with all his might this 
 revolution. Agesilaus thought that, by assisting Tachos 
 with a thousand Lacedaemonians and other Peloponnesians, 
 he would inflict a mortal wound upon the Persian empire, 
 and revive the undertaking which at the acme of his vigor 
 he had been unable to carry out. On reaching Egypt, how- 
 ever, he was received with little respect, and not long after 
 he became displeased with Tachos. Nevertheless, contrary 
 to his dignity and nature, he submitted to the barbarian 
 until he could find an opportunity to shake off his yoke. 
 That opportunity soon presented itself. Nektanabis, nephew 
 to Tachos, revolted, and, Agesilaus having proclaimed in his 
 favor, was chosen king by the Egyptians. Agesilaus now 
 decided to return home, and marched from the Nile toward 
 Kyrene, whence he intended to sail to Lacedaemon. But he 
 died on the march, without reaching Kyrene. His body 
 was conveyed home by his troops for burial, in a preparation
 
 40 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 of melted wax, since honey was not to be obtained.* The 
 last events in the career of Agesilaus and his last dreams 
 befittingly sealed a life which, while it ever pursued the 
 greatest aims, was condemned by fortune to the small and 
 trivial. 
 
 Decline of the Naval Power of Athens. 
 
 Immediately after the battle at Mantineia the city of 
 Athens seemed the strongest in Hellas. She not only pre- 
 served the naval supremacy which she had established since 
 the rebuilding of her long walls, but in 358 B. c. she detached 
 Eubcea from the Thebans and effected the conquest of the 
 Thracian Chersonese. But this second naval supremacy 
 crumbled like a building whose weak foundations could not 
 bear its own weight. The Athenian confederacy had its 
 origin in a generous spirit of common maritime defense ; f 
 but the promises made to the allies, and especially that the 
 property of the latter should remain their own and not be- 
 come the private property of Athenian citizens as Klerouchi, 
 were all forgotten after the humiliation of her great enemy, 
 Sparta, at Leuktra. Discontent naturally grew, and in 358, 
 when the Athenian confederacy seemed to have acquired its 
 greatest impetus, the islands of Chios, Kos, and Rhodes, 
 together with the important city of Byzantium on the Thra- 
 cian Bosporus, declared themselves detached from Athens 
 and her confederacy. The Athenians sought to reduce them 
 to subjection, but were driven back from Chios, where the 
 Athenian commander Chabrias fell, and finally, in 355, were 
 compelled to recognize the complete autonomy and sever- 
 ance from their confederacy of the revolted cities. . 
 
 The inglorious termination of this war, known as " the 
 Social War" (358-355 B. c.), again demonstrated the decline 
 of Athens. That city, which in 412 B. c. was able, notwith- 
 standing the terrible losses she had suffered in Sicily, to 
 
 * Plutarch. f Demosthenes.
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 41 
 
 fight alone the combined force of Hellas and Persia, was 
 now obliged, after three years of fruitless attempts, to lay 
 aside its arms, and recognize the autonomy of these few 
 
 revolted cities. 
 
 Anarchy. 
 
 Such was the state of Hellas about the middle of the 
 fourth century B. c. All the wars which had been waged 
 for the purpose of establishing one empire had ended in 
 nothing. The three great cities which successively sought 
 this end were not only unsuccessful, but had exhausted their 
 forces to such a degree that no more hope was left for re- 
 newing the attempt. No city in Hellas seemed able to suc- 
 ceed to their supremacy and become the center of Hellenism. 
 Alexander of Pheras had indeed attained great power after 
 the death of Epaminondas, but was in 359 murdered by the 
 brothers of his own wife Thebe, and Thessaly relapsed into 
 its usual anarchy. 
 
 Still less influence could the city of Syracuse wield in 
 the affairs of Hellas. After the death of Dionysius the 
 Elder (367 B. c.) a long civil war broke out, during the reign 
 of his successor Dionysius the Younger, among the Hellenic 
 cities in Sicily. Syracuse sent to Corinth a pathetic and 
 urgent appeal for a leader who would extricate her from 
 her present difficulties, and preserve Hellenism as well as free- 
 dom, which was becoming extinct on the island. Corinth 
 heard with favor and sympathy the appeal of her most 
 distinguished colony. Accordingly, Timoleon, a man dis- 
 tinguished " no less for his courage than for the gentleness 
 of his disposition,"* was sent to Syracuse, expelled the tyran- 
 nical Dionysius the Younger, and succeeded within a short 
 time in quelling disturbances and greatly limiting the power 
 of the Carthaginians. But the subsequent fortunes and his- 
 tory of Syracuse are closely linked with the history of the 
 Romans. 
 
 * Plutarch. 
 23
 
 42 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Hellas, therefore, the focus of the Hellenic nation, con- 
 tinued without a head. It was evident that the divided 
 and agitated body would inevitably become lifeless, unless 
 some new element should spring up capable of uniting and 
 vivifying it. In fact, in the north of Hellas, in a coun- 
 try inhabited originally by tribes akin to the Hellenic, and 
 in time wholly Hellenized in Macedonia there appeared 
 during that epoch a man who, having established a powerful 
 monarchy, actuated by the noblest elements of Hellenism, 
 opened for Hellas a new career of energy. But Hellas was 
 destined, before reaching this second phase of her political 
 life, to pass through a state of anarchy which conclusively 
 showed not only the change in the mind and sentiments of 
 that country, but even what would have been her lamentable 
 end if the Macedonian hegemony had not just then ap- 
 peared, and granted to her the means of pursuing a noble 
 and useful career in Hellenizing nations hitherto in an abject 
 state of servility. 
 
 Second Sacred War. 
 
 The Amphiktyonic Council, which had originally not only 
 a religious but to a certain extent a political character, had 
 for more than two centuries rarely meddled in political 
 affairs. But ever since the Thebans became the leading 
 power in Hellas, and had taken the two votes which the 
 Boeotians originally had in the assembly, they decided to 
 employ this ancient and venerable institution as a means of 
 satisfying their political antipathies. This of course shows 
 the decline of religious sentiment in Hellas, when the influ- 
 ence of the time-honored council was made the means of 
 political aggrandizement. After the battle of Leuktra the 
 Thebans, through its influence, imposed upon Sparta a fine 
 of five hundred talents, for having treacherously seized the 
 Kadmeia (the citadel of Thebes) in a period of profound 
 peace. This sentence was of course never carried out ; it
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 43 
 
 only proved the humiliation of Sparta and the insolence of 
 Thebes. Yet the intervention of the council in political 
 matters, after so long a torpor, became the cause of evils 
 destined to bring about most ruinous results. 
 
 In 357 B. c. the Thebans, irritated at the Phokians for 
 having broken off from their alliance, and availing them- 
 selves also of the ancient antipathy of the Lokrians and 
 Thessalians against them, persuaded the Amphiktyonic 
 Council again to impose upon the Phokians a heavy fine (of 
 what amount we are not told), which was altogether beyond 
 their means of payment. The ground of accusation is not 
 definitely known. They were probably accused of having 
 cultivated some portion of the Kirrhsean plain, belonging 
 to the temple of Delphi. The Phokians of course did not 
 submit to pay ; they had probably neither the means nor 
 the inclination to do so. The council, therefore, at the 
 instigation of the Thebans, issued a decree by which it was 
 decided to inflict upon them the punishment which the Kir- 
 rheans had suffered two centuries before. At the same time, 
 threats were uttered against the Lacedaemonians for non-pay- 
 ment of the fine, and it was finally decided to pass against 
 them a vote of something like excommunication. 
 
 The Phokians, seeing themselves threatened with such 
 imminent danger, decided not only to resist to the last, but 
 also to seek allies. They received promises of assistance 
 from the Athenians, Spartans, Peloponnesians, and Achaean s. 
 But the Thebans and Thessalians, assisted by the Lokrians, 
 Dorians, JEnianes, Phthiot-Achseans, Magnetes, Perrhaebians, 
 Athamanes, and Dolopes, decided to carry out the sentence 
 of the assembly. Thus the Phokians found themselves sur- 
 rounded by many enemies situated very near to them, while 
 their allies were distant, and on account of their own weak- 
 ness could not render any energetic assistance. Hence the 
 Phokians understood that they must rely wholly on their 
 own resources ; and accordingly, at the proposition of their
 
 44 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 general, Philomelas, they decided to lay hands on the prop- 
 erty of the Delphian temple. 
 
 Philomelus therefore seized the sanctuary, and then began 
 a series of impious acts by which the greatest and most vener- 
 able fane of the Hellenic nation was violated and robbed of 
 its treasures an evidence that the nation had now ceased to 
 have any religion, and hence was incapable of any longer 
 preserving its autonomy. First of all, Philomelus seized and 
 put to death the members of the family called Thrakidie, and 
 confiscated their property. The Thrakidae were one among 
 several consecrated families, who for centuries had controlled 
 the political and religious interests of the place. Next he 
 required the Pythian priestess to sanction his violent acts. 
 She obstinately refused to obey him, and he laid hold of 
 her and forcibly made her mount the tripod. Frightened 
 for her personal safety, she involuntarily exclaimed that 
 "he might do what he chose." Philomelus forthwith 
 caused the answer to be put down in writing, and declared 
 himself authorized by the god to do as he chose. This 
 scandalous act again showed the depth of impiety that Hellas 
 had now reached. Such violence and insolence were cer- 
 tainly unprecedented in the country. Other acts were des- 
 tined to follow, attacking not only the religious convictions 
 of the people, but also their most venerable national traditions 
 and the very foundations of public faith, as well as the ma- 
 terial interests of the whole nation. 
 
 It has already been said that there were laid up in the 
 temple many great treasures precious articles dedicated by 
 citizens and cities, the tithes of booty (and especially that 
 which was seized from the barbarians), the tithes of findings, 
 costly presents of foreign kings and communities, etc. The 
 treasure thus accumulated was supposed to be worth at least 
 ten thousand talents, the value of which to-day can not be 
 considered less than four hundred millions of drachmas 
 (nearly $69,000,000). Philomelus now decided to seize these
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 45 
 
 treasures, not only for the purpose of maintaining his mer- 
 cenaries, but also to bribe his allies. The act was scandalous 
 and unprecedented. Ominous indeed was the impression 
 produced on the Hellenic world by this sacrilege, by which 
 not only was the temple of Delphi robbed of its public and 
 private treasures, but even the dedicatory offerings which 
 were linked with the most sacred traditions of the nation, 
 and especially with its imperishable feats against the bar- 
 barians, for ever disappeared. Thus the first Hellenism, be- 
 fore its expiration, sought with its own hands to destroy the 
 evidences of its piety, glory, and prosperity. The use made 
 of the money was also especially repugnant to the common 
 conscience. As no honorable man could be prevailed upon to 
 serve for money proceeding from a sacrilegious act, the troops 
 which Philomelus mustered were composed of cutthroats, 
 thieves, and murderers of the most reckless malefactors in 
 Hellas. Again, many of the public men of the country were 
 bribed by the Phokians to remain faithful to their alliance. 
 The Athenians, many Thessalians, and above all King Archi- 
 damus II of Sparta, his wife, the ephors, and all the elders, 
 were not ashamed to receive money from the Phokians. 
 
 By such causes and such resources the war was carried 
 on for ten years 355-346 B. c. At first Philomelus repeat- 
 edly routed his enemies ; but he was finally overtaken near 
 a narrow and mountainous spot, and completely defeated. 
 Unwilling to surrender, he dashed himself to pieces by leap- 
 ing down a craggy rock. Onomarchus, a man far more capa- 
 ble, now assumed the command, and his energetic measures 
 soon retrieved the Phokian loss. It was during his command 
 that Philip, king of Macedonia, first took part in Hellenic 
 affairs. 
 
 Philip, King of Macedonia. 
 
 Philip, as has been said, was educated at Thebes, and it 
 is not definitely known when he departed from that city. It 
 is certain, however, that he was in Macedonia during the
 
 46 TIIEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 reign of his brother Perdikkas ; and when the latter fell in 
 battle against the Illyrians, leaving an infant son, Philip 
 at once seized the sovereignty. When he ascended the 
 throne he found Macedonia threatened by many enemies. 
 The Illyrians, Pseonians, Thracians, and others were prepar- 
 ing to overwhelm her. But he completely subdued them, 
 and was already preparing to extend his dominion over the 
 sea-coast towns when the Eupatridae of Thessaly, and espe- 
 cially the Aleuadse, severely oppressed by the successors of 
 Alexander of Phera?, sought his assistance, while at the same 
 time Lykophron and many others of their opponents sought 
 the assistance of the Phokians. 
 
 Philip entered Thessaly after having first seized Methone, 
 a possession of the Athenians on the Macedonian coast, sit- 
 uated near the theatre of war. Lykophron, who came to 
 meet him, assisted by a large force of Phokians, was com- 
 pletely defeated and forced to flee the country. Hereupon 
 Onomarchus himself marched against Philip, defeated him 
 twice, and forced him back to Macedonia. The Phokian gen- 
 eral, elated by his victory, marched into Boeotia, conquered 
 the Thebans in battle, and made himself master of Koroneia, 
 in addition to Orchomenus, which he held before. But in 
 352 Philip again invaded Thessaly, and completely routed 
 Onomarchus in a decisive battle, during which that general 
 himself perished, six thousand Phokians were slain, and three 
 thousand of them are said to have been taken prisoners. 
 Philip now became master of Thessaly, and proclaimed him- 
 self the avenger of the Delphian god and the defender of the 
 insulted Hellenic religion. He wished to penetrate at once 
 into Hellas, but was repelled by the Athenians, who, to their 
 credit be it said, displayed then an energy that was rare dur- 
 ing the last days of their political existence, and, by occupy- 
 ing Thermopyla3 in season, paralyzed for a time the ambitious 
 projects of Philip. But this delay was of little avail to the 
 Athenians and the Greeks in general, who in the mean time
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 47 
 
 were torn to pieces, not only by the murderous Phokian war, 
 but by fresh hostilities which broke out in the Peloponnesus. 
 While Hellas was thus expending in vain and inglorious 
 wars her last resources, Philip was daily extending his em- 
 pire, organizing his army, and unceasingly preparing himself 
 to avenge the defeat which he had suffered at' Thermopylae, 
 and to accomplish his purpose of reducing all Hellas to his 
 sway. But it was not destined that the last days of the first 
 Hellenism should thus ingloriously set upon the malefactors 
 who were carrying on the Phokian war. A noble, thrilling 
 voice was destined to resound throughout Hellas ; a voice 
 which should defend the rights of Hellenic autonomy by the 
 most finished speeches that ever fell from mortal lips ; a voice 
 which did not, indeed, save the first Hellenism, because no 
 voice could now save it, but which at least covered its fall 
 with a veil of honor, beauty, and splendor. 
 
 Demosthenes. 
 
 Demosthenes was born, according to what seems the most 
 trustworthy among contradictory accounts, in 382 or 381 B. c. 
 His father, also named Demosthenes, was one of the princi- 
 pal citizens of Athens, and " of a character so unimpeachable 
 that even JEschines (the most bitter opponent of his son De- 
 mosthenes) says nothing against him." His mother,. Kleobu- 
 le, was one of the two daughters and co-heiresses of an Athe- 
 nian citizen named Gylon, who, it is said, was forced to flee on 
 a charge of treason against the commonwealth. Having be- 
 come rich as a land proprietor and exporter of corn in Bospo- 
 rus, he sent his two daughters to Athens, where they married 
 Athenian citizens, Demochares and the elder Demosthenes. 
 The father of Demosthenes had two distinct manufactories : 
 one of swords and knives, employing thirty-two slaves ; the 
 other of couches and beds, employing twenty. He died about 
 375 B. c., leaving his son Demosthenes, then seven years of 
 age, to the care of three guardians. His patrimony of four-
 
 48 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 teen talents (equal to about 500,000 modern drachmae) was so 
 faithlessly administered that, on attaining his civil majority 
 at sixteen years, when, according to the laws of Athens, he 
 was justified in assuming the administration of his property, 
 the sum paid to him was less than two talents. He was there- 
 fore obliged to bring a judicial action against his guardians ; 
 and five speeches delivered by Demosthenes, three against 
 Aphobus and two against Onetor, brother-in-law of Aphobus, 
 are still preserved. But it appears that he recovered nothing, 
 and was finally obliged to relinquish most of his claims. 
 
 Demosthenes received during his youth instruction in 
 grammar and rhetoric, such as the richest of the Athenians 
 usually obtained, and very early showed a wonderful in- 
 clination to rhetoric. But* he was from childhood of a 
 sickly constitution and feeble muscular frame, and hence his 
 mother did not choose that he should be put to the hard and 
 laborious exercises of the palaestra.* So delicate indeed was 
 his clothing, and so effeminate his habits, that the boys are 
 said to have given to him the contemptuous name of Bata- 
 lus, i. e., "the effeminate," which remained attached to him 
 nearly throughout his life. Hence Demosthenes never com- 
 bined the two requisites of a complete citizen as under- 
 stood by Plato, Isokrates, and Aristotle, mental growth and 
 bodily strength and endurance. This disproportion between 
 the physical and mental force of Demosthenes was destined 
 to be immortalized by the following famous inscription placed 
 on his statue after his death : 
 
 " Had thy valor, Demosthenes, been equal to thy eloquence, 
 The warlike Macedonian would never have ruled in Hellas." t 
 
 But perhaps, on the other hand, his sickly constitution 
 and feeble muscular frame contributed to his wonderful 
 
 * Plutarch. 
 
 f Efirep t<rt\v $<Si\i.-f\v yv^Ti, Arin6ff 
 OCiror' &v 'E\\-f)vuy -fip^tv "Apijs
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 49 
 
 mental and rhetorical eminence, since he may have felt that 
 by this alone could he achieve the glory which his noble 
 ambition sought. His family position gave him many op- 
 portunities to appear in public as a pleader and political 
 orator. Plato, Isokrates, and Isaeus were then in their full 
 celebrity, and many scholars flocked from all parts of Hellas 
 to listen to them. Demosthenes is said to have put himself 
 under the teaching of Isaeus, and no doubt he profited largely 
 by the discourse of Plato, Isokrates, and others. But he 
 was not satisfied with those living teachers only. He stud- 
 ied the ancients with great diligence, and especially devoted 
 himself to Thucydides, whose history, according to one ac- 
 count, " he copied eight times over with his own hands " ; 
 according to another, "he learned it all by heart, so as to 
 be able to rewrite it from memory when the manuscript 
 was accidentally destroyed." In fact, in the works of 
 the great orator we can easily discern the majestic phra- 
 seology of Thucydides, divested of its extreme brevity and 
 obscurity, and clothed with a clearness and grace in no wise 
 inferior to those of Lysias, the simplest and gentlest of 
 orators. 
 
 Rhetorical art does not alone make an orator. That this 
 accomplishment may have an influence over the multitude, 
 there is need of certain other peculiarities, both bodily and 
 mental, which Demosthenes seems to have entirely lacked ; 
 for he had neither the magnetic voice of ^Eschines nor the 
 ready and vehement improvisation of Demades. Before 
 venturing to ascend the bema, he had always to put his 
 thoughts together by laborious preparation ; his voice was 
 weak, and even lisping ; his enunciation was not clear and 
 distinct ; his breath was short ; his gesticulations were un- 
 graceful ; moreover, he was easily confused by the manifes- 
 tations of the multitude. Such and similar natural defects 
 compelled Isokrates to avoid the assembly of the people, and 
 to limit himself to a select audience of his friends and pupils.
 
 50 THEBAX SUPREMACY. 
 
 But Demosthenes was not dismayed by his first failure, nor 
 by the laughter and clamor which the novelty of his speech 
 incited. He was bound to succeed, and he did succeed, 
 and became the glory and boast of that assembly which 
 was accustomed to listen to the most famous orators of the 
 world. 
 
 His wonderful power of will, and his patience in over- 
 coming his defects, so as to satisfy a critical assembly like 
 the Athenian, is what we especially admire in the man. 
 He prepared himself to overcome the tumults of the as- 
 sembly by declaiming in stormy weather on the sea-shore 
 of Phalerum. He strengthened his voice by running or 
 walking up hill, and, during the consequent shortness of 
 breath, pronouncing some passage in an oration or a poem. 
 He sometimes passed two or three months together in a 
 subterranean study, practicing night and day to form his 
 action and exercise his voice, and shaving one side of his 
 head, so that, if he should happen to be ever so desirous of 
 going abroad, the shame of appearing in that condition 
 might keep him in. After several unsuccessful trials in the 
 assembly, he was wellnigh discouraged, when Eunomus and 
 other old citizens reassured him by comparing his manner of 
 speaking to that of Perikles, and exhorting him to persevere 
 a little longer in the correction of his external defects. Anoth- 
 er time, when his speeches had been ill received, and Demos- 
 thenes was pouring his disappointment into the ears of the 
 famous actor Satyrus saying that, though he was the most 
 laborious of all the orators, and had almost sacrificed his 
 health to his study, yet he could gain no favor with the peo- 
 ple, while drunken seamen and other unlettered persons were 
 heard and kept the bema " You say true," answered Satyrus; 
 " but I will soon explain the cause, if you will repeat to me 
 some passage in Euripides or Sophokles." When Demos- 
 thenes had done so, Satyrus pronounced the same speech 
 with such art and grace that it appeared to the orator quite
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 51 
 
 a different passage. He therefore began anew the task of 
 self -improvement, and practiced before a looking-glass, con- 
 stantly watching and correcting his movements. After per- 
 sistent application for many years, he achieved complete 
 success. His delivery became full of decision and vehe- 
 mence, and in his harangues he often spoke as by a super- 
 natural impulse. A few critics still ridiculed his modula- 
 tion as artificial and savoring of low stage-effect, while oth- 
 ers condemned his speeches as over-labored and smelling of 
 the lamp.* But the criticism of the modern world and that 
 of the grandest orators of France and England unanimously 
 places Demosthenes at the head of orators, and accepts the 
 enthusiastic judgment of Dionysius of Halikarnassus, who 
 says : "Whenever I read any of the speeches of Isokrates, 
 I become serious, and my mind is calm and settled ; . . . 
 but when I take those of Demosthenes, I am inspired and 
 carried hither and thither, passing from one passion to anoth- 
 er, distrusting, suffering, fearing, despising, hating, pitying, 
 sympathizing, becoming angry, envying, and, in fact, sharing 
 in all the passions which affect the human mind." 
 
 Demosthenes was twenty-seven years old when he first 
 appeared (354-353 B. .) as the political counselor of the 
 people of Athens. A report was spread that the king of 
 Persia was preparing to march against Hellas, and Athens 
 in particular. Demosthenes, with a Panhellenic patriotism 
 worthy of Perikles, then delivered his oration " De Sym- 
 moriis." f His second oration, " Pro Megalopolitanis," which 
 favored the defense of Megalopolis against Spartan recon- 
 quest, was delivered in 353-352. But his political and ora- 
 torical career had its true beginning in the following year 
 (352-351), when he delivered the first of those famous ora- 
 tions known as " the Philippics." " He had now," says 
 Plutarch, " a glorious subject for his political ambition, to 
 defend the cause of Hellas against Philip, and he defended 
 
 * Plutarch. f Tlepl -r&v
 
 52 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 it like a champion worthy of such a charge." It was in this 
 oration that Demosthenes first declared his unmitigated 
 hatred of Philip and of Macedonia a hatred which lasted 
 throughout, his life. 
 
 "We acknowledge the difficulty of an attempt to criticise 
 the political system of Demosthenes. The opinion has pre- 
 vailed from antiquity that the man was the last defender of 
 Hellenism ; that all who claim that he failed in the choice 
 of his political career, which Grote characterizes as "the 
 combination of earnest patriotism with wise and long-sighted 
 policy," appear to be committing an act of impiety toward 
 the most sacred of sentiments. We appreciate this difficulty 
 still more, since we find ourselves overcome not only by his 
 conquering eloquence, but also by his Panhellenic patriotism 
 and disinterestedness. But we must confess that Demos- 
 thenes did not foresee the great and glorious fortunes which 
 the Macedonian hegemony prepared for the Hellenic nation, 
 nor the ruin into which the nation would have fallen had 
 not that hegemony furnished it with a new center of union 
 and a new career of energy. The experience of two hun- 
 dred years had shown that no union could be accomplished 
 in Hellas by the elements then existing in that country. 
 Again, the Hellenic nation would not have achieved the 
 great work of Hellenizing Asia, from which resulted its sub- 
 sequent fortune. That nation, left to the narrow limits of 
 Hellas proper, would not only sooner or later have become 
 the easy booty of the first foreign invader that might have 
 attacked it, but in all probability, having exhausted its 
 forces, it would have disappeared from the face of the earth. 
 Again, Philip was a Greek, as Isokrates, Herodotus, and the 
 facts themselves testify, since his ancestors were accepted in 
 the Olympic festivals, in which only Hellenes could take 
 part. The assertion of Demosthenes, therefore, that Philip 
 was a barbarian, is false. Philip was a Greek, and the 
 Macedonians were quite as Hellenic as the Akarnanians and
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 53 
 
 other nations in Hellas. Philip sought to unite in one the 
 Hellenic nation, that he might march against Asia. His 
 hegemony was much like that of Sparta, Athens, and Thebes ; 
 and hence Demosthenes, by opposing it, attacked the only 
 means by which the nation could still act a prominent part 
 in history. In fine, he undertook, a contest evidently futile. 
 We do not mean to justify all the methods which Philip 
 used for the promotion of his ends, although they were those 
 of a statesman, and by no means as base as many of the 
 violent acts of the Athenian and Spartan hegemonies. 
 
 Again, many men throughout Hellas, and especially at 
 Athens, conscientiously regarded a war against Philip as 
 ominous, and, with a clear conscience and accurate under- 
 standing of the true interests of Hellas, recommended the 
 preservation of peace. Among them, the most prominent 
 were Isokrates and Phokion. The latter, who was called 
 " Phokion the Honest," was born about 402 B. c., and was 
 thus twenty years older than Demosthenes. He belonged 
 to a family of small means, being the son of a pestle-maker. 
 He lived eighty-four years, and was forty-five times elected 
 to the prominent office of a strategos (general). He proved 
 himself worthy of hi$ exalted position by his courage and 
 talents for command, as well as by his uprightness and wis- 
 dom. He despised flattery and avoided long speeches to the 
 people, and -was yet so successful in his addresses that he 
 proved himself a worthy opponent of Demosthenes himself. 
 
 Thus we see that the political career of Demosthenes was 
 condemned even by many honest and practical men of his 
 own time. And yet, so great is the power of that inimitable 
 eloquence, that the world has not ceased to admire the con- 
 test that one man undertook against the decrees of fate. 
 So deep also is the enchantment which the first Hellenism 
 produced, that, however grand and glorious a career the 
 Macedonian hegemony opened to the nation, many to this 
 day are not persuaded that the Macedonian Hellenism was
 
 54 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 a continuation of the first Hellenic life, and still declare 
 that true Hellenism expired at the battle of Chaeroneia, 
 regarding Demosthenes not only as the greatest of orators, 
 but the last defender of Greece. However noble these sen- 
 timents, they are antagonistic to the truth and to the facts 
 as shown in the last two thousand years. They are dis- 
 proved by the blood which flows in the veins of the modern 
 Hellenes, by their aspirations, their enthusiasm, and their glo- 
 rious sacrifices for the preservation of Hellenic autonomy. 
 
 End of the Second Sacred War Growth of Philip's 
 Power. 
 
 The Athenians could not be prevailed upon by the elo- 
 quent arguments of Demosthenes to make the necessary ex- 
 ertions for limiting the power of Philip, who in 350 B. c. had 
 subdued the Olynthians, and by 347 had become master of 
 all the remaining cities in Chalkidike. Not long after he 
 succeeded in invading Hellas itself. The Phokians had in 
 the mean while compelled the Thebans to seek the assistance 
 of the king of Macedonia. Philip entered with his Thessa- 
 Jians into Phokis, because the Athenians, as usual, did not 
 hasten to the assistance of the Phokians. Master of Phokis 
 as he now was, Philip again convoked the Amphiktyonic 
 Assembly, which issued the following resolutions : All the 
 towns in Phokis, twenty-two in number, excepting Abse, 
 which took no part in the spoliation of the temple, should 
 be dismantled and broken into villages. No village should 
 be allowed to contain more than fifty houses, and the inhab- 
 itants should cultivate their territory and pay an annual trib- 
 ute of fifty talents, until the wealth taken away should have 
 been n/ade good. All Phokian fugitives should be deemed 
 accursed, and be liable to arrest wherever they should be 
 found. Furthermore, the two votes which the Phokians had 
 in the assembly were given to Philip and his successors. At 
 the same time Philip was chosen to preside, together with
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 55 
 
 the Boeotians and Thessalians, over the celebration of the 
 Pythian games. 
 
 Thus, in 346 B. c., the king of Macedonia punished the 
 sacrilegious Phokians and became master of the Amphikty- 
 onic Council. The Athenians were also forced for the pres- 
 ent to accept these decrees. Philip in the mean time did 
 not cease to follow up the completion of his plan. Ex- 
 tending his power both to the north and south, he secured 
 his hold in Hellas by protecting in 344 the Messenians, 
 Arkadians, and Argeians against the incessant attacks of 
 the Spartans ; and in 341 he laid siege to Perinthus and 
 Byzantium, for the purpose of completing the conquest of 
 Thrace. 
 
 The Athenians now acting under the exhortations of 
 Demosthenes, who urged them to bury in a generous ob- 
 livion all their past grounds of offense against Byzantium 
 decided to hasten to the rescue of both the threatened cities, 
 especially since the Chians, Rhodians, and many others, of- 
 fered to unite with them, to prevent Philip from becoming 
 master of the great passage through which corn was imported 
 into the Hellenic seas. But the Athenians were doomed to do 
 nothing in the right way, for they dispatched the loose and 
 rapacious general Chares to the allies, whom the latter re- 
 fused to accept. The Athenians were sorely distressed ; but 
 Phokion who, although he had often advised them to keep 
 aloof from war, had never yet refused to risk his life in be- 
 half of his country when war was once decided upon told 
 them that they " should not feel grieved against the allies, 
 but against the generals who render us an object of hate, even 
 to those who can be saved only through us." The Athenians 
 accordingly sent Phokion to the allies, and Philip was com- 
 pelled to abandon the siege of Byzantium as well as of Pe- 
 rinthus. Philip deemed it best for the present to conclude 
 peace with the Athenians and the other Greeks, knowing 
 well that, as matters were then in Hellas, an opportunity
 
 56 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 would soon offer itself for the accomplishment of his great 
 project. 
 
 New Sacred War Battle of Chceroneia. 
 
 The orator ^Eschines not long after furnished this oppor- 
 tunity. Remembering that the Lokrians of Amphissa had 
 cultivated a piece of land belonging to the temple of Delphi, 
 he called upon the Amphiktyonic Assembly to pass sentence 
 against them. But as great delay occurred in the execution 
 of the judgment, the Amphiktyons determined "to invoke 
 the interference of Philip, appointing him commander of 
 the combined force, and champion of the god, in the new 
 Sacred War, as he had been in the former." Philip accord- 
 ingly invaded Hellas with an army of thirty thousand foot- 
 soldiers and two thousand horse. Such was the speed of 
 his warlike movements that he had already captured Am- 
 phissa and Elateia before the Athenians had decided, by 
 advice of Demosthenes, to form a combined alliance of the 
 Greeks against him. In vain did Phokion endeavor to re- 
 strain them from engaging in this war. The Athenians 
 resolved to fight, and Demosthenes himself hastened to 
 Thebes and persuaded that city to make common cause 
 against Philip. A few smaller cities united with the Athe- 
 nians ; and finally, on the 3d of August, 338 B. c., the two 
 armies were drawn up on the plain of Chaeroneia. The 
 Athenians and their allies were more numerous than their 
 opponents ; but the Macedonian army had received such an 
 ascendancy through the superior tactics of Philip and his 
 constant expeditions, that the Greeks, although they fought 
 bravely, were finally conquered. The Sacred Band of the 
 Thebans to a man fell in this battle as they stood in a solid 
 phalanx, not one of the three hundred yielding a foot. To 
 the youthful Alexander was due the chief credit of this vic- 
 tory, for, after routing the Thebans, he forced the Athenian 
 generals to retreat.
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 57 
 
 Philip now became master of Hellas. He severely chas- 
 tised Thebes, which, from being his ally, suddenly took arms 
 against him. He put to death several of its leading citizens, 
 banished others, and confiscated the property of many. He 
 established a council of three hundred, which he invested 
 with the government of the city, and with powers of life and 
 death over every one. He also placed a Macedonian garri- 
 son in the Kadmeia. With the Athenians, however, he has- 
 tened to conclude peace on mild terms, and they in turn 
 did not hesitate to recognize him as chief of Hellas. The 
 great and glorious subsequent career of Hellas in no wise 
 bears out the criticism of Grote that this peace was a renun- 
 ciation of all the proud historical past, and the acceptance 
 of a new and degraded position for Athens, as well as for 
 Hellas generally. 
 
 Philip for the most part acted leniently toward the 
 Greeks, for he freed without ransom the two thousand pris- 
 oners whom he captured in battle, and granted autonomy 
 to all the cities which promptly recognized his supremacy. 
 Sparta alone stood aloof, and refused all re'cognition of the 
 supremacy of Philip, He invaded Laconia, and in various 
 ways humbled Spartan haughtiness ; yet he did not seek to 
 reduce the city, but hastened to the realization of his great 
 project. He convened a congress of Hellenic cities at Cor- 
 inth, and informed them that he intended to march against 
 the great king, to free " the brethren " in Asia and avenge 
 the invasion of Hellas by Xerxes. He was accordingly 
 chosen general-in-chief of all Hellas. One vote only was 
 wanting that of stubborn Sparta ; but this city had now 
 become so small and weak that Philip could easily afford 
 to despise her policy. Thus under the Macedonian he- 
 gemony was finally concluded the fourth political union of 
 the nation, which, although it did not last a long time, yet 
 accomplished achievements worthy of the most brilliant 
 epochs of Hellenic history.
 
 58 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Character of the first Hellenism. 
 
 By the battle of Chseroneia and the congress held in 
 Corinth, Hellenism was not abolished ; yet these two events 
 may be regarded as the end of its ancient type. It differs 
 from the second or Macedonian Hellenism in the following 
 points : During the first the national life achieved its growth 
 through the complete freedom of the individual cities, but 
 during the second mainly through the Macedonian mon- 
 archy, under which the autonomy of the cities was materi- 
 ally limited. But if, in its want of union, the earlier politi- 
 cal organization was faulty, on the other hand, by the exces- 
 sive growth of the individual cities, its intellectual and moral 
 life became varied and complete. Each separate community 
 was small, and the relative importance of the citizen was 
 greater than in larger communities. Much attention was 
 therefore paid to the preservation and growth of that im- 
 portance, by means of every possible intellectual and bodily 
 exercise. So great, indeed, was the extent to which. the 
 citizen and the city acted and reacted one upon the other, 
 that they seemed to coalesce into a perfect harmony. Hence 
 resulted that wonderful union of the private and public life, 
 of the intellectual and the physical, of the theoretical and 
 the practical. We see, too, that all great national events 
 were at once depicted by corresponding productions of the 
 mind. As soon as the nation had succeeded in an achieve- 
 ment, the deed was at once immortalized in poetry, history, 
 philosophy, architecture, sculpture, painting. To such a de- 
 gree were events the productions of the mind, and the mind 
 the result of events. 
 
 The heroic life of Hellas was represented by the Iliad 
 and Odyssey ; its first legislative attempts, by the works of 
 Solon, Theognis, Alkseus, and the other political poets ; its 
 sacred, musical, and athletic contests, by the lyric poems 
 of Pindar ; its first great war of independence, by the history
 
 RISE OF MACEDONIA. 59 
 
 of Herodotus and the tragic muse of JEschylus ; the glorious 
 events of the hegemony of Athens, by the masterpieces of 
 Pheidias, Iktinus, and Polygnotus ; the internal life of the 
 city, by the comedies of Aristophanes and the philosophical 
 researches of Sokrates ; the Peloponnesian war, by the his- 
 tory of Thucydides ; the hegemony of Sparta and of Thebes, 
 and the genius of Agesilaus, by the " Hellenika " of Xeno- 
 phon ; the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks under Xeno- 
 phon, by the " Anabasis " of the same author ; and, to speak of 
 the most prominent, the last efforts in behalf of its autonomy, 
 by the inimitable eloquence of Demosthenes. Thus all the 
 works of mind and of art came from the very heart of the 
 nation. They were the productions of the national and not 
 of private intellect, imagination, or heart ; they reflected the 
 national conscience, and for this reason they possess an im- 
 perishable life. Therefore they are admired to this day, and 
 are considered, in many instances, so inimitable, that all the 
 intellectual and moral life of modern civilization turns to 
 them as to a model, in the search for the beautiful, the lofty, 
 and the grand. 
 
 But the political organization of the Hellenes, though 
 deprived of the invulnerable panoply of complete national 
 union, had a mighty influence on the public interests of 
 modern civilization. The Greeks first of all nations created 
 a clear and true political life ; first permitted to the individ- 
 ual the right to participate in public affairs ; first granted the 
 right of suffrage, and first recognized and verified the truth 
 that the state must be regulated according to the progress 
 of the intellectual attainments of the nation. On this ac- 
 count all the principles of the most free and prosperous 
 constitutions of our times have their source and beginning 
 in the first Hellenism. The right of common council, the 
 responsibility of officers, equality before the laws, equitable 
 taxation, liberty of speech, the publicity of judicial proceed- 
 ings, the prerogative of the courts to administer oaths, the
 
 60 THEBAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 right of self-defense, and, in fine, all the salutary principles 
 on which the most prosperous of nations pride themselves, 
 have their beginning there. 
 
 Let us not omit to mention the wonderful elasticity of 
 this first Hellenism. Many other nations have flourished in 
 this world which, as soon as they fulfilled the task imposed 
 upon them, either disappeared from the face of the earth, 
 like the Babylonians, Egyptians, Romans, etc. ; or, if they 
 still exist, they exist, like the Jews and the Armenians, with- 
 out power and authority. The first Hellenism alone, while 
 it seemed to have accomplished its public and political life, 
 and to have nothing else to do but to surrender to others 
 its career of energy, suddenly appears, clad in monarchical 
 robes, attempting to extend throughout Asia and Africa the 
 exhaustless intellectual, political, and artistic treasures ac- 
 cumulated in this small corner of the earth during the first 
 period of its history. The first Hellenism communicated 
 this reforming spirit through the second to the third, and 
 through the third to ours, or modern Hellenism. Thus we 
 find that the Byzantine Hellenism is the same as the Mace- 
 donian, changed somewhat through the Christian religion 
 and the Roman conquest. Again, our own Hellenism is the 
 same Byzantine, changed by the Turkish rule and the influ- 
 ences of European civilization. So that the Hellenic nation 
 has existed for three thousand years, speaking always the 
 same language, and possessing the same sentiments, mind, 
 and name.
 
 PAET EIGHTH. 
 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EXTENSION AND REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Historical Account of Macedonia. 
 
 MACEDONIA, before its enlargement through the conquests 
 of Philip, was an exclusively inland country, lying between 
 the mountain-ranges of Skardus and Bermius on the northern 
 side of the great Kambunian chain. The language of its in- 
 habitants, widely different from that of the Thracians on the 
 east and the Illyrians on the west, was so nearly akin to the 
 Hellenic that the latter tongue was easily acquired by them. 
 Like their Hellenic neighbors, they employed a regular and 
 systematic method of warfare. They bore a general resem- 
 blance to the Thessalians and other less cultivated nations of 
 the Hellenic race. 
 
 In the earliest times they were divided into a variety of 
 independent tribes, each of which had its own king or chief- 
 tain. That tribe which ultimately obtained supremacy over 
 the rest originally occupied the country about j&gse or Edes- 
 sa, which down to the latest historic times remained the 
 sacred city of the nation, although the capital was at an early 
 period removed to Pella. According to tradition, the real 
 founders of the greatness of Macedonia were fugitives from 
 Hellas, belonging to the royal Herakleid line of Argos, who
 
 62 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 are supposed to have arrived in the country during the sev- 
 enth century B. c., and to have established the Macedonian 
 kingdom on a permanent basis. 
 
 The first Macedonian sovereign of real historic impor- 
 tance was Amyntas, the father of the Alexander whom we 
 have mentioned in connection with the Persians. Amyntas 
 (520-500 B. c.) extended his conquests eastward as far as the 
 Thermaic Gulf, and maintained friendly relations with the 
 Peisistratidae of Athens, which friendship continued between 
 his son Alexander and the Athenians after the expulsion of 
 the tyrants. Perdikkas II, the son and successor of Alex- 
 ander, entered into still closer friendship with the Hellenes, 
 and extended his dominion as far as the river Strymon. 
 Later, however, Perdikkas became the enemy of the Atheni- 
 ans, and it was from his intrigues that all the difficulties of 
 Athens on that coast took their origin. But, whatever may 
 have been the craft and energy of this king, his monarchy 
 possessed elements of anarchy by which its progress was al- 
 ways retarded. The order of succession was not definitely 
 settled, and hence the death of a king was usually followed 
 by dissensions and civil wars. Perdikkas deprived his broth- 
 er Alketas of the throne. 
 
 About 413 B. c. Archelaus, ^^illegitimate son of Perdik- 
 kas, seized upon the kingdom THIfcugh the murder of the 
 rightful heir. He, however, showed himself worthy of the 
 sovereignty, and Macedonia during his reign shared largely 
 in the blessings of the more southern Hellenic civilization, 
 while it was acquiring a greater military strength than ever 
 before. Archelaus increased the army and the material 
 basis of defense, and constructed many roads throughout 
 his kingdom. In addition, he munificently instituted a pe- 
 riodical contest in honor of the Olympian Zeus and the 
 Muses, and established friendly relations with the Athenian 
 poets and philosophers, persuading Euripides and many of 
 the poets to take up their residence in Macedonia. He was
 
 EXTENSION AND REORGANIZATION. 63 
 
 murdered in 399 B. c. by two Thessalians and a Macedonian 
 named Dekamnichus. Archelaus had been strongly attached 
 to the two former, but had offended them by insulting treat- 
 ment and non-performance of promises. The Macedonian 
 was led to join the assassins by the following considerations : 
 Euripides, who, as we have said, went to Macedonia by invi- 
 tation of the tyrant, died in that country about 405 B. c. The 
 great tragedian, before whose genius and grace all Hellas 
 bowed, was troubled with an offensive breath. He was once 
 wantonly insulted on this score by Dekamnichus, who was 
 delivered over to the poet for punishment. This is particu- 
 larly to be regretted, because Euripides, the encomiast of 
 philanthropy and stigmatizer of revenge Euripides, the citi- 
 zen of the free and law-abiding city of Athens himself exe- 
 cuted the barbarous sentence. Six years after the death of 
 the poet, Dekamnichus, who could not forget the ignominy 
 to which he had been subjected, took the opportunity to as- 
 sist the murderers in their nefarious deed. The events which 
 followed show the weakness of the Macedonian constitution. 
 It presents itself to us as an absolute monarchy, in which no 
 law, no tribunal, guaranteed individual security ; or, as Grote 
 says, Ul&at, Jest moi is a principle which stands marked in 
 the whole series of national proceedings ; the personality of 
 the monarch is the determining element. 
 
 Orestes succeeded his father Archelaus ; but, as he was a 
 minor, Aeropus acted in his stead. The latter, after about 
 four years, murdered his ward, and usurped the throne. At 
 his death his son Pausanias succeeded, but after a year's 
 rule was murdered by Amyntas II. This Amyntas, the 
 father of Philip and the grandfather of Alexander the Great, 
 was related to the royal house, but had been nothing more 
 than an attendant of Aeropus, until he found means to de- 
 stroy Pausanias and seize upon the kingdom. He reigned 
 for about twenty-four years (393-369 B. c.) years of trouble 
 and distress for Macedonia, and of occasional exile for him-
 
 64 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 self. The warlike organization which Archelaus had estab- 
 lished was disorganized about this time, since the repeated 
 banishments and assassinations of kings, begun after Perdik- 
 kas and continued through the reign of Amyntas, deranged 
 the central government and shattered the Macedonian rule. 
 
 Central Macedonia was bordered on the north by barbar- 
 ous and warlike tribes, whose frequent incursions made them 
 an object of just terror. By reason of these repeated in- 
 vasions, the Macedonian empire became limited and almost 
 destroyed. It was also seriously threatened by the strong 
 Olynthian confederacy, occupying the coast, which was ulti- 
 mately overthrown by the Spartans, with the cooperation of 
 Amyntas, who had recovered part of his power. 
 
 Philip. 
 
 After the death of Amyntas there was again much dis- 
 turbance in the affairs of the country, and a constant inter- 
 ference on the part of the neighboring nations. Alexander, 
 the eldest son of Amyntas, had succeeded to the throne, but 
 was assassinated about two years later, and other civil 
 wars followed. Eurydike, the widow of Amyntas, finally 
 through the assistance of Iphikrates subdued Pausanias, 
 the principal opponent of her two children Perdikkas, a 
 young man, and Philip, as yet scarcely more than a boy. It 
 was accordingly through the interference of the Athenian 
 Iphikrates that the family of Amyntas was maintained, and 
 Ptolemy of Alorus established as regent. When afterward 
 the affairs of the hither Greeks passed into the hands of the 
 Theban hegemony, Pelopidas penetrated into Macedonia, 
 and compelled Ptolemy to enter into an alliance with his 
 state. To secure the regent's fidelity, he took thirty host- 
 ages from the principal families of Macedonia, among whom 
 was the young Philip, son of Amyntas, who accordingly 
 spent three years in Thebes in this capacity. Not long 
 afterward Perdikkas, the elder brother of Philip, assassi-
 
 EXTENSION AND REORGANIZATION. 65 
 
 nated the regent Ptolemy, and seized the throne. But he 
 ruled only about five years (360-355), having been murdered, 
 as it is supposed, at the instigation of his mother Eurydike. 
 His son Amyntas was still a boy, and Macedonia was again 
 threatened both from within and without. 
 
 In the midst of this crisis Philip succeeded to the sov- 
 ereignty. He had received from his earliest youth such an 
 education as might have been bestowed on the best of the 
 Greeks. Not only during the time he spent in Thebes, but 
 from his very birth, he had lived in a Hellenic atmosphere. 
 The opinion that before him Macedonia was a land of bar- 
 barians is erroneous, because the Macedonians were not 
 only related to the Hellenes, but from very early times had 
 followed to some degree the intellectual progress of the na- 
 tion. The immediate predecessors of Philip sought as much 
 as possible to approach the Attic mode of life. It has been 
 stated that, forty years before, King Archelaus introduced 
 many social improvements after Hellenic models, and was 
 much attached to the youthful Plato and his teacher Sokra- 
 tes. In like manner, Amyntas showed himself throughout 
 his reign a friend of the most eminent Athenians, and his 
 physician was Nikomachus, father of the famous Aristotle. 
 Amid such surroundings Philip was educated. At the age 
 of fifteen he was taken to Thebes as a hostage, but returned 
 to Macedonia while Perdikkas was still reigning. Though 
 a hostage, he was honorably and cordially welcomed, re- 
 ceived a scientific and oratorical training, and studied philos- 
 ophy, but did not exhibit much inclination for its subtleties. 
 He especially availed himself of the intimacy and the ex- 
 amples of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, who were the orna- 
 ments and pride of all Hellas. His stay at Thebes, which 
 under their administration had become so strong and war- 
 like, had a considerable influence on the formation of Philip's 
 character. The sight of the Theban army could not but 
 move a young man of an ambitious and energetic nature, 
 24
 
 66 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 destined to the command of a nation which, although war- 
 like, was destitute as yet of an adequate military organiza- 
 tion. His surroundings enabled him to become familiar with 
 the most advanced strategic ideas of the day, and his mind 
 was naturally thrown into the track of reflection, compari- 
 son, and invention on the art of war. 
 
 On his return from Thebes he was intrusted with the gov- 
 ernment of an unimportant province in Macedonia, under his 
 elder brother Perdikkas. He began at once to organize a 
 small but well-disciplined military force. At the death of 
 Perdikkas he received intimations that he could probably 
 obtain the sovereignty, and, assisted by his well-equipped 
 army, he achieved success. Philip at first assumed the gov- 
 ernment of the country as guardian of his young nephew 
 Amyntas, but circumstances were such that he was forced 
 by his friends to take control of the kingdom in his own 
 name. Amyntas lived throughout the entire rule of Philip, 
 and was finally put to death on a charge of treason against 
 Alexander. 
 
 When Philip had overcome the principal obstacles be- 
 tween him and the throne, he had yet many enemies. Above 
 all, he sought to pacify the Thracians by seasonable presents 
 and promises. But the Athenians, supporting his rival Ar- 
 ga3us, were opposed to him on the sea, and the Illyrians on 
 land. Accordingly, he hastened to increase his military force 
 by applying throughout his kingdom the laws which he had 
 early introduced into his own province, and encouraging his 
 friends by addresses such as had never before been heard 
 by Macedonians. He then proceeded against his remaining 
 enemies, using either force or diplomacy, as the particular 
 occasion demanded. He knew that the Athenians had been 
 carrying on war against Macedonia, and assisting Argaeus, 
 because they wished to occupy Amphipolis. He therefore 
 wrote to Athens that he desired to preserve the friendly re- 
 lations which his father Amyntas had formerly established
 
 EXTENSION AND KEORGANIZATION. 67 
 
 with that city, and that he was ready to withdraw from 
 Amphipolis the Macedonian garrison whereby "Perdikkas 
 had held it against them." This made the Athenians indif- 
 ferent to Argajus, and their admiral Mantias remained idle in 
 the harbor of Methone, while Argaeus, with some fugitives, 
 a body of mercenaries, and a few Athenian exiles, marched 
 toward ^Egge or Edessa, hoping to procure admission into 
 that ancient city. The inhabitants refused to receive him, 
 and Philip attacked and completely routed his forces. He 
 treated the Athenian prisoners kindly and sent them home, 
 with renewed propositions of amity to the people of Athens. 
 He afterward defeated the Paeonians and compelled them to 
 recognize the Macedonian supremacy. He also conquered 
 the Illyrians, and forced them to seek peace and to deliver 
 up all their provinces. 
 
 Having accomplished all this during the first year of his 
 reign (859 B. c.), he attempted in the second (358) to re- 
 cover Amphipolis, which was indispensable to the security 
 of his dominion, both as being near the bridge over the 
 Strymon, and as a convenient trading-post for the ship-tim- 
 ber, gold, and silver of the regions surrounding Mount Pan- 
 gseus. During the preceding year Philip had surrendered 
 Amphipolis to the Athenians ; but, as they took no pains 
 to hold the city, we can hardly blame him that, seeing them 
 indifferent toward this splendid gift, he himself wished to 
 recover it. After beginning the siege of Amphipolis he 
 wrote a courteous letter to the Athenians, informing them 
 that he desired to punish the Amphipolitans because they 
 had given htm much occasion for war, but that he besieged 
 the place in the interest of the Athenians, and upon its con- 
 quest would deliver it to them.* He did not, however, ful- 
 fill his promise, but kept the city for himself, and fortified 
 it. This action is certainly blameworthy ; but how many 
 conquerors, judged by the principles of common morality, 
 * Demosthenes cont. Aristokrat. ; also the oration De Halonneso,
 
 68 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 would escape like condemnation ? Ought not the Athenians, 
 who could not find words strong enough to stigmatize the con- 
 duct of Philip, rather to have accused themselves for the fatal 
 inaction which had now become their besetting sin ? They 
 had taken no care to occupy the city surrendered to them, 
 and they were foolish enough to believe that Philip would 
 sacrifice his time and his army in order afterward to hand 
 over to them a possession which they had lost through their 
 own supineness. Viewed in the light of justice, it does 
 not appear in what respect the Athenians had more right 
 than Philip to occupy Amphipolis. Both were conquerors, 
 seeking to possess a city belonging to neither, solely to fur- 
 ther their own interests. 
 
 The Athenians not only neglected to garrison Amphipo- 
 lis, but also committed another mistake. On the coast of 
 Macedonia was situated the Hellenic city of Olynthus, for- 
 merly the head of a great confederacy, which had been dis- 
 solved by the Spartans. In the course of time, however, it 
 had succeeded in regaining a part of its importance. The 
 Olynthians, afraid of Philip after the capture of Amphipolis, 
 sought alliance with the Athenians, that both in common 
 might oppose the Macedonian monarch, now daily growing 
 more formidable. It is evident that, if the Athenians were 
 willing to make good their pretensions by corresponding sac- 
 rifices, they ought at once to have accepted the propositions 
 of the Olynthians. But it is none the less clear that, during 
 this period, the Athenians spent their time rather in the ut- 
 terance of words than in the performance of deeds. It was 
 also about this time that they became engaged in the so- 
 called Sacred "War. They therefore dismissed the Olynthian 
 ambassadors without granting their request. Philip was 
 desirous of treating the Olynthians well, and they, finding 
 themselves abandoned by the Athenians, were equally eager 
 to come to terms with the king. The latter even ceded to 
 them the territory of Anthemus, and in addition, having
 
 EXTENSION AND REORGANIZATION. 69 
 
 secured Potidaea, an important stronghold of the Athenians, 
 he surrended it to the Olynthians. 
 
 In this way Philip occupied himself during the two years 
 358-356 B. c. ; and soon after he openly declared himself an 
 enemy to the Athenians. He deprived them of their hold 
 upon the Thermaic Gulf, in which they now seem only to 
 have retained the town of Methone. In the mean while 
 Philip became master of the gold-producing regions of Mount 
 Pangseus, formerly an object of dispute between Athens and 
 the Thasians. The Thasians had recently founded there a 
 city called Krenides, which Philip now enlarged and named 
 Philippi. It became the center of the great metallurgical 
 works in the neighborhood, which received such an impetus 
 that they yielded to him, according to Diodorus, a yearly 
 income of one thousand talents. He also caused a new gold 
 coin to be struck, bearing a name derived from his own 
 (phUippeion). Thus Philip, almost from the beginning of 
 his reign, and before becoming even master of the entire 
 coast, was in receipt of a yearly income greater than that' 
 which the Athenians and the Spartans obtained in the very 
 acme of their power. He was consequently enabled to en- 
 large his military force, which was receiving constant drill 
 in the frequent wars with the neighboring barbarians. 
 
 About this time Philip married Olympias, daughter of 
 Neoptolemus, prince of the Molossi, a reputed descendant 
 of the heroic ^Eakidae. He had become acquainted with her 
 in the island of Samothrake, whither both had gone to be 
 initiated into its religious mysteries. The jealous, savage, 
 and revengeful nature of this woman was destined to cause 
 much sorrow to the king. In 356 she bore to him a son, the 
 famous Alexander the Great. 
 
 ^Reorganization of the Macedonian Army. 
 
 Philip finished these achievements during the first four 
 years of his rule. He had banished his domestic opponents,
 
 70 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 routed or subdued the barbarous nations about Macedonia, 
 and deprived the Athenians of their possessions on the coast. 
 He had also gained possession of the mines near Mount 
 Pangifius, and thus secured a large revenue. But his great- 
 est achievement was the creation of the means by which 
 he was enabled to accomplish his great deeds. He began 
 the reorganization of that army which, after securing his 
 kingdom, was destined at a later period to spread Hellenism 
 throughout Asia. 
 
 Before the time of Philip the military force of Macedonia 
 was composed, like that of the Thessalians, of an excellent 
 cavalry and of the troops called peltasts ; but these latter 
 were poorly clothed and poorly armed, because foot service 
 was not in honor among the natives, and " the Macedonian 
 infantry in their general character were hardly more than a 
 rabble." Philip effected a complete transformation in this 
 state of affairs. The soldiers were not to blame for their 
 deplorable condition, for they were strong in body and reso- 
 lute in spirit. Philip began to impart to them all the ac- 
 complishments of the Hellenic infantry, besides seeking to 
 habituate them to the use of a new and heavy weapon, very 
 effective when carried by a compact body of troops. This 
 new weapon was the sarissa the Macedonian pike or lance. 
 It was used both by infantry and by particular regiments of 
 cavalry, and was of great length, though much shorter for 
 cavalry than for infantry service. The sarissophori, or bear- 
 ers of the sarissa, were a sort of light-horse carrying this 
 long lance, by which they were distinguished from the heavier 
 cavalry, which carried the xyston or short pike. The sarissa 
 of the horsemen was about fourteen feet long as long as 
 the Cossack pike now is ; while that of the infantry was 
 twenty-one feet long. This would be almost incredible were 
 it not for the assertion of the historian Polybius, who was 
 not only an eye-witness of its use, but also by profession a 
 competent judge of such matters. The sarissa in its horizon-
 
 EXTENSION AND REORGANIZATION. 7l 
 
 tal position was held with both hands, and was distinguished 
 in this respect from the pike of the Greek hoplites, which 
 occupied only one hand, while the other held the shield. 
 The sarissa was held in such a manner that it extended fif- 
 teen feet beyond the body of the pikeman, while the remain- 
 ^g portion, six feet in length, was of sufficient weight to 
 maintain an equilibrium. Thus the sarissa of the man stand- 
 ing second in the file extended twelve feet in front of the 
 first rank, that of the third man nine feet, of the fourth six 
 feet, and of the fifth three feet. Consequently, from each 
 division there was opposed to the enemy a quintuple series 
 of pikes ; and of these five, the first three and perhaps the 
 fourth extended farther than the pike of the Hellenic hop- 
 lites. The soldiers behind the fifth rank were mainly em- 
 ployed in sustaining the front and guarding the whole 
 phalanx from the missiles of the enemy, by carrying the 
 sarissa, not in a horizontal position, but slantingly over the 
 shoulders of those before them. 
 
 The phalangites, or soldiers serving in the phalanx, were 
 generally drawn up in files sixteen deep, with an interval of 
 three feet between the ranks. They carried, besides the 
 sarissa, a short sword and a circular shield with a diameter 
 of rather more than two feet, and wore a breastplate, leg- 
 gings, and a white, broad-brimmed hat, called Jcausia. But 
 the long pike was their principal weapon. The only defect 
 of the phalanx was the fact that it could not face about or 
 maintain its position on uneven ground. Therefore the Ro- 
 man legions, which were better organized, finally overcame 
 it, although Philip had endeavored, by the addition of other 
 bodies of soldiers, to neutralize this serious defect. 
 
 The composition of Philip's military force may be briefly 
 summed up as follows : 1. The Phalanx or the heavy infan- 
 try, practiced in the use of the sarissa ; 2. The Hypaspists 
 shield-bearers or Guards lightly armed, and employed for 
 the personal defense of the king ; 3. The Hetceri or Compan-
 
 72 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 ions, forming the heavy cavalry, chiefly native Macedonians; 
 4. The Sarissophori or Lancers, a new and lighter variety 
 of cavalry, used for advanced posts or for scouring the coun- 
 try. The Macedonian army also included a numerous assem- 
 blage of desultory or irregular troops, as, for instance, the 
 Thessalians, who furnished a cavalry force not inferior to 
 that of the Macedonians themselves, together with many Gre- 
 cian volunteers armed with their national weapons. Philip 
 completed his military organization by the introduction of 
 an excellent engineering corps, possessed of a great stock of 
 projectile and battering machines, " superior to anything at 
 that time extant." To this great array, so heterogeneous 
 yet so systematically divided, we must add the armories, in 
 which those who had been drafted were enlisted and drilled; 
 the magazines, in which the arms and ammunition were 
 kept ; the establishments for furnishing cavalry-horses, etc. 
 Thus we obtain an idea of the wonderful military organiza- 
 tion which Philip instituted. 
 
 Pella was a small city when Philip ascended the throne ; 
 at his death it was not only strong as a fortification and place 
 of deposit for royal treasure, but also as the permanent cen- 
 tral war-office of this great military power. Never before 
 was an army so perfectly organized, and the Macedonian 
 phalanx became even more powerful than the famous Hel- 
 lenic infantry. "We are told that the Roman general Paulus 
 JEmilius was seized with terror on first seeing this phalanx in 
 battle array at Pydna. But we must not forget that this 
 magnificent Macedonian army was nothing else than the 
 ancient Hellenic army better and more fully equipped. The 
 principles were the same ; the measured step and the com- 
 pact line of the phalanx were the same. Even the idea of 
 the engineering corps was derived from the Hellenes. 
 
 Thus Macedonia was recreated by Philip from Hellenic 
 elements. From time immemorial it was composed of tribes 
 akin to the Hellenic ; it finally assumed many of the advan-
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 73 
 
 tages of Hellenic civilization ; spoke principally the Hellenic 
 tongue ; was always ruled by kings of Hellenic descent ; act- 
 ed in the name of Hellenism, and spread a dominant and per- 
 vasive Hellenism in Asia and Africa. Neither Philip and his 
 successors, nor even the nations against whom they fought, 
 considered that the Macedonians had any other purpose in 
 view than the extension of Hellenism. Two important modi- 
 fications of this Hellenism took place during the process of 
 its encroachment : its constitution, instead of being demo- 
 cratic, became monarchical ; and its energy, instead of being 
 restricted to internal and political affairs, became external 
 and conquering. The period commencing with Philip can 
 only be regarded, therefore, as another phase of Hellenism, 
 which, in order to distinguish it from the first, we have 
 named Macedonian Hellenism. 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 
 
 Conquests in Thessaly, Thrace, etc. 
 
 THE events of the so-called Sacred War have already 
 been partly related. The Thebans, to punish the Phokians 
 who had revolted from their alliance, moved for a sentence 
 of the Amphiktyonic Council, by which the land of the Pho- 
 kians should be taken from them and dedicated to the god 
 at Delphi. The Phokians, in desperation, insulted the Pyth- 
 ian prophetess, bribed the allies, spent in lasciviousness and 
 other vices the money of the nation, and made the Athenians 
 and the Spartans and other Peloponnesians participants in 
 their orgies. Could Philip not avail himself of this folly, or 
 was it quite as becoming that Hellas should ingloriously fall 
 by her own hand that country from which his ancestors
 
 74 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 descended, whose language he spoke, whose civilization he 
 admired and adopted, whose political and military energy 
 could, as he believed, become still more renowned ? Philip's 
 intervention was not only unavoidable, but even a positive 
 means of safety. Not that Philip proceeded to the execu- 
 tion of his plans in the most honorable way, but his policy 
 was not worse than that of the Spartans or the Athenians. 
 The principal cause of the final submission of Hellas to Philip 
 was the pusillanimity and lack of public spirit among ,the 
 Greeks, and especially among the Athenians. 
 
 Philip at this time was occupied in expelling the Athe- 
 nians from the coasts of Thrace and Macedonia. About 353 
 B. c. he gained Methone, the only remaining possession of 
 the Athenians in Macedonia. At the same time the Eupa- 
 tridse of Thessaly, and especially the Aleuadae, being much 
 harassed by the successors of Alexander of Pherae, pleaded 
 for the assistance of Philip ; while Lykophron, the successor 
 of Alexander, sought the assistance of the Phokians. The 
 Macedonians and the Phokians, therefore, frequently fought 
 on the Thessalian plains, until in 352 the Phokians were ut- 
 terly routed, and Philip, capturing Pherse, abolished the dy- 
 nasty of the successors of Alexander, declared the city free, 
 and proceeded to besiege the neighboring town of Pagasse, 
 the most important maritime station in Thessaly. The in- 
 terests of the Athenians demanded that this valuable spot 
 should not be captured, because it commanded the Pagasnean 
 Gulf, the great inlet of Thessaly. But the Athenians were 
 unwilling to contribute either men or money for the equip- 
 ment of their ships ; hence, though assistance was decreed 
 to Pagasse, the matter proceeded so slowly that when the 
 proffered aid arrived Philip had already captured the city. 
 
 He thus became master of all Thessaly, as well as the 
 destroyer of the Phersean dynasty ; and by routing the 
 Phokians he stood forth the defender of the temple 'against 
 its sacrilegious robbers. Availing himself of this prestige,
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 75 
 
 he sought to enter Phokis, in order to terminate the un- 
 holy war and assume the leadership of Hellas. It was 
 necessary to pass through Thermopylae, and the Athenians, 
 awakening at last from their lethargy, occupied the pass 
 and placed it in such a condition of defense that Philip did 
 not think it wise to venture an attack. Nevertheless, he 
 was not only master of the coasts of Macedonia and of all 
 Thessaly, but also made the Athenians, who on account of 
 their timely occupation of Thermopylae had boasted them- 
 selves the saviors of Hellas, bear the blame of upholding the 
 sacrilegious Phokians and the enemies of the god at Delphi. 
 But while the Phokian war continued under the protec- 
 tion of the Athenians, exhausting the last material forces of 
 the nation and undermining its most sacred traditions, and 
 while the Spartans wasted their scanty resources in trifling 
 combats against the Messenians and Arkadians, Philip did 
 not cease to augment his military power. Demosthenes had 
 already in his first Philippic, delivered about this time, open- 
 ly declared that it was impossible for the Athenians to mus- 
 ter an army capable of contending against Philip. The fame 
 of his military genius and tireless energy, and the reputation 
 of his officers and soldiers, became prevalent throughout the 
 length and breadth of Hellas. Philip had furthermore ob- 
 tained by the capture of the Pagasoean Gulf a large naval 
 force, with which he afterward ravaged the possessions of 
 the Athenians, and even the very coasts of Attica. Hence 
 the unavoidableness of a general war against the Greeks 
 became daily more evident. Philip, however, appeared for 
 the present to be abandoning Hellas to her fate, and occu- 
 pied himself principally in strengthening his hold upon 
 Thrace and the Macedonian coasts. He trusted that this 
 delay would rather facilitate his ultimate success, because in 
 the mean while the Greeks did nothing but make still more 
 imperative his intervention in Hellenic affairs. 
 
 long after Philip penetrated into Thrace, where he
 
 76 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 took part in the dissensions of the native rulers and rendered 
 his influence more secure. During this expedition he ap- 
 proached the Thracian Chersonese, besieged the Heraeon 
 Teichos, and threw the neighboring Athenian colonists into 
 much alarm. News of this reached Athens in November, 
 352 B. c., and the danger was deemed so pressing that " a de- 
 cree was immediately passed in the public assembly to equip 
 a fleet of forty triremes ; to man it with Athenian citizens, 
 all persons up to the age of forty-five being made liable to 
 serve on the expedition ; and to raise sixty talents by a 
 direct property-tax." But soon afterward fresh messengers 
 arrived from the Chersonese bearing tidings that Philip had 
 fallen sick, and next that he was dead. This last report was 
 false, but the sickness of Philip was a fact, and had for some 
 time delayed his military operations. It is clear that the 
 Athenians should have availed themselves of this oppor- 
 tunity by redoubling their efforts ; but they were little in- 
 clined either to spend money or to endanger their personal 
 security. Consequently they were induced by this report to 
 avoid carrying out the resolution adopted. In vain did 
 Demosthenes show to his fellow citizens the results of their 
 present inactivity ; in vain did he urge them to display their 
 former energy and independence ; in vain did he point out 
 the way by which a splendid fleet might be equipped. The 
 ridiculously small effect produced by this eloquent appeal 
 was seen in the month of September, 351, when the Atheni- 
 ans, after having passed the summer in complete idleness, 
 sent to Thrace only five talents and a fleet of ten triremes, 
 scantily manned with sailors, but with no hoplites on board, 
 and commanded by the mercenary chief Charidemus. De- 
 mosthenes attributed the disregard of his wise counsel to the 
 machinations of men who, bribed by Philip, had on various 
 pretexts dissuaded the Athenians from the performance of 
 their duty. But Demosthenes was wrong if he believed that 
 Philip could have accomplished what he did through the
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 77 
 
 perfidy of a few Greeks. If the Greeks of that day had had 
 in their veins a few drops of that blood which one hundred 
 and fifty years before they had shed so freely at Marathon, 
 Thermopylae, and Salamis, not all the treasures of the world 
 could have prevented them from fighting for the liberty and 
 glory of their country. . 
 
 Olynthian War. 
 
 We have seen that Philip, in the beginning of his reign, 
 befriended as much as possible the Olynthians. The latter, 
 though defeated by the Spartans in 379 B. c., had since re- 
 covered from that disaster and again presided over a power- 
 ful confederacy, which included nearly all the Hellenic cities 
 in Chalkidike. But now that he had become master of Thes- 
 saly and a great part of Thrace, and had acquired a large 
 revenue and vast military and naval forces, he thought that 
 the time had come when he ought to subjugate the Olyn- 
 thians and rule the Macedonian coast. The ' Olynthians, 
 noting the increase of his power, foresaw imminent danger 
 from the attack which soon after took place. They naturally 
 sought alliance with the Athenians, and the latter promised 
 to help them. Demosthenes, by his three speeches called the 
 Olyntbiacs, delivered during the last six or seven months of 
 350 B. c., strove to represent the necessity of displaying 
 more activity than ever before, by employing the theoric 
 funds (the money appropriated for the celebration of festi- 
 vals) for war purposes. But the Athenians again did almost 
 nothing for the support of their allies. They sent a body of 
 mercenaries to the aid of the Olynthians, but no Athenian 
 citizen-soldiers. We are told that they gained a victory 
 over Philip, and the Athenians, already supposing that they 
 had destroyed, or were in a fair way of destroying, his em- 
 pire, deemed it useless to take immediate measures for send- 
 ing an armament of citizens. 
 
 The foreign relations of Athens were seriously disturbed
 
 78 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 at or before the commencement of 349 B. c. by the revolt of 
 Euboea, instigated, it is supposed, by Philip. This is not 
 improbable, though even before the time of Philip the allies 
 of the Athenians had often revolted from them. The Athe- 
 nians sent Phokion to Eubcea in command of a body of hop- 
 lites. His forces were small, his enemies numerous, and 
 success was finally gained only by his indomitable courage 
 and eminent military wisdom. Notwithstanding his achieve- 
 ments, Phokion was recalled and replaced by another general, 
 named Molossus. The latter carried on the war with such 
 bad fortune as to fall himself into the enemy's hands.* Ac- 
 cordingly, hostilities were prolonged for many years. 
 
 During this war Demosthenes twice abandoned his post 
 in the army : first, on the ground that he wished to be pres- 
 ent at Athens during the celebration of the Dionysia, as the 
 choregus of his own tribe ; and secondly, because he was 
 elected about the middle of 349 one of the five hundred sen- 
 ators. These excuses were certainly sufficient in themselves 
 to free him from military service ; but the man who asserted 
 that military duty was the surest means of providing for the 
 safety of the city, ought to have demonstrated in practice 
 that its performance was of paramount necessity. At any 
 rate, it is certain that he was charged on the first occasion 
 with desertion, while ^Eschines, who had been frequently 
 accused of treason, fought with such bravery by the side of 
 Phokion, that he was rewarded by being sent to Athens as 
 the messenger of victory. 
 
 In the mean time Philip continued to wage war against 
 both the Olynthians and Chalkidians. The advice of Demos- 
 thenes to employ against him the money appropriated to 
 public festivals was apparently accepted, because, at the 
 proposition of the senator Apollodorus, such a decree was 
 voted upon ; but in reality this resolution was practically 
 enforced only a few days before the battle of Chaeroneia. 
 Plutarch, "Phokion."
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 79 
 
 A curious feature of this event was that, while the proposi- 
 tion of Apollodorus was passed (without a single dissentient 
 voice, we are told), Apollodorus himself was fined one talent 
 for making an unlawful proposal. Hence it is evident that 
 the Athenians had no inclination to risk their lives and prop- 
 erty, or even make the slightest sacrifice, for the actual war. 
 
 About the middle of 349 they sent to Olynthus the cav- 
 alry force which was at Euboea. But not only had the Olyn- 
 thians a sufficient cavalry, but the Athenian squadrons could 
 not successfully fight against the better-armed and more nu- 
 merous Macedonian and Thessalian horsemen. It is true 
 that during the latter portion of the Olynthian war the 
 Athenians made considerable efforts ; for Demosthenes (in 
 a speech six years afterward) says that the Athenians^ had 
 sent to the assistance of the Olynthians four thousand citi- 
 zens, ten thousand mercenaries, and fifty triremes ; but even 
 if this is true, it did not prevent Philip from capturing the 
 thirty-two cities in Chalkidike, and Olynthus itself. During 
 this war, while he was forcing the passage of the river Sar- 
 don, he was wounded in the eye by an Olynthian archer, and 
 lost the sight of that eye, notwithstanding the skill of his 
 famous Greek surgeon Kritobulus. 
 
 At the close of the Olynthian war Demosthenes began 
 to charge that Philip had treasonably become master of the 
 cities of Chalkidike, and that he afterward made himself a 
 barbarian by selling his captives into slavery, and "so 
 thoroughly and cruelly ruined their cities as to leave their 
 very sites scarcely discernible." These are accusations such 
 as the vanquished are wont to make in order to cover their 
 own defeat. Philip without doubt had many adherents in 
 Chalkidike ; but it is evident that traitors do not suffice 
 for the success of such enterprises. There were traitors at 
 Athens during the battle of Marathon, yet they were not 
 able to turn the tide of that famous victory. As to the 
 cruel deeds charged against Philip, it appears that Demos-
 
 80 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 thenes forgot the many barbarous acts committed both by 
 the Athenians and the Spartans during the Peloponnesian 
 war, such as the wholesale murders perpetrated among the 
 Plataeans, y]5ginetans, Melians, and others. Far more manly 
 was the endeavor of Demosthenes and his followers to form 
 a common alliance of Hellas against the king of Macedonia, 
 for which end they sent ambassadors to the Peloponnesus 
 and elsewhere ; but their efforts were doomed to meet with 
 failure. 
 
 Philip, to celebrate his new victory, instituted a splendid 
 feast in Macedonia in honor of the Olympian Zeus, in which 
 he showed unbounded liberality. He distributed costly pres- 
 ents for various gymnastic and poetic contests. How unjust 
 is the appellation of "barbarian," and how much, on the 
 contrary, he had espoused the Hellenic character, is evident 
 from the fact that he not only made no distinction in his re- 
 wards between the Macedonian and Greek contestants, but 
 also received most cordially the distinguished poets and 
 others who flocked to see him. These disciples of the Hel- 
 lenic muse, however, did not go to the king for the sake of 
 gain only. Many availed themselves of his kindness to peti- 
 tion him for leniency in the treatment of his captives. The 
 tragedian Satyrus, for instance, the teacher of Demosthenes, 
 sought as his only reward the liberation of two maidens, 
 daughters of one of his friends. Philip gladly granted the 
 request, and throughout showed his generous nature and his 
 power of attracting to himself distinguished men. He had, 
 indeed, good cause to. rejoice ; for he had reached the pinna- 
 cle of glory and power, and his opponents strove in vain to 
 make head against him. Most of the ambassadors whom the 
 Athenians had sent to other parts of Hellas with the design 
 of forming a common alliance against the king returned to 
 Athens without success. 
 
 Meanwhile, the destructive Sacred War continued, and 
 the Thebans were forced to ask for the intervention of
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 81 
 
 Philip. It is true that one party of the Phokians invited the 
 Athenians to occupy Thermopylae ; but Phalsekus, the gen- 
 eral of the Phokians, opposed this plan. Accordingly, the 
 Athenians understood that the only course remaining was to 
 make peace with Philip ; but they showed throughout the 
 negotiations a lamentable want of energy. While their 
 principal object should naturally have been to prevent the 
 entrance of Philip into Hellas, the affair was conducted in 
 a manner rendering his entrance absolutely necessary. 
 
 Athenian Proposals of Peace. 
 
 During November of 347 B. c. the Athenians decided to 
 send to Philip ten ambassadors to make peace with him, if 
 possible. Among these was Demosthenes. Aglaokreon of 
 Tenedos was also sent as envoy extraordinary, representing 
 the allies of the Athenians. About the beginning of 346 
 the ambassadors reached Pella, where Philip, surrounded by 
 his political and military court, received them with great 
 magnificence. The Athenian envoys successively addressed 
 him in the order of seniority. Last of all came Demosthenes, 
 the youngest of the ten, ^Eschines being next above him. 
 Demosthenes, who in his early youth had been easily discom- 
 posed, but who by long practice in the Athenian assembly 
 had overcome this difficulty, had now before him a different 
 audience. He stood in the presence of the man whom he had 
 so often reviled ; he saw him surrounded by all the symbols 
 of strength and glory, and encircled by the Macedonian gen- 
 erals, who, unlike Philip, did not try to conceal their real 
 sentiments. He began his speech, long before laboriously 
 prepared ; but soon, overcome by his feelings, his language 
 became more and more confused. In vain did Philip try to 
 encourage the speaker. Demosthenes, discomfited the more, 
 was forced to stop short, and thus the meeting was broken up. 
 
 Shortly after, Philip recalled the ambassadors, and replied 
 to them with such wonderful readiness of speech and pres-
 
 82 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 ence of mind as " to excite the admiration of all the envoys, 
 Demosthenes among the rest." What Philip said we do 
 not know. But it appears that the Athenians claimed Am- 
 phipolis, for which, although it was promised to them, they 
 still continued waging war against Philip, so that the prom- 
 ise made could not well be carried out. Again, that an 
 envoy on the part of Athens, the losing party, should now 
 stand forward to demand from a victorious enemy the very 
 place which formed the original cause of the war, and which 
 had become far more valuable to Philip than when he first 
 took it, was a pretension altogether preposterous.* Philip, 
 having dismissed them in a friendly manner, sent a letter to 
 the people of Athens, in which he stated that he was eager 
 not only to make peace, but also to become an ally. At 
 the same time, he decided to send ambassadors to Athens to 
 conclude peace. 
 
 The ambassadors of the Athenians returned home on or 
 about the first day of the month of Elaphebolion (March), 
 346 B. c., and not long after the embassy from Philip arrived. 
 But, although Philip's letter was couched in very courteous 
 language, he would grant no better terms than that each party 
 should retain what it already held. The Athenians, seeing no 
 hope of regaining their lost possessions, agreed to the peace. 
 But the question now arose how to prevent Philip from 
 marching into Hellas. Although the Athenians had lost 
 much, they had at least saved their independence ; but once 
 let Philip enter Greece, and he would rule over it as su- 
 preme. It has been stated that the Thebans had called 
 Philip to assist them in subduing the Phokians. The Athe- 
 nians, therefore, ought to have found some way to prevent 
 what they regarded as a great misfortune. But herein, in- 
 deed, they showed great lack of diplomacy. To debar Philip 
 from entering Hellas, they should have removed the occa- 
 sion for his entrance, the war between the Phokians and The- 
 
 * Grote, vol. xi, part ii, chap. Ixxxix.
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 83 
 
 bans, and thus have rendered useless the appeal made to him 
 by the latter. This would not have been difficult. Both 
 combatants were wearied and exhausted. The Athenians 
 should, no matter at what sacrifice, have put an end to this 
 internal war ; but hoping that, since peace had been de- 
 clared between themselves and the king, he would not ac- 
 cept the appeal of the Thebans, they took no active mea- 
 sures for the suppression of the war. The hope was ground- 
 less. So long as the Sacred War continued, the king was 
 not foolish enough to abandon the execution of his most 
 earnest desire, that of obtaining a foothold in Hellas. He 
 even refused, under any circumstances, to have the Phokians 
 included in the treaty, and the Athenians were obliged to 
 conclude it without them. 
 
 Thus peace was declared at Athens in March, 346 B. c., 
 on the basis that both parties should retain their present 
 possessions. The ambassadors of the Athenians then went 
 to Philip, to receive his oath for the maintenance of the con- 
 ditions agreed upon. 
 
 Meanwhile, Philip continued to enlarge his possessions in 
 Thrace. According to agreement, he should have returned 
 all the territory obtained after the treaty, and it was thus the 
 imperative duty of the ambassadors to proceed with all pos- 
 sible speed to Philip. But, strange as it may seem, instead 
 of hastening to Thrace, they delayed their departure from 
 Athens for many days, and then proceeded slowly to Mace- 
 donia. At Pella they awaited in idleness the return of 
 Philip, which did not take place until fifty days after the 
 commencement of their journey. Finally, the ambassadors, 
 after so long a delay of their own making, found themselves 
 in the presence of Philip. There were also assembled the 
 envoys of many other Hellenic states Thebes, Sparta, Eu- 
 boea, and Phokis all imbued with the belief that the future 
 of Hellas depended upon the Macedonian king. They also 
 saw him surrounded by a numerous and victorious army, just
 
 84 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 returned from Thrace and ready to attempt any new expe- 
 dition. 
 
 The Athenian ambassadors were divided in their opinion 
 as to what should be done. Demosthenes maintained that 
 they ought to demand the surrender of all that Philip had 
 obtained since the oaths of his representatives. ^Eschines 
 thought that, since Philip was about to enter Hellas, their 
 first consideration should be the welfare of the Phokians. 
 The question was a serious one, and after a long deliberation 
 the ambassadors failed to agree. At last they decided that 
 each should say to Philip what he thought best, and that the 
 youngest should speak first. Philip took advantage of this 
 dispute to prolong the discussion and to increase the dissen- 
 sion. In the mean time he advanced from Pella into Thes- 
 saly, followed by all the ambassadors, whom he treated 
 equally well. On reaching Pherae the representatives of the 
 Athenians finally accepted his oath, from which, as has been 
 said, the Phokians were declared excluded. 
 
 The events which took place at Athens on their return 
 show that the frequent allegations of Demosthenes concern- 
 ing the treason of his fellow ambassadors, and the treacherous 
 promises of Philip, are, to say the least, exaggerated. The 
 senate, of which Demosthenes was that year a member, ap- 
 peared well disposed toward him. Although the protest of 
 the orator against the conduct of his fellow ambassadors was 
 not openly accepted, yet neither did the senate commend the 
 ambassadors for their work, nor did it invite them to a ban- 
 quet in the Prytaneiura an insult which Demosthenes char- 
 acterizes as without precedent. The senate also voted that 
 fifty triremes should be fitted out at once, for use in any 
 emergency. But this resolution was not confirmed by the 
 assembly of the people. This body, having heard ^Eschines, 
 not only approved of the peace concluded, but added that, 
 unless the Phokians should yield possession of the Delphian 
 temple to the Amphiktyons, the people of Athens would
 
 THE PHOKIAN AND OLYNTHIAN WARS. 85 
 
 compel them to do so by armed intervention. More com- 
 plete satisfaction could not have been given to the fellow 
 ambassadors of Demosthenes. 
 
 End of the PhoTcian War. 
 
 Philip continued his march to the south, and soon reached 
 Thessaly. There Phalaekus, the general of the Phokians, 
 was stationed with an army of eight to ten thousand hop- 
 lites and one thousand horsemen. Archidamus, king of 
 Sparta, had also come to his assistance with one thousand 
 Lacedaemonians. This force was amply sufficient to prevent 
 the entrance of Philip, especially if the Athenians had given 
 aid by sea. But the common opinion of Hellas was hostile 
 to the sacrilegious Phokians, and well disposed toward the 
 coming reorganizer of the temple. The Thebans threatened 
 the army at Thermopylae from the rear, and, the Athenians 
 having declared themselves against the Phokians, Archi- 
 damus deemed it wise to retreat before the arrival of Philip, 
 while Phalaekus surrendered his position to the king, and 
 himself departed under truce to the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Philip immediately called together the Amphiktyonic 
 Council, which had not assembled for ten years since the 
 seizure of the temple by Philomelus. The Amphiktyons 
 deprived the Phokians of their two votes and gave them to 
 Philip, and also permitted him to lead henceforth the Pythian 
 games in common with the Boeotians and Thessalians. The 
 Amphiktyons also decided that all the cities of Phokis, 
 twenty-two in number, except Abas, whose inhabitants had 
 taken no part in the sacrilege, should be turned into hamlets, 
 their walls being destroyed ; and that each hamlet should 
 have no more than fifty houses, with a minimum distance of 
 a furlong between the hamlets. They also decreed that as 
 many of the Phokians as had shared in the sacrilege should 
 be excommunicated, and that the rest should occupy their 
 country, with the exception of a certain portion of the fron-
 
 86 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 tier transferred to the Thebans, but with the proviso that 
 they should pay annually to the temple a tribute of fifty 
 talents, until the plundered treasures should all be made 
 good. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 LAST DAYS OF PHILIP. 
 
 Preparations for the Asiatic Expedition. 
 
 THE succeeding events down to the battle of Choeroneia 
 and the assembly at Corinth, related in the preceding part, 
 are unimportant. In 337 B. c. Philip succeeded in the ob- 
 ject which he had so long pursued, that of being proclaimed 
 hegemon of Hellas in an expedition against Asia. The mi- 
 nute details of these events would also show the same zeal 
 among the Athenians for opposing the influence of Philip, 
 the same negligence in the accomplishment of their design, 
 and the same inevitable failure ; in Philip, the same tenacity 
 of purpose, the same tact in the execution of his plans, and 
 the same final success. The future of Hellas was decided 
 from the very day that Philip first set foot upon her soil. 
 All the subsequent events, up to the battle of Chaeroneia and 
 the assembly at Corinth, were the unavoidable results of 
 Philip's entrance into Hellas. 
 
 The king returned home from Corinth in 337 B. c., and 
 made so many preparations for his intended expedition into 
 Asia that he exhausted his accumulated treasures. At the 
 same time he was engaged in military operations, and fought 
 a severe battle against the Illyrian king Pleurias. In the 
 spring of 336 he sent to Asia a portion of the Macedonian 
 army under Parmenio and Attalus, to begin hostilities at 
 once, until he himself should assume the command of the 
 expedition.
 
 LAST DAYS OF PHILIP. 87 
 
 Assassination of Philip. 
 
 But Philip was not fated to carry out that great under- 
 taking. His nature was extremely passionate and excitable. 
 Besides Olympias, he had successively taken several other 
 wives, the last of whom, Kleopatra, niece of the Macedonian 
 Attalus, persuaded him to send away Olympias, who is said 
 to have possessed an irritable temperament. Olympias went 
 to her brother in Epirus, and a dispute arose between the fol- 
 lowers of the two queens, which was increased by the wrath 
 of Alexander, son of Philip and Olympias, who expressed a 
 strong resentment at the repudiation of his mother. How 
 terrific were the passions aroused in the court of Philip is 
 evident from an occurrence at the banquet which took place 
 on the occasion of his marriage with Kleopatra. In the 
 drunkenness of the symposium, Attalus proposed a toast and 
 prayer that a genuine successor might be born to Philip and 
 Kleopatra. Alexander, enraged at this, exclaimed, " Do you 
 then proclaim me as illegitimate ? " at the same time hurling 
 a goblet at him. Philip rushed upon his son, sword in hand ; 
 but, blinded by rage and wine, he fell, and thus Alexander 
 was saved from an untimely death. 
 
 After this, father and son were separated. Alexander ac- 
 companied his mother to Epirus, and then went himself to 
 the king of the Illyrians. Some months afterward Philip re- 
 called him, but another cause of dispute arose between them. 
 This was the more unfortunate, since the expedition against 
 Asia had already begun, and Philip, preparing to depart from 
 Macedonia, justly feared lest Olympias might persuade her 
 brother Alexander, king of Epirus, to overturn the present 
 state of things during his absence. He deemed it therefore 
 wise to ally himself with that king by a stronger link, and 
 to this end he gave him in marriage Kleopatra, his daughter 
 by Olympias. At the celebration of the nuptials in August, 
 336, many costly and splendid entertainments were given.
 
 88 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 Philip wished on this occasion to celebrate the birthday of 
 the son born to him by Kleopatra, and hoped that by flatter- 
 ing both parties he would put an end to the dissensions. But 
 the savage passions which were probably excited to a great 
 degree by his own fiery nature were not easily to be sub- 
 dued. 
 
 Among the body-guard of the king was Pausanias, a 
 noble young man, who had once been insulted by Attalus, 
 the uncle of Kleopatra, and, not receiving justice at the 
 hands of Philip, had resolved to murder him. He was urged 
 to this act by the implacable enemies of Attalus and Kleo- 
 patra, and probably by Olympias herself, since she openly 
 rejoiced at the result. The charge that Alexander connived 
 at this murder is wholly without foundation. Philip, who 
 knew nothing of the plot, walked radiant and untroubled 
 toward the theatre, already crowded with spectators, when, 
 on approaching the door, he was suddenly assassinated by 
 Pausanias. The murderer at once sought to escape, but was 
 seized and killed by Leonnatus and Perdikkas. 
 
 Philips Position in History. 
 
 Thus died Philip, at the age of forty-seven, after a reign 
 of twenty-three years. Concerning his manner of ruling and 
 life, most antagonistic opinions have been advanced. That 
 Philip was unrestrained in his passions, is evident from ac- 
 counts well authenticated. Other facts justify the conclu- 
 sion that he possessed that inspiration which we may term 
 "genius," together with much refinement and nobility of 
 sentiment. The king who gave to his son Aristotle for a 
 teacher knew certainly how to judge and esteem the grandeur 
 of intellectual superiority. The king who so much loved and 
 admired Hellenic art and philosophy had certainly a con- 
 sciousness of the beauty and loftiness of those works which 
 still stand unequaled. The king who was frequently in a 
 position to attack the city of Athens and inflict the severest
 
 LAST DAYS OP PHILIP. 89 
 
 blows, yet always spared her and returned her captives 
 without ransom, gave certainly conclusive evidence of his 
 veneration and respect for the descendants of those men in 
 whom is centered the imperishable renown of Hellenic civil- 
 ization. 
 
 The life of Philip presents us with a picture of one of 
 the greatest men in Hellenic history. When he ascended 
 the throne, the Macedonian kingdom was a narrow territory 
 around Pella, separated from the neighboring sea- coast by 
 many autonomous Hellenic cities. When he died, his king- 
 dom extended from the Propontis to the Ionian Sea and the 
 Ambrakiot, Messenian, and Saronic gulfs. All the cities 
 within these limits had recognized the dominion of the. king ; 
 and only Sparta and a few mountaineers like the -^Etolians, 
 who by the roughness of their country were enabled to 
 preserve their liberty, were hardy enough to dispute his 
 claims. 
 
 If Philip, whom Grote calls " the destroyer of freedom 
 and independence in the Hellenic world," had sought simply 
 to rule Hellas, he would have no title to our admiration. 
 But he was not one of those common conquerors so often 
 mentioned in history. Many ancient and a few modern 
 critics do not accept this view, regarding him rather as a 
 tyrant and the cause of countless misfortunes to Hellas. 
 This opinion is so hostile to fact, that it is difficult to under- 
 stand how it can prevail in our time. It is not surprising 
 that the ancients believed it, because many of the writers of 
 the epoch did not survive to see the great diffusion of civiliza- 
 tion in Asia, and thus did not understand the near or distant 
 results of the work. But that modern historians, having 
 before their very eyes the Hellenism existing in historic 
 Christianity, and the grand results which had so important 
 a bearing on the fortunes of the Hellenic nation, should still 
 hold the view of the subjection of Hellas and the overthrow 
 of Hellenism by Philip, seems incomprehensible. 
 25
 
 90 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 To confine ourselves, for instance, to Grote, the most 
 prominent of modern historians, we find that he does not hesi- 
 tate to compare the relations of Philip and Alexander to Hel- 
 las with those that existed between the Emperor Napoleon 
 and the German contingents, especially those of the Confed- 
 eration of the Rhine. As the Germans, he says, who had no 
 public interest in the victory of the invader, were neverthe- 
 less compelled to serve him, so the Greeks were made to 
 serve under Philip and Alexander. But did the great his- 
 torian really mean this ? The Germans certainly had no in- 
 terest whatever in the subjugation of Spain, nor in that dis- 
 astrous invasion of Russia in 1812. But is it true that the 
 Hellenes were compelled by the Macedonian kings to march 
 against Asia, though prompted by no inclination and actu- 
 ated by no national, political, or social interest ? Was not 
 the conquest of Asia, from the heroic times downward, the 
 one unfading dream of Hellenic nationality ? Was not this 
 the theme of their most ancient epic production ? Did not 
 Kimon for this very purpose erect his trophies at Eurymedon 
 and Knidus ? Did not tho elder Thucydides counsel the 
 same thing ? Did not Agesilaus make the attempt ? Did 
 not the Athenian Isokrates constantly advise Philip to this 
 course ? And finally, did he not organize the expedition as 
 the leader elected by the Hellenic nation for this very pur- 
 pose ? The idea of the conquest of Asia, therefore, was 
 from the first entirely Hellenic, though its realization was 
 due to Philip and Alexander. The conquest of Spain and 
 Russia was wholly foreign to the interests of the Germanic 
 nation, which was forced to cooperate in its achievement. 
 But Hellas first of all sought to free the Hellenic cities of 
 Asia from the yoke of the barbarians. Again, the number- 
 less cities which Alexander and his successors established 
 were colonized by Hellenes ; were organized after the Hel- 
 lenic political laws ; were adorned by Hellenic artists ; were 
 governed by Hellenic generals ; and produced Hellenic phi-
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 91 
 
 losophers, astronomers, geographers, grammarians, and ora- 
 tors, who alone would be sufficient to immortalize the name 
 of the Hellenic people. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 
 
 Consolidation of his Power. 
 
 ALEXANDER was born in July, 356 B. c. His principal 
 teachers were Leonidas, a kinsman of Olympias, and an Akar- 
 nanian named Lysimachus. One of the first books that he 
 read was the Iliad, to which he became devotedly attached, 
 and a copy of which, corrected, as it is said, by Aristotle, he 
 carried with him in his military campaigns. 
 
 At the age of thirteen his education was intrusted to 
 Aristotle. Unfortunately, we do not definitely know what 
 studies were taken up by Alexander. It is certain that for 
 at least three years he continued with that teacher, to whom 
 he became much attached. It is also known that he acquired 
 great familiarity with the Hellenic tongue, and that in the 
 midst of the constant wars and dangers of his Asiatic expe- 
 ditions he never ceased to be delighted with the study of 
 Hellenic philosophy and poetry. 
 
 At what age he began to take part in public affairs is not 
 known. It is related that while still very young, during the 
 absence of his father, he received the Persian ambassadors, 
 and astonished them with the ease of his manners and the 
 depth of his questions. In 340 B. c. Philip marched against 
 Byzantium and Perinthus, and Alexander, though only six- 
 teen years old, was left in charge of affairs in Macedonia. 
 At that time he subdued a rebellion in a neighboring Thra-
 
 92 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 cian tribe, took one of its towns, and founded it anew 
 under the title of Alexandria. Two years later, in 338, he 
 advanced with his father against Hellas, commanded under 
 him at Chseroneia, and contributed to the victory by destroy- 
 ing the Sacred Band of the Thebans. 
 
 Notwithstanding the many disputes between father and 
 son, Philip knew well the ability of Alexander, and with 
 perfect confidence intrusted to him the most serious affairs. 
 
 After the murder of Philip, Alexander was surrounded 
 with imminent dangers. Having buried his father with 
 great magnificence, he instituted a strict inquisition for the 
 punishment of all the guilty, and actually put many of them 
 to death. There had prevailed in Macedonia so much an- 
 archy that almost all the kings were compelled to secure the 
 throne by measures of severity. Alexander, knowing that 
 all the subject nations were ready to revolt, and that Hellas 
 itself was much disturbed, deemed it imperative to rid him- 
 self of every internal opponent before putting into execution 
 his plans of foreign conquest. 
 
 When the news of the death of Philip was received at 
 Athens, there was an outbreak caused especially by Demos- 
 thenes, who represented his death as holding forth new hopes 
 of freedom to the city. He eulogized the deed of Pausanias, 
 insulted Alexander by calling him " boy " and " Margites " 
 (the name of a silly character in one of the Homeric poems), 
 and finally proposed that the people should make a sacrificial 
 thanksgiving to the gods. There was also much disturbance 
 in other Hellenic states. 
 
 When Alexander was informed of this crisis of affairs, he 
 hastened to Hellas with a considerable army, within two 
 months after the death of his father ; thus giving evidence 
 of his wonderful energy, and manifesting by deeds how much 
 Demosthenes erred in insulting and despising him. The 
 Thessalians received him kindly, and passed a decree grant- 
 ing to Alexander the hegemony of Hellas in place of his
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 93 
 
 father Philip, which decree was soon after confirmed by the 
 Amphiktyonic Council. Alexander next came to Thebes, 
 and thence passed over the isthmus of Corinth into the 
 Peloponnesus, with no opposition. At Corinth he assembled 
 a common council of the' Greeks, which gave him, as it had 
 done to Philip two years before, the hegemony of the expe- 
 dition against Asia. The Lacedaemonians alone stood aloof, 
 refusing all concurrence. Alexander certainly could easily 
 have forced them to succumb, but did not deem it expedient 
 to use violence against that single city, while all the rest 
 willingly acknowledged his supremacy. 
 
 Affairs being thus arranged in Hellas, Alexander in the 
 beginning of 335 B. c. returned to Macedonia, to complete 
 the preparations for his expedition. Before crossing into 
 Asia, however, he deemed it wise to secure his dominion 
 against the Illyrians, Thracians, and Paeonians, who, al- 
 though subject to Philip, were unwilling to yield allegiance 
 to his successor until they should see actual evidence of his 
 strength. In the spring of 335 he forced the passage of 
 Mount Haemus (Balkan), routed the strong tribe of the Tri- 
 balli, reached in three days' journey the shores of the great 
 river Ister (Danube), crossed it, and put to flight the tribes 
 of the Getae (chiefly horsemen armed with bows, analogous 
 to the Thracians in habits and language), living on the op- 
 posite shore. He then recrossed the river, since his intention 
 was not to extend his conquests in that direction, but simply 
 to secure his dominion over Thrace. So great terror did his 
 achievements inspire in the neighboring tribes, that many 
 hastened to send presents and ambassadors to Alexander 
 in order to secure his favor. After concluding peace with 
 such a nation, he would again dash with incredible swiftness 
 north, south, east, or west, finally bringing into complete 
 subjection every people that appeared indisposed to obey him.
 
 94 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 Destruction of Tfiebes. 
 
 He had hardly accomplished these successes when, in 
 August, 335, he received news from Hellas that the Thebans 
 had revolted, and were besieging his garrison in the Kadmeia. 
 Nations lose their power much more readily than their cus- 
 toms and rights. The Hellenic communities still clung to 
 their ancient independence, and availed themselves of every 
 project that might tend to its restoration. The absence of 
 Alexander lit up anew the hope of independence. Men in 
 such circumstances are ever ready to believe that which is 
 propitious to their wishes, and the report prevailed that 
 Alexander had been defeated and killed. The Thebans 
 therefore at once revolted, and sent ambassadors to the other 
 Hellenic states, seeking assistance to overthrow the Mace- 
 donian dynasty. But the rest of the Greeks confined them- 
 selves to promises,- excepting the Arkadians, who sent auxil- 
 iaries, who, however, did not advance farther than the isth- 
 mus. Thus the Thebans were left to their own resources, 
 and alone besieged the Macedonian garrison in the Kadmeia, 
 when suddenly the report fell upon their camp like a thunder- 
 bolt that Alexander with his victorious army had arrived at 
 Onchestus in Bceotia. This seemed so incredible that at first 
 the leaders of the revolution maintained that this Alexander 
 was another person altogether, and not the son of Philip. 
 
 Unfortunately for the Thebans, the enemy now marching 
 against them was that same Alexander, who three months 
 before had defeated the barbarians at the river Ister, and who 
 within fifteen days had shattered near Lake Lychnitis the 
 armies of Kleitus and Glaukias. The amazing rapidity with 
 which, like a mighty flood, the army had poured into Hellas, 
 evinced the completeness of the military organization of 
 Macedonia and the unequaled energy of the general. 
 
 Alexander did not wish the destruction of the Thebans. 
 He declared a general amnesty, and promised to keep the
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 95 
 
 agreement sworn in the preceding autumn, on condition that 
 they would surrender to him Phoenix and Prochytes, the 
 leaders of the anti-Macedonian party. But the Thebans had 
 made up their minds "to perish with the freedom of their 
 city." Compromise became impossible, and a fierce combat 
 ensued, for the Thebans fought with desperation ; but the 
 city was finally captured. The Macedonians, who were 
 wellnigh infuriated over the loss of five hundred of their fel- 
 low soldiers, spared neither old men, women, nor children, 
 and six thousand were slaughtered. . The Plataeans, Phoki- 
 ans, and the other Greeks who had aided Alexander in re- 
 ducing the city, clamored now for the complete extermina- 
 tion of Thebes. Their request was granted. Thirty thou- 
 sand captives were collected, all of whom are said to have 
 been sold into slavery ; and the city was leveled to the 
 ground, with the exception of the house of Pindar and the 
 Kadmeia, in which a garrison was left. 
 
 Visit to Corinth and Delphi. 
 
 The Athenians were horrified at the calamity of the 
 wretched city. They hastened, however, to send ambassa- 
 dors to appease the wrath of the king, who, already repent- 
 ing his severe punishment of the Thebans, granted their re- 
 quest. He asked of them only the banishment of Charide- 
 mus and Ephialtes, the two anti-Macedonian military leaders, 
 who passed into Asia, where they took service under Darius. 
 
 Affairs having been thus settled with the Athenians, that 
 city continued under Macedonian rule. Without visiting 
 Attica, Alexander marched to the isthmus, where he received 
 the representatives of the various cities, heard their assurances 
 of submission, and specified the force that each should send 
 during the coming spring for his expedition to Asia. 
 
 Then also occurred the famous interview with Diogenes 
 of Sinope, who resided at Corinth. While so many politi- 
 cians and scholarly men flocked thither to salute the king,
 
 96 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 that Cynic philosopher alone took no interest whatever in the 
 greatness of the man, and did not even wish to see him. 
 Alexander therefore went to Diogenes, who happened to be 
 lying in the sun. Seeing so many men crowded about him, 
 he raised himself a little, when Alexander asked him if he 
 needed anything. "Only stand aside from my sunshine," 
 replied Diogenes. Those about Alexander laughed on hear- 
 ing the answer, but the independent character of the man so 
 impressed the king that he said, " If I were not Alexander, 
 I should wish to be Diogenes." * 
 
 He next visited the temple at Delphi, and, receiving a 
 propitious oracle in regard to his intended expedition, he 
 departed from Hellas, which he was never again destined to 
 see. In the autumn of 335 he returned to Pella, and oc- 
 cupied himself throughout the following spring with his 
 preparations. He also instituted magnificent sacrifices to 
 the gods, and scenic contests in honor of Zeus and the Muses. 
 
 Entry into Asia. 
 
 The Persian empire, which had been nearly paralyzed, 
 had now recovered, and seemed capable of offering a stub- 
 born resistance. Artaxerxes II, surnamed Mnemon, who 
 had killed his brother Cyrus at Kunaxa, died in 359 B. c., and 
 was succeeded by his son Artaxerxes, surnamed Ochus. The 
 latter was poisoned (338 B. c.) by a satrap of high rank 
 named Bagpas, who placed upon the throne Arses, one of the 
 king's sons, killing all the rest. Two years later this same 
 Bagoas put to death Arses, together with all his children, 
 and proclaimed as king Darius Codomannus, descended from 
 one of the brothers of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Darius showed 
 himself in many respects a man of energy and action. His 
 rule was recognized throughout the empire, which was now 
 united and could make common cause against an enemy. 
 
 * Plutarch, "Alexander."
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 97 
 
 In the beginning of 334 Alexander, having completed his 
 preparations, was ready to pass into Asia. He appointed 
 Antipater, one of the oldest and ablest officers of Philip, to 
 act as viceroy of Macedonia. An army of twelve thousand 
 infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry was left with him, to 
 quell disturbances and oppose any attack of the Persian fleet. 
 
 Alexander led the army intended for Asia from Pella into 
 Amphipolis, crossed the river Strymon, and continued his 
 march through Thrace until he reached Sestos. Here he 
 found his fleet, which consisted of two hundred and sixty 
 triremes, many transport-vessels, and other ships, sent by the 
 various Hellenic cities, and especially by Athens. The pas- 
 sage from Sestos in Europe to Abydos in Asia was accom- 
 plished without accident, and was under the surveillance of 
 Parmenio, as Alexander had gone to the landing-place near 
 Ilium called the harbor of the Achseans, in order to make 
 sacrifice to the prominent heroes of the Trojan war. He 
 visited the tomb of Achilles, and is said to have exclaimed, 
 " O fortunate hero, who while living didst obtain so faithful 
 a friend, and who in death hast found so grand a herald of 
 thy achievements ! " As a lasting memorial of his passage, 
 Alexander erected somewhere on the point of Europe which 
 his army had quitted, and on that of Asia where it landed, 
 altars in honor of Zeus, Athene, and Herakles. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 BATTLES OF GEANIKUS AND ISSUS. 
 
 The Opposing Armies. 
 
 THE Macedonian army was composed of 30,000 infantry 
 and 4,500 cavalry. The phalanx and hypaspists consisted of 
 12,000 men, the allied infantry of 7,000, and the mercenaries
 
 98 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 of 5,000, all under command of Parmenio. In addition there 
 were 6,000 light-armed barbarians. Next came the heavy 
 Macedonian and Thessalian cavalry (the former under com- 
 mand of Philotas, son of Parmenio, and the latter under 
 Kallas, son of Harpalus), each numbering 1,500, and the 
 light-armed Hellenic, under Erigyius, to the number of 600, 
 as well as 900 light Thracian and Pseonian horse, under Kas- 
 sander. This is nearly the exact force of Alexander ; for, 
 although other numbers are mentioned, even the highest 
 statements do not give more than 43,000 infantry and 5,500 
 cavalry. The king had with him also an effective train of 
 projectile machines and engines for battles and sieges. 
 
 From the outset Alexander's resources both in men and 
 money seemed ill adapted for the undertaking. His treasury 
 was nearly empty, containing not more than seventy talents, 
 while some affirm that he had no more than would maintain 
 his forces one month. He succeeded in completing his prep- 
 arations only by borrowing eight hundred talents, which 
 added to the five hundred that Philip had previously bor- 
 rowed swelled the public debt of Macedonia to eight mil- 
 lions of ancient drachmte, or fifty millions of modern. Thus 
 the means with which Alexander sought the conquest of Asia 
 appear insignificant when we bear in mind the army which 
 one hundred and fifty years before Xerxes led against Hel- 
 las. But poverty was perhaps the mainspring of victory, as 
 Alexander himself had shown. It is said that when about to 
 sail from Europe he distributed to his friends almost all the 
 estates of the crown. Perdikkas, one of his most prominent 
 generals, asked him, " What do you leave for yourself, O 
 king ? " to which he replied, " Hope." 
 
 But the greatest source of power to the Hellenic army 
 was the military genius of its commander. Many deny to 
 him the ability of a statesman, while acknowledging that as 
 a warrior he never had an equal. His daring was such that 
 many called it rashness ; his indefatigable energy and his
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 99 
 
 endurance of toil and hardship seemed to surpass the mea- 
 sure of human strength. Such virtues in a king, since they 
 act powerfully on the multitude about him, are often in them- 
 selves sufficient to accomplish the most glorious achievements. 
 But Alexander was not only a born soldier, he was also a 
 most accomplished general. His military plans, his surpass- 
 ing skill in using his heterogeneous forces for the accom- 
 plishment of his projects, his constant foresight, his broad 
 military conceptions, that superhuman power with which he 
 ever mastered incessant difficulties, the quickness of his 
 movements in every country and on every occasion, pro- 
 claim him the greatest not only of ancient generals, but the 
 greatest of all commanders. Such a hegemon was certainly 
 equal to many armies. Such was his greatness that it has 
 never found a historian equal to the task of representing it. 
 Not only his contemporaries, but even modern authorities 
 and whole nations, have deemed Alexander the possessor of a 
 superhuman nature, whose achievements really overstep the 
 limits of speech and art. This is the reason why he has 
 never been delineated in a manner worthy of his deeds. Nor 
 is it difficult to understand how the Macedonian army, though 
 small, was persuaded that it could accomplish all things. 
 In fact, it dared and performed actions such as were never 
 before achieved. 
 
 The first and fatal mistake of the Persians was in not 
 opposing the passage of Alexander into Asia. Had their 
 fleet, which was more powerful than the Hellenic, been con- 
 centrated in the Hellespont, they perhaps would have averted 
 the threatened danger. But another and equally unpardon- 
 able blunder was committed. When Alexander landed in 
 Asia, a large Persian force was assembled near Zeleia in 
 Hellespontine Phrygia, commanded by distinguished Persian 
 officers, and composed, as reported by Arrian, of 20,000 
 horse and 20,000 infantry, among which latter were many 
 Greek mercenaries. Diodorus estimates the Persian force
 
 100 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 at 10,000 cavalry and 100,000 infantry, while Justin places 
 it as high as 600,000. The numbers of Arrian are, as Grote 
 remarks, the more credible ; in those of Diodorus the total 
 of infantry is certainly much above the truth that of cav- 
 alry probably below it. Memnon the Rhodian was with this 
 army, and he endeavored to persuade the Persians not to risk 
 an open battle, but to retreat into the interior, laying waste 
 the land, and if necessary destroying even the towns them- 
 selves, thus raising difficulties for the invader ; and at the 
 same time to transfer the war into Europe, by landing there 
 a large Persian force to attack Alexander in his own coun- 
 try, and to encourage active hostility against him on the 
 part of the Greeks and other neighbors. The ignorance, 
 haughtiness, and selfishness of the Persian officers rendered 
 this plan futile. Rejecting Memnon's advice, they decided 
 to await Alexander on the banks of the river Granikus. 
 
 The Battle at the Granikus, 
 
 This rivulet, which is mentioned in the Iliad and immor- 
 talized by the battle fought on its banks, takes its rise from 
 one of the heights of Mount Ida near Skepsis, and flows 
 northward into the Propontis.* It is not deep, and was ford- 
 able at many points where the Persians were encamped. But 
 its right shore, upon which the Greeks wished to debouch, 
 was high and craggy ; hence the crossing was not easy. 
 The Persians occupied the eastern side of the Granikus, near 
 Adrasteia, a Hellenic city, situated between Priapus and Pa- 
 rium, also Greek cities. 
 
 Alexander, starting from Arisbe, where for the last time 
 he had reviewed his army, came on the fourth day to the 
 Granikus, in careful order, with his main phalanx in double 
 file, his cavalry on each wing, and the baggage in the rear. 
 Reaching the river, he at once drew up his army in battle 
 array. Pannenio had advised that the battle should be post- 
 
 * Strabo.
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 101 
 
 poned until the next day ; but the king, knowing, like Mem- 
 non, that he had all the chances in a pitched battle in his 
 favor, resolved not to give the Persians an opportunity of 
 retreating during the night. 
 
 Alexander stationed in the midst of his array six taxeis 
 or divisions of his phalanx, which were commanded (reck- 
 oning from right to left) by Perdikkas, Koenus, Amyntas, 
 Philippus, Meleager, and Kraterus. Immediately on the 
 right of the phalanx were stationed the hypaspists, under 
 Nikanor, son of Parmenio ; then the sarissophori (the 
 light-horse or lancers), the Pseonians, and the Apolloniate 
 squadron of Companion-cavalry, commanded by the Ilarch 
 Sokrates, all under Amyntas, son of Arrhibaeus ; lastly, the 
 body of the Hetaeri or Companion-cavalry, the bowmen, 
 and the Agrianian darters, all under Philotas, son of Parme- 
 nio, his division forming the extreme right. The left of the 
 phalanx was also strengthened by three divisions of cavalry : 
 first, the Thracians, under Agathon ; next, the cavalry of the 
 allies, under Philippus, son of Menelaus ; lastly, the Thes- 
 salian cavalry, under Kallas, whose division formed the ex- 
 treme left. Alexander himself assumed the command of the 
 right wing, and committed that of the left to Parmenio. 
 
 On the opposite shore of the Granikus was drawn up the 
 Persian cavalry : the Medes and Baktrians on the right, un- 
 der Rheomithres ; the Paphlagonians and Hyrkanians in the 
 center, under Arsites and Spithridates ; while on the left 
 were Memnon and Arsamenes with their divisions. The in- 
 fantry, both Persian and Hellenic, was stationed a short dis- 
 tance in the rear as a reserve guard, since the enemy wished 
 to oppose their horse to the passage of Alexander. 
 
 Drawn up in this way, the two armies stood in silence 
 facing each other. Since at that day neither fire nor smoke 
 disturbed or darkened the objects between the opponents, 
 each from his respective position could see distinctly the 
 movements taking place in the opposite line. The Persians,
 
 102 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 accordingly, easily distinguished Alexander on the right of 
 the Macedonian army, both by the splendor of his equipment 
 and the respect shown to him by all. Hence the most emi- 
 nent of the Persian generals hastened to their own left, which 
 they strengthened by the best of their cavalry, in order to 
 oppose him personally. Alexander, having encouraged his 
 army with a few words, ordered them to advance. First 
 came the squadron of Companion-cavalry, commanded on this 
 day by Ptolemy, son of Philippus, closely followed by the 
 light-horse or lancers, the Pseonian darters (infantry), and one 
 division of regularly armed infantry, seemingly hypaspists. 
 Next Alexander himself led the right wing into the river, 
 and immediately Parmenio hurried on with the left. The 
 foremost body, under Ptolemy and Amyntas, had already 
 met with a strong resistance. The Macedonians fought with 
 all the might of desperation to cut a passage through the 
 Persian cavalry, but without success. Fighting from below, 
 upon unfavorable ground, against the best of the Persian 
 cavalry, the van was repulsed with loss, and wheeled toward 
 the main body led by Alexander. On the king's approach 
 to the shore the contest was renewed with greater fierceness. 
 Alexander dashed forward in the face of the enemy's arrows, 
 in spite of the steep banks lined with cavalry, and of the 
 rapidity of the river, which often bore him down or covered 
 him with its waves. The battle, though a conflict on horse- 
 back, resembled rather an infantry combat, because the men 
 fought horse to horse and face to face, the Macedonians 
 striving to drive the Persians back into the plain, and the 
 Persians straining every nerve to prevent their landing. 
 Finally Alexander reached the bank, owing his success prin- 
 cipally to the long Macedonian spear, which was much more 
 effective than the short Persian palton or missile javelin. 
 
 The combat was now transferred from the river to the 
 adjacent plain. Here Alexander placed himself among the 
 foremost. His pike was shattered, and turning to Aretis,
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 103 
 
 one of his mounted body-guard, he asked for another. The 
 latter held up his half-broken weapon, but at this instant 
 the Corinthian Demaratus, one of the Companion-cavalry 
 close at hand, handed to the king his own. Thus armed 
 anew, Alexander dashed again toward Mithridates, son-in- 
 law of Darius, who at the head of a large body of cavalry 
 was coming directly against him. Laying Mithridates dead 
 at his feet, he turned at once upon another Persian leader, 
 who had struck him a slight blow on the helmet, and pierced 
 him to the heart. But at that very moment a Persian officer, 
 Spithridates, approaching in the rear, had already raised his 
 arm and sword to kill him, when Kleitus, son of Dropides 
 one of the old officers of Philip, high in the Macedonian ser- 
 vice rushed forth and struck the raised arm, severing it en- 
 tirely from the body, and saving the life of the king. The 
 death of Spithridates infuriated the Persians still further, 
 and all assailed Alexander, who received many blows upon 
 his armor. His friends at the greatest hazard rescued the 
 king. The ranks of the Persian cavalry were broken, and 
 their flight became general. Alexander and his officers did 
 not allow a long pursuit, because the Persian infantry, sta- 
 tioned behind the cavalry, still remained intact, looking with- 
 out movement, because without orders, on the engagement 
 which had just terminated. 
 
 The king next directed the phalanx and hypaspists to at- 
 tack the infantry in front, and the cavalry to surround it on 
 all sides. The issue of this latter engagement was not doubt- 
 ful ; and although the infantry, composed to a great extent 
 of Greek mercenaries, fought bravely, it was quickly over- 
 thrown and mercilessly butchered. If the statement of Arrian 
 is to be credited, out of the twenty thousand men composing 
 this force, only two thousand escaped death. The loss of the 
 cavalry was relatively small, only one thousand having fallen ; 
 but many prominent Persians were slain while daringly ex- 
 posing their lives.
 
 104 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 This great victory of Alexander was attended with but 
 slight loss. Twenty-five fell in the first unsuccessful at- 
 tempt to pass the river. In addition sixty of the other cav- 
 alry were slain, and thirty of the infantry. The number 
 of wounded is not mentioned ; but if we suppose them ten 
 times as numerous as the dead, the Macedonian army lost 
 in all less than thirteen hundred, while of the enemy about 
 twenty thousand fell. 
 
 Alexander took care of the wounded, visiting them in 
 person, consoling and praising them. On the day following 
 he interred the dead with great military pomp, and ordered 
 the burial of the Persian leaders and the mercenary Greeks 
 who had died fighting in behalf of the enemy. After this 
 -he provided for the rewards and punishments. Lysippus, 
 the famous statuary, then flourished in Hellas, and to him 
 alone would Alexander accord the honor of constructing his 
 statue. Alexander ordered him to prepare twenty-five brazen 
 statues of those who first died in this battle, and commanded 
 that they should be placed at Dium in Macedonia. To their 
 parents and children he gave immunity from every tax, and 
 freedom from every personal service. He thought that he 
 could not honor himself and his victorious army more than 
 by sending to Athens three hundred Persian panoplies, to 
 be dedicated to Athene in the Acropolis, with this inscrip- 
 tion : " Alexander, son of Philip, and the Hellenes except 
 the Lacedaemonians, out of the spoils of the barbarians in- 
 habiting Asia." He sent the two thousand captive Greeks 
 in chains to Macedonia, to work as slaves, " in accordance 
 with the decision of the Hellenes, because they, being 
 Greeks, fought against Hellas in behalf of the barbarians." 
 Thus he did not cease to declare his work to be purely Hel- 
 lenic. 
 
 Such were the the rewards and punishments decreed by 
 Alexander after this decisive victory. But the greatest rec- 
 ompense which the army received was that it became master
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 105 
 
 of nearly all Asia Minor. No other force was sufficiently 
 strong to oppose it. Darius had, as it seems, espoused the 
 opinion of Memnon, and hoped that, should the war be pro- 
 longed, Alexander would be obliged to retreat. Hence he 
 did not prepare another army, nor did he make haste to con- 
 centrate his military resources in the neighboring countries 
 of Syria and Mesopotamia. And yet the news of the terrible 
 disaster soon reached him : the news that most of his rela- 
 tives and many prominent Persians had fallen in battle ; 
 the news that many of them were struck down by Alexan- 
 der's own hand, and that that hero, endangering himself 
 everywhere, appeared invested with some unconquerable 
 power. If to-day, after the lapse of so many centuries, we 
 still admire his superhuman courage and daring, it is evident 
 that the impression which it made upon the imagination of 
 his contemporaries was much more astounding, and that the 
 court of Darius, which had to mourn the loss of so many 
 friends and relatives, sank at first into extreme despondency. 
 
 Conquests in Asia Minor. 
 
 Alexander hastened with wonderful energy to avail him- 
 self of the fear his achievement had caused. The com- 
 mandant of the citadel at Sardis surrendered to him at 
 once that important fortification. Alexander then hastened 
 against Ephesus, which he also occupied without battle, be- 
 cause the Persian garrison escaped by sea on hearing of his 
 advance. He restored to all the Hellenic cities taken by 
 him their democratic governments and their ancient laws. 
 Having captured Miletus after a vain resistance on the part 
 of the Persian fleet, he proceeded to the south against Hali- 
 karnassus. The siege of that city was much longer and more 
 laborious ; not only because the garrison, composed of Asi- 
 atics and Athenians, fought bravely, not only because the 
 fortifications were very strong, but also because the defend- 
 ers received succor from the powerful Persian naval force
 
 106 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 under Memnon, now proclaimed by Darius the hegemon of 
 lower Asia and of all the fleet. The siege of Halikarnas- 
 BUS was in fact the most arduous enterprise which Alexander 
 had yet undertaken. His repeated assaults were repelled, 
 many of his machines were burned, and the Macedonian loss 
 was heavy. But again the king succeeded by his persever- 
 ance, art, and courage, and victoriously entered the city. 
 
 Alexander, deeming it unprofitable to waste time here, 
 left Ptolemy with a force of three thousand men to guard 
 the place, while he himself pressed forward. After sending 
 his artillery to Tralles, which Parmenio had already seized, 
 he ordered this general to proceed, with a large portion of 
 the cavalry, the allied infantry, and the baggage-wagons, to 
 Sardis, and thence to Phrygia. Alexander occupied himself 
 during the last winter months in the conquest of Lykia, 
 Pamphylia, and Pisidia. After accomplishing this difficult 
 work, he turned to the north, and came to Gordium on the 
 river Sangarius, where Parmenio was directed to meet him, 
 and where his winter campaign was concluded. 
 
 The Gordian Knot. 
 
 Alexander reached Gordium about February or March, 
 333 B. c., and remained there for some time to rest that 
 division of the army which had endured such severe toil in 
 Pisidia. While at Gordium he performed the celebrated 
 act of cutting the Gordian knot. There was in that city, 
 under careful guard, an ancient wagon of rude construction, 
 which according to tradition had once belonged to the 
 farmer Gordius and his son Midas, the primitive rustic kings 
 of Phrygia. The cord serving to unite the loop of the yoke 
 with the pole, made of fibers from the bark of the cornel- 
 tree, was so complex that neither end nor beginning could 
 be distinguished, and to untie it was deemed impossible. 
 An ancient oracle declared that whoever should undo the 
 knot would become the conqueror of Asia. When Alexander
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 107 
 
 visited this sacred remnant of antiquity, all the Phrygians 
 and Macedonians about him anxiously waited to see if the 
 conqueror of the Granikus and Halikarnassus would over- 
 come this new difficulty. At first Alexander was much per- 
 plexed, but finally, with his natural impetuosity, he cut the 
 knot in two with his sword an act which all declared to be 
 a solution of the problem which secured his right to the su- 
 premacy of Asia. 
 
 Death of Memnon. 
 
 Fortune, however, was preparing for him a much more 
 positive advantage. After the capture of Miletus, Alexander 
 had sent away his fleet, keeping only a small portion for the 
 transportation of provisions and of his army. He did this 
 because he saw that on the sea he could not contend with 
 his powerful enemy, and because he believed that for occu- 
 pying Asia he would have no need of naval forces, and that 
 by taking the sea-coast towns he would necessarily cause the 
 destruction of the Persian fleet. But in the beginning of 
 333 B. c. he ran the risk of losing all that he had possessed in 
 anticipation. 
 
 After the capture of Halikarnassus, Memnon attempted, 
 by the aid of his powerful fleet, to rule over the islands in 
 the j3Sgean, and to transfer the war to Hellas and Mace- 
 donia. He had already become master of Chios and Les- 
 bos, and had had friendly communications with many other 
 islands, when suddenly he became sick and died. Thus an 
 attempt was frustrated which might have materially inter- 
 fered with the expedition. There were certainly many other 
 brave men, both Greeks and Persians ; but no one of the 
 Persians had the naval and political experience of Memnon, 
 and perhaps no one of the Greeks could have obtained the 
 confidence of Darius so fully as this Rhodian had done by 
 many faithful services. The king of the Persians, having 
 no longer that counselor in whom he had every confidence,
 
 108 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 decided to abandon the defensive system of war, which by 
 his advice he had thus far maintained, and prepared to con- 
 tend in open field with the Macedonians. 
 
 JSattle of Issus. 
 
 The force which Darius had collected on the plains of 
 Mesopotamia was suited by its immense numbers to encour- 
 age all the Asiatics. Although the contingents from Sog- 
 diana, Baktria, and India had not yet arrived, this army was 
 composed already, according to some, of 400,000 infantry 
 and 100,000 cavalry, and according to others of 600,000 
 men, among whom were between 20,000 and 30,000 Grecian 
 mercenaries. Every one prognosticated a certain victory, 
 and Darius himself was confident of a favorable issue. But 
 an experienced soldier could easily detect the weakness of 
 this multitude. Such a one was found, and he courageously 
 expressed his opinion. This man was Charidemus, an Athe- 
 nian fugitive, who, being asked by the great king what he 
 thought of his numberless army, unhesitatingly replied that 
 he advised Darius not to hope much from this Asiatic multi- 
 tude, but to use his treasures rather for the mustering of a 
 larger Hellenic force. Darius, drunk with empty hopes of 
 victory and glory, and supported in his baseless opinion by 
 the blind and haughty generals about him, deemed the 
 answer insolent and treacherous, and at once ordered the 
 unfortunate Greek to be put to death. The latter on his 
 way to execution prophetically cried, " The king will soon 
 repent of this, and will speedily receive his deserts, when he 
 beholds the downfall of his kingdom." 
 
 Darius, therefore, decided to fight with Alexander in the 
 open field. While hitherto fortune had continued to smile 
 on the leader of the Greeks, at Tarsus it suddenly abandoned 
 him, either because of the incessant dangers to which he had 
 exposed himself, or because while in a perspiration he threw 
 himself into the river Kydnus, and thus contracted a danger-
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 109 
 
 ous fever. Worst of all, in the midst of the sorrow and 
 uneasiness which was spread throughout the army by this 
 event, the physicians hesitated to undertake the respon- 
 sibility of curing him. But Philippus the Akarnanian, an 
 old friend of Alexander's and much esteemed by him for his 
 knowledge, promised to save the king by a powerful purga- 
 tive draught, and Alexander commanded the medicine to be 
 prepared. Just before taking it he received a letter from 
 Parmenio, in which he was advised to guard himself against 
 Philippus, because it was said that the latter, bribed by the 
 money of Darius, was plotting to kill him. The king read 
 the letter and placed it under his pillow, showing it to no 
 one. Presently Philippus entered, holding the medicine. 
 Alexander took it, swallowed it without remark, and at the 
 same time gave the letter to Philippus and scrutinized the 
 expression of his countenance. The eyes, the words, the 
 appearance, the gestures of the physician everything be- 
 spoke his innocence ; and as he indignantly denied the ac- 
 cusation, Alexander repeated again his complete belief in the 
 salutary results of the medicine. At first, owing to the 
 strength of the remedy, the king's condition grew worse ; 
 but finally the fever ceased, and joy pervaded the whole 
 army on hearing that he was out of danger. A few days 
 were sufficienj for his vigorous frame to regain its former 
 health and strength. 
 
 His first proceeding after recovery was to dispatch Par- 
 menio, at the head of the Greeks, Thessalians, and Thracians, 
 to secure the pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria. At 
 the same time Alexander occupied himself in mastering some 
 mountainous tribes of Kilikia. Next he pushed on to Mallus, 
 a city which he freed from all tribute, as being a colony of 
 the Argeians. It was here that he received the first reports 
 concerning the immense army of Darius, who was said to 
 be waiting at Sochi in Syria, on the eastern side of Mount 
 Amanus, about two days' march from the mountain-pass now
 
 110 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 called Beylan. Accordingly, Alexander hastened against 
 him, and passed through Issus, where he left some sick and 
 wounded with a moderate guard. Next he crossed through 
 the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, and thence, after two days' 
 march, reached the seaport Myriandrus, the first town of 
 Syria or Phoenicia. 
 
 Here he received accounts utterly at variance with the 
 former, and was compelled to make an entire change in his 
 plans. The Persian army had marched away from Sochi, 
 and was already in Kilikia, in the rear of the Macedonians, 
 near Issus. How could Darius, who, having arrayed his 
 numerous army on the plains of Syria, had decided to fight 
 in the open field, suddenly change his mind and march into 
 the narrow defiles which he had permitted Alexander but 
 recently to leave ? Darius, with his sixty myriads of men, 
 regarded himself as unconquerable. Having heard that 
 Alexander was detained at Tarsus by sickness, and was also 
 waiting there to subdue the mountainous tribes of Kilikia, 
 he imagined these delays to be evidences of hesitation and 
 cowardice. Thus blinded, he paid no heed to the advice of 
 the Greek officers in his service, and decided not to await his 
 opponent, but to meet him in the narrow passes of Kilikia. 
 To this end he crossed Mount Amanus, but not by the same 
 passage as the Macedonians. Two narrow rpads lead over 
 the mountain, one on the south and the other on the north. 
 While the Macedonians were crossing by the southern pas- 
 sage in order to attack Darius on the plain, the latter pushed 
 through the northern passage into Kilikia to meet the Mace- 
 donians there. The Persian king had with him his mother, 
 wife, and household, and a large amount of treasure, although 
 much of the latter had been sent to Damascus in Syria. On 
 reaching Issus he put to death the sick and wounded of the 
 Macedonians, and encamped near the river Pinarus. Darius 
 did nothing for the present, except to complete the tale of . 
 his many military mistakes. Having left the Gates of Kill-
 
 BATTLES OF GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. Hi 
 
 kia and Syria unguarded, he suddenly abandoned his former 
 resolution of contending on the plains of Syria, where he 
 could use his immense army and excellent cavalry to advan- 
 tage, and determined to fight Alexander in the narrow passes 
 of Kilikia, where his immense force would be nearly useless; 
 thus practically obliterating the numerical disparity of the 
 two armies, while in quality the Macedonian soldiers were 
 by far the better of the two. 
 
 It is not strange that Alexander, on hearing of this 
 movement of Darius, did not at first credit it, until he was 
 assured by his own scouts. Then the king, calling his 
 generals, announced to them the coming contest, explained 
 the mistakes of Darius, and reminded the Greeks that they 
 were to contend again for the common interests of Hellas, 
 while their countrymen assisting Darius fought merely for 
 pay. He recalled to their memory the achievement of the 
 ten thousand under Xenophon, who were without cavalry, 
 and assured them of certain victory. All applauded, and 
 begged to be led at once against the enemy. 
 
 Alexander was about eighteen miles distant from the 
 Persians. Departing on the same evening, he reached at 
 midnight the gates through which he had passed two days 
 before. Once more becoming master of this stronghold, he 
 halted his army for the remainder of the night, to allow 
 them the needful repose, and about daybreak moved forward 
 against Darius. 
 
 As he approached the river Pinarus, which flowed across 
 the pass, he drew up his army in battle array. On the ex- 
 treme right were stationed the hypaspists ; next, reckoning 
 from right to left, five taxeis or divisions of the phalanx, 
 under Koenus, Perdikkas, Meleager, Ptolemy, and Amyntas. 
 Kraterus had the command of these last three divisions on 
 the left, and was himself subject to the orders of Pannenio, 
 who held the supreme command of the entire left. The 
 breadth of the plain between the mountain on the right and
 
 112 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 the sea on the left was only about fourteen stadia, or some- 
 what more than an English mile and a half. Alexander, 
 however, fearing lest he should be surrounded by the vast 
 hordes of his opponents, ordered Parmenio not to withdraw 
 from the neighborhood of the sea, and at the same time 
 stationed the Companions, together with the Thessalian cav- 
 alry and the larger portion of the light-armed infantry, on 
 the right, while he sent to Parmenio on the left all the light 
 cavalry and the Thracian and Kretan light infantry. 
 
 Darius decided to fight where he was encamped, behind 
 the river Pinarus, the shores of which were more or less pre- 
 cipitous. He transported to the other side of the river a 
 force of thirty thousand cavalry and twenty thousand in- 
 fantry. Next he filled the breadth between the mountains 
 and the sea with ninety thousand hoplites, thirty thousand 
 of whom were Greeks holding the center, flanked on each 
 side by thirty thousand Asiatics, called Kardakes, armed as 
 hoplites. On the heights to the left were stationed twenty 
 thousand infantry, to attack the right and rear of Alexander. 
 The main body of the army, owing to the narrowness of 
 the road, was rendered useless, their divisions being heaped 
 together in a disorderly mass in the rear of the Greeks. But 
 when the line was formed, Darius again ordered the thirty 
 thousand horse and twenty thousand infantry which he had 
 sent across the Pinarus to recross the river ; they were 
 finally stationed on the right wing, where was accordingly 
 assembled the best Persian cavahy. Darius himself stood 
 on a chariot in the center of the line, behind the Greek 
 hoplites. 
 
 Alexander succeeded in distinguishing the exact position 
 of the enemy only after the retreat of the Persian covering 
 detachment, which for some time obscured his view. Then 
 he deemed it best to make certain changes, and, above all, 
 to establish an equality between his front and that of the 
 Persians.
 
 BATTLES OP GRANIKUS AND ISSUS. 113 
 
 The position of Alexander was certainly superior to that 
 of Darius ; but as there was clustered near the river a Per- 
 sian force three times as large, and much of this consisted 
 of Grecian hoplites, the strife bade fair to be bloody. Ow- 
 ing, however, to the cowardice of Darius, the Persian army 
 was destined to meet with a speedy overthrow. Alexander, 
 after a short rest, advanced at a slow pace, supposing that 
 the enemy would be the first to cross the river and attack. 
 Seeing them motionless on the other side, he continued to 
 advance, and when within a bowshot, taking the cavalry, 
 hypaspists, and divisions of the phalanx on the right, he 
 quickened his step, crossed the river, and dashed like a 
 thunderbolt against the Kardakes on the Persian left. They 
 were soon put to flight, and Darius, supposing that he was 
 in extreme danger, was seized with a panic, and immediate- 
 ly followed in the track of the foremost fugitives. The 
 battle had hardly commenced. Most of the army was still 
 stationary, including sixty thousand hoplites, one hundred 
 thousand cavalry, and many myriads of infantry ; all their 
 opponents did not number more than thirty thousand, and 
 the pursuers were less than half that number. But Darius 
 was seized with uncontrollable fear. Meeting with narrow 
 passes, he jumped from his chariot, and continued his flight 
 on his horse, casting away his bow, shield, and royal mantle. 
 
 The result of this base cowardice it is almost superfluous 
 to describe. The center and the right of the Persians, where 
 stood the Greek mercenaries and the best of the Persian 
 horse, held their ground courageously as long as they sup- 
 posed Darius to be present. The Greek mercenaries espe- 
 cially fought so desperately that the general of the attacking 
 division, Ptolemy, son of Seleukus, with one hundred and 
 twenty of the front-rank men or choice phalangites, remained 
 upon the field. But as soon as Alexander had completed the 
 defeat of the left wing, he fell upon the flank of the Greek 
 mercenaries, at the same time that the report spread through- 
 26
 
 114 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 out the host that Darius had disappeared from the field of 
 battle. Then both the center and the right wing of the Per- 
 sians were put to flight. The defeat was complete and de- 
 structive, since Darius had taken no care to give orders in 
 case of retreat, and no one dared to assume the chief com- 
 mand ; nor, indeed, would any one have been obeyed, or so 
 much as listened to, if he had presumed to issue orders to the 
 deserted army. 
 
 The pursuit was not of long duration, since the battle 
 was fought in the month of November, and commenced in 
 all probability late in the afternoon, so that the gathering 
 darkness compelled Alexander to return to the camp. Never- 
 theless, the booty and the destruction were great. The camp 
 of Darius, his mother, his wife, his sister, his infant son, and 
 two daughters, fell into the hands of the victor. The booty 
 included his chariot, his shield and his bow, and a sum of 
 three thousand talents in gold, together with much furni- 
 ture. A hundred thousand of the Persians are said to have 
 perished, besides ten thousand horses, and a large number of 
 Persian grandees. Out of that immense army that had 
 crossed the Euphrates with Darius, only four thousand Per- 
 sians and eight thousand Greek mercenaries kept their ranks, 
 and these, partly by land and partly by sea, succeeded in 
 escaping to Egypt. All the remaining multitude disap- 
 peared like a scudding rack before the fury of a violent 
 wind. The Hellenic army lost only three hundred foot and 
 one hundred and fifty horse. 
 
 Such was the battle of Issus, and such were the results of 
 the repeated mistakes of Darius most of all of that ignoble 
 cowardice, which seemed the more strange, since the Per- 
 sian commanders were usually noted for their bravery, and 
 Darius himself, before he attained the sovereignty, was dis- 
 tinguished for his daring. But the touch of the scepter, as 
 
 often happens with weak souls, had enfeebled and degraded 
 
 \ 
 the man.
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OP ALEXANDER. H5 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 9 
 
 Darius submits Propositions of Peace. 
 
 ALEXANDER, who proved himself a great general in this 
 battle, afterward showed himself equally remarkable for the 
 philanthropy and virtue with which he behaved toward the 
 mother, wife, and children of his opponent. Returning in 
 the night from the pursuit, he found the tent of the great 
 king prepared to receive him. But before supping he heard 
 in an inner compartment the weeping and wailing of women ; 
 and on learning that the wife and mother of Darius were 
 lamenting for him whom they supposed dead, he hastened 
 to send one of his friends to assure them that Darius lived, 
 and to add that the desire of Alexander was that they should 
 retain their royal escort and the title of queens. Another 
 part of his behavior to them, says Plutarch, was still more 
 noble and princely. Though they were now captives, he con- 
 sidered that they were ladies, not only of high rank, but of 
 great modesty and virtue, and took care that they should not 
 hear an insulting word, nor have the least cause to suspect 
 any danger to themselves. Nay, as if they had been in a 
 holy temple, or an asylum of virgins, rather than in an ene- 
 my's camp, they lived unseen and unapproached, in the most 
 sacred privacy. 
 
 At that time Alexander was at his greatest moral height; 
 and since he was also at the very acme of that manly beauty 
 with which nature had lavishly adorned him, this union of 
 beauty, strength, and virtue invested him with that air of 
 majesty which the nations conquered by him so eagerly 
 adored, confounding it with all that is venerable in deity. 
 
 On the day following the battle, although he was himself
 
 116 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 wounded, he nevertheless visited the wounded soldiers ac- 
 cording to his custom, and ordered the dead to be buried 
 with great military honors. Next he marched through 
 Kcele-Syria to the Phoenician coast, and dispatched Parme- 
 nio to Damascus, which he easily occupied, seizing there 
 much treasure and not a few captives. Alexander also oc- 
 cupied without resistance the first Phoenician towns. In one 
 of these, Marathus, he received ambassadors and a letter 
 from Darius, asking for the return of his mother, wife, and 
 children, offering friendship and alliance, as from one king to 
 another, and asserting that Philip had commenced hostilities 
 against the Persians, that Alexander had continued them, and 
 that Darius fought only in self-defense. Alexander hastened 
 to give to this letter this most characteristic reply : 
 
 "Your ancestors invaded Macedonia and the rest of 
 Hellas, and inflicted injuries on us, without provocation on 
 our part. I, the hegemon of the Hellenes, wishing to punish 
 the Persians for their unjust dealings, crossed into Asia. 
 Again, you have . assisted our enemies the Perinthians, and 
 made war against the Thracians, whom we control. You 
 have compassed the death of my father (as you in your let- 
 ters have boasted), and have killed Arses and Bagoas. Hav- 
 ing also unlawfully seized the sovereignty, you have unjustly 
 treated the Persians, and sent hostile letters to the Hellenes 
 concerning me, instigating them to revolt, and forwarded 
 for the accomplishment of this purpose money to the Lace- 
 daemonians and to all the other Greeks. Again, your am- 
 bassadors bribed my friends and attempted to violate the 
 peace which I concluded with the Hellenes. I have there- 
 fore marched against you, since you began hostilities. But 
 now that I have conquered you, and as many as were arrayed 
 with you in battle, and hold your country with the aid of 
 the gods, and am master of all Asia, come without fear to 
 me. But if you are afraid lest you may suffer anything 
 from me, send some one of your friends to receive pledges
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER. H7 
 
 from me. When you come to me, ask me and you shall re- 
 ceive back your mother and wife and anything else which 
 you please. When next you write to me, however, address 
 me not as an equal, but as lord of Asia and of all that be- 
 longs to you ; otherwise I shall act toward you as if you 
 were a wrong-doer. If you intend to contest the kingdom, 
 with me, stand and fight for it, and do not flee ; for wher- 
 ever you may be, there I shall march against you." 
 
 This letter is for many reasons worthy of note. Alexan- 
 der, in order to justify the war against Darius, had to recall 
 the many disputes between Persia and Macedonia ; but he 
 mentioned, as the first and principal cause of this expedition, 
 the great invasions of Hellas by the Persians, enumerating 
 the other reasons for war as of secondary importance. Final- 
 ly, he calls himself already master of all Asia. He had yet 
 occupied only Asia Minor and a small part of Syria. Darius 
 was still ruler not only of Egypt, but also of all the vast 
 territory on the east of Syria and Asia Minor as far as India; 
 he had yet the countless treasures of Persepolis and Susa ; 
 he could muster armies of one and two hundred myriads. 
 Yet Alexander declared him already fallen from the king- 
 dom, and himself possessed of his dominions : such was the 
 confidence he had in his ultimate success. He had received 
 repeated proofs of the weakness of the Persian empire in the 
 battles already fought, and now easily took possession of 
 most of the Phoenician cities, including the prosperous Sidon. 
 
 ; ,.. Tyre and G-aza. 
 
 Tyre itself, the most powerful, richest, and most com- 
 mercial of all those cities, sent to him magnificent presents 
 and a golden crown, together with assurances of submission, 
 so that Alexander could pass by Phoenicia without battle ; 
 but suddenly there broke out an unexpected strife by which 
 he exposed himself to more arduous struggles than he had 
 ever before undertaken. The Tyrians were willing to sub-
 
 118 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 mit to the supremacy of Alexander, on condition that the 
 Macedonians should not enter their city a privilege they 
 had not allowed to their former masters, the Persians. 
 
 Alexander, enraged at this claim of immunity, decided 
 to occupy the city by force, and began in February, 332 
 B. c., the famous siege, which lasted seven months, and is 
 certainly, by reason of the persistency, art, and courage 
 shown on both sides, the most remarkable in ancient history. 
 Not only did the almost impregnable position of the city 
 secure great advantages to the Tyrians, but their excellent 
 navy was of much assistance. At length Alexander received 
 reinforcements, and became master both on sea and land. 
 The Tyrians, however, exhibited such marvelous daring, 
 courage, and persistency, that they would have really suc- 
 ceeded in rendering fruitless the attempts of Alexander had 
 Darius come to their assistance, and shown himself worthy 
 in some degree of the empire which he ruled. But, instead 
 of making the best of his opportunities, he contented himself 
 with petitioning Alexander for peace ; and toward the end 
 of the siege of Tyre, instead of marching thither with an 
 army, he sent a new embassy, offering ten thousand talents, 
 with the cession of all the territory west of the Euphrates, 
 as ransom for his mother and wife, and proposing that the 
 Macedonian king should become his son-in-law, as well as 
 his ally. Alexander submitted these proposals to an assem- 
 bly of his generals, and Parmenio is said to have exclaimed, 
 " If I were Alexander, I would accept them." " So would 
 I, by Zeus," said Alexander, " if I were Parmenio." * He 
 wrote in reply that he had no need whatever of money, 
 neither would he consent to receive a part in place of the 
 whole. He invited Darius to come to him, promising a 
 cordial reception ; otherwise he himself would march against 
 him. 
 
 * Plutarch, "Alexander."
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER. HQ 
 
 Alexander's Visit to Egypt. 
 
 Soon after Alexander became master of Tyre, and was 
 then obliged to attempt the siege of Gaza, the last city be- 
 fore entering on the desert tract between Syria and Egypt. 
 That place was reduced in two months, and now the way lay 
 open for the unconquerable king of Macedonia to advance 
 against Egypt. After seven days' march from Gaza, Alex- 
 ander entered Pelusium without resistance. This was the 
 frontier fortress of Egypt, commanding the eastern branch 
 of the Nile, whither his fleet, under the command of He- 
 phsestion, had also gone. He sent the fleet up the river to 
 Memphis, and marched himself to the same place by land. 
 The satrap of that city surrendered himself, with all the royal 
 treasure, eight hundred talents, and much other costly ma- 
 terial. Alexander rested here, and celebrated a splendid 
 sacrifice to all the gods, and especially to the Egyptian Apis. 
 He also instituted festivals, and invited the most expert 
 artists of Hellas to participate in them. 
 
 From Memphis he embarked on the westernmost branch 
 of the Nile for Kanopus, whence he sailed westerly along the 
 shore, to view the famous Homeric island of Pharos and Lake 
 Mareia or Mareotis. There he decided to erect on the land by 
 Pharos, between the sea and the lake, a new city, to be called 
 Alexandria after his own name, and to make it, instead of 
 Memphis, the citadel of the country. The site chosen for 
 this purpose was airy and healthful, and at the same time 
 advantageous for commerce. Here, then, the seemingly om- 
 nipotent hand of Alexander, which at the same . time fought 
 and led, destroyed and created, placed the corner-stone of 
 that Alexandria which not long after was destined to become 
 the most splendid and populous city of the East, and which 
 was for many centuries the center of the world's commerce, 
 and the cradle of a splendid Hellenism. Even after its fall 
 from this great eminence it never ceased to prosper, and to
 
 120 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 this day it is one of the greatest commercial ports of the 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 Alexander next proceeded through the desert to the tem- 
 ple of Zeus Ammon, situated in Libya. On entering the 
 temple, the prophet cried, " Hail, O eon ! " as if he had been 
 intrusted by Zeus with this greeting. This event, and the 
 fact that he was then assured of obtaining supremacy over 
 the world, caused some to blame him for wishing, like another 
 Herakles or Perseus, to trace his birth to Zeus. But that he 
 himself so believed, or went so far as to demand that the 
 Greeks themselves should call him son of Zeus, is highly im- 
 probable. At any rate, both Arrian and Plutarch assert that 
 he only traced his birth to Zeus to astound the barbarians, 
 but that he never seriously spoke about it to the Greeks, and 
 occasionally even jested with them on the subject ; because it 
 is said that later, when wounded, he exclaimed, " My friends, 
 this is blood, and not the ichor which blest immortals shed." * 
 
 Alexander spent more than four months in Egypt. In 
 the spring of 331 B. c., having been reenforced by a new de- 
 tachment of Greeks and Thracians, he departed from Mem- 
 phis, where he had passed the last month of his stay in 
 Egypt, to Phoenicia, in order to extend his conquests farther 
 into Asia. Never forgetting his Hellenic life, he not only 
 offered sacrifices to the gods in Phoenicia, but also instituted 
 splendid processions and representations of tragedies, in 
 which the most noted actors contested for the prize. After 
 this, Alexander hastened toward the interior, crossing the 
 Euphrates and the Tigris without opposition, except such as 
 was offered by the depth of the water, the rapidity of the 
 current, and the slippery footing. 
 
 * Plutarch, "Alexander": 
 
 Tovro, 2> <pl\oi, rb ptov, oT/ta, KO! ov\ 
 oTej trip re pftt fuucdptffffi Gtotffiv.
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER. 121 
 
 Battle of Gaugamela or Arbela. 
 
 Darius, however, was not far off, at the head of a much 
 more numerous army than he had commanded at Issus. But 
 his military incapacity was incorrigible ; and while he might 
 have been able, with little exertion, to prevent Alexander 
 from crossing this river, he made no more effort than at the 
 passage of Mount Amanus and at the sieges of Tyre and Gaza. 
 Persuaded that his opponent would accept no conditions of 
 peace, he had decided again to try the fortune of arms, and 
 to this end had collected an immense army near Arbela, on 
 the plains eastward of the Tigris, " about the latitude of the 
 modern town of Mosul." The multitude assembled there 
 amounted, according to Arrian, to one million infantry and 
 forty thousand cavalry. If Darius had again erred in not 
 defending the banks of the Tigris, he at least chose a more 
 suitable spot for the marshaling of his vast force than he had 
 at Issus. Besides, he effected an improvement in his arms 
 by making them much longer than formerly, and constructed 
 two hundred war or scythed chariots,* capable of terrific 
 execution because they could literally mow down an army. 
 Darius had also at Arbela. fifteen elephants ; and this is the 
 first mention in history of the employment of elephants as 
 auxiliaries in battle. 
 
 As soon as Darius was informed that Alexander had 
 crossed the Tigris, leaving at Arbela the baggage and the 
 treasure, he departed with his army to the country near Gau- 
 gamela, thirty miles to the west of Arbela, which, by reason 
 of its level ground, was better suited to military operations. 
 Alexander marched four whole days after crossing the Tigris, 
 
 * Each chariot had a pole projecting before the horses and terminating in 
 a sharp point, together with three sword-blades stretching from the yoke on 
 each side, and scythes also laterally from the naves of the wheels. (Curtius, 
 iv, 9, 3 ; Diodorus, xvii, 53. See also note of Miitzell upon this passage of 
 Curtius, and Grote, vol. xi, part ii, chap, xciii.)
 
 122 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 and had arrived within seven miles of the Persian army, 
 when he first learned from prisoners how near he was to the 
 enemy. He immediately halted, and, fortifying his camp by 
 a ditch and stockade, remained there four days, for the sol- 
 diers to recover from the fatigue of the march. On the even- 
 ing of the fourth day he moved forward, leaving in the 
 camp under guard the baggage, the captives, and the disabled. 
 At first he marched across the hills which separated him from 
 the enemy, whom he hoped to attack about daybreak. He 
 did not advance as rapidly as he had expected, so that toward 
 morning, on reaching the heights, he saw that he was yet 
 about three miles distant from the Persians. Keeping his 
 phalanx in battle array, he held a council, composed of his 
 principal officers, as to whether he should advance and com- 
 mence the attack immediately. The greater part were in- 
 clined to this opinion, but Parmenio maintained that it would 
 be unwise to do so, since they neither knew the physical con- 
 figuration of the ground nor the disposition of the enemy's 
 line, and he thought that both these should be ascertained 
 before venturing battle. 
 
 Alexander, who had not heeded the advice of Parmenio 
 either at the Granikus or at Tyre, now adopted this course, 
 although many favored an immediate attack. This incident 
 may show how much he respected the opinion of that vet- 
 eran officer, and how well he was able, when necessary, to 
 restrain his own fiery impulses. He ordered the army to 
 remain there that day, yet still retained his battle array, and 
 constructed a new intrenched camp, to which he transported 
 the baggage and the captives from the former encampment. 
 In the mean time, taking his light troops and the best of his 
 cavalry, he spent the day in reconnoitering the position of 
 the enemy, who made no attempt to molest him. Parmenio 
 and others advised Alexander to make an attack by night ; 
 which, as Grote well remarks, promised some advantages, 
 since Persian armies were notoriously unmanageable in the
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER. 123 
 
 dark,* and since their camp had no defense. But Alexan- 
 der rejected the proposition, declaring that it was disgrace- 
 ful to steal victory, and that he both could and would con- 
 quer Darius fairly and in open daylight. Then, addressing 
 a few encouraging words to his officers, which met with an 
 enthusiastic response, he dismissed them to their evening 
 meal and repose. 
 
 On the next morning it was October of 331 B. c. he 
 drew up his army, composed of forty thousand foot and 
 seven thousand horse, in two lines. As in the two preced- 
 ing battles, Alexander assumed the command of the right 
 wing, confiding the left to Parmenio. 
 
 Having been informed by a deserter that there were 
 planted in various parts of the ground long iron spikes to 
 damage the Macedonian horse, Alexander diligently avoided 
 these obstacles, and, leading the royal squadron on the ex- 
 treme right, marched somewhat obliquely in that direction, 
 keeping his right slightly in advance. As he approached 
 the enemy, he saw that he was directly opposite Darius him- 
 self with the Persian left center, composed of the Persian 
 guards, Indians, Albanians, and Karians. Alexander contin- 
 ued steadily advancing to the right, while Darius stretched 
 his own front toward the left to oppose -this movement. The 
 Persian myriads were able to outflank the Macedonians on 
 the left ; but as Alexander in his course toward the right 
 had advanced beyond the ground leveled by Darius for the 
 operations of his chariots in front, the latter deemed it 
 necessary to check any farther movement in that direction, 
 and accordingly ordered one thousand Baktrian horse and 
 the Scythians in front of the Persian left to make a circuit 
 and attack the Macedonian right flank. Alexander sent 
 against them his regiment of cavalry under Menidas, and 
 the battle was now fairly begun. The Baktrian horse, seeing 
 
 * Xcnophon, " Anabasis," iii, 4, 35 : THovtipbv yhp vvKr6s tffri ffrpdrfvpa 
 
 TlfpfflK^V.
 
 124 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 the Macedonians advancing, ceased their circuitous move- 
 ment, and dashed against them with such terrific impetu- 
 osity as to compel them at first to retreat. Other detach- 
 ments of Paeonians and Grecian cavalry speedily coming to 
 the rescue, the Baktrians were driven back ; but the latter 
 were in turn supported by the satrap Bessus with the main 
 body of Baktrians and Scythians on Darius's left wing. 
 Here the contest waxed hot, and not a few Greeks were 
 slain ; but finally the latter succeeded by a more compact 
 arrangement in driving back the less orderly enemy, and 
 thus making an opening in their lines. While the contest 
 was yet at its height, Darius had ordered his scythed chariots 
 to charge, and his main line to follow them, hoping that the 
 chariots would throw the phalanx into confusion, and that, 
 if attacked while in disorder by the main army, it would be. 
 completely destroyed. But the chariots soon became of little 
 service. The horses were frightened, stopped or wounded 
 by the Macedonian archers and darters in front, some of 
 whom, seizing the reins, pullefl down the charioteers and 
 killed the horses. Of the hundred chariots in Darius's front, 
 many remained motionless or altogether useless, while others 
 turned squarely round, " terrified by the projected pikes, or 
 being scared by the noise of pike and shield struck together ; 
 some, which reached the Macedonian line, were let through 
 without doing mischief by the soldiers' opening their ranks ; 
 a few only inflicted wounds or damage." * 
 
 Thus freed from apprehension of the chariots, Alexander 
 ordered those divisions of his line which had as yet taken no 
 part in the conflict to rush against the main force of the Per- 
 sians, at the same time raising their war-song. Alexander 
 himself, at the head of all the Companion-cavalry, charged 
 at full speed against the Persian front, and the barbarians at 
 once gave way. Then he pressed forward toward Darius 
 himself, around whom a fierce cavalry battle now ensued. 
 
 * Arrian, iii, 13, 11.
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OP ALEXANDER. 125 
 
 The Persians were thrown into much disorder by this impet- 
 uous charge. At the same time the Macedonian phalanx, 
 forming a compact body, severely harassed the enemy byits 
 long extended pikes. Nevertheless, for some time the con- 
 test was close and obstinate, and neither party seemed dis- 
 posed to give way, since the best troops of Darius's .army 
 Greeks, Karians, Persian guards, royal kinsmen, etc. were 
 posted here. But the dastardly cowardice of Darius was 
 destined again to render useless the courage of his army. 
 From the moment he saw his opponent on the heights of 
 Gaugamela, he was seized with consternation ; his terror 
 increased when he beheld the uselessness of his chariots. 
 But when, finally, the Macedonians, after a deep silence, 
 suddenly raising their war-cry, rushed on like a torrent, and 
 began a severe hand-to-hand encounter, threatening the very 
 chariot of the Persian monarch, the latter, seeing the un- 
 conquerable Alexander fighting his way toward him, was be- 
 yond himself with fright and ordered his charioteer to turn 
 back, thus giving to his whole army the signal for flight. 
 
 Although the battle had but just commenced, the Persians 
 were conquered. The flight of the king naturally caused the 
 rout of the troops stationed about him. A few of the best 
 and bravest, indeed, met their death before the king's chariot, 
 and, falling in heaps one upon another, strove to stop the 
 pursuit ; for in the very pangs of death they clung to the 
 Macedonians, and caught hold of their horses' legs as they 
 lay upon the ground.* Not only were these the finest troops, 
 but, as they composed the Persian center, their flight caused 
 the army to be divided into two separate parts, both of which 
 were thrown into great disorder and confusion. Their right 
 wing was at the same time driven from the field by Aretas, 
 so that nothing now prevented Alexander from pursuing 
 most energetically the routed main division. Owvag, how- 
 ever, to the obstacles in the way of this pursuit inevitably 
 
 * Plutarch, "Alexander."
 
 126 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 created by so vast a multitude, and the clouds of dust raised 
 by the swarms of men, horses, and chariots in rapid motion, 
 the Macedonians could not distinguish in what direction the 
 king had fled, and thus he escaped. 
 
 While Alexander was achieving so brilliant and com- 
 plete a victory with his right and center, his left wing, com- 
 manded by Parmenio, was engaged in a terrific encounter 
 with the right of the Persians under Mazseus. Even after 
 the flight of Darius, Parmenio was so severely pressed that 
 he sent some horsemen to desire Alexander to come to his 
 assistance. Alexander, though angry at being obliged to 
 abandon the pursuit, pressed forward to succor his left, by 
 the shortest course across the field of battle. The various 
 divisions of the phalanx had already stopped short in the 
 pursuit and hastened toward the same point. This irreg- 
 ular movement toward the left caused a gap between the 
 divisions, into which a brigade of Indian and Persian cav- 
 alry darted, galloping through the Macedonian line to pene- 
 trate to the rear and attack the baggage.* At first the 
 movement was successful, and it almost resulted, not only 
 in despoiling the entire camp, but also in freeing the family 
 of Darius. But, while engaged in plundering the baggage, 
 the enemy were suddenly attacked by the Macedonian guard, 
 and the entire body was either cut to pieces or put to flight. 
 
 Mazoeus for some time continued the contest bravely ; 
 but when he saw the complete annihilation of the left wing, 
 he understood that it would be impossible alone to maintain 
 a useless combat, and turned to retreat before even the suc- 
 cors from Alexander had come to the assistance of Parme- 
 nio. While Alexander was hurrying forward he came face 
 to face with some of the bravest Persian and Parthian cav- 
 alry, who were among the last to retreat from the center. 
 A murderous encounter ensued, in which sixty Macedonian 
 horsemen were killed and many more wounded. Alexander 
 * Arrian, iii, 14, 7 ; Grote, vol. ix, part 5i, chap, xciii.
 
 FURTHER VICTORIES OF ALEXANDER. 137 
 
 himself ran extreme personal danger. He finally conquered, 
 though many of his brave opponents succeeded in escaping 
 through the Macedonian lines. Having reached his left, 
 and finding it not only freed from danger but absolutely 
 victorious, Alexander resumed the pursuit, in which Parme- 
 nio now took part. 
 
 During this pursuit many of the enemy were killed and 
 not a few captured. The wheels of the chariots were entan- 
 gled among the dead bodies, and the horses, plunging among 
 the heaps of the slain, bounded up and down, and no longer 
 obeyed the hands of the charioteers. It was amid the dark- 
 ness, the noises, the cries, and the dust that Darius escaped. 
 Alexander pushed forward in all haste, and reached Arbela 
 the next day, where he hoped to overtake Darius. In this 
 he was disappointed, for the latter had not stopped one 
 moment in that city, but continued his flight, leaving his 
 chariot, shield, bow, and a rich booty in the hands of the 
 conqueror. Parmenio had in the mean time occupied the 
 camp of the barbarians near the field of battle, capturing the 
 baggage, the elephants, and the camels. 
 
 It is impossible to state accurately the number of the 
 killed or captured in this battle. Arrian mentions three 
 hundred thousand barbarians killed and many more taken 
 prisoners. Diodorus puts the slain at ninety thousand, and 
 Curtius at forty thousand. On the part of the Greeks, Arrian 
 mentions not more than one hundred killed, Curtius three 
 hundred ; and Diodorus estimates the slain at five hundred, 
 besides a great number of wounded. The immense army of 
 the Persians was either cut to pieces, captured, or dispersed, 
 and no subsequent attempt was made to gather together a 
 large regular force. 
 
 The defeat at Arbela was a death-blow to the Persian 
 empire. It converted Alexander into the Great King, and 
 Darius into a miserable fugitive, despised by his own sub- 
 jects, and especially by those brave Persians who were per-
 
 128 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 suaded that they had been defeated by the incapacity of 
 their king, against whom they now formed a conspiracy, of 
 which the direction was committed to the Baktrian satrap 
 Bessus. What a contrast between the cowardice of Darius 
 and the daring and genius of Alexander ! No general per- 
 haps ever conquered by the aid of such art and science as 
 Alexander manifested in this battle. The marvelous com- 
 bination of the various troops, and the wonderful foresight 
 with which every squadron, every division, and in fact every 
 individual was apprised beforehand of what each was ex- 
 pected to do, multiplied the forces of that small army and 
 rendered victory unquestionable. 
 
 The critical character of the victory was made manifest 
 by the capture of the two great capitals of the Persian em- 
 pire, Babylon and Susa. Both surrendered without a strug- 
 gle. The treasure seized at Babylon was enormous, and 
 Alexander rewarded the bravery of his troops by donating 
 to each Macedonian horseman six hundred drachmae, to each 
 foreign horseman five hundred, to each Macedonian soldier 
 (infantry) two hundred, and to the foreign infantry a pro- 
 portionate sum. Still greater was the treasure found at Susa. 
 According to Arrian, it amounted to fifty thousand silver 
 talents (equal to about $57,500,000) a sum which would 
 seem incredible, if we did not find it (says Grote) greatly 
 exceeded by what is subsequently reported about the trea- 
 sures in Persepolis. 
 
 Alexander rested his army for more than thirty days at 
 Babylon. Having nominated the various governors in the 
 satrapies of Babylon, Armenia, Syria, and Phoenicia, he 
 marched to Susa, where he was joined by a reinforcement 
 of about, fifteen thousand men, consisting of Macedonians, 
 Greeks, and Thracians, sent by Antipater from Macedonia. 
 The king effected some changes in the organization of his 
 different divisions, and, having crossed the river Eulaeus or 
 Pasitigris, marched against Persia proper, captured the Susian
 
 ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA. 139 
 
 or Persian gates, and finally became master of Persepolis, " in 
 which the Persian kings had accumulated their national edi- 
 fices, their royal sepulchres, the inscriptions consecrated by 
 religious or legendary sentiment, with many trophies and 
 acquisitions arising out of their conquests." Both Diodorus 
 and Curtius assert that the royal treasure seized by Alex- 
 ander in Persepolis amounted to one hundred and twenty 
 thousand talents in gold and silver (equal to $138,000,000). 
 
 As it was now winter or very early spring (330-331 B. c.), 
 the king allowed the major part of his army a period of re- 
 pose in the vicinity of Persepolis, while he himself, with one 
 division, pushed rapidly into the interior of Persis, and sub- 
 dued its various satrapies. Then, leaving a guard of three 
 thousand Macedonians at Persepolis, he set out with his 
 whole army to follow Darius into Media. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA. 
 
 Revolution of King Agis. 
 
 SUCH were the results of the first four great campaigns 
 of Alexander in Asia (from March, 334, to March, 330 B. c.). 
 Hellenism, which ten years previously was mostly comprised 
 between Thermopylae and Cape Teenarus, now, spreading 
 beyond its narrow limits, carried its victorious standards 
 throughout Asia Minor, Phoenicia, Egypt, Syria, Mesopota- 
 mia, Assyria, Babylonia, Susiana, and Persis. The Hellenes 
 who, ten years before, were engaged in the ignoble strug- 
 gles at Delphi, now fought at Gaugamela and in the in- 
 terior of Asia, for the supremacy of the world and for the 
 famed treasures of Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. And yet
 
 130 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 there are those who maintain that the enterprise of Alex- 
 ander was not purely Hellenic ; that Philip and Alexander 
 subverted Hellenism, and did not open for it a new career 
 of energy and glory ; that Hellas, against her own will, was 
 forced to follow their standards. We do not deny that there 
 was a party in Hellas protesting against Macedonian su- 
 premacy, and striving by all possible means to bring about 
 its destruction, even at the expense of an alliance with 
 Persia. 
 
 Sparta was during these years the center of this oppo- 
 sition ; and King Agis, having collected an army estimated 
 at twenty-two thousand foot and two thousand horse, at- 
 tempted about the middle of 330 B. c. to attack Megalopo- 
 lis, which city, now as previously, was the stronghold of 
 Macedonian influence in the peninsula, and was probably 
 occupied by a Macedonian garrison. Antipater hastened 
 into Hellas with an army of forty thousand foot, and in 
 one decisive battle completely defeated the Lacedaemonians. 
 Five thousand Spartans were slain, including Agis himself, 
 " who, though covered with wounds, disdained to leave the 
 field, and fell, resisting to the last." The loss of the victors 
 is variously estimated at from one thousand to thirty-five 
 hundred men slain, together with a great many wounded. 
 Grote truly remarks that this was a greater loss than Alex- 
 ander had sustained either at Issus or at Arbela ; a plain 
 proof that Agis and his companions, however unfortunate 
 in the result, had manifested courage worthy of the best 
 days of Sparta. 
 
 The movement of Agis, however, did not represent the 
 disposition of all Hellas. It only evinced the sentiment of na- 
 tional autonomy existing among the few a sentiment which 
 on former occasions had risen in much greater strength 
 against the Athenian, Spartan, and Theban hegemonies. It 
 only showed that there still existed a natural devotion to 
 the old state of affairs a feeling which we find everywhere
 
 ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA. 131 
 
 and always springing up in great political and social revolu- 
 tions. But this sentiment was far from common to all the 
 Hellenes. Demosthenes himself did not deem it wise for 
 the present to rise against the Macedonian supremacy. He 
 awaited more propitious circumstances, and occupied himself 
 in the mean time (especially during 337-336 B. c.) in that 
 famous contest with ^Eschines, the results of which were 
 the two most splendid productions of these famous orators 
 the memorable accusation of JEschines against Ktesiphon 
 for having proposed a crown to Demosthenes, and the reply 
 of Demosthenes, known by way of eminence as the oration 
 "On the Crown." Both these orations are equally famous 
 for the strength and beauty of their style ; and if we com- 
 pare them with the contemporaneous encyclopaedical mas- 
 terpieces of Aristotle, and the no less imperishable achieve- 
 ments which the same generation was witnessing in Asia, 
 we may form a picture of the marvelous intellectual and 
 practical power which then prevailed in the Hellenic nation. 
 
 New Victories and Projects of Alexander. 
 
 It has been said that Alexander quitted Persia proper in 
 March, 330 B. c., in order to hasten to Ekbatana, the chief 
 city of Media, in quest of Darius. But the latter was assas- 
 sinated during his flight by a few eminent Persians, under 
 command of Bessus, satrap of Baktria. Alexander caused 
 the dead body of Darius to be buried with great pomp and 
 ceremonial, in the royal sepulchres of Persis. During the 
 same year he became master of Media, Parthia, Drangiana, 
 Arachosia, Gedrosia, and the Paropamisadae (the modern 
 Seistan, and the western part of Afghanistan lying between 
 Ghuzni on the north, Candahar or Kelat on the south, and 
 Zurrah on the west). He founded three great cities in these 
 countries, which he named after himself : Alexandria in 
 Asia, the modern Herat, the inhabitants of which to this 
 day preserve the memory of the founder ; Alexandria in
 
 132 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 Arachosia, the modern Candahar or Kelat ; and Alexandria 
 ad Caucasum, apparently northeast of the town of Cabul. 
 The first inhabitants of these cities were detachments, more 
 or less numerous, of his own army, which he left there both 
 as garrisons and colonies, and were organized on the basis 
 of the Hellenic laws. Afterward, both Persians and other 
 Asiatics were drawn to them by their prosperity, and the 
 two elements, Greek and Persian, became intermingled. 
 
 Thus began the great work of unifying these two ele- 
 ments a work which Alexander continued by the appoint- 
 ment both of Greeks and Persians to the higher offices of 
 the empire ; by the introduction of Persian costumes into 
 the court ; by the union of Persian and Hellenic festivities, 
 which he never omitted to celebrate even in the distant lands 
 of Asia ; and, above all, by the introduction of Persian war- 
 riors into his army, who, side by side with the Hellenes, aided 
 in his great project of Hellenizing Asia. But the mixture 
 of these two elements naturally caused much change in the 
 austere and republican habits of Hellenic life. Thus, while 
 these innovations were approved by some of his most de- 
 voted generals, Hephsestion, Kraterus, and Koenus, they were 
 bitterly opposed by others, especially by Philotas, son of 
 Parmenio. This discord gave rise to many ruinous results, 
 and first of all to the tragic death of Philotas and of Par- 
 menio, which occurred in 330 B. c. 
 
 Death of Philotas and Parmenio. 
 
 Parmenio was already about seventy years of age, and 
 could no longer be exposed to the repeated hardships of the 
 war. He was appointed to the command of Ekbatana, in 
 which city Alexander had laid up his treasures, having con- 
 stituted it a sort of headquarters for his new expeditions in 
 the East. Parmenio, because of his military experience and 
 the great faith which Philip had reposed in him, was, next to 
 Alexander, the most respected and most influential officer in
 
 ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA. 133 
 
 the Macedonian army. He had three sons, the youngest of 
 whom, Hector, was drowned while bathing in the Nile ; the 
 second, Nikanor, who commanded the hypaspists, had re- 
 cently died of disease ; while the eldest, Philotas, the chief 
 of the Companions, was in constant communication with the 
 king, from whom alone he received his orders. Philotas 
 was apprised that a certain soldier had formed a conspiracy 
 against Alexander ; but, not crediting the report, as it seems, 
 he said nothing to Alexander. The matter, however, was 
 made known to the king, who at once ordered the arrest 
 of the soldier ; but the latter ran himself through with his 
 sword, and expired without making any declaration. Alex- 
 ander with much astonishment asked Philotas why he had 
 omitted to mention the conspiracy to him. Philotas replied 
 that " the source from which it came was too contemptible 
 to deserve any notice." Alexander, we are told, received or 
 affected to receive the explanation, gave his hand to Philo- 
 tas, invited him to supper, and talked to him with his usual 
 familiarity.* 
 
 Philotas, unfortunately, had often boastingly attributed 
 all the great actions of the war to himself and to his father. 
 As for Alexander, he called him a boy, who by their means 
 enjoyed the title of a conqueror, and at whose pretended divine 
 paternity he had often sneered. We are also told that he 
 affected a display of wealth, and" a magnificence in his dress 
 and table, unsuited to the condition of a subject. On ac- 
 count of this haughty demeanor, he had made many enemies, 
 who had represented him in an invidious light to the king.f 
 Kraterus and the other enemies of Philotas, availing them- 
 selves of all these circumstances, and especially of his un- 
 guarded language, reported to Alexander that the chief of 
 the Companions, 'whom he so much esteemed, was the prin- 
 cipal instigator of the plot against him. Alexander, who 
 was of a most excitable temperament, and on the present 
 * Curtius. f Plutarch, " Alexander."
 
 134 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 occasion anxious to continue his march, had no time to ex- 
 amine calmly into these reports, and, above all, considered 
 that he ought by all means to eradicate the cause of hate 
 and jealousy in his army. He therefore hastily commanded 
 the arrest, trial, and execution of Philotas. Not satisfied 
 with this, he at the same time ordered the death of the brave 
 old Parmenio a man, says Plutarch, who had a share in 
 most of Philip's conquests, and who was the principal if not 
 the only one of the old counselors who favored Alexander's 
 expedition into Asia. 
 
 This cruel conduct of Alexander has been justly con- 
 demned by history. It is true that the tortures inflicted 
 upon Philotas wrung from him at last a confession implicat- 
 ing his father.* But this confession, even if it were true, 
 can in no way justify the ferocious rancor of Alexander ; and 
 in fact no other proof exists against these two generals. If 
 we take into consideration the eminent services which they 
 had for so m.iny years rendered to their country and their 
 king, how is it possible not to condemn Alexander for not 
 at least having instituted an accurate examination into these 
 charges ? 
 
 Death ofJ^leitus. 
 
 It was during 329-328 B. c. that Alexander conquered 
 Baktria and Sogdiana, which provinces marked the utmost 
 limits of his dominion on the north. He was, however, often 
 obliged to return to these countries on account of widespread 
 revolts among the inhabitants. In fact, these far-distant ex- 
 peditions of Alexander, while no regular battle was fought, 
 proved extremely laborious, both by reason of the steep and 
 rugged nature of the country and the difficulty of subduing 
 the inhabitants, who, avoiding close combat, fought only with 
 missiles. Nothing, however, could stop the conqueror's ad- 
 vance. Here, on the river Jaxartes, he founded a new city, 
 
 * Curtius.
 
 ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA. 135 
 
 Alexandria ad Tanaidem, since the ancients knew the Jax- 
 artes also by the name of Tanais. Here he captured Bessus, 
 and tried and condemned him to death, because, after having 
 slain his king and benefactor Darius, he assumed the ostenta- 
 tious magnificence of a Persian monarch, and dared to con- 
 tend with the victor of Gaugamela. But here again burst 
 forth more strongly than ever the difficulties of assimilating 
 and blending the Hellenic and Asiatic modes of life, resulting 
 in the perpetration of many violent deeds. 
 
 While at Marakanda, the chief city of Sogdiana, Alex- 
 ander offered a splendid sacrifice in honor of the Dioskuri ; 
 and during the banquet which followed, when wine, accord- 
 ing to the Macedonian habit, had been abundantly drunk, 
 certain intoxicated flatterers claimed that the deeds of Alex- 
 ander were greater than those of Kastor and Pollux, and 
 more renowned than the labors of Herakles ; that "he had 
 earned an apotheosis like that legendary hero, which nothing 
 but envy could withhold from him " ; and, in fine, that hjs 
 recent victories cast into the shade the achievements of his 
 father Philip. Kleitus, who had saved Alexander's life at the 
 battle of the Granikus, and whose sister Lanike had been the 
 nurse of Alexander in his childhood, could not bear the be- 
 havior of these parasites. He rebuked their insolent flattery 
 "for making jest of the deeds of heroes"; but the wine 
 seemed to have overpowered altogether the reserve of Klei- 
 tus, for he declared that " the exploits of Alexander, splendid 
 as they were, had been accomplished not by himself alone, 
 but by that unconquerable Macedonian force which he had 
 found ready made to his hands, created and organized by 
 Philip." 
 
 Remarks such as these, poured forth " in the coarse lan- 
 guage of a half -intoxicated Macedonian veteran, provoked 
 loud contradiction from many, and gave poignant offense to 
 Alexander." The king, rising to his feet and looking black 
 as night, exclaimed : " It is in this villainous manner, coward.
 
 136 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 thou talkest of me in all companies, and stirrest the Mace- 
 donians to mutiny ! " Kleitus, stung to the quick at this 
 reproach, rejoined : " Yet it was this cowardice that saved 
 you, son of Jupiter, when you were turning your back to the 
 sword of Spithridates. It is by the blood of the Mace- 
 donians and their wounds that you are grown so great that 
 you disdain to acknowledge Philip for your father, and 
 will needs pass yourself for the son of Jupiter Ammon," 
 Kleitus became still more insolent in his remarks. "Are 
 these the rewards of our toils ? " said he ; " do we not envy 
 those who did not live to see Macedonians bleed under 
 Median rods, or sue to Persians for access to their king?" 
 Alexander, beyond himself with rage, quick as thought 
 snatched a pike from one of the soldiers, rushed upon Klei- 
 tus, and ran him through the body, exclaiming, " Go now 
 to Philip and Parmenio ! " 
 
 His repentance was no less speedy. Seeing his ancient 
 comrade, the preserver of his life and the brother of his 
 own nurse, dead by his hand, remorse seized upon him ; he 
 cried out, called himself unworthy of life, and, hastily draw- 
 ing the spear out of the dead body, was applying it to his 
 own throat, when the guards seized his hands, and carried 
 him by force into his chamber. He passed that night and 
 the next day in anguish inexpressible ; and when he had 
 wasted himself with tears and lamentations, he lay in speech- 
 less grief, uttering only now and then a groan.* Finally, 
 his friends prevailed upon him to take food and return to 
 activity. 
 
 Conquests on the Indus. 
 
 It was at Baktra that Alexander celebrated his marriage 
 with the beautiful captive Roxana, daughter of the Baktrian 
 chief Oxyartes. The nuptial festivities were conducted with 
 Asiatic splendor, and Alexander now demanded that both 
 
 * Plutarch, "Alexander."
 
 ALEXANDER'S PROGRESS TO INDIA. 137 
 
 Hellenes and Persians should prostrate themselves before 
 him and worship him as the Great King. This gave rise to 
 bitter dissensions. This method of salutation was misunder- 
 stood ; for while among the Asiatics it was simply an honor 
 paid to a king, among the Greeks it was considered an act 
 of respect due to a god alone. Most of the Hellenes sat 
 unmoved, and refused to bow before "a mortal." Few de- 
 clared their repugnance more openly than Kallisthenes, 
 nephew of Aristotle. Alexander did not dare at first to pun- 
 ish Kallisthenes ; but when an opportunity presented itself 
 he caused his death on the ground of treacherous designs. 
 
 These successive revolts, plots, and murders did not hinder 
 Alexander from carrying out his great project. of reforming 
 Asia. It is also worthy of note that, while he never ceased 
 to delight himself with reading the Iliad, which he had 
 always with him, he often wrote to Hellas for the works 
 of Philistus, the tragedies of Euripides, Sophokles, and ^Es- 
 chylus, as well as the dithyrambs of Telestes and Philoxe- 
 nus. In the midst of so many terrific combats he seemed 
 always to feel the necessity of refreshing himself from the 
 springs of Hellenic poetry and history. 
 
 Early in 327 B. c. Alexander began his march from Bak- 
 tra for the conquest of the lands bordering on the Indus. 
 In the spring of 326 he crossed that river, and then the Hy- 
 daspes (Jelum), on the other side of which he routed and 
 captured the Indian prince Porus. Pie also f ounded in this 
 vicinity two new cities Niksea, on the eastern bank of the 
 Hydaspes, and Bukephalia, on the western, the latter so 
 named in commemoration of his favorite horse Bukephalus, 
 who died here of age and fatigue. Next he conducted his 
 army onward in an easterly direction, crossed the river Ake- 
 sines (Chenaub), then the Hydraotes (Ravee), after which 
 he marched toward the Hyphasis (Sutlej), the last of the 
 rivers in the Punjaub, seemingly at a point below its conflu- 
 ence with the Beas. But while he was preparing to cross 
 27
 
 138 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 this stream, and had already given the necessary instructions, 
 for the first time his army, officers as well as soldiers, mani- 
 fested symptoms of displeasure and weariness on account of 
 the endless marches of the king. Alexander strove to revive 
 in them that spirit and promptitude which he had hitherto 
 found not disproportionate to his own ; but in this he was 
 unsuccessful. However, he persisted in his determination, 
 and we are told that he offered the sacrifice customary at the 
 passage of a river. The victims were inauspicious ; " he 
 bowed to the will of the gods, and gave* orders for return, 
 to the unanimous and unbounded delight of his army." 
 
 First, however, he ordered the army to erect twelve 
 altars of extraordinary height and dimensions on the western 
 bank of the Hyphasis, to mark the farthest boundary of his 
 expeditions in the East. He offered to the gods sacrifices 
 of thanks and instituted games. Then, about the end of 
 August, 326 B. c., he retreated from the Hyphasis, and re- 
 turned first to Niksea, where he employed himself in ascer- 
 taining the lower course of the Indus. In the early part of 
 November he sailed slowly down the river, to the confluence 
 of the Hydaspes with the Akesines, with the Hydraotes, and 
 with the Hyphasis all pouring in one united stream into 
 the Indus. It was at the junction of the Akesines (Punjnud) 
 with the Indus that Alexander founded a new Hellenic city, 
 named after him, which he hoped would become great and 
 prosperous, and would eventually command the navigation 
 of that great river system. It was about February, 325 B. c., 
 that he marched out of Alexandria ad Indum toward Susa. 
 He appointed Pytho satrap of the entire land about the loAver 
 Indus, and gave him an army of ten thousand men. Alex- 
 ander was continually reenforced by new detachments from 
 Europe, and thus he could well afford to leave so large a 
 force with Pytho. At the end of July he reached Pattala, 
 where the delta of the Indus divided. He ordered Hephaes- 
 to fortify a part of it, and erected military and naval
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER. 139 
 
 posts, thus giving a new impetus to the prosperity of the 
 country. Alexander now decided to conduct the army by 
 land, and directed Nearchus to assume command of the fleet, 
 and to explore the passage of the ocean from the mouth of 
 the Indus to that of the Euphrates, thus hoping to render 
 possible the execution of his great projects concerning the 
 commercial union of India with the West. 
 
 CHAPTER YIII. 
 
 LAST DATS OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 TJie Return from India. 
 
 IN August, 325, the king began his journey westward 
 through the territories of the Arabitae and the Oritse. Next 
 he invaded the country of the Ichthyophagi or fish-eaters ; 
 and then advancing toward the interior, he encountered a 
 sandy and trackless desert, "with short supplies of food, 
 and still shorter supplies of water, under a burning sun." It 
 was amid these terrible privations that the army wandered 
 out of its way and suffered heavy losses in men, horses, and 
 baggage-cattle. At last, in the beginning of December, the 
 troops approached Karmania, where Nearchus had also ar- 
 rived in safety, having brought the fleet around from the 
 mouth of the Indus to the harbor called Harmozeia (Ormuz), 
 not far from the entrance of the Persian Gulf. The fleet 
 was commanded to continue its voyage by the gulf until it 
 should reach the Pasitigris, and then sail through this river 
 to Susa. Hephsestion was intrusted with the conduct of the 
 larger portion of the army from Karmania into Persis ; 
 while the king went by the shortest road to Persepolis, and 
 thence to Susa, where he arrived in February, 324 B. c.
 
 140 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 Alexander spent some months in Susa and Susiana. It 
 was the first time since his accession to the throne that he 
 had been so long free from every warlike movement. But 
 cares no less laborious and oppressive occupied him in the 
 government of this vast kingdom, and the complete amalga- 
 mation of the Hellenic and Asiatic modes of life. During 
 the long interval (more than five years) which had elapsed 
 since he marched from Hyrkania, the satraps whom he had 
 appointed in the various provinces of his empire had been 
 left much to themselves. Hence it may easily be understood 
 what anarchy and recklessness of management prevailed 
 throughout middle and western Asia. These satraps prac- 
 ticed every kind of oppression and abuse, plundered the tem- 
 ples, robbed citizens of their possessions, and many of them, 
 deeming themselves entirely independent, levied their own 
 mercenary forces. The sudden presence of Alexander dis- 
 solved these dreams like the fall of a thunderbolt. Some 
 succeeded in escaping, while others were captured and put 
 to death. 
 
 Alexander's Innovations Height of his Power. 
 
 Alexander now deemed it most expeditious for the reali- 
 zation of his great projects to unite the Hellenes in marriage 
 with Persian maidens. Accordingly, he instituted a sort of 
 national Grseco-Asiatic marriage at Susa. He had already 
 married the captive Roxana in Baktria, but now he took two 
 additional wives Statira, daughter of Darius, and Parysatis, 
 daughter of the preceding king Artaxerxes Ochus. At the 
 same time, by advice and presents, he persuaded eighty of 
 his principal friends and officers "to marry, according to 
 Persian rites, wives selected from the noblest Persian fami- 
 lies, providing dowries for all of them." He also generously 
 rewarded all the Macedonians who followed their example. 
 These marriages were celebrated with splendid feasts, dur- 
 ing which the Hellenic and Asiatic customs were somewhat
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER. 141 
 
 strangely blended. The aversion of the army, however, for 
 these Asiatic marriages and for this change in their ancestral 
 traditions, could not easily be overcome. Alexander strove 
 by all possible means to soften this aversion, and to this end 
 he paid the debts of his soldiers, amounting, according to 
 some, to ten thousand talents according to Arrian, to not 
 less than twenty thousand. 
 
 In the mean time Alexander did not cease following up 
 the realization of his great plan. He mustered a new force 
 of thirty thousand young Asiatics from the remotest prov- 
 inces of his empire, and, having armed and drilled them 
 after the Macedonian fashion, had them placed in his army. 
 We are also told that he incorporated many native Persians, 
 both officers and soldiers, into the Companion-cavalry, the 
 most honorable service in the army. 
 
 These innovations grieved the Macedonians, who supposed 
 that Alexander was giving the preference to barbarians, and 
 was, moreover, despising them and their customs. But 
 their grief broke out into open discontent when the king, 
 either trusting to his admirably organized new force, or wish- 
 ing to retire those who were unfit for service from age or 
 wounds, announced that he intended to send them home, 
 after having abundantly rewarded them for their many 
 and splendid services. A general dissatisfaction was mani- 
 fested throughout the army, and they asked that all the 
 veterans be dismissed advising the king by way of taunt 
 to make his future conquests along with his father Ammon 
 and his beautiful foreign youths. Alexander, by boldly 
 punishing some, blaming others, and rewarding a few of the 
 officers, reduced the army again to obedience. When the 
 soldiers came to themselves, they rushed to the gates of the 
 palace, threw down their arms, and begged with tears and 
 groans for Alexander's pardon. The king was moved to 
 tears, and, having announced a full reconciliation, celebrated 
 a costly sacrifice, coupled with a multitudinous banquet of
 
 142 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 mixed Macedonians and Persians. After this he selected 
 ten thousand of the oldest and most infirm among the sol- 
 diers, and, having generously rewarded them, sent them 
 under command of Kraterus back to Macedonia. 
 
 In August, 324 B. c., Alexander paid a visit to Ekbatana, 
 where he again instituted magnificent festivities and games, 
 while maturing his plans for new expeditions. But here he 
 suffered a severe loss. Hephsestion, the general whom above 
 all, like another Patroklus, this young Achilles loved, falling 
 sick on account of the many excesses in which all had of 
 late indulged, died at Ekbatana. The grief the king felt at 
 his loss was beyond description, and it wounded him the 
 more severely, since he himself had of late years left the 
 path of virtue and rectitude, and had given himself up to 
 pleasures which, combined with his intense application to 
 schemes of war and conquest, could not but entail disas- 
 trous consequences, however vigorous his system. Thus op- 
 pressed both in mind and body, he went in the midst of 
 winter to Babylon, which he intended to make the capital 
 of his empire, at the same time beginning to make prepara- 
 tions for entering Arabia. On his way he received conclu- 
 sive evidence of the awe which his name inspired through- 
 out the world. There came to him envoys from the most 
 distant regions from Libya, from Carthage, from Sicily and 
 Sardinia, from the Illyrians and Thracians, from the Luca- 
 nians, Bruttians, and Tuscans in Italy nay, even (some 
 affirm) from the Romans, as yet a people of moderate power.* 
 But there were " other names yet more surprising " : JEthio- 
 pians from the extreme south, beyond Egypt ; Scythians 
 from the north, beyond the Danube ; Iberians and Gauls 
 from the far west, beyond the Mediterranean Sea. Legates 
 also came from Hellas, partly "to tender congratulations 
 upon his matchless successes," partly to consult with him 
 concerning the internal affairs of various Hellenic cities. 
 
 * See note in Grote, vol. xii, part ii, chap. iciv.
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER. 143 
 
 These legates approached him with wreaths on their heads, 
 " tendering golden crowns to him, as if they were coming 
 into the presence of a god." * Alexander at once ordered 
 that all the statues which Xerxes had carried away from 
 Hellas, and which were set up in Babylon, Susa, and other 
 Asiatic cities, should be returned to the legates. The proofs, 
 says Grote, which Alexander received, even from distant 
 tribes with names and costumes unknown to him, of fear for 
 his enmity and anxiety for his favor, were such as had never 
 been shown to any historical person, and sufficient entirely 
 to satisfy his superhuman arrogance. 
 
 Death of Alexander. 
 
 But while on this pinnacle of glory and power, suddenly 
 dark omens and prophecies, declared by many wise men to 
 be coming from sacrifices and the stars, crowded upon Alex- 
 ander as he approached Babylon. The Chaldaean priests 
 especially exhorted him not to go into that city, but to re- 
 main outside of the gates. Disregarding these omens, he 
 entered the capital, and began energetically the completion 
 of his great military preparations. 'But his final hour was 
 fast approaching. The unlimited indulgence of his passions 
 had assumed in him the colossal expanse of the conquests he 
 had achieved, and the wise men of Babylon had no need to 
 consult their astronomical and magic science in order to 
 understand that no human body could remain proof against 
 such abuses. His sentiments and passions were naturally 
 noble, but by reason of their intensity were often terrific. 
 Who would condemn his love for Hephaestion ? But is it 
 possible that we should not be astonished at the sight of the 
 stupendous grief which seized upon Alexander at the death 
 of that general, when he found his best consolation, to use 
 an expression of Plutarch, in fighting and man-fighting, and 
 
 * Arrian, vii, 19, 1 ; vii, 23, 3.
 
 144 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 when he finally sacrificed the male population of a whole 
 tribe, the Kossaoi (dwelling between Media and Persis), to 
 what he termed the manes of Hephsestion ? The very obse- 
 quies of his friend were monstrous. He refused all ease, and 
 even food, for two days ; he cut his hair close, and ordered 
 that all the horses and mules should be shorn, that they 
 might have their share in the mourning, and with the same 
 view struck off the battlements of the walls belonging to the 
 neighboring cities. He ordered that a vast funeral pile 
 should be erected at Babylon, at a cost reported as sixty 
 million drachmae, heaped upon it images and other orna- 
 ments of gold and ivory, and sacrificed to Hephaestion as to 
 a god. 
 
 Such was the moral insanity, as it were, which had taken 
 possession of Alexander ; for it appears that man never steps 
 beyond certain limits of greatness and glory without sub- 
 sequent retribution. If we also take into consideration the 
 excessive labors which he had undergone during the last ten 
 years of his life, the unmeasured indulgence of his passions, 
 and the mental strain of brooding over the government of 
 his boundless empire, we may easily understand that he was 
 prepared, both morally and physically, for some terrible 
 crisis. Indeed, as soon as he had celebrated the obsequies 
 of Hephaastion, he again sank into a deep and boisterous 
 revelry, which terminated in an attack of fever. The dis- 
 ease from the first was pronounced incurable. But his co- 
 lossal intemperance aggravated it ; for as soon as the fever, 
 during its early stages, showed any signs of abatement, he 
 sought wine wherewith to satisfy his unquenchable thirst, 
 so that every hope of saving him was soon abandoned. The 
 army now yearned to see him for the last time. The gates 
 of the palace were thrown open, and the various divisions 
 passed in military order before the man who had so often 
 led them to victory. The king was silent, though he knew 
 perfectly well what was passing, and strove to welcome his
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER. 145 
 
 soldiers, both by moving his head and by the expression of 
 his eyes, which still depicted the sentiments of his inner na- 
 ture. The last words which he spoke before expiring are 
 said to have been, on being asked to whom he bequeathed 
 his kingdom, " To the strongest " ; and, taking the signet- 
 ring from his finger, he handed it to Perdikkas. He died in 
 the afternoon June, 323 B. c. after a life of thirty-two 
 years and eight months, and a reign of twelve years and 
 eight months. 
 
 The death of Alexander in the very acme of his youth and 
 greatness caused a deep impression throughout the known 
 world so deep, indeed, that at first the event was not cred- 
 ited. When the first report of it was brought to Athens, the 
 orator Demades exclaimed, " It can not be true : if Alexander 
 were dead, the whole habitable x world would have smelt of 
 his carcass." * The whole empire was indeed shaken, and the 
 fate of the greatest political edifice yet constructed now re- 
 mained uncertain and perilous. Alexander had subdued the 
 great king, who even to the time when the former crossed 
 the Hellespont was, and had long been, the type of worldly 
 power and felicity ; he had become master of his countless 
 treasures and vast territories, and had ruled over the great 
 ,peninsula lying between the Ister and Cape Malea, and over 
 all the islands between Hellas and Asia. He had accom- 
 plished all this within twelve years, when but thirty-two 
 years old, at an age when the Athenian citizen was hardly 
 deemed worthy of the office of strategos, and the Roman not 
 sufficiently mature for the office of consul ; at an age when 
 Julius Caesar was yet unknown, and Napoleon was but be- 
 ginning his military career. Again, the world, which did 
 not realize the attacks his vigorous frame had suffered, and 
 that no one performs great exploits in early manhood unless 
 by sacrificing and impairing his subsequent life the world, 
 
 * Ou TeQvTiKfv 'A.\f^avSpos, 5 &vtyes 'AflTjralbJ, Sfe yap &v TJ 
 vtitpov, Plutarch, " Phokion."
 
 146 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 which saw Alexander achieve such unprecedented glory 
 within twelve years, having at his disposal both the splen- 
 did civilization of Hellas and the countless treasures of 
 Asia while still in the plenitude of health, vigor, and aspi- 
 rations believed that Alexander would have been satisfied 
 with nothing less than the conquest of the whole known 
 earth. Three centuries later the famous Roman historian 
 Livy examined with much accuracy the results of the con- 
 test which Alexander, had he lived, would have undertaken 
 against the Romans. Plutarch also, in his treatise concern- 
 ing the fortune of the Romans, enumerates as a piece of 
 good luck for them the fact that the early death of Alex- 
 ander had prevented him from attacking them. But to 
 this day the most prominent historians assert that, had he 
 lived, he would have wielded his scepter over the entire hu- 
 man race as then known. 
 
 Some have wished to compare him with Caesar or Napo- 
 leon. But Napoleon was banished from his country after he 
 was put down by his enemies. He did not even rule over 
 the whole of Europe, and toward the end of his career he 
 saw others divide his empire piecemeal. Caesar not only con- 
 quered very few countries in comparison with Alexander, but 
 his death also made little impression on the fortunes of the 
 Roman empire, because men were at once found capable of 
 continuing and completing his work. But the empire of 
 Alexander was so vast, and so closely linked with his own 
 incomparable genius, that his loss was irreparable. The na- 
 tions that were not as yet subdued deemed themselves freed 
 from the greatest of dangers, while those that had been con- 
 quered saw their fetters suddenly broken ; yet for many cen- 
 turies they underwent constant changes unions and divi- 
 sions of empire, languages, tribes, religions all of which had 
 their beginning and cause in the first and great undertaking 
 of Alexander. 
 
 As a conqueror, accordingly, both by reason of the ex-
 
 LAST DAYS OP ALEXANDER. 147 
 
 tent of his conquests and the influence which they had on 
 the fortunes both of his contemporaries and successors, Alex- 
 ander has not his equal in the history of humanity. As a 
 warrior, as well by his daring and organizing mind as his 
 strategical genius, he is said to have united all the advan- 
 tages which Homer attributes to the impetuous Ares and to 
 the wise Athene, and again is declared to have been without 
 a parallel in the history of antiquity. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 
 Through Alexander and his successors, Hellenic art and 
 learning, which began gradually to fade in Hellas, continued 
 to prosper and to bloom in Pergamus, Ephesus, Antiochia, 
 Sidon, Gaza, Tarsus, Alexandria in fact, throughout Asia 
 Minor, Syria, and Egypt. Certainly, those lands brought 
 forth no masterpieces of poetry, history, and philosophy equal 
 to those of pure Hellenism ; yet many precious works were 
 produced for the preservation, explanation, and development 
 of these masterpieces. Again, Hellenic art created here 
 works not inferior to those of the former, while the positive 
 sciences, mathematics, astronomy, and physics, received here 
 an impetus incomparably greater than in the first Hellenism. 
 
 Hellenism, therefore, was not only spread, but to a cer- 
 tain extent materially improved. Incredible as it may seem, 
 yet it is true that the Hellenic language prevailed in many 
 of these far-distant Asiatic countries. On the south of Egypt, 
 in ^Ethiopia itself, the Hellenic tongue thereafter became the 
 recognized language of the empire. This language was im- 
 printed on the coins of Baktriana ; Hellenic artists gorgeously 
 decorated the courts of the kings of Armenia and Parthia ; 
 Artavasdes, king of the Armenians, composed tragedies and 
 wrote in the Hellenic tongue ; and, in fine, the .children of 
 the Persians, Susians, and Gedrosians sang the tragedies of 
 Euripides and Sophokles. By the incessant energies of the 
 Hellenic cities founded by Alexander and his successors, the
 
 148 MACEDONIAN HELLENISM. 
 
 Hellenic tongue became the language of the government, of 
 letters, of commerce in a word, the organ of all higher and 
 nobler relations. The Hellenic religion also was spread in 
 the East, and a certain identification of the Hellenic with the 
 ancestral gods of Egypt and Asia took place. It was by this 
 union that the particular, the local individualities of these 
 divinities disappeared, and the mind of the people gradually 
 became prepared for a more general conception of one divin- 
 ity. Hence, when, three centuries later, the word of God 
 was first preached in Asia, it found those nations ready to 
 accept the idea of one only true God ; and since they spoke 
 one language, the spread of the gospel was wonderfully 
 facilitated. The fact, too, that this language was the most 
 artistic and most finished of all, rendered it especially adapted 
 to explain and develop the lofty truths of the Christian reli- 
 gion. 
 
 We have thus briefly sketched the career of Alexander. 
 Certainly he was not faultless, particularly toward the end 
 of his life, when the indulgence of his fervent passions ex- 
 ceeded all human bounds. Nevertheless, he proved himself 
 not only* the greatest of conquerors, but the most admired 
 and beloved of commanders. The Hellenization of Asia, 
 which he inaugurated, will always be regarded as the noblest 
 achievement of his short but glorious career.
 
 PART NINTH. 
 THE SUC GESSOES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 REGENCY OF PEEDIKKAS. 
 
 Settlement of the Empire. 
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT died in Babylon in June, 323 B. c. 
 His death, which soon after moved far-distant lands, above 
 all astounded the great city in which it had occurred. Ter- 
 rible confusion prevailed throughout that eventful night. 
 The army and the people rushed frantic with grief into the 
 palace, in order to assure themselves of the truth. Fear of 
 the future soon succeeded to their sorrow ; no one knew 
 what would occur, now that the mighty hand which held that 
 wonderful structure had disappeared. The soldiers mis- 
 trusted the natives, the natives the soldiers, and the gen- 
 erals one another. All passed the night in arms, apprehen- 
 sive of revolt, murder, or plunder. 
 
 Early in the morning the highest commanders seven in 
 number held a council to determine what was to be done. 
 It was forthwith decided to invite to the conference the 
 other generals and captains of the army, that the whole 
 affair might be discussed in common with them. The arms, 
 crown, and royal tunic of the deceased were placed on the 
 empty throne. Perdikkas first of all arose, and, after laying
 
 150 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 there also the signet-ring which the king had given him, 
 reminded the convention of the danger of the empire, and 
 the necessity of choosing a successor. He maintained that 
 the Macedonian order of succession should be strictly fol- 
 lowed, and that in case Queen Roxana, who was soon to 
 become a mother, should give birth to a son, to him the 
 crown must be surrendered ; but in the mean time it was im- 
 perative to appoint a regent, and to this election he earnest- 
 ly called the attention of the assembly. 
 
 Much animated discussion followed the address of Perdik- 
 kas. Koxana, they said, was a barbarian a captive ; the 
 crown ought not to be surrendered to a foreigner. Neither 
 Roxana nor Barsine, by whom Alexander had already a son 
 named Herakles, had any right to Macedonian rule. The 
 mere mention of a foreign name would create a disturbance ; 
 the Macedonians would shout, hiss, and strike their spears 
 on their shields, and the authority of the generals would be 
 disregarded. 
 
 In the mean time the army, independently of the proceed- 
 ings in the palace, chose by acclamation Arridaeus, an illegit- 
 imate brother of Alexander, to the throne, having surnamed 
 him Philip, a name ever dear to all Macedonians. The sol- 
 diers with fixed arms broke into the assembly, declaring that 
 a king had been elected, and that the first word of disap- 
 proval would be followed by death. Perdikkas with a few 
 of the generals succeeded in escaping to the royal chamber, 
 where lay the body of Alexander. They were joined by 
 about six hundred prominent officers, and by the division of 
 the young Asiatic troops under command of Ptolemy. The 
 Macedonian phalanx, however, under Meleagrus (one of the 
 seven prominent generals of the army) and Arridaeus, soon 
 broke in upon them. Perdikkas with a thundering voice cried 
 out, " Stand by me, those ready to defend the dead body of 
 the king." A savage struggle ensued, during which many 
 were killed and wounded, until finally the voice of authority
 
 REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS. 151 
 
 was again heard, and both parties resolved to lay aside their 
 arms and to try to reach an honorable solution. 
 
 The large number of the Macedonian soldiers who stoutly 
 claimed that Arridaeus had the sole right to the throne, caused 
 Perdikkas for the time being to yield. Hence an apparent 
 reconciliation was agreed upon ; but it was only apparent. 
 The haughty Perdikkas was not satisfied with this state of 
 affairs ; the phalanx which dared to raise arms against the 
 voice of authority must be punished ; the audacious gen- 
 erals, among whom Meleagrus was the foremost, must be 
 severely dealt with. To this end, Perdikkas ordered a gen- 
 eral purification of the army, on account of the civil strife 
 which had recently taken place. The purification, according 
 to the Macedonian custom, was held in the following man- 
 ner : A dog was cut in two ; its divided parts were placed 
 on an open field at a considerable distance one from the 
 other, and between them the whole army marched in mili- 
 tary order, followed by a sham battle between the infantry 
 and cavalry. 
 
 When the two bodies faced each other the horsemen 
 and elephants under command of the king and Perdikkas 
 (who had in the mean time succeeded in gaining the entire 
 confidence of Arridaeus), and the infantry under command 
 of Meleagrus suddenly a report spread throughout the pha- 
 lanx that something unusual was going to take place. As 
 the horsemen came forth, Perdikkas, riding in advance with 
 a chosen few, declared to the army that the purification was 
 not complete, unless the traitors who had dared to raise arms 
 against their generals were forthwith surrendered to justice. 
 At the same time he intimated that unless this was done he 
 would at once order the cavalry to charge, which would have 
 caused the destruction of the entire phalanx. The infantry 
 were thunderstruck ; but no delay was allowed. Perdikkas 
 was not only ready for action, but no infantry could offer 
 effective resistance in an open field against a well -drilled
 
 152 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 cavalry force. Three hundred Macedonian soldiers were 
 arrested, and at once cast among the elephants, by which 
 they were torn to pieces. While this terrible sacrifice was 
 going on, Meleagrus durst not leave his rank in the phalanx ; 
 but when the army returned to the city, knowing that his 
 life was in imminent danger, he sought refuge in a temple. 
 Both the king and Perdikkas declared that by this precipi- 
 tate flight he had shown how guilty he was, and ordered 
 that he should be executed in his place of refuge. 
 
 By this daring act Perdikkas inaugurated his rule. He 
 understood, however, that as long as the king was surrounded 
 by so many noble and veteran generals, several of whom had 
 as good claim to power and command as himself, his influ- 
 ence would not be so predominant as he wished. He there- 
 fore persuaded the king that the interests of the empire 
 demanded that the affairs of the various satrapies should be 
 diligently examined, and new governors men of ability anfl 
 fidelity be appointed, especially in the distant provinces. 
 The king readily assented to this proposition, and those of 
 the generals whom Perdikkas had reason to fear or to mis- 
 trust were appointed to distant satrapies. 
 
 It was decided that Perdikkas should remain by the king, 
 as the general-in-chief of the royal army. He was also to 
 carry the royal signet, and transmit to all the officers of the 
 empire, both civil and military, the king's orders. The 
 former office of Perdikkas, that of chiliarch or commander of 
 the Companions or royal guards, was bestowed upon Seleu- 
 kus, son of Antiochus, who had already greatly distinguished 
 himself for bravery and wisdom in the wars of Alexander, 
 and whom we shall find later as the founder of the great and 
 powerful empire of the Seleukidae. Kassander, son of Anti- 
 pater, succeeded Seleukus in the command of the royal na- 
 tive troops. It is not known whether any other changes 
 were made in the general Macedonian staff, but the affairs 
 of the satrapies were arranged as follows :
 
 REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS. 153 
 
 Ptolemy, son of Lagus, one of the bravest, wisest, and 
 most distinguished generals of Alexander, was appointed 
 satrap of Egypt, among the best provinces of the empire, 
 on account of its position, general prosperity, and the won- 
 derfully increased resources of its capital, Alexandria. 
 Ptolemy possessed in many respects the peculiar nature of 
 Philip. He knew how to avail himself especially of circum- 
 stances, seeking such advantages only as opportunities would 
 safely allow. This moderation does not certainly bring forth 
 conquerors like Alexander, yet it produces founders of more 
 lasting institutions. 
 
 Laomedon, son of Larichus, a Mitylenasan, was appointed 
 satrap of Syria, lying between the river Euphrates and the 
 sea-coast, and containing the Phoenician cities. This was 
 one cf the richest satrapies in the empire, and the fact that 
 it was granted to a Greek shows the complete equality which 
 both Philip and Alexander had established among Greeks 
 and Macedonians. 
 
 Philotas, a taxiarch,* was made satrap of Kilikia, which, 
 although not distinguished either by its extent or fertility, yet 
 in a military point of view was of considerable importance, 
 since it united western Asia with the East. 
 
 Nearchus, the famous admiral, received the satrapy of 
 Pamphylia ; but, preferring for the present the command 
 of the Macedonian fleet, he intrusted the rule of his province 
 during his absence to Antigonus, son of Philip. Antigonus 
 was eminently a man of action, and one of the most distin- 
 guished generals of his time. He was appointed in 333 E. c. 
 satrap of Phrygia, a most difficult province to rule, on ac- 
 count of the semi-independent, mountainous, and buccaneer- 
 ing tribes which surrounded it. Perdikkas, knowing the 
 ambition and energy of this young satrap, employed him in 
 many difficult and dangerous projects far distant from the 
 seat of government. 
 
 * A term used of all officers under the strategus.
 
 154 TEE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Eumenes, a Kardian, was made satrap of Paphlagonia 
 and of Great Kappadokia. He enjoyed much influence in 
 the court, and was distinguished for learning, wisdom, and 
 bravery. Perdikkas, knowing well his many eminent quali- 
 ties, and considering him a dangerous person to have near 
 the king, had him sent to these distant provinces, where he 
 was sure he would soon find himself at war with the sur- 
 rounding nations. 
 
 Similar changes were made in the satrapies of Karia, 
 Lydia, and Phrygia, as well as in some of the European 
 provinces. Porus and Taxiles continued, as heretofore, to 
 rule their provinces beyond the Indus, which had now be- 
 come almost independent of Macedonian sway. 
 
 These measures seemed to indicate that the great realm 
 of Alexander was destined to continue in the hands of the 
 conquerors. But the ferocious passions and prejudices which 
 were current both in the court and the provinces were more 
 powerful than the influence or wisdom of the man who under- 
 took to sustain the towering edifice of Alexander. About that 
 time Queen Roxana bore a son, whom the army with bound- 
 less joy greeted as their king. The queen, being envious of 
 Statira, whom Alexander had married at Susa, craftily in- 
 duced her to come to Babylon, and killed both her and her 
 young sister Drypetes, the widow of Hephsestion, and, with 
 the connivance of Perdikkas, had their bodies cast into a 
 well. Thus was inaugurated that series of murders which 
 was destined later to wipe out the entire race of Alexander. 
 Not long after both the northeastern and southwestern sec- 
 tions of the empire revolted almost at the same time, and 
 thus was begun that succession of revolts which hastened its 
 disintegration. It was only during the celebration of the 
 obsequies of Alexander that the Macedonian army, for the 
 last time, kept united in peace ; the various satraps who had 
 now departed to their respective provinces were no longer to 
 meet except as enemies on the field of battle.
 
 REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS. 155 
 
 Indeed, as soon as the death of Alexander became known, 
 the military colonies of the northeastern provinces conspired 
 against Macedonian rule. The Greeks in these regions re- 
 solved to return home, and to this end formed an army of 
 twenty thousand infantry and three thousand horse under 
 Philo. Python, satrap of Media, was ordered to march against 
 them ; and after a terrific battle, during which the army of 
 Philo was nearly annihilated, the movement was abandoned. 
 But almost at the same time a great revolt broke out at 
 Athens. 
 
 The Lamian War. 
 
 When the first report of the death of Alexander was an- 
 nounced in the assembly of the people at Athens, the orator 
 Demades, rising, uttered the famous words, already men- 
 tioned : " It can not be true : if Alexander were dead, the 
 whole habitable world would have smelt of his carcass." But 
 other orators, ascending the bema, declared that the report 
 was authentic, and that the time bad at last come to shake 
 off the yoke of tyranny. Phokion, now advanced in years, 
 strove to pacify the multitude, representing that it was the 
 part of wisdom not to precipitate the movement, but to wait 
 until confirmatory reports should reach the assembly. But 
 the alluring name of liberty and recollections of former glory 
 and supremacy finally overcame the wisdom of the few. 
 
 Demosthenes was not then at Athens. Falsely accused 
 of receiving bribes from Harpalus, satrap of Babylonia and 
 Syria who, alarmed at the prospect of being punished by 
 Alexander for his ostentatious prodigality, had fled from 
 Asia into Hellas Demosthenes was condemned to pay fifty 
 talents to the state. Unable to discharge this large fine, he 
 was cast into prison ; but after some days he found means 
 of escape, and fled to Trrezen in the Peloponnesus, where he 
 passed some months as a dispirited and sorrowing exile, until 
 the death of Alexander.* Such was the reward which Demos- 
 
 * Plutarch, " Demosthenes," 26 ; Grote, vol. xii, part ii, chap. xcv.
 
 156 TEE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 thenes, unquestionably the greatest orator and one of the 
 most eminent citizens in Athenian antiquity, received, when 
 more than sixty years old, in return for his many brilliant 
 services in behalf of his country. 
 
 Nine months after the verdict of the dikastery against 
 Demosthenes, Alexander died. Presently the Athenians and 
 other Greeks rose against the Macedonian dynasty ; and the 
 struggle was called the Lamian war, because it was prin- 
 cipally fought around Lamia. Leosthenes was appointed 
 general, and was ordered to muster, besides the forces at his 
 command, an army of eight thousand mercenaries. The 
 ^Etolians, Akarnanians, Achaeans, Arkadians, and Corinthians 
 eagerly entered into the league with Athens for expelling 
 the Macedonians from Hellas. Leosthenes, at the head of a 
 much greater army than the thirteen thousand infantry and 
 the six hundred cavalry which Antipater led against him, 
 occupied Thermopylae. In the battle which ensued the Mace- 
 donians were completely defeated, and Antipater was forced 
 to flee to the fortified town of Lamia, near the river Sper- 
 cheius, beyond the southern border of Thessaly. Leosthenes 
 immediately began the siege of Lamia ; but, in inspecting 
 the blockading trenches, he was wounded on the head by a 
 large stone projected from one of the catapults on the city 
 walls, and expired in two days. A funeral oration in his 
 honor, as well as in that of the other combatants who had 
 fallen, was pronounced at Athens by Hyperides.* 
 
 The ^Etolians, the most powerful contingent of the army, 
 had even during the lifetime of Leosthenes obtained leave to 
 go home, " from some domestic urgency, real or pretended." 
 Others soon followed their example, so that the army was 
 considerably diminished, though still remaining large enough 
 
 * Diodorus, xviii, 12, 13 ; Grote, vol. xii, part ii, chap. xcv. A fine frag- 
 ment of the A<fyoj 'Ejnrityioj by Hyperides ia preserved in Stobteus, tit. 124, 
 vol. iii, p. 618. A large additional portion of thia oration haa recently been 
 found in Egypt on papyrus.
 
 REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS. 157 
 
 to keep back the Macedonian forces. The death of Leosthe- 
 nes was the severest loss the cause of Hellas had sustained. 
 For the last generation Athens had produced several excel- 
 lent orators, but during all that time none of her citizens be- 
 fore Leosthenes had displayed " military genius and ardor, 
 along with Panhellenic purposes." It is generally conceded 
 that his death alone appears to have saved Antipater from 
 captivity ; for it is certain that he solicited peace, but was 
 required by the besiegers to surrender at discretion with 
 which condition he refused to comply. 
 
 The death of this eminent general was accordingly a hard 
 blow to the cause of Hellenic liberty. The hope with which 
 the energy, the Panhellenic patriotism, and above all the 
 splendid victory of Leosthenes, had animated the courage 
 of all Athenians, now followed their general to his grave. 
 Phokion, the only one left at Athens who could perhaps 
 have successfully replaced him, declined the command of 
 the army. Anticipating the final act of the tragedy, he 
 refused to embark in so hazardous an undertaking. Anti- 
 philus was accordingly chosen commander " a man," says 
 Diodorus, " distinguished for bravery and military wisdom," 
 yet no match for the dangers which threatened the very 
 existence of the city. 
 
 Antipater, as it appears, had sought aid from the very be- 
 ginning of the contest. Kraterus, however, was still away in 
 the distant lands of Asia, while Lysimachus, satrap of Thrace, 
 was engaged in severe strife with the king of the Odrysians. 
 Thus the cause of Panhellenic liberty seemed, on the whole, 
 prosperous. But presently Leonnatus, satrap of the Asiatic 
 territory bordering on the Hellespont, came to the aid of 
 Antipater with an army of twenty thousand soldiers and 
 twenty -five hundred cavalry. Antiphilus at once raised the 
 siege of Lamia, moved off by rapid marches, attacked Le- 
 onnatus apart from Antipater, and gained a splendid victory, 
 in which Leonnatus himself was slain. This important sue-
 
 158 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 cess was achieved especially through the assistance of the 
 Thessalian cavalry, which had espoused the cause of the Hel- 
 lenes. 
 
 The victory, however, did not greatly help the Hellenic 
 cause. The Macedonian infantry had not suffered much loss ; 
 and Antipater hastened from Lamia, took command of the de- 
 feated army, withdrew his forces to high ground out of reach 
 of the cavalry, and there awaited the arrival of Kraterus. 
 
 Meanwhile the Athenians were repeatedly defeated by the 
 Macedonians on the sea. A descent was made at Rhamnus, 
 on the eastern side of Attica, where the Athenians were de- 
 feated and the land plundered. Fear seized upon Athens, 
 and Phokion hastened to arouse the citizens against the inva- 
 ders. But these men no longer knew what was a soldier's 
 duty, and all claimed the supreme command. One counseled 
 him to secure such an eminence, another to send his cavalry 
 to such a post, and a third pointed out a place for a camp. 
 " By Herakles ! " said Phokion, " how many generals we have, 
 and how few soldiers." 
 
 Plutarch informs us that when Phokion had drawn up 
 his army, one of the infantry advanced before the ranks ; 
 but when he saw an enemy stepping out to meet him his 
 heart failed him, and he drew back to his post. Wherefore 
 Phokion said, " Young man, are not you ashamed to desert 
 your station twice in one day that in which I had placed 
 you, and that in which you had placed yourself ? " Finally, 
 by the energy and incessant struggles of that wise general, 
 the enemy were forced to retreat from Attic soil. 
 
 During the ensuing summer Kraterus passed over from 
 Asia into Macedonia with a numerous army, and Antipater 
 found himself at the head of a powerful force forty thousand 
 heavy infantry, five thousand cavalry, and three thousand 
 archers and slingers. The Hellenic army consisted of twenty- 
 five thousand infantry and thirty-five hundred cavalry the 
 latter, Thessalians " of admirable efficiency." A great battle
 
 REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS. 159 
 
 was fought near Krannon in Thessaly, in which the bravery 
 of the Greeks had to yield to the superior number of the 
 Macedonians. The combined Hellenic army was dispersed, 
 the Thessalian towns were captured, and most of the Grecian 
 cities, alarmed, sent envoys to entreat peace from Antipater, 
 who granted lenient terms to each. The Athenians and 
 ^Etolians alone continued the struggle, knowing well that 
 peace would be refused them. Antipater lost no time in fol- 
 lowing up the retreating Athenians as far as Boeotia, where 
 he took quarters at the Macedonian post in the Kadmeia, 
 " once the Hellenic Thebes," within two days' march of 
 Athens. When this news reached the city of Athens, the 
 people were greatly alarmed and dispirited. Demosthenes, 
 who had been recently recalled to Athens amid the enthu- 
 siastic plaudits of the people, fled the city, together with 
 the principal anti-Macedonian orators, Hyperides, Eukrates, 
 Aristonikus, and Himeraeus. The Athenians, greatly terri- 
 fied at the situation, dispatched Phokion the only man, 
 says Plutarch, they could trust to Antipater, who then lay 
 with his army at Thebes, preparing to enter Attica. 
 
 The first requisition which Phokion submitted to the vic- 
 torious Macedonian was that the army should not invade 
 Attica, but that peace might be concluded at once in Boaotia. 
 Kraterus said it was an unjust demand ; but Antipater, tak- 
 ing him by the hand, said, " Let us oblige Phokion so far." * 
 He could not, however, prevail upon Antipater to acquiesce 
 in anything short of " the surrender of Athens at discretion 
 the same terms as Leosthenes had required from Antipater 
 himself at Lamia." 
 
 When Phokion returned to Athens with this answer, the 
 people, having no alternative except to yield to the imperious 
 demands of the conqueror, asked Phokion, together with 
 Xenokrates the philosopher, to return to Thebes and ascer- 
 tain the terms of peace. The virtue and reputation of Xeno- 
 * Plutarch, " Phokion."
 
 160 THE SUCCESSORS! 
 
 krates, says Plutarch, were so great and illustrious that the 
 Athenians thought there could be nothing in human nature 
 so indolent, savage, and ferocious as not to feel some impres- 
 sions of respect and reverence at the sight of him, and it was 
 supposed that he might thus be efficacious in mitigating the 
 wrath of the conqueror. It happened otherwise, however ; 
 for he was harshly received, and almost put to silence, by 
 Antipater. Plutarch attributes this treatment to the extreme 
 brutality of the victor and to his antipathy to virtue ; but 
 we are inclined to believe, with Grote, that one reason of this 
 may be the fact that Xenokrates had been to a certain ex- 
 tent the rival of Aristotle, the personal friend of Antipater. 
 It must be added, however, to the honor of the Greek philos- 
 opher, that he maintained a higher and more independent 
 tone than either of the other envoys. 
 
 Antipater declared that he was ready to grant the Athe- 
 nians peace and consider them as his friends, on condition 
 that they should deliver to him Demosthenes, Hyperides, 
 and at least two other anti-Macedonian orators ; that they 
 should abandon their democratical constitution, and disfran- 
 chise all their poorer citizens ; receive a Macedonian garri- 
 son in Munychia ; pay the expenses of the war ; free the 
 islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Skyros from Athenian do- 
 minion ; dispossess the Athenian colonists in Samos, and 
 transfer the island to the Samian exiles and natives. Plu- 
 tarch informs us that the Athenian deputies heard these 
 terms with satisfaction, as lenient and reasonable. Xeno- 
 krates only entered against them "the strongest protest 
 which the occasion admitted." " Antipater," he said, " deals 
 favorably with us, if he considers us as his slaves ; but 
 harshly, if he looks upon us as freemen." 
 
 Thus in September, 322 B. c., the Athenians were obliged 
 to receive a Macedonian garrison, commanded by Menyllus, 
 a man of great moderation, and the friend of Phokion. Nine 
 thousand "qualified citizens" only were found at Athens
 
 REGENCY OF PERDIKKAS. 161 
 
 possessing property to the amount of two thousand drachmae. 
 All those below this prescribed qualification were deprived 
 of the rights of citizenship, and were deported out of Attica, 
 some to Thrace, some to the Illyrian or Italian coast, some 
 to Libya or the Kyrenaic territory. 
 
 It has been stated that the distinguished anti-Macedonian 
 orators had already fled Demosthenes, Hyperides, Aris- 
 tonikus, and Himeraeus. The three last having taken refuge 
 in JEgina, and Demosthenes in Kalauria, all of them were 
 "out of the reach of an Athenian sentence, but not beyond 
 that of the Macedonian sword." Antipater sent a company 
 of soldiers, called in the language of the time the Exile-Hunt- 
 ers, about the country to capture them. Hyperides, Aris- 
 tonikus, and Himerseus were seized in ^Egina, and marched 
 off to Kleonse in Argolis, where Antipater remained. All 
 were put to death by his order ; and Hyperides is said to 
 have first had his tongue cut out. 
 
 Death of Demosthenes. 
 
 Demosthenes, anticipating his arrest, had sought refuge 
 in the temple of Poseidon in Kalauria, hoping that the " Ex- 
 ile-Hunters " would abstain from laying violent hands upon 
 him in that venerable sanctuary. Soon after, Archias, the 
 chief of the band, came to the temple and endeavored to 
 persuade the great orator to quit the sanctuary and go with 
 him to Antipater, assuring him that he had no harsh mea- 
 sures to expect. Demosthenes, however, well aware of the 
 fate which awaited him, fixed his eyes on the speaker, and 
 said, without rising from his seat, " Neither your actions 
 moved me formerly, nor do your promises move me now."* 
 Archias began then to threaten ; upon which Demosthenes 
 said, " Before you acted a part ; now you speak as from the 
 Macedonian tripod. Only wait a while till I have sent my 
 
 * Archias, the chief of the Exile-Hunters, is said to have been once a tragic 
 actor. 
 
 28
 
 162 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 last orders to my family." So saying, he retired into the 
 inner part of the temple ; and, taking some paper as if he 
 meant to write, he put the pen to his mouth, and bit it for a 
 considerable time, as he was wont to do when thoughtful 
 about his composition ; after which he covered his head and 
 let it sink into a reclining posture. The soldiers who stood 
 at the door, apprehending that he took this method to put 
 off the fatal stroke, laughed at him and called him a coward. 
 Archias, then approaching, desired him to rise, and began to 
 repeat the promises of making his peace with Antipater. 
 Demosthenes, who by this time felt the poison beginning to 
 take effect, uncovered his face, and, looking upon Archias 
 " Now," said he, " you may act the part of Kreon * in the 
 play as soon as you please, and cast out this carcass of mine 
 unburied. For my part, O gracious Poseidon ! I quit thy 
 temple with my breath within me. But Antipater and the 
 Macedonians would not have scrupled to profane it with mur- 
 der." By this time he could scarcely stand, and therefore 
 desired them to support him. But in attempting to walk 
 out he fell by the altar, and expired with a groan. 
 
 Thus perished Demosthenes, an incomparable orator, but 
 unfortunately an advocate of erroneous political doctrines. 
 His orations were the veritable funeral elegies of old Athens. 
 This city, which produced the rarest fruits of art and thought, 
 has justly obtained such funeral melody, and Demosthenes 
 perhaps became so great an orator by being unfortunate in 
 his political career. Eloquence often embellishes both vic- 
 tories and disasters ; but eloquence in behalf of misfortunes 
 will always be more efficacious than all the most splendid 
 panegyrics of glory and triumph. 
 
 * Alluding to that passage in the "Antigone " of Sopbokles where Kreon 
 forbids the body of Polynikes to be buried.
 
 THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY. 163 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE STRUGGLE FOB SUPREMACY. 
 
 Proceedings of PerdikJcas. 
 
 AKTIPATER now became all-powerful in Europe, and to 
 this end took care to draw to himself the brave and good 
 Kraterus, a most distinguished general, whom Alexander 
 not less than the people and the army had loved and honored. 
 He bestowed upon Kraterus great honors, and cemented his 
 alliance with him by giving to him his beautiful and accom- 
 plished daughter Phila in marriage. 
 
 The two generals resolved (about the end of 322 B. c.) 
 to pass across the Corinthian Gulf and attack the JEto- 
 lians, the only Greeks remaining unsubdued. Diodorus in- 
 forms us that it was the purpose of Antipater not merely 
 to conquer this brave and warlike people, but to transport 
 them en masse into Asia, and march them up to the interior 
 deserts of the empire. After having suffered terrific hard- 
 ships and undergone untold dangers, the Macedonians were 
 about to compel the sturdy ^Etolians to surrender, in spite 
 of bravery and endurance, when suddenly Antigonus, satrap 
 of Greater Phrygia, came to the Macedonian camp and 
 communicated such news to Antipater that the latter at once 
 concluded peace with the ^Etolians postponing till a future 
 period his design of deporting that people and hastened to 
 cross into Asia. 
 
 Perdikkas, as has been said, had ordered Antigonus to 
 assist Eumenes in the pacification of his satrapy. The for- 
 mer, however, not deeming it best for his own interests, re- 
 fused to obey. Perdikkas, the royal intendant, wishing to 
 secure and enlarge the rule of his faithful Eumenes, hastened 
 to his assistance with the central army of the empire, gained
 
 164 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 a great victory over his enemy Ariarathes, and delivered 
 Kappadokia to his friend. At the same time he ordered 
 Antigonus to appear before him and explain his disobedience, 
 threatening to invade his satrapy in case he should dare to 
 offer resistance. But Antigonus was not the man to obey 
 such peremptory orders. Accompanied by his son Demetrius 
 and the most faithful of his friends, he fled to Antipater, 
 whose assistance he hoped to obtain in the struggle against 
 his powerful opponent. 
 
 Not long before, Antipater, desirous of entering into 
 close alliance with Perdikkas, had sent over to Asia Niksea, 
 another of his daughters, to become the wife of the royal 
 intendant. But Queen Olympias, the mother of Alexander 
 the Great, hating Antipater as she alone in the savageness of 
 her soul knew how to hate, sent her own daughter Kleopatra, 
 the widow of Alexander, king of Epirus, to become the wife 
 of Perdikkas. This last offer of marriage was most pleasing 
 to the royal intendant, since it brought him into close union 
 with the royal family of Macedonia. Deeming it, however, 
 hazardous to provoke openly and immediately the wrath of 
 Antipater, especially since he had already pledged himself to 
 his daughter, he resolved to accept Niksea for the moment, 
 but fully determined, as soon as he had secured his hold in 
 Asia, to send her away, take Kleopatra, and overthrow Anti- 
 pater. Apprised of these plots and dangers in time, Anti- 
 pater immediately abandoned the JEtolian war, appointed 
 Polysperchon, one of Alexander's veteran officers, to be chief 
 administrator in Macedonia during his absence, and hastened 
 to Asia, in the spring of 321 B. c., with Kraterus, his ablest 
 friend and coadjutor. 
 
 In the mean time, Kynane, daughter of Philip and widow 
 of his nephew Amyntas, a daring and ambitious woman, 
 had brought into Asia her daughter Eurydike for the pur- 
 pose of making her the wife of King Philip Arridoeus. Being 
 averse to the marriage, Perdikkas contrived means to put
 
 THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY. 165 
 
 Kynane to death ; but, presently yielding to the indignation 
 excited among the soldiers by this deed, he was forced not 
 only to spare the life of Eurydike, but even to permit her 
 marriage with King Arridaeus. This union was calculated to 
 thwart the plans and check the aspirations of Perdikkas, 
 because Eurydike was not less ambitious than her mother, 
 and, being the wife of the king, she had the means to arouse 
 his suspicions. At the same time, Ptolemy, satrap of Egypt, 
 broke with Perdikkas and joined himself with Antipater and 
 Kraterus. Ptolemy was a dangerous and powerful oppo- 
 nent, not only on account of his personal qualifications, but 
 also because he ruled over a rich region, which at this time 
 he had considerably enlarged by the addition of Kyrene, a 
 Hellenic colony. 
 
 Perdikkas, thus threatened from the south and the west, 
 resolved in the beginning of 321 B. c. to march in person 
 against Ptolemy in Egypt, leaving his faithful Eumenes 
 with a powerful army to maintain his cause in Kappadokia 
 and Asia Minor. 
 
 Combination against Eumenes. 
 
 The difficulties which Eumenes had to encounter were 
 greater than his newly acquired authority. Being a Greek, 
 he was continually embarrassed by the discontents of his 
 own Macedonian soldiers, and menaced in every way by the 
 treacherous jealousy of his officers. He had to fight against 
 Antipater and Kraterus, men whom the entire Macedonian 
 army loved and respected. Indeed, the situation was so pre- 
 carious that Alketas, brother of Perdikkas, abandoned the 
 cause as hopeless, alleging that his Macedonian soldiers 
 had refused to wage war against those two eminent friends 
 of Philip and Alexander. Again, many other satraps se- 
 cretly favored the enemy. Most men would have been 
 utterly discouraged by these obstacles, and have followed 
 the example of Alketas ; but now it became manifest why
 
 1GG THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Alexander BO much esteemed Eumenes, not only as his chief 
 secretary, but also as a general. 
 
 Eumenes, seeing that he had to oppose the well-trained 
 Macedonian divisions of Antipater and Kraterus with Asiatic 
 troops only, marched off to his faithful Kappadokia, prefer- 
 ring to risk a battle there rather than in the countries border- 
 ing on the Hellespont. The two Macedonian generals had 
 already passed into Asia and approached Greater Phrygia, 
 when Eumenes, becoming aware of the treacherous plans of 
 Neoptolemus, satrap of Armenia, attacked him without delay, 
 utterly defeated him, and compelled even the Macedonian 
 phalanx to lay down their arms and swear allegiance to 
 Perdikkas. 
 
 A little before this battle, both Antipater and Kraterus 
 had sent ambassadors to Eumenes with favorable propositions 
 of peace on condition that he should abandon the royal in- 
 tendant. But the faithful Kardian, though an old friend of 
 Kraterus, refused to betray Perdikkas, declaring that he 
 should support his injured friend while he had an hour to 
 live, and would rather sacrifice life itself than his honor. 
 Meanwhile Neoptolemus arrrived, gave an account of the 
 battle he had lost, and requested assistance of both, but 
 particularly of Kraterus. He assured them that, if they 
 would attack Eumenes without delay, they would gain an 
 easy victory ; for the Macedonians, he said, had so extraor- 
 dinary an attachment for Kraterus, that if they saw but 
 the crest of his helmet, or heard one accent of his tongue, 
 they would immediately run to him with their swords in 
 their hands.* The two generals were prevailed upon not 
 
 * Plutarch informs us that the reputation of Kraterus was very great 
 among the Macedonians, and, after the death of Alexander, most of them 
 wished to be under his command. They remembered the risks he had run 
 of embroiling himself with Alexander for their sakes ; how he had combated 
 the inclination for Persian fashions which insensibly grew upon the kingj 
 and supported the customs of his country against the insults of barbaric 
 pomp and luxury.
 
 THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY. 167 
 
 less by the arguments of Neoptolemus than by the fact that 
 they deemed it unwise to march forward while Eumenes 
 threatened their rear. It was therefore decided that An- 
 tipater with a small part of the army should continue his 
 march to Kilikia, while Kraterus with a force consisting of 
 two thousand infantry and two thousand horse all Mace- 
 donians should hasten, with Neoptolemus, against Eumenes. 
 
 Eumenes was not unprepared for action. He was fully 
 aware of the expedition, and knew well that the name alone 
 of Kraterus was sufficient to cause his utter ruin. Accord- 
 ingly, he propagated the report that Neoptolemus and Pigris, 
 both of whom had been recently defeated, were advancing 
 again with some Kappadokian and Paphlagonian horse. Thus, 
 when the two armies came in view, not one of the soldiers of 
 Eumenes, nor even his principal officers and captains, knew 
 with what adversary they had to contend. 
 
 In the morning of the battle, Kraterus, calling an assem- 
 bly of his soldiers, exhorted them to behave like brave men ; 
 promising at the same time an easy victory, because the 
 Macedonians, he said, now in the ranks of that traitor yon- 
 der, would not continue in strife against their compatriots 
 and ancient leader. But the words were hardly finished 
 when the cavalry of Eumenes was seen dashing across the 
 plain, singing a psean of victory. Kraterus was surprised, 
 and expressed his resentment in strong terms against Neop- 
 tolemus, who, he thought, had deceived him with a pretense 
 that the Macedonians would change sides. However, he ex- 
 horted his officers to meet the foe without fear, and rushed 
 forward to the encounter. The battle was desperate from 
 the beginning ; the spears were soon broken, and a bloody 
 contest with the sword ensued. The behavior of Kraterus 
 did no dishonor to Alexander. He was in the thickest 
 of the battle, and many fell under his well-directed blows ; 
 but finally he received a side-thrust from a Thracian, which 
 brought him to the ground. His horsemen passed over him
 
 168 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 without knowing him ; but Gorgias, one of Eumenes's offi- 
 cers, recognized him, and leaping from his horse guarded his 
 body. It was then, however, too late ; he was at the last 
 extremity and in the agonies of death.* 
 
 The Macedonians, deprived of their leader, quickly re- 
 treated before the victorious Asiatics, and betook themselves 
 to their phalanx, when the combat was renewed in all its 
 former fury. The Macedonian infantry was now under the 
 direction of Neoptolemus. The most violent hatred had 
 long subsisted between him and Eumenes, and this day, 
 says Plutarch, added stings to it. They knew not one 
 another in the first two encounters ; but in the third they 
 did, and rushed forward impetuously with swords drawn 
 and loud shouts. The shock of their horses as they dashed 
 against one another resembled that of two galleys. The 
 fierce antagonists quitted the bridles and laid hold on each 
 other, each striving to tear off the helmet or the breastplate 
 of his enemy. While thus engaged their horses went from 
 under them, and as they fell to the ground they continued 
 fighting, until finally Neoptolemus received a wound in the 
 neck, grew faint, and stretched himself upon the ground. 
 When Eumenes, with all the eagerness of inveterate enmity, 
 hastened to strip Neoptolemus of his arms, loading his worthy 
 antagonist with reproaches, the latter succeeded, even in the 
 last agonies of death, in wounding his enemy under the cui- 
 rass. But the stroke of the dying man is feeble, and Neop- 
 tolemus, while gasping for breath, saw with unspeakable 
 hatred and wrath his implacable enemy victorious at his 
 side. When he had despoiled his adversary, Eumenes, weak 
 as he was with the wounds he had received in his legs and 
 arms, mounted his horse and made up to his left wing, which 
 he supposed might still be engaged with the enemy. Here 
 for the first time he was informed of the fate of Kraterus, 
 and at once hastened to him. Finding his breath and senses 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY. 169 
 
 not quite gone, he alighted from his horse, wept over him, 
 and did his utmost to restore the dying man ; and when this 
 proved to be impossible, he caused his dead body to be hon- 
 orably shrouded and transmitted to Macedonia for burial. 
 
 After the defeat and death of both the generals, the 
 phalanx was compelled to seek peace from Eumenes. The 
 Macedonians later violated the terms, and again joined them- 
 selves with Antipater ; yet Eumenes not only remained mas- 
 ter of Asia Minor, but also achieved great renown for having 
 gained the palm both of capacity and courage. The victory 
 of Eumenes showed what the Asiatics could do when well 
 commanded, and at the same time it bore witness that the 
 Macedonian Hellenism did not win its laurels through the 
 Macedonians only, but also through the bravery and intelli- 
 gence of the Hellenes. Eumenes succeeded in moving to 
 insurrection the JEtolians, who afterward became masters 
 of almost all Thessaly. Thus the affairs of the royal inten- 
 dant, both in Europe and Asia, appeared in excellent condi- 
 tion, when suddenly his own haughtiness and incapacity 
 destroyed the advantages achieved by the wonderful skill 
 of Eumenes. 
 
 Death of Perdikkas. 
 
 It has been stated that Perdikkas in the spring of 321 B. c. 
 had marched against Ptolemy in Egypt. Reaching Damas- 
 cus, he sought, according to the Macedonian customs, the 
 condemnation of Ptolemy by the army, alleging that he was 
 a violator of the obedience due to the kings. But the army, 
 which both loved and respected the old comrade of Alexander, 
 declared him innocent of all crime. Perdikkas endeavored to 
 subdue the spirit of antagonism so forcibly manifested in his 
 own army by the punishment of a few soldiers, and then di- 
 rected the army to continue on its march. He was, however, 
 so overbearing and tyrannical that many of his officers joined 
 Ptolemy, whose conciliatory behavior gained their good will.
 
 170 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Perdikkas, however, still arrogant, ordered his army to cross 
 the Nile, but was driven back with great loss. His own army 
 therefore mutinied, and the most daring of his officers seized 
 him and put him to death. 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 ANTIPATEB AND POLYSPEBCHON. 
 
 Affairs in Europe and Asia. 
 
 THUS perished the man who first of all sought to preserve 
 the union of the vast empire of Alexander the Great. On 
 the day following Ptolemy repaired to the army, and, having 
 assured the assembled generals of his devotion to the Mace- 
 donian cause and of his allegiance to the chosen rulers, peace 
 and friendship again reigned among all. But matters began 
 to assume a threatening aspect when it came to be decided 
 who should be elected as successor to Perdikkas. Antipater 
 was finally invested with the guardianship of the persons of 
 the kings, and with the sort of ministerial supremacy pre- 
 viously held by Perdikkas. 
 
 The first act of the new regent, as we should call him 
 to-day, was a second distribution of the satrapies of the em- 
 pire somewhat modified, yet coinciding in the main with 
 that which had been drawn up shortly after the death of 
 Alexander. To Ptolemy were assured Egypt and Libya, and 
 to Antigonus, Greater Phrygia, Lykia, and Pamphylia. 
 
 But many and powerful were the men who were dissatis- 
 fied with the new regulations prominent among whom were 
 Eumenes and Alketas, brother of Perdikkas. Hostilities 
 broke out afresh both in Europe and Asia. The regent 
 hastened to Europe with a great part of the Macedonian army
 
 ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHON. 171 
 
 and many war-elephants, the first that were seen in Europe ; 
 while Antigonus was placed in command of the principal 
 army in Asia, to crush Eumenes and the other chief adher- 
 ents of Perdikkas, most of whom had been condemned to 
 death by a vote of the Macedonian army. 
 
 The great struggle, however, did not begin till about the 
 middle of 320 B. c., when Antigonus first of all marched 
 against Eumenes. The latter was defeated * through the 
 treachery of one of his officers, who deserted to the enemy in 
 the thickest of the battle ; but, though Eumenes was forced 
 to flee, he succeeded in arresting the traitor and hanged him 
 on the spot. Plutarch informs us that in his flight he took a 
 different course from the pursuers, and, returning to the field 
 of battle, buried his dead a daring act, which elicited the 
 astonishment of Antigonus himself at his firmness and intre- 
 pidity. Eumenes, being closely pursued and finding his plans 
 for mustering a new force thwarted by the incessant vigi- 
 lance of his opponent, was compelled to retire to the fortress 
 of Nora, on the confines of Lykaonia and Kappadokia, with 
 only five hundred horse and two hundred foot. 
 
 Antigonus was now master of nearly all Asia. He knew, 
 however, that his position was not secure while the uncon- 
 quered and inventive Eumenes remained in his lofty cita- 
 del. He accordingly invited him to a conference. Eumenes 
 insisted that Antigonus should send hostages if he wanted to 
 treat with him in person. Antigonus, he said, had many 
 friends and generals to take his place, in case of accident to 
 himself ; but the troops he had the care of had none to com- 
 mand or to protect them after him. Antigonus responded 
 that he should be addressed in a manner befitting " a greater 
 man." "I shall never," said Eumenes, "think any man 
 greater than myself while I am master of my sword." At 
 last Antigonus sent his nephew Ptolemy into the fort as a 
 
 * The battle was fought in the territory of the Orkynians in Kappadokia, 
 and Eumenes is said to have lost eight thousand men.
 
 172 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 hostage, and then Eumenes came out to him. The negotia- 
 tions ended in nothing. Eumenes insisted on having the gov- 
 ernment of his provinces confirmed to him, and considerable 
 rewards for his services besides ; claims which Antigonus 
 was unwilling to grant at the expense of his own power. 
 
 Reconciliation becoming impossible, Antigonus drew a 
 line of circumvallation around Nora, and, having left a suffi- 
 cient number of troops to carry on the siege, he hastened, at 
 the head of forty thousand infantry, seven thousand horse, 
 and seventy elephants, from north to south, sweeping away 
 his opponents and striking terror and dismay among all who 
 favored the cause of Perdikkas. He returned as a mighty 
 conqueror to Phrygia, at the head of his victorious army, 
 dreaming of supplanting the king, seizing the crown, and 
 proclaiming himself the successor of Alexander, when in the 
 beginning of 319 B. c. he received information calculated to 
 promote his inordinate ambition. 
 
 Death of Antipater and Demades. 
 
 The news received was nothing less than the death of 
 Antipater, who, being advanced in years, fell sick and pres- 
 ently died. One of his latest acts was to put to death the 
 Athenian orator Demades. The Athenians were continually 
 importuning Phokion to persuade Antipater to withdraw the 
 Macedonian garrison from Munychia. Finding that Phokion 
 would not meddle with this affair, they applied to Demades, 
 who readily undertook it. In consequence of this, he and 
 his son took a journey to Macedonia. It should seem, says 
 Plutarch, that his evil genius led him thither ; for he arrived 
 just at the time when Antipater was in his last sickness, and 
 when his son Kassander, now absolute master of everything, 
 had intercepted a letter written by Demades to Antigonus in 
 Asia, inviting him to come over and seize Hellas and Mace- 
 donia, which, he said, hung only upon an old and rotten warp 
 meaning Antipater. This letter gave great offense to An-
 
 ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHON. 173 
 
 tipater, and still greater to Kassander, who caused Demades 
 and his son to be seized. First he killed the son before his 
 eyes, and so near that the blood spouted upon him and stained 
 his bosom ; and then he slew the father himself, with bitter 
 invective against his ingratitude. 
 
 Antipater, a little before his death, had appointed Poly- 
 sperchon, one of Alexander's veteran officers, as chief admin- 
 istrator, with full powers on behalf of the imperial dynasty ; 
 while he assigned to his own son Kassander only the second 
 place, as chiliarch or general of the body-guard. 
 
 Polysperchon Death of Phokion. 
 
 This was the intelligence which reached the ears of An- 
 tigonus an event destined to cause new and fearful disturb- 
 ances, during which the relatives of Alexander the Great were 
 to be sacrificed, the union of the empire to be destroyed, and 
 new royal dynasties to spring up on the ruins of the old. 
 
 Kassander, far from satisfied with the appointment re- 
 ceived from his father, decided to overthrow Polysperchon 
 and seize the supreme power. Immediately after the death 
 of Antipater, but before it became publicly known, Kassan- 
 der dispatched Nikanor with pretended orders from Antip- 
 ater to supersede Menyllus in the government of Munychia. 
 This scheme was carried into execution. At the same time 
 he sent confidential adherents to the Hellespont and other 
 places in furtherance of his schemes ; and he lost no time in 
 communicating with Antigonus in Asia and with Ptolemy in 
 Egypt, whom he knew to be ready to assist in everything 
 tending to overthrow the central authority. 
 
 Polysperchon and his friends were not blind to the diffi- 
 culties of their position. The principal officers in Macedonia 
 having been convened to deliberate, it was resolved " to in- 
 vite Olympias out of Epirus, that she might assume the tute- 
 lage of her grandson Alexander (son of Roxana) ; to place 
 the Asiatic interests of the dynasty in the hands of Eumenes,
 
 174 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 appointing him to the supreme command ; and to combat 
 Kassander in Europe, by assuring to themselves the good 
 will and support of the Greeks. This last object was to be 
 obtained by granting to the Hellenes general enfranchisement, 
 and by subverting the Antipatrian oligarchies and military 
 governments now paramount throughout the cities." 
 
 These measures tended of course to destroy the influence 
 of Kassander in Hellas. But, on the other hand, they were 
 naturally destined to create a general and fearful anarchy on 
 account of the changes and retaliations called forth. If we 
 take into consideration that shortly afterward Hellas became 
 the field of contest between the two Macedonian generals, 
 we may form an idea of the misfortunes that country suf- 
 fered toward the end of 319 and the beginning of 318 B. c. 
 The Athenians not long after asked Nikanor to evacuate 
 Munychia. He not only refused to do so, but, knowing that 
 his friend Kassander was on his way to Athens, hastened to 
 occupy both the walls and the harbor of the Peiraeus. For 
 this the Athenians blamed Phokion, accusing him of being 
 privy to that event and concealing it out of friendship to 
 Nikanor. 
 
 At that juncture arrived Alexander, the son of Polysper- 
 chon, with an army to assist the city against Nikanor. Many 
 Athenian exiles, slaves, and runaways, as well as foreigners 
 and such as had been stigmatized as infamous, entered the 
 city with Alexander, resorted to the assembly of the people, 
 and began to decide on the course the city ought to pursue 
 in the present exigency. The magistrates of the city, among 
 whom was Phokion, repaired to Alexander and assured him 
 of their devotion to the interests of Polysperchon, but at the 
 same time implored him to occupy the harbors and prevent 
 any possible attack of Kassander by way of the sea, and take 
 active measures against so strange and disorderly an assem- 
 bly. Alexander encamped near the Peirzeus, and had repeated 
 interviews with Nikanor. Great was the mistrust created
 
 ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHON. 175 
 
 among the Athenians, and especially the exiles who accom- 
 panied Alexander's army, by these parleys. Fearing lest the 
 two Macedonian generals might form an alliance and subvert 
 the hardly recovered liberty of the people, they passed a vote 
 to depose those who had held office under the Antipatrian 
 oligarchy, and who still continued to hold it. Immediately 
 the orator Agnonides singled out Phokion, and accused him of 
 treason ; which so much alarmed Kallimedon and Charikles, 
 Phokion's son-in-law, that they fled out of the city. Phokion 
 and such of his friends as did not forsake him repaired to 
 Alexander's camp, throwing themselves upon his protection 
 on the faith of the recent understanding. Alexander not 
 only received them courteously, but gave them letters to his 
 father Polysperchon, requesting " safety and protection for 
 them, as men who had embraced his cause, and who were 
 still eager to do all in their power to support him." * 
 
 The Athenian democracy, just reconstituted, which had 
 passed the recent condemnatory votes, was disquieted at the 
 news that Alexander had espoused the cause of Phokion, 
 and had recommended the like policy to his father. On the 
 proposition of Agnonides and Archestratus, they sent depu- 
 ties to Polysperchon, with an accusation against Phokion. 
 
 The two deputations came up to Polysperchon simulta- 
 neously an event which was very unfortunate for Phokion. 
 Had he seen Polysperchon and presented the letter of Alex- 
 ander before the Athenian accusers arrived, he might prob- 
 ably have obtained a more favorable reception. But as the 
 arrival of the two parties was nearly synchronous, Polysper- 
 chon heard both of them at the same audience, before King 
 Philip Arridaeus on his throne. When the accusers found 
 themselves face to face with Phokion and his party, their 
 reciprocal invectives at first filled the place with noise and 
 
 * Diodorus, xviii, 66 : r' axelvov 
 voi irdvra ffvuirpd^fiv. This application of Phokion to Alexander, and the 
 letters obtained to Polysperchon, are not mentioned by Plutarch.
 
 176 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 tumult ; until Agnonides himself, chief of the Athenian dep- 
 utation, pressed forward and said, "Pack us all into one 
 cage and send us back to Athens, to receive judgment from 
 the Athenians." The king laughed at this observation ; but 
 the Macedonians and the strangers who were drawn thither 
 by curiosity were desirous of hearing the cause, and there- 
 fore made signs to the deputies to argue the matter there. 
 However, the debate was far from being conducted with im- 
 partiality. Polysperchon heard Phokion's defense with im- 
 patience, interrupted him several times, and so disgusted 
 him that he at length struck the ground with his stick and 
 held his peace. Hegemon, another of the accused, was yet 
 more harshly treated. When he appealed to Polysperchon 
 himself, as having personally been cognizant of his (the speak- 
 er's) good disposition toward the Athenian people, the latter 
 exclaimed, " Do you come here to slander me before the king ? " 
 Upon this the king started up, and was going to run Hegemon 
 through with his spear ; but Polysperchon prevented him, 
 and the council broke up immediately.* The sentence could 
 not be doubtful. Phokion and his companions were deliv- 
 ered over as prisoners to the Athenian deputation, together 
 with a letter from the king, intimating that in his conviction 
 they were traitors, but that he left them to be judged by the 
 Athenians, now restored to freedom and autonomy. 
 
 It was early in March, 318 B. c., that the prisoners were 
 carried in carts, strongly guarded, along the Kerameikus, 
 through sympathizing friends and an embittered multitude, 
 until they reached the theatre wherein the assembly was to 
 be convened. A melancholy scene ! The men who shortly 
 before had held the fortunes of the city in their hands, the 
 men who had many a time risked life on the field of battle, 
 the men whose glorious achievements had gained for them 
 a Panhellenic reputation these men, among whom was the 
 noble and virtuous old Phokion, now stood in fetters before 
 * Plutarch, " Phokion." See also Grote, vol. xii, chap. xcvi.
 
 ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHON. 177 
 
 a tribunal composed of their most rancorous enemies, the citi- 
 zens just returned from exile or deportation. Froni this 
 assembly, says Plutarch, neither slaves, nor foreigners, nor 
 persons stigmatized as infamous were excluded ; the tribu- 
 nal and the theatre were open to all. 
 
 The best of the citizens, when they saw Phokion, appeared 
 greatly dejected, and, covering their faces with their man- 
 tles, began to weep. One, however, had the courage to say, 
 " Since the king leaves the determination of so important a 
 matter to the people, it would be proper to command all 
 slaves and strangers to depart." But the populace cried out, 
 " It would be much more proper to stone all the favorers of 
 oligarchy, all the enemies of the people ! " After the accusa- 
 tion was concluded, Phokion was called on for his defense ; 
 but he found it impossible to obtain a hearing. At last, silence 
 being made, he said, "Do you design to take away my 
 life justly or unjustly?" When some answered, "Justly," 
 he said, " How can you know whether it will be justly, if 
 you do not hear me first ? " Attempting several times to 
 speak, he was as often cried down ; until at length he gave 
 up the case in despair, and, advancing some paces forward, 
 exclaimed : " Citizens of Athens, I acknowledge I have done 
 you injustice, and for my faults in the administration adjudge 
 myself guilty of death ; but why will you put these men to 
 death, who have never injured you ? " " Because they are 
 your friends," was the exclamation of those around ; upon 
 which he drew back, and resigned himself quietly to his fate. 
 
 Agnonides then read a decree, to the effect that the as- 
 sembled people should decide by show of hands whether the 
 persons now arraigned were guilty or not ; and that if de- 
 clared guilty, they should be put to death. A few .persons 
 cried out for an additional clause for putting Phokion to the 
 torture before execution, and insisted that the rack and its 
 managers should be sent for immediately; but this savage 
 proposition, utterly at variance with Athenian law in respect
 
 178 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 to citizens, was repudiated not less by Agnonides than by 
 the Macedonian officer Kleitus. There was, however, hardly 
 one negative when the sentence of death was proposed. 
 Nearly every hand in the assembly was held up in condem- 
 nation ; each man even rose from his seat to make the effect 
 more imposing ; and some went so far as to put on wreaths 
 in token of triumph. To many of them doubtless, remarks 
 Grote, the gratification of this intense and unanimous vindic- 
 tive impulse in their view not merely legitimate, but patri- 
 otic must have been among the happiest moments of life. 
 
 After the assembly was dismissed, the five condemned 
 persons, Phokion, Nikokles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pyth- 
 okles, were consigned to the supreme magistrates of police, 
 called the Eleven, and led to prison for the purpose of having 
 the customary dose of poison administered. The embraces 
 of their friends and relatives melted them to tears, and 
 they all went on bewailing their fate, except Phokion. His 
 countenance, during the passage from the theatre to the 
 prison, was the same as when the people sent him out to 
 command their armies ; and the beholders could not but 
 admire his invincible firmness and magnanimity. Some of 
 his enemies, indeed, reviled him as he went along, and it is 
 said that one man planted himself in front, and spat upon 
 Phokion ; who turned to the public officers and exclaimed, 
 " Will no one correct this fellow's rudeness ? " This was 
 the only emotion which he manifested amid " the wailings 
 of his friends, the broken spirit of his four comrades, and 
 the fierce demonstrations of antipathy from his fellow citizens 
 generally." One ray of comfort presented itself as he en- 
 tered the prison. It was the 19th of the month Munychion 
 (April), the day on which the Athenian horsemen or knights 
 (the richest class in the city, men for the most part of oli- 
 garchical sentiments) celebrated their festal procession with 
 wreaths on their heads in honor of Zeus. As the cavalcade 
 passed by, several of these horsemen halted on their way,
 
 ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHON. 179 
 
 took off their wreaths, and wept as they looked through the 
 gratings of the prison. 
 
 When asked whether he had anything to tell his son 
 Phokus, Phokion replied, "I tell him emphatically not to 
 hold an evil memory of the Athenians." The draught of 
 hemlock was then administered to all five to Phokion last. 
 Having been condemned for treason, the bodies were not 
 allowed to remain in Attica, but were carried into the Mega- 
 rid by a hired agent named Konopion, and then burnt by 
 fire obtained at Megara. The wife of Phokion poured liba- 
 tions and marked the spot by a small mound of earth ; she 
 also collected the bones and brought them back to Athens 
 in her bosom, during the secrecy of night. She buried them 
 near her own domestic hearth with this address : " Ye guar- 
 dians of this place, to you I commit the remains of this good 
 man. Do you restore them to the sepulchre of his ancestors, 
 when the Athenians shall once more listen to the dictates of 
 wisdom." 
 
 The trial and death of these men, and especially of Pho- 
 kion then more than eighty years old, personally brave, 
 mild, and superior to all pecuniary temptation is one of the 
 saddest incidents in Hellenic history, and one especially to 
 be regretted, since it occurred amid the general paralysis 
 and decline of the Athenians. The death of these oligarchs 
 which Grote, notwithstanding actual historic events, seeks 
 to justify, alleging that " the facts of the past supplied am- 
 ple warrant " neither secured liberty for the Athenians, nor 
 did it aid Polysperchon much in satisfying his inordinate 
 ambition. A few days later Kassander the cause of whose 
 delay is unexplained reached the Peiraeus, with thirty-five 
 ships and four thousand hoplites. Polysperchon at once 
 entered Attica, leading an army of thirty thousand Mace- 
 donian hoplites, four thousand allies, one thousand horse, 
 and sixty-five elephants, which then for the first time trod 
 the soil of European Hellas. Unable to reduce the walls of
 
 180 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 the harbor, he left his son Alexander with a small force of 
 cavalry, to watch the movements of the enemy ; while him- 
 self with the remaining army hastened to the Peloponnesus 
 to enlist a new force of allies and restore the democratic form 
 of government. He failed in his plans, and was driven from 
 Megalopolis, with the loss of many of his elephants. At the 
 same time ominous news reached him from all sides. Eu- 
 menes, whom he had left with a large force in Kilikia, in- 
 stead of attacking Antigonus in Asia Minor, and thus pre- 
 venting him from carrying out his plans in Europe, had 
 already gone to Phoenicia and Syria ; his admiral, Kleitus, 
 was defeated in the Propontis, with the loss of his whole 
 fleet, by Nikanor (whom Kassander had sent from the Pei- 
 raeus) and Antigonus ; many cities in Hellas had abandoned 
 his cause, and the Athenians themselves, who shortly before 
 were so enthusiastic in his behalf, were constrained to lis- 
 ten to the partisans of Kassander. The Athenians, unable 
 to capture the Peiraeus, agreed that "they should become 
 friends and allies of Kassander ; that they should have full 
 enjoyment of their city, with the port of Pemeus, their ships, 
 and revenues ; that the exiles and deported citizens should 
 be readmitted ; that the political franchise should for the 
 future be enjoyed by all citizens who possessed one thousand 
 drachmae of property and upward ; that Kassander should 
 hold Munychia with a governor and garrison, until the war 
 against Polysperchon was brought to a close ; and that he 
 (Kassander) should also name some one Athenian citizen, in 
 whose hands the supreme government of the city should be 
 vested." Kassander named Demetrius the Phalerean (i. e., 
 an Athenian of the deme Phalerum), one of the colleagues 
 of Phokion, who had gone into voluntary exile since the 
 death of Antipater, but had recently returned. 
 
 Polysperchon, finding himself threatened by so many 
 dangers, decided to abandon the siege of Megalopolis and 
 return to Macedonia, both in order to prevent Antigonus
 
 ANTIPATER AND POLYSPERCHOK 181 
 
 from crossing into Europe, and to muster if possible new 
 auxiliaries. But other disastrous news reached him on his 
 way to Macedonia. King Philip Arridaeus and his ambi- 
 tious wife Eurydike, alarmed and indignant at the restora- 
 tion of Olympias which Polysperchon was projecting, soli- 
 cited aid from Kassander, appointed him royal intendant, 
 and ordered Polysperchon to place the force of Macedonia at 
 his disposal. Polysperchon, driven to despair, entered into 
 alliance with the Epirotic prince ^Eakides, and, assisted by 
 Olympias, who had with her Roxana and her child, the 
 widow and son of Alexander the Great, succeeded in enter- 
 ing Macedonia, apparently in the autumn of 317 B. c. Philip 
 Arridseus and Eurydike sought to oppose Olympias ; but the 
 Macedonian soldiers, we are told, were so overawed by her 
 name and the recollection of Alexander the Great, that they 
 refused to fight, and thus gave her an easy victory. Philip 
 and Eurydike became her prisoners. The former she caused 
 to be slain ; to the latter she offered only an option between 
 the sword, the halter, and poison. 
 
 Unfortunately, this queen, already an old woman, still 
 clung to the natural savageness of her soul. She next pro- 
 ceeded to satiate her revenge against the family of Antip- 
 ater. One hundred leading Macedonians, friends of Kas- 
 sander, were put to death by her orders, together with 
 his brother Nikanor ; while the sepulchre of his deceased 
 brother lollas, accused of having poisoned Alexander the 
 Great, was broken up.* Many leading Macedonians, for- 
 merly her warm adherents, were so much disgusted by these 
 murders that they abandoned her cause ; and Kassander, 
 availing himself of this public opinion, entered Macedonia. 
 Olympias, having no army sufficient to meet him in the 
 field, was forced to shut herself up in the maritime fortress 
 of Pydna, with Roxana, the child of Alexander, and Thessa- 
 
 * Diodorus, xix, 11 ; Justin, x, 14, 4; Pausanias, i, 11, 4 ; Grote, vol. xii, 
 chap. xcvi.
 
 182 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 lonikc, daughter of her late husband Philip, son of Amyntas. 
 ^akides hastened to relieve her ; but his army, which had 
 already suffered severe hardships without any positive ad- 
 vantage, revolted, drove away the king, and joined the forces 
 of Kassander. Pydna, abandoned to her own resources, still 
 held out, on account of the heroic endurance of the fearless 
 Olympias ; but finally, in the ensuing spring (316 B. c.), she 
 was forced by intolerable famine to surrender. Kassander 
 put to death Olympias, who is said to have died with a cour- 
 age worthy of her rank and domineering character ; confined 
 Roxana with the child Alexander in the fortress of Amphip- 
 olis ; compelled Polysperchon to seek refuge among the 
 ^Etolians ; took Thessalonike to wife ; and wielded such an 
 autocratic power in Macedonia, that he even founded on the 
 isthmus of the peninsula of Pallene, and near the site where 
 Potideea had stood, the new city of Kassandreia, which to 
 this day bears his name. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ANTIGONU8 AND EUMENES. 
 
 The Struggle for Supremacy. 
 
 IN the spring of 318 B. c., while Antigonus was engaged 
 in the western part of Asia Minor and Eumenes was in Kili- 
 kia, Python, who during the first distribution of the satrapies 
 had received Lesser Media, sought to become master of the 
 northern provinces ; and accordingly, having invaded Par- 
 thia, he killed its satrap Philip, and established in his stead 
 his own brother Eudemus. Hereupon the satraps of the 
 northern provinces united, and, having defeated Python 
 about the autumn of that year, compelled him to seek refuge
 
 ANTIGONUS AND EUMENES. 183 
 
 with Seleukus in Babylonia. In the mean time Eumenes 
 mustered a large force, but was not yet a match for Antig- 
 onus. The latter, not deeming it wise to cross into Europe 
 and leave behind him such a formidable foe, dispatched his 
 fleet to the coast of Kilikia, while he himself, at the head of 
 twenty thousand hoplites and four thousand horse, hastened 
 in pursuit of Eumenes. As soon as the forces of Antigonus 
 reached Kilikia, the Phoenicians abandoned Eumenes and 
 joined themselves to his opponent. 
 
 The affairs of Eumenes were now in a desperate condi- 
 tion. Deprived of his fleet, he was cut off from every com- 
 munication with Europe. But the Kardian was full of 
 devices, and was destined to hold for a long time* the royal 
 flag intrusted to his keeping. Leaving western Asia, he 
 pushed his way eastward, and spent the winter at Babylon. 
 He succeeded by his tireless energy in persuading many gov- 
 ernors of provinces to come to his assistance, and, having 
 collected a great part of his soldiers who had dispersed 
 themselves after his defeat, and were straggling about the 
 country, he inspired them with his own spirit and determi- 
 nation. 
 
 In May, 317 B. c., Antigonus, leading a large force, 
 suddenly approached and encamped over against Eumenes. 
 Marching during the warm season through the plains of 
 Susiana, he suffered severe losses, and while attempting to 
 cross the river Koprates was attacked by Eumenes, sus- 
 tained a total defeat, lost about eight thousand men, and was 
 forced to undertake a long retreat as far as Media, during 
 which he encountered untold hardships. 
 
 Eumenes wished to follow up at once the steps of the 
 retreating Antigonus, capture Asia Minor, and then fall 
 upon his remaining enemies. The satraps opposed this dar- 
 ing project, maintaining that it was best not to attack Antig- 
 onus in the mountainous regions of Media, but to retreat 
 to the satrapy of Peukestas in Persis. This opinion finally
 
 184 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 prevailed, and the army retired to Persepolis, where Peukes- 
 tas, having feasted them in a sumptuous manner and given 
 each man a sheep for sacrifice, hoped to be intrusted with 
 the command. In the autumn news suddenly came that 
 Antigonus was marching against them. Almost at the same 
 time Eumenes fell sick with a raging fever, and had to he 
 carried in a litter. The army had not gone far before the 
 enemy made their appearance, for they had passed the in- 
 termediate hill, and were now descending into the plain. 
 The luster of their golden armor glittering in the sun as 
 they marched down the hill, the elephants with the towers 
 on their backs, and the purple vests which the cavalry wore 
 when they* were advancing to the combat, struck the troops 
 that were to oppose them with such surprise that the front 
 halted and called out for Eumenes, declaring that they would 
 not move a step farther if he was not in command. Eu- 
 menes no sooner heard this than he advanced with the ut- 
 most expedition, hastening the slaves who carried the litter. 
 He likewise opened the curtains, and stretched out his hand 
 in token of his joy. On the first sight of the general of 
 their heart, the troops saluted him in the Macedonian lan- 
 guage, clanked their arms, and with loud shouts challenged 
 the enemy to advance, thinking themselves invincible while 
 he was at their head.* 
 
 Antigonus, having learned from some prisoners that Eu- 
 inenes was so extremely ill that he was forced to be carried 
 in a litter, concluded that he should find no great difficulty 
 in beating the other generals, and therefore hastened to the 
 attack. But when he came to reconnoitre the enemy's army, 
 and saw in what excellent order it was drawn up, he stood 
 still some time in silent admiration. At last, spying the lit- 
 ter carried about from one wing to the other, he laughed out 
 aloud, as his manner was, and said to his friends, " Yon lit- 
 ter is the thing that pitches the battle against us." He de- 
 
 * Plutarch, "Eumenes."
 
 ANTIGONUS AND EUMENES. 185 
 
 cided, however, to retreat immediately to his intrenchments. 
 A few days after this Eumenes, having received intelligence 
 that Antigonus intended to decamp in the night, sought to 
 cut off his retreat, and a sharp action ensued. The contest 
 was indecisive, the victory having been won and lost several 
 times, until finally both antagonists were compelled to leave 
 the field of battle. Antigonus retreated by forced marches 
 to his faithful Media ; and Eumenes, unable to follow in 
 pursuit, remained in the rich district of Gabiene. 
 
 The danger once past, the officers, in appearance, gave 
 Eumenes a kind reception ; but it was not difficult to dis- 
 cover the envy and jealousy they had in their hearts, and 
 how much they disliked to act under him. The army sur- 
 rendered itself to riotous living, and not a few of its divis- 
 ions scattered about the country at a distance of six days 
 one from the other. As soon as Antigonus learned this, he 
 resolved to avail himself of the foolishness of his opponents, 
 and fall upon them suddenly in the midst of winter. Media, 
 where he was encamped, was distant from Gabiene, by the 
 usual way, about twenty-five days' march. Antigonus, how- 
 ever, took the shortest road across a large, treeless, waterless, 
 uninhabited plain a veritable desert intending to strike 
 the enemy while thus dispersed. Orders were at once issued 
 to the army to prepare provisions for ten days, to take ten 
 thousand bags of water, and to be ready to march " without 
 losing a moment's time." Antigonus, wishing to keep his 
 expedition as secret as possible, directed his soldiers to burn 
 no fires during the night. However, as soon as he had en- 
 tered the desolate region, his troops were attacked by such 
 violent winds and severe frosts* that it was difficult for 
 them to proceed, so that they found it necessary to light 
 many fires. The barbarians who inhabited the mountains 
 that overlooked the plain, wondering what that blazing 
 light in the midst of the desert could mean, sent some per- 
 
 * It was about the middle of December, 317 B. c. 
 29
 
 180 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 sons upon dromedaries to Peukestas and Eumenes with an 
 account of it. 
 
 Peukestas, distracted with terror, prepared for flight ; 
 many other satraps advocated this course, declaring that the 
 enemy would undoubtedly come within four days, while 
 they could scarcely collect their forces within six. But Eu- 
 menes dispelled their fears and uneasiness by promising so 
 to impede the enemy's march that they would arrive three 
 days later than they were expected. All bowed before the 
 incomparable genius of the Greek who promised to extricate 
 them from this impending danger. Time was not to be lost. 
 Orders were at once forwarded to the absent satraps to hasten 
 their forces, while Eumenes set out to seek a lofty piece of 
 ground, which might attract the attention of the troops 
 marching below. Having found one that answered his 
 purpose, he measured it and caused a number of fires to be 
 lighted at proper intervals, so as to resemble a camp. When 
 Antigonus beheld these fires upon the heights, he was in the 
 utmost distress, thinking that the enemy had been apprised 
 of his intention some time before, and were come to meet 
 him. Not choosing therefore, with troops so harassed and 
 fatigued, to fight with those that were perfectly fresh, he 
 left the short road and led his men through the town and 
 villages, giving them time to refresh themselves. But when 
 he discovered that that great camp, which had a periphery 
 of seventy stadia, gave no signs of life, that no parties came 
 out to harass him in his march, that no troops whatever had 
 been seen by the neighboring inhabitants, but only fires upon 
 the hills, " he perceived that Eumenes had outdone him in 
 point of generalship " ; * and this incensed him so much that 
 he advanced with a resolution to try his strength in a pitched 
 battle. 
 
 Meantime the various forces of Eumenes came pouring 
 in on all sides. The elephants alone were still absent, and 
 
 * fiffBtro KccrtffTpaTij'fflnti'os farb
 
 ANTIGONUS AND EUMENES. 187 
 
 Antigonus, learning that they were not far distant, decided 
 to attack them suddenly and seize upon that excellent means 
 of defense of his opponent. But nothing could deceive the 
 sleepless Eumenes. Suspecting the plans of Antigonus, he 
 dispatched fifteen hundred horsemen and three thousand 
 foot-soldiers to the assistance of his elephants. The enemy 
 had already seized upon them, and were making off with 
 their booty, when suddenly the force of Eumenes fell upon 
 them, dispersed them, rescued the elephants, and brought 
 them safe to the camp. 
 
 Thus, by the wisdom and foresight of that illustrious 
 Greek, the army was freed from certain destruction, the mis- 
 takes of the other generals were repaired, the scattered forces 
 were collected anew, and the elephants were rescued. All 
 admired the great leader, and all desired him to take the sole 
 command all except the generals, who, exasperated with 
 envy at being obliged to obey " a foreigner," as they called 
 him, formed a plot against his life. Antigenes and Teuta- 
 mus, the generals of the Argyraspides, were the chiefs of the 
 conspiracy. They agreed, however, " to make use of him in 
 the ensuing battle," * and to assassinate him immediately 
 after. Eumenes discovered their nefarious plans, but he 
 was not afraid. Retiring to his tent, he told his friends that 
 he lived among a herd of savage beasts, and immediately 
 wrote his will, destroyed all his papers, lest after his death 
 charges and impeachments should arise against the persons 
 who wrote them, and decided to fight the battle, hoping that 
 in case of victory he would be able to frustrate the plans of 
 the ungrateful generals. 
 
 Finally, the two armies were drawn up. That of Antig- 
 onus was composed of 22,000 foot- soldiers, 9,000 horsemen, 
 and 65 elephants ; that of Eumenes, of 36,700 infantry, 6,500 
 cavalry, and 114 elephants. The surpassing strength of the 
 latter was manifest ; besides, he had with him the Argyras- 
 
 * Plutarch, " Eumenes," xvi, 25 : a.-iroxp'flffaa-dcu wpbs T?>
 
 188 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 pides, or the old veterans who had served under Philip and 
 Alexander, and were considered wellnigh unconquerable. 
 Everything, therefore, indicated a splendid victory. But 
 the weak and dastardly behavior of the other generals was 
 destined to annul these bright expectations. As soon as the 
 battle began, Peukestas deserted his post with a large body 
 of horse ; the remaining cavalry, thus diminished in num- 
 bers, was severely pressed. The Argyraspides, indeed, were 
 victorious, for they fell furiously upon the infantry, and 
 routed them with heavy loss. But Antigonus was a man 
 endowed with excellent presence of mind on the most trying 
 occasions. Availing himself of the treachery of Peukestas, 
 he advanced unperceived to the rear of the army of Eumenes, 
 rushed into his camp, and became master of the rich bag- 
 gage as well as of the women and children of the soldiers 
 and of the Argyraspides.* Eumenes vainly sent for Peu- 
 kestas, beseeching him to help him, and assuring him that 
 the victory was half won ; the latter continued his retreat, 
 declaring that the day was irreparably lost. Finally the 
 Argyraspides and the other detachments of the army were 
 also compelled to leave the field of battle, openly declaring 
 that the cowardice of Peukestas was the cause of all this 
 misfortune. 
 
 Eumenes now justly informed his soldiers that if the 
 battle should be renewed on the next day, as Antigonus 
 had lost most of his infantry, his destruction would be cer- 
 tain. But the plans of the satraps were different, and the 
 Argyraspides wished especially to recover their wives and 
 children. Finally, yielding to the persistent demands of 
 Teutamus, they sent ambassadors to Antigonus desiring him 
 to restore their property. He told them he would not 
 only return the Argyraspides their effects, but would treat 
 them in all respects with the greatest kindness, provided 
 they would put Eumenes in his hands. The Argyraspides 
 * Argyraspides literally meana the silver-shields.
 
 ANTIGONUS AND EUMENES. 189 
 
 agreed to deliver up their brave leader alive to his enemies. 
 Peukestas with his Persians deserted to Antigonus ; and the 
 other satraps either imitated his example or escaped to their 
 own satrapies. But, as it generally happens, the traitors 
 first of all received punishment for their wickedness. Many 
 were put to death, and the Argyraspides themselves, who 
 thus disgraced their white hair, not long after repented of 
 their cowardice. 
 
 Antigonus for a long time hesitated what should be done 
 with Eumenes. He could not bear to have him brought into 
 his presence, because of the former friendly relations that 
 had existed between them. The brave Nearchus and the 
 young Demetrius, son of Antigonus, who began in this ex- 
 pedition his famous military career, strove by all means to 
 save his life. But many sought persistently his death ; even 
 his ancient comrades clamored for his blood ; and Antigonus. 
 was finally compelled to order the execution of his illustrious 
 captive. Thus the Kardian Eumenes ended his energetic 
 and ever-stirring career when hardly forty-five years old. 
 He was without question the greatest general that came out 
 of the school of Alexander. If he failed, it was because he 
 wished to continue faithful to the royal flag to the union 
 of the empire, which, having been represented by two un- 
 scrupulously ambitious women, Eurydike and Olympias, by 
 the over-credulous Philip Arridaeus, and by the young Alex- 
 ander, could no longer be preserved ; especially since Antig- 
 onus, assisted by many powerful satraps, sought its over- 
 throw. Again, Eumenes failed because, being a Greek, he 
 was envied by the Macedonian generals. Indeed, during 
 the time of Alexander and shortly after his death, the Mace- 
 donians were forced to an equality of rights with the Greeks ; 
 but ever since the weight of that strong arm disappeared, 
 jealousy and envy had sprung up between the two. If 
 Eumenes was the most unfortunate of the so-called succes- 
 sors, none certainly left a purer and more glorious record
 
 190 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 than he. Ho is, therefore, one of the three foremost cham- 
 pions of that period whom Plutarch placed among the great 
 men of antiquity, and whose lives will instruct and move the 
 world as long as men esteem virtue and intelligence. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ANTIGONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS. 
 
 The War against Antigonus. 
 
 ANTIGONUS, becoming thus strangely master of the en- 
 tire army of upper Asia, departed about the middle of Jan- 
 uary, 316 B. c., for Media, where he put to death his ancient 
 friend and co-worker Python, alleging that he was plotting 
 against him. He appointed new satraps to the various dis- 
 tricts of the empire, and surrendered to Sibyrtius, the ruler 
 of the far-distant Arachosia, the Argyraspides whom he 
 detested for their cowardice and treachery with instruc- 
 tions to take every method to destroy them, so that not one 
 of them might return to Macedonia, or set his eyes upon the 
 Hellenic sea.* Such was the punishment imposed upon the 
 faithless soldiers of Eumenes.f Thus, while the relatives 
 of Alexander the Great, Eurydike, ArridsDus, and Olympias, 
 were successively murdered in Europe, their last ministers, 
 Eumenes, Python, Peukestas, and the Argyraspides, were 
 fast disappearing in Asia. As usually happens, the destruc- 
 tion of the principal actors brought about at the same time 
 the abrogation of the acts themselves. Antigonus next ad- 
 vanced into Susiana, captured the treasures left there, ap- 
 
 * Plutarch. 
 
 f Compare Diodorus : Af ykp curtfit'is xp*""* T< "* f^" Svvdffrais 8<ck rfy 
 Qowrlav ylvorrcu \vfftrt\ta, TOIJ 8* {nroKO&ffajffw ISturcus /iryt&.wj' KCUCUV us 
 
 tiriirav curiai
 
 ANTIGONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS. 191 
 
 pointed one Aspidas satrap of the province instead of Seleu- 
 kus, marched on to Babylonia, and then hastened to the 
 western districts, where he anticipated new struggles. Reach- 
 ing Mallus about the middle of November, he remained there 
 for the winter. 
 
 Antigonus was now unquestionably the most powerful of 
 the successors of Alexander the Great. As master of Asia, 
 he ruled over those vast and rich lands that extended from 
 India to the Mediterranean Sea. He had already given 
 splendid proofs of his military ability and success ; although 
 nearly seventy years old, and blind in one eye, he still pre- 
 served the vigor of his forces, and seemed inspired with 
 more life and activity in proportion as dangers increased. His 
 resources were inexhaustible, because, besides the countless 
 treasures captured at Ekbatana and Susa, the tribute alone 
 paid to him yearly from the lands over which he held sway 
 amounted to eleven hundred talents. Besides, he was for- 
 tunate in being assisted by a son, the famous Demetrius, 
 who, though possessed of a very passionate nature, yet from 
 early youth displayed wonderful military ability. Above 
 all, the prominent representatives of the royal family had 
 disappeared, and there remained only the youthful Alexan- 
 der, Herakles, the illegitimate son of Alexander the Great, 
 who had no lawful claim whatever to the sovereignty, and 
 two daughters of Philip, Kleopatra, who lived at Sardis, and 
 Thessalonike, whom Kassander had recently married none 
 of whom were sufficiently strong to assert their rights to the 
 throne. 
 
 Thus Antigonus seemed indeed destined to become vicar 
 and master of the entire Alexandrian kingdom, and to re- 
 store the unity of the empire. But not only was this union 
 not realized, but even the great realm which Antigonus had 
 established in Asia was doomed to inevitable destruction. 
 The generals who possessed the various satrapies- of the em- 
 pire could not bear his supremacy, and accordingly entered
 
 192 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 into a convention, which gradually ripened into an active 
 alliance against him. 
 
 The principal organ of this movement was Seleukus, who, 
 having escaped to Ptolemy of Egypt, first of all persuaded 
 the latter to form an alliance which Kassander of Mace- 
 donia and Lysimachus of Thrace readily joined against the 
 formidable power of Antigonus. The war lasted for four 
 years, and was carried on in Asia, Europe, and Africa. Its 
 fortunes were various, but the result was not decisive ; nei- 
 ther the general of Asia could subdue his opponents, nor the 
 latter the general of Asia. It was therefore deemed useless 
 to continue the war, and in 311 u. c. a compact was made 
 between Antigonus on one side, and Kassander, Ptolemy, 
 and Lysimachus on the other, whereby "the supreme com- 
 mand in Europe was guaranteed to Kassander, until the 
 maturity of Alexander, son of Roxana ; Thrace being at the 
 same time assured to Lysimachus, Egypt to Ptolemy, and 
 the whole of Asia to Antigonus. It was at the same time 
 covenanted by all that the Hellenic cities should be free." 
 
 Evidently this peace contained the seeds of new disputes 
 and increasing jealousies. The first act of Kassander was 
 to cause the death of Roxana and her child in the fortress 
 of Amphipolis, where they had been confined ; and thus dis- 
 appeared for ever the only link which apparently maintained 
 the union of the empire, and a ready career now lay open 
 to the ambition of the successors. Again, the name of Seleu- 
 kus was not even mentioned in the peace, while it was well 
 known at the time it was concluded that he had firmly estab- 
 lished his rule over the eastern satrapies of Asia. For ten 
 whole years he was occupied in strengthening his supremacy, 
 and finally in 311 he proclaimed himself the absolute ruler 
 of eastern Asia, and compelled Antigonus himself to ac- 
 knowledge his dominion over these countries. The troops 
 also of Antigonus, notwithstanding the treaty, still remained 
 in Hellas, under command of his nephew Ptolemy. Ptolemy
 
 ANTIGONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS. 193 
 
 of Egypt, therefore, accusing Antigonus of having contra- 
 vened the treaty by garrisoning various Hellenic cities, re- 
 newed the war and the triple alliance against him. 
 
 In the mean time Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus, be- 
 coming dissatisfied with his uncle, went over to Kassander, 
 hoping to obtain through his assistance the rule of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. But the old Polysperchon who had hitherto 
 maintained a local dominion over various parts of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, with a military force distributed in Messene and 
 other towns suddenly raised the royal flag in behalf of 
 Herakles, son of Alexander by Barsine, now eighteen years 
 of age, whom he had brought over to Hellas from Pergamus 
 in Asia. Polysperchon invaded Macedonia with a large 
 force, but was finally persuaded by numerous presents to 
 espouse the cause of Kassander, and, having assassinated the 
 young prince Herakles, withdrew his army toward the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. Upon this Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus, 
 fled to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, who happened to be then in 
 Kos, but was assassinated by the latter, who at once laid 
 siege to Halikarnassus. Demetrius hastened to the assist- 
 ance of the city, and Ptolemy was forced to retreat to Myn- 
 dos. The assassination of Ptolemy, nephew of Antigonus, 
 was speedily followed by that of Kleopatra, sister of Alex- 
 ander the Great, and daughter of Philip and Olympias. She 
 was living at Sardis, and was preparing to quit that place in 
 order to become the wife of Ptolemy in Egypt, when she 
 was killed by the satrap of Sardis, who received his orders 
 from Antigonus. 
 
 Condition of Hellas. 
 
 For more than ten years, therefore, Antigonus, Ptolemy, 
 Lysimachus, and Kassander successively promised to leave 
 the Greeks independent, free, and unguarded ; but the latter 
 never ceased to be guarded, taxed, and ruled by Macedonian 
 despots. We may, indeed, say that the cities of Hellas never
 
 194 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 before had suffered so much as during the time when such 
 great promises were made about their liberty. The ^Etoli- 
 ans alone still possessed their independence. Rough, cour- 
 ageous, warlike, and fond of freedom, they continued fight- 
 ing against the Macedonian rule ; so that later they were 
 the mainspring of the last serious attempt which the ancient 
 Hellenic world made for the recovery of a true political au- 
 tonomy. 
 
 The condition of Sparta was indeed lamentable during 
 those years. The ancient laws were still in existence, but 
 the ancient spirit had entirely disappeared ; a most auda- 
 cious wickedness prevailed ; the number of citizens had 
 dwindled down to a few hundred ; the territory under its 
 sway was limited to Laconia alone ; the laws of Lycurgus, 
 which were supposed to be in force, were simply a pretense ; 
 and a moral degradation the more debasing since there ex- 
 isted no trace of science or of art, which so much consoles 
 nations politically declined was prevalent throughout the 
 state. 
 
 Athens, as always, presented a different aspect from that 
 of Sparta. It was certainly not the old aspect ; depravity 
 moral and political was here also apparent, but life was not 
 at least deprived of a certain grace and prosperity. For ten 
 whole years (from the end of 318 B. c.) the city was gov- 
 erned by Demetrius the Phalerean, who had been vested 
 with the command by his friend Kassander. Demetrius, 
 both by his education, mode of life, and character, may be 
 regarded as a type of the entire city. Born of an obscure 
 family, he nevertheless obtained a good education, espe- 
 cially in the sciences and politics ; for he is said to have had 
 for teacher Theophrastus, the most famous of the pupils of 
 Aristotle. Unfortunately, he was one of those who, though 
 they may be well instructed, yet lack the virtues which 
 tend to ennoble life. While poor, he lived on truly Spar- 
 tan diet, for his food is said to have been mainly composed
 
 ANTIGONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS. 195 
 
 of olives and cheese ; but as soon as he was vested with 
 the government of the city, he assumed a style so sump- 
 tuous and arrogant, that it nearly used up the yearly in- 
 come of the city, amounting to about twelve hundred talents. 
 At the same time he enacted laws against " extravagance in 
 living" ; but no one obeyed them, and the life of the city 
 was a faithful representation of that of the magistrate him- 
 self. The people listened to Theophrastus and the Megarian 
 Stilpon, not to be taught the true and healthy principles of 
 philosophy, but in order to admire the splendor of their dis- 
 courses, and to meet in those crowded audiences the hetaerae, 
 who attended the lectures magnificently and shamefully at- 
 tired. The city indeed was replete with musicians, painters, 
 and sculptors ; but religion, patriotism, virtue, and morality 
 were things of the past. The men lived in order to laugh, 
 play, and amuse themselves, having for their guide the very 
 protector of their city, Demetrius the Phalerean, who seemed 
 born to rule such citizens, just as the latter seemed created 
 to be the subjects of such a magistrate. 
 
 It is true that under his government the material pros- 
 perity of the city greatly increased ; for a numerous con- 
 course of foreigners flocked thither on account of its advan- 
 tages in education, art, and commerce. The shops especially 
 of the artisans were filled with orders ; to Demetrius alone 
 were erected within sixty days, by vote of the people, three 
 hundred and sixty statues ; provisions also were abundant 
 and cheap. But if in commerce, arts, and letters the city 
 still recalled the days of old, her political claim had entirely 
 disappeared. 
 
 Athens freed by Demetrius PoliorJcetes. 
 
 The autonomy of the Hellenic cities was guaranteed by 
 the peace of 311 B. c., but the Macedonian garrison had not 
 as yet left Munychia. Later, by the stipulation entered into 
 in 308 between Ptolemy Lagus and Kassander, the latter
 
 196 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 again remained absolute ruler of the city, when suddenly the 
 following great change took place. 
 
 Antigonus, learning that Ptolemy, after seizing certain 
 cities in Hellas, had departed, leaving the others to the dis- 
 cretion of Kassander, decided to assume himself the task of 
 liberating them ; or, in other words, he sought to establish 
 his own supremacy in Hellas, in preference to that of Kas- 
 sander or Ptolemy. Accordingly, he dispatched thither his 
 son Demetrius, who sailed in the spring of 307 B. c. with a 
 strong force. Demetrius, son of Antigonus, was certainly 
 the most brilliant of the successors of Alexander the Great, 
 and the best representative of those various elements by the 
 blending of which a new world was prepared in history, com- 
 posed of the amalgamation of the Hellenic and the East- 
 ern life. He combined the resoluteness of the Macedonian 
 soldier with the intelligence and grace of the Attic Greek ; 
 the prodigality and dissoluteness of an Asiatic sultan with 
 such an astonishing daring and inconstancy that his principal 
 aim in life seemed to be to throw away opportunities rather 
 than to use them for any great object. His beauty and mien, 
 says Plutarch, were so inimitable that no statuary or painter 
 could carve in marble or fix on canvas his likeness. His 
 countenance, with its blended grace and dignity, was at once 
 amiable and awful ; and the unsubdued and eager air of 
 youth was blended with the majesty of the hero and the 
 king. There was the same happy mixture in his behavior, 
 which inspired in his associates and followers both admira- 
 tion and respect. In his hours of leisure he was a most 
 agreeable companion ; at his table, and at every species of 
 entertainment, of all princes the most delicate ; yet, when 
 business called, nothing could exceed his activity, diligence, 
 and dispatch. 
 
 Demetrius became deeply attached to the city of Athens 
 the greatness, intelligence, grace, art, philosophy, and glo- 
 rious past of which he always loved and admired. His as-
 
 ANTIGONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS. 197 
 
 pirations centered themselves in the wish to be proclaimed 
 the " Liberator " and " Savior " of Athens ; to be repre- 
 sented as such in the market-place, temples, and porticoes 
 of that glorious city ; and to see the people extolling his 
 appearance, applauding his speeches, and blessing his name. 
 Antigonus was a much more positive man ; he knew that 
 the issue was not the freedom, but the sovereignty of Hel- 
 las whether himself or Kassander should rule it. Know- 
 ing, however, the sympathy of his son, whom he devotedly 
 loved, he flattered that sentiment as much as possible ; and 
 when one of his friends advised Antigonus, if he took 
 Athens, to keep it, as the key to Hellas, he would not listen 
 to him, asserting that the best and surest of all keys was 
 the friendship of the people, and that Athens was the watch- 
 tower of the world, whence the torch of his glory would 
 blaze over the earth.* 
 
 Such was the man who in May of 307 B. c. sailed from 
 Ephesus against Hellas with a formidable armament, con- 
 sisting of two hundred and fifty ships, five thousand talents 
 of silver, and a large number of engines for besieging forti- 
 fied places. Athens was at that time commanded by Deme- 
 trius the Phalerean. What a difference between these two 
 men ! The one represented ancient Hellenism in its ruinous 
 decline ; the other, the Macedonian Hellenism in its youth- 
 ful organization. The one had still a certain learning, intel- 
 ligence, grace, and charm ; the other, besides these advan- 
 tages, possessed the intrepidity and daring which seemed to 
 have wholly abandoned the ancient metropolis of the nation. 
 In fact, the antithesis in the character of the two men became 
 manifest as soon as they met. Demetrius, suddenly appear- 
 ing at the Peirseus,f declared that his father Antigonus, in 
 a happy hour he hoped for Athens, had sent him to reinstate 
 the people in their liberties by expelling the garrison, and 
 
 * Plutarch. 
 
 f The town had no information of his approach.
 
 198 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 to restore their laws and ancient form of government.* 
 "Without loss of time, he seized upon the Peiraeus ; while 
 Demetrius the Phalerean, though having many followers in 
 the city, though sustained by a strong Macedonian garri- 
 son at Munychia, and though he could have received effec- 
 tive aid from Kassander, did not for a moment attempt 
 resistance, but provided only for his own safety. Abandon- 
 ing his friends to the discretion of the enemy, and worst 
 of all to the enraged multitude, he hastened to make his 
 submission to Demetrius, son of Antigonus, who received 
 him kindly and sent him with a strong convoy to Thebes 
 (which had been rebuilt by Kassander), agreeably to his 
 request. From Thebes the Phalerean went to Macedonia, 
 where he remained until the death of Kassauder, after which 
 he sailed to Ptolemy in Egypt. 
 
 The Athenians in the city declared in favor of Deme- 
 trius, son of Antigonus, who assured them that, however 
 desirous he might be to see their city, he would deny him- 
 self that pleasure until he should have besieged and captured 
 Munychia, as well as Megara, with their Kassandrian garri- 
 sons. In a short time he accomplished both these objects, 
 after which he entered the city in great pomp and followed 
 by the whole multitude. Having called an assembly of the 
 people, he declared from the bema that he reestablished the 
 commonwealth in its ancient form ; that he would himself 
 endeavor to reinstate her in her ancient renown ; that it 
 was necessary to construct a large navy ; that he would ask 
 his father to send timber enough to build one hundred gal- 
 leys, and moreover to restore to the Athenians the island of 
 Imbros ; but he strongly advised them to send ambassadors 
 to Antigonus, and promised them, in the name of his father, 
 one hundred and fifty thousand measures of wheat. 
 
 Unfortunately, Athens was no longer capable of availing 
 herself of the restoration of democracy and autonomy. Instead 
 
 * Plutarch.
 
 ANTIGONUS AND HIS SON DEMETRIUS. 199 
 
 of applying herself to the development and rearrangement of 
 the public revenues and forces, she wasted her time in per- 
 secuting the fallen oligarchs, and in conferring honors upon 
 " Demetrius the Liberator." The people certainly can not be 
 blamed for the honors granted to Demetrius, but these hon- 
 ors were rendered obnoxious through the extravagant hom- 
 age decreed him. The servile demagogues of the time vied 
 with one another in devising new methods of flattery by 
 which to attract the good will and bounty of the invader. 
 At the proposition of the old Stratokles (who had been one 
 of the accusers of Demosthenes), the Athenians voted to 
 erect golden statues to both Antigonus and Demetrius ; to 
 offer them crowns worth two hundred talents ; to raise altars 
 to them, worshiping them as gods ; to add two new tribes to 
 the existing ten, to be called Antigonis and Demetrias ; to 
 weave the portraits and exploits of Antigonus and Deme- 
 trius, along with those of Zeus and Athene, into the mag- 
 nificent and voluminous robe periodically carried in proces- 
 sion, as an offering at the Panathenaic festival ; and to 
 choose annually a high priest of these gods and saviors 
 (Antigonus and Demetrius), after whom each alternate year 
 was to be named, instead of being called after the first of 
 the nine archons, as had hitherto been the custom. Several 
 similar decrees were passed, and we are told that temples 
 or altars were voted to Phila- Aphrodite, in honor of Phila, 
 wife of Demetrius ; and a like compliment was subsequently 
 paid to his two mistresses, Lsena and Lamia. Altars are 
 said to have been also dedicated to Adeimantus and others 
 of his convivial companions or flatterers. 
 
 No other people were found capable of such vile adula- 
 tion. Nor is it strange that the Athenians abased themselves 
 to such an extent before this brilliant youth to whom they 
 owed at least their alleged liberty when it is considered 
 that shortly before they had set up three hundred and sixty 
 statues to the blind tool of Kassander, the stupid and worth-
 
 200 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 less Demetrius the Phalerean. It seems that the more learned 
 and intelligent a people once have been, the more abject they 
 are apt to become in their servility and adulation when the 
 epoch of national decline arrives. 
 
 After the capture of Athens, Demetrius, contrary to ex- 
 pectation, took no steps to overthrow the power of Kassan- 
 der or of Ptolemy in the rest of Hellas. He spent many 
 months in idleness in that city, surrounded by flatterers, 
 abandoning himself to symposia, to pseudo-philosophers, and 
 to the reckless women in whose society he delighted. He 
 roused to a still higher pitch the enthusiasm of the Athe- 
 nians by marrying the beautiful Eurydike, the widow of 
 Opheltas, king of Kyrene, who after her husband's death had 
 returned to Athens, her native city. This marriage was 
 deemed a great event, not only on account of the magnifi- 
 cence with which it was celebrated, but because Eurydike 
 was a descendant of the ancient Miltiades. Thus the union 
 of the greatest of the present leaders with the descendant of 
 one of the proudest heroic families of the city seemed to unite 
 its glorious past with a new era of power in the present. But 
 suddenly, toward the end of 307 B. c., this dream of honors, 
 feasts, and symposia was cut short, because Demetrius was 
 summoned by Antigonus in all haste to Asia. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 
 
 Defeat of Ptolemy Capture of JTyprus. 
 
 THE growing power of Antigonus, and the fact that he 
 aspired to become master of the entire Alexandrian empire, 
 caused much uneasiness and dissatisfaction among the sa-
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 201 
 
 traps, who began to fear his overwhelming preponderance 
 throughout Asia. Ptolemy of Egypt, especially, either be- 
 cause he was more energetic than the others or because he 
 ran greater risk, had been for some time actively preparing 
 for war, and had amassed large forces in Kyprus. It was 
 this that caused Antigonus to recall Demetrius to the East. 
 
 Demetrius hastened at once to Karia and Kilikia, and, 
 having gathered a powerful army, sailed in the beginning of 
 306 B.C. to Kyprus with fifteen thousand hoplites, four hun- 
 dred cavalry, one hundred and ten triremes, and the neces- 
 sary transport-vessels. He landed on the northeastern coast 
 of the island, captured two of its cities, Urania and Karpasia, 
 and then marched against the capital, Salamis. There he 
 had an engagement with Menelaus, brother of Ptolemy, 
 whom he completely routed and forced back into the city. 
 Now for the first time he had occasion to display his wonder- 
 ful genius for the construction and invention of new and 
 fearful engines for laying sieges, whence he was ever after- 
 ward distinguished by the name Poliorketes or the City-taker. 
 He brought from Asia workmen, iron, and wood, with which 
 he constructed machines of every kind for throwing stones 
 and other missiles ; he built battering-rams for storming 
 walls, and tortoises or pent-houses, formed of shields over- 
 lapping each other as in a tortoise's back (like the Roman 
 testudo), for protecting his soldiers against the darts and 
 arrows of the enemy. The walls could not long withstand 
 the storm and shock of these terrific engines ; they had 
 begun already to crumble, and the city was in imminent 
 danger of being captured, when Menelaus succeeded in burn- 
 ing in one night most of the machines. 
 
 Demetrius was not disheartened ; he persisted in his un- 
 dertaking, and both the siege and defense were carried on 
 with the utmost fury, when a report was spread about that 
 Ptolemy himself had arrived in Kition with a large body of 
 troops for the assistance of Menelaus. Ptolemy had with him
 
 202 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 a force of ten thousand foot-soldiers, one hundred and forty 
 triremes, and five hundred transport-vessels. He hoped that 
 by attacking Demetrius in front while his rear was threatened 
 by Menelaus, his utter destruction would inevitably result. 
 Menelaus had also a fleet of sixty triremes, which Ptolemy 
 commanded to be sent to him at once in order to render his 
 force still more formidable. But Demetrius would neither 
 await his opponent in Salamis nor permit the departure of 
 the sixty ships. Having left a part of his force to watch 
 Menelaus, and stationed his entire cavalry on the sea-coast, 
 he embarked the best of his troops in his vessels, leaving ten 
 only to prevent the egress of the sixty for that number was 
 amply sufficient to block up the mouth of the harbor and 
 hastened with the remainder to attack his opponent. 
 
 The situation of Demetrius was precarious ; his forces 
 were not only less numerous than those of Ptolemy consist- 
 ing, according to Diodorus, our best authority, of not more 
 than one hundred and eight vessels but the fleet of his 
 antagonist was considered wellnigh unconquerable, and no 
 one as yet had dared to contend with him on the sea. The 
 approaching battle, therefore, attracted the attention not 
 only of the parties concerned, but of all other princes ; for, 
 besides the uncertainty of the event, so much depended upon 
 it that the conqueror would be, not master of Kyprus and 
 Syria alone, but superior to all his rivals in power. 
 
 Demetrius had made his preparations during the evening 
 and night before 'the battle, and early in the morning the 
 fleet of the enemy appeared sailing in all haste toward Sala- 
 mis, hoping to anticipate the egress of Demetrius. But the 
 latter had foreseen the plans of Ptolemy, and had his fleet 
 drawn up ready for action. He had stationed toward the 
 left his strongest wing, which he commanded in person 
 fifty-two of his largest ships, thirty of which were Athe- 
 nian under Medius ; in his center he had placed his smaller 
 vessels, under Themison the Samian and Marsyas the histo-
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 203 
 
 rian ; and the remainder he had stationed on the right, under 
 Hegesippus the Halikarnassian and Pleistias of Kos, the 
 latter of whom held next to Demetrius the highest command 
 in the fleet. Ptolemy ordered his transports to the rear, and 
 drew up his triremes in a manner altogether different from 
 that of his opponent. He strengthened especially his left 
 wing, that he might thus defeat the right of Demetrius, 
 force his vessels toward the open sea, where the Egyptian 
 fleet could fight to better advantage, and clear the way to 
 the harbor, where he intended to join the sixty ships of Men- 
 elaus. 
 
 The sacrifices having been performed on the deck of each 
 vessel, Demetrius first raised a golden shield, the signal for 
 action, which was immediately given in like manner by 
 Ptolemy. Hereupon the trumpets sounded, the war-cry was 
 raised, and the ships bore against one another with a terrific 
 crash. Demetrius stood on the stern of his vessel, and took 
 part in the thickest of the struggle. The enemy rushed in a 
 body against him, showering their arrows upon him. Three 
 of his body-guard lay dead at his feet, but he fearlessly stood 
 at his post, drove back the right wing of the enemy, and 
 bore down with such impetuosity upon their center that it 
 was thrown into great confusion. Ptolemy was victorious 
 over the right wing of Demetrius, and, having sunk and 
 captured many vessels on that side, was turning against the 
 remaining forces of his adversary when suddenly he beheld 
 his left broken up and the center preparing for flight. He 
 therefore abandoned all hope of success, and escaped with 
 eight ships to Kition, and thence to Egypt. 
 
 The victory of Demetrius was complete. While he lost 
 only twenty ships, he captured forty (according to Plutarch, 
 seventy) with their crews ; and the rest, excepting the eight, 
 were sunk in the engagement. Besides, Ptolemy's numerous 
 train, his servants, friends, wives, arms, money, machines, 
 and eight thousand soldiers that were stationed near the fleet
 
 204 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 in transports, all fell into the hands of Demetrius. But how 
 complete was the victory the results showed still more strong- 
 ly ; for Menelaus made no further resistance, but surrendered 
 Salamis, with all the ships and the land forces, numbering 
 twelve hundred horse and twelve thousand foot. 
 
 This victory, so great in itself, Demetrius rendered still 
 more glorious by generosity and humanity, in giving the en- 
 emy's dead an honorable interment, and setting free many of 
 the prominent prisoners, among whom were Menelaus and 
 Leontiskus, son of Ptolemy. He sent to his faithful Athe- 
 nians, whose ships had so much contributed to the victory, 
 twelve hundred complete suits of armor from the spoils, and 
 hastened to give an account of the victory to his father 
 through Aristodemus the Milesian, one of his most faithful 
 friends. 
 
 Plutarch informs us that when Aristodemus arrived on 
 the coast of Syria from Kyprus, he would not suffer the ship 
 to make land ; but, ordering it to anchor at a distance, and 
 all the company to remain in it, he took the boat and went 
 on shore alone. He advanced toward the palace of Antigo- 
 nus, who was waiting the issue of this battle with the great- 
 est solicitude. As soon as he was informed that the mes- 
 senger was coming, his anxiety increased to such a degree 
 that he could scarce keep within his palace. He sent his 
 officers and friends, one after another, to Aristodemus, to de- 
 mand what intelligence he brought. But, instead of reply- 
 ing, he walked on in silence and with great solemnity. The 
 king, by this time much alarmed, and having entirely lost 
 his patience, rushed to the door to meet him. A great crowd 
 gathered about Aristodemus, and people were running from 
 all quarters to the palace. When near enough to be heard, 
 he stretched out his hand, and cried aloud : " Hail to King 
 Antigonus ! We have totally beaten Ptolemy at sea ; we 
 are masters of Kyprus, and have made sixteen thousand 
 eight hundred prisoners." Antigonus answered : " Hail to
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 205 
 
 you too, my good friend ! But I will punish you for tor- 
 turing us so long ; you shall wait long for your reward." 
 After this, he sent to his victorious son a diadem, and in the 
 letter that accompanied it addressed him as king. 
 
 Antigonus, therefore, seemed to have attained the end 
 which for so many years he had been pursuing. In western 
 Asia and at Athens the people had enthusiastically pro- 
 claimed him king. Ptolemy, the most dangerous of his 
 opponents, was completely defeated, and it was supposed 
 that he would no longer delay in acknowledging Antigonus 
 his master ; the other two dynasts in Europe, Kassander and 
 Lysimachus, were certainly not a match for him ; while Se- 
 leukus, who had established a strong empire in the East, 
 could not successfully cope with the united forces of the 
 "West. Such were the golden dreams of Antigonus. He for- 
 got, however, that he was already little short of eighty, and 
 that Fortune rarely bestows her best gifts at such an age ; 
 that while he possessed wonderful experience, he had lost 
 his incomparable daring, endurance, and energy ; that while 
 he had a son who was young, ambitious, brave, and full of 
 invention, yet this son, in his unsteady habits, debaucher- 
 ies, and long carousals, had the peculiarities which tend to 
 waste rather than to preserve and strengthen the advan- 
 tages already possessed. Above all, he forgot that he had 
 still to fight not against barbarians, but against armies as 
 well drilled as his own, and commanded by generals who 
 came from the same school as himself ; so that, had he not 
 been blinded by ambition, he should have considered how 
 to preserve his exalted position amid so many powerful ene- 
 mies, rather than how to bring all under his absolute su- 
 premacy. 
 
 Ptolemy, for instance, master of a rich land, well gov- 
 erned and devoted to him, was far from giving up the cause 
 as lost on account of his recent defeat. He had never, indeed, 
 supposed that he could.succeed to the empire of Alexander ;
 
 206 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 but for the country allotted to him he was ready to fight with 
 all his might, sustained by a strong and faithful army, which, 
 far from being dispirited by its recent defeat, gave Ptolemy 
 the title of king. Again, when Antigonus, assuming the 
 diadem, had declared himself " the sole successor of Alex- 
 ander the Great," be it remembered that in the same year 
 the other successors caught eagerly at the opportunity to 
 aggrandize themselves ; for both Lysimachus in Thrace and 
 Kassander in Macedonia took the diadem and proclaimed 
 themselves kings ; so that the year 306 B. c. is known in 
 Hellenic history as " the year of kings." Seleukus also, who 
 had worn the diadem for some time when he gave audience 
 to the barbarians, began to wear it now before Macedonians 
 and Greeks, and to number the years from the epoch when, 
 returning from Egypt, he had recovered Babylon. Thus, in- 
 stead of one king, we have already five, and Antigonus was 
 forced more than ever before to sustain by arms his claims 
 to supremacy. 
 
 Antigonus in Egypt. 
 
 Antigonus decided to march first of all against Ptolemy, 
 whose subjection he deemed indispensable before attempting 
 any measures against the other satraps. He accordingly 
 summoned his son from Kyprus. In that luxurious island 
 Demetrius seemed to have forgotten alike ambition and 
 duty, amid feasts and symposia, and in the company of 
 the famous courtesan Lamia, who, though much older than 
 he, had effectually enslaved him by the peculiar charm of 
 her address. As soon as he received the order of recall he 
 hastened to his father, and, according to his custom, kissed 
 him so cordially that the old man laughed and said, " Surely, 
 my son, you think you are kissing Lamia." He did not cease 
 even here to pass his time in protracted carousals ; so that he 
 often avoided his father, whom he devotedly loved. Once, 
 when he had been spending many days with his friends over
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 207 
 
 the bottle, he excused himself on his return to court by say- 
 ing that he had been hindered by a defluxion. " So I heard," 
 said Antigonus ; " but whether was the defluxion from Thasos 
 or from Chios ? " * With such mildness, Plutarch tells us, 
 he treated his son's faults, out of regard to his brilliant per- 
 formances ; for in war no man, however naturally temperate, 
 exceeded him in sobriety. 
 
 Preparations were finally completed about the beginning 
 of autumn, 306 B. c. ; and forthwith Antigonus marched 
 against Ptolemy, leading his cavalry and infantry in person, 
 while Demetrius with a powerful fleet attended him along 
 the coast. The whole force amounted to eighty thousand 
 foot, eight thousand horse, eighty-three 'war-elephants, one 
 hundred and fifty triremes, and one hundred transports. 
 Antigonus marched through the desert, and in November 
 reached safely Pelusium, toward the eastern outlet of the 
 Nile ; but Demetrius encountered such a storm that he lost 
 many of his ships, and ran the risk of being driven upon a 
 dangerous shore. Ptolemy had, in the mean time, strongly 
 fortified the coast and the banks of the river ; so that the 
 attacks both on land and sea, though bravely undertaken, 
 completely failed of their object ; and finally Antigonus, see- 
 ing the time passing, provisions failing, and the army dis- 
 heartened, deemed it best to cease hostilities for the present 
 and return to Syria. 
 
 This failure, amounting in fact to a complete defeat, 
 showed the futility of the ambitious projects of Antigonus, 
 especially since that general displayed few of the qualities of 
 the Antigonus of old, the daring, inventive, and stubborn 
 opponent of Eumenes. By his hurried retreat to Syria he 
 not only abandoned his plans, but lost in a day the military 
 reputation which he had won by so many bold and strenuous 
 efforts. 
 
 * Both these islands are famous to this day for the excellence of their 
 wine.
 
 208 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Siege of Rhodes. 
 
 About the middle of 305 B. c. we suddenly find Antigonus 
 engaged in war with Rhodes. It is not definitely known 
 what was the cause of this struggle. Perhaps he thought 
 that, since he was master of Kyprus, he could by reducing 
 Rhodes control the seas and inflict a severe wound upon the 
 foreign commerce of Egypt. But while the hostilities against 
 Egypt became thus entangled with new difficulties, uncertain 
 as to their results, the war against Rhodes was in itself alto- 
 gether unjust and uncalled for, directed as it was against a 
 neutral commercial city, which had done everything to ap- 
 pease the haughty dynast. 
 
 The island of Rhodes was in a most flourishing condition 
 at this time. The Rhodians were excellent sailors, and by 
 their energy, law-abiding habits, and wise commercial regu- 
 lations, they had achieved a great reputation throughout the 
 mercantile world. They had besides enacted special laws for 
 the abolition of piracy, and their flag afforded the safest pro- 
 tection on the sea. Adhering to a strict neutrality amid the 
 constant wars waged around them, they afforded a secure 
 retreat to foreign merchants and capitalists, many of whom 
 settled in their island, either quietly to increase their resources 
 or peacefully to enjoy the fruits of their labor. Many dy- 
 nasts eagerly sought the friendship of the Rhodians, giving 
 them presents and various privileges ; but, equally friendly 
 to all, they diligently avoided every kind of alliance tending 
 to lead them into war. Their sympathy perhaps rather in- 
 clined to Ptolemy, because their principal commercial rela- 
 tions were with Egypt, and many Rhodians had great inter- 
 ests at stake in Alexandria and elsewhere. The produce of 
 the south, which, on account of the war between Seleukus 
 and Antigonus, could no longer be carried across Asia, was 
 brought from Alexandria to Rhodes, and thence found its 
 way to Hellas and other western countries. Besides, the du-
 
 600 Metres 
 
 CITY OF RHODES 
 
 IIMAYENIS' GREECE
 
 THE EXPLOITS OP DEMETRIUS. 209 
 
 ties derived from the Egyptian commerce formed the main 
 revenue of the island. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when Antigomis, in the mid- 
 dle of 305, decided to attack the island, demanding that all 
 traffic with Egypt be forthwith ended. The Rhodians strove 
 to avert war, by voting to Antigonus and Demetrius statues 
 and other such honors, justly claiming that the interests of 
 the commercial world would suffer by the outbreak of hos- 
 tilities. Their overtures were refused with contumely, and 
 Demetrius sailed against the island with a force consisting 
 of two hundred triremes, one hundred and seventy trans- 
 port-vessels, forty thousand men, and a large train of war- 
 engines ; in addition to which a thousand private vessels 
 followed the ^ fleet for the purpose of enriching themselves 
 from the expected booty. The Rhodians, greatly alarmed, 
 yielded at once to the requirements of Demetrius, saying 
 that they would fight with him against Ptolemy. But Deme- 
 trius in addition demanded a hundred of the most prominent 
 citizens as hostages, and the admission of the fleet within 
 their harbor. The Rhodians, deeming these fresh claims a 
 scheme against the freedom of their city, resolved to un- 
 dergo every danger rather than yield to the capricious de- 
 mands of the youthful general, and most assiduously prepared 
 for war. An enumeration being taken, it was found that six 
 thousand citizens and a thousand strangers could bear arms. 
 At the same time word was sent to Kassander, Ptolemy, and 
 Lysimachus, seeking assistance as soon as possible. 
 
 Demetrius disembarked toward the north of the island, 
 and began his works for laying siege with that wonderful 
 art which became incomparable in antiquity. The city of 
 Rhodes, built during the Peloponnesian war, possessed one 
 of the finest and best harbors of all the Hellenic cities. It 
 was built in the form of an egg, one end of which was 
 formed by the citadel, the other by the great harbor. In 
 the rear there was a small port, built for war purposes, 
 30
 
 210 TEE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 which could be entered through the harbor by means of a 
 canal. The harbor was surrounded by earthworks, and the 
 city itself by a strong wall with many towers. On the north 
 and south of the city were proasteia or suburbs, which the 
 Rhodians, for want of a suitable force to occupy them, were 
 compelled to abandon to the enemy. Each of these suburbs 
 had its own harbor, and the northernmost one Demetrius 
 now occupied. His intention, however, was to take posses- 
 sion of the main harbor as soon as possible, hoping thus to 
 cut off all communication with the sea and reduce the city 
 by assault. He accordingly constructed two huge machines, 
 each carried upon two transport-vessels joined together, and 
 two ponderous towers, each of which also rested upon two 
 ships and surpassed in height the towers of the harbor. 
 
 The Rhodians did not remain idle, but also placed ma- 
 chines upon their earthworks and transport-vessels. Before 
 the second week had fairly set in Demetrius destroyed the 
 machines of his opponents, shook the towers and walls, and 
 occupied the fortifications near the harbor. Hereupon the 
 Rhodians sallied forth with all their forces, drove back the 
 enemy, and burned his transport-vessels. Demetrius pro- 
 cured new boats, pushed his way boldly into the harbor, 
 placed ladders against the walls, pressed heavily upon the 
 defenders, and at the same time ordered his land forces to 
 the assault. A desperate struggle was for a long time 
 waged ; the assailants mounted upon the walls, and fiercely 
 attacked the Rhodians ; but the latter hurled down the sol- 
 diers of Demetrius from the battlements, and captured a 
 few of their best officers. Seven days later Demetrius sailed 
 again into the great harbor, sent his fire-ships into the port 
 against those of the Rhodians, and by his ponderous ma- 
 chines severely shook the walls of the city and wounded a 
 few of its brave defenders. The Rhodian sailors succeeded 
 in extinguishing his fire-ships, and destroyed two of the en- 
 gines; but, in attempting to board the third, which was
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 211 
 
 already carried farther into the rear, they lost their brave 
 captain Exekestus and two of their own vessels. Deme- 
 trius within a few days constructed a machine three times 
 greater than any thus far built, but a great storm sud- 
 denly destroyed both the machine and the ships that car- 
 ried it. The Rhodians, availing themselves of this, opened 
 their gates and captured a detachment of four hundred men 
 which had been stationed on the earthworks at the entrance 
 of the harbor. 
 
 The affairs of Demetrius were now in a precarious condi- 
 tion. He had not only lost his machines, but the Rhodians 
 had shortly before received a reenforcement of five hundred 
 men from Ptolemy and one hundred and fifty from their 
 friends the Knosians ; besides, winter had set in, and he was 
 compelled to forego his attacks from the harbor. Being, 
 however, young, ambitious, and full of contrivance, he per- 
 sisted in his undertaking, and increased his means of attack, 
 especially on land, by constructing the largest of his ma- 
 chines, called a helepole. The base was square ; each of its 
 sides at the bottom was fifty cubits wide, and it was a hun- 
 dred feet high. The sides of the divisions gradually less- 
 ened, so that the top was much narrower than the bottom ; 
 while the inside was divided into several stories or rooms, 
 one above another. The front, which was turned toward 
 the enemy, had a window in each story, through which 
 missile weapons of various kinds were thrown. It neither 
 shook nor veered the least in its motion, but rolled on in a 
 steady, upright position. 
 
 The Rhodians, fearing lest the wall might finally succumb 
 to the repeated attacks of these immense machines, con- 
 structed within it another parallel wall, while nine of their 
 triremes captured some of the transports of Demetrius carry- 
 ing provisions and ammunition. The struggle proceeded, 
 with various changes of fortune ; but both parties on many 
 occasions displayed sentiments of nobility and generosity, for
 
 212 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 which this war became not less famous in history than for 
 the perfection which the art of laying sieges reached during 
 its course. A proposition was once made by certain Rhodi- 
 ans to destroy the statues of Demetrius and Antigonus ; 
 but it was rejected with indignation by the people, who re- 
 fused to retract any of the honors once bestowed upon these 
 kings. Demetrius proved himself equally magnanimous. In 
 the northern suburb of the city, almost within his camp, 
 the famous artist Protogenes of Kaunus was painting at that 
 time the history of lalysus,* to the completion of which 
 work he is said to have devoted seven years. The Rhodi- 
 ans sent ambassadors asking Demetrius to spare the work, 
 and he replied that he would sooner destroy the pictures 
 of his own father than such a masterpiece. At the same 
 time, calling the artist, he asked him how he dared prose- 
 cute his work with so much calmness amid the rage of war. 
 "Because," he answered, "though Demetrius was at war 
 with Rhodes, he did not suppose he was at war with the 
 Arts." The king extended to him his protection, and we 
 are told that he often visited the artist in his retreat, where 
 Protogenes did not cease amid the clash of arms to occupy 
 himself with his wonderful painting. 
 
 The Rhodians had about this time received an abundance 
 of provisions from Ptolemy and Lysimachus ; and being 
 greatly elated, especially on account of the futile attempts of 
 Demetrius to hinder these ships from entering the harbor, 
 they took active measures to burn his machines. To this end 
 they prepared many fire-ships, placed on the walls their war- 
 engines, and, choosing a dark, moonless night, suddenly dis- 
 charged a shower of firebrands against the machines of the 
 enemy. The soldiers of Demetrius rushed forth to save the 
 machines ; but many perished in the attempt, while not a few 
 
 * lalysua was one of the fabulous heroes, the son of Ochimus and grand- 
 son of Apollo ; and there was a town in Rhodes called lalysus, which prob- 
 ably had its name from him.
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 213 
 
 were seriously wounded. Upon this Demetrius ordered his 
 entire army to hasten to the rescue of the engines, and finally 
 succeeded with the utmost difficulty in saving them. 
 
 Many daring attempts were made by Demetrius to re- 
 duce the city, and once his troops entered it by means of a 
 subterraneous passage he had constructed ; but the Rho- 
 dians after a severe struggle captured all who had forced 
 their way in. 
 
 However dauntless the endurance and bravery of the Rho- 
 dians, however abundant their resources, it is probable that 
 the determination of Demetrius, together with his ponderous 
 machines, would have finally overcome the resistance of the 
 citizens, had the interests of Antigonus allowed the continu- 
 ation of the siege. But as Demetrius was devising new 
 means of attack, Antigonus wrote to him to make terms with 
 the Rhodians and hasten forthwith to Hellas. The Rhodians 
 also began to grow weary of the war, and finally, at the inter- 
 vention of the Athenians, peace was concluded on condition 
 that " the island of Rhodes should remain autonomous and 
 unguarded, and have its own revenue ; the Rhodians should 
 assist Antigonus and Demetrius as allies, in all their wars ex- 
 cept those with Ptolemy ; and a hundred hostages should be 
 given to Demetrius not, however, from those holding high 
 political offices." 
 
 Thus was ended this famous siege. The Rhodians hon- 
 ored all the citizens who had distinguished themselves during 
 the contest ; freed the slaves who had fought in defense of 
 the city ; erected statues to Kassander and Lysimachus ; and 
 especially carried their grateful devotion toward the king of 
 Egypt so far as to erect a temple to him, called the Ptole- 
 masum, and to worship him (under the sanction of the oracle 
 of Ammon) as a god. They soon repaired the damage done 
 to the city, and acquired greater influence than ever before, 
 through having so bravely fought against the strongest of 
 the dynasts.
 
 214 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Demetrius acquired also great renown, having assumed 
 the name of Poliorketes, and gave fresh proofs of the noble- 
 ness of his character, not only during the siege, but also after 
 it was ended ; for he left to the Rhodians, both as a memo- 
 rial of his famous machines and of their wonderful courage, 
 his ponderous helepoles, from the metal of which Chares of 
 Lyndus constructed afterward the famous colossus of Rhodes. 
 Demetrius failed in his attempt because he had not the polit- 
 ical wisdom to accept the propositions the Rhodians submit- 
 ted to him just before the commencement of the siege, when 
 they declared themselves ready to fight even against Ptolemy. 
 Besides, he lost a whole year at Rhodes, and rendered clear 
 the fact that he was not able to rule the seas. He was now 
 compelled to hasten to Athens, to which Kassander had laid 
 siege. 
 
 Demetrius in Hellas. 
 
 Demetrius sailed to Hellas (304 B. c.), with a fleet of 
 three hundred and thirty ships and a numerous body of land 
 troops. He landed in Boeotia, and compelled Kassander not 
 only to raise the siege of Athens, but even to retreat to 
 Thessaly. Having formed an alliance with the ^Etolians 
 against both Kassander and Polysperchon, he returned from 
 Leukas to Athens about the month of September, near the 
 time of the Eleusinian mysteries. " He was welcomed by 
 festive processions, hymns, paeans, choric dances, and bac- 
 chanalian odes of joyous congratulation. One of these 
 hymns is preserved, as sung by a chorus of Ithyphalli 
 masked revelers, with their heads and arms encircled by 
 wreaths, clothed in white tunics, and in feminine garments 
 reaching almost to their feet." 
 
 Plutarch says that the Athenians, though they had lav- 
 ished honors upon Demetrius before in the most extravagant 
 manner, yet contrived on this occasion to appear new in 
 their flattery. They gave orders that he should lodge in the 
 back part of the Parthenon ; which accordingly he did, and
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 215 
 
 Athene was said to have received him as her guest a guest 
 not very fit to come under her roof, or suitable to the purity 
 of her temple, for his dissolute habits were notorious. A 
 new edict was also passed, to the effect that the people of 
 Athens had resolved that whatsoever thing Demetrius might 
 command should be accounted holy in respect of the gods, 
 and just in respect of men. To such meanness, remarks Plu- 
 tarch, were the Athenians brought, when the garrison was 
 removed out of their city, and they pretended to be a free 
 people ! 
 
 In the beginning of 303 Demetrius entered the Pelopon- 
 nesus, declared again the liberty of the cities, and, having 
 banished the Egyptian and Macedonian garrisons from Ar- 
 gos, Sikyon, Corinth, and other places, was almost every- 
 where worshiped as a god. 
 
 After this he called, as Philip and Alexander had done 
 before, an assembly of the Greeks at the isthmus, and was 
 proclaimed general of all Hellas in the war against Kassan- 
 der. Finally, in April, 302, he returned again to Athens, 
 where he was anxious to be initiated into the Eleusinian 
 mysteries not only into the lesser mysteries, but even into 
 those called the greater. This was unlawful and unprece- 
 dented ; for the lesser mysteries were celebrated in February 
 and the greater in September, and none were admitted to 
 the lesser till a year at least after they had attended the 
 greater.* Pythodorus the torch-bearer was the only person 
 
 * The Eleusinian mysteries represented the carrying off of Persephone to 
 the lower world by Hades or Pluto, the search for her by her mother Deme- 
 ter, goddess of agriculture and of fertility in general, the discovery of Per- 
 sephone's fate, and her return to the world of light for a portion of each 
 year. They symbolized, at least in part, the processes of nature in the 
 annual round of reproduction and decay, and through them, it is supposed, 
 the immortality of the soul. They were said to have been instituted by 
 Demeter herself, in a temple built according to her directions, in return for 
 her hospitable reception by Keleos, king of Eleusis, while she was wandering 
 in search of her daughter under the guise of a poor old woman.
 
 216 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 who ventured to oppose the demand ; but his opposition was 
 entirely ineffectual, for Stratokles procured a decree that the 
 month Munychion (April) should be called and reputed the 
 month Anthesterion (February), to give Demeter an oppor- 
 tunity for his first initiation ; after which Munychion was 
 changed into Boedromion (September). He was accordingly 
 initiated at once, and received in immediate succession the 
 preparatory and the final rites. 
 
 But worse abuses still were perpetrated by Demetrius, 
 " the greatest of the gods," for he ordered the Athenians to 
 raise in one day two hundred and fifty talents, and the sum 
 was exacted with the greatest rigor. When the money was 
 brought in, and he saw it all together, he ordered it to be 
 given to the notorious Lamia and his other mistresses to buy 
 soap ! Thus Demetrius spent his life amid scenes of untold 
 debauchery, forgetting his lawful wives both the Athenian 
 Eurydike and the refined Phila, the daughter of Antipater, 
 as well as the beautiful De'idameia, the daughter of ^Eakus, 
 king of Epirus ; forgetting also that such a life was wholly 
 incompatible with the great designs which both his father 
 and himself were intending to carry out. 
 
 In the summer of 302 Demetrius invaded Thessaly with 
 an army of fifty-six thousand men, of whom twenty-five 
 thousand were Grecian allies so extensive was his sway at 
 this time over the Hellenic cities. Kassander had no hopes 
 of contending successfully with Demetrius, and sent ambas- 
 sadors to Antigonus in Asia asking for a cessation of hostili- 
 ties. But that haughty ruler replied that he knew only of 
 one way to peace, an unconditional surrender. This arro- 
 gant and imperious answer, by which Antigonus declared 
 himself the only successor of Alexander the Great, aston- 
 ished not only Kassander but the other three dynasts. The 
 danger seemed common to all, and at the request of Kassan- 
 der a fourfold alliance was easily concluded between Ptole- 
 my, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and Kassander. The allies de-
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 217 
 
 cided to attack Antigonus in Asia, the principal seat of his 
 power. Thither Lysimachus hastened from Thrace, Seleu- 
 kus from the far east, and Ptolemy from the south. 
 
 In the mean time Demetrius advanced into Thessaly, but 
 Kassander skillfully avoided a general engagement, until 
 Antigonus, finding himself threatened on all sides in Asia, 
 was forced to recall his son about the end of 302. As soon 
 as Demetrius sailed for Ephesus, Kassander sent his brother 
 Pleistarchus into the principal theatre of war with a large 
 army. At the same time the troops of Lysimachus and Se- 
 leukus were collected in Asia Minor against the combined 
 forces of Antigonus and Demetrius ; while Ptolemy was 
 still slowly advancing through Syria. A great battle was 
 fought in the spring of 300 B. c. near Ipsus in Phrygia, be- 
 tween Antigonus and Demetrius on one side and Lysimachus 
 and Seleukus on the other, by which the fate of Asia was 
 decided. 
 
 Battle of Ipsus Death of Antigonus. 
 
 Antigonus had an army of more than seventy thousand 
 foot and ten thousand horse ; while the enemy's infantry 
 consisted of sixty-four thousand men and their cavalry of 
 ten thousand five hundred. Thus the forces on both sides 
 were nearly equal. But Antigonus had only seventy-five 
 elephants, while Seleukus brought with him nearly four hun- 
 dred and eighty. Knowing, therefore, that a battle in the 
 open field would place him at a disadvantage by reason of 
 this formidable array of elephants, Antigonus should not 
 have periled his cause by such an encounter. Had he suc- 
 ceeded in delaying the battle and gradually wasting the 
 forces of his enemies, he might have emerged victorious 
 from these difficulties ; for their alliance was neither sincere 
 nor stable, since Ptolemy did not enter into it with much 
 zeal. Or had Antigonus abated a little of his pretensions, 
 and restrained his ambition to govern the world, he could
 
 218 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 have kept the preeminence among the successors of Alex- 
 ander, not only for himself, but for his son after him. 
 But, imperious by nature, and no less arrogant in his expres- 
 sions than in his actions, he exasperated these powerful 
 princes against him. He even boasted that he could break 
 the present league, and disperse the united armies with as 
 much ease as a boy does a flock of birds. This is especially 
 strange, for he had presentiments of misfortune. In other 
 engagements his spirits used to be high, his port lofty, his 
 voice loud, and his language vaunting. Often in the heat 
 of the action he would let fall some jocular expression to 
 show his unconcern and his contempt of his adversary. But 
 at this time he was observed to be thoughtful and silent ; 
 and one day he presented his son to the army, and recom- 
 mended him as his successor. What appeared still more 
 extraordinary was, that he took him aside into his tent, and 
 discoursed with him there ; for he never used to communi- 
 cate his intentions to him in private, or to consult him in the 
 least. 
 
 When the battle was begun, Demetrius, at the head of 
 his best cavalry, fell upon Antiochus, the son of Seleukus, 
 and fought so bravely that he put the enemy to flight. 
 Forgetting, however, the lesson of wise pursuit so often 
 taught by Alexander the Great, he followed after the fugi- 
 tives, paying no regard to what was taking place in his rear. 
 Seleukus, seeing his adversary's foot unsupported by cav- 
 alry, rode toward them leading his army and elephants, as if 
 intending every moment to charge designing by this ma- 
 noeuvre to terrify the soldiers, and to give them opportunity 
 to change sides. The event answered his expectation. A 
 great part separated from the main body, and voluntarily 
 came over to him, while the rest were put to rout. Antigo- 
 nus alone with a few about him continued the struggle ; 
 and as the enemy were bearing down upon him one of his 
 friends said, " They are coming against you, sire." " What
 
 THE EXPLOITS OF DEMETRIUS. 219 
 
 other object can they have ? " said Antigonus. " But De- 
 metrius will come to my assistance." In this hope he con- 
 tinued to the last ; but no succor arrived. The enemy 
 pressed heavily upon him, discharging their missiles, until 
 finally the brave old man fell under a shower of darts. His 
 servants and his very friends forsook him ; only Thorax of 
 Larissa remained by the dead body.* 
 
 Thus Antigonus, at the age of eighty-one years, died on 
 the field of battle. Demetrius returned slowly from the pur- 
 suit, but, seeing that the day was irretrievably lost, fled to 
 Ephesus, and thence to Hellas, with five thousand foot and 
 four thousand horse. 
 
 The victors buried Antigonus with royal honors, after 
 which they divided his kingdom between Seleukus and Ly- 
 simachus. Ptolemy was left out, because he had contrib- 
 uted least of all to the success of the war. Kassander, 
 owing to the position of his kingdom, could not receive any 
 territorial aggrandizement from the Asiatic possessions of 
 Antigonus ; but Kilikia was granted to his brother Pleistar- 
 chus, since the latter fought personally in the battle. Syria 
 and the most easterly parts of Asia Minor were given to 
 Seleukus ; while the western lands of that peninsula fell to 
 Lysimachus. 
 
 The battle of Ipsus, fought twenty-two years after the 
 death of Alexander, decided for a long time the fate both of 
 Asia and of Africa. Ptolemy, Seleukus, and their successors, 
 continued for at least three centuries to hold the scepter 
 of their respective kingdoms. But the effects of the battle 
 were speedily felt in Europe, and led there to still further 
 political changes. Neither Lysimachus nor Kassander was 
 destined to become the founder of a lasting dynasty. 
 
 * Plutarch, " Demetrius."
 
 220 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 LAST DAYS OP ALEXATTOER's GENERALS. 
 
 Proceedings of Demetrius Death of Kassander. 
 
 DEMETRIUS sailed for Athens, which he hoped to find 
 ready to sustain him in his misfortunes ; for he had left with 
 the Athenians many of his ships, his money, and his wife 
 Deidamia. He therefore pursued his voyage with all pos- 
 sible expedition ; but ambassadors from Athens met him 
 near the Kyklades, and entreated him not to think of going 
 thither, because the people had declared by an edict that 
 they would receive no king into their city. This act of 
 the Athenians enraged Demetrius even more than the great 
 change of his affairs ; for to be deceived beyond all his ex- 
 pectations to find that the affection of the Athenians, so 
 great in appearance, was false and counterfeit was a thing 
 that cut him to the heart. Nevertheless, he was in no wise 
 discouraged. Possessing many cities in the Peloponnesus 
 and a powerful fleet, he forthwith sailed to the Chersonese, 
 and by the ravages he committed distressed Lysimachus, as 
 well as enriched and secured the fidelity of his own forces, 
 which now began to gather strength and improve into a 
 respectable army. Lysimachus had no fleet, and besides he 
 feared lest Seleukus who had already achieved a greater 
 power than Antigonus should deprive him of his posses- 
 sions in Asia Minor ; and accordingly he deemed it wise to 
 conclude an alliance with Ptolemy. The latter, displeased 
 with Seleukus for having overlooked him during the dis- 
 memberment of the empire of Antigonus, and fearing the 
 naval supremacy of Demetrius, at once accepted the over- 
 tures of Lysimachus ; and, as a further guarantee of the alli- 
 ance, Lysimachus married the beautiful Arsinoe", daughter of
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER'S GENERALS. 221 
 
 Ptolemy, while he had already for his wife the noble and re- 
 fined Amastris, a Persian ; but these Macedonian dynasts 
 had no scruples against having two or more wives. 
 
 This alliance caused great uneasiness to Seleukus, who, 
 seeing that he could obtain no assistance from Kassander, 
 while Demetrius had the means to aid him much with his 
 great fleet, sent proposals of marriage to Stratonike, daughter 
 of Demetrius, and at the same time concluded an alliance with 
 him. A connection with Seleukus, says Plutarch, was a happy 
 and unexpected turn of fortune for Demetrius. He sailed at 
 once with his daughter to Syria ; and as soon as the alliance 
 between Seleukus and Demetrius was made, the preexisting 
 alliance between Lysimachus and Ptolemy was immediately 
 dissolved. Ptolemy, when espousing the cause of Lysim- 
 achus, did not suppose that Seleukus would so soon make 
 terms with Demetrius. He was a cautious man, and was 
 least of all disposed to incur the enmity of such powerful 
 antagonists ; he hastened therefore to conclude peace with 
 them, -which was easily accomplished, since it served the in- 
 terests of Seleukus by causing the isolation of Lysimachus, 
 and was also advantageous to Demetrius, who had no fleet 
 to fear but the Egyptian. Matters having been thus ac- 
 commodated, it was further agreed that Demetrius should 
 marry Ptolema'is, daughter of Ptolemy, and that the latter, 
 to secure his rights on the sea, should receive a few hostages 
 from Demetrius, among whom was the young Epirote prince 
 Pyrrhus, who, far from his country, was serving in the army 
 of Demetrius. 
 
 But this peace could not last. Demetrius felt that his 
 kingdom was not secure. Kilikia and Phoanicia, lying on 
 the borders of the broad empire of Seleukus, could not nat- 
 urally remain long separated from his dominions. Seleu- 
 kus had already demanded that Demetrius should surrender 
 Kilikia to him for a sum of money, and on his refusal to do 
 so angrily insisted on having Tyre and Sidon. Demetrius
 
 222 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 also knew that Ptolemy was anxious for the possession of 
 Kyprus ; and he was indeed at a loss how to oppose such 
 formidable antagonists. He accordingly decided in 298 B. c. 
 again to seize Hellas, and to make that country his head- 
 quarters for defense against future attacks. The new inter- 
 vention of Kassander in Hellenic affairs offered him a suffi- 
 cient excuse for carrying out his plans. 
 
 Kassander, deeming Hellas an indispensable acquisition 
 to his Macedonian empire, and seeing Demetrius occupied 
 with other and more distant affairs, thought it an excellent 
 opportunity to impose his rule again over Greece, and espe- 
 cially Athens. The Athenians, led by the brave and good 
 Olympiodorus, and assisted by the ^Etolians, frustrated the 
 design of Kassander ; but the king of Macedonia finally 
 assisted Lachares, a demagogue, to seize the government, 
 hoping to become the ruler of the city, through the assist- 
 ance which Lachares would be forced to ask in order to 
 maintain his power. 
 
 Demetrius, learning this, sailed first against the Pelopon- 
 nesus, captured Messene and some other cities, and laid siege 
 to Athens. 
 
 In the mean time Kassander suddenly died, about the 
 end of 297 B. c., and his death brought with it unexpected 
 consequences, since his sons showed themselves entirely in- 
 capable of continuing the work of their father. 
 
 Demetrius blockaded Athens by sea and land, until, the 
 pressure of famine becoming intolerable, the people were 
 obliged to open their gates to him. He again treated kindly 
 the ungrateful city, but placed a garrison both in the Peiraeus 
 and at Munychia, and at the same time hastened to the con- 
 quest of Sparta. He soon, however, raised the siege of that 
 city, because Ptolemy, Seleukus, and Lysimachus, having 
 concluded an alliance against him, had dispossessed him of 
 Kyprus, Kilikia, Phoenicia, and the sea- coast towns of Asia 
 Minor. Before attacking them, Demetrius sought to strength-
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER'S GENERALS. 223 
 
 en his supremacy in northern and middle Hellas, especially 
 because new prospects were opened to him in Macedonia by 
 the death of Kassander. Philip IV, eldest son of Kassan- 
 der, succeeded his father, but had a short reign, for he died 
 of sickness after something more than a year. Between the 
 two remaining sons, Antipater and Alexander, a sanguinary 
 hostility broke out. Antipater slew his mother Thessalonike, 
 because he thought she was contriving means to give the 
 sovereignty to his brother ; and thus in 295 B. c. died by the 
 hand of her own son the last member of the family of Philip 
 and Alexander the Great. This violent act aroused the peo- 
 ple against Antipater, who was forced to flee to his father- 
 in-law Lysimachus, hoping that this king of Thrace would 
 assist him in recovering the throne of Macedonia. Alexan- 
 der called in the Greek princes to his assistance, Pyrrhus 
 (who had in the mean time recovered his ancestral scepter) 
 from Epirus, and Demetrius from the Peloponnesus. Pyr- 
 rhus marched into Macedonia and seized a considerable part 
 of that country, while Demetrius, occupied with other mat- 
 ters, was more tardy in obeying the summons. But Antipa- 
 ter, having unsuccessfully plotted against his father-in- aw 
 in Thrace, was by his orders presently slain. 
 
 Alexander, having no longer need of foreign assistance, 
 informed his allies that his affairs did not now require their 
 presence. He effected an agreement with the Epirote king by 
 granting him a considerable part of Macedonia, but sought 
 to free himself from Demetrius by murdering him. Deme- 
 trius, informed of this, slew Alexander at Larissa, during an 
 interview to which he had craftily invited him, and on the 
 following day (294 B. c.) seized the Macedonian crown ; 
 " not without the assent of a considerable party, to whom 
 the name and the deeds of Kassander and his sons were 
 alike odious."
 
 224 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Death of Demetrius. 
 
 Thus sat on the bloody throne of Macedonia Demetrius 
 Poliorketes, and for ever disappeared the race of murderers 
 produced by the brave and good Antipater i. e., his son 
 Kassander, and the latter's sons Antipater and Alexander. 
 Phila alone, out of the whole family, proved herself a wo- 
 man of noble and exalted nature. Demetrius had often 
 neglected her, but she never ceased to love him, and re- 
 mained faithful to the last, notwithstanding his debaucheries; 
 and for the sake of her son Antigonus Gonatas, she forgot 
 the bitter treatment she suffered at the hands of her hus- 
 band, and strove by all means to strengthen his rule over 
 Macedonia, because the Macedonians submitted to Deme- 
 trius chiefly because he was the son-in-law of their beloved 
 Antipater. 
 
 Demetrius was not satisfied with his new empire, although 
 it was of considerable importance. He had indeed lost his 
 possessions in Asia, but he held sway over Macedonia and 
 Hellas that is to say, over nearly all the kingdom which 
 Philip, father of Alexander the Great, had only after many 
 severe struggles and difficulties reduced to his aiithority. 
 But Demetrius inherited the ambition of his father, despised 
 Macedonia, was difficult of access, and not only refused to 
 read the petitions of his subjects, but even cast them into 
 the street, and at the same time oppressed the country by 
 maintaining a sumptuous court, and preparing a large fleet 
 and army with which to recover the Asiatic kingdom of his 
 father. He became so obnoxious to his subjects by reason 
 of these acts of tyranny, that in 289, when he was sick, Pyr- 
 rhus, king of Epirus, seized almost without a contest the 
 country over which he ruled. Demetrius, as soon as he had 
 recovered, drove him away, but still continued to oppress his 
 subjects with his vast warlike preparations. He had already 
 amassed a fleet of five hundred ships and one hundred and
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER'S GENERALS. 335 
 
 twelve thousand men, intending to invade Asia, when all 
 at once it became apparent how visionary were his plans and 
 undertakings. 
 
 Seleukus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, deeming themselves 
 equally threatened by his preparations, renewed the alliance 
 against him, and likewise joined in an application to Pyrrhus, 
 desiring him to fall upon Macedonia. Thus, while Deme- 
 trius was preparing for his voyage, he found himself en- 
 circled by hostile armies at home. Lysimachus invaded 
 Macedonia from the north, Pyrrhus from the west, and 
 Ptolemy sent his great fleet to draw Hellas off from its 
 master. As soon as the enemy approached, the Macedo- 
 nians, tired of fighting to maintain the luxury of Deme- 
 trius, deserted their king and forced him to save his life by 
 flight. Thus, in 287 B. c., after seven years' rule in Mace- 
 donia, Demetrius again lost the kingdom, and departed, 
 abandoned by all. Nothing could equal the sorrow of his 
 noble wife Phila on this occasion. She could not bear to see 
 her unfortunate husband once more a private man and an 
 exile, and in her despair she took poison and died. 
 
 The Athenian Olympiodorus, availing himself of the 
 flight of Demetrius, sought to free his country from foreign 
 rule, and, attacking the Macedonian garrison, compelled it 
 to surrender. Upon this, Demetrius repaired to Hellas, col- 
 lected such of his friends and officers as he found there, and 
 laid siege to Athens. The Athenians, however, met his at- 
 tacks bravely, and forced him to abandon the attempt. 
 Leaving his possessions in Hellas to his son Antigonus Gona- 
 tas, because he had himself neither time nor desire to waste 
 his opportunities with small matters, he embarked his army, 
 which consisted of eleven thousand foot, besides cavalry, and 
 hastened to carry the war into Asia. Lysimachus, whose 
 possessions he had invaded, was then in Macedonia ; but his 
 brave son Agathokles came against Demetrius with a great 
 army. Agathokles avoided a pitched battle with his desper-
 
 226 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 ate antagonist, but shut him off from the sea, deprived him of 
 provisions, and by continually harassing him reduced him to 
 severe straits. Demetrius had in a short time lost not less 
 than eight thousand men, and was finally brought to such 
 extremities that he wrote a letter to Seleukus containing a 
 long and moving detail of his misfortunes, and concluding 
 with strong entreaties that he would take compassion on a 
 prince who was allied to him, and whose sufferings were 
 such as even an enemy might be affected with. 
 
 Seleukus was touched with pity, and sent orders to his 
 lieutenants to supply Demetrius with everything suitable to 
 the state of a king, and his army with sufficient provisions. 
 But soon after, either justly or unjustly, a mutual distrust 
 arose between the two. Seleukus demanded hostages from 
 Demetrius, which the latter refused to grant. Hostilities 
 t broke out anew, but Demetrius was easily defeated by the 
 powerful dynast of the East. He then sought to put an end 
 to his life, but was prevented by his friends, and finally sur- 
 rendered himself again to Seleukus. The latter once more 
 treated him kindly, granted him a city wherein to live, and 
 supplied him with money and a table suitable to his rank, 
 but kept him under a strong guard. Demetrius at first ex- 
 ercised himself in hunting and running ; but he neglected 
 these sports by degrees, and sank into indolence and inac- 
 tivity. Afterward he took to drinking and play, until, after 
 three years' confinement, he fell into a distemper occasioned 
 by idleness and excess, which carried him off (283 B. c.), at 
 the age of fifty-four. * 
 
 Death of Ptolemy and Lysimachus. 
 
 Shortly after the death of Demetrius, Lysimachus also 
 came under the sway of Seleukus. Lysimachus had secured 
 hjs dominion over Thrace by means of wise regulations and 
 
 * Plutarch, " Demetrius."
 
 LAST DAYS OF ALEXANDER'S GENERALS. 227 
 
 successful wars, and had besides recovered his Macedonian 
 possessions from King Pyrrhus. But he was already old and 
 feeble, and suffered toward the close of his life many family 
 troubles. He had four wives, but was especially devoted to 
 his third, Amastris, niece of King Darius Codomannus. His 
 misfortunes arose after marrying his fourth wife, Arsinoe, 
 daughter of Ptolemy, by whom he had three sons. Amastris, 
 becoming dissatisfied, departed to her government of Hera- 
 kleia in Pontus, where after a few years she was murdered 
 by her two sons born by a former husband, Dionysius, dy- 
 nast of Herakleia. Lysimachus, who preserved to the last 
 his devotion to Amastris, punished the matricides with death, 
 but was none the less deprived of his noblest and dearest 
 wife ; and, while up to that epoch he had committed no vil- 
 lainous acts, he was now driven by Arsinoe to the most atro- 
 cious deeds. 
 
 Agathokles, son of Lysimachus, was the successor to the 
 throne in Thrace, and had some time before married Ly- 
 sandra, daughter of Ptolemy and step-sister of Arsinoe'. 
 Lysandra had also a step-brother, Ptolemy, who on account 
 of his violent temper was surnamed Keraunus (Thunderer). 
 Arsinoe disliked both her step-sister and half-brother as well 
 as Agathokles, because the sovereignty would have passed not 
 to her own children, but to those of Lysandra ; and further, 
 we are told, because, having once expressed a violent pas- 
 sion for Agathokles, she was repulsed by him with contumely. 
 Thus the fiercest passions, ambition, hate, and thwarted 
 love, combined to arouse the nature of Arsinoe even to mad- 
 ness. She succeeded in persuading Ptolemy Keraunus to 
 assist her in her murderous projects ; and Ptolemy, although 
 he detested Arsinoe, availed himself of this opportunity to 
 cause the death of the man whom he justly considered the 
 only obstacle in his way to the throne of Macedonia. They 
 traduced Agathokles to his father, persuaded the weak old 
 man that Agathokles, the best of his sons, had formed a se-
 
 228 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 cret plot against his life, and finally obtained from Lysim- 
 achus an order authorizing his death. 
 
 The fate of this noble and excellent young man created 
 a bitter animosity against Lysimachus. This was made still 
 more violent by numerous other crimes to which he was in- 
 cited by that execrable woman, especially in Asia Minor, 
 where many of the friends of Agathokles resided, and which 
 province the latter had ruled with great moderation shortly 
 before his death. Lysandra, his half-brother Alexander, and 
 a few intimate friends of the murdered prince sought the 
 protection of Seleukus. They were cordially received by 
 Seleukus, who considered this an excellent opportunity to 
 add to his dominions the kingdom in Asia formerly granted 
 to Lysimachus. This seemed all the easier on the death 
 shortly afterward (283 B. c.) of the old king of Egypt, Ptol- 
 emy Soter (Savior), who, as it would seem, restrained while 
 he lived the conquering aspirations of the Asiatic monarch. 
 
 Thus Lysimachus suddenly found himself threatened by 
 Seleukus, and at the same time received positive assurance 
 of the innocence of the son whose death he had so rashly 
 ordered. He hastened to Asia, however, to meet his formi- 
 dable antagonist in person. In a battle fought on the plain of 
 Cyrus in Phrygia, on the Hellespont, in the summer of 281, 
 Lysimachus was mortally wounded, and his army completely 
 routed. The body of the king remained unobserved on the 
 field of battle until, several days afterward, his son Alexan- 
 der obtained permission to inter it jn a befitting manner. 
 Neither would it have been discovered had not a faithful 
 dog preserved it from beasts and birds of prey. Alexander 
 had the body transported to Lysimacheia in Thrace, where 
 he caused a monument to be erected to the memory of his 
 father, who perished at the age of eighty. Seleukus, shortly 
 after the battle, crossed the Hellespont, and brought under 
 his sway even the European possessions of his opponent.
 
 THE INVASIONS OF THE GAULS. 229 
 
 Death of SeleuJcus. 
 
 Seleukus, however, did not long enjoy this high degree 
 of prosperity. Ptolemy Keraunus, fearing the anger of 
 Lysimachus, who had learned of the innocence of Agatho- 
 kles, escaped to Seleukus. He was cordially welcomed, but 
 the villain succeeded in estranging the army from Seleukus, 
 and finally murdered him in 280 ; after which he hastened to 
 Lysimacheia, proclaimed himself king of Thrace, and, enter- 
 ing Macedonia with an army, caused himself to be recognized 
 also as ruler by the Macedonians. Thus perished the founder 
 of the empire of the Seleukidse, at the age of seventy-three. 
 His son and successor Antiochus I wished at first to avenge 
 the death of his father ; but, deeming Ptolemy II (Philadel- 
 phus) of Egypt sure to come to the aid of his brother Ptole- 
 my Keraunus, and being prohibited by many native Asiatic 
 rulers from leading an army across their territories, he chose 
 to make peace and recognize Ptolemy Keraunus as king of 
 Macedonia and Thrace. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 THE INVASIONS OF THE GAULS. 
 
 Death of Ptolemy ^Keraunus. 
 
 THE new king, who had through villainy seized upon the 
 throne, sought by the most nefarious means to strengthen 
 his position. It is not known what became of the widow of 
 Agathokles and her children ; but Arsinoe, the wife of Ly- 
 simachus and half-sister of Ptolemy Keraunus, had escaped 
 with her children to the well-fortified Kassandreia. Ptolemy, 
 desiring to become master of this castle and of the children
 
 230 THE SUCCESSORS; 
 
 of Lysimachus, proposed to his half-sister that she should 
 become his wife, promising to hold the empire as the posses- 
 sion of her children, and only rule in common with them. 
 Marriages of this sort between brothers and sisters are al- 
 ready often mentioned among the successors of Alexander. 
 As soon as the marriage took place and Kassandreia fell into 
 his power, he at once slew the children in her arms, and im- 
 prisoned Arsinoe herself in Samothrake, whence she escaped 
 to Egypt, where she became the wife of her other brother 
 Ptolemy II. 
 
 Thus the kingdom of Ptolemy Keraunus seemed every- 
 where secure. Ptolemy of Egypt was his ally ; Antiochus 
 of Asia had made peace with him ; the children of Ly- 
 eimachus were killed ; Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, had gone 
 to Italy to assist the Tarentines against the Romans. An- 
 tigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius Poliorketes, was indeed a 
 dangerous opponent, but was for the present engaged in war 
 with the Spartans. 
 
 Suddenly and unexpectedly a formidable enemy appeared 
 in the so-called Kelts or Gauls. The Gauls were the oldest 
 known inhabitants of the farthest western countries of Eu- 
 rope. Being a branch of the Indo-Germanic race, they came 
 at some remote period from Asia. In the sixth century B. c. 
 they began to move toward the east and the south ; a part of 
 them settled in Spain, while another portion invaded upper 
 Italy, southern Germany, Hungary, and thence in the fourth 
 century B. c. found their way to the north of Hellas. In 335, 
 when Alexander the Great marched against certain tribes 
 bordering on the Danube, ambassadors of the Gauls came 
 to him and made peace, which in 323 they renewed by a sec- 
 ond embassy sent to him in Babylon. During the time of 
 the successors new tribes of Gauls made frequent incursions 
 into the northern provinces of Hellas ; but during the con- 
 fusion caused by the death of Lysimachus and of Seleukus, 
 the civil strifes in Hellas between the Spartans, JEtolians,
 
 THE INVASIONS OF THE GAULS. 231 
 
 and Antigonus, and the departure of Pyrrhus for Italy, 
 numberless hordes of Gallic barbarians made new and ter- 
 rible inroads into various provinces on the north of Hellas. 
 Ptolemy Keraunus seems to have despised the strength of 
 these Gauls ; but in a battle fought in November, 280, his 
 force not being sufficiently large, the Macedonian army was 
 wellnigh annihilated, and Ptolemy himself was slain. 
 
 Anarchy in Macedonia Antigonus Gonatas King. 
 
 After the death of Ptolemy Keraunus the Gauls became 
 masters of the open regions bordering on Macedonia, and 
 ruthlessly ravaged the surrounding districts. Meleagrus, 
 brother of Ptolemy, was declared king. Being unable to 
 rescue the land from the barbarians, he was speedily deposed 
 by the Macedonians, and one Antipater, an alleged relative 
 of either Kassander or Lysimachus, was elected in his stead ; 
 but he was also dethroned in a few days. Hereupon Sos- 
 thenes, a Macedonian of noble rank, took command of the 
 army, drove away the barbarians, but refused the crown, de- 
 claring himself amply satisfied to retain command of the 
 army. 
 
 In the spring of 279 about two hundred thousand Gallic 
 v/arriors, bringing with them according to custom their wives 
 and children, and led by the ferocious Brennus, invaded 
 Macedonia, laid waste the fields and orchards (for they were 
 unable to capture the fortified cities), and continued on 
 their march to the south through Thessaly. This news nat- 
 urally alarmed Hellas, and especially the districts beyond the 
 isthmus. Most of the cities were then autonomous, because 
 Antigonus Gonatas at that time held only Euboea. They 
 therefore formed an alliance under the supreme command 
 of the Athenians. The Gallic horde invaded Hellas, and 
 marched straight against Delphi, which, though it had been 
 pillaged seventy years before during the Phokian war, had 
 in the mean time regained treasures of considerable value.
 
 232 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 But in the neighborhood of Delphi the Gauls suffered a 
 complete defeat, their chief Brennus was killed, and finally 
 they were driven back through Thessaly and Macedonia to 
 Thrace, being literally mowed down by the people through 
 whose territories they passed. 
 
 Many other tribes of Gauls later collected in Thrace, and 
 finally established a kingdom of their own called Tyle, which 
 achieved considerable importance, and compelled even the 
 powerful city of Byzantium to pay tribute to it. This king- 
 dom, whose first king was Komontorius, lasted about sixty 
 years, when it was overthrown by the Thracians. But the 
 Gauls left many traces in the East. 
 
 Sosthenes, the brave general of Macedonia, died about 
 the end of 279. Anarchy afterward prevailed throughout 
 the land, until finally Antigonus Gonatas, availing himself 
 of the internal discord, invaded Macedonia and seized upon 
 his paternal kingdom (278 B. c.), which he and his descen- 
 dants thereafter ruled. Afterward vast numbers of maraud- 
 ing Gauls passed into Asia, and finally settled in a large 
 district bordering on the lands of Kappadokia, Paphlago- 
 nia, Bithynia, and Phrygia, which received from them the 
 name of Galatia. Such was the end of these invasions of the 
 Gauls the first barbarians who visited the land of Hellas 
 from the west and the north. 
 
 The last and final distribution of the dominions of Alexan- 
 der was accomplished immediately after the accession of An- 
 tigonus Gonatas to the throne. That vast empire was now 
 divided into three kingdoms Egypt under the descendants 
 of Ptolemy Soter, Asia under the Seleukidse, and Macedonia 
 under the Antigonids. The kingdom of Thrace, once so 
 flourishing under Lysimachus, had disappeared with his suc- 
 cessors ; for the race of Lysimachus, as well as that of Kas- 
 sander, was already extinct. Forty-five years had passed 
 since the death of Alexander the Great forty-five years of 
 almost constant wars and strife ; but it must not be sup-
 
 STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD. 333 
 
 posed that these repeated conflicts were caused merely by 
 selfish passions and personal ambition, for the struggle was 
 mainly carried on for the maintenance of the union of the 
 empire. This was the object of Perdikkas, of Eumenes, and 
 of Antigonus. Nor did the successors of Alexander ever for- 
 get another great object that of strengthening and spread- 
 ing Hellenism in the remotest lands of Asia and Libya. Thus 
 these long strifes were not wholly individual and unproduc- 
 tive, and the successors of Alexander neither proved them- 
 selves worthless pupils of an incomparable teacher, nor in- 
 efficacious apostles and propagators of the noble Hellenic 
 civilization. The commixture of Hellenism, which had now 
 so greatly degenerated, with Asiatic customs and habits, and 
 the unlimited and irresponsible power which these dynasts 
 had often acquired, certainly produced a mode of life for- 
 eign to that of ancient Hellenism ; but if Perdikkas, Poly- 
 sperchon, Kassander, Lysimachus, and Antigonus stained 
 their hands with bloody deeds, yet Eumenes, Ptolemy, Se- 
 leukus, and Demetrius Poliorketes displayed virtues and a 
 spirit of generosity which we rarely find excelled even in 
 the history of the first Hellenism. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD. 
 
 Expedition of Pyrrhus of Epirus. 
 
 THE Epirots about this time rose into an importance 
 which they never before enjoyed, and their king, Pyrrhus, 
 was confessedly the most daring, most energetic, and most 
 fortunate man of that epoch. Though descended from a 
 race of kings, he may be considered the architect of his own 
 31
 
 234 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 fortunes, and in the long trials of youth he had learned the 
 art of drawing men to himself. It is no wonder that the 
 multitude adored him, and in their enthusiasm for his war> 
 like achievements gave him the name of the Eagle, in re- 
 gard to which he said : " If I am an eagle, you have made 
 me one ; for it is upon your arms, upon your wings, that I 
 have risen so high." He indeed was gifted with a nature 
 imbued with the noblest and loftiest of sentiments. 
 
 Had Pyrrhus possessed stability of character, he would 
 have made Epirus the mistress of Hellas, and have added to 
 the glory gained, by the Hellenic nation through the Mace- 
 donians the not less illustrious achievement of the growth 
 and preservation of Hellenic autonomy on its ancient hearth. 
 But, after securing his own dominion in Epirus, he was per- 
 suaded that neither to annoy others nor to be annoyed by 
 them was a life insufferably languishing and tedious. Like 
 Demetrius Poliorketes, whose spirit seemed transplanted into 
 this young warrior, he was never satisfied with the present, 
 "but pined in dull repose," and, led on by hope alone, 
 plunged into many disastrous undertakings. It was this 
 thoughtless spirit which finally induced him in 280 B. c. to 
 undertake the great and destructive expedition against the 
 'Romans. 
 
 The Romans, who with the Hellenes belonged to the 
 Grajco-Latin branch of the Indo-Germanic race, began to 
 change their mode of life early in the eighth century B. c., 
 and, starting from their capital, Rome, within a short time 
 reduced under their sway nearly all the neighboring states. 
 They were asked by the Hellenic cities in southern Italy 
 to aid them against Kleonymus, king of Sparta, and his na- 
 tive allies. The Romans hastened with avidity to southern 
 Italy, forced Kleonymus to return to Sparta, and were there- 
 .after deemed the protectors of the weak Hellenic cities, 
 not a few of which even accepted Roman garrisons. Shortly 
 after the Romans engaged in war with the Tarentines, and
 
 STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD. 235 
 
 the latter, not able to sustain the contest, sought the assist- 
 ance of Pyrrhus, who readily espoused their cause and de- 
 clared war against the Romans. 
 
 In' the beginning of 280 B. c. Pyrrhus sailed for Italy 
 with an army of twenty thousand foot and twenty elephants. 
 The Romans received him with great firmness, and the suc- 
 cess of the first battle, on the river Siris, remained long 
 undecided. It is said that each army was broken and gave 
 way seven times, and rallied as often ; but finally the Ro- 
 mans were worsted, and Pyrrhus remained master of the 
 field. In the following year another great battle was fought 
 near Asculum, in which the Romans made prodigious ef- 
 forts with their swords to break the enemy's infantry; not 
 regarding themselves or the wounds they received from the 
 Macedonian pikes, but only looking where they might strike 
 and slay. After a long conflict, however, the Romans were 
 forced to give way ; and when they had all quitted the 
 field, and Pyrrhus was congratulated on the victory, he ex- 
 claimed, " Such another victory, and we are undone." He 
 therefore gladly availed himself of the proposition of the 
 Syracusans to assist them against the Carthaginians (278 
 B. c.). He remained three years in Sicily, during which the 
 Romans, taking advantage of his absence, subdued many 
 warlike nations in Italy, and became the masters of numer- 
 ous Hellenic cities. Consequently the allies of Pyrrhus 
 begged him to return at once to their assistance. He com- 
 plied, and reached Tarentum with an army of twenty-three 
 thousand foot, mostly composed of inexperienced soldiers ; 
 for he had lost the greater part of the disciplined forces 
 which he had brought with him, and nearly all his friends 
 and officers. It is no wonder, therefore, that he was disas- 
 trously beaten by the Romans, and was forced in the follow- 
 ing year to return to Epirus.
 
 236 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Hellenism in the West. 
 
 After the departure of Pyrrhus from Italy, the Romans 
 subjugated not only the native tribes, but also all the Hel- 
 lenic colonies. Ten years later began the first war between 
 the Romans and Carthaginians, which was principally car- 
 ried on in Sicily, and at the close of which, in 241 B. c., the 
 entire island, with all its Hellenic colonies, passed under the 
 Roman rule. The city of Syracuse alone, with a small ad- 
 joining district, preserved its independence under Hiero II, 
 who, after many troubles and disturbances, had ascended the 
 throne in 269. Syracuse also during the second Carthagin- 
 ian war succumbed to the Romans. 
 
 Within the third century B. c., therefore, all the Hellenic 
 cities in southern Italy and Sicily had lost their indepen- 
 dence and fallen under the sway of Rome. Massalia alone 
 (the modern Marseilles) a city strong by position, founded 
 by the Phokseans about 600 B. c. upon a promontory washed 
 on three sides by the sea, well fortified, and possessing a 
 convenient harbor securely closed against enemies * main- 
 tained for some time still its liberty, and became a place of 
 considerable importance in antiquity. 
 
 Massalia, however, by reason of its isolated situation on 
 the south coast of France, could not have become the center 
 of a great Hellenism, and was finally, about the middle of 
 the first century B. c., captured by the Romans. But all 
 those provinces situated on the west of Hellas, though they 
 may have lost their autonomy, yet still preserved their Hel- 
 lenic spirit. The Romans wellnigh Latinized all the nations 
 which they conquered, but they never succeeded in overcom- 
 ing Hellenism. For many centuries still, not only in Massa- 
 lia but in many other parts of Gaul, flourished schools of 
 Greek letters and art, which were deemed by the Romans 
 equal in every respect to those at Athens. During the third 
 
 * Strabo.
 
 STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD. 237 
 
 century B. c. the Hellenic colonies in Sicily produced some of 
 the most eminent men of antiquity. Archimedes, the great- 
 est inventor and mathematician of the ancient world, was a 
 Syracusan ; he was killed during the subjugation of his coun- 
 try in 212 B. c., after having for thre.e years defended it by 
 his genius and inventions. Theokritus, the most fascinating 
 of bucolic poets, and in fact the creator of bucolic or pastoral 
 poetry, was also a native of Syracuse, and flourished about 
 270 B. c. The celebrated historian Timseus was of Taurome- 
 nium in Sicily ; Diodorus, the historian, whom we have so 
 often consulted in the preparation of this work, was born in 
 the town of Argyrium in Sicily, and flourished during the 
 first century B. c. In fine, the Hellenism of southern Italy 
 and Sicily has imbedded itself so deeply into the soil, that 
 neither Roman, Lombard, Arab, nor Norman has succeeded 
 in wholly obliterating it. It is true, however, that from that 
 period onward Hellenism in the West, having lost its inde- 
 pendence, continued to defend rather than spread itself, to 
 wither rather than to grow ; and its more energetic career 
 was confined to the East, where it did not cease for many 
 centuries to produce fruits destined to influence deeply the 
 fortunes of the world. 
 
 Hellenism in the East. 
 
 The large number of cities which Alexander and his suc- 
 cessors established in the East were the greatest and most 
 energetic organs for the spread of Hellenism in Asia, and 
 doubly contributed to its growth and strength. They were 
 founded by Hellenes, and, though later many of the native 
 inhabitants settled in them, the Hellenic population gener- 
 ally predominated, while it was always intellectually the 
 stronger. Again, these cities were organized after the Hel- 
 lenic idea of government ; for, if they did not have the com- 
 plete political existence of the ancient Hellenic cities, they 
 possessed their entire system of civil organization the as-
 
 238 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 sembly, the senate, the archons, the generals. Thus, not 
 only were Hellenic blood and the Hellenic tongue, but the 
 very Hellenic mode of government, disseminated throughout 
 the East.* 
 
 We actually have the names of more than two hundred 
 cities established by the successors alone in the vast empire of 
 Asia,f and we regret that the scope of the present work does 
 not admit some description of the more important of them, 
 of their libraries, of the great men they produced, and the 
 imperishable work they did for the civilization of Asia. 
 The cities thus founded acquired a population of at least 
 a million, and perhaps a million and a half, supposing the 
 average population of an ancient Hellenic city to have been 
 about five thousand. It was not only Hellas and Macedo- 
 nia, but also the Greeks of southern Italy, Sicily, Asia Minor, 
 and Africa, that contributed to the great work of colonizing 
 and Hellenizing Asia. These cities, scattered as it were like 
 islands in a vast sea, gradually drew the natives to themselves, 
 by the superiority of their organization, the finish of their 
 civilization, and especially by the language, which, constantly 
 spreading, finally completely Hellenized the countries of 
 Western Asia. This magnetic power of the Hellenic tongue 
 is one of the most interesting phenomena in history. Like 
 the golden arms of the Macedonians, which possessed at once 
 intrinsic value and irresistible force, the most finished of lan- 
 guages was always the most powerful arm of Hellenism. 
 
 The amalgamation of the Hellenic and Egyptian religions 
 also contributed much toward furthering this great work. 
 
 * Droysen, in his history of Alexander the Great, gives the names of 
 about fifty cities as actually founded in the East by Alexander alone. He 
 comes accordingly near to Plutarch, who states that seventy cities were 
 founded by Alexander. But it is much to be doubted whether even the 
 fifty cities mentioned by Droysen were actually cities or simply military posts. 
 The number established by Alexander is not as accurately known to us as 
 that by his successors. 
 
 f Including of course Egypt, India, Armenia, etc.
 
 STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD. 239 
 
 This union was inaugurated by the protection which Ptolemy 
 and his successors granted to the temples, religious ceremo- 
 nies, and sacred writings of the Egyptians, and culminated in 
 the erection of a temple of Zeus in central Egypt. Won- 
 derful indeed were also the exertions of the Ptolemies for 
 the advancement of science, art, commerce, and industry. 
 No new intellectual masterpieces were produced, but the old 
 were collected, examined, explained, and systematically ar- 
 ranged. The Museum was the center of this new intellectual 
 energy. This famous edifice "was the work of Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphus, and presided as it were over the vast and stately 
 palaces erected in Alexandria. It included a library and 
 many other buildings devoted to the study of science, art, 
 and literature ; so that the entire edifice might be called 
 to-day a university and academy of sciences. It contained 
 besides gardens and courts devoted to teaching, because then 
 as formerly instruction was not given in recitation-rooms, 
 but by the free conversation of teachers and pupils walking 
 up and down. The famous Alexandrian library, which this 
 Museum contained, was first of all established by Ptolemy 
 Lagus ; was considerably increased by Philadelphus and his 
 successors ; but was destroyed by fire during the time of 
 Julius Cffisar, about the middle of the first century B. c. The 
 Ptolemies collected not only the writings of the Greeks, but 
 those of other nations, so that this library was the common 
 treasury of the entire world. Through the efforts also of 
 Philadelphus was made the Hellenic version of the sacred 
 books of the Hebrews (i. e., the Old Testament), known as 
 the Septuagint. Then flourished Kallimachus, a native of 
 Kyrene, one of the most celebrated of the Alexandrian gram- 
 marians, historians, and poets ; Apollonius Khodius, born at 
 Alexandria, and well known through his poem, consisting of 
 four books, on the expedition of the Argonauts ; Aristo- 
 phanes Byzantinus, one of the most eminent Greek gram- 
 marians, the librarian of the Alexandrian library, and the
 
 240 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 founder of a school of grammar ; Aristarchus, the most cele- 
 brated critic in antiquity ; and many others. 
 
 Another edifice, but of an entirely different nature, fa- 
 mous for the facility it afforded to navigation and commerce, 
 was a lighthouse, the first known in history, constructed on 
 the island of Pharos, before the principal harbor of Alexan- 
 dria. It was called from the island "tower of Pharos," or 
 simply " Pharos " ; wherefore a building of this kind is to 
 this day called in many modern languages "Pharos." It 
 was constructed of white stone upon a craggy rock, had a 
 height of three hundred feet, and its light on the top could 
 be seen nt a distance of eight miles or more. The famous 
 artisan Sostratus * of Knidus spent twelve years in its erec- 
 tion, and on account of its size and beauty it was so much 
 admired that it was considered one of the seven wonders of 
 the world. 
 
 Navigation and ship-building achieved their highest de- 
 gree of perfection in ancient times under the Ptolemies. 
 The kings of Egypt maintained two thousand transport- 
 vessels, fifteen hundred triremes, and eight hundred other 
 ships for their special use, most magnificently furnished, with 
 prows and sterns shining with gold. The construction of 
 these works of course presupposes an inexhaustible amount 
 of money. The historian Appianus, who flourished in the 
 beginning of the second century B. c., says that the treasures 
 accumulated by the second of the Ptolemies amounted to 
 740,000 talents, i. e., 3,700,000,000 drachmae. A few modern 
 historians have deemed this sum wholly incredible as " a re- 
 serve fund " ; but Appianus asserts that he obtained his in- 
 formation from the royal records, f The historian Josephus 
 informs us that Egypt, besides Alexandria, had a population 
 
 * The following inscription on the Pharos is said to have immortalized 
 the name of the artisan : Z^crrparos KviSios Aitupdvous QHS Zorrjpffw farlp 
 
 f BcwiA.JKaJv avaypa^wv.
 
 STATE OF THE HELLENIC WORLD. 241 
 
 of 7,500,000 ; and it is to be remembered that in his time 
 Egypt had sadly declined. 
 
 Macedonia and Hellas. 
 
 These are briefly the changes which Hellenism accom- 
 plished in the East after the third century B. c. ; but this 
 vast external growth necessarily caused the early decline of 
 Macedonia. That country was exhausted by the expedition 
 of Alexander the Great, by the forty years' civil wars which 
 followed, and in which nearly all the Macedonians capable 
 of bearing arms served, by the many colonies which it estab- 
 lished, and especially by the destructive Gallic invasions. 
 To be sure, Macedonia was fortunate in possessing Antigo- 
 nus Gonatas, a wise, good, moderate, and determined ruler ; 
 but the material resources of Macedonia were already ex- 
 pended, its native population had greatly diminished, and 
 its most fertile plains were occupied by Gauls and Illyri- 
 ans. This decline was of course most keenly felt in the 
 fortunes of the Hellenic nation. That nation had need of 
 a ruler, and it had found him in Macedonia ; but this hege- 
 mony already became, if not impossible, at least weak. Per- 
 haps it might have been met through the Epirotic rule of 
 Pyrrhus, but he also had foolishly expended his forces in 
 the expeditions against Italy and Sicily. He was indeed an 
 excellent general, but wholly deficient in those political quali- 
 ties through which mainly hegemonies are established and 
 strengthened. Hellas remained again headless, if we may 
 use the term, as after the death of Epaminondas and the fall 
 of the Thebans. 
 
 It is true that about this time arose in Hellas two leagues, 
 which seemed destined to save the Hellenic autonomy, as 
 they were both based on the principle of an equality of po- 
 litical rights, for which we have in vain searched in the 
 hegemony of Athens, Sparta, or Thebes ; but these leagues 
 had certain fatal organic deficiencies. The ^Etolians were
 
 242 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 remarkable for their bodily strength, but were wholly with- 
 out intellectual attainments. The Achacans had sounder ideas 
 of political and social order, but were not distinguished for 
 their military virtues. Above all, Macedonia had certainly 
 grown weak, but not in a degree to abandon her claims to 
 supremacy ; hence a constant civil strife arose between that 
 country and the two leagues an unproductive contest, be- 
 cause neither party overcame the other, while it exhausted 
 even the last forces of the nation, and prepared it to become 
 a prey to that ambitious Italian city which, after having 
 subjugated the Hellenes in Italy and Sicily, was destined to 
 reduce to her scepter successively those in Hellas, Asia, and 
 Africa. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE KOMAN CONQUEST. 
 
 The ^Etolian and Achaean Leagues. 
 
 PTERHUS returned to Epirus in 274 B. c., but, instead of 
 devoting his energies to the recuperation of his power at home, 
 he forthwith engaged in new strifes in Macedonia, Sparta, 
 and Argos, and was killed in a battle fought in 272 at the 
 last-mentioned place. During the reign of his son and suc- 
 cessor Alexander II, the star of the JEakids shone for a 
 short time still, for that king became master of nearly all 
 Macedonia ; but he was finally worsted, and lost even a con- 
 siderable part of Epirus. Later, with the assistance of the 
 JEtolians, he expelled the Macedonians ; but shortly after his 
 death, about 242, Epirus passed into utter anarchy, and be- 
 came as obscure as it had been before the time of Pyrrhus. 
 
 About this time the Achaean and ^Etolian leagues at- 
 tained considerable power in Hellas. The former drove
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 243 
 
 away from the Peloponnesus the king of Macedonia, An- 
 tigonus Gonatas, while the latter successfully opposed his 
 intervention in the affairs of Hellas beyond the isthmus. 
 Hence in 240 B. c., when Antigonus died, he possessed in 
 Hellas proper only Euboea and Attica ; the rest of the coun- 
 try had for the last time in antiquity achieved its indepen- 
 dence through the efforts of these confederacies. 
 
 These leagues sought the same object of national union 
 which Athens, Sparta, and Thebes had successively aimed 
 at ; and though the doctrine of " equality of political rights," 
 upon which these new confederacies were founded, was in- 
 deed much sounder than the domineering hegemony of the 
 ancients, yet the principles advocated were often violated. 
 Furthermore, republican principles alone do not suffice to 
 maintain a state ; there is need of a powerful concentration 
 and of an effective government, without which the privileges 
 of freedom eventually are lost. Again, the JEtolians were 
 certainly Greeks, but the lowest of all in civilization, possess- 
 ing no inclination whatever, like the Macedonians, the Epi- 
 rots, and the Thessalians, to familiarize themselves with the 
 intellectual attainments of the nation. While they claimed to 
 be the rulers of Hellas, they continued to reside in villages ; 
 and while they were engaged in war with the Macedonians 
 and Achaeans, and had need of all their forces, large numbers 
 of them went to serve as mercenaries in the armies of the 
 Seleukidae and the Ptolemies. 
 
 The Achaean league received its first impetus between the 
 years 280 and 250 B. c., taking advantage of the difficulties 
 of Antigonus, king of Macedonia, and of the wars of the 
 ^Etolians. In the fourth year of its existence Sikyon became 
 included in the confederacy. Sikyon had been hitherto 
 governed by tyrants appointed by the Macedonians ; but in 
 the year 250 the Sikyonian Aratus drove away the tyrant 
 Nikokles, and united his country to the Achaean league, that 
 the recovered liberty might be maintained through its pro-
 
 244 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 tection. Many other cities afterward imitated the example 
 of Sikyon, so that the Achaean league soon acquired the influ- 
 ence in the Peloponnesus which the ^tolian had already 
 obtained in the north of Hellas. 
 
 After the death of Antigonus Gonatas, his son Demetrius 
 II, the least capable of the Antigonids, ruled for ten years in 
 Macedonia, 240-230 B. c. We have called him " the least 
 capable of the Antigonids," because he not only troubled 
 very little the Achaeans, but also accomplished nothing of im- 
 portance in his constant wars against the ^Etolians. After 
 the death of Demetrius (230), his cousin Antigonus Doson 
 succeeded to the throne, as the guardian of Philip, the young 
 son of Demetrius. Doson was distinguished for his politi- 
 cal and military talents ; but, owing to the revolts which 
 broke out in the north and south of his kingdom, he was 
 forced to abandon his rule in the Peloponnesus, and the Mace- 
 donian garrisons were consequently removed from nearly all 
 Hellas. Athens became at that time free, and, while refus- 
 ing to join the Achaean league, she was well disposed toward 
 it. But not long after a formidable opponent of the Acbaeans 
 appeared in the Peloponnesus itself. 
 
 Agis and Eleomenes, Kings of Sparta. 
 
 An attempt was made about this time to revive the an- 
 cient political ascendancy of Sparta. King Agis IV, son 
 of Eudamidas, thought that he could effect this by the 
 reestablishment of the laws of Lycurgus. To this end he 
 deemed indispensable an equal division of property (which 
 had never existed in Sparta), the abolition of all debts, and 
 the redistribution of the land to the Spartans and to the 
 Periceki ; at the same time he declared himself ready to 
 divide his great property in accordance with the principles 
 advocated. Agis was sincere in his intentions, brave and 
 virtuous, but inexperienced and incapable of grappling with 
 the difficulties which his plans were sure to cause. The rich
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 245 
 
 heard -with a shudder of the proposed spoliation of their 
 property ; and with the assistance of the other king, Leoni- 
 das II, son of Kleonymus, and the connivance of Agesilaus, 
 uncle of Agis, they frustrated his plans and killed him in 
 241 B. c., together with his mother and grandmother, who 
 are said to have most heartily assisted him in the further- 
 ance of his projects. 
 
 After his death, Leonidas gave in marriage the widow of 
 Agis, famous for her beauty and virtue, to his son Kleome- 
 nes. Kleomenes III was certainly one of the most resplen- 
 dent stars of the few which we find rapidly disappearing 
 from the Hellenic firmament. He was a young man full of 
 courage, lofty- minded, well versed in military tactics, and 
 capable of drawing men to himself through his many virtues. 
 Nature had not only endowed him with all the advantages 
 through which men accomplish great deeds, but had besides 
 given him all the virtues on account of which one is loved 
 and esteemed. How great his devotion to his mother Kra- 
 tesikleia, one of the grandest characters among the women 
 of antiquity ! How deep his love for his wife Agiate ! How 
 many sincere and true friends he had obtained ! The histo- 
 rian Polybius, who did not love Kleomenes, since he was an 
 enemy to the Achseans, was forced to acknowledge his irre- 
 sistible magnetism and grace. He calls him " the most vir- 
 tuous of kings and the most affectionate and philanthropic 
 of citizens " ; but at the same time he stigmatizes him as 
 " the most bitter of tyrants." Why ? Because he was com- 
 pelled to use force for the execution of his plans. What 
 great change was ever effected without force ? Kleomenes 
 was not a man, like Aratus, who by dark and mysterious 
 ways sought the realization of his projects ; he was one of 
 those who openly and with sword in hand march straight to 
 the accomplishment of what they deem just. To be sure, 
 after a long period of success, he finally failed ; but he failed 
 because to accomplish great deeds there is need not only of
 
 246 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 hands but of substance, which was now sadly wanting in 
 Hellas. 
 
 The earlier career of Kleomenes is replete with success. 
 He entered Arkadia, and occupied Mautineia, Tegea, and 
 Orchomenus, cities belonging to the ^Etolians, but indispen- 
 sable to the king of Sparta. He repeatedly defeated Aratus, 
 drove him from Elis, and later gained a great battle over 
 him near Megalopolis. After obtaining these successes he 
 deemed it best to make certain changes in the Spartan con- 
 stitution, especially since, by the death of Archidamus, the 
 other king, he remained alone on the throne. Having, by 
 long and repeated marches throughout Arkadia, wearied the 
 Spartans and Lacedasmonians in his army to such an extent 
 that they themselves begged to be allowed to remain in Ar- 
 kadia, he entered Sparta at the head of his remaining forces, 
 mainly composed of mercenaries, put to death the ephors 
 and those who hastened to their assistance, and on the fol- 
 lowing day, summoning an assembly, declared the alterations 
 which he thought best to be made in the constitution, and 
 explained the reasons that led him to the slaughter of so 
 many citizens. The desired changes were effected, the most 
 salutary of them being the enlistment as citizens of Sparta of 
 the best of the PericDki, a measure which tended to effectu- 
 ally increase the population of the city. Then he again en- 
 larged his dominion by capturing several other cities of the 
 Achaeans, and would have finally compelled them to uncon- 
 ditional surrender but for the determination and advice of 
 their general Aratus, who, hoping for the assistance of Antig- 
 onus, king of Macedonia, succeeded in inducing his despair- 
 ing countrymen to prolong the war. Finally, in the spring 
 of 233 B. c., Antigonus entered Hellas, leading an army of 
 about twenty-two thousand. Kleomenes defeated him near 
 Lechseum. But in the mean time Argos revolted from Sparta, 
 and Orchomenus, Tegea, and Mautineia soon followed its ex- 
 ample ; so that in the following year Kleomenes found him-
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 247 
 
 self surrounded by many implacable enemies, and was com- 
 pletely defeated by Antigonus and his numerous allies, in a 
 great battle fought in Sellasia. Finding that he could ac- 
 complish nothing more in the Peloponnesus, which again fell 
 under the Macedonian dynasty, Kleomenes sailed for Egypt ; 
 and the incapable king of that country, Ptolemy IV, Philo- 
 pator, reduced him to such despair that he put an end to his 
 own life. 
 
 Antigonus abolished the innovations of his defeated op- 
 ponent, reestablished the office of the ephors, and then re- 
 turned to Macedonia, where he died in the spring of 221, 
 leaving the kingdom to his nephew Philip, son of Deme- 
 trius II. 
 
 Roman Successes. 
 
 During the reign of Philip V the Romans occupied the 
 coasts of Illyria, having driven the Illyrians from Italy while 
 attempting to plunder its eastern coasts. The ^Etolian and 
 Achaean leagues also showed their deference for the victorious 
 nation in a manner which amply manifested their own weak- 
 ness. But while such imminent danger threatened them 
 from the west, a destructive civil war broke out in Hellas 
 between the .ZEtolians and Achaeans, the so-called " War of 
 the Allies," which lasted from 220 to 217. 
 
 The Achaeans, being hard pressed, sought the assistance 
 of King Philip, who defeated the ^Etolians and plundered 
 their land. An excellent opportunity now presented itself 
 for uniting the scattered forces of Hellas, under the suprem- 
 acy of the Macedonians, against the enemy from the west ; 
 but this project was frustrated through the thoughtless- 
 ness of Philip. The Romans were at that time engaged 
 in the second Carthaginian war, and were sorely pressed 
 by Hannibal, the illustrious general of the Carthaginians. 
 Philip decided to enter into an alliance with him for the pur- 
 pose of checking the daily increasing power of the Romans. 
 The plan was not ill-advised, for there was sufficient ground
 
 248 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 to believe that by such an alliance the destruction of Rome 
 could be easily effected, had Philip hastened to the assist- 
 ance of Hannibal without loss of time. But Philip con- 
 sumed three whole years in vain negotiations, during which 
 the Romans created new factions in Hellas ; for they allied 
 themselves with the ^Etolians, and incited a war against the 
 Macedonians, which lasted from 211 to 204 B. c. In this 
 contest the Achaeans united with the king of Macedonia, 
 while the Spartans and Attalus I, king of Pergamus, joined 
 the ^Etolians. The Romans alone profited by this struggle ; 
 Philip was prevented from going into Italy, and the Hel- 
 lenic forces were materially diminished. When finally peace 
 was concluded, the Romans agreed to it ; but they were 
 fully determined, as soon as they had freed themselves from 
 the Carthaginians, to turn their arms against the Greeks. 
 
 The Hellenes in the mean time did everything they could 
 to encourage the intervention of the Romans. The Athe- 
 nians flattered every new dynast ; the ^Etolians were intent 
 on plunder and devastation ; Sparta was oppressed by selfish 
 and designing men ; the Achaean confederacy was under the 
 control of the Macedonians, but their king did not cease to 
 commit grave political errors. It is, however, remarkable 
 that at the time the Achaean league had lost its political 
 supremacy, it produced a most illustrious general, the brave 
 Philopoamen, who not only possessed excellent military abili- 
 ties, but a virtue worthy of the most glorious epoch of Hel- 
 las. But what was said about Kleomenes may be here re- 
 peated of Philopoemen. Circumstances frustrated all his 
 efforts. Philopcemen was called the last of the Greeks, 
 which in itself shows that he had no one to assist him in his 
 plans and purposes. 
 
 Philip, who could alone have preserved the autonomy of 
 Hellas by uniting the forces of the nation, on the contrary, 
 as if determined to widen the chasm of destruction, declared 
 war ag'ainst the kings of Egypt and Pergamus, against the
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 349 
 
 Rhodians and ^Etolians, and the cities in Asia Minor, and 
 ravaged the country of the Athenians. It is true that he 
 proved himself an able general, both on land and sea ; but 
 at the same time the Rhodians, the Athenians, and the 
 king of Pergamus Bought the assistance of the Roman sen- 
 ate, and thus afforded that ambitious people an opportunity 
 to declare war against Philip. The war lasted four years 
 (200-197). During the first two the Romans met with 
 many reverses ; hence they decided to weaken the strength 
 of their opponent by detaching the Hellenic cities from the , 
 alliance of the king of Macedonia. They effected this by 
 holding before their eyes the bait of -liberty, which they 
 knew well those cities could not long withstand. The Ro- 
 mans dispatched to Hellas in the third year of the war 
 Titus Flamininus, a man thoroughly acquainted with Hel- 
 lenic habits and customs, and uniting political with military 
 ability. He succeeded in gaining over to the Romans the 
 most powerful tribes of Hellas save the Akarnanians, who 
 remained faithful to the alliance of Philip. The result of 
 the war was now evident. Philip was completely defeated 
 in 197, and was forced to recognize the autonomy of the 
 Hellenic cities, surrender his fleet, give one of his sons as a 
 hostage, and pay one thousand talents, one half immediately 
 and the remaining five hundred within the space of ten 
 years. The brave and faithful Akarnanians were also se- 
 verely chastised for their allegiance to the Macedonian 
 king ; for they were compelled to recognize the rule of the 
 Romans. 
 
 The Romans next found occasion to mingle in the Hel- 
 lenic affairs of Asia as well as those of Egypt. On the pre- 
 text of espousing again the Hellenic cause, they overthrew 
 Antiochus III, king of Syria, and compelled him to evacuate 
 Asia Minor, pay within twelve years twelve thousand tal- 
 ents, and surrender all his war-vessels, elephants, and certain 
 Greek fugitives.
 
 250 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 It is evident that Hellas itself was fated to a like treat- 
 ment. It is true that, by the peace made in 197 with the 
 king of Macedonia, the independence of the Hellenic cities 
 was officially recognized ; but the true meaning of that 
 freedom soon became manifest, for Roman garrisons were 
 placed in the conquered cities, and a Roman tribunal was 
 established in Hellas, which judged all civil and private 
 litigations, thus preparing the Hellenes for the Roman yoke. 
 
 After the departure of Flamininus, the Romans left Hel- 
 ^las in peace for some time, during which the Achaean league 
 seemed to have regained new life. The Spartans united 
 with it, and the Romans themselves surrendered to it the 
 Messenians and Eleians, for having been the allies of the 
 ^Etolians and of Antiochus. In 190 B. c. the Achaean con- 
 federacy included the entire Peloponnesus, and thus was 
 brought about what had never before existed, even during 
 the most glorious epoch the union of this peninsula under 
 one government. But this good fortune was not destined to 
 last ; for the strength of any one portion of Hellas was not 
 advantageous to the interests of the Romans, who shortly 
 afterward incited revolutions, which materially weakened the 
 power of the league. The Romans also engaged in war with 
 Perseus, son of Philip V, completely defeated him, and kept 
 him a prisoner in Rome four years, where he finally died in 
 179 B. c. Macedonia thereupon became a Roman province ; 
 and the Epirots, accused of having espoused the cause of 
 Perseus, were severely dealt with, their country was pillaged 
 by a ruthless Roman army, seventy of their cities were de- 
 stroyed, and one hundred and fifty thousand of the people 
 were reduced to slavery. 
 
 Affairs in Hellas proper were not in a better condition. 
 Lykortas, father of the historian Polybius, had succeeded 
 Philoposmen at his death, and was the recognized chief " of 
 the better class of citizens." His opponents, however, tra- 
 duced him and one thousand others to the Romans, alleging
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 251 
 
 that they had espoused strongly the interests of Perseus. 
 The Romans compelled all the accused to go to Rome and 
 plead their cause there. Polybius was among this number. 
 They were detained for seventeen years in Italy, and only 
 in 151 B. c., in response to the repeated demands of the 
 Achseans, were the survivors finally permitted to return to 
 their native land. This high-handed act of violence created 
 a strong sentiment of hostility against the Romans. But 
 what could Hellas do, divided as she was between those 
 favoring the rule of the Romans and those foolishly op- 
 posing it ? The Roman senate finally dispatched Mummius 
 to Hellas, with instructions to put an end to the Achoean 
 confederacy. Mummius was a rough man, and altogether a 
 stranger to art and science. He defeated near the isthmus 
 the general of the Achseans, captured Corinth without bat- 
 tle, put to death all her citizens, made slaves of the women 
 and children, seized the most famous masterpieces of art, 
 not because he placed any value on them, but solely in order 
 to adorn his triumphal entry into Rome, and burned that 
 splendid city, whose site for about one hundred years there- 
 after remained uninhabited. He next marched to the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, destroyed the walls of the cities that had taken 
 part in the contest, disarmed the inhabitants, dissolved the 
 councils of the Achseans, Phokians, and Boeotians, abolished 
 the democratic constitutions, condemned the Boeotians and 
 Euboaans to pay to Herakleia one hundred talents, and the 
 Achasans to pay to Sparta two hundred, and finally required 
 all the cities that had " formed a conspiracy " against Rome 
 to pay a yearly tribute to that proud city. But Hellas was 
 not yet converted into a Roman province. This occurred 
 much later, during the reign of the first emperor Augustus. 
 Besides, many of the heaviest conditions already mentioned 
 were shortly after withdrawn, through the intercession of 
 Polybius, and the Hellenic cities continued to have a nomi- 
 nal autonomy.
 
 252 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Thus ended the freedom which Flamininus had fifty 
 years before so pompously declared in Corinth. The moral 
 and material degradation which had come over Hellas had 
 aided much in bringing about these results. Polybius, an 
 eye-witness to the actual condition of affairs, considers the 
 principal causes of the evil to have been the haughtiness, 
 avarice, and laziness of the people. Such a thoughtlessness, 
 confusion, and lack of spirit prevailed just before the cap- 
 ture of Corinth, that many, he says, lost their senses, many 
 committed suicide, and all came to consider the Roman rule 
 as a benefit constantly repeating the proverbial saying, 
 " Unless we had soon perished, we should not certainly have 
 been saved." 
 
 Polybius. 
 
 Polybius, from whom we derive our knowledge of these 
 events, is perhaps the best historian that Hellas produced 
 during the last period of her autonomy. He was born in 
 Megalopolis in 205 B. c., and died in 123. Exercised from 
 early youth in politics and war by his father Lykortas and by 
 Philopcemen, he finally went in 168 to Italy as one of those 
 accused of favoring the cause of Perseus. He studied the 
 history and constitution of the Romans ; and as that histoiy 
 was then closely linked with the fortunes of all the known 
 world, he had unusual opportunities of becoming familiar 
 with the whole contemporaneous history of that epoch. He 
 did not limit himself simply to a theoretical study, but, being 
 both by nature and habit a practical man, and having also 
 become acquainted with the famous Scipio Africanus the 
 younger, he followed him in his principal expeditions, and 
 did not cease thus to be taught by actual experience concern- 
 ing the affairs of the city destined to become the mistress 
 of the world. Possessing such an experience, he wrote " a 
 world's history " in forty books, from the beginning of the 
 second Carthaginian war to the destruction of Corinth and 
 Carthage. Unfortunately, only the first five are completely
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 253 
 
 preserved, with a few fragments of the others. But, though 
 the work is thus mutilated, it is to this day considered one 
 of the best productions of historic art. It has not indeed the 
 grace of Herodotus, the dramatic passion of Thucydides, nor 
 the Attic purity of the language of Xenophon ; yet it pos- 
 sesses an excellence in which Polybius surpassed all his pred- 
 ecessors, and approached the best of modern historians 
 the accurate and clear exposition of facts, always showing 
 their causes and results, thus rendering his history a most 
 valuable work for every nation and age. Polybius especially 
 makes known to us the affairs of the Achaean league. This 
 league is certainly much indebted to him, for it was through 
 him and through his own achievements that it gained a great 
 name both in ancient and modern times. 
 
 Permanence of Hellenic Influence. 
 
 While Hellenism on this side of the -<fEgean spent its 
 scanty resources in aimless civil wars, and finally succumbed 
 to the Roman supremacy, in the East it continued its propa- 
 gation and maintained its vigor. It did not, however, pre- 
 vail even there without much bitter animosity. Its severest 
 struggle was the one in Palestine against Judaism ; for the 
 greatest achievement of Hellenism in Asia was the Hel- 
 lenic panoply which Christianity wore when it first preached 
 the word of God in Judaea, and the Hellenization of that land 
 most of all facilitated its work. 
 
 The Jews, owing to the strifes between the Seleukidae 
 and the Ptolemies concerning Palestine and Phosnicia, united 
 now with Egypt and then again with Syria. In the mean 
 time, Hellenism began to creep stealthily among the younger 
 generation of the Jews, and a party arose favorably disposed 
 to Hellenic customs and bitterly antagonistic to the adhe- 
 rents of the ancestral religion and traditions. Later, Antio- 
 chus IV, Epiphanes, took upon himself the office of " high 
 priest of the Jews," and considered as rebels all abiding by
 
 254 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 their ancient faith. At the same time, being in want of 
 money to pay the tribute imposed by the Romans on his pred- 
 ecessor Antiochus III, he captured Jerusalem in 170 B. c., 
 burned the sacred books, and sought to impose on the Jews 
 the Hellenic religion and the Hellenic gods. This oppressive 
 policy aroused a bitter opposition among the Jews ; but they 
 were finally overcome, and, though they afterward recovered 
 their freedom, still they were Hellenized to such an extent 
 that they were forced to borrow the Hellenic military organ- 
 ization, its internal administration, its diplomatic methods, 
 and its monetary system ; and we find that about the year 
 78 B. c. Judaism preserved nothing of its genuine ancient 
 customs. Later still, Herod, king of Judoea, built at Jerusa- 
 lem a palrestra, theatre, and amphitheatre ; every four years 
 he celebrated great games, and in a word assumed completely 
 the Hellenic character. 
 
 The most powerful kingdom in the East at that time, 
 however, was that of Pontus, ruled by the great Mithridates, 
 who succeeded his father in 124, when yet a youth. Distin- 
 guished from early childhood by his great bodily and intel- 
 lectual strength, he planned many a daring deed, and often 
 obtained favorable opportunities for the execution of his pro- 
 jects. The Romans were then engaged in dangerous wars 
 and civil strifes. Syria, Pergamus, Bithynia, and Kappado- 
 kia suffered much from the rapacity of their generals, while 
 Armenia and Parthia dreaded their daily growing strength. 
 Mithridates accordingly planned the formation of a new 
 Asiatic empire, hoping that by availing himself of all the 
 Hellenic discoveries and laws he might infuse fresh life into 
 his barbarous subjects. He did not at once attack Rome, 
 but sought first of all to subdue the nations living around 
 the Euxine, as well as the Hellenic colonies on the coast. 
 The Hellenes who inhabited the countries on the northern 
 and eastern coast of the Euxine, since they suffered much 
 from the marauding expeditions of the nations living in
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 255 
 
 southern Russia and the Caucasus, accepted readily the Hel- 
 lenized rule of Mithridates ; so that this king in 111 B. c. 
 added to his ancestral dominion in Asia Minor another 
 empire, which extended from the eastern boundaries of 
 Pontus around the Euxine to Thrace, and Avas called "a Bos- 
 porian empire," from the Kimmerian Bosporus near which 
 were situated its two principal cities, Pantikapjeon and Pha- 
 nagoreia, both Hellenic colonies. Next, he turned to the 
 west and the south, to subdue Asia Minor. Hereupon be- 
 gan a long and ruinous contest with the Romans, which, 
 after many interruptions, revolts, and reverses of fortune, 
 was finally ended in 66 B. c. by the change of the kingdom 
 of Pontus into a Roman province, and the limitation of its 
 ancient kings to the Bosporian dominion. 
 
 Thus the Hellenic possessions one after another fell iinder 
 Roman rule. But if Hellenism lost its political existence 
 during the third and second centuries B. c., its national life 
 was never overcome. If on the field of battle it had often 
 been worsted by the Roman legions, on the field of social 
 and intellectual energy it never ceased to be victorious. 
 Romanism never achieved in the East the laurels of Hel- 
 lenism ; it never penetrated into the heart of the people, it 
 never communicated to them its laws, language, customs, 
 and character. Only the government was Latin, and finally 
 this also was Hellenized, and on the ruins of the Roman em- 
 pire gradually arose another, within which subjects, laws, 
 rulers, kings, and all spoke the Hellenic tongue. 
 
 It was through the institutions and laws of Alexander 
 and his successors that the Hellenic tongue ultimately pre- 
 vailed as the language of the government, letters, and com- 
 merce, and of all the loftiest and noblest social relations ; 
 and for this reason it was chosen as the organ through which 
 the gospel was preached, and the apostles and fathers of the 
 church spoke and wrote. 
 
 Again, when the Hellenic religion was spread in the East,
 
 256 THE SUCCESSORS. 
 
 there resulted a certain comparison and assimilation of the 
 Hellenic gods with those of Asia and Egypt. Isis was likened 
 to Demeter, Artemis, Aphrodite, Athene, Enyo, as well as to 
 Hera ; Serapis again was likened to Zeus, Asklepius, Helius, 
 Dionysus, and many others. Hence, a lofty and abstract 
 conception arose in the minds and consciences of the multi- 
 tude ; for, owing to the various peculiarities of these divini- 
 ties, it became necessary to limit these gradually to a few. 
 It was, for instance, said about Isis, that she was the mother 
 of things, the mistress of the elements, the first daughter of 
 the times, the highest of the gods, the queen of Hades, the 
 first of the heavenly bodies, the only archetype of the gods 
 one divinity under various names and forms, and wor- 
 shiped in various ways throughout the world. In regard 
 to Serapis, it was said that heaven was his head, the sea his 
 flesh, the earth his feet, and the sun his eye. Thus, by this 
 union, began gradually to disappear the particular and topi- 
 cal peculiarities of the gods, and the minds of the masses 
 became imbued with a more generous comprehension of 
 divinity. 
 
 While we say that Hellenism produced these wonderful 
 results, we do not certainly allege, as a few perverters of 
 historic events have claimed, that it also produced Christian- 
 ity. The truth disclosed by our Saviour is the work of Di- 
 vine Providence, while Hellenism only aided this work by 
 Hellenizing the multitudes, and thus preparing them for the 
 acceptance and understanding of one only true God. Hel- 
 lenism led the way, through the incomprehensible dictates 
 of Providence. The genius of Alexander and his successors 
 can not be denied ; but both evidently fulfilled a mission 
 intrusted to them, for the fortunes of this historic drama 
 can not otherwise be explained. Alexander died when he 
 had hardly begun his work. Hence resulted terrific revolu- 
 tions and clashing of affairs, individuals, countries, interests, 
 and circumstances. In the midst of this fearful chaos, the
 
 THE ROMAN CONQUEST. 257 
 
 spread of Hellenism advances for many centuries. In the 
 mean time Europe is divided from Asia and Egypt. Mace- 
 donia continues in hostile relations toward the empires 
 which she created, and these in turn contend one against the 
 other ; the Ptolemies wage war against the Seleukidae, and 
 the latter against the dynasts of Asia Minor ; some of these 
 rulers are not even of Hellenic descent ; the work of Alex- 
 ander seems to have been submerged ; but it continues to 
 survive in the storm, and finally ends by Hellenizing the 
 dynasts of Asia, who in their turn cooperate in the spread 
 of Hellenism. How is it possible not to see the will of Provi- 
 dence in all these fortunes, and especially when we witness 
 their results ? For, indeed, how many difficulties and obsta- 
 cles would Christianity have encountered without the assist- 
 ance of Hellenism ! The gospel would have been preached 
 in the Hebrew ; and not only was this tongue unknown to 
 the many beyond Judaea, but in Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, 
 Asia Minor, Thrace, and Hellas, various dialects and tongues 
 prevailed, into which the Word of God would have had to 
 be as many times translated. Again, the gospel needed not 
 merely to be preached, but also to be explained ; it needed 
 a language able to develop its lofty truths and thoughts a 
 tongue in every respect complete, finished, and philosophical. 
 Hellenism, therefore, not only prepared the way for success, 
 but it also furnished to the new religion the most artistic of 
 linguistic organs that ever God imparted to man, and through 
 its alliance with Christianity alone preserved its historic claim 
 and the rank which to this day it holds in the East. 
 
 32
 
 PART TENTH. 
 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 
 
 The Mithridatic War. 
 
 IT is generally stated by historians that Hellas fell under 
 the Roman rule in 145 B. c., when Mumtnius captured Cor- 
 inth. But, strictly speaking, Hellas became a Roman prov- 
 ince only during the reign of Augustus. Julius Caesar, who 
 flourished about the middle of the first century B. c. i. c., 
 about a century after the conquest of Hellas blames his op- 
 ponent Pompey for having levied money from the Achoeans, 
 a people " exempt from tribute " ; and Cicero also censures 
 him for having laid violent hands on " free nations, Achaia, 
 Thessaly, Athens, and all Greece." It may, however, be 
 justly said that Hellas long before the capture of Corinth 
 existed simply as a silent character in the historic drama ; 
 for even the feeble signs of life which she gave at intervals 
 only tended to destroy the last forces of an enervated body. 
 
 For about sixty years after 145 B. c. no important politi- 
 cal event occurred in Hellas. The country no doubt pros- 
 pered materially on account of the cessation of civil strifes, 
 and Delos achieved a marked ascendancy, which, however, 
 owing to the Mithridatic war, was of short duration. The
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 259 
 
 principal theatre of this contest was Hellas, for the -war was 
 transplanted thither by the daring king of Pontus, and the 
 Romans were at first so severely pressed that it finally be- 
 came necessary to send Sulla against him. 
 
 As the war required vast sums of money to sustain it, this 
 general scrupled not to violate the holy treasures of Hellas, 
 and took from Epidaurus, Olympia, and Delphi the most beau- 
 tiful and precious of their gifts. The composition of his heart, 
 says Plutarch, was insolence and cruelty ; the sink of all the 
 follies and vices of Mithridates. Poor Athens, which had 
 refused to admit him within her walls, and had survived in- 
 numerable wars, perished at last by the hands of this mon^ 
 ster. During the siege a bushel of wheat was sold for one 
 hundred drachmae. The people ate not only the herbs and 
 roots that grew about the citadel, but sodden leather and 
 oil -bags ; while Sulla was indulging himself in riotous feasts 
 and dancing, laughing at and mimicking his foes. At length 
 the Athenians, unable longer to bear the terrors of hunger, 
 gave an opportunity to the Romans to scale the wall near 
 the Heptachalkos, and so the city was taken. Sulla leveled 
 to the ground all that was between the Peiraean gate and that 
 called the Sacred, and then entered the town at midnight. 
 All the trumpets and horns sounded, and were answered by 
 the shouts and clang of the soldiers as they rushed along the 
 streets with drawn swords. The scene of slaughter and 
 devastation which followed baffles description, until finally 
 Sulla himself, becoming satiated with blood, was prevailed 
 upon to put a stop to the carnage ; and, in compliment to 
 the ancient Athenians, he said he forgave the many for the 
 sake of the few, the living for the dead. 
 
 After the capture of Athens, Mithridates deemed it best 
 to put an end to the war ; and accordingly, in 84 B. c., 
 peace was concluded on the following conditions : Mithri- 
 datea was to surrender Bithynia and Kappadokia to their 
 former rulers, Paphlagonia and Asia Minor to the Romans.
 
 260 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 He was to give the Romans two thousand talents to defray 
 the expenses of the war, besides seventy armed galleys fully 
 equipped. Sulla, on the other hand, was to secure Mithri- 
 dates in the rest of his dominions, and procure him the title 
 of friend and ally to the Romans. 
 
 Not only Hellas, but the Hellenic cities also in Asia 
 Minor and elsewhere, suffered greatly from this war. Sulla 
 imposed a fine upon Asia of twenty thousand talents. Be- 
 sides this, the houses of private persons were ruined by the 
 insolence and disorder of the soldiers he quartered upon 
 them ; for he commanded every householder to give the 
 soldier who lodged with him sixteen drachmae a day, and to 
 provide a supper for him and as many friends as he chose to 
 invite. A centurion was to have fifty drachmae a day, and 
 one dress to wear within doors and another in public. In 
 fine, the devastation of the land and the slaughter of the 
 inhabitants did their work so effectually, that one is led to 
 believe the assertion of several modern historians that Asia 
 never thereafter recovered from the Roman wounds. 
 
 The moral decay of the nation, which began long before, 
 was now followed by a corresponding material ruin. True 
 political life fast disappeared ; the ancient masterpieces of 
 literature, art, and science ceased to be produced ; the walls, 
 temples, and theatres were crumbling to ruins ; and this 
 process went on until Christianity, availing itself of the last 
 remnants of the former life, and infusing into them new 
 elements of vitality, organized the new Hellenic world. For 
 this end the types of the old constitutions were used as the 
 basis of the first Christian judicature ; the language and 
 rhetoric of Demosthenes gushed forth in the language and 
 rhetoric of Chrysostom ; the art of Iktinus, who built the 
 Parthenon, was the model employed by Anthemius and Isido- 
 rus in erecting the famous temple of the Sacred "Wisdom 
 (St. Sophia) at Constantinople ; and finally all the treasures 
 and ancient offerings that could be brought from Hellas and
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 261 
 
 Asia were collected, as in a museum, within the new capital 
 of the Hellenic nation on the shores of the Bosporus. 
 
 The Pirates J&ete. 
 
 The JEgean Sea was from the earliest times infested by 
 pirates, who boldly attacked the coasts, islands, and har- 
 bors, seizing vessels and plundering property. They had a 
 fleet of about one thousand ships, famous for their swift- 
 ness and lightness, as well as for the daring and courage of 
 the crews. They had reached such a degree of audacity that 
 they founded piratical ship- yards, captured more than four 
 hundred cities, lived in the most sumptuous manner, and 
 richly ornamented their ships with silver and with golden 
 utensils, the prizes of their villainy. 
 
 The Romans finally, seeing these pirates attack the very 
 coasts of Italy and threaten the capital itself, declared war 
 against them in the year 78 B. c. But the generals in com- 
 mand showed such incapacity, that the pirates succeeded in 
 capturing the provisions destined for Rome, wherefore a 
 scarcity of food arose in that city. The senate was accord- 
 ingly compelled to intrust to Pompey the conduct of the 
 war, granting him an authority such as no Roman before 
 had held ; for he was declared general for three years of 
 all the land and sea forces, and the treasury itself was placed 
 at his disposal. He set forth with a force of five hundred 
 ships, one hundred and twenty thousand infantry, and five 
 thousand cavalry. Having destroyed the piratical ship-yards 
 and harbors in Sicily and Italy, he sailed into the Hellenic 
 seas, and everywhere pursued the pirates with such daring 
 and energy that few of them ventured to oppose him, while 
 the greater part surrendered at discretion. Ten thousand 
 of them were put to death, twenty thousand were captured, 
 and one hundred and twenty of their harbors and fortifi- 
 cations were destroyed. Pompey treated the captives wisely 
 and leniently, for he established most of them in the Pe-
 
 262 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 loponnesus, which country was then in want of inhabitants, 
 and the rest he distributed among the various cities of Kili- 
 kia, including Soli, a maritime town, which thereafter was 
 named Pompeiopolis or City of Pompey. 
 
 Krete was also seized by the Romans during the war 
 with the pirates. It had espoused the cause of these male- 
 factors to such an extent that the isjand was considered 
 " the second headquarters " of this strange kingdom. These 
 terrible demons of the sea were regarded as fighting against 
 the Roman rule, and hence many did not scruple to enter 
 into an alliance with them. The Kretans had often defeat- 
 ed the Roman legions, but, hearing of the mild treatment of 
 the pirates, hastened to submit to Pompey. 
 
 After the capture of Krete, Pompey passed into Asia, 
 forced Mithridates back to his kingdom, changed Pontus 
 and Syria into Roman provinces, surrendered Armenia to 
 Tigranes, and, having finally arranged matters in Asia, de- 
 cided in the year 62 to return home. Passing through Hel- 
 las, he gave ample proof of his philanthropy ; for he treated 
 with great respect the philosophers of Athens, and gave to 
 that city fifty talents for its reconstruction. 
 
 TJie Roman Civil Wars. 
 
 Ten years later occurred the great struggle between Pom- 
 pey and Caesar for the supremacy of the world. Hellas fur- 
 nished Pompey with every possible assistance, and a great 
 Hellenic force was soon collected. Every city with one accord 
 provided him with men, ships, or money. These sacrifices, 
 unfortunately, were not made for national independence, but 
 for settling the question who of the two Roman aspirants 
 should rule the universe. The man for whom Hellas showed 
 so great a devotion was not long after conquered by his op- 
 ponent on the plains of Pharsalia in Thessaly, on the 6th of 
 June, 48 B. c. Caesar happily bore no malice against the 
 Greeks ; he only asked the bitter question, " How often will
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 263 
 
 the glory of your ancestors save you from the destruction 
 which you bring upon yourselves ? " 
 
 In the year 44, toward the end of his life, that great 
 Roman erected for himself an imperishable trophy by re- 
 building Corinth, which had been destroyed a hundred years 
 before by Mummius. The city, rebuilt after a new plan, 
 was settled by the descendants of freed Romans, who were 
 speedily Hellenized. Caesar conceived also the plan of cut- 
 ting in two the isthmus of Corinth, but his death prevented 
 its execution. Corinth became a great and nourishing city, 
 and the bridge as it were of the commerce between the East 
 and the West. It was also the seat of the Roman consul 
 who from the time of Augustus ruled Hellas. 
 
 In the great Roman civil wars which followed Hellas again 
 became the theatre of contention. Fickle Athens allied herself 
 with Brutus and Cassius, the murderers of Caesar, who were 
 defeated at Philippi in Macedonia toward the end of 42 by 
 Caesar's nephew Octavius and his ally Antony. Hellas was 
 thus again exposed to the wrath of the conquerors. But 
 Antony was in his youth educated at Athens, had passed 
 much of his time there, and had thus familiarised himself 
 with the customs and habits of the Hellenes. After his vic- 
 tory he returned to Hellas and abstained from any act of op- 
 pression, rejoicing in hearing himself called a Philhellenist, 
 and especially Philathenian. Soori s afterward Antony and 
 Octavius became enemies, and the greater part of Hellas 
 declared itself for Antony, but suffered untold miseries on 
 account of the heavy levies he demanded, which greatly im- 
 paired the already small population of the country. There 
 was such a scarcity of sailors formerly the strength and 
 boast of Hellas that the admirals of Antony were forced to 
 seize for the fleet the drivers of donkeys, farmers, travelers, 
 and even boys. Antony was defeated in the memorable 
 naval battle at Actium (2d of September, 31 B. c.), and fled 
 to Egypt, where in the following year he committed suicide.
 
 264 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Octavius, far from punishing the Hellenic cities which 
 had espoused the cause of his opponent, treated them -with 
 great kindness. He distributed corn to many, but prohibited 
 the Athenians from granting citizenship for money, and de- 
 prived them of the islands of -2Egina and Eretria. On the 
 other hand, he completed the stoa of Athene Archegetes or 
 the Leader, and encouraged contributions of money from 
 Asiatic princes for the continuation of the work on the tem- 
 ple of the Olympian Zeus, the foundations of which had been 
 laid by Peisistratus. He also created near Actium a great 
 city which he called Nikopolis, and granted to the Lacedae- 
 monians, who had from the outset espoused his cause, many 
 advantages and rights. But the greatest of his benefits was 
 that the Roman civil wars, from which Hellas had suffered 
 so much, now ceased. Shortly after Octavius, "first Em- 
 peror of Rome," assumed the name of " Augustus," and re- 
 duced Hellas to a Roman province ; but whatsoever might 
 have been the oppressions of his proconsuls, these were cer- 
 tainly much less than those suffered during the civil wars. 
 
 All Hellas was not subject to the jurisdiction of the Ro- 
 man proconsul thereafter sent annually to rule it. Many 
 cities and countries continued still to be regarded " as freed 
 and allied." Strictly speaking, only the Achaean confeder- 
 acy and its two allied states, Bceotia and Phokis, which had 
 undertaken the last wai against Rome, were under the Ro- 
 man jurisdiction. Accordingly, the subject territory was 
 designated by the name of Achaia, as if it did not form an 
 integral part of " free Hellas." These free autonomous cit- 
 ies did not cartainly escape the Roman censure ; their liberty 
 had its limits ; the emperors of Rome, either directly or 
 through the proconsuls, interfered in their internal affairs ; 
 but they paid no regular tribute, were not occupied by Ro- 
 man armies, and, as they were governed after their ancestral 
 traditions, they preserved to some extent their national char- 
 acter.
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 265 
 
 The Emperors. 
 
 Tiberius, who ruled next to Augustus (A. D. 14-37), was 
 kindly disposed toward Hellas, though he committed many 
 unjust murders in Home. During his reign, both Achaia 
 and Macedonia became, by reason of the harsh treatment 
 received from the proconsuls, Caesarean instead of public 
 provinces ; for Augustus had divided the Roman empire 
 into two parts, one of which he kept for himself, and another 
 he surrendered to the senate and people of Rome. This 
 ordinance respecting Macedonia and Achaia was preserved 
 until the year 44 ; when, during the reign of Claudius, these 
 provinces were again surrendered to the people. 
 
 All the emperors were not destined to show the same 
 mildness. It is strange, however, that the new misfortunes 
 of Hellas arose from the fact that Nero (54-68) decided in 
 the year 66 to declare the country autonomous. That mon- 
 ster who, though a pupil of the famous philosopher Sen- 
 eca, murdered his own mother Agrippina, sneered at every 
 humane sentiment, and in fine left a name synonymous with 
 every imaginable crime had the mania to take part in pub- 
 lic contests, both as a harpist and a charioteer. Nero or- 
 dered the Greeks to delay the celebration of all their con- 
 tests the Isthmian, Pythian, Nemean, Olympian until his 
 arrival. He came with a large multitude of attendants, who 
 instead of arms carried guitars, plectra (instruments for strik- 
 ing the lyre), masks, and felt shoes. Nero took part in all 
 the games, and of course took all the crowns also, for he 
 collected as many as seventy-five. Who could dare contest 
 the prize with him? Although he proclaimed the Greeks 
 " free and autonomous," he at the same time plundered Hel- 
 las, killed men, women, and children, confiscated property, 
 stripped Athens and the temples of their most famous works 
 of art, outraged the Pythia, slaughtered a large number of 
 men at the opening whence the vapor emerged, and indeed
 
 266 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 inflicted far greater misfortunes on Hellas than those sus- 
 tained through the invasion of Xerxes. 
 
 Not long after Nero returned to Rome, where he was 
 finally murdered. Hellas in the mean time continued much 
 in the same political condition until Vespasian ascended the 
 throne, who reduced the country again to a Roman prov- 
 ince, alleging that " the Greeks had unlearned liberty." * 
 
 During the reign of Hadrian, who became emperor about 
 forty years after Vespasian, the Ephesian Lollianus, one of 
 the most noted sophists of the time, had charge of "the 
 arms " at Athens a burdensome public office, given gener- 
 ally to rich citizens, who defrayed all its expenses through 
 their private means. About that time a direful calamity 
 occurred at Athens, and the people were mainly sustained 
 through the liberality of this sophist general. It is about 
 this period also that we notice a marked change in the an- 
 cient laws of Hellas. The Amphiktyonic Council still had 
 charge of the temple at Delphi ; the assembly of the BOJO- 
 tians, Phokians, and Achseans was still convened ; Hellas 
 still participated in the Olympian, Nemean, Isthmian, and 
 Pythian games ; and the olive-crown was still deemed the 
 highest honor that could be conferred on a mortal. The vic- 
 tories over the Persians were still celebrated by sacrifices 
 at Marathon and Platffia, by orations delivered on the fields 
 of battle, and by contests carried on about the tombs of Le- 
 onidas and Pausanias. The Messenians still commemorated 
 the career of the hero Aristomenes, and the Sikyonians that 
 of Aratus, the founder of the Achaean league. But all these 
 customs had no longer a political or real value. The Hel- 
 lenes now resorted to the temple at Delphi, not to ask wheth- 
 er they should declare war or conclude peace, or make some 
 material change in the constitution, but to ascertain whether 
 they ought to marry, go on a journey, or engage in traffic. 
 
 * 'A.ironfnaffr)KfV{u rfy iKtvQtplav rb "E.\\i\vut6t>.
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 267 
 
 But, however meaningless these customs may have become, 
 their continued observance tended to some extent toward 
 preserving the national spirit of Hellenism, which even now 
 did not cease to produce some generous results. 
 
 The Sophists. 
 
 During the reign of Vespasian, nearly all the Greek phi- 
 losophers were banished from Rome. Let no one suppose, 
 however, that these men were genuine descendants of Plato, 
 Aristotle, Zeno, and the other fathers of philosophy. Most 
 of them belonged to the so-called sophists, a numerous class 
 characteristic of the social state of the time. The word 
 " sophist " was held anciently in high esteem, and Herodo- 
 tus applies the name both to Solon and Pythagoras. But 
 already at the end of the fifth and the beginning of the 
 fourth century B. c. sophistry separated from true wisdom, 
 and formed a science or art by itself, which thereafter the 
 genuine ministers of philosophy did not cease severely to 
 stigmatize.* Gorgias the Leontine, who flourished during 
 the Peloponnesian war, is considered the chief of the soph- 
 ists ; he was the first who boasted that he knew all things, 
 and could speak extemporaneously on all subjects. But the 
 fact that men like Demosthenes and JEschines did not dis- 
 like to be called " sophists " shows that, although sophistry 
 was not distinguished for its morality, yet for its dialectic 
 power it was by no means an art wholly worthless. 
 
 From the- time, however, that political freedom disap- 
 peared and the serious rhetorical exercises ceased to be in 
 vogue, and philosophy fell to a mere repetition, or even to 
 
 * Xenophon says : Tois TTJV ffotpiav apyvpiy T<p fiovXoufvy iro\ovvras, 
 ffofytffrb.s a,ifOKa\ovffiv, Plato calls them trotptffTfys vewi> irKova'uav tfifj.iffQos 
 (hipevT"f>s. Aristotle says of them: 'Effriv i] <rotf)iffTiK^i <paivo/j.ev7t (rotyla, 
 oiiffa Se fj.1) ' Kal 6 (ro^or^s xP 7 7A wtT " rT ''7 r & w & ^aiwytej'Tjs ffo^tas, aAA' OVK 
 fl&rij. Anciently, the most eminent philosophers imparted knowledge gra- 
 tuitously, and nothing seemed so contemptible as to teach philosophy for pay.
 
 268 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 the systematic distortion, of the ancient dogmas, the new- 
 fledged rhetoric and philosophy sought refuge with sophis- 
 try. From the union of these strange elements resulted the 
 later philosophy, whose followers, having no serious object 
 of study, professed not only, like the more ancient sophists, 
 that they were ready to harangue extemporaneously on any 
 subject, but that they possessed actual experience in every 
 art. Dion Chrysostomus, who flourished about the end of 
 the first century A. D., and who was one of the few really 
 wise men of that epoch, in one of his essays, " On a Philoso- 
 pher," shows distinctly that the existing philosophy could 
 reasonably be defined as the perfection of everything that is 
 unproductive in speech ; for the art of speech came to be 
 regarded as an end, and not as an instrument. 
 
 We do not wish, however, to say that the Hellenic people 
 at that epoch produced only those empty forms of rhetoric 
 and philosophy. From the first century B. c. to the third 
 A. D. ancient Hellenic literature showed forth many great 
 works, suflicient in themselves to impart a lasting glory to 
 any nation. Then flourished Strabo, the great geographer ; 
 the learned historian Diodorus Siculus ; the no less learned 
 but more practical Dionysius of Halikarnassus ; Plutarch of 
 Chseroneia, whose " Parallel Lives " and " Moral and Politi- 
 cal Essays " we have had occasion so often to cite ; Arrian, 
 the historian of Alexander the Great ; Appianus of Alexan- 
 dria, another great historian, and the not less famous Dion 
 Cassius ; Herodianus, a distinguished writer on Roman his- 
 tory; Epiktetus of Hierapolis in Phrygia, whose wonder- 
 ful discourses on the Stoic philosophy the historian Arrian 
 took down in writing ; Longinus the Athenian, a very dis- 
 tinguished rhetorician and philosopher, whose work " On the 
 Sublime " is to this day considered inimitable ; and, to confine 
 ourselves to the most prominent, then flourished Lucian of 
 Samosata in Syria, who with unsurpassed grace and wit stig- 
 matized the social, moral, and religious anarchy of his time.
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 269 
 
 But the works of these men resembled the few warblings 
 of the nightingale which one may hear while crossing a ra- 
 vine, mingled with the incessant croaking of frogs. The 
 representative literary men of that period were the sophists. 
 They had in charge the education of the youth ; they taught 
 at Athens, whither flocked men from all parts of the world 
 to be initiated into the mysteries of Greek letters, arts, and 
 science ; they became rich ; they were esteemed at Olympia ; 
 they finally penetrated even to Rome, as the educators of 
 that community which, though it had mastered Hellas, yet 
 never ceased to acknowledge her intellectual supremacy. 
 Unfortunately, many of these, by turning into traffic the 
 sacred work of a teacher, debased both their profession and 
 the Greek name, which was intimately connected with that 
 avocation. Lucian in one of his treatises severely stigma- 
 tized the life which these men passed in the capital of the 
 empire. He represented in inimitable colors the servility to 
 which they stooped in order to gain admittance to a great 
 and wealthy house ; he related the many contrivances through 
 which the rich Kro3sus of Rome limited to a mere pittance 
 the pay of these men, to whom, however, they acknowledged 
 that they trusted both their souls and those of their chil- 
 dren ; he ridiculed the really degraded condition of these 
 sophists, who, while they constantly repeated the sayings of 
 Plato and Aristotle, and delivered eloquent addresses on " in- 
 dependence," stooped to the meanest drudgery conceivable 
 before the grandees of Rome. 
 
 Nor did these servile descendants of a noble race even 
 have the consolation that they taught anything to the Ro- 
 mans, from whom they suffered so many insults ; for it 
 appears that the Romans of that period cared for nothing 
 so little as for Hellenic philosophy or education. They 
 maintained the sophists in their houses simply as a piece 
 of furniture, or because it was fashionable to have a learned 
 Greek in their retinue. To give an idea of the life of such
 
 270 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 a person, we may relate the degradation of the Stoic The's- 
 mopolis, who was the reputed teacher of a rich and fashion- 
 able woman. She employed this successor of Zeno to keep 
 her little dog, from which the philosopher suffered many in- 
 conveniences, and was called by the other servants in the 
 house " a Cynic instead of a Stoic philosopher." It appears 
 that the women of Rome were ambitious to be called 
 " learned," and to be spoken of as composing verses not in- 
 ferior to those of Sappho. Accordingly, many employed 
 orators, grammarians, and philosophers. But they listened 
 to them only while arranging their hair or preparing for 
 supper, for they could not spare any other time. It would 
 often occur that while the philosopher was expounding the 
 principles of virtue and morality, the maid would rush in 
 with a love-letter, and then the words of wisdom ceased until 
 the mistress could answer the note and resume attention. 
 
 Had the sophists confined themselves to their legitimate 
 occupation, the emperors would not probably have disturbed 
 them. But many thought it the duty of philosophy to at- 
 tack the ruling power, arouse the multitude, disturb estab- 
 lished customs, and introduce innovations. This conduct 
 forced Vespasian to banish the sophists from Rome, though 
 it would seem that their exile was not lasting, since during 
 the reign of Domitian, the second son and second successor 
 of Vespasian, the philosophers are again said to have been 
 driven from Rome, when a few also were killed. Vespasian, 
 however, who issued the first decree of banishment, was the 
 first also to allow regular pay to the orators ; and under the 
 immediate successors of Domitian Hellenic learning and art 
 obtained from the rulers of Rome considerable protection 
 and encouragement. 
 
 Trajan. 
 
 We now enter upon perhaps the most prosperous period 
 of the Roman supremacy. Trajan (98-117) proved himself
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 271 
 
 one of the greatest benefactors of the Hellenic nation. Dur- 
 ing his reign Maximus was sent to Hellas as the plenipoten- 
 tiary and reorganizer of the free Hellenic cities. Pliny the 
 Younger, the minister and friend of Trajan, gave to Maxi- 
 mus instructions which amply show that there were many 
 Romans who revered the sacred ruins of Hellas. " Fortu- 
 nate Maximus," said Pliny, "the emperor sends you to Achaia 
 the true Hellas, the land of beauty, letters, and agriculture. 
 The emperor lays to your charge free cities and free men, 
 whose virtues, deeds, alliances, treaties, and religion have for 
 their object the preservation and defense of liberty, the, best 
 and most sacred right of nations. Realize the greatness of 
 the charge. Honor the gods, the founders of the country of 
 the Athenians ; honor the ancient renown of that nation of 
 poets and warriors ; revere the sacred antiquity of the cities. 
 Never forget that we, the Romans, received from Attica our 
 public code ; that, while we impose on the conquered na: 
 tions our laws, we derive from the Hellenes the laws which 
 they gave to themselves. Remember that you rule Athens 
 and Lacedgemon, and that it is cruel and barbarous to insult 
 the shadow of lost liberty. Remember rather what these 
 cities were than what they are." 
 
 These noble instructions seem to have been kept by Max- 
 imus, judging from the fact that the Greeks erected a statue 
 of Trajan at Olympia. Trajan increased the number of the 
 -free cities. During his reign was built on the hill of the 
 Museum, lying toward the southwest of the Acropolis, the 
 tomb of Philopappus Besseus, nephew of Antiochus IV, a 
 descendant of the famous family of the Seleukidse, which is 
 preserved to this day. 
 
 Hadrian. 
 
 The conduct of Hadrian, the successor of Trajan (117- 
 138), presents us with a strange mixture of virtue and vice, 
 wisdom and folly, mildness and roughness. He visited
 
 272 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Athens five times, and for a considerable period resided 
 there, not as a monarch, but as a private citizen. Hadrian 
 was twice vested by the Athenians with the honorable title 
 of " archon eponymus." He sought to ameliorate the condi- 
 tion of the people by pecuniary presents and annual grants 
 of corn. He furthermore munificently rewarded the philos- 
 ophers and sophists who then flourished at Athens, the most 
 famous of whom were Favorinus and Herodes the Attic (At- 
 ticus). The Athenians were much attached to Hadrian, 
 and they were perhaps justified in their devotion, because, 
 like another Perikles, he adorned the city with numerous 
 splendid and imperishable edifices. The inimitable works 
 of Iktinus and Mnesikles still stood intact on the Acropolis, 
 and Hadrian was emulous to ornament in like manner the 
 lower city by new and costly buildings. By his orders were 
 erected a temple to Here, another to Zeus Panhellenic, and 
 a third " common to all the gods " ; a gymnasium, and a 
 magnificent stoa, which had one hundred and twenty pillars 
 of Phrygian stone, the remnants of which are still to be seen 
 in the market-place of modern Athens. On the southeast of 
 the Acropolis, near the shores of the Ilissus, he founded a 
 new city, which he called after his own name.* Not far 
 from this spot fifteen pillars raise to this day their lofty and 
 beautiful heads, and about them are scattered the ruins of 
 the famous Olympian temple, which had a circumference of 
 four stadia, and a colonnade round the building of one hun- 
 dred and twenty pillars.f Many statues of the gods and of 
 Hadrian himself stood in this temple, the most famous of 
 which was that of Zeus, constructed of ivory and gold. 
 
 * A triumphal arch still exists near that spot, bearing the inscription : 
 A?3' (iff" 'AOrjvcu 07j<rt'wr r\ irplv v6\is. This inscription faces toward the 
 northwest, while another inscription, on the same arch, but facing toward 
 the Ilissus, reads thus : AYS' tier* 'ASpioj/oD, ovxi 0T}(r/s W\w. 
 
 f The foundations of the temple were laid six hundred and fifty years be- 
 fore by Peisistratus, but it was completed and dedicated to the first of the 
 gods by order of Hadrian.
 
 AFFAIRS IN HELLAS. 273 
 
 But Hadrian's sympathy was shown not merely in the 
 temples and buildings with which he adorned Athens and 
 other cities of Hellas. He brought to Athens the water 
 of Kephissia, and to Corinth that of Lake Stymphalus ; placed 
 Hellenic life on the firm basis of Roman law, without how- 
 ever abolishing municipal institutions ; and gave the rights 
 of Roman citizenship to the Hellenes nearly a century be- 
 fore Caracalla gave them to all free subjects of the empire. 
 
 Antoninus Pius Marcus Aurelius. 
 
 The emperors Antoninus Pius (138-161) and Marcus Au- 
 relius (161-180) are considered, on account of their virtues 
 and political wisdom, among the best rulers the human race 
 has known. Hellas preeminently flourished during their 
 reigns ; for we are told that several new cities were founded 
 by them, several were enlarged, and many that had been 
 destroyed were rebuilt ; liberty and autonomy were granted 
 to the principal cities ; and, in fact, the rule of these em- 
 perors was full of mildness and paternal solicitude. The 
 Hellenic cities were replete with gymnasia, fountains, stose, 
 temples, manufactories, and schools. Marcus Aurelius, who 
 was wholly Hellenized, and even wrote in Hellenic the prin- 
 ciples of the Stoic philosophy, reorganized the schools of 
 Athens on a more distinct and practical basis. 
 
 Nations, however, never flourish through foreign protec- 
 tion and beneficence. As no art nor skill can for a long time 
 conceal the inevitable fading of the most beautiful woman, 
 in like manner Hellas, notwithstanding the many ornaments 
 and benefits which she received from the Trajans, Hadrians, 
 Antonines, and others, continued none the less to wither and 
 decline. The praises of the sophists for the apparent pros- 
 perity of our fathers were partly flatteries addressed to the 
 emperors, and partly the vagaries of men who were content 
 with a superficial view. There were certainly some fine 
 cities built during the Roman rule, such as Corinth, Patrae,
 
 274 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Nikopolis, and others. But what was the prosperity of these 
 compared with the desolation of the rest of Hellas, the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, and the islands? Pausanias informs us that in 
 cities once flourishing and great the people now lived in 
 huts. At Thebes only a few temples still existed amid the 
 desolation and ruin. Pausanias did not find one Delian at 
 Delos, but only the military detachment sent from Athens 
 to guard the temple. During the time of Dion Chrysosto- 
 mus, who was born at Prusa in Bithynia about the middle 
 of the first century of our era, a large part of Euboea was 
 uninhabited. The great and rich cities of that island, once 
 so flourishing and so populous, had become wellnigh wild, 
 and vast tracts of land within their gates were allotted for 
 pasturage. It is no wonder, therefore, that, according to 
 Plutarch, entire Hellas could not furnish three thousand hop- 
 lites, the number which the little city of Megara alone sent 
 to the battle of Platsea. What a change ! " But the stonea 
 and the ruins of thy edifices show rather thy past glory and 
 greatness, O Hellas," says Dion Chrysostomus. Commerce 
 had wholly ceased, and Rhodes itself, which relatively was 
 still flourishing, could send only two small merchant-vessels 
 to Corinth. While agriculture and commerce were in such 
 a ruinous condition, society required its devotees to lead a 
 costly life ; and, not able to meet their expenses with their 
 own resources, they resorted to loans, granted mostly by for- 
 eign capitalists on heavy interest, which finally brought in- 
 evitable ruin.* 
 
 These facts conclusively show that the benefits conferred 
 by the Roman emperors, and especially those of the second 
 century, were not sufficient to impart to Hellas any real 
 vigor and strength. Indeed, all the splendid edifices of 
 Hadrian and the other emperors did not suffice to com- 
 pensate for the wholesale spoliations committed by the Ro- 
 mans. But while the monuments suffered much, it must be 
 
 * Sec Plutarch, Utpl TOV ^ titty
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 275 
 
 acknowledged that, after a servitude of three hundred and 
 fifty years, Hellas preserved still its ancient appearance of ex- 
 ternal splendor. The land was still classic, and many a city 
 was filled with masterpieces of art. According to Pliny the 
 Elder, about the end of the first century A. D. there stood 
 still at Rhodes three thousand statues, and not less than that 
 number at Athens, Delphi, and Olympia. Pausanias, too, 
 who traveled in Hellas during the second century, describes 
 so many treasures of art in Athens, Olympia, Delphi, Leba- 
 deia, and Patrae, that the mind is astonished at the wealth of 
 the country in this respect. Even in painting, which much 
 more than sculpture or architecture is subject to the destruc- 
 tive influence of time, there existed still in the time of Pau- 
 sanias many fine specimens, especially in the Stoa Pcekile, in 
 the Theseium, in the Kerameikus, in the Acropolis of Athens, 
 and in the council-hall of the Delphians. The saddest mis- 
 fortune of Hellas, which deprived her even of her external 
 beauty, which she preserved long after her heart ceased to 
 beat and her mind to create, occurred only after the third cen- 
 tury. Then her material destruction was completed by the 
 barbarians, who overran her like a deluge, and whose inva- 
 sions we now proceed to relate. 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 % 
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 
 
 Invasions of the Northern Barbarians. 
 
 DURING the first centuries of the Christian era, a move- 
 ment of the barbarous nations living in the northern and 
 central parts of Europe took place, whereby the eastern
 
 276 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 provinces of the Roman empire suffered greatly. That em- 
 pire was gradually wasting under the influence of moral and 
 social causes not unlike those which caused the decline of 
 ancient Hellenism. Religion, whose foundations philosophy 
 undermined, had already lost its hold, especially among the 
 higher classes. Besides, in the Roman empire, as formerly 
 in Hellas, society was divided into two classes, the free and 
 the slaves a division which accelerated the decline of the 
 empire. The free citizens alone composed the active part of 
 society, for they alone held political rights, while the slaves 
 were debarred from every career of energy, either political, 
 moral, or social, forming in these respects a useless and dead 
 capital. Hence, as soon as the free citizens began to neglect 
 the advantages through which they had acquired their pow- 
 er, the empire, which was composed as it were of this class 
 alone, withered, faded, and declined. 
 
 It was during this stage of decline that the invasions of 
 the northern barbarians began. Had they made their attacks 
 more systematically and possessed the means of laying sieges, 
 such as the ancient civilised world employed, there is no 
 doubt that the Roman empire would have been at once ex- 
 terminated. But the barbarians came in disconnected hordes ; 
 they could not capture any of the fortified towns, and for a 
 long time did not even form the idea of erecting a new em- 
 pire on the ruins of the old. Allured by the graces of civili- 
 zation, they often made treaties with the Romans, and even 
 entered their service, so that the empire long escaped this 
 imminent danger. In the mean time the promulgation of 
 the gospel began to produce its first noble fruits ; within 
 the ancient diseased community a new and healthier society 
 was formed ; new men, distinguished for virtue, valor, and 
 ability, ascended the throne ; and thus the decline of the 
 empire was retarded for three whole centuries. Finally its 
 western part fell, but the eastern the one composed espe- 
 cially of Hellenic elements continued to flourish, and for a
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 277 
 
 long time to occupy a leading place in the history of the 
 world. 
 
 Such were briefly the fortunes of the barbaric invasions 
 which began about the end of the second century. About 
 this time, also, as if the other causes of the decline of the 
 empire did not suflice, a great civil strife broke out for " the 
 supreme office." After the death of Commodus (192), the 
 depraved son and unworthy successor of Antoninus the Phi- 
 losopher, five men strove for the throne, and finally Septimius 
 Severus prevailed (193-211) ; but the empire was shaken 
 from its very foundations. The struggle was carried on for 
 the most part in the East, and the Hellenic cities suffered 
 much, and were deprived of one of their strongest bulwarks, 
 the ancient and glorious Byzantium. Later, also, during 
 the reign of Caracalla, the cruel and relentless son of Seve- 
 rus (211-217), the invasions of the Germanic tribes assumed 
 a more extended form. 
 
 The Germans began to penetrate into the northern Hel- 
 lenic provinces during the reign of Philippus (244-249), who 
 was born in the neighborhood of Palestine, and was of Ara- 
 bian descent. The inhabitants of Dacia and Moesia (which 
 included the present countries of Servia and Bulgaria) were 
 forced to pay a large sum of money to these ruthless devas- 
 tators, and thus finally induced them to depart. During the 
 reign of Decius (249-251), the successor of Philippus, a large 
 combined force of Goths and Germans repeated their maraud- 
 ing expeditions, and fairly deluged the fertile plains of Thrace 
 and Mcesia. A great battle was fought near Philippi, in 
 which the Romans were defeated ; the barbarians captured 
 the city by assault, and, if we credit the exaggerated reports 
 of the historians, more than one hundred thousand of the 
 inhabitants were put to the sword. Soon after Decius was 
 betrayed by his generals, and perished with his son in a sec- 
 ond battle fought toward the end of 251. His base betrayer 
 and successor Gallus (251-254) finally prevailed upon the bar-
 
 278 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY, 
 
 barians to return home, after having promised to them tho 
 payment of an annual tribute and permitted them to carry 
 away their booty and captives. 
 
 This disgraceful treaty retarded only for a few months 
 the direful misfortunes which the Roman empire was des- 
 tined to suffer. A numberless host of barbarians more gen- 
 erally called Scythians deluged during the reigns of Gal- 
 lienus and Valerianus (253-260) Illyria, Thrace, and Moesia ; 
 pushed their work of plunder and devastation to the coasts 
 of the Euxine ; crossed on their large fleet of small boats to 
 Asia Minor, captured Pityus and Trapezus, destroyed the 
 temples and edifices of many other Hellenic cities, murdered 
 without stint, laid waste the adjacent districts, and finally 
 returned to their homes loaded with a rich heterogeneous 
 booty. 
 
 During the last year but one of the reign of Gallienus 
 (267), a vast number of Goths sailed down the Euxine on a 
 fleet of five hundred vessels, seized Byzantium and Chrysop- 
 olis, destroyed the famous Kyzikus, crossed into the -ZEgean, 
 occupied the islands of Lemnos and Skyros, and, having 
 divided here into many bands, made almost a simultaneous 
 attack upon the southern Hellenic coasts. They invaded 
 Attica and many parts of the Peloponnesus, and pillaged 
 Corinth, Sparta, Argos, Tegea, and Athens. Death and de- 
 struction followed every step of this ruthless horde. The 
 Greeks were terrified and fled before the barbarians, leaving 
 their homes at the mercy of the invaders, until finally the 
 learned Dexippus the historian collected a force of about two 
 thousand citizens, attacked the Goths as they were straggling 
 about the country, and killed a large number of them. The 
 terrified barbarians escaped to their ships, while many sought 
 flight by land, pursued now by all the infuriated Greeks. 
 Two Roman armies had in the mean time entered Epirus, 
 Thessaly, and Illyria, scoured the country, and caused almost 
 the complete destruction of the Goths. Those who escaped
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 279 
 
 to their boats nearly all perished in a naval engagement 
 fought with the Romans near the Hellespont. 
 
 Such was the result of those memorable invasions which 
 occurred in the year 267. The famous temple of Artemis in 
 Ephesus, which had been many times before destroyed and 
 as often more gloriously raised from the ashes, was burned 
 by the Goths, and for ever disappeared from the face of the 
 earth. That wonder of the universe had a hundred and 
 twenty pillars of Ionic architecture, each having a height of 
 sixty feet. Many masterpieces of art, the chief of which 
 were the works of Praxiteles, perished with it. 
 
 The barbarians, however, were not long in coming back. 
 Three hundred and twenty thousand warriors, bringing with 
 them their wives, children, and household goods, again in- 
 vaded Asia Minor, many of the ^Egean islands, Hellas, Thrace, 
 and Macedonia ; but they were vigorously pursued by the 
 emperor Claudius, who killed a large number, while not a 
 few perished both on account of their nautical inexperience 
 and by the terrible pestilence which ever since the reign of 
 Gallienus had been ravaging the East. The remaining Goths 
 surrendered to the Romans, who settled many of them in 
 Thrace, and drafted the sturdiest into their legions. These 
 invasions, however, were repeated at intervals during the 
 reign of Aurelian (270-275), and later of Probus (276-282). 
 The barbarians were again routed, but Probus ceded to them 
 vast territories in Thrace, and admitted them to all the priv- 
 ileges and rights of the Roman citizen.* For more than a 
 century after that epoch no invasions of foreign nations oc- 
 
 * It is reported by a few historians, though doubted by many, that the 
 Hellenic coasts were ravaged about that time by another Germanic tribe, the 
 Franks. The Franks lived by the shores of the Rhine, and made frequent in- 
 cursions into the Roman province of Gaul. Probus, having defeated them, 
 established many of them near the Euxine ; but they, seizing a large number 
 of boats, decided to return to their homes on the Rhine. While passing 
 through the ^Egean and the Mediterranean, they are said to have laid waeto 
 the coasts of Asia Minor, Hellas, and Sicily.
 
 280 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 curred in Hellas. In the mean time the great religious and 
 moral reform was accomplished, which, for three hundred 
 years silently and persistently working within the Koman 
 empire, finally triumphed during the fourth century, and laid 
 the foundations of the political resurrection of the Hellenic 
 nation, which soon after took place. 
 
 Hellenism the First Herald of Christianity. 
 
 The word of God from its very first proclamation assumed 
 a character thoroughly Hellenic. Judaea and all the adjacent 
 countries abounded in Hellenic schools, magnificent build- 
 ings, theatres, aqueducts, gymnasia, etc. But what more 
 especially proves the complete Hellenization of these lands is 
 the fact that the two most noted Hebrew writers of the first 
 century, Flavius Josephus and Philo Judaeus, both wrote in 
 Greek, and their sentiments were entirely Hellenic. Philo, 
 who lived during the reign of Caligula, composed many the- 
 ological and philosophical works, by which he sought to 
 reconcile the Sacred Scriptures with the Pythagorean, Epicu- 
 rean, and Stoic doctrines. He was descended from a priestly 
 family, was a Pharisee, and was consequently a warm ad- 
 herent of the religion of his fathers ; and his great object 
 was to represent the sacred books of his nation as the most 
 perfect product of wisdom. He became, however, much 
 attached to the philosophic system of Plato, and deemed it 
 the most consistent with the fundamental truths of the Mo- 
 saic revelation. Josephus, a contemporary of Vespasian, fol- 
 lowed in his history the same course of association, because 
 in his great work, "The Jewish Antiquities,"* he described 
 the best known nations of the East, and especially the Hel- 
 lenic, as being closely related to the Jewish, which formerly 
 was deemed entirely isolated. 
 
 Again, the spirit of Hellenism which pervaded the East 
 
 'Apx<uo\<ryla.
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 281 
 
 may be perfectly understood when we consider that, with 
 the exception of Plutarch of Chaeroneia, Longinus the Athe- 
 nian, and a few others, the eminent men whom Hellenism 
 produced from the first to the fourth century of our era, in 
 the various branches of intellectual pursuit, belonged not to 
 Greece, but to the new and greater Asiatic Hellas. Diony- 
 sius, who flourished during the reign of Augustus, and who 
 is so well known through his historical and critical works, 
 was born at Halikarnassus ; his contemporary Nikolaus, whose 
 most important production was his " Universal History," was 
 a native of Damaskus ; the well-known Arrian, who lived 
 during the time of Hadrian, was a native of Nikomedeia in 
 Bithynia ; Dion Cassius, who flourished during the third 
 century, was from Nikaea in Bithynia ; Claudius Ptolemseus, 
 the celebrated mathematician, astronomer, and geographer 
 best known through his astronomical work and his historic 
 geography was from Pelusium in Egypt ; Galen (Claudius 
 Galenus), the greatest medical writer in antiquity, was born 
 at Pergamus, A. D. 130 ; Dion Chrysostomus, the most fa- 
 mous of sophists, was a native of Bithynia ; Lucian, the most 
 witty of the Greeks, was a Syrian ; Epiktetus was a Phry- 
 gian ; Plotinus, who in the third century sought to unite the 
 various doctrines of the ancient philosophers into one, and 
 associated with them the dogmas of the Eastern nations a 
 system known as the JVeoplatonic or the Alexandrine phi- 
 losophy was born at Lykopolis in Egypt, about A. D. 203 ; 
 Theon, the famous mathematician, was from Smyrna ; Strabo, 
 the celebrated geographer, was a native of Amasia in Pontus. 
 This catalogue, which could be further prolonged, shows 
 that Hellenism flourished more in the East during the Roman 
 supremacy than in Hellas itself. These countries politically 
 belonged to Rome, but socially, morally, and intellectually 
 they were thoroughly Hellenic. 
 
 Oriental Hellenism, however, not only throve in a liter- 
 ary point of view, but also produced many eminent prac- 
 33
 
 282 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 tical men. Demosthenes, the brave general and commander 
 of Caesareia, which had a population of four hundred thou- 
 sand, distinguished himself by his daring and wisdom in the 
 wars against the Persians. Zenobia, the queen of Palmyra 
 (a city replete with Hellenic architecture, magnificent tem- 
 ples, and other costly edifices), famous for her beauty, wis- 
 dom, and learning, and in whose court both the Hellenic 
 and the Asiatic tongues were spoken, ruled over Syria and 
 many countries of Asia Minor ; she fought most daringly 
 against the Romans, but was finally defeated, and is said to 
 have died a prisoner in Italy. Many other examples could 
 be adduced to show the wonderful vigor of Hellenism in 
 every sphere of action. 
 
 Such was Hellenism in the East at and after the time when 
 the incarnation of Christ was made known. As Alexander 
 the Great three centuries and a half before, raising the flag of 
 Hellenism, had marched from Macedonia to the conquest of 
 the East, so the Christian religion, assuming the panoply of 
 the Hellenic tongue, argument, and administration, sallied 
 forth from Palestine for the subjugation of the West. 
 
 The word of God, through which the world was destined 
 to be reformed religiously, morally, and socially, was first 
 preached and believed in Palestine and Syria. In the Hel- 
 lenic cities of Damaskus, Beroea, and Antiocheia, noted 
 Christian churches were from the outset established, and 
 almost at the same time seven churches flourished in Asia 
 Minor. The new religion began to spread on the one hand in 
 Kyprus, Krete, and Alexandria, and on the other in Thrace, 
 Macedonia, and Hellas. No one worked for its success with 
 greater wisdom, energy, and devotion than the truly inspired 
 Paul. He was born at Tarsus in Kilikia, a city whose Hel- 
 lenic schools were held in higher repute than those of Athens. 
 The apostles in the beginning preached Christ only to the 
 Jews, and the believers of the Mosaic revelation were alone 
 accepted into the bosom of the church. The spirit of the
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 283 
 
 new religion was in its infancy extremely conservative, the 
 Jews wishing to hold Christianity fettered within the Mosaic 
 dogmas. But from the moment Paul became one of the 
 apostles, Christianity shattered the barriers within which 
 Judaism wished to limit it, and received a cosmical charac- 
 ter ; for the new apostle became, as he has been truly called, 
 the teacher of nations. The new preaching was based on 
 the principles of equality, liberty, love of one's neighbor, 
 the immortality of the soul, judgment, and reward ; where- 
 fore it responded to the yearnings and to the moral and ma- 
 terial needs of humanity. 
 
 Paul went about the year 53 or 54 to Macedonia. He vis- 
 ited on Saturdays the synagogues of the Jews, and preached 
 Christ. Many believed and were baptized, but the Jews 
 traduced him to the magistrates for acting contrary to the 
 authority of the Caesar, and for declaring another (Jesus) to 
 be the King. Paul was scourged publicly without trial, 
 though a Roman citizen, and was cast into prison. Perse- 
 cuted, he came to Athens, where "his spirit was stirred in 
 him, when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry." Paul 
 appears to have remained a long time at Athens, and it is sup- 
 posed by some that from that city he addressed his two let- 
 ters to the Thessalonians. Then he went to Corinth, where he 
 remained eighteen months, was again persecuted, and finally 
 returned to Asia, after causing many to believe in Christ. 
 A Christian Jew, Apollos by name a man of great learning 
 and well versed in the Scriptures continued his work in 
 these countries. But Paul again returned to Macedonia and 
 Hellas. He sent to the Corinthians the Greek Timotheus, a 
 dear pupil of his, and two letters to appease the difficulties 
 which troubled the newly established church. In his second 
 letter, with a just consciousness of his sufferings, he says : 
 " Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I 
 suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the 
 deep ; in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of
 
 284 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the 
 heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in 
 perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren ; in weariness 
 and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in 
 fastings often, in cold and nakedness." 
 
 By such struggles, agonies, and dangers were the first 
 Christian churches established in the Hellenic countries, both 
 in Europe and Asia. The gospel was in the mean time 
 preached in the East as far as the confines of the Indus, and 
 in the West as far as Spain. Christianity obtained many 
 more followers in Macedonia and the great Hellas of the 
 East than in the ancient hearth of Hellenism ; and the num- 
 ber of the Christians in general was in the beginning of the 
 fourth century greater than that of the heathen. 
 
 Constantino the Great would not have allied himself with 
 the Christians, nor would have assumed openly the defense 
 of the new religion, had not the Christians excelled their op- 
 ponents, if not numerically, at least socially and morally. 
 Various causes wrought this moral and social supremacy. 
 Equality, liberty, love toward one's neighbor, the doctrine 
 of a future life, the care for the poor, the sick, the orphans, 
 and the widows the salutary principles of the gospel which 
 tend to strengthen the soul, elevate the mind, and ennoble 
 life all these poured a divine strength and energy into the 
 veins of the new society ; while the ancient was oppressed 
 and withered by a senseless idolatry, by dry philosophical 
 researches, or by the extreme moral degradation which the 
 want of religion caused. Moreover, the political organiza- 
 tion of the new religion steadily gained strength on account 
 of its democratic doctrines. Therefore, although pagan so- 
 ciety received the powerful protection of the Roman mon- 
 archy, it was daily losing ground ; while the Christian, 
 though sustained by its own force and resources only, was 
 daily extended and strengthened. The necessary result is 
 easily perceived. No physical force can replace for a long
 
 BARBARIANS AND CHRISTIANS. 285 
 
 time the indispensable internal requirements for the growth 
 of a social body, while on the other hand the inner conditions 
 inevitably beget the necessary physical strength. In the 
 midst of the great anarchy which prevailed in pagan society, 
 the Christian churches, like oases in a desert, presented an 
 entirely different aspect ; for while about them the laws were 
 neglected, while numerous self -elected emperors were fight- 
 ing among themselves, while numberless hordes of barbarians 
 pillaged and plundered, the Christian alone knew who was his 
 commander ; he alone felt that he was protected, supported, 
 and led. In every city was found a man whose power was 
 uncontested among the energetic part of society ; he was 
 neither the leader of ancient life nor the minister of the em- 
 peror ; he was the representative of Christ. In every land 
 there existed a common bond which held together the Chris- 
 tian inhabitants of the East and the West ; this was neither 
 the withered sentiment of ancient patriotism nor the fading 
 devotion to the emperor, but the faith in the principles and 
 teachings of the new religion. Philosophy and rhetoric, 
 which had long since lost their ancient claim and power, 
 reappeared vested with a vigorous life in the pulpits, which 
 had succeeded to the bema, and had drawn to themselves 
 the audiences of the sophistic chairs. In every city existed 
 two societies, one full of vigor and youth, and the other old 
 and dying. Could they long remain at peace? The Ro- 
 mans displayed at first an indifference toward the new doc- 
 trines ; but finally the struggle between the two became 
 unavoidable. 
 
 Nero was the first of the emperors who exercised his 
 cruelty upon the Christians. During his reign, in A. D. 64, 
 a great conflagration, lasting for six days and nights, con- 
 sumed most of the city of Rome, and the people suspected 
 the emperor as the cause of the misfortune. Nero sought to 
 escape the odium of suspicion by blaming the Christians as 
 the authors of the fire. No proof appeared, but the Chris-
 
 286 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 tians were condemned by the common aversion of the hu- 
 man race, as Tacitus, the Roman historian, says. Both the 
 apostles Peter and Paul are said to have suffered death dur- 
 ing this persecution. The second persecution occuiTed dur- 
 ing the reign of Domitian (81-96). John, the beloved dis- 
 ciple of Christ, was then imprisoned at Patmos, where he 
 wrote his Revelation. During the reigns of Decius and Dio- 
 cletian the church again suffered new misfortunes. In fact, 
 persecution upon persecution followed, and nothing which 
 the depraved imagination of the emperors and the idolaters 
 could devise was neglected. The Christians were deprived 
 of every political right ; they were banished, their property 
 confiscated, and many were put to death. The empire was 
 filled with victims, and thousands of men, women, and chil- 
 dren met bravely a martyr's death in behalf of the new faith. 
 Their sufferings finally moved to pity even the followers of 
 the ancient religion, and aroused everywhere a protest against 
 this heart-rending cruelty. In the midst of this terrific storm, 
 Constantino the Great appeared. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 
 
 Division of Imperial Power. 
 
 THE emperor Diocletian understood that amid these per- 
 secutions he would be unable alone to direct his vast empire, 
 which externally was continually attacked by foreign foes, and 
 internally was torn by constant turmoils. Accordingly, in the 
 third year of his reign (286), he took as associate the rough 
 Maximian, "who had long hated the Christians, and who 
 delighted in acts of blood and violence." Later Diocletian
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 287 
 
 deemed it best to share still further the cares of the sovereign 
 power, and in 291, in addition to Maximian, he appointed 
 two Caesars Constantius of Dardania, surnamed Chlorus, 
 and Galerius (who entertained the most implacable aversion 
 for the name and religion of the Christians) ; but he de- 
 clared that the office of " Caesar " was second to that of 
 " Augustus," which title he himself shared with Maximian. 
 The Roman territories were divided among these four, Dio- 
 cletian retaining the chief power and the government of the 
 eastern provinces, with Nikomedeia for his capital. Con- 
 stantius, though a near relative of the emperor Claudius, 
 was then a simple general, and had married a girl of low 
 rank, Helena by name, afterward so famous as the mother of 
 Constantine, who was born, according to the best authority, 
 at Naissus in Dacia in 274. 
 
 Raised to the rank of Caesar, Constantius was forced by 
 Diocletian to leave his wife Helena, marry a relative of Max- 
 imian, and give his son Constantine as a hostage to the em- 
 peror. Diocletian became strongly attached to this young 
 man, and took him in 296 to Palestine, whither he had gone 
 to subdue a local revolution. Constantine stood on the right 
 of the emperor, and all admired his tall stature, the refine- 
 ment of his appearance, the strength of his body, and the 
 royal bearing which was delineated in all his movements. 
 Diocletian, struck with these traits, soon raised him to the 
 rank of commander of a thousand men. Constantine was in 
 the palace at Nikomedeia when Galerius issued his edict of 
 persecution against the Christians. He was a witness of these 
 bloody proceedings, and declared openly his utter disapproba- 
 tion of them. Galerius was much incensed against Constan- 
 tine, and soon found an occasion to show his enmity. In 305 
 the two emperors (Diocletian and Maximian), desirous of 
 committing to other hands the work of persecution, divested 
 themselves of the imperial purple, and Galerius and Constan- 
 tius Chlorus were raised to the throne ; but, instead of giv-
 
 288 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 ing Constantino the rank of a Caesar, Galerius caused one 
 Severus, a disreputable man of obscure rank, and Maximin, 
 the son of his own sister a boon companion of Severus to 
 be appointed. 
 
 Constantino concealed his indignation, but decided to 
 avail himself of the first opportunity to escape from Niko- 
 medeia. Learning that his father, who ruled the western 
 provinces of the empire, was sick, he obtained permission 
 from Galerius to go to him ; but shortly after his arrival 
 Constantius died in the city of Eboracum (York) in Eng- 
 land, and the army immediately proclaimed his son " Augus- 
 tus." Galerius refused to recognize him as such, and Con- 
 stantine, who knew how to moderate his passions, expressed 
 himself satisfied with the rank of Csesar only. But other 
 circumstances were destined to bring about a new and com- 
 plete separation of the men who ruled the fortunes of the 
 world. 
 
 In 311 Galerius died of a painful disease, after having, 
 amid the tortures of his illness, revoked his edict of persecu- 
 tion against the Christians. His empire was divided between 
 Maximin and the Illyrian Licinius, whom Galerius had pro- 
 claimed Augustus in 307 ; while at Rome the people, becom- 
 ing dissatisfied with the maladministration of Galerius and 
 Severus, had proclaimed Maxentius, the son of the old Max- 
 imian, emperor of the "West. 
 
 Conversion of Constantine. 
 
 Maxentius, dreaming of the subjection of all the western 
 provinces, announced that he intended to avenge his father, 
 whom Constantine had put to death in 311, on the ground of 
 plotting against him. Constantine hastened to anticipate his 
 opponent, and made preparations to invade Italy. Reaching 
 the foot of the Alps, he was in great perplexity, not knowing 
 what to do. The army of Maxentius was far more numer- 
 ous than his own ; the omens were unpropitious, the gener-
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 289 
 
 als were murmuring, and the undertaking seemed altogether 
 hopeless. It is no wonder therefore that Constantine, with 
 so small a force and with the omens of the old faith against 
 him, felt the need of some other protection to strengthen him 
 in his enterprise. During his short career, he had seen that 
 the men who held the highest offices of the empire, trusting 
 to their gods, had nearly all met an unfortunate end. Con- 
 stantius alone, his father, who, if he did not believe in the 
 God of the Christians, at least acted reverentially toward 
 Him, ended his life in peace. Constantine therefore decided 
 to seek the help of the God whom his father honored. It is 
 related that, while he was praying and urgently beseeching 
 God to lend him his assistance, a most wonderful manifesta- 
 tion took place ; for, in one of the marches of Constantine, 
 he is reported to have seen with his own eyes the luminous 
 trophy of the cross, placed above the meridian sun, and in- 
 scribed with the following words : 'EN TOTTQ NI'KA ( Un- 
 der this standard thou shall conquer). This amazing object 
 in the sky astonished the whole army, as well as the emperor 
 himself, who was yet undetermined in the choice of a reli- 
 gion ; but his astonishment was converted into faith by the 
 vision of the ensuing night. Christ appeared before his 
 eyes, and, displaying the same celestial sign of the cross, 
 directed Constantine to frame a similar standard, and to 
 march, with an assurance of victory, against Maxentius and 
 all his enemies. 
 
 Early in the morning Constantine communicated to his 
 friends the apparition, and at the same time ordered a stand- 
 ard of the cross to be made, exactly as it had appeared on 
 the sky, and to be adorned with gold and precious stones. 
 This first Christian flag is described as a long gilded pike 
 intersected by a transverse beam, making the shape of a 
 cross. The summit of the pike supported a crown of gold 
 studded with precious stones, which inclosed the mysteri- 
 ous monogram, at once expressive of the figure of the cross
 
 290 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 and the initial letters of the name of Christ written in 
 Greek, i. e., X-P, linked together, and which the emperor 
 thereafter carried always on his crown. A purple silken 
 veil hung down from the beam, on which, curiously in- 
 wrought with gold and precious stones, were the images of 
 the reigning monarch and his children. This first flag was 
 preserved for many centuries, up to the ninth, and was called 
 the Labarum a strange name, the etymology and meaning 
 of which remain yet unknown. 
 
 It will ever be a memorable incident in the history of the 
 Hellenic nation, that the first Christian flag was adorned with 
 Hellenic and not Latin letters ; as if Constantino had the 
 feeling that he was destined to become the founder of a new 
 race of emperors, who, gradually separating from the ancient 
 metropolis of the Romans, were to rule over Hellenic coun- 
 tries and through the Hellenic tongue. 
 
 Proclaiming this standard as a positive means of success, 
 he invaded Italy, full of confidence ; and having routed, on 
 the 28th of October, 312, the forces of the enemy in a great 
 battle, in which Maxentius himself was killed, he entered on 
 the following day the capital of the world, radiant with vic- 
 tory, and admired and applauded by the enthusiastic populace 
 on account of his genius, manly appearance, and wonderful 
 achievements. Constantine at once issued an edict which 
 provided for the restitution of all the civil and religious 
 rights of which the Christians had been so unjustly deprived, 
 and at the same time enacted that the places of worship and 
 public lands which had been confiscated should be restored 
 to the church, without dispute, without delay, and without 
 expense. Maximin, who governed the eastern countries of 
 the empire, forthwith declared his intention to yield to the 
 requirements of the edict. But this was simply a pretense ; 
 for, availing himself of the absence of Licinius, his co-em- 
 peror and Constantino's ally, he hastened to occupy Byzan- 
 tium. Licinius, however, soon came up, and compelled him
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 291 
 
 to retreat to the interior of Asia Minor, where finally, in his 
 despair, he put an end to his life. 
 
 But peace could not long be maintained ; for Constan- 
 tine, in the consciousness of his power, saw with vexation 
 the constantly increasing strength of Licinius. When final- 
 ly, in 314, hostilities broke out between the two, Constantine 
 compelled Licinius to surrender to him Illyria, Macedonia, 
 Dardania, Hellas, and a part of Moasia. 
 
 This new triumph of Constantine was followed by nine 
 years of peace, such as the empire had not for a long time 
 enjoyed. The emperor regulated all the political and penal 
 laws according to the principles of the gospel ; and though 
 it may be true that, in his excessive zeal, he often had re- 
 course to tortures, yet his laws were by far more philan- 
 thropic than those which preceded them. Polytheism, in- 
 deed, had not yet entirely disappeared, but it became daily 
 more limited and as it were besieged within its ancient 
 shrines. If the trunk of idolatry still raised its head, its 
 various branches were daily cut off, and its far-spreading 
 shadow was gradually contracted. Private superstition, sor- 
 cery, witchcraft, and the use of any kind of drugs, potions, 
 or spells, which formed the living part of idolatry, were 
 strictly prohibited. 
 
 Constantine sole Emperor. 
 
 While the new religion was thus strengthened in the 
 European countries, in Asia Minor, where Licinius ruled, it 
 suffered much through his edicts of persecution. Licinius, see- 
 ing his opponent sustained chiefly by the Christians, deemed 
 it his interest to draw to himself as much as possible the fol- 
 lowers of the ancient religion. He expelled many of the 
 Christians from the court and the army, deprived them 
 of their religious rights, and even ordered some of their 
 churches to be destroyed. When finally he thought him- 
 self sufficiently strong to engage in hostilities, he declared
 
 292 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 war against Constantino. The forces which both combat- 
 ants mustered were enormous. According to Zosimus, the 
 army of Constantino was composed of twelve myriads of 
 infantry, ten thousand cavalry, two hundred triremes, and 
 two thousand transport-vessels ; while that of Licinius con- 
 sisted of fifteen myriads of foot-soldiers, fifteen thousand 
 horse, and three hundred and fifty war- vessels. This great 
 contest was to be decided within the Hellenic countries. 
 Indeed, the naval force of Constantine was mainly composed 
 of Hellenic vessels,* and was commanded by Crispus, his 
 eldest son. 
 
 On the 3d of July, A. r>. 323, the two armies met in battle 
 near Adrianopolis ; and, after a desperate encounter, Licinius 
 was forced to retreat as far as Byzantium. Here he was 
 closely besieged by Constantine, who at the same time or- 
 dered Crispus to hasten with his fleet from the Peiraeus, 
 where he had been stationed. This order obliged Crispus to 
 cross the Hellespont, which was held by the much greater 
 force of Licinius. Crispus, however, though very young, dis- 
 played on this occasion remarkable bravery and military 
 ability. Leading his Greeks, who had not yet forgotten the 
 naval trophies which they had formerly erected in these seas, 
 he routed the fleet of Licinius, crossed the Hellespont, and 
 appeared victorious before Byzantium. This feat decided 
 the fortune of the war ; for Licinius was again completely 
 defeated, and escaped to Nikomedeia. He surrendered him- 
 self afterward to Constantine, on condition that he would 
 pass the remainder of his life in peace in Thessaly ; but be- 
 fore the expiration of one year he was put to death by order 
 of the emperor. Many writers of the early church sought by 
 eloquent arguments to conceal or mitigate this violation of 
 promise. St. Jerome alone condemned conscientiously this 
 violent act. It is a fact that, next to the disciples of Christ, 
 no one has done more for the establishment and strength- 
 
 * Zosimus : Karck rb Tr\fov ix rrjt '
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 393 
 
 ening of the Christian religion than Constantine ; but, born 
 and brought up as he was in an age of violence, it is no 
 wonder that sometimes he failed in Christian virtues ; on the 
 contrary, it is astonishing, and shows the strength of his char- 
 acter, that, having overcome so many temptations, he finally 
 came to understand and to confess, if not always to maintain, 
 the principles of the gospel. 
 
 Thus, about the end of 323, when forty-nine years old, 
 Constantine became master of the whole Roman empire. 
 The first of his acts was to restore the Christians of the East 
 to the same position which they had occupied before the time 
 of Licinius. And, though Constantine was unwilling to en- 
 gage in open warfare against idolatry, the vicious and im- 
 moral acts perpetrated by the idolaters finally necessitated 
 the intervention of political influence for the sake of public 
 morality. From that time onward we may consider Chris- 
 tianity as definitely and positively prevailing throughout the 
 empire. The ancient mode of life, however, was not des- 
 tined without battle to surrender its aims to the younger. 
 Among the various classes of pagan society there was one 
 composed of most learned men, who stood, as it were, on the 
 boundaries of the two religions, striving to render logical 
 everything unreasonable which polytheism professed, and to 
 explain philosophically everything surpassing the strength of 
 human understanding with respect to the divine character of 
 Christianity. This party produced by its various philosophi- 
 cal discussions the first great dispute concerning the nature 
 of the Trinity. 
 
 Arius. 
 
 About the year 319 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, a 
 mild and virtuous man, heard that among the priests of his 
 diocese various opinions prevailed concerning the nature of 
 the second person of the Trinity. It was claimed, for in- 
 stance, that the Son was indeed the first born of beings, but 
 was created like all the rest, and did not exist from eternity.
 
 294 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 The bishop ascertained that these innovations were propa- 
 gated by Arius, one of the elders of Alexandria, and well 
 versed in the Scriptures. If the Father begat the Son, said 
 Arius, the progenitor must have existed before the one born, 
 and hence the Son could not have existed from eternity. 
 
 This discussion created a great scandal in Egypt, which 
 the weak hand of Alexander could not suppress. He had 
 by him, however, an excellent assistant a young deacon of 
 small stature, but possessing within a weak body a luminous 
 soul, the flames of which shone from his very eyes. This 
 young deacon, then hardly twenty, was Athanasius, des- 
 tined to fill the Christian world with his fame. He had 
 already achieved considerable reputation by his two great 
 addresses * against the idolaters. Both these orations show 
 a deep mind, powerful reasoning, broad science, and to some 
 extent that flowing style which the fathers of the church 
 did not hesitate to draw from the oratorical wealth of the 
 older Greeks. The soul of Athanasius was filled with the 
 principles and precepts of the gospel, and he possessed a 
 keen intelligence, a practical mind, and a wonderful courage. 
 He understood from the first the imminent danger threaten- 
 ing the Christian religion ; he was persuaded that Arius, 
 either not daring to explain himself clearly, or not conscious 
 of the ultimate consequences of his syllogisms, tended none 
 the less to deny the divine nature of the Saviour, by placing 
 his teaching in the rank of human dogmas, and surrendering 
 it, without the panoply of revelation, to all the attacks of the 
 philosophical mind. Considering these dangers, he rushed to 
 the contest, dedicating his life and strength to the defense 
 of the Trinity, with so strong a religious belief and so fear- 
 less a courage, that he became the foremost of the defenders 
 of Christianity. 
 
 Led by this young man, Alexander began to act ener- 
 
 * A.6yos Korck 'E\\ : f)vuv, and Tltpl TJJI ivavdpuirlifffus rov (Qtov) A^-you cal 
 TTJS 5io (Tui/xaToj irpbs rj^as tirifyavtias avrov.
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 295 
 
 getically against Arius, who now did not hesitate to assert 
 that the Word of God was not sinless a confession which 
 forced Alexander to excommunicate both him and those ac- 
 cepting his dogmas, eleven deacons and two bishops besides 
 Arius. But Arius was a learned, intelligent, and energetic 
 man, and soon organized a large number of followers in the 
 East, among whom was Eusebius, one of the lights of the 
 church. 
 
 Thus matters stood when Constantine, after defeating 
 Licinius, reached Nikomedeia, then the capital of the East. 
 The emperor was exceedingly wroth, not because he real- 
 ized the danger of the church, but because he had hoped 
 that the laws already enacted would restore peace in the 
 empire, which he now saw again disturbed by civil strifes 
 among the Christians. These discussions led Constantine to 
 the convocation of the first general council of the Christian 
 church, which assembled at Nikaea (Nice), a city of Bithy- 
 nia, in A. D. 325. This council must be regarded as entirely 
 Hellenic, for, although invitations were issued to all the 
 bishops of Christendom, the emperor promising to pay all 
 their expenses, out of the three hundred or more who assem- 
 bled hardly three or four came from western Europe, while 
 the bishop of Rome was represented only by two of his church 
 dignitaries. Constantine, indeed, delivered the address in 
 Latin, but his words were translated into Hellenic as fast as 
 they were uttered ; and later, when he took part in the dis- 
 cussions, he spoke in Greek for, says Eusebius, "he was 
 not ignorant of it." The synod lasted only about twenty 
 days, and within this very short space of time the difficult 
 questions which divided the church were solved, by sanc- 
 tioning the principles of the orthodox faith and creed, and 
 excommunicating those of contrary mind. Arius was ban- 
 ished into Galatia, one of the remote provinces of Asia Mi- 
 ner ; his person and disciples were branded by law with the 
 odious name of Porphyrians from Porphyrius, one of the
 
 296 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 followers of the Neoplatonic philosophy ; his writings were 
 condemned to the flames, and capital punishment was de- 
 nounced against those in whose possession they should be 
 found. 
 
 More than fifteen hundred years have passed since that 
 period. The empire over which Constantine ruled and in 
 which the council of Nice was held long since passed away ; 
 various other kingdoms were raised on its ruins ; new na- 
 tions have been formed, new languages created, new conti- 
 nents discovered ; new arts and sciences have been invented ; 
 new constitutions have regulated the fortunes of the people ; 
 the social and political aspect of our world has been changed 
 completely ; and yet in what part of this earth has not re- 
 sounded, and does not resound daily, the creed of our Lord 
 as defined at Nice by the representatives of Hellenic Chris- 
 tianity ? Certainly the Hellenes of to-day owe many bene- 
 fits to their heathen ancestors, who by their masterpieces de- 
 fined the principles of the beautiful and the lofty laws still 
 admired, and destined to be admired as long as there exist 
 noble souls in this world ; but do they owe any less grati- 
 tude to those others their Christian ancestors who by 
 their truly inspired discussions and resolutions defined the 
 rules concerning the nature of Divinity ? 
 
 Constantine now decided to return to Rome, the only 
 capital city in the empire where idolatry still continued to be 
 recognized as the religion of the community. He entered 
 that stronghold of ancient traditions and customs in July, 
 326. Eight days had not passed when differences of senti- 
 ment between the people and the emperor became manifest. 
 The emperor refused to take part in any of the pagan fes- 
 tivals, and even scoffed at a certain sacrifice which was in- 
 tended to be offered to Jupiter at the Capitol. This excited 
 the popluace, and curses were hurled against him by the 
 enraged multitude as he was going through the streets of 
 the city, while at the same time serious disturbances broke
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 297 
 
 out in his own family. Constantine had by the second mar- 
 riage of his father three brothers, toward all of whom he ever 
 behaved coldly, yielding, as it is said, to the wishes of his own 
 mother Helena. Amid the agony of mind which he suffered, 
 both on account of the seditious spirit so prevalent at Rome, 
 and the troubles which had broken out in his family, Con- 
 stantine, yielding to the nefarious accusations of his second 
 wife Fausta who sought the promotion of her own chil- 
 dren, the youngest of whom, Constantine and Constans, al- 
 ready held prominent positions in the empire ordered the 
 death of his son Crispus, who had so eminently distinguished 
 himself in the war against Licinius.* 
 
 Helena, the aged mother of Constantine, came from the 
 East, where she then resided, to express her indignation 
 and sorrow at the death of Crispus, to whom she was espe- 
 cially attached. The words of that reverend woman finally 
 opened the eyes of Constantine, and he hastened to depart 
 from the ancient capital of the empire, to which he never 
 afterward returned, and went to the East, having in mind 
 other plans for the future fortunes of the world, f 
 
 Foundation of Constantinople. 
 
 Constantine departed from Rome which seems neither 
 to have understood nor realized the great change which the 
 Christian religion had wrought on the world for the pur- 
 
 * We are told by some ancient writers that, Crispus having conceived a 
 passion for his step-mother Fausta, she accused him to Constantine of an in- 
 cestuous attempt on her chastity, and thus easily obtained an order of death 
 against him. But this is simply a myth altogether unfounded; and we 
 are inclined to believe that Fausta, disliking Crispus, whom she considered 
 with reason as the most formidable rival of her own children, finally pre- 
 vailed upon Constantino to order the death of his innocent and brilliant son. 
 
 f "We are told by some writers that as soon as Constantine discovered 
 the truth, he again stained his hands by ordering the death of Fausta. But 
 we are inclined to believe with Gibbon, who sustains his opinion by well-au- 
 thenticated facts and arguments, that this new crime is highly improbable.
 
 298 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 pose of establishing his throne in the midst of those Hellenic 
 cities in which the gospel had so greatly flourished, and also 
 of erecting a great edifice, the bulwark, as it were, of the re- 
 deemed world. 
 
 This was the critical moment in the life of Constantine. 
 He could have followed any policy with respect to Christi- 
 anity ; he could have protected or persecuted it ; yet Chris- 
 tianity would have finally prevailed. But the slightest mis- 
 take respecting the choice of position for his capital would 
 have resulted more seriously both for the fortunes of the 
 world and the fate of Hellenism. To Constantinople alone 
 are due both the political resurrection of the Hellenic nation 
 in the middle of the fourth century, and the preservation of 
 its autonomy for about one thousand years. These results 
 followed, not because there was erected in Hellenic territory 
 a new, powerful, and well-fortified city, but because, on 
 account of its peculiar advantages, it seemed especially 
 adapted for the center and capital of a great monarchy. 
 Situated on the forty-first degree of latitude, the imperial 
 city commanded, from her seven hills, the opposite shores 
 of Europe and Asia. The climate, says Gibbon, "was 
 healthy and temperate, the soil fertile, the harbor secure and 
 capacious, and the approach on the side of the continent was 
 of small extent and easy defense. The Bosporus * and the 
 Hellespont may be considered as the two gates of Constan- 
 tinople, and the prince who possessed those important pas- 
 sages could always shut them against a naval enemy and 
 open them to the fleets of commerce. Whatever rude 
 commodities were collected in the forests of Germany and 
 Scythia, as far as the sources of the Tanais and the Borys- 
 thenes ; whatsoever was manufactured by the skill of Eu- 
 rope or Asia ; the corn of Egypt, and the gems and spices 
 of farthest India, were brought by the varying winds into 
 
 * The navigation from the outlet of the Bosporus to the entrance of the 
 Hellespont is about one hundred and twenty miles.
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 299 
 
 the port of Constantinople, which for many ages attract- 
 ed the commerce of the ancient world." Like the great 
 city of Alexander, thus this glorious edifice of Constantine 
 passed through the various vicissitudes of centuries ; but 
 both evinced the wonderful genius of those inspired minds, 
 for both cities are to this day the great centers of the com- 
 merce of the East. 
 
 The city was dedicated on the llth of May, A. D. 330 
 the twenty-fifth year of the reign of Constantine. The 
 dedication was accompanied and followed by solemn reli- 
 gious ceremonies as well as other festivities, distribution of 
 corn and provisions, and games, all of which lasted for forty 
 days, for the most part celebrated in the vast and world-re- 
 nowned race-course. An edict also, engraved on a column of 
 marble, bestowed the title of SECOND or NEW ROME on the 
 city of Constantine ; but the name of Constantinople has 
 prevailed over that epithet, and after fifteen centuries still 
 perpetuates the fame of its author. 
 
 The last Seven Years of the Reign of Constantine. 
 
 The last seven years of the reign of Constantine present us 
 with a state of affairs entirely at variance with his former ca- 
 reer. Arius and his associates were recalled from exile, and 
 were treated with the respect which would have been due to 
 innocent and oppressed men. Alexander, archbishop of Alex- 
 andria, had died in 325, and in the following year Athanasius 
 was elected as his successor. " The immortal name of Atha- 
 nasius," says a historian, "will never be separated from the 
 catholic doctrine of the Trinity, to whose defense he conse- 
 crated every moment and every faculty of his being. . . . 
 He filled the eminent station [of archbishop of Alexandria] 
 above forty-six years, and his long administration was spent 
 in a perpetual combat against the powers of Arianism. Five 
 times was Athanasius expelled ; twenty years he passed as 
 an exile or a fugitive ; and almost every province of the
 
 300 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Roman empire was successively witness to his merit and 
 his sufferings in the cause of the orthodox faith. Amid the 
 storms of persecution, the archbishop of Alexandria was pa- 
 tient of labor, jealous of fame, careless of safety ; and he 
 displayed abilities which would have eminently fitted him for 
 the government of a great monarchy." 
 
 After the recall of Arius Constantine seemed still anxious 
 to repair the injustice done to him, and accordingly issued 
 an absolute command that he should be solemnly admitted to 
 the communion in the cathedral of Constantinople. We are 
 told that, on the same day which had been fixed for the tri- 
 umph of Arius, he suddenly died (A. D. 336) of a most repul- 
 sive disease ; but his death, which was regarded by the ortho- 
 dox as a direct judgment from heaven, was attributed by his 
 friends to poison. 
 
 The death of Arius caused great trouble and anxiety to 
 the emperor, which gradually increased to a lamentable state 
 of mental suffering. He had hoped to eradicate the last ves- 
 tiges of contention, but already every corner of Christendom 
 was agitated with religious discussions ; he had hoped to 
 defend orthodoxy, and already, through his concessions to 
 the Arians, he came into open warfare with the most sacred 
 principles of religion. Thus troubled, he decided in 336 to 
 divide his vast empire among his sons, expecting that this 
 course would at least prevent dispute respecting the succes- 
 sion. He granted to Constantine, the eldest, the provinces 
 beyond the Alps Gaul, Spain, and Britain ; to Constans, 
 the youngest, he surrendered the middle provinces Italy, 
 Illyria, and Africa ; while to Constantius, the second, whom 
 he loved above all, he left the East i. e., Asia Minor, Syria, 
 and Egypt. Having thus destroyed with his own hands the 
 union of the empire, in behalf of which he had so long la- 
 bored, he now prepared for death ; for we are told that he 
 had for a long time had a presentiment of his approaching 
 end, which indeed was not long in coming. He expired on
 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 301 
 
 the 21st of May, A. D. 337, when about sixty-four years old, 
 and was buried with all the pomp suitable to his great rank. 
 
 Remarks on the Life of Constantine. 
 
 The ancient world during the long reign of Constantine 
 changed both in appearance and spirit. The empire, freed 
 from its various external wars and civil strifes, enjoyed un- 
 der the protection of his strong arm the blessings of a last- 
 ing peace. Christianity, delivered from its fearful persecu- 
 tors, was secured and protected ; and furthermore, the con- 
 stitution of the empire was regulated after the salutary prin- 
 ciples of the spirit of the gospel. Is it possible, therefore, to 
 deny " greatness " to the man who so earnestly contributed 
 to the reformation of the world ? And yet many noted his- 
 torians have slighted and despised that great man, and even 
 characterized him as a malefactor. Gibbon and Voltaire, 
 for instance, both of whom belong to that modern school of 
 philosophy which despises every religion, and especially the 
 Christian, naturally attacked Constantine, who devoted so 
 much of his life to the propagation and strengthening of this 
 new faith. They pass over his many virtues, especially from 
 the time he espoused Christianity, exaggerate and misrepre- 
 sent his failings, mock at his convictions, and ridicule every 
 religious and political regulation made by him. 
 
 But modern historic science, correcting the many blun- 
 ders of the past, has gradually dissolved the fog covering 
 the memory of Constantine, and presented us with his true 
 picture a picture bearing, indeed, a few spots, but never- 
 theless grand and worthy of esteem. Constantine stands on 
 the boundaries of two worlds, the ancient and the modern 
 that of the pagans and that of the Christians. He was 
 born and educated within the former ; he acted and died 
 within the latter. It is not possible, therefore, to judge him 
 absolutely from the standpoint of either ; but the various 
 fortunes of his life should be examined according to their
 
 302 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 individual circumstances. Constantino resembles those fruit- 
 ful trees into which has been grafted the sap of other plants, 
 in consequence of which their fruit possesses the peculiarity 
 of both tastes. Christianity, which he espoused at a ripe age, 
 did not completely change his nature ; while his mind under- 
 stood the lofty truths of Christianity, and accurately mea- 
 sured the benefits which they promised to humanity, his heart 
 we do not deny it remained pagan, and it never cast off 
 the impression, traditions, and customs of the ancient religion. 
 But this very struggle of heart and mind, in which the for- 
 mer finally triumphed, may show the greatness of his good 
 and noble nature. Few, indeed, having to contend with so 
 many moral, political, private, and social difficulties, have 
 acted with more clearness, and united their names with a more 
 glorious reformation in both theoretical and practical life. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE WORK OF REFORMATION. 
 
 Constantius. 
 
 MUCH anarchy followed the death of Constantine. Con- 
 stantius, alleging that his father had been poisoned by his 
 own brothers, not only killed his two uncles, but also seven 
 of his cousins and many other prominent men. Gallus and 
 Julian, however, sons of Julius Constantius, the half-brother 
 of Constantine the Great, escaped. At the same time Con- 
 stantine II sought to seize upon the inheritance of his young- 
 est brother ; but he was murdered on the 9th of April, 340, 
 and thus Constans became master of the middle and west- 
 ern provinces of Europe. Ten years later he was himself 
 murdered by Magnentius, chief of his body-guards, and thus
 
 THE WORK OF REFORMATION. 303 
 
 Constantius remained the absolute ruler of the empire until 
 his death in November, 361. During his reign the provinces 
 of the East were afflicted by a Persian war. Sapor II, king 
 of Persia, defeated the forces of Constantius in Mesopotamia, 
 and Asia was then saved only through the long and stubborn 
 resistance of the ancient city of Nisibis, which thrice repulsed 
 the attacks of Sapor. 
 
 Meanwhile the great question of religious reformation 
 continued to agitate the minds of the people ; just as, after 
 the death of Alexander, the Hellenization of Asia was not re- 
 tarded on account of the civil struggles among the successors. 
 The ancient beliefs gradually crumbled away, not so much 
 from any direct attack as from their own loss of vitality ; 
 while the new continued to prosper and to flourish even in 
 the midst of almost daily strifes and contentions. The sons 
 of Constantine, indeed, enacted special laws against the an- 
 cient religion prohibiting, for instance, nocturnal sacrifices, 
 and ordering the destruction of the temples ; but these laws 
 were never rigorously enforced. Indeed, we are told that 
 Constantius shortly before his death took under his special 
 protection the ornaments and temples of antiquity. But, for 
 all this, the temples were falling to ruin, and the faith was 
 withering and dying ; but it was wasting its life slowly, 
 rather through an organic mortal disease than from hostile 
 wounds. 
 
 Julian the Apostate. 
 
 It has already been stated that during the general slaugh- 
 ter of the relatives of Constantine two of his cousins, Gallus 
 and Julian, escaped death. The former was at that time 
 twelve years old, and the latter six. In 351 Constantius 
 deemed it best to grant to Gallus the title of Caesar, with the 
 sovereignty of Asia, and Antiocheia for his capital. Gallus 
 evinced no ability whatever, committed many acts of cruelty, 
 and was finally put to death in 354. Julian would have
 
 304 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 shared the same fate had not the good and noble Queen 
 Eusebia prevailed upon Constantius to spare his life, and to 
 assign to him the city of Athens for his place of habitation. 
 
 Athens had long since lost her political greatness ; but 
 the luster with which this capital of ancient Hellenism was 
 surrounded, the splendid monuments with which she was 
 adorned, the reverence in which the Eleusinian mysteries 
 were still held, and the sense of gratitude which Hellenism 
 bore to her, rendered this city even in its decline an object 
 of respect to the emperors of Rome, and an attraction to the 
 learned men of the world. Above all, Athens was consid- 
 ered as the last great asylum of ancient beliefs, and large 
 throngs flocked thither, much in the same way as the Chris- 
 tians in the East to this day flock to Jerusalem. 
 
 Julian, who was ordered to repair to Athens, was what 
 we may call a half Greek ; for he was born at Byzantium, 
 and the Hellenic was his native tongue. It is no wonder, 
 therefore, that from his earliest youth he loved that lan- 
 guage, and studied and admired all its intellectual produc- 
 tions. Deep also were the impressions which the monuments 
 and customs of the ancient world made on his sensitive soul. 
 He knew that his cousin Constantius had inaugurated his im- 
 perial career by the slaughter of his relatives ; he knew that 
 Eusebius of Nikomedeia, one of the highest ministers of the 
 Christian religion, was said to have instigated this lament- 
 able tragedy ; he saw the new faith divided into two oppo- 
 site camps, the contests of which were not limited to the- 
 oretical discussions, but had resulted in exiles, persecutions, 
 murders, and revolts. He did not understand, or would not 
 understand, the seriousness of the discussions ; yet he knew 
 that the prevailing party the Arians used the new religion 
 to satisfy human passions and interests. Julian had not only 
 accepted holy baptism, but had shown for some time an ex- 
 cellent zeal in behalf of Christianity. Gradually, however, 
 a change of sentiments and thoughts began to take place in
 
 THE WORK OF REFORMATION. 305 
 
 him. By comparing the present with the past, he arrived 
 first at the conclusion that Christianity was the cause of this 
 strange decline, or at least that Christianity was not adapted 
 to prevent the demoralization of the empire ; and he gradu- 
 ally came to a second conclusion, that this change of affairs 
 resulted from the debasement of the ancient religion and 
 life, and that the reformation of the world could only be 
 accomplished through their reestablishment. 
 
 This hallucination of Julian's is easily explained. He 
 possessed many of the advantages through which men suc- 
 ceed in the world, and accomplish great deeds. He had 
 intelligence, education, morality, courage, and fortune. He 
 lacked only one thing which indeed men of genius and 
 energy too seldom possess " a practical mind." The practi- 
 cal mind of men like Constantine and Athanasius understood 
 that no law carried into effect through men oan possibly es- 
 cape the influence of human weakness and individuality ; and 
 that, when it has passed through many trials, it finally pro- 
 duces its best fruits. On this account, therefore, they per- 
 severed in the midst of misfortunes, believing that the days 
 were nigh at hand when finally Christianity, cleansed from 
 the rust with which it necessarily came in contact, would 
 pour on the world its pure and bountiful blessings. Has not 
 the same thing occurred with reference to other laws in their 
 first application ? Did not constitutional government even 
 in England produce during its earlier stages constant civil 
 wars, slaughters, confiscations, and a moral and social debase- 
 ment of which we read to this day with disgust? How, 
 then, can we be at a loss to understand why Christianity 
 passed through similar trials ? 
 
 Julian was sustained in his views by the Neoplatonists, 
 the most famous of whom were at that time ^Edesius, Chry- 
 santhius, and Maximus. As long as the discussions of the 
 Neoplatonists were limited to philosophical theories concern- 
 ing the Most High, or to attempts to unravel the mystery 
 34
 
 306 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 of the allegories which were supposed to be concealed be- 
 hind the Hellenic myths, these discussions could at least 
 please if not instruct the learned public to which they were 
 addressed. But the ambition of the new heresiarchs was 
 not content with this ; they sought to exert a more direct 
 influence, and to establish even a new religion. Perceiving 
 that philosophical and theological arguments were not suffi- 
 cient to convince the masses, the Neoplatonists contrived to 
 draw to their assistance the gods and demons of idolatry, 
 and to astound the credulity of the ochlos by a complex sys- 
 tem of magic and sorcery. Availing themselves of the mys- 
 teries of the ancient religion, they claimed that they could 
 penetrate into the secrets of the future, impose their will on 
 the gods below, communicate with the gods in heaven, and, 
 freeing the soul from its material fetters, bring it into direct 
 communion with the highest divine mind. It may easily 
 be understood what a strange confusion of ideas resulted 
 from this union of philosophy, mythology, and thaumaturgy. 
 Julian, who considered the precepts of the gospel unreason- 
 able, became a victim of this monstrous complication of 
 ideas ; and while, on the one hand, he confessed the existence 
 of some Supreme Being, invisible, complete, and incompre- 
 hensible to human intelligence, on the other he professed that 
 this Most High Being produced many inferior gods Ares, 
 Hermes, Athene, Aphrodite, and the other known gods of 
 antiquity ; that to these latter deities the Most High allotted 
 the creation of man and the government of the terrestrial 
 world. In a word, he seriously believed that the commonest 
 opinions of the old faith could be reconciled with the most 
 philosophical comprehension of the Divinity. 
 
 Thus disposed, Julian reached Athens in May, 355. Ev- 
 erything now tended to strengthen him in his opinions : the 
 Bight of the most beautiful of the ancient monuments, and 
 of statues whose exquisite symmetry and grace influenced 
 souls and minds less susceptible than his ; the discourses of
 
 THE WORK OF REFORMATION. 307 
 
 the most eloquent orators ; and, finally, the Eleusinian mys- 
 teries, still regarded with the deepest reverence and awe. 
 Urged by these combined influences, he decided on the first 
 opportunity to raise the standard of the ancient religion, and 
 to recall the glorious days of the past. For the present, 
 however, he concealed his purpose, knowing well that the 
 slightest promulgation of his true opinions would cause Con- 
 stantius to put an end to all his glorious dreams ; but the 
 trouble of his heart and conscience was betrayed by his looks 
 and movements. There happene.d to be at that time in 
 Athens, as fellow students and associates of Julian, two 
 young men, Gregory Nazianzen and Basil names destined 
 for centuries to resound throughout the Christian world. 
 They came to Athens, not to strengthen their convictions in 
 idolatry, but in order to derive from ancient philosophy and 
 eloquence the arms by aid of which they afterward fought 
 so gloriously for the new faith. Julian never communicated 
 his thoughts to them, but it would appear that Gregory at 
 least understood from the outset the plans of his fellow stu- 
 dent.* 
 
 Julian remained at Athens only about six months, be- 
 cause in November, 355, Constantius deemed it best to grant 
 to him the title of Caesar and the government of Gaul. This 
 province was severely oppressed by the Germans, and needed 
 the protecting hand of a strong leader. Julian succeeded 
 within five years, not only in driving the Germans beyond 
 the Rhine, but also in defeating and humbling them in their 
 own country. Constantius, envious of the laurels won by 
 Julian, ordered his victorious legions to repair to Asia and 
 fight against the restless Sapor. The legions disobeyed, and 
 declared Julian their emperor. Julian sought to make peace 
 with Constantius, but the latter haughtily rejected his pro- 
 posals. Julian therefore led his forces against Constantino- 
 
 * See the description Gregory gives, in the second trrr)\iTfvTiKc? KCIT& j8cw<. 
 'lovKiwov, concerning Julian.
 
 308 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 pie, but civil war was prevented by the death of Constantius, 
 which occurred on the 3d of November, 361, and the people 
 forthwith recognized Julian as their ruler, while he was still 
 on his way to the capital. 
 
 The Reign of Julian. 
 
 Julian was about thirty years old when he acquired un- 
 disputed possession of the Roman empire. On the very 
 same day on which he had broken off with Constantius, he 
 had also renounced his faith in Christianity, declared his 
 allegiance to the immortal gods, and become an apostate 
 and parabates (transgressor) of the religion of Christ, by 
 which names he is generally known in history. The main 
 object of Julian on entering Constantinople was the resto- 
 ration of the ancient religion a foolish dream, for the reali- 
 zation of which he consumed in vain treasures of practical 
 energy. 
 
 The hierophant or initiating priest of the Eleusinian 
 mysteries was sent with many presents, in company with 
 Chrysanthius and Maximus, the boldest and most skillful 
 masters of the theurgic art, to assume the direction of the 
 temples of Hellas ; while Oribasius, the physician and friend 
 of Julian, hastened by his order to restore the temple of 
 Apollo at Delphi. But the decline of this once so rich and 
 glorious temple is manifest from the following oracle given 
 to the representative of the emperor : 
 
 " Say thou to the king that the curiously wrought court has fallen. 
 No longer has Phoebus a temple, nor the prophetess any bay-tree, 
 Or any speaking spring. The murmuring water has also ceased."* 
 
 Do we not seem to hear in this the last farewell of Pythia, 
 and the inscription, as it were, which she herself ordered to 
 be inscribed on her tomb? Numerous temples, however, 
 
 * This oracle is preserved to us by George Kedrenus, a Byzantine chro- 
 nographer.
 
 THE WORK OF REFORMATION. 309 
 
 began to be erected and adorned in Macedonia, Epirus, and 
 the Peloponnesus ; Nikopolis and Eleusis emerged more 
 splendid from their ruins ; the ancient mode of life at 
 Athens, which had never wholly disappeared, became infused 
 with new vigor ; the games and festivities at Delphi, Argos, 
 Olympia, and elsewhere were celebrated with their pristine 
 magnificence ; the gymnasia were filled with athletes ; and 
 the schools of philosophy were especially protected by the 
 emperor, who, in his encomium of Queen Eusebia, compared 
 the philosophy of Hellas to the never-failing sources of the 
 Nile. The emperor treated the Christians with moderation 
 and mildness, much as his uncle Constantine the Great acted 
 toward the unconverted ; but he always admired and re- 
 warded the perseverance of those pagans who had remained 
 steadfast in their faith, and his enthusiasm prompted him to 
 embrace the worshipers of Jupiter as his personal friends 
 and brethren. We can not, however, accept the opinion of 
 some historians that the restoration of the Jewish temple, 
 which was effected by Julian, was secretly connected with 
 the ruin of the Christian faith. On the contrary, we look 
 upon this as a conclusive evidence of the freedom of reli- 
 gious worship, which the emperor continued to maintain ; 
 yet the force of circumstances drove him to many acts of 
 cruelty. 
 
 Julian ardently admired Hellenic learning, and wrote in 
 Greek. It is also worthy of note that all the Roman emper- 
 ors who undertook any important reformation in the empire 
 used the Hellenic as the organ of their plans. Marcus Au- 
 relius, who hoped to educate the world morally after the prin- 
 ciples of the Stoic philosophy, wrote in Hellenic.* The great 
 Constantine, who raised the flag of Christianity, inscribed it 
 with Hellenic letters and planted it within a Hellenic city. 
 Finally, Julian, who dreamed of the restoration of the ancient 
 world, composed all his works in the language of the Hel-
 
 310 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 lenes. But he sought to render the Hellenic learning and 
 language the exclusive possession of himself and his adher- 
 ents, deeming the Christians thoroughly barbarized on ac- 
 count of their aversion to the religion of ancient Hellenism. 
 Regarding idolatry as a synonym for the rarest advantages 
 of culture, he said ironically to the Christians : " To us be- 
 long eloquence and the arts of Hellas, as well as the adora- 
 tion of her immortal gods ; but your share is ignorance and 
 barbarism." Sustaining his arguments on this sophism, he 
 prohibited them from teaching the arts of grammar and rhet- 
 oric, on the ground that, if they refused to adore the gods 
 of Homer and Demosthenes, they ought to content them- 
 selves with expounding Luke and Matthew in the church of 
 the Galileans, as he was wont to call the followers of Christ. 
 No other ordinance of Julian could have inflicted so severe 
 a wound on Christianity, and no other moved more bitterly 
 the indignation of the Christians against him an indigna- 
 tion strongly expressed by Gregory Nazianzen in his fa- 
 mous apostrophe found in his first address against Julian.* 
 The emperor, furthermore, decreed that the Christians should 
 pay the losses sustained by the destruction of the temples 
 during the preceding reigns, and especially during that of 
 Constantino the Great. The execution of such an edict 
 would certainly have caused a general civil war. But Ju- 
 lian did not live to carry it out. Desirous of crushing 
 Sapor, who in the reign of Constantius had inflicted such 
 signal misfortunes on the Roman empire, he invaded Per- 
 sia with a large army, and defeated him in many engage- 
 ments ; but having once, on account of the heat of the 
 weather, laid aside his cuirass, he was mortally wounded by 
 a javelin. He died in the thirty-second year of his age, 
 after a reign of one year and eight months from the death 
 of Constantius (June 26, 363). It is said that when dying 
 he took with one hand the blood from his wound, and sprink-
 
 JOVIAN TO THEODOSIUS I. 311 
 
 ling it in the air said : " Thou hast conquered, Christ ; be 
 thou pleased, Nazarene." His body was brought to Tarsus 
 and buried in one of its suburbs. 
 
 Zosimus calls Julian a great man, while the Christian 
 chronographers have heaped upon him the worst of insults. 
 Had he lived during the acme of the ancient world, since his 
 mind would have been in a congenial atmosphere, he would 
 certainly have left in history an eminent name. As it was, 
 his merits became unproductive, and might have proved sub- 
 versive of order and progress. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 JOVIAN TO THEODOSIUS I. 
 
 Peace with the Persians. 
 
 THE unexpected death of Julian left the empire without 
 a master and without an heir, " in a state of perplexity and 
 danger which had not been experienced since the election of 
 Diocletian." But we are told that, while the generals were 
 debating in regard to a successor, a few voices saluted Jo- 
 vian, who was no more than chief of the domestics, with the 
 names of Imperator and Augustus. The first act of the 
 newly elected sovereign was to make peace with the Per- 
 sians, and he accordingly granted to them the provinces be- 
 yond the Tigris and the impregnable city of Nisibis, which 
 had repulsed thus far every effort of Sapor's arms. Jovian 
 at the same time abolished the decrees enacted by Julian in 
 behalf of idolatry, and seemed favorably inclined to Chris- 
 tianity. But he died suddenly in the obscure town of Da- 
 dastana, while on his march back to Constantinople.
 
 312 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Ten days after the death of Jovian, Valentinian, an offi- 
 cer in the army, was elevated to the throne. Thirty days 
 after his election he bestowed on his brother Valens the 
 title of Augustus, as well as the government of the East, 
 from the lower Danube to the confines of Persia ; while he 
 reserved for his own sovereignty the western provinces of 
 Illyria, Italy, and Gaul. Valentinian permitted "freedom 
 of worship," while Valens in the East at once espoused the 
 cause of the Arians. The allegation that Valens severely 
 persecuted the Christians is probably unfounded ; indeed, as 
 a mark of his moderation, he allowed Athanasius to return 
 to his flock, where he finally died in peace in May, 373, after 
 forty-six years of a most eventful archbishopric. 
 
 Basil and Gregory, 
 
 .About the time " the sun of orthodoxy," Athanasius, be- 
 gan to set, two new stars, Basil the Great and Gregory the 
 Theologian, shone on the ecclesiastical horizon. Both these 
 Christian orators were of about the same age, for they were 
 born between 329 and 331, were trained in the same liberal 
 studies in the school of Athens, conducted by the most 
 famous sophists of that time, and were united by ties of 
 the strictest friendship. The Hellenic tongue, as if obedient 
 to their wishes, expresses the new doctrines of Christianity 
 with all the purity of the style of Lysias and Plato, or at 
 least of their earliest imitators. The ancient force and 
 beauty of the language is preserved in its entirety, gilded as 
 it were by some Eastern tinge, yet always clear and harmo- 
 nious. 
 
 Basil, on his return from Athens, taught rhetoric and 
 practiced law in his native city Caesareia. He achieved 
 great eminence both as a teacher and a lawyer, but aban- 
 doned these pursuits, because the example of his father, 
 mother, and sister, as well as his own nature and ambition, 
 called him to the service of God. Having dispossessed him-
 
 JOVIAN TO THEODOSIUS I. 313 
 
 self of all his private property, much of which he spent in 
 eleemosynary bequests, he visited the most famous churches, 
 situated both in the great cities of the East and in the des- 
 ert. Returning home, he chose an isolated habitation in the 
 province of Pontus, not as a hermit, but as a man full of 
 love for mankind, and simply contented with this mode of 
 life, which he rendered productive of good by study and 
 charity. 
 
 In 370 Archbishop Eusebius died, and Basil was ap- 
 pointed his successor in the see of Constantinople. Having 
 reached one of the most exalted stations of the church, he 
 did not suffer the reverses of fortune on account of which 
 the history of Athanasius became so dramatic, but obtained 
 the respect both of his contemporaries and of those after 
 him. Basil was the true minister of the gospel, the father 
 of the people, the friend of the unfortunate, unshaken in his 
 faith, and inexhaustible in his charity. Remarkable indeed 
 is the simplicity with which he surrounded the science which 
 he had learned at Athens, in order to teach the people of 
 Caesareia to raise themselves to God by contemplating na- 
 ture and the wonders of creation. The mild and graphic 
 imagination of Basil is apparent in nearly all his writings. 
 An ardent lover of ancient rhetoric and poetry, he wished to 
 inspire the young with admiration for those inimitable mas- 
 terpieces. In his enthusiasm for the productions of the 
 Hellenic intellect, he deems all deserving of the study of 
 Christians ; he claims the highest virtue for the poetry of 
 Homer, and recommends Solon, Euripides, and Plato. Basil's 
 source of eloquence was the Old Testament, the poetry of 
 which he readily borrowed a poetry at once bold and de- 
 scriptive ; but in the vivid pictures of the Hebraic muse 
 he mingles those mild sentiments of humanity and that gen- 
 tleness of enthusiasm which are so strikingly beautiful in 
 the New Testament. Hence the power which his words had 
 over the minds of the people ; and when he died (January 1,
 
 314 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 379), pagans, Jews, and Christians alike followed him to the 
 grave and bewailed the loss of a common benefactor. 
 
 Gregory was not equal to Basil in greatness of mind 
 and heart, but his imagination possessed a peculiarity more 
 resplendent and graceful. He attended the Hellenic schools 
 of Caesareia, Alexandria, and Athens, having like Basil 
 sailed on the ocean of Hellenic philosophy before reach- 
 ing the safe harbor of the gospel. Toward the last years 
 of Valens he took an energetic part in the struggle against 
 Arianism. But the time was near at hand when the church 
 was destined to triumph definitely by the inflexible will of 
 Theodosius the Great, and by the sword of the barbarians, 
 who were about to mingle their savage passions in the so- 
 lution of a problem which they seemed utterly unsuited to 
 decide. 
 
 New Invasions of the Barbarians. 
 
 The Huns, starting from the eastern extremities of Asia, 
 were now marching into Europe, having as their forerunners 
 the fear and fright which their savage appearance and cruel 
 customs everywhere inspired. One tribe of the Goths which 
 had been long since established on the northern shores of the 
 Danube, fearing lest they should have to meet alone that 
 fierce torrent, sought and obtained permission from the Ro- 
 mans to cross the river and settle in some other province of 
 the empire. A dispute, however, having arisen between these 
 and the Romans, the emperor Valens in person marched 
 against them, leading all the legions of the East ; but in a 
 severe engagement fought on the 9th of August, 378, the 
 Romans were utterly defeated, and the emperor himself and 
 most of his generals perished. Thrace, Macedonia, and Thes- 
 saly were overrun by the Goths, who ravaged the country, 
 killing the inhabitants and destroying the cities that were not 
 strongly fortified. 
 
 Valentinian I, who ruled the West, died in 375, and his
 
 JOVIAN TO THEODOSIUS I. 315 
 
 son Gratian succeeded him, taking as his associate his brother 
 Valentinian II, then a child. The death of his uncle Valens 
 made Gratian also emperor of the East. The empire was 
 now in extreme peril ; and Gratian, feeling that he was not 
 equal to the task of defending it, although he was certainly 
 not without ability, wisely granted the rule of the eastern 
 countries in January, 379, to that Theodosius afterward called 
 
 the Great. 
 
 Theodosius I. 
 
 Theodosius was the son of a general of the same name, 
 who had greatly distinguished himself during the reign of 
 Valentinian, but had been traduced and put to death. The 
 young Theodosius was educated by skillful preceptors, and 
 was instructed in the art of war by the care and severe 
 discipline of his father. Under the standard of such a leader, 
 young Theodosius sought glory and knowledge in the most 
 distant scenes of military action, inured his constitution to 
 the differences of seasons and climates, displayed his valor 
 by sea and land, and observed the various modes of warfare 
 of the Scots, the Saxons, and the Moors. 
 
 Theodosius first directed his attention to the pacification 
 of the Goths, and succeeded within the space of four years 
 in rendering them, if not fully submissive to his scepter, at 
 least anxious to seek terms of peace. Soon after this was 
 accomplished Gratian was murdered (A. D. 383), and one 
 Maximus, a native of Spain the countryman, fellow soldier, 
 and rival of Theodosius, whose elevation he had not seen 
 without envy and resentment assumed the imperial title. 
 Valentinian II,* brother of the murdered emperor, was forced 
 to recognize the authority of Maximus in Gaul, Spain, and 
 Britain ; and Theodosius, being much harassed by the Gothic 
 war and by other weighty considerations, was compelled to 
 dissemble his resentment and to accept the alliance of the 
 usurper. 
 
 "* He ruled over Italy and Africa.
 
 316 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 In the mean time Theodosius sought to put an end to 
 all the ecclesiastical dissensions which for the last half cen- 
 tury had troubled the consciences of the Christians. In 
 the year 380 he dictated a solemn edict, which proclaimed 
 the Athanasian doctrine of the Trinity, branded all who de- 
 nied it with the name of heretics, and handed over the 
 churches in Constantinople to the exclusive use of the ortho- 
 dox party, who formed only a small portion of the popula- 
 tion of the city. A few months afterward (May, 381), Theo- 
 dosius convened at Constantinople a synod of one hundred 
 and fifty bishops (the second general council of the Christian 
 church), which completed the theological system established 
 by the council of Nice. 
 
 "While Theodosius was thus occupied with the Gothic 
 war, the strengthening of the Christian religion, and the 
 eradication of Arianism, he did not neglect the affairs of the 
 West. In 387 Maximus, who aspired to the conquest of 
 Italy, secretly crossed the Alps, fell upon Valentinian, and 
 drove him out of the country. Hereupon Theodosius has- 
 tened to his aid, killed Maximus in a great and decisive battle r 
 almost annihilated his army, and in June, 388, surrendered 
 to Valentinian the government of the West. Four years 
 later, on the 15th of May, 392, Valentinian was murdered by 
 his chief adviser Arbogastes, a Frankish general, who, wish- 
 ing to reign under the name of some dependent Roman, 
 bestowed the purple on the rhetorician Eugenius, whom he 
 had already raised from the place of his domestic secretary 
 to the rank of master of the offices. In the summer of 39 1 
 Theodosius marched against the usurper, defeated him, and 
 united all the Roman world under his scepter. He did not, 
 however, long enjoy this last triumph. He died at Milan 
 four months later (January 17, 395), of dropsy, at the age 
 of fifty, having again confirmed the division of the Eastern 
 and Western empires by granting the East to his elder son, 
 Arcadius, and the West to his younger, Honorius.
 
 ARCADIUS AND HONORIUS. 317 
 
 Theodosius was called the Great. He is to some extent 
 entitled to this appellation, which in the history of the mon- 
 archs of the Eastern Empire we have applied only to the 
 founder of Constantinople. In his private relations, Theodo- 
 sius was confessedly better than Constantine the Great ; for 
 he was an affectionate husband, a good father and broth- 
 er, and a grateful friend. As a public man, he committed 
 many mistakes. By entering into alliance with the Goths, 
 instead of completely reducing them, he gave rise to many 
 misfortunes in the empire, setting an example which, fol- 
 lowed by many other emperors, tended to degenerate the 
 character of the Constantinopolitan monarchy, which could 
 otherwise have become much more Hellenic. But Theodo- 
 sius, by protecting orthodoxy, which was wellnigh submerged 
 by Arianism, by defending and securing the symbols of the 
 faith, linked his name with one of the greatest events in the 
 history of the world. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 AECADIUS AND HONORIUS. 
 
 Barbarian Incursions. 
 
 AECADIUS, who was then about eighteen years old, reigned 
 over the East, while his brother Honorius, in the eleventh 
 year of his age, nominally assumed the government of the 
 West ; but the real rulers of the empire were Rufinus in the 
 East and Stilicho in the West. Stilicho was noted for his 
 military virtues, and his praises have been celebrated by the 
 muse of Claudian ; but Rufinus became notorious only for 
 his wickedness, which led to many disasters in the East. He 
 aspired to marry his daughter Maria to the young emperor 
 Arcadius, a feeble youth, " whom the imperious prefect con-
 
 318 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 sidered as his pupil rather than as his sovereign." But this 
 dream was not to be realized. Eutropius, a eunuch, and the 
 great chamberlain of the palace, persuaded Arcadius to marry 
 the fair Eudoxia, the daughter of Bauto, a Frankish general 
 in the Roman service. Rufinus, enraged, planned the de- 
 struction of the empire itself. He is said to have called in 
 the Huns, who in 395 laid waste many provinces in Asia, and 
 to have committed many atrocities, until finally he was mur- 
 dered by Gainas, the general of the Goths. The unmanly 
 Arcadius, after the death of Rufinus, surrendered himself 
 entirely to the hands of Eutropius, who soon acquired the 
 chief influence in the empire. 
 
 Rufinus is said before his death to have persuaded Alaric, 
 the daring general of the Goths, to invade Hellas, having 
 called his attention to the prosperity of the country, which 
 for a long time had been free from the incursions of barba- 
 rians. Alaric, with whom not a few monks joined themselves 
 believing, in their fanaticism, that since the war was mainly 
 directed against the pagans, the cause of religion would gain 
 thereby invaded Hellas, plundering and destroying whole 
 districts and cities, slaughtering the men, and carrying away 
 the women and children. Stilicho, however, entered the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, vigorously attacked the Goths, and forced them to 
 retreat into Epirus, whence, four years later, Alaric led his 
 warriors against Italy, where he continued for a long time 
 his career of devastation. 
 
 Eutropius was beheaded in 399, and the government 
 passed virtually into the hands of Eudoxia, who managed the 
 affairs of the empire with great moderation until her death, 
 which occurred shortly before that of Arcadius, in 408. The 
 whole machinery of the government was by this time in the 
 hands of the barbarians, who had acquired great preponder- 
 ance in the East ; for it must not be forgotten that not only 
 Alaric and Gainas were Goths, but Eudoxia herself was the 
 daughter of a Frankish general.
 
 ARCADIUS AND HONORIUS. 319 
 
 What, then, became of that Hellenic nation which, resus- 
 citated by Christianity, seemed destined to establish a new 
 and great empire in the East ? Did it surrender itself to the 
 barbarians without battle and in silence ? No, certainly ! 
 The Hellenic nation in the East, after long and incessant 
 combats, finally' drove away the barbarians. The kingdom, 
 the language, philology, art, law, and government, all came 
 out of the struggle Hellenic ; perhaps somewhat mutilated 
 and bearing deep scars, but, like the wounds of veterans, re- 
 dounding to its honor. 
 
 John Chrysostom. 
 
 John, who on account of his inimitable eloquence was 
 surnamed Chrysostom or the Golden-mouthed, was born in 
 344, of a prominent family in Antioch. He studied rhetoric 
 with the famous sophist Libanius, a faithful adherent of the 
 ancient religion, who vainly strove, through the Homeric 
 hymns, which he explained with rare eloquence, to induce 
 his pupil to abandon the Christian religion. Chrysostom at 
 first practiced law in Antioch, but soon entered the service 
 of the church. Deeming himself unprepared for duties so 
 responsible, he abandoned the world and spent six years in the 
 desert in prayer and meditation. He had already acquired 
 great renown by his learning, piety, and goodness ; and on 
 his return to Antioch, the bishop gladly permitted him to 
 preach the word of God in that great and flourishing city, in- 
 habited alike by Christians, Jews, and idolaters, all of whom 
 spoke the Hellenic tongue. Like the people of ancient Hel- 
 las, the Christian communities were effectively swayed by the 
 power of speech ; and the brilliant interpreter of the Scrip- 
 tures, with his fiery imagination and allegorical art, made a 
 deep impression on the Hellenes, both Christian and pagan. 
 His discourses form a complete system of moral instructions, 
 imbued with his brilliant genius, deep knowledge of the hu- 
 man heart, and truly evangelical goodness. Furthermore,
 
 320 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 they depict, as if on successive mirrors, the society of the 
 times, standing as it were on the boundaries of Christianity 
 and idolatry. His preaching created such enthusiasm that 
 great numbers of the people, abandoning every career of 
 activity, devoted themselves to the service of God. Chry- 
 sostom, unfortunately, did not understand the danger aris- 
 ing from this movement, and did not attempt to check the 
 irresistible current he had himself set in motion. He stig- 
 matized severely the abuses which many committed under 
 cover of the monastic garb, but did not strongly oppose 
 retirement from the world. He sought rather to arouse in 
 the hearts of his people the sentiments of philanthropy and 
 piety, firmly believing that these virtues alone would inevi- 
 tably produce others tending to the preservation of the com- 
 munity. No other orator, minister, or moralist ever repre- 
 sented so forcibly and so eloquently the misfortunes of man, 
 or more strongly moved or more persuasively called forth his 
 best impulses. The preaching of Chrysostom, while learned, 
 was at the same time popular. He knew how to take hold 
 of the souls of his hearers by pictures of their daily life ; he 
 was the public counselor, the guide and comforter of every 
 citizen, the type and example of religious eloquence and min- 
 isterial office, remaining to this day unsurpassed even by the 
 most distinguished of divines. 
 
 In 397 Nectarius, archbishop of Constantinople, died, and 
 both the emperor and the people with one accord named as 
 his successor the greatest orator of Christianity. All the 
 excesses and abuses which Chrysostom had for so many 
 years stigmatized in Antioch appeared before him in all 
 their brazen effrontery in the queen of cities. The levity 
 and sumptuousness of the court beggar description ; the 
 magistrates spent their resources in the races ; the multitude 
 idly passed their time there ; the profanity and immorality 
 of the drama and song in the theatres surpassed all bounds ; 
 and many of the monks, leaving their retreat, filled the streets
 
 ARCADIUS AND HONORIUS. 321 
 
 and houses of Constantinople, plotting and committing every 
 kind of crime. It is evident that in such a society, in tho 
 presence of these impious violators of the most sacred ordi- 
 nances, Chrysostom could not long remain silent. He was 
 the best, the mildest, and most patient of men, whenever he 
 had to advise the, many those who, either from ignorance 
 or weakness, had violated their duty. But in the presence 
 of hardened wickedness, before haughty sin and base -hy- 
 pocrisy, and especially before the audacious sacrilegiousness 
 of the monks, this same Chrysostom became inflexible, im- 
 patient, severe. 
 
 The pastoral labors of the archbishop of Constantinople 
 naturally provoked and gradually united against him two 
 classes of enemies : the aspiring clergy, who envied his suc- 
 cess, and the ministers and ladies of the court, who were 
 offended by his reproofs. The empress Eudoxia, also an- 
 gered by his course, secretly planned for his exile, and to 
 this end communicated with Theophilus, archbishop of Alex- 
 andria, who, we are told, had been exasperated by some per- 
 sonal disputes with Chrysostom. By the private invitation 
 of the empress, Theophilus landed at Constantinople with a 
 stout body of Egyptian mariners, to overpower the populace, 
 and a train of dependent bishops, to secure by their voices 
 the majority of a synod, which was convened in the sub- 
 urb Chalkedon. A bishop and a deacon accused the arch- 
 bishop of Constantinople ; but as Chrysostom refused to 
 trust either his person or his reputation to his implacable 
 enemies, they condemned his contumacious disobedience, 
 and hastily pronounced a sentence of deposition. The arch- 
 bishop was rudely arrested and conducted through the city 
 by one of the imperial messengers, who landed him, after a 
 short voyage, near the entrance of the Euxine, from which 
 place, before the expiration of two days, he was gloriously 
 recalled (A. D. 403). 
 
 The first astonishment of his faithful people had been
 
 322 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 mute and passive ; but they soon rose with unanimous and 
 irresistible fury. Theophilus escaped, but the promiscuous 
 crowd of monks and Egyptian mariners was slaughtered 
 without pity in the streets of Constantinople. The torrent 
 of sedition rolled onward to the gates of the palace ; and 
 the empress, agitated by fear and remorse, threw herself at 
 the feet of Arcadius, and confessed that the public safety 
 could be purchased only by the restoration of Chrysostom. 
 The Bosporus was covered with innumerable vessels, and 
 the acclamations of a victorious people accompanied from 
 the port to the cathedral the triumphant return of the arch- 
 bishop. 
 
 Ignorant or careless of impending danger, Chrysostom 
 declaimed against the profane honors which were addressed, 
 almost in the precincts of St. Sophia, to the statue of the em- 
 press. His fearless policy (which some western writers call 
 imprudence) tempted his enemies to inflame the haughty 
 spirit of Eudoxia, by reporting, and perhaps inventing, the 
 famous exordium of a sermon : " Herodias is again furious ; 
 Herodias again dances ; she once more requires the head of 
 John." * This allusion enraged Eudoxia, and Arcadius was 
 prevailed upon to convoke a numerous council of the eastern 
 prelates, who confirmed the validity of the former sentence 
 without examining into its justice. A detachment of barba- 
 rian troops was introduced into the city to suppress the resis- 
 tance of the people ; and on the vigil of Easter, 404, Chry- 
 sostom was carried to the remote and desolate town of Cu- 
 cusus, among the ridges of Mount Taurus, in Lesser Armenia. 
 After remaining there three years, an order was dispatched 
 for his instant removal to the desert of Pityus ; and his 
 guards so faithfully obeyed their cruel instructions, that be- 
 fore he reached the sea-coast of the Euxine he expired at 
 Comana, in Pontus, in the sixtieth year of his age, a few 
 months before his bitter enemy Eudoxia. 
 
 * Gibbon.
 
 THEODOSIUS II. 323 
 
 Such was the end of this brilliant and inspired man. 
 About four hundred and fifty of his discourses are extant, 
 which justly proclaim him the greatest of preachers. Thirty 
 years later, at the request of the people of Constantinople, 
 his remains were brought to the city, and the emperor The- 
 odosius II, advancing as far as Chalkedon, received them, and 
 prayed for the forgiveness of his dead parents Arcadius and 
 Eudoxia. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THEODOSIUS II. 
 
 Pulcheria and Athenais. 
 
 AECADIUS died A. D. 408, in the thirty-first year of his 
 age, after a nominal reign of thirteen years. He was succeed- 
 ed by his son Theodosius II, surnamed Mikros or the Small, 
 in contrast with his great-grandfather. As he was only 
 seven years of age, the government passed into the hands of 
 the prefect Anthemius, a man distinguished for wisdom, ex- 
 perience, and courage. Owing, however, to the jealousy of 
 the other prefects, Pulcheria, the sister of Theodosius, who 
 was only two years older than her brother, received at the 
 age of sixteen the title of Augusta, and virtually assumed 
 the government of the empire. Pulcheria embraced a life of 
 celibacy, and " dedicated her virginity to God." Indeed, we 
 are told that she renounced all vanity in dress, interrupted 
 by frequent fasts her simple and frugal diet, and devoted 
 several hours of the day and night to the exercises of prayer 
 and psalmody. But the education which she gave her broth- 
 er, who continued until his death to be a cipher in the gov- 
 ernment, plainly showed that Pulcheria wished to restrict to 
 herself the absolute command of the empire. Instead of
 
 324 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 devoting his energies to public affairs, Theodosius passed his 
 days in riding and hunting, and his evenings in prayer, in 
 modeling, and in copying sacred books ; and he acquired 
 such dexterity in this latter art that the people bestowed upon 
 him the ironical name of Kalligraphos, the fine writer or 
 teacher of writing. 
 
 Affairs accordingly passed exclusively into the hands of 
 Pulcheria, and during her long reign of nearly forty years 
 (414-453) the empire was governed more wisely than could 
 have been hoped, considering the internal and external diffi- 
 culties with which she had to contend. The throne of Con- 
 stantinople had been hitherto occupied by empresses of for- 
 eign descent ; but during the reign of Theodosius Mikros 
 the royal purple was worn by a genuine Helleness, the famous 
 Athenais, daughter of the Athenian philosopher Leontius, 
 who had educated her in the religion and sciences of the 
 Greeks. Leontius had three children, two sons and one 
 daughter, Athenais, distinguished for her beauty and intelli- 
 gence, as well as for her accomplishments in rhetoric and 
 philosophy. But, while she had received many evidences of 
 paternal love and solicitude, she was at her father's death, 
 apparently without cause, disinherited by his will of nearly 
 all the property which he left. Finding herself without re- 
 sources, she repaired to Constantinople to submit her rights 
 to Pulcheria, who was so much attracted by the grace and 
 talent of Athenais that forthwith she determined to make 
 her the wife of Theodosius. She accordingly spoke to her 
 brother of the daughter of Leontius, whom she described as 
 a Grecian maiden, well arrayed, of delicate features, with 
 skin white as snow, large eyes, golden hair, well-shaped feet, 
 and most admirably educated. Theodosius was curious to 
 see this excellent creature, and, standing behind a curtain, 
 feasted his eyes on the charms of Athenais, says one of the 
 ancient chroniclers, and at once decided to make her his wife. 
 The nuptials were celebrated magnificently. Athenais was
 
 THEODOSIUS II. 325 
 
 easily persuaded to renounce the errors of paganism, and 
 received at her baptism the Christian name of Eudokia. 
 The title of Augusta, however, was given to her only in 
 the following year, when she bore to the emperor a daugh- 
 ter Eudoxia, who when fifteen years old espoused Valen- 
 tinian III, the emperor of the West. 
 
 In the luxury of the palace Eudokia still cultivated those 
 arts which had led to her greatness, and by her learning 
 and poetical productions she contributed much to the re- 
 finement of the court of Constantinople. Forgetting, how- 
 ever, her obligations to Pulcheria, she sought to obtain the 
 direction of the Eastern Empire ; and this unwarranted 
 ambition caused her downfall. Feeling that she had lost 
 the affection of Theodosius, she requested permission to re- 
 tire to the distant solitude of Jerusalem ; but the vindic- 
 tive spirit of Pulcheria, as well as the violent jealousy of 
 Theodosius, aroused by false aspersions against the honor of 
 his wife, caused the unhappy Eudokia to suffer still greater 
 misfortunes. Stripped of the honors of her rank, she was 
 disgraced, and spent sixteen years in exile and devotion. 
 After experiencing the various vicissitudes of human life, 
 the daughter of the philosopher Leontius died at Jerusalem 
 in 460, in the sixty-seventh year of her age, declaring to the 
 last her innocence of the charges against her. 
 
 Ancient Hellenism in the mean time continued to wither 
 in Hellas, while the modern began to spread and strengthen 
 itself in Constantinople. Yet from this time onward Hel- 
 lenic literature produced none of those works by which the 
 memory of nations is honored and perpetuated. How are 
 we to explain this long intellectual sterility in a people to 
 whom many failings may be attributed, but never worthless- 
 ness in the productions of the mind ? Why did Christian 
 Hellenism, which even during the fourth century brought 
 forth orators and poets to this day admired and extolled, 
 suddenly, like a noble tree struck by a violent wind, cease to
 
 326 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 bear its precious fruits ? This intellectual decline is mainly 
 due to the incursions of the barbarians, by which society was 
 shaken from its very foundations, and the genius and enter- 
 prise of the nation almost paralyzed. 
 
 Ne8torius y Patriarch of Constantinople. 
 
 Nestorius was born in Germanikeia of Syria, and was 
 made patriarch of Constantinople on the 10th of April, 428. 
 Influenced by philosophical investigations, he propounded a 
 doctrine much like that of the Arians ; for Nestorius thought 
 that we ought to distinguish between the divine and human 
 natures of Christ. He revered Mary as the mother of Christ, 
 but would not accept her as T7teotokos, or the progenitrix of 
 God ; for he deemed the human nature of Christ to be the 
 cloak, the organ, the temple, as it were, of his divine nature. 
 It is evident that this belief tended to represent the Savionr 
 as a man sharing, indeed, in the divine nature, but not the 
 less a man, and not identical with the Father. 
 
 Through the watchful energy of Pulcheria, a royal decree 
 was issued in 430, by which all the archbishops of the em- 
 pire were invited to come to Ephesus during the Pentecost 
 of the following year. The synod began its sessions June 
 22d. About two hundred archbishops were present, all of 
 whom condemned the heresy of Nestorius ; but, as he refused 
 to abide by the decision of the council, he was by a royal 
 edict banished to an oasis in the Libyan desert. 
 
 Theodosius died in 450, and Pulcheria continued the 
 sovereignty in her own name and in that of her nominal 
 husband, Marcian, who had sworn to respect the promise 
 made to God of passing her life in celibacy. Pulcheria, even 
 in her foreign relations, preserved to a great extent the glory 
 of the Eastern Empire. The successor of Yezdegerd, king 
 of the Persians, had ordered a fierce persecution against the 
 Christians ; wherefore war was declared between the two em- 
 pires, in which the Persian troops were repeatedly worsted.
 
 THEODOSIUS II. 327 
 
 Attila. 
 
 But the greatest and most direful event of the reign of 
 Pulcheria was the destructive invasion of the Huns. In 424 
 the fierce and avaricious Attila, the " SCOURGE OF GOD," ob- 
 tained the chief command of the Huns. His features bore 
 the stamp of his national origin ; and the portrait of Attila 
 exhibits the genuine deformity of a modern Calmuck a large 
 head, a swarthy complexion, small deep-set eyes, a flat nose, 
 a few hairs in place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short, 
 square body, of nervous strength, though of a dispropor- 
 tioned form.* Led by such a warrior, the Huns ravaged 
 without resistance and without mercy the suburbs of Con- 
 stantinople (the city itself was protected by a wall), and the 
 provinces of Thrace and Macedonia, until finally Theodosius 
 was induced to solicit the clemency of Attila, who imperi- 
 ously dictated most harsh and humiliating terms. 
 
 Shortly after this inglorious peace Theodosius died ; and 
 when Attila haughtily demanded the fulfillment of the 
 treaty, Marcian responded that he did not intend to abide by 
 such an agreement, and forthwith declared war. Attila, how- 
 ever, soon afterward started on his great western expedi- 
 tion, during which he was defeated in Gaul in 451 by the 
 brave Ae'tius, and his death, which occurred two years later 
 (453), freed the Eastern Empire from a terrible danger. 
 
 Marcian died in 457, leaving the public treasury in a 
 flourishing condition. With the death of Pulcheria, which 
 had occurred three years before, and that of Valentinian III, 
 the nephew and successor of Honorius in the West, the fam- 
 ily of Theodosius the Great for ever disappeared. 
 
 * Gibbon.
 
 328 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 END OF TUB BOMAN BULE. 
 
 Leo the Thracian. 
 
 MABCIAN was succeeded by Leo Thrax (the Thracian), 
 whom Aspar, the richest and most powerful man in the East, 
 placed upon the throne ; for, being an Arian, and unwilling 
 to abjure his belief, he did not dare to mount the throne 
 himself. Later, however, he was put to death by Leo on 
 the ground of treason. Leo was the first emperor who re- 
 ceived the diadem from the patriarch of Constantinople, as 
 formerly the emperors were elected by the political and mili- 
 tary rulers of the empire. Gibbon blames this practice ; but 
 with the Greeks this ceremony is purely religious, and has 
 no political significance whatever. Its sole purpose is to call 
 the blessing of God on the highest political magistrate, and 
 to receive from him the assurance, made in the presence of 
 God, that he will observe both the duties intrusted to him 
 by the community and the regulations and doctrines of re- 
 ligion. 
 
 The most noteworthy event of the reign of Leo was his 
 disastrous expedition against the Vandals in Africa. The 
 fleet that sailed from Constantinople to Carthage consisted 
 of eleven hundred and thirteen ships, and the number of sol- 
 diers and mariners exceeded one hundred thousand. Basi- 
 liscus, the brother of the empress Verina, was intrusted with 
 this important command, but shortly afterward returned to 
 Constantinople with the loss of more than half of his fleet 
 and army. Soon afterward northern barbarians, taking 
 courage at this disaster, invaded anew the Eastern Empire, 
 and Leo was forced to make peace with them, granting terri- 
 tory and acknowledging them as his allies. But, although
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 329 
 
 Leo failed in his warlike undertakings as well as in the for- 
 mation of a strong national army, he is justly considered one 
 of the benefactors of the Eastern Empire ; for he not only 
 greatly diminished the tax of Antioch, which city had suf- 
 fered from a most disastrous earthquake, but also exempted 
 from taxation the citizens who rebuilt their houses. 
 
 Leo died in 474. Two years later the last Roman em- 
 peror, who had the strange name of Romulus Augustulus, 
 was dethroned. In 476 Odoacer, a German, was proclaimed 
 king of Italy, and from that year onward all political relations 
 between Rome and the Eastern Empire ceased. It is true 
 that the emperors of the East continued to be styled em- 
 perors of the Romans, but legislation, government, and cus- 
 toms became thoroughly Hellenized. 
 
 Zeno Anastasius Justin I. 
 
 Leo left no sons, but only daughters, the eldest of whom, 
 Ariadne, married Zeno the Isaurian, by whom she had a son, 
 who was proclaimed Augustus as Leo II. The sovereignty, 
 however, soon passed into the hands of Zeno, because Leo II 
 survived his grandfather only by four years. The first em- 
 peror of the independent Eastern Empire therefore was an 
 Isaurian,* but completely Hellenized, and forced to accept a 
 Hellenic name f and the Hellenic religion. He died in 491, 
 and was succeeded by Anastasius, a friend of Ariadne, 
 whom he married shortly after ascending the throne. The 
 only noteworthy feature of his career is the successful wars 
 he waged against the Isaurians ; for he is said to have com- 
 pletely defeated them, and to have razed all their castles 
 and fortifications. 
 
 Anastasius died in 518 without leaving any issue, and 
 Justin, the chief of the body-guards, was proclaimed emperor. 
 
 * Isauria was a mountainous district of Asia Minor, little known, lying 
 between Lykaonia, Phrygia, Pisidia, and Kilikia. 
 f Hia Isaurian name is not known. 
 35
 
 330 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 lie was born near the ruins of Sardica, the modern Sophia, 
 in A. D. 482 or 483, of an obscure race of barbarians, the 
 inhabitants of a wild and desolate country, to which the 
 names Dardania, Dacia, and Bulgaria have been successively 
 applied. He was the progenitor of a dynasty which lasted 
 only sixty years, but exercised a great influence on the for- 
 tunes of the Eastern Empire. According to the rhetori- 
 cian Prokopius, he was so ignorant that he could not write 
 the word legi, meaning " I have read," which the emperors 
 of the East were wont to inscribe on the edicts issued. He 
 certainly possessed much military ability, and secured his 
 empire against the invasions of northern barbarians ; but 
 he could not have conceived the idea of the great political 
 changes with which the name of his family is linked, if he 
 had not had for co-worker his nephew and successor Jus-. 
 
 tinian. 
 
 Justinian I. 
 
 Justinian (527-565) was also born in Dardania, and ac- 
 quired through the care of his uncle varied and extensive 
 learning. He was naturally of a thoughtful disposition, but 
 he possessed such extraordinary energy and strength, that 
 often one hour's sleep was enough to rest his body, while the 
 remainder of the night was given to incessant study. The 
 mainspring of his success in life was an unrestrained desire 
 for great deeds, and his wonderful good fortune in the choice 
 of his ministers. Hence, many of the events of Justinian's 
 reign are indeed wonderful : his expeditions to Africa, Italy, 
 and Spain, the rebuilding of St. Sophia, the codification of 
 the laws, and the construction of the numerous fortifications 
 with which he strengthened his empire against foreign inva- 
 sion. Justinian has been often extolled by historians in the 
 most lavish terms, and as often unsparingly condemned. 
 He was at times forced to bear the defects of the creators 
 of his own glory, and hence committed blunders which ob- 
 scured the most splendid pages of his rule. He constantly
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 331 
 
 suspected the fidelity of his generals, and especially of the 
 most distinguished of them all, the great Belisarius. He 
 was exceedingly vainglorious, and erected edifices dispro- 
 portionate to the resources and requirements of the empire. 
 
 His wife Theodora contributed much to the strengthen- 
 ing and splendor of his rule. The life of this woman pre- 
 sents a curious illustration of the vicissitudes of fortune. 
 She was the daughter of a man who earned his living by 
 taking care of the wild beasts maintained by one of the fac- 
 tions at Constantinople, and passed her early youth in un- 
 checked immorality. Impelled by some better impulse, she 
 suddenly reformed, and dedicated her life to the saving of 
 women of her former class. Then Justinian saw her, and 
 fell so madly in love with her that, in spite of her previous 
 career, he married her. It is not difficult to explain the 
 passion of the young man, judging from the still extant 
 pictures of Theodora, which represent her as a blooming 
 woman, possessed of fine features, piercing eyes, and a most 
 captivating expression. 
 
 In 527 Justin died, and Justinian celebrated magnifi- 
 cently his accession to the throne. Splendid victories over 
 the Persians, whom he compelled to sue for peace, glorified 
 his early years. Belisarius, the general who imparted such 
 eminent distinction to the reign of Justinian, began his career 
 in this war. He was born in Thrace, of an obscure family, 
 but through his rare military talents soon reached the rank 
 of general of the Byzantine army. In the mean time Justin- 
 ian occupied himself with the creation of his most glorious 
 and useful memorials, for he ordered the composition of the 
 celebrated collection of laws comprising the Institutes, the 
 Digest or Pandects, and the Code. The work was intrusted 
 to ten law-teachers, over whom the famous Tribonian pre- 
 sided. He was a native of Side in Pamphylia, and at first 
 practiced law ; but the unerring eye of Justinian discovered 
 him, and he was finally made minister of justice, an office
 
 332 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 then much more exalted than at present. Gibbon does not 
 hesitate to compare the mind of Tribonian with that of Ba- 
 con ; for, like that of the English philosopher, it embraced 
 all the business and knowledge of the age. He wrote both 
 in prose and poetry on numerous subjects philological, 
 poetical, philosophical, political, and physical. He busied 
 himself with various arts, and especially political science, of 
 which his head was the completest library of those times. 
 His vast learning, like that of Bacon, was adorned with elo- 
 quence, wisdom, moderation, and that address which disarms 
 hostility and enchants both the lowly and the great. Un- 
 fortunately, he had not only the virtues of Bacon, but also 
 one of his vices ; for he is said to have often used his exalted 
 position and vast learning in satisfying the ignoble passion 
 of avarice. 
 
 But, while Justinian was occupied with these great works, 
 he almost lost his throne in 532, through an outbreak which 
 occurred among the so-called parties of the race-course. 
 Chariot-racing always formed the principal part of the Hel- 
 lenic festivals, the most famous of which were the Isthmian, 
 Nemean, Pythian, and Olympian. These celebrations were 
 transplanted after the spread of Hellenism to the most noted 
 cities of the East. The chariot-races of Constantinople are 
 especially worthy of mention, and were at first conducted 
 much after the Roman fashion. The race in its first institu- 
 tion, as Gibbon says, was a simple contest of two chariots, 
 whose drivers were distinguished by white and red liveries ; 
 two additional colors, a light green and a cerulean blue, 
 were afterward introduced ; and as the races were repeated 
 twenty-five times, one hundred chariots contributed to the 
 pomp of the circus. But at the same time as many parties 
 were formed, whose turbulent and bloody strifes often trou- 
 bled the city. If these races, however, were organized after 
 the Roman type, the Hellenic character of the inhabitants 
 of Constantinople, and the recollections by which they were
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 333 
 
 surrounded, modified much the spirit of this celebration. 
 The hippodrome, or race-course (now called the At Meidan 
 or Horse Square), was adorned with many statues of the 
 Homeric gods and heroes, as well as with a vast number of 
 others representing both heathen and Christian emperors, 
 philosophers, physicians, and charioteers. Among the other 
 works of Hellenic, Roman, and Egyptian art collected there, 
 special admiration was excited by the bronze Hercules, " the 
 first and last work " * of Lysippus ; the Kalydonian Kapros, 
 also of bronze ; and the bronze eagle which stood at the gate, 
 with outstretched wings, tearing a serpent with its claws. 
 But it would be impossible to give a full description of this 
 magnificent race-course. We may simply add that the hip- 
 podrome represented exactly the noblest elements of which 
 the Eastern Empire was composed ; because one could here 
 see the Roman, Eastern, heathen, Christian, and, above all, 
 the Hellenic traditions ; so that the inhabitants of Constanti- 
 nople could not remain indifferent to their ancestral glory 
 before so many masterly representations of it. 
 
 About the fifth year of the reign of Justinian a long 
 and bloody strife arose, caused probably by one of the fac- 
 tions of the race-course, which sought to place on the throne 
 a nephew of Anastasius. For the space of four days the 
 capital remained in the hands of the factionists ; and, as it 
 usually happens on such occasions, they committed number- 
 less atrocities, burning, pillaging, and killing. The Byzan- 
 tine palace enjoyed a free communication with the sea ; 
 vessels lay ready at the garden stairs, and a resolution was 
 already formed by Justinian to convey his family and trea- 
 sures to a safe retreat at some distance from the capital, when 
 the firmness of his wife Theodora and of Belisarius inspired 
 the emperor with the determination to remain and crush out 
 the revolution. The fidelity of the army was doubtful ; 
 but the body-guard of Justinian consisted of three thou- 
 
 * "Epyov irpurov /col vffraroy.
 
 334 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 sand veterans, who had been trained to valor and discipline 
 in the Persian and Illyrian wars under the illustrious Beli- 
 sarius. Led by him and by Mundus, an Illyrian, they silently 
 marched in two divisions from the palace, forced their way 
 through narrow passages, expiring flames, and falling edi- 
 fices, and burst open at the same moment the two opposite 
 gates of the hippodrome. A large multitude had collected 
 there, which at once attacked them; but Belisarius and Mun- 
 dus charged in military order, and the battle soon became a 
 carnage, lasting for several hours, and causing the death, as 
 it is supposed, of thirty thousand men. Thus ended, after a 
 week's duration, this bloody revolt. 
 
 Among other memorable events which signalized the reign 
 of Justinian, the successful wars which he waged against the 
 Vandals in Africa and the Goths in Italy, and his expeditions 
 to Sicily and Spain, during which his victorious armies were 
 commanded by Belisarius, are of special importance. In the 
 midst of his victorious career in the West, Belisarius was 
 summoned to fresh victories over the Persians in Asia. He 
 had already forced the brave Chosroes to retreat when he 
 was again called to another field of action. Hereupon the 
 Persian armies renewed their attacks, and the contest contin- 
 ued for about twenty years with indifferent success, when 
 finally both parties, exhausted, concluded in 562 a peace of 
 fifty years. Chosroes agreed to abandon considerable* claims 
 of territorial aggrandizement, and Justinian to pay a yearly 
 tribute of thirty thousand pounds. 
 
 In the mean time other misfortunes occurred by reason of 
 northern invasions in the European provinces of the empire.* 
 
 * In the relation of the foreign invasions which occurred during the reign 
 of Justinian, we have for the most part followed the testimony of contempo- 
 rary writers, of the Illyrian Markellinus, of Prokopius, Agathias, and Male- 
 las ; and not, as many modern historians have done, of Theophanes, Zonaras, 
 Kedrenus, Nikephorus, Gregoras, and other more recent writers, who not only 
 confound the dates and events, but have always a tendency to represent them 
 rather tragically.
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 335 
 
 As early as 499, an army of Bulgarians, a nation of the Fin- 
 nish race, entered the empire by way of the Danube, and later 
 established themselves in the territory between the Danube 
 and Mount Hamius. During their first invasion they ad- 
 vanced as far as Illyria, and, as they were returning home 
 through Thrace, were attacked by the Illyrian general Aris- 
 tus, leading an army of one hundred and fifty thousand ; but 
 he was utterly defeated, lost four thousand men, and had most 
 of his officers killed. In 502 the Bulgarians again ravaged 
 Thrace, and in 517 they penetrated as far as Macedonia, 
 Thessaly, and ancient Epirus. The emperor Anastasius sent 
 to the governor of Illyria one thousand pounds of gold (equal 
 to 1,300,000 drachmae), with which to liberate the prisoners 
 of war ; but this sum was not sufficient to ransom all the 
 captives. The invasions ceased during the reign of Justin, 
 because that warrior strongly fortified those parts of the em- 
 pire ; but after his death they were repeated not only by the 
 Bulgarians, but by other barbarians. Shortly after the acces- 
 sion of Justinian, the Antes, a Slavonic tribe, having crossed 
 the Danube with a large army, entered Thrace, but suffered 
 a crushing defeat at the hands of Germanus, the imperial 
 commander in that region. The destruction of the Antes was 
 succeeded by a long respite from northern invasion. Chil- 
 budius, the successor of Germanus (531), inspired the bar- 
 barians with such terror that for three years they not only 
 durst not cross the Danube, but they were often defeated on 
 the other side of the river, in their own territories. Unfor- 
 tunately, in 534, in one of these expeditions, Chilbudius was 
 killed ; and accordingly in 540, and again in 546, many north- 
 ern barbarians committed fearful ravages. 
 
 Finally, in the thirty-second winter of Justinian's reign 
 (559), the Danube was deeply frozen, and Zabergan led the 
 cavalry of the Bulgarians and a promiscuous multitude of 
 Slavonians as far as Thrace. Dividing his army into three 
 parts, he dispatched one against Hellas, another against the
 
 336 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 Thracian Chersonese, and the third, composed of seven thou- 
 sand horse, he led in person against the capital, plundering 
 and sacking everything on his way. It would naturally be 
 supposed that the long walls of the Queen City would have 
 defended the territory of Constantinople. But the works of 
 man are impotent against the assaults of nature. A recent 
 earthquake had shaken the foundations of the walls, and the 
 forces of the empire were employed on the distant frontiers 
 of Italy, Africa, and Persia. The tents of Zabergan, we are 
 told, were pitched at the distance of twenty miles from the 
 city, on the banks of a small river which encircled Me- 
 lanthias and afterward fell into the Propontis. Justinian 
 trembled ; by his command the vessels of gold and silver 
 were removed from the churches in the neighborhood, and 
 even from the suburbs, of Constantinople ; the ramparts were 
 lined with frightened spectators ; the Golden Gate was 
 crowded with useless generals and tribunes ; and the sen- 
 ate shared the apprehensions of the populace.* In this crisis 
 both the emperor and the people remembered a feeble vet- 
 eran, the old Belisarius, who, recalled ten years previously 
 from the army in Italy, lived at Constantinople as a private 
 citizen, neglected by the government. The glory he had 
 gained from almost uninterrupted victories in Asia, Africa, 
 and Europe ; the great riches he had amassed from Persian, 
 Vandal, and Gothic booty ; the influence he had acquired 
 both in the army and the community all these causes had 
 excited, if not the envy, at least the suspicion of the emperor. 
 But the extreme danger with which Justinian was threatened 
 compelled him to intrust again to that veteran the safety of 
 all. Accordingly Belisarius, summoning his old comrades, 
 mustered a small force of three hundred horsemen, and, hav- 
 ing drawn the enemy into a narrow pass where their multi- 
 tudes availed them nothing, forced them to seek safety in 
 flight, and thus Constantinople was saved. The enthusiasm 
 
 * Gibbon.
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 337 
 
 which this victory kindled at Constantinople excited anew 
 the envy of his enemies, and they represented to the emperor 
 the dangers which might result to the throne should Belisa- 
 rius achieve any new successes. He was therefore hastily 
 recalled ; and Zabergan, who after his defeat had withdrawn 
 to a respectful distance, continued for a long time to ravage 
 the territories west of Constantinople. 
 
 Such were the misfortunes inflicted on the European 
 provinces of the empire ; and since, according to the popular 
 proverb, " an evil never comes alone," terrible earthquakes 
 destroyed many cities, and in some instances the sea, swelling 
 up, completely inundated whole regions. Koroneia, Anti- 
 och, Constantinople, Nikomedeia, and many other cities suf- 
 fered greatly. In Antioch alone two hundred and fifty thou- 
 sand persons are said to have perished by the earthquake of 
 May 20, 528. But still worse misfortunes were caused by the 
 great plague which began in 531, and continued with short 
 intervals for upward of fifty years. This destructive disease 
 appeared first in Egypt, and thence, tracing as it were a dou- 
 ble path, it spread to the East, over Syria, Persia, and the In- 
 dies, and penetrated to the West, along the coast of Africa 
 and over the continent of Europe. Prokopius, in the twenty- 
 second chapter of his second book, describes the disease with 
 a minuteness worthy of Thucydides. In fact, exactly the 
 same scenes took place in the Byzantine empire as later in 
 1720 at Marseilles, when the plague so severely attacked that 
 city. The French physicians would not believe that the dis- 
 ease was contagious, and hence at Marseilles alone, out of a 
 population of eighty thousand, fifty thousand are said to 
 have perished. 
 
 The Eastern Empire, accordingly, during the sixth cen- 
 tury, and especially during the reign of Justinian, suffered 
 extraordinary disasters invasions, destructions, earthquakes, 
 plagues, and a fearful famine occasioned by the accumula- 
 tion of so many evils. But we must not accept to the letter
 
 338 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY. 
 
 what both ancient and modern writers have said concerning 
 the enormous destruction of human beings. Furthermore, 
 we must not forget that our principal source of information 
 is Prokopius, and that in his work entitled " Anekdota " he 
 is no longer a historian, but an intoxicated maniac, striving 
 to represent Justinian as a monster, during whose reign, on 
 account of his evil courses, the human race was almost en- 
 tirely wiped out. That Gibbon should have been misled by 
 Prokopius is, to say the least, extremely surprising. For 
 what does the " ten thousand myriads of myriads " whom 
 Prokopius declares to have perished mean ? If we accept it 
 as a rhetorical figure, simply representing the great number 
 of the lost, then it has no numerical value whatever. But if 
 we account it a definite sum, we confess that we are as- 
 tounded at the absurdity of the man ; for he asserts that 
 the loss exceeded by millions the population of our globe 
 to-day ! Professor Fallmerayer of Munich, probably basing 
 his calculations on the assumptions of Prokopius, amazed the 
 world in 1830 by announcing his wonderful discovery that 
 the modern Greeks are not Greeks, but Slavonians ! Fall- 
 merayer, accepting as it seems to the letter the ten thousand 
 myriads of myriads of Prokopius, and taking into considera- 
 tion the foreign invasions, famine, etc., sought, with charac- 
 teristic German patience and an overwhelming force of rhe- 
 torical arguments, to make himself notorious by marvelous 
 assertions and startling conclusions. Carl Hopf 's work, how- 
 ever, has now reduced his deductions to their just propor- 
 tions. The loss of life no doubt was great, but the empire 
 did not cease to exist and to flourish. In fact, how can we 
 accept the vagaries of Prokopius, when, eight months only 
 after " the complete destruction " of Antioch, Malelas rep- 
 resents this same city- as flourishing and populous, and tells 
 of magnificent scenic representations which were interdicted 
 by an edict of Justinian, on account of the disturbances of 
 the populace ?
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 339 
 
 About this time Justinian was also afflicted with private 
 misfortunes. In 547 he lost his wife, to whom he remained 
 to the last devotedly attached, and in 564 ordered the im- 
 prisonment of Belisarius, alleging that he had formed a con- 
 spiracy against his life. His innocence was shortly after 
 acknowledged, and his freedom and honors were restored ; 
 but death removed him from the world about eight months 
 after his deliverance (A. D. 505). The name of Belisarius will 
 preserve its luster in history ; but, instead of according him 
 the funeral, the monuments, the statues so justly due to his 
 memory, the emperor even confiscated his treasures, the spoils 
 of the Goths and Vandals. That he was deprived of his 
 eyes, and reduced by envy to beg his bread " Give a penny 
 to Belisarius the general ! " is a fiction of later times, which 
 has obtained credit, or rather currency, as a strange exam- 
 ple of the vicissitudes of fortune. 
 
 The Temple of St. Sophia. 
 
 Among the many edifices erected during the reign of 
 Justinian, the temple of St. Sophia is certainly the most 
 famous. This inimitable masterpiece alone would have suf- 
 ficed to show that, however great the misfortunes of the em- 
 pire, its resources were far from exhausted. In attempting 
 to give some account of it, we shall pass over its sacred trea- 
 sures of gold and precious stones. Only the building itself 
 has survived the repeated spoliations of later times, but it re- 
 mains to this day the wonder and admiration of the world. 
 The interior of St. Sophia is very simple. Great and broad 
 half-domes, rising from the ground, ascend beautifully, by 
 others smaller, toward the foremost vault, which unites to it- 
 self all the remaining parts of the edifice, and appears rather 
 a product of nature than a work of art. The light which 
 emanates from the twenty-four windows of the dome, illumi- 
 nating the entire church, is such that it affords the illusion of 
 the firmament itself lighted up by the meridian star. How
 
 340 
 
 THE ROMAN SUPREMACY,
 
 END OF THE ROMAN RULE. 341 
 
 different from the mysterious darkness in the somber cathe- 
 drals of western Europe ! The light in St. Sophia grows dim 
 and disappears only when it vanishes in nature itself. The 
 brilliant and radiant appearance of the temple shows that its 
 architects, Anthemius and Isidorus the graceful and refined 
 children of Ionia preserved under a new form the spirit of 
 ancient Hellenic architecture. Lightness, grace, and har- 
 mony are the impressions which affect us as we stand under 
 the great dome of St. Sophia. Prokopius, who saw the 
 temple in all its splendor, compared it to a meadow replete 
 with the brightest and most diversified colors. The Chris- 
 tian who enters to pray within it feels his mind lifted to- 
 ward God, who seems to dwell in this, his chosen habitation. 
 This temple unites in itself the ancient Hellenic and the 
 new Christian characteristics, and by this union forms one 
 of the completest works ever erected for the adoration of 
 the Most High. When the church was completed, Justinian, 
 in the fullness of his joy, exclaimed, "I have conquered 
 thee, Solomon ! " * Religious indifference, historic irony, 
 hearts and minds foreign to Hellenic aspirations and claims, 
 have derided the spirit that called forth that exclamation. 
 But the Hellenes, who know that their entire mediaeval life 
 turned as it were on two poles, the monarchy and the church, 
 that St. Sophia was the ark of the Christian religion, and 
 that within this cathedral as in a council chamber were 
 decided the fortunes of their nation for the space of one 
 thousand years the Hellenes, who know that later, during 
 four hundred years of direful persecutions and unheard-of 
 cruelties, their fathers and mothers did not cease to believe 
 that the chants of their faith would again resound under 
 the domes of St. Sophia how can they help revering the 
 memory of the man who epitomized in that masterpiece the 
 sentiments, interests, recollections, and hopes of so many 
 centuries ?
 
 PAET ELEVENTH. 
 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 HEBAKLIUS. 
 
 Overthrow of Phokas. 
 
 THE reign of Justinian belongs partly to the Roman epoch 
 of the Eastern Empire, but that of Heraklius (610-641) forms 
 certainly an integral part of mediaeval Hellenism. Between 
 these two we find four other emperors : Justin II (565-578), 
 the nephew of Justinian ; Tiberius II (578-582), a Thracian 
 by race, altogether foreign to the family of Justinian ; Mau- 
 ricius (583-602), a Kappadokian by descent ; and the blood- 
 thirsty Phokas (602-610). 
 
 .It was about this time that another barbarous tribe, the 
 Avars, a race of Turkish stock, appeared before Constantino- 
 ple, and inflicted unspeakable woes upon the nation. Peace 
 was finally bought at a great sacrifice and humiliation. Still 
 greater misfortunes befell his unhappy subjects from the 
 hands of Phokas, one of those tyrants who respect no law, 
 either human or divine. The murders which Phokas and 
 his associates committed baffle enumeration ; and the hippo- 
 drome itself, the sacred asylum of the liberty and the plea- 
 sures of the Romans, was polluted with heads, limbs, and 
 mangled bodies. Finally Phokas attempted to destroy his
 
 HERAKLIUS. 343 
 
 own son-in-law, Crispus, and the latter sought the assistance 
 of Heraklius, exarch of Africa, which province, like that of 
 Egypt, had refused to acknowledge the supremacy of Pho- 
 kas. Heraklius intrusted the dangerous enterprise to his son, 
 also named Heraklius ; and the latter, in 610, came with a 
 powerful fleet and army to Constantinople, deposed Phokas, 
 and surrendered him to the infuriated people, who, after in- 
 flicting upon him every variety of insult and torture, be- 
 headed him and cast his mangled trunk into the flames. 
 
 JKise of Mohammedanism. 
 
 The voice of the clergy, the senate, and the people in- 
 vited Heraklius to ascend the throne, and his posterity till the 
 fourth generation continued to reign over the empire of the 
 East. In 627, after many brilliant actions, Heraklius inflicted 
 so severe a defeat upon the Persians that their empire was 
 " nearly crushed " ; but almost at the same time arose in the 
 Arabian peninsula an unexpected and more terrible opponent 
 Mohammedanism whose conflict with Hellenism contin- 
 ues to this day. The Mohammedans of Arabia wrested from 
 the empire Syria, Egypt, and northern Africa. Twice they 
 laid siege to Constantinople, but were each time driven off. 
 
 Heraklius began to reign at the age of thirty-six, and kept 
 the sovereignty to the end of his life, which occurred thirty 
 years later. " Of all the characters conspicuous in history, 
 that of Heraklins," says Gibbon, " is one of the most extraor- 
 dinary and inconsistent. In the first and last years of a long 
 reign the emperor appears to be the slave of sloth, of plea- 
 sure, or of superstition the careless and impotent spectator 
 of the public calamities. But the languid mists of the morn- 
 ing and evening are separated by the brightness of the me- 
 ridian sun ; the Arcadius of the palace arose the Caesar of 
 the camp ; and the honor of Rome and Heraklius was glori- 
 ously retrieved by the exploits of his campaigns." 
 
 Without attempting to criticise the opinion of so emi-
 
 344 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 nent a historian, we will only remark that Heraklius, after 
 crushing his enemies, both Avar and Persian, seemed des- 
 tined to pass his last years in peace. Already ambassa- 
 dors from the extreme west and east hastened to con- 
 gratulate him iipon his achievements. But while, conscious 
 that he had by his victories secured his dominions against 
 every enemy, he hoped during the remainder of his life to 
 devote his energies to the prosperity of his empire, sud- 
 denly a terrible antagonist, issuing from the Arabian penin- 
 sula, proceeded to nullify all his great triumphs, claiming 
 that both the victors and the conquered should yield to the 
 might of a new prophet and a new creed. This prophet was 
 Mohammed. 
 
 Mohammed was born at Mecca in 569 or 571, began to 
 preach at the age of forty, was forced to flee from his native 
 city to Medina, returned afterward in triumph to Mecca, and 
 spread and established his religious tenets in Arabia until 
 his death in June, 632. The dogmatic part of the Moham- 
 medan religion, which was destined to bring under its influ- 
 ence numberless people and vast countries, was very simple. 
 This religion was called Taldm, meaning devotion (whence 
 its followers were called Mbsleman, corrupted into Musal- 
 man or Mussulman), and was limited to two dogmas the 
 belief in a future life and in the unity of God. The latter 
 was expressed in the following words : " THERE is ONLY ONE 
 GOD, AND MOHAMMED is THE APOSTLE OF GOD*." Mohammed 
 rejected the mystery of the Trinity, partly because he could 
 not reconcile it with the unity of God, and partly because it 
 did not suit the designs of the new prophet. His object was 
 to leave God isolated in heaven, without any direct rela- 
 tion to humanity, while he proclaimed himself a new apos- 
 tle destined to finish the work of his predecessors. He was 
 ambitious to reconcile his doctrine with the two former 
 monotheistic religions, the Christian and the Jewish. To 
 this end he speaks reverentially of the Psalms, the Gos-
 
 HERAKLIUS. 345 
 
 pel, Adam, Abraham, Moses, David, and Jesus, upon whom 
 he especially lavishes praises, so that one could never have 
 supposed that so fierce an antagonism would have arisen be- 
 tween Christianity and Islamism. He would not accept the 
 Virgin Mary as the mother of Christ ; but he declared 
 that she, the sister of Moses, his own wife Ayesha and his 
 daughter Fatima, were the four purest and holiest women 
 of this world. He asserted that Jesus Christ, the son of Ma- 
 ry, was truly the apostle of God, His Word, who abode in 
 the heart of Mary, the Spirit emanating from Him, worthy 
 of every honor both in the present and future life, and that 
 He came the nearest of all to God ; but at the same time he 
 professed that he himself was sent to bring back the Jews 
 and Christians to the way they had abandoned, adding that 
 both Christ and Moses rejoiced at the coming of a prophet 
 destined to show himself more glorious than either. Mo- 
 hammed presented future life in pictures and promises best 
 calculated to deceive the vulgar mind. His ceremonial and 
 moral precepts enjoined simply circumcision, cleansing, fast- 
 ing, pilgrimage to Mecca, prayers, and almsgiving. 
 
 These were the elements of the new faith ; and it is evi- 
 dent that, had Mohammed limited himself to these only, the 
 spread of his religion would have met with much greater 
 difficulty. But the lofty genius of the man added certain 
 principles and opinions which easily explain the long triumph 
 which his new dogmas attained. The Koran, the sacred book 
 of Islam, contains many precepts respecting freedom of wor- 
 ship. It teaches that both the faithful and the followers 
 of the Jewish and the Christian religions in a word, all be- 
 lieving in God and in the day of judgment will be rewarded 
 by the Lord. " Do not force any one to a religion : the true 
 road is easily distinguished from the bad." "He who be- 
 lieves in a God and not in idols is sustained by a mighty 
 pillar." Referring to the Christians and the Jews, whom 
 the Koran calls " men of the Bible," it says, " Our God and
 
 846 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 yours is the same." But creeds most akin often become tho 
 most antagonistic, just as strifes among relatives and in fami- 
 lies are usually the bitterest. So this same Koran contains 
 precepts fostering a spirit of deadly enmity between Islam 
 and Christianity. "He who refuses to believe in Islam 
 is more worthless than the beast before God ; he will re- 
 ceive the punishment of his impiety, and will be punished 
 with eternal fire." " Call forth the Jews and Christians to 
 accept Islamism." " Fight your enemies in the struggle for 
 religion." Thus the Koran, after saluting Christianity and 
 Judaism as brothers, afterward despises them just as much 
 as the idolaters, and finally invites Islamism to crush them. 
 It recommends to the faithful to sacrifice their property and 
 their blood in behalf of their faith, promising that they shall 
 obtain the blessings of heaven, and shall live for ever in the 
 habitation which God has prepared for them. "The sword 
 is the key to heaven : one drop of blood shed in behalf of 
 God, one sleepless night passed in arms for him, will be of 
 more avail in the sight of God than two months of fasting 
 and of prayer." "He who falls in battle will obtain the 
 forgiveness of his sins." " In the last day his wounds will 
 be bright and fragrant ; wings of angels and the cherubim 
 will replace the members which he lost ; heavenly beauties, 
 called houris, will reward his bravery and faith." 
 
 Such were the doctrines, opinions, and precepts of the 
 new religion which made its appearance in the beginning 
 of the seventh century in Arabia. It was not a passive reli- 
 gion a religion which patiently and calmly waited to be 
 espoused. It was, on the contrary, most energetic, having 
 for its fundamental principle its extension by the sword. It 
 satisfied all the material appetites and aspirations of man, 
 and hence it spread over a large part of the world, while Ju- 
 daism, in many respects closely akin to it, remained for ever 
 stagnant with a few followers. Christianity, indeed, has a 
 cosmopolitan character entirely foreign to Judaism. But, by
 
 HERAKLIUS. 347 
 
 its principles of equality, of liberty, of love for one's neigh- 
 bor, of the immortality of the soul, of judgment and of re- 
 ward, Christianity addressed itself to the noblest, most moral, 
 most intelligent needs of humanity ; while Islamism satisfied 
 the humblest, most material, most carnal aspirations and 
 dispositions. Christianity was suited to a society morally 
 and intellectually advanced ; Islamism was wonderfully 
 adapted to nations in the lowest degrees of civilization. The 
 races which it met at the outset the Arabian, the Persian, the 
 Turkish, and the African were much better fitted than the 
 Christians to understand and espouse its doctrines and pre- 
 cepts. Hence the only nation which at that time offered any 
 resistance to it was the Hellenic, which, both by its nature 
 and civilization, was eminently Christian. 
 
 Conflict between Islamism and Christianity. 
 
 The first serious hostilities between Islamism and Chris- 
 tianity began immediately after the death of Mohammed. 
 The fortune of Syria was decided in two great battles first 
 on the plain of Aiznadin in the south of Palestine in 634, 
 and a second time in the same year on the banks of the 
 Yermuk, east of the lake of Tiberias. The ferocious Arab 
 general Khaled addressed only a few words before the latter 
 battle to his soldiers. " Paradise," he cried, " is before you, 
 and the fire of hell behind you ! " The battle was severely 
 and resolutely fought for a long time. Thrice did the By- 
 zantine cavalry repulse the enemy, but finally the stubborn 
 enthusiasm of the Mohammedans prevailed, and the Chris- 
 tians betook themselves to flight. Jerusalem was captured 
 shortly after, and the victories of the Mohammedans were 
 crowned in 640 by the conquest of Upper Egypt. In Octo- 
 ber of the same year they laid siege to Alexandria. This 
 great commercial city had an abundant supply of provisions, 
 many strong forts, and the completest of defensive arma- 
 ment. Its inhabitants fought bravely, and could receive
 
 348 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 assistance by sea ; but unfortunately Heraklius about this 
 time died of dropsy. At length, after a siege of fourteen 
 months, and a loss of twenty-three thousand men, the Arabs 
 prevailed ; the Greeks embarked, dispirited and diminished 
 in numbers, for Constantinople, while the standard of Moham- 
 med was planted on the walls of the capital of Egypt. 
 
 However lacking in energy and ability Heraklius ap- 
 peared toward the end of his life, it must not be forgotten 
 that, in the vigor of youth, he achieved successes capable of 
 imparting an imperishable glory to his memory. It is true 
 that subsequent misfortunes detracted from his historic fame, 
 especially since his life was related by ignorant and cold 
 chronographers and poets, whom no one reads without dis- 
 gust. The ten thousand Greeks who fought under Cyrus 
 were compelled to retreat without accomplishing their ob- 
 ject. Their expedition, however, became immortal, because 
 Xenophon the historian related it. Hannibal finally failed, 
 but his great deeds won the admiration of the world because 
 they were related by the inspired pen of Polybius. Hera- 
 klius would certainly have been clad with heroic panoply 
 had he obtained such a witness and exponent of his achieve- 
 ments. 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 CONSTANTINE IV TO LEO m. 
 
 Siege of Constantinople. 
 
 AFTER the death of Heraklius we find the obscure names 
 of Constantine III (also called Heraklius II), Herakleonas, 
 and Constans II. But the next emperor of real historic value 
 was Constantine IV, surnamed Pogonatus or the Bearded 
 (668-685). In 671 the caliph Moawiyah prepared a power-
 
 CONSTANTINE IV TO LEO HI. 349 
 
 f ul fleet and dispatched it to Constantinople. This first siege 
 of Constantinople by the Mohammedans is a memorable 
 event ; for had they captured the' city at that time, the Hel- 
 lenic nation would have been exterminated, as is evident from 
 the misfortunes Hellenism suffered wherever the Mohamme- 
 dan religion and rule prevailed. Hellenism wholly disap- 
 peared from Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, and not long after 
 from eastern and northern Africa. The capture of Constan- 
 tinople by the Turks eight hundred years later certainly did 
 not produce such fatal results ; but the character of the Mo- 
 hammedan conquest of the fifteenth century was widely dif- 
 ferent from that of the seventh. In the seventh it was essen- 
 tially a religious conquest, in the fifteenth a political one. 
 
 The failure of the first siege of Constantinople, therefore, 
 was of critical importance in the history of Hellenism, and 
 its issue not less momentous to the human race. Had the 
 Mohammedans then captured the great rampart of Christian- 
 ity in the East, no nation in Europe would have been able to 
 escape the oncoming deluge neither the weak Slavic tribes 
 nor the divided and wrangling Goths and Franks. In the 
 beginning of the following century the Arabs crossed into 
 Spain, routed in one great battle in 711 the Gothic rulers of 
 that country, became masters of the entire peninsula, crossed 
 the Pyrenees, and were finally defeated in 732, in a terrific 
 battle, by Charles Martel. Western writers generally at- 
 tribute the safety of Europe to this great achievement, for- 
 getting that within the preceding sixty years the same dan- 
 ger twice threatened Europe from another point of its hori- 
 zon, and was averted only by the courageous, persistent, and 
 ingenious defense which Hellenic Christianity opposed to the 
 armies and fleet of the Arabs. Again, the peril in 672 was 
 much greater than that of 732, and it may therefore with 
 justice be claimed that Constantino Pogonatus, by repelling 
 the forces of Moawiyah, exercised a potent influence in the 
 formation of modern civilization.
 
 350 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 But while this siege is an event of such great importance, 
 the accounts we have of it are exceedingly meager and un- 
 satisfactory. It lasted for seven years, but was not carried 
 on uninterruptedly throughout this time. It began early in 
 the month of April, and continued until September. On the 
 approach of winter the besiegers retreated fourscore miles 
 from the capital, to the isle of Kyzikus, in which they had 
 established their magazine of spoils and provisions. So per- 
 severing were they, that they repeated in the six following 
 summers the same plan of attack and retreat, until finally 
 they were forced to relinquish the fruitless enterprise in 675. 
 Thirty thousand of the Arabs were obliged to retreat through 
 Asia Minor to Syria, because their fleet, much of which had 
 already been destroyed, was not sufficient to carry all their 
 vast army. Their ships, however, were overwhelmed by a 
 severe storm, while the land army was pursued and utterly 
 annihilated. 
 
 The most difficult question in regard to this periodical 
 siege is not wl-y the Arabs were unable to reduce Constan- 
 tinople after their splendid achievement in the conquest of 
 Alexandria, but how their fleet was able to withstand the 
 Hellenic naval forces, strengthened as they* were by the 
 terror and efficacy of the Greek or liquid fire. 
 
 The Greek Fire. . 
 
 Kallinikus, a famous chemist and engineer, a native of 
 Heliopolis in Syria, came to Constantinople, bringing with 
 him the secret of compounding and directing the artificial 
 flame invented by him. The skill of Kallinikus, says Gib- 
 bon, was equivalent to the succor of fleets and armies. It 
 would seem that the principal ingredient of this celebrated 
 fire was naphtha, mingled with sulphur and with the pitch 
 that is extracted from evergreen firs. From this mixture, 
 which produced a thick smoke and a loud explosion, proceed- 
 ed a fierce and obstinate flame, which not only rose in per-
 
 CONSTANTINE IV tO LEO III. 351 
 
 pendicular ascent, but likewise burned with equal vehemence 
 in descent or lateral progress ; instead of being extinguished, 
 it was nourished and quickened by water ; sand and vinegar 
 were the only available agents for diminishing the fury of 
 this powerful substance, which was justly denominated by the 
 Hellenes the liquid or the maritime fire. It was employed 
 with equal effect by sea and land, in battles or in sieges. It 
 was poured from the ramparts in large boilers, or launched in 
 red-hot balls of stone and iron, or darted in arrows and jave- 
 lins, twisted round with flax and tow saturated with the inflam- 
 mable oil ; sometimes it was deposited in fire-ships ; but it 
 was most commonly blown through long tubes of copper, 
 which were planted on the prow of a galley, and fancifully 
 shaped into the mouths of savage monsters, that seemed to 
 vomit a stream of consuming flame. Neither iron nor stone 
 could oppose its terrible energy. This important art was 
 preserved at Constantinople as the palladium of the state ; 
 its composition was concealed with the most jealous care, 
 and the terror of enemies was increased by their ignorance 
 and surprise. The use of Greek fire continued until the 
 middle of the fourteenth century, when it entirely ceased. 
 In modern times many attempts have been made to discover 
 its chemical composition, but without success. It appears 
 incomprehensible how the Arabs could withstand for so long 
 a time the efficacy of such a weapon. Possibly the Byzan- 
 tines had not yet perfected this energetic and destructive 
 means of defense, as Kallinikus may have brought it to Con- 
 stantinople during the last period of the siege. 
 
 Constantine devoted the last years of his life to the re- 
 establishment of religious unity in his empire. To this end 
 he convoked at Constantinople in 680 the sixth oecumenical 
 council, which declared that the church has always recog- 
 nized in Christ two natures, united but not confounded 
 two wills, distinct but not antagonistic. The emperor sanc- 
 tioned these resolutions by a royal edict. By these two
 
 352 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 greatest acts of Constantine, the deliverance of Europe from 
 the threatened Arabic conquest and the reestablishment of 
 religious union, he rendered his reign one of the most mem- 
 orable, not only in the history of Hellenism, but in that of 
 the world. 
 
 Justinian II, Rhinotmetus. 
 
 After the decease of Constantine, the inheritance of the 
 Eastern scepter devolved upon his son Justinian II (685-695), 
 then a youth of sixteen. Justinian was not endowed with 
 the military talents of his progenitor, but he possessed a 
 much greater amount of courage and energy. The emperor, 
 however, ascended the throne when " a mere lad," and sur- 
 rendered himself at once to the fury of his passions, so that 
 his courage was changed into savageness and his energy into 
 foolish meddlesomeness. 
 
 Religious dissensions more formidable than ever before 
 arose, and the emperor was finally compelled to summon in 
 691 a council, which issued one hundred and two regulations, 
 six of which the "Western church refused to accept. Two of 
 these six were of cardinal importance, and led to the sever- 
 ance of religious relations between the East and the West 
 the thirteenth, which permitted the marriage of priests, and 
 the eighty-sixth, which declared the equality of the pope of 
 Rome and the patriarch of Constantinople. The justice of 
 these claims is evident from the fact that the Catholics them- 
 selves, having during the sixteenth century advanced in edu- 
 cation and civilization, and having more logically examined 
 these questions, inscribed these two edicts on the banner of 
 Protestantism, which they unfurled against papal claims, and 
 which finally caused the religious separation of northwestern 
 and southwestern Europe. 
 
 The barbarous acts and cruelties of Justinian surpassed 
 the measure of human forbearance, and he was accordingly 
 ejected from the throne, bis nose was amputated (on account 
 of which he was called Rhinotmetus or Cut-nose), and he was
 
 CONSTANTINE IV TO LEO III. 353 
 
 banished to the land of the Chersonites in Crim-Tartary. 
 Leontius, a general who had greatly distinguished himself 
 in the war against the Arabs, was proclaimed emperor.* 
 
 Leontius Tiberius Absimarus. 
 
 The Arabs, availing themselves of the anomalous state of 
 the Eastern Empire, once more invaded Africa, and expelled 
 the Greeks entirely from that land (698). Carthage was deliv- 
 ered to the flames, and the colony of Dido and Caesar lay 
 desolate above two hundred years, till a part of the old cir- 
 cumference was repeopled by the first, of the Fatimite ca- 
 liphs. The reign of Leontius was of short duration (695-698), 
 for he was in turn dethroned and mutilated by the rebel 
 Absimarus, who assumed the more respectable name of Ti- 
 berius. The reign of Tiberius is especially memorable on 
 account of the military achievements of his brother Hera- 
 klius, whom he had appointed general of Asia Minor. Tak- 
 ing advantage of the disturbances which had broken out 
 among the Arabs in Persia, Heraklius in the year 700 invaded 
 Syria, and killed, as many chroniclers assert, more than two 
 hundred thousand Arabs. In 702 he again routed the Arabs, 
 and drove them away from Kilikia ; and when two years 
 later they attempted to invade that country, Heraklius 
 marched against them, and is said to have destroyed in one 
 battle more than twelve thousand. 
 
 While the Christian arms thus triumphed in Asia, an un- 
 expected enemy made his appearance in the north, endanger- 
 ing the very existence of the Christian world. This enemy 
 was no other than Justinian II, who ten years before had 
 been banished from his kingdom. Brooding revenge, he 
 escaped from the land of the Chersonites (the modern Sebas- 
 topol) to the hordes of the Khazars, who pitched their tents 
 
 * We thus perceive that, although the government was a hereditary mon- 
 archy in theory, the diadem was often conferred upon the ablest of the polit- 
 ical and military men of the nation. 
 36
 
 354 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 between the Tanais and Borysthenes. Their khan entertained 
 with pity and respect the royal suppliant, and gave him his 
 sister in marriage, who seems, from her name of Theodora, 
 to have received the sacrament of baptism. But the faith- 
 less Khazar was soon tempted by the gold of Constantinople ; 
 and had not the design been revealed by the conjugal love 
 of Theodora, her husband must have been assassinated or 
 betrayed into the power of his enemies. After strangling 
 with his own hands the two emissaries of the khan, Justinian 
 sent back his wife to her brother, and embarked on the 
 Euxine in search of new and more faithful allies. His vessel 
 encountered a violent tempest, and one of his pious com- 
 panions advised him to deserve the mercy of God by a vow 
 of general forgiveness if he should be restored to the throne. 
 " Of forgiveness ? " replied the intrepid tyrant. " May I 
 perish this instant may the Almighty whelm me in the 
 waves if I consent to spare a single head of my enemies ! " 
 He survived this impious menace, sailed into the mouth of 
 the Danube, trusted his person in the royal village of the 
 Bulgarians, and purchased the aid of Terbelis, a pagan con- 
 queror, by the promise of his daughter (by a former wife) 
 and a fair partition of the treasures of the empire.* Having 
 mustered a large army of Slavs and Bulgarians, he marched 
 against Constantinople, and, with the connivance of many 
 confederates in the city, easily became master of the capi- 
 tal (A. D. 705). 
 
 Second Period of the Reign of Justinian II. 
 
 The second period of the reign of Justinian forms one of 
 the most lamentable epochs of Byzantine history. A veri- 
 table madness seemed to have taken possession of the tyrant, 
 and like a maniac he committed murders almost unparal- 
 leled in atrocity. Never was a vow more rigorously per- 
 formed than the sacred oath of revenge which Justinian had 
 
 * Gibbon.
 
 CONSTANTINE IV TO LEO III. 355 
 
 sworn amid the storms of the Euxine. The two usurpers 
 were dragged, the one from his prison, the other from his 
 palace, and put to death with slow tortures. The glorious 
 bulwark of the nation, the victory-crowned Heraklius, was 
 beheaded with many of his fellow soldiers before the walls 
 of Constantinople. The patriarch Kallinikus was blinded 
 and banished to Rome, while hundreds of men in civil and 
 military stations were put to death by the severest tortures. 
 Neither private virtue nor public service could expiate the 
 guilt of active, or even passive, obedience to an established 
 government ; and during the seven years of his new reign he 
 considered the axe, the cord, and the rack as the only instru- 
 ments worthy of royalty. 
 
 Meanwhile the vital interests of the nation were wholly 
 neglected. No care was taken against a possible attack of 
 the Arabs, who had now reached the height of their power. 
 This mighty enemy, steadily surrounding Christianity, had 
 apparently but to stretch out its arms and seize Asia Minor 
 and Thrace. Justinian, nevertheless, expended the reve- 
 nues of his people in a lawless civil strife, which resulted in 
 general anarchy. And yet, so great was the force of East- 
 ern Christianity, that after the cessation of civil hostilities 
 the Arabian nation still possessed with reference to the 
 Christian empire only the same boundaries as before. 
 
 But the hour of the tyrant's fall was approaching. Hav- 
 ing determined to put to the sword all the Chersonites who 
 had refused to lend him assistance during his exile, he dis- 
 patched against them in 710 an army of one hundred thou- 
 sand men, with instructions that no Chersonite should be 
 spared. "All are guilty, and all must perish," was the 
 mandate of Justinian. The command of the army was 
 given to his favorite Stephen, who was recommended by 
 the epithet of the Savage. Yet even the savage Stephen 
 imperfectly accomplished the intentions of his sovereign, for 
 he is said to have allowed many prominent citizens to escape,
 
 356 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 and to have spared the infants. More than seventy-three 
 thousand men, however, under command of Stephen, are 
 said to have perished by a severe storm which overtook the 
 fleet on its return to Constantinople. But even this, terrible 
 disaster did not appall the maniac, and a second expedition 
 was ordered to extirpate the remains of the proscribed col- 
 ony. Meanwhile the Chersonites had returned to their city, 
 and were prepared to die in arms ; they also invested one 
 Bardanes, under the name of Philippikus, with the purple. 
 The imperial troops, unwilling to execute the revenge of 
 Justinian, made common cause with Philippikus ; and shortly 
 afterward Justinian, deserted by his guards, fell under the 
 stroke of an assassin. His son Tiberius had taken refuge in 
 a church ; but the popular fury was deaf to the cries of hu- 
 manity, and the race of Heraklius was extinguished after a 
 reign of one hundred years (A. D. 711). 
 
 Philippikus Anastasius II. 
 
 Philippikus reigned only a year and a half, and hence we 
 can not accurately judge concerning his political and military 
 abilities. He was murdered in his chamber in 713, and on 
 the following day the senate and the people promoted Arte- 
 mitis from the office of secretary to that of emperor. Arte- 
 mius assumed the name of Anastasius H, and his reign (713- 
 716) was short and troubled. He appointed men of ability 
 to the various offices of the empire, and allotted the govern- 
 ment of the East to Leo, one of the most distinguished gen- 
 erals of that age. 
 
 Rumors were already rife that the Arabs were preparing 
 for a new expedition against Constantinople. Their naval 
 preparations were on a colossal scale, and whole forests were 
 cut down on the slopes of Mount Lebanon to be used for the 
 construction of ships. Anastasius ordered his fleet to repair 
 to the island of Rhodes, and to sail thence against the coasts 
 of Phoenicia, burn the wood, and otherwise prevent the
 
 CONSTANTINE IV TO LEO III. 357 
 
 Arabs from their intended expedition. By a mutiny of the 
 commanders of the fleet, Anastasius was deposed, and an ob- 
 scure officer of the revenue, Theodosius III, was invested 
 with the purple against his own will. The deposed emperor, 
 reluctant to shed Christian blood, retreated after a few months 
 of naval war to a monastery, and exchanged the royal for the 
 clerical garb. v Leo, however, refused to recognize the newly 
 elected sovereign, and the latter in turn surrendered the 
 scepter to the general of the Oriental troops. 
 
 Leo III, the Isaurian. 
 
 Shortly afterward the threatened danger burst upon the 
 empire, and the Arabs arrived before the walls of Constanti- 
 nople. Two divisions of their fleet, composed of eighteen 
 hundred ships under command of Moslemas, steered against 
 the capital of the East. The vast fleet with which this new 
 Xerxes covered the Hellenic sea anchored partly on the 
 coast opposite Chalkedon, and partly on the European side 
 of the Thracian Bosporus. The larger and heavier of their 
 transport-vessels were becalmed in the midst of the current ; 
 and Leo, noticing this from the heights of the Acropolis 
 i. e., from Sardi-Mpournod dispatched fire-ships, which 
 either burned or sunk the vessels of the enemy. This first 
 brilliant achievement of the Hellenic fleet inspired the inhab- 
 itants of the capital with great courage. When later the win- 
 ter set in, the Arabian army suffered extremely. The cold of 
 717-718 was unusually severe. For a hundred days the 
 earth was covered with snow ; a large number of men, horses, 
 camels, and other domestic animals of the hostile camp, per- 
 ished from cold and hunger. But the chief of the Arabs did 
 not lose courage. Two new fleets, from Egypt and Africa, 
 came to his aid, both of which were manned by Christian sail- 
 ors whose fathers, owing to religious dissensions and persecu- 
 tions, had formerly espoused Islamism. But the present crews, 
 having experienced no such hostility, and finding themselves
 
 358 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 suddenly before the great capital of Christendom, were drawn 
 by an irresistible power to the religion of Christ. Hence 
 they rowed with stout hearts and ready hands toward the 
 capital, shouting and hailing the emperor. Nor was the loss 
 of the Arabs limited to this only. Fire-ships were sent 
 against their fleet, and their land forces suffered about the 
 same time a severe defeat. 
 
 The situation of Moslemas was now precarious. Famine 
 was carrying off the bravest of his warriors, and he finally 
 made preparations to retreat. His fleet was overtaken by two 
 severe storms, and all the ships excepting ten went to the 
 bottom with their crews. Of these ten, five were captured 
 by the Byzantines, so that only five escaped to Syria to re- 
 port the greatness of the disaster. The destruction of the 
 Arabs was appalling ; they had lost twenty-five hundred 
 ships and more than five hundred thousand warriors. 
 
 This was one of the happiest epochs of mediaeval Hellen- 
 ism. The victorious songs of Constantinople resounded 
 throughout Europe, which acknowledged that it owed its 
 safety to the great struggles of the Christians in the East. 
 In his enthusiasm, Pope Gregory II sent the image of the 
 emperor of the Hellenes to all the rulers of the West. 
 
 The high-minded and energetic Leo had apparently se- 
 cured his dominions from all dangers. The long anarchy 
 which had lasted for more than twenty-five years had 
 ceased. All omens appeared propitious, and no one could 
 have foretold that the empire was soon to be exposed to a 
 great religious and social agitation. Leo was not only the 
 chief of a new dynasty ; he was likewise the creator of a 
 reformation which for half a century shook from its very 
 foundations the Christian world of the East.
 
 LEO III TO LEO V. 359 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 LEO III TO LEO V. 
 
 State of the Eastern Empire. 
 
 IN the beginning of the eighth century the extent of the 
 Eastern Empire had been greatly reduced ; but it was still 
 the broadest, richest, and best of all the existing Christian 
 governments. Constantinople was still the metropolis of the 
 civilized world, and no other city, ancient or modern, can give 
 us an idea of the Queen City during the eighth century, com- 
 bining as it did the Hellenic, Roman, Christian, and Asiatic 
 memories and customs. The commodities of Asia, Africa, 
 Scythia, Italy, France, Germany, Spain, and Britain found a 
 ready sale in that center of commerce and activity. Various 
 cities also in Hellas, such as Patras, Corinth, and Thebes, 
 flourished wonderfully during the eighth and ninth centuries ; 
 and the costly carpets and exquisite silk, linen, and purple 
 garments of these places were known throughout the world. 
 In fine, Hellas presents during these centuries a surpassing 
 degree of prosperity and energy ; and the opinion of Fall- 
 merayer and his followers that Hellas, conquered by the 
 Slavs during the sixth century, suffered such a sweeping 
 devastation that up to the tenth she was a veritable Scythic 
 desert, is a phantom of the imagination,- dispelled by indis- 
 putable events. Korkyra alone during the twelfth century 
 contributed to the public treasury a revenue amounting to 
 about 1,840,000 drachmae of to-day. Asia Minor also, with 
 the adjacent islands, possessed many large and flourishing 
 cities, strong forts, and a numerous and warlike population, 
 which often stopped the Mohammedan flood. 
 
 Such, in brief, was the state of Christianity in the East 
 at the time when Leo IH, having defeated the Mohamme- 
 dan armies, turned his attention to the civil government.
 
 360 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 Material prosperity, however, does not suffice for the welfare 
 of nations. There is need also of moral qualities. Christian- 
 ity in the East was not wanting in commercial, industrial, and 
 naval dexterity ; was not deprived of scientific and practical 
 engineers ; was not destitute of warlike courage ; for, with- 
 out these, she could not have created so many resources, and 
 could not have opposed for so long a time her many enemies. 
 Two things, however, were lacking a liberal mind and a 
 generous spirit, which engender patriotism and national am- 
 bition, and give an impetus to science, art, and speech, de- 
 veloping all the latent forces of the community. A liberal 
 mind and a generous spirit are often the attributes of nations 
 during their youth, as for instance of the Hellenic in its 
 heroic years. But when nations are governed by positive 
 social, political, and civil laws, their intellectual advance- 
 ment mainly depends on the character of these laws. In 
 other words, two things regulate the fortunes of nations, as 
 well as of individuals nature and education. 
 
 Laws never existed that were better adapted to the pres- 
 ervation and growth of national spirit and thought than 
 those that regulated the public and private life of ancient 
 Hellenism from the seventh to the fourth century B. c. But 
 these laws could not long be maintained, for reasons which 
 we have elsewhere explained. A domineering monarchy 
 succeeded the formerly independent communities. Under 
 this new state of affairs, the Hellenic nation conquered the 
 East, and effected the Hellenization of the people living 
 therein. It bestowed upon them its language, learning, art, 
 and industry, but not the moral virtues, of which it was itself 
 then in want. To all appearances the East was Hellenized, 
 but neither the East nor Hellas escaped the Roman rule. 
 By their intelligence, learning, and art, the conquered peo- 
 ple also Hellenized the Romans ; yet they lacked sufficient 
 force to impart a new moral and intellectual energy to the 
 third phase of Hellenic life. It is true that, in the mean
 
 LEO III TO LEO V. 361 
 
 time, Christianity arose, which taught principles and opin- 
 ions best of all calculated to ennoble the mind and strength- 
 en the heart. But certain of the external forms and regu- 
 lations of Christianity were abused to such an extent that 
 they did not always respond to its fundamental principles. 
 The excessive growth of monastic life, for instance, de- 
 prived the energetic portion of society of very many valu- 
 able men. Many abuses of external worship also contrib- 
 uted much to wither the moral and intellectual forces of 
 those who remained in the world. It is true that often the 
 monasteries furnished to the sick, to the poor, and to the 
 weary traveler the aid and protection which could nowhere 
 else be found. They were often, in political and social 
 storms, the safe refuge of letters, arts, and sciences. But it 
 is nevertheless true that, on account of monastic life, mili- 
 tary duty, agriculture, and industry were deprived of its 
 strongest arms at a time when the community especially had 
 need of all its forces to oppose its numerous enemies. 
 
 Again, the worship of the Christians was at first very 
 simple. They had neither churches nor images ; the people 
 gathered in private houses to offer short and simple prayers 
 to God. But as time advanced and the new doctrine spread 
 among the multitude, and came into hostility with existing 
 governments, it was found necessary, in order to attract peo- 
 ple accustomed to different types of worship, to erect costly 
 buildings, and to enlarge and regulate the service by vari- 
 ous new initiatory and preparatory prayers. The officiating 
 ministers were distinguished into upper and lower grades, 
 and were adorned by many costly ecclesiastical garments. 
 The number of festive days increased, and manifold honors 
 were granted to the founders and defenders of the faith. 
 Later still the church was adorned with images of the Sa- 
 viour and of Mary, and of the martyrs and heroes of reli- 
 gion an innovation which caused serious abuses and mis- 
 understandings. Holidays were so multiplied, that not a
 
 3G2 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 day passed without the celebration of one or more of the 
 martyrs of the church ; the service became so long, that 
 those attending regularly did so at the expense of their 
 other occupations, and the direct worship offered to the 
 images overshadowed the sentiment due to the Most High. 
 Often miraculous powers were attributed to the pictures 
 themselves. Men kissed them, placed them on their head, 
 eyes, and bosom, made before them the sign of the cross, 
 knelt, prayed, and in fine rendered to them all the attributes 
 of direct worship. It is no wonder, therefore, that both the 
 Jews and Mohammedans called the Christians idolaters. 
 
 These various abuses acted destructively on the national, 
 social, and political life. While the liberal mind and gener- 
 ous spirit had long ago disappeared from the nation, while 
 its social and political laws were ill adapted to elevate the 
 mind and fortify the soul, while the only moral mainspring 
 was religion, the latter was daily withered by misunder- 
 standings and abuses, and the nation was gradually falling 
 into a great paralysis. What a difference from the regula- 
 tions imposed by St. Paul on the Thessalonians ! Again, the 
 numerous exercises of worship not only engendered idleness 
 and its various pernicious results, they also stifled the spirit 
 of the fundamental teachings of Christ. The miraculous 
 power which was attributed to most of the sacred objects 
 gave rise to the supposition that it would suffice to carry or 
 have near by one of those images, in order to be free from 
 danger or moral obligation. Superstition was rampant. In 
 716 the Christians, while Pergamus was besieged by the 
 Mohammedans, tore open a woman, believing that by this 
 hideous sacrifice they would appease the Most High. By 
 this union of idleness and superstition, all the forces of hu- 
 man energy were misdirected, especially since learning was 
 principally in the hands of the monks, who with a few excep- 
 tions confirmed the youth in the popular errors. 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, that spiritual life was withered
 
 LEO III TO LEOV. 363 
 
 and the customs of the people were barbarized. It is no 
 wonder that nothing generous was produced, either in speech 
 after the immortal masterpieces of Gregory, Basil, and 
 Chrysostom, or in art after the erection of St. Sophia, or in 
 practical science after the inventions of the chemist Kallini- 
 kus. Society, however, had not wholly passed into such 
 degradation as to ignore the danger threatening the nation. 
 Various attempts had already been made to eradicate image- 
 worship, and large bodies of citizens combined to effect 
 many changes in the existing religious beliefs. 
 
 It was in the midst of these antagonistic factions and 
 opinions that Leo III found himself after the defeat of the 
 Mohammedans (A. D. 718). At first he hesitated what to 
 do ; but finally, seeing that the more thoughtful part of so- 
 ciety longed for a reformation, he issued a decree in 726 
 forbidding the worship of images, and in 730 another ban- 
 ishing them entirely from the churches ; and he devoted the 
 remainder of his life to the eradication of everything tend- 
 ing to debase the sacred ordinances of religion. These de- 
 crees divided the nation into the two intensely hostile par- 
 ties of iconoclasts or image-breakers and image-worshipers, 
 by whose contests it was long distracted. Leo died in the 
 middle of 741, after a reign of twenty-five years ; and the 
 Catholics who denounce his religious innovations are obliged 
 to confess that they were undertaken with moderation and 
 conducted with firmness. But the most glorious of his 
 works, the laws which he enacted, seeking to infuse into the 
 community the most Christian social principles the laws by 
 which he took from the clergy public instruction and surren- 
 dered it to the people the laws, finally, by which he showed 
 himself superior to his century these laws were abrogated 
 and despised. The most lofty-minded of legislators was rep- 
 resented as the most miserable of malefactors. How strange 
 indeed are the opinions of this world ! How many praises 
 and insults were heaped on the legislative works of Justini-
 
 364 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 an, all of which tended to render his name famous ! His 
 legislative works, however, were more or less the systematic 
 arrangement of older principles and ordinances, while those 
 of Leo favored the cdmpletest reformation, having emitted 
 rays of truths destined to warm and enlighten the nations 
 
 of our time. 
 
 Constantine V. 
 
 The son and successor of Leo, Constantine V (741-775), 
 not only remained faithful to the principles of his father, 
 but attacked with even much greater zeal the images of the 
 church. In 746 he invaded the north of Syria, defeated the 
 Arabs, captured several of their cities, and rendered impor- 
 tant service to the Christians of that region. In the follow- 
 ing year he dispatched a powerful fleet to Kyprus, which, by 
 the aid of the Greek fire, almost annihilated the Arabian 
 fleet, composed of one thousand boats. A terrible pesti- 
 lence, however, not unlike that which had occurred during 
 the reign of Justinian, broke out, and compelled him to fore- 
 go further successes. The pestilence lasted three years, and 
 the loss of life was so great that the emperor was forced to 
 bring to Constantinople and the adjoining districts new in- 
 habitants from the European and Asiatic provinces. Con- 
 stantine died in September, 775, of a severe illness which he 
 had contracted during an expedition against the Bulgarians. 
 He was succeeded by his son Leo IV (775-780), a youth of 
 feeble constitution both of mind and body, the principal care 
 of whose reign was the settlement of the succession. Con- 
 scious of his own decline, he did not hesitate to declare his 
 wife Irene guardian of the Roman world, and of their son 
 Constantine VI. 
 
 Constantine VI. 
 
 Irene, the wife of Leo IV, was an Athenian. Her sole 
 fortune must have consisted in her personal accomplish- 
 ments, for she was an orphan, seventeen years old, when 
 Leo chose her for his wife. The career of Irene presents
 
 LEO III TO LEO V. 365 
 
 one of the most heartrending and bloody pictures of all that 
 can be found in the history of the world. Her love of power 
 was boundless, and to achieve her ends she spared neither 
 friends nor foes. Ambition stifled every sentiment of hu- 
 manity and nature, for she contrived to have her only son, 
 Constantine, the rightful heir to the throne, arrested and 
 conveyed to the porphyry apartment of the palace, where 
 he was unluckily borne by his heartless mother. Once in 
 her power, she deprived him of his Bight, and, although he 
 lived many years after, he was incapacitated from ever as- 
 suming the government. 
 
 Thus, after constant and various struggles, Irene suc- 
 ceeded in seizing the reins of power ; but she did not prove 
 herself worthy of the place obtained by means of so much 
 hyprocrisy and lawlessness. The Mohammedans freely plun- 
 dered Asia Minor, and peace was finally concluded on pay- 
 ment of heavy tribute. In this miserable condition matters 
 stood at Constantinople at the time when the Mohammedans 
 were led by the brave Haroun al-Rashid, and nearly all the 
 West was ruled by the strong arm of the glorious Charle- 
 magne. The undue influence given to the monks by Irene, 
 who had restored image-worship ; the abolition of many just 
 taxes, which impoverished the treasury ; the summary pun- 
 ishment inflicted on veterans who had risked their lives on 
 the field of battle for the preservation and honor of the em- 
 pire, finally aroused from their lethargy the active part of 
 society, and Irene was deposed and banished to Lesbos. The 
 moving spirit of this daring action was Nikephorus, the 
 great treasurer of the empire, who was* invested with the 
 purple. 
 
 Nikephorus I. 
 
 The first act of Nikephorus (802-811) was to regulate 
 the relations of the empire with the powerful dynast of the 
 West. At the same time he wrote a short and pithy letter to 
 Haroun, declaring that he would not pay the tribute agreed
 
 366 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 upon with Irene. To this Haroun replied much more laconi- 
 cally that he would himself bring the answer. The caliph 
 crossed in the middle of winter the snow-clad Taurus, en- 
 tered Asia Minor, and a great battle was fought near Krasus 
 in Phrygia, in which not less than forty thousand soldiers 
 under Nikephorus were killed. The emperor was finally 
 compelled to retreat, but the Arabs also sustained so severe 
 a loss that they were in turn obliged to withdraw to their 
 own territories. Several other engagements were fought, 
 by which Nikephorus freed his empire from tribute. 
 
 In the mean time the Bulgarians, availing themselves of 
 the anarchy prevailing in the empire for the last twenty-five 
 years, began to " show their teeth," as one of the ancient 
 chroniclers puts it. Nikephorus marched against them ; and, 
 although he was defeated, yet the defeat was honorably cov- 
 ered by the death of the emperor and a great number of his 
 officers and patricians. 
 
 Michael I Leo V. 
 
 The successor of Nikephorus, Michael I, proved a weak 
 ruler. If extreme mildness often becomes a private citizen, 
 it is without question a grave defect in a public man. The 
 Bulgarians continued to ravage and plunder the most fertile 
 provinces of the empire, gradually advancing toward the 
 capital itself. Michael led a large army against them, but 
 at the very beginning of the battle gave the signal of re- 
 treat. The army was so wroth at this cowardice, that Mi- 
 chael finally concluded to abdicate in behalf of one of his 
 generals, Leo V (813-820). 
 
 It became apparent at once that a powerful and strong 
 arm had assumed the direction of affairs. But almost within 
 a week after Leo's accession to the throne the Bulgarians 
 appeared before the walls of Constantinople, and, having 
 burned and destroyed all the churches, monasteries, palaces, 
 and houses situated around the city, retreated to their terri-
 
 LEO IH TO LEO V. 367 
 
 tories. In the following spring Leo marched against them, 
 surprised them while in disorder, and effected their complete 
 ruin. No battle was fought, but a merciless slaughter took 
 place. Leo forbade any captives to be taken, and spared 
 neither old men, women, nor children. 
 
 Peace now prevailed throughout the empire, and Leo 
 directed his energies to the recuperation of internal affairs. 
 He forced the clergy to give up their political control, pro- 
 hibited image-worship, caused the laws to be respected, 
 placed the finances of the empire on a sound basis, and reor- 
 ganized the army. Never was an army subjected to a more 
 strict discipline. Leo himself led and exercised it, and 
 knew the ability and value of each general and officer. He 
 rebuilt many cities in Macedonia and Thrace, gave new life 
 to agriculture, industry, and commerce, and variously devel- 
 oped the resources of the empire. He not only abolished 
 the images from the churches, but also destroyed the songs 
 and prayers addressed to them, and above all sought to 
 develop the mind of the youth by a new educational system 
 and new didactic books. 
 
 The reformation of the sixteenth century was a great 
 event, not so much because it changed the types and forms 
 of religion, but because it freed the human mind from its 
 fetters, enthroned in the world the principles of liberty and 
 accurate research, opened the road for modern science, sanc- 
 tioned the impulse for progress, produced men like Bacon, 
 and prepared the great intellectual movement of the eigh- 
 teenth century, and the much greater political and social 
 movement of our times. Certainly we could not expect 
 such abundant fruits from the tree of the Hellenic reform of 
 the eighth century, because its life was short, lasting only for 
 about one hundred years ; but during this period the na- 
 tional spirit was in some measure raised from the subtle- 
 ties of the scholastic and typical method to the more enlight- 
 ened laws of free conscience and research.
 
 368 fcYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 Leo, however, who had so greatly benefited his empire, 
 not long afterward fell a victim to the inordinate ambition 
 of one of his generals, Michael, whom the emperor had 
 greatly befriended, but who, when about to be executed for 
 conspiracy, was rescued and raised to the throne, Leo being 
 murdered at the altar in church (Christmas day, 820). 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE DYNASTY OF MICHAEL II. 
 
 Michael IITheophilus. 
 
 THE first difficulty against which Michael (820-829) had 
 to contend was the question of the images. Most of the 
 conspirators who had caused the death of Leo belonged to 
 the party of the anti -reformers, or to those seeking the res- 
 toration of the pictures. In the mean time Thomas, a gen- 
 eral and friend of Leo, escaped to the Arabs, mustered a 
 force of eighty thousand barbarians, and marched against 
 Constantinople to depose the usurper and avenge the mur- 
 dered emperor. The situation of Michael was very preca- 
 rious ; but he finally succeeded in overcoming his enemies, 
 taking a summary and fearful vengeance upon Thomas by 
 means of the Greek fire, of which his adversaries were de- 
 prived, and by the assistance of his brave son Theophilus. 
 The Mohammedans, however, profiting by the troubled con- 
 dition of the Eastern Empire, succeeded in depriving it of 
 two of its largest and most fertile islands, Krete and Sicily. 
 
 At the death of Michael II, which occurred eight years 
 and nine months after he had ascended the throne, he was 
 succeeded by his son Theophilus (829-842). One of the first 
 acts of Theophilus was to inflict the punishment of death
 
 THE DYNASTY OF MICHAEL II. 369 
 
 on the murderers of Leo V. This acf, as related by the lo- 
 gographers, has in its cruel justice the savageness rather of 
 an Oriental despot than of the hegemon of a Christian and 
 well-governed empire. In fine, throughout the career of 
 Theophilus we find a nobleness of purpose blended with a 
 relentless and savage disposition. He did not possess the 
 religious indifference of his father, but devoted himself 
 wholly to theological reformation, believing that by its suc- 
 cess alone the safety of the empire could be secured. He 
 forbade the word holy to be inscribed on the images, and 
 also that they should be honored by prayers, kissing, or 
 lighted tapers. He maintained that God alone is holy, and 
 that the soul is truly purified when, free from all earthly 
 surroundings, it raises itself to Him. His edicts astounded 
 the monastic order, but did not crush it. Experience had 
 shown that such decrees were not executed literally, and 
 that the numerous classes of the people, assisted by the 
 monks, finally thwarted the plans of the emperor, the more 
 energetic through their opposition, and the others through 
 their apathy. The empress Theodora herself privately wor- 
 shiped images. Theophilus discovered it, but could not 
 influence her to give up her religious notions. In the mean 
 time he unfurled the banner of the cross against the Arabs ; 
 but his five expeditions were concluded by a signal over- 
 throw. Armorium, the native city of his ancestors, was 
 leveled to the ground, and from his military toils he de- 
 rived only the surname of the Unfortunate. Thus, while 
 Theophilus was compelled, on account of his love to his wife, 
 to suffer the violation of his orders in the palace itself ; while 
 he was not able to suppress the opposition of the monks ; 
 while the higher social classes, which alone had espoused the 
 reformation, began to weary of the long and unproductive 
 strife Theophilus, in the midst of these harassing troubles 
 and perplexities, fell sick and died in the beginning of 842. 
 His last words were in behalf of the reformation, recom-
 
 370 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 mending to all to rom'ain faithful to it if they desired the 
 preservation of the empire. 
 
 The Successors of TheopJiilus. 
 
 The positive power of the government passed into the 
 hands of the empress Theodora, assisted by her brother Bar- 
 das, her uncle Manuel, and one Theoktistus, an ardent anti- 
 reformer. The sentiments of the empress concerning the 
 images are already known. The pictures were again hung 
 in the churches, and the monastic order more than ever be- 
 fore became potent both in society and government. The 
 monks, who did not respect even the empress that befriended 
 them, instituted a terrific persecution against the reformers. 
 Their first victim was John Grammatikus, the late occupant 
 of the patriarchal throne. Accused of having pulled out the 
 eyes of an image, according to some he was deprived of his 
 own eyesight, and according to others he was given two 
 hundred lashes, such as were never before inflicted on the 
 worst of malefactors ! Two hundred lashes inflicted on the 
 wisest and most virtuous man of that epoch such was the 
 first fruit of the return of the monks to power. Many others 
 were deposed from oflice, punished, or exiled, including the 
 learned bishop of Thessaly, and Leo the Mathematician, one 
 of the ornaments of the Eastern Empire. Public education 
 alone, which was taken from the hands of the monks, con- 
 tinued to thrive. But the genuine, the noble and brave 
 spirit of liberty, which had for more than one hundred 
 years inspired many eminent men in the government, the 
 clergy, the community, and the army, had entirely disap- 
 peared. 
 
 A lamentable proof also of the great change was the edu- 
 cation given to Michael, the first emperor since the abolition 
 of the reformation. In the beginning of 842, when his fa- 
 ther died, Michael was three years old. The infant had 
 inherited, as it would seem, the violent temper of his father ;
 
 THE DYNASTY OF MICHAEL II. 371 
 
 but a suitable education could have moderated and even en- 
 nobled it. This should have been the first, the holiest duty 
 of Theodora. Unfortunately, she intrusted this care to Bar- 
 das, who sought to foster and excite the most ignoble pas- 
 sions of the child, that he might render him unfit for the 
 government and rule in his stead. He succeeded so well, 
 that Michael became the most depraved of men, presenting 
 a unique example of the change that human nature may suf- 
 fer, abandoned to its own inclinations and impelled by an 
 education adapted to confirm its basest tendencies. Suffice 
 it to say that the worst characters in history seem holy com- 
 pared with the monster created by Bardas and the satyrs 
 that surrounded him. In the mean time the Mohammedans 
 had occupied most of Sicily ; the Franks had extended their 
 dominions ; Asia Minor was threatened by the Arabs, and 
 the Peloponnesus by the Slavs. The only meritorious act 
 which can be assigned to the reign of Michael is, that he 
 permitted Bardas to raise the illustrious Photius to the pa- 
 triarchal throne of Constantinople. The genius of Photius 
 may be understood when we consider that between the first 
 Constantine, who established the Eastern Empire, and the 
 last one, who died the death of a hero on the ramparts of 
 Constantinople, no other name shines more resplendently in 
 history than his. The conduct of Michael, however, became 
 so odious that every citizen was impatient for the deliver- 
 ance of the country from his rule. In the thirtieth year of 
 his age, and in the hour of intoxication and sleep, Michael 
 III was murdered in his chamber by the founder of a new 
 dynasty, whom the emperor had raised to an equality of 
 rank and power.
 
 372 , BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY THE COMNENI. 
 
 The Reign of Basil I. 
 
 BASIL I, the Macedonian (867-886), was a native of 
 Adrianople, and probably a Slavonian ; but he claimed de- 
 scent from the Macedonian Alexander, and from the royal 
 family of the Armenian Arsacidse. In his infancy his family 
 and the city were swept away by an inundation of the Bul- 
 garians. He was brought up as a slave in a foreign land ; 
 and in this severe discipline he acquired the hardiness of 
 body and flexibility of mind which promoted his future ele- 
 vation.* Obtaining his liberty, he went to Constantinople, 
 and rose by degrees to the office of chief chamberlain to Mi- 
 chael III. Basil was not certainly a great man, yet he pos- 
 sessed a practical mind ; he was ambitious, and not afraid 
 of difficulties ; and, above all, he was one of those characters 
 whom rank ennobles. He applied himself earnestly and con- 
 scientiously to the improvement of his empire, and displayed 
 an individual morality which even the strictest critics of the 
 Byzantine period have not denied. Basil besides demon- 
 strated what was the power of the Eastern Empire, when 
 commanded by a man who knew how to avail himself of its 
 resources. He defeated the Russians, checked the Moham- 
 medans, humiliated the Arabs, and spread Christianity in 
 the West among the Slavs. At the time of his death (Au- 
 gust 29, 886), therefore, the Byzantine empire, if it had not 
 regained all the countries of which it had been deprived dur- 
 ing the preceding period, yet had successively routed its 
 principal enemies ; and the Byzantine army was increased, 
 drilled, and placed under capable leaders. 
 
 * Gibbon.
 
 THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY THE COMNENI. 373 
 
 Leo VI. 
 
 Of the four sons of Basil, Constantine died before his 
 father ; Stephen, the youngest, was content with the honors 
 of a patriarch and a saint ; both Leo and Alexander were 
 alike invested with the purple, but the powers of govern- 
 ment were solely exercised by the elder brother. Leo VI 
 (886-911) was a pupil of Photius, and had acquired all the 
 learning of the age, but he did not inherit the practical abil- 
 ity of his father. He was surnamed the Philosopher, but he 
 proved that mere learning, in the absence of every positive 
 virtue, only renders wickedness more glaring and unjustifi- 
 able. He issued many wise regulations, but was himself the 
 first of all to violate them ; while the cities of the empire 
 were captured and destroyed by the Arabs, he composed 
 speeches, prayers, religious hymns, and poems ; while the 
 present circumstances were in a most precarious condition, 
 he issued orders for the future ; and while his armies were 
 routed, he copied the writings of the ancients concerning 
 military tactics. In fact, he was the opposite of his father. 
 The former was ignorant, but practical ; the latter learned, 
 but devoid of judgment and sound wisdom. During his 
 reign, therefore, the empire suffered greatly from the attacks 
 of the Arabs, the Bulgarians, and the Russians. Its polit- 
 ical recuperation, which had been undertaken by Basil, 
 seemed to have proved abortive, especially since, on the 
 death of Leo in 912, he was succeeded by his seven-years-old 
 son Constantine VII, Porphyrogenitus * (911-959), and thus 
 the usual confusion of an imperial minority followed the ina- 
 bility of the former emperor. 
 
 * Iii the Greek language purple and porpliyry are the same word. An - 
 apartment of the Byzantine palace was lined with porphyry ; it was reserved 
 for the use of the pregnant empresses ; and the royal birth of their children 
 was expressed by the appellation of porphyrogenite, or born in the purple. 
 Several of the Byzantine princes had been blessed with an heir, but this pe- 
 culiar surname was first applied to Constantine VET.
 
 374 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 Indeed, for about one hundred and seventy years after 
 the death of Leo, Byzantine history presents a sad picture 
 of anarchy and devastation, the minute details of which 
 astonish us at the folly and the lamentable incapacity of the 
 men who were called upon to steer the imperial vessel. 
 While the empire was externally attacked by the blood- 
 thirsty Arab, the ruthless Bulgarian, or the rapacious and 
 ignorant Russian, the generals of the Byzantine army were 
 striving among themselves for power or authority. A few 
 victories indeed were gained over the Arabs in Sicily and 
 Syria, as well as over the Bulgarians ; but what were these 
 in comparison with the misfortunes the empire suffered 
 both on account of external attacks and civil strifes ? Su- 
 perstition, the ancient disease of southern nations, was prev- 
 alent to a fearf ul extent. Usurpers believed that they could 
 appease the anger of God for their nefarious and bloody 
 deeds by building churches and monasteries. Myriads of 
 men inflicted social death upon themselves by espousing a 
 monastic life, especially at a time when a horde of worse 
 foes than the Arabs found their way into the empire. These 
 new-comers were neither Semitic nor Aryan, but Turanian, 
 of a stock akin to the old Bulgarians, and to the Magyars 
 or Hungarians. They were Turks, but of a tribe then far 
 stronger the Seljuks. The Seljuks were a nomad people, 
 who knew nothing of a settled life. When they had de- 
 voured one district, they went on to plunder another. But 
 the death-blow to the Byzantine empire did not come either 
 from the Arab or the Bulgarian, the Russian or the Seljuk : 
 it was dealt by the crusaders, whose incursions we shall 
 
 presently relate. 
 
 Alexius I. 
 
 From this night of slavery a ray of freedom, or at least 
 of spirit, begins to emerge. The Comneni the first of 
 whom, Isaac I, succeeded the last emperor of the Macedo- 
 nian dynasty, Michael VI, in 1057 upheld for a while the
 
 TEE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY THE COMNENI. 375 
 
 fate of the sinking empire. They were of Paphlagonian 
 origin.* Alexius I (1081-1118), who came to the throne 
 amid the violent storm which was threatening the very ex- 
 istence of the empire, was certainly the most illustrious scion 
 of that great family. He had already given evidence of his 
 exalted military genius by the many wars in which he had 
 taken a leading part, and, though yet a young man, his name 
 had become a terror to the enemy. Having therefore shown 
 from early youth so much political and military wisdom, it 
 was naturally hoped that, although half of Asia Minor was 
 held by the Turks, the state of the empire would have been 
 greatly benefited by his accession. A large army could yet 
 be mustered from the European provinces ; the resources of 
 the nation were abundant, and Constantinople was still the 
 first commercial port of the world. But, not long after as- 
 cending the throne, Alexius was informed that a most for- 
 midable enemy, the Norman Robert Guiscard, was ready to 
 sail from the eastern coasts of Italy against the European 
 provinces of the empire. 
 
 Robert Cruiscard's Invasion. 
 
 The Normans, who did not perpetuate their name in any 
 of the modern nations, exercised nevertheless, during the 
 second half of the eleventh century, an important influence 
 on civilization. Led by William the Conqueror, they sub- 
 dued England, and gave rise to radical changes in its lan- 
 guage, customs, and government. At the same time they 
 were the principal cause of the subjection both of the By- 
 zantine empire and of the church. Robert Guiscard, alleging 
 that Constantine, the son and heir of the emperor Michael 
 VII, and the betrothed of one of his daughters, had been 
 unlawfully deprived of the throne of Constantinople and cast 
 into prison, prepared a heterogeneous army of thirty thousand 
 followers, thirteen hundred of whom were knights of Norman 
 
 * Gibbon believes that they were of Roman origin.
 
 376 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 race, forming the sinews of the army, with which to avenge 
 the insult cast upon his future son-in-law. On .receipt of the 
 news, Alexius began at onco to prepare for the coming strug- 
 gle. The condition of the empire was critical. The Turks 
 were in Kyzikus and Niksea ; no regular army existed, the 
 treasury was empty, and anarchy everywhere prevailed. 
 But the genius of Alexius at once became manifest. He 
 promptly took steps for the forming of an army, obtaining 
 money, strengthening the forts, and securing allies against 
 the approaching Norman foe. Robert conveyed his force in 
 safety to the opposite coast of Epirus, and laid siege to Du- 
 razzo, the western key of the empire, although his forces had 
 already suffered severe hardships. Part of his fleet was de- 
 stroyed by a tempest, and the remainder by the Greek fire 
 of the imperial galleys ; communication with Italy was cut 
 off ; want of provisions produced a famine ; a fearful pes- 
 tilence was destroying the bravest of his warriors ; the arri- 
 val of Alexius with a large army was daily expected. But 
 the intrepid Norman did not lose his indomitable courage ; 
 every reverse made him only the more stubborn ; and finally 
 his wonderful pertinacity, which to this day arouses our ad- 
 miration, was rewarded with success, for Durazzo fell into 
 his hands (A. D. 1082). From Durazzo the Norman hero ad- 
 vanced into the heart of Epirus or Albania, traversed the 
 first mountains of Thessaly, and approached Thessalonica ; 
 but as he was preparing to lead his victorious army before 
 the capital itself, he received information which caused him 
 to hasten back to Italy. In the spring of 1085 he again 
 aspired to the conquest of Constantinople, but died in the 
 seventieth year of his age, of an epidemic disease, in the 
 isle of Kephallenia ; and thus the empire was freed from a 
 dreaded antagonist. The Norman army, deprived of its 
 main support, soon after dispersed ; and Durazzo, all the 
 sea-coast forts, and the western islands, were recovered by 
 the Byzantines.
 
 THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY THE COMNENI. 377 
 
 The Crusades. 
 
 After the Norman war Alexius directed his attention to 
 the Turks, who from the year 1043, when the serious com- 
 plications between Greek and Turk began, did not cease to 
 devastate the richest provinces of the empire. At the same 
 time he undertook to reorganize the government, to form 
 a well-disciplined army, to construct a powerful fleet, and to 
 encourage art, science, industry, and commerce. But, in the 
 midst of these endeavors, suddenly a storm burst from the 
 West, the so-called first crusade. 
 
 Most Western writers assert that this crusade was under- 
 taken at the instigation of the Byzantines, alleging that a 
 hermit named Peter, a native of Amiens, in the province of 
 Picardy in France, visited the holy sepulchre during 1093 
 and 1094, and, having witnessed the sufferings of the Chris- 
 tians at the hands of the Turks, returned bringing letters from 
 the patriarch of Jerusalem, addressed to the pope and to the 
 rulers of the West, imploring their aid ; and that further- 
 more Alexius himself sought assistance through letters and 
 ambassadors. This allegation, however, is false, especially 
 with respect to Alexius. The Byzantine writers, and par- 
 ticularly Anna Comnena, make no such statement, but on 
 the contrary regard it as altogether an unexpected and hos- 
 tile attempt against the Byzantine empire. In fact, Anna 
 Comnena attributes the movement solely to the "preach- 
 ing " of Peter, and does not even make any mention of the 
 "request by the patriarch of Jerusalem."* Again, the 
 danger from the Mohammedans was not so serious at that 
 time as to force him to sacrifice the dignity of the empire 
 to an appeal for aid. How could Alexius implore the aid of 
 the West, against which he had but recently fought ? Would 
 
 * See book 10 of the " Alexias " : O&Vw Se fuicpbv eat/rbi/ cu/airawras, \oyo- 
 iroiovfjievriv rjicrjitdet cmelptw QpaymKwv ffrpa.TfVfuiTuj' tir4\fvffiv, 'E8e5/et n\v 
 olv T7)i> TOVTUV e<po5ov t etc. 
 
 37
 
 378 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 he, of his own free will, introduce into the heart of the na- 
 tion those who had but recently sought to overthrow his 
 government, invaded on false pretenses the Hellenic terri- 
 tories, and had been driven away only after so many dangers 
 and toils? Those who forged these letters, surpassing all 
 the bounds of decency, represented Alexius not only as in- 
 viting the knights and barons of the West to plunder the 
 public treasury and the mythical wealth of the inhabitants 
 of the capital, but besides as describing the beauty of the 
 Hellenic women, who were destined to reward the feats of 
 their liberators ! * Statements such as these need no refu- 
 tation. The great movement of the West against the East, 
 which lasted for about three centuries, forming one of the 
 most memorable episodes of the world's history, was insti- 
 gated by religious and political interests, and especially 
 through the stubborn persistence of the popes of Home in 
 attempts to impose their supremacy on the Eastern church. 
 
 Peter the Hermit, on his return to Italy, was received 
 as a prophet by Pope Urban II, who applauded his glori- 
 ous design, promised to support it in a general council, and 
 encouraged him to proclaim the deliverance of the Holy 
 Land. Stimulated by the approbation of the pontiff, Peter 
 traversed the provinces of Italy and France, arousing every- 
 where the greatest zeal against the Mohammedans, who were 
 indeed an object of aversion on account of the lawless and 
 barbarous arts committed by the Arabs in Spain. The ap- 
 pearance of Peter was well calculated to excite the fanati- 
 cism (or the martial spirit, as Western writers put it) of his 
 hearers. His head and feet were bare, and his meager body 
 was wrapped in a coarse garment ; he bore a weighty cruci- 
 fix ; and the ass which he rode was sanctified in the public 
 eye by the service of the man of God. He preached to in- 
 numerable crowds in the churches and the highways, and 
 
 * See " Thesaurus novus Anecdotorum " ; also " Amplissima Collectio," 
 and " Historia Ilierosolymitann."
 
 THE MACEDONIAN DYNASTY THE COMNENI. 379 
 
 entered with equal confidence the palace and the cottage. 
 In March, 1095, Urban summoned a council at Piacenza, 
 which was numerously attended, and the wildest enthusiasm 
 for marching against the Turks was manifested. In the 
 month of November a second council was convened at Cler- 
 mont in France, and as Pope Urban in a vehement exhorta- 
 tion urged the thousands who were present to march to the 
 assistance of their persecuted brethren, those present with 
 one voice exclaimed, " God wills it ! God wills it ! " " It 
 is indeed the will of God," replied the pope ; " and let this 
 memorable word, the inspiration surely of the Holy Spirit, 
 be for ever adopted as your cry of battle, to animate the de- 
 votion and courage of the champions of Christ. His cross 
 is the symbol of your salvation ; wear it, a red, a bloody 
 cross, as an external mark, on your breasts or shoulders, as 
 a pledge of your sacred and irrevocable engagement." The 
 proposal was joyfully accepted ; great numbers, both of the 
 clergy and laity, affixed to their garments the sign of the 
 cross, and the pope proclaimed a plenary indulgence to those 
 who should enlist under the sacred banners. 
 
 While the great sovereigns of Europe were still occupied 
 with their preparations, a vast throng, the lowest refuse of 
 the people, " who mingled with their devotion a brutal license 
 of rapine, prostitution, and drunkenness," pressed forward to 
 the East. They committed such acts of rapacity and vio- 
 lence on their journey, that before arriving at the confines 
 of the Byzantine empire numbers of them were destroyed 
 by the enraged inhabitants of Hungary. Reaching Constan- 
 tinople, they abused the hospitable entertainnment of Alex- 
 ius, for neither gardens, palaces, nor churches were safe from 
 their depredations ; so that Alexius soon came to fear these 
 liberators more than the Turks themselves. The fate, how- 
 ever, of this first expedition of Christian Europe was sad 
 indeed. Attacked by the great chief of the Turks, Kilidge- 
 Arslan, the crusaders suffered a total defeat, and out of many
 
 380 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 myriads three thousand only escaped. These also would 
 have succumbed to Turkish valor had not Alexius, gener- 
 ously forgetting their depredations, sent them a fleet and an 
 army, which brought them in safety to Constantinople. 
 
 As torrents, pouring down from several mountains, and 
 following various courses, finally empty into one large river, 
 so the different leaders of the West, advancing by separate 
 routes, finally met before the gates of Constantinople, form- 
 ing a vast camp, and marched to the capture of Jerusalem. 
 On their way, the crusaders reduced two important cities, 
 Niksea and Antioch ; and Jerusalem itself fell into their hands 
 (July 15, 1099). History seldom mentions so cruel a slaugh- 
 ter as these Christian liberators committed on taking the 
 city. Neither sex nor age, nor the submission of the de- 
 feated, found grace before their eyes. Young children and 
 infants were ruthlessly grasped by the feet and dashed 
 against the walls or the ground. They mangled the bodies 
 of the dead, and everywhere on the streets could be seen 
 human heads and members heaped together without dis-, 
 crimination. By such acts these avengers of the Saviour 
 and followers of his beneficent doctrines thought that they 
 could please the Most High ! At the same time they vio- 
 lated their oaths to Alexius, for they instituted " a self -exist- 
 ing kingdom " in Syria, and appointed a patriarch of their 
 own in Jerusalem. 
 
 The feats accomplished by the first crusade kindled such 
 a wild enthusiasm throughout Europe, that in 1101 a swarm 
 of pilgrims marched against the East ; but more than four 
 hundred thousand were destroyed in Anatolia by famine, 
 pestilence, and the Turkish arrows, while a mere handful 
 escaped to Constantinople and Antioch.
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 381 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 
 
 The Second Crusade. 
 
 THE first crusade tended only to weaken the power of 
 mediaeval Hellenism, and to render more easy the final tri- 
 umph of the Turks. But while Hellenism suffered such se- 
 vere wounds, it recovered from the Turks during the reign, 
 of John Comnenus (1118-1143), the son and successor of 
 Alexius, portions of its former possessions in Phrygia and 
 Paphlagonia. He advanced with a great army against Ki- 
 likia and Syria also, but the treachery of the Latins forced 
 him to turn back to Constantinople. 'Had the Latins assisted 
 the Greeks on that occasion, John Comnenus could without 
 doubt have freed both Asia Minor and Syria. Manuel Com- 
 nenus (1143-1181), the son and successor of John, also hum- 
 bled the Turks both in Pamphylia and Kilikia, but was com- 
 pelled to forego this line of success, because a new danger 
 threatened him from the West, in 1147, in the second cru- 
 sade. 
 
 The capture of Edessa, the strongest bulwark of the 
 Latins in the East, by the Seljuks, was the cause of the 
 second crusade. The leaders of this enterprise were Conrad 
 III, king of Germany, and Louis VII, king of France. The 
 ostensible intention of the crusaders was to free Eastern 
 Christianity from the oppression of the Turks ; but their 
 iiltimate object, as facts afterward showed, was the capture 
 of Constantinople and the abolition of the Byzantine em- 
 pire. Indeed, this plan was openly advocated among the 
 leaders, but it was deemed best not to make any attempt on 
 the capital for the present. Before Manuel, however, would 
 allow a free passage through his provinces, both Conrad and
 
 382 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 Louis swore that they would make the journey without in- 
 jury and malice, pay for their supplies, and surrender to him 
 all the cities they should capture from the Turks. But 
 shortly afterward the crusaders refused payment for pro- 
 visions, took what they required by force, and entered into 
 open warfare with the inhabitants and the army. During 
 the first crusade the Western armies succeeded at least in 
 capturing certain cities of Syria ; but on the present occa- 
 sion they not only became masters of no city, but their fail- 
 ure was wholly inglorious, being relieved by no heroic deed 
 whatever. 
 
 In 1147, while Conrad and Louis crossed the northern 
 provinces, more as enemies than as allies, and forced Manuel 
 to direct his attention to that quarter, Roger II, ruler of 
 southern Italy and Sicily, marched against the southern coun- 
 tries of the empire, and ruthlessly plundered Thebes and 
 Corinth. Such was the result of the second crusade, the 
 advocates of which accused Manuel of having connived with 
 the Turks for the overthrow of the Latins. Even were these 
 allegations true, we could hardly blame the emperor for 
 adopting this policy toward those who, while calling them- 
 selves soldiers of the cross, robbed the Christians, plotted for 
 the capture of their capital, and laid waste the most flour- 
 ishing cities of Hellas. In fact, the incidents immediately 
 following will show that mediaeval Hellenism required no aid 
 from western Europe for the overthrow of the Turks. 
 
 While Manuel Comnenus was engaged in war with 
 Roger, having dispatched an army to Sicily to punish him 
 for his depredations, he gained at the same time many splen- 
 did victories over the Turks in Asia. In 1156 he compelled 
 the famous Nureddin, before whom the Franks in Syria 
 trembled, to sue for peace, and to return all his Christian 
 captives (six thousand Franks and Germans, the miserable 
 remnants of the second crusade), and to promise that he 
 would follow the monarch of Constantinople in his wars
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 383 
 
 against Asia. In 1158 he forced the sultan of Iconium to 
 accept the same conditions, and besides to surrender all the 
 fortifications which he had captured since the beginning of 
 the reign of Manuel. Who can doubt therefore that, if it 
 had not been for the injury inflicted by the crusades, med- 
 iaeval Hellenism would have early freed itself from the 
 Mohammedans? Unfortunately, the incessant attacks of 
 Europe, while they diminished the resources and weakened 
 the forces of the empire, at the same time increased the 
 bitter enmity felt in the East toward the Latins. The re- 
 sources of the Hellenic power had become greatly enfee- 
 bled. Asia Minor, which for about eight hundred years had 
 been its principal support, was now almost entirely ruled 
 by the Turks ; and Hellenism, thus attacked on both sides, 
 could with difficulty maintain its political union. Besides, 
 the Bulgarians had revolted and recovered their liberty, and 
 thus the empire was deprived of one of its most fertile prov- 
 inces. 
 
 The Crusaders in Constantinople. 
 
 In 1180 the last great Comnenus died, and the throne, 
 after a short anarchy, was occupied by the dynasty of the 
 Angeli, who did not show themselves equal to the emergency. 
 Many provinces were gradually detached from the empire, 
 and Pontus and Paphlagonia formed an independent kingdom 
 under a Greek hegemon. In the midst of these events, two 
 new thunderbolts successively fell from the West the third 
 and fourth crusades. 
 
 The overthrow of the Christian authority in Syria and 
 the capture of Jerusalem on the 3d of October, 1187, by 
 Saladin, the sultan of Egypt, called forth these movements. 
 The third crusade did comparatively little harm to the em- 
 pire, and it was at first supposed that the fourth would have 
 been carried out in much the same spirit, since it was de- 
 cided to transport the army to Egypt, and begin operations 
 there against the Saracens. But Dandolo, doge of Venice,
 
 384 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 who was at enmity with the Byzantine court, prevailed upon 
 the leaders of the crusaders to attack the Queen City of the 
 East. 
 
 Certain events had occurred in Constantinople well cal- 
 culated to facilitate the designs of Dandolo. The various 
 misfortunes which the empire had sustained for so long a 
 time, not from the Turks, but from the Christians of south- 
 ern Europe, began, as we already know, to exert an evil 
 influence on the character of its rulers. The glorious days 
 of the reformation, of the Macedonian dynasty, and of the 
 Comneni had passed. Andronicus, younger son of Isaac and 
 grandson of Alexius Comnenus, was certainly not without 
 eminent military abilities ; but, having put to death the suc- 
 cessor of Manuel, Alexius II, he plunged recklessly into 
 every sort of crime. He was deposed, and, after a thousand 
 blows and outrages, was hung by the feet between two pil- 
 lars by order of Isaac Angelus (1185-1195), who, however, 
 was altogether unfit for the highest command. His brother 
 Alexius III deposed him, and besides deprived him of his 
 sight. But the son of Isaac, also called Alexius (IV), hav- 
 ing escaped from Constantinople, came in 1201 to Pope In- 
 nocent III and to King Philip II of France, imploring the 
 strong protection of both against his uncle the usurper, and 
 promising in return the union of the churches without con- 
 ditions, the submission of his people to the supremacy of the 
 Roman church, and his assistance in the recovery of the 
 Holy Land. He engaged to recompense the labors and mer- 
 its of the crusaders by the immediate payment of two hun- 
 dred thousand marks of silver, to accompany them in person 
 to Egypt, or, if it should be judged more advantageous, to 
 maintain during a year ten thousand men, and during his 
 life five hundred knights, for service in the Holy Land. 
 
 The Venetians, who, under the pretense of espousing the 
 cause of the youthful Alexius, concealed a sinister motive of 
 plunder and revenge, vigorously pressed the departure of the
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 385 
 
 fleet and the army. No resistance was offered by the Byzan- 
 tine monarch to the passage of the fleet through the Hellenic 
 seas ; and, after a prosperous voyage, the crusaders reposed 
 for nine days in Scutari, the Asiatic suburb of Constanti- 
 nople (A. D. 1203). Had a man been seated on the throne 
 of Constantinople, the undertaking would have failed. The 
 crusaders and the Venetians hardly numbered twenty thou- 
 sand men. Not many years before Manuel Comnenus had 
 repeatedly defeated the Hungarians in Thessaly, the Nor- 
 mans in Korkyra, and the Turks in Asia Minor and Syria. 
 The Norman army of eighty thousand, after having captured 
 Durazzo and Thessaly, suffered a total overthrow not far 
 from the spot where the crusaders were now encamped. But 
 Alexius III was the most worthless of men, and after a 
 short resistance he fled from his capital about the middle of 
 July ; and the adherents of the blind Isaac hereupon hast- 
 ened to proclaim both him and his son Alexius IV emperors. 
 Alexius IV finding himself unable to pay the money he 
 had promised, the commanders of the Western army " official- 
 ly " declared war against him toward the end of November, 
 1203. The siege lasted five months, and that great city, 
 which since its foundation for nine hundred years had de- 
 fied all attacks, had accumulated treasures from the whole 
 world, and had preserved intact the best masterpieces of 
 ancient art and intellect, fell on April 12, 1204, and became 
 for four whole days subject to the most ruthless violence 
 and devastation. The crusaders scattered about the city, 
 plundering everything that aroused their cupidity gold, 
 silver, precious stones, and silks. They invaded not only 
 the mansions of the rich, but even the houses of the poor. 
 The sight of booty inflamed their avarice, and the intoxica- 
 tion of victory knew no bounds. Religious, national, polit- 
 ical, commercial, and social passions, nourished for so many 
 centuries, combined with their buccaneering propensities in 
 giving full vent to their lawlessness* The slaughter does
 
 386 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 not seem to have been proportionate to the other devasta- 
 tion. One thousand citizens are said to have been butchered 
 the first day, but no one knows how many were sacrificed 
 on the three following days. The survivors were much more 
 unfortunate than the dead ; for not only were they robbed 
 of everything, but were insulted and violated by the con- 
 querors, who revered neither women, churches, nor tombs. 
 The sight which the suburbs of Byzantium presented during 
 those terrible days was not less heartrending than the scenes 
 within the walls. Thousands of fugitives thronged the high- 
 ways around the city, naked and hopeless, yet deeming them- 
 selves happy to preserve life and the honor of their families. 
 But devastation, violence, and murder were not the only 
 means by which the Western conquerors wreaked their ven- 
 geance on the unfortunate city. The barbarians did not 
 spare even the works of art which adorned the streets, pal- 
 aces, and public buildings works many of which had come 
 from the inspired hands of Pheidias and Praxiteles. Finally, 
 after the storm began to subside, Baldwin, count of Flan- 
 ders, was elected emperor of the East, and seated the Vene- 
 tian Thomas Morosini on the ecclesiastical throne. 
 
 Organization of the Latin Empire. 
 
 Thus was realized the ancient dream of the West for the 
 conquest of Constantinople, and the submission of mediaeval 
 Hellenism to the church of Rome. But in what way was 
 Europe benefited ? The conquerors sought to introduce two 
 regulations altogether foreign and irreconcilable to the opin- 
 ions and customs of the Eastern world the papal supremacy 
 and the feudal system. The experience of centuries had 
 shown that Hellenism would never consent to acknowledge 
 the despotism of the pope of Rome, regarding this as the 
 surrender of its nationality and language. The feudal sys- 
 tem only resulted in a diminution of the resources of the em-
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 387 
 
 pire. The emperor was considered the highest magistrate, 
 but his immediate authority was limited to the districts of 
 Asia Minor and Thrace. To the Italian Boniface, marquis 
 of Montferrat, were allotted Macedonia, Thessaly, and Hel- 
 las proper, which formed the so-called kingdom of Thessaly, 
 but which later came into civil war with the emperor. The 
 Peloponnesus, which was surrendered to the Venetians, was 
 forcibly seized by the nephew of Godfrey of Bouillon, who 
 was one of the most distinguished leaders of the fourth 
 crusade. The Venetians in reality held in the Peloponnesus 
 only Methone and Korone, but became directly or indirectly 
 masters of all the islands, besides appropriating one half of 
 the capital. 
 
 By such political and ecclesiastical regulations it was not 
 possible to found a lasting empire in the East. To this 
 strange structure of western Europe Hellenism, though at 
 first worsted, finally proved itself in every way superior. 
 Theodore Laskaris, one of the last brave defenders of Con- 
 stantinople, having crossed over to Asia Minor and collected 
 at Prusa a large number of exiles, declared war at once 
 against the conquerors. A synod of political and ecclesias- 
 tical rulers congregated at Nikaea (Nice) in 1206, proclaimed 
 him emperor, and founded on that coast and the adjacent 
 islands an important power, which continued fighting both 
 against the Franks and the Turks, with whom the Latins 
 who had come to the East to free the Christians from the 
 yoke of the Mohammedans did not hesitate to cooperate. It 
 is hardly necessary to say that, in opposition to the anarchy 
 introduced by the Latins, there prevailed at Nikaea a definite 
 political and ecclesiastical union, which was the peculiar char- 
 acteristic of the mediaeval Hellenism. 
 
 The standard of revolt was at the same time raised in 
 the European provinces by Michael Angelus Comnenus, who 
 founded an independent kingdom extending on the north as 
 far as Durazzo, and on the south as far as Naupaktus, includ-
 
 388 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 ing also Thessaly on the west. Theodore, the brother and 
 successor of Michael, also maintained a successful warfare 
 against the Latins, Bulgarians, and Servians. 
 
 ^Recovery of Constantinople. 
 
 Finally, on the 26th of July, 1261, Michael Palaeologus, 
 with eight hundred horsemen and a few foot-soldiers, re- 
 covered Constantinople itself almost without battle. Pa- 
 Iseologus found Constantinople for the most part in ruins, 
 and with a scanty population. The ancient, splendid, and 
 rich capital, which but sixty years before was full of trea- 
 sures accumulated by the commerce, industry, art, intelli- 
 gence, and conquests of the most powerful and richest of 
 monarchies, had disappeared during the days when the Bald- 
 wins, Bonifaces, and Dandolos burned it, pillaged its pal- 
 aces, plundered its churches, and cut down and converted 
 into cheap coin the bronze of the priceless masterpieces of 
 Praxiteles and Pheidias. The subsequent anarchy and want 
 of security drove from the capital art, industry, and com- 
 merce. The Venetians, who had in the mean time made 
 Krete the bridge, as it were, of their commerce between the 
 West and the East, caused such disorder elsewhere that Con- 
 stantinople became difficult of approach, if not inaccessible 
 to all commercial relations. The islands and the coasts were 
 changed into piratical headquarters, while the rulers of Eu- 
 rope, and even the duke of Athens, maintained piratical 
 fleets. Indeed, their audacity reached such a height, that 
 many of their "officials" declared themselves beyond the 
 attacks of fortune, and constantly recited the phrase of Ovid, 
 "Major sum quam cui possit fortuna nocere" Soon the 
 Seljuks began to attack the islands and coasts held by the 
 Christians, and often committed fearful slaughters. During 
 the first half of the fourteenth century Nicholas I, duke of 
 Naxos, was forced to implore the aid of the Palaeologi, because 
 within a few years the Turks had carried away, exiled, and
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 389 
 
 slaughtered fifteen thousand men from his dependent islands. 
 The Venetians, unable to suppress the evil, finally concluded 
 an alliance with the Turks, and in 1331 more than twenty- 
 five thousand Greeks, and not a few Latins, in Attica and 
 elsewhere, were reduced to slavery. In May and July, 1332, 
 three hundred and eighty Turkish ships, with forty thousand 
 men, perpetrated murders beyond enumeration, and piti- 
 lessly pillaged the Hellenic islands and the coasts of Asia 
 Minor. 
 
 How was it possible, therefore, for the commerce of Con- 
 stantinople to flourish ? The Palaeologi certainly did not 
 remain idle, but their efforts were for the most part thwarted, 
 because the Western nations were opposed to the reestablished 
 Hellenic empire. On the other hand, the Palaeologi could 
 have limited the authority of the foreigners, but were afraid 
 lest they should unite with the Turks, who did not cease, 
 throughout the thirteenth century and the earlier part of the 
 fourteenth, to assail the empire. In fact, did not the popes 
 urge anew the expediency of recovering Constantinople? 
 Did not Urban IV promise in 1264 forgiveness of sins to 
 those who would join the crusades? The representatives 
 of western Europe therefore, while unable themselves to 
 create a strong empire in the East, were not willing that the 
 Greeks should strengthen their authority, until finally the 
 Turks, profiting by this state of affairs, seized all the Euro- 
 pean provinces of the empire. But, however feeble this 
 resuscitated Hellenism may have been, it was for a time 
 more vigorous than any of the western systems. No just 
 critic can deny the splendid energies which that Hellenism 
 displayed even in its decline. While compelled to oppose 
 so many powerful enemies, yet for more than one hundred 
 years it successfully withstood around the walls of Constan- 
 tinople the persistent attacks of the Turks. Then, indeed, it 
 fell, but fell with a heroism worthy of its most illustrious 
 days.
 
 390 BYZANTINE HELLENISM. 
 
 \ 
 Fatt of Constantinople. 
 
 Constantinople was surrounded on land by one hundred 
 and sixty thousand warriors, and on the sea by one hundred 
 and fifty ships, while only seven thousand men and twenty- 
 six vessels undertook the defense of its long walls. The 
 famous Mohammed II led the Turks ; he was a young man, 
 not yet twenty-six, but brave, stern, with features that sel- 
 dom relaxed into a smile, persistent, daring, and fond of 
 glory. He had at his command abundant resources, because 
 he already controlled half of Asia Minor, all of Bulgaria, 
 Servia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessaly, most of Epirus, 
 and a part of Albania. Opposed to him stood the last em- 
 peror of mediaeval Hellenism, Constantine XIII Palaeologus 
 (1448-1453), with his devoted army numbering less than one 
 twentieth of the force of the enemy, without means of re- 
 placing the fallen, and abandoned by the entire world. For 
 about two months this unequal combat lasted. The Hellenic 
 flotilla repeatedly drove back the numberless ships of the 
 enemy, and many a time the brave defenders of the capital 
 repulsed from their walls the assaults of Mohammed, and 
 frustrated his attempts. On the morning of the 29th of 
 May, 1453, the decisive engagement took place. Constan- 
 tine, who already within four hours had repelled four suc- 
 cessive attacks, suddenly saw the enemy pushing through a 
 side entrance, which had carelessly remained unguarded, and 
 himself surrounded on all sides. He understood at once that 
 no hope of safety remained. Spurring his horse, he plunged 
 into the thickest of the battle, while " the blood ran in tor- 
 rents from his hands and feet." At length the besieged 
 were forced to succumb to the constantly increasing numbers 
 of the enemy, and the emperor and the city fell before the 
 might of the Turk. The pillage lasted for three days, but 
 the actual slaughter was not very great. At first all were 
 killed without discrimination, both those resisting and those
 
 THE LATIN AND TURKISH CONQUESTS. 391 
 
 fleeing men, women, and children ; but shortly afterward 
 avarice supplanted revenge, and the victors sought to secure 
 as many captives as possible, that they might enrich them- 
 selves by their ransom. The captives thus taken amounted 
 to about sixty thousand, while not more than three thousand 
 persons were slaughtered. We may thus justly surmise that 
 the population of Constantinople at the time of its over- 
 throw was about seventy or eighty thousand, but few of 
 whom succeeded in effecting their escape. 
 
 History records many events which at first sight seem 
 more tragic than the capture of Constantinople ; but in real- 
 ity no one of the great historic conquests entailed conse- 
 quences so disastrous. By this victory, not only the cap- 
 tured city fell, not only was the empire abolished and the 
 nation enslaved ; but for a long time an entire civilization 
 disappeared, and the fairest portions of the world passed 
 under the sway of the most brutal and savage of barbarians. 
 The Turkish conquest not only eradicated every trace of 
 civilization in the East, but deprived the western nations of 
 the various advantages which would have accrued to them 
 had Hellenism preserved its autonomy. When finally the 
 Turkish power was limited and humbled, its weakness be- 
 came not less troublesome than its former strength had been ; 
 and even at the present day all Europe is perplexed, not 
 knowing what steps to take for the eradication or correction 
 of the evil which in an unlucky hour she herself permitted to 
 be established in the East.
 
 PAET TWELFTH. 
 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 TURKISH RULE. 
 
 BY the fall of Constantinople, a nation possessed of a pro- 
 found conviction of its fitness for preeminence, endowed with 
 a peculiar firmness of character, and a lively recollection of 
 its former grandeur, found itself by the ruling principle of 
 the state excluded from all power and condemned to servi- 
 tude. The occurrences in the East during the Turkish su- 
 premacy find a parallel in the history of no other country. 
 The Greeks and the Slavs were the chief nations that suc- 
 cumbed to the Turkish yoke during the fifteenth century. 
 Four hundred years have since elapsed, but to this day both 
 Slav and Greek preserve their own nationality, speak their 
 own languages, have their own history and their own politi- 
 cal energies, and nourish an inextinguishable yearning for 
 liberty. How different from the course of events in France, 
 Spain, Italy, England, and Ireland ! The inhabitants of 
 these countries also were conquered by foreign invasions, 
 but gradually victors and vanquished united and formed one 
 nation, speaking one and the same tongue. Such a com- 
 mingling never took place, nor could it have occurred, in the 
 East, principally on account of the differences of language 
 and religion. The languages of the Franks, Goths, Lorn-
 
 TURKISH RULE. 393 
 
 bards, and Normans, though different from those of the peo- 
 ples they had subjugated, had a certain original and radical 
 relationship to them, belonging to the same family of the 
 Indo-Germanic tribes, and thus easily assimilated in each 
 case into one tongue. But the Turkish belongs to a separate 
 system, presenting no analogy whatever to the Indo-European 
 idioms ; and on this account every approach toward union 
 was antagonistic to the fundamental laws of speech. Dif- 
 ference of religion also placed an insurmountable barrier be- 
 tween the Greek and the Turk. The opposing principles of 
 the Koran and the Gospel are well known. We need, there- 
 fore, not inquire further how this antagonism is connected 
 with tha inherent truth of one faith and the falsehood of the 
 other. Enough that it is so, and that this difference marks 
 the distinctive character of the two systems. Each of the 
 two religions produced a civil society varied and distinct. 
 Marriage, family and social relations, calendar everything 
 in the two was separate and antagonistic, allowing no mu- 
 tual concessions destined to bring about an amalgamation. 
 Hence it is evident how vain were the hopes, which Eu- 
 rope for so long a time indulged, of securing an equality 
 of rights for the Christians of Turkey. No promise or will 
 of the sultan is able to overcome the opinions and prejudices 
 which religious fanaticism and long supremacy have imparted 
 to the Mussulmans. Again, what in the ancient Roman em- 
 pire appears only as a judicial hypothesis namely, that the 
 actual property in land belongs either to the state or the em- 
 peror, and only its occupation and use to the individual is 
 in the Ottoman empire a positive reality, grounded on the 
 religious belief that " alt the land belongs to the caliph, the 
 shadow and vicegerent of God on earth." Whatever changes 
 may have been effected in more peaceful times, this principle 
 has remained in force, as it was fixed from the first. The 
 entire extent of the Ottoman empire was, in the eighteenth 
 century, as well as in the sixteenth, parceled out among the
 
 394 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 Tiraarlia and Spahis, of whom there are said to have been 
 one hundred and thirty-two thousand. 
 
 The only possible mode of assimilation would have been 
 the complete absorption of the conquered by the conquerors. 
 In fact, the Turks strove to draw the Christians to them- 
 selves, and in reality did draw not a few, either by force 
 or through the advantages which the followers of Islam 
 enjoyed. To this end the sultan Selim I issued a decree 
 ordering that the army of the janizaries should be recruited 
 only from the tribute of male children which was levied once 
 in every four years on the Christian Greeks. This tribute of 
 blood was imposed chiefly on the European provinces of the 
 empire Albania, Hellas, and later Hungary. The wretched 
 inhabitants thought that they could escape this misfortune 
 by marrying their children at the age of eight, nine, or ten ; 
 but this stratagem availed them nothing, because even then 
 they were forcibly carried away. It is no wonder, there- 
 fore, that often the unhappy mothers raised their hands to 
 Heaven, praying to the Most High to recall their children 
 to Him, that they might thus escape the oppression of the 
 infidels. The janizaries were originally celibate soldiers, 
 vowed to the service of the prophet and the sultan, forming 
 the peculiar instrument of Ottoman conquest. The child- 
 tribute was abolished by the Porte in 1687, partly because 
 agriculture could not spare so many able-bodied laborers, 
 partly because the janizaries had acquired not only the right 
 to marry, but also, from 1566, the right to enroll their sons 
 in the corps, and had become jealous of admitting the Greek 
 tribute-children. It would be easy to argue that the child- 
 tribute was really after all a benefit to the Hellenes. No 
 doubt it opened to many individuals far more prosperous 
 careers than they could have had in their villages. Very 
 possibly some struggling parents may have been well content 
 to have a son taken off their hands on such terms. It is not 
 so easy to say how many homes that tribute must have left
 
 TURKISH RULE. 395 
 
 desolate, how many hearts it must have broken ; and most 
 certainly it was fatal to all the better hopes of the nation. 
 The manhood of a tormented people can withstand every 
 plague of Egypt save the last ; but there could be no future 
 for Greece while every household in the land where the voice 
 of children was heard lay under the continual shadow of a 
 power more appalling than the Angel of Death a power 
 which not only rent asunder the bonds of national loyalty 
 and of natural affection, but forced parent and child alike 
 to believe that in this world and in the world to come they 
 were divided by an impassable abyss.* 
 
 Thus neither an amalgamation of victors and vanquished 
 ever took place in the East, nor an absorption of the latter 
 by the former. The Christians remained separated, and 
 necessarily preserved their language and nationality, and 
 the lands they inhabited. But other considerations besides 
 tended to render this separation much more complete. The 
 Turks granted neither justice nor security of life and prop- 
 erty to the Christians ; they took no measures for the edu- 
 cation of their subjects, and wholly neglected the salutary 
 regulations through which agriculture, industry, and com- 
 merce are promoted. They refused even to rule the Chris- 
 tians, and left them to their own resources, on condition 
 only that they should furnish the oppressive taxes demanded 
 from them. " Oppress them," it is said in the Koran con- 
 cerning the infidels, " until they pay poll-tax and are hum- 
 bled." Every male from seven years of age upward is sub- 
 ject to this tax. The tes&eres, or stamped receipts, serve 
 at once as proofs of acknowledged submission, as certifi- 
 cates for protection, and as passports for those by whom 
 they are received. And yet these despised and persecuted 
 Christians were steadily increasing in number, while their 
 haughty tyrants suffered from a decline in population ; the 
 former were rich, the latter poor ; the former were edu- 
 
 * See Jebb's " Modern Greece."
 
 396 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 cated, the latter became daily more ignorant ; until, after 
 the lapse of three hundred and fifty years, during the pres- 
 ent century both Slavs and Greeks, having risen in insur- 
 rection and often defeated the Turks in the open field, forced 
 them to grant important concessions. The contest still con- 
 tinues, and must continue until it results in the entire aboli- 
 tion of the now enfeebled Turkish authority in Europe. 
 
 Hellenism, nationally considered, remained so unchanged 
 during the Turkish rule, that we may justly assert that the 
 nation which organized the last revolution in nowise differed 
 in its fundamental principles from the nation which was 
 forced to succumb to the yoke. The Turk and the Greek 
 remained as distinct and separate from each other as water 
 and oil. Regarded, therefore, in its national associations, 
 modern Hellenism is the same as that of the fourteenth cen- 
 tury. Morally, intellectually, and numerically it suffered a 
 few changes ; but nationally it underwent no change what- 
 ever. Nor did the foreign blood, introduced before and 
 after the fall of Constantinople, produce any marked effect. 
 When, during the fourteenth century, the foreign elements 
 were at their height, and desired to make known their own 
 military achievements to the people of the East, they wrote 
 the "Annals of the Peloponnesus," not in the Slavic, Al- 
 banian, or Bulgarian tongue, but in the Hellenic. When 
 again the Hellenes, from the fifteenth century onward, sought 
 to glorify their incessant struggles for liberty, their national 
 songs were composed in that immortal language spoken on 
 the mountains of Hellas. Throughout the entire period of 
 Turkish rule the church, the political rulers, and the learn- 
 ing that survived, from the northernmost boundaries of 
 Thrace and Macedonia to the extreme southern promon- 
 tory of Hellas, throughout the islands and all the western 
 coasts of Asia Minor, employed the Hellenic. Great igno- 
 rance of course prevailed for a long time among the van- 
 quished, because most of the learned men during the fif-
 
 TURKISH RULE. 397 
 
 teenth century emigrated either to Europe or to the Hellenic 
 islands still occupied by the Venetians. Thus, while Hellenic 
 learning was kindled both in Italy and France, and continued 
 to develop itself in the islands, in the continental countries 
 of the East, on the contrary, the schools disappeared for 
 Want of teachers. The terrible anomalies of the fifteenth 
 and sixteenth centuries did not permit the establishment of 
 any systematic scheme of education, so that the Hellenic 
 nation was deprived for two hundred years of every means 
 of intellectual progress. But in the seventeenth century, 
 through the foresight and energy of the community founded 
 by Hellenic fugitives in Venice, schools were established in 
 Athens and Janina. The national spirit was thus strength- 
 ened, and the manner in which many of the teachers ex- 
 plained the ancient texts especially tended to inspire the 
 youth with devotion to their fatherland and a yearning for 
 the recovery of liberty. As the mediaeval Hellenism, in the 
 acme of its power and prosperity, gained fresh vigor by its 
 association with the ancient, thus elevating and embellishing 
 both its public and its private life ; so the modern Hellenism, 
 in its deepest misfortunes, turned to the same sources in 
 order to regenerate its forces and its hopes. In fact, the 
 oppressed nation recalled more often the brilliant annals of 
 the past, and remembered with a far more passionate enthu- 
 siasm its ancestral glory, than did mediaeval Hellenism, occu- 
 pied with the preservation and regulation of its own su- 
 premacy.
 
 398 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE GREEK BEVOLUTION. 
 
 General Survey. 
 
 THE revolution of 1821 was the most national of all the 
 revolts against the Turkish authority. Its success was 
 mainly due to the efforts of the Pheleke ITetceria, or Society 
 of Friends, organized by three business men, who conceived 
 the plan of uniting the scattered nation and offering a com- 
 bined and effective resistance to Turkish oppression. No 
 people in the history of humanity had suffered such direful 
 persecutions. Neither the complete submission of the van- 
 quished, nor the payment of the taxes or of the tribute of 
 blood, satiated the savage cruelty of the Turk. The arch- 
 bishops and bishops of the church were hanged like the worst 
 of malefactors in Constantinople ; hundreds of Christians 
 were butchered in the churches of Smyrna ; hundreds of pa- 
 triots were roasted to death in Attica, Euboea, and elsewhere. 
 No family was safe ; no woman dared appear in the streets ; 
 nobody's life was secure, because a Turk was promoted in pro- 
 portion to the Christians he could claim for his victims. Is 
 it a wonder, therefore, that the nation finally arose with the 
 determination to free itself from the tyrants, or die in the at- 
 tempt ? Or need we enumerate the heroic deeds and suffer- 
 ings of this great revolt ? More than two hundred thousand 
 Greeks, according to the lowest calculation, without arms 
 and non-combatants, were mercilessly butchered by the un- 
 exampled ferocity of the Turks. But the revenge of the 
 survivors was indeed terrible. An equal number of Mussul- 
 mans fell in the battles fought on land and sea ; a whole 
 fleet of frigates and other men-of-war was blown to pieces 
 along the coast. New names were inscribed on the scroll of
 
 THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 399 
 
 Hellenic heroes, whose memory will survive as long as his- 
 tory itself endures. The devotion to the fatherland sur- 
 passed every human measure. Finally, the Christian nations 
 of Europe, comprehending that the coexistence of the ty- 
 rants and the oppressed was impossible, decided to sacrifice 
 the principle of the inviolability of the Turkish empire. 
 But, yielding still to ancient customs and unpardonable hesi- 
 tations, they stipulated for the autonomy only of a small 
 portion of the Hellenic countries, and again placed under the 
 Turkish supremacy Thessaly, Epirus, Macedonia, and Thrace, 
 in which provinces had taken place some of the most heroic 
 achievements of the revolution. The soil of Macedonia was 
 wet with the blood of her warriors at Galateia and Kassan- 
 dra, around Athos, Niausa, and elsewhere. 
 
 The battles of Niausa were the most bloody of modern 
 Hellenic history. There fell more than fourteen thousand 
 Turks and not less than ten thousand Hellenes. When finally 
 the Macedonians were forced to retreat, they effected, under 
 the heroes Karatassos, Gatsos, and Marco Botsaris, the ever- 
 memorable march through Thessaly ; and, having united 
 with the warriors of Pindus, they forced their way to Epirus 
 to assist their brethren who were fighting at Peta and Su- 
 lion. For three years the Thessalians of Magnesia waged 
 a bloody contest, and even besieged Volos. Forced to raise 
 the siege on the approach of the vast army of Dramales, 
 they continued the struggle around Magnesia, and inflicted 
 many defeats on the enemy, especially during the summer of 
 1821. About that time, Euboaa having been occupied by the 
 Turks, the Macedonians retired into the interior of Hellas, 
 where they did not cease until the end of the revolution 
 to risk their lives for the liberty of the nation. Nor must 
 we pass over without mention the heroic destruction of Psa- 
 ra, the bloody fate of Kassos, and the ever-famous deeds of 
 the Kretans from the beginning to the end of the revolu- 
 tion.
 
 400 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 In the midst of these long trials and sufferings, the Hel- 
 lenic nation has always proved itself worthy of admiration. 
 Having for so long a time, in the preparation of this work, 
 lived both in heart and mind with the ancient, the mediae- 
 val, and the modern Hellenism, I may say that in devotion 
 and endurance the nation has never shown itself so brilliant 
 as during those years of suffering not even during the ever- 
 memorable Persian invasions. The death of Leonidas, the 
 patriotism of the Athenians, the battle of Salamis, were cer- 
 tainly great deeds ; but that crisis lasted only three months, 
 while during this last rebellion the struggle continued for 
 about ten years. Many a fortification was forced to succumb 
 before superior numbers, such as the Palaeokastro, the Neo- 
 kastro, and the acropolis of Athens ; but the Hellenes re- 
 mained ever faithful to the national cause. Women, children, 
 and old men fled to the mountains, to caves, and to shoals ; 
 they were hungry and thirsty, shivered and died ; were sold 
 as slaves, lashed, and tortured ; but they were never subdued, 
 and they never surrendered. The soldiers met the enemy 
 in despair ; they died, were taken captives, or saved them- 
 selves as best they could ; but they never gave up their arms. 
 It would certainly be impossible to give a connected history 
 of this great rebellion in our remaining space ; but by nar- 
 rating a few of its most striking features the reader will be 
 enabled to form a fair idea of the sacrifices by which the 
 Hellenes obtained their liberty. 
 
 The Fall of Mesolonghi. 
 
 In the beginning of 1825 the revolution was, in the lan- 
 guage of Mr. Mavrokordatos (one of its foremost champions, 
 and the president of the temporary Hellenic government), 
 " in a flourishing condition." Throughout the year 1824 the 
 enemy made only one expedition against eastern Hellas, and 
 was driven back with severe loss. On the sea also were per- 
 formed some brilliant exploits. The fleets of Constantino-
 
 THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 401 
 
 pie and Alexandria were repeatedly worsted, and several of 
 their ships were blown to atoms ; fifty transport-vessels were 
 taken, sunk, or destroyed ; more than four thousand sailors 
 were either captured or killed, and about five hundred Arabs 
 of the regular army were carried captives to Nauplia, at that 
 time the capital of the Hellenic government. The French 
 ambassador at Constantinople wrote to his government on 
 the 3d of December, 1824 : " The brilliant feats which the 
 revolutionists have accomplished during this year have 
 strengthened the work of their regeneration." A closer 
 examination of affairs, however, could easily discern the 
 storm ready to burst upon the long-suffering nation. Sultan 
 Mahmoud, despairing of overcoming the Hellenes, intrusted 
 their overthrow to Mehemet AH of Egypt. The eagerness 
 with which Mehemet undertook this order foreboded his 
 determination to put an end to the revolution. He at once 
 dispatched against Hellas a military force altogether differ- 
 ent from the Albanian and Asiatic hordes with which the 
 Greeks had contended for the last four years. During the 
 years 1825-1827, therefore, affairs changed altogether. The 
 revolution now had to contend against a regular army, well 
 organized and admirably conducted. The daring, intelli- 
 gent, and stubborn commander of this army, Ibrahim Pasha, 
 was sustained by the abundant resources of Egypt, and by 
 a fleet which maintained constant communication between 
 Alexandria and the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Shortly after the arrival of Ibrahim in the Peloponnesus 
 about the end of April, 1825 began the siege of Meso- 
 longhi, the most glorious achievement on land of the revo- 
 lution. Anticipating an attack, Mavrokordatos had in 1824 
 considerably strengthened this fortress. The ditch was dug 
 deeper, and the surrounding ground was fortified with 
 trenches and redoubts, while the islet called Basilaki, which 
 formed a sort of advance rampart between the coast and the 
 sea, was defended by six cannon. To this island were con- 
 38
 
 402 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 veyed more than two thousand of the women and children. 
 There were still left in Mesolonghi twelve thousand inhabi- 
 tants, four thousand of whom consisted of the best warriors 
 of Epirus, JEtolia, and Akarnania. About one thousand of 
 the others could bear arms. The siege was carried on by the 
 combined forces of Ibrahim and Redshid, the latter com- 
 manding the irregulars, and reported to have been a daring 
 and resolute officer. Several assaults had already been made 
 and repulsed, when the Greek admirals Miaules and Sach- 
 toures sailed bravely through the Turkish fleet and provi- 
 sioned the city. On the Tth of August of the following 
 year, the hero Kitsos Tsavellas entered Mesolonghi with his 
 devoted band of Suliots, and strengthened the hopes of the 
 garrison. Meanwhile, Miaules defeated the Turkish fleet 
 (January, 1826), and again provisioned the city. About the 
 middle of February two successive assaults were made, but 
 both were repulsed with great loss to the enemy. The peril 
 of the city, however, was greatly increased when thirty-two 
 Turkish boats entered the lake and occupied the islet. Here- 
 upon the English governor of the Ionian Islands, Frederick 
 Adams, offered to mediate ; but the champions of Hellas, 
 however desperate their situation might have been, proudly 
 refused his intervention. 
 
 On the 25th of May a desperate assault was made by 
 Redshid and his Albanians against Kleisova, an isolated spot 
 distant about a mile from Mesolonghi, and defended by one 
 hundred and thirty warriors under Kitsos Tsavellas, whose 
 name sends a thrill to this day through every Hellenic heart. 
 A terrific encounter ensued, during which the Turks presented 
 their bayonets, and the Greeks bore down upon them with 
 their swords. In less than an hour six hundred of the assail- 
 ants lay upon the field of battle, and at length Redshid, hav- 
 ing been wounded, was forced to retreat. Ibrahim laughed 
 at the defeat of his fellow commander, and said, " You will 
 presently see how my Arabs will capture these Greeks." He
 
 THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 403 
 
 at once ordered Hussein Bey, a daring Turkish officer, who 
 had already reduced Krete, Kassos, Sphakteria, and many 
 provinces in Hellas, to lead the Arabs against Kleisova. Was 
 it possible that the place, defended as it was by a handful 
 of Greeks, should not succumb ? But Kitsos Tsavellas was 
 still there, and the Arabs were also driven back with the 
 loss of eight hundred of their number. Hussein Bey him- 
 self was mortally wounded in the forehead by the never- 
 failing shot of the hero Tsavellas. . 
 
 Provisions at length began to fail. Miaules appeared 
 again on the horizon ; but fifty-seven Turkish frigates and 
 a large number of other vessels vigilantly barred every 
 approach, and the Greek admiral was forced to withdraw. 
 Meantime a terrific fire was kept up incessantly upon Meso- 
 longhi ; its defenders were forced to feed on rats, skins, and 
 sea-weeds ; no medical assistance whatever was obtainable. 
 A few hundred defenders only had fallen in battle, while 
 thousands of Turks were lying in the lake and before the 
 city ; but out of the twelve thousand inhabitants, three 
 thousand had already perished from hunger and disease. 
 An English officer who was a witness of the siege said after- 
 ward, " I do not know which to admire more, the stubborn- 
 ness of the Turks or the bravery of the Greeks." But the 
 last hour of this fierce conflict was at hand. " You know," 
 said one of the interpreters of the Sublime Porte to the Turks 
 " you know that tne Greeks never surrender." They did 
 not, indeed, surrender ; but on the night of the 10th of April 
 they resolved to cut their way through the Turkish lines, 
 hoping that the women and children, in the confusion, would 
 be able to follow in their footsteps. But they did not find 
 Ibrahim unprepared. The Greeks, dividing into two col- 
 umns, with a loud shout rushed forward, sword in hand. 
 Neither the yataghans of the Albanians nor the bayonets 
 of the Arabs for a moment stopped their resistless onset. 
 Those incomparable champions of liberty dashed forward
 
 404 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 over ditches, traverses, and redoubts. But while they cov- 
 ered the ground with slaughtered Moslems, other divisions 
 of Turks drove back the women and children into the city, 
 where a demoniac sacrifice was perpetrated. The despair 
 of the conquered and the frenzy of the victors joined in a 
 last and furious contest, during which every woman and 
 child died the death of a hero. Rather than surrender, they 
 set fire to their ammunition, and blew up themselves, their 
 city, and the Turks. Those who fought their way through 
 the hostile lines suffered untold hardships ; they were pur- 
 sued by the cavalry, fell into ambuscades, and finally, when 
 they had escaped all these dangers, found neither food nor 
 shelter, for the interior of Hellas was a veritable desert. 
 When at last they reached Salona, they numbered scarcely 
 thirteen hundred men. 
 
 Such a fall was in its results equal to the most brilliant 
 victory. The world was astounded by such heroism, and 
 large supplies of provisions and ammunition were sent to 
 Hellas by the Philhellenic associations of Europe and Amer- 
 ica. This heroism indeed did more toward changing the 
 political policy of England than even the powerful efforts 
 of Lord Byron, who, drawn to Greece by the glorious mem- 
 ories of the past, fell a victim in her cause during the siege 
 of Mesolonghi. Whatever may have been the faults of 
 Byron, the Greeks must always speak of him with admira- 
 tion and respect. At the most critical period of her history 
 he brought to Hellas those typical English virtues of which 
 the nation then stood in especial need. He did much toward 
 creating a strong Philhellenic sentiment throughout Europe, 
 contributed generously from his private means to the sup- 
 port of the cause he had espoused, and finally sacrificed for 
 it his life. 
 
 Naval Triumphs. 
 
 The fall of Mesolonghi must serve to illustrate the great 
 struggle on land which the Hellenes single-handed carried
 
 THE GREEK REVOLUTION. 405 
 
 on against the combined forces of Turkey and Egypt. But 
 our account of this remarkable rebellion would be wanting 
 in some of its essential features without a brief description 
 of the naval triumphs gained by the Greeks. 
 
 The naval power of the Sublime Porte was in 1821 much 
 superior to its land forces. Turkey possessed about thirty- 
 five ships of war, some of which, to use the expression cur- 
 rent at that time, were " huge as mountains "; and the sultan 
 had besides at his disposal the naval forces of Algiers, Tunis, 
 Tripoli, and Egypt. The whole Hellenic fleet amounted to 
 about one hundred and fifty small merchantmen, principally 
 owned by private individuals of the islands of Hydra, Spet- 
 zia, and Psara ; but the government did not possess a single 
 man-of-war with which to meet the Turkish adversary. Thus 
 the difference in the relative forces of the combatants was 
 most marked. The daring of the Greeks in fighting, with 
 means so inadequate, the powerful fleet of the Turks, has 
 always aroused the greatest wonder and admiration, and 
 their naval victories have been even more extolled than those 
 achieved on land. 
 
 The Samians, who on many former occasions had sought 
 to incite to insurrection the prosperous but unprepared island 
 of Chios, finally succeeded in their object, and on the 10th 
 of May, 1822, landed on the island about twenty-five hun- 
 dred men. A few days later the Turkish fleet, command- 
 ed by the notorious Kara Ali, reached Chios, disembarked 
 seven thousand men, and forced the Samians to betake them- 
 selves to their vessels, leaving the Turks to plunder and 
 slaughter. Had the Hellenic fleet arrived a few days earlier, 
 Chios would have been saved, because the Greeks had already 
 armed their ships, large and small (each vessel carrying from 
 five to twenty guns), and had by their daring and dexterity 
 often put to flight the Turkish gimboats. For it must not 
 be forgotten that the Hellenic nation, both by nature and 
 position, has from the earliest times to the present shown
 
 406 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 itself preeminently nautical. Chios, before its destruction, 
 had a population of one hundred thousand ; but seven days 
 after the arrival of the bloodthirsty Ali, seventy thousand 
 were slaughtered by his orders, and about ten thousand were 
 sold as glares in the markets of Asia Minor. A few days 
 later the Hellenic fleet, consisting of fifty-six boats, reached 
 the island. A sharp engagement followed, lasting for three 
 hours, but with indecisive results. The two fleets finally 
 separated the Turkish retreating to Chios and the Hellenic 
 to Psara. But a storm was about to succeed this apparent 
 calm. The chief commanders of the Turkish fleet assembled 
 on the 6th of June in the admiral's vessel, to celebrate the 
 Bairam, one of the principal Turkish feasts. The night was 
 dark, and the entire fleet was grandly illuminated. The 
 Greeks, who were anchored at Psara, knew well what was 
 transpiring, and all the circumstances were so favorable for 
 some daring project that it was forthwith decided by Admiral 
 Kanaris "the bravest man of all that modern history re- 
 cords," says of him the French admiral Jurieu de la Graviere 
 to dispatch fire-boats against the Turkish vessels. Kana- 
 ris made fast his fire-boat to the admiral's ship, lighted it, 
 jumped into his skiff, and in a moment's time Kara Ali and 
 two thousand other Turks were blown to atoms. The con- 
 fusion and astonishment that prevailed that night in the 
 harbor beggar description. The Greeks passed undisturbed 
 through the Turkish fleet, and reached Psara without even 
 the loss of one out of the thirty-two men who shared in the 
 daring deed. The Turkish fleet no longer ventured to attack 
 either Psara or Samos, but hastened to escape to the Helles- 
 pont, pursued by the Hellenic boats. Thus was the destruc- 
 tion of Chios avenged by the daring of one man the hero 
 George Kanaris. 
 
 A few months later the Hellenes gained a new triumph ; 
 for Kanaris, hearing that the Turkish fleet was anchored be- 
 tween Tenedos and Troy, hastened with two fire-ships from
 
 THE KINGDOM OF GREECE. 407 
 
 Psara and destroyed the rear-admiral's vessel and eight 
 hundred men. " Kanaris alone," says the admiral of the 
 French man-of-war Fleur de Lis, " never failed in operations 
 of this sort ; a hero capable of moving the hearts of poets, a 
 sailor whom the sailors of all the world will neyer cease to 
 admire. Within six months he destroyed two frigates and 
 three thousand enemies." Another French officer, Raybaud, 
 says : " Kanaris has so much terrified the Turks, that their 
 men-of-war durst not anchor near their opponents ; threat- 
 ened continually, they do not know how to extricate them- 
 selves from the small, light ships which are day and night on 
 the lookout for them." 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE KINGDOM OF GREECE. 
 
 BY such acts of heroism and unprecedented devotion to 
 the cause of liberty, the Greeks finally succeeded in obtain- 
 ing their liberty.* Their intrepidity and sufferings finally 
 awoke from their lethargy the great nations of Europe, and 
 the fleets of England, France, and Russia almost annihi- 
 lated the Turkish fleet in October, 1827, at Navarino, and 
 sanctioned as it were by the blood of the best nations of the 
 earth the autonomy of Hellas. In 1828 the French cleared 
 the Morea (Peloponnesus) of the Ottoman troops ; and in 
 February, 1830, the independence of Greece was fully recog- 
 nized. 
 
 Shortly after the release from the Turkish yoke, the courts 
 of England, France, and Russia took upon themselves the 
 
 * The government of Greece is a constitutional monarchy, but with politi- 
 cal freedom in no respect less than that enjoyed in England.
 
 408 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 responsibility of directing the internal affairs of the king- 
 dom and of framing a constitution for the nation. The Greeks 
 were opposed to the friendly (?) wishes of the powers ; they 
 were opposed to the form of government the powers wished 
 to establish over them ; they were unwilling to have foreign- 
 ers direct the destinies of their nation ; so that in 1842 "The 
 Minerva," a Greek paper published in Athens, used the fol- 
 lowing strong language : "After the lapse of more than ten 
 years [since 1832], and an expenditure of thirty millions of 
 dollars, the interests of the country are so completely neg- 
 lected that to this moment Greece is left with the greatest 
 part of her domain uncultivated ; with her forts filled with 
 mud ; with many of her rich plains and valleys in a state of 
 progressive desolation ; with some few schools and semina- 
 ries of learning supported principally by private contribu- 
 tion, and denied the benefit of a vigilant superintendence ; 
 with churches more fit for stables than for temples of re- 
 ligion ; with a clergy in rags ; with a navy inferior to the 
 one in the days of the revolution ; with a population small 
 enough, and yet diminishing by constant emigration to Tur- 
 key ; with many and rich uniforms, but without a manufac- 
 turing establishment ; with plenty of commercial treaties, but 
 with a commerce poorer and more insignificant than ever ; 
 with a bank which promises wonders, but with no resources 
 or public credit." 
 
 The above picture of Greece is by no means an exaggera- 
 tion of the actual state of things at the time. The budget 
 for 1843 showed a revenue of 15,669,795 drachmas, against 
 an expenditure of 18,666,582 drachmas ; and it was feared 
 that the deficit would be increased to more than 6,000,000, 
 inasmuch as it was thought that the government would hardly 
 realize more than 12,000,000 drachmas from the revenue of 
 the realm. The causes of these misfortunes must be attrib- 
 uted to the fact that the powers were determined that there 
 should be in Greece an " absolute monarchy," and the Hel-
 
 THE KINGDOM OF GREECE. 409 
 
 lenes, on the other hand, wished to have a constitutional gov- 
 ernment. Others laid the blame upon the Bavarians upon 
 those " who," to use the language of " The Minerva," " dis- 
 banded the veterans of Hellas, and gave the bread of her lib- 
 erators to worthless mercenaries ; who led to the slaughter- 
 house the heroes of her revolution, and exiled in foreign 
 missions the best of her statesmen j who shackled the press, 
 burdened the people with taxes, wasted the loans and the 
 revenue, gave the national lands to strangers, weakened the 
 interests of her protectors, dampened the sympathies of her 
 friends, disregarded the protocols, despised the advice of 
 kings, and introduced into the country that system of gov- 
 ernment which must be stigmatized as absolute and despotic." 
 
 Others maintain, and perhaps with justice, that the real 
 causes are to be sought in the memorable treaty of the 7th 
 of May, 1832, between the minister of Bavaria on one side 
 and the plenipotentiaries of England, France, and Russia on 
 the other. By virtue of this memorable state paper, the sov- 
 ereignty of Hellas was conferred upon Prince Otho of Ba- 
 varia ; and it was further agreed between the contracting 
 parties that the king, being then a minor, should proceed 
 to his kingdom under the tutelage of three regents, not one 
 of whom was to be a Greek, and who, besides a loan of sixty 
 millions of francs, were to have a mercenary army of four 
 thousand men ! 
 
 The history of the last fifty years, a Greek asserts, has 
 recorded many wrongs, many acts of oppression and injus- 
 tice ; but neither the history of the present, nor the annals 
 of ancient or modern times, can afford us a more terrible ex- 
 ample of national vassalage than that which we see in the 
 case of Hellas, and which portrays in such vivid colors the 
 beauties of an exotic policy, which Macaulay has justly char- 
 acterized as the worst species of slavery. It has been well 
 remarked by a Greek historian that the sacrifices of Greece, 
 the full hecatombs which she laid on the altar of liberty, the
 
 410 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 deep sympathy which her suffering and heroic courage cre- 
 ated in the minds of the civilized communities of the world, 
 are still fresh in our memory, and we can hardly dissipate our 
 blush or smother our indignation, when, with such glorious 
 antecedents, we find such wretched consequences ; when, in 
 the place of that substantial good which animated the heroes 
 of Greece, and which was anticipated by her people and her 
 friends, we have a government which requires from two to 
 three millions of dollars for its support, but which, at the 
 same time, is swayed to and fro by some one of the three 
 potent and irresponsible plenipotentiaries of England, France, 
 and Russia ! Is there anything more humiliating or more 
 degrading than this ? * 
 
 It is evident that this state of things could not be per- 
 mitted to continue ; and finally Otho was expelled in Octo- 
 ber, 1862, and the crown was offered to George I, son of the 
 King of Denmark, who accepted it on June 6, 1863. Under 
 the wise administration of the latter, the nation has made a 
 progress surpassed by no people in Europe. No king is cer- 
 tainly more dear to his subjects, and, since the death of Con- 
 stantine Palseologus, the Hellenes have obtained no leader 
 more worthy of their confidence and esteem. While nearly 
 every other sovereign in Europe is forced to maintain his 
 throne by force of arms, and we hear almost daily of at- 
 tempted assassinations and plots by natives against his au- 
 thority, the King of Greece alone is as open and accessible 
 to his subjects as the President of the United States. 
 
 But the nation, deprived in 1832, by the decision of 
 Europe, of the greater part of its patrimony, and fettered 
 in the name of liberty within a narrow and stifling cage, 
 was pitilessly wronged. Europe, however, was deservedly 
 punished for having assumed, contrary to the teachings of 
 four hundred years, to reconcile in the East the coexistence 
 of liberty and tyranny. Within the space of forty years 
 
 * See Timayenis's " Language of the Greeks."
 
 THE KINGDOM OF GREECE. 411 
 
 Krete revolted three times, Epirus and Thessaly once ; and 
 in fact all the Hellenic countries that were surrendered to the 
 discretion of the Turk have never ceased to writhe and to 
 struggle for independence. Europe is constantly harassed 
 with this state of affairs. When not engaged in actual war, 
 her various governments are compelled to maintain extensive 
 military establishments, not less ruinous than the wars them- 
 selves. It is now evident that the present status can not be 
 maintained ; but there is much disagreement concerning the 
 plan of reconstruction. The possession of Constantinople is 
 the insurmountable obstacle the rock on which all the 
 schemes for the reestablishment of Christian supremacy in 
 the East have thus far been shattered. The Slavs have none 
 of the indispensable qualities for the fulfillment of this great 
 task, as appears from their history of one thousand years. 
 The Bulgarians have twice founded great kingdoms and the 
 Servians once ; but neither people has succeeded in occupy- 
 ing Constantinople, or even Thessaly, for the simple reason 
 that the rulers of every great maritime city, and especially 
 of Constantinople, must be a nautical race. For such a mode 
 of life neither the Bulgarians nor the Servians have ever 
 shown any adaptability, and are naturally unqualified. Of 
 all the native races in the East, the only one destined, both 
 by its history and its present prospects, to rule Constantino- 
 ple, is the Hellenic. For twelve hundred years that nation 
 made it the seat of its empire, and preserved it as a bulwark 
 of civilization against numerous powerful enemies. And it 
 finally succumbed, not through the power of the Turks, but 
 weakened by the attacks of Europe. Could the latter have 
 foreseen the dangers threatening her, as well as the difficul- 
 ties with which she has to-day to contend, she would not 
 have striven for the space of two hundred years to secure a 
 result so lamentable. Now at last she feels the necessity of 
 retrieving her ancient mistake, but fears, as she says, that 
 the Hellenic people have not yet developed sufficient force
 
 412 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 for the completion of this difficult task. But it is evident 
 that, as long as the Hellenic nation continues imprisoned 
 within its present narrow limits, the necessary expansion of 
 its powers is impossible. In the mean time the Turks become 
 daily more unfit for the preservation of Constantinople, while 
 Europe is constantly troubled, not knowing who shall suc- 
 ceed to this inheritance. 
 
 Such in brief is the political history of the Hellenic na- 
 tion for the last four hundred years. This nation, however, 
 has not only fought for its autonomy, but in the midst of its 
 sufferings, persecutions, and incessant struggles, it has never 
 ceased striving for its intellectual growth, and for the ad- 
 vancement of its industry, commerce, and agriculture. That 
 small part of its territory which was freed from the Turkish 
 yoke became the lighted pillar, to which for fifty years the 
 other unfortunate Greeks, who were condemned after so many 
 sacrifices to live in the dark night of the most cruel servi- 
 tude, have not ceased to gaze with fond admiration. 
 
 Dr. Wordsworth, Bishop of Lincoln, was at Athens in 
 1832, and this is his account of it : "A few new wooden 
 houses, one or two more solid structures, and the two lines of 
 planked sheds which form the bazaar, are all the inhabited 
 dwellings that Athens can boast." It is now (1880) a hand- 
 some and prosperous city. Athens has a population of 
 50,000 ; the Peiraeus * has a further population of 30,000, 
 and contains some thirty steam-factories, while in 1868 it 
 did not contain a single one. The kingdom of Greece has 
 in all no less than 112 steam-factories. There are besides 
 about 700 which do not use steam. The number of artisans 
 employed is about 25,000, and the annual products represent 
 
 * Sixty years ago the Peiraeus Porte Leone, under the Turks had well- 
 nigh ceased to be even a port. The traces of its ancient dignity were few 
 and modern. There was a piece of deal boarding projecting a few feet into 
 the sea, to serve as a landing-stage for small boats ; and there was a wooden 
 hut for a guard. (Jebb.)
 
 THE KINGDOM OF GREECE. 413 
 
 a value of $30,000,000. With respect to agriculture, as with 
 every other form of national effort in the newly established 
 kingdom, it had to begin almost as in primitive times. 
 The Turks had left the land a wilderness. The Egyptian 
 troops, after burning the olives and other inflammable trees, 
 had cut down those which, like the fig-tree, could less easily 
 be destroyed by fire. But the perseverance and industry of 
 the Greek farmers have changed many portions of the 
 kingdom into veritable paradises. The commercial inter- 
 ests, though having to contend with so many rich steam- 
 navigation companies, in 1875 possessed 5,202 vessels, rep- 
 resenting an aggregate burden of 250,077 tons. Since 1832 
 the population has nearly doubled, while in the space of 
 ten years the foreign commerce has more than doubled. 
 Public instruction, too, in all its grades, has received a tre- 
 mendous impulse in the kingdom of Hellas. The stranger 
 at Athens is astonished at the magnitude, the variety, and 
 the splendor of the various edifices devoted to learning 
 the University, the Academia, the Observatory, the School 
 of Technology, the Museum, the Zappeion, the Arsakeion 
 (college for the higher education of women), and the two 
 institutions for orphans, one for males and another for fe- 
 males. What a change, when we consider that fifty years 
 ago not a book could be bought at Athens ! 
 
 Fifty years of independence, and the Hellenic spirit has 
 doubled the population of Greece, increased her revenues 
 500 per cent., extended telegraphic communication over the 
 kingdom, enlarged the fleet from four hundred and forty to 
 five thousand vessels, opened eight ports, founded eleven 
 new cities, restored forty ruined towns, changed Athens 
 from a hamlet of hovels to a city of fifty thousand inhabi- 
 tants, and planted there a royal palace, a legislative cham- 
 ber, six type-foundries, forty printing establishments, twenty 
 newspapers, an astronomical observatory, and a university 
 with fifty professors and twelve hundred students. What
 
 414 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 other nation in Europe can show greater progress ? In 1841 
 the University of Athens, then recently founded, had 292 
 students ; in 1872 it had 1,244. In 1835 there were about 70 
 primary schools, with less than 7,000 scholars ; in 1845, 
 about 450 schools, with 35,000 scholars ; in 1874, about 1,130 
 schools, with 70,000 scholars. The sum spent by Hellas on 
 public instruction is rather more than five per cent, of its 
 total expenditure. Thus after fifty years of independence 
 the Hellenic spirit devotes to purposes of education a larger 
 percentage of public revenue than France, Italy, England, 
 Germany, or even the United States. Modern Greece, fifty 
 years ago enslaved and beggared, to-day, by the confession 
 of the most merciless statisticians, stands at the head of 
 the list of self-educated nations. Indeed, the kingdom of 
 Hellas has often been blamed for the great attention paid 
 to higher education, and it has been asserted that it has a 
 plethora of educated men. But we forget that this little 
 state incessantly works not only for its own advancement, 
 but for the progress of all the Hellenes in Asia ; that the 
 role of Hellas closely resembles its role in antiquity ; that 
 the Hellenic race represents the motive power in the Otto- 
 man empire, as twenty-two centuries ago it represented it 
 in Persian Asia ; and that the very existence of this so-called 
 over-education is a proof of the fitness of Greece to per- 
 form the part of a civilizing power in the East.* At any 
 rate, whoever has familiarized himself with the miserable 
 condition of continental Hellas before the great rebellion, 
 and the still more lamentable state of the country after the 
 cessation of hostilities by reason of the savage character 
 of the war, can not but wonder at the change which has 
 come over these lands in the space of fifty years. 
 
 Such advancement can not be expected from the many 
 millions of enslaved Greeks condemned to continue under 
 
 * See the admirable articles of M. Lenormant and Mr. Sargeant on this 
 question.
 
 THE KINGDOM OF GREECE. 415 
 
 the Turkish yoke. No doubt these have worked with the ( 
 same zeal as their more fortunate free brethren ; but the 
 haughtiness, the lawlessness, the oppression of the Ottoman 
 government, have not permitted a like progress. Only in 
 the sea -coast towns, where the presence of the representa- 
 tives of the foreign powers limits somewhat the incorri- 
 gible Turkish despotism, has Hellenism succeeded in de- 
 veloping to some extent its natural resources. All the 
 foreign commerce of the Ottoman empire passed into the 
 hands of the Hellenes there. Smyrna is so thoroughly Hel- 
 lenic that, out of a population of 250,000, 120,000 are Greeks. 
 In Constantinople live 400,000 Greeks, and the various and 
 numerous schools of this city, founded mostly through the 
 efforts of the Greek Philological Association there, have long 
 since attracted the attention of learned Europe. Neither was 
 Hellenism satisfied with this progress in its ancestral coun- 
 tries. Pursuant to its ancient custom, it sent colonies to 
 many parts of the world to various parts of Europe, to 
 Egypt, India, and Australia. These colonies, by their indus- 
 try, economy, and activity, acquired treasures, which they 
 have never hesitated to use in behalf of their parent land, 
 and for the complete political autonomy of Hellenism. And, 
 though only a few Greeks have found their way to the hos- 
 pitable shores of the New World, there also patriotism has 
 never failed to respond to the appeals of their fatherland. 
 
 While Hellenism has never ceased its activity in every 
 useful career, it is only during the last twenty years that the 
 Slavic tribes have given any signs of life. The Bulgarians 
 especially, who for four hundred years slept most profoundly, 
 finally awoke, but the measure of their enterprise has been 
 amply shown. We do not, certainly, fail to sympathize with 
 any people seeking to shake off the yoke of Turkish tyranny ; 
 but what comparison can there be made between the Slavs 
 and the Hellenes ? We need not recall the achievements and 
 direful misfortunes of the great revolution. But in 1866-'69
 
 416 MODERN HELLENISM. 
 
 Krete alone opposed for three years the combined forces of 
 Turkey and Egypt, while Turkey had then at its disposal the 
 treasures of western Europe ; and it fell only when, by its 
 holocaust in the Arkadion, it rendered the struggle for ever 
 memorable. Servia recently rose, after fifty years of free- 
 dom and fifteen years of incessant preparation, but could not 
 even for three months successfully oppose the armies of Tur- 
 key, although by its position the country was free from the 
 attacks of the sultan's navy ; neither did it glorify its defeat 
 by any achievement of special importance. Nor need we 
 revert to the more recent Bulgarian movement, which would 
 have excited only ridicule had it not been sanctified, as it 
 were, by the terrible slaughters of the Turks. 
 
 Such is Hellenism at the present day. The Ottoman rule 
 in Europe and Asia Minor evidently approaches its end. 
 Either the East will gradually be surrendered to that people 
 which for three thousand years has from time to time ruled 
 it, and even to this day holds a prominent position there, or 
 the rulers of Europe, repeating the mistake of the thirteenth 
 century, will distribute its territories among themselves. 
 But, in such a case, they will create there a polyarchia, or 
 government of the many, giving rise to various causes of 
 antagonism and of war, whereby the Eastern question will 
 become more complicated than ever before.
 
 IOTDEX. 
 
 Abas, town, excepted from the sentence 
 against the Phokians, ii, 85. 
 
 Abdera, foundation of, i, 114 ; Xerxes 
 at, 168. 
 
 Abrpnichus at Sparta, i, 231. 
 
 Absimarus, emperor as Tiberius Ab- 
 simarus, ii, 353. 
 
 Abydos, only Asiatic city retained by 
 Sparta, i, 389. 
 
 Achsean league, the, ii, 241 sq. ; object 
 of, 243 ; the Peloponnesus united un- 
 der, 250 ; end of, 251. 
 
 Achseans. the, i, 6 : 57, 58 ; subjected to 
 the Thebans, ii, 25; again allied 
 with Sparta, 27; war of, with the 
 ^Etolians, 247. 
 
 Achseus, son of Xuthus, i, 6. 
 
 Achaia, i, 55. 57 ; humane policy of 
 Epaminondas in, ii, 25 ; lost by the 
 reversal of, by the Thebans, 27 ; dis- 
 tinguished from " free Hellas," 264. 
 
 Acharnse, Archidamus in, i, 309. 
 
 Achilles, i, 17 ; death of, 21 ; Alexan- 
 der at the tomb of, ii, 97. 
 
 Acropolis of Athens, the, capture of, 
 by Xerxes, i, 189 ; surplus treasure 
 on, 305 ; inscription on, by Alexan- 
 der the Great, after the battle of 
 Granikus, ii, 104. 
 
 A.dams. Frederick, governor of the Io- 
 nian Islands, ii, 402. 
 
 Adeimantus, Corinthian admiral, i, 178, 
 184 ; opposed to Themistokles at Sal- 
 amis, 192. 
 
 ^Eakidse, the s i, 344. 
 
 .iEakides, Epirotic prince, ii, 181, 182. 
 
 .iEetes, i, 10 ; and the Argonauts, 11 sq. 
 
 -iEgae, sacred city of Macedonia, ii, 61. 
 
 .^Egean Sea, islands of the, i, 110 ; in- 
 fested by pirates, ii, 261. 
 
 JSgina, Athenian war against, i, 109 : 
 140, 141, 169; ended, 172; removal 
 of Athenians to, 188 ; palm of bra- 
 very at Salamis awarded to, 205. 
 
 JEginetans, the, submit to Persia, i, 
 140 ; coerced by the Spartans, 141 ; 
 in the battle of Salamis, 198 sq. ; 
 allied with the Corinthians against 
 Athens, 255. 
 
 .^Egospotami, battle of, i, 380. 
 
 Aeimnestus, Platcean general, i, 151. 
 
 .(Eneas,i, 16, 23. 
 
 JSolians, i, 6. 
 
 ^Eolic colonies, i. 111. 
 
 yEolus, king of Thessaly, i, 6 ; his de- 
 scendants among the Argonauts, 9. 
 
 Aeropus, king of Macedonia, ii, 63. 
 
 ^Eschines, ii, 47, 49 ; the third Sacred 
 War caused by, 56 ; bravery of, 
 78 ; one of the ten ambassadors to 
 Philip, 81 ; sustained by the Atheni- 
 an assembly, 84 ; his oration against 
 Ktesiphon, 131. 
 
 ^Eschines of Sikyon, i, 82. 
 
 JEschylus, the "Prometheus" of, i, 7, 
 15 ; contest between him and Sopho- 
 kles, 250. 
 
 ^Esepus. the, i, 15. 
 
 jEther, 1, 1. 
 
 Aethlius, i, 6. 
 
 ^Etolia, i, 53. 
 
 ^Etolian league, ii, 241 sq. ; object of, 
 243. 
 
 ^Etolians, the, rude condition of, i, 54 ; 
 independence maintained by, ii, 89 ; 
 abandon their post in the ranks of 
 Leosthenes, 156; attacked by An- 
 tipater and Kraterus, 163 ; masters 
 of nearly all Thessaly, 169 ; character 
 of, 243. 
 
 Africa, the Greeks expelled from, by 
 the Arabs, ii, 353.
 
 418 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Agamemnon, i, 16 sq. ; breastplate of, 
 
 ol. 
 
 Agariste and Megakles, i, 81. 
 
 Agathokles, son of Lysimachus, ii, 
 \i-25 ; death of, 227-8. 
 
 Agathon, i. 265. 
 
 Agesilaus II, character of ? i, 405; a 
 letter of, 406 ; his expedition to Asia, 
 410 ; armistice extended by, 411 ; 
 outwits Tissaphcrnes, 412 nis vic- 
 tory over him, 413 ; over Pharnaba- 
 ZILS, 414 ; his simple habits, ib. ; re- 
 call of, 417 ; in the battle of Koroneia, 
 418-20; his return to Sparta, 420; 
 disastrous news received by, 426 ; the 
 Phliasians surrender to, 439 ; con- 
 duct of Spartan aflairs by, 441 ; de- 
 clines the command against Thebes, 
 446: takes command against the 
 Thebans, ii, 6 ; presides over the 
 congress at Sparta, 10 sq. ; declares 
 war against the Thebans, 13 : defense 
 of Sparta by, 33; his expedition to 
 Egypt, and death, 39. 
 
 Agesilaus, uncle of Agis IV ; ii, 245. 
 
 Agesipolis, king of Sparta, i, 416, 418 ; 
 death of, 439. 
 
 Agis I, king of Sparta, Attica invaded 
 by, i, 322, 359 ; Elis ravaged by, 403 ; 
 death of, 405. 
 
 Agis III, revolution of, ii, 130; death 
 of, ib. 
 
 Agis IV, reforms attempted by, ii, 244 ; 
 killed, 245. 
 
 Aglaokreon of Tenedos, ii, 81. 
 
 Agnonides, chief of the Athenian em- 
 bassy to Polysperchonj ii, 176 ; de- 
 cree passed by, respecting Phokion, 
 177. 
 
 Agora, the, i, 27. 
 
 Agrigentum j Sicily, i, 225. 
 
 Agrippina. h, 265. 
 
 Aiznadin, battle of, ii, 847. 
 
 A.iax, son of Telamon, i, 17. 
 
 Akanthus, city of, i, 437. 
 
 Akarnania, i, 53. 
 
 Akarnaniana. the, i, 54 ; Theban pow- 
 er extended over, ii, 19 ; chastised by 
 the Romans, 249. 
 
 Akesines, the, ii, 138. 
 
 Akte, promontory ofj i, 436. 
 
 Alaric, invasion of Hellas by, ii, 318. 
 
 Alcuadffi, the, i, 89 ; ii, 24, 40, 74. 
 
 Alexander of Epirus, brother of Olym- 
 pias, ii, 87. 
 
 Alexander II of Epirus, ii, 242. 
 
 Alexander I of Macedonia, sent to 
 Athens bv Mardonius, i, 208. 
 
 Alexander ll of Macedonia, ii, 24. 
 
 Alexander the Great, at Chserpneia, ii, 
 56 ; birth of, 69 : his separation I'rom 
 his father, 87; his early life, 91 : his 
 accession and consolidation of his 
 power t 92 ; chosen hegemon in place 
 of Philip. 92-3 ; his expedition to 
 the Danube, 93 ; revolt caused by a 
 report of his death, 94 ; his capture 
 and destruction of Thebes, 95; his 
 visit to Corinth, ib. ; to Delphi, 96 ; 
 his entry into Asia, 97 ; his army, 
 ib. ; smallness of his resources, 98 ; 
 his military genius, ib. ; at the Gra- 
 nikus, 100 ; his exploits in the battle, 
 102; rewards and punishments ad- 
 judged by, 104; Bis conquests in 
 Asia Minor, 105 ; cuts the Gordian 
 knot, 106: his illness, 10S-9; his 
 march and counter-march, 109-11 ; 
 his dispositions at Issus, 111 ; his 
 victory there, 113 ; his behavior to 
 the royal captives, 115 ; his letter to 
 Darius, 116; remarks upon it, 117; 
 his siege and capture ot Tyre, 117- 
 18; rejects Darius's new proposals, 
 ib. ; his visit to Egypt, 119 ; founds 
 Alexandria, ib. ; visit to the temple 
 of Zeus Ammon, 120; his plans for 
 the battle of Gaugamcla, 122 ; his 
 victory there, 123 sq. becomes the 
 Great King, 127; at Babylon, 128; 
 his enterprise purely Hellenic, 129 ; 
 his advance from Persia, 131 ; Da- 
 rius buried by, ib. ; cities founded 
 by, 131-2,135, 137. 237; amalgama- 
 tion of Hellenic and Persian elements 
 by, 132, 140; .cruel conduct of, 132- 
 4; Kleitus murdered by, 134-6; his 
 repentance, 136 ; his marriage with 
 Koxana, ib. ; his conquests on the 
 Indus, 137 ; compelled to turn back, 
 138; the westward march, 139; his 
 innovations, 137, 140-41; mutiny 
 suppressed by, 141 ; height of his 
 power, 142 ; his death, 143 sq. ; re- 
 marks upon it, 145 ; contrasted with 
 Ca;sar and Napoleon^ 146 ; conclu- 
 sion. 147 ; the confusion caused by 
 his death, 149 ; ambassadors to, 142, 
 230 ; final division of his empire, 
 232. 
 
 Alexander of Phene, ii, 23 ; restrained 
 by Pelopidas, 24, 25 ; seizes Pelopi- 
 das, 28 ; the true ruler of Thessaly, 
 29 ; conquered by the Thcbans. 81 ; 
 death of, 41 ; his dynasty abolished, 
 74. 
 
 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, ii, 
 293.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 410 
 
 Alexander, son of Alexander the Great, 
 ii, 173, 182 sq. 
 
 Alexander, son of Kassander, ii, 223. 
 
 Alexander, son of Polyspercnon, at 
 Athens, ii, 174; left in command of 
 the army, 180. 
 
 Alexandria ad Indum, ii, 138. 
 
 Alexandria ad Tanaidem, ii, 134-5. 
 
 Alexandria in Arachosia, ii, 131-2. 
 
 Alexandria in Asia, ii, 131. 
 
 Alexandria in Egypt, foundation of, ii, 
 119; Mohammedan siege and cap- 
 ture of, 347-8. 
 
 Alexandria in Thrace, ii, 92. 
 
 Alexandrian library, ii ; 239. 
 
 Alexius I, Oomnenus, ii, 375 ; his con- 
 test with Bobert Guiscard, 376 ; his 
 relations with the crusaders, 377 sq. 
 
 Alexius II, death of, ii, 384. 
 
 Alexius 111, ii, 384 ; character of, 385. 
 
 Alexius IV, ii, 384 ; war of, with the 
 crusaders, 385. 
 
 Alketas, Macedonian prince, ii, 62. 
 
 AlkctaSj brother of Perdikkas, ii, 1G5 ; 
 dissatisfaction of, 170. 
 
 Alkibiades, i, 344 character of, 345, 
 349 ; education of, 346 his treachery 
 toward the Spartan ambassadors, 350; 
 his contest with Nikias, 351 ; incites 
 the expedition to Sicily, 352; one of 
 the commanders of it, 354 ; night of, 
 355 ; recall of, 364 ; second flight of, 
 373 ; death of, 398. 
 
 Alliance, the Athenian, object of, i, 
 235 ; the Ionic, i, 234. 
 
 Alliances, new, i, 254. 
 
 Allied cities, number of, i, 235. 
 
 Allies, war of the, ii, 247. 
 
 Alkmseon. i, 87. 
 
 Alkrnseomdte, the, 44, 89, 93, 103. 
 
 Alphabet, i, 32-3. 
 
 Alpheius, the, i, 55. 
 
 Alyattes. king of Lydia, i, 123. 
 
 Amasis, King of Egypt, i, 123. 
 
 Anianus, Mount, iu 110. 
 
 Amastiis, wife of Lysimachus, ii, 227. 
 
 Amazons, the, i, 21. 
 
 Ameinias in the battle of Salamis, i, 
 197, 199. 
 
 Ammon, Zeus, Alexander's visit to the 
 temple of, ii, 120. 
 
 Amompharetus, i, 215. 
 
 AmphiKtyonj i, 6. 
 
 Amphiktyonic Council, the, i ? 40 : used 
 by the Thebans for political ag- 
 grandizement, ii, 42 ; its decree 
 against the Phokians, 43 ; its sen- 
 tence on, 54 ; third Sacred "War 
 declared by, 56 ; called together 
 
 by Philip, to pass judgment on the 
 Pnokians, 85. 
 
 Amphipolis taken by Brasidas, i, 337 ; 
 surrendered by Philip to the Athe- 
 nians, ii, 66-7 ; retaken by him, 68 ; 
 Athenian claim of, 82. 
 
 Amphissa captured by_ Philip, ii, 56. 
 
 Amyntas I, the first important Mace- 
 donian sovereign, ii, 62. 
 
 Amyntas II. i, 436-7 ; cities recovered 
 by, 439 : death of, ii, 24 ; his acces- 
 sion and career. 63 ; his family main- 
 tained by the Athenians, 64. 
 
 Amyntas. nephew of Philip, ii, 66. 
 
 " Anabasis ot Cyrus," the, i, 397 sq. 
 
 Anarchy in Hellas, h, 41. 
 
 Anastasius I, ii, 829. 
 
 Anastasius II, ii, 356 ; deposition of, 
 357. 
 
 Anatolia, destruction of the crusaders 
 in, ii, 380. 
 
 Anaxagoras of Klazomense, i, 272 ; per- 
 secution of, 297. 
 
 Andromache, i, 20. 
 
 Andronicus, the emperor, ii, 384. 
 
 Andros, the Greek fleet at, i, 202 ; siege 
 of, 204. 
 
 Angeli, the, dynasty of, ii, 383. 
 
 Angelus, Isaac, ii, 384. 
 
 Anna Cpmiiena, the "Alexias" of, 
 citedj ii, 377. 
 
 Antalkidas, peace of, i, 429 sq. ; his 
 new mission to Persia, ii, 9. 
 
 Antenor, i, 23. 
 
 Antes, the, destroyed by Germanus, ii, 
 335. 
 
 Anthedon, Boeotian city^ i, 51. 
 
 Anthemus, territory of, ii, 68. 
 
 "Antigone," the, of Sophokles, i. 
 280. 
 
 Antigonus appointed satrap of Phry- 
 gia, ii, 153; refuses to assist Eume- 
 nes, 163 ; seeks assistance against 
 Perdikkas, 164; assumes command 
 of the army in Asia, 171 ; invites Eu- 
 menes to a conference, ib.; his march, 
 172 ; relations of, toward Eumencs, 
 182 ; defeated by him, 184 ; his 
 march to Gabienc, ib. ; defeats Eu- 
 menes, 187 sq. ; puts him to death, 
 189; the war against, 190 ; authority 
 of, 191 ; efforts of, to establish his 
 supremacy in Hellas, 196; his at- 
 tachment' to his son, 197 ; the enmity 
 of the satraps toward, 200 sq. ; the in- 
 fluence of j 205 ; true position of, ib. ; 
 declares himself king, 206 ; in Egypt, 
 ib. ; his mild treatment of Deme- 
 trius, 206-7 ; his march against Ptol-
 
 420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 emy, 207 ; its failure, 207-8 ; death 
 of ; 219. 
 
 Antigonus Doson, ii, 244. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius, 
 ii, 225 ; king of Macedonia, 231 ; 
 character of, 241 ; death of, 243. 
 
 Antioch, earthquake at, ii, 329, 837, 
 833 ; the crusaders reduce, 880. 
 
 Antiochus I, son of Seleukus, ii, 229. 
 
 Antiochus III, ii, 249, 254. 
 
 Antiochus IV, Epiphanes. ii, 258. 
 
 Antiochus, the pilot of Alki blades, i, 
 873. 
 
 Antipnter, Macedonian viceroy, ii, 97 ; 
 defeat of the Lacedaemonians by, 
 130 ; defeated by Leosthoncs, 156-7 ; 
 the terms demanded by, from the 
 Athenians, 159-60 ; increasing power 
 of, 163; war of, against Eumenes, 
 105 sq. ; ambassadors sent to Eu- 
 mencs by, 166 ; becomes guardian of 
 the kings, 170 ; death of, 172. 
 
 Antipater, son of Kassander, ii, 223. 
 
 Antiphilus, Athenian general, ii, 157. 
 
 Antoninus Pius, ii, 273. 
 
 Antony, Mark, ii, 263. 
 
 Aphetae, promontory of. i, 184. 
 
 Aphobus, guardian of Demosthenes, ii, 
 48. 
 
 Aphrodite, i, 4. 
 
 Apollo, temple of, at Delphi, i, 42 sq. ; 
 festival ot, at Delos, 111 ; answer of, 
 to Oribasius, ii, 303. 
 
 Apollo, the Karaeian, festival of, i, 
 
 Apollo, the Triopian, i, 118. 
 
 Apollodorus, Athenian senator, ii, 78, 
 79. 
 
 Apollonia, city of, i, 437. 
 
 Apollonius Rnodius, ii, 239. 
 
 Appianus, the historian, ii, 240. 
 
 Arabia, rise of Mohammedanism in, ii, 
 343, 346. 
 
 Arabs, the, in Spain, ii, 349 ; failure of 
 their siege ot Constantinople, 850 ; 
 at the height of their power, 855 ; 
 new siege of Constantinople by, 
 356-7 ; immense losses of, 358 ; vic- 
 tories of, 366; unsuccessful expedi- 
 tions against, 369. (See Mohamme- 
 dans. ) 
 
 Aratus, general of the Achjeans, ii, 243, 
 240. 
 
 Arbela, battle of, ii, 121 ; its impor- 
 tance, 127-8. 
 
 Arboastcs, murderer of Valentinian 
 II, ii, 316. 
 
 Arcadius. the emperor, ii, 817 ; char- 
 acter or, 818 ; death of, 823. 
 
 Archelaus, king of Macedonia, ii, 62, 
 65. 
 
 Archias, Theban polemnrch, i, 444. 
 
 Archias, chief of the Exile-Hunters, ii, 
 161. 
 
 Archidamus, son of Agcsilaus, ii, 18; 
 gains the " tearless battle," 26; in 
 the defense of Sparta, 83; kin# (A. 
 II), bribed by the Phokians, 45 ; re- 
 treats before Philip, 85 ; repels the 
 Helots, 253. 
 
 Archidamus (V), death of, ii, 246. 
 
 Archilochus, the poet, i, 70. 
 
 Archimedes, ii, 237. 
 
 Architecture, primitive, i, 82 ; under 
 Peisistratus, 100 sq. ; under Pcrikles, 
 267 sq. ; under Hadrian, ii, 272 ; un- 
 der Justinian, 339. 
 
 Archons, Athenian, i, 87 ; under Peri- 
 klcs, 262. 
 
 Areopagus, the, i, 83 ; under Perikles, 
 262. 
 
 Aretis, officer of Alexander, ii, 102-3. 
 
 Argaeus, rival of Philip, ii, 66-7. 
 
 Argeia, i, 56. 
 
 Argeian or Argolic confederacy, i, 59 
 sq. ; decline of, 63. 
 
 Argciansj their claim of supremacy, 77, 
 80 ; alliance of, with the Athenians, 
 349 ; in the battle of Korpneia, 419 ; 
 in the " tearless battle," ii, 26. 
 
 Arginusse, battle of, i, 875-6. 
 
 Argo,i, 10. 
 
 Argonaut*, voyage of the, i, 9. 
 
 Argos, occupation of, by the Dorians, 
 i, 24; greater than Sparta, 59; re- 
 stricted by the Spartans, 77 ; by 
 Kleisthcnes, 80 ; refuses aid against 
 the Persians, 174 ; alliance ofy with 
 Athens, 254. 349 ; compelled to re- 
 main neutral, 435. 
 
 Argos, son of Phrixus, i, 10. 
 
 Argyrospidcs, treachery and punish- 
 ment of the, ii. 188, 190. 
 
 Ariabignes, brother of Xerxes, i, 199. 
 
 Ariadne, empress of Constantinople, ii, 
 329. 
 
 Ariarathes, defeated by Perdikkas, ii, 
 168-4. 
 
 Arisbe, Alexander starts from, ii. 100. 
 
 Aristotforas of Miletus, i, 132 ; leader 
 of the Ionian revolution, 133 ; his 
 desertion and death, 185. 
 
 Aristarchus, the critic, ii, 240. 
 
 Aristeides, character of, i. 145 ; at Mar- 
 athon, 149, 155: chief archon, 169; 
 strife between him and Thcmisto- 
 kles, 170 ; ostracism of, 171 ; recall 
 of, 188 ; at Salamis, 195, 200, 202 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 again a leader, 207 ; at Sparta, 231 ; 
 placed in command of the fleet, 235 ; 
 death of, 241. 
 
 Aristodemus "the coward," 71, 183. 
 
 Aristodemus, the envoy or Demetrius, 
 ii, 204. 
 
 Aristodemus the Herakleid, i, 57-8. 
 
 Aristodemus the Messenian, i, 75. 
 
 Aristodemus, Spartan general } i, 418. 
 
 Aristogeiton and Harmodius. 1. 102. 
 
 Anstokratcs, last king of Arkadia, i, 
 76. 
 
 Aristonikus, flight and death of. ii, 
 159, 161. 
 
 Aristophanes, characterization of Klc- 
 on by, i, 329: on Alkibiades, 348. 
 
 Aristophanes Byzantinus, ii, 239. 
 
 AristuSj Illyrian general, ii, 335. 
 
 Arius, ii, 293 ; doctrine of, 294 ; con- 
 demnation of, 295 ; death of, 300. 
 
 Arkadia, account of, i, 76 j freed from 
 Sparta, ii, 19, 20 ; assisted by the 
 Thebans, 20. 
 
 Arkadians, the, i, 57 ; defeat of ; in the 
 " tearless battle," ii, 26 ; divisions 
 among, 32 ; in the battle of Manti- 
 neia, 34 sq. 
 
 Armorium, destruction of, ii, 369. 
 
 Arses, king of Persia, ii, 96. 
 
 Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy, ii, 227 ; 
 escapes to Kassandreia, 229; to 
 Egypt, 230. 
 
 Art in the heroic age, i, 30, 32. 
 
 Artabanus, i, 162, 189. 
 
 Artabazus, i, 204, 207 ; his desertion of 
 Mardonius, 218. 
 
 Artaphernes, satrap of Asia Minor : i, 
 131j 135-6; in the expedition 
 against Greece^ 141. 
 
 Artaxerxes I, relations of, with The- 
 mistokles, i, 240 ; treaty of, with the 
 Athenians, 260. 
 
 Artaxerxes II, i, 397, 407 ; his negotia- 
 tions with Antalkidas, 430 ; de- 
 cree of, 432 ; decree of. repeated in 
 behalf of the Thebans. ii, 28 ; death 
 of, 96. 
 
 Artaxerxes Ochus, king of Persia, ii, 
 96. 
 
 Artemisj temple of, ii, 279. 
 
 Artemisia, queen of Halikarnassus, i, 
 199 ; stratagem of, 200. 
 
 Artemisium. straits of, i, 176 ; naval 
 force at, 178 ; battle of, 183. 
 
 Artemius, emperor as Anastasius II, ii, 
 356. 
 
 Asia, the Greeks in, i, 110 ; political 
 difference between it and Europe, 
 125 ; expedition of Pausanias to, 232 ; 
 
 of Agesilaus, 410 ; Philip's prepara- 
 tions for an expedition to, ii, 86; 
 Hellenic dream of the conquest of, 
 90 ; Alexander's entry into, 96 ; 
 manner of Hellenizing, 132 ; Hellen- 
 ism in, 237 ; permanence of Hel- 
 lenic influence in. 253 j Hellenism 
 the first herald of Christianity in, 
 280. 
 
 Asia Minor, Hellenic colonization of, i, 
 24 ; colonies in, 111 sq. ; conquest 
 of, by Cyrus, 114, 126 : revolt of the 
 Greeks in, 133; Hellenic cities of, 
 relegated to Persia, 389 ; aid sent 
 to them by Sparta, 408 ; then au- 
 tonomy demanded, 409, 411 ; the 
 Greeks of, given up to Persia, 430, 
 434; Alexander's conquests in, ii, 
 114 ; the Turks in, 375. 
 
 Asopus, the, encampment of Mardonius 
 on, i, 211. 
 
 Aspasia, i, 244 ; persecution of, 297. 
 
 Aspendus, murder of Thrasybulus at, 
 i, 432. 
 
 Assarokus, son of Tros, i, 16. 
 
 Assembly, popular, the Spartan, i, 64, 
 6G ; the Athenian, 95. 
 
 Assembly-pay, i, 263. 
 
 Assimilation, Turkish and Hellenic, ii, 
 392 sq. 
 
 Astyages, king of Media, i, 126. 
 
 Athamanes, the, i, 54. 
 
 Athamas, i, 9. 
 
 Athanasius, ii, 294 sq. ; death of, 312. 
 
 Athenais, first Grecian empress, ii, 324. 
 
 Athene, i, 4 ; her revenge on Medusa, 
 8 ; statue of, 208. 
 
 Athene Polias, i, 267. 
 
 Athene Promachos } statue of, i, 157. 
 
 Athenian alliance, i, 235. 
 
 Athenian confederacy, revolt from the, 
 ii, 40. 
 
 Athenian constitution, the, i, 87 ; 
 changes in, under Solon, 94 ; under 
 Kleisthenes, 104; under Perikles, 
 262; after the Peloponnesian war, 
 361 sq. 
 
 Athenian demagogues, i, 327. 
 
 Athenian empire, the, expansion of, i, 
 247 ; disorganization of, 276 ; fall of, 
 380. 
 
 Athenian fleet, united with the Per- 
 sianj i, 421. 
 
 Athenian generals, death of the, i, 376. 
 
 Athenian operations in Asia, i, 232 ; 
 during the Peloponnesian war, 311. 
 
 Athenian supremacy, the, i, 230 sq. ; 
 culmination of, 261 ; causes and ex- 
 tent of, 274 ; why lost, 385.
 
 422 
 
 IXBEX. 
 
 Athenians; the, early divisions of, 5, 88 ; 
 nnger of Darius against, 188 ; their 
 stand against the I'ersians, 148: in 
 the battle of Salamis, 198 sq. ; their 
 answer to Mardonius's offers of al- 
 liance, 209 ; their ambassadors to 
 Sparta, 210 ; the Thracian Chersone- 
 se recovered by, 224 ; their conduct 
 in the Persian wars, 228 ; continue 
 the war against the Persians, 234 ; 
 their versatility in the organization 
 of new alliances, 235 ; aflairs of, in 
 460 B.C., 255; crushing defeat of 
 the allies by, 256 ; their treaty with 
 Artaxerxes, 260 : forced to evacuate 
 Bceotia, 278 ; sail against Samos, 280 ; 
 their relations with the Corinthians, 
 287; toward Perdikkas, 289; defeat 
 of, 335 ; their alliance with the Ar- 
 geians, 349 ; expedition of. against Si- 
 cily, 852 ; destruction of, in Sicily, 
 35? ; successes and madness of, 867 ; 
 join the Thebans against Sparta, 
 416 ; decay of the military spirit of, 
 4'_'5 ; Thcban fugitives protected by, 
 444 ; the Thebans aided by, ii, 6 ; 
 masters of the Ionian Sea, 9 ; aban- 
 don the Theban alliance, 10 ; their 
 ambassadors at Sparta, ib. ; unsjjc- 
 cessfully oppose Epaminondas, 23 ; 
 in the battle of Mantineia, 34 - 5 : 
 allies of the Phokians, 43; repel 
 Philip at Therm: pyla?, 46 ; their suc- 
 cesses in 365 !:nd 364 B.C., 30: 
 Byzantium and Perinthus rescued 
 by, 55 ; form an alliance against 
 Philip, 56 ; in the battle of Chaero- 
 neia, ID. ; recognize Philip's suprem- 
 acy. 57 ; support Argseus against 
 Philip, 66 ; regain Amphipolis, 67 ; 
 lose it, ib. ; refuse the alliance of the 
 Olynthians, 68: Philip their de- 
 clared enemy, 69 ; expelled from the 
 coasts of Thrace and Macedonia, 74 ; 
 the odium of sacrilege attached to, 
 75; their apathy, 76; their feeble 
 aid to the Olynthians, 77, 79 ; their 
 peace embassy to Philip, 81 ; his 
 terms accepted by, 82; their mis- 
 takes, ib. ; declare against the Pho- 
 kians, 84 ; effect of the destruction 
 of Thebes upon, 95 ; defeated by the 
 Macedonians, 158 ; embassy of, to 
 Antipater, 172 ; to Polysperchon, 
 175 ; terms of, with Kassa'naer, 180 ; 
 promises of Demetrius Poliorketes to, 
 198 ; servility of the,199 ; extrava- 
 gant treatment of Demetrius by, 
 214. 
 
 Athens, early history of, i, 87 ; Spar- 
 tan expedition against, 108 ; ineffec- 
 tive aid given to the Ionian revolu- 
 tion by, 134-5 ; treatment of the 
 Persian herald at, 140 ; national 
 spirit of, ib. ; alliance of, with Spar- 
 ta ; 141 ; consternation at, 146; news 
 of the victory of Marathon at, 155 ; 
 state of affairs in, at Xerxes's inva- 
 sion, 169 ; increase of the navy of. 
 171 ; abandonment of, 187 ; occupied 
 by the Persians, 189 ; reoccupied by 
 its citizens, 207 ; again abandoned, 
 208 ; after the battle of Platsea, 230 ; 
 long walls of, 256 ; changes at, under 
 Penkles, 261 ; internal regulations 
 at, 262; under Perikles, 270, 275; 
 truce of, with Sparta, 279 ; disturb- 
 ance at, during the invasion of the 
 Lacedaemonians into Attica, 310 ; 
 calamities at, during the plague, 315 ; 
 disposition of, during the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, 351 ; in 412 B.C., 861 ; 
 capture of, 383 ; cruelties of the 
 Thirty at, 890 ; again threatened by 
 the Spartans, 393 ; democratical gov- 
 ernment restored, 894 ; rebuilding of 
 the long walls of, 423 ; new confed- 
 eracy formed by, 440 ; Theban fugi- 
 tives at, 444 ; yields to the demand 
 of King Kleombrotus, 446; vacillat- 
 ing policy of, 447 ; makes peace with 
 Sparta, ii, 8 ; breaks it, 9 ; reception 
 or a Theban herald at, 18 ; perma- 
 nent league with Sparta, 25 ; de- 
 cline of the naval power of, 40 ; re- 
 volt of Eubcea against, V7-8 ; em- 
 bassy of Philip to, 82: peace de- 
 clared at, 83 ; return of the ambassa- 
 dors to, 84; Philip's regard for. 88- 
 9 ; outbreak at, on the death of Phil- 
 ip, 92 ; under Macedonian rule, 95 ; 
 surrendered to the Macedonians, 1 60 ; 
 condition of, 194 ; Demetrius 1'olior- 
 ketcs frees, 195 ; deplorable condi- 
 tion of, 198; captured by Sulla, 259 
 sq. ; fickleness of, 263 ; improve- 
 ments in, by Hadrian, 272 ; condi 
 tion of, after the revolution, 412 ; 
 present state of, 413. 
 Athos, Mount, destruction of a Persian 
 fleet off, i, 189 ; Xerxes's canal at, 
 164-5. 
 At Meldan, the, of Constantinople, ii, 
 
 333. 
 Attalus, Macedonian general, ii, 86 ; at 
 
 the wedding banquet of Philip, 87. 
 Attalus I, king of'Pergamus, ii, 248. 
 Attica, general account of, i, 86 ; arriv-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 a'l of Xerxes in. 189 ; his departure 
 from, 203 ; Mardonius in, 208 ; inva- 
 sions of, during the Peloponnesian 
 war, 308, 312. 
 
 Attila, the "Scourge of God," ii, 327. 
 
 Augustus, first Roman emperor, ii, 251. 
 
 Anrelian, the emperor, ii, 279. 
 
 Autokles, Athenian ambassador at 
 Sparta, ii, 10, 11. 
 
 Avars, the, bought off from their siege 
 of Constantinople, ii, 342. 
 
 B 
 
 Babylon, treasure found in, ii, 128. 
 
 Bacchiadae, the, i, 82. 
 
 Bacon and Tribonian, ii, 332. 
 
 Bagoas, Persian satrap, ii, 96. 
 
 Baktra conquered by Alexander, ii, 
 134 ; his marriage at, 136. 
 
 Baruthron, the. at Athens, i, 140. 
 
 " Barbarian," i, 30, 123. 
 
 Barbarians, invasions of the, ii, 275 ; 
 new invasions of the, 314, 317 ; the 
 government of the empire in the 
 hands of, 318; paralyzing effects of 
 the incursions of. 325-6 ; terms made 
 withj by Leo the Isaurian, 328; north 
 ern, invasions of, 335. 
 
 Bardanes, emperor under the name of 
 Philippikus, ii, 356. 
 
 Bardas, the regent, ii, 370 2 371. 
 
 Basil I. the Macedonian, ii, 372. 
 
 Basil trie Great, ii, 312 ; archbishop of 
 Constantinople, 313; character and 
 death of, ib. 
 
 Basilaki, the hero Tsavellas at, ii, 401. 
 
 Basiliscus, Byzantine general, defeated 
 by the Vandals, ii, 32S. 
 
 Behsarius, Byzantine general, ii, 331 ; 
 the race-course riots suppressed by, 
 333-4 ; his victories in the West and 
 East, 334 ; drives the Bulgarians 
 from Constantinople, 336 ; persecu- 
 tion and death of, 339. 
 
 Bellerophon, i, 8. 
 
 Bessus, satrap of Baktria, ii, 124 ; mur- 
 der of Darius by, 131 ; death of, 135. 
 
 Blood, tribute of, ii, 394. 
 
 Boeotia, i, 49 ; affinities of, with Thes- 
 saly, 50 ; Athenian invasion of, 109 ; 
 the Persians in, 188, 207, 210 ; defeat 
 of the Athenians in, 338 ; indepen- 
 dence of the cities of, acknowledged, 
 433 ; Lacedaemonian garrisons placed 
 in, 435 ; Spartan invasions of, ii, 6 ; 
 growth of Theban power in, 7, 8; 
 claim of Theban supremacy over, 12 ; 
 established, 19. (See Thebes.) 
 
 Boeotian towns, character of the, i, 51. 
 
 Boeotian war, the, i, 419. 
 
 Boeotians, character of the, i, 50 sq. 
 
 Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, ii, 
 387. 
 
 Bosporian empire^ the, ii, 258 sq. 
 
 Botsaris, Marco, ii, 399. 
 
 Brasidas at Pylos, i, 325-6 ; his Pan- 
 hellenic character, 335 ; his enter- 
 prise against the Athenians, 336; 
 captures Amphipolis, 337 ; death of, 
 340. 
 
 Brennus, chief of the Gauls, ii, 231 ; 
 death of, 232. 
 
 Bribery of Themistokles at Artemisi- 
 um, i, 184. 
 
 Bridge over the Danube, i, 129 sq. ; 
 over the Hellespont, 166, 204, 224. 
 
 Briseis, i. 18. 
 
 Bukephalus, Alexander's horse, ii, 137. 
 
 Bulgaria, ii, 330. 
 
 Bulgarians^ the, invasions of the East- 
 ern Empire by, ii, 335 ; driven from 
 before Constantinople, 336; defeat 
 Nikephorus I and Leo V , 366 ; ruined 
 by Leo. 367 ; political character of 
 the modern, 411. 
 
 Bura, destruction of, ii, 9. 
 
 Byron, ii, 404. 
 
 Byzantine Hellenism, ii, 342 sq. 
 
 Byzantium, the capture of, by the 
 Greeks, i, 233 ; Philip repelled from 
 the siege of, ii, 55. (See Constanti- 
 nople.) 
 
 Caesar, the Epman general, ii, 262. 
 
 Cambyses, king of Persia, i, 127. 
 
 Carthage destroyed by the Arabs, ii, 
 353. 
 
 Carthaginians, the, defeat of, by Gelon 
 of Syracuse, i, 226 ; part of Sicily 
 acquired by, 440 ; their power lim- 
 ited by Timolepn, ii, 41. 
 
 Chabrias, Athenian admiral, victory 
 of, near Naxos, ii, 6 ; death of, 40. 
 
 Cheeroneia, victory of Philip at, ii, 50. 
 
 Chalkidians, the, war of the Athenians 
 with, i, 109. 
 
 Chalkidike, Brasidas in, i, 336 ; rebel- 
 lion in, continued, 339 ; its cities re- 
 stored to Athens, 341 ; confederation 
 of the cities of, 436 ; new confedera- 
 tion in, ii, 77 ; conquered by Philip, 
 54, 79. 
 
 Chalkis, capture of, by Athens, i, 109 ; 
 the early importance of, 111. 
 
 Chares, Athenian general, ii. 55. 
 
 Charidemus, Athenian leader, ii, 76,
 
 424 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 95; killed for his advice to King 
 Darius, 108. 
 
 Chariot-racing in Constantinople, ii, 
 332. 
 
 Charlemasrne, ii, 865. 
 
 Charon, "fneban liberator, i, 444. 
 
 Cheirisophus, Spartan general, i, 399, 
 400. 
 
 Chersonese, Thracian, Athenian con- 
 quest of, i, 102 : recovered from the 
 Persians oy the Athenians, 224; 
 threatened by Philip, ii, 76. 
 
 Chcrsonites, the, Justinian II banished 
 to the land of, ii, 353 ; he sends an 
 army to exterminate thorn, 855. 
 
 Chilbudius, Byzantine general, ii, 335. 
 
 Chimsera, i, 8. 
 
 Chios, destruction of, by the Turks, ii, 
 405. 
 
 Chosroes, king of Persia, ii, 334. 
 
 Christ, appearance of, ii. 282 ; doctrine 
 of two natures of, confirmed, 351. 
 
 Christianity, Hellenism in, ii, 253 sq. ; 
 the new Hellenic world organized by, 
 260 ; its relation to Hellenism, 280 ; 
 compared with Judaism and Islam- 
 ism, 346-7 ; conflict of, with Islam- 
 ism, 847 : state of, in the East, in 
 the eighth century, 860 ; abuses of 
 the forms and worship of, 361 sq. 
 
 Christians, the, persecution of, ii, 285 
 -6 ; primitive and corrupted worship 
 of, 361. 
 
 Chrysanthius, master of the theurgic 
 art, ii, 308. 
 
 Chrysels and Chryses, i, 18. 
 
 Chryspstom, John, ii, 319 ; eloquence 
 of, ib. : his reformatory course as 
 archbishop, 820 ; persecution of, 321 ; 
 second banishment and death of, 322 ; 
 his remains brought back, 323. 
 
 Chrysostomus, Dion, ii, 274. 
 
 Churches, first Christian, ii, 283-6. 
 
 Cities founded by Alexander the Great, 
 ii, 131-2. 135, 137, 237. 
 
 Claudius, defeat of the barbarians by, 
 ii, 279. 
 
 Clermont, council of Urban at, ii, 
 379. 
 
 Colonies, Greek, i t 110 ; ii, 415. 
 
 Colonization, Grecian system of, i, 117- 
 18. 
 
 Comncni, the, ii. 874. 
 
 Comnenus, death of the last, ii, 883. 
 
 Comnenus, John and Manuel^ ii, 381. 
 
 Comnenus, Michael Angelus, ii t 887. 
 
 Companions, the Macedonian, ii, 71. 
 
 Congress at Sparta, ii, 10. 
 
 Conrad III, ii, 381 sq. 
 
 Constans, youngest son of Constantino, 
 ii, 800. 
 
 Constans II, ii, 348. 
 
 Constantino the Great, ii, 286 ; conver- 
 sion of, 288 ; wonderful manifesta- 
 tion to, 289 ; sole emperor. 291 ; last 
 seven years of the reign or, 299 ; di- 
 vision of the empire by, 300 ; re- 
 marks on the death of, 801. 
 
 Constantino II, ii, 800 ; death of, 302. 
 
 Constantino III, ii, 347. 
 
 Constantino IV, Pogonatus, ii, 348; 
 Arab besiegers repelled by, 849: 
 sixth oecumenical council convoked 
 by, 851. 
 
 Constantino V, ii, 364. 
 
 Constantino VI. ii, 864. 
 
 Constantino VII, Porphrogenitus, ii, 
 373. 
 
 Constantino XIII ? Pelseologus. ii t 390. 
 
 Constantinople, ioundation of, ii, 297 
 sq. ; second general council at, 316 ; 
 disturbance at, caused by the banish- 
 ment of Chrysostom, 821 ; chariot- 
 racing in, 332 ; race-course revolt in, 
 332 sq. ; the Bulgarians driven from, 
 336-7 ; first Mohammedan siege of, 
 
 348 sq,. ; importance of its failure, 
 
 349 ; its periodical character, 350 ; 
 sixth oecumenical council at, 851 ; 
 second Arabic siege of, 856-7 ; state 
 of, in the eighth century, 859 ; meet- 
 ing of the crusaders before, 880 ; 
 events at, 884; capture of, by the 
 crusaders, 385 ; recovery of, 888 ; 
 fall of, 390. 
 
 Constantius, the emperor, ii, 300 ; mur- 
 ders of, 302 ; death of, 808. 
 
 Corinth, territory of, i, 56 : account of, 
 82 ; Korkyra colonized by, 116 ; re- 
 lations of, with the Korkyrseans, 
 286; congress of the anti-Spartan 
 alliance at, 417, 418 ; battle near, 
 418 ; victory of Iphikrates near, 427 ; 
 occupied by the Athenians and Spar- 
 tans, ii, 25 ; Timoleon sent to the 
 aid of Syracuse by, 41 ; congress 
 convoked by Philip at, 57 ; coun- 
 cil assembled by Alexander at, 93 ; 
 his visit to, 95 ; capture and destruc- 
 tion of, 251 ; ravaged by Roger, 
 882. 
 
 Corinth, the isthmus of, i, 55 ; Panhel- 
 Icnic council at, 171, 174 ; honors for 
 victories awarded at, 205. 
 
 Corinthian alliance, i, 420 ; broken up, 
 435. 
 
 Corinthian war, the, i. 417. 
 Corinthians, the, Korkyra 
 
 and Syra-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 425 
 
 cuso founded by, i, 116 ; war of, 
 
 with Athens, 255. 
 Creed, the, established by the first 
 
 Christian council, ii, 295-0. 
 Crispus, ii, 292 ; death of, 297. 
 Croesus, i, 98, 114, 123, 126. 
 Cruelties of the crusaders, ii, 386 ; of 
 
 the Turks, 392 sq. 
 Crusade, the first, ii, 377 sq. ; second, 
 
 381 ; ultimate object of, 381 ; third, 
 
 883. 
 Crusaders, the, in Constantinople, ii, 
 
 383 sq. 
 
 Crusades, the, ii, 377. 
 Cucusus, banishment of Chrysostom 
 
 to, ii, 822. 
 Cuma?, i, 116, 120. 
 Cyclops, the, i, 2, 29. 
 Cyrus the Great, conquest of Asia Mi- 
 nor by, i, 114,126; establishment 
 
 of the Persian empire by, 125 sq. 
 Cyras the Younger, i, 372, 397 ; his 
 
 expedition against Artaxerxes II, 
 
 399 ; death of, 400. 
 
 D 
 
 Dacia, ii, 330. 
 
 Daemon, the, of Sokrates, i, 394 sq. 
 
 Da'iphantus, ii, 37. 
 
 Dandolo, ii, 383 sq. 
 
 Danube, the, Persian bridge over, i, 
 129 sq. ; Alexander's expedition to, 
 ii, 93. 
 
 Dardania, ii, 330. 
 
 Dardanians, the, i, 15. 
 
 Dardanus, son of Zeus, i, 15. 
 
 Darius I, Hystaspes, i, 127 ; his Scyth- 
 ian expedition, 128 ; his anger 
 against the Athenians, 139 ; failure 
 of his first expedition to Greece, 139 ; 
 treatment of nis heralds there, 140 ; 
 the second expedition, 141 ; death 
 of, 162. 
 
 Darius II, i, 360 ; death of, 397. 
 
 Darius III, Codomannus, ii, 96 ; his 
 inactivity after the battle of Grani- 
 kus, 105 ; change of his tactics. 107- 
 8 ; his forces at the battle of Issus, 
 108; their disposition, 112 : the po- 
 sition of, as contrasted with that of 
 Alexander j 113 ; his cowardly flight, j 
 ib. ; submits propositions of peace, ' 
 115 ; at the oattle of Gaugnmela, 
 121 ; Ins flight from, 125 ; his es- 
 cape, 127 ; his death, 131. 
 
 Datis, Persian general, i, 141 ; de- 
 struction of Erctria by, 142. 
 
 Debtors, sale of, i, 92 ; Solon's laws 
 for, 94. 
 
 39 
 
 Decius, the emperor, ii, 277. 
 
 Deiphobus, i, 23. 
 
 Dckamnichus, ii, 63. 
 
 Delium, i, 338. 
 
 Dclos, festival of Apollo at, i, 111: 
 common assembly at, 249 ; removal 
 of the treasury from, ib. ; prosperity 
 of, ii, 258. 
 
 Delphi, the Amphictyonic Council at, i, 
 41 ; the oracle of, 43 : the temple of, 
 44 - 5 5 temple rebuilt by the Alk- 
 maeomdae, 103 ; the Persians re- 
 pelled from, 188; the temple of, 
 robbed by the Phokians, ii, 44 ; at- 
 tacked by the Gauls, 231 ; during 
 the reign of Julian, 308. 
 
 Delphic oracle, responses of the, i, 45, 
 172. 
 
 Demades, Athenian orator, ii, 49, 155 ; 
 death of, 172. 
 
 Demagogues. Athenian } i, 327. 
 
 Demaratus the Corinthian, ii, 103. 
 
 Dcmetcr, ii, 215. 
 
 Demetrius II, ii, 244. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorketes, ii, 190 ; his mil- 
 itary ability, 191 ; hastens to the as-, 
 sistance of Halikarnassus, 193 ; his 
 arrival in Hellas in 307 B. c., 196 ; 
 contrasted with tLe Phalerean, 197 ; 
 seizes the Peiroeus, 198 ; his stay in 
 Athens, 200 ; his arrival in Kyprus, 
 201 ; meaning of name Poliorketes, 
 201 ; his victory over Ptolemy, 202 ; 
 his career in Kyprus, 206 ; loss of his 
 fleet, 207 ; his siege of Khodesj 208 
 sq. ; his initiation into the Eleusmian 
 mysteries, 214; invades the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, and calls an assembly of 
 the Greeks, 215; abuses of, 215-16; 
 recalled by Antigonus, 217 ; at the 
 battle of Ipsus, 218 ; his departure 
 for Athens, 220 ; imperious demands 
 of Seleukus from, 221 ; alliance 
 against, 222-3 ; king of Macedonia, 
 223 ; a captive, 225 ; his death, 
 220. 
 
 Demetrius the Phalerean, appointed 
 to the government of Athens, ii, 
 180; character of, 194 sq. ; condition 
 of Athens under, 195: contrasted 
 with Demetrius Poliorketes, 197 ; 
 deposed, 198. 
 
 Demetrius II, ii, 244. 
 
 Demochares, ii, 47. 
 
 Democrats, Athenian, slaughter of, i, 
 390. 
 
 Demokritus, Naxian commander at 
 Salamis, i, 198. 
 
 Demonax, the lawgiver, 5, 77.
 
 426 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Demosthenes, sketch of, ii, 47 ; inscrip- 
 tion on his statue, 48 ; his oratory, 
 
 Olynthiacs, 77 ; his military con- 
 duct. 78 ; his charges against Philip, 
 79 : his discomfiture in the embassy 
 to Philip, 81 ; his accusations of his 
 fellow ambassadors, 84 : incites an 
 outbreak on the death of Philip, 92 ; 
 his sentiments respecting the move- 
 ment of Agis, 131; his oration "On 
 the Crown/' ib. ; reason of his ban- 
 ishment, 155 ; his flight, 159 ; his 
 death. 161-2. 
 
 Demosthenes, the elder, ii, 47. 
 
 Demosthenes, the general of Csesarcia, 
 ii, 282. 
 
 Demosthenes, the general, i, 823; 
 seizes Pylos, 326 ; his contest for 
 Sphakteria, 327 sq. ; its capture, 
 333-4 ; his expedition to Sicily, 
 857 ; his death, 360. 
 
 Derkyllidas, Spartan general, i, 408 ; 
 his successes in Asia Minor, 409 ; 
 harmost of Abydos, 422. 
 
 Deukalion and Pyrrha, 5, 5. 
 
 Dexippus, the Goths defeated by, ii, 
 278. 
 
 Diakrii, the, i, 92. 
 
 Dieneke,s, Spartan soldier, i, 182. 
 
 Dikasteries, the, i, 262. 
 
 Diodorus, estimate of the Persian 
 forces by, ii, 99-100 ; birth and peri- 
 od of, 237. 
 
 Diogenes, interview of Alexander with, 
 ii. 95. 
 
 Dickies the Corinthian, 5, 49. 
 
 Diomedes, i, 18, 19. 
 
 Dion Chrysostomus, ii, 274. 
 
 Dionysius of Halikarnassus on Demos- 
 thenes, ii, 51. 
 
 Dionysius of Phoksea, i, 137. 
 
 Dionysius the Elder, tyranny of, i, 
 440 ; ally of Sparta, 441 ; demonstra- 
 tion against, at the Olympic festival, 
 442 ; Gallic mercenaries sent to 
 Sparta by. ii, 20 ; death of, 41. 
 
 Dionysius the Younger, expelled by 
 Timoleon, ii, 41. 
 
 Dioskuri, the. i, 16 ; sacrifice offered to, 
 by Alexander, ii, 135. 
 
 Disburdening ordinance, Solon's, i, 97. 
 
 Diunij Macedonian city, ii, 104. 
 
 Divinity, notions of, in legendary 
 Greece, i, 31. 
 
 Dodona, oracle of. i, 10, 43, 54-5. 
 
 Domestic life in the heroic age, i, 27. 
 
 | Dorians, the, i, 6, 57 ; in Krctc, 115. 
 Doric colonies, i } 113. 
 Doric invasion, i. 24, 67. 
 Doris attacked by the Phokians, i, 
 
 257. 
 
 Dorus, i, 6. 
 
 Drako and his laws, i, 83. 
 Dramales, ii, 399. 
 Dramatic poetry, i, 265. 
 Drypetcs killed by Koxana, ii, 154. 
 Durazzo, capture of, by Robert Guis- 
 
 card, ii, 376. 
 
 
 
 Eastern Empire, the, ii, 2S6 sq. 
 
 Eastern provinces, i, 86 sq. 
 
 Edessa, n, 61 ; capture of. 381. 
 
 Egypt conquered oy Cambyses, i ; 127 ; 
 rebellion in, 1G2 ; Agesilaus in, ii, 
 89; visit of Alexander to, 119; Up- 
 per, Mohammedan conquest of, 347 ; 
 religion of, assimilation to the Hel- 
 lenic, 148, 255-6. 
 
 Egyptian religion, ii, 233. 
 
 Eion, capture of, by Kimon, i. 250. 
 
 Ekbatana, Alexander's march to, ii, 
 131 ; his treasury and headquarters, 
 132 ; his visit to, 142. 
 
 Elateia, ii, 56. 
 
 Eleians subjected by Sparta, i, 402 sq. ; 
 ii, 82. 
 
 Elephants, first employment of, in bat- 
 tle, ii, 121. 
 
 Eleusinian mysteries, ii, 215. 
 
 Eleusis, the temple ot, ii, 215; the 
 Thirty at, i, 393 ; recovered, 394. 
 
 Elis, i, 55, 68, 60, 62 ; ravaged by King 
 Agis, 403. 
 
 Elpinikc, i, 283. 
 
 Embassy to Philip, the Athenian, ii, 
 81-4. 
 
 Emperors, the, ii, 265. 
 
 Engineering corps, Philip's, ii, 72. 
 
 Eos, i, 21. 
 
 Epaminondas, i, 52 ; first appearance 
 of, 445 ; sketch of, ii, 2 ; his friend- 
 ship for Pelopidas, 5 ; his boldness 
 in the congress at Sparta, 12; vic- 
 tory of, at Leuktra, 14 sq. ; invades 
 the Peloponnesus, 20 ; threatens 
 Sparta, 21 ; founds Megalopolis and 
 Messcne, 22 ; his victorious return, 
 23 ; his renewed invasions, 25 ; de- 
 prived of office, 27 ; restored to com- 
 mand, 29 ; his naval expedition. 30 ; 
 in the battle of Mantineia, 82 ; death 
 of, 86 ; its consequences, 88. 
 
 Epeians, the, i, 57.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 427 
 
 Epcius, i, 22. 
 
 Ephialtcs the Athenian, banishment 
 of. ii, 95. 
 
 Ephialtcs the statesman, i, 202, 270. 
 
 Ephialtcs the traitor, i, 180, 183. 
 
 Ephesus, Spartan army in, i, 411, 413 1 
 synod at, condemns the heresy ot 
 Ncstorius, ii, 326. 
 
 Ephors, the Spartan, i, 65 sq. 
 
 Epidamnus, relations of, with Korkyra, 
 i, 286. 
 
 Epidauria, i, 56. 
 
 Epidaurians, relations of, with the Co- 
 rinthians, i, 255. 
 
 Epigoni, war of the, i, 15. 
 
 Epiktetus, ii, 268. 
 
 Epimenidcs the philosopher, i, 93. 
 
 Epimetheus, i, 5. 
 
 Epirote. i, 55 ; growing importance of 
 the, ii, 233. 
 
 Epirus, inhabitants of, i, 54. (See 
 JPyrrnus.) 
 
 Epizephyrian Lokri, i, 117. 
 
 Erebos, i, 1. 
 
 Erechtheus, i, 7. 
 
 Eretria, i, 111, 134; destroyed by the 
 Persians, 142. 
 
 Eretrians, fate of the, i, 156. 
 
 Erichthonius, i, 15. 
 
 Erigyius, Macedonian general, ii, 98. 
 
 Eteokles, i, 14. 
 
 Ethiopians in Xcrxcs's army, i, 167. 
 
 Eusenetus, Spartan general, i, 175. 
 
 Eubcea, Athenian invasion of, i, 109 ; 
 notice of, 110-11 ; taken by the Per- 
 sians, 142 ; the Hellenic fleet at, 183 ; 
 revolt of, 279, ii, 78. 
 
 Eudamidas, Spartan general, i, 437. 
 
 Eudokia (Athenais), empress of Con- 
 stantinople, ii, 324 ; banishment and 
 death of, 325. 
 
 Eudoxia, wife of the emperor Arcadius, 
 ii, 318 ; her persecution of Chrysos- 
 tom, 321-2. 
 
 Eugcnius, usurping emperor, ii, 316. 
 
 Eumenes, satrap of Paphlagonia, ii, 
 154; assisted by Perdikkas, 163-4; 
 combination against. 165, 170; en- 
 ters Kappadokia, ana defeats Neop- 
 tolemus, 166 j his victory over Kra- 
 terus, 167 ; kills Ncoptolcmus, 163 ; 
 defeated by Antigonus, 171 ; besieged 
 in Nora, 172 ; invades JKhoenicia and 
 Syria^ 180 ; his desperate condition, 
 183 ; indecisive battle with Antigo- 
 nus, 184-5 } his stratagem, 186 ; con- 
 spiracy against, 187 ; defeated by An- 
 tigonus, 187-8 ; his death, and char- 
 acter, 189. 
 
 Eunomus, ii, 50. 
 
 Euphranor, Athenian painter, ii, 34. 
 
 Euripides, representation of the first 
 tragedy of, i, 265 ; in Macedonia, ii, 
 62 ; anecdote of, 63. 
 
 Euripus, the, i, 175. 
 
 Eurotas, the, i, 56. 
 
 Eurybiades, Spartan admiral, i, 176, 
 178; at Artemisium, 184 ; at Sala- 
 mis, 187 sq. ; in the council at Sala- 
 mis. 191 ; in the battle, 196, 197. 
 
 Eurydike, widow of Amyntas II. ii, 
 24, 64-5. 
 
 Eurydike, widow of OphcltaSj ii, 200. 
 
 Eurydike, wife of Philip Arndaeus, ii, 
 164-5; death of, 181. 
 
 Eurymedon, double battlo on the, i, 
 251. 
 
 Eurysthenes, i, 53, 64. 
 
 Eurystheus, i, 57. 
 
 Eurytus, Spartan soldier, i, 183. 
 
 Eusebius, Archbishop, death of, ii. 813. 
 
 Eutropius, great chamberlain of Arca- 
 dius, ii, 318. 
 
 Evagoras, prince of Salamis in Kyprus, 
 i, 411, 434. 
 
 Exenetus of Agrigentum, i, 61. 
 
 Exile-Hunters, the, ii, 161. 
 
 Fallmernyer, Professor, extravagant 
 
 views of, 55, 338, 359. 
 Family tie, the, in legendary Greece, 
 
 i, 25, 27. 
 
 Fausta, wife of Constantino, ii, 297. 
 Festivals, i, 48. 
 Feudal system, the, ii, 886. 
 Flamininus, Titus, ii, 249. 
 Four Hundred, the, i, 365-6. 
 Franks, the, ii, 279 (note). 
 Funeral ceremony^ i, 288. 
 Funeral orations, i, 274, 282, 312. 
 
 G 
 
 Gainas, murder of Kufinus by, ii, 318. 
 
 Galerius, the emperor, ii, 287 ; death 
 of, 288. 
 
 Gallic mercenaries, ii, 26. 
 
 Gallicnus, reign or, ii ; 278. 
 
 Gallus, the emperor, ii, 277. 
 
 Games, the Hellenic, i, 48, 59, 124; 
 during the Eoinan rule, ii, 266-7. 
 
 Ganymedes, son of Tros, i, 16. 
 
 Gargaphia, the fountain, i, 213. 
 
 Gates of Kilikia, ii, 109. 
 
 Gaugamela, battle of, ii. 121 ; its im- 
 portance, 127.
 
 428 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Gauls, the, invasions of, ii, 229 ; de- 
 scription of, 230 : ravages of. 231 ; 
 kingdom established \)y, in Tiiraco, 
 232 ; Galatia settled by, ib. 
 
 Gaza, capture of, ii. 119. 
 
 Ge, goddess of cartli, i, 2. 
 
 Gela, Sicily, i, 225. 
 
 Gclon of Syracuse, i, 120, 174 ; his con- 
 ditional offer of aid against Xerxes, 
 i, 225 ; the Carthaginians defeated 
 by, 226. 
 
 Generals, the Athenian, death of, i, 
 376. 
 
 Geographical knowledge of the heroic 
 ages, i, 80. 
 
 George I, king of Greece, iij 410. 
 
 Germans, invasions of the, ii. j;77. 
 
 Gcnnanus, Byzantine general, ii, 335. 
 
 Gerrha, Persian shields, i, 210. 
 
 Gmisia, the Spartan, i, 64 ; the Kre- 
 tan, 115. 
 
 Getffi, the, ii, 93. 
 
 Gibbon, mistakes of ? in following Pro- 
 kopius, ii, 838 ; his opinion of He- 
 raklius, 843. 
 
 Glaukias, ii, 94. 
 
 Glaukus of Chios, i, 113. 
 
 Godfrey, ii, 887. 
 
 God, word of, ii, 282. 
 
 Gods and men, legends of, i, 1. 
 
 Gods of Hellas and Egypt contrasted, 
 ii, 256. 
 
 Golden fleece, the, i. 10. 
 
 Gordian knot, the. ii, 106. 
 
 Gordius, legend ot, ii. 106. 
 
 Gorgias, an officer of Eumcncs, ii, 168. 
 
 Gorgias the Leontinc, ii, 267. 
 
 Gorgolcon, Spartan commander, ii, 7. 
 
 Goths, the, ravages of, ii, 278 ; invade 
 the Eastern Empire, 314 ; pacified 
 by Theodosius 1, 315 ; under Alaric, 
 defeated by Stilicho, 818 ; in Italy, 
 victories or Belisarius over, 334. 
 
 Grammatikus, John, ii, 370. 
 
 Grauikus, the, ii. 100 ; the battle of, 
 ib.,sq.; the killed at, 104. 
 
 Gratian, the emperor, ii, 815 ; murder 
 of, ib. 
 
 41 Great king," the, 5, 128. 
 
 Grecian fleet at Salamis, size of, i, 197 ; 
 at Delos, 207 ; during the revolution, 
 ii, 405. 
 
 Greece, early changes in, i. 78 : state 
 of, following the War ot Indepen- 
 dence, ii, 407. (Sec Hellas.) 
 
 Greek flre, the, ii, 850. 
 
 Greek language. i t 122. 
 
 Greeks, the, political principles origi- 
 nated by, ii, 59. (Seo HeUenes.) 
 
 Greeks and Persians, comparison of, i, 
 227. 
 
 Gregory the Theologian, ii, 312 ; char- 
 acter of. 814. 
 
 Grotc, defense of the Mcgarian decree 
 by, i, 293 ; opinion of, respecting 
 the Athenian epidemic, 814 (note) ; 
 his defense of Kloon, 329 (note) ; his 
 preference of Kleon over Nikias, 839 
 (note) ; on the mutilation of the 
 Ilcrmae, 855-6 (note). 
 
 Gryllus, son of Xenophori, ii, S4. 
 
 Gylippus, Spartan general, i, 857 sq. 
 
 Gylon, grandfather of Demosthenes, ii, 
 
 H 
 
 Hadrian, the emperor, ii, 266, 271. 
 
 Haeion-Orps, promontory of, i, 436. 
 
 Haliartus, i, 51. 
 
 Hamilcar, Carthaginian commander, 
 i, 226. 
 
 Hannibal, alliance of Philip V with, 
 ii, 247. 
 
 Harmodius and ArSstogeiton, i, 102. 
 
 Harmokydes, Phokian chief, i, 211. 
 
 Harmosts, i, 389. 
 
 Harouu al-liasliiil, ii, 865; defeat of 
 Nikephorus by, 366. 
 
 Ilarpalus, satrap of Babylonia, ii, 155. 
 Demosthenes accused of being bribed 
 by, 155. 
 
 Harpies, the, i, 11. 
 
 Hector, i, 16, 19, 20. 
 
 Hegemon : an Athenian orator, ii, 178. 
 
 Hegemoma, the, i, 48. 
 
 Hegemony of Sparta, i, 888. (See Su- 
 premacy. ) 
 
 Hekabc, wife of Priam, i ; 18. 
 I Hekatous the historian, i, 183. 
 
 Hekatoncheires, the, i, 2. 
 ! Helen and Paris, i, 16. 
 ! Helena, mother of Constantino the 
 Great, ii, 287, 297. 
 
 Helike, destruction of, ii, 9. 
 
 Helikon, Mount. i ; 418,419. 
 
 Hellas, name of, i, 4 : geography of, 
 80 sq. ; condition of, on Xerxes's in- 
 vasion, 169; state of t after the Per- 
 sian war, i, 888 ; subjected to Spar- 
 ta, 389 ; change of sentiment in, 423 ; 
 freedom of the cities of. proposed by 
 Sparta, 436 ; confirmed by the de- 
 cree of Artaxerxes, 433 : its disas- 
 trous effect upon, 434 ; Thebes the 
 ruling city in, ii, 26 ; anarchy in, 41 ; 
 decline or religious sentiment in, 42, 
 45 ; expending her last resources, 47 ; 
 PhUip master and gencral-in-chief of,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 429 
 
 57 ; retrospective view of, 58 ; cause of 
 the final submission of, 74 ; relations 
 of Philip to, 89 sq. ; futile effort for 
 an anti-Macedonian alliance in, 80; 
 affairs of, arranged by Alexander, 
 92-3 ; his final departure from, 96 ; 
 misfortunes of, about 319 B. c., 174; 
 condition of, under the successors, 
 193 ; invaded by the Gauls, 231 ; 
 and Macedonia, 241 ; ascendancy of 
 the Eomans in, 250 sq. ; moral and 
 material degradation of, 252 ; affairs 
 in, 258 ; miserable condition of ; 263 ; 
 not all subject to the jurisdiction of 
 the Komansj 264 ; decline of, 273 ; 
 the Goths driven out of, by Stilicho, 
 818 ; withering of ancient Hellenism 
 in, 325 ; flourishing state of, in the 
 eighth century, 359 ; under the Turk- 
 ish rule, 392 sq. ; kingdom of, 407 sq. 
 
 Ilelle and Phrixus, i, 9. 
 
 Hellcn, i, 4 ; the sons of. 6. 
 
 Hellenes, the, name of, i, 6 ; what 
 they lacked, 402 ; interest of, in 
 the conquest of Asia, ii, 90 ; servile 
 condition of, 248 ; moral decay of, 
 260 ; during the War of Indepen- 
 dence, 400 sq. 
 
 Hellenic cities in Asia, treatment of, 
 by Sulla, ii, 260. (See Asia Minor.) 
 
 Hellenic colonies, i, 110. 
 
 Hellenic customs, amalgamation of, 
 with the Persian, ii, 132. 
 
 Hellenic festivals, the, i, 43 ; chariot- 
 racing at, ii, 332. 
 
 Hellenic influence, permanence of, ii, 
 253. 
 
 Hellenic literature, decline of, under 
 the empire, ii, 325. 
 
 Hellenic nation, the, critical position 
 of, i, 247 5 continuous existence of, 
 ii, 60; triumphant over the barba- 
 rians, 319 ; sole opponent of Islam- 
 ism, 347. 
 
 Hellenic religion, spread of, in the 
 East, ii, 143, 255 ; amalgamation of, 
 with the Egyptian, 238-9. 
 
 Hellenic tongue, magnetic power of 
 the, ii, 238 ; reasons for its preva- 
 lence, 255. 
 
 Hellenic world, condition of the (379 
 B. c.), i, 439 ; ii, 233. 
 
 " Helleriika," the, of Xenophon, i, 367 ; 
 end of, ii, 33. 
 
 Hellenism, the first, last days of, ii, 47 ; 
 character of, 5S ; its wonderful elas- 
 ticity, 60 ; changes in its character, 
 under Philip, 73"; not overthrown by 
 him, 89 sq. ; ancient, contrasted with 
 
 the Macedonian, ii, 197 ; in the 
 West, 236 ; in the East, 237 ; strug- 
 gles of, 253 ; wonderful results of, 
 256 sq. ; the first herald of Chris- 
 tianity, 280 ; Byzantine, 342 sq. ; dis- 
 appearance of, from the conquered 
 countries, 849 ; during the reign of 
 Manuel Comnenus, 383 ; mediaeval, 
 fall of, 386 ; modern, 392 ; under the 
 Turkish rule, 396, 400 ; progress of 
 modern, 412. 
 
 Hellespont, the, i, 9 ; Xcrxes's bridges 
 across, 164. 
 
 Helots, the, i, 63 ; revolt of, 253 j their 
 independence proclaimed by Epami- 
 nodas, ii, 22. 
 
 Hephaestion, Macedonian general, ii, 
 132, 138, 139 1 death of, 142 ; extrav- 
 agant obsequies of, 143-4. 
 
 Hercea, Arkadian city, ii, 20. 
 
 Hera3on Teichos, the, Philip's siege of, 
 ii, 76. 
 
 Herakleidse, invasion of the, i, 24, 57. 
 
 Herakles, i, 5, 8. 
 
 Herakles, son of Alexander and Bar- 
 sine, ii, 193. 
 
 Hcrakleonas, the emperor, ii, 3iS. 
 
 Heraklius, overthrow of Phokas by, ii, 
 343 ; character of, ib. ; death of, 34S ; 
 his race extinguished, 357. 
 
 Heraklius, brother and general of Ti- 
 berius Absimarus, ii, 353. 
 
 Hercules, the bronze, of Lysippus, ii, 
 333. 
 
 Hermac, mutilation of the, 5, 355. 
 
 Herod, king of Judaea, ii, 254. 
 
 Herodotus, the historian, i, 228 ; com- 
 pared with Thucydidcs, 229, 368. 
 
 Heroic age, society in the, i, 25. 
 
 Hesiod, i. 3. 
 
 Hetaenc, i, 297. 
 
 HeUeri, the Macedonian, ii, 71. 
 
 Heteeria, Phclekc, ii, 398. 
 
 Hiero, ii, 236. 
 
 Himerseus, Athenian orator, ii, 159, 161. 
 
 Hipparchus, son of Peisistratus, i, 102. 
 
 Hippias, son of Peisistratus, i, 102 ; 
 expelled from Athens, 103-4; at 
 Sparta, 109 ; in Persia, 110 ; at Sar- 
 dis, 132 ; with the expedition against 
 Greece, 141, 143 ; his fate unknown, 
 156 ; the sons of, 15<5, 163, 203. 
 
 Hippodrome, the, of Constantinople, ii, 
 333. 
 
 Hippokleides, i, 81. 
 
 Hippokrates, tyrant of Gcla, i, 225. 
 
 Hippokrates, the general, i, 338. 
 
 Hippokrates, the physician, i, 315. 
 
 Histicea, the Persian fleet at, i. 186.
 
 430 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hist'uTUS, nt the bridge over the Istcr, 
 i, 180; sovereign or Myrkinus, 131 ; 
 his treachery, 133; his' death, 136. 
 
 Homer, i, 33. 
 
 llonorius, the emperor, 5i, 817. 
 
 Hopf, Carl, against Fallmerayer, ii, 
 338. 
 
 Hospitality in the heroic age, I. 28. 
 
 Hunirary, crusaders destroyed in, ii, 
 8T9. 
 
 Huns, the, invasion of Europe by, ii, 
 814 ; called in by Ruflnus, 318 ; dev- 
 astations of, under Attila, 327. 
 
 Hussein Bcv, ii ? 403. 
 
 Hydarnca, Persian general, i, 1SO-2. 
 
 Hydaspes, the, ii. 137-8. 
 
 Hydraotes, the, ii, 137-8. 
 
 Hyllus, i, 57. 
 
 Hypaspists, the Macedonian, ii, 71. 
 
 Hypcrpolus, ostracism of, i, 351. 
 
 Hyperides, the funeral oration of, ii, 
 156 ^ flight and death of, 159, 161. 
 
 Hyperion, i. 2. 
 
 Hyphasis, the, ii, 137, 138. 
 
 I 
 
 lapetos, i. 2. 
 
 Ibrahim Pasha, ii, 401 sq. 
 
 Iconoclasts, ii, 363. 
 
 Ida, Mount, i, 15, 17. 
 
 Idmon, i, 12. 
 
 Iliad, the, i, 15. 
 
 Ilium, i, 16 ; Alexander at, ii, 97. (Sec 
 Troy.) 
 
 Illvria, invasion of, by the Bulgarians, 
 ii, 335. 
 
 Dlyrians, the, conquered by Philip, ii, 
 66. 
 
 Hus, i, 16. 
 
 Image-worship, ii, 3G1-2 ; prohibited 
 by Leo III, 863 ; restored by Irene, 
 865 ; prohibited by Leo V, 307 ; re- 
 stored by Theodora, 370. 
 
 Immortals, the Persian, i, 166, 180. 
 
 India, Alexander's progress to, ii, 129 
 sq. ; bis conquests in, 137. 
 
 Indus, Alexander at the, ii, 136 sq. 
 
 Inferiors, Spartan, ii, 22. 
 
 Innocent, rope, ii, 384. 
 
 Ino, i, 9. 
 
 lolaldas, ii, 37. 
 
 lollaa, ii, 181. 
 
 Ion, i, 265. 
 
 Ionian colonies, i, 112. 
 
 Ionian revolution, .the, i, 131. 
 
 Ionian Sea, the, supremacy of the 
 Athenians in t ii, 9. 
 
 lonians, the, origin of the name, 5,6; 
 Tbemistokle-s's inscriptions to, 186 ; 
 
 in the battle of Salamis, 198; pro- 
 pped transportation of ; 2'23 ; rela- 
 tions of, with the Athenians, 234. 
 
 Ionic alliance, the, i, 234. 
 
 Iphikratcs, i, 424; reorganization of 
 the peltasts by, 425 ; destruction of a 
 Spartan battalion by, 426 sq. ; com- 
 mander of the Athenian fleet, 432 ; 
 commander in the Ionian Sea, ii, 9 : 
 his fleet recalled, 13 ; unsuccessful 
 against Epaminondas, 23 ; protector 
 of the family of Amyntas II, 24 ; in 
 Macedonia, 64. 
 
 Iphikratides (shoes), i, 425. 
 
 Ipsus, battle of, ii, i!l7. 
 
 Irene, mother of Constantino VI, ii, 
 364; her tyrannical government, 
 365: banished, ib. 
 
 Isaac I, Comnenus, ii, 374. 
 
 Isseus, teacher of Demosthenes, ii, 49. 
 
 Isagoras, i, 104, 107-8. 
 
 Isauria, ii, 329 (note). 
 
 Isidas, son of Phcebidas, ii, 33. 
 
 Islam, the Mohammedan religion, ii, 
 344. 
 
 Islamism and Christianity, conflict be- 
 tween, ii, 347. 
 
 " Island/' the, i, 215,216. 
 
 Islands in the ^Egean, i, 111. 
 
 Ismenias, Tlieban leader, i, 417 ; expul- 
 sion of, 438. 
 
 Isokrates, panegyrical oration of, i, 
 441, 443; compared with Demos- 
 thenes, ii, 49, 51, 53 ; his advice to 
 Philip, 90. 
 
 Issus, battle of, ii, 108 ; its results, 114. 
 
 Ister, the, Persian bridge over, ij 129 
 Bq. ; Alexanders expedition to, ii, 93. 
 
 Isthmian games, i, 83. 
 
 Italy, colonization of southern, 5, 117 
 sq. ; invaded by Pyrrhus, ii. 235. 
 
 Ithome, Mount, captured by the Spar- 
 tans, i. 75 ; held by the Helots, 253 ; 
 acropolis of Mcssene on, ii, 22. 
 
 Jason, chief of the Argonauts, i. 10 sq. 
 
 Jason of Phene, ii, 18 ; death of, 23. 
 
 Jerusalem, capture of, by the Moham- 
 medans, ii, 347 ; by the crusaders, ii, 
 880 ; by Saladin, 3S3. 
 
 Jesus Christ, Mohammed's view of, ii, 
 845. 
 
 Jews, ii, 253 sq. 
 
 Jokasta, i, 13. 
 
 John Comnenu?. ii, 381. 
 
 John Graramatikus, the patriarch, ii, 
 870.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 431 
 
 Josephus. the historian, ii, 240, 280. 
 
 Jovian, the emperor, ii ? 311. 
 
 Julian the Apostate, ii, 303 ; reasons 
 of his hallucination, 305 ; rcicrn of, 
 308 ; his admiration for Hellenic 
 learning, 309 ; death of, 310. 
 
 Justin I. ii, 829 ; death of, 331. 
 
 Justin II, ii, 342. 
 
 Justinian I, emperor, ii, 330 ; his ac- 
 cession, 331 ; his collection of laws, 
 ib. ; nearly dethroned by the race- 
 course riots, 332 sq. ; his successful 
 wars, 334 ; nearly overthrown by 
 the Bulgarians, 335-6 ; other mis- 
 fortunes of the empire under, 337 ; 
 his private misfortunes, 839 ; St. So- 
 phia built by, ib. 
 
 Justinian II, Khinotmetus, ii, 352 ; 
 mutilated and banished. 352-3 ; his 
 return, 353 j his terrible revenge, 
 854 ; assassinated, 356. 
 
 K 
 
 Kadmeia, the, seized by the Spartans, 
 i, 438 ; recovered by the Thebans, 
 445 j Sparta fined for the seizure 
 of, ii, 42 ; Macedonian garrison in, 
 57 ; preserved on the destruction of 
 Thebes, 95. 
 
 Kadmus, i, 8. 
 
 Kalauria, death of Demosthenes at, ii, 
 161. 
 
 Kalais and ZeteSj i, 11. 
 
 Kallas, Macedonian general, ii, 98. 
 
 Kallins, Athenian ambassador at Spar- 
 ta z ii, 10. 
 
 Kallias, commander at Corinth, i, 427 
 
 6<J. 
 
 Kallikrates, death of, i, 217. 
 
 Kallikratidas, i. 373. 
 
 Kallimachus, the polemarch, i, 149, 
 154. 
 
 Kallinikus, the patriarch, ii, 355. 
 
 Kallinikus, inventor of the Greek fire, 
 ii, 350. 
 
 Kallisthenes put to death by Alexan- 
 der, ii, 137. 
 
 Kallistratus, Athenian ambassador at 
 Sparta, ii, 10, 11. 
 
 Kanaris, the Greek admiral, ii, 406 sq. 
 
 Karystus, in Eubcea, taken by the Per- 
 sians, i, 142. 
 
 Kara Ali, ii, 405. 
 
 Karncian Apollo, festival of the, i, 147. 
 
 Kassandcr, Macedonian general, ii, 
 98 ; commander of the royal native 
 troops, 152 ; Demades executed by, 
 173 ; his contest with Polysperchon, 
 
 173 so. ; his arrival at the Peirseus, 
 179 ; his pence with the Athenians. 
 180 ; kills Olympias, 182 ; guaranteed 
 the supreme command in Europe, 
 192; king of Macedonia, 206 ; driven 
 from Athens by Demetrius, 214 ; al- 
 liance against Antigonus formed by, 
 216 ; his efforts to impose his rulo 
 over Hellas, 222 ; his death, 223. 
 
 Kassandra, promontory of. i, 436. 
 
 Kassandreia, foundation 01, ii, 182. 
 
 Kekrops. i, 8. 
 
 Kephisodorus, Athenian cavalry com- 
 mander, ii, 34. 
 
 Khazars, the, Justinian II among, ii, 
 353-4. 
 
 Kilidge-Arslan attacks the crusaders, 
 ii, 379. 
 
 Kilikia, movements of the Greeks and 
 Persians in, ii, 109 sq. ; pirates set- 
 tled in, 262; the Arabs expelled 
 from, 353. 
 
 Kimon, son of Miltiades, i, 161, 188; 
 his relations with Perikles, 242; 
 captures Eion and Skyros, 250 ; his 
 victory at the Eurymedon, 25_1 ; 
 sails to Kyprus, ib. ; advocates aid- 
 ing the Spartans, 253 ; ostracism of, 
 254 : his noble behavior, 258 ; his 
 death, 259. 
 
 Kimonian treaty, the, i, 259. 
 
 Kinadon, conspiracy of, i, 406. 
 
 Kineas of Konon, i, 34. 
 
 Kingdom of Greece, ii, 407. 
 
 Kings, year of, ii ; 206. 
 
 Kirphis, Mount, i, 46. 
 
 Kirrha, i, 46 ; destruction of, 47. 
 
 Kitium, siege of, i, 200. 
 
 Kleander, tyrant of Gela, i, 225. 
 
 Klearchus, commander of the ten 
 thousand Greeks, i, 399 ; death of, 
 400. 
 
 KleiniaSj Athenian citizen, at Artemi- 
 sium, i, 185. 
 
 Kleisthencs of Sikyon, i, 80. 
 
 Klcisthenes the Athenian, constitution 
 of, i, 104. 
 
 Kleitus, ii, 94 ; saves Alexander's life, 
 103 ; killed by him.134. 
 
 Kleitus, admiral of Polysperchonj ii, 
 180 ; defeat of, in the Propontis, ib. 
 
 Kleobule, mother of Demosthenes, ii, 
 47. 
 
 Kleombrotus I, i, 187. 
 
 Kleombrotus II, abortive expeditions 
 of, to Bceotia, i, 446, ii, 6 ; defeat and 
 death of, at Leuktra, 13 sq. 
 
 Kleomenes I, i, 52, 104, 107 sq. ; re- 
 fuses aid to the lonians, 134.
 
 432 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Klcomoncs III, i, 68; his career, ii, 
 Jl"> sq. 
 
 Kleon, the demagogue, i, 829 ; opposes 
 the Spartan proposals of peace, 330; 
 commander against Sphaktcria, 882- 
 8 ; his factitious success, 334 ; his 
 defeat and death at Amphipolis, 340 ; 
 views of Grote concerning, 837, 339 
 (notes). 
 
 Kleonymus, king of Sparta, defeated 
 by the Romans, ii, 234. 
 
 Kleopatra, last wifo of Fhilip, ii, 87, 
 88. 
 
 Kleopatra, daughter of Philip, ii, 87, 
 164 : death of, 193. 
 
 Kleophon, the demagogue, i, 869-70. 
 
 Klyttemnestra, i. 24. 
 
 Knidian Aphrodite, the, temple to, i, 
 488. 
 
 Knidus, battle of, i, 421. 
 
 Kodriis, last Athenian king, i, 87. 
 
 Koes at the bridge over tne Ister, i, 
 120 j sovereign of Mytilene, 131. 
 
 Kolchis, the Argonautio expedition to, 
 i,9. 
 
 Komontorius, first king of Tyle, ii, 232. 
 
 Konon, Athenian general, i, 373 ; his 
 escape from yEgospotami, 332 ; his 
 operations against the Spartans, 411 ; 
 incites the Rhodians to revolt, 415- 
 16 5 his victory at Knidus, 421 ; re- 
 builds the long walls, 423 ; honors 
 to, ib. ; arrest and fate of, 431-2. 
 
 Koroebu.s, Olympic victor, i, 60. 
 
 Koran, the, ii, 345 ; precepts of, 895. 
 
 Korinna, i, 51. 
 
 Korkyra, colonization of, i, 116; its 
 naval strength, 286 ; sea-battle near, 
 288 ; revolt of the aristocrats in, 
 319; unsuccessful Spartan siege of, 
 ii, 9 ; revenue of, in the twelfth 
 century, 359. 
 
 Korkyncans, the, alliance of, with the 
 Athenians, i, 286. 
 
 Koroneia, battlo of, i, 418; the battle- 
 field, 420 ; Xenophon's narrative of, 
 421. 
 
 " Kothornos," nickname of Therame- 
 nes, i, 392. 
 
 Krannon, Thcssaly, ii, 24. 
 
 Krasus, battlo of, ii ? 366. 
 
 Kratcrus, Macedonian general, ii, 157, 
 158, 163, 166; defeated by Eumencs, 
 167-3; his death, 168. 
 
 Kratesildcia, mother of Kleomenes III, 
 ii, 245. 
 
 Krenides, afterward Philippi, ii, 69. 
 
 Kreon, king of Thebes, i, 13. 
 
 Krcephontes, i, 57-8. 
 
 Krete, syssitia in, i, 74 ; Dorian colo- 
 nization of, 115 ; aid against the Per- 
 sians refused by. 174; the pirates in, 
 ii, 2(51 ; captured by Pompey, 262 ; 
 taken by the Mohammedans, 368. 
 
 Kretheus, i, 10. 
 
 Krios, i ? 2. 
 
 Krissa, i, 46. 
 
 Kritias, one of the thirty tyrants, i, 
 391 ; his excesses, 392 ; his death, 393. 
 
 Kronos, i, 2. 
 
 Krotpn, i. 119. 
 
 Ktesias, Greek physician, 5, 411. 
 
 Kunaxa, battle of, i, 400. 
 
 Kyklades, the, i, 111. 
 
 Kylon of Athens, i, 89. 
 
 Kynano t mother of Eurvdiko, ii, 164-5. 
 
 Kynffigcirus at the battle of Marathon, 
 "i, 154. 
 
 Kyno8ura ? promontory of, i, 196. 
 
 Kynuria, i, 56. 
 
 Kyprus, i, 116: Persian conquest of, 
 135 ; the Hellenic fleet at, 2G2 ; Ki- 
 mon at t 251-2, 260; capture of. by 
 Demetrius, ii, 201 sq. ; the Arabian 
 fleet nearly annihilated at, 364. 
 
 Kypselus, i, 88. 
 
 Kyrene, i, 116, 127. 
 
 Kyzikus, Athenian victory near, i, 309 ; 
 Arabic headquarters in, ii, 350. 
 
 Labarum, the first Christian flag, 15, 
 
 290. 
 
 Lacedaemonians. (See Spartans.) 
 Lachares, ii, 222. 
 Laconia, i, 68, 74 ; Theban invasion 
 
 of, ii, 21 ; invaded by Philip, 57. 
 Laconians, emigration of, i, 117. 
 Lalos and (Edipus, i, 13. 
 Lamia, the courtesan, ii. 206. 
 Lumian war, the, ii, 155. 
 Laomedon, king of Troy ; i, 1 6. 
 Laomedon, satrap of Syria, ii, 153. 
 Larissa, Thcssaly, i, 38. 
 Laskaris, Theodore, ii, 387. 
 Latin empire, organization of the, ii, 
 
 386. 
 
 Latins, treachery of the, ii, 381. 
 Laws. Justinian's collection of, ii, 331. 
 Lebauia, i, 50. 
 Lechffium, defeat of the hoplitcs of, i, 
 
 427. 
 
 Legend^ of gods and men, i, 1 sq. 
 Lelex, i, 7. 
 Leo the Thracian, emperor, ii. 328 ; 
 
 his disastrous expedition to Africa, 
 
 ib. ; his character and death, 329.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 433 
 
 Leo III, the Isaurian. ii, 357 ; defense 
 of Constantinople by, 358-9 ; pro- 
 hibits image-worship, 363: his death, 
 ib. ; his laws abrogated, ib. 
 
 Leo IV, ii, 864. 
 
 Leo V, ii, 366 ; slaughter of the Bul- 
 garians by, 3(>7 ; the reforms of, ib. ; 
 murdered, 3GS ; his murderers pun- 
 ished, 3(>9. 
 
 Leo VI, the Philosopher t ii, 373. 
 
 Leo the Mathematician, ii, 370. 
 
 Leonidas at Thermopyte, i, 176 sq. ; 
 death of, 182 ; memorial to, 205. 
 
 Leonidas II, ii, 245. 
 
 Leonnatus, defeat and death of, ii, 
 157. 
 
 Leontiades, Theban polemarch, i, 437 ; 
 tyranny of, 443 ; death of, 445. 
 
 Leontius, father of Athenais, ii, 324. 
 
 Lcontius, the emperor, ii, 353. 
 
 Leosthenes, Athenian general, ii, 156 ; 
 death of, ib. ; its consequences, 157. 
 
 Lcotychides, king, commander of the 
 Hellenic fleet, i, 207 ; at MykaJe, 
 222 ; return of, 224=. 
 
 Leotychides, son of Agis II, i, 405. 
 
 Lesbians, the, proposed revolt of, i, 284. 
 
 Lesbos, i, 7, 112. 
 
 Lcuktra, battle of, ii, 13 sq. ; results 
 of the, 47-9. 
 
 Libya, brother of Lysander, i, 393. 
 
 Licinius, the emperor, ii, 288 ; perse- 
 cutes the Christians, 291 ; defeated 
 and executed by Constantino, 292. 
 
 Literature, early Greek, i, 122. 
 
 Lochos, the Theban sacred, ii, 4. (See 
 Sacred Band.) 
 
 Lokrians, the, i, 58, ii, 19 ; of Amphis- 
 sa, war declared against, 56. 
 
 Lokris, revolt of, i, 279. 
 
 Longinus, ii, 268. 
 
 Lougus. promontory of, i, 436. 
 
 Long Walls, the, i, 256 ; destruction 
 of. 385 ; rebuilding of, 423. 
 
 Louis VII., ii, 381-2. 
 
 Lucian, ii, 268. 
 
 Lychnitis, Lake, battle near, ii, 94. 
 
 Lydia, i, 114 ; conquered by Cyrus the 
 Great, 126-7. 
 
 Lygdamis of Naxos, i, 100, 101. 132. 
 
 Lykidas, archon, stoned to death, i, 
 209. 
 
 Lykophron, defeat of, ii, 46. 
 
 Lykophron, tyrant of Thessaly, con- 
 quered by Philip, ii, 74. 
 
 Lykortas, father of Poly bins, ii ; 250. 
 
 Lykurgan obedience, decay of the, i, 
 404. 
 
 Lykurgus, i, 64. 
 
 Lysander, Spartan commander, i, 370 ; 
 his intrigues with Cyrus the Young- 
 er, 372; defeats the fleet of Alki- 
 biades, 373 ; restored to command, 
 380 ; his victory at ^Egospotami, 
 382; captures Athens, 383-4; tri- 
 umphal return of, and honors to, 
 388 ; opposition of the Spartan oli- 
 garchy to, 390, 393 ; his new march 
 against Athens, 393 ; intrigues of, 
 404 ; his disappointment, 405 ; chief 
 counselor of Agesilaus, 410 ; re- 
 newed intrigues of, 411 ; disgraced 
 and sent to the Hellespont, 412 ; de- 
 feat and death of, 416. 
 
 " Lysandria," Samian holiday, i, 383. 
 
 Lysias, Olympiac oration of. i ; 441 ; 
 Demosthenes compared with, ai, 49. 
 
 Lysimachus, satrap of Thrace, ii, 157 ; 
 in the alliance against Antigonus, 
 192; king, 20fi; allied agains't De- 
 metrius Poliorketes, 216 ; with Ptol- 
 emy, 220; Macedonia invaded by, 
 225 ; subjection of, by Seleukus, 
 226 ; misfortunes of, 227 sq. ; death 
 of, 229. 
 
 Lysippus, the statuary, ii, 101 ; his 
 bronze Hercules^ 333. 
 
 Lysis, teacher of Epaininondas, ii, 4. 
 
 M 
 
 Macedonia, Grecian colonies in, i, 120; 
 and the Olynthian confederacy, 436 ; 
 Spartan army sent to the aid of, 437- 
 8 ; cities recovered by, 439 ; civil 
 wars in, ii, 24 ; Theban supremacy 
 over, 26 ; rise of, 38 sq. ; historical 
 account of, 61 ; a Hellenic country, 
 65, 72 ; its extension by Philip, 89 ; 
 anarchy in, 231 ; and Hellas, 241. 
 
 Macedonian army, reorganization of 
 the, ii, 69 sq. 
 
 Macedonian hegemony, advantages of 
 the. ii, 52 sq. 
 
 Macedonian Hellenism, how different 
 from the first, ii, 58 ; history of, 01 
 sq. 
 
 Macedonian language, the, ii, 61. 
 
 Macedonians, the, original state of, ii, 
 61 ; disturbance by, in the council 
 of the generals, '150 ; defeat the . 
 Athenians at sea, 158 ; descent of, at 
 Ehamnus, ib. ; defeat ofj 168. 
 
 Msenalian range of mountains, ii, 34. 
 
 Magna Graecia, i, 119. 
 
 Magnetes. the, i, 37. 
 
 Manmoud, Sultan, ii, 401. 
 
 Malea, promontory of, i, 36.
 
 434 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Mallus, Alexander at, ii, 109. 
 
 Mankind, origin of, i, 3. 
 
 Manilas^ Athenian admiral, ii, 67. 
 
 Mantineia, i, 77 ; destroyed by the 
 Spartans, i, 435 ; restoration of, ii, 
 20 ; battle of, ii, 31 sq. 
 
 Manuel Comnenus, ii, 381 ; defeats tho 
 Hungarians, ii, 385. 
 
 Munikanda, Alexander's sacrifice and 
 banquet at, ii. 185. 
 
 Marnthon, the Persians on the plain of, 
 i,143; description of, 150; the battle 
 of, 152 sq. ; importance of the vic- 
 tory, 156 ; tombs and memorials at, 
 157-8. 
 
 Marcian, emperor, nominal husband 
 of Pulchcria, ii, 326 ; resists Attila, 
 327 ; death of, ib. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius, ii, 273. 
 
 Mardonius, abortive expedition to 
 Greece under,!, 139; new invasion 
 urged by, 162; left in command by 
 Xerxe8 t 202, 203 ; his otter of alli- 
 ance with the Athenians, 208 ; his 
 advance and renewed offer, 209 ; re- 
 treats. 210 ; his test of the Phokians, 
 211 ; in the battle of Platsea, 212 sq. ; 
 death of, 217. 
 
 Marriage in the heroic age, i, 28. 
 
 Marseilles, i, 115. 
 
 Mary, the virginj doctrine of Nestori- 
 ua concerning, ii, 326. 
 
 Mass.ilia, i, 115 ; ii, 236. 
 
 Masistius, death of, i, 212. 
 
 Mauritius, the emperor, ii, 342. 
 
 Mavrokordatos, ii, 400. 
 
 Maximus, the plenipotentiary of Tra- 
 jan, ii, 271. 
 
 Maximus, usurping emperor, ii, 315 ; 
 defeated and Killed, 316. 
 
 Maximua, master of the thcurgic art, 
 ii, 308. 
 
 Mazams, Persian officer, at Gaugamela, 
 ii. 126. 
 
 Medea, i, 12. 
 
 Medcs, the, conquered by the Persians, 
 i", 126. 
 
 Medusa, i, 8. 
 
 McgabateSj Persian admiral, i, 132 ; at 
 Artemisium, i, 184 sq. 
 
 Megabazus, Persian general, i, 131. 
 
 Megaklcs and Agariste, i, 82 ; archon 
 eponymos, 89 ; and Peisistratus, 100. 
 
 Megakrcon of Alxlcra, saying of, i, 
 168. 
 
 Megalopolis, foundation of, ii, 22 ; de- 
 feat of the Arkadians near, 26 ; ora- 
 tion of Demosthenes in favor of, 51 ; 
 attacked by King Agw, 180. 
 
 Mcgara, account of, i, 84 ; at war with 
 Athens for Salamis, 91 ; alliance of, 
 with Athens, 255 ; Athenian decree 
 against j 284 ; Crete's view of, 285. 
 
 Mcgaris, i, 56. 
 
 Meleagrus, Macedonian general, ii, 150 ; 
 death of, 152. 
 
 Meleagrus, brother of Ptolemy, ii, 231. 
 
 Melians, the. i, 351. 
 
 Mellon, Theban liberator, i ? 444. 
 
 Memnon, son of Tithonus, i, -1. 
 
 Mcmnon the Rhodian, his advice to the 
 Persians, ii, 100; proclaimed hcgemon 
 of Lower Asia and of the fleet by Da- 
 rius, 106 ; death of. 107. 
 
 Memphis surrendered to Alexander ii, 
 110. 
 
 Menelaus, king of Sparta, i, 16. 
 
 Menclaus, brother or Ptolemy, engage- 
 ment of, with Demetrius Poliorketcs, 
 ii, 201. 
 
 Mcncetius, i, 4, 17. 
 
 McnylluSj Macedonian general, ii, 160. 
 
 Mercenaries, Athenian use of, i, 4^5. 
 
 Mcsolonghi, fall of, ii, 400 sq. 
 
 Messcne, foundation of, ii, 22 ; declared 
 autonomous, 28, 88. 
 
 Mcssenia, Spartan ware -with, i, 74 ; con- 
 quest of, 76. 
 
 Mcssenian wars, the, i, 74. 
 
 Mcssenians, thp, expulsion of, from 
 Naupaktus and Kephallenia, i, 403 ; 
 recalled by Epnminondas, ii, 22. 
 
 Mcthonc, foundation of, i, 120 ; seized 
 
 by Philip, ii, 46, 74. 
 Methymne,capt 
 
 .capture of, by Kallikratidas, 
 i, 374. 
 
 Metropolis, relations of a Grecian, i, 287. 
 
 Miaules, Greek ndmiral, ii, 402 ; before 
 Mesolonghi, 403. 
 
 Michael I, ii, 366. 
 
 Michael Iln. 368. 
 
 Michael III, ii, 370 ; his debasement, 
 871 ; murdered, ib. 
 
 Michael VI, ii, 374. 
 
 Michael VII, mention of, ii, 375. 
 
 Michael Angclus Comneniu;, ii, 387. 
 
 Miletus, i, 112 ; Persian siege and cap- 
 ture of, 136 sq. 
 
 Milo, the athlete, i, 61. 
 
 Miltiades the elder, i, 101-2. 
 
 Miltiades the younger, at tho bridge 
 over the Ister, i, 1 80 ; at Athens- - 
 character of, 143 ; his plan for attack- 
 ing tho Persians, 148 ; sole command- 
 er ,"149; in the battle of Marathon, 
 151 sq.; honors to, 158; dishonorable 
 conduct of, 168 eq. ; trial and death 
 of, 160.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 435 
 
 Mindarus, Lacedaemonian admiral, i, 
 3(59. 
 
 " Minerva," Greek newspaper, ii, 403. 
 
 Minstrels, ancient, i, 31. 
 
 Mitliridutes, son-in-law of Darius, 
 killed by Alexander, ii, 103. 
 
 Mitliridatcs, king of Pontus, ii, 254 ; 
 peace of, with Sulla ; 259. 
 
 Mitnridatic war, the, n t 253. 
 
 Mouwiyah, the caliph, siege of Constan- 
 tinople by, ii, 343 sq. 
 
 Mohammed, teachings of, ii, 344. 
 
 Mohammed II, ii, 390. 
 
 Mohammedanism, riso of, ii, 343 ; doc- 
 trine of, 344, 
 
 Molossianj, the, i, 54. 
 
 Molossus, Athenian general, ii, 78. 
 
 Monastic life, excessive growth of, ii, 
 301, 374. 
 
 Mora, a Lacedaemonian battalion, i, 
 4-27. 
 
 Mosleman, followers of Mohammed, ii, 
 344. 
 
 Moslemas, commander in the second 
 siege of Constantinople, ii, 357. 
 
 Muller, 0. K., on the Spartan laws, i, 
 74. 
 
 Mummius. the Koman general, ii, 251. 
 
 MundiHj Illyrian general, ii, 334. 
 
 Munyclna, strengthening of, i, 231; held 
 by the Macedonian garrison, iij 195. 
 
 Murder, primitive punishment of, i, 83. 
 
 Museum, ii, 239. 
 
 Music, in the Greek sense, i, 90. 
 
 Mussulman, origin of the word, ii, 344. 
 
 Mykale, battle of, i, 222 ; victory of 
 George Sachtourcs at, 223 (note). 
 
 Myriandrus, ii, 110. 
 
 Myrkmus, i, 131. 
 
 Myrmidons, the, i, 17. 
 
 Myromdes, i, 259. 
 
 Mythological age, the, i, 1. 
 
 Myths, contradictions of the, i, 7. 
 
 Mytilene, i, 112. 
 
 N 
 
 Napoleon, i, 354 ; and Alexander, an- 
 alogy between, ii, 90, 146. 
 
 Naupaktus, i, 53; the Mcsscnians ex- 
 pelled from, 403. 
 
 Navigation, ii, 240. 
 
 Naxo.s, early power of ; i, 132 ; failure of 
 the Persian expedition against, ib. ; 
 subdued by the Persians, 142 ; revo- 
 lution of, 251 ; Athenian victory near, 
 ii, 6. 
 
 Naxos in Sicily, i, 352. 
 
 Ncarchus, voyage of, ii, 139 ; appointed 
 satrap of Pamphylia, 153. 
 
 Nektanabis, king of Egypt, ii, 39. 
 
 Neleus and Pelias, i, 10. 
 
 Nemesis, i, 23. 
 
 Neodamodcs, enfranchised Helots, i, 
 408. 
 
 Neoplatonista, ii, 305 sq. 
 
 Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, i, 23. 
 
 Neoptoleinus, prince of the Molossi, ii, 
 69. 
 
 Neoptolemus, satrap of Armenia, de- 
 feated by Eumenes, ii, 166; killed by 
 him in battle, 168. 
 
 Nephele, i, 9. 
 
 Nero, the emperor, in Greece, ii, 265 ; 
 murdered, 266 ; the Christians perse- 
 cuted by, 285. 
 
 Nestor, i, 17. 
 
 Nestonus, patriarch of Constantinople, 
 ii, 326. 
 
 Niausa, battles of, ii, 399. 
 
 Nice (Nikaea), council of, ii, 295. 
 
 Niksea, council of, ii, 295 ; the crusaders 
 reduce, 380 ; new empire established 
 at, 387. 
 
 Niktea in India, ii, 137. 
 
 Niksea, daughter of Antipater, ii, 164. 
 
 Nikanor, Munychia held by, for Kas- 
 sander, ii, 173; superseded, 174, 180. 
 
 Nikephorus I, ii, 365; defeat and death 
 of ; 366. 
 
 Nikias, i, 328 ; yields the command to 
 Klcon, 332 ; his arguments against 
 him, 339 ; Grote's opinion of, ib.(note); 
 peace of, 341 ; opposes the expedition 
 to Sicily, 353 ; one of its commanders, 
 354 ; his operations, 357 ; his death, 
 353; execution of his brother and 
 son, 391. 
 
 Nikokles, king of Salamis, i, 434. 
 
 Nikokles, an Athenian orator, ii, 173. 
 
 Nikomachus, father of Aristotle, ii, 65. 
 
 Nora, ii, 171. 
 
 Norman army, the, ii, 385. 
 
 Normans, the, ii, 375. 
 
 Nureddin, ii, 332. 
 
 O 
 
 Oceanus, i, 2, 3. 
 
 Octavius. ii, 263. 
 
 Odeon, the, i, 267. 
 
 Odysseus ; i, 17 sq. ; stratagem of, 22 ; 
 
 possessions of, 26. 
 (Edipus, i. 13. 
 
 OEnoe, Athenian fortress, i, 309. 
 (Enoplivta, battle of, i, 256. 
 (Eta, M*ount, i, 36 ; passage of the Per- 
 
 sians over, i, 180. 
 Ogyges, i, 5.
 
 436 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Oligarchical governments established 
 by Sparta, i, 839. 
 
 Oligarchical system in Greece, i, 78 ; 
 at Athens, 87-8, 104, 301. 
 
 Olympia, i, 59 sq. 
 
 Olvmpiac oration of Lysias, i, 441 ; of 
 Isokrates, 443. 
 
 Olympiads, the, i, 60. 
 
 Olympian Zen*, temple of, i, 62, 101. 
 
 Olympic, wife of Philip, ii, 69 ; repu- 
 diation of, 87 ; proceedings of, with 
 Pcrdikkas, 164 ; puts Philip Arri- 
 dteus and Eurydike to death, 181 ; 
 killed by Kiussauder, 182. 
 
 Olympic games, i, 59. 
 
 Olympiooorus, general of the Athe- 
 nians, ii, 222 ; his efforts to free his 
 country, 225. 
 
 Olympus, Mount, i, 86, 87. 
 
 Olynthiacs, the, ii, 77. 
 
 Oivntliian confederacy, the, i, 435 sq. ; 
 defeat of a Spartan army by, 433 : 
 involution of, 439 ; new, ii, 77 ; end 
 of, 79. 
 
 Olyuthian -\var, the, ii, 77-9. 
 
 Olynthians, the, subdued by Philip, ii, 
 54, 77 ; their alliance refused by the 
 Athenians, ii, 08; come to terms 
 with Philip, ib. 
 
 Olynthus, confederacy formed by, i, 
 436 ; captured by Philip, ii, 79. 
 
 Onchcstus, i, 51. 
 
 Oneium, Mount, ii, 25. 
 
 Onctor, guardian of Demosthenes, 11, 
 48. 
 
 Onomnrchus, Phokian general, ii, 4o ; 
 death of, 46. 
 
 Oracles, i, 42. 
 
 Orchomenus, Arkadia, ii, 20. 
 
 Orchomcnus, Boeotia, i, 50 ; ii, 7, 8 ; 
 held by the Phokians, 46. 
 
 Orestes, Icing of Macedonia, ii, 63. 
 
 Onbasius, the physician of Julian, ii, 
 808. 
 
 Oropus, i, 51. 
 
 Orpncus, i. 10. 
 
 Orsippus, Megarian general,!, 84. 
 
 Ossa and Pehon, i, 36. 
 
 Ostraci5m, origin and mode of, i, 105 
 sq. ; last instance of, 851-2. 
 
 Otho, king of Greece, ii, 409. 
 
 Othrys, Mount, i, 3, 36. 
 
 Ozohan Loknans, i, 53. 
 
 s, the, ii, 67. 
 re captured by Philip, ii, 74. 
 " Paidonomos," the, i, 69. 
 
 Palseologus, Michael, ii, 883; Con- 
 stantino, 390. 
 
 Palladium, the, i, 22. 
 
 Pallene, promontory of, i, 43C. 
 
 Palmyra, ii, 282. 
 
 Panaktum, i, 341, 343-4. 
 
 Panarkadian federation, ii, 20. 
 
 Pauathcnoea, the, i, 101. 
 
 Pandora, i, 5. 
 
 Pangseus, Mount, gold-mines of, ii, 69. 
 
 Panormus, i, 55. 
 
 Puphlagonia, ii, 383. 
 
 Paralii, the, i, 92. 
 
 Paralus, son of Periklcs, i, 317. 
 
 Paris, i,16,19,21. 
 
 Parmenio, Macedonian general, ii, 86, 
 97, 98 ; Tralles seized by, 106 ; let- 
 ter of, to Alexander, 109 ; his advice 
 as to the battle of Gaugamela fol- 
 lowed, 122 ; death of, 132. 
 
 Parnassus, plain of, i, 44. 
 
 Paros, siege of, by Miltiades, i, 159. 
 
 Parysatis, queen of Persia, i, 397. 
 
 Pasargadffi, the, i, 126. 
 
 Patroklus, i, 17, 19, 20. 
 
 Pattala, Alexander at, ii, 188. 
 
 Paul, St., ii, 282 ; in Greece, 283 ; al- 
 lusion to, 3J2. 
 
 Paulus jEmilius, ii x 72. 
 
 Pausanias, king ot Macedonia, ii, 24, 
 63. 
 
 Pausanias, king of Sparta, i, 394, 405- 
 ; retreat, sentence, and escape of, 
 416. 
 
 Pausanias, murderer of Philip, ii, 83. 
 
 Pausanias, Peloponnesian commander, 
 i, 210 ; in the battle of Platan, 212 
 sq. ; his inscription on the tripod, 
 219; execution of Theban prisoners 
 by, 221 ; treachery of, 232 ; death of, 
 236. 
 
 Peace of Antalkidas, the, i, 429 ; de- 
 creed by Artaxerxes, 432 ; disastrous 
 results of, 434; advantages of, to 
 Sparta, 439. 
 
 Peace of Nikias, i, 341. 
 
 Pedasus, i, 18. 
 
 Pedieis, the, i, 92. 
 
 Peers, Spartan, i, 406. 
 
 Pegasus, i. 8. 
 
 Pciraeus, the, strengthening of, i, 231 ; 
 the fortifications of, destroyed, 385 ; 
 Thrasybulus in possession of, 393 ; 
 the walls leading to, rebuilt, i, 423. 
 
 Peirithous, i, 28. 
 
 Peisander, government of the Four 
 
 Hundred established by, i, 865-6. 
 Peisander, Spartan admiral, i, 421 ; de- 
 feat and death of, 422.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 437 
 
 Pcisistratidce, the, at Athens with 
 Xerxes, i, 189. 
 
 Peisistratus. i, 98 ; tyrant of Athens, 
 99 ; his night and return. 100 ; his 
 government, 101 ; his death, 102. 
 
 Pelasgus, i, 7. 
 
 Pelcus, 5, 17. 
 
 Pelias t i, 10. 
 
 Pella m the Olynthian confederacy, i, 
 436; capital of Macedonia, ii, 61, 
 72. 
 
 Pelopidas, leader of the Theban libera- 
 tors, i, 444 ; one of the governors of 
 Bceotia^ 445 ; sketch ot, ii, 5 ; vic- 
 tory ot, at Tegyra, 7 j in the battle 
 of Leuktra, 15, 16 ; his successes in 
 Thessaly, 24, 25 ; in Macedonia, 26 ; 
 his mission to Persia, 28 ; seized by 
 Alexander of Pherse, ib. ; liberated 
 by Epaminpndas, 29 ; death of, 31 ; 
 in Macedonia, 64. 
 
 Peloponnesian war, the, preliminaries 
 of, i, 276 ; events before, 284 ; his- 
 tory of, 291 eq. ; responsibility for, 
 293 ; first two years of, 307 ; savage 
 character of, 321 ; renewal of, 339 ; 
 progress of, 369 ; end of, 383 sq. 
 
 Peloponnesus, the, Doric invasion of, 
 i, 24 ; circumnavigated by the Athe- 
 nian fleet, ii, 9 ; disastrous earth- 
 quakes and rains in, ib. ; invasions 
 of, by Epaminondas, 20, 25 ; inclu- 
 ded in the Achaean confederacy, 247. 
 
 Pelta, the, i, 425. 
 
 Peltasts, reorganization of the, by 
 Iphikrates, i, 425 ; destruction of a 
 Spartan battalion by, 427 ; in the 
 Macedonian army, ii, 70. 
 
 Pelusium, Alexander at, ii, 119. 
 
 Peneius, the, i, 37. 
 
 Penelope, i, 26. 
 
 Penestw, the, compared with the He- 
 lots, i, 68. 
 
 Penthcsileia, i, 21. 
 
 Pcrdikkas II, of Macedonia, relations 
 of, toward the Athenians, i, 289, 435 ; 
 his reign, ii, 62. 
 
 Perdikkas III, ii, 24, 30 ; death of, 46 ; 
 his reign, 64-5. 
 
 Perdikkas, Macedonian general, ii, 98 ; 
 regency of, 149 ; his punishment of 
 the insurgents, 151 ; goes to the aid 
 of Eumenes, 1C3 ; ofiers of marriage 
 to, 164 ; marches to Egypt against 
 Ptolemy, 165 ; his death, 169. 
 
 Periander of Corinth, i, 83. 
 
 Periklcan age, the, i, 270. 
 
 Perikles, i, 242 ; sketch of, 243 ; an- 
 tagonism between him and Kimon, 
 
 245-6 ; opposes granting aid to the 
 Spartans, 253 ; his advice to the 
 Athenians, 256 ; constructs the Long 
 Walls, 257 ; proposes the recall oi' 
 Kimon, 259 ; changes at Athens un- 
 der, 261 ; internal regulations of, 
 262 ; object of the laws of, 264 ; pub- 
 lic works of, 267 ; energy of, 268; 
 age of, 270 ; object of. 271 ; funeral 
 oration of, 275 ; reduces Samos, 
 280 ; funeral oration of, 282 ; his 
 decree against the Megarians, 285 ; 
 slanders of his opponents, 296 ; his 
 relations with Aspasia, 297 sq. ; his 
 opposition to the Spartan envoys, 
 803; last days of, 316 ; his political 
 career, 318. 
 
 Perilaus, Sikyonian commander, i, 
 223. 
 
 Pcrinthus, ii, 55. 
 
 Pcriceki, the, i, 67 ; freed by Epami- 
 nondas, ii, 22 ; made citizens of Spar- 
 ta, 246. 
 
 Perrhtebians, the, i, 37. 
 
 Persepolis, treasure found at, ii, 129. 
 
 Perseus, legendary hero, i ; 8. 
 
 Perseus, son of Philip V, ii, 250. 
 
 Persia, establishment of the empire of, 
 i, 125 ; 'Spartan negotiations with, 
 429 ; the Asiatic Greeks given up to, 
 430 ? 434 ; refuses aid to Sparta 
 against the Thebans, ii, 9 ; Hellenic 
 ambassadors sent to, 28 ; state of, on 
 Alexander's invasion, 96 ; the army 
 of, 99 sq. ; wars of, with the Eastern 
 Empire, 326, 334. 
 
 Persian rescript, the, ii, 28. 
 
 Persian invasion, the first, i, 138; the 
 second, 162. 
 
 Persian wars, the, i, 125 sq. ; results 
 of, 226 sq. 
 
 Persians, the, i, 126 ; on the plain of 
 Marathon, 143 sq. ; retreat of, after 
 the battle, 154-5 ; march of, under 
 Xerxes, 165 ; expulsion of, 212 eq. ; 
 their conduct in the war, 227 ; Spar- 
 tan war against, 407 ; fatal mistakes 
 of, ii, 99. 
 
 Persis (Persia proper), i, 125. 
 
 Peter the Hermit, ii, 377 ; the crusade 
 preached by, 378. 
 
 Peukestas, satrap of Persis, ii, 183 ; 
 fear of, at the approach of Antigo- 
 nus, 186 ; his treachery, 188. 
 
 Phaedriades rocks, i, 46. 
 
 Phalsekus, Phokian general, ii, 81 ; 
 surrenders to Philip, 85. 
 
 Phalangite-j, the Macedonian, ii, 71. 
 
 Phalanx, the Macedonian, ii, 71.
 
 438 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PhalarLs, tyrant (of Agrigcntum), i, 
 2J5. 
 
 Phalcrum. i. 423. 
 
 J'luK'nim, the Athenians transfer their 
 ship-vard from, i, 231. 
 
 Pharnabazus, Alki blades put to death 
 by, i, 393 ; hid contest with Dcrkylli- 
 da*, 409-10 ; his army captured by 
 Atresilaus, 414 ; joint commander 
 with Konon, 421. 
 
 Pharos, the tower of, ii, 240. 
 
 Pharsalus, Tlics^aly, ii, 24. 
 
 Phcidia-s, works o'f, i, 62, 268 ; trial 
 and death of, 801. 
 
 Pheidippides, the courier, i, 147. 
 
 Piieidon, kin^ of Argo-i, i, 59, 62. 
 
 Phelcke, Hetteria, ii, 398. 
 
 Phemius, i, 31. 
 
 Phera?, power of Jason established at, 
 u^ 18; taken by Philip, 74; treaty 
 ot peace concluded at, 84. 
 
 Phila, wife of Demetrius, ii, 224 ; sui- 
 cide of, 225. 
 
 Philip (II) of Macedonia, ii, 24; hostajrc 
 at Thebes. 26, 64 ; his accession, 45, 
 65 ; extends his dominions, 46 ; aven- 
 ger of the Delphian god, ib. ; ora- 
 tions of Demosthenes against, 51 sq. ; 
 his Hellenic character, 52 ; ends the 
 second Sacred War, 54 5 master of 
 the Amphiktyonic Council, 55 ; peace 
 concluded by, ib. ; commander in the 
 third Sacrcu War, 56 ; his victory at 
 Chseroneia, ib. ; master of Hellas, 57 ; 
 chosen general-in-chief of, against 
 Persia, ib. ; his early career, 65 ; his 
 accession and extension of his pow- 
 er, 66 sq. ; his reorganization ot the 
 army, 69 ; his marriacro with Olym- 
 pias, ib. ; master of all Thcssaly, 74 ; 
 large naval force acquired by, 75 ; his 
 expedition to Thrace, 75 ; his sick- 
 ness, 76 ; in the Olynthian war, 77 
 sq. ; splendid celebration of his vic- 
 tory, 80 : Athenian proposals of peace 
 to, 81 ; his reply to the ambassadors, 
 81 -2 ; his terms accepted, 82 ; in 
 Thrace, 83 ; Hellenic envoys before, 
 ib. ; ends the Phokian war, 85 ; prep- 
 arations for his expedition to Asia, 
 86 : assassination or, 87 ; his position 
 in history, 88. 
 
 Philip IV, son of Kassandcr, ii, 223. 
 
 Philip V, son of Demetrius III, ii, 
 247 sq. 
 
 Philip II of France, ii, 834. 
 
 Philip Arridieus chosen king, ii, 150 ; 
 death of, 181. 
 
 Philippeion, coin, ii, 69. 
 
 Philippi, origin of, CD; battles of, ii, 
 263, 277. 
 
 Philippic, the first, ii, 51, 75. 
 
 Philippikus, the emperor, ii, 356. 
 
 Philippus, Alexander's physician, ii, 
 109. 
 
 Philippus, the emperor, ii, 277. 
 
 Philippus, Theban polcmarch, i, 444. 
 
 Philo Judanis, ii, i!sO. 
 
 Philokles, i, 265. 
 
 Philolaus, legislation of, i, 49, 50. 
 
 Philomclus, Phokian general, the Del- 
 phian temple robbed by, ii, 44 ; tho 
 troops mustered by, 45 ; death of, ib. 
 
 Philopoevnen, ii, 248. 
 
 Philosophy, schools of, i, 113. 
 
 Philotas, Macedonian general, ii, 93 ; 
 death of, 132. 
 
 Philotas, the taxiarch, ii, 153. 
 
 Phineus, the soothsayer, i, 11. 
 
 Phliasians, the, Spartan power estab- 
 lished over, i, 439. 
 
 Phcebias, Sikyonian villagCj ii, 25. 
 
 Phcebidas. Spartan general, i, 437 ; seiz- 
 ure of Thebes by, 438. 
 
 Phoenicia, Alexander's conquest of, ii, 
 116 sq. 
 
 Phoenicians, the, in the battle of Sala- 
 mis, i, 193. 
 
 Phokasa, i, 112, 137. 
 
 Phokreans, the, i, 114. 
 
 Phokian war, the, ii, 43 sq. ; recapitu- . 
 lation of, 73 ; end of, 85. 
 
 Phokas, the emperor, overthrow of, ii, 
 342. 
 
 Phokians, tho, at Thermopylse, i, 177, 
 181 ; in the army of Mardonius, 209 ; 
 distrusted by the Persians, 211 ; al- 
 lies of Sparta against the Thebans, 
 ii, 8 ; decree of the Amphiktyonic 
 Council and alliance against, if, 43 ; 
 rob the Delphian temple, 44 ; victo- 
 ries of. over Philip, 46 ; defeated by 
 him, ib. ; sentence against, 54 ; re- 
 capitulation of their proceedings, 73 ; 
 excluded from the treaty of peace, 83, 
 84 ; their punishment, 85. 
 
 Phokion, sketch of, ii, 53 ; defends By- 
 zantium atrainst Philip, 55 ; tries to 
 restrain the Athenians, 56 : his suc- 
 cesses in Eubcea. and recall, 78 ; his 
 efforts to pacify the people of Athens, 
 155; refuses the command of the 
 army, 157 ; his embassy to Antipa- 
 tcr, 159 ; his trial, 176 ; nia fortitude, 
 178 ; death of, 179 ; comments on 
 the trial of, ib. 
 
 Phokis, importance of, i, 49 ; laid waste 
 by the Persians, 188 ; revolt of, 279 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 439 
 
 resolutions of tho Amphiktyonic 
 Council against, ii, 54 ; sentence upon, 
 85. 
 
 Phokus, son of Phokion, ii. 179. 
 
 Phormio, Athenian admiral, i, 320. 
 
 Phrygia ravaged by Agcsilaus, i, 413, 
 4M. 
 
 Photius, tlio patriarch, ii, 371. 
 
 Phrynichus, the tragic poet, i, 133. 
 
 Phthiotis, i, 37. 
 
 Phylake. i, 17. 
 
 Phyle, Thrasybulus at, i, 393. 
 
 Phyllidas, Thcban liberator, i, 444. 
 
 Piacenza, council of Urban II at, ii, 379. 
 
 Pinarus, the, ii, 112. 
 
 Pindar, eulogy of the Athenians by. i, 
 51 , 52 ; his house spared on tho de- 
 struction of Thebes, ii, 95. 
 
 Pindu.s ; Mount, i, 55. 
 
 Piracy in the heroic age, i, 30. 
 
 Pirates, the, ii, 261 sq. 
 
 Pisatis, i, 59. 
 
 Pittakus, i, 112. 
 
 Plague, the, at Athens, i, 312 sq. ; at 
 Constantinople, ii, 337, 364. 
 
 Plateea, i, 51 ; its separation from 
 Thebes, 51-2 ; battle of, 212 sq. ; 
 booty taken at, 219 ; honors awarded 
 to the victors, 221 ; war of, against 
 Thebes, 303 ; taken by the Pclopon- 
 nesians, 31 ! ; destruction of, 320 ; re- 
 built by the Lacedaemonians, 435. 
 
 Plateeans, the, in the battle of Mara- 
 thon, i, 149 ; palm of bravery at Pla- I 
 tea awarded to, 221. 
 
 Plato, ii, 65. 
 
 Pleistpanax. king of Sparta, i, 279. 
 
 Plcurias, Illyrian king, ii, 86. 
 
 Pliny the Younger, ii, 271. 
 
 Plutarch j his account of Lysander's dis- 
 grace, i, 412. 
 
 Pnytagoras, son of Evagoras, i, 434. 
 
 Poetry, dramatic, i, 265. 
 
 Poets, early Greek, i, 122. 
 
 Pollis, Spartan admiral, defeat of, ii, 6. 
 
 Pollux, i, 10. 
 
 Polybiades, Spartan general, i, 439. 
 
 Polybius, ii. 252. 
 
 Polybus of Corinth, i, 13. 
 
 Polydamas, i, 43. 
 
 Polygamy, i, 28. 
 
 Polykratcs of Sanios, i, 86, 115, 128. 
 
 Polynikes, i, 14. 
 
 Polyphron and Polydorus, brothers of 
 Jason of Phera?, ii, 23. 
 
 Polysperchon, successor of Antipater, 
 ii, 173 ; his enmity to Phokion, 175 5 
 deputations sent to, ib. | invasion ot 
 Attica by, 179 ; his critical position, 
 
 180; his failure to reduce the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, ib. ; his alliance y. ith 
 Olympias and with the ./Eakides, 
 181 ; supports Ilcraklcs, son of Alex- 
 ander, but kills him, 193. 
 
 Pompcy, the Roman general, ii, 261 ; 
 philanthropy of, 262. 
 
 Pontus, kingdom of, ii, 254, 383. 
 
 Porphyrogenitus, meaning of, ii, 373. 
 
 Popular assembly, the Spartan, i, 66. 
 
 Porus, defeat and capture of, by Alex- 
 ander, iij 137. 
 
 Poseidon, i, L>. 
 
 Potidaea, revolt of, i, 289 ; the Atheni- 
 ans masters of. 319 ; surrendered by 
 Philip to the Olynthians, ii, 09 ; new 
 city on its site, 182. 
 
 Priam, i, 16 sq. 
 
 Probuli, board of, i, 362. 
 
 Probus, the emperor, ii, 279. 
 
 Prokopius, statement of, concerning 
 Justin I, ii, 330 ; exaggerations of, 
 338. 
 
 Prometheus, i, 4 ; moral of the legend 
 cf, 6. 
 
 Propontis, the, i, 11. 
 
 Prokles, i, 58, 64. 
 
 Providence, work of, ii, 256. 
 
 Propykea, the, 5, 267. 
 
 Protogeneia, i, 6. 
 
 Psammetichus of Corinth, i, 84. 
 
 Ptolcraais, daughter of Ptolemy, ii, 
 221. 
 
 Ptolemies, edifices of the, ii, 239. 
 
 Ptolemy (son of Lagus), joins Pcrdik- 
 kas m the royal chamber, ii, 150 ; 
 appointed satrap of Egypt, 153 ; goes 
 to the Macedonian camp, 170 ; threat- 
 ens Antigonus, 192 ; accuses him of 
 violating the treaty, 193; his forces 
 in Kyprus, 201 ; defeated by Deme- 
 trius, 202-3 ; his power, 205 ; wor- 
 shiped by the Rhodians, 213 ; alli- 
 ance of, against Demetrius, 216 ; 
 with Lvsimachus, 220 ; peace of, 
 with Seleukus and Demetrius, 221 ; 
 his fleet in Hellas, 225 ; his death, 
 228. 
 
 Ptolemy, nephew of Antigonus, ii, 193. 
 
 Ptolemy of Alorus, ii, 25, 26 ; death of, 
 30, 64. 
 
 Ptolemy Keraunus, ii, 227 ; king of 
 Thrace and Macedonia, 229 ; death 
 of, 231. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, ii. 239. 
 
 Ptolemy IV, Philopater, ii, 247. 
 
 Public works under Perikles, i, 267. 
 
 Pulcheria, the Eastern Empire ruled 
 by, ii, 323 ; death of, 327.
 
 440 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Purification, the, of the Macedonian 
 army, ii, 151. 
 
 Pydna,the castle of, ii, 181. 
 
 Pylos, seizure of, i, 823 ; fortification 
 of, 324. 
 
 Pyrrha and Dcukalion, i, 5. 
 
 Pyrrhus of Epirus, ii, 222 ; his march 
 "to Macedonia, 223 ; the kingdom of 
 Demetrius almost seized by. 224 ; 
 Macedonia invaded by, 225 ; his ex- 
 pedition to Italy, 233 sq. ; his charac- 
 ter, 233-4; his victories, 235; forced 
 to return to Epirus, ib. ; his death, 
 242. 
 
 Pythagoras, i, 113, 119. 
 
 Pythia, the, i, 44-6 ; treatment of, hy 
 Philomelus, ii } 44. 
 
 Pythian games, i, 48 ; ii. 64-5. 
 
 Pythodorus, the torch-Dearer of the 
 Elcusinian mysteries, ii, 215. 
 
 Pythoklea, an Athenian, ii, 178. 
 
 Python, Macedonian general, ii, 155; 
 satrap of Lesser Media, 182 ; defeat 
 of, 182-3 ; death of, 190. 
 
 R 
 
 Race-course, the, in Constantinople, ii, 
 332-3 ; revolt of the factions of, 333. 
 
 Redshid, ii, 402. 
 
 Reformation, work of, ii, 802 ; -under 
 Lee V, ii. 367 ; under Theophilus, 
 369 ; abolition of, 370. 
 
 Reformers, persecution of, under Mi- 
 chael III, ii, 370. 
 
 Religious ceremonies, i, 1 sq., 40. 
 
 Revolutionary movements, i, 278. 
 
 Revolutionj Greek, ii. 898. 
 
 RhamnuSj invasion of, by the Macedo- 
 nians, ii, 158. 
 
 Rhea, i, 2. 
 
 Rhodes, siege of, ii, 208 sq. 
 
 Rhcekns of Samos, i, 113-14. 
 
 Robbery, i, 30. 
 
 Robert Guiscard, invasion of, ii, 375; 
 death of, 376. 
 
 Roger II, ii. 882. 
 
 Roman civil wars, ii, 202 sq. 
 
 Roman empire, the, early decline of, 
 ii, 275. 
 
 Roman rule, end of the, ii, 328 sq. 
 
 Roman successes, ii, 247. 
 
 Roman supremacy ; ii, 258 pq. 
 
 Romans, the, growing power of. ii, 234 ; 
 the Ilellenic cities ask the aid of, ib.; 
 their war with Pyrrlius, 235 ; ascen- 
 dancy of, in llellas, 250 ; savage 
 treatment of the Greeks by. ib. ; dan- 
 gerous wars of. 254 ; Hellenic pos- 
 eessions fall under, 255. 
 
 Romulus Augustulus, last Roman em- 
 peror, ii, 829. 
 
 Roxana, Queen, ii, 150 ; Statira killed 
 by, 154; death of, 192. 
 
 Ruflnus, ruler of the East, ii, 317 ; 
 murder of, 818. 
 
 Russians, the, defeated by Basil I, ii, 
 872. 
 
 Sachtoures, George, i, 223 (note). 
 
 Sacred Band, the Theban, ii, 4 ; in the 
 battle of Tegyra, 7 ; in the battle of 
 Lcuktra, 15 ; destruction of, 66. 
 
 Sacred War, the first, 5, 46 ; the sec- 
 ond, ii, 42 ; end of, 54 sq. ; new, 56 
 sq. ; the second, recapitulation of, 
 73. 
 
 St. Sophia, temple of, rebuilt by Jus- 
 tinian, ii, 339 ; view of, 840. 
 
 Sakffi, the. at Marathon, i, 151, 153. 
 
 Sa'Tirtii, tiie, in Xerxes's army, i ? 167. 
 
 Safamis, capture of, by Solon, i, 91 ; 
 reference of the Delphic orgclo to, 
 173 ; the Greek fleet at, 186, 187 ; 
 debates at, 100 ; battle of, 196; re- 
 sults of the, 201 ; honors conferred 
 on the victors, 205. 
 
 Sarnians, the, arouse Chios to insur- 
 rection, ii, 405. 
 
 Samos, i, 115, 128 ; revolution of, 79. 
 
 Sardis captured nnd binned by the 
 lonians, i, 135 ; Greek spies at, 172. 
 
 Sarissa, the, ii, 70. 
 
 Sarissophori. the, ii, 70, 72. 
 
 Saronic Gull, the, i, 56. 
 
 Sarpcdon, i, 17. 
 
 Satrapies, i, 127; distribution of, ii, 
 152; new distribution of, 170, 192. 
 
 Satyrus, teacher of Demosthenes, ii, 
 50 ; kindness of Philip to, 81. 
 
 Science in legendary Greece, i, 83. 
 
 Sculpture at Athens under Perikles, i, 
 277 ; under Hadrian, ii, 272. 
 
 Scythia, expedition of Darius Ilystas- 
 pcs into, i, 128. 
 
 Scythians, invasions of the, ii, 278. 
 
 Seisachthia, Solon's, i, 94. 
 
 Seleukus appointed chiliarch, ii, 152 ; 
 his power, 192 ; at the battle of Ip- 
 SU3, 217 ; his growing power, 220 ; 
 sends proposals of marriage to Stra- 
 tonikc, 221 ; his generosity toward 
 Demetrius, 226 ; death of, 229. 
 
 Selim 1, ii, 394. 
 
 Seljuks, the, ii, 874 ; capture of Edcs- 
 sa by, 381. 
 
 Senate, the Athenian, under the Thir- 
 ty, i, 890.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 441 
 
 Serapis, ii, 256. 
 
 Sestos, capture of, i, 224 ; Alexander's 
 army at ? ii, 97. 
 
 Seven against Thebes, the, i, 13. 
 
 Ship-building, ii, 240. 
 
 Sibyrtius. ruler of Arachosia, ii, 190. 
 
 Sicily, colonization of, i t 116 sq. ; con- 
 dition of the colonies in, 224-5 ; war 
 against the Carthaginians in, 225 ; 
 Athenian expedition to, 352; its de- 
 struction, 357 ; under Dionysius the 
 Elder, i, 440, ii, 387 ; civil war in, 
 ii, 41 ; taken by the Mohammedans, 
 863, 371. 
 
 Siege of Troy, i, 15 ; of Tyre, ii, 117 ; 
 oT Rhodes,* 208. 
 
 Sieges, ancient, i, 81 ; laying of, 254. 
 
 Sikmnus, slave to Themistokles, i, 194, 
 202. 
 
 Sikyonj account of, i, 80. 
 
 Sikyoma, 5, 56. 
 
 Simmins, Theban philosopher, ii, 3. 
 
 Simonides of Keos, i, 158. 
 
 Sinon. strategy of, i, 23. 
 
 Siris, battle of, ii, 235. 
 
 Sisyphus, i, 8. 
 
 Sitnonia, promontory of, i, 436. 
 
 Skamandcr, the, Xcrxes's army at, i, 
 166. 
 
 Skyros, capture of, by Kimon, i, 250. 
 
 Slaves in the heroic age, i, 25, 26 ; in 
 Thessaly. 89. 
 
 Slavs, the, ii, 411. 
 
 Smerdis, i, 127. 
 
 Smyrna, i, 111. 
 
 Social life of Sparta, i, 67. 
 
 Social "War, the, ii, 40. 
 
 Society in the heroic age, i, 25. 
 
 Sogdiana conquered by Alexander, ii, 
 134. 
 
 Sokrates, life and teachings of, i, 894 ; 
 death of, 396. 
 
 Solon, character of. i, 89 ; his capture 
 of Salamis, 91 ; his legislation, 94 ; 
 his interview with Croesus, 93 ; his 
 death, 99. 
 
 Sophists, the, ii, 267. 
 
 Sophokles, i, 205 ; at Samos, 280. 
 
 Sosikles, Corinthian envoy, i, 110. 
 
 Sosthenes, a Macedonian commander, 
 ii, 231 ; death of, 232. 
 
 Sostratus, the famous artisan, ii, 240. 
 
 Spain, the Arabs in, ii, 349. 
 
 Sparta, i, 24 ; origin or the dual mon- 
 archy of, 58 ; constitution of, 64 ; so- 
 cial life of, 67; compared with Athens, 
 73 ; growth of the influence of, 77 ; 
 political intrigues of, 85 ; expedition 
 sent by, against Athens, 108 ; refuses 
 
 aid to the lonians, 134; treatment of 
 the Persian herald at, 140 ; leadership 
 against the Persians conceded to, 174 ; 
 earthquake and revolt of the Helots 
 at, 253 ; deliberations at, preceding the 
 Peloponnesian war, 291 ; her policy 
 wholly selfish, 335 ; alliance of, with 
 the great king, 359 ; anti-Hellenic 
 spirit of, 362 ; hegemony of, 388 sq. ; 
 extent of its power, 389 ; its incapa- 
 bility proved, 393 ; blows inflicted 
 upon, 397 ; aid sent to Cyrus the 
 Younger by, 399 ; early decline of 
 ita rule, 402 ; change in the politi- 
 cal character of, 403 ; war of, against 
 the Persians, 407 ; general revolt 
 from, 415; alliance against, 417; abo- 
 lition of the naval supremacy of, 
 421 ; sends aid to Amyntas II against 
 the Olynthians, 437-8 j mistress of 
 Thebes, 438; Olynthian confeder- 
 acy dissolved by, 439 ; new alliance 
 against, 440 ; negotiations with Per- 
 sia, 429 ; the peace of Antalkidas 
 confirmed at. 433 ; failure of an army 
 sent to Thebes by, 446 ; peace with 
 Athens, ii, 8 ; broken, 9 ; congress at, 
 10 ; effect of the battle of Lcuktra at, 
 17, 19 j re volution against, 19 ; threat- 
 ened by Epaminondas, 21 ; perma- 
 nent league with Athens, 25 ; exul- 
 tation at^ over the " tearless battle," 
 26; nearly captured by Epaminon- 
 das, 32 ; opposes the terms of peace, 
 33 ; unfortunate condition of, 39 ; 
 fined by the Amphiktyonic Council, 
 42 ; humbled by Philip, 57 ; position 
 of, about 330 B. c., 130 ; condition of, 
 in the time of the successors, 194 ; 
 attempted reforms of Agis IV at, 244. 
 
 Spartan battalion, destruction of a, i, 
 426. 
 
 Spartan discipline, the, i, 69. 
 
 Spartan embassy, the first, i, 296 ; the 
 second, 302 ; final, 303. 
 
 Spartans, the, i, 67 ; their military disci- 
 pline, 71 ; lukewarm behavior of, 147 ; 
 arrival of their army after the battle of 
 Marathon, 156 ; at Thermopylae, 177 
 sq. ; after the battle, 187 ; heralds sent 
 to Athens by, 208; faithlessness of, 
 209 ; sudden march of, 210 ; oppose 
 the fortification of Athens, 230 ; po- 
 sition of, following the treachery 
 of Pausanias, 234 ; strengthening of 
 Thebes by, 257 ; submit proposals 
 of peace, 326 ; their victories barren, 
 421 ; their spirit under misfortune, 
 429 ; despotic proceedings of, 435 ; do-
 
 442 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 feat of. by the Olynthians, 438 ; gen- 
 eral indignation against, 440 sq. ; hu- 
 miliation of, ii, 6 sq. ; defeat of, nt 
 Tecryra. 7 ; at Lcuktra, 13 ; defeated 
 by Antipatcr, 130. 
 
 Sparti, the race of, ii, 3. 
 
 Spcrcheius, the, i, 36. 
 
 Spliakteria, i^ 319 ; capture of, 331. 
 
 Sphinx, the, i, 13. 
 
 Sj'iutluirus, Tarentine philosopher, ii, 
 3. 
 
 Spithridatcs, Persian renegade, i, 412. 
 
 Spithridates at the battle of Gramkus, 
 11, 103. 
 
 Statira killed by Roxana, ii, 154. 
 
 Stephen, patriarch and saint, ii, 373. 
 
 Stephen the Savage, general of Justin- 
 ian II, ii, 355. 
 
 Stilicho, ruler of the West, ii, 317 ; 
 drives the Goths out of Hellas, 318. 
 
 Stratoklcs, the voto passed by, con- 
 cerning Demetrius Toliorketes and 
 Antigonus. ii, 199. 
 
 Stratomke, daughter o Demetrius, ii, 
 
 Struthas, defeat of tho Lacedaemonians 
 by ? i, 432. 
 
 Sublime Porte, naval power of, ii, 
 405. 
 
 Successors, the, ii, 149 sq. ; great ob- 
 ject of the. 233. 
 
 Sulla in Hellas, ii, 259 sq. 
 
 Supremacy, Athenian, i, 230 sq. ; cul- 
 mination of the, 261. 
 
 Supremacy unattainable by any Hel- 
 lenic city, ii, 41 ; the struggle for, 
 among the successors, 163. 
 
 Supremacy, naval, of the Athenians, i, 
 232. 
 
 Supremacy, papal, ii, 386. 
 
 Susa, treasure found at, ii, 128. 
 
 Sybarisj i, 117 ; destruction of, 119 ; 
 Thuni founded in place of, 228. 
 
 Syenncsis, Kilikian admiral, i, 199. 
 
 Syinplcgades, the. i, 11. 
 
 Synod at Nikiea, ii, 387. 
 
 Syracuse, i, 116, 120 ; under Gelon t 225 ; 
 democratical government established 
 in, 352; destruction of tho Athenian 
 fleet at, 857 ; under Dionysius the El- 
 der, 5, 440 ; freed by Timoleon from 
 Dionysius the Younger, 41 ; subject- 
 ed by tho Komans, 236. 
 
 Syria conquered by the Mohamme- 
 dans, ii, 317 ; invaded by the general 
 HcraKliu?, 353; by Constantino V, 
 ."'1 : the crusaders institute a king- 
 dom in, 3SO. 
 
 Syssitia, the Spartan, i, 6(5, 72. 
 
 Tachos, king of Egypt, ii, 89. 
 
 Tagus, title, 1, 39. 
 
 Taiagm, i, 51 ; battle of, 256. 
 
 Tarentines, the, at war with the Ko- 
 mans, ii, 234 ; assisted by Pyrrhus, 
 235. 
 
 Tarcntum, foundation of, i, 117. 
 
 Tarsus, ii, 282. 
 
 Tartarus, i, 2, 3. 
 
 Taxei.s, the, ii, 101. 
 
 Tearless battle, the, ii, 2G. 
 
 Tcgea, i, 76, 77 ; union of, with Mnnti- 
 ncia, 20 ; Epaminondas at, 32, 34. 
 
 Tegyra, battle of, ii, 7. 
 
 Tela'mon, i, 10, 17. 
 
 Teleutias, Spartan general, i, 438. 
 
 Terbclis, Bulgarian ally of Justinian II, 
 ii, 354. 
 
 Tcmenus, i, 57, 53. 
 
 Tcmpe, vale of, i, 37 ; forces sent to, 
 against Xerxes, 175. 
 
 Ten, Athenian oligarchy of, i, 393. 
 
 Ten Thousand, retreat of the, i, 400. 
 
 Teskercs, ii, 395. 
 
 Thales, i, 113, 114. 
 
 Thasiaus, the, lose Mount Pangreus, ii, 
 69. 
 
 Thasos, i, 121 capture of, 252. 
 
 Tlieagenes, a Henikleid, i, 8. 
 
 Theagenes, despot of Megara, i, 84. 
 
 Thearides of Syracuse, i, 442. 
 
 Theatre, admission to the, at Athens, 
 i, 266. 
 
 Theban fugitives in Athens, i, 444. 
 
 Theban power, rise of, ii, 1 ; culmina- 
 tion of, 28 sq. 
 
 Thcbans, the, i, 49 sq. ; submit to Per- 
 sia, 140; at Thermopylae, 177, 181, 
 182 ; in the battle of Plataea, 216 sq. ; 
 their punishment, 220 ; victory of, 
 over Lysander, 416 : prominence at- 
 tained by, 417 ; in the battle of Ko- 
 roneia, 418 ; forced to submit to the 
 decree of Artaxerxcs, 433 ; character 
 of, ii, 1 ; their resistance to the Spar- 
 tans, 6 ; victory of, at Tegyra, 7 ; 
 their ambassadors in the congress at 
 Sparta, 10 sq. ; their victory at Leuk- 
 tra, 13 sq. ; refinforcements sought 
 by, 18 ; their supremacy over Boeo- 
 tia established, 19; league of Athens 
 and Sparta against, 25 ; efforts of, for 
 recognition of their supremacy, 28; 
 their supremacy in the Peloponnesus, 
 80 ; fleet equipped by, ib. ; effect of 
 the death or Epaminondas upon, 37 ; 
 peace concluded by, 88 ; the Amphik-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 443 
 
 tyonic Council selfishly used by, 42 ; 
 second Sacred War incited by, 43; 
 defeated by the Phokiana, 46 ; in the 
 battle of Chaeroneia, 56 ; ask the in- 
 tervention of Philip in the Sacred 
 War, 83, 86: revolt of, 94; defeated 
 and enslaved by Alexander, 95. 
 
 Thebes, the Seven against, i. 13: gov- 
 ernment of, 49 ; siege of, by the al- 
 lies, 220 ; loss of power by, 253 ; re- 
 stored by the Spartans, 257 ; attack 
 of, against Platcea, 303 ; Spartan oc- 
 cupation of, 437 ; liberation of, 443 
 sq. ; abortive Spartan expedition 
 against, 446 ; the ruling city in Hel- 
 las, ii, 26 ; opposition to Epaininon- 
 das atj 27 ; declared by Persia the 
 head city of Hellas, 28 ; state of, af- 
 ter the battle of Mantineia, 39 ; joins 
 the alliance against Philip, 56 ; sub- 
 jected and chastised by him, 57 ; stay 
 of Philip at, as a hostage, 65; de- 
 stroyed oy Alexander, 94 ; ravaged 
 by Roger II, 382. 
 
 Themistokles, character of, i, 145 ; strife 
 between him and Aristeides, 170 ; 
 wisdom of his policy manifested, 171 ; 
 his interpretation of the Delphic ora- 
 cle, 173 ; at Ternpe, 175 ; at Artemi- 
 sium, 178, 183 ; bribed by the Eubce- 
 ans, 184; his inscriptions on the rocks, 
 186 ; at Athens, 188 ; in the council, 
 at Salamis, 191 ; his stratagems, 194, 
 202 ; in the battle, 198 ; his avarice 
 shown at Andros, 204; honors to, 
 206 ; rejection and restoration of, 207 ; 
 thwarts the plans of the Spartans, 
 231 ; plans of, for strengthening the 
 Pciraeus and Munychia, 232 ; neg- 
 lect of, by the Athenians, 235 ; death 
 of, 237 ; letter of, to King Artaxerxes, 
 240. 
 
 Theodora, wife of Justinian I, ii, 331 ; 
 death of, 339. 
 
 Theodora, wife of the emperor The- 
 ophilus, ii, 369 ; her cruel conduct as 
 regent, 370. 
 
 Theodora, Khazar wife of Justinian II, 
 ii, 354. 
 
 Theodore Laskaris, ii t 3S7. 
 
 Theodoras of Samos, i, 113-14. 
 
 Theodosius the Great, ii, 315 ; second 
 
 fencral council convened by, 316- 
 ef'eats the usurpers Maximus and 
 Eugenius, ib. ; _death of, ib. ; char- 
 acter of, 317 ; his family extinct, 327. 
 Theodosius II, the Small, ii, 323 : his 
 marriage with Athcnais (Eudokia), 
 S24 ; death of, 327. 
 
 Thcodosiua III, temporary emperor, ii, 
 357. 
 
 Theognia, the poet, i, 85. 
 
 Theokritus, ii, 237. 
 
 Theoktistus, ii, 370. 
 
 Theophilus, archbishop of Alexandria, 
 ii, 321. 
 
 Theophilus, the emperor, ii, 368 ; char- 
 acter and career of, 369 ; his success- 
 ors, 370. 
 
 Theopompus, Spartan commander, ii, 
 7. 
 
 Theoria, a, i, 442. 
 
 Theoric funds, the, ii, 77. 
 
 Thcotokos, attribute of the Virgin 
 Mary, rejected by Nestorius, ii, 326. 
 
 Theramencs at the Arginusse, i, 376 ; 
 his treachery to the generals, 377 ; 
 his embassy to Lysander, 383-4 ; 
 his effort to moderate the excesses 
 of the Thirty, 391 ; his death, 392. 
 
 Thermopylae, i, 36; description of, 
 175-6 ; Hellenic forces at, 176 ; battlo 
 of, 179 ; the dead at, 186 ; memori- 
 als at, 205 ; occupied by the Athe- 
 nians against Philip, ii, 46, 75. 
 
 Thespians, the, at Thermopylae, i, 177, 
 181-2; expelled by Epaminondas, 
 ii, 19. 
 
 Thesprotia, i, 54. 
 
 Thessalians, the, i, 24, 37-8 ; submit to 
 the Persians, 175 ; alliance of, with 
 the Athenians, i, 255. 
 
 Thessalonike, daughter of Philip, ii, 
 182 ; murdered by her son. 223. 
 
 Thessaly, i, 24 ; account of, 36 sq. ; 
 Jason of PhersB tagos of, ii, 18 ; freed 
 by Pelopidas, 24; again released 
 from Alexander, 31 ; anarchy in, 
 41 ; conquered by Philip, 46, 74 ; 
 the Phokian war ended in, 85. 
 
 Thetes, i, 25-6. 
 
 Thetis, i, 17, 21. 
 
 Thimbron, Spartan general, i, 408 ; de- 
 feat and death of, 432. 
 
 Thirty, the, at Athens, i, 385. 389 ; 
 cruelties of, 390 ; overthrow of. 392 ; 
 their hostility to learning ana phi- 
 losophy, 394. 
 
 Thomas, Byzantine general, revolt of, 
 ii, 368. 
 
 Thrace, Grecian colonies in, 5,120-21; 
 Xerxes' s army in, 168 ; Philip's ex- 
 peditions to, ii, 75, 83 ; Alexander 
 secures his dominion over, 93 ; made 
 a kingdom, 206 ; the Gauls in, 232. 
 
 Thrakidae, the, ii, 44. 
 
 Thrasybulus, Athenian general, i. 
 366; flight of, 392; overthrow of
 
 444 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 the Thirty by, 393 ; dcmocratical 
 government restored by, 894. 
 
 Thrasybulus, tyrant of Syracuse, i, 
 352. 
 
 Three thousand, the Thirty's list of, i, 
 891 ; new oligarchy constituted by, 
 393. 
 
 Thucydides, the historian, compared 
 with. Herodotus, i, 229 ; his report 
 of the speeches of the envoys, 237 ; 
 his account of the deli Iterations at 
 Sparta, 292 ; views of, on the origin 
 pi the Pcloponncsian war. 294 ; ban- 
 ishment of, 337 ; use of his history 
 by Demosthenes, ii, 49. 
 
 Thucydides, son of Mclesias, i, 270. 
 
 Thudippus, an Athenian orator, ii, 
 178. 
 
 Tiberius II, ii, 342. 
 
 Tiberius Absimarus, the emporor, ii, 
 353. 
 
 Tigrancs, defeat and death of, at My- 
 kalc, i, 222-3. 
 
 Tinuea, queen, i, 405. 
 
 Tinueus, ii, 237. 
 
 Timandra, Alkibiadcs buried by, i, 
 393. 
 
 Timokrates, agent of Tithraustcs in IIcl- 
 las, i, 415. 
 
 Timolcon, Syracuse freed by, ii, 41. 
 
 Timotheus, Athenian admiral, ii, 9, 
 30. 
 
 Tiribazu?, satrap of Ionia, i, 431 sq. ; 
 promulgates tho decree of Artaxer- 
 xcs, 433. 
 
 Tiryns, i, 5G. 
 
 Tisamenus, son of Orestes, i, 58. 
 
 Tissaphernes t treaty with Sparta con- 
 cluded by, i, 3GO ; his relations with 
 Alkibiad'cs, 364 ; successor of Cyrus 
 the Younger, 407 ; unites with Phnr- 
 nabazus, 409 ; outwitted by Agcsi- 
 laus, 412 ; defeated by him, 413 ; 
 deposed and put to death. 414. 
 
 Titans and Titanides, the, i, 2. 
 
 Tithraustes sent to kill and super- 
 sede Tissaphcrnes. i,414 ; concludes 
 an armistice with Agesilaus, ib. ; ex- 
 cites war in Hellas, 415 ; replaced, 
 431. 
 
 Titus Flamininus, ii, 249. 
 
 Tolmides, i, 278. 
 
 Traditions, i, 7, 9. 
 
 Trajan, the emperor, ii, 270. 
 
 Treasure-houses, ancient, i, 32. 
 
 Triballi, the, ii, 98. 
 
 TriboniaDj the legist, ii, 331 ; com- 
 pared with Bacon, 832. 
 
 Tribunals under Periklc% i, 263. 
 
 Tribute paid to Athens, i, 24S. 
 
 Tribute of blood, ii, 394. 
 
 Trinity t the, heresy of Arius concern- 
 ing," ii, 293 so. ; doctrine of, pro- 
 claimed by Tneodosius the Great, 
 816 ; why rejected by Mohammed, 
 844. 
 
 Tripod, the prophetic, at Delphi, i, 44 ; 
 the Platsean, 219. 
 
 Tripolitza, ii, 35. 
 
 Triremes, first construction of, i, 83 ; 
 general adoption of, 117. 
 
 Troy, legend of, i, 15; Xerxes at, 166. 
 
 Tsavcllas, the hero, ii, 402 q. 
 
 Turkish language, the, ii, 3<J3. 
 
 Turkish rule t ii, 892. 
 
 Turks, the, m Asia Minor, ii, 375 ; 
 conquest of Constantinople by, 890 ; 
 oppression of the Christians by, 
 394-5. 
 
 Tyle, Gallic kingdom in Thrace, ii, 
 232. 
 
 Tyre, capture of, ii, 117 sq. 
 
 Tyrteus, i, 70, 75-6. 
 
 U 
 
 Union, lack ofj in Hellas, i, 402. 
 
 Uranus and Ge, i, 2. 
 
 Urban II, pope, the crusade approved 
 by, ii, 878 ; councils summoned by, 
 at Piacenza and Clermont, 379. 
 
 Urban IV, ii, 889. 
 
 Valens, the emperor, ii. 812 ; defeated 
 
 and killed by the Goths, 314. 
 Valentinian I, ii. 812 ; death of, 314. 
 Valentinian II. h,316. 
 Valentinian III, death of, ii, 827. 
 Valcrianus. reign of, ii, 278. 
 Vandals, the, of Africa, defeat Leo's 
 
 expedition, ii, 328 ; victories of Boli- 
 
 sarius over, 334. 
 Venetians, the, sinister motives of, ii, 
 
 384. 
 Vespasian, the emperor, ii, 266. 
 
 W 
 
 War of Independence, last battle of the, 
 ii, 14 (note) ; sketch of the, 392 sq. 
 
 Western provinces, i, 53. 
 
 Wicker shields, the Persian, i, 216. 
 
 William the Conqueror, ii, 375. 
 
 "Wooden walls/' i ; 172, 189. 
 
 Women in tho heroic age, i, 26 ; Spar- 
 tan, 71 ; of ancient Hellas, 297.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 445 
 
 Wordsworth, Bishop, on tho state of 
 
 Athens, ii, 412. 
 Worship, objects of, i, 82. 
 
 Xanthippus, i, 143 ; character of, 144 i 
 prosecution of Miltiades by, 160 ; 
 again a leader, 207 ; commander at 
 the capture of Sestos, 224. 
 
 Xanthippus, son of Pcrikles, i, 299. 
 
 Xcnophancs of Kolophon, i, 113. 
 
 Xenophon, the " Hellenika" of, i, 367 ; 
 the " Anabasis " of, 400 ; real com- 
 mander of the Ten Thousand, ib. ; 
 his subsequent career, 401 ; in the 
 battle of Koroneia^ 419 ; his narra- 
 tive of it, 421 ; his account of the 
 seizure of Thebes, 443. 
 
 Xerxes, preparations of, for a new inva- 
 sion of Greece, i, 162 sq. ; his march, 
 165; enumeration of his army, 166; 
 at Thermopylae, 179, 186 ; in Athens, 
 
 189 ; overlooking Salamis, 193, 198 ; 
 Themistokles's messages to, 194, 202 ; 
 his cowardice, 201 ; his retreat, 203- 
 4 ; capture of his tent at Platsea, 219 ; 
 at Sardis, 223 ; letter of, to Pausanias, 
 233. 
 Xyston, the Macedonian, ii, 70. 
 
 Ycrmuk, the, Mohammedan victory at, 
 ii, 347. 
 
 Z 
 
 Zabergan, Bulgarian chief, ii, 335 sq. 
 Zakynthus ; the Athenian fleet at, ii, 9. 
 Zaleukus, i, 117. 
 
 Zeleia, the Persian army at, ii, 99. 
 Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, iij 282. 
 Zeno, the Isauiian, emperor, h, 329. 
 Zetes and Kalai's, i, 11. 
 Zeus, i, 2, 3 ; temple and statue of, at 
 Olympia, 62. 
 
 THE END,
 
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 Cnrtius and rejects Grote." Dr. U. K. Adams's Manual of Historical Literature. 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. An English Version, edited, with 
 Copious Notes and Appendices, by GEORGE RAWLINSON, M. A. With Maps 
 and Illustrations. In four volumes, Svo. Vellum cloth, $8.00; half calf, 
 $16.00. 
 
 " This must be considered as by far the raost valuable version of the works of 
 'The Father of History.' The history of Herodotus was probably not written 
 until near the end of his life ; it is certain that he had been collecting materials 
 for it during many years. There was scarcely a city of importance in Greece, 
 Asia Minor, Syria, Persia, Arabia, or Egypt, that he had not visited and studied ; 
 and almost every page of his work contains results of his personal inquiries and 
 observations. Many tilings, laughed at for centuries as impossible, are now found 
 to have boon described in strict accordance with truth." 
 
 WILLARD'S GENERAL HISTORY, from B.C. 800 to A. D. 1876. 
 Outlined In Diagrams and Tables; with Index and Genealogies. For Gen- 
 eral Reference, and for Schools and Colleges. Svo. Cloth, $2.00. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. By Dr. THOMAS ARNOLD. Large Svo. Cloth, 
 
 3.00. 
 
 . Dr. Arnold's colossal reputation is founded on this great work. Without go- 
 ing all lengths with Niebuhr, he rejects the fabulous portion of Roman history ; 
 and, while giving tho old legends in their original form, he points out their fal- 
 lacy, and subjects every part of his work to a rigid criticism, based on extensive 
 learning and sound judgment. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE ROMANS UNDER THE EMPIRE. By 
 CHARLES MERIVALE, B. D., Rector of Lawford; Chaplain to the House of 
 Commons. Beautifully printed. 7 vols. Small Svo. Cloth, $14.CO. 
 THE SAME. New edition. 7 vols. in four. 12mo. Cloth, $7.00. 
 
 " A work that has justly taken high rank in the historical literature of modern 
 England. Some of his chapters must long bi regarded as admirable specimens 
 of elegant literary workmanship. The author begins his history with the gradual 
 transfer of the old Republic to the imperialism of the Caesars, and ends it with 
 the age of tha Antonines. It therefore exactly fills t'ae gap between Mommsen 
 and Gibbon."
 
 Works on Ancient History. (Continued.) 
 
 MONTESQUIEU'S CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CAUSES 
 OF THE GRANDEUR AND DECADENCE OF THE ROMANS. A 
 New Translation, together with an Introduction, Critical and Illustrative 
 Notes, and an Analytical Index. By JEHU BAUER. Being incidentally a 
 Rational Discussion of the Phenomena and the Tendencies of History iii gen- 
 eral. l-2mo. Cloth, $2.00. 
 
 " Mr. Jehu Baker has rendered a great service to English-speaking people by 
 producing a new and admirable translation of Montesquieu's ' Consideration? on 
 the Grandeur and Decadence of the Romans.' But Mr. Baker lias by no means 
 confined hinwelf to the simple work of translation. Many foot-notes Imve been 
 added throughout the volume, and each chapter is followed by an extended and 
 elaborate note. In this work Mr. Baker has in general been most judicious. 
 The additions are thoroughly in harmony with the spirit and the treatment of 
 the original. The central thought which the book seeks to enforce is that of a 
 progressive movement pervading the history of the world. Admirably as this 
 was shown by Montesquieu himself, the last hundred ant) fifty years have afforded 
 many striking illustrations of its truth, and of these Mr. linker has made good 
 use. A very few instances of inexactness of statement in his author fire also ex- 
 plained or corrected in the notes, and a careful analytical index greatly increases 
 the value cf the work for purposes of reference.'' Boston Courier. 
 
 DIGEST OF ANCIENT AND MODERN IIISTOR Y. By THOMAS 
 
 DKW. 8vo. Cloth, $2.20. 
 
 "So nearly what its title indicates that any considerable description is un- 
 necessary. In method, however, it is somewhat unusual. Each paragraph 
 begins with a question, which it is the purpose of the paragraph to answer." 
 Dr. C. K. Adams's Manual of Historical Literature. 
 
 MANUAL OF ANCIENT AND MODERN HISTORY. By W. 
 C. TAYLOR, LL. D., M. R. A. 8. Revised by C. S. HENRY, D. D. 8vo. Cloth, 
 $3.50 ; or, in separate volumes, $2.00 each. 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. Containing the Politico] History. Geographical Position, 
 and Social State of tbe Principal Nations of Antiquity, carefully digested 
 from the Ancient Writers, and illustrated by the Discoveries of Modern 
 Scholars and Travelers. 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. Containing the Rise and Progrecs of the Principal Euro- 
 
 8 can Nations, their Political History, and the Changes in their Social Condi- 
 on ; with a History of tho Colonies founded by Europeans. 
 
 Dryness is generally characteristic of condensed historical outlines ; in the 
 present case it is avoided by the vigorous style of the author, and the introduc- 
 tion of interesting anecdotes and episodes that serve to relieve the mind, and 
 bring out in clear light the peculiarities of individual or national character. 
 
 The American edition has been revised throughout by Dr. Henry, and enlarged 
 by the introduction of an admirable chapter on American bUtory. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE WORLD, from the Earliest Records to the Fall 
 of the Western Empire. By PHILIP SMITH, B. A. New edition. 8 vols., 
 8ro. Vellum cloth, gilt top, ffi.OO. 
 
 " These volumes embody the results of many years of arduous and conscien- 
 tious Rtr.dy. The work i fully entitled to be called the ablest and most satis- 
 factory book on the subject written in our language. The author's methods are 
 dignified and judicious, and ho has availfid himself of all tbe recent light thrown 
 by philological research on the annals of tho East." Dr. C. K. Adams't Manual 
 Of Historical Literature. 
 
 New York : D. APPLETON & CO., 1, 3, & 6 Bond Street.
 
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