ri sLj i B jUIo i v>^ %. < %km :t\MNIVERS/^ in 1^1 ^7130NVS01- %\\mmit^ fj 'il^NYSm^ 4 f\jt.i;>,ii\;CD. J lajiiY ju^ If (ii'U/rn. -^UJl^vjy; -< O ^uriAl INfi viv'H ^^\W ^Mmmfh. ..KiosAN < s ^ ^-TiiaONVSO'i ■t^AUVd^i .^NSillBRAR x\UIBRARY '^.!/0dllV3JO>' ^' I.VIVERVa a<»0^ o ALIFO/?^ .aOFCAI!FO;?,Iv ^ .v.iri'^-.vjrnrr THE LIFE or SAM HOUSTON. THE HUNTER, PATRIOT, AND STATESMAN OP TEXA8. ;U« onis autbtutii iHtmoir of f)im titz publtjftit.) TIE LOm AKS grPPOBTS THAT CONSTITUTION STSICTXT, IS VT TlU/m.'* )}*«. Houston'! Speech on th« CompromU* Mora ILLUSTRATED. PHILADELPHIA : JOHN E. POTTER AND COMPANY, 617 Sansom Stbeet. Entered according to Act of Congress, In the jenr 1M7, hj JOHN E. POTTER & CO., ta the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, In and for tb« EaKtera DiBtrict of Pennsylvania. F CONTENTS. SECTION FIRST. A BirUBLIC IX TBI rOBBSTl. TrUl Daji t> Nations — Rubicon Hours — Texas in the Union, . • « • • U SECTION SECOND. AXCE8TRT AND TODTB. Hoaiton'a Ancettry and Youth — Houston's Mother — Hard Work for tie B«y— Emigration to the West — Houston's Education — He Becomes an Indian — Running Wild Among the Indians — Houston Studies the Indians — Indian Warriors in Waahintcton — Houston a School- Teaclxer — He Joins the O. S. Army — To-ho-pe-ka, IT SECTION THIRD. THS 80LDIKR. ^ Houston Wider Ckn. Jackson — The Creek Campaign — One Thousand Creek War- rior* — The Indian Prophets — The Ruin of the Creek Nation — The Wounded Soldier — Houston on a Litter — The Soldier at Home — Afloat on the Mississippi — A Winter of Suffering — Houston's Vindication, ........ 19 -SECTION FOURTH. THB CITILIAX. Houston Studies Law — Original Characters — Houston Admitted to the Bar — Elected to Congress — Separates from his Young Wife — Resignation of the Office of Governor — The Wigwam-Home, ..••••••••4i SECTION FIFTH. TB B EXILE. The Exile— Houston's adopted Father— The Old Chiefs Greeting- The Children of the Forests — Houston befriends the Red Man — His Opinion of the Indians — Fire* Water among the Red Men — Houston's Enemies — Jackson, the Friend of Hous- ton— Attempts to kill Him— On Trial— Thirty Days of Public Trial— His Acquittal —He Returns to the Forestji — The Hearth-Stone of a Savige King, ... 49 Vlll CONTENTS. SECTION SIXTH. TSXAS — THE KSW riEL». Vcrest Ciric Life in Texas — First Convratioa in Texas — First Collisroa with Santa Anna — Tiie Constitution of Texas — Houston's Policy for Texas — Austin Imprisoned -Public Meetings in Tesas — Santa Anna's Tyranny — Texas Prepares for the iruggle — The Patriot Austin — Provisional Declaration of Independence — Hous- on's Indian Gostanie — Commander-in-Chief — A Proclamation — Capitulation of the Vlamo — The Spirit of Faction — Mustering an Army — Houston's Plans for the 'Jampaign — Opposition to Oyereome — A Bark Future for Tesas — Persecution— the 2d of March, 1836, M SECTION SETENTB. TBB OENBRAL. Iht Declaration of Independence- -The Brave Men in the Alamo— A Letter from Col. Travis — Houston in the ConvenSion — The Pall of the Alamo — Houston'* Policy — T!ie Last Gun from the Alamo — The Massacre of the Alamo — Mis. Dickinson's Story — Panic in Texas — The Marcli — A Lustre to the Setting Sun — Houston's Humanity — Down the Colorado — Houston's Army — The daughter of Goliad — Preparing to Meet the Enemy — The Cimp on the Brazos — Marching to San Jacinto — The Only Hope of Texas — Santa Anna Advancing — The Cowardice of the Gorernment— The Two Field- Pieces — Not a Tent in the Army — The Time to Fight — Not a Moment to be Lost — An Hour of Peril — "Remember the Alamo" — The March of Houston's Army — Their Arrival at San Jacinto — Santa Anna's Bugles — The Two Armies Meel^-The Evening Before the Battle — Truth and its Power— The Ciimp of the Mexicans, ...8T SECTION BIGHTH. THE HERO OF SAN JACINTO. The Night Before the Battle — The Morning of San Jacinto— A Council of War- Houston Brings on the Battle— The Slaughter— The Chaige— The Death Struggle —The Fate of the Five Hundred — Deaf Smith — The Day of Vengeance — The 'light of Santa Anna — The Return from the Field— The Spoils of Victory— The ublimity of the Victory — The Dominion of the Anglo-S^ixons — Why Americans Vent to Texas — Spain Fades from her Ancient Dominion — The Despotism of 4exico — A Justification of Texas — Time's Noblest Offspring, ..... 1S3 SECTION NINTH. THl TICTOK AND TUK CAPTIVE. The Morning After the Victory — Santa Anna Houston's Prisoner — Houston Recetrei Him — The Mortified Mexican Dictator— Santa Anna Meets Himston — Cross Kxa- mitiation of Santa Anna — The San Jacinto Corn — Americans can Never be Con- quertd— Santa Anna to be Shot — Houston's Magnanimity to Him— Santa Anna and Hoiutou— Houston's Treatm»nl of his Prisoners — Orders to Santa Anna— CON TENTS. IX The Fugitive GoTernment — Rush, tbe Patriot Soldier — Conditions of Santa Anna*! Release — Scenes After San Jacinto — Houston's Noble Conduct — The General Parting with the Army— Address to the Stjldiers— Houston's Keception at New Orleans — His Keturn to His Home — S-anta Anna to be Executed — Houston's Pro- test — Bad Faith with Santa Anna — liijustice to a Prisoner — Santa Anna's BemoDstrance — A Bitter Sarcasm — The New ComniaDder-in-Chief, . . . 141 SECTION TENTH. TBE PRSaiDBHT. Election o' the First President by Acclamation — The First Texan Congress — Hous- ton's Ir.augural Address — The Infant Republic — Houston Returns His Sword- First Step of the President — Meeting of Houston and Santa Anna — Jackson's Opinion of Houston — Parting of Santa Anna and Houston — Attempts at Annexa* tion — Walker's Advocacy of Texas — Jackson's Last Official Act^Texas Advances — Houston's Treatment of the Indians — Di?band]ngjhe Army — An Army of Adven- turers Disperse — Houston's Steadying Hand — Prosperity of Texas — Law-Abiding Men — Houston's First Term Ends — Valedictory Address — Houston's Blessing on His Republic 121 SECTION ELEVENTH. TBI I.1I0ISI.AT&B. The New President — Ruinous Policy of Lamar — The Santa F6 Expedition — Lamar Administration — Extermination of the Indians — Lamar's Statesmanship — Houston Saves the Toung Republic — A Crisis Nobly Met IM SECTION TWELFTH. AOAIH PKBSIDBnT. Houston's Second Term — Difficulties to Overcome — Dark Prospects for Texas — ^Texaa again Invaded — Texas prepares for another Struggle — Threats against Houston— A Veto against Dictatorial Power — A i^-tter to Santa Anna — Santa Anna's Political Character — Anglo-Saxons, and Mexicans — History of the Mexican Dictator- Defence of Texas — Tlie Truth told to a Mexican — History of Santa Anna's Con- duct — The Victor to his Captive — Contrast between Mexican and American Humanity — The Truth about Texas — S^lavery in Mexico — Texas will Conquer Peace — Houston's Second Term — Api>eal to all Friendly Powers — Civilized Nations Invoked— The History of tlie Struggle with Mexico written by Houston — Tbe Fair Defiance of Texas to Mexico — Appeal to Humanity against Butchery, . . . Stv SECTION THIRTEENTH. AXIBXATIOK — r BENCH, BRITISH, AMD AMBKICAN CABiaiTS. ■iffect of Houston's Appeal in London, Paris, and 'Washington — Anxiety and Intrigues of European Powei-s about Texas— Texas spurned from our Embraces : CONTENTS. •—Annexation Postponed— Subtle and Successful Policy of Houston— Prospect of losing Texas— Texas relies upon Herself— Should Texas b^ Annexed ? — Policy of Annexation — Texas lost to America — Attempts at Annexation — Solicitude for Texas— Texas Independentr— Houston's Diplomacy— The Future for Texas— Poli- tical Prophecies — Motives for Annexation — Political Calculation — A Look into the FutufA. -Far-Sigh ted Statesmanship, • ^^ SECTION FOURTEENTH. BBTIREMEN T — H OUSTON'S CBABACTEB. Why he favored Annexation — Retirement to Private Life — Last Letter of Instruc- tions — Negotiations— True Policy of the United States — Texas in the Union — A Hearty Greeting to Her— Houston's Presidency — Texas represented at Washing- ton—Houston's Private Character — The Reformer and the Reformed — The Wounds of the Patriot, • Wl SECTION FIFTEENTH. HOCrSTON IS THE NATIONAL SKNATg. His Nationality — Sectionalism in I85t1 — How Low the Country had Fallen — H«W Pierce was Elected — His Treachery to Party, Friends, and Country — His Unpo- pular Administration — America Denationalized — Pierce violates the Compromise Measures — Houston on the Nebraska B ill — Unnecessary Agitation — Fanaticism. Rebuked — The Facts of the Missouri Compromise — Effects of its Repeal upon the Bouth — Integrity of the Compromise — The Measure Uncalled For — Views of Presi- dent Polk — Effects of Repeal upon the Whole Country — Houston swerves not from Duty — Opinion of General Cass — Jacob and Esau — Constitutionality of the Com- promise — Henry Clay — Agitation of 1S5U — Position of ihe Northern Democracy — Vindication of the Indians — Their Social Condition — Shameful Robbery of the Red Men — Duty of Congress towards them — The Pacificators of 1S50 — Remonstrance! against the Nebraska Bill — Houston on the Clergymen's Petition — Ministers of the Gospel not to be Dl8franchi3e THB INDIANS. •Trong^ to the Indians— Growing Sympathy for the Red Man— The Reformer of the Indians — Houston's View of the Indians — Shall the Indians be Exterminated T — No Societies for the Indians — Houston's Boyhood — Justice to the Red Men, . . 811 SECTION EIGHTEENTH. HODSTON AND rORBION BUIORAIIOX. Houston Questioned In the Senate— His Opinion of Foreigners — The Texas BaWlMr u Cross-Questioned — Jealousy of Him, •••••••••( SECTION NINETEENTH. THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS. First Attempts for Annexation — War with Mexico — Debates on the Annexation- Mexican Tribute to Anglo-Americans — A Picture of Texas — Its Resources — Texas the Road to the Pacific — Girded by Two Oceans — Causes for Congratulation- Universal Blessings — Beuton's Opinion of Texas and its Public Men — How She won her Liberty— The Truth of that Hard Struggle— What the World thought of it and its Heroic Leader — What History must say of it, . . . • • . 839 SECTION TWENTIETH. THB PRESENT AND THB FUTaRB OF TBXA8. A Survey of the Condition of Texas — Her Resources in 1S50 — The Probable Desthty of that State, ....SIT SECTION TWENTY-FIRST. Houston's education and eloqubnci. nis Intellectual Life — Characteristics of his Speeches — Speakin? right on — An Effective Orator — Non-intervention In Foreign Affairs — Opinion of Kossuth— Meeting of Kossuth and Houston — Disunion Rebuked — The Great Compromisa Measures of 1850 — Satire on^ Demagogism — Final Appeal In Favor >i the Indians — Our Injustice to the Red Men — How we have treated the Indian*— They ean be Civilized— They Shall, • 8al SECTION TWENTY-SECOND. nocsTON at home . Houston at Home— His Union with the Christian Church— His Family— His Wlf? and Children — Hiii History, and the Moral of his Example — His Future and Ours. 8S7 LIFE OF SAM HOUSTON. SECTION FIRST. A REPUBLIC IN THE FORESTS. I. There are moments in our lives on which fortune suspends our future history ; and when we meet the crisis like men, she takes care of the future for us. Once past the hour of trial, there are no more hardships to undergo, no more dangers to encounter. The gates, which guard the way to glory, are swung wide open to the advancing hero, and he treads the path of light and triumph, as the Roman conqueror marched up to the temple of Jupiter, through the streets of the Eternal City. II. So, too, there are days in the lives of Nations, when fortune suspends the enduring glory of a people upon a single hour — when they are called to decide what their future history shall b«— whether their banners shall float over new empires, extend- 14 TRIALDATSTOKATIONa. ing their liberty, laws, and civilization over oppressed and benighted millions, crushing old structures of despotism, breaking the arm of the tyrant, and melting away the rotten fabrics of hoary superstitions, to emancipate whole peoples — or, whether the wheels of their national greatness shall stand still, and the solemn prolamation go forth, that they have reached the fur- thest limits of their civilization — that the race of their daring young men is suddenly arrested — that there shall be no new field for untrodden adventure and lofty achievement — that the world, and even despotism itself, may roll its wheels of conquest up to their frontier borders, and enlarge the empire of tyranny and Buperstition at its will, for they have done thdr work. They have extended the bright circle of their freedom and power, till they can extend it no longer. Ko bold woodsman may pass their limits, and plunge off into the wilds, to cut out for himself and his children a home in God's own forests, for his government will never protect the squatter adventurer, albeit the James River settler, and uncompromising Puritan, were nothing more. III. And if so be that one after another of these forest heroes has led the way through the green' woods beyond the Sabine, and they can, at least, show the traveller the smoke of ten thousand new cottages, wreathing up into the clear blue sky of New Estra- madura ; and if so be this new race of Puritans, Cavaliers, Huguenots and outlaws, all fraternally mingled, have built up the beautiful fabric of a new, free commonwealth, for all the world to come for a home ; and doue it withal, while they were protecting their wives and Ijttle children from savages, made remorseless by Puritan ^rc-ira/fr, and from the enervated, per- fidious Mexicans — why, even after these hunter-legislators, these sqaatter-founders of States, have done, all the hard work, thia RUBICON-HOURS. 15 old Republic, whose wheels can roll no further, will not eyen accept what no other nation ever had to offer — the free gift of a mighty domain, declared independent, as New York and Vir- ginia were eighty years ago, although the offering be made without money and without price IV. Yes, these trial days come to nations, as they come to men. One of those Rubicon-hours came on the cold bleak Rock of Plymouth, where a little band of liberty-loving men landed, anaer the cover of a keen northern blast, to begin the great business for which Anglo-Saxons crossed the Atlantic, of found- ing free commmonwealths. Virginia, too, had her hour, and her cavaliers went through Indian-haunted woods, as Marshal Key's cavalry charged through the Black Forest. At last, after much debate, and more stupid misconception, the New Republic came, and laid on our* Federal Altars her young shield. It was riddled with rifle bullets, and battered by the tranchant strokes of the tomahawk. You need not have looked very close to have seen, too, the ghostly image of Mexican treachery, filling up the interstices. What an offering was this 1 A young hero-people, a new Rome, coming out of the forests, walking in light, and clothed in strength,-— advancing in manliness up to our altars. V. When the future historian shall tell his readers that the Young RepubUc was driven away from our capitol, and her shield hurled back in her face — they will not believe it. That the Representatives of America debated, hesitated, lauglied Texas to scorn — will, to the next generation, seem a malignant 16 TEXASINTHE UNION. invention of the historian. But it was so — and the last resource of Republicanism was resorted to. The Texan banner was flung to the breeze, and the people of this country were asked to settle the question. And over the hills of New England, the rallying cry rang, where the young American Eagle first unfurled his wings — and far up the valley of the Mississippi, and down to the Florida coast — and back came the glorious shout of a grateful welcome, and Texas came into the Union. VI. It was a proud day when her senators took their seats Greatest of the Texans, came that wondrous man, who stood by the side of the Young Republic, leaning on his rifle, and rocked her infancy in those far-off wilds. Yes, there he stood, on the threshold of the Senate Chamber, bringing in his arms — not like the triumphant generals of Rome — the fine gold or precious stones of distant barbaric princes, lashed to his victorious car — but a new and' a vast empire. There stood the tall, erect form of the care-worn chieftain — his locks turned prematurely grey by the hardships of a revolutionary frontier life. His wounds were upon him ; he had bled freely in the service of two Bepub* lies Let us inquire something of his history. Houston's ancestry and youth. 11 SECTION SECOND. ANCESTRY AND YOUTH. I. Gen. Sam Houston was born the 2d of March, 1793, ia Rock- brklge county, Virginia, seven miles east of Lexington, at a place known as Timber Ridge Church. The day of his birth he was, many years afterwards, to celebrate as the anniversary of the birth of a new republic — for it was on his natal day that Texas declared herself free and independent. II. His ancestors, on his father's and mother's side, are traced back to the Highlands of Scotland. They are there found fighting for " God and liberty," by the side of John Knox. During those times of trouble, they emigrated with that numerous throng of brave men and women, who were driven away from their Highland homes to seek a refuge in the north of Ireland. Here they remained till the siege of Derry, in which they were engaged, when they emigrated to Pennsyl- vania, For more than a century these families seemed to have kept together in all their wanderings, and at last a union was formed between them, by the marriage of his parents, who had been sometime settled in Virginia, when the birth of the subject of this book took place. 18 bodston'suothsb. III. His father was a man of moderate fortune ; indeed, he sceuu to have possessed the means only of a comfortable subsistence. lie was known only for one passion, and this was for a military life. He had borne his part in the Revolution, and was succes- sively the Inspector of Gen. Bowyer's and Gen. Moore's Brigades. The latter post he held till his death, which took place in 1807, while he was on a tour of inspection among the Alleghany Mountains. He was a man of powerful frame, fine bearing, and indomitable courage. These qualities his ^sou inherited, and they were the only legacy he had to leave him. IT. His mother was an extraordinary woman. She was dis tinguished by a full, rather tall, and matronly form, a 6m. carriage, and an impressive and dignified countenance. She was gifted with intellectual and moral qualities, which elevated her, in a still more striking manner, above most of her sex. Her life shone with purity and benevolence, and yet she was nerved with a stern fortitude, which never gave way in the midst of the wild scenes that chequered the history of the frontier settler. Her beneficence was universal, and her name was called with gratitude by the poor and the suffering. Many years afterwards, her son returned from his distant exile, to weep by her bedside when she came to die. V. Such were the parents of this man. Those who know h'b history, will not be astonished to find that they were of that HARD WORK FOR THE BOY. 19 noble race, which first subdued the vyilderness of Virginia, tlie forests of Tennessee, and the ferocity of their savage inhabitants. It is a matter of some interest to inquii*e, what were the means of education offered to this Virginia boy. We liave learned from all quarters, that he never could be got iuto a schoolhouse, till he was eight years old, nor can we learn that he ever accomplished much, in a literary way, after he did enter. Virginia, which has never become very famous for her district schools, had still less to boast of forty years ago. The State made little or no provision, by law, for the education of its citizens, and each neighborhood was obliged to take care of its rising population. Long before this period, Washington College, had been removed to Lexington, and a " Field school " was kept in the ruined old edifice, once occupied by that insti- tution. This school seems, from all accounts (and we have taken some pains to inform ourselves about this matter), to have been of doubtful utility. Houston is said to have learned to read and write, and to have gained some imperfect ideas of ciphering. Late in the fall and the winter, were the only seasons he was allowed to improve even the dubious advantages of such a school. The rest of the year he was kept to hard work. If he worked very well, he was sometimes permitted to run home from the fields, to be in time to retain his place in spelling. But it is doubtful if he ever went to such a school more than six months in all, till the death of his father, which took place when he was thirteen years old. This event changed at once the fortunes of the family. They had been maintained in comfortable circum- stances, chiefly through the exertions of the father, aQ(f aow they wore to seek for other reliances. VL Mrs. Houston was left with the heavy burden of a numt oos 20 KMIGKATION TO THK WEST. family. She had six song and three daughters. But she was not a woman to succumb to misfortune, and she immediately sold out her homestead, and prepared to cross the Alleghany Mountains, and find a new home on the fertile banks of the Tennessee River. Those of our readers who live in a crowded population, surrounded by all that embellishes civil- ized life, may be struck with the heroism of a Virginia woman who, fifty years ago, took up her journey through those unpeopled regions ; and yet few of them can have any adequate conception of the hardships such a heroine had to encounter. We hope the day may come when our young authors will stop writing and dreaming about European castles, with their crazy knights and lady-loves, and hunt- ing through the mummy-haunted halls of the pyramids, and set themselves to work to glean the unwritten legends of heroism and adventure, which the old men would tell them, who are now smoking their pipes around the roof-trees of Kentucky and Tennessee — a race which is too rapidly fading away : to return no more Til. There is room for the imagination to plj>-y around the toilsome path of this widow and her children, as she pushed her adven- turous way to her forest home. Some facts, too, of wild interest, are in our possession — but we shall hurry on with our story, for, if we mistake not, our readers will ficd romance enough in this history, to satisfy the wildest fancy. Fired still with the same heroic spirit which first led them to try the woods, our daring little party stopped not till they reached the limits of the eniigration of those days. They halted eight miles from the Tennessee River, which was then the boundary between whito men and the Cherokee Indians. Houston's educatiow. 21 Till. Young Houston was now set to work with the rest of the family, in breaking up the virgin soil, and providing the means of subsistence. There seems to have been very little fancy in his occupations, for some time; he became better acquainted than ever with what is called hard work, — a term which has a similar signification in all languages and countries. There was an Academy established in that part of East Ten- nessee, about this time, and he went to it for a while, just after Hon. Mr. Jarnagin, who long represented his State in the United States Senate, had left it. He had got possession, in some way, of two or three books, which had a great power over his imagination. No boy ever reads well, till he feels a thirst for intelligence: and no surer indication is needed that this period has come, than to see the mind directed towards those gigantic heroes who rise like spectres from the ruius of Greece and Rome, towering high and clear above the darkness and gloom of the Middle Ages. He had, among other works. Pope's Iliad, which he read so constantly, we have been assured on the most reliable authority, he could repeat it almost entire from beginning to end. His imagination was now fully awakened, and his emulation began to be stirred. Reading translations from Latin and Greek, soon kindled his desire to study those primal languages, and so decided did this propensity become, that on being refused, when he asked the master's permission, he turned on his heel, and declared solemnly that he would lever recite another lesson of any other kind while he lived — and from what we have been able to learn of his history, wo think it very probable that he keirt his word! But he had gathered more from the classic world through Pope's Iliad, than many a ghostly book-worm, who has read Euripides or JEschylns tmoug the solemn rums of the Portico itself. He had caught ^ HOUSTON BECOMES AN INDIAN. the " wonted fire" that still " lives in the ashes " of their heroes, and his future life was to furnish the materials of an epic more Strange than many a man's, whose name has become immortaL IX. His elder brothers seem to have crossed his wishes occasion- ally, and by a sort of fraternal tyranny quite common, exercised over him some severe restraints. At last they compelled him to go into a merchant's store, and stand behind the counter. This kind of life he had little relish for, and he suddenly disappeared. A great search was made for him, but he was nowhere to be found for several weeks. At last intelligence reached the family, that Sam had crossed the Tennessee river, and gone to live among tlie Indians, where, from all accounts, he seemed to be living much more to his liking. They found him, and began to question him on his motives for this novel proceeding, Sara was now, although so very young, nearly six feet high, and standing straight as an Indian, coolly replied that " he preferred measuring deer tracks, to tape — that he liked the wild liberty of the Red men, better than the tyranny of his own brothers, and if he could not study Latin in the Academy, he could, at least, read a translation from the Greek in the woods, and read it in peace. So they could go home as soon as they liked." His family, however, thinking this a freak from which he would soon recover when he got tired of the Indians, gave themselves no great uneasiness about hira. But week after week passed away, and Sam did not make his appearance. At last his clothes were worn out, and he returned to be reGtted. RUNNING WILD AMONG THE INDIANS. 23 He was kindly received by his mother, and, for awhile, bis brothers treated him with due propriety. But tlie first act of tyranny they showed, drove him to the woods again, where he passed entire months with his I-ndian mates, chasing the deer through the forest with a fleetness little short of their own — engaging in all those gay sports of the happy Indian boys, and wandering along the banks of the streams by the side of some Indian maiden, sheltered by the deep woods, conversing in that universal language which finds its sure way to the heart. From a strange source we have learned much of his Indian history, during these three or four years, and, in the absence of facts, it would be no difficult matter to fancy what must have been his occupations. It was the moulding period of life, when the heart, just charmed into the fevered hopes and dreams of youth, looks wistfully around on all things for liglit and beauty — " when every idea of gratification fires the blood and flashes on the fancy — when the heart is vacant to every fresh form of delight, and has no rival engagements to withdraw it from the importunities of a new desire." The poets of Europe, in fancy- ing such scenes, have borrowed their sweetest images from the wild idolatry of the Indian maiden. Houston has since seen nearly all there is in life to live for, and yet he has been heard to say that, as he looks back over the waste of life, there's much that is sweet to remember in this sojourn he made among the untutored children of the forest. XI. And yet, this running wild among the Indians, sleeping on *he ground, chasing wild game, living in the forests, and read- «.g Homer's Iliad withal, seemed a pretty strange busi- ness, and people used to say that Sam Houston would either bo a great Indian chief, or die in a mad-house, or be governor of 24 HOUSTON STUDIES THE INDIANS. the State — for it was very certain that some dreadful thing jv^ould overtake him ! Well, it may have been doubtful, and it was for a long time, what all this would end in. But the mystery has cleared away, somewhat, since the battle of San Jacinto. Certain it is that his early life among the Indians was, as the event proved, a necessary portion of that wonderful training that fitted him for liis strange destiny. There he was initiated into the profound mysteries of the red man's character, and a taste was formed for forest life, which made him, many years after, abandon once more the habitations of civilized men, with their coldness, their treachery, and their vices, and pass years among the children of the Great Spirit, till he finally led the way to the achievement of the independence of a great domain, and the consolidation of a powerful Commonwealth. XII Guided by a wisdom all His own, the Ruler of Nations led him by an unknown path, and his wild history reminds us of the story of Romulus, who was nurtured by the beasts of the forest, till he planted the foundations of a mighty Empire. With the history of the Father of Rome, the pens of poets have played — and it would seem, after all, to have been but a pro- phesy in fable, whose fulfilment the world has waited for till our days. Certain it is, too, that no man whose history we know, has lived on this continent, who has had so complete a knowledge of the Indian character — none who could sway so pov.'crful a control over the savage mind. During his entire administration of the government of Te.xas, not an Indian tribe violated a treaty with the Republic ; and it is nearly as safe to Bay, that during the administration of others, not a tribe was known to make or regard one. IXDIAN WARRIORS IN WASHINGTON. 25 XIII. During the latter part of June, 1846, Gen. Morehead arrived at Washington with forty wild Indians from Texas, belonging to more than a dozen tribes. We saw their meeting with Gen. Hous- ton. One and all ran to him and clasped him in their brawny arms, and hugged him like bears, to their naked breasts, and called him Father ; beneath the copper skin and thick paint the blood rushed, and their faces changed, and the lip of many a warrior trembled, although the Indian may not weep. These wild men knew him, and revered him as one who was too directly de- scended from the Great Spirit to be approached with familiarity, and yot they loved him so well they could not help it. These were vhe men "he had been," in the fine language of Acqui- quask, whose words we quote, "too subtle for. on the war path — too powerful in battle, too magnanimous in victory, too wise in council, and too true in faith." They had flung away their arms in Texas, and with the Comanche chief who headed their file, they had come to Washington to see their Father. I said these iron warriors shed no tears, when they met their old friend — but white men who stood by, will tell us what they did. We were there, and we have witnessed few scenes in which mingled more of what is called the moral sublime. In the gigantic form of Houston, on whose ample brow the beneficent love of a father was struggling with the sternness of the patriarch warrior, we saw civilization awing the savage at his feet. We needed no interpreter to tell us that this impressive supremacy was gained in the forest. xiy. But we have lost the thread of our story. T^is wild life among the Indians lasted till his eighteenth year. He had, during his visits onc« or twice a year to his family, to be refitted 36 HOUSTON A SCHOOLTEACHER in bis dress, purchased many little articles of taste or utility to use among the Indians. In this manner he had incurred a debt which he was bound in honor to pay. To meet this engagement, he had no other resource left but to abandon his " dusky com- panions," and teach the children of pale-faces. As may natu- rally be supposed, it was no easy matter for him to get a school, and on the first start, the enterprise moved very slowly. But as the idea of abandoning anything on which he had once fixed his purpose, was no part of his character, he persevered, and in a short time he had more scholars to turn away, than he had at first to begin with. He was also paid what was con- sidered an exorbitant price. Formerly, no master had hinted above $6 per annum. Houston, who probably thought that one who had been graduated at an Indian university, ought to hold his bre at a dearer rate, raised the price to $8 — one-third to be paid in corn, delivered at the mill, at 33^ cents per bushel — one- third in cash, and one-third in domestic cotton cloth, of varie- gated colors, in which our Indian professor was dressed. He also wore his hair behind, in a snug queue, and is said to have been very much in love with it, probably from an idea that it added somewhat to the adornment of his person — in which, too, he was probably mistaken. XY. When he had made money enough to pay his debts, he shut up his school, and went back to his old master, to study. He put Euclid into his hands. He carried that ugly, unromantic book back and fortli to and from the school a few days, without trying to solve even so much as the first problem, and then came to the very sensible conclusion, that he would never try to be a scholar 1 This was in 1813. But fortunately an event DOW took place which was to decide his fate. HOUSTON JOINS THE U. S. ARMT. 2T XYI. The bugle had sounded, and for the second time, America was summoned to measure her strength with the Mistress of the Seas. A recruiting party of the United States Army came to Maryville, with music, a banner, and some well-dressed sergeants. Of course, young Houston enlisted — anybody could havo guessed as much. His friends said he was ruined — that he must by no means join the army as a common soldier. He then made his first speech, as far as we can learn: — " And what have your craven souls to say about the ranks 1 — Go to, with your stuff ; I would much sooner honor the ranks, than disgrace an appoint- ment. You don't know me now, but you shall hear of me." His old friends and acquaintances, considering him hopelessly disgraced, cut his acquaintance at once. His mother gave her consent as she stood in the door of her cottage, and handed her boy the musket: — "There, my son, take this musket," she said, "and never disgrace it: for remember, I had rather all my sons should fill one honorable grave, than that one of them should turn his back to save his life. Go, and remember, too, that while the door of my cottage is open to brave men, it is eternally shut against cowards." XVII. He marched off. He was soon promoted to a sergeant. In a short time he became the best drill in the regiment; — soon after he was marched to Fort Hampton, at the head of the Muscle Shoals, in Alabama, where he was promoted to an ensign. Returned to Knoxville — assisted in drilling and organ- izing the Eastern Battalion of the 39th Regiment of Infantry; and from thence marched to the Ten Islands, where he remained encamped for some time. The line of march was tboo 28 TO-HO-PE-KA. taker up for Fort Williams. The Regiment descended the Coosa, and marched for To-ho-pe-ka, or the Horse-Shoe, where some events took place, deserving a more minnt» relatioa. THE 30 LO IBB. S9 SECTION THIRD. THE SOLDIER. I. Most of our readers are doubtless familiar with the history of the great battle of the Horse-Shoe. An undecisive struggle had for a long time been carried on with the Creek Indians, who had avoided the hazards of open warfare, hoping at last, by forest ambuscades, and stealthy eruptions, to weary out a foe they did not dare to meet in a general engagement. But this kind of warfare was soon to be brought to an end. They had a ■foe to contend with, who out-matched them in subtlety, and all the daring impetuosity of his nature was bent upon their . de- struction. II. General Jackson's army, encamped at Fort "Williams, now amounted to more than two thousand men, and his spies were scattered far and wide through the forests. Retreating from village to village and point to point, the enemy had gathered all their effective force on a bend of the Tallapoosa, where a tliousand warriors — the chivalry of the Creek Nation — following the guidings of their Prophets, had taken their last stand, resolved to risk all, upon a single struggle. This bend, which they called To-ho-pe-ka or the Horse-Shoe, is accurately de- scribed by its name. It is a peninsula of about one hundred 80 HOUSTON UNDER GEN, JACKSON. acres of land, opening on the north, where it was protected by a massive breastwork — reaching down to the river on both sides — composed of three tiers of heavy pine logs, with two rows of skillfully arranged port-holes, III, On the morning of the 2Tth of March, Gen. Jackson reached the Horse-Shoe, and immediately prepared for action. In a few hours, by a masterly arrangement of his forces, he had com- pletely invested the Peninsula. Gen. Coffee had, early in the morning, crossed the river at a ford two miles below, with a body of mounted men, and nearly all the force of friendly Indians, serving under Gen. Jackson ; and at ten o'clock he had drawn up his lines on the south of the bend, cutting off all eseape from three sides of the Peninsula, In the meantime, the General had advanced towards the north side of the bend, with the main army, and drawing up his lines, he ordered the two pieces of artillery to play upon the Indian breastworks. The first gun was fired at about half-past ten o'clock, and a brisk fire maintained till nearly one, apparently without much effect, — the small cannon shot playing almost harmlessly against mas- sive timbers. No opportunity had yet been given to the maia army to show their valor ; but a rattle of musketry mingling with the sharp crack of a hundred rifles, was heard, and a heavy column of smoke came rolling up from the southern part of the Peninsula. IV. The Cherokees, under General Coffee, had discovered a lino of canoes, half concealed by the bushes, on the opposite shore, and, in a few minutes, they swam the stream, and brought them across, Richard Brown, their gallant chief, leaped into a THE CREEK CAMPAIGN. «». canoe, followed by his brave Cberokees, and with Captain Rus- sell's companies of spies, crossed the river. They first set fire to the cluster of wigwams near the shore, and, as the smoke rose over them, advanced upon the rear of a thousand warriors who were sheltered from the artillery on the north. V. When General Jackson's troops heard the firing and saw the Bmoke, they knew that their companies had crossed the river, and they were impatient to storm the breastworks. But the General held them steady in their lines, till he had sent an inter- preter to remove all the women and children in the Peninsula, amounting to several hundreds, to a safe place beyond the river. The moment this was efifected, he gave an order to storm the breastworks. The order was received with a shout, and the 39th Regiment, under Colonel Williams, and General Doherty's brigade of East Tennesseans, rushed up with loud cries to the onset, where a short but bloody struggle followed at the porb-holes, bayonet to bayonet, and muzxle to muzzle. Major Montgomery was the first man to spring upon the breastworks, but a ball in the head hurled him back. About the same instant, on the extreme right of the 31st Regiment, Ensign Houston scaled the breastworks, calling to his brave fellows to follow him as he leaped down among the Indians — cutting his way. VI. While he was scaling the works, or soon after he reached the ground, a barbed arrow struck deep into his thigh. He kept his ground for a moment, till his lieutenant and men were by Lis side, and the warriors had begun to recoil under their des- perate onset. He then called to his lieutenant to extract the 82 ONE THOUSAND CREEK WARRIORS. arrow, after he had tried in vaiu to do it himself. The officer made two unsuccessful attempts, and failed. " Try again," said Houston — the sword with which he was still keeping command raised over his head — " and, if you fail this time, I will smite you to the earth." With a desperate effort he drew forth the arrow, tearing the flesh as it came. A stream of blood rushed from the place, and Houston crossed the breast- works to have his wounds dressed. The surgeon bound it up and staunched the blood. Gen. Jackson, who came up to see who had been wounded, recognizing his young ensign, order- ed him firmly not to return. Under any other circumstances, Houston would have obeyed any order from the brave man who Btood over him, but now he begged the general to allow him to return to his men. The general ordered him most peremptorily not to cross the outworks again. But, Houston was deter- mined to die in that battle, or win the fame of a hero. He remembered how the finger of scorn had been pointed at him as he fell into the ranks of the recruiting party that marched through the village ; and rushing once more to the breastworks, he was in a few seconds at the head of his men. VII. The action had now become general, and more than two thousand men were struggling hand to hand. Arrows, and Rpcars, and balls were flying ; swords and tomahawks were gleaming in the sun ; and the whole Peninsula rang with the yell of the savage, and the groans of the dying. The tl'.ousaiid warriors who had gathered there that day, were chosen men. A brother of Tccumsch had, some months before, visited all the villages of the Creek Nation, and stirred up their passions for blood and revenge, ])roelaiming to their prophets that the voice of the Great Spirit had called THE INDIAN PROPHETS. 33 him to go on the mission, and that the flower of their people should assemble to give battle to the pale faces, and the day would be crowned with the Cnal destruction of their foes. There was in this strange mission, enough of mystery to inflame all the superstition and maliguity of the nation ; and, fol- lowing their prophets, they had at last met the pale faces on the day that would give victory to their people. The day of the battle had come, and warriors by hundreds were falling ; but they were firm in the belief of their pro- phets, who still proclaimed that they should win the day. The Great Spirit, they said, would sweep their enemies away with a storm of wrath, and his signal should be a cloud from Heaven. And it is proper to add, that when the struggle was decided, and the commander-in-chief was issuing an order to stop the carnage, and had sent an interpreter to tell the foe their lives should be spared if they would surrender, a cloud suddenly overspread the sky. The superstitious warriors, believing it the signal of their promised redemption, fired upon the interpreter after his message was delivered, and again the action began. YIII. But the eagerly- watched signal ended in a qniet April show- er, and no deliverance came to the brave, but devoted peo- ple. Not a warrior offered to surrender, even while the sword was at his breast. Hundreds had already fallen, and were weltering in their gore — multitudes of others had been shot or drowned, in attempting to swim the river — the ground of the peninsula was covered only with the dead and dying, and the battle was supposed to be over. To the last moniei.t, tlie old prophets stood firm, and gazed up towards the sky ; around them warriors clustered, feeling to the very last moment '6 34 THE RUIN OF THE CREEK NATION. that relief would come. Hope expired only with the expiring groan of the last prophet, and the warrior who gasped at his side. IX. But the victory was still incomplete — the work of slaughter was not yet done. A large party of Indians had secreted them- selves in a part of the breastworks, constructed over a ravine in the form of the roof of a house, with narrow port-holes, from which a murderous fire could be kept up, whenever the assail- ants should show themselves. Here the last remnant of the Creek warriors of the Peninsula was gathered, and, as the artil- lery could not be brought to bear upon the place, they could be dislodged only by a bold charge, which would probably cost the lives of the brave men who made it. An offer of life, if they would surrender, had been rejected with scorn by these brave, desperate savages, which sealed their fate. Gen. Jackson now called for a body of men to make the charge. As there was no order given, the lines stood still, and not an officer volunteered to lead the forlorn-hope. Sup- posing some captain would lead forward his company, Houston ■would wait no longer. Calling on his platoon to follow him, he dashed down the precipitous descent, towards the covered ravine. But, his men hesitated. With a desperation which belongs only to such occasions, he seized a musket from one of his men, and, leading the way, ordered the rest to follow him. There was but one way of attack that could prevail — it was to charge through the port-holes, although they were brist- ling with rifles and arrows, and it had to be done by a rapid, simultaaeous plunge. As he was stopping to rally his THE WOUNDED SOLDIER. S5 men, and had levelled his rauskct, within five ysird.s of the j)ort- lioles, ho received two rifle-balls in his right shoulder, and hi.s arm fell sliattered to his side. Totally disabled, he turned and called once more to his men, and implored them to make the charge. But they did not advance. Houston stood in his blood till he saw it would do no good to stand any longer, and then went beyond the range of the bullets, and sank down exiiausted t© the earth. The Indians were at last dislodged from the covered ravine, by its being set on fire. The sun was going down, and it set over the ruin of the Creek Nation. Where, but a few hours before, a thousand brave savages had scowled on death and their assailants, there was nothing to be seen but volumes of dense smoke, rising heavily over the corpses of painted warriors, and the burning ruins of their forti- fications. XI. After the perils of this hard-fought engagement, in which he had displayed a heroism that excited the admiration of the entire army, and received wounds which are this day unhealed, he was taken from the field of the dead and wounded, and committed to the hands of the surgeon. One ball was extracted, but no attempt was made to extract the other, for the surgeon said it was unnecessary to torture him, since he could not survive till the next morning. He spent the night as soldiers do, who war in the wilderness, and carry provisions in their knapsacks for a week's march. Comforts were out of the question for any; but Houston received less attention than the others, for everybody looked on him as a dying man, and what could be done for any, they felt should be done for those who were likely to live. It was the darkest night of his life, and it closed in upon the most bril- liant day he had yet seen. We can fancy to ourselves what must have been the feelings of the young soldier, as he lay on the 36 HOUSTON ONA LITTER, damp earth, tlirough the hours of that dreary night, racked with the keen torture of his many wounds, and deserted in what he supposed to be his dying hour. XII. But God, whose mysterious Providence guides its chosen instruments by a way they know not, had yet other work for him to do — he was yet to pass through many scenes of excite- ment and heroism; and, at last, to lead a brave band of pioneers triumphantly through all their struggles and sufferings to the peaceful enjoyment of a free commonwealth. The military prowess and heroism Houston displayed throughout that bloody day, secured for him the lasting regard of Gen. Jackson, whose sympathies followed him through all his fortunes. More than thirty years after, when the venerable old chief was trembling on the verge of life, looking out with undimmed cheerfulness from the dark inn of mortality upon the summer path of light that opened before him, he sent for Gen. Houston to hurry to Lis bed-side to see him die. XIII. On the following day, Houston was started on a litter, with the other wounded, for Fort Williams, some sixty or seventy miles distant. Here he remained, suspended between life and deatii, for a long time, neglected and exposed, the other regular officers of the regiment having all been removed to Fort Jack- son, or the Hickory Ground. He was taken care of, a part of the time, by Gen. Johnson, father of the Post-master General of that name, and by Col. Clieatham — and ])y them at last brought buck to the Ten Jslands, and from tiience by Gen. Dougherty, who commanded the Brigade from East Tcnnosseo, THE S I, D I F. n AT H II E . 37 through the Cherokee Nation, to liis motlier's house in Blount County, where he arrived in the latter part of May, nearly two mouths after the battle of the Horse-Shoe. XIV. This long journey was made in a litter, borne by horses, while he was not only hel[)less, but suffering the extremest agony. His diet was of the coarsest description, and most of the time he was not only deprived of medical aid, but even of those simple remedies which would, at least, have alleviated his sufferings. His toilsome way was through the forests, where he was obliged to encamp out, and often without shelter. No one around him had any expectation he would ever recover. At last, when he reached the house of his mother, he was so worn to a skeleton, that she declared she never would have knowrr him to be her son but for his eyes, which still retained something of their wonted expression, XV. Under the hospitable roof of that cottage, whose " door was always open to brave men," he languished a short time, and when he had recovered a little strength went to MaryviUe to be near medical aid. Here his health gradually declined, and in quest of a more skillful surgeon, he was removed to Knoxville, sixteen miles to the eastward. The physician to whom he applied, found him in so low a state that he was unwilling to take charge of him, for he declared that he could live only a few days. But at the end of this period, finding he had not only survived, but begun to improve a little, the doctor oflered his services, and Houston was slowly recovering. When he had become strong enough to ride a horse, he set 38 HOUSTOX ox THE MISSISSIPPI. out by sbort journeys for Washington, He reached the scat of Govorumeut soon after the burning of the Cajiitol. In coraraou with every true friend of his country, liis blood boiled when he saw the ruiu that heroic people had worked, and he experienced one of the keenest pangs of his life, in the thought that his right arm should be disabled at such a moment, and while the foe waa still prowling through the country. Winter was now advancing, and with his wounds still festering, he journeyed on to Lexing- ton, Virginia, where he remained till early spring. Having, as he supposed, sufficiently recovered to be able to do his duty as a soldier in some situation, he prepared to cross the mountains. When he reached Knoxville, on his way to report himself ready for duty, he heard the glorious news of the battle of New Orleans. His furlough had been unlimited. XVI. After peace was proclaimed, he was stationed at the canton- ment of his regiment, near Knoxville, and when the army was reduced, he was retained in the service as a lieutenant, and attached to the 1st Regt. of infantry, and stationed at New Orleans. In the fall, he had embarked on the Cumberland, in a small skiff, in company with two young men, one of whom afterwards became distinguished as Gov. White, of Louisiana. He was then a beardless boy, just leaving college. They passed down the Cumberland, entered the Ohio, and at last found their way to the Mississippi, over whose mighty waters they floated tlirough that vast solitude, which was then unbroken by the noise of civilized life. Our voyager had witli liim a few of those volumes which have been the companions of so many great and pood men : a Bible, given to him by his mother. Pope's transla- tion of the Iliad, the same book lie had kept by him during hia A WINTER OF S U *' F E UI N O . 39 wild life amonj^ the Indians — Sliaksj)ore, Akenside, and a few of iliose standard works of fiction, wliicli, like Robinson Crusoe, Pilgrim's Progress, and the Vicar of Wakefield, have become a part of the history of every man who knows how to read. It is not didicult to imagine the elFect such works must have pro- duced upon the heated imagination of a young American soldier, ▼oyagiug through those impressive solitudes. After many days their skiff turned a bend in the Mississippi, above Natchez, and far down the river they saw a vessel coming up the stream without sails, sending up a heavy column of smoke. Instead of being a vessel on fire, as they at first sup- posed, it turned out to be the first steamboat that ever went up the Mississippi river. At Natchez they exchanged their skiff for the steamboat, and in eight days they reached New Orleans, where Houston report- ed for duty. lie no>v had his wounds operated on once more, and the operation nearly cost him his life. The rifle ball, after shatter- ing most completely his right arm just below its juncture with the shoulder, had passed round and lodged near the shoulder- blade. Nothing but an iron constitution had enabled him to endure the enormous suffering he had gone through, and the operation just performed had well-nigh robbed him of his last strength. His lungs were supposed, moreover, to be irreparably injured ; but that indomitable resolution which lias borne him triumphantly through all the struggles of his stormy life, never gave way. XYII. After a winter of extreme suffering, he sailed in April for New York, where he passed several weeks, with a slight improvement in health. Returning to Tennessee by the way of Washington, after visiting his frieuds, he reported to the Adju- 40 Houston's tindicatio^. tant-General of the Southern Division, at Nashville, and waa detailed on duty in the Adjutant's office, and stationed at Nash- ville from the 1st of January, 1817. Tie was attached to the office till the following November, when he was detailed on extra duty as a sub-Indian agent among the Cherokees, to carry out the treaty just ratified with that nation. His feeble health rendered it peculiarly hazardous to encounter the exposures of such an agency, but Gen. Jackson considered it necessary to the public service that he should at least make the attempt, for he could procure the services of no one in whom he could repose such entire confidence. Accordingly, Lieut. Houston, yielding to the importunities of his commander, who, knowing he was unfit for public service, offered him a furlough if he should decline the agency, entered upon his new duties with ardor, and discharged them with marked ability. During that same winter he con- ducted a delegation of Indians to Washington. When he arrived at the seat of Government, he found that attempts had been made to injure him with the Government, for having pre- vented African negroes from being smuggled into the Western States from Florida, which was then a province of Spain. These reports had been circulated by the friends of the smugglers, who were then in Congress. XVIII. He vindicated himself before the President and the Secretary of War, and showed that in all he had done, he had only endea- vored to secure respect for the laws of the country. He was still to show, too, most conclusively, that while he had been occupied laboriously in his new and dillicnlt mission, which lie had, as was confessed on all hands, discharged with singular ability, he had been suffering without respite from his painful wounds received in the service of his country. It was the -F'^' - •' JACKSON, Houston's f n i e x d . 41 opinion of General Jackson, and all who understood Ilonston'a position and services, at tlie time, tiiat he was not only entitled to a full and ample exculpation from all blame (which was indeed accoided him), but had a ris^ht to expect that his magnanimous sacrifices for the State should have met with a wArmer recogni- tion. But he considered himself slighted at the time, and he resigned his first lieutenancy in the army, — at a period, too, when his health rendered it exceedingly doubtful how he was to gain a livelihood. But he acted on the principle he has so often illustrated, that no man should be an almoner upon the bounty of a State who cannot bring to its service talents and acquisi- tions which would procure higher emoluments in private life. He returned with the Delegation to the agency on Hi-Wassee. and then resigned his commission as sub-agent, and went to Nashville to read law. <2 HOUSTON STUDIES LAW. SECTION FOURTH. THE CIVILIAN. I. Houston was now in bis twenty-fifth year. He had played a licroic part in the national struggle just past — he had become familiar with the hardships the frontier soldier has to encounter — he had seen the treachery and the coldness of artificial life — and he had passed years among the simple-hearted but stera children of the Great Spirit. With a mind enriclied by experience and observation, and a lofty aspiration for enduring fame, he abandoned the life of the soldier, to pursue the calmer path of the civilian. In his wan- derings in search of health, his pay in the army had been inade- quate to his necessities, and he found himself burdened down by a load of debt. Before he began the study of the law, he sold the last piece of property he possessed, and appropriated the last farthing of the avails to the discharge of his debts ; but a residuum of several hundred still remained unpaid — the balance, however, was soon discharged. II. He entered the office of Hon. James Trimble, who told him that eighteen months of hard study would be necessary, before be could be admitted to the bar. He began his studies in June, ORIGINAL CHARACTERS. 43 1818. He read a few of the standard works prescribed in a course of law studies, and read tlieni thorouglilj. He grasped the great princi[)les of the science, and they were fixed in his mind for ever. There is a class of men who are made up, like composite architecture, of the details of beauty stolen from primitive orders ; such men constitute the secondary forma- tions of society ; but the intellectual world, like the frame of nature, reposes upon nobler and more massive strata. III. Those men who borrow their lights from others, never lead the human race through great crises — they who depend on the strength they gather from books or men, are never equal to lofty achievements. The minds which electrify the world, gene- rate their own fire ; such men seldom shine in details — they have no time to attend to them, and they never feel the loss of these secondary lights. The bold mariner, who ventures at once upon the open sea, and regulates his course by a few towering head- lands and solitary lights that gleam from afar, can give little information to the coaster about the tiny baj's that indent the shore, or the color of the pebbles that glitter on the beach. But he has marked on his chart the dangerous reefs, and the great currents of the ocean, and he is at home with his noble vessel wherever the sun, the moon, and the stars shine. So it is with those who explore the fields of science. Some men cultivate such studies only to amass details, to use on appropriate occasions, while others enter them only to gather general principles which have a universal api)lication ; and, in approaching these two classes, we discover as grand a difference as we do between one of those islands of the Pacific Seas, newly formed by the countless aniraalcula3 of the oceau, and the bold brow of the everlasting mountain. 44 HOUSTON IS APMITTEL TO THE BAR, We have used tliese illustrations only to convey more per- fectly an idea of Houston's character. His teacher had jirc- gcribed eighteen months' study : in one-third of the time he was recommended to apply for license, and he was admitted with eclat. A few months' study had enabled him to pass a search- ing examination with great honor to himself and his new profes- sion. He immediately purchased a small library on credit, and established himself in Lebanon, thirty miles east of Nashville, and began the practice of law. Soon after, he was appointed Adjutant-General of the State, with the rank of Colonel. In the meantime he followed up his studies, and the practice of his pro- fession, with earnestness, and so rapidly did he rise at the bar, that he was, in October of the same year, elected District Attor- ney of the Davidson District, which made it desirable he should take up his residence at Nashville. He was obliged to come in collision with all the talent of one of the ablest bars of Western America. Every step he trod was new to him, but he was almost universally successful in prosecu- tions ; and his seniors who rallied him upon his recent advance- ment, and his rawness in the practice, never repeated tlieir jokes. They discovered, to their mortification, that neither many books, nor much dull plodding could enable them to mea- sure weapons with a man so gifted iu rare good sense and pene- trating genius. IV. We have taken considerable pains to render ourselves familiar with the various stejjs of Houston's advancement, till he reached the highest honors of the State. But we shall be obliged to pass rapidly over this portion of his history, in order to leave Bpace to speak more minutely of his subse(piciit achievements. The labors of the District Attorney were unceasing, but the fees were so inconsidcral)lc he resigned his post at the end of twelve ELECTED TO CONGRESS 4i5 montlis, and resumed the regulav practice of his profession, ia which he rose to great and sudden distiuctiou. In 1821 he was elected Major-General by the field-officers of the division which comprised two thirds of the State. In 1823, he was recommended to oflfer his name as a candidate for Con- gress. In the various official stations he had filled, he ha(> won so much respect, and at the bar he had displayed such rare ability, that he was elected to Congress without opposition. Ilis course in the National Legislature was warmly approved by his constituent^, and he was returned the second time by an almost unanimous vote. Ilis course in Congress won for him the universal respect and confidence of the people of Tennessee, and in 1821 he was elected Governor of that State by a majority of over 12,000. Ilis personal popularity was unlimited, and his accession to office found him without an opponent in the Legislature. YL In January, 1829, he married a young lady of respectable family, and of gentle character. Owing to circumstances, about which far more has been conjectured than known by the world, the union seems to have been as unhappy as it was short. In less than three months a separation took place, which filled society with the deepest excitement. Various reports flew through the State, all of them unfounded, and some of them begotten by the sheerest malignity, which divided the people of the State into two hostile parties, and iiiflaniod popular feeling to the last point of excitement. As usual on sucli occasions, those who were most busy in the atfair, were the very ones who 46 HOUSTON SKPARATES FROM HIS YOUXG WIFE. knew least about the merits of the case, and had the least right to interfere. But unfortunately for the peace of society, there is everywhere a class of impertinent busj^-bodies, who make it their special business to superintend and pry into the domestic afifairs of their neighbors; and as curiosity must be gratified at any expense to private character, and such persons always like to believe the worst, the secrets of no family are exempt from their malignant intrusions. These are the disturbers of the peace of society whom the law seldom punishes, although they perpetrate more crimes than highwaymen and assassins — burglars of the domestic tranquillity of families — robbers of others' good name — assassins of the characters of the innocent. YII. Thinking, most probably, that they were doing her a kindness, the friends of the lady loaded the name of Houston with odium. He was charged with every species of crime man ever committed. The very ignorance of the community about the affair, by increasing the mystery which hung over it, only made it seem the more terrible. In the meantime, Houston did not oflfer a single denial of a single calumny — would neither vindicate him- self before the public, nor allow his friends to do it for him. He sat quietly, and let the storm of popular fury rage on. From that day he has, even among his confidential friends, maintained unbroken silence, and whenever he speaks of the lady, he speaks of her with great kindness. Not a word has ever fallen from his lips that cast a shade upon her character, nor did he ever allow an unkind breath against her in his presence. Whatever may have been the truth of the matter, or whatever his friends may have known or conjectured, he had but one reply for them: — " This is a painful, but it is a private affair. I do not recog- nize the right of the public to interfere in it, and I shall treat RESIGNATION OF THE OFFICE. 47 the public just as though it had never happened. And remem- ber that, whatever may be said by the lady or her friends, it is no part of the conduct of a gallant or a generous man to take up arms against a woman. If ray character cannot stand the shock, let me lose it. The ptorm will soon sweep by, and time will be my vindicator." YIII. He had been elected to every office he had held in the State by acclamation, and he determined instantly to resign his office as Governor, and forego all his brilliant prospects of distinction, and exile himself from the habitations of civilized men — a reso- lution more likely to have been begotten by philosophy than by crime. We have no apology to offer for this singular event. If Houston acted culpably, it could not be expected he would become his own accuser. If he were the injured party, and chose to bear in silence his wrong and the odium that fell on him, he certainly betrayed no meanness of spirit, for he never asked the sympathy of the world. But notwithstanding his unbroken silence about the affair, and the sacrifice of all his hopes, he was denounced by the journals of the day, and hunted down with untiring malignity by those who had the meanness to pursue a generous man in misfortune. After his deteriuiuation to leave the country was known, they threatened him with persona; violence. But in this he bearded and defied them. IX. But his friends did not desert him while the sun of his for tunc was passing this deep eclipse. They gathered around him, &Dd the streets of Nashville would have flowed with blood, if 48 THEWIGWAM — HOME Houston's enemies had touclied a liair of his head. But such ruffians never execute their vows, when they have brave men to deal with, and Houston resigned his office, and taking leave of his friends, he quietly left the city of Nashville. He now turned his back upon the haunts of white men, and there was no refuge left for him but the forests. There he had a hovie, of which the reader has yet heard nothing ; it was far away from civilized life. While he was roving in his youth among the Cherokees, he had found a friend in their chief, who adopted him as his son, and gave him a corner in his wigwam. In the meantime, the chief with his tribe had removed from the Hi-Wassee country tc Arkansas, and become king of the Cherokees, resident there During their long separation, which had now lasted more than eleven years, they had never ceased to interchange tokens of their kind recollections. When, therefore, he embarked on the Cumberland, he thought of his adopted father, and he turned his face to his wigwam-home, knowing that he would be greeted there with the old Chiefs blessing. T B E E X I L E . ift SECTION FIFTH THE EXILE. His separation from his friends at the steamboat, was a touch- ing scene. lie was a young man, for he had not passed his thirty-fiftli year. He was in tlie vigor and strength of early manhood. He had tilled the highest stations, and been crowned with the highest honors his State conld give. They knew the history of his early life, and they felt pride in his character. He was literally a man of tlte people, and they looked forward to his future advancement with all tlie pride of kindred feelings. A storm had suddenly burst upon his path ; but they knew it would soon sweep by, bearing him to a higher and fairer emi- nence than before. He seemed to be casting from him the palm of victory ; to be stepping down from his glory to obscurity, and his friends (and they were tht people of Tennessee) parted from him with sorrow and in sadness. II. And it was a slrange sight to see one so young, around whose brow the myrtle wreath of fame was twining, cast aside the robes of office and give up a bright future for a home in the wilderness. It was no flight of a criminal ; it was not even a necessary retirement from turbulence and excitement, for ovcu to Houston's adopted father, before he left, the fury of his enemies had abated and his real strength was greater than ever. But it was a voluntary exile from scenes which only harrowed his feelings while he stayed, and the Almighty Providence, which had shaped out his future life, was leading him in a mysterious way through the forests to found a new empire. Let those who laugh at a Divine Provi- dence, which watches over its chosen instruments, sneer as they read this ; they may sneer on — they are welcome to their creed III. Landing at the mouth of the White River, he ascended the Arkansas to Little Rock, and then on, alternately by land and water to the Falls of the Arkansas, four hundred miles to the northwest. The old chiefs wigwam was built near the mouth ol the liliuois, on the east side of the Arkansas, and the Clierokeea were settled on both sides of the river above Fort Smith. It was night when the steamboat, which carried Houston, arrived at the Falls, two miles distant from the dwelling of th« Cherokee chief. As the boat passed the mouth of the river, intelligence was communicated to the old man that his adopted sou Coloneh (the Rover — the name given him on adoption) was on board. In a short time the chief came down to meet his son, bringing with him all his family. lY. i '• This venerable old chief, Oolooteka, had not seen less than si.xty-five years, and yet he measured full six feet in height, and indicated no symptom of the feebleness of age. lie had the most courtly carriage in the world, and never prince sat on a throne with more peerless grace than he presided at the council fire of his people, llis wigwam was large a^id comfortable, aad THE OLD chief's GREETIXQ. 51 he lived in patriarclial simplicity and abundance. He had ten or twelve servants, a larjr;e plantation, and not less than five hundred head of cattle. The wigwam of this aged chieftain was always open to visitors, and his bountiful board was always surrounded by welcome guests. He never slaughtered less than one beef a week, throughout the year, for his table — a tax on royalty, in a country, too, where no tithes are paid. T. Snch was the home Houston found waiting for him in the forests. Tlie old chief threw his arms around him and embraced him with great affection. " 'Sly son," said he, "eleven winters have passed since we met. My heart has wandered often where you were ; and I heard you were a great chief among your people. Since we parted at the Falls, as you went up the river, I have heard that a dark cloud had fallen on the white path you were walking, and when it fell in your way you turned youi thoughts to my wigwam. I am glad of it — it was done by the Great Spirit. There are many wise men among your people, and they have many councillors in your nation. We are in trouble, and the Great Spirit has sent you to us to give us council, and take trouble away from us. I know you will be our friend, for our hearts are near to you, and you will tell our sorrows to the great father, General Jackson. My wigwam is yours — my home is yours — my people are yours — rest with us." VI. Snob was the touching greeting tTie old chieftain gave hira; and Houston has often been heard to s-iy, that when he laid himself down to sleep that night, after the gloom and the 52 THE CHILDREN OF THE FORESTS. sorrows of the past few weeks, he felt like a weary wanderer, returned at last to his father's house. Houston now passed nearly three years among the Cherokeea His history during this period is filled with stirring and beauti- ful incidents, many of which have come to our knowledge, well worthy of being related, since they would afford the finest pictures of the lights and shadows of forest life. But they would only illustrate more fully those characteristics of stern courage and wild heroism for which he has, throughout his life, been so distinguished, and of which the world will require no better proofs than he has already given. We shall, therefore, pass by the romance of his forest life, at this period, and speak only of his untiring and magnanimous efforts and sacrifices for several years, in behalf of the oppressed and outraged Indians. The Red man on this continent has had few better friends than Houston. From his youth he loved the children of the forest, and among their wigwams, and around their council fires, he studied the mysteries of their nature. He has declared that, during an intercourse with them of many years, he never was betrayed or deceived by a Red man. Long familiarity with them had made him acquainted with their wrongs and their sufferings, and he knew why they looked upon the white man as their foe. He had robbed them of their forests and game — he had laid waste tiieir wigwams, and introduced discord at their council fires — he had, with the glittering bribe of gold and rifles, enticed them away from their ancient haunts, and even driven them at the point of the bayonet from the graves of their fathers — and, worse than all, he had brought among them his accursed fire-water, which had melted down the lofty chivalry and unbend- ing strength of their primitive nature, and by that infernal agency degraded and enfeebled a power which, without it, they could never have subdued. This was the forerunner, and the hand-maid of his conquests — this was the magic wand he had HOUSTON BEFRIENDS THE RED MAIf. 53 raised ever tlieir stern chieftains, and they had melted away. Was it any wonder that the stricken few who were left of those bold, untameable tribes, that once possessed the fair lauds of this broad continent, should kuew any other feelings towai'da their usurpers than revenge 1 Iloustou knew all their wrongs, and sympathized in all their Bufiferings. He was now determined to devote himself to their interests, and be the guardian of their rights. He knew that General Jackson, who was then President, felt towards him the affection and confidence of an old and tried friend, and he was resolved to scrutinize the actions of the Indian agents, and sub- agents, with the greatest severity, and report the result of his observatious to the President. VII. He was always invited to mingle in the Conncils of the Cherokees during his residence among them, but while he often met them as a friend, he never entered their Councils, or joined in their deliberations. The chief counselled with him often about his people, nor was he long in becoming acquainted with the oppressions and glaring injustice which had been inflicted on them by the agents to whom their affairs had been intrusted in their migration to that country. In exchange for the territory they had occupied lower down on the Arkansas, they were, by treaty, to receive twenty-eight dollars per capita, which amounted, in the aggregate, to a vast sum. Instead of paying this money, as they should have done, certificates were issued, by the agents, under the pretence they had no money, and as paper is always considered worthless by the Indians, merchants, who had connections with the agents, purchased up these certificates in a fraudulent manner for a mere song, representing that it w'as very uncertain whether the Government ever could 64 niS OPINION OF THE INDIANS. Bend them money. A Mackinaw blanket, a flask of powder, and even a bottle of whisky, was often all these defrauded exiles ever got for the plighted faith of our Government. YIII. In this manner, whole tribes were preyed upon by abandoned speculators, and so completely despoiled of the munificent appro- priations of Congress, that it is more than doubtful if a fifth part of the money, secured to them by solemn treaty, ever got into their hands ; and even the fraction which went to them only proved a curse. In speaking on this subject, General Houston once said : — "During the period of my residence among the Indians, in the Arkansas region, I had every facility for gaining a complete knowledge of the fla- grant outrages practised upon the poor Red men by the agents of the government. I saw, every year, vast sums squandered and consumed without the Indians deriving the least benefit, and the government, in very many instances, utterly ignorant of the wrongs that were perpe- trated. Had one-tliird of the money advanced by the government been usefully, honorably and wisely applied, all those tribes might have been now in possession of the arts, and the enjoyments of civilization. I care not what dreamers, and politicians, and travellers, and writers say to the contrary, I know the Indian character, and I confidently avow, that if one-third of the many millions of dollars our government has appropriated within the last twenty-five years, for the benefit of the Indian population, bad been honestly and judiciously applied, there would not have been at this time a single tribe witliin the limits of our States and Territories, but what would have bc^n in the complete enjoyment of all the arts and all the comforts of civilized life. But there is not a tribe but has been out- raged and defrauded ; and nearly all the wars we have prosecuted against the Indians, have grown out of the bold frauds and the cruel injustice played off upon them l)y our Indian agents and their accomplices. But the purposes for which these vast annuities and enormous contingent «dvance8 were made have only led to the destruction of the coostitutiooi FIRE-VTATER AMONG RED MEN. 65 of thousands, and the increase of immorality among the Indians. We cannot measure the desolating effects of infoxicatinj^ liquors among the Indians by any analogy drawn from civilized life. With the Red man the consequences are a thousand times more frightful. Strong drink, whea once introduced among the Indians, unnerves the purposes of the good, and gives energy to the passions of the vicious ; it saps the constitution with fearful rapidity, and inflames all the ferocity of the savage nature. The remoteness of their situation excludes them from all the benefits that might arise from a thorough knowledge of their condition by the Presi- dent, who only hears one side of the story, and that, too, told by his owa creatures, whose motives in seeking for such stations are often only to be able to gratify their cupidity and avarice. The President should be care- ful to whom Indian agencies are given. If there are trusts under our government where honest and just men are needed, they are needed in such places ; where peculation and fraud can be more easily perpetrated than anywhere else. For in the far-off forests beyond the Mississippi, where we have e.viled those unfortunate tribes, they can perpetrate their crimes and their outrages, and no eye but the Almighty's sees them." During the entire period he resided in that region, he was unceasing in his efforts to prevent the introduction of ardent spi- rits among the Indians ; and though, for more than a year, he had a trading establishment between the Grand River and the Verdigris, he never introduced or trafficked in those destructive drinks. This, too, was at a period when he was fur from being a practically temperate man himself. But, whatever might be his own occasional indulgences during his visits to Fort Gibson and other white settlements, he had too mncli humanity and love for the Red men, ever to contribute to their crimes or tlieir misfortunes by introducing or trafficking iu those damnable poisons. Cognizant of the frauds practised on these various tribes by the agents of the Government, he could not endure such intoler- able acts of outrage upon the rights and the sympathies of those whom he could not but esteem a generous and a good people ; aud he determined their conduct should be known at the seat of 56 Houston's enemies. Covernmenr, not doubting thf^y would be instantly removed, lie visited Washington early in 1832, and made such represen- tations as caused an investigation iuto their conduct, and not less than five agents and sub-agents were promptly removed. IX. Tliese disgi'aced men ■^'ere, some of them, highly respectable, and they had powerful friends in Congress. Their dismissal from office was, therefore, the signal of a general attack upon Houston from every quarter, where mortified pride or disap- pointment was aroused ; and even to this day these attacks are made. Before leaving Arkansas, the swindlers, whose conduct he bad exposed, had crowded the journals of that region with the basest and most infamous libels against Houston's cha- racter. He had been the friend of the despoiled Red man ; and when he saw a band of land pirates leagued together to rob the poor Indian, his humanity was stirred, and he fearlessly tore off the mask which covered these perpetrators of such high-handed iniustice. But it was a crime for which they never forgave him — and all that money, lavishly used, and friends in high stations, who shared the spoils of the robbers, and a venal Press, all moved by untiring malignity, could accomplish, to cover Houston with infamy — teas done. At that time, hostility against General Jackson had reached its culminating point. There was a majority against him in Congress, and this majority were bent upon his ruin as a public man. All the agencies that are resorted to, to crush a great man who is rising into fame, had been tried. Calumny had exhausted its venom, and hatred had belched forth all its malig* JACKSOX THK F R I K N' D OF H v:) U S T N' . 57 rilty But the licroic old mnn had jjone tlirough it all unscathed, and he now sat calui aud hitih above the shafts of his foes. XI. But Houston was the sworn friend of the old General, and beinj^ a young man he could be more easily crushed. A despe- rate effort was made, to rally against hira all the foes of General Jackson, and the effort was successful. One charge which he had made against tlie agents, and proved incontrovertibly, seemed to increase their former malignity a hundredfold. They had been contractors for furnishing Indian rations ; and through their injustice or delinquency, some of the Indians had died of starvation, and to multitudes only a scanty and insufficient sup- ply of food had been issued. These rations were issued at but one point in the two Nations (Creeks and Chcrokees), which compelled the emigrants, as they had not had the benefit of a crop, to locate in the most unhealthy parts of the country, for there only their rations could be obtained. This prevented their establishment and creation of homes in the new country, to which they had emigrated. When the mask was torn off from this den of iniquity, by the bold, humane hand of Iloaston, he was attacked aud pursued with ferocious malignity. XI. But it was not enough to have stirred up the Press of the Nation against a lofty-minded and upright man : JVoto, all Congress was to be moved against him. It was necessary iu this last desperate crusade, to hit upon a file-leader, who had distinguished himself for his malignant personal hatred of General Jackson, and, at the same time, he must have no 58 ATTEMPT TO KILL HOUSTON. scruples against being the supple tool of wiser, but not better men, who pulled the wires behind the scenes. Characters of this description were not wanting in the Congress that waged this Third Punic War against the old man of the Hermitage ; but the most supple, brazen-faced, shameless of all, was a cer- tain politician, who had been elected as a friend of Jackson. He was chosen as the best instrument they could find, to use for their purposes. In his place in the House of Representatives, he assailed Houston, and charged him with an attempt to obtain a fraudulent contract for Indian Rations, and he boldly intimat- ed that the Secretary of War, and even General Jackson himself, were implicated in the attempt to defraud. XT, A crisis had now come. Houston had suffered all sorts of abuse before, and borne it in silence : but when he saw the fame, and even the integrity of Gen. Jackson, ruthlessly assail- ed on his account, by a member of Congress, he was determined to chastise him for his cowardly insolence to the President. He knew Houston's determination, and was careful not so cross his path. At last, one evening, when he knew, by positive infor- mation, that Houston was not arvted, he crossed over to the other side of Pennsylvania Avenue (where Houston was walk- ing), for the purpose of perpetrating some foul deed in the dark, we have a right to suppose, since it was proved on the trial that he was armed, and did attempt the life of Hoas* ton, who had no weajion about him but a hickory cane. XVI. As soon as Houston recognized his antagonist, through the moonlight, he asked him if his name was , of Ohio. The HOUSTON ONTRIAL. 59 answer had no sooner escaped his lips, than Houston, who knew he had no time to lose, since he was unarmed, levelled him to the ground, and slavered his hickory cane upon his head. In the meantime, he had snapped a pistol at Houston, but it missed fire, or he had been a dead man, for it was held to his breast. Houston spared his life ; and the politician crawled oflf to his bed, which he kept some days. XYII. The chastised member now caused four processes to be com- menced against Houston, by which he expected to crush and disgrace him for ever. He was arrested by the sergeant-at- arms, and brought before the House of Representatives, which resolved itself into a judicial tribunal, to try him on tho charge of violation of the rights of one of the members, whom Houston had held responsible for words uttered in debate. The court sat nearly thirty days, and no means were spared to con- demn the accused man. It was argued, and with great ability, by his friends, that the House had no jurisdiction in the case ; that by the Constitution, Congress had been made a Legislative Assembly, but clothed with no judicial powers over American citizens. In this opinion, too, it is but just to add, some of Gen. Jackson's political opponents concurred. Tlie matter dragged on nearly a month ; and as the conduct, the character, and the winning personal appearance of Houston, were conti- nually gaining him friends, and the public were becoming indignant that Congress should abandon the business of the country, to prosecute and lacerate an unfortunate and self exiled man, who had bled in its service ; even his foes them- selves became tired of the prosecution. On the trial, Houston spoke in his own defence, at great length, and with consummate eloquence and ability. It was a touching spectacle, to see a man 60 THIRTY DAYS OF PUBLIC TRIAI, . who bad been four years a member of that body, the Governor of u great State, the bosom friend of Gen. Jackson, one who bore on his body the deep wounds received in fighting under the flag waving from the top of the Capitol, arraigned by party politicians before their bar, for having, in protecting himself, while unarmed, from the stealthy attack of an armed coward, chastised a rene- gade demagogue, who had dared to charge the President of the United States with a bold fraud, because he thought he could, in his place in Congress, do it with impunity. Politicians of a certain class will at last learn, that in their attempts to crush those bold and magnanimous men who stand by the masses of the people, and have, from the very beginning of the Government, led the popular majorities — they are only hastening the advance- ment of such men to power. XYIII. What turned the popular feeling in favor of Houst'On at the time, and made him dear to the people, just in proportion as he was persecuted, was the undeniable fact that he was brought to the rack and tortured there, beaiuse of his enthusiastic love for his old General, who was then President. This protracted and august trial, ended in a party vote of instructions to the Speaker, to reprimand the prisoner at the bar of the Uouse. But the reprimand was delivered in so cour- teous and delicate a manner, it carried with it more of the tone of an approval than a reprimand. It was everywhere regarded as a signal triumi)h for Houston, since few men ever had so mighty a power marshalled against them. XIX. The second process was to move for a committee to be appoint- ed to investigate the truth of the charge that member had mado HISACQUITTAL. 61 against Houston, of fraud in procuring a contract for furnishing Indian rations. A committee was raised and tJie demagogue was appointed chairman, which threw into his hands power to crush his enemy, if the fraud could be proved. Houston, conscious of his innocence, had procured this measure to be adopted himself. And what was tlie result of this second attempt to ruin this man, who had come from his distant exile only on the humane mission — which an angel might have undertaken — of procuring justice for the outraged Indians. After a tedious and thorough investigation — after marshalling every circumstance they could to his prejudice, the committee was compdied to report that net the slightest evidence had appeared to sustain the charge. XX. Houston was still triumphant, and his foes made another effort. THey introduced a resolution to exclude him for ever from the lobby of the House, where, as an ex-Member of Congress, and the Governor of a State, he had a right to go. Cut this also failed! Every process that could eitlier injure or disgrace him, had now been tried in Congress, and so far from crushing him, he had been steadily rising. The fourth and last act in this dis- graceful drama then opened. At the instance of this same demagogue, who, by being flogged by Houston, had now won, what was doubtless to him, a very gratifying notoriety, he was indicted and held to bail in a criminal process of $20,000. He could have evaded the trial by leaving the District, but he met his enemy once more, and after twenty days ho was fined $.')00 and costs, liut no enforcement of the sentence of the Court was ever attempted. It is worthy of remark, that tlie last act but one of Gen. Jackson's admiuistration, was to remit tho fine. 62 HOUSTON RETURNS TO THE FORESTS. XXI. Seldom, if ever, in the history of this country, has so ma.ig- nant a persecution been waged against a public man. Seldom, in the history of the world, has a man been able to withstand so mighty a conspiracy. But Houston came off triumphantly. During- this entire period of attack and abuse, he had displayed no cowardice nor shunned the most searching scrutiny. He had bared his breast to his foes, and invited tiieir weapons. And now, when they had given over the contest, and retired from it loaded with mortification and contempt, this hunted and perse- cuted man deliberately abandoned once more the haunts of civil- ization, and wont voluntarily where hLs foes never could have driven him — back to his exile. XXII. He returned by the way of Tennessee, and wherever he went he was received with every demonstration of regard. Years had passed since other painful occurrences had taken place — and with them had passed, too, the storm they had raised. Reason had resumed it sway over the public mind, and a strong desire was manifested that he should again take up his abode in Ten- nessee. The recent persecutions he had just passed through, had only won for him a deeper sympathy than ever, and all the pride of t'ne State was aroused to protect and honor the man it had lost. But he could not be dissuaded from his purpose of returning once more to the forest. A sight of the spot where he had seen the bright hopes that had greeted his early man- hood, crushed in a single hour, only awakened associations ho wished to forget; and he once more turned his face towards the distant wigwam of the old Indian Chief, where, after a year of pcrsccutiou from Christian men, he found repose by the THE HEARTH-STONE OF A SAVAGE KING. G3 hearth-stone of a savage King — a biting satire upon civilized life. XXITI. It is not difficult to imajjine the effect that such unrelenting persecution must have produced upon a sensitive, a proud and a magnanimous man. He had escaped civilized life, and gone where its pestiferous and calumny-loaded breath could not reach him. He had no more ambition to gratify. Posts of honor and emolument proffered by Gen. Jackson, he rejected — for he would never suffer the foes of the old Warrior and Statesman to heap opprobrium upou his name, for showing favor to a prC'<*cribeJ 84 TEXAS THE NEW FIELD. SECTION SIXTH. TEXAS — THE NEW FIELD, I. Ills intention was now to become a herdsman, and spend the rest of his life in the tranquillity of the prairie solitudes, A fondness for rural pursuits was now the only passion he had to gratify. Leaving his wigwam, which was situated on the mar- gin of a prairie between the Verdigris and the Grand River, ft short distance from its junction with the Arkansas, he set out on the 1st of December, 1832^ with a few companions, through the wilderness to Fort Towson. At Nacogdoches he reported himself to the authorities, and a few days after went on to San Felipe de Austin, the scat of government of Austin's Colony ; after reporting to the authorities, he prosecuted his journey to San Antonio de Bexar. Here he held an interview with a delegation of the Camanche Indians on a visit to that place. In all his intercourse with the authorities and citizens, his conduct was marked by great respect for law and the institutions of the country. After some days he returned witii two companions to San Felipe de Austin. At Nacogdoches he was now warmly solicited to establish his per- manent residence, and allow his name to be used as candidate for election to a Convention which was to meet in the following April.* • In 18:)2, In view of the probable necessity of revolutlonlrlng Tcxai", the people of the country openly anil penerally expressed theiiiselvcs In favor of Inviting eilher Honslun or Carroll to come um.>iig them, and head any revolutionary uovumuut that mi^lit be determined oa. FIRST CIVIC LIFE IN TEXAS. 65 II. He was now slow to yield to their request, for liis pnrpos* had been formally settled to abandon public life and enjoy the lepose and solitude of a forest home. But a single glance at tiic resources of this new country, and the character and condi- tion of its poi)u[ation, satisfied him that a great destiny awaited them, and iu imagination he already saw a new commonwealth rising into power. He was still in the morning of life — here was a new 6eld for achievement, where all the bold elements of his character could find full play. Once embarked on the stream of a revolution, the world would learn, at last, the cha- racter of the man it had hunted from society, and history and time would pronounce his eulogy. Sober reflection convinced him that his public life was hardly yet begun, and he permitted thera to use his name for the suffrages of the people, who seem- ed at once to recognize his great qualities as a civil and military leader. III. While the election was going on, he returned to Natchitoches, in Louisiana, and made a report to the Government of the United States. Its origin is supposed to have been in the fact of his having been requested by Gen Jackson to ascertain the disposition of the Camanches to make peace with our Govern- ment, and to prevail upon a delegation of that numerous .and warlike nation to visit Fort Gibson on the Arkansas, and afterwards proceed to Washington. Gen. Jackson tliought that the emigration of the Choctaws, the Chicasaws, and the Creeks, would be promoted by a Treaty of Peace with the Camanches, whose power and hostile disposition they dreaded, in establishing themselves in their new home. As this was a confidential mis- Bion, little is known of its history. But it is certain that in 5 66 FIRST CONVENTION IN TEXAS. Ilouston's interviews with the Camanches at Bexar, the objects were accomplished which had beea contemplated by the missiou. Oa his return to Nacogrdoches, he learned that during his absence he had been elected by a unanimous vote. He took uj) his residence among his new constituents, who had extended towards him so generous a greeting. lY. This Convention, which was composed of more than fifty members, assembled at San Felipe de Austin, the first of April, 1833. It was the first deliberate assembly made up of men descended from the Anglo-Saxon race, which had ever assembled within the limits of the ancient dominions of Cortez, and the first step in that stupendous movement, which has already swept across the Cordillera Mountains to the green shores of the Pacific, where thousands of young riflemen from New York and New England have gone to plant fortresses of protection, and institutions of learning, like those which are now overshadowing the crumbling despotisms of two hemispheres. The Convention met in a rude, narrow apartment — as the first colonists of the Grecian States are said to have organized those famous l\epul)lics of antiquity, under rude tents in the forests, robed in the skins of wild beasts. But there were men there, whose deliberations involved the fate of many millions. V. As the delegates had their own expenses to pay, they pro- ceeded forthwith to^the business which had called them together, and in thirteen days, thoy completed one of the best models extant, for a State Constitution. It was signed by the mem- bers, and a Memorial adopted by the Convention. Stephen P riRST COLLISION WITH SANTA ANNA. 07 Austin, William II. Wharton, President of the Convention, and James B. Miller, wore ai)pointed comniissioiicrs to bear tlie Con- stitution and Memorial to the Supreme Government of Mexieo, and ol)tain the reeognition of Texas as one of the States of the Confederaey. The Memorial set forth various reasons why Texas should beeome one of the States of Mexico ; amongst others, that it would enable her to negotiate terms with tlie hostile Indian tribes, and secure their rights to land previously promised by the General Government. Encroachments had been made on the Indian territory, subsequent to the rupture between the colonists and the Mexican soldiers, stationed at Nacogdoches, Yelasco, ard Anahuac. This rupture had taken place in the summer of 1832, in consequence of a difference between Bustamente and Santa Anna. The former had attempted to subvert the Constitution of 1824, and the military throughout Texas had pronounced in his favor. Santa Anna declared himself the friend and supporter of the Constitution, and the colonists siding with him in the civil revolution, which had begun in Mexico and spread to Texas, had expelled the military, whose usurpations, up to that time, had been submitted to without murmuring. Santa Anna was now in power, and the colonists doubted not that Austin and his colleagues would be received with favor, and their Constitution ratified by the Federal authorities. VI. Austin alone finally went to the city of Mexico. He was received with some formality, but little encouragement was given to his mission. In tht meantime. Santa, Anna had rcsolred on establishing a military despotism, which was the only I'eason that could have been urged against accepting the Constitution. In tlie formation of that instrument, the greatest care had been taken to render it entirely acceptable to the Central 68 THE CONSTITUTION OF TEXAS. Governrat-nt. In the organization of the States of ]\L'X.[co, under the Federal Constitution of 1824, the Provinces of Texas and Coahuila formed one State, but the right had been reserved to Texas, of constituting herself a distinct State wheu her population would justify the measure. The Federal Govern- ment and Coahuila had for some time pursued towards Texas a policy which rendered it necessary for her to become a separate State as soon as possible. They had granted away her territory in large tracts, under the pretence of raising funds to enable Mexico to defend her frontiers against the Indians, but she had never appropriated one dollar to that object. For, whenever the Central Administration stationed any troops in Texas, it was in the towns nearest to the sea-board, where no hostile attack from the savages could be apprehended. Here, with a military force to overawe the citizens, a support of the Govern- ment, which would never otherwise have been conceded, could be extorted. The Frontiers were left without protection, and the colonists were obliged to protect themselves as best they could, against the hostile incursions of fifteen or twenty tribes of Indians. YII. We have already said that great care was taken to render the new Constitution acceptable to the Federal Government. Mexico, for example, had no banks. In the Convention, a measure had been brought forward, and an article proposed to be inserted, authorizing the Legislature of the State of Texas to create a bank or banks. Tliis measure was introduced by Branch T. Archer, and supported by the principal men in the Convention. Houston was the o:iIy speaker who opposed the policy. In principle lie was opposed (o any system of banking, except one whose powers could l)e bronglit within very narrow liuiitsj and he did not believe a more fatal precedeut could bo Houston's policy for texas. 6^ established in the infancy of tlie new State. The exigencies of cupidity and of business would prove stronger than the enact- ments of law, and he was persuaded that no sound system of baidiing could be hoped for in so new a community. But he was opposed to the measure also, on the ground of policy. It would be a valid reason, if inserted, for Mexico to reject the Constitution, since it would be an innovation upon the Legislation of the General Government, and he was deeply anxious to preserve harmony, and wished Texas to defer to iho prejudices and institutions of Mexico, rather than excite her jealousy by any of these new movements, which would at least be likely to excite suspicion, if not positive alarm. Houston spoke on this subject with great eloquence and convincing power. He caused the article in dispute to be stricken out, and one itiserted prohibiting the establishment of all banks and banking Corporations, for a period of ninety-nine years, which passed the Conveation by a large majority. yiii. This was the first illustration Houston gave of that wise and profound policy, which guided all his counsels during the long struggle Texas was obliged to pass, before she could be admitted to the full prerogatives of an American commonwealth. We shall have occasion to remark the difference between his policy, and that of other public men, who figured on the same scene. All new States are infested, more or less, by a class of noisy, second-rate men, who are always in favor of rash and extreme measures. But Texas was absolutely overrun by such men. There seemed to be few of that class who give character to the institutions of new States, which spring suddenly into power, — men who are brave enough for any trial, wise enough for any emergency, and cool enough for any crisis. But fortunately, TO A U S T I X I M P R I S X E D. Texas had some such men, aud she had a leader she depended on in the camp, aud a Counsellor she relied on in the Senate. It. is exceedingly doubtful what would have been her fate, but for him. And yet, we shall perceive, as we trace down Hous- ton's history, involving, as it necessarily does, the history of Texas, that all his difficulties and all the dangers of the State, and the sufferings and sacrifices of her people, grew out of the rash aud headstrong movements of a few men, whose judgments and counsels were generally precipitate, aud ended, when fol- lowed, in embarrassing the State, or plunging it into danger. IX. Those who were present in the Convention, have always attributed to Houston the moulding influence which controlled the action of the Assembly, and gave tone to the political feel- ings and events that followed. They are also just as confident in the belief, that if restless and ambitious spirits, who will " rule or rend," had been willing to follow Houston's wise coun- sels, the Independence of Texas would have been achieved without much sacrifice of blood or treasure. We shall see how he at last triumphed, and how much sacrifice, care, aud endur- ance, it cost him and his country. X. But to return to Austin, whom we left in Mexico, and in trouble. Finding his application fail, he concluded to return to Toxas. On his way home, he was pursued by order of the Government, taken back to the Capital, and thrown into a dungeon, where he dragged out many months of gloom and suf- fering. He was an amiable, enlightened, excellent man. and a PUBLIC MEETINGS IN TEXAS. 11 pare patriot. He was beloved and respected by tlie colonists, and his fame and virtues will be long cherished by the Texans. During his imprisonment, stories of his suUerings reached Texas, and everywhere they produced a deep sensation. The indig- nation of the colonists burst forth like the rage of a single man. There was, at that time, only one press in Texas [at BrazoriaJ, but it gave utterance to the wrongs of the people ; and although few in numbers (for the entire population of Texas did not exceed 20,000 souls), yet, instead of exercising discretion, they spoke freely of the wrongs they endured, and the rights guaran- teed to them under the Constitution of 1824. Uouston dis- couraged such unrestrained ebullitions of feeling, since they would be likely to plunge Texas into a bloody struggle with ^Mexico, before she was prepared for it — while he was as anxiooa as any man, for the day of her political redemption. XI. Austin had been cast into prison, with no definite accusatioa alleged against him, and without even the form of a trial. At length he was liberated by Santa Anna, and permitted to return home. He had great confidence in Austin, for he had shown himself a friend of order on all occasions in Texas, and loyal to the principles recognized at the time. He had first migrated to that country with 300 families, as colonists — and thus intro- duced the materials of that vast political structure, which was subsequently wrought into form and beauty. When he returned to Texas, he found the public mind inflamed, and indignatioa had been expressed in municipal meetings. But when public feeling was subsiding, and few, if any, orderly men were thinking of extreme measures, Santa Anna showed clearly that nothing ehort of absolute power would satisfy him. 12 SANTA A X X A ' S TYRANNY. XII. The colouists ^ere alarmed, and precautionary measnres were taken. They were ruled by Mexican laws, and governed by officers who followed blindly Mexican edicts. Rumors were constantly reaching Texas, that the colonists were laboring under the disapprobation of the Mexican government. The commerce of Texas, had been placed under restrictions of the most oppressive character, and the worst men had been set over the administration of the customs. Taxation had become oppressive. The people had been baffled in all their attempts to secure justice, and large suras of money had been extorted from them in obtaining titles to the lands they had improved, and which had been guaranteed to them by the Mexican government. An edict of Santa Anna had demanded of the people, the surrender of their private arms. This struck them like an declric shock. It not only exposed their wives and children to the fury of hostile Indians, but to all the horrors of starvation — for many families depended upon wild game for daily subsistence. XIII. At Gonzales, there was a piece of artillery for the defence of ^he place, which was called into almost weekly requisition by the incursions of the Indians. It was the capital of Dewitt'a Colony, situated on the eastern bank of the Guadalupe, about seventy miles east of Bexar. In obedience to Santa Anna's edict, Ugartchea, a Colonel in the Mexican army, in command of several hundred dragoons, marched to Gonzales, from Bexar, to carry off the four-i)Ouiuler. The colonists flocked together {or the rescue of the little field-piece. Some skirmishing tock place, without any serious consequences at the moment. But a great point had been won — tkc first skot had been fired by Ui< TEXAS PREPARES FOR THE STRUGGLE. »3 Mexican army, and the swords drawn that day, were to bo returned no more to their scabbards, till tlie hist link in the Mexican fetters, which had bound the youthful form of Texan Liberty, had been snapped asunder, and she stood erect among the nations. XIV. Austin arrived at the scene of the struggle, and was elected General of the Forces. The insurgents not only rescued their four-pounder, but resolved to pursue the enemy to Bexar, and drive the base myrmidons of the Mexican tyrant from their soil. A general alarm was spread to the banks of the Sabine. Eastern Texas had hitherto been disposed to remain tranquil, supposing all might not be so bad as rumor proclaimed it ; — but the torch of war had now been lighted, and Texas rose everywhere like a single man. Committees of Vigilance and Safety, had been constituted in the Municipalities of San Augustine and Nacogdoches, and a partial organization of the militia under their direction, had taken place. In the meantime, Houston had been chosen General of Texas, east of the Trinity. An invitation had been given by the people of the county of Brazoria, and responded to by other Municipalities, to elect delegates to meet in a General Consultation, to devise means of safety, in the event of danger ; for they had now become pretty well satisfied that they had little to hope for from the despot of Mexico. XV. Austin had proceeded on to Bexar with his forces, and invest od it. The colonists marched to him from all sections of the Tro- riace, till eight hundred armed men joined his standard. Thosa 74 THE PATRIOT AUSTIN. events occurred in October, 1835. The Consultatiou was to meet early in that mouth at Washiugton aud at the specified time, fifty-six delegates assembled. At their first meetiug, they con- ferred, and changed the place of deliberation to San Felipe, where they received an invitation from Gen. Austin to repair to Bexar, pledging himself, if they complied, that he would reduce the place in three days. After his advance upon Bexar, citizens residing near Matagorda and Victoria, formed a company, aud under the command of Captain CoUinsworth, reduced Goliad, and maintained possession of the town. On the first meeting of the Consultation, General Austin wrote to Houston, to send ou his Division of troops. Houston took from his pocket the last five dollars he had in the world, and put it into the hand of a good rider, with dispatches to his Division, and in a short time the Redlanders were rapidly mustering for the scene of war. Immediately after having received the invitation of General Austin, Houston, with the major part of the Consultation, set out without delay for Austin's Camp, at the Salado, within three miles of Bexar. • XVI. Soon after their arrival, General Austin, in whose pure and lofty mind, love of country outweighed all considerations of per- sonal aggrandizement, feeling diffident to lead an army at such a time, proposed to surrender his command to Houston. Houston most jjositively declined his magnanimous offer, alleging, among other reasons, that the troops, then in the field, were either those who had elected Austin as their commander, or had marched to the camp in obedience to his requisition: and he believed it would furnish a j)retext for tlie seditious and disaffected to aban- don the service, and defeat the objects of the campaign.. But lie frankly offered to render General Austin any aid iu his power, iu organizing or drilling his command P ' ■) V I S I X A T. DECLARATION OF I X D E P E N n F. N' C F. . ,0 A Council of War was held in the camp, to which the principal officers and members of the Consnitatiou were invited. A ques- tion arose as to the propriety, or rather necessity, of forming a Provisional Government, which could be done only liy the re-assenibling of the members of the Consultation at San Fe.ipe. In this exigency, the Council of War determined to refer the subject to the Army. The following day the troops were drawu up, and their vote taken. They were unanimous in the opinion that the Consultation ought to re-assemble and form a Provi- sional (lovernment, and devise ways and means for maintaining the arny then in the field; and adopt such measures as would give T( xas credit abroad. XVII. AffcJ General Austin had marched the army some ten or twelve juiles below, to the Mission of Espada, the members of the Consultation repaired to San Felipe, where they re-organ- ized, anl once more opened their deliberations. They made a Prov'sional Declaration, exhorting all Mexicans to unite in maintaining the Constitution of 1824; and pledged their lives, property, and sacred honor, in sujiport of its principles. They established an organic law for the Provisional Government of the Province, and organized a temporary administration for it. Houston was one of the Committee to frame the Declaration. A disposition existed on the part of the members of the Com- mittee, to make a Declaration of absolute Independence, and such a resolution was adopted. Considering this novemont premature and ill judged, he got a member of the majority to move a reconsideration of tlie vote. By one of the ablest efforts of liis life, he carried his point: and on the trial, there was found to be a considerable majority in favor of the Pro- visional Declaration. 16 H U S T O N 's INDIAN' COSTUME. XVIII. Those Jeliberatioiis were held in a little framed building o( one floor — without ceiling or plaster — whose only apartmen* was the narrow room where they assembled. Houston, as was his custom in those days, was dressed in buckskin breeches, and a Mexican blanket. But the appearance of the room, and the costume of the members, had little to do with their delibe- rations. In regard to this freak of Houston, of dressing foi years, a la saicvnge, General Jackson is reported to have said, he " thanked God there was one man, at least, in Texas, who was made by th» Almighty, and not by a tailor." When HoustOB took up his abode in the forests, he assumed the simple and picturesque costume of the proud race among whom he dwelt ; that portion of the world, which had poured gall into his lacerated bosom, and finally hunted him into the forests, now invaded the solitude of his new home. One of his crimes was, that he had become an Indian — even in his dress. Certainly these men " the tailors had made'' — and he must have been an outlaw, whose dress was more like a Roman Senator's than the dandy's of Broadway. Some of Napoleon's officers were once laughing, on the morn- ing of one of his great battles, at the gay dress of Murat as he rode liy, decked in ribbons and plumes. " You may smile, Messieurs,^'' said Napoleon, " at my dandy Marshal, Ijut take care that when the columns are shot down to-day, you keep your eye upon him — for where you see Murat'g gaudy ))Iumes, tliere will lie the hottest of the light. Let a hero have one. folly, gentlemen." Diogenes lived in a tub, but from nil accounts, the world felt a good deal more disturbed about it than the old philosopher liimself. Yes, Houston, the adopted son of an Indian Chief, wore the dress of his tribe : but he carried a brave heart under hia COMMANDER IN CHIEF. 77 bl;inkct. He refusod to be a candidate for any office ; what lie could do, however, he was ready to do. A Governor and Lieu- tenant-Governor were elected. A Council was also created — one member from each Municipality — and the requisite number of oDBeers appointed for the administration of such a govern- nieiit. The Council was to continue in session till they should lie superseded by officers elected by the people. Measures were also taken for raising a Regular Army, and organizing the militia. XIX. Another event took place, which decided the fate of Texas. The man in buckskin, and the Mexican blanket, was, with only one dissenting voice among more than fifty members, elected Commander-in-Chief of the armies of Texas. There was no alternative for Houston but to accept the office. There was no one else gifted with those great qualities which nature lavishes on men born to command. He accepted the appointment, and proceeded to appoint his staff, and draw up the necessary bills for the organization of the Army, and the appointment of the officers of the line — embracing a competent organization of the forces to be raised. XX. Texas had not a dollar at this time ; and previous to Hous- ton's election. Commissioners had been appointed to visit the United States to forward her interests, and procure a loan to sustain her under the pressure of her bold undertaking. Austin, Wharton, and Archer, were appointed Coinmissioiicrs, and they were already on their way. Ilouston's hopes of money were not sanguine. lie regarded Texas as thrown upon her own re- sources, and such aids as could be afforded by individuals whom 18 APROCLAMATION. the spirit of patriotism might inspire with generosity. At that moment, there were few men in the United States who had any adequate conception of the importance of those early move- ments, or dreamed of the results that wei'e to follow. Even now, as these grand events of the last twenty years pass in review before us, we seem, in the soberness of solitary reflection, to be tracing the progress of one of the States of Antiquity. But there are few men who understand great social or political changes, till they have become matters of history. We shall, in the sequel, glance at some of the causes which have operated to cloud and prejudice the minds of the people of this country on the entire subject of Texas. XXI. In the meantime. General Houston issued a proclamation, inviting five thousand volunteers to unite in the cause of Texas. The Army still remained in the field under Burleson, who had succeeded to the command, after General Austin had left for the United States. lie was an early settler of Texas, and a good man ; but destitute of those great qualities which fit men for military control. Before General Austin left the army, Fannin and Bowie, with about one hundred men, encountered five hundred Mexicans at the Mission Conception. The action was sustained gallantly by the Americans, and the Mexicans retreated, leaving some dead on the field, and carrying with them many wounded. The victors then marched to the neigh- borhood of Bexar, and posted themselves above the town. Colonel Benj. R. Milam, who had then no command in the Army, proposed that volunteers should turn out, who were willing to enter the town of Bexar, and storm the place. About two hundred flocked to his banner ; and led by the gal- lant ^lilaa, whose chivalry entitled him to the coufidcuce C A P I T D L A T I N' OK THE A I, A M . 79 of such brave men, entered the town at night ; and taking pog- fiession of certain buildings, made their way with crowbars through the walls, from house to house. After performing acts of singular bravery for several days, the heroic Milam fell, his head pierced by a rifle-ball ; and, sliortly after their leader's death, the troops got entire possession of the town, and the A.lamo (the enemy's fortress) capitulated. XXII. A singular spectacle was presented on the morning of the capitulation. Not less than eleven hundred Mexican soldiers, passed before a little band of less than two hundred Texans, and laid down their arms. They were released on their parole of honor, and marched to Mexico by General Cos. This same General violated his faith, and fought at San Jacinto. The colonists were now generally discharged, and marched to their homes, with the exception of the gallant Company which had reduced the Alamo. During the siege of Bexar, a Company called the New Orleans Greys, under Captain Morris, and another Company from Mobile, under Captain Breeze, had arrived, as volunteers from the United States. They bore a gallant part in the siege, and every man engaged in the town, deserved and secured renown. XXIII. While the troops were before Bexar, a Dr. Grant arrived, and joined the Army. He had been concerned with an English ^Mining Company, at Parras, but he had fallen under the displeasure of the ^lexican Government, and was obliged to fly. He was a Scotchman by birth, but did not seem to possess much of the methodical shrewdness which characterizes that nation, lie was a man of much more than ordinary capacity, but, in al) 80 THE SPIRIT OF FACTION. military affairs, seemed to be destitute of judgment and discre- tion. As one of tlie aids of General Austin, he claimed the command of the troops remaining, after Burleson had retired with most of the Army. He immediately projected the inva- Bion of Matamoras, for he entertained a single-hearted hatred of the Mexicans, and he induced the New Orleans Greys, and Capt. Breeze's Company from Mobile, to join him in the expedi- tion These two Companies accordingly took up their march for Matamoras, by the way of Goliad. At the same time, Grant opened a correspondence with the General Council, which unfortunately at the time contained some men of capacity utter- ly destitute of moral principle, and carrying on machinations which were ia the end to terminate most disastrously for Texas. The members of the Military Committee of the General Council coincided with Grant's plan of attack upon Matamoras, and thought it necessary, in effecting its capture, to destroy Hous- ton's influence, and create a power that would suj^ersede him. XXIY. In the appointment of his staff. General Houston had chosen J. W. Fannin, Jr., his Inspector General. He had held com- mand at the battle of the Mission of Conception, and arriving at the Council of San Felipe, Houston, who felt that he deserved an appointment in the line of the Army, obtained for him the Colonelcy of the Regiment of Artillery, which placed him next in command to himself. The Council — to effect their designs without reference to the safety of the country — thought proper to direct the head- quarters of the army to be established at Washington, fifty miles distant fi-om tlie sessions of the Council. Tiiis, of neces- sity, removed Houston's station, and it was evident tlicy believed the success of their intrigues depended upon getting him as M U S T i: R I X G AN' A U M T . 61 far oflf as possible. About the niidillc of December, he repaired to Washinjiton, and coutiiuied there, ciifjaged in his arduous duties. Meantime he had assigned the officers of the Regular Army to their several recruiting stations, and directed them to make such reports as would enable him, at any time, to know the number and condition of the regular force. Fannin was ordered to Brazoria, the principal recruiting rendezvous, and Houston supposed, of course, that his order would be carried out with a strict regard for his authority But his dispatches were utterly disregarded. At this time, letters were circulated through the country, to create a suspi- cion, that Houston's design was to establish a military govern- ment, by raising five-thousand volunteers, through the sanction of the General Council. XXV. Houston bore this in silence, but endeavored to counteract it by the efficiency of his conduct. About the 1st of January, he received orders from Governor Smith, — who had detected the secret intrigues of the council, witli Grant, Fannin, and others, to repair to San Felipe, while the General had been at Washington. Colonel Ward's command from Georgia, and the Alabamians, had arrived at the mouth of tlie Brazos. Houston had taken precautions, and issued his orders for Jail troops that might arrive in the country ; requiring them to report to the Governor as nominal Commander-in-Chief, and to himself as Commander of the Army, on their arrival. Fannin being in the neighborliood of the United States volunteers when they landed, paid no attention to the orders of General Houston ; and aban- doning his post as an officer of the Regular Army, became a candidate for the Colonelcy of the regiment that was to be formed, bv the uuiou of the Georgia and Alabama troops. 6 82 Houston's plans for the campaign. Governor Smith no sooner detected the treasonable couspiracj of the Council, than he manifested the highest disapprobation of their conduct, and of course excited their hottest displeasure Fannin treated all General Houston's dispatches with cool con- tempt, and looked only to the orders of the Council. He had made known to thera his desire to be elected Colonel of the new Regiment ; and in accordance with their views, he was chosen to the new post. Ward being put second in command. They were then ordered to sail from Velasco, to Copano, and thence to march to Refugio Mission, twenty miles distant from their landing, where Grant was to join them with his command, on their way to Matamoras. XXVI. In obedience to his orders, Houston reported to the Governoi at San Felipe ; and was ordered to repair to Refugio, where a juncture of the troops was to be effected. He returned forth- with to Washington ; and after arranging matters at head- quarters, proceeded to the execution of the Governor's orders. He reached Goliad about the middle of January, 1836, and found Grant and his troops on the eve of departure for Refugio. General Houston made known to the troops the orders under which he was acting, and urged obedience to his authority. Ignorant of the extent to which the Council had gone in thwarting his intentions to save the country by routing the enemy on their first engagement, and knowing it was impossible for the troops at Bexar to maintain the place, he dispatched Colonels Bowie, and Bonhara (of South Carolina) on the 15th of January, with an escort to Bexar, directing the commanding officer to blow up the Alamo, and fall back to Gonzalez on the Guadalupe, which he intended to make the line of defence. OPOSITION TO OVERCOME. 83 XXVII. Grant and Morris refused obedience to the orders of the Governor, while Houston was left without the power of account- ing for their extraordinary conduct. He marched with them twenty-five miles to Refugio Mission, leaving a few Regulars to maintain the post at Goliad, with no subsistence but the cattle of the country. He arrived at Refugio, but no intelli- gence had come of Fannin's landing. The Governor, refusing to concur in their lawless measures, had been deposed by the Council — although under the Organic Law, which required a certain number to constitute the Council or transact business, they had ceased to be a lawful Body. The conduct of the stormy spirits in that Council, had disgusted and enraged their more patriotic and rational col- leagues ; and unwilling to concur in their high-handed and treacherous movements, they had withdrawn, reducing their ambitious associates to an incompetent number. But they were nevertheless determined to brave it out, and "rule or rend." XXVIII. Houston did not wish to be the cause of insubordination, tor he was aware that it would require all the harmony and union possiI)le, to save the country. Yet knowing that all the troops from the United States had left with the expectation of serving under himself, he used every persuasive he thought convincing; against the expedition to Matamoras ; and then resolved to return and report in person to tlie Governor. The only object of the Council in directing the campaign u])on Matamoras, was to command the revenues of the place. Houston at once dis- covered the absurdity of such a plan, since the possession of 84 A DARK FUTURE FOR TEXAS. Matamoras by an enemy, would cut off all intercourse with the interior, and prevent all communication with the sea ; and he had forecast enough to know, that, if an army could reach Matamoras without opposition, they could not keep it a single week, with a force of only seven hundred men. But they could never reach the sight of its walls. They had an area of several hundred miles to pass, with no means of transportation — they had not three days of breadstuffs, and the men were unprovided in every respect for a campaign. XXIX. Houston remonstrated with the officers in a friendly manner ; representing the great difficulties they would have to encounter — the futility of the project — and the disasters attendant on a failure. So careful was he to avoid exciting sedition among the troops, who bowed very reluctantly to the command of any other General — that he set out from Refugio in the night, with a few of his staff, for San Feli[)e. On the road he received news that the Council had deposed the Governor, and superseded his own authority — also, letters of Colonel Fannin, which had been published, showing his reliance on the Council, and disi-egarding all other authorities. Tliis opened Houston's eyes to the true situation of the country, and he saw that unless something was done, without delay, to repair the evil, and to prepare tiie nation for the trying struggle she rans<- pass, m wading through a Revolution — all would be lost. The hopes, which had greeted the Crst dawning of Anglo- Saxon Liberty in the fair Province of New Estrainadura, seemed likely to be extinguished, and it is not strange that a man who had been prevailed on to exchange the tranquillity of a forest life — where he could find repose from pcrsccuti6Q-- PERSECUTIOX. 85 to mlt^le in the strn.c^glcs of a Nation emerging into a free existence, should, when he saw himself still hunted down by malignant rivals, and his hopes clouded, feel his great* heart dejected by sadness. XXX. But men whom God raises up to become leaders of Nations, cannot be crushed — in the midst of their adversities they may seem, for a moment, to bow before the blast, yet they never despair. For not more sure was Columbus to surmount at last all opposition, and plant his feet upon the green shores of the New World, than are such men in the end, to overcome all their foes and triumph over even the malignity of fortune. All the way to San Felipe, he was troubled by the most painful suspense — whether to withdraw once more from the treacheries and persecu- tions of the world, and bury himself deep in the solitude of nature, and pass a life of communion with the Great Spirit, and his beautiful creations — or whether he should boldly mark out a track for himself, and in leading a new people to Independence, trample down all opposition. During most of the day he rode along in silence, and none of his companions disturbed bis reve- ries. Towards evening he addressed them — he made a rapid but clear survey of events that had passed — contemplated the present state of affairs, and dwelt with enthusiasm upon the future pro- spects of Texas. lie seemed to read her future, as the prophets did the unwritten history of Judah. He had fixed his purpose, and the world could not move him. After making an oflBcial report to the Governor, he proceeded with his Aide-de-Camp, Major Hockley, to the Cherokee Nation — in pursuance of instruc- tions received from the Consultation — to form Treaties with them and other tribes. He met the Indians in Council — and having been returned as a delegate to the Convention which was to =§6 THE 2d of march, 183(5. meet in Washington on the 1st of March, be arrived there the day previous. The Convention assembled and organized — the following day, the 2d of March, 1836, the Declaration of Independence was adopted and signed. THE OKCLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 81 SECTION SEVENTH. THE GENERAL. The Declaration of Independence, for which pubh'c feeling had been precii)itately nuitiircd, was adopted unanimously, and hailed throughout Texas with joy and acclamation. So was it received, too, by the people of the United States, wherever they had even a faint conception of the issue made in the struggle, or the vast magnitude of the consequences that were to follow. II. But, from the hour the news that Texas had declared herself free and independent reached the United States, a feeling of hostility was excited against the Infant Republic, without a parallel in the history of the world. Losing sight of the grand moral results that were to flow from that event, and unmindful eien of the hour of our own need, when we extended ''vr feeble hands to France for help, a loud burst of indignatio"^. v cut up from a thousand newspapers, and ev»-ry- where the D.'claration of Texan Independence was dechired lo be an act of high-handed robbery, perpetrated by a band of bold outlaws. Tc have emigrated to that part of the world, was enough to trand a man with infamy ; and those who gave the little tb \y could afford, to help on the struggle, cast their mite into tl i Texan Treasury in silence. All recollection of 88 THE BRAVE MEN IS THE A L A Si O . our fathers, and the days of their dark struggles, seemed to be as completely obliterated from the memory of many of our coun- trymi>u, as tliongh they had been swept by the waters of obli- vion„ We forgot that many of the men who were fighting those battles, were descended from the early settlers of James- town and Plymouth ; that hearts were nerved there for the defence of liberty, whose fathers had poured out their blood at Yorktown, and Saratoga, and Bennington, and Bunker's Hill 1 "And who were the men who joined in this ten years' crusade against the liberties of a Sister Republic ? And how would the victors of San Jacinto have been laughed by them in scorn, away from our altars of confederate freedom, if they had not themselves been crushed by the simultaneous rising of an indig- nant people at the Elections which soon followed. III. Some days before the Declaration was adopted, letters had been received from Travis, in command of the Alamo, at Bexar, notifying thepeople of Texas, — for there were then no chief autho- rities of the country — that he was invested by a numerous force in the Alamo, calling loudly for help. Houston, it will be remembered, anticipating this very result, had given orders to the commanding officer to abandon and blow np the Alamo; but liis orders had been disobeyed by the officer, and treated with contempt by the General Council, who had ordered the com- mander to defend the place to the last, promising to reinforce him. And now the brave men in the Alamo were to atone fop the treachery and low ambition of a few selfish mon. Tiie pro- mised reinforcement was limited to t/iiity mtm, making Travis' whole cITectivc force not more than one hundred and eighty-five, and without a month's provisions — detached from all Texan A LETTER FROM COL. TRAVIS. 89 settlemoiits more than scvouty miles, aud the iutervciiiiig terri- tory swept by the Mexican cavaliy. lY. As the Provisional Government, by which Houston had been elected Commander-in-Chief, had ceased when the Conven- tion assembled, he resigned his Major-Generalship. But, there was no other man in Texas to whom the people could look in tliis emergency. The Convention went into the election of a Commander-in-Chief, and out of fifty-six votes, Houston, who was not present, received all but one vote. Texas had no organ- ization of forces, and the few gallant men from Georgia and Alabama in the field, were detached beyond the southern settle- ments, under the command of a man who had treated the orders of the Commander-in-Chief with contempt. The treatment Houston had received from the Council was known, and the people feared he would decline the office. A deep gloom now hung over the puljlic mind. Apprehension and alarm were written on every face, and the conviction became almost univer- sal, that the cause of Texan Independence was lost, unless Houston would accept the command of the Army. Impressed with the general feeling, and stirred by the heroic spirit which has always guided him, he resolved to peril every- thing, and stake life itself upon the issue. He accepted the command. T. On Sunday, the 6th of March, a letter was received from Col. Travis, addressed to the President of the Convention, brought by the last express that ever- left the Alamo. The intelligence it conveyed was no soouer known, than an electric terror flashed through the community. The members, and a crowd of spec- 90 n U S T N I X T H E C N V E N T I K. tators, rushed to the Ilall of the Convention, the President to his chair, the members to their seats, without summons or signal. The President rose, and announced the receipt of a document of " the most important character ever received by any assembly of men." He then read a letter from Col. Travis, of the most thrilling character. It was written in all the fervor of patriotic and devoted courage; but it breathed the language of despair. Robert Potter rose, and moved that " the Convention do imme- diately adjourn, arm, and march to the relief of the Alamo," Houston, feeling that the next movement made in the Conven- tion would be likely to decide the fate of Texas, determined what should be done by the Convention, as well as by himself. VI. All eyes were turned upon him, and as he rose from his seat, it would seem that, for a moment, every heart in the assembly stopped beating. He opposed the motion, and denounced it as madness, worse than treason, to the people. They had, to be sure, declared themselves independent, but they had yet no organization. There must be a government, and it must have organic form — without it, they would be nothing but outlaws, and could hope neither for the sympathy nor respect of mankind. lie spoke nearly an hour, and his appeal, if he ever was elo- quent, was cloqMcnce itself. He admonished the Convention of the peril of the country; he advised them to sit calmly, and firmly and coolly pursue their deliberation; to be wise and patriotic; to feel no alarm, and he pledged himself instantly to repair to Gonzalez, where he had heard that a small corps of militia had rallied, and interpose them between the Convention and the enemy; and while they chose to sit in Convention, tho Mexicans should never approach them unless they marched over T n E F A L I, F T II E A L A Xr . 91 his dead body. lu the meantimo, if mortal power could avail, he would relieve the brave meu in the Alamo. VII. - Houston stopped speaking, and walked immediately out of the Convention. In less than an hour he was mounted on his battle-horse, and with three or four brave companions was on his way to the Alamo. Men looked upon it as an idle and des- perate attempt, or surely more would have followed him. The party rode hard that day, and only stopped late at night, to rest their horses. They were now in the open prairie. At break of day, Houston retired some distance from the party, and listened intensely, as if expecting a distant signal. Col. Travis had stated in his letters, that as long as the Alamo could hold out against the invaders, signal guns would be fired at sunrise. It is a well authenticated fact, that for many successive days, these guns had been heard at a distance of over one hundred miles across the prairie — and being now within the reach of their sound, Houston was anxiously waiting for the expected signal. The day before, like many preceding it, a dull, rumbling mur- mur had come booming over the prairie like distant thunder. He listened with an acuteness of sense, which no man can understand whose hearing has not been sharpened by the teachings of the dwellers of the forest, and who is awaiting a signal of life or death from brave men. He listened in vain. Kot the faintest murmur came floating on the calm, morning air. He knew the Alamo had fallen, and he returned to tell his companions. The event confirmed his convictions, for the Alamo had fired its last gun the morning he left Washington; and at the very moment he was speaking m the Convention, those brave men were meet- ing their fate. 92 HOUSTON''S FOLIC T. VIII. After returning to bis companions, who were preparing to pursue their march, he wrote a letter to the Conveniioa recommending them to adopt a resohitiou declaring Texas a -part of Louisiana under the Treaty of 2803. His suggcstioa was not adopted, but if he had been there to enforce it by his commanding eloquence, it would doubtless have been passed — for in those deliberative assemblies he was as absolute as ever Cromwell was in the Rump Parliament, with a thousand bayonets at his back. In this case, too, he would have had the the means of conviction m the policy he proposed. Such a measure would have won for them the sympathies of Legisla- tures, as well as peoples. They would not then have been regarded as a separate people. It would have matured the Republic and its institutions ; it would have shortened the period of her struggles. Neither the question of recognition nor annexation would have been raised — she would have been adopted at once. Ilouston looked at the whole matter with the eye of a statesman, and the heart of a soldier. He knew that Mexico would have withdrawn at once from the conflict, if Texas had at once been constituted a part of Louisiana. IX. • If, then, it be asked, why Mexico, at last, not only made war upon Texas, after the Great Powers recognized her indepen- dence, but against the United States after annexation, wo answer, that there is no man who knows enough about this subject to qualify hira to hazard an opinion, who does not under- stand and believe, that Mexico was emboldened to provoke tho war, only because of the long, powerful, persevering, and desperate hostility with which a thousand newspapers and THE LAST GUN FROM THE ALAMO. 93 A thousand public men, in tliis country, resisted the annexaiioa. These presses and these public men held the very same language, and displayed the very same spirit towards Texas, that Santa Anna, and Bravo, and Bustamente, and Almonte, and Herrera, and Paredes, and their hireling presses exhibited. In fact, the hopes of these military despots all rested upon the efforts of the enemies of Texas in the United States, and not upon their popu- larity at home, or the power of their cannon, or the justico of their canse. In New York and Philadelphia, and Boston, tliey stationed their most trustworthy and confidential agents ; here they expended their money, and here their battles were fouglit. Who of those bold impudent tyrants would have dared to tread upon a single fold of tlie mantle that wrapped the youthful form of Texan Liberty, if its very name had not been made a by-word among the children of the Heroes of "7G ? It is known that Paredes never apprehended any danger of being brought to battle ; he never expected he would be called on to make good his braggart threats. And later, when this mad hostility against Texas had been frowned down by the American people, its grand movers were glad enough of the first chance offered to redeem their American character. They threw off the Mexican disguise, voted the ten millions and the fifty thousand volunteers with loud huzzas, threw up their caps to the hero of Palo Alto and La Resaca de la Palma, and made him President of the United States. The Alamo had fired its last gun, and its brave defende.s had met their fate. But Houston proceeded to Gonzalez, ah hough not a man joined him on the road. On k.ctting out fr( m tlie Convention, he dispatched an express to Fannin, directi.ig him to form a junction with him on the Cibolo, a small river Utwcen 94 THE MASSACRE OF THE ALAMO. Gonzalez and San Antonio, intending with the united forces to march to the relief of the Alamo. About the 10th of March, '1836) he reached Gonzalez, where he found 3T4 men. They were without organization, and destitute of supplies — they were neither armed nor clad for the campaign. He at once had them assembled and organized, the men electing their own officers. Scouts who had been dispatched to the neighborhood of Sau Antonio, returned about the time of Houston's arrival, under the impression that the Alamo had fallen. This created some Bensation among the troops, and immediately afterwards twc Mexicans, whose families had resided among the American colonists, came in from the region of San Antonio and confirmed the general apprehension. Houston, who was satislied that their statement was correct, had it written down. It repre- sented that the Alamo had been taken on the morning of the 6th of March, and every human being in it slaughtered, except a woman, her child, and a negro ; that after their slaughter, the dead had been dragged out and piled together with wood, in one vast hecatomb, and burned to ashes 1 XL When the news of this act of cold-blooded barbarity flew through the colonics, it stirred up a spirit that would never sleep again. But the day of vengeance was rapidly coming — the hour of San Jacinto was not far off. Houston immediately sent another express to Fannin (March 11th), apprising him of tlie fall of the Alamo, and ordering him to evacuate Goliad, blow up the fortress, and fail back witliout delay upon Victoria and the Guadalupe. This would unite all the forces then in the field, which Houston regarded as the only means of saving Texas. Fannin's force, the General estimated at over 500, and once joined to his own, the army would number at least 900 effective MBS. DICKINSOK's STORY. 95 men, since Fannin had a fine supply of arms brought from the United States, XII. This order reached Fannin some eight days before ho attempted a retreat ; indeed he did not attempt it at all, till he had been surrounded by the Mexicans several days. In reply to the orders of the commander-in-chief, Fannin sent an express, saying he had held a council of war, and had concluded to defend the place, and had named it Fort Defiance. He also said, he was prepared to abide the consequences of disobeying bis orders. The sequel showed but too well how prophetic was the glance Houston cast over the future. XIII. On the twelfth (we believe) of March, about eight o'clock in the evening, Mrs. Dickinson arrived with her child at Gen. Houston's camp, accompanied by two negro guides, sent to attend her by Santa Anna, and also to bring a proclamation of pardon to the insurgent colonists, if they would lay down their arms. The proclamation was, of course, treated as such papers had been by our fathers, when they were sent to their camps of suffering by the myrmidon generals of a British king. Mrs. Dickinson was the wife of one of the brave officers whose bones had crumbled on the sacrificial pyre of the Alamo. Houston was walking alone, a few hundred yards from the camp, at the moment this stricken and bereaved messenger arrived. He returned soon after, and found that her fearful narrative of the butchering and burning, with some of the most stirring details of that dark tragedy, had already struck the soldiers with a chill of horror ; and when she told them tluit 5,000 men were advancing by forced marches, and theii artillery would soon be 96 P A N I C I X T E X A S . heard at Gonzalez, the wildest consternation spread through the camp. Their alarm soon reached a pitch of desperation. Some were stunned with silence — others were wild with lamentations — and even officers had set fire to their tents. xiy. "When Houston came up, he ordered silence, and the fires to be extinguished. He then addressed the soldiery in the most fervid manner, and they all gathered around him, except a few who had at the first impulse fled for their horses. He detached a guard instantly to intercept fugitives, and more than twenty were brought back to the camp. But a few good runners made their escape to the settlements, and carried panic iu every direction. XV. Thp General announced to his comrades that he should that night fall back to a more secure position, as they were in a bend of the river, where the enemy, by crossing, could cut oflf all possible retreat. Accordingly, about eleven o'clock that night, Houston ordered every light in Gonzalez to be extinguished, and leaving a rear-guard with orders to use the utmost vigilance, and give information of the first approach of the enemy, he ordered the camp to be struck, and the little band took up their line of march in good order. On reaching Gonzalez, feeling assured tliat the disasters which finally followed, were inevitable, he had ordered flU the women and children to be transj)orted to the interior settlements ; for throughout the entire Texan Btruggle, he was resolved that the helpless should never be left to tlic tender mercies of the Mexicans. IJefore the crisis came, i»e hoped the transports would return, but in this he was disap THEMARCH. OT pointed, and that night the entire army was followed by only Cue bag-gage waggon, which was drawn by four oxen. XVI. He continued his march that night to Peach Creek, ten niilt's from Gonzalez, and halted to refresh the troops. He "A'as there met by a reinforcement of a hundred men, wliich increased his army to upwards of four liundred and lif'ty. The fugitives from Gonzalez had met tliis company and given thera the news from the Alamo, and so anxious had they become, that nearly one quarter of thera had left thcur officers to hurry on to the camp. About day-break, an hour after the arrival of the army at the Creek, an explosion was heard in the di- rection of Gonzalez. It produced an electrical effect upon the army, and many exclaimed it was the enemy's cannon. An- other and a third explosion were heard in quick succession. Houston afterwards said, that they were the most agreeable sounds he had ever heard. On the march that night, he was informed that several barrels of intoxicating liquors, left in a store at Gonzalez, had been poisoned by arsnnic, and he de- nounced it as a monstrous act, and not to be justified even by the barbarities of their savage foe. Understanding at once the cause of the explosions, Houston quieted their apprehensions by announcing the reason. It has been stated that Houston had ordered the town of Gonzalez to be reduced to ashes ; but ^Te(lil)le men who were there, declared that the charge was not only false, but that he was angry when he heard the fact. The gallant Captain Karnes, who had been left in command of the rear-guard, believing its destruction would be an annoyance to the enemy, and deprive them of the merchandise and other sup- )>]ies, had set the town on Sre. After a halt of three hours, the army continued their march to the Brazos. At the La Baca he 7 S8 A LUSTRE TO THE SETTING SUV. received the letter from Colonel Fannin, which has already been referred to, and he is said to have turned to his aide-de-camp, Major Hockley, and pointing to the little band which seemed bat a speck on the vast prairie, said ; " Hockley, there is the last hope of Texas. We shall never see Fannin nor his men — with these soldiers we must achieve our independence, or perish in the attempt." It was a sad and gloomy march. Ovei* the fatal tragedy of the Alamo seemed to come the dirge of 500 more devoted men. XVII. Towards evenin'g, they perceived, at a distance, a small mov- ing mass in advance, which soon proved to be a company of some thirty volunteers, from the Brazos, under Captain Splann. Kven this dififused some cl^eerfulness, and added to the lustre of the setting sun an additional ray. At night they encamped on the La Baca, where Houston created a volunteer aide-de-camp of Major Wm. T. Austin, and dispatched him to the settlements of the Brazos', to meet hira with supplies of cannon, &c., on the Colorado, where he intended to make a stand against the enemy. A person present has given a graphic account of a scene that occurred that night in a little shantee. Hockley was sitting on a block, writing out the orders for Austin, as they were dictated by General Houston, who was feeding a little fire with oak splinters, to furnish the only light their extremities allowed. XVI 11. On the assurance of Austin that supplies conld be obtained, Houston had directed him to bring not less than seven pieces of mounted cannon, with mules sufTiciont for draught, and at least twelve good horses for his spies, with ammunition sufficient for HOUSTON'snUMANITT. 9f the artillery. The march was continued to the Nuvidad — where intelligence reached hiiu that a blind wonian and her seven children had beea passed by, and were not apprised that the enemy was approaching. The General immediately detached a conijiany of flfty men, under two confidential officers, and delay- ed his march till the woman and her little orphans were brought safely to the camp. XIX. We have before us a dispatch written by Houston, " from the camp on the Navidad," to the chairman of the Military Committee, dated March 15, from which we make a few extracts : " My morning report, on my arrival at the camp, sbowed 374 men, without two days' provisions ; many without arms, and others without ammunition. We could have met the enemy and avenged some of our wrongs ; but, as we were, without supplies for men in the camp, either of provisions, ammunition, or artillery, and remote from succor, it would have been madness to have haziirded a contest. ♦ * The Orst principles of the drill had not been taught the men. • • If the camp had once been broken up there would have been no hope for the future. * * I am fearful Goliad is besieged by the enemy. Jill orders to Col. Fanniti, directing the place to be blown up, and the can- non to be sunk in the river, and to fall back on Victoria, would reach him before the enemy could advaiice. • • I directed, on the \&th of January last, that the artillery should be moved and the Alamo blown up ; but it was prevented by the expedition upon Matamoras, the cause f all our tnisfortU7ies." These extracts show, beyond a question, that the horrid slaughter at the Alamo was foreseen by Houston, and caused by violating his onkrs. Also, that the still more bloody tragedy of Goliad was in the commander's eye before it haj)pcncd, and caused in like manner by disobeiug his orders. The lives of hun- lOS DOWN THE COLORADO. dreds of the bravest men paid the penalty: and Texas did not recover from the fatal consequences for many years. XX. From the Navidad he marched on to the Colorado, where he halted till all the women and children, and non-combatants, with their cattle and horses, had safely crossed over. Leaving a guard on his rear, he went over the Colorado with the main army. On this day, Itth of March, he thus writes the Military Committee: "To-day, at half past four p. m., we reached this Point (Burnham's). * * It pains me at heavt that such consternation should be spread by a few deserters from the camp, but we are here, and if only three hundred men remain on this side the Brazos, I will die with them or conquer our enemies. * * Send agents to the United States Appeal to them in the holy names of Liberty and Humanity. * * Let the men from the East of the Trinity rush to us. 1 it all the dis- posable force of Texas fly to arms." XXI. On the following day he marched down the eastern bank of the Colorado, about twelve miles, and encamped opposite Tieason's, to await the arrival of Austin with his supplies. During this period he had to keep pickets for more than thirty miles up and down the river to prevent surprise. Shortly after his arrival, it was ascertained that General Seznia had advanced to the opposite side of the river, and taken a position a few miles above the Texan Camp, which caused Houston's rear- guard to fall badv over the river. Tliey had, without ant^^-M-ity from tiieir (jicneral, set fire to Burnham's premic-vs, a tba Ciieiiij had encamped near by. Houston's army. 10' Ilouslon now sent a dotucluncnt witli orders to secrete them- selves in a strong position, supposinj^ that the army would bo likely to pass the river with a strong advance guard, and the posi- tion of the Texans being well chosen, would enable them to dis- comfit five times their number. As he had anticipated, the enemy crossed the river with upwards of fifty cavalry, uncon- scious of the ambuscade, and would have been completely cut off, had it not been for the imprudence of one man, who fired upon them too soon, and thus advertised them of their danger. No other attempt was made to cross. Some few reinforcements and supplies reached the camp about this time. But his entire force, including all his detachments, did not exceed 650 men: and his artillery not arriving, he was unable to cross the river and give battle to General Sezma. Austin had limited his arrival with the supplies and artillery to twelve days, and although the time had passed, nothing had yet been heard from him. A slight skirmish had taken place be- tween a party of riflemen and an advance guard of the enemy, but without any decisive result. On the 23d March, Houston wrote to Mr. Rusk: •' You know I am not easily depressed, but, before my God, since we parted, I have found the darkest hours of my life. For forty-eight hours I have neither eaten an ounce of anything, nor have I slept. All who saw the deserters, breathed the poison and fled. It was a poor compliment to me to suppose I would not advise the Convention of any necessity that might have arisen for the removal." XXII. In the midst of all this gloom and suspense, the news came, which burst like a bolt of thunder over the little army — Colonel Fannvi's Regiment has all been massacred/ A ^[cxican, by the name of Peter Kerr, had brought the intelligence, and althorgh 102 THE SLAUGTER OF GOLIAD. be had not a shadow of doubt the man's story was true, yet such was the alarm it had created, the General was obliged to throw miscredit upou the messenger, to prevent his camp from being deserted. The fall of the Alamo had well-nigh dispersed the little army, and when they heard that 500 brave comrades, fully armed and equipped, had all been cut off, their consterna tion was redoubled. The last barrier between them and a slaughtering army seemed swept away, and it was not strange that this last sad news had unnerved their courage. XXIII. Houston had his part to play that night, and he played it well. In such exigencies all the difficulties have to be overcome at once. He instantly called for the sergeant of the guard, and denouncing Kerr as an incendiary of the Mexicans, sent to his camp to produce distraction, declared in a furious passion he would have the spy shot the next morning at nine o'clock. An order was immediately given to have the man arrested and placed under a strong guard. He then addressed the soldiery, and adduced many reasons why the news could not be true. His apparent disbelief calmed the excitement, which had reached a fearful pitch. Houston would not see the prisoner, till the camp had retired to rest. He then went to the guard-fire and heard his story. He knew that his worst apprehensions had become history. He gave private orders to have his prisoner treated kindly, and the next morning he forgot to have him executed ! The excitement had passed away with the dreams of the soldiers — but the prisoner could not be released at once, since everything which savored of the Mexicans was odious to the army, and Houston would have been charged with turning loose a spy, and perhaps collusion with the enemy. PREPARING TO MEET THE ENEMY. l03 XXIV. Houston strncjc his camp that evening, and marched towards the Brazos. The army reached San Felipe the next night, effecting a march of about twenty-eight miles in less than twenty-four hours. We find in one of the General's dispatches, dated •' Camp, West of Brazos, March Z\«t. " My intention was to have attacked the enemy on the second night after the day Fanniu"s destruction was reported by Kerr. * ' Send me daily expresses, and let me know what to rely on. I must let the camp know something, and I want everything promised, to be realized by them, and I can keep them together. I have thus far succeeded beyond my hopes. I will do the best I can ; but be assured, the fame of Jackson could never compensate me for my anxiety and mental pain. Two nights since, when it was reported that the enemy was on this side of the Colo- rado, the citizens of San Felipe reduced it to ashes. There was no order from me for it." On the 3d of April, Houston again writes the Secretary of War. After describing the massacre of Fannin's command, he says : — " Humanity must recoil at the perfidy which has been exercised towards brave and heroic men, who have perished in the unequal conflicts with tho enemy, when they were always more than six to one. Will not our friends rush to the conflict, and at once avenge tlie wrongs which have been inflicted on our dauntless comrades? The day of just retribution ought not to be deferred." Again, on the Gth of April, he says : — ♦' The enemy shall be closely looked to. and the first farorable moment •eircd with avidity, to effect his total defeat." 104 THE CAMP ON THE BRAZOS. XXV. The army encamped on the Dight of the 2£U.h of March at Mill Creek, and the following day reached their destination opposite Groces. The steamboat Yellow Stone, which was lying at the landing, was at once pressed into the service, and a company of troops stationed on board to prevent the boat or its engineers from rxtnning off. The army remained in the same position till the 11th of April. During this time, the river had swollen by the spring rains, and as Houston's camp lay on an island of the Brazos, where he was secure from the enemy, he constructed a narrow bridge, by which communication was maintained with the enemy's country, over which the Texan scouts could pass, to gather information, and hold a keen vigi- lance of the movements and designs of the Mexicans. XXVI. Before the waters reached their greatest height. General Houston had designed, as soon as the enemy should approach San Felipe, to march with all his force, and surprise them at night, believing that their confidence, inspired by numbers, dis- cipline, and success, would have completely thrown them oflF their guard, which would give an easy victory to the Texan commander. But when he learned of the arrival of the enemy at San Felipe, the freshet was at its height, and having three creeks without fords, to pass in his march, this boldly conceived plan failed. Aitliough no fortunate result followed many of these designs of Houston, yet they will sliow to the reader the fileepless vigilance and bold daring, of the man upon whose move- ments was suspended tlie fate of the young Commonwealth. We also deem their relation important, because they serve to MAUCniNfi TO SAN JACINTO, 105 render tlie reader familiar with tlie chances and changes of war* fare, and the qualities necessary in the citizen who leads an army to the field. XXVII. The company left in charge of San Felipe, having retired to the east side of the river, and thrown up a partial fortification of timber, the enemy immediately opened the artillery upon their breastworks, and the noise of their cannon announced to Houston the first certain fy of their approach. A company of eighty men, which had just arrived at the camp from Eastern Texas, was detached with another body to succor Captain Baker, while, by means of expresses, the Commander-in-Chief kept up communication with the troops at San Felipe and Fort Bend. Ills entire force at Groces, where the main body of the army lay, did not now exceed five hundred and twenty men. He had been encouraged to expect not less than five hundred men from the Redlands, and they could have been furnished ; for they were already in the field, and many of them had advanced their march to the banks of the Trinity, But some turbulent men, who where willing to ruin the country rather than fail in Hous- ton's destruction, raised rumors of Indian hostilities, which pre- vented them from joining him. Amongst them was General Quitman's command from Natchez — a fine company of south- ern chivalry, who were thus prevented from participating in the triumphs of San Jacinto. They arrived at the camp two da}8 after the victory. Tlie country behind Houston was entirely depopulated. He never fell back till the women and children were secure from danger — always interposing the array betweeu the enemy and the helpless. 106 HOUSTON THE ONLY HOPE OF TEXAS. XXYIII. He had now become apprised of the strength, position, and designs of the enemy. They were marching upon him in three Divisions. The Centre was to advance from San Antonio to Gonzalez, Beasou's, and by San Felipe or Washington, and Rohbins' Ferry to Nacogdoches — led by Santa Anna himself. The Second Division, under General Urrea, was to march from Goliad by the way of Yictoria to Brazoria and Harrisburg, while the upper or Third Division advanced by Bastrap to Tenoxtitlan on the Brazos, and thence to the Camanche, cross- ing the Trinity, on to Nacogdoches. The plan of the campaign gave evidence of the superior ability of Santa Anna, and showed Houston the man he had to deal with. At the same time the entire scheme had to be broken up in less than thirty days, or Texas would be swept by three rolling streams of fire, which would cover the land with desolation, and blot out the last hope of the Republic. How this almost impossible work was to be achieved, no one knew but Houston. There was a painful feel- ing of suspense throughout the little army, and all eyes were turned anxiously upon their bold leader. There was no longer a doubt in the mind of any who knew the position of affairs, that the salvation of Texas, under God, had been thrown entirely upou Houston's arm. XXIX. What was his policy ? Apprised of all this, he believed that the Divisions were sufficiently detached to be managed in detail, if the succors he had a right to expect should reach him in time. His position on the Brazos, enabled him to cover a larger extent of country than any other he could have selected, and was one of the most eligible for supplies. During his cntiro SANTA ANNA A D V A X C I X . lOl encampment there, he was sending frequent expresses to Eastern Texas, an^J while he represented his true situation in his con- fidential dispatches to the Committee of Vigilance and Safety at Nacogdoches, he was in the habit, we have heard, of endorsing the envelopes with certain postscripts, that all might see tiiat his force did not exceed Iwenty-five hundred men ; for he believed if his real situation was known, it would deter all succors from coming to his aid. This is the only origin we have discovered for the report of his having so large a command. XXX. About the 11th of April, news came from Fort Bend that the Centre Division, under Santa Anna, had already crossed the river at that place. The company stationed there, not maintain- ing the vigilance enjoined, the ferry-boat was taken over by a negro to the western side. By this means they were enabled at once to pass the river. Had it not been for this circum- stance, the Brazos being at high flood, they could not have passed for a month, and Houston could have maintained his position till his safety inspired a confidence that would have reinforced his army, XXXI. A fortunate combination of circumstances enabled Houston to maintain himself against the influence that seemed to be marking his destiny. The Upper Division of the Mexican array, under Gaono, became bewildered in their march, and ascended the Colorado. The South Division, under Urrea, was delayed by high waters, and never passed the Brazos at all. Santa Anna had, doubtless, learned that Harrisburg had become the seat of Gov(.'rnment, after the adjournment of the Convention, which took place ou the 17 th of March, and was lOS THE COWARDICE OF THE GOVERXIIENT. prepared to take advantnse of tlie alarm which tliis flight of the officers of the Republic had spread over the coloijies. The Convention had broken up in utter consternation and dismay, and only seven of its members ever found their way to the army. None but those who were on the ground can have any con- ception of the fatal consequences that attended this movement. It is safe, probably, to say that to it, more than any other cause, was it owing that Houston received no more reinforcements in that trying crisis. A constitutional act had been passed by the Convention, creating a Government ad interim, consisting of a President, and Secretaries of War, Navy, and the Treasury, with all powers incident to a Government, except the law- making. They had adjourned to Ilarrisbnrg, not less than seventy miles from the scene of war. This flight of the wise men and the worthies of the nation, was calculated to alarm the old, the young, and the helpless, to afiford an excuse to the timid, and sanction the skulking of the cowardly. Many brave men, who had joined Houston, hearing of the general consternation which had followed the adjournment of the Convention, could not resist their natural impulses to go and render protection to their abandoned flying wives and children. Houston lias often declared that this was one of the most appalling circumstances that ever befell him while strug- gling for Texas, and we find it confirmed by his dispatches XXXII. But the event proved it was fortunate for him, that Santa Anna had heard that Harrisburg had l)ecome the seat of Govern- ment, for it caiised him to abandon his gentral })lan of invasion, and diverge from his route to Nacogdoches, with a view tt) capture the self-preserving administration of the new Ilei)ublic. As soon as General Houston received intelligence that Saut» \ THE TWO FIELD PIECES. 109 Anna was crossing the Brazop, he dispatched without delay his orders for all tlie troops, scattered ti-p and down tlic river, from Washington to Fort Bend, a distance of more tlian eiglity miles, to join him on his march to Ilarrisburg. Wliile he lay on the Brozos, General Rusk, now Senator from Texas, and tlien newly- appointed Secretary of War, instead of flying from tlie scene of danger, when the rest of the cabinet fled, hastened to the Connnander-in-Chief on the Brazos. They advised together cordially on all matters connected with the welfare of Texas, and harmonized most perfectly in the means necessary to bo adopted. The steamboat Yellow Stone was put in motion, and ia two days the entire army, with their baggage-wagons and horses, was transported to the eastern side of the Brazos. Ou the shore, Houston met the first artillery which had been under his control. They were two six-pounders (a present from some patriotic men in Cincinnati), but they were without equipments necessary for use, except that they were mounted. There being a smith's shop and gunsmiths there, who had been employed in repairing the arms of the troops, the two field-pieces were immediately made ready for effective use, and all the old iron in the neighbor- hood cut into slugs, and formed into cartridges. The little army halted a few miles from the Ferry, and encamped for the night. XXXIII. After the Commander-in-Chief had, as was his uniform custom, examined in person the state of the camp, and seen that every- thing necessary for an early march had been done, he inquired the route for Harrisburg. Houston had never before been in that region ; but he took the precaution to inform himself perfectly of the geography of the country, well knowing that he was liable to be surprised any hour by a superior force. One road led to Nacog- doches, crossing the Trinity at llobbins' Ferry ; and Houston 110 NOTATEN'TINTHEARMT. knew that this was the road Santa Anna must have taken in Ins march upon Ilarrisburg. Tlie main army, amounting to between seven and eight hundred men, was now put in motion. They marched that day (16th April) to McArley's, a fatiguing march of eighteen miles, through a prairie. There were fourteen baggage-wagons, and two pieces of artillery in the train. Ex- cessive rains had made the prairie boggy, and in many places the wagons had to be unloaded, and the dismounted field-pieces car- ried, or rolled, through the mire. This brought into requisition the entire physical strength of the army. Houston had, early in the march, foreseen what lay before his men, and on the first emergency, he stripped off his coat, dismounted, and set the ex- ample of unloading and transporting baggage and guns, and so continued throughout the day, commanding and aiding the soldiers with his personal strength. The brave little army halted' at sun-set, and laid themselves down to sleep in the open field, without covering, for there was not a tent in the camp. About dark, a cold rain set in, and continued for twenty-four hours. Such ■were the hardships those men were compelled to undergo, while working out the emancipation of their country. XXXIV. The second day (Hth) they i)ursucd their exhausting march through the rain, twelve miles, to Burnett's settlement, which they found deserted. Another night followed — the soldiers slept on the wet ground, with their arms in their hands, ready to answer in a single moment the three taps of the drum, which was the only instrument of martial music in the camp, and which was never toudied but by the General himself. The third day's marcii (18th), through the prairie, of eighteen miles, brought them to Post Oak IJayou, where they encamped for the night. Their toilsome march through the prairie was now over, auJ THE TIME TO FICnT 111 they were only six or eight miles from Harrisburg. Bnt Ssinta Anna had been there before them, and reduced the town to ashes, on his march to New Washington. XXXV. The army had marched up within two miles of the stream, and ahnost in sight of the ruin, and prepared to cross the Buf- falo Bayou, which lay between them and the scene of desolation. The gallant Karnes, and Deaf Smith, swam over the stream with several companions, and in a short time brought back over the Bayou two expresses that bore most important intelligence. On the person of the courier, who was a Mexican officer, were found dispatches from Filisola to Santa Anna, so recently written, that the reader remarked : " The ink, sir, is hardly dry." The Texan commander now had the most positive assurance that Santa Anna was in command of the advance of the enemy. The second express contained the mail from the capital, filled with letters of congratulation, recognizing Santa Anna as Emperor of Mexico, &c, XXXVI. Mr. Rusk, the Secretary of "War, and General Houston, im- mediately retired for a private conference. Very few words passed between them : the facts were before them, and they could come to but one decision. "We need not talk," said the General; "you think we ought to fight, and I think so too." The battle was decided on, and the fate of Texas was to be settled as soon as the enemy could be founc?. Shortly after this conference. General Houston was informed by Colonel Hockley that he had overheard an officer in command of a regiment saying to the men about him, over whom he supposed himself to possess the greatest influence, 112 NOT A MOMENT TO BE LOST. " Boys, Houston don't intend to figlit- — follow me and yoa shall have enough of it." Houston at once remarked to Hook- ley, " I'll cure this mischief directly." He ordered the two Colonels to be sent for. " Gentlemen, have you rations of beef in the camp, for three days ?" " Yes sir." "You will then see that each man is supplied with three days' cooked rations, and hold the camp in readiness to march. We will see if we can find Santa Anna: good morning, gentlemen." Turning oflf with Hockley, Houston remarked, " There is no excuse for sedition now, if they wish to fight." At the same time orders were given to prepare for crossing the Bayou — that the army might commence their march upon the enemy the next morning. XXXVII. Night passed, and daylight came — but no preparations had been made for the march. The orders of the Commanding Offi- cer had been disregarded, and not a soldier was prepared with his rations. Not a moment was to be lost. Instead of taking his rest, as was his custom early in the morning, the General issued his orders himself to the men, and the camp was soon busy with the note of preparation. But it was nine o'clock before he could get his column under arms. When the army arrived at tlie Bayou, two miles from the encampment, they found the boat nearly filled with water. Houston at once dis- mounted, called for an axe, and went to hewing oars out of rails. XXXVIII. The passage was a difficult and perilous undertaking, and yet Houston was determined to make it that morning. The Bayou AN- n U R F P ERI L. 1 1^ was about fifty 3'ards wide, and more than twtuty feet deep. As the Pioneers, a small company, were goini^ aboard, an acci- dent occurred whicli damaged tlie boat. Ilouston leapod aboard at once ; and his faithful horse, that he had left pav/ing on the bank, plunged in after his master, and swam to the oi>pGsite shore. A rope was soon constructed out of cabriestas (a rope of horse hair) and raw tugs, and fastened to both sides of the stream, which enabled the boat to make more rapid trips, ai.d kept it from floating down the stream. The passage was now bein» made with great rapidity, but it vs'as an hour of in- tense anxiety to the commander and his intelligent counsellor, the Secretary of War. General Ilouston had crossed and stood on one side, while Mr. Rusk remaiued on the other, both watch- ing the perilous movement of their little army, in whose brave hearts the hopes of Texas were now all gathered. A single accident 1 Xo one knew but the next moment the enemy's column might come in sight, and if they came up while that deep stream divided the army of Texas, the result would be fore- told before it happened. XXXIX. Half the army had now passed, and it was the moment of tlia deepest peril. The boat was giving way ; four strong men were bailing out the water continually. The body of cavalry was now to be risked. They were goaded to plunge into the deep stream, and they at once disappeared. But they rose again in tlieir strength and strained for the steep bank. Tiiey reached it, nnd when they struck the solid ground, they sprang from the water and shook their tired limbs. The passage was made. Mr. Rusk went over on the last Ijoat. It was an affecting spec- tacle to see these two brave men seize eacli other's hands when Ihey met on the left bank of the stream j aud it is not dilE mlt to 8 114 REMEMBER THE ALAMO. believe what is iudeed said, that the same expression of grati- tude fell from their lips together — " Thank God— we are at last safely over." While the lines were forming, General Houston drew from his pocket a scrap of paper, and with a peucil (here was his only portfolio) wrote the following letter. Camp at Harriaiburg, April 19 tained it till the charge was made the next day. 122 THE NIGHT BEFORE THE BATTLK. SECTION EIGHTH. THE HERO OF SAN JACINTO. I. Dl'rin'o the entire presence of the enemy, on the day that -ue thi'ir inventors. But in Texas they never were l)elieved at all — there tiie facts were all known. It is a curious circumstance, that the report once so conniion in the United States, and even till now uncontradicted by llotiston (for he never esteemed any lie worth contradictin<>:), viz. that he played the coward at Sau Jacinto, and never would have fought at all if he had not been forced into battle by his soldiers ; that he fled from the field, or — as many had it — was never in the field at all, THKMAKEROFENVT. 155 — should have originated and been industriously circulated by the very men who had been the first to fly from danger, and leave the country in its darkest hour to take care of itself I And yet such was the case. But from all these "mountain lies " the name of Houston has come out fair and clear. XXVII. Yolunteers had now rushed in fi-om all quarters, where thi news of the victory had spread ; and some brave men, wlio had come on by forced marches to join Houston's standard when he needed their help, had the misfortune, also, to reach the camp too late. Great activity, discipline and vigor became necessary. Houston was rendered i)erfectly helpless by his wound ; and it was believed that, even if he survived, he would not be again fit for service for many months. He signified his desire that General Rusk should succeed him in the command, and, as no other man would have been acceptable, he was selected by the Cabinet as Brigadier-General. From the arrival of the " Government," which, to the surprise of Santa Anna, had at last been found, the Mexican President had not been permitted to pay his customary morning visit to his courteous and humane captor ; and he had also been kept under the irritating and humiliating surveillance of the Cabinet. Tiiis unnecessary and indelicate severity (or, as Santa Anna himself termed it, " bad manners ") was a source of great pain and mortification to the captive Genei'al. XXVIII. Mr. Lamar was appointed Secretary of War, to fill the va- cancy in the Cabinet. After the failure to disgrace Houston, there was a cruel effort made to depress and harrow his feelings. Every petty artifice was resorted to, to torture the feelings of the cufeebled, wounded hero. A line stallion, that had becit 160 SCENES AFTER SAX JACINTO. ridden in battle by Almonte, and captured by Karnes in the pursuit of the enemy, had been presented by that gallant officer to his General. Althoui^h the animal was not of the spoils taken on the field, Houston sent him to parade, and to be sold for the benefit of the army. By the united voice of the camp, he was led up to his master, with an earnest entreaty that he would retain him, and " they hoped, too," they said, " the General would be able to ride him very soon." He was a noble ani- mal ; and as black as a raven. After the army had con- firmed the present of Karnes, the " Government " took the horse froni the Commander. This was, certainly, a chivalrous act towards a man who had saved the country, and was yet unable to move, even on crutches. We will state one more circum- stance about these men, and then leave them to the odium which rests on their name, for having tortured the feelings of ft brave and patriotic man, XXIX, When the army were taking up their line of march to tho west, with the settlements all broken up, and Houston was without any of the comforts the wounded man so much needs; when his surgeon had no medicine in the canip to give him, or dress his wound with, and it became necessary for him to visit New Orleans as tlie nearest place he could go to for medical aid to save his life, and the steamboat Yellow Stone was ready to sail for Galveston, with the Cabinet, and Santa Anna and suite ; these gentlemen had, by common consent, agreed to leave the wounded Commander-in-Chief to die — in sight of the field of San Jacinto ! Houston could hardly believe this, and yet, when he saw lie was going to be left in his helplessness, he applied to tho Cabinet for a pa.ssage. Tlie (ipplicitinn wax sternly refused ! The captain of the bo;it, hearing of the circiinistance, vowed it should never leave the shore without it bore General Houston. Houston's noble conduct. 161 He tendered him a passage, and he was carried aboard by Gene- ral Rusk and his brother David. He was also accompanied by a few of his staff ; among others his surgeon-general, Dr. Ewing. When the Doctor came on board, the Cabinet told han he could not accompany General Houston, and if he did, he would be di.scharged from the service, although they had not a shadow of authority to do it. The surgeon told Houston of this. " I am sorry, my dear fellow," said he, " for I have nothing to promise you in the future, and you know I am poor ; so you had better not incur the displeasure of the new Secretary of "War." But the magnanimous man determined to follow his General, for he would not desert either a friend or a brave man in the hour of need. He went ; but the Cabinet was as good as its word ; he was dismissed at once from the army. He did not know then that Houston's star was so soon to come fortli from its deep eclipse. When Santa Anna, who had wept when he was told that General Houston was not coming on board, saw him brought on, he ran to him, and embraced him with unfeigned joy. XXX. The boat reached Galveston Island, where, at the time, there was not a framed house, and remained there for the night. Some volunteers, who had arrived there from the United States, hearing the President, ad interim, as he went on shore, cast some reflections upon Houston, their officers immediately waited •on the General, and offered to take him off, and do anything he might desire for his comfort or his honor. He was aware of the spirit the men felt, for thoy showed it too plainly to allow it to be mistaken, and he declined going just then. But he issued an order as he took leave of the men, and exhorted them to " render obedience to the authorities of the country, and not dishonor themselves by any disrespect to the Government, being 11 162 THE GENERAL PARTI N'G WITH TIIR ARMY. assured that by honoring the ranks they would be qualified for the highest rights of citizenship." They discussed the subject of treating the Cabinet with great harshness ; but they at last yielded to Houston's commands and entreaties, and smothered their indignation. A single word from the wounded man would have crushed those restless and ambitious men, who had inflicted so much pain upon himself, and who afterwards brought so much misery and dishonor upon his country. But on this occasion, as on all others, he showed how well regard for law and order had fitted him to govern, and how easy it is for a truly great man to be magnanimous to his enemies. XXXI. We had nearly forgotten to mention the scene which was witnessed when Houston parted with the army. He was too feeble to speak to them, but he dictated the following touching address, which was read in camp as Army Orders, JTead Quarteri, &in Jacinto, Map 6th, 1836. Comrades — Circumstances connected with the battle of the 21st render our separation, for the present, unavoidable. I need not express to you the many painful sensations wliich that necessity inflicts upon mc. I am solaced, however, by the hope, that we shall soon be reunited in the great cause of Liberty. Brigadier-General Rusk is appointed to command the army for the present. I confide in his valor, his patriotism, his wisdom. His conduct in the battle of San Jacinto waa suflScient to ensure your con- fidence and regard. The enemy, though retreating, are still within the limits of Texas ; their situation being known to you, you cannot be taken by surprise. Discipline and subordination will render you invincible. Your valor and heroism have proved you unrivalled. Let not contempt for the enemy throw you off your guard. Vigilance la the first duty of a soldier, and glory the proudest reward of his toils. You have patiently endured privations, hardships, and dilBculUas, ADDRESS TO TZE SOLDIERS. 162 nnappalled ; you have encouotcrcd odds of two to one c/ the enemy against ye"., and borne yourselves, in the onset and conflict of batlle, in a manner unknown in the annals of modern warfare. While an enemy to your independence remains in Texas, the work is incomplete ; but when liberty is lirmly established by your patience and your v.ilor. it will bo lame enough to say, '• I was a member of the army of San Jacinto." In taking leave of my brave comrades in arms, I cannot suppress the expression of that pride which I so justly feel in having had the honor to command them in person, nor will I withhold the tribute of my warmest admiration and gratitude for the promptness with which my orders were executed, and union maintained through the army. At parting, my heart embraces you with gratitude and affection. SAM HOUSTON, Commander-in-Chief. It is said that when this touching and eloquent address was read to the army, the tears of the brave men fell upon the rifles on which they were leaning. Such was his parting with his companions in arms. XXXII. A small war vessel, belonging to the Republic, was sailing from Galveston to New Orleans. Houston applied for a pas- sage with his staff. It was refused, although the war vessel carried several persons not belonging to the crew or the service. A little American schooner (the Flora) was also lying there The General sent for the captain, and contracted with him for passage for himself and stafif, to be paid when he could, for he had not a dollar of money to advance. During the entire cam- paign, neither he nor any one of his followers had received a shilling from the " Government," and all the funds he had of hit own, he had generously devoted to the relief of the fugitive women and children, whose husbands and fathers had been Bliiughtered at the Alamo, or massacred with Fannin. Santa Anna now asked permission of the Cabinet to take leave I6i Houston's reception at new Orleans. of General Houston, but he was refused that privilege. Cap- tain Chas. Hawkins, of the Texan Navy, stated these facts ; and he also said, that Santa Anna wept on the occasion. XXXIII. We pass over the long and tedious voyage of the little schooner. She arrived at the Balizc in the night, and the next day, May 28th, was towed up to New Orleans. General Houston had now been nearly forty days without medicine or poultices; the bandages for his wound he had torn from the shirt he wore, till all but its bosom was gone — for he had given all he had away to the soldiers, as their necessities had before been greater than his own. He was now, as he supposed, in a dying state. He was so feeble, he could not even be raised up with- out fainting. In passing the English Turn, about eighteen miles below New Orleans, it was known by expresses in waiting, that Houston was on board, and it was the first confirmation of the news of the battle. It was Sunday, and the levee was black with the dense crowd which, as the intelligence spread through the city, had rushed together to see the wounded soldier. His friend, Colonel Wm. Ciiristy, with whom he had served as lieutenant in his youth, had prepared for him in his house every comfort his situation required, and he was now eager to grasp the hand of his old comrade, and extend to him the most cordial welcome. Dr. Kerr, too, who had operated on his wounds just thirty years before, hastened to the vessel, where he found him lying on the deck. He fell upon him, and embraced him like a fatlier. He, with Dr. Cenas, gave Iiim every attention, and they saved his life; for they said if he had arrived a few hours later, he could not have been saved, since his wound had begun to show the first symptoms of mortification. HOUSTON RETURNS TO HIS liOME. 165 XXXIV. The crowd on the boat was so great, it was in danger of sink' Ing, and the throng so dense on the pier, it was a long time be- fore he could be got ashore. An unsuccessful attempt had been made to lift him ashore, but it seemed he would die of torture be- fore it could be done. At last, feeling that his strength was going, he rose on his crutches, and, by a desperate effort, got over the gunwale himself. He was immediately laid upon a litter, where he fainted away. In the meantime, bands of music had come down to the pier, and were playing martial airs, while the landing was being effected. The cot, which had been pre- pared, was brought up, and Ilouston, who seemed to be dying, was borne through the vast throng to the hospitable mansion of his friend, where this skeleton of disease and suffering at last found repose. XXXT. He remained about two weeks in New Orleans, and although he was far from being out of danger, yet his anxiety to return to Texas was so great, that he took passage to Nachitoches, oa the Red River, this being the only practicable rout to his home in Eastern Texas. The fatigue and exposure of the journey were too much for his feeble health, and he was obliged to stop Bcveral days to recover his strength. But the first moment ho was able, he travelled on to San Augustine, where he remained till the news came that the Cabinet had made a treaty with Santa Anna, and were resolved on his liberation. At the same time it was stated that the enemy was preparing for another campaign. Demonstrations of respect had been made, and din- ners offered to him at New Orleans, Nachitoches, and Saa Augustine; but he declined all such compliments. The repo^> 166 SANTA ANNA TO BE EXECUTED. of the advance of the enemy had brought together a vast con- course of people at San Augustine. Houston was taken to the meeting, and, resting on his crutches, delivered an address, which produced such an effect, that one hundred and sixty men, in two days, took up their march for the frontier. XXXVI. Soon after, the General received intelligence that Colonels Millard and Wheelock had been dispatched from the army then At the Coleto, with a demand on the Cabinet that they should deliver up Santa Anna into their hands for execution, reproach ing them for the neglect of their duty, and an order to arrest President Burnet, and bring him to the Texan camp. Houston immediately dispatched by express to the army the following Protest against their proceedings. XXXYII. Ayish Bayou, 26(A July^ 18S6i. TO THE GENERAL COMMAXDINO THE ARMY OP TEXAS. Sib, — I have just beard through a citizen, of the army, that it is the intention to remove General Santa Anna to the army, and place him upon his trial. I cannot credit this statement ; it is obviously contrary to the true policy of Texas. The advantages which his capture presented to us, will be destroyed. Disregard, if you will, our national character, and place what construction you please upon the rules of civilized warfare, we arc compoUed by every principle of liumanity and morality, to abstain from every act of passion or inconsideration that is to be unproductive of positive good. Execute Santa Anna, and what will be the fate of the Texans who are held prisoners by the Mexicans — what will be the con- dition of the North Americans who are residing within the limits of Mexico? Death to them, and confiscation of their property is the least that can be expected. Doubtless, torture will be added to tlie catas- trophe, when Rtimulated Ijy ignorance, fanaticism, and tlie last expiring ■trugglc of the priesthood for power and dumiaioa. Texas, to be re»» Houston's PROTEST. 167 pected, must be considerate, politic, and just in her actions. Santa Anna, living, and secured beyond all danger of escape, in the Eastern section of Texas (as I first suggested), may be of incalculable advantage to Texas in her present crisis. In cool blood to ofi'er up the living to the manes of the departed, only finds an example in the religion and warfare of savages. Regard for one's departed friends should stimulate us in the hour of battle, and would excuse us, in the moment of victory, for partial excesses, at which our calmer feelings of humanity would relent. The aflairs of Texas connected with General Santa Anna, as President of the Republic of Mexico, have become matter of consideration to which the attention of the United States has been called, and for Texas, at thia moment, to proceed to extreme measures, as to the merits or demerits of General Santa Anna, would be treating that Government with high disrespect, and I would respectfully add. in my opinion, it would be incurring the most unfortunate responsibility for Texas. I, therefore, Commander-in-Chief of the army of the Republic, do solemnly protest against the trial, sentence, and execution of General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, President of the Republic of Mexico, until the relations in which we are to stand to the United States shall be ascertained. SAM HOUSTON, Comjiander-in-Chief of the Absct. XXXVIII. This protest liad just the effect designed by the writer. The trial of Santa Anna was delayed, and Texas was saved from the disgrace and execration which so summary and barbarous a proceeding would have brought upon her name. Soon after this, Houston removed to Xacogdoclies, where he remained under the influence of his wound till fall. But he was far from being idle, for the country was under a quasi state of martial law, and the exigency called for his constant vigilance and advice. XXXIX. In the mean time we must glance rapidly over the eyenti 153 BAD FAITH -WITH SANTA AXNA. ■which were elsewhere taking place. The Cabinet perceiving that Houston's views, officially communicated to General Rusk, were founded upon the highest principles of policy, humanity, and justice, adopted them, in the main, in the treaty they made with Santa Anna, on the 14th of May. The President and his Cabinet were still at Velasco on the first of June, and the Texan schooner Invincible was anchored ofif the bar, in sight of the town, with Santa Anna and his suite on board, and tho sailing orders of the vessel had been issued for her to proceed to Vera Cruz. Santa Anna wrote the following Farewell to thk Texan Army. XL. "My friends! I have been a witness of your courage in the field of battle, and know you to be generous. Rely with confidence on my Bincerity, and you shall never have cause to regret the kindness shown me. In returning to my native land, I beg you to receive the sincere thanks of your grateful friend. Farewell. • "Ant. Lofez De Santa Anna. " Velasco, \si Jum, 1886." XLI. "We know not what may be the opinions of others, but we are persuaded that Santa Anna never would have committed him- self in this manner, when there was no necessity of doigg it (for it was written after the vessel was under sailing orders), unless he really iutendi'd to redeem his pledge. For although he had entered into a solemn treaty, yet his own conscience and the whole world would have palliated any violation of that treaty (which was wrung from .him by his captors ; for what will not a prisoner promise to buy his liberty ? they would have said), much sooner than they would have forgiven the violation of private i)ledgcs, voluntarily given by a free man. l^o such INJUSTICE TO A PRISONKR. 169 ' pledges were now necessary ; he was perfectly free to give or withhold them. Any bad faith subsequently manifested, would have been regarded as the blackest perfidy, and Texas would have gained more, perhaps (if she had kept her faith inviolate), by his treachery, than she would have lost ; for her honor and her magnanimity, and the perfidy of Santa Anna, would have won for her the sympathy of the civilized world 1 But an event now took place which must be regarded as a public and lasting calamity to Texas. XLII. Several hundred volunteers from the United States arrived at Yelasco, just as the Invincible was sailing. Their commander had not participated in the Texan struggle, and, in fact, he had yet no authority to order a drum beat 'in Texas. But he declared that the Invincible should not be allowed to lift her anchor. lie was determined Santa Anna should be tried and executed 1 It is unnecessary to indulge in any exclamations of censure for this use of military power. Popular feeling was oa his side, and Mr. Lamar had already protested (in a voluminous paper) against Santa Anna's release. The President ad interim also yielded to this violation of the public faith, and although the treaty had been signed, sealed, and delivered, and Santa Amia had it with him on board, and the vessel was under sailing orders, yet he countermanded her orders, and sent a requisition on board for the Mexican President. Santa Anna was aware what had been the popular feeling towards him from the day of his capture ; and he undoubtedly believed that his life would be in danger in the hands of the President. Under such cirenra stances, he resolutely refused to go on shore. The order was repeated the next day, and it ])rovoked a similar reply. On the afternoon of the third of June, armed men " visited tha Invincible ' (says Foote, 2 vol., p. 342), "for the purpose of no SANTA anna's REMONSTRANCE. bringing off the Dictator, dead or alivey Santa Anna remon- strated against the lawless outrage, and, like a brave man, de- clared he would die before he left. " All this time (p. 343) he lay on his back in his berth, and his respiration seemed to be exceed- ingly difficult." No wonder such a display of the boasted Anglo-Saxon faith should disturb the respiration even of a Mexi- can I All other means failing, a military commander ordered him to be put in irons. " When the irons were brought within his view, the prisoner jumped up, adjusted his collar, put on his hat, and stated his readiness to accompany us.'' (P. 343). And how else could a defenceless prisoner act, with a score of bayonets or bowie-knives at his breast ? For our own part, we know of no circumstance in Santa Anna's history, so worthy of admiration as his conduct on this occasion ; nor do we know of any act of perfidy or cowardice equal to that evinced by his lawless aggressors. Santa Anna was and is an ambitious, selfish, military chief- tain, who has trampled on the Constitution, and blotted out the liberties of his country. But to his honor be it said, that he, was not the first to violate the treaty of the 14th of May. Like a brave man, too, he boldly protested against the perfidy of the Texan cabinet. XLIII. He said : " I had embarked on the Texan schooner-of-war, the Invincible, on the 1st of June, after addressing a short fare- well to the Tcxans, wherein I thanked them for their generous behavior, and offered my eternal gratitude. And I protest (5thly), for the act of violence committed on my person, and ftbuse to which I have been exjiosed, in being compelled to go on shore, merely because 130 volunteers, under the command of , recently landed on the beach at Velasco, from New Orleans, had with tumults and threats demanded that my per* 1 A BITTER SARCASir. ITl son sboald be placed at their disposal, which tool place on the Tcry d;iy the government received from Gen. Filisola the answer that he had strictly fuifilled what had been stipulated in the treaty. * * * Under these circumstances, I appeal to the judgment of civilized nations, to the consciences of the citizens wlio compose the Cabinet, and, above all, to the Supreme Ruler of the destinies of nations, who has placed the existence and happiness of nations on the faith of treaties and punctual fulfill- ment of engagements." XLIY. If Santa Anna is pointed to Goliad and the Alamo, his reply is, that such an appeal to the civilized world and to the Supreme Ruler of nations from the perpetrator of those massacres, only makes his sarcasm on the faith of the Texan Cabinet the more bitter. If it be said that the President ad interim was obliged to yield to the clamor of the populace, who were thirsting for Santa Anna's blood, I reply that he could not have been compelled, by any mortal power, to write with his own hand the requisition for Santa Anna — had he been a man of nerve enough to fit him to hold the reins of power in revolutionary times. When Houston was asked what he would have done in the same circumstances, he said, " I would have regarded the faith of the nation under any circumstances, and before the mob should have laid hands on Santa Anna, they should have first drunk my blood." It now became perfectly certain that all the hopes of advantage for Texas, which Houston had borrowed from the treaty and the release of Santa Anna, were to be disappointed. He knew that the only reliance they had or could have, was upon his gratitude and sense of honor, and now the course his enemies had taken had dissolved all his obligations. 172 THE NEW COMMA NDER-IN-CHIEI". XLV. After Mr. Lamar resigned bis post as Secretary of "War, the Cabinet appointed him Comraauder-in-Chief of the Army, over the heads of Generals Houston and Rusk. He immediately repaired to the army with his commission, and surrounded by his staff. The army was drawn up ; after addressing them, he requested an expression of their sentiments. They were anxious for Houston again to assume the command, and in the meantime were perfectly satisfied with General Rusk. But Mr Lamar wished some more decided demonstration, and they were ordered, by marching in different directions, to indicate their feelings towards the new commander. There were about 1800 troops in camp — less than one in eighteen voted for him, and the rest posi- tively refused to serve under him ! He thus acquired the titla of General, and got rid of the responsibilities of the command. BLECTION OF THE FIRST PRESIDENT. 113 SECTION TENTH. THE PRESIDENT. I. The Government ad interim at last became disgusted with pjwer. The people felt that when Houston was away, they had no one to repose on, and discontent became universal. Provision had been made by the Convention for the crisis, and writs were ipsued for the election of a President by the people of Texas II. There were two candidates — General Stephen F. Austin, and Ex-Governor Henry Smith. They were both excellent men, particularly Gen. Austin, whom we have had occasion so often to mention with respect. Houston had been importuned from the beginning to become a candidate ; but he had refused ; noi did he consent till twelve days before the election. He wished to retire from public life, for he believed there would be no neces- sity of firing another hostile gun in Texas, if the public councils were gnided by firmness and wisdom. He had been unrelenfc' ingly persecuted, and his feelings outraged, just in proportion as he had devoted himself to the State. In retirement, he could be happy, and his country free. He was, therefore, disinclined to mingle in the turmoil of public life. But one motive at last overcame his objections He believed the virulence of party to be such — that if cither of the candidates should succeed, their 174 HOUSTON' ELECTED BY ACCLA5IATI0X. cabinets would be made up exclusively of party men, whicl would endanger the stability of the administration. A govern ment was to be created from chaos, without a dollar and without credit. The parties were pretty equally balanced, and there wai great reason to fear that those out of power would so far embar rass the administration as to destroy its efficiency. He believed, that since he belonged to neither party, and possessed the confi- dence of the great mass of the people, he might still render signal service to the State, and he allowed his name to be used. III. At the announcement, the turbulence of party everywhere gave way to national enthusiasm. None but his enemiea thought of opposing his election, and they were only a feeble clique of adventurers, who had rushed to Texas when her agi- tations began, hoping to win, in the turbulent scenes of Revo- lution, a notoriety they had in vain sought for in the calmer scenes of civic life. The Provisional Government of '35, and the Administration of '36, had proved they were incapable of holding the reins of Government over a frontier population. The people at last saw that they must place at the helm somo man whose strong hand would steady the versel through the boisterous surges. They knew there was but ore man in Texas who could sway the mulitude, and when the hero of San Jacinto consented to accept the Presidency, they offered it to him by acclamation. IV. Houston had indeed displayed those rare qualities which muko the great General. It now remained to be seen if he was endowed with tho.se loftier and nobler qualities, which would fit him for the Cabinet — for a far more difficult task now niinaiucil. THE FIRST TEXAN CONGRESS. ITS in the organization of a government which should stjure peace, power, and prosperity at home, and command the respect of civilized nations — than it had been to win even the briUiant victory of Sau Jacinto, Senators and representatives were elected at the same time, and on the 3d of October (1836), the delegates assembled at Colmubia, and the first Congress of the Republic of Texas was organized. On the morning of the 22d of the same month, the President ad interim tendered his resignation, and a resolution was imme- diately introduced, " that the inauguration take place at four o'clock this day/' A committee from both houses waited upon the President elect, and at four o'clock, he was introduced with- in the bar of the House of Representatives. The Speaker " ad- ministered to him the oath of office, and then proclaimed Sam Houston President of the Republic of Texas." Advancing to the table, he delivered an extemporaneous Inaugural Addrcj^s. We consider it important for the reader to be furnished with it entire, for it unfolds the policy of Houston's administration, and it could never have been spoken but by a statesman. It will be consulted by future times as the most important State pai)*^r that will be found in the early archives of Texas. We give it as it came from the reporter of the Congress. VI. Mk. Speaker and GExxuiMEN : Deeply impressed with a sense of the responsibility devolving on mo, [ can- not, in justice to myself, repress the emotion of my heart, or restrain the faeliugs which my sense of obligation to my fellow citizens has inspired — their suffrage was gratuitously bestowed. Preferred to others, not unlikely superior in merit to myself, called to the most important station It6 Houston's inaugural address among mankind, by the voice of a free people, it is utterly imposaible nol to feel impressed with the deepest sensations of delicacy, in my present position before the world. It is not here alone, but our present attitude before all nations, has rendered my position, and that of my country, one of peculiar interest. A spot of earth almost unknown to the geography of the age, destitute of all available resources, few in numbers, we remonstrated against oppres- eiou ; and when invaded by a numerous host, we dared to proclaim our Independence and to strike for freedom on the breast of the oppressor. As yet our course is onward. We are only in the outset of the campaign 01 liberty. Futurity has locked up the destiny which awaits our people. Who can contemplate with apathy a situation so imposing in the moral and physical world ! The relations among ourselves are peculiarly delicate and important ; for no matter what zeal or fidelity I may possess in the discharge of my official duties, if I do not obtain co-operation and an honest support from the co-ordinate departments of the government, wreck and ruin must be the inevitable consequences of my administration. If then, in the dis- fharge of my duty, my competency should fail in the attainment of the ^eat objects in view, it would become your sacred duty to correct my errors and sustain me by your superior wisdom. This much I anticipate — this much I demand. I am perfectly aware of the difficulties that surround me, and the con- vulsive throes through which our country must pass. I have never been emulous of the civic wreath — when merited it crowns a happy destiny. A countrv, situated like ours, is environed with difficulties, its administration is fraught with perplexities. Had it been my destiny, I would infinitely have preferred the tolls, privations, and perils of a soldier, to the duties of my present station. Nothing but zeal, stimulated by the holy spirit of patriotism, and guided by philosophy and reason, can give that impetus to our energies necessary to surmount the difficulties tliat obstruct our political progress. By the aid of your intelligence, I trust all impedi- mentm to our advancement will be removed ; that all wounds in the body politir will be healed, and the Constitution of the Republic derive .strength and vigor equal to any emergency. I shall confidently anticipate the consolidation of Constitutional liberty. In the attainment of this object, we must regard our relative situation to other countries. A sulji'Ctof no small importance is the situation of an extensive fron- tier, bordered oy Indians, and open to their depredations. Treaties of THE INFANT REPUBLIC. 1"7 pence and amity and the inaiiitoniince of good faith with the Indians, seem to me the most rational moans for winning their friendship. Let ua abstain from aggression, establish commerce with the different tribes, supply their nseful and necessary wants, maintain even-handed jnstice with them, and natural reason will teach them the utility of our friend- ship. Admonished by the past, we cannot, in justice, disregard our national enemies. Vigilance will apprise us of their approach, a disciplined and valiant army will insure their discomfiture. Without discrimination and system, how unavailiug would all the resources of an old and overflowing treasury prove to us. It would be as unprofitable to us in our present situation, as the rich diamond locked in the bosom of the adamant. We caunot hope that the bosom of our beautiful prairies will soon be visited by the liealing breezes of peace. We may again look for the day when their verdure will be converted into dyes of crimson. We must keep all our euertries alive, our army organized, disciplined, and increased to our present emertrencie-s. With there preparations we can meet and vanquish despotic tbci)sand.s. This is the attitude we at present must regard as our own. AVe »re battling for human liberty ; reason and firmness must characteri/,? our acts. The course our enemies have pursued has been opposed to every princi- ple of civilized warfare — bad faith, inhnnianity and devastation marked their path of invasion. We were a little l)and, contending for liberty — they were thousands, well appointed, munitioned and provisioned, seeking to rivet chains upon us, or to extirpate us from the earth. Their cruelties have incurred the universal denunciation of Christendom. They will not pass from their nation during the present generation. The contrast of our conduct is manifest ; we were hunted down as the felon wolf, our little band driven from fastness to fastness, exasperated to the last extreme ; while the blood of our kindred and our friends, invoking the vengeance of an oil'eiided God, was smoking to high heaven, we met our enemy and vanquished them. They fell in battle, or suppliantly kneeled and were spared. AVe offered up our vengeance at the shrine of humanity, while Christianity rejoiced at the act and looked with pride at the sacrifice. The civilized world contemplated with proud emotions, conduct which rellectcd so much glory on the Anglo-Saxon race. The moral effect has done more towards our liberation, than the defeat of the army of veterans. Where our cause has been presented to our friends in the land of our origin, they have embraced it with their warmest sympathies. They have 12 178 HOUSTOX RETURNS HIS SWORD. rendered us manly and efficient aids. They have rallied to our standard they have fought side by side with our warriors. They have bled, and their dust is mingling with the ashes of our heroes. At this moment 1 discern numbers around mc, who battled in the field of San Jacinto, and whose chivalry and valor have identified them with the glory of the country, its name, its soil, and its liberty. There sits a gentleman within my view, whose personal and political services to Texas have been invaluable. He was the first in the United States to respond to our cause. His purse was ever open to our necessities. His hand was extended in our aid. His presence among us, and his return to the embraces of our friends, will inspire new efforts in behalf of our cause. [The attention of the Speaker and that of Congress was directed to Wm. Christy, Esq., of New Orleans, who sat by invitation within the bar.] A circumstance of the highest import will claim the attention of thtf court at Washington. In our recent election, the important subject of annexation to the United States of America was submitted to the con- eideration of the people. They have expressed their feelings and tueir wishes on that momentous subject. They have, with a unauimity unparalleled, decltircd tliat they will be reunited to tlie Great RepiiDlican family of the North. The appeal is made liy a willing people. Vi'ill out friends disregard it ? They have already bestowed upon us their warmest sympathies. Their manly and generous feelings have been enlisteu oa our behalf. We aie cheered by the hope that they will receive us to par- ticipate in iheir civil, political, and religions rights, and hail us welcome into the great family of freemen. Our misfortunes have been theii mis- fortunes — our sorrows, too, have been theirs, and their joy at our poccesa has been irrepressible. A thousand considerations press upon me ; each claims my atcention. But the shortness of the notice of this emergency (for the speaker had only four hours' notice of the inauguration, and all this time was spent in conversation) will not enable me to do justice to those subjects, and will necessarily induce their postponement for the present. [Here the President, says tlie reporter, paused for a few seconds and disengaged his sword.] It now, sir, becomes my duty to m.ake a presentation of this sword — this emblem of my past ofTice. [The President was unable to proceed furtlier ; but having firmly clenched it with both hand.s, as if with a farewell grasp, a tide of varied associations rushed upon him in the moment. Lis :ounte- FIRS'i STEP OF THE PRESIDE XT 179 nance bespoke the workings of the strongest emotions, his soul soemtd to dwell momentarily on the glistening blade, and tlie greater part of the ainlitory gave outward proof of their congeniality of feeling. It was, in reality, a moment of deep and painful interest. After this pause, more eloquently impressive than tlie deepest pathos conveyed in language, the rre.-ident proceeded.] I have worn it with some humble pretensions in defence of my country — and should the danger of my country again call for my services, I expect to resume it, and respond to that call, if needful, with my blood and my life. VII. Tlie first step the President took in his administration, evinced liis political forecast, and the broad national principles on which he intended to govern the country. He chose his two most important cabinet officers from his rivals for tho Presidency ; General Austin, the incorruptible patriot, became Secretary of State, and Ex-Provisional Governor Henry Smith, Secretary of the Treasury. This selection was not only mag nanimous, but it was high policy. The rancor of party subsided — the oil calmed the turbid waters. It evinced the important fact, that Houston had no party but country, and no aim bu*" the public good. VIII. Everything was in chaos. The archives of the State were hurled loosely together in an old trunk — everytliing had to be done. Although the Cabinet was composed of apparently so discordant materials, yet all their proceedings were character- ized by harmony, till Mr. Austin's death, which took place in a few months. He was deeply regretted by his people, for he was an upright, enlightened and purely patriotic man. Congress was now completely organized, and public business was bejig done in an orderly and efficient manner. 180 MEETING OF HOUSTON AXD SANTA ANNA. IX. Wheu Houston arrived at Columbia, for the inauguratioo, he found that his former captive, Santa Anna, was still retained a prisoner about twelve miles from the seat of government, under a guard of twenty men. Santa Anna sent word to Houston, that he would be glad if he could see him. He did not send to implore his release — for he seems to have given up nearly all hope of ever regaining his liberty. But in Houston he had found a magnanimous foe, and he wished to see his conqueror. The reader can readily imagine how Houston was afifected by such a message from a prisoner, to whose release the government ad interim had pledged its most solemn faith, and then left him to drag out months of weary imprisonment. He still felt as he had in the beginning, and he determined to wipe out the stain of dishonor from the name of Texas. " After a victory like San Jacinto," said he, " we could richly afford to be magnnniynous — now the only question is, can we not afford to be just ?" He knew, besides, that there were no means in the government to support ca[)tives. It had been in a state of qiiasi dissolu- tion for mouths. Santa Anna and his friends had been living on a mere pittance, destitute of the comforts, and almost of the necessaries of life. Houston took with him several gentlemen to visit the prisoner. Those who were present have represented their meeting as affecting. Santa Anna, after the custom of his nation, opened his arms and came forward to meet his visitor. Houston, whose great heart was large enough to hold even his enemies, received him in like manner, and as the worn captive rested his head on Houston's broad l)reast (for he Lardly came up to his shouUler), they say that the two generals JACKSON' 's OPINION OF HOUSTON. 181 \rept together — the Mexican at the rccollcv.tion of his reverses —the Virgiuian sj'inpathizing with the tnau he had vanquished. XI. Through Ahnonte, who still acted as their interpreter, and in the presence of Patton and others, Santa Anna appealed to his conqueror to interpose his power in his behalf, and adverted to the letter he had himself written to Gen. Jackson, and inclosed to Houston at Nacogdoches. Jackson had answered his letter in very kind terms, and passed a high eulogium upon his friend Gen. Houston, for his magnanimity towards his captive. Indeed, Gen. Jackson often declared that Houston deserved and would receive as much honor from all great and good men, for his treatment of Santa Anna after the victory, as for the victory itself. " Let those who clamor for blood," said the brave old hero, " clamor on. The world will take care of Houston's fame." XII. Houston was not yet inaugurated, but he assured the Mexi- tan general that he would remember him. Col. Christy (who bore Texas on his heart, and was jealous of her honor) and ether generous men also, had sent some comforts to Santa Anna a short time before, and Houston and some of his friends 4ined with him that day, and then they parted. Santa Anna wrote to Houston after his return from Columbia. The com- munication was laid before Congress, and his release solicited. The matter was referred to committees of both houses, and a report was made of a most inflammatory character. In a secret session, the Senate passed a resolution requiring his detention as a prisoner. Houston responded in a calm, dignified veto, 182 PARTING OF SAXTA ANNA AND HOUSTON. showrisg the impolicy of a longer detention — the probability cf his being assassinated (as one attempt had already been made before Houston's arrival), and that if he were to die from vio- lence or disease, Texas never would escape the odium of his death. The Senate reversed their decision, and referred the matter to the discretion of the President. He expressed the belief that if Santa Anna was restored to his country, he would keep Mexico in commotion for years, and Texas would be safe. XIII. Houston determined at once to release him on his own res- ponsibility. He informed him that if he wished to visit Wash- ington, as Gen. Jackson had requested, he should have an escort, chosen by himself. Santa Anna returned his thanks by the messenger, and requested that Cols. Hockley and Bee, and Major Patton, be allowed to attend him. About the 25th of Koveraber, the escort departed, and Houston went with them to take his final leave of the liberated captive. The parting took place — and the little party set out, on fine horses, for the Sabine. They lost their way in the prairie, and it so happened that they were compelled, in regaining it, to pass over the battle ground of San Jacinto ! When Santa Anna saw the bones of his soldiers whitening on the field, he was deeply affected, and the gentlemanly men who attended him, seeming not to observe his agitation, rode leisurely on and left the deserted General to indulge his feelings on the field of his slain. XIV. Santa Anna is a great man. He has a Mexican education and Mexican principles ; but an American intellect of high order ATTEMPTS XT ANNEXATION. 183 He is a great General. He lias a fine face — a rather long, but well-shaped head — black hair and eyes, and a perfect form — he is about five feet and eight or nine inches high — his elocution is rich, and characterized by considerable fire — his eye is quick, but firm, and his manners and address are worthy of a prince. XT. In the beginning; of his Administration, the President ap- pointed Colonel William II. Wharton, Minister to Washington, with instructions to commence negotiations with General Jack- sou for the annexation of Texas to the United States. Soon after, Memucan Ilunt, Esq., was appointed to act in concert with him. During the summer of 183G, General Jackson had dispatched a coiifidentinl agent to Texas. He explored its Territory, scrutinized its Government, mingled in its society, made himself familiar with its resources, and reported fully to the President. His Report satisfied the President and his Cabinet, that Texas was entitled, by the Law of Nations, to a recognition of her Independence ; and although his own sym- pathies were with that people in their struggle, and from the hour they achieved their independence, he never had a doubt they would one day be annexed to the United States, yet lie wisely withheld the expression of such an o))inion, and did not even press upon Congress tiie Recognition. In his Mcss;!ge of the 5th of December, 1836, after assigning the most satihlac- tory reasons, he says, " Our character requires that we should neither anticipate events, noi attempt to control them." And alluding to the desire of Texas for annexation, he says • *' Necessarily a work of time, and uncertain in itself, it is calculated to expose our conduct to misconstruction in the ejc« of the world." 184 ■walker's AnvocAcy of texas. XVI. On the twenty-second of the same month, the President, in another message, after discnssing the question, expresses his opinion that it would be impolitic, yet, to recognize Texas as an Independent State, and then proposes to acquiesce in the decision of Congress. The question was not brought up again till tiie 12th of January, 1837, when Mr. Walker, Senator from Mississippi, introduced the following resolution : Resolved, That the State of Texas having established and maintained an independent Government, is capable of performing those duties, foreign and domestic, which appertain to independent Governments ; und it appearing that there is no longer any reasonable prospect of the successful prosecution of the war, by Mexico, against said State, it is expedient and proper, and in conformity with the Laws of Nations, and the practice of this Government in like cases, that the independent poli- tical existence of that State be acknowledged by the Government of the United States. xVii. The Senate Avas not prepared for immediate action on the question, and Mr. Walker knew it. lie was aware that the strange and disgraceful war which the American Press had so generally waged against the interests and advancement of Texan Liberty, had colored the i)rejudices, and would control the votes of Senators, — and he determined to bide his time. Mr. Walker moved that his Resolution be made the order of the day for the 18th of January ; but when the time came, it was crowded aside. Several inefifcctual attempts were made to decide the question, and at last it was brought up on the 1st of ^larch for liiuil action. An able and l)rilliant debate followed ; Messrs. Preston, Crittenden, Clay, and Calhoun,, all sustained the Mis- sissippi Senator with the jxTsuasive power of their elo(pien(!0. Mr. Clay spoke of Texas with generous enthusiasm, and unhesi JACKSOX'S LAST OFFICIAL ACT. 185 tatiiH^fy declared that her Constitution, as a whole, was superior to thfift of the United States. How different might have been the p-jlitical fortunes of that truly great and patriotic man, and the fortunes of his party, if he had, to the end, pursued the same high and sagacious policy towards that beautiful country I But his course, as well as Mr. Van Buren's, only furnishes us with another impressive illustration how few great men, even, are ,«ble to witiistand the clamor of party in turbulent times The measure prevailed by a small majority. XVIII. For the success of the measure, Texas was indebted to the efforts of Mr. Walker ; and his course in the affiiir entitled him to the regards of the entire nation. The day will come, too, when the mists that have obscured the gaze of the people and their statesmen, shall have cleared away, and the name of the Mississippi Senator will everywhere be mentioned with honor and with gratitude. Te.xas will build his monument, and give it a conspicuous place in the temple she will erect for those who proved themselves her friends in the day of trial. The grateful Republic commissioned the portrait of Mr. Preston, and the bust of Mr. Walker, for her Capitol. XIX. The last time General Jackson ever put his pen officially to paper, was to sign the Resolution recognizing Texas an Inde- pendent State. Such was the earliest fruit of the Mission of those intelligent and accomplished men whom General Houston commissioned to Washington. We have read their correspon- dence with the two Governmeuts, and we have seldom perused abler State Papers. 186 TEXAS ADVANCES. XX. lu March, 183T, the seat of Government was removed from Columbia on the Brazos, to Houston, which stands on the highest point of navigation on the Bayou, that empties into Galveston Bay. There was but one house in Houston. It was a cabin just erected, and in it the President of the new nation took up his abode. His floor was the ground, where the grass was growing. But population rushed in, and in a short time comfortable public buildings were erected. XXI. Houston's policy in regard to the future, was to obtain annex- ation if possible. If this could not be done, he was determined to conduct the Government on principles that would secure con- fidence abroad, and inspire hope at home. The proposition for annexation had been rejected by our Government, and such was the state of feeling at the time in the United States, Hous- ton had no expectation of the edrly success of that grand measure, in whose consummation the keen-sighted statesmen of both countries saw so many elements of mutual power and pros- perity. He was therefore determined to lay the foundations of the Texan Republic deep and strong — to husband its re- sources — never to crij)ple the State with a public debt — to har- monize warring factions — to be the ruler of the Nation, and not of a party or a clique. XXII. The cultivation of friendly relations with the powerful and Mfarlike savage tribes on the frontier, he regarded as one of the most important objects of his administration. This ferocious population not only outnumbered all the inhabitants of Texas, Houston's trkatment of the ikdians. 181 but they could not be conquered. The Camanches, the most numerous and savage tribe, live in the saddle. They can move with their women and children with great celerity when- ever and wherever llieir necessities or their passions carry them ; they can make their incursions without the possibility of pursuit from their enemies. They are hordes of barbarians, as ferocious as Cossacks, and as fleet as the Bedouins of the desert. And yet, such was Houston's knowledge of the Indian character, and so rigidly did he regard the letter and spirit of his treaties with tliose fearful tribes, he saved the Republic from their incursious, aud made them venerate and love his name. XXIII. In a former part of this work, we have given the views ot Houston on the subject of our treatment of the Indians. Those views have been regarded by many as utterly chimerical ; and yet if we had space we could show, that during his two adminis- trations in Texas, he carried them out successfully ; and he has often declared that, in no instance where he had an opportunity of giving the Indians evidence that he intended to treat them with good faith and with common justice, did he experience the blightest difficulty in winning their friendship, and preserving iheir perpetual alliance. In all these negotiations, the great secret of his power over those wily red men, consisted in two things. His associations with the Indians gave him a complete knowledge of their character — and he treated them on the great principles of humanity and justice. XXIV. And yet the Government was destitute of all ordinary means of support. It had not a dollar, nor could loans be obtained. Au army was in the field, but it could not be maintained. Wheu 188 DISBAXOrXG THE ARMY. Congress met at Ilouston, General Felix Huston, who com- manded the army, hurried to the phice. He had {)rojected a grand campaign against jMatamoras. Every man who felt jealous of the influence of the President joined in the f:eheme. The army now numbered over 2,400 men. The President fore- saw the consequences of these movements. There was no money in the Treasury, or means, or currency except promissory notes, struck on common paper. It was clearly impossible to conduct a campaign. The President saw what the upshot of this mattei would be, if something were not done at once, and he resorted to a sagacious expedient. Col. Rodgers, now left in command of the army, had caused it to be understood that, if the volun- teers did not get justice, he would march with them to the Seat of Government, " chastise the President, kick Congress out of doors, and give laws to Texas." XXV. At this crisis the President determined to cut the evil up by the roots. General Felix Huston had occasionally indulged his men in what he called a Salui-nalia, where murders had occurred in consequence of the brutal intoxication of the men. One evening, from intelligence of what was doing in Congress (for he never visited the House, except at the opening or close of the Session), Houston directed the Secretary of War to be ready to start the next morning, at two o'clock, for the Camp. He handed him sealed orders, to be opened in the Camp, and ordered him to go there with all pos^.ible dispatch. These orders required the Secretary to furlough the army by companies, until they were reduced to six hundred men. The first company was fur loughed to march to Dimitt's Landing, on Matagorda Bay ; the second to the mouth of the IJrazos ; the third to Galveston ; and this process was continued till the reduction was made. His AN ARMY OF ADVENTURERS DISPERSE. 189 object was to give thera an opportunity to get to the United States by water, and tlms relieve the country from apprehensions. The furloughs given to the men were unlimited, but they were liable to be recalled at any time by Proclamation ; and if they did not report themselves in thirty days after the Proclamation, they were to be considered deserters, and treated as such. Houston could not disband the army, for there was nothing to pay them off with ; and he had been taught a lesson by the attempt of General Washington to disband the army of the North. And yet, so entirely had all subordination been broken, down — daring scenes of violence were so constantly occurring at the camp — so many lawless and desperate men were banded together, to commit high-handed depredations — that the whole country began to suffer the most serious ai^prehensions. Houston manifested no alarm, but the course he took bespoke his fears. He was determined that the army should be disbanded, and he accomplished his purpose in his own way. XXVI. When the various companies reached their destinations, no longer held together by the bond which uniou had before given, they thought they had seen enough of military life. They had fared roughly ; and their surplus chivalry had so completely oozed out of the holes in their coats, that they no longer had courage enough to be dangerous ; and — fearing they would not get out of the country before the Proclamation was issued — they made the best of their way to the United States. In thirty days they had all disappeared ; and when the finale, was known throughout the country, every man felt that Houston had saved the nation from the deepest peril. It was, in fact, a stroke of bold, but sagacious policy, which none but a man like him would have dared to attemut. General Felix Huston was plotting 190 Houston's steadying hand. at the Capital ; but before he knew what the President w?< doing, his army was disbanded. XXYII. About this time a Land Law was passed, under which all tho t lubles about titles have grown up. Its object was speculation, and many voted for it anticipating enormous gains. Houston vetoed it in one of his ablest state papers. But his veto was not supported, and the law went into operation. A few years showed its malign and fatal fruits. It opened the door to all sorts of frauds, and was a fruitful source of lasting litigation. This was but a single specimen of the recklessness of legislation in the Congress of Texas. (During Houston's two terms he issued not less than eighty vetoes.) Had there not been a firm and intelli' gent statesman at the head of the Government, no man can teU where such Congresses would have carried the Nation. XXVIIL Another Law was passed, authorizing an excessive issue of Promissory Notes. This also the President vetoed, and he declared that if the measftire prevailed, the paper would soon depreciate ten to one. He arrested tliis fatal proceeding for a time. It passed under the adniiiiistration of his successor, and his prophecy was abundantly fulfilled. XXIX. During the year 183t, the country was agitated by occasional alarms of Mexican and Indian invasions — but Houston was ou the alert, and nothing of the kind took place. The utmost confidence in his administration prevailed among the people ; and the bcautifid spectacle was presented of au industrious and IROSPERITT OF TEXAS. I9l increasing population, which had just recovered from the shock and the devastation of a powerful invadinp^ army, and environed with Mexican and Savage foes, quietly and successfully prose- cuting the arts of peace. Houston proclaimed trade and inter course between Mexico and Texas, and caused his Proclamation to be printed and circulated in both languages. Trade grew up rapidly ; the frontier counties were repopulated ; and the tide of emigration was gradually flowing towards the Mexican borders. Caravans of horses and mules came into Texas, with large quantities of silver and merchandise ; good feeling was fast growing up, and continued to increase. Men, on both sides of the line, were now anxious for peace. The Mexican people had nothing to gain in battle, and had the renewal of hostilities depended on the vote of the Mexican population, both countries would have been blessed with lasting peace. XXX. We must now close our brief account of Ilouston's first administration. The proposition for annexation had been steadily pressed upon the attention of the Government at Washington. But the Texan ministers received little encour- agement, and as Texas could promise herself no advantage from further negotiations, Houston withdrew the proposition. He believed that any further attempts to consummate that great measure, would prejudice Texas in the eyes of other nations ; and in withdrawing the proposal, his conduct met the approval of the nation. XXXI. His Presidential terra closed the 12th of December, 1838. He went out of office, leaving a Government j)erfectly organized ; with officers of ability, integrity, and economy ia 192 LAVr-ABIDTNGMEN everj department of the State. The nation was not more than a milliou and a half in debt, with about $600,000 of Promissory Notes in circulation. Texas had peace with the Indians and commerce with Mexico. The feuds between the two nations were dying away, and the Promissory Notes were at par. This circumstance is, perhaps, the clearest and most convincing proof of the great ability and integrity with which Houston had conducted the Government. There was little specie in the country — how these notes were ever to be redeemed the people did not know — but they said, " As long as Old Sam is at the helm the ship is safe." They were voyaging through stormy seas, but they knew they were sailing with Cassar. XXXII. No man was ever confronted with greater difficulties iu the beginning of his administration — for the mild but firm sway of Constitutional Law had to be substituted in the place of anarchy and confusion, over a reckless people who had long been accustomed to the unrestrained liberty of the frontier, where no man looked for protection but in his own right arm. During these revolutionary times, too, even in the older settle- ments, the ordinary course of justice had been suspended, and it was no strange thing that such men should not at once yield to the high supremacy of Constitutional Law. The very same elements of character, which have long made the Anglo-Saxons the most law-abiding ))eople on the globe, have always made ,liem the most lawless frontier-men. Men who choose their lomes in the distant forest or prairie, are slow to transfer their )rotection from tlieir rifles, which never miss fire, to tardy juries, which seldoni mete out justice. How long was it before hat wonderful I'eople, that first scared the wild beasts from Jie solemn forests of the Tiber, voted to abide by the awards of Houston's first term ends. 193 the Temple of Justice ! And how many centuries did our ancestors roam over the beautiful Island of Britain, dressed in tlie skins of wild beasts, before they would listen to the stern utterances of Judicial Tribunals 1 But Houston could sway those reckless frontier settlers by the mild sceptre of Civil Law, us easily as he had swayed them by the stern despotism of the camp. XXXIII. But while he was sucessfully accomplishing those benign changes, and rearing the noble structure of civil government, he was not only harassed by petty intrigues, but confronted with formidable combinations. The, same clique of small but ambi- tious men, who had, from the beginning, busied themselves in inventing means to undermine the castle which they could not overthrow, while Houston was bleeding on the field, or toiling anxiously in the Cabinet, finding all their intrigues fruitless, at last cemented themselves as well as they could, into one organ- ized conspiracy, bent upon his destruction. Their history would be a story of all that is low in faction, and mean in selfish- ness. But we have neither time nor inclination to chronicle their doings — nor would we snatch them from the oblivion to which they have hastened. XXXIV. Houston's conduct met with the warmest approval through- out the country, and he would hav^ been the almost unanimous choice of the people, had he been eligible to the office, the next term. But the 2d Section of the Third Article of the Consti- tution declared — that, " The First President elected by the people shall hold his office for the term of two years, and shall 13 194 VALEDICTORY ADDRESS. be ineligible during the next succeeding term." An accident gave the Presidency to Mr. Lamar. Just before the election his rival died ! — and no other candidate was brought forward. XXXV. It had been said that the President Elect would be the idol of the State, and that Houston's power was gone. The hour of his resignation came, and the largest concourse of people, ever seen in Texas, gathered. An attempt had been made to pre- vent the retiring President from delivering ,his Valedictory Address — the arrangements of the Inauguration Committee utterly excluded him. But when the fact was known, a burst of indignation went up from the vast multitude — the Committee and their arrangements were all set aside, and the name of the Hero of San Jacinto was on every tongue. XXXVI. When he came forward in the porch of the Capitol, and the people gazed upon his lofty, ample, and heroic form, relieved against the portrait of Washington, suspended behind him, a wild shout of enthusiasm rent the sky. He spoke three hours, and we have been told by those who heard him, that the dense thousands before him swayed to and fro under the impetuous storm of his eloquence, like a forest swayed by a strong wind. He had unrolled the scroll of the history of Texas — he por- trayed her future policy, and dwelt upon her great destiny if that policy were pursued.' He enjoined most solemnly good faith with all nations — economy in the government and in indi- viduals — the cultivation of peace with the Indians — he warned the people against faction and the rancor of party spirit, and he implored them not to treasure up their hopes iu annexation oi Houston's blessing on his republic. I si treaties, but to rely upon their own public and private virtue — to be just and magnanimous with all men and with all nations. And in conclusion, when he took his farewell of the peoi)le he loved, he extended his broad arms, and poured down upon them from his great heart the benediction of the patriot, and the soldier, as the tears streamed from his face. When he ceased, all was still but the deep murmur of subdued feeling, and that vast multitude of frontiersmen all in tears I I9<5 THE NEW PRESIDENT SECTION ELEYEXTH. THE LEGISLATOR. I. The new President began his administration by opposing everything that had been pursued and recommended by IIous- ton. In his Inaugural Address he recommended the extermi- nation of the Indians — pronounced a violent Philippic against Annexation — advocated the establishment of a huge National Bank, and inculcated a sylcndid Government. II. The first appropriation for frontier defence was one and a half million of Treasury Notes, and another half million for the civil list — without a dollar to base the issues upon. A regular army of two Regiments was to be raised for exterminating the frontier Tribes. A law was passed to remove the Scat of Gov- ernment to some point N. W. of the San Antonio Road. Com- missioners were appointed by Congress from its own body, contrary to the Coustitution, to perform this act. The entire object of the movement was speculation. With land scrip, which they had procured, and certificates of head-rights granted to settlers, they dispatched Surveyors to locate laud around the B})ot where Austin now stands — at the extremcst settlenumt of the Republic even at this day. The expense of removal, with A RUINOUS POLICY OF LAIIAR. 191 the erection of suitable buildings, caused an additional issue ol Promissory Notes. The new Capital was so far from the settle meats, that the plauk had to be carried thirty miles. III. The Republic soon lost conGdence in the Administration — the depression of the currency naturally followed. And yet, in this state of embarrassment of the Onances, and while Texas was at peace with Mexico, the President caused a proposition to be introduced into both Houses, to conduct an Expedition to Santa Fe, through a wilderness and Prairie more than five hundred miles. The proposition was made in both Houses at the same time, and by both rejected. But the President ordered the Ex- pedition during the recess of Congress in 1840, and upwards of three hundred armed men started on a warlike expedition to a distant country. Its disasters are too well known to need a relation. The President appointed a Governor for Santa Fe — a Custom House Officer and a Military Commandant, and organ- ized a Territorial Government. All his plans subsequently fell into the hands of the enemy, when the men were captured, and were a moving cause for the cruelty with which they were treated. The Expedition flooded the country with another enormous issue of paper "promises to pay money," unauthorized by the Constitution or Congress. The horses on that Expe- dition cost, on an average, a thousand dollars each, the currency of the President had become so depreciated. Costly arms and munitions of war had been abstracted from the public arsenal by Presidential edict — the country was robbed of a iirge number of its most chivalrous men — the public wagons and means of transportation were laid hold of, and a piece of artillery, with Miral)eau B. Lamar inscribed on its breech, dragged through the Prairies that immense distance, to become the trophy of 198 THE SANTA FE EXPEDITION. the enemies of Texas, aad afford an illustration of the stupidity of the President, and the degradation of the nation. IT. ~ This expedition revived the hostilities between Texas and Mexico, which, but for it, would have slept, perhaps, for ever. Ilouston had left the two countries really at peace, and the sole cause we have ever been able to ascertain for the renewal of hostilities, was this silly and lamentable Expedition. It is to be remarked, that for some time previous to this Expedition, Mr. Lamar had sent Commissioners to Gen. Arista, and his object is supposed, by his friends, to have been to propose a Union of the Northern Provinces with Texas, forming a great Power, over whose government he was to be placed. The sagacious Arista took advantage of the incompetency of his friend, and returned Commissioners. They were in Austin when the Santa Fe Expedition took up its line of inarch, and witnessed the foolish display. What passed between " the high contracting parties," is not known with certainty, for the facts have never been officially disclosed. The world knows the result. Arista seems to have given into the plan, for one thing is certain, the Expe- dition started from Austin with a guide, who had long resided in Mexico, and spoke the language perfectly ; and the command- ing officers charged him with their betrayal at San Miguel and Santa Fe. Wiicii the guide got them many days in the wilder- ness, and the miseries of their situation began to press heavily on them, he abandoned them in their calamity, and never was heard of again. The object of Arista doubtless was to have them conducted into the solitudes of the wilderness, and there left to perish — if this should fail, the authorities of San Fe, being duly informed, were to receive, betray and then capture them. The bhime of these proceedings is to be cast upon the President LAMAR ADMINI3TRATI0K. 199 V. During his administration, he sent two ministers to Vera Cruz — but neither of them was received ; and they returned, to tlie disgrace of Texas. There was no method or consistency in anything he did. That he wished to be distinguished and wislied well to his adopted country, there is no doubt ; but he was a feeble and puerile statesman. In civil affairs, he was a great schemer. One day, his hobby was a National Bank ; another, it was a great National Road ; a third, it was an alli- ance with Mexico, by his marrying the daughter of some dis- tinguished public functionary of that country ; for the diplo- matist sui)posed his alliance with some opulent family would be tantamount to an alliance between the two nations. One day, he must make war upon one tribe of Indians ; the next day, upon another. Ilis first great exploit, when his adminis- tration began, was to attack the Cherokees and drive them from their possessions between the Nueces and Sabine rivers, where they had been settled longer than the Texan colonists themselves. They had been invited by Mexico from the United States, and land had been assigned, and great inducements held out to them. They had settled there, and were quietly and inoffensively pursuing their avocations. In 1835, the Consulta- tion had guaranteed to that tribe undisturbed possession of their territory, by a solemn assurance, signed by each member of the Consultation. A treaty had been subsequently made with the tribe (recognizing the same rights and guarantee) by Houston and other Commissioners, and this treaty had been ratified by the Consultation. The Convention which declared their Inde- pendence, had recognized this as well as all other acts of the Consultation as valid. A more solemn ratllcatiou of a treaty iould not have been made. 200 EXTERMINATION OF THE INDIANS. YI. Mr. Lamar began bis administration by carrying out that Bection of his Inaugural Address, in which he had recommended the extermination of the Indians. The Cherokees were a peace- ful, industrious, and profitable community. The arts had made considerable progress among them, and they lived nearly as comfortably as white men. During the hostilities with Mexico, they had been prevented by the influence of Houston and Rusk from going over to the enemy, and they had made great advances in civilization during Houston's Presidency. They looked upon the Texans as their friends, and Houston as their " Father." With a force of 100 men, a portion of whom had fought at San Jacinto, Lamar commenced his war of extermina tion against " Houston's fet Indians.' His force was some five times superior, and of course he carried ruin to the poor Red men's homes 1 This treatment of the Cherokees and other tribes spread scenes of rapine and murder from the Red River to the Rio Grande. Even the President's two regiments of regulars in the field could not secure frontier protection. YIL In the disorders of Yucatan, when a separation from Mexico ■was spoken of, Mr. Lamar entered into a treaty of alliance with a minister sent to him for that purpose, and, without the concnr- rence of the Senate or the ratifu'utiou of the treaty, ordered tlie Texan Navy to sail to the coast of Yucatan. That Proviuco was then an integral part of Mexico, and had not proclaimed revolt or independence. L A M A n ' S S T A T K S M A N' S n I P . 201 VIII. Such were some of the acts of this puerile administration. We should not have glanced at them, even in so brief a maimer, had it not been necessary to give the reader an idea of the state of the country when Houston's second term began. Lamar, who had found the Government perfectly organized, suc- ceeded in reducing the country to the very verge of ruin. All the difficulties that had lain in the way of the advancement of Texas, Houston had successfully overcome. Disinterested and sagacious spectators of the progress of affairs beyond the Sabine, have often been heard to say, that in no portion of the world, had civil government ever been established and consoli- dated in so short a space of time. This was as much the work of Houston, as the victory of San Jacinto had been, although in both instances he vv^as surrounded and aided by brave and true men, or he never could have done it. He left the domestic and foreign relations, the finances and the administration of law, the agriculture and the commerce of Texas, all in a sound, peaceful, flourishing state. IX. When Mr. Lamar left the administration, what was the state of the nation ? He had committed outrages upon peaceful Indian tribes, and kindled the flames of savage war all along the borders of Texas. He had sent a hostile marauding Expe- dition into the very heart of the Mexican Provinces, and sent ihe navy to aid a revolting territory in making war upon Mexico, and now she was rousing all her force for a new mvasion of Texas. He had quadrupled the national debt, and squandered the public treasure, till Texan securities depreciated ten to one. The people had lost all respect for the Govern- ment, and confidence in its stability. The mail routes had becu 202 HOUSTON SAVES THE YOUXG REPUBLIC. broken up, profligacy prevailed, and the social compact began to be regarded by the orderly and patriotic everywhere as virtually dissolved. But Lamar's term had nearly expired, and the eyes of all men, who surveyed with gloomy forebodings the ruin that seemed to threaten the country, were now turned once more anxiously upon Houston. Even the lawless and the desperate began to fear the result of their crimes, and with a united voice, the man, who had already twice saved the country, was called a third time to the helm. Houston was one of the few men who believed that the Nation and the Government could be saved, and he came forward to the rescue. No Con- ventions were obliged to nominate him. There was an almost universal feeling that no other man could save Texas, and Texas made him her President for the second time, the very first hour the Constitution would allow her to do it. XI. During Lamar's Administration, Houston had consented to represent his District in the Congress of 1839-40, and again in 1840-41, and it was well that he had, for he not only arrested the tide of evil — he prevented a dissoliif-ion of the Government. On a certain occasion, after a stormy debate. Congress was about to adjourn sine die. The members publicly proclaimed tliat all hope of carrying on the Government was gone, and they were determined to end the farce by going home. Houston rose in the midst of the tempest, as the members were leaving their seats, and addressed the Speaker. There never was a time when that man could not get a hearing, and the rush to i A CRISIS NOBLY MET 203 the door stopped. " Let us hear old Sam," was the voice on every side. XII. The crowd bepran to return — members gradually resumed their seats and dropped their hats — they pressed up around him — the House became still, and not ten minutes went by be- fore nothing was heard throughout the hall but the rich, deep voice that had echoed over the field of San Jacinto. No idea of the speech can be given but by telling the result. He closed by reading a resolution, " that the House adjourn till to-morrow morning at the usual hour," and not a member voted against it 1 They Qocked around him, and so universal was the feeling, that but for him the Government would have gone to pieces, that even his old enemies seized him by the hand, and thanked him " for saving the country." 204 HO ris ton's secoxd term. SECTION TWELFTH. AGAIN PRESIDENT. He was inaugurated the secoud time, on tbe IStl" of Decem- ber, 1841. Ills Message was hardly delivered before the uews came of the capture of the Santa Fe Expedition. This was the first greeting he had, in office, of the fatal results of the policy of his predecessor. He, however, began immediately to bethink himself of the redemption of the unfortunate men who had been deluded away into the wilderness — for the lives of Texan soldiers seemed to be as dear to him as they could have been if they had been his own children. II. Tlie Government was now in an infinitely worse state than it had been when he took the reins five years before. Then it was a chaos — now it was a ruin. The body politic had fallen into premature and inflammatory decay. It was not a disease only, but a relapse. The Treasury was not only empty, but millions in debt ; and not another dollar could be borrowed in Christen- dom. The Promissory Notes and Liabilities of the Government depreciated ten to one, and they were postpaiied, but not repudi- ated. The money had been squandered, but the debt must be paid. But Texas could at that time have no more paid it than rarliament could pay the Debt of England. But something J DIFFICULTIES TO OVERCOME. 20* had to be done. Houstou proposed a new currency called the Exchequer System — its entire issues were not to exceed $200,000. He had asked as a guarantee for their redemption, the Customs of the country, and certain tracts of lands, amount- ing to about three million acres. While in Congress, he had procured an act to be passed, declaring these lands not subject to location. But now the private interests of members were to be interfered with, and although Congress hypothecated the Customs, they would not pledge the lauds. III. The President was fully aware of the opposition that was combining against him. The same hostile clique which had attempted to ruin him whenever he was in power, and who had come so near ruining the country when they had power them- selves, were now determined to control the appointments under the new administration. But all attempts to constrain his policy proved as ineffectual as they had hitherto done. He chose for his cabinet officers men in whom he had unlimited con- fidence, and they were among the most enlightened and firm statesmen of Texas. Mr. Jones, afterwards President, became Secretary of State ; Col. Hockley, a warm patriot and a devoted friend of Houston in all his struggles. Secretary of War and Marine ; Wra. H. Dangerfield, Secretary of the Treasury, and G. W. Terrell, Attorney-General. During these turbulent times, when prominent meu declared openly that they would ruin Houston's administration, even if they had to do it by a revolu- tion, multitudes of broken-down speculators and politicians from the United States were continually flocking into Texas ; and as they found little chance of winning distinction in the new field they had chosen, they joined the ranks of the opposition, and devoted themselves zealously to the ruin of the State. 206 DARK PROSPECTS FOR TEXAS. IV. But Houston had marked out his policy, and he went calmly and firmly on to its execution, llis first measure was to dispatch a minister to Washington, to open negotiations for the annexation of Texas. His first object was annexation — if this failed, his next was the recognition of the independence of Texas by Mexico ; and if he failed in both, he was resolved to open negotiations with France and England, and enter into some treaty or alliance which would secure peace to Texas, extend her commerce, and advance her prosperity. His next movement was to recall the Navy, which Mr. Lamar had dispatched to help on a revolt in Yucatan. In the meantime, the country was absolutely stripped of all her defences. A wide coast and a broad sea were open to the depredations of the enemy ; the Santa Fe expedition and the league with Yucatan had given Mexico every provocatioa for a renewal of hostilities ; and the outrages committed upon the Indian tribes, had broken the amity that had subsisted. VI. In this exposed situation of the country, when an irruption from the frontiers, or an invasion from Mexico, might be rea- sonably apprehended, Houston recommended Congress to raise a company of sixty men to protect the archives — for there was then no military force in the field. Congress refused to grant the subsidies necessary, and adjourned the 5th of February He soon after started for Houston, to bring his family to tbo seal of govcrumeut. While he was at Galveston, in the early i TEXAS AGAIN' INVADED. 201 part of March, the news came of the invasion by Vasquez. Tlie intelligence spread the deepest alarm throughout the country All along the western border, families were seen flying from their habitations towards the interior. The public mind was stirred V)y the wildest apprehensions. Everybody knew the provocation that had been given to the enemy — the follies and the disasters of Santa Fe seemed but a prelude to another Goliad or Alamo slaughter — the coast was without protection, and no army concentrated to march on the invader. YIl. Suddenly all the intrigues and conspiracies against Houston ceased. The very men who had been foremost to threaten the overthrow of his administration in the storm of a revolution, were now the most active in stimulating their neighbors to pre- pare for approaching disasters. Committees of vigilance and safety were everywhere organized, and all those means resorted to which are called into requisition in revolutionary times. Houston's orders at this time, show that he did not believe the enemy would remain long in the country. The event proved that the Mexicans had already made a precipitate retreat beyond the Rio Grande, after committing outrages upon the citizens of San Antonio, VIII. In the meantime, the press throughout the South and "West had displayed great sympathy for the cause of Texas, and rely- ing upon the sensation caused in the United States by the news of the reported invasion and the miscarriage of the Santa Fe expedition, Houston made an appeal to the American people. He sent agents to the United States to receive contributions, 208 TEXAS PREPARES FOR ANOTHER STRUGGLE and procure volunteers. He issued a Proclamation, in which he distinctly required that all troops which came should be per- fectly armed and provisioned for a campaign of six months — since Texas had no means of doing it herself. Several hundred volunteers went to Texas, in direct violation of the Proclamation — for they went without arms and without provisions. Contri- butions were merely nominal. Some generous individuals in Georgia raised something over $500 at a public meeting — but all that was raised besides, throughout the United States, and reported to the government of Texas, in arms, ammunition, pro- visions, equipments and money, did not amount to five hundred dollars 1 IX. In June, Houston called an extra Session of Congress, to consider the state of the country, and devise means for national defence. They debated and legislated without much formality or delay, for the impression was general, that if anything was to be done, it had better be done quickly. So, too, all wise men would have said, " if 'twere «7t'// done." But their de- liberations ended in passing a bill which invested Houston with dictatorial powers, arid appropriated ten million acres of the public domain, to carry ou a campaign. But this came no nearer making a provision for war, than a resolution appropriat- ing ten million acres of blue sky, and conferring dictatorial power upon the north wind ! For there was not a dollar of money in the treasury to pay agents to go and dispose of the liuid, and Houston was the last man to make use of dictatorial powers in resisting the encroachments of a Dictator. X. But Congress thought they had acquitted themselves like THREATS AGAINSr HOUSTON. 2i) 3 men — and their disposition, too, probably, was good enough, but it had no more efficacy than tlic disposition of the man who willed iu his hist testament all his debts to be paid, for m neither case could the executor tind anything had been left to pay the debts with. Appreheusioiis had been felt, while the bill was under debate, that Houston would veto it, and the time he could constitutionally keep it had nearly gone by. The excitement was intense ; the Capital was fdled with angry and desperate men, and their noisy clamor spread over the country. All sorts of accusations were brought against the Executive, and he was plied with threats from every quarter. He was told that his life would pay the forfeit if he vetoed the bill. His friends, who apprehended his assassination, gathered around him, and besought him not to hazard a veto, for it would end in the ruin of himself and his country. At last the ebullitions of excitement began to subside, but they were followed by demonstrations of a deep'^r and more desperate feel- ing. For two weeks, few, even of h/e friends, approached the President's house, and when they did, tbey stole there under the shadow of night ; — assassins, in the neo.ntime, were lurking around his dwelling. Even his Cabinet of cors began to talk about resigning, XI. But in the midst of all this storm, which fev men could have resisted, Houston was calm and cheerful. He stationed no guard around his house ; he had no si)ics on the olert ; he did not even incpiire v.^haf was said iu Congress, or done in the streets. The blinds and the windows of his dwelling were wide o[K'n, and he was often seen walking across his psrlor, con- versing cheerfully with his family. His wife, whom he had married in 1840 — one of the most accomplished and gifted of womeir — reposed coufidently upon his character, and she calmly 14 210 A VETO AGAINST DICTATORIAL POAVER. and confidingly sustained biiii by her placid and intellectual con vorsations. Long after the lights had been extinguished through the town, and sullen, desperate, armed men were gathered in secret meetings to plot, and counterplot, the gay voice of his wife, mingling with the tones of the harp and the piano, which she had carried with her to the wilderness, was heard coming forth from the open windows of Houston's dwelling. XII. All this must seem strange to the reader, without doubt, but we shall very soon solve the mystery. It was a fearful crisis ; but Houston was ecpial to it, and we know of no act of his life in which he gave such indubitable evidence that nature had lavished upon him those rare gifts which make up the really great man. Tlie reader, too, will agree with us. When the time came, the veto was sent up to Congress. In it he showed that thoy had utterly and totally failed to accom- plish the object for which he had called them together. They had proclaimed wnr against a powerful and organized foe, but they had made no j)rovision for carrying it on. The President had not the means of buying a pound of powder. If tlioy would provide the means for a campaign, he would head it him- self, if necessary ; but without money, no army could be made ready to take the field, and any attempt at hostilities would only bring down upon Texas universal contempt. He also dwelt upon the danger of the precedent they had established, in conferring upon the Chief Magistrate of the country unlimited powers. The prerogatives of a dictator lie never would accept, while they were fighting against 'that same power in a neigh- boring State. XIII. Tlie veto was published, — a universal calm at once sao- A LETTEK TO SANTA ANNA. 211 ceedcd, and the man who had been covered with maledictions, became the idol of the people. XIV. ' In the meantime, General Houston had addressed the follow iae: Letter to Santa Anna, his former captive. It should now l>e carefully read, in justice to both. Thirteen years have since gone by ; but every year has given new significance to thia luminous and important Letter. It furnishes a complete conflr- niation of this History : — ExKCCTivE Dkpartmest, (' City of Ilouston, March 21, 1S42. Most Excellent Sir : Your cominunicutions to Mr. Bee and General Hamilton, diittd iit the Pulace of the Government ol' Mexico, have been recently presented to my notice. At the first convenient leisure, I have not (ailed to appropriate my attention to the sulijects embraced within the fciCope of your remarks. They would have met a more ready attention had it not been for a marauding incursion made by a Mexican force on the defenceless town of San Antonio, on the inhabited frontier of Texas. Apprehending tliut the force had some other character more important than that of bandits and plunderers, commanded as it was by regular officers, it produced a momentary excitement, and claimed the attention of the Executive. But, as the bandits have withdrawn, charateriziug their retreat by pillage and plunder, as has been usual with Mexicans, I am left at leisure to resume in tranquillity the duties of my station. In reference to your correspondence with Mr. Bee and General Hamilton, I have no remark to offer in relation to the communications which those gentlemen assumed the individual responsibility of making to you. The very nature of the correspondence manifests the fact that it was not done under the sanction of this governmen';, but rests solely upon their a'^tion as individuals. Had.your response regarded them in the light in which they were presented to you, it would have superseded the necessity of any notice from me. But as j'ou have thought proper to laud my conduct as an individual, and refer to transactions connected with this country, with 212 SAKTA AXXa's POLITICAL CHARACTER. which I had oflQcial identity, and which I also at this time possess, and as you hare taken the liberty, to an unwarrantable extent, to animadvert upon circumstances connected with Texas as a nation, I feel myself com- pelled by a sense of duty to refute a portion of the calumnies which you ^lave presented to the world under the sanction of your official averment. You appear to have seized upon the flimsy pretext of confidential com- munications unknown to the officers of this government, and unknown to the world until divulged by you, for the purpose of manufacturing a capital of popularity at home, and which you have submitted to the world as a manifesto in behalf of what you are pleased to term the rights of a great nation, " by so many titles respectable." Whatever opinions you may have entertained in relation to the diffi- culties existing between Mexico and Texas cannot materially vary the facts and principles involved, nor will they materially influence the decision of mankind upon the justice of our cause. Decency and self respect, at least, should have induced, on your part, the pursuit of a course different from that which you have adopted. The abuse and ribald epithets which you have applied to the citizens of thia country, as well as those of the Mississippi valley of the United States, are doubtless characteristic of the individual who gave them utterance So far as the people of this country are concerned, I shall refer mankind to a history of facts and circumstances connected with the settlement of the country. I shall pass by with slight notice your remarks relative to the people of the United States. So far as our origin is connected with them, and the unity of sympattiy exists, we are proud to hail them as our kindred — kindred in blood, kindred in laws, kindred in all the ennobling attributes of humanity. They will hear your taunts of defiance with the game contempt and derision that Texans regard your silly gasconade. If they have heretofore sympathized with us in our struggle for liberty and independence, it was from a knowledge of the fact that we had beea deceived and oppressed by Mexico, and tliat the cause in which we were engaged was that of humanity struggliug against usurpation and despot- ism. The people of Texne were invited to migrate to this country for the pur- pose of enjoying equal rights and constitutional liberty. They were promised (he shield of the Constitution of 1824, adopted by Mexico. Con- fiiling in this ple'^gc. tiiey removed to the country to encounter all the privations of a wilderness, under tiie alluring promi.ses of free iustitutiona. Other reasons operated also. Citizens of the United States had engaged A N G L - S A X N" S, AND M E X I C A X 3 . 213 In tbe revolution of Mexico, in 1812. They fought gallantly in the achievement of ^lexican independence, and many of them survive, and to this day occupy the soil which their privations and valor assisted ia achieving. On their removal here, they brought with them no as-piratioas or projects but such as were loyal to the Constitution of Mexico. They repelled the Indian savages ; they encountered every discomfort ; they Bubdued the wiKlerness. and converted into cultivated Iselds the idle waste of this now prolific teritory. Their courage and enterprise achieved that which the imbecility of your countrymen had either neglected, or left for centuries unaccomplished. Their situation, however, was not disregarded by Mexico, though she did not, as might have been expected, extend to them a protecting and fostering care, but viewed them as objects of cupidity, rapacity, and at least jealousy. The Texans, enduring the annoyances and oppressions inflicted upon them, remained faithful to the Constitution of Mexico. In 1832, when aa attempt was made to destroy that Constitution, and when you, sir, threw yourself forward as its avowed champion, you were sustained with all the fidelity and valor that freemen could contribute. On the avowal of your principles, and in accordance with them, the people put down the Berviles of de.«potism at Anahuac, Velasco, and Nacogdoches They treated the captives of that struggle with humanity, and sent them to Mexico subject to your orders. They regarded you as the friend of liberty and free institutions ; they hailed you as a benefactor of mankind ; your name and your actions were lauded, and the manifestations you had given in behalf of the nation, were themes of satisfaction and delight to the Texan patriots. You can well imagine the transition of feeling which ensued ou your accession to power. Your subversion of the Constitution of 1824, youi establishment of centralism, your conquest of Zacatecas, characterized by every act of voilence, cruelty, and rapine, inflicted upon us the profound- est astonishment. We realized all the uncertainty of men awakening to reality from the unconsciousne;cr 21 G SAXTA anxa's tkeatment by HODSrON. 1836, after my determination to give you your liberty bad been commu nicated. I shaii present it in the original, accompanied with its transla- tion iuto English. I will also give publicity to a veto which I communi- cated to the Senate, in consequence of a resolution of that honorable body respecting your detention as a prisoner. You have spoken of events subsequent to the battle of Saa Jacinto, and endeavor to convey the idea that promises had been extorted from you ♦' under the rifles of a tumultous soldiery." I am at a loss to comprehend .our meaning by this reference. When you were brought into the Biicampment as a prisoner, the second day after the battle, you were con- ducted to the presence of the commander-in-chief — not amidst noise and tumult, nor did any e.\ist. When the character of tlie prisoner became known to the army, much curiosity was excited ; but there was no menace used nor violence offered. You were treated with calmness, and every courte>y extended to you that our situation would afford. Had you been a private gentleman and friend, you could have received no greater faci- lities than those which were extended to you. As you desired, you were placed near my person, and were never sent with the rest of the pri- soners. You were informed that you could have your camp-bed and markee brought to my quarters, where I lay confined with my wound. You were permitted to command the services of your attendants. You were informed, also, that your baggage would be selected from the spoils taken by tlie army on the field ; which was accordingly done, and never inspected. These privileges were granted by my order. Your aide-de-camp. Colonel Almonte, and your private secretary, were permitted to remain with you in your markee. A guard was detailed for the niirpose of allay- ing any apprehension you might have for your personal safety, and every liberty extended to you except your absolute release. You submitted propositions to me embracing the questions of the recog- nition of the Texan independence, and the termination of our struggle. I un(Kjuivocrtlly refused the acceptance of any offer upon the subject of a treaty, alleging as reasons that we had a constitutional government, and that the subject would properly come before the Ca'oinet of Texas, the mcmb<'rs of which would be present in camp within a few days. You ii-.'ed the further consideration of your propositions upon me, declaring Hint you would rath'-r enter into stipulations with a general of the army than with llir civil autiiorities of the country. 1 positively declined tak^ lag any a'ltion upon tliem, and they were referred to tlie Cabinet on ita ' •rrival. Declining the consideration of your proposals myself, I required S A X T A A X X A ' S C K D T C T . 217 yn« to issuo orders rorthwilli to tlie General next In command to evacuate Texas witb the troops composing the Mexican army, and to full back with tliem to Monterey. Orders to this effect were Issued by you to General Filisola, and dispatched by an express, which could not overtake him, however, until he bad reached the Colorado on his retreat, conducted io the.greatest panic and confusion. Owing to bis precipitate flight, and your execution of my orders, the Mexicans were permitted to leave Texas with- out further molestation. In the meantime, General Adrian Woll. of the Mexican army, came inio the encampment at San Jacinto without my knowledge, and not " upon my word or honor ;" nor was I apprised of his presence until I learned that he, together with his aid, had been traversing our lines. So soon as I was advised of this fact, I ordered them to my presence, and instructed them that such conduct would not be tolerated, and caused them to be placed under vigilance. This reason I deemed sufficient to detain General Woll as a prisoner of war. His subsequent conduct to Captain Dimitt was such as to justify any unfavorable opinion which I had formed of his character. He had rendered himself so obnoxious to the army, that, from a desire for his personal security, I did not permit his release until he could go in perfect safety. In no respect had the prisoners taken on that occasion rc^ason of complaint. Their lives were all forfeited by the laws of war, conformably to the precedent which you bad exhibited. General Cos, who had surrendered in 1835, a prisoner of war at San Antonio, where one hundred and ninety-five Texans stormed and took the Alamo, with the town, when it was defended by seventeen hundred regular troops of Mexico, was again taken prisoner at San Jacinto, after he had violated his parole of honor, by which he had forfeited his life to the law of arms. Tet such was the lenity of Texans that even he was spared — thereby interposing mercy to prevent reclamation being made for the brave Texans perfidiously massacred. From the 5th of May I had no connection with the encampment, nor the treatment which the prisoners received, until the month of October, whea I was inducted into the oflHce of Chief Magistrate of the nation. It is true that you were chained to an iron bar. but not until an attempt had been made to release you, with your knowledge and assent. A vessel had arri'"ed at Orizinil)o, on the Brazos, where you were confined. In pos- session of its captain were found wines and other liquors, mixed with poi Bon for the purpose of poisoning the officers and guard in whose charge you were, and thereby insuring your escape. In consequence of the sea- 218 H U S T X ' S A n G U M E X T . Bation produced by this circumstance, you were confined and treated ID Ihe manner you have so pathetically portrayed. Whilst confined liy my wounds in San Augustine, I learned that it wag the intention of the army to take you to the theatre of Fannin's massacre, and there to have had you executed. Upon the advertisement of this fact, I immediately sent an express to the army, solemnly protesting against any fiuch act. and interposing every obstacle possible against your further moles- tatioUj or any action which might not recognize you as a prisoner of war. Your recent communications have necessarily awakened attention to these facts — otherwise they would have remained unreciled by me. Any part which I bore in the transaction is not related in imitation of the ego- tistical s(yle of your communication. It is done alone for the purpose of presenting the lights of history. You have sought to darkea its shades, and appeal to the sympathies and command the admiration of mankind, and have even invoked " the prismatic tints of romance." Now the tribunal to which you have appealed, will have an opportunity of contrasting the treatment which you and the prisoners taken at San Jacinto, received, with that of those who have fallen within your power, and particularly those perfidiously betrayed on a recent trading excursion to Santa Fe. You have endeavored to give that expedition the complexion of an invading movement upon tiie rights tf Mexico. To believe you serious in the idle display of words made on this occasion, wou4d be pre- senting an absurdity to tlic common sense of the age. Your fears may have given it a character different from that to which it was eititled. Examine the circumstances accompanying it. It was not an act of Texas. Congress had refused to sanction any enterprise of the kind. A number of individuals were anxious to open a lucrative trade (as they believed it would l)e) witli Santa Fe. Such a commerce has been carried on for yeara by tlic citizens of the United States from Missouri ; and the preparations, connected with tlie fact tliat tlie citizens took with them a considerable amount of merchandise, show that their entcrpri.se was not one of conquest or invasion. You may allege that it had connection with the Government, from the fact tliat tlie President identified himself with it, by furnishing arms to those connected with the project. This may have induced you to characterize the expedition as you have, in your tirade against Texa.s. Wliati'ver part the I'resiIaced in a position of extreme delica:^y, and any imprudent act or movement would have proved exceedingly hazardous to the interests of bis country. He had early manifested his desire for annexation, and done all he could to effect it during his first executive term. Under Mr. Lamar's administration, the question had slept. Houston had pursued a discreet course in regard to it after his re-election, and although he had now been for some time earnestly occupied in securing annexation, he had, Uke a wise man, kept his own cbunsels. On the 20th of January, 1844, however, he sent a secret mes- sage to Cungress, in which he uses the following language : " Connected with our present condition, our foreign relations are becoming daily more and more interesting ; and it seems to me that the representatives of the people should anticipate the events which may ia all probability occur. ••«»»• * • • " The Executive, therefore, relies upon the delibe- rative wisdom and decision of the representatives of the people, to give him all the aid in their power to conduct the affairs of Te.xas to such aa issue, as will be promotive of its interests as a community, and at the same time gratifying to the people. Heretofore, he has carefully abstained, during his present administration, from the expression of any opinion in reference to the subject of annexation to the United States. And, in sub- mitting this communication, he does not thinlv it becoming in him now to express any preference. '■ It will be perceived by the honorable Congress, that if any eCTort 238 POLICY OF A X X E X A T I N . were made on the pnrt of this Government to effect the <.'liject of annex- ation, which is so desirable, and if it should fail of meeting responsive and corresponding action on the part of the United States, it might have a seriously prejudicial influence upon the course which England and France might otherwise be disposed to take in our favor. And a failure on our part, after a decided expression, could not but be mortifyi:ig to us, and to a great extent diminish our claims to the confidence of other nations. It would create distrust on their part towards us; because the opponents of our interests would allege there was no stability in our purposes, and therefore it would be unsafe in other nations to cultivate very intimate relations with us, or even to maintain those which now exist. They might apprehend that after the lapse of a few more years, Texas, once having acquired increased importance from their friendly aid aud good oflSces, would be induced again, by the agitation of the same question in the United States, to apply for admission into that Union, and that by possi- bility it might be effected. Hence the utmost caution and secrosy on our part, as to the true motives of our policy, should be carefully observed." XI. He recommends that ia the event of the failure of Texas, she should enter into " a treaty of alliance, defensive at least, if not offensive," with the United States. " If nothing else," he says, " were effected in a treaty for defence, it would secure to Texas a position that would for ever bid defiance to our Mexican enemy. It would be as important to us, in fact, as the recog- nition of our independence by Mexico." lie also proposes the appointment of " an additional agent to the Government of the United States, to co-operate with our agent there." lie thus concludes : •• If the honorable Congress should think well of these suggestions they will be aware of the propriety of immediate action on the subject. The Congress of the Uuited States have now been in session some time, and t'lLT'j can be but little doubt that if they have not already done so, they SHOULD TEXAS BE ANNEXED. 239 will soon indicate their disposition, and course of policy towards thia country. "Believing as the Executive did, at the commencement of the present Session, tliat the subject of annexation was in tlie best position in which Texas could place it, he did not allude to it in his general Message- apprehending that any public action taken either by the Executive or the Congress would only have a tendency to embarrass the subject. Action must now bo taken by the United States ; and we must now watch and meet their disposition towards us. " If we evince too much anxiety, it will be regarded as importunity, and the voice of supplication seldom commands great respect." XII. The spirit of this message inspired all Houston's acts on this great question, and the effect was most salutary. For it is more than probable that our Congress would have turned a deaf ear to " the voice of supplication," had they not discovered that the people of Texas, grown weary of delays and indignant at repeated repulses, would supplicate no longer. The position of parties was suddenly changed — completely reversed. It became clearer than noon-day, that unless Texas was allowed to come into our Union, under auspices the most favorable to her, she would not enter — and in any event, it seemed probable that she was after all to be the sufferer. Her anxiety, therefore, for annexation, was every hour growing less, while ours was •'ucreasing. XIII. Both parties were aware of the movements of^ England — and while Texas saw in the extension of that proud shield over her young Republic, the boon of mighty protection, we watcliert with jealous and anxious interest, the progress of that same impe- rial emblem. "When, therefore, that Republic whose people. 240 TEXAS LOST TO AMERICA. " bone of our bone, and flesh of onr flesh," had been pleading on their knees the same admission which had liitlierto'been cordially tendered by Congress to every other American colony on the continent, was repulsed " like some stranger," she sprung to her feet, and the next moment we saw her youthful figure relieved against the giant form of Old England, whose purple mantle was thrown kindly over her shoulder, and whose flag of St. George was waving over her head. It was a strange, but beautiful spectacle. " Is that," said all, " the suppliant who so lately was kneeling on the steps of our Capitol ?" XIV. Texas was now lost to America. The only question was, " Can she be again won ?" and the American Congress was no longer the sole party to answer the inquiry. Tbe Cabinet at Washington manifested an anxiety to renew negotiations. In his letter to Mr. Van Zandt (29th January, 1844), Houston instructs his Minister to meet the United States half way, and to inform him of any disposition on their part to come to the terras they had rejected. " They must be con- vinced," says he, " that England has rendered most important service to Texas by her mediatorial influence with Mexico." He then proceeds: "If tbe United States really intend to deprive England of connections on this continent, a treaty of alliance, ollensive and defensive, formed ritb this country aguins^t .Me.xico, would enable that government to retain an influence in the afl'iiirs of Texa.s which could be done by no other cir- cumstance. In November, 1842, wiieu Texas protested to tli» three Great Powers against the course pursued by Mexico rn her war with this coun- try, it was understood the three Powers were to act in harmony, so far as any mediation was to be interposed. From some circumstances, England appears to have been most active and efficient in her eflbrts. The United States, from their contiguity in situation, had greater facilities thao ATTEMPTS AT AN.VEXATIOJ^. 211 England at tbeir command, and liad tliey been as forward iu tbcir efforta at mediation as England, it would have been more grat'>ful to the citizens of Texas. A moineafs reflection will present many reasons why it should have been so. When an individual is overwhelmed by misfortune, and that misfortune is lightened or relieved, the beneficiary always feils graielul for the benefits conferred ; and in the event of a recurrence, would naturally look to the same source for a renewal of favor. Thus must it be witli nations, and it requires no argument to convince tha United States, that in submitting the first proposition for a treaty of alliance with them, the authorities of Texas are far from pretermitting any just claims which they may have to the confidence of Texas as a nation, but the reverse '"It is true that our eyes were directed to the United States, not only as a people but as a government, to which Texas was most willing to feel herself obligated. If we did not realize all our expectations, we are far from concluding that anytliing left unaccomplished by her arose from hostility to Texas on her part ; and for that, among other reasons, we propose an alliance as an earnest of the confideuce we are still willing to place upon them and their efforts." XV. Negotiations were now once more commenced in earnest, and the two Ministers of Texas (Mr, Van Zandt, and Gen. Uender- son, afterwards Governor of Texas), represented their country with great ability, and won for themselves universal respect. In the dispatch of Houston to Mr. Van Zandt (Feb. 15, 1844), informing him of the investment of Gen. Henderson (just appointed) and liimself, " with proper powers to conclude the subject of annexation as far as it can be consummated by the Government of the United States and our Ministers," the Presi- dent thus speaks of the vast consequences of annexation, if it should be effected. "It would be useless for me to attempt to portray to you the magni tudc of the consequences which are to grow out of these trau.«uction8. 16 242 SOLICITUDE FOR TEXAS. Millicns will realize the benefits ; but it is not within the compass ef mortal expression to estijnate the advantages to mankind. The measures of this Government have not been devised without due consideration of the subject, so far as Texas may be affected by it ; and no matter how great the ultimate advantages to the two countries may have been cou- sidered, iu the event of annexation, it was the manifest duty of this Government to use such precaution as would secure it against any acci- dental catastrophe. It is now in possession of such assurances from th© United States as will hazard the die." XYI. In another dispatch, dated the 29th of April, 1844, we find the following language : — " I have felt, and yet feel, great solicitude for our fate. The crisis to Texas is everything. To the United States it is worth its union. My toil has constantly been for the freedom and happiness of mankind, and if we are annexed, I hope we shall have accomplisiicd much ; but if from any cause we should be rejected, we must redouble our energies, and the accompanying duplicate will express to you decisively what my purposes are. Texas can become sovereign and independent, established upon her own incalculable advantages of situation, and sustained by European influ- ences, without the sligiitest compromittal of her nationality. If tho present measure of annexation should fail entirely, and we are to be thrown back upon our own resources, lix your eye steadily on the sal- vation of Texas, and pursue the course which I have indicated. I again declare to you, that every day which passes, only convinces me more clearly, that it is the last effort at annexation that Texas will ever make; nor do I believe that any solicitation or guarantee from the United States would at any future day, induce her to consent to the measure." XVII. But the Mission of General Henderson seemed likely toseeare no good results, and in a dispatch of May 17th, 1844, he was advised to return. Tiie President says : — TEXAS IX DEPENDENT. 243 "Wliatevcr the desires of this Government, or the people, are, or might have been, in relation to Annexation, I am satisfied they are not Hmbitious, at this time, nor will ever be again, to be seen in the attitude of a bone of contention, to be worried or gnawed by conflicting politi- cians. The views of the Ex'ecutive of this country, as well as the views of its citizens, were fairly presented iu a willingness to become annexed to the United States, and though tlie advantages presented to the United States were incalculably greater than those resulting to Texas, she wag villing to stand the hazard of the adventure. " The statesmen of that country appear to be united in opinion adverse to our admission into the Union of the North. We must, therefore, regard ourselves as a nation, to remain for ever separate. It would be unpleasant for us to enter into a community, as a member, where we should be regarded ungraciously by either cf tlie political parties. Texas alone, can well be sustained, and no matter what sincere desire we may have entertained for a connection with that Government, and the atfectlonate euthusiasm that has existed in this towards it, we will be compelled to reconcile ourselves to our present condition, or to assume such an attitude towaids other countries as will certainly look to our independence. This can be accomplished, if the United States will carry out the pledges which they have already given. The compromittal of our national honor I cannot contemplate, nor would I entertain any proposition which could be aver.se to our character as an independent nation ; but Texas can now command interests which will require no such sacrifice. We must act! ! * * It would seem, from the complexion of matters at Washington, that General Henderson's remaining there longer would be unnecessary. As indicated in my last commnnication, negotiations cart be very well conihicted at this Government, not designing to cast any reflections upon the representatives of this Government at Washington, in whom the executive has the highest conlidence. Moments of leisure could be employed here, and even hours and days commanded, which is not permitted when urgent dispatches arrive. The locality of our seat of Government is such, that the Executive has had no substitute himself in corresponding for the Secretary of State, and dispenses with the ser- vices of that valuable officer, for the sake of dispatch. • " The measure of Annexation having been taken up at the instance of the United States, ought to secure Texas, and fortify her against all inconveniences arising from having opened negotiations on that suiiject. Tiie treaty having been signed and submitted to the Senate, is all that can be per- 244 Houston's diplomacy. formed on the part of Texas. Further solicitation, on her part, would present her as an object of commiseration to the civilized world. If the embarrassments of our condition have presented us in a humiliating posture, it furnishes no excuse to us for voluntary degradation. " Therefore it is, that my purpose is fixed in relation to the subject of which I have treated. Tue desires of the people of Texas, witu sir LOVE OF REPOSE (thus far I am selfish), had determixed me ix favok OF AXNEXATIOX. My JCDGMEXT, THOUGH RENDERED SUBSERVIENT TO THEIR D.CLIXATI0XS AND MY OWX, HAS NEVER FULLY RATIFIED THE COURSE ADOPTED. Yet, IX ALL GOOD FAITH, I HAVE LENT AXD Al^FORDED EVERY AID TO ITS COXSUMMATION." XYIII We shall now close our extracts from Houston's Dispatches, by giving a portion of a very important private letter to Mr. Murphy, the American Minister to the Texan Government. We have nowhere seen the same views expressed in regard to the future destiny of Texas. The letter shows beyond a question, that the writer was persuaded that Texas, even if she was compelled to stand alone, had no mean destiny await- ing her in the future. The views here given are those of a statesman — of one who knew the history of his nation, and the character of her people — of a patriot, who never despaired for his country, on whose altars he had consecrated himself for ever * • " The times are big with coming events to Texas and the world. I feel that matters now transacting are, if carried out, to perpetuate the anion, of the States, by the Annexation of Texas, for centuries. If this great measur; fails, the Union will be endangered ; its revenues dimi- nished ; and a European influence will grow up in Texas, from our necessiticfl and interests, that will most effectually prejudice the interests of ihe United States, so far as they are to look for the sale of their fabrics in the southern section of this continent, and a forfeiture of our sympa- thies. Mexico, in a short time, by the influences which Texas :.aa com- THE FUTURE FOR TEXAS. 245 mand, will yield everything to tlic superior energy, activity, and tha employment of well-directed capital, wiiich will liow into us from Europe, and render us the beneficiaries of a most important and extensive tradck All our ports will soon become great commercial marts ; and places, now scarcely noticed upon our maps, will be built up, and grow into splendid cities. " These are but few of the advantages which are noticed ; but these, to the statesmen of the United States, ought to cause ceaseless efforts to secure so rich a prize. ** The present moment is the only one that the United States will ever enjoy to annex Texas. I am intensely solicitous to see the matter con- summated, and my country at rest. 'Tis true that we are not to be great gainers, when compared to the United States, in what they derive. Had I been at Washington, I would, most certainly, not have made a treaty so indefinite as to individual rights which may arise, and be involved in the subject of annexation. We surrender everything, and in reality get nothing but protection — and that at the hazard of being invaded or annoyed by Mexico before any aid could be rendered by the United States. I hope that the precautions taken will be such as to deter Mexico from any attempt upon us. " The fact, that the United States is one of the rival powers of the world, will render that nation more liable to war than we would be as a minor power. There are a thousand reasons which I could urge, why Texas would be more secure from trouble if she could have present peace — which she can obtain readily if she is not annexed. "When we once become a part and parcel of the United States we are subject to all their vicis- situdes. Their commercial relations are extensive, which subjects them to jealousy and the rivalry of other powers, who will seek to overreach them, and cramp them by restrictions, or annoy them by interference. They will not be willing to submit to these things, and the conserjuencct will be war. Nor will this danger arise from any one power of the earth. 246 POLITICAL PROPHECIES. but from various nation?. The wealth of European nations depends more upon their labor, than the people of this continent. We look to the soil — they to their manufacturing capacity, for the means of life as well as wealth. These facts arcnot all ; and, indeed, but a very partial notice of important affairs. The political relations of the United States will increase, and become more complicated and extensive with their increase of power. Not only this, but they, too, will grow arrogant ; and it will not be a half century, if the Union should last, before they will feel a strong inclination to possess, by force, that which they at present would be willing to make a subject of negotiation and treaty. '• In all contingencies, if we are annexed, we have to bear a part of their troubles — no matter of what character. Alone and Independent, Texas would be enabled to stand aloof from all matters unconnected with her existence as a nation ; while the causes of war to the United States ■would be a source of benefit and prosperity to her. War could grow up between no power and the United States, but what Texas would be the beneficiary. The value of her staples would be enhanced, and that arising from the influence of war upon the United States. Texas, enjoy- ing a.T she docs a situation on the Gulf, and a neutral attitude, would derive the greatest possible benefits. Calamity to other nations, would be wealth and power to Texas. The encouragement given us by the demand for our staples would increase our individual, as well as our national wealth. The fleets of belligerents would be supplied with meats from our natural pastures ; and the sale of our superabundant herds would, when added to the sale of our other commodities, give us more wealth than any other nation, in comparison to our population. '■ Apart from this, if we should not be annexed, all the European nationi would introduce with alacrity vast numbers of emigrants, because it would enable them to extend their commerce. Those who migrate from the different nations to Texas will retain predilections, for many years, in (avor of the partialities which nativity carries with it in after life. 1 MOTIVES FOR ANNEXATION. 247 That France and England will pour into our country vast numbLrs of industrious citizens, there can be no doubt. Belgium, Iloliuml, and otber countries, will not be remiss in their duty to ulterior consequences. All these countries have an excess of population, and the common policy and economy of nations are such, that they will have a care to the location of those who leave their native countries. Never, to my apprehension, have all nations evinced the same disposition to commerce as that which is now exercised and entertained. Hence, no time has ever been so propitioua for the upbuilding of a nation possessed of our advantages, as that which Texas at this moment enjoys, in the event that the measure of anncxatioa should fail. Its failure can only result from selfishness on the part of the Government or Congress of the United States. If faction, or a regard to present party advantages, should defeat the measure, you may depend upon one thing — and that is, that the glory of the United States has already culminated. A rival power will soon be built up, and the Pacific, as vs'ell as the Atlantic, will be component parts of Texas, in thirty years from this date. The Oregon region, in geographical afiRnity, will attach to Texas. By thi« coalition, or union, the barrier of the Rocky Mountains will be dispensed with or obviated. England and France, in anticipation of such an event, would not be so tenacious on the subject of Oregon, as if the United States were to be the sole possessors of it. When such an ev nt would take place, or in anticipation of such result, all the powers, which either envy or fear the United States, would use all reasonable exertions to build us up, as the only rival power which can exist, on this continent, to that of the United States, Considering our origin, these sp<>culatior.8 may seem chimerical, and that such things cannot take place. A common origin has its influence so long as a common interest exists, and no longer. Sentiment tells well in love matters or in a speech ; but in the affairs and transactions of nations there is no sentimeat or feeling bat oae, and that is essentially selfish. 248 POI, ITICAL CALCULATION. I regard nations as corporations on a large and sometimes magnificent Bcale, )3ut no more than this ; consequently, they have no soul, and recognize no Mentor but interest. Texas, once set apart and rejected by the United States, would feel that she was of bumble origin ; and if a prospect was once presented to h' r of becoming a rival to tlie United States, it would only stimulate her to feelings of emulation : and it would be her least consideration, that, by her growth to power, she would overcome the humility of ner early conditiou. So the very causes which now operate with Texas, and incline her to annexation, may, at some future period, give origin to the most active and powerful animosity between the two countries. This, too, we must look at, for it will be the case. AVhenevcr difficulties arise between the United States and Texas, if they are to remain two distinct nations, the powers of Europe will not look upon our affairs with iudilfcrence ; and no matter what their professions may be of neutrality, they can always find means of evasion. The union of Oregon and Texas will be much more natural and convenient than for either, separately, to belong to the United States. This, too, would place Mexico at the mercy of Bucb a power as Oregon and Texas would form. Such an event may appear fanciful to man}', but I assure yon there are no Rocky Mountains interposing to such a project. But one thing can prevent its accomplish ment, and that is annexation. If you, or any Statesman, will only regard tha map of North America, you will perceive that, from the 46th degree of latitude North, there is the commencement of a natural boundary. This will embrace the Oregon, and from thence south on the Pacific coast, to the 29th or 301 h degree of south latitude, will be a natural and convenient extent of sea- board. I am free to admit, tliat most of (he Provinces of ('liilinahua, Sonora, and lli(! Upper and Lower Californias, as well as Santa Fe. wliicli we now claim, will have to be brought into the connection of Texas and A LOOK IXTO THE FUTURE. 249 Oregon. This, you will see by reference to tbc map, is no bugln'iU to tliosx* who will retkct upon the acliievemL-nts of the Anglo Saxon people. What have they ever attempted, and recoiled from, in sub- mi>!^ion to defeat? Nothing. I wonld aikswer. Population would be all that would be needful, for, with it, resources would be afforded for the accomplishment of any enterprise. As to the proposition, that the Provinces of Mexico would have to be overrun, there is nothing in this , for you may rely upon the fact, that the Mexicans only require kind and humane masters to make tbeni a happy people, and secure thera against the savage hordes W'ho harass them constantly, and bear their vomen and cliildren into bondage. Secure them from these calamities, and they would bless any power that wonld grant them such a boon. The Rocky Mountains interposing between Missouri and Oregon wil} very naturally separate them from the United States, when they see the advantages arising from a connection with another nation of the game language and habits with themselves. The line of Texas running with the Arkansas, and extending to the great desert, would mark a natural boundary between Texas, or a new and vast Republic to the Southwest. If this ever take place, you may rely upon one thing, which is this, that a nation, embracing the advantages of the extent of seventeen degrees on the Pacific, and so extensive a front on the Atlantic as Texas does, will not be less than a rival power to any of the nations now in existence. You need not estimate the population, which is said, or reputed, to occupy the vast Territory embraced between the 29th and 46th degrees of latitude on the Pacific. They will, like the Indian race, yield to the advance of the North American population. The amalgamation, under the guidance of statesmen, cannot fail to produce the result, in creating a united Government, formed of, and embracing the limits suggested. li may be urged, that these matters are remote. Be it so. States- men are intended by their forecast to regulate and arrange matters in 250 FAR-SIGHTED STATES MA NSIIIP Euch sort as will give direction to events by which the future is to be benefited or prejudiced. "Ton may freely rely, my friend, that future ages will profit by these facts, while we will only contemplate them in perspective. They must come. It is impossible to look upon the map of North America, and not perceive the rationale of the project. Men may laugh at these suggestions; but when we are withdrawn from all the petty Influences which now exist, these matters will assume the most grave and solemn national import. *• I do not care to be in any way identified with them. They are the results of destiny, over which I have no control. " If the Treaty is not ratified, I will require all future negotiations to be transferred to Texas." • • • It would be difficult in all the annals of history to discover a more striking illustration of far-sighted statesmanship. WHY HE FAVORED ANNEXATION. 251 SECTION FOURTEENTH. RETIREMENT HOUSTON'S CHARACTER. Such was the destiny which, to the keen vision of Ilouston, awaited Texas if she remained a Sovereign Nation. The extracts we have given from his dispatches put the question of his policy and his preferences, in regard to annexa- tion, at rest for ever. He was, up to the last moment, in favor of that groQt measure. He favored it, because it would secure immediate peace to his fellow citizens, and protection from a perfidious and barbarous foe. He favored it, because it would settle the aflFairs and establish the tranquillity of the Republic, and enable him to withdraw from the turbulent scenes of political life, and enjoy the repose of retirement, after his long and ceaseless labors. He favored it, because it would bind the people of Texas firmly to the great Federal Family of Washington, and link their fortunes to the American Republic. He favored it, because, like all the true and all the patriotic of his country, he felt an earnest longing to return to the family hearth-stone, wliere the great Patriarchs of the Revolution had gathered, and unite with twenty millions of his brethern in burn- ing incense to the Genius of Liberty around its holy altars. He favored it, because he saw that it would narrow the field 252 RETIREirEN'T TO PRIVATE LIFE. of many petty ambitious men, -wliose struggles for power might disturb tlie tranquillity of Texas, and impede her advancemeut. He favored it, because he felt he had himself achieved his work on the field and in the Cabinet, and although he was beloved by the people, and could always' have been, in one form or another, their Leader, yet he had no more ambition to gratify. He believed, too, that bis beloved country would find under our broad shield, the same repose from her alarms and troubles, that he himself looked forward to in the quiet of his Prairie Home. And yet his dispatches show that he was prepared for any result. He had his eye fixed on the future, and if American Statesmen were resolved Texas never should mingle her fortunes with us, he also was determined to watch over her career and guide her to a nobler destiny. II. Up to the very moment the decision was made by the Ameri- can Senate, he held the question of annexation in the hollow of his hand. And when, at the eleventh hour, we grudgingly opened the doors to let the light of the Lone Star shine into our Temple, there is not a shadow of doubt, that if Houston had resented the tardy offer, it would have been proudly and scorn- fully hurled back by the people of Texas. He was not then President, actually — but in or out of office, he was still their Leader, the Counsellor of his country. His last term expired just before annexation was passed, and the Constitution would not allow him to be President again. But his own confidential friend, his Secretary of State, his adviser and his supporter, was chosen to succeed him, and it was everywhere understood that Houston's i)()licy was still followed — his feeling still consulted— and his voice still heard. LAST LETTER OF INSTRITCTIONS. 253 III. Great apprehensions were felt by the friends of Texas in this country, about the course Houston would finally pursue — for it was believed that he would carry the people of thai Republic: with him in his decision. The time at last came — Houston gave his support to Annexation, and by an overwhelming majority Texas became one of the Sovereign States of tho American Republic IT. The following important Letter of Instructions procured the annexation of Texas. " City o/Homioii, AprU \Qth, 1844. " Gexti.emkx. — Your notes have both rcaclic.l mo, one of the ,30th uU., and one of the \^i iust. To-day I forward to the State Department all my dispatches. " Col. Ashbel Smitli, our Charge d'Affaires, writes from Paris, under date 29th February, this important fact. ''The French and British Goveru- mcnts have united in a I'rotw.mifi, he' cauxe his friends were already secured. XII. What were the consequences ? By the high and magnani. mous policy which had been adopted l)y the National Democratic Coiivention at Baltimore, he had been sel(;etcd as the impersona- tion of that broad national spirit which was then speaking tiirough all the members of that Convention, — which was then niakii.g itself felt through all the leading Journals of America — and through these channels, wise men saw thrt a new age waH HIS INFAMOUS ADMINISTRATION, 269 dawning upon the country ; and thus near the tomb of Washhig- ton, where Frank Pierce swore allegiance to the Constitution, the Compromise Measures, and the nationality of the country; the American people gathered in gratitude to Heaven, and with enthusiasm to their chief, to sustain the Institutions of their Fathers. XIII. He had indeed chosen for his counsellors, in the beginning, men who did not command the confidence of the country ; but it was not believed that a man who had been elected under such circumstances, and who had made such pledges to the Nation, could so foully betray his trust as to gather around him public traitors. But this delusion was soon dispelled, for they turned out to be either mere adventurers, or worn-out and corrupt demagogues, who w^ould buy and sell men. States, principles — and the Republic itself, if by doing it they could make something at the game. XIV. This Administration has now been reduced to contempt. It is unnecessary to say that it has not only violated every pledge it has made — the President has not only refused to do every- thing he promised, and done everything he was pledged not to do ; but he has disgraced us iu the eyes of all foreign nations, by sending incompetent and unacceptable men to represent us abroad. It will not be denied that, with a very few exceptions, he has chosen the worst set of men he could have found in the United States, to represent us abroad — Red Republicans — G erman Jews- Filibusters — Factionists — Secessionists — Aboli- tionists — Loafers — anybody but men born on the soil, breathing the spirit of our Institutions, and comprehending our system of government. ^70 AMERICA DENATIONALIZED. XV. This will easily account for the fact that the present Adminis- tration has not only been reduced to contempt at home, and abroad ; but that even those common measures of necessity wliich the exigencies of the country have called for, have not been carried through. We have indeed had a bluster about the Koszta affair — we have bullied Spain — and Frank Pierce has bombarded and burned down Grey town. This is all he has achieved : — except — planting hiviself in open hostility to the American movement. He is the man who has lifted his puny and putrid hand, to arrest the avalanche rush of millions of Americans, to secure their birth-right. He does not compre- hend the spirit of our Institutions — the spirit of our country — nor the spirit of our times. He stands in the way of the People, and he will be crushed. lie is peddling out his offices to people who can play the lackey to him in his decadent fortunes, while ho has overlooked almost every noble national man in the country, for ofiQces in his gift. XVI. He began his Administration by putting a Roman Catholic into his Cabinet, as Post-Master-General — and Roman Catholic- ism in America, means an attempt to establish " a monarchy on Jlepuhlican soil, with a king at Rome" — and this Post-Master- General has not only control of the transmission of public intelli- gence to twenty-live millions of people ; but the appointment of one hundred thousand office-holders. lie continued it, by Ijcstowing upon thousands of illiterate, bigoted, monarchical sub- jects of Pome, places of trust and profit in the revenue service, besides making Catholics and Jesuits, District Attorneys, Mar- shals, &c., &c., &c., throughout the United States ; for this man, and the crew that he has gathered around him, have carried HERCE VIOLATES THE COMPROMISE MEASURES. 271 things so far, that no upright American who has any pride in being an American, is left to do him homage. It seems to have been the fate of Frank Pierce to make John Tyler's Adminis- tration immortal, by contrasting it with his own. John Tyler was not the worst President we have had. XVII The most dastardly act which this Concord man has perpe- trated, was to violate all the pledges he had given, by concoct- ing, with the help of other demagogues, the infamous Nebraska Bill — by which a territory, nine times as large as the State of New York, over whose soil the Missouri Compromise had declared that African slavery, or involuntary servitude should never extend, was freely, and without the asking, dedicated to slavery. It is a fact bad enough in itself, that slavery, through the early wrongs of our monarchral oppressors, should exist in the Republic : but that it should exist at all in the grandest Republix; of all the ages, is Avorse still. We understand the reasons why, and we can explain the thing to ourselves — ^just aa the founders and framers of the Constitution explained it and understood it — for we are a cluster of States that understand each other, and we agreed, in the beginning, that we would not intermeddle with each other's afifairs. XVIII. This was the spirit in which the Compromise Measures were passed. Upon the maintenance of this state of things, Frank Pierce was elected President, When be got into power, all his efforts were directed to their ovcrtnrow. He is the traitor of all ages ; because he has betrayed more pledges, and deceived more men, than any other 272 HOUSTON ON THE NEBRASKA BILL. man that has lived — and he had been preceded by traitors who had a hundred times his capacity of doing good, although few of them ever attempted to do so much evil. Reduced at last below the contempt of decent men, he has found himself deserted by all the good who contributed to his elevation, and none even appear to stand by him now, except those he has bought by place, office, or favors. XIX. When Frank Pierce found himself in this degraded position, the demagogues who surrounded him, or other demagogues who thought they could play a good card over his political coffin, proposed the Nebraska Bill. In the indignation of his spirit — • in the honesty of his political character, and in the might of his genius, Sara Houston rose in the Senate, and pronounced the following words, which added a new seal to the integrity of his political character, and gave new lustre to his patriotism. XX. Mr. President : This unusual night sitting is without precedent in the history of any previous Congress at this stage of the session. The exlra- orclinury circumstances in which we fin-k it as no gift. The Slate dematids It as \x right, to form four additional States, if she should elect to do so. EFFECTS OF REPEAL UPON THE SOUTH. 217 XXVII. But what would the repeal of this Compromise amount to? An ab- B'raction? What would the South be benefited by it? By the amend- ment of the Senator from North Carolina, the bill is perfectly eviscerated, or, to use a senatorial term, because I tliink it may be applied with more propriety, elegantly emasculated. Yes, sir, it amounts to nothing. It holds a promise to the ear, l)ut breaks it to the hope. If it is ever to be repealed, I want no empty promises. They have not been asked for by the South. They are not desired ; and, so far as I am concerned, they will never be accepted. Neither my colleague nor myself have ever been consulted in relation to this subject. On the contrary, we have been sedu- lously excluded from all consultation. I have never had an intimation that a conference was to take place, a caucus to be held, or stringent mea- sures applied in the passage of tliis bill. Nothing of the kind. I have been in the dark in relation to it. I feel that Texas has as important an interest as any other section of this Union in the repeal of the Compromise, and would be as vitally affected by it. She must be eventually, if calami- ties are to fall upon the South, the most unfortunate of all that portion of the Union. XXVIII. I will give you my reasons why I think Texas would be in the most deplorable condition of all the Southern States. It is now the terminus of the slave population. It is a country of vast extent and fertile soil, favor- able to the culture and growth of those productions which are most impor- tant to the necessities of the world — cotton, sugar, and tobacco. Aa immense slave population must eventually go there. The demand for labor is so great, everything is so inviting to the enterprising and industrionp, that labor will be transferred there, because it will be of a most profitable cliaracter, and the disproportion of slaves to the white population'*lnust be immense. Then, sir, it becomes the gulf of slavery, and there its terrible ' eddies will whirl, if convulsions take place. I have a right, therefore, tc claim some consideration in the Senate for the etfect which the repeal of this Compromise will have upon our State. I have h right to demand it, and demand it for other reasons than those which I formerly gave here that were personal to myself. 278 INTEGRITY OF THE COMPROMISE. XXIX. It is alleged that the refusal oa the part of the North to continue the Missouri Compromise line over the acquisitions of 18i7 and 1848 was a repudiation of the Compromise. That may be thought technically true. I grant that a proposition was made, or a Compromise entered into by the North and South, to extend the Missouri Compromise as far as the jurisdiction of the United States e.xtended. That was to the Pacific ocean. When it was, by contract, carried on through Texas on its annexation, then, if I understand it, it was a new line — a continuation of the old line by consent. It was established there by a compact with Texas ; for by the original Missouri Compromise it could only extend as far as the jurisdic- tion of the United States went. Then the proposition to continue it to the Pacific was a new and substantive proposition. Though it might refer to the original principle of the old, it had no more coaaectioa with U than the Atlantic has with the Pacific. XXX. I understand, if individuals make a contract, whether they enter into it in writing, or not, if it is to bo executed by any given time, and subse- quently it is proposed by one of the parties to make another contract, which involves not the first, but is made because it is convenient to extend the first further, the refusal of one of the parties to agree to the second, docs not invalidate the former contract. This is a kind of argument I have never heard resorted to, except in favor of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, I have a great deal of veneration for that Compromise, I recollect the time when I was tried in the Senate Chamber upon its prin- ciples. There are Senators here who well remember that I was denounced, more in manner than in words, when I said I planted myself upon the Mis- souri Compromise line, and that astride of it I would stand, if needs be, and that there 1 would do battle, and there would 1 perish in the defence of the rights of the South, That was emphatic language, and I felt all that I uttered. Sir, I have some reverence for it ; and if I should feel such reverence, it is not unreasonalde that I should have determinations, too, which will not be changed by all the technical and abstract notions which have been adduced and relied upon to culightca the public mind, to manu- THE PRESENT MEASURE DNCALLKD FOR. 279 Kicture public aentimcnt here, aad to give dircctioa to it abroad. Sir, I have no idea that the public sentiment is to be subverted, and 1 assure you that the North, or West, or South, cannot be willing that this should be done. No one can deprecate more than I do the f-jarful agitations which, I apprehend, will follow this ; but after the manifestations which we have had here, nothing that I can utter will affect those who are present, or certify to them what must be the inevitable consequence, out of this llall, when agitation is rife abroad. Do these gentlemen .say that I have not made any argument on this point? It is, sir, because I was not sufficiently skilled to meet the refined arguments that were adduced in favor of the repeal. What necessity has grown up for the adoption of this measure since 1850 ? None had resulted at this time last year. None has been heard of. XXXI. Three years have passed in tranquillity and peace. Yet the gentleman who urges the measure thinks that he would have been derelict to his duty he bad not brought things to their present condition, and presented the mat- ter in the shape in whicli it now stands. If it was necessary at all, it was necessary last year. No new developments have been made. The great prin- ciple of non-intervention existed then. There is no new demand for it now. Is not that a reason why this bill ought not to pass? Was there any new indication given of its necessity up to the time that the bill was introduced here? None throughout the whole land. How, and where, and why, and when, and with whom this measure originated, Heaven only knows, for I have no cognizance of the facts ; but I well knoT that persons deeply involved in it, and exercising senatorial privilegts here, ncv4 r reteired information that such a measure would be brought forward, i»r would be urged with that pertinacity with which it is now dcie. LiUle did we think that it was to be urged ui)on us as a great healing moasur •. The honorable Senator from Virginia [Mr. Mason] said last night, that this is to be regarded as a great healing measure for the purpose of pr>'- vonting agitation. Sir, 1 heard of no agitation until it arose here, nor would there have been any this day in the United States, if the bill in the form in which it was presented last year, had been brought forward and adopted without any provision either lor nou-iatcrveation or the repeal of the Missouri compromise. 280 VIEWS OF PRESIDENT POLK. XXXIl. So far back as 1818. I find that President Polk recognized tbe Missouri Compromise as of binding force upon this country. He considered it uot only binding upon the North in relation to the South, but, as the Chief Magistrate of this Union, he regarded it as binding upon the South, because it accorded certain privileges to tbe South ; for he says, when Fpcaking in relation to his approval of the Oregon bill, that he approved it because it lay north of 36° 30' ; but had it lain south of SC^ 30', he would not say what action he would have taken upon it ; clearly intimating that he would have vetoed the bill, regarding as he did the Mi.«souri Com- • promise as obligatory on the two sections of the Union. How has it beea repudiated since tliat time? Was it repudiated and superseded, or ren- dered null and void, by the Compromise of 1850 ? No such thing. Po you think that the astute statesmi^i, the men w-ho managed and controlled the business of that Compromise, as much as any other men ver.^ed and ekillod in legal Ion; and in general learning, men of acumen and keen perceptions, would Ijave permitted that matter to go une.xplained, if it ever had been contemplated to repeal the Missouri Compromise? Mr. Clay and Mr. Wel)ster would never have done it. Yet no information waa given tliat any such design was entertained by any member of this body I am sure that, for one, 1 did not entertain it. Other gentlemen, more astute than myself, miglit have done so, but I am confident that it was not the general undiirstanding tliat non-intervention was to be applied to these Territories because they lay north of 30° 30'. XXXIII. I again a.sk, what benefit is to result to the South from this measure, it adopted? I have shown, I hope, that if you repeal this Missouri Compro- mise, Texas has no guarantee left for the multiplication of her States, if she chooses to make thorn. What are its advantages ? Will it secure these Territories to the South ? No, sir, not at ail. But, the gentleman tells us, it is the principle that we vant. I can perceive but one princijile involved in llie measure, and that principle lies at the root of agitatio.T : and from that all tbe tumult and excitements of the country must arise. That is the only principle I can perceive. We are told by southern, as well as northern gentlemen, those who are for it, and those who aro EFFECTS OF REPEAL V TO S THE COUXTRT. 281 ftgalnst it, tliat slavery will never be extciided to thut terrilory, that it will never go there ; but It is tliu principle of non-intervention that it i.i ilesired to establish. Sir, we Lave done well under the intervention of the Mis-pouri Compromise, if the jfeutlemen so call it, in other Territories and, I adjure you, wnen there is so much involved, net to press this mattei too far. What is to be the consequence? If it is not in embryo, my sug- gestion will not make it .«o. It has been suggested elsewhere, and I may repeat it here, what is to be the ell'ect of this measure if adopted, and you repeal ihe Missouri Compromise ? The South is to gain nothing by it ; foi honorable gentlemen from the South, and especially the junior Senatoi from Virginia [Mr. Hlxtkr]; characterize it as a miserable, trifling littU measure. Then, sir, is the South to be propitiated or benefited by tbt conferring upon her of a miserable, trifling little measure? Will thai compensate the South for her uneasiness? Will it allay the agitation of the North? Will it preserve the union of these States? Will ii sustain the Democratic or the Whig party in their organizations'! No. sir, they all go to the wall. What is to be the effect on this Government' It is to be most ruinous and fatal to the future har- mony and well-being of the country. I think that the measure itself would be useless. If you establish intervention, you make nothing by that. But what will be the consequence in the minds of the people? They have a veneration for that Compromise. They have a respect and reve- rence for it, from its anticjuity and the associations connected with it, and repeated references to it that seem to suggest that it marked the bound- aries of free and slave territory. They have no respect for it as a coui- pact — I do not care what you call it — but as a line, defining certain rigLta and privileges to the diQ'ereut sections of the Union. The abstractions which you indulge in here can never satisfy the people that there is not Komething in it. Abrogate it or disannul it, and you exasperate the public mind. It is not necessary that reason should accompany e.xcite- ment. Feeling is enough to agitate without much reason, and iLai will be the great prompter on this occasion. My word for it, we shall realize Bcenes of agitation which are rnmUing in the distance now. XXXIV. I have beard it said, and may as well renmrk it now. that the Aboli tionists and Free-Soilers, to a certain extent, will affiliate with the weaker political party at the North, the ^\^ligs, and will make a fair contest with 282 HOUSTON WILL NOT SWERVE FROM DUTY. the Democrats. If they throw this question in the scale, and the Demo* crats do not, they will preponderate. Then how are tlie Democrats to sustain themselves under this pressure ? Suppose the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, or the repeal of the Compromise of 1850 is proposed, and the Democrats oppose it; they will meet with the objection that it is not more Eacred than the Missouri Compromise, and the repeal will be urged before the people ; and we shall see our House of Ilepresentatives with a prepon- derating power of Aliolitionism, the principles of which will triumph. Every Representative who votes for this measure will be prostrated ; he cannot come back, or, if he comes back, he will be pledged to the repeal of a measure fraught with so many blessings of peace to the country. With all the fancied benefits of non-intervention, they cannot overbalance the disastrous consequences that must ensue to our institutioas. XXXV. This is an eminently perilous measure, and do you expect tne to remaia here silent, or to shrink from the discharge of my duty in admonishing the South of what 1 conceive the results will be ? I will do it in spite of all the intimidations, or threats, or discountenances that may be thrown upoQ me. Sir, the charge that I am going with the Abolitionists or Free- Soilers affcots not me. The discharge of conscious duty prompts me often to confront the united array of the very section of the country in which I reside ; in wliich my associations are ; in which my personal interests have ahva3's been, and in which my affections rest. When every look to the Betting sun carries me to the bosom of a family dependent upon me, think you I could be alien to them ? Never — never. Well, sir, if I am now accidently associated with Abolitionists, in voting against this measure of repeal — if I vote with them, and with individual Senators with whom my relations have always been courteous and polite personally, they well know that I feel no .sympathy with their notions — that I think them fanatical — I do not esteem it a greater misfortune attendant upon me than I have witnessed before, in this Chamber, with other Senators from the South. In the passage of the Compromise Ijill of 1850. I saw asso- ciations of extremes quite as extraordinary as on this occasion. I almost thought that the extremes of the Abolitionists and Secession parties had become Siamese twins ; they Merc so intimate that I could not Help but remark it. Mli. SEWARD. Who? OPIN'ION OF GENERAL CASS 283 XXXVI. Mr. nOUSTON'. I need not mention who ; I merely throw out the sug- ge.-'tion. I du not inquire into the motive which induced the introduction of this bill into the Senate. I cast no reflections on gentlemen either for its introduction or for its ."support ; but I deprecate the consequences which will flow from it. I have conversed with several Senators, and I have never hear the first who would not admit that it was an unfortunate and ill-advised measure. The venerable and di.^tinji^uished Senator from Michi- gan [Mr. Cas;s], the other day, in his speech, declared, in substance, that he thought it was an unfortunate circumstance that it had ever been intro- duced into the Senate, although it meets with his approbation when it ia here. And now, when he who has been in the councils and transactions of this country for fifty years, who has witnessed all the vicissitudes and mutations through which the country has passed, who has been an actor in the most important scenes of the Union — when he does not recognize it as a healing and welcome measure. I ask Senators if I err in resisting it? They say it is here. It is here, and if I had the power, I would kick it out. AVhat, if a measure unwholesorae or unwise is brought into the Sen- ate, and it comes from the p'lfty of which I am a member, and its intro- duction is an error, is it not my duty to correct that error as far as I possibly can ? Sir, I stand here for that general purpose. My constitu- ents send me here for that purpose. XXXYII. But I will not admit for a moment that this meets the sanction of the Executive. All his antecedents are in the face of it. Supporting him aa I did, I must believe him consistent and truthful. He is upon the record as an opponent to agitation of any k'nd, whether in the Halls of Congress or anywhere else. He is pledged to keep down and resist agitation, as far as in his power : and that the institutions of the country shall sustain no " shock " during his Administration. If this bill passes, will there be no shock? Depend upon it. Mr. President, there will be a tremendous shock. it will convulse the country from Maine to tlio Rio Grande. The South has not asked for it. I, as the most Southern Senator upon this floor, do not desire it. If it is a boon that is offered to propitiate the South, I, aa a Southern man, repudiate it. I reject it. I will have none of it. 284 JACOB Axn esau. XXXYIII. Mr. President, not in any spirit of unkindness — not cfloe.tainiug unfriendly or ungentle feelings, — I will allude here, by way o^ illustration, to one of the most beautiful and captivating incidents iaSae Holy Bible — one that shows a forgetting, and kind, and amiable, and forgiving tem- per, which, even under a sense of deep injuries, was willing to embrace a brother, and forget the past. I need not relate to this intelligent assem- bly the history of Esau and Jacob. The birthright and the mess of pottage are familiar to all. The two brothers separated in anger, after Jacob had acquired the blessing which should have been given to Esau, and Jacob fled to Laban, his mother's brother, in a distant country, where he greatly prospered. Afterward.s, when he separated his flocks from those of his father-in-law, it became necessary for him to journey through the land of of his brother Esau, who was then a man of influence, and power, and wealth. As Jacob approached, lie thought it was necessary to propitiate hia brother for the wrong which he had done him, and he supposed he could not do that without some atonement, or some gift. He dispatched a portion of his family, some of his handmaidens, and children, and servants, with a drove of cattle, which he intended as an ofl'erlng to his brother ; and the pacred narrative says that when Esau heard that his brother was journey- ing towards his land, " Esau ran to meet him ; and they embraced and kissed each other ; and they wept." Now I do not see why the North and South, if they have been separated, might not embrace each other without any feeling of anger. But, after some colloquy had taken place between the brothers, Esau said : '• What meanrsHhon by this drove which I met ?" And Jacob said, "These are to find grace in the sight of my Lord." And Esau then made a reply worthy of a generous spirit. He said : " / have enough, my brother ; keep that thou hast unto thyse/f," XXXIX. So, if this ia an ofTering to propitiate the South, the South may say, " I have enough, my brother ; keep that thou hast unto thyself." If thin IB the only offering tendered to the South, we will not ask it ; we do not want it ; the people will be angry if you give it ; and I never want to make trouble with my friends at home. I would rather you would keep it. If you are indebted in anything to the South, all I have to say is, that you might find some other occasion when it would be more agreeable to CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE COMPROMISE. 285 cancel the obligation. The South, as a community, only desire their rights under the Constitution and e.xisting compromises. XL. But, sir, th5 people are not going into abstractions to understand thig subject. Nor will there be a lawyer at every point, every cross-r ",;ad, every public meeting, every muster, or every court-liouse, to give elabo- rate dissertations upon the unconstitutionality of the Missouri Compromise I care nothing about its constitutionality or unconstitutionality. Not one straw do I care about it, on account of the circumstances out of which It grew, and the benefits flowing from it. Mr. Jefferson said he could not find constitutional authority for the acquisition of Louisiana. If that wag the case, even if the Compromise, based upon an unconstitutional act, to reconcile the different sections of the country, was without authority of the Constitution, it became a legitimate subject of legislation. I say legiti- mate, because it was an acquisition of territory which must be governed in some manner suited to the exigencies of the occasion. Hence the resort to the principle of compromise, and to legislation. Was the acqui- sition of Florida constitutional ? I think not. Yet we retain it as one of our States. Was the acqtiisition of Texas constitutional ? No, sir, it was not. It was a mere act of legislation on the part of this Government — a compromise — precisely such as the compromise which tliis bill proposes to ropcLil. But Te.xas is in, and you cannot thrust us out ; and that is the whole of it. But it is not constitutional. If it is not, and validity attaches only to compacts, in contradistinction to compromises, then this Is a compact predicated upon the coiapromise of Missouri. XLI. I do not know whether it is constitutional, technically. It is sufficient M- me to know that it has stood for more than thirty years, and received ttie approbation of our wisest and ablest statesmen, from the day of its nil(M)t:on down to the present, and was never questioned until after the coinm.Micoment of the present session of Congress. It is strange that an unconstitutional law should Iiave remained so long in force amid all llie agitation, and excitement, and bitterness between tlie Nm-th and tlic South ; and that this is the first proposition ever made to repeal it. Have 286 HENRY CLAY AGITATIOV OF 1850. we to yield to it without any necessity, and without any excuse for i^ when we see that discoid will run riot in our land ? XLII. I Sir, the occasion to which I have alluded, was not the 'only one on which I said 1 was willing to stand on the Missouri Compromise line, in defence of the rights of the South. On anotlier occasion, it will be recol- lected in this Chamber, when speaking of the obligations the country was under to a distinguished statesman, then in private life, and whose party had postponed his claim, or pretermitted it, or, in common parlance, laid him on the shelf, I said, that when the Missouri agitation was quieted, he was held throughout the land as a great paciticutor ; and if he had committed a mountain of sins, that single achievement of tranquilizing the great Republic, giving permanency, peace, and growth to its institu- tions, would have overbalanced them all. I said that Henry Clay deserved a monument of bronze, of marble, or of gold, to be placed in the rotunda of the Capitol, for men in aftertimes of great e.xcitement to con- template, and look upon as a man who blessed his country. That was the eentiraent I entertained, and it arose from veneration, not only for the man, but for the needed restoration of harmony to our native land. Were I to make such a declaration now, it would be thought that it was an endeavor to bring this bill into discredit. No, sir, nothing is necessary from mu to discredit it ; for it is its own condeumation under the circum- Btances in which it is presented here, at this time, in the midst of unity, peace, and harmony, while all is at rest, with not a ripple on the vast ocean of our community. I have seen agitation and bitterness before. XLII. I recollect when I ventured to make the first address ir. this Chamber on the subject of the agitation in ISJO, with what discountenance it was received. So little was there a disposition to harmonize, that when 1 ft. ggcsted that six Senators, without regard to party or section, might br selected from the members of this body, who could compose an Address and send it abroad so an to harmonize the country, and hush the fierce waves of pulilical agitation that loere then lashing the base n/" this Capitol, it met with 7io reponse. Well, we subsequently obtained POSITION OF THE NORTHERN DEMOCRACY. 23'T peace and harmony. Let us preserve it. And there is no mode by which we can so etfectually accomplish that object, as by n-jecting the proposed measure. 1 had fondly hoped, Mr. President, that having attained to my present period of life, I should pass the residue of my days, be they many or few, in peace and tranquillity; that as I found the country growing up rapidly, and have witnessed its immeasurable expansion and development, when I closed my eyes on scenes around me, I would at least Iiave the cherished consolation and hope that I left my children in a peaceful, happy, prosperous, and united community. I had hoped this. Fondly had I cherished the desire and the expectation from 1850 until after ihe introduction of this bill. My hopes are less sanguine now. My anxieties increase, but my expectation lessens. Sir, if this repeal takes place, I will have seen the commencement of the agitation ; but the youngest ciiilcf now born, I am apprehensive, will not live to witness its termination Southern gentlemen may stand up and defend this measure. They may accept it from the Northern gentlemen who generously bestow it ; but if it were beneficial to the South, it would have been asked for. It was uol asKed for — nor will it be accepted by the people. It furnishes those in the North, who are enemies of the South, with eflBcient weapons to con- tend with. XLIV. The Democracy In the North have stood firm to party ties. They have fought gallantly for our rights. If we pass this bill how can they main- tain themselves? How can their representatives return to them and say: " We gave it ?" Would not the reply be : " You gave it ; then you are faithless servants, and we will put you down ; you disgraced your party ; you have given away a sacred thing, a pledge, a compromise thirty-four years old, which was venerated for its antiquity, and national benefits derived from it?" Depend upon it, they will be held to a strict account. They will have to answer for it. I call upon you to sustain those who Etood by you of the South in opposition to those whose fanaticism, and prejudice, and misguided feeling would have wrested your rights from you. If you place them and their party in the predicament which I have mentioned, you will be doing them great injustice. xi.y. Mr. President, I have very little hope that any appeal which I can make 288 VINDICATION OF THE INDIANS. for the Indians will do any good. The honorable Senator from Indiana [Mr. Pettit], says, in substance, thai God Almighty has condemned them, and has made them an inferior race ; that there is wo use in doing anything for them. "With great deference to that Senator, for whom I have never cheri.shed any but kind feelings, I must be permitted to dissent from his opinions. He says they are not civilized, and they are not homo- geneous, and cannot be so, with the white race. They cannot be civilized ; No ! Sir, it is idle to tell me that. We have Indians on our western bor- ders whose civilization is not inferior to our own. It is within the recol- lection of gentlemen here that, more than twenty years ago. President Ros;s, one of them, held a correspondence upon the rights of the Indians to the Cherokee country, which they possessed east of the Mississippi, and maintained himself in the controversy with great credit and ability ; and (he triumph of Mr. Adams, if it was one, was much less than he had obtained over the diplomatist of Spain [Mr. Don Oxis], in rel&tion to the occupation of Florida by General Jackson. The Senator from Indiana says that, in ancient times, Moses received a command to go and drive the Canaanites and Moabites out of the land of Canaan, and tiiat Joshua subsequently made the experiment of incorporating one tribe of tlie hea- then with the Israelites, but it finally had to be killed off. Thepefore, the Senator concludes, the Cherokees cannot be civilized. There may have been something statesmanlike in the policy, but 1 do not discover the morality of it. I will say, however, that there is no analogy between the two cases. The people of Judea who were killiid, or exterminated, vere idolators. and the object was to keep the people of Israel free from the taint of idols and idolatry, under the command of Providence, and therefore the extermination in His dispensation became necessary. But the Cherokees never have been idolators. neither have the Creeks, nor the Choctaws, nor the Chickasaws. They believe in one Great Spirit — in God — the white man'B God. They believe in his Son Jesus Christ, and his atonement, and propitiation for the sins of men. They believe in the sanctifying efficacy of the Holy Ghost. Tiiey bow at the Christian's altar, and tliey ijelieve the Sacred Volume. Sir. you may drive these people awny, aTid give thi'ir lamls to the white man ; but let it not be done upon the justification cf tlie Scriptures. They have well-ortrauized socii'tifs : tht'y liave villages and (owns ; they have their statc-liousos and their ?:ipil()ls; they have females and men who woulil grace the drawing-rooms or saloons of Washington ; they have a well-organized judicuiry, a trial by jury, and the writ of habeas corpus. Those are the people for whom I THEIR SOCIAL CONDITION. 289 demand justice in the organization of these Territories. They are men of education. They have more than one hundred native preachers in those tribes, as I have heard. They have their colleges, as I remarked in my Cornier address to the Senate on this subject. They become associated in friendship with our young men in the various institutions in the United States; and thiy are prepared to be incorporated upon equal terms with ua. But even if they were wild Indians, untutored, when you deprive th(-ni of what would give them knowledge, and discourage them from making an effort to become civilized and social beings, how can you ex pect them to be otherwise than savage ? XLVI. Wlien you undertake to tame wild horses, do you turn them from you and drive them into the desert, or do you take care of them and treat them with humanity? These Indians are not inferior, intellectually, to white men. John Ridge was not inferior in point of genius to Joha Randolph. His father, in point of native intellect, was not inferior to any man. Look at their .«ocial condition, iu the nations to which I have alluded. Look at the Chickasaws who remain in the State of Mississippi. Even among white men, with all their prejudices against the Indians, with their transcendent genius and accomplishments, they have beea elected to the Legislature. Whenever they have had an opportunity, they have shown that they are not inferior to white men, either in sense or capab lity. XLYII. But the honorable Senator from Iowa [Mr. Dodge] characterizes the remarks which I made in reference to the Indians as arising from a feeling of "sickly sentimentality." Sir, it is a sickly sentimentality that T.vas implanted in me when I was young, and it has grown up with me. The Indian has a sense of justice, truth, and honor, that should find a responsive chord in every heart. If the Indians on the frontier are barbarous, or if they are cannibals, and eat each other, who are to blame for it ? They are robbed of the means of sustenance ; and with hundreds and thousands of them starving on the frontier, hunger may prompt to Buch acts to prevent their perishing. We shall never become cannibals iu counectiou with the Indians ; but we do worse than that. We rob 19 290 SHAMEFUL ROBBERY OF THE INDIANS. them, first of their native dignity and character ; we rob them next of what the Governraeat appropriates for ihem. If we do not do it in this Hall, men are invested with power and authority, who, officiating aa agents or traders, rob them of everything which is designed for them. No less than one hundred millions of dollars, I learn fi'om statistics, since the adoption of this Government, have been appropriated by Con- gress for purposes of justice and benevolence towards the Indians ; but I am satisfied that they have never realized ^//f en millions beneficially. They are too remote from the seat of Government for their real condition to be understood here ; and if the Government intends liberality or justice towards them, it is often diverted from the intended object and consumed by speculators. XLVIII. I am a friend of the Indian, upon the principle that I am a friend to justice. "We are not bound to make them promises ; but if a promise be made to an Indian, it ought to be regarded as sacredly as if it were made to a white man. If we treat them as tribes, recognize them, send commissioners to form treaties and exchange ratifications with them, and the treaties are negotiated, accepted, ratified, and exchanged — having met with the approval of the Senate — I think they may be called compacts; and how are those compacts regarded? Just as we choose to construe them at the time, without any reference to the wishes of the Indians, or whether we do them kindness or justice in the operation, or not. We are often prompted to their ratification V)y persons interested ; and we lend ourselves unintentionally to an unjust act of oppression upon the Indians by men who go and get their signatures to a treaty. The Indian's mark is made ; the employees of the Government certify or witness it ; and the Indians do not under Btand it, for they do not know what is written. These are some of the circumstances connected with the Indians. Gentlemen have spoken here of voting millions to build ships, and placing the Army and Navy at the disposition of the President in the event that England act inconsist- enlly with treaty stipulations. This is done because, if England violates a treaty with us, our national honor is injured. Now, I should like to know if it becomes us to violate a treaty made with the Indians when we please, regardless of every principle of truth and of honor. We should be careful if it were with a power able to war with us ; and it argues a DUTY OF CONGRESS TOWARDS THEM. 291 dpprcc of infinite nioanncss and in(lo.scril)able degradation on our part ta act diflercntly with tlie Indians, who conlide in onr honor and justice, aod who call the President their Great Father, and conlide in him. Mr. Presi- dent, it is in the power of the Congress of the United States to do some justice to the Indians by giving them a government of their own, and encouraging thoni in their organization and improvement by inviting tluir delegates to a place on the floor of the Senate and liouse of Representa- tives. If you will not do it, the sin will lie at your door, and Providence, in His own way. mysterious and incomprehensible to us though it is, will accomplish all His purposes, and may at some day avenge the wrongs of the Indians upon our nation. As a people we can save them ; aud the sooner the great work is begun, the sooner will humanity have cause to rejoice in its accomplishment. XLIX. Mr. President, I shall say but little more. My address may have been desultory. It embraces many subjects which it would be very hard to keep in entire order. We liave, in the first place, the extensive territory \ then we have the considerations due to the Indians ; and then we have the proposed repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which seems to require the most explanation, and to be the main point in the controversy. The great principle involved in that repeal is non-intervention, which, we are told, is to be of no practical benefit, if the Compromise is repealed. It can have no effect but to keep up agitation. Sir, the friends who have survived the distinguished men who took pro- minent parts in the drama of the compromise of 1850. ought to feel gratified that those men are not capable of participating in the events of to-day, but that they were permitted, after they had accomplished their labors, and seen their country in peace, to leave the world, as Simeon did, with the exclamation : " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." They departed in peace, and they left their country in peace. They felt, as they were about to bo gathered to the tombs of their fathers, that the country they had loved so well, and whch had boaored them — that country upon whoso 292 THE PACIFICATORS OF 1850. fame aud name tUeir doings had shed a bright lustre which shine." abroad throughout all Christendom — was reposing in peace and happiuesa. Wiiat would their emotions be if they could now be present and see an effort made, if not so designed, to undo all their work, and to tear asunder the cords that they had bound around the hearts of their countrymen ? They have departed. The nation felt the wound : and we see the memo- rials of woe still in this Chamber. The proud symbol (the eagle) above your head remains enshrouded in black, as if deploring the misfortune which has fallen upon us, or as a fearful omen of future calamities which await our nation, in the event this bill should become a law. Above it I behold the majestic figure of Washington, whose presence must ever jaspire patriotic emotions, and command the admiration and love of every American heart. By these associations I adjure you to regard the con- tract once made to harmonize and preserve this Union. Maintain the Missouri Compromise .' Stir not up agitation ! Give us peace 1 LI. This much I was bound to declare — in behalf of my country, as I believe, and I know in behalf of my constituents. In the discharge of my duty I have acted fearlessly. The events of the future are left in the hands of a wise Providence. LII. Frank Pierce's Nebraska and Kansas BUI, had long been under discussion, and as bis partisans in the Senate were numerous enougli^to pass it when they pleased, General Houston rose in his place late on Friday night, March 3d, 1854, and delivered the following great argument. It was the last and most power- ful remonstrance that fell on the ears of that Senate, until the vote was taken. Let men read it at the North and the South — for it speaks the truth to America — our common country. Its prophecies have already become history. LI 1 1. Such were the noble words, which late that night fell from REMONSTRANCES AGAINST THE NEBRASKA BILL. 293 tlie lips of Houston. His spoecli, although pronounced in the fervor of his native and impetuous eloquence, is already by the march of events conserted into history. It seems at the lirst blush as though it must have been changed since its delivery — ■ so perfect a transcript is it now of what has since taken place But we copy it from the official Congressional Report. LIV. The prospect of the overthrow of the Missouri Compromise, bj the Congress of the United States, spread general alarm through- out the country. Petitioners by tens of thousands sent in their remonstrances and memorials, praying that the Bill might not pass. But the memorial which attracted most attention, was " from upwards of three thousand ministers of the Gospel of all denominations and sects, in the different States of New Eng- land, remonstrating against the passage of the Nebraska Bill. Demagogues had affected indifference or contempt towards this petition ; and even Senators who were looking to the Presi- dency, allowed themselves, in the heat of debate, to treat 3 000 New England clergymen with contempt. These Senators forgot, that these 3,000 ministers had been put into the pulpits of New England, by the people of New England ; just as really, legiti- mately (and without political corruption), as Senators at Washington had been placed in their seats. They should havo remembered moreover, that these clergymen more faithfully reflected the opinions of their congregations, on this subject, than Senators represented the opinions of their constituents. It was expected, in this crisis, that Mr. Everett — who then filled Daniel Webster's place in the Senate — would, as a Massa* chusctts man, rise and rebuke the demagogues, for their unprovoked assault upon 3,000 of the Protestant clergymen of New England. But Mr, Everett was silent ; and Sam rose and 294 HOUSTON ON THE CLERGYMEN'S PETITION. did the work which Webster would have done, had he not left the Senate and the world for ever. Mr. Houston said : — LV. Mr. President : I think that a petition of this kind ought to be received, aad that it is not subject to the charge brought against it by the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douolas]. It does not arraign our action by being drawn up after that action was had. The Nebraska Bill passed this body on the night of the 3d, or rather, on the morning of the 4th instant. The memorial appears to be dated on the 1st of March. I cannot thiflk that it meant any indignity to the Senate. There is nothing expressive of any Euch feeling in it. It is a right that all individuals in the community have, if their terms are respectful, to memoralize the Senate of the United States upon any subject. Whether there is any ulterior object in this I know not ; but from the date of the memorial, and from the number of signers. I am induced to believe that that memoralists thought there was something wrong in that bill ; and if they believe that its passage would be a breach of faith on the part of the Government, they had a right to say so. I took the liberty of making the same charge here. There were more questions than that of non-intervention involved in that bill. It involved an infraction of faith with tlie Indians, of pledges given to them under all the solemn forms, yet mockery, of treaties. That was one point involved ; and I charged that the passage of the bill would be a violation of plighted faith in that particular. Was it a violation of faith to disregard the Missouri Compromise, which was of so much antiquity and utility to the country ? That is a matter of discussion. I have not arraigned the action of any gentleman since the passage of the bill, but anterior to it I gave my opinions in relation to its character as a disre- gard of treaties, and as a flagrant violation of the plighted faith of the nation towards the Indians. LVI. With respect to the Missouri Compromise, I believe its repeal to be as flagrant a breach of faith as the violation of treaties made with the iudians, I have not charged Senators with corrupt motives, nor have I MINISTERS ARE NOT DISFRANCHISED. 295 charged them with anything selfish ; but I certainly can see no more Impropriety in ministers of the Gospel, in their vocation, memorializing Congress, than politicians, or other individuals. I do not believe that these ministers have sent this memorial here to manufacture political capital, to have it entered on the records of the Senate, so that it might be taken back and disseminated through the country. Sir, it comes from the country. I told you that there would be agitation ; but it was denied upon this floor. Is not this agitation ? Three thousand ministers of the living God upon earth — his vicegerents — send a memorial here upon this subject ; and yet you tell me that there is no excitement in the country I Sir, you realize what I anticipated. The country has to bear the inflic- tion. Sir, the coup d'etat was not successful. The bill did not pass before the community was awakened to it. The community was awakened to it not alone in New England, for I have seen letters from the South and West stating tiiat it was there regarded as a breach of faith ; and I can see no wrong in ministers expressing their opinion in regard to it. This protest does not attack the reputation of Senators. It does not displace them from their positions here. It does not impair their capabilities for the discharge of the high functions which the Constitution has devolved upoa them. I see nothing wrong in all this. LYII. Ministers have a right to remonstrate. They are like other men. Because they are ministers of the Gospel they are not disfranchised of political rights and privileges ; and, if their language is respectful to the Senate, in anticipation of the passage of a bill which is obnoxious to them, they have a right to spread their opinions on the records of the nation. The great national heart throbs under this measure ; its pulse beats high ; and is it surprising that we should observe the effects of it ? I trust, sir, that the nation may yet again see the blessed tranquillity that prevailed over the whole country when this " healing measure " was introduced into the Senate. The position of the nation was enviable. It was unagitated. There was not, in my recollection, a time so tranquil, nor a community more happy A nation more proseperous existed not upon the earth. Sir, I trust that there will be no continuance of agitation ; but the way to end it is not to make war upon memorialists. Let them memorialize if they think it necessary. If they state what is incorrect, let the subject be 296 PROPRIETY OF THE MEMORIAL. referrcil to committees, and let the committees give an exposition of th« trutli, aud lay it, ia reports, before the pui>lic, and then the intelligence of the nation will determine as to wljat is right, and what considerutiou ought to be given to it. I would not take away the liberty to indulge in the freest expre>?sio llemairs remarks appeared to be directed so unequivocally towaras me, that I was led into the misapprehension of supposing that they were intended perhaps to apply to me, in a manner in which it was not the purpose of the gentleman to apply them. But, sir, I explained, when I was up before, the misapplication of the term ' vicegerent,' and I expressed my opinion to be that the ministers of the Gospel were the b«r- alds of the Almighty God, or his ministers of peace upon earth. I thought the gentleman would not have carped upon that expression, unless witii reference to some particular influence which my views might have upon the auditory. It was a mere misapplication of a term, and 1 so explained it. But, Mr. President, I think tbe object of this memorial is misappre- hended. I find no fault with its introduction cither before or after tbe passage of the bill to which it refers, for that bill may be returned to the Senate with amendments. Such things very frequently occur. At all events, as tbe memorial has been prepared with great care, and as the gentlemen who have signed it have been anxious that their views should be laid before the Senate of the United States, lest other measures embracing similar principles should be introducod, I can see nothing improper in allowing them to lay their views respectfully before the Senate. I do not think there is any evidence that the gentlemen who have signed the memorial have any disposition to establisii tlieocracy in our country, or that tliey wish to take the Government into their own band.s. and exercise a controlling influence over it. We find that those v;bo have signed this document are of difterent sects and various denom- inations. I tliink there is no danger that such an amalgamation of ia'.crests and opinions will take place an to embody a force sutticient to make any great impression on tbe institutions of this country, or to endanger our liberties. LXV. Mr. President, this memorial is regarded as a substantive and indepen- dent matter, as intended to produce agitation, and to insult the Senate ; but it is really the ellect of a measure which 1 predicted would have this influence \\]M>n tin' cmmiinit)'. Tlie cause exists in the Senate. It exist* iu the iimendmunt in.scrted into the Nebraska Bill proposing the repeal ol THE PRINCIPLES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 301 the Miesoiui Compromise, and this is but responsive action to tlint. The caude is not in the clergymeu who have signed this memorial. The memorial is the ettect of a cause brought forward and presented in the Senate. The memorial impugns the action of no one. It is true the memorialists speak of the measure as iminoial. Surely that ought not to insult Senators. Tht-y are not such paragons of morality that they cannot bear to have their moral character questioned, if they should happen to do anything which would not be strictly moral, according to some standards, but which I should not think to be very immoral, iiut is their morality of such a delicate texture as to be affected by a memorial coining from " the land of steady habits ? LXVI. We are told that there is a great principle involved in the bill to which this memorial refers. This is a very formidable and very visible response to that great principle which it is said has laiu dormant. Sir, I need not name the number of years that it has lain dormant. No bright genius ever elicited it ; no brilliant conception ever discovered it until tliis session had progressed for some time, when the great principle of non-intervention at once sprang up to illumine the world, to be regarded as one which, at some future day, would be a universally- recognized principle. Sir, I recognize the principles of self-government, but I do it in sovereignty. A people in tutelage cannot exercise sovereignty, but States can. A people who are in a territorial existence, which is fitting them to become States, exercise what may be called a (^uasi sovereignty. They are never really sovereign until they are recognized by Congress as such, and are received into the Union as sovereign States. Then is the time for the operation of self-government, but it grows out of sovereignty. Is ii to be iu five squatters? They may pass a law to-day and repeal it to-morrow, and the next day they may pass another law, and so on successively from day to day, aud from year to year, they may pass and repeal laws. The Territories have no power to pass organic laws until the attributes of sovereignty are about to attach, or have actually attached to them. That is what I call non-intervention. That is what I call sovereignty and self-government. This is the great principle which it is said is involved in the bill which we have passed ; and now we are receiving the response to it. I hope we may never have any more respousea of this description. I pray Ueavca that we may 302 EFFECTS OF HOUSTON'S SPEECH. never have another such protest in this body. I pray that there may never exist iiny necessity for it. But for the necessity or cause, which originated in this body, this memorial would never have been laid upoa your table. This is but the effect ; the cause was anterior to it. If we wish to avert calamitous effects, we should prevent pernicious causes. LXVII. This calm and noble appeal, to the just judgment of the high Tribunal which heard it was impotent tliere. But it was heard and cherished by many thousand hearts among the hills and valleys of New England. Tlie Protestant Clergy of the United States, are the best exponents of the enlightened moral feeling of the American People. From the foundation of the country, they have been the enemies of a union of Cliurch and State. They have always been foremost in the cause of civil and Reli- gious Liberty. They have — as a class — abstained from an improper interference in public affairs. They have shown even too much delicacy in this regard. If they had been bolder, and rebuked Deraagogisra in all its forms, we should not have witnessed what we have now seen — politicians of Protestant origin, bowing to court the vote of ignorant, bigoted paupers, who in consequence of the la.xity of our Naturalization Laws, arc allowed to vote in masses almost as soon as tiicy land on our shores, and before they understand even our language — much less our system of Government. No reply was made to this able speech of Houston on the Right of Petition — and none could be. Lxvin. It is refreshing, in the midst of modem political competition, to hear such a tribute to unostentatious virtue and patriotism. If we turu back in the Records of Congress, we shall fiud that SENATOR BENTON EULOGIZES nOOSTON. 303 In 1836, not long after the Battle of San Jacinto, Hon. Thos. H. Benton thus spoke of Houston in his place in the United States Senate : — " Of the individuals who have purchased lasting renown in this young war, it would be impossible, in this place, to speak in detail, and invidious to discriminate. But there is one among them, whose position forms an exception ; and whose early association with myself, justifies and claims the tribute of a particular notice. I speak of him whose romantic victory has given to the Jacinto* that immortality in grave and serious history, which the diskos of Apollo had given to it in the fabu- lous pages of the heathen Mythology. General Houston was born in the State of Virginia, County of Rockbridge : he was appointed an ensign in the army of the United States, during the late war with Great Britain, and served in the Creek campaign under the banners of Jackson. I was the lieutenant colonel of the regiment to which he belonged, and the first field officer to whom he reported. I then marked in him the same soldierly and gentlemanly qualities which have since distinguish- ed his eventful career : frank, generous, brave ; ready to do, or to suifer, whatever the obligations of civil or military duty nn- posed ; and always prompt to answer the call of honor, patriot- ism, and friendship. Sincerely do I rejoice in his victory. It is a victory without alloy, and without parallel, exce})t at New Orleans. It is a victory which the civilization of the age, and the honor of the human race, required him to gain : for the nine- teenth century is not an age in which a repetition of the Goliad matins could be endured. Nobly has he answered the requisi- tion ; fresh and luxuriant are the laurels which adorn his brow. " It is not within the scope of my present purpose, to speak of military events, and to celebrate the exploits of that vanguard • HyacinUi ; bjraclnUius ; buaklutbus ; water flv>«Ter. 304 HOUSTON 'S BRAVERY AND GENEROSITY. of the Anglo-Saxons who are now on the confines of the ancient empire of Montezuma ; but that combat of San Jacinto ! it must for ever remain in the catalogue of military miracles. Seven hundred and fifty citizens, miscellaneously armed with rifles, muskets, belt pistols, and knives, under a leader who had never seen service, except as a subaltern, march to attack near double their numbers — march in open day across a clear prairie, to attack upwards of twelve hundred veterans, the elite of an invading army of seven thousand, posted in a wood, their flanks secured, front intrenched ; and commanded by a general trained in civil wars ; victorious in numberless battles ; and chief of an empire of which no man becomes chief except as conqueror. In twenty minutes the position is forced. The combat becomes a carnage^ The flowery prairie is stained with blood ; the hyacinth is no longer blue, but scarlet. Six hundred Mexicans are dead ; six hundred more are prisoners, half wounded, the President General himself is a prisoner ; the camp and baggage ail taken ; and the loss of the victors, six killed and twenty wounded. Such are the results, and which no European can believe, but those who saw Jackson at- New Orleans. Hous- ton is the pupil of Jackson ; and he is the first self-made-general, since the time of Mark Antony, and the King Antigonus, who has taken the general of the army and the head of the govern- ment captive in battle. Different from Antony, he has spared the Iif«» of his captive though forfeited by every iaw, bumari and divine" ILEME^JTS OF STaTKS MAN SHIP, 305 SECTIOX SIXTEENTH. Houston's statesmanship. I. An estimate of the qualities which distinguish Houston as a Statesman, must place his character in an elevated and bril liant light. Many men are good soldiers, but add not to skill in the arts of war, the graces of judgment which make valuable and trustwortliy legislators. It is no man of ordinary gifts who combines in himself the warrior of renown, and the profound lawgiver, and the just civilian. Wellington, the hero of Water- loo, was one of the modern heroes of this stamp, though falling far behind our own Washington in the prudence of his counsels, and in his clear foresight of the probable effects of causes set in motion. The latter was devoted to broad principles of right and justice, and had no artificial forms of power, or barriers for privileged classes to consolidate or to protect. The former was always busy in wresting principles from the inevitable conflict with the machinery of the British government — which, however wonderful in its construction, must ever be subject to modifica- tions suited to that enlarged freedom, the growth of which has been steadily increasing since Milton — Cromwell's great Secreta- ry of State — and the mighty master of Protestant republicanism, poured forth his great anthems of thought at the consecration of human liberty. 2U 306 riRMNEsS or political purpos* II. Houston's career as a statesman, has been briefly sketched in Ihe preceding pages ; but the aijalysis of his qualities as a ruler and as a legislator, will distinguish hiin more aud more, the closer the microscope reveals the motives of his conduct through the trying and stormy period that he presided over the destinies of Texas. The world will not readily forget, and will be more ready to admire, the man who, at the peril of popularity, and even of life itself, dared to stand between the lawless elements of passion and the fixed code of his race, and stay the former from being swept upon by a flood of dangerous experiments, which would have resulted in multifarious embarrassments foi the country, or hurried it ou to the verge of ruin, or plunged it into a chaos. HI. The numerous instances in which Houston exercised the veto power, however much they may have subjected him, during the Texas Presidency, to the temporary censure of the politicians of the hour, will be remembered in the future as the substantial evidences of lofty, manly courage, elevated and sincere patriot- ism, and of uncommon political sagacity and foresight. The original veto of Andrew Jackson was one of the raonunaents of that illustrious man's political fame — but in the scores of in- stances in which Houston exercised a similar prerogative, the builders of new republics will read a series of lessons in the sul> lime principles of law, which will sink deep into the heart of tho political philosopher, while the spirit of them will be felt and enforced, in that silent embodiment of action, with vvhich political virtue noiselessly erects the homes of men, for the happiness of the human family. To be a popular ruler, regardless of the PUBLIC DETRACTION. 307 ultimate eflfects to a people or to mankind, is not a difficult task — but to be so well acquainted with the hisfory of nations, and with those interior powers of legislative enactments, as intuitive- ly to feel " the future in the instant," and to foresee the long train of unhappy consccpiences which would spring from a disruption of tiie laws of prol)ity and right, while the moral force and the noble courage are equal and ready to check the impetuosity of political passion, and the hasty impulses of suddindy acquired power — is the gift of few mea in these daya of intrigue and corruption, IV. Houston was a brave man — brave in a moral as weir as a physical sense. Early in the month of June, 1837, there were public journals in New York, in Richmond, and at Washington, which did not hesitate to propel the slander, that this bold soldier, and braver governor, had played the part of a coward, and retreated before the Mexicans, till he was compelled to Oght 1 Such is public detraction 1 V. That Houston should be branded as x coward, by the enemies of Andrew Jackson, was nut stranger than that Jackson was branded as a coward, even in the same breath that would have consigned the man of San Jacinto to infamy. History, how- ever, when it speaks of ].)attle-fields. will not hesitate to avow who it was tluit, with a handful of troops, gave battle to Santa Anna on the 21st of April, 1836, and brought the Mexican President and his suite the next day captives into the camp of the Forlorn Hope. But history will not require to cite this physical triumph as a proof of the courage of a noble nature 308 HEROISM OF MIND. The knowledge men possess of the human heart will never let thera find a cranny in the imagination, where the breath of suspicion can sough against the bravery of Houston. He who stood by Texas in her hour of attempt — in her day of triumph — and in her night of starless gloom and pitch darkness, when even her own star seemed to be seeking its last fate — a Pleiad among nations — who breasted every danger, and, single and alone, stood forth an embodiment of personal, political, and moral courage, while the popular will muttered and rebuked, and the midnight assassin would have murdered Texas through its President, but that the form of the modern pioneer of republics, moving calmly before the open window of his own delightful home, awed the abashed malcontent into impotency — he it is, that History will never have occasion to defend from the attack of any reputable man, on the charge of cowardice. The President of Texas, who accomplished all that has been cited in these pa^es, is not one whose name can be tarnished by the breath of captious or ignorant slanderers. If ever a states- man, in the annals of modern governments, has earned tho regard of men, or the gratitude of nations, for self-sacrificing heroism of the mind, surely Houston may claim the highest meed of honor in this respect. Without indulging the spirit of a dictator, his deliberations were crowned by wisdom, and he shrank not from the conscientious discharge of his duties to the State, rather than to gain the temporary applause of those, who, inflamed more by the successes of a popular leader, than animated by carefully weighed principles of patriotism and public policy, were zealous without wisdom, and powerful without judgment. VI. It is deeply interesting to contemplate the opinions of Houston's statesmanship which were entertained by those who JACKSON 's FEELINGS TOWARDS HOUSTON. 809 knew the man best, at that moment, when the whole of the United States, and of Texas, was excited by the news of Texan success against the arts and arms of Mexico. Notwithstanding, tliere were calumnious reports in circulation, on the arrival of General Houston at New Orleans, after the battle of Sau Jacinto, attributing his departure from Texas to a quarrel with the civil authorities of the infant Republic, yet there were capable minds watchful of the history of that period, and hope- ful for the future of Texas, and its distinguished hero YII. The fact that Andrew Jackson was the friend of Houston was well known everywhere throughout the land — but the deep personal interest that he took in Houston's career was not so publicly known. It can well be imagined how painful to him must have been the series of attacks on Houston's character, which were made in 1836, not so much for any effect that they may have been intended to accomplish on Houston's destiny, aa on the mind of the friend of the hero of San Jacinto. It is well known that President Jackson viewed these attacks with hidignation and abhorrence. VIII. The libels upon the character of General Houston's states- manship, were scattered broadcast over the United States. The Biost influential presses opposed to President Jackson's adminis-. tration, were active in sowing the seeds of discontent and slan- der, and in preparing the public mind to oppose the introduction of Texas into the Union — a measure which, had it been success- ful, would have produced untold trouble for our country, and have weakened its borders beyond the power of man to estimate. 810 Jackson's opinion^ of houstow. Although these slanders were eventually eaten by those who had planted and cultivated them, yet they were not without their temporary effect upon the public mind, ever ready to catch the speediest solution to any problem, the character of which is not fully comprehended. IX. Among the efforts made to repel the slanders upon General Houston's fair fame, was one so marked and important that it carried uncommon weight to every candid judgment. Though it was not penned by President Andrew Jackson himself, it is reasonable to assert that it was published either at his sugges- tion, or under his own immediate sanction, — the allusion to Jack- son himself being only made by the writer from prudential motives. It appeared, immediately after the cruel statements and insinuations which were made against General Houston by the opposition press, in the editorial columns of the official organ of the Administration. After stating the nature of the libels published against General Houston, tlie vindication proceeds in the annexed lan- guage : " We sincerely hope that General Houston's future conduct as the fir $t. man in Texas, may correspond with the wis- dom and vigor, and patriotism of the past. If he follows the disinterested, honest, unambitious course, which distinguished the great men of the State in which he was born (Virginia), or that of the great man under whose auspices he became first dis- tinguished himself, he will leave a noble name behind him. If he fulfills in good faith the will of the people of Texas, without thinking of Sara Houston — if he contributes to raise a free government, and to secure its stability by all the means he can Houston's American character. 311 Bommand, nnswcrvcd by the lust of power or wealth, or the poor vanity of struttuig about in the ostentation which on<-e made up the happiness of the men he has vanquished— then /its name will go down to future ages with those of the benefactors (f this continent, who liave considered true glory to consist in building up free and safe institutions." XI. Such language as this is seldom or never applied to a common mind. Had Houston written it in his " heart of hearts," and conned it unceasingly, he could not have lived up to its pre- cepts more completely and thoroughly than he has done. In no single point has his character travelled out of this record for hi« government as a statesman. In the history of his public career in Texas, as has been seen, there is nothing to be pointed at which is derogatory to the proud name thus promised. By those who have weighed, or who will weigh, the public services of the man, in rescuing a vast territory from tyranny, for future Ijless- ings to the innumerable sons of liberty, his char;icter as a states- ir«^n must stand second to none who are now living in the lu.stre c5 their laurels. xri. It is not alone, however, to the thoughts and acts which dis- ti Jgnished Houston in Texas as a statesman that the historin-^ ie obliged to refer. The councils of the Confederacy have hecu nade illustrious by his practical good sense, by his prompt and determined action, by his sincerity of purpose, by his fr:i:ik avowal of opinion, and by an enlarged and liberal American feeling, earnest for the welf\ire of every man worthy of beming th« American name. No sectional prejudice has blinded hi» 312 THE MAGIC POWER OF STATESMANSHIP. mental perceptions. The fountains of Eternal Justice are the Bourccs whence such men derive inspiration and safety. With no personal ends to gain — with a strong love of country — with patient toil for the right, and its gradual rescue from the jawa of error — his public deliberations have rebuked lawless power, and hare been always devoted to the " greatest happiness of the greatest number." XIII. Before concluding this section, let us glance at the character of Houston's statesmanship, as displayed in the general policy of his government of Texas, during the terms of his office — filled, as has been seen, to the full measure and limit permitted by the Constitution of that State. On being inducted to his place of trust and power, the affairs of the government were in the utmost confusion. Public credit was at a low ebb, and something of the distressing experiences of a Washington seemed necessary to nerve a man to meet the terrible troubles of that period. Houston did not flinch from his task. An honest and a brave man knows no fear. With him all possible things are probable. In this spirit, Houston examined every department of the State, with a view to reform. History will never do justice to his labors in this field of inrpiiry. The very founder of the Ilepnblic had seen it tortured and twisted into every shape that expediency could suggest, to give it a tempo- rary existence — but in the eyes of nations, and of men, it was a dead Republic. He looked upon it, however, not with dismay, or alarm. Tlie warm glow of sympathy animated his bosom — ihe stricken chikl of men's hearts and hopes was before him, prostrate — and, with a will, exalted till it awakened all hia energies, and vitalized every fibre of his being, he breathed upon empire, and bade it " Arise I " Texas started to its feet, in all TEXAS IN HER PROSTRATION. 313 the glow of 3'ontliful beauty and vigor. She took her place iu the midst of nations. Millions looked upon her with earnest eyea and hopeful hearts. Monarchs stood ready to pay her homage, as one of the daughters of the earth. XIV. What produced this reaction — this resurrection from the deep sleep of death ? It was the policy of Houston — that policy which was based upon broad principles of honor and of justice. " Honesty is the best policy " for nations as well as for men, and this was the grand basis for his action, after being made President of Texas. Under his enlightened administration all that was weak, and subject to distrust and contumely, was made strong, and commanded the attention of men. It was not a policy of expediencies, but it was one tliat held the pledged faith of the nation to be a sacred thing — whether that pledged faith had been given in so many words of congressional resolution, or under the tacit recognition of the comity of civihzed nations. Conduct of this kind could not fail to secure public respect for Texas — and eventually his administration showed hov/ much better he had calculated in behalf of his country, than all other men who had endeavored to sustain her in the days of her infancy and weakness. XY. In his policy, Houston was simple, and, therefore, he was efifective. He may be esteemed the only primitive statesman of our day Contrasted with the Founders of States and Empires, his name shines with no diminished lustre. Like William Pcnn and Captain John Smith, he went into the wilderness as one of the great pioneers of civilization. He saw an empire in tho 314 HOUSTON A PRIMITIVE MAN. solitude, and he dashed through the tangled way, till he brought it out into the full blaze of day, for the admiration and enjoy- ment of mankind. It was no mean, grovelling policy that accomplished all this. It was the policy of the Christian soldier — the policy of a man understanding the great universal springs of human affection and confidence — which no diplomacy, how- ever cunningly devised, can rival, and which alone can prove successful in tlie best sense of that terra. Penn in Pennsylvania, and Smith in Virginia, and Miles Standish, in the colony of Massachusetts Bay, at an earlier period, accomplished, by similar means, precisely wha;t Houston effected on the wilds of our southern frontiers, even though assisted by a less orderly set of comrades than distinguished the bold pioneers of this conti- nent. XYI. We have said Houston was a primitive man. In his temper and spirit, as well as in his policy, this is true. There is no plac5_on the face of the earth where the mind of a man, who has a will to that end, can expand and ripen into value and power more rapidly than in the wilderness, or on the extreme borders of civilization. Houston had the advantage of an education of self-culture iu the solitudes of the Southwest. Here, it is evident to us, he gratified himself not solely with the contem- plation of the ways of men, but with the mysterious yet certai» workings of that inscrutable Providence that overrules alike the fall of a sparrow and the fall of nations. From the Sacred Volume he appears to have drawn largely those precepts of good-will to men, and those ancient maxims of fharity, which, al»ove all others, grace the scholar, the soldier, and the civilian. There is a distrust in many minds of their fitness for a public profession of faith in that hope which all Christians find to be a GOD IN HISTORY. 315 consolation in their last moments, and it may be that on this very account Houston did not associate himself with any deno- mination of Christians at an early period. Yet the man of piety and of humanity was seen in the enlarged Christian charities which he exhibited from the first moment of his distinction. His generosity to Santa Anna — his protection to his Mexican captive, when threatened with assassination, even at the peril of his own person and popularity — show that he was animated by Christian precepts, not less than by a determination to save Texas from the unfading infamy which would have gathered over her name had this vacillating Mexican perished by the hands of an enraged soldiery while he was a prisoner of war. XYII. The dispatch, dated at Head Quarters of the Army, San Tacinto, April 25th, 1836 — a model of style in its modest ixpression after a great victory — is concluded by General Houston in these significant words, which follow his tributes of praise to those who sliared with himself the glory of the action : " Nor should we withhold the tribute of our grateful thanks from that Being who rules the destinies of nations, and has, in the time of greatest need, enabled us to arrest a powerful invader, whilst devastating our country." The intelligent reader will not fail to notice that the whole success of the most brilliant capture on tlie field of recent warfare, is unhesitatingly ascribed to the agency of that Divine Power that guides men by laws as certain to promote His will, as they are unseen and uncomprehended by His erring children ; who, nevertheless, as their studies increase, will never fail to recognize God in history. XVIII. Of the statesmanship of Houston we may, then, say with 315 THE SACRED FORM OF JUSTICE. truth, and with the concurrent assent of mankind, that the rapid progress of Texas, until its admission into our National Con- federacy, ia his most enduring and noble monument. The progress of time will only increase the curiosity of men to know the means by which order was eliminated out of chaos, while the examination of the policy of this statesman will lend renewed brilliancy to his name as an able expounder of the great pritjclples of law, a thorough student in the history of men and empires, a just and noble governor, and every way fitted to hold the highest position in the gift of a people, especially in periods of storm and turbulence. Men who desire to rule, with the sacred form of justice ever enshrined in the sanctuary of their hearts, are seldom raised to power, but such men are too valuable to the cause of freedom and humanity to be overlooked, when it is necessary to meet an important crisis. WRONGS TO THE INDIANS 31t SECTION SEVENTEENTH. HOUSTON AND THE INDIANS. I- In new countries the standard of commercial morality is always low. Indeed, it may be said, there is no such thini^, except as it Is defined by the public statutes. There are in our Atlantic cities large buildings, erected by millionaires, from the marble and granite drawn from the original hunting-grounds of the North American Indians, every block of wliich has beea cemented with the Rod Man's blood. For many years the butchery of the Indian was considered scarcely more criminal than the slaughter of the wild buffalo — and great companies of traders went to the far West, and with impunity, fortified by the general negligence on the subject, sacrificed at the altar of Mammon, thousands of noble hearts. This history of slaugh- ters, innumerable and disgraceful, has not been published, though it has moixi than once been written. Fire-water has not been the sole exterminator of the Red Man. His bones have whitened on the plains, the [U'airies, and the hills, as he has been .shot down by the unerring rifle of the trapper and hunter, act- ing under the authority of men of commercial enterprise. II. Philanthropy and justice shrink from the recital of those tra- ditions, which tell the story of the Red Man's wrongs and the 318 GROWING SYMPATHY FOR THE KED MEN. White Mau's perfidy. Happily, however, within the last thirty years, a new nnd more generous feeling in favor of the Indian and his rights has dignified the public mind. The daily massacre of Indians is at an end — and minds, sympathizing with the first owners of the soil, have exerted their eloquence in favor of the Aborigines, This better state of public feeling has had its effect even on the frontiers, for the morality of true civiliza- tion, like the sun's beams, sheds its genial light wherever it has once been felt, to bless and to invigorate. As the Indian cha- racter has been more and more studied, there has been a more enlightened appreciation of the condition and desires of the native tribes. The government has been paternal from the first, and has done much to atone for injuries, and to smooth the path of the lied Man's apprehended annihilation — but much more might have been done by our government, had its agents been men of noble character — of the army, for instance — instead of scheming traders, not sensitively alive to those high principles of duty which should incite all men clothed with power by the government. The hundred millions of dollars appropriated by Congress for the benefit of the Indian tribes, at various times, have been diverted from their true destination and purpose, and squandered, while the condition of the Red Man has been deteriorated rather than improved by the gene- rosity or justice of the country, thus expressed in its bounties This has been caused by the mode of distribution, which has been a careless, if not criminal negligence, and has proved more beneficial to speculators than to those whom it was intended to benefit. III. Evils of this kind have long been subjects of indignant remonstrance and discussion, and on the frontier are many noble men who know and love the Indian, who have partaken of his THE DEFENDER OF THE INDIANS. 31^ riide liospitality, or who have married in liis wigwam, who raist the despairing cry for justice in the future. Xo men more thoroughly understand this subject in all its details — no men are more conversant with the wrongs endured by our Indian tribes than those spirits, who, from love of adventure, or to gra- tify their own tastes, have penetrated beyond the borders of civilization, and made their abiding-place with the children of nature. Houston was one of these. The story of his exit from the pleasures and amenities of civilization into the wilds of nature's wide domain has been told. He there learned to sympathize with the Indian, and to feel with him, because he knew his situation in the day of his decadence from power. lu this way he became his defender. That hearty love of justice and mercy which so ennobles man, and which has marked his every step, could not shut the Indian out from his exertions aud his hopes. IV. Accordingly, we find him second to no one, in the National Congress, in watching with lynx-eyed vigilance the cause of the Indians. While he would protect them from imposition, he would have no community imposed upon by them. It is averred that Indians, through Mexico, are now sold to Cuba as slaves. Time will decide if this allegation be true. If it is, surely every good man will desire that so atrocious a system should be terminated at once. V. The views of Houston with respect to the Indians, though somewhat mingled with opinions upon other topic, are to be found in what he said in the Senate of the United States, ou the last day of 1854. They are all-important at this period of 320 HOUSTON'S VIEW OF THE INDIANS. our survey of his life and character, and we should look to the public report of his speech on that occasion. Though many more brilliant speeches have fallen from his lips on the subject of Indian rights, and the necessity of being true to our Indian treaties, yet in the subjoined frank and noble avowaLef opinions, all men will learn to honor the man, even more tji-an the orator. vr. Mr. HOUSTON — Mr. President, I hardly know what to say ia reply to the senator from Iowa, for I hardly know what to thuik of his speech. (Laughter.) If I were to characterize his remarks in any way, I should Bay that they were, at least, very remarkable. In the first place, let me Bay to that honorable senator, and to the honorable senator from Florida, that they were talking about things of which I knew very little, for I was not In the United States when the occurrences to which they alluded took place, and I was not, therefore, familiar with the history of those wara. If I am not mistaken, however, it was an outrage of a very delicate character which brought on the Florida war. Mr. MALLOIIY — That is a mistake, sir. VII. Mr. HOUSTON— Well, sir that was the report which was brought to Texas. Whether it was true or not, I do not know ; but that was the information which I received from people from that section of the country. As for the Black Ilawk war, I know little or nothing about it ; for, in Texas at that time, we hud no mail communication witli the United States, and we got but few papers from the States, so that I remained uninformed in relation to those m^Uters ; but, no doubt, tiiey were very exciting. Tho benator from Iowa said the Black Hawk war was brought on by a council of the nation ; but I have heard that an examination of the circumstau ces will show that the first outrage was committed by an Individual, no/ by the concurrence of the nation, though they alterwards became involved in the general war. In th^t statement, I believe, I am sustained by the history of the times. «* SHALL THE INDIANS BE EXTERMINATED? 321 viir. I have already stated that occasions occar where outlaws among the Indians commit acts of aggression on the whites, and the whites' imrae- diiit(!ly retaliate on the Indian nations, and these nations, in self-dereuce, b( come involved in war ; but I never knew a case where a treaty, which was made and carried out in good faith, wax violated by the Indians. \n Florida the Indians complained that they had been deceived in the treaty, and that the boundaries assigned were not as they understood them ; and they killed their own chiefs. It was charged that some of the agents were involved in speculations to a great extent dependent on the treaty. I recollect it was so stated at the time. IX. I think, sir, the senator's speech was of a remarkable character in rela- tion to politics and other matters, which I am sorry that he has intro- duced. He has undertaken to admonish me, and for this admonition I am much obliged to him. His experience, his superior opportunities, may entitle him, in the opinion of others, to the right of admonishing me ; and I am perfectly willing, on that point, to yield my own opinion to what may be the general impression of the body. I did not provoke his remark by any allusion to any one, predicated upon my own disposition to anaign the conduct of others ; nor have I asserted anything in regard to th< oflBcers of the army, but what are matters of fact, taken from the offici- ' documents. When I made suggestions of a speculative character, I ga-r '^ them as such. T IJut, Mr. President, the senator from Iowa has said that he would not h".ve been ?**ionished if the rankest abolitionist had made such a speech, ♦^ad had avowed such sentiments as I did. He says that, if a man in western 'Tew York had presented such view«, he would not have been surprised, ^ovv, I wish to know what connection my remarks had with abolition? What connection they had with any one in western New York ? In what respect have I catered to any prejudice or morbid sensibility ? I have stood i«re alone in this body, against a powerful array of talent and 21 322 KO SOCIETIES FOR THE INDIANS Influence, contending for what I conceived to be a great principle, and which must obtain, or the Indian race be exterminated. XI In regard to that principle, I have the concurrence of the senator from Tennessee (Mr. Bell), who was once Secretary of War, and, as such, had control of the Indian Department, and who has, since that period, been a prominent member of the Committee on Indian Atfairs of the Senate. I believe that my opinions are also concurred in by the senator from Arkan- sas (Mr. Sebastian), who is the head of the Committee on Indian Atiairs. I can inform the senator from Iowa that I will sustain him to the extent of my humble abilities in any measure he may introduce i-n favor of the Indians, and for the establishment of a policy which will ultimately benefit them, and reflect credit upon the government of the United States. XII. I have not been regardless of what I considered the honor of the United States, and the interest of the Indians. In no instance have I been remiss in these particulars. I could not cater to any passion or prejudice on this subject, because J know of no societies in the JVurth, or in the South, or in any section of this Union, for the advancement of the civilization of the Indians. If such societies exist, I am not in correspondence with them, nor am I aware of the existence of any such associations. Then, for what ulterior purposes could I advocate the rights of the Indians, or invoke the justice of this government towards them ? Could it be any expectation of political benefits? None upon earth. , XIII. I presume the abolitionists are perfectly 'absorbed in the subject of abo- lition. For myself, I would rather see them turn their attention to the amelioration of the condition of the Indians on our western wilds, or to the reclamation of those whom they hold in slavery. There are not less than two thousand prisoners in the hands of the Camanches ; four hundred in one band, in my own State. The prisoners can be reclaimed from thofie Houston's boyhood. 323 Indians, wlio are coming down to settle upon their reservations. They take no prisoners but women and boys. The boys they treat with a degree of barbarity unprecedented ; and their cruelties towards the females are nameless and atrocious. Our government is silent in relation to them. Has humanity no claims upon us in this respect? Has justice no demand unanswered ? XIV. Sir, we have not seen the facts to which I have just alluded impressed on a page of our official communications from the War Department. The officers stationed near the places where those transactions have taken place have not reported them. No effort has been made to obtain appro- priations for the reclamation and redemption of those prisoners. This is a subject which calls aloud for the humane influence of the senator. There is no sickly sentimentality in this, but a manly upheaving of soul, that, in consideration of suffering humanity, demands that the goverumeat shall rescue them from the most cruel and um-eleutiug bondage. XV. I have been accused of catering to a morbid, sickly sentimentality. Sir, I never yielded anything of my own conscientious convictions to consult the opinions of others. I never stooped to solicit office ; but I have received and accepted it to my own disadvantage. I might have hated the Indians, if I had a soul no bigger than a shell-bark, [Laughter.] XVI. f Jn my boyish days, before manhood had hardened my thews and muscles, I received balls and arrows in this body, in defence of suffering humanity, particularly women and children, against the Indians ; and I aided in reclaiming the brightest spot of the South— Alabama. When I remember that, in those early days, I assisted in rescuing females and children from the relentless tomahawk and scalping knife, it seems to me that the charge that I have stooped to court favor by the expression of my sentiments on this question, ia one which falls harmless at my feet. 324 JUSTICE TO THE RED MEN. XYII. So far as the subject of our relations with the Indians is con- cerned, this, the most recent speech of Houston, stands credita- bly by the side of bis other efforts in the same field. We learn something from it, too, of his own early history, which will be read with no ordinary interest. The remainder of his speech on the occasion will be suitable for the next section of this work, as it is connected with a topic that is becoming the ruling theme in every State in the Union — and not without reason, for if our institutions were worthy to be gained, most assuredly it is worthy of us to endeavor to preserve them from the corruption that is stealthily impairing our nationality. Yet, ere the sub- ject of our Indian relations is dismissed, it should not be forgot- ten that though Senator Houston does not conceive that any political value can accrue to him from an advocacy of the Indian's cause, the public will view the subject differently. There is in the American heart, a deeply-seated and ineradicable sense of justice, that will not submit to any outrages upon the Indian nations. Besides they are valuable to our coast on the Pacific, and will eventually blend with the natives of Eastern Asia, producing results of vast importance to the growth and prosperity of the continent. On this point, therefore, the views of Houston cannot be deemed either trivial or unimportant in a political or national point of view. HOUSTON QUESTIONED IN THE SENATE. 325 SECTION EIGHTEENTH. HOUSTON AND FOREIGN EMIGRATION. I. It was in the same speech, on the last day of 1854, that Houston was called upon by a senator, to answer questions so pointed as to demand replies without either reservation or pre- varication. The plain, blunt manner in which the answers were given, will not be without their effect upon every sincere lover of this country, who has determined to find here a home for him- self, or for his children — for there is no man worthy of the name of American citizen who is not alive to the danger to be apprehended from the present inroads made ui)on the political power of our States, by the immense influx of foreigners unpre- pared to fed and know the value, much less to comprehend the importance of preserving our institutions as nearly as possible as they were transmitted to us by our political fathers. The a[)prehension that Houston will prove the most powerful Candi- da tc in the field for the next Presidential campaign was the cause of the attempt on the part of Mr. Mallory, to ()l)tain sonie- tliiiig like a platform for the politicians to understand, probably ■with a view to that ultimate defeat which is more easily desired tlian safely prophesied. Let us not detain the reader, bow* ever, from studying the replies of the hero of San Jacinto. 326 Houston's opinion of foreigners. II. « 1 hardly know what to think of the gentleman's remarks as to catering for the Presidency. I hardly know what to say about the extraneous sub- jects which he has introduced. I suppose the shortest way of naming what he intended to allude to, is by the term "Know-Nothing." JVow, of the Know-JVothingi: I know nuthing (laughter) ; and of them J care nothing. But if the principles which I see charged to them in many instances are the principles which they seek to carry out, I can say to gentlemen that I concur in many of them. If their object is to resist the encroachments of one religion or sect upon another, I am with them. I Bay resist all such encroachments, and leave all religion uncontaminated by the perversion of power that might accidentally result in proscription and the inquisition. " I'll none of it ;" I am opposed to and would pre- vent such a result. III. I admit that we are all descended from foreigners, because, originally, there were no natives here who were white men. Many of those foreigners «rho originally came here, were baptized in the blood of the Revolution ; i»ut they were not such men as are now coming to our shores, and should pot be named in connection with those who are spewed loathingly from the prisons of England, and from the pauper houses of Europe. Such men are not to be compared to our ancestry, or to the immigration which, until recently, has come to our shores from foreign countries. If the object of those to whom the Senator from luwa has referred, is to prevent men of iiifamoxis character and paupers from coming here, 1 agree with them. I would say, establLih a law, requiring every person from abroad^ before being received here, to bring an endorsement from one of our consuls abroad, and produce evidence of good character from the place whence he emigrates, so that when he comes here, we may receive him Into full comnmnioii with all the riglits guaranteed to him by the lawa which may exist at the time of his emigration. IV. But, sir to say that a felon, who loft his prison the day he sailed for this country, or, perhaps, was brought in chains to the vessel which bore HOUSTON CROSS-QUESTIONED. 327 him here, is, in live years, to stand an equal with the proudest man who walks on our soil, the man who has shed his blood to consecrate liberty and his country, is not the kind of arrangement that I go for. Mr. MALLORY — Will the Senator from Texas allow me to ask him ono question ? Mr HOUSTON— With pleasure. Mr. MALLORY — As the subject of Kaow-Nothingism, as it is called, baa been brought here Mr. HOUSTON — I have not introduced it, and I am not going to com- ment on it. V. Mr. MALLORY — Precisely so ; the senator has not introduced the sub- ject, and perhaps he is not responsible for its introduction ; but he is undertaking to say what he himself thinks upon it. Now, as he is speak- ing on the subject. I should like to understand distinctly, whether he approves or does not approve of so much of the creed attributed to the Know-J\''othings, as would make those who profess the Romaii Catholic religion ineligible to office 7 Mr. HOUSTON — I would vote for no such law. Mr. MALLORY — I asked the gentleman whether he approved that or not — not whether he would vote for it. VI. Mr. HOUSTON — No, sir ; I could not approve of such a law. But tho proscription which is charged on those to whom allusion has been made, is no more than formerly existed between whigs and democrats. When p.irty discipline was kept up, if a wliig voted for a democratic candidate, he was ruled out of his party, and branded as a deserter ; and if a demo crat voted for a whig, he was disowned by his party. That species of political proscription will exist everywhere, according to the notions of people. I do not set up ray opinion as the doctrine by which other people are to be governed. I am governed by my own principles, and my own sentiments, and I have a right to vindicate them, and I am responsibl • for ihem to the world. When the Senator from Iowa supposes that I would cater for the Presidency of the United States, he does me great injustice. I would not cater for any oflSce beneath heaven. {Pause.) But, sir, I 328 JEALOUSY OF HOUSTON, know one tning : if it were to be thrust upon me, I- should make a great many changes in some small matters. [Laughter.] VII. Mr. DODGE, of Iowa — Mr. President, I hare no desire to prolong thia controversy with the senator from Texas. No man understands better than I do, how much I must suffer in any intellectual contest with one 80 skilled and renowned in debate, almost as much as be is in arms. I know his ability to say .is much on one side as on the other, a manifesta- tion of which we have had, in the conclusion of his remarks. (Laughter.) Sir, I charged, and I repeat the charge, that the speech of the senator from Texas, would have done well if delivered by a Massachusetts feder- alist, or for a man from western New York — that region in which all the isms, from anti-masonry down, have originated. I have read the speeches of these eastern gentlemen, and I am aware of the iPanner in which thia Indian question has been dragged into politics in times past ; and I know the purpose to which it is to be again prostituted in the approaching Presidential canvass ; I see attempted, in connection with the Kansas and Nebraska law, the appeal that is to be made to couple with that meusure this one, which is to provide for the defence of the country. I repeal, so far as I am concerned, that so long as I have a voice or a vote, I will remember those who refuse to give us protection Till. TJnqnestionably, should the popular will in behalf of Houston be expressed with the same waraith tliat it has been for some considerable terra now gone bv, tliese views will have no weight except to carry the balance in his favor. However, it is our province to record, rather than to conjecture. We have to do witii the man as he has been — not as he may be. The struggle to satisfy the demands of the country, when the candidates for the next Presidential terra are selected, will be great. Doubt- less, it will be impossible to leave out of the list the man who, above all others, tried or untried in holding the reins of power, THE PUD Lie VOICE. 329 stands conspicuous for qualities of head and heart inherent by nature and cliastened by cultivation, which stamp him as sig- nally fitted for the position to wliich the wants of the country, as well as the popular voice, should raise him. In the next con- test, if we err not in our estimate of tlie motives wliich will rule tlie popular vote, conventions will be obliged to surrender the old machinery of party to those general expressions of the pub- lic voice, which will grow more and more loud as the hour approaches for determining who shall be the Chief Magistrate of the United States. 880 FIRST ATTEMPTS FOB ANNEXATIOM. SECTION NINETEENTH. THE ANNEXATION OF TEXA3. The straggle made in the Congress of the United States to bring Texas into the Union, was so important that some further reference to the subject should be here made. While Texas was yet a Republic, and as early as 1838, an application was made by Houston to place it under the jurisdiction of our Federal Government. It was his first official act as President of Texas, to send an agent to Washington to make known his wishes and his hopes. Soon after, he dispatched another envoy with extraordinary powers, but to these applications there was no satisfactory result. In 1841, anotlier trial was made through Mr. Ililey. This was followed up by Mr. Yan Zandt. Nothing, however, was accomplished — and Texas was forced to stand alone. II. Wearied ^'ith these vain attempts to gain admission into the Confederacy, a policy was adopted that hastened the destiny of the young Republic. England was coquetted with, till appre- hensions were entertained by men in the United States, and l)y its Government, that there was a possibility of losing Texas for ever. This feeling increased even to alarm: for even at that WAR WlXn MEXICO. 331 period it was well understood that the.TJritish Government would gladly interpose barriers to our growth in national wealth, dominion, and power, for the sake of checking the pro- gress of republican liberty, by which European governments have been so much menaced during the present century. At that time it was contemplated, even by the British Government, to gain California, and thus to place a monarchical colony on our most important border. The action of Texas, therefore, in seeking the good will of Great Britain was more than diploma- tic. It was sagacious ; and, as events have proved, was vastly important in its results. III. At the beginning of President Polk's administration, and while the Northwestern Boundary Question was agitating the whole country, and wearing a warlike aspect, the Texas dispute wao at its height. On the one hand, the country was threat- ened with a war with Great Britain ; and, on the other hand, with Mexico. The Oregon boundary was settled by negotiation — but the Texas controversy ended in a war with the Mexican power. In August, 1845, General Zachary Taylor encamped at Corpus Christi, on the Gulf of Mexico, and remained there until the ensuing month of Marcli. Annexation had taken place by a Joint Resolution of Congress, passed in February ; and in obedience to instructions, General Taylor, on the 11th of March, went towards the Rio Grande, and commenced a correspondence with the Mexican Dictator, Paredes, on the true boundary of the new State. IV. On the first of May, the Mexican General, Arista, marched a force to the Texan bank of the Rio Grande, and this was the 332 DEBATES OX THEAXNEXaI'ION. romraenceraent of the war with Mexico, in which, it may be paid, with truth, that the American ])eople displayed but little of that spirit of rrationality which distinguishes all other iiations. A large portion of the people were opposed to the war, and did not cast aside their prejudii.cs iu one common feeling against the enemy. This state of afiairs was caused by the passions which had been inflamed by tne introduction of Texas into the Union — a measure that was opposed, as was alleged, on the ground that it was " unconstitutional to admit her without the intervention and sanction of th° people, and, also, because there was a strong apprehension of dangers from in- creasing the area of slavery." The debate upon the proposition to admit Texas into the Union had been warm in both houses of Congress, and the excitement attending the final action or ^ne subject was intense. Men were more engaged in magnifyiny; ine dangers to be appre- hended from a possible extension ot tne slavery system, thau in contemplating the grave importance, in every aspect of public economy and of national aggrandizement, of possessing so grand a territory for future improvement and use as the soil of Texas. Its commercial value was lost sight of. Its command of the Gulf trade, or the most western ports of the Atlantic, was over- looked, and only a few men dared to maintain that the wants of posterity would render the new State an invaluable possession "The great, and vast, and illimitalle Texas," as Webster styled it, was deemed of little importance compared with the turbulent expressions of sinceie, or pretended dread, that the extension of territory liable to slave labor, necessarily involves the j)erpetuation of African servitude — a j)rob]cm still unsolved, but not without solution, when the subject is left to the wisdom MEXICAN TRIBUTE TO ANGLO-AMERICANS. 333 and to the commercial sagacity of those most interested iu the question, YI. It is not our purpose to enter upon the political history of the time in which Texas and its admission to the Union became a vexed question. Tt is our object to glance at some prominent facts connected with the subject, before we proceed to show the value of the State uf Texas to the Confederacy. And we cannot better commence this part of our work, in order to show the claims of Houston to the distinction which has been awarded to his exertions, thar hy quoting from a Mexican newspaper, of 1845, a prophecy which has passed on to its fulfillment. The writer says : " Texas is gone — gone for ever, and beyond redemption — to our natural enemies, the Anglo-Americans, who know but too well iow to estimate us at our just value. Let us not be deceived by the promised vindication of our rights, so pompously paraded in public speeches, and oCQcial documents. Our threats are paper threats, as was justly observed by one of the boldest statesmen in the neighboring Republic. Texas, we repeat it, is lost to Mexico ! And here we are forced to a con- fession — a bitter one, indeed. That Department, wrested from us by an act of usurpation and perfidy never before equalled, will at once start on a new career of improvement and prospe- rity — safe from savajre inroads, arbitrary exactions, and unjust prohiliitions and monopolies. A fertile soil will plentifully reward the honest Ubor of the husbandman, the mechanic arts will flourish, each citizen will be free to arm himself for his own and his country's defence, and each will have the right to prac- tice, unmolested, the! religion which his conscience sanctions and dictates. Texas, bv renouncing her separate sovereignty, will cease to be, as heretofore, a country of outlaws, and become a part of a powerful aatiou, whose growing prosperity will shed 334 A PICTURE OF TEXAS. Its beneficial influence over the new territory. Such is the des- tiny of that Department severed from us, and now forming jDart of the American Union. Tiie tendency of an example so perni- dous, is clear to all." VII. There was occasion for alarm on the part of Mexico, at this position of Texas, for there were Departments in her domain which, at the time, were ripening for political revolution and change. On this point we need not dwell. Let us notice, rather, the very important improvement which took place in Texas, immediately after she became one of our States, in res- pect to her social character. Law and order soon softened and harmonized the crude elements which marked her population ; and villages, towns, and cities, arose on every hand, busy >\ith the industry, skill, and vigor of a thriving and worthy people. The school-house was built by the way-side. Churches dotted the lawns and the hill-sides. Tlie courts of law adminis- tered justice to all — and, on every side, there were indications of prosperity and security. The Mexican prophecy was more than fulfilled ; and the wisdom of the man who had patiently sought, calmly waited, and confidingly persevered, to rescue a vast domain from lawlessness, and to place it as a star in our constellation of republics, was shown in the culture of the soil and in all the external symbols of refinement and civilization. At the present time, no State in the Union is more inviting to those who would seek a home in a new country, as will ))e evi- dent to those who endeavor to learn the nature of her social character — the extent of her industrial resources, and the oppor* tunities which may be secured for advancement in all the learned professions, and in the walks of commercial and agricultual life. •RESOURCES OF TEXAS. 335 VIII. When Texas was first a debated question, little was known of her vast and multiform resources. Time has made tlie world wiser. The soil aud climate are such that the State is now looked upon as the Garden of the World. For the cultiva- tion cither of tobacco, or cotton, corn, wheat, or hemp, her soil is not surpassed by the most generous lands of other States. The peculiarity of her soil renders the wheat grown within her borders the most profitable yet known to our country, and with but little labor the ground produces abundantly, giving its crops as early as June. Tobacco and cotton are seen growing on the field where corn is a neighbor. Nature is everywhere bountiful. With further exploration, her mines will be found, it is thought, second in importance to none in the other States. As a grazing country she is without a rival, and the animals slaughtered for their hides and for provisions, furnish afterwards thousands of tons of bones annually, which are shipped to New York, where they are converted into phosphate of lime, and sold to our farmers for the improvement of the wasted or sterile soils of the North. Thus the benefit of Texas to the North is witnessed in many States which were originally opposed to her introduction into the Union. This is not all. The trade of the Atlantic States with Texas is every day becoming more and more impor- tant. Every year increases it — and, as the climate is salu- brious, the population is rapidly increasing, and the State will eventually become the most important in the Southern country. IX. There is another point not to be forgotten. Texas is the pjeat Commercial Isthmus, by which the nations of the earth 336 TEXAS THE ROAD TO THE PACIFIC. will pass ere long to the Pacific Ocean. Geographically, tliia does not appear so ; but the surveys made for railroads to our Western shores conclusively demonstrate that when a road is built to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, it will ruu through Texas. Such a road will not be obstructed by the snows and ice incident to more northern latitudes. Besides, this road, if constructed to San Diego, in California, will bring Australia fifteen hundred miles nearer than it would be from any other point that could be designated. These considerations will increase in importance as the necessity for the construction of a national road is felt by the public. A military road to Cali- fornia, is now needed by the government for purposes which pru- dent statesmen can easily comprehend as possible — and a wise policy will not neglect, till the force of circumstances incite to action, an application to a subject so important to us as a commercial people, and as a nation. The money expended by the country iu building and keeping in repair forts and forti- fications on the western frontiers, might be disbursed more judi- ciously iu the construction of military roads, which would be safe highways for the great tide of emigration sweeping West- ward. The question of the province of Congress with respect to Internal Improvements does not trench upon this species of enterprise — for the wants of the people and the demands of humanity alike suggest, that the Federal Government should make some provision for opening ways across the country to our Western shores. This is not the place, however, to enlarge upon this interesting subject. Our design is to show that Texas is the ground over which the great national road to the Pacific must pass — and so well assured are we of this, that we advert to it as another proof of the great importance of the annexa- tion of Texas to the Union. The conformation of continents and oceans, must make Texas the highway from New York to San Francisco. GIRDED BV TWO 0CEAN8. 33T X. There are other reasons for estimating the acquisition of Texas as a national blessing. When we reflect upon what she might have become, had we refused her admission to the Union, we cannot look upon the past but with mingled feelings of dread and thankfulness. Had the sectional animosity that opposed the admission of Texas prevailed, the most serious consequences might have ensued. Happily tlie luxuriant and swelling prai- ries, the fertile hills, and the beautifully irrigated valleys of tliat delightful country are our own — happily, that coast which stretches along the Gulf of Mexico is ours for the enlargement of commerce, and for the protection of our Southern border? — happily, the jurisdiction of the United States, though it has no power over her domain, as in some other territories, can be exerted to extend the benefits of legislation to her people, and to those who hereafter may desire to become residents of that State, or sojourners in it on their way to the extreme West. Whenever the road to California is completed, then, over this Commercial Isthmus of the Continent, the American people will appreciate how far superior to all minor questions are those great national ones which involve the happiness of millions upon mil- lions of men, and which tend to perpetuate the security of the nation ; at any time liable to temporary aggression from nations desiroufi to check our advancing prosperity, betw^een the two oceans which gird our shores. XI. A fatal political mistake would have been made, had the councils of party prevailed over the stern necessity of circum- stances with respect to the admission of Texas to the Union. In 1802, Georffia was induced to cede that part of her territory 22 338 CAUSES FOR CONGRATULATION. now known as Alabama and Mississippi. In 1803, Louisiana was purchased from France — and from this we have the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri. In 1819, the cession of Florida was made by Spain. What more natural and inevitable destiny was there for Texas, from its geographical and political position, than to yield to the embrace of the Confederacy ? It is iii vain for men, when circumstances of every kind point to a result BO manifestly necessary, to array the league of abstract morals and sectional jealousies against it. Thus it proved in the case of Texas ; and, whatever may be the particular scruples of con- science in individual minds as to the means employed to secure such a benefit as Texas has proved to be to the TJuited States, all will agree that we have been enriched by this acquisition of territory, great as has been the cost, beyond any possible human estimate. Of the issues which have grown out of it, the future will declare more than prophecy itself could foresee. With an effi- cient Chief Magistrate to stay the inflammatory fever raised dur- ing the last year so needlessly, and in opposition to all the desires of the nation at large, both at the North and South, we may expect to live through the " trouble," and not even regret that Texas was a proximate cause of so gratuitous an agitation of the public mind. Should the people be alive to the interests of the country as a confederated nationality, we need not fear that any regret will attend our recollections of the annexation of a State of which Houston was the political father. XIL From present appearances, wc may then conclude, that the beautiful country given to the Union by the man whose servi- ces to the public we are considering — is destined to be second in importance to no other, when the public mind becomes acquainted with the almost boundless extent of her resources, UNIVERSAL BLESSINGS. 339 with the remarkable geographical position she occupies in refer- ence to our Pacific coast, and with the delicious mildness of lier climate. Already thousands of persons have emigrated to that State, where all the enjoyments and privileges of refinement and civilization are rapidly increasing, to open an inviting way, by an overland route, to California, and thus to secure to the United States the full measure of prosperity promised by th? discovery and acquisition of the gold regions on the Pacific Health and its preservation are not subjects of trivial impor- tance, and emigrants will select the road through Texas in pre- ference to any other, when it is built, because it will offer the greatest number of facilities for a speedy and safe passage to the Pacific coast. Should, then, the future establish Texas as the great gate and highway to California, how much reason have we to congratulate ourselves on the annexation of Texas, once deemed so disastrous, and how pitiably insignificant in compa- rison is the slavery question as a barrier to the march of all nations towards increased happiness and prosperity. On the whole, then, we may rejoice that we have Texas in the Union — and learn, also, from the outcry made against her admission, how unimportant it is to believe that the North is to be the sufferer by what is said to be the extension of the " peculiar institutions '' of the South. May the day come when the agitation on this subject shall cease, that involuntary servi- tude may perish from natural causes, and not be made stronger by the very means employed to destroy its existence ! XIII. Lest the reader may suppose that Texas was acquired for the purpose of extending slavery, as party politicians averred before she came into the Union, we may cite from a speech made in the Senate of the United States, to show by facts that this 340 Benton's opinions. was not the case. It was said by Mr. Benton, in 1836 . "Heartless is the calumny invented and propagated, not from *his floor, but elsewhere, on the cause of the Texan revolt. It IS said to be a war for the extension of slavery. It had as well been said that our own Revolution was a war for the extension of slavery. So far from it, that no revolt, not even our own, ever had a more just and a more sacred origin. The settlers in Texas went to live under the form of government which they had left behind in the United States — a government which extends so many guarantees for life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness, and which their American and E'*glish ancestors had vindicated for so many hundred years. A succes- sion of violent changes in government, and the rapid overthrow of rulers, annoyed and distressed them ; but they remained tran- quil under every violence which did not immediately bear on themselves. In 1822 the republic of 1821 was superseded by the imperial diadem of Iturbide. In 1823 he was deposed and banished, returned, and was shot, and Victoria made President. Mentuno and Bravo disputed the presidency with Victoria ; and found, in banishment, the mildest issue known among Mexicans to unsuccessful civil war. Pedraza was elected in 1828 ; Guerrero overthrew him the next year. Then Bustamente overthrew Guerrero ; and, quickly, Santa Anna overthrew Bustamente, and, with him, all the forms of the constitution, and the whole frame of the federative government. By his own will, and by force, Santa Anna dissolved the existing Congress, convened another, formed the two Houses into one, called it a Convention — and made it the instrument for deposing, without trial, the constitutional Vice President, Gomez Fatias, putting Barragau into his place, annihilating the State goveriunent, and establish- ing a consolidated government, of which he was monarch, under the retained republican title of President, Still, the Texans did not take up arms : they did not acquiesce, but they did not riRST STROKE FOR FREEDOM, 341 revolt. Thcj retained tlieir State government in operation, and looked to the other States, older and more powerful than Texas, to vindicate the general cause, and to re-establish the federal constitution of 1824. In September, 1835, this was still her position. In that month, a Mexican armed vessel appeared oflf the coast of Texas, and declared her ports blockaded. At tho same time, General Cos appeared in tlie West, with an army of fifteen hundred men, with orders to arrest the State authorities, to disarm the inhabitants, leaving one gun to every five hun- dred souls ; and to reduce the State to unconditional submission, Gonzales was the selected po'ut for the commencement of the execution of these orders ; and the first thing was the arms, those trusty rifles which t'/ie settlers had brought with them from the United States, which were their defence against savages, their resource fo/" game, and the guard which converted their houses into castl'.s stronger than those * which the king cannot enter.' A det?.chnient of General Cos's army appeared at the village of Gonzales, on the 28th of September, and demanded the arras of the inhabitants ; it was the same demand, made for the same purpose, which the British detachment, under Major Pitcairn, had made at Lexington, on the 16th of April, 1775. It was the same demand I And the same answer was given — resistance — battle — victory I The American blood was at Gonzales what it had been at Lexington ; and between using their arms, and surrendering their arms, that blood can never hesitate. Tlien followed the rapid succession of brilliant events, which in two mouths left Texas without an armed enemy in her borders, and the strong forts of Goliad and the Alamo, with, their garrisons and cannon, the almost bloodless prizes of a few hundred Texan rifles. This was the origin of the revolt ; and a calumny more heartless can never be imagined than th»t which would convert this rich and holy defence of life, liberty, and property, into an aggression for the extension of slarnry. Just S42 BEX ton's DEFEXCE of TEXAS. in its origin, valiant and humane in its conduct, the Texan reyolt has illustrated the Anglo-Saxon character, and given it new titles to the respect and admiration of the world. It shows that liberty, justice, valor — moral, physical, and intellectual power- characterise that race wherever it goes. Let our America rejoice, let old England rejoice, that the Brasos and Colerado, new and strange names — streams far beyond the western bank of the Father of Floods — have felt the impress, and witnessed the exploits of a people sprung from their loins, and carrying their language, laws, and customs, their magna charta and its- glorious privileges, into new regions and far distant cUmes." XIY. It may not be less a calumny for men to avow that the early population of Texas was composed of outlaws. Every new country offers fields for the honorable efforts of those who would retrieve the errors by which they may have purchased experience. While Texas was no exception to the general rule of all new colonial countries, the defence of its character from too much stress upon this point was thus given before the Senate of the United States. With it we will conclude this section of our work : " Great is the mistake which has prevailed in Mexico, and in some parts of the United States, on the character of the population which has gone to Texas. It has been common to disparage and to stigmatize them. Nothing could be more unjust ; and speaking from knowledge, either personally or well acquired (for it falls to my lot to know, either from actual acquaintance, or good information, the mass of its^nhabitants), I can vindicate them from erroneous impu- tations, and place their conduct and character on the honorable ground which they deserve to occupy. The founder of the THE FOUNDERS OF TEXAS. 843 Texan coiony was Mr. Moses Austin, a respectable and cntcr- prisiug native of Connecticut, and largely engaged in the leud mines of Upper Louisiana, in 1815. The present head of the colony, his son, Mr. Stephen F. Austin, then a very young man, was a member of the Territorial Legislature, distinguished for his intelligence, business habits, and gentlemanly conduct. Among the grantees we distinguish the name of Robertson, son of the patriarchal founder, and the first settler of West Tennes- see. Of the body of emigrants, most of them are heads of families or enterprising young men, gone to better their condi- tion by receiving grants of fine lands in a fine climate, and to continue to live under the republican form of government to wliich they had been accustomed. There sits one of them, [pointing lo Mr. Carson, member of Congress, from North Carolina, and iIhmi, 1836, Secretary of State for Texas.] We all know him ; one greetings on his appearance in this chamber attest our respect ; and such as we know him to be, so do I know the mullitude to be who have gone to Texas. They have gone, not as intruders, but as grantees ; and to become a barrier between the Mexicans and the marauding Indians who infested their borders." XV. Surely a population, originating in such a primitive stoi k as this has been described to have been, though bold ratlm- t'tinii wise spirits were her counsellors at first, cannot be otiicr ilmn suitable for the association of those enterprising men of wAn-v States, who see in the wilderness fields worthy of cultivation, and which more rapidly than those of older States give speedy rewur Is to industry. The means used by party newspapers to strengineu the public animosity towards Texas, included, for several years, exaggerated and abusive misrepresentations of the people of the 314 PRESENT STATE OF TEXAS. new Republic. " G. T. T.," or " Gone to Texas," was the faro- rite mode of accounting for the absence of any person who had forfeited, by design, or through misfortune, his claim to be con- sidered a good citizen. In this way Texas became a name for reproach. Time has changed all this ; and now the State is a favorite one for emigrants from every part of our country and from Europe, and she is, therefore, -becoming rapidly rich in the great increase of her population. XVI. Before leaving this important branch of our subject, and for the purpose of showing the extent of that political foresight that distinguished Houston in associating his fortunes with those of Texas, it will be profitable to look at the very valuable moral for States and people which is found in the still earlier his- tory of Texas, and in the causes which shut her out from the position, which, happily for the United States, she now occupies. Had she come into her proper phace at an earlier period, and not been kept in obscurity by considerations which seemed important to individuals, rather than to the aggrandizement of the nation at large, we should have been spared the long train of evils which terminated in tne expensive and disastrous, though successful and brilliant, war with Mexico. Such has been the fruit of the agitation of the slavery question 1 Similar will be the results in all cases while men })ersist in making that subject a party question, instead of leaving the institution to the mani- fest and inevitable destiny to which it must hasten, when left free to compete with the general freedom in commerce and trade which animates our prairies, and extends itself to the mosi tangled regions of the Western wilds. PREJUDICE AGAINST ANNEXATION. 345 XYII. In 1819, in acquiring Florida, the government of tlw? Onited States abandoned Texas. Tiie new boundaries made bj tbe nego- tiator of the treaty, John Quincy Adams, at the suggestion of a majority of President Monroe's cabinet, not only cut away Texas, but surrendered a portion of the Mississippi valley. Tliis was a popular measure ; and, though the Spanish government had offered the country more than it had accepted, yet the policy of our government was so weak as to deprive us of that which has since cost us so much blood and treasure to regain. In 1820, Mr. Monroe, in endeavoring to justify his action with respect to the treaty, stated that the "difficulties" were not with Spain alone — they were " internal, proceeding fvora various causes which certain men are prompt to seize and turn to the acconnt of their own ambitious views." XYIII. These " difficulties " were the fear that the slavery extension question v/ould become a test in the Presidential election, and the repugnance in the Northeast to territorial aggrandizement in the Southwest — the folly of which is clearly demonstrated by every step in our country's history, though the agitation of this subject, in some shape, still afflicts the public miud, and bin ders our progress as a united nation. XIX. Three times did the treaty come before the Senate of the 346 NE-tV FEELINGS TQ-WARDS TKXA3 TJnited States for ratification. This was caused by the state of affairs between Mexico and Spain, which rendered it neces- sary to establish the boundary with the government of the fornaer, instead of that of the latter. Three times did the American press congratulate the people on this action of our ?overumeat — one of the gravest political blunders of the nation. XX. As our pages have already shown, a few years only elapsed, before there was a general desire on the part of the American people to possess this very Texas, which we would not receive from Spain originally, because by so doing the "ambitious views" of men might have been disturbed. The moral thus far is important enough — but it can be extended, because, strangely enough, all that bad been accomplished was the work of Southern men, with the sanction of the South — men who were candidates for the Presidency, or who hoped to advance to high offices of trust and power. No wonder that the question is so fre- quently asked, if there is such a thing as American nationality ' — when the people will permit trivial political topics'" to interfere with the natural growth of the nation. Texas, however, is now a part of our political unit, and that it is so every honest Ameri- can will rejoice — and, while doing so, will render due praise to liini whose exertions saved her from the grasp of a foreign nation, and gave her to us, even at the sacrifice of all the allurements which excite ambitious men. That his proposal to declare her a part of Louisiana, under the treaty of 1803, was disregarded, should excite our regrets, but for the valuable lessons the nation has gained iu its political experience. "PKuDUCTS OF TEXAS. 347 SECTION TWENTIETH. TOE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE OF TEXA3. A RAIL survey of the Present of Texas will not be uninte* resting, as it will prepare the reader to form an estimate of its probable P utiire. Let us not forget that only a few years ago this State was repulsed by hundreds of thousands of American citizens, as a useless and dangerous addition to the Union — and thereby learn, when contemplating any great official act of the country, to cast aside j)rejudice, and the sinister judgments of others, as of little value compared with the lessons of experi cnce which every few years furnish an enlightened people, who strive to understand for themselves the political problems of the time. II. Texas is divided into eighty counties, containing about twelve million acres of land, of which about one-twelfth is improved. The value of this laud in money has been estimated to be eighteen millions of dollars. Probably not less than twenty- eight thousand farmers are at work, at the present hour, to enrich this State, eni[)loying farming implements and machinery, valued at nearly three million dollars. In 1850 there were over seventy-five thousand horses, twelve thousand mules, two S48 PRODUCTS OF TEXAS. hundred and fifteen thousand niilch cov,'s, and fifty thousand work- ing oxen, in the Sj:ate, the free population of which was not far from one hundred and fifty-five thousand persons. The slave population was about fifty-eight thousand. The population has increased rapidly within the last five years, and when the returns are made under the next census, the increase in all that makes a State valuable to itself and mankind, will be such as to gratify every one who delights in the prosperity of his country. III. We have before alluded to the productions of Texas ; but to show her commercial value more clearly, we may cite from public documents a few important facts. In 1850 the value of the live stock was upwards of ten millions of dollars, and of slaughtered animals upwards of one million of dollars. In the same year, the following were the principal products — forty-two thousand bushels of wheat ; three thousand bushels of rye ; six millions of bushels of Indian corn ; two hundred thousand bushels of oats ; eighty-eight thousand pounds of rice ; sixty-seven thousand pounds of tobacco ; fifty-eight thousand bales, four hundred pounds each, of ginned cotton ; one hundred and thirty one thousand pounds of wool ; one hundred and seventy-nine thousand bushels of {)eas and beans ; ninety-three thousand bushels of Irish potatoes ; upwards of one million bushels of sweet potatoes ; five thousand bushels of barley ; twelve thou- Band dollars' worth of orchard products ; the same amount of kitchen garden products ; two millions four hundred pounds of butter ; ninety-five thousand pounds of cheese ; eight thousand tons of hay ; one thousand pounds of flax ; twenty-two pounds of silk cocoons ; seven thousand three hundred and fifty hogslieads of sugar ; five hundred thousand gallons of molasses ; and four hundred thousand pounds of beeswax and honey. SDUCATION IN TEXAS. 349 IV. Such are the staple products of this once proscribed State, and the variety of them will most clearly indicate the character of that soil and climate which is destined to be known to thou- sands of emigrants within a few years, and by the world gene- rally. There is no new State in the Union that holds out greater inducements to the mechanic and the agriculturist, thau Houston's Own, as it has been styled by one of our public writers. Education is not neglected in this State. There were in 1850 two colleges, with seven teachers, and one hundred and sixty-five students, three hundred and fifty public schools, and ninety-seven academies and other schools. The number of pupils at school returned in the census of 1850 amounts to upwards of nineteen thousand, thus assuring the country that tlie elements of a future race of usefulness and prosperity are at work in the heart of Texas, which will yet distinguish it among the older and more highly favored sovereignties. V. "With such a Present, what may not reasonably be expected as a Future ? There has been growing in the public mind, for some time past, a feeling of political compensation amounting almost to a national instinct, by which, in the selection of can- didates for the Presidential Chair, each section of the country, in its turn, shall be honorably remembered. Our new States have not yet been complimented by the American people in this way, and now seems to be the period when the attempt can be made. Should the merits of Houston bring him forward, and place him at tlie head of the nation, the influence upon the State of Te.xas would be very great, when combined with the power she possesses in her own remarkable and varied resources 350 fij;al destiny of texas. Besides, tliere is almost a ctrtaiuty that the State will become the great and popular depot of commerce between the whole world and California, before the lapse of many years, when the construction of a railroad to the PaciGc will bring within her domain an amount of population, enterprise, capital, industry, and energy, that will have a vast eflFect upon her wealth, and the individual prosperity of her people — vitalizing ber rich and prolific soil, and bringing to her coast the ships of every nation, till history shall look back with wonder at the strange fact, that a territory so recently recovered from bar- barism, even amidst the sneers and oppositiqn of a large portion of a civilized nation, should become, in so short a time, second in importance to no other State washed by the waters of the Atlantic. YI. The Future, then, of Texas, as one of the States of tne Union, promises to be of the gravest interest to our commerce : and it is not necessary to invoke the forecast of the Prophet to declare that she will shine sfjoud in brightness to no other star iu our political firmament. Houston's education and eloquenok. 35 1 SECTION TWENTY-FIRST. Houston's education and eloquence. I. Though specimens of the literary capacity and intvtiectual cultivation of Houston have been given in this work, yet to afford a more complete insight into his moral and political cha- racter, further extracts from his speeches may be cited. The reader will be gratified to find that this man, under circumstances quite unfavorable to the cultivation of letters, has acquired a power of expression, and facility in illustrating his subject, which only could have been gained by a persistent study of the litera- ture of the world. In his military dispatches, he shows aa admirable style — a wholesome, though not barren brevity — and a precision such as becomes an able general, in correspondence with the State. In various parts of this book, we have placed some of these before the reader, not less for the value of their contents, than for the beautiful perspicuity and directness of their style. In themselves, they furnish the very highest com- pliment to the innate taste and scholastic facility of their author, and we cannot but admire the man, who, under the most discouraging obstacles, and with powerful incentives to other accomplishments and deeds, has been able to distinguish himself in the literature of his native language, as well as in the active duties of public life. 352 CHARACTERISTICS OF HIS SPEECHBBi II. In his speeches, Senator Houston displays a native earnest- ness and force far more effective than the studied graces of the schools. His clear mind is not burdened with the sophis- tries of logic or the casuistry of politics. He speaks right on — animated with his subject, and as if certain that the orator never need to fear the result of unfolding the strong feelings of the heart, when the promptings of conscience, and not the dic- tates of self-interest, inspire the tongue. This species of appeal to the sensibilities and judgment, can never fail to have its due weight upon deliberative assemblies, or upon the people. The charms of rhetoric, like the purple and jewels on the shoulders and breast of the tyrant, may dazzle with gaudy brilliancy for a moment, and make men overlook their danger from the triumph of errors and oppression ; but the plain heart-spoken words of a true, patriotic man, are like the Apostolic apothegms — so in consonance with the conscience, as to proclaim the divinity of their origin. Senator Houston is not a great orator, but he is an effective one. His power is in his simplicity of expression, and in the familiar manner in which he speaks the 'lative feelings of his heart, and the unselfish convictions of his judgment. III. The extracts from his speeches which we shall give in this chapter, will convey to the intelligent reader, not only Houston's opinions on many subjects of vast interest to the public, but may be deemed as average specimens of his style. On the sub- ject of " Intervention '' he remarked that our government ought to alistain from entangling alliances with foreign nations, and confine its policy to the full development of its resources. He said — AGAINST INTERVENTION. 3/i3 IV. " The H i33« has been told that this is a subject of vast importance. In Ihis light he regarded it, as fur as he hud been able to view it. He tbougi't it a subject of no common importance, because it was about to take a direction perfectly novel. It is proposed to meet dilferent nations, or their representatives, in a deliberative body, to establish certain regu- lations which are to govern our relation to foreign powers, and in our immediate relations. He concurred with the gentleman from South Caro- lina that it was quite new, because its effect would be to introduce a nev/ era in the annals of this country. Hitherto we have evinced a disinclina- tion to entangle ourselves with alliances. We have exalted ourselves by persisting in a system that has been extremely beneficial to us, so long as this system in which we persist, proves beneficial to us, either as a nation, or as individuals, so long ought it be retained. We stand unshackled from all connection with the nations of the earth. We have our relations of amity and commerce with them, not treaties of alliance, offensive and defensive. Such relations the United States had hitherto Bustained, and he hoped ever would sustain. " But are we to be benefited in our institutions by our associations with these other powers? So far as any advantage was to be obtained by it, so far he was in favor of it ; but he was not willing that we should be embarrassed by a connection with them. The benefits of our institutions are free to all. Let tliem come here and receive them. If there were any good purpose to be answered by associating ourselves with them (Mr H. said), he would cheerfully coincide in so doing ; but he could not per- ceive the necessity of immediately dispatching ministers to meet in this assembly at Panama. We are not aware of what call they may make on 'us, nor could we see any probable benefits to the United States by this general meeting which would not result with our treaties with them in Ihiir individual national capacities. Hitherto we have been pursuing a rational policy. We have exalted ourselves by it. We stand alone, and we are well able to sustain ourselves. Twice have we been tested, and twice have our principles triumphed ; and tliey ever will triumph as long M we remain untrammelled and unljurdened by foreign alliancs. There are uo dangers to impede us in our progress but such as can be guarded against 21] 354 HOUSTON ox THE GREAT COMPROMISE. Whilst we are in this situation we have no serious dangers to apprehend, but such as, in the progress of nations, will result, and which the good sense and wisdom of counsellors are always able to remedy before they became ruinous." VI. In February, 1850, Houston spoke on the Compromise Mea snres. There is so much of earnest love of the Union — so much spontaneous patriotism in the few words before us, that we must place them in this work, as further illustrative of his character. YII. " I call on the friends of the Union from every quarter to come forward like men, and to sacrifice their differences upon the common altar of their country's good, and to form a bulwark around the Constitution that cannot be shaken. It will require manly efforts, sir, and they must expect to meet with prejudices growing up, that will assail them from every quar- ter. They must stand Grm to the Union, regardless of all personal conse- quences. Time alone can recompense them for their sacrifice and their labors ; for devotion to country can never be forgotten when it is offered freely, and without expectation of reward. The incense of self-sacnfico, when thus offered on their country, will be acceptable to the people. I have no doubt that this question might be easily adjusted, if gentlemen would encourage such disposition and feeling, as doubless actuate a large portion, if not all, of this body, if they would come up to the work. I have no doubt six senators could here be designated, without reference to party (you may if you please disregard the portion of the country from which they come), who would act as a Committee of Conference, and sit down together as wayfaring men, and produce satisfactory reconciliation, thereby diffusing universal peace, and calming the agitated waves that arc lashing at the base of our capitol, and speak comfort and solace to oill'Dns of freemen. VIII. " Do aot the American people lore this Unioa 7 Arc they not devoted DISUNION REBUKED, 355 to it? Is not every reminiscence of tbe past associated with its glories, and are tliey not calculated to inspire prayers for its prosperity and its perpetuity? If this were not the case, you might think lightly of our noblo conf(!deracy ; but so it is — it stands connected with every fibre of the national heart, and is interwoven with every glorious recollection of the past, which affection or reverence can inspire in the minds of tiie American people. It is not, Mr. I'resident, that twenty-three millions of souls are involved in the perpetuity of this Union ; it is not that every consideration of happiness connected with country appertains to it ; but it is because it is the great moral, social and political lever that has moved, is moving, and will continue to move the world. Look abroad at foreign nations, and behold the influence of our example upon them — not ours, for I feel a sense of humiliation when I contrast the efforts of any man now living with the illustrious achievements of the departed sages and herop« who performed this mighty work." IX. On the subject of Disunion — that subject which Andrew Jackson had to deal with boldly, as he did effectively, in the course of his Administration, we find a passage or two of great strength and significance. X. " Mr. President — Twenty-seven years ago I had tbe honor to occupy a 6eat in the House of Representatives from the State of Tennessee. I recol- lect that in the discussion of the Tariff Act of 1824, for the first time in my life I heard the idea suggested, that there might V)e secession, disunion, or resistance to the constitutional authorities of the land. It produced deep and intense meditation on my part. I did believe, then, that an example ought to be made of it ; but there was no way to touch it. I have heard principles of disunion boldly avowed in this hall, and have heard Senators avow what was treason, not technically, but which waa not stripped of one particle of the moral turpitude of treason. Binunion has been proclaimed in this hall. What a delightful commentary ou the freedoi.i of our institutions, anJ the forbearance of the public mind, when a man is permitted to go unscathed and unscourged, who, in a delibcra- 356 KOSSUTH AN'D LAFAYETTK. tive body like (his. has made such a declaration ! Sir, no higher assur- ance can be given of the freedom of our institutions, and of the forbear- ance of the American people, and their reliance upon the reason, and the intelligence of the community. The intelligent mind Is left free to com- bat error. Such sentiments, witli their authors, will descend to the obscurity and the tomb of oblivMon. 1 have only to say, in conclusion, that those who proclaim disunion, no matter of what name, politically — that those who, for the sake of disunion, conspire against the Union and the Constitution, are very beautifully Uescribed in Holy Writ. They are •raging waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame ; wandering stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever.' " XI. la reference to the policy of following the advice of Kossuth, with respect to the affairs of Hungary, and thereby embarrass- ing our system of foreign relations, Houston took a manly posi- tion. He said — xir. •• We had not escaped from these difficulties (the attempt to invade Cuba), when the advent of the illustrious stranger, Kossuth, was announced. I was not captivated by his advent, Mr. President. A portion of my life had been spent among the Indians. They are a cautious and considerate people, and I had learned tO reconnoitre character a little when it comes about me, and I am liable to come in contact with it. I played the Indian, and was wary. I received him, sir, in concurrence with the other senators. I wished his country liberty, as I wished the world liberty ; but I did not wish to disregard our relations and obligations to other countries. He was liailed, he was greeted, he was welcomed, on some occasions, more triumphantly than even Lafayette, the friend of Washington. Compare the men, compare their feelings, their impulses, and their actions, and — ' That was, to tliis, Hyperion to a satyr.' What claims had he upon us? He had claims of synipalliy. If he ever flashed bis sword for Liberty, he had a claim ou our admiration and our HUNGARY AND TEXAS. 357 fraternal feelinpjs. But he had not done it. He had left Ilunjjfary, he had denounced Gorgey. and had thrown upon him the responsibility of the government. He disregarded his colleagues in office when he was at the head of affairs in Hungary. He threw all the responsibility upon Gorgey when Gorgey was helpless, and he nimself had retreated witii five thou- Band men. A beautiful army for lil)erty !^ Five thousand men alone, would strike for liberty against thousands on thousands. Yet he retreated with a body-guard of (ive tliousand. And after he had negotiated for a succedaneum, for a resting-place, he went away, leaving ' poor Hungary ' downtrodden and bleeding. Sir. much as I admire the patriots who strike for liberty — mucii as I admire the noble people whom Kossuth pur- ported to represent — much as I admire all men who have struggled, even unfortunately or misguidedly, for liberty, no matter where — much as I admire the promptings which actuated tlioin, and love the cause in which they have been engaged, yet when a man proves recreant to a noble cause, forgets his people, lives in comfort, splendor, and display, when they liave to bite the dust, or gnaw the fiie in agony, I have no sympathy for that man." XIII. "Was there then (in the Texan Revolution) a voice heard in this cham- ber advocating or introducing a resolution in vindication of the rights of Texas? Not one voice was heard at that time. Those gallant spirits who fell in hecatombs, with their footsteps almost on American soil, were hardly washed out or obliterated ; yet this nation was not convulsed. We heard of no sympathetic throb issuing from these chambers, no indig- nant voice raised in denunciation of the barbarities committed towards Texas. Did Texas ever complain to this government? From 1836 to 1843, did she ever remonstrate to this government? In 1S43, wlien she did remonstrate, what was it ? She said to the three great powers of the earth, to France, England, and the Uuitwl States :- ' Wc ask no assistance, we invoke the invasion of our enemies, and iipou a well-arranged and well-fought field, we will stake our liberty ; but compel our adversary to the rules of civilized warfare.' That was all we asked. The government of the United States, acting upon its wise, and prudent, and proper policy, did not interfere. " I contend lliat while we maintain our national faith, it io nut rf^bt to extend our jurisdiction beyond our own hemisphere. Lt-l us be euu4. 558 WORK ENOUGH AT HOME. quifit, industrious, and reflective. When subjects are presewtefl requiring action, let us act. Sir, this nation is destined to fill a vast space among the nations of the earth. Already, in its youth, it is great and mighty; majestic is its renown, and most infinite are its resources ; but those resources must be husba-nded, and they must be cared for, for a while. It is in vain to extend speculations beyond the necessity of the times, and involve ourselves in fruitless troubles by anticipation. " Sir, we have much to do for ourselves to give us that iron hoop of which General Jackson spoke, which should be thrown around our continent. Sir, let us make an iron hoop binding California to the Atlantic. It is worth all the resolutions that could be introduced here in a thousand years on international law, foreshadowing our policy. That is a matter which enters into the very vitals of our national existence, and one that must be cared for, looked to, and by some means executed. It is a vast and eminently national work. Without it we are two nations. With it we should Jje one : and we should command the trade of the world." XIV. On a resolution offered by Mr. Foote, declaring that the cele- brated Compromise Measures " Are, in the judgment of this body, a final settlement of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace, and ought to be adhered to," Houston made a speech on the 22d of December, 1851, which has many .points of great interest and force. Let us present some of them. XV. " I understand that the democratic party is tolerant in ils principles ; that they are not proscriptive ; that they are not for applying the Pro- crustufiM rule to every member of the party. Harmonious, as they gener- ally arc, some gentlemen of the same party differ essentially upon the subject of internal improvements. That has been evinced on former occa- Bions here, within my recollection, and I-believe it extends much further than my familiarity with the proceedings of this body. And not only that, fur I have heard discussions here by the members of the same poll- WnAT IS THE CONSTITUTION? 359 tical party on the tariff, in regard to which there was a wide difference of opinion ; yet it was not a ground for proscribing the members of the party, or excluding them from participating in all the rights pertaining to it. XYI. " It is a boast of the democratic party, I believe, that it is the true conservative party of this country, though, at the same time, this is the boast of every political party. I will not deprive either of them of tho agreeable assurance. But, sir, if the democratic party i.s truly conserva- tive, I think the platform on which it now stands, is wide enough, broad enough, to embrace the whole Union, If it is not, I am not a member of it, I know that I have been arraigned for having been too latitudinarian in my feelings; but I must confess that my country seems not too large to love, to cherish, and support. Then, sir, if the object of tlie party is conservatism, and to preserve what we believe the true constitutional principles of government, whoever loves and supports that constitution etrictly, is my fellow I know how the Constitution was fornied. It was by concessions made by ilie several States, or by grants of crtain powers that were, to remain in the Federal Government; but these delegated functions were to be exercised by it for the benefit of the whole. So far the Federal Government has rights, but no further. The States were free, sovereign, and independent, until these concessions were made. The Federal Government became the repository of delegated powers, and there they remain for the benefit of the several States. The States in the full enjoyment of the powers reserved, are independent within their sphere, and subject to no control from the Federal Government, These are my opinions, and I believe they agree with the democratic faith. Incidentally various subjects have arisen in this body since I have been a member of it, and upon all these I have recorded my opinions, I know tiiey ha,ve been at variance, on some occasions, with my party, or rather the party with which I act, I will not call it mine : I belong to it. I had hoped that th ; agitation on this question (slavery) was fa'«t dying away. And it wight ere this have been forgotten, had it not been for the introduction ol this unfortunate resolution, wliich has renewed all the agitation of former times, and produced crimination and recrimination, and scenes not less violent la their character than tnose exhibited upon tlie adoption of the Compromise itself. It is unfortunate ; and if iu the inception of a reso 360 THE SACRE DNESS OF THE UNION. kilion of this kind, such are the fruits, and if such are ia a green (ree, what must they be in a dry ? I apprehend that no earthly good can grow out of the adoption of the resolution. The usurpation of the people's rights will be manifest If a modification is to take place in the demo- cratic platform, let it take place in a convention of the delegates of the people sent there for a political purpose, not for the purpose of legisla* tion, but for the formation of certain creeds and embodiments of opinions, by which the party is to be regulated in its actions. There is where I wish to see such action take place. But further than this I am not prepared to ga XVII. " The Compromise, sir, was the work of able, patriotic, and renowned statesmen. Some of them are no longer in this body. It is with regret, sir, that I witness the absence of one who bore an important and conspi- cuous part in the accomplishment of that Compromise. I allude to the venerable senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay), who is detained from this chamber by sickness, with which he is deeply afflicted. I trust he will again resume his place in the Senate. The wisdom of his counsels, the brilliancy of his genius, the strength of his will, and the patriotism of his heart, never shone brighter than during their manifestation in thia body in the achievement of that Compromise. But my State has been arraigned by a portion of the Union, and of the democratic party, too, for makiua; a disposition of a portion of her territory to the detriment of Southern interests ; and that I felt. It was not that she was disposed to alirldge ov impair any of the rights of the South. Texas, no doubt, had a right to dispose of it. Did not Georgia dispose of her territory to the Federal Government? Did she not sell enough to make the States of Alabama and Mississippi? And have any complaints been made against her for it? And had Texas, who came into this Union as free and as independent as (itjorgla did, no right to dispose of her domain to the Federal Government? She did it. sir; and I have this to remark, tliat had it been any obstacle to the compromise to the jarring interests of this country, and to their reconcilement, I would have been willing that every foot of the territory which she claimed, should become a lake of fire and brimstone rather than it should have thrown an impediment iu the waj of the peace and the harmony of this Union. REPLY TO fOOTE. 361 XYIIl. "I voted also for tbe arlmlssion of California. I did it on the nckiiow- It'dj^ed and avowod principle of Hr- South : ' Let us alone ; let the people ro^nlute their municipal and domestic institutions; let them alone.' And I put it to the candor of honorable Senators from the South, no matter how ardent their feelings may have been, whether, if California had made application for admission irito the Union, with a constitution declaring that Slavery should e.xi.st, they would not have disregarded all the irregu- larities which may have beea connected with it, and readily have voted for her admission as a slave State? The same rule which would induce me to vote for it in one situation, would constrain me to do so in another. I did it. What advantage would have resulted from a delay? Was there any hope for a change in her institutions? Was there any prol.abilify of it? No. She came in ; and whatever reproaches are attached to the vote I gave, I derive my consolation from the general prosperity and happi- ness of my country." XIX. In this same speech, Houston replied to the charge ir.ade by !Mr. Foote, that the Senator from Texas was given to dema- gogism, and to wire-pulling for the Presidency, As the repli- cation has something in it of an auto-biographical significance, the reader will be gratified by recurring to what he said on the occasion XX. '■ 1 was very much edified, and I might say amused, by remarks of th& honorable gentleman from Mississippi. I cannot but be astonished ai the temper of the gentleman. I had not intended to say anything to excite his ire. because I flatter myself that I am a prudent man. and do not like to provoke assaults. 1 am exceedingly gratilicd at one thing. In the course of his entire tirade, I Itelieve the gentleman did not stHte a single /ac^ lie has indulged in many conjectures in relation to Free- Boilism, and catering for the Presidency. Why, I should feel that I was aot only degrading myself, but degrading th« nation and the body in which 3G2 REBUKE OF DEMAGOGISIT. 1 stand, if I would cater to the passions of men, or compromise my prin- ciples, for the Presidency. What I have, I have. I wish to make no new voyages. I am satisfied with the position which I occupy. What I might adventure might be lost. Therefore, I have no petty hankerings after office to gratify. Nor have I any party intrigues to enter into. I have no cor- respondence on the subject of the Presidency. The world is acquainted with what I have said. XXI. " WTiat I do, they make it a point to know. I should be sorry to sup- pose that there could be the least ground for applying to me the term 'demagogue.' AVhat demagogism was there when I gave unpopular v tes in this body, when there was no prospect for advancement in popu- lanty, for I was denounced far and near. What intrigue could I thea hfve had, with a party unimportant in the country, when I could have g«»ne with the whole South, if I had chosen to sacrifice my own opinions on the Oregon question? Was I playing the 'demagogue' when I refused to sign the Southern Address? Did I not vote for every one of the Compromise measures? Mr. President, I assure you, I assure the Senate, I assure the country, that every insinuation against me of indirect plotting, by mysL4f or by my friends, within my knowledge, with one party or another — every insiniiation that imparts to me any other design than that of preserving the government in its purity, and the democratic party in its own faith, without an extension of platform, is altogether unfounded. Whoever insinuates that I have any intrigue, or any under- standing, or any correspondence upon the subject of free-soil, abolition, disunion, or secession, insinuates what is utterly unfounded, and without the slightest countenance of truth." XXII. When Kossuth was introduced to the Senate of the United States, it may be mentioned that as tlie martial form of Gen. Houston approached Kossuth, there ai)pcared to he a personal attraction in the person of the hero of San Jacinto. The introduction having beeu uiade, a brief but exprcs&ivc dialogue eusued. INCREASE OF THE ARMY INDIAN POLICY. 363 XXIII. " Mr. HOUSTON — Sir, you are welcome to the Senate of the Uuited States." " M. KOSSUTH — I can only wish that I had been as successful as you, til." " HOUSTON— God grant that you may yet be so." XXIV. On the twenty-ninth of January, 1855, the United States Senate having resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the con- sideration of the bill from the House of Representatives, making appropriations for the support of the Army for the year end- ing the 30th of June, 1856, the pending question being on the amendment of Mr. Shields to the amendment of Mr. Hunter (wliich was to provide for two additional Regiments of Regular Cavalry and five hundred Rangers), to substitute for that pro- vision two Regiments of Infantry, and two of Cavalry, Hous- ton spoke upon an increase of the army, and on the Indian policy of the government. The chief portions of these speeches are wor- thy of preservation— -and will be acceptable to every American reader. XXY. " Before the Senate proceeds to Tote upon the adoption of the new policy now proposed, I think it would he woU to examine the causes which iiave led to the present condition of aflfaiis, and then to inquire into the be.'t moans for the restoration of peace upon our Indian frontier. An examina- tion of this sort will inform us whether there is any necessity for an increase of the military force of the country. I am aware, sir, that in dis- cusi^ing t^ulijccts wiiich relate to the Indians, or to their rights,' I shall com- mand but little sympathy from tlie Senate, and not much from the coun- try. They are a people i-solated in their interests, and solely dependent for protection and justice upon the government of the United Statea 364 MASSACRES OF THE RED MEJT. How far justice has been accorded to them in the past, or how far it is, in all probability, to be awarded to tliem in the future, is a matter beyond gpeculation. If we are to judye from tlie past experience of our times, we should infer that there is but very little hope of anything being done for the Red man ; and we should infer that, in the opinion of his Avhite brethren, his doom has already been written and recorded. Mr. President, the Indians have been charged with an aggressive and hostile spirit towards the whites ; but we find, upon inquiry, that every instance of that port which has been imputed to them, has been induced and provoked by the white man, either by acts of direct aggression upon the Indians, or by his own incaution, alluring them to a violation of the security of the whites. They have tempted the cupidity of the Indians. If a lawless fellow happens to prove vagrant to his band, and throws off all the rules and restrictions imposed by the chiefs on their warriors, and chooses to involve his nation in a difBculty by taking the life of a white man, if he can do so, as he supposes, with impunity, his action is charged to his tribe ; but they should not be held responsible. Sir, we have seen thrilling accounts of sanguinary massacres, which alarm us at the first blash ; and if we are to believe the paragraphs disseminated tlu'ough the medium of the press, we thould suppose, in reality, that the Indian is as barbarous as he had ever been, and that all the assaults or massacres, as they are termed, arii unprovoked and wantonly inflicted on the defenceless white man. As an instance of this, let me mention the massacre at Fort Laramie, and from that instance you can pretty accurately deduce the true condition of other acts of a similar character. What were the cir- cumstances in coDQcctioa with that case ? xxvr. " During the last summer, some bands of the Sioux nation of Indians were encamped within si.\ miles of Fort Laramie. They were in amity with the United States, and on terms of good friendship and good feeling with the officers of the neighboring fort. A man from a neigliboring tribe, whose relatives had, a year before, been slaughtered by the troops at Fort Laraini<', iir.pp(Mied to be among tliese bands of Sioux. Swne Mormon cmijiriAnts passed by tlie camp of the Indians, and a cow escaped from them, ni.ide towards tlie village, and the Mormons pursued her, but unsuccessfully. The Indian to whom I have referred, by way of revenge SI AUGHT ER PROVOKED. 36J) tCT the loss of his relfttive, slaughterod the animal. Complaint was made at Fort Laramie. The chiefs instantly said that they would see that repa- ration was made for the injury which had biien done. Was this satisfac- tory to the commanding officer? No, sir ; but he detailed a brevet lieu- tenant, with a company, for the purpose of arresting the Indian. The company arrived at the encampment of the Indians with two pieces of artillery. Demand was made of the chiefs, but this Indian said to them. 'I have taken a lodge here; I am willing to die; you have nothing to do with this matter ; you have no concern with it ; the responsibility is not upon your people, but it is upon me alone.' So soon as this reply was given to the lieutenant, he tired and crippled one of the principal chiefs, and killed a man. The delinquent still refused to give up. After that the chiefs rallied and exhorted the men to commit no outrage ; their influ- ence controlled the action of the Indians ; but a drunken interpreter, who was calculated to incite the lieutenant to action, caused him, no doubt, to fire his caimon. The next thing was that the war-whoop was sounded, and the lieutenant and part of his men were killed. The others, dis- persed, were pursued by the Indians in hot blood, and every man waa Blaughtered. XXYII. " This is a succinct narrative of that event. Were the Indians to blame t He who violates a law is the man who is responsible for the consequences of that violation. The Indian intercourse laws of the United States, have pointed out the manner in which to proceed in such a case. If a citizen sustains injury from any tribe, or from an individual of a tribe, informa- tion is to be given to the Indian agent for that tribe. He is immediately to make a demand upon the chiefs of the nation. If they do not surren- der the individual, which, in all probability they would do immediately, if they were treated in good faith, deduction is made from their annuities for the amount of the injury, and there the matter stops. If no annui- ties are due to them, rather than bring on war, the United States Trea- sury is responsiljle to the individual who has sustained loss. These are the provisions of the intercourse laws. In this case, did either of the offi- cers make a demand on the chiefs? The chiefs sent an assurance that justice would be done, and the individual given up, though he did not belong to their band. The ofiBcers, unwilling to receive that assurance, dispatched a handful of men against several lodges of Indians, and among 366 INDIAN REVENGE. whom there had been some ground of complaint. The con?equcnces which I have narrated, resulted from this iudiscretiou and violation of law. It was a violation of law, for no demand was made upon the chiefs for iudemnity, and no response was received from them. These gallant gentlemen thought they should go there and make war. They are paid for it ; 'it Is their vocation.' Are such men entiled to sympathy ? Are they entitled to respect ? But their conduct alarmed the Sioux ; and because that tribe proposed to confederate with other tribes, we are asked to increase the military force of the country ; forsooth, we are to wage war upou the winds, for you might as well do it, as upon the prairie Indians. ^ XXVIII. " But this is not all that grew out of that transaction. A clamor is raised about the mail party who were destroyed subsequently to that. It was very natural to expect that it would be done. The Sioux chief, who was wounded on the occasion to which I have referred, was taken to Arkansas, and there he expired in consequence of the injury he had received. His kindred resolved to revenge his death. The Lidian appre- ciates the ties of kindred far beyond any white man. They may have less intelligence ; but the chords of nature are stronger, the sensibilities of the heart more lively, than those which stimulate our Christian enlight- ened action. It is well known that the grief which resounds through the Indian camp, when a warrior or chief expires, or when a relative dies, is like the wailing of Egypt. AVhen this chief expired, his friends sought for a white man, that they niiglit take vengeance on him — not for those who had inflicted the wrong, but whomever they might happen to find among the whites. They came first upon the mail party. One, who was not a relative of the chief, said to one of his kindred, ' there is a white man, you ciu now take vengeance on him ; you are a coward if you do not do so.- He said, ' I am no coward ; but if you say it, 1 will kill him.' Then ha went and killed two out ot the three composing the mail party. XXIX. " Now, sir, what had been the condition of the Indian country previoo* to these occurrences? I have been assured by gentlemen who have passed COWARDLY TRKATMKNT OF RED MEN. 3Gt from California to Fort Laramie, a distance of one thousand four hundred or one thousand five hundred miles, that they met individuals travel- ling alone through that vast region. They passed through a wilder- ness of one thousand four hundred, or one thousand five hundred miles, unassailed, and without injury from any one. Did this look like a desperate feeling on the part of the Indians, when they allowed unprotected individuals, sometimes singly, occasionally in small com- panies of three or four persons, to pass through their country unmo- lested ? No, sir. It Is some sudden act of wrong and outrage which Btimulates the Indian to aggression. He has no inducement to it, unless he expects great plunder, because he is well aware that if he cultivates kind and friendly relations with the whites, he can receive from them eupplies that he cannot obtain in any other way — things which gratify hia taste for dress, and supply his wants and appetites. For this reason, the Indian is always disposed to be in peace and friendship with his white neighbors if he can. " I have given some illustrations of the so-called Indian outrages. I may refer to another one, which, not long since, took place in Oregon, and which is given, in some quarters, as a reason why an increase of the army is required. I refer to a recent massacre of the Indians at a ferry- house in Oregon, as described by the agents -and superintendents of that terri tory. A number of miners to the amount of forty, associated together to attack a village of seventy Indians, men, women, and children, without any means of defence, with only five pieces of fire-arms, pistols, and guns, and two of them entirely useless. The officer, who reports the action describes in a most military and elegant style, the manner in which he assaulted the village in three divisions. They were entirely successful; killed some sixteen men, killed one squaw, and wounded a couple, and no children — that was merciful! But, sir, they scattered the warriors, who were there defenceless, and applied the torch to their wigwams. We are told by the gallant gentleman who reported the matter, that the ne.\t day the Indians were there hovering about the mouldering ashes of their wig- wams. This gallant and chivalrous man, wonderful to relate, says he did not loose a man in the attack. Was he not lucky? [Laughter.] That fellow must look out for a brevet ; though I hope he will hardly coma here claiming bounty land. [Laughter.] 368 FIVE MILLIONS FOR BUTCHERING INDIAN!!. XXX. "This act is denounced by the agent and superintendent as most cruel and barbarous. The poor creatures w^re willing to do anything and everything which was asked of them. They denied ev ,ry charge that their malicious enemies had wantonly brought against them ; and the truth of the narrative is endorsed by the agent, a man of intelligence. I do not know him ; but his report bears the impress of intelligence and iptegr'ty. XXXI. "Well, sir, these circumstances, it is said, call for an army of three reg'- ments, or three thousand men. What are they to cost? Five millions of dollars is the amount which it is proposed to appropriate by the bill which was reported by the Senator from Illinois. We are to appropriate $5,000,000 to bring on a great Sioux war, to meet a most wonderful con- federacy, which, it is said, is forming among the Indians. Why, sir, they cannot keep together, because they are starving in little bands, even in those parts of the country where they can command the most game. How could they remain embodied for any length of time without supplies without animals, and without food, when their women and children are starving? How could ihey, under such circumstances, remain a mighty confederation, to sweep our frontier ? Why. sir, from the display that ie made, by the terrible cry of alarm, one would think that New Orleans itself could hardly be safe, but that the Indians would sweep down tlie Missouri and Mississippi, and carry der'.th, destruction, and devastation in their course! Are these caus"s calculated to produce such mi-ihty eflects? Is it proper that the nation .'-hould be involved in a general Indian war at tliis time? Is it proper that $5,000,000 should be expiMided from the Treasury to begin this war? If tliis be done, what will be the consequence? The Indians will not be embodied to meet you. Your troops will hear that in some direction there is a Camanche, or a Kioway, or an Osage camp, and they will advance upon it with " all the pomp and circumstance of glorious war.' A morning gun will be fired as a signal to rise and jjrcpare for the march. On such an occasion, with the bugle sounding in advance, how beautiful must Ik; the rcfiectiun from tlie arms and banners floating in the prairie I That is to be the spectacle which is HOW WE TKEAT RED MEN. 369 to amu.^e or drive the Inilhins aluad. Tlwy are to meet the Indions oa a trackk'gg waste. You niiglit as wtU pursue the course of a ship's keel oa the ocean, as to pursue the Iiidiiuis ot the prairies. They «ouId disperse, and your army would be left there ; and they, perhaps, surrounding you, in the distance, and laughing at tJie glorious pomp with wiiich you were mai-chiiig through their prairies. If you take men there, and make a dis- play without efficiency, you provoke their ridicule and supreme con- tempt. XXXII. " But, Mr. President, the course which has hecn pursued, since the days of William Penn to the present moment, has not been entirely successful in conciliating the Indians. Under the management of "Washington, of the first Adams, of Madison, of Monroe, of the second Adams, of Jackson, and of Polk, we have, with few exceptions, been very successful in main taining peace with them. The suggestions made by our fathers, in rela- tion to their civilization and humanization, are exemplitied and illustrated In the present condition of the southern tribes, who have received the greatest benefits of the light shed on them ; and they have responded to it by the cultivation of mind, by the development of resources, both phy- sical and intellectual, which reflect lustre on their character. Cannot tlie Indian now be influenced in the same way, by the same means ? Uave we no landmarks to guide us? Have we not experience to teach us? Have we not humanity to prompt us to march on in tba path which is already laid out before us? Sir, how different is the policy now pursued from what it once was? I must read, for the instruction of the Senate, an extract from the last annual report of the Commissioner of Indian Afl'airs, and I beseech your attention to it, because it contains more good sense and reflection than I could impart in the same number of words. It will be necessary in the examination of this subject, in relation both to the Indians and the Army, to see in what manner they harmonize with each other, and how fur the one is necessary to the success of the other The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in his report to the Secretary of tho Interior, describes a transaction to which I wish to call attention : " • As heretofore reported to you. an R.*sociation of persons has under- taken to appropriate to their own use a portion of the laud ceded by the Delawares, fronting on the Missouri river, aud south of Fort Leavenwortti , 24 870 HOW OUR OFFICERS TREAT INDIANS. have laid out a city tliereon. and actually had a public sale of the lots of the same ou the 9th and 10th of October last. These unlawful proceed- ings have not only taken place under the eyes of military officers sta- tioned at the forf., but two of. them are said to be members of the associa- tion, and have been active agents in this discreditable business. Encour aged by these proceedings, and prompted by those engaged in them, other persons have gone on other portions of the tract ceded by the Dela- wares in trust to the United States, and pretend to have made, and are now making, such ' claims ' as they assert will vest in them the lawful right to enter the land at the minimum price under the preemption law of July 12, 1854.' XXXIII. " This is a specimeu of the aid and succor afforded by military com- manders to the agents to maintain and preserve peace among the Indiana. These are the gentlemen to whom the agents look for co-operation in the discharge of their duties, and to aflbrd equal protection to the Indiana against aggressions from the whites, as to the whites against aggressions from the Indians. Such a transaction, as is here disclosed, is an act of unmitigated infamy in the officers who Lave lent themselves to it. * hope the E.\ecutive, in the plenitude of his power, and in the exercise of a wise and just discretion, will erase their names from the records of tht country, and redeem our annals from infamy so blackening as this. Think, sir, of an officer wearing an American sword, adorned with Ameri- can epaulets, the emblem of office and the insignia of honor and manly pride, degrading himself by a violation of the faith of his Government, rendering him a disgrace to the uniform which he wears, and the eartt upon which he treads 1 XXXIV. " It will be recollected that the Delaware Indians own one million eight hundred thousand acres of land. They ceded one million three hundred thousand acres to the Government of the United States for $10,000, reserving to tliemselves the land on which (he city referred to has been Aaid out, ou the banks of the Missouri. They coulided Gvc hundred thou THE INDIANS OF KANSAS. 371 «and acres to the Government of the United States, as they could not themselves dispose of it, except to the Government; and, believing Unit 't would be a source of wealth and independence to them, they havo i^ranted it to llie Government, in trust, to be sold by it, the right of pos- session rcmuining in them until it should be disposed of. It appears, from the commissioner's report, that persons had gone and taken posses- sion of tliis land. If they have not done so, they ought to be vindicated against the charge. I regard it as authentic and official, and until it ia controverted, I have nothing to extenuate ; nor do 1 set down aught la malice. Justice requires me to state the facts. XXXV. " Mr. President, I said to the Senate, on a former occasion, that eighteen tribes of Indians had been located by this Government within the limits of the present Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, and that most of them had been removed there from the east of the Mississippi. They were located there under the faith of solemn pledges, that while grass grew, or water ran, or the earth brought forth its fruits, they should remain on the lands assigned to them, unless they choose to abandon them ; and that ihey should not be included within the boundaries of any State or Terri- tory. Notwithstanding this, these Indians were embraced within the Nebraska and Kansas bill. They were taken in — yes, sir, as strangers are sometimes ' taken in.' What is now theii' condition, and what must it be in after time?" XXXVI. Here, Senator Ilouston havinj^ read an extract from the recent report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in which ho describes, with great fidelity and justice, the condition of the Indians in Kansas Territory, expressing his belief and hope that their complete civilization may be effected, then proceed'^d to gay that it is the violation of treaties, and the bad faith of the white man, and his aggressive course, that cause the inr^uictude of the Red Men. 312 HOW HOUSTON TREATED THE INDIANS. XXXYII. "There is a remedy ; and that remedy must be applied, or the Indiana exterminated, at an expense ten trmcs biyoad what would civilize in half a century, every Red man who walks upon the soil of America. I have Been tribes rise from a state of barbarism to a condition in which they are as civilized in their institutions, in their religion, and in their social refinement and habits, as citizens of the United States, and all this has been done within half a century. These things are as possible now as at any former time ; and a sum, very easily calculated, less than the amount estimated as necessary to raise these troops and subsist them for one year, would civilize every Indian on the continent, set him down on a piece of land, and give him ' a local habitation and a name.' Is it not worth an attempt ? Is it not worth accomplishment ? Sir, let me give you some experience in relation to Indians. The United States have regiments in Texas, and Texas is considered, by some, as a burden on the Treasury. Texas, it is said, exhausts the Army of the United States, and withdraws them from more eligible stations to protect her frontier. I will show you, sir, how that is. In 1842 and 1843 Texas had a war on hand which had been brought about by an exterminating policy proclaimed by a new Administration, and peace was not restored until 1843, when the head of the Government of Texas went about the work of their civilization. He went into the wilderness, on the prairies, and there met the Indians, who would not trust themselves within the timbered land, nor near any place where there was a possibility of ambuscade. A treaty was there made, which not only stayed the tomahawk and the scalping-knife, but preserved peace and safety on the frontier until 1819. AVe were for six j'ears with- out massacre, without conflagration, witliout prisoners being taken. Not a Texan was killed in that time by the Indians. One man was killed ia the Indian country, but whether by the Mexicans or Indians was a doubt- ful question ; at any rate he was not scalped. XXXYIII. "Now, elr, how was this domt By what means? By pursuing a policy which had been initiated in 183(i, but was disrupted in 183S, whiea brought a war upon the entire borders of that young Republic. The old HOW TEXAS TREATED INDIANS. 373 policy was re-established in 1843. Resistance was made to it, j.s there was to every attempt to consolidate a Government. There was an attempt on the part of some lawless men, to resist everything lik«; order and organization, and throw the Government into anarchy and misrule ; but they failed. These Indians had been our enemies ; they had been e-vas- perated by unprovoked aggressions upon them ; but the propsom went up a pure prayer to the Great Spirit. He had not writtea ins laws for them on tal)les of stone, but He had traced them on the t&.iles of their hearts. The poor child of Nature knew not the God of revelation, but the God of the universe he acknowledged in every thihg around. He beheld Ilim in the star that sunk in beauty behind his iui.efy dwelling, in the sacred orb that flamed on him from His mid-day throne, in the flower that snapped in the morning breeze, in the lofty pine that defied a thousand whirlwinds; in the timid warbler that never left its native grove, in the fearless eagle, whose untiring pinion was wet in the clouds ; in the worm that crawled at his feet, and in his own matchlesa form, glowing with a spark of that light, to whose mysterious source he bent, in humble, though blind adoration. LIII. " And all this has passed away. Across the ocean came a pilgrim bark, bearing the seeds of life and death. The former were sown for you. the latter sprang up in the path of the simple native. Two hundred years have changed the character of a great continent, and blotted for ever from its face, a whole, peculiar ptople. Art has usurped the bowers of nature, and " the anointed children of education have been too powerful for the tribes of the ignorant. Here and there a stricken few remain, but how unlike their bold, untamed, untamable progenitors ! The Indian of falcon glance, n:id lion bearing, the theme of the touching ballad, the hero of the pathe- tic tale, is gone! and his degraded oflspriug crawl upon the Foil wh'.'re he walked in majesty, to remind us hovv miserable is mau. wb^n the foot of the conqueror is on his neck. 25 886 THE FATE OF THE RED MAM. LIV. " As a race they have withered from the land. Their arrows are bro- ken, their springs art dried up, their cabins are in the dust. Their council- fire has long since gone oat on the shore, and their war-cry is fast dying out to the untrodden West. Slowly and sadly they climb the distant mountains, and read their doom in the setting sun. They are shrinking before the mighty tide which is pressing them away ; they must soon hear the roar of the last wave, which will settle over them for ever. Ages hence the inquisitive white man, as he stands by some growing city, wii) Donder on the structure of their disturbed remains, and wonder to whn» manner of person they belonged. They will live only in the songs ana chronicles of their exterminators. Let these be faithful to their rude ▼>> tuee as men, and pay due tribute to their unhappy fate as a people." THECAUCUSSYSTEir. 38 1 SECTION TWENTY-TWO. HOUSTON AT HOME, I. One of the greatest evils wliich tliis country lias suffered for the last twenty years, has been the " Caucus System " The Caucus has governed our political world. It has been our king — our tyrant. Beginning with each local district and ward, where there were but few voters, it has extended up to the municipalities, counties, cities, and States. From the States, it has extended itself over the whole length and breadth of the Confederation. Hence we have witnessed the strange and disgraceful spectacle of the nomination of men to office, for districts, wards, towns, cities, counties. States, and even for the Presidential office, by the mere force of political and party machinery, under the lowest and most degrading forms. II. . In old times — say forty or fifty years ago — things were done differently. The Legislators of States, who were going out of ofiu'c, nominated State officers ; and a retiring Congress nonii- iKiteil the next President. Tiiis system was far better tiiau the one whieh took its place. Both have been impositions and usurpations upon the intelligence and the riglits of the Ameri- can people. They have resulted in giving us several Presidenta 538 PERN'ICIOUS ACriON OF CAt'CCSSS. ftiiom the people would never have chosen, if they could have had aa opportunity of voting for anybody else ; and we have suflfered the natural results of that kind of policy. III. By this system, we were saddled with the nomination of seve- ral Presidents, who had no fair claim to the high position to which they were elevated. Such men as Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Lewis Cass, were overlooked ; and such men as Gen. Harrison — a very good man — and Gen. Taylor — another good man — but both entirely incompetent to the duties of tbe Presidential office, were raised to positions of influence and power, without the ability to administer the affairs of the Nation, lY. Ttie most lamentable instance in our history, in illustration of this state of things, vas the nomination of Frank Fierce. It is perfectly certain that not one hundred people in the United States had the slightest suspicion that this Concord politician would ever be nominated for the Presidency. The evils of this " Caucus System " were fully developed by hi.s nomina- tion ; and the country has grown so sick of the consequences, that hereafter we shall most Ukely take better care of our national affairs. We DOW feel, as Americans, that we can no longer afford to risk tht' fortunes of the country, upon the hazards of this faro- bank of party and caucus nomination. We think the time has come when, if a Presidential Chief is to be chosen to preside over the affairs of the Nation, the People of the Country should Ldvu something to say in the ciiolce. King Caucus is dead — the Houston's public character, 389 tyrant has bceu dragged out aud executed. Elercafter, llio American People will detormiae who shall be their Presideut. Sam Houston has always acted upon this system. He has never bowed his neck, nor his jiidginent, to party intrigues, nor to Corrupt Caucuses. He has despised and abhorred both. The records of the fact may be found in his whole life. His earliest acliiovenients were bent upon driving foreign invaders from our soil. His later efforts were expended upon the construction of a new and independent Anglo-Saxon Republic in the forests, and on the prairies of Texas. His last efforts have been to pre- serve, unimpaired, the union of these States ; and, therefore, he is the choice of millions of the American people, for the highest office ia their gift. VI. He has been a Democrat all his life ; having been trained, from the beginning, in the school of Jackson. He fought through the Second War with England, where he won a brilliant fame. He never was nominated for an office to which he was not elected. He is the only Americaa, whose name is known, who has, in dealing with the lied men of the forests, gained their affection and confidence, while he commanded the respect of white men. He has penetrated the farcsts, and lived in the wildernesses of America, where he has learned all the mysteries of frontier life. He has bled in the cause of two Republics. VII. He has been the Founder, as well as the chieftain of a noble 390 HIS FAMILY AND HOME. Republic, and when that Republic had established its indepcn* dence, he brought it as au offering, and laid it upon the Federal altar. The whole force of our Republic was expended upon the cap- ture of Santa Anna ; and the two best Generals of the Araeri can Army were nominated for the Presidency of the United States, because they defeated the Mexican Dictator. Houston not only defeated him, but captured him ; and by paralyzing his power, at the time, gave life and vigor to a new commonwealth. Houston has been the champion of that great movement which promises, at last, to redeem the American Nation from the vices and the curses of intoxication. Fired by the spirit of nationality, and inspired by its " Councils," he has stood forth among the bdghtest, the greatest, and the best impersonations of the Spirit of American Patriotism. YIII. Mrs. Houston's maiden name was Margaret Moffatt Lea, of Marion, Alabama. Their oldest boy, Sara, is about eleven years of age. The four daughters are named Nancy Elizabeth, Margaret Lea, Mary William, and Antionette. The youngest child is a boy, and he has been named Andrew Jackson Hous- ton. General Houston's residence is at Independence, Texas. He was immersed in November, 1854, by Rev. Rufus C. Burle- son ; and he is a member of " the Independence Church." IX. General Houston lives in a log house, and we are informed by a gentleman who visited him recently, that he still retains the chairs which he owned while I'resident o*" the Republic. These niS PRIVATE CHARACTER. 391 cTiairs liavc luroerl posts, aticl tlioy are bottome<;l with cow-bides tanned willi the hjiir on. Everything about liis home, indicates frugality ; for he has devoted more time and attention to the salvation and prosperity of his country, than to the acquisition of wealth. Holding the position twice, as President of ths Ilopublic of Texas, had he been less honest than he is, he could have amassed boundless wealth ; for he could have gathered into his hands extensive domains of land, which, at the time, fell into the possession of others, who had rendered few or no services to the State. Had he been disposed to profit by the station he held, he conld now have been the owner of hundreds of thou- sands of dollars of Texas liabilities, which will soon enrich those who hold them. But instead of this, we are assured on reliable authority, that he has never speculated to the extent of a single dollar in soldiers' lands, or Texas stocks — and yet, in the opinion of men, he might have done it without any imputation of dishonor. But Houston has always been governed by a higher code of honor than most men are gnided by. In his private relations, no one who regarded the troth, has ever dared to arraign his honesty, or his punctuality. Hence, after more than forty years in public life, he is at this time a man of moderate fortune : not rich, nor has he ever cared for more than a competency for himself and a young family, to whom he wishes to leave only a spotless reputation. And now, when he has finally retired from the Senate, to his distant home on the far-off frontier — full of honors, and surrounded by the halo of victory — we learn that he has added a new lustre to his private character, by niiiting himself with the Christian Church, as a humble commnnicant in the ^eat 392 Houston's mastery of HivsELy. body of vvorsliippiiig believers, wlio have confided all they hhfi to hope for here iind hereafter, to the Savioar of the world. XI. Such a record as this, ought not to invade the privacy of that sanctuary where man holds communication with God. But there are millions of our countrymen who will join with us, iu the honest congratulation that such a man as this, who never was awed in the presence of human power, should sit in penitent reverence, at the feet of Him who was baptized by the Prophet of the Desert, before he went forth to redeem mankind. XII. Thus we find ourselves at the close of onr narrative. Would that some better pen had performed the task 1 But we could not forbear to make this offering, however unworthy it may be, to history, to heroism, to virtue, and to truth. If then it be an honor to human nature to repent, and abandon errors of opinion, and frailties of conduct, why may not the biographer rejoice to weave the woof of such a history as Houston's, and throw it before the world, that all the wrong a great man may have, perhaps, inflicted by the splendor of his talents — and above all a man who stooped to waste his time as Charles James Fox did, in garnishing vice by his genius, and ornamenting it by its elevation — may be at last atoned for, by the reformation of the admired individual trunsgressor ? " Greater is he tliat ruleth his own spirit, than he that taketh a city." Gen. Houston has for many years been l^he fatlier of a family ; and no man better illustrates the virtues that belong to that relation. A soldier in many wars, and a hero in the achievement of the liberties of two Republics — a file leader in APfEAL FROM V£w HAMPSHIRE. 393 the great movcinent wlik-li is to give America back to the A me ricuns — an enemy of all sections and factions, and a champion of the country in which he was born — superior to party — greater tiian all is?ns — a national man, who has fought, and bled, and lived for the great North American Republic — such a man pre- sents one of the most captivating subjects of all history, for the pen of the biographer, Americans who have a country to live for, are looking to Gen Houston, for the future. This Yolume could hardly be brought to a better termination, than by a republication, from the vigorous pen of Edmund Burke of 2s"ew Uampshire, of the following : — ADDRESS Tu the People of the State of ^Yew Hampshire, and of the United States, The General Conmiittee of the Democracy of Xew ITampshire, having convened at Concord, on the 11th day of October, 1854, for the purpose of taking into consideration the present condition of the Democratic Party of this State and of the Union, after due deliberation, came to the conclusion to recommend and nominate Gen. S\m Houston, of Texas, as the people's candidate for tlie office of President of the United States, to be supported in the election which is to take place in 1856. And in taking a step so important, they have deemed it their duty to submit their reasons therefor, to the people of the United States. 1 wo years ago, the great Democratic party of tiie Union was a powerful and triumpliant party. Planted upon the rock of the Constitution and its compromises, and the great measures of cou- cUi? >n and amity embodied ia the acts of Congress, of 1850, 394 THE SPIRIT OF UNION IN 1 ,52. touching the subject of Slavery and the admiKsiau of new ter ritory into the Union, it achieved the most signal and tran- scendeut victories which ever crowned the efforts of any party since the formation of the Republic. Its triumph was complete. Its opponents were overv/helmed and confounded, by the omnipo- tence of that expression of the popular voice which elevated the present administration to power, and inaugurated a new era in the history of Democracy and of the Republic. The factions that had arrayed themselves against the peace and stability of the Union, were abashed and terrified at the magnitude of the disaster which fell upon them. The secret of the great Revolu- tion in the popular sentiment of the country, is to be sought only in the fact, that the Democratic party had pledged itself to the sacred maintenance of the Constitution and its comprO' mises, and thus, to the preservation of the Union. It was the Union Sentiment of the country, which triumphed in that election. The completeness of this transcendent and unprecedented victory, gave reasonable ground of hope to the patriotic portion of the people, that the Democratic party would be consolidated upon the great and noble principles upon which it had so signally triumphed, and its ascendency thereby secured, at least, for the present generation. Such were the confident and cheering anticipations of the great body of the victorious party. The Democracy can hardly realize that those brilliant antici- pations, so well-founded and reasonable, should all be dissipated in the lapse of two short years, from the occurrence of the great event in wliicli they originated. Such, however, is the melan- choly and disheartening fact. Almost from the moment of the inauguration of the present administration in office, its course has been attended with defeat and disaster. Since its policy and measures have been developed, it has hardly succeeded in a single State in which elections have been held. lu Maine, I CEOICE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 39f) j^'on^ ITarapsliire, Vermont, Rliocle Island, Connecticut, New York and Iowa, to which may bo added Pennsylvania and Ohio, it has been defeated ; in some of the States, it has been overwhelmed. And in North Carolina, a State in which its policy niig-ht be supposed to be acceptable, it has succeeded with a greatly diminished vote. We point to these pregnant facts in the recent experience of the Democratic party under the leadershij) cf the present incum- bent of the Presidency, without designing to enter into an explanation of their causes. It is enough that the Democratic party has suffered defeats, signal and unprecedented, in ths States we have mentioned, indicating on the part of the present administration, a loss of tlie confidence of the people. But the future of the Democratic party would not lie so overcast with clouds, as it now is, if the results of the elections in the States al)0ve mentioned, did not indicate more than simple defeat. In our judgment, they point unerringly to a disorganization and dis- solution of the Democratic {>arty, as at present organized, unless some means can be devised by which the process of demorali- zation, so fearffllly begun, and so 'apidly progressing, can be averted. This Committee have grare.j and maturely considered the Bxigent perils which now environ the Democratic i>arty, and we have deliberately come to the conclusion that there is no v/av by which it can be saved from defeat and overthrow, except 1)} the immediate nomination by the people, for the office of Presidec'* of the United States, of some citizen of the Republic, distin- j^uislied alike for his abilities, experience in public affairs, anG unquestionable statesmanship. Such a man would serve as » rallying point for the disjointed fragments of the party, arrest the progress of demoralization, and reorganize itvS dissevered elements into a comjiact and consolidated organization. With a view of briugiug about results so desirable, the demo 396 EVILS OF CAUCUSE3. eratic republicans of Xew Ilaranshire, Tiomiuate and rpcorcraom' for the ofSce of President of tlie United States, Gen. Saw Houston, of Texas, to be suj)ported by the people, independent of nominations which may be made by Conventions, State or Rational. We nominate him as the people's candidate, and we invite our democratic brethren in other States, also to nominate him, in which event his election will be sure. We believe that in the present crisis of political afln\irs, it is expedient for the people to take the matter of the nomination of the chief magistrate of the Republic — the officer who, for the time being, represents the majesty and sovereignty of the people —into their own hands. The day when nominations by National Conventions will be respected, is past. They, like their prede- cessors, Congressional caucuses, have become obselete. The in- telligent and reflecting i)eo{)lc of the United States cannot shut their eyes to the momentous and humiliating fact, that, as National Conventions are at present organized and conducted, no distinguished citizen of the Republic, who has gained the confidence of the people, by conunanding ability disjilayed in a long life of eminent and -^aluabie public service, can aspire to the Presidency. National Conventions rule all such men off the line of promotion to tliat exalted ofiice. None but inen of infe- rior capacities, unknown to the people, and never thought of, except by intriguing demagognes, who, in elevating such men to the highest honors of the Republic, secure tliereljy their own advancement in inferior spheres, can now hope for a nomination by National Conventions. Instead of being fair exponents of the po]>ular sentiment, National Conventions now stifle and sup- press the will and voice of the people. Who can don!)t that Gen. Cass was the choice of more than three-fourths of the democracy of the Union, as their candidate and standard-bearer at the last Presidential canvass ? Yet, he was excluded from tUfl HomiQatiou by the late Baltimore ConvcutioQ ; the event to J A C K S K N XI I X A T K D BY T ri V. PEOPLE. 397 wLicli the present embarrassment of the Democratic party may, in a great measure, be attrilmieil. Tbe only way in wliicli these immense evils can be corrected, nnd the people restored to their sovereign and constitutional right to choo&e the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, of which they have been denied by the machinery of National Conven- tions, is, to take the business of making Presidents into their o\vn hands — to make the nominations themselves, inasmuch as they have to make the elections.' In such a manner was Gen. Jackson, the honored and revered of the people, and one of the most illustrious of Presidents, nominated and elected. He was nominated in opposition to the nomination of the old Congres- sional caucus of his day. That caucus was instituted in the early days of the Republic. It did good service in the struggle with the federalists, in the days of John Adams. By a Con- gressional caucus, Mr. Jefferson was nominated for the Presi- dency ; as were also his successors, Mr. Madison and Mr. Mon- roe. It was the regular nomination of tlie democracy of tiiat day. Its last candidate was William H. Crawford, in 1824. Gen. Jackson was nominated and run as the people's deviocratic candhkile. against the nomination of Mr. Craicford. And although he failed of an election in the House of Representa- tives, by trickery, he succeeded at the next election before ihe peojjle. His success was the downfall of the old Congressional caucuses, which, like the National Conventions of the present day, had become the instrument of intriguing demagogues for vheir own aggrandizement. As Gen. Jackson was nominated by the peojile, we nominate Gf.'U tJ.oviston. We nominate him to be supported by the pHOi.''o. ji.Jepeudent of National Conventions. And we invoke UiG }'v.'Oi'le all sections and States of the Union, to unite with ns in t' e election of this distinguished aud "miuent man to the Chief Magistracy of the Republic 398 • hcuston's achievements. Is it asked, who is Geu. Houstow ? If so, the history of the Republic affords ample auswer. His deeds and achievemeucs have illustrated its most brilliant pages. He was bora iii the State of Yirginia — like Gen. Jackson, he em-grated to Teiiuos- see. He was the companion, the friend and confidant of tliat illustrious man. Under the command of Gren. Jackson, he dis- tinguished himself by his bravery and courage at the celebrated Indian battle of the Horse Siioe. He was among the few friends whom the dying Hero of the Hermitage invited to his bed-side in the last moments of his ebbing 4ife. Gen. Jackson knew him, stood by him, confided in him, and endorsed him as a true and honest man, and Gen. Jackson never endorsed anything that was untrue, false or spurious. No man living possesses more of the noble virtues of Gen. Jackson than Gen. Houston. And his career has been equally illustrious and brilliant. The most remarkable and wonderful Battle of San Jacinto will ever rank in history W'ith that of New Orleans. Moreover his admi- nistration of the affairs of Texas, while it was an independent republic, and he its chief magistrate, was most able and con- summate. It was through his rare ability and tact, so far as Texas was concerned, tiiat that State was annexed to the American Union. It was Gen. Houston who conquered Texas and brought her into the Union, thereby adding to the Republic a country as large, as beautiful, and as congenial in climate, as the Empire of France, and laying the foundation for the expan- sion of the Republic southward to the river Rio Grande, and westward to the Pacific Ocean, thus elevating her to the first rank among the nations of the earth. These are the 'ichicie- ments of Gen. Sara Houston, of Texas. No pub'ic \m.-j. n'.>'f living in tlie United States, belonging to the Democrati': pa.-!.-', has performed such £l..,-ual service for his country, oi sned sucb lustre upon its historic pages. Throughout his long career, Gou. Houston has been an THE FRIEND OF JACKSON. 399 inflexible democrat. lie is a disciple of tlie scliool of Jeffersou and Jaclison, lie has filled many of the highest public offices in all which, he has acquitted himself with remarkable ability and with unsuspected integrity. In all positions, the most responsible, as well as the most trying and perilous, he has been eminently successful. He has ever proved himself equal to any emergency in which he has been placed. As General, States- man, Orator and Legislator, he has displayed talents and ability of the first order. He is a man of honor. He keeps faith with the humblest as well as the highest. He has never broken his word with the humblest Indian with whom he has had to deal, nor with sovereign States. He believes in the sacredness of treaties, of compacts, and of compromises, whether in the form of conventions, constitutions, or solemn acts of Congress. He preserves his faith with the North, as he would requiie the North to preserve its faith with the South. Under his adminis- tration, the rights of all sections of the Union would be protected and preserved. He is a Union man, and never would permit this glorious confederacy of sovereign States to be dissevered by the aggressions of fanaticism on one side, nor by unjustifiable rebellion on the other. He would secure justice to the States and to the people. Such is the history and character of " Oloi Sam Houston," the Hero of Sau Jacinto, the friend of Gen, Jackson, who was the great and beloved President of the peo- ple, as Gen. Houston will be if he shall be elected. Can he be elected ? We have no doubt of it. He can bo elected, if the people say that he shall be. Let the people put him forward, and the politicians will be paralyzed. The great niiiss of the Democratic party will support him. They are tired of the feeble and incompetent contingent candidates imposed upon them by National Conventions, as they and the whole country are tired of mere military chieftains. Both have had their day. The people now want a man of talents, of character, 400 Houston's availability. of experience — a well-tried statesman. Such are tl:e wants of the Democracy — such the demands of the people general]}'. At present, the Democratic party have no commanding leader, and no well-defined system of political measures, to rally them to party allegiance. A man and a policy are now the great desiderata of the Democratic masses. Gen. Houston would command the support of the great body of the Democratic voters of the country. He would also receive the sujiport of a numerous portion of the people who have hitherto acted with the Whig party. The utter prostration and defeat of that party, the permanent ascendency of the system of Democratic measures propounded to the country by General Jackson, the abolitioni- zation of the Whig party, and its consequent destruction as a national party, have drawn a large number of the people for- merly acting with the Whigs from tlie pale of the Whig organi- zation. Tney are now, in fact, without the limits of any {jarty. In national sentiment, they sympathize with the Democracy. All this class of voters would give their support to Geu. Houston. The true interests of the people of the South, and especially tliose who are sincerely desirous of preserving and perpetuating the union of this glorious confederacy of sovereign and independ- ent States, all point to Gen. Houston as the man, above all otiiers, for tlie crisis now irapeiuling ovi-r the South and the country. They cannot fail to note the formidable and fearful combination now forming in the North, under the banner of abolitionism, which has for its basis and incentive to action, unrelenting hostility to the institutions of the South. That com- bination will grow and expand in ))otency and virulence, until even the most sanguine will admit its dangei", and tremble at the consequences which may How from it. If, under such circum- stances, a nnm from the South, not acceptable at the North for his couservativ« ijeutimeuts, shall be run for the Presidency, it U N F U R :^ THE BANNER. 401 will only angmeat the dangers and the perils wliicli now menace the peace of the country and the stability of the Union. If a candidate from the Nortli shall be nominated, who is in tho least suspected of subserviency to the South, the danger will be still more increased. Gon. Houston is the only man who can meet and prostrate this portentous coalition of factions in the North to which we have alluded. The course which he took with respect to the Nebraska Bill, has placed him in a position which will command the confidence of the patriotic men of the North, and should commend him to the confidence of the South. While he has, with a courage and true intrepidity which com- mand our admiration, taken his stand in favor of the inviolable sanctity of compacts between the North and the South, no man can say that he is hostile to the institutions or the interests of either section of the Union. In the present crisis, we are confi- dent that the people of the South, will, on reflection, see in Gen. Houston the very man for the present emergency — the only man who can save the South and Union from the dangers which now impend over them. We, therefore, unfurl the banner of the veteran Hero and Statesman, fearlessly to the breeze, confident of ultimate victory. We, as a part of the people, independent of any organization of politicians, nominate Gen. Sam Houston, as the People's candi- date FOR THE OFFICE OF PRESIDENT OF THE UnITED StATES, aud we invoke our brethren, the Democracy of this State, and of the United States, and the people generally, to rally promptly around his banner, assuring them a glorious triumph in I85G. Aud, in ooncliLsion, for the purpose of ensuring efficient co- operation among the friends of Gen. Houston, we recommend the immediate formation, by the people, of San Jacinto Clubs in every State, district and town in the Republic. On motion, voted, That the proceedings of this meeting be 26 402 FIX7S, signed by the officers thereof, and published in the State Capital Jieporter, and other Democratic papers. On motion, yoted, That when this Committee adjourn, it be to meet at the call of the President, at such time and place aa he may designate. Yoted to adjourn. WILLIAM PRESCOTT, PresideiU. William Tennet, ) WiLLTjiM W. Eastman^ ) 91 ffttl. 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