KAKl UJiiVEKSITY OF CALIFuHlfia DAVIS C, K. OGDFAT rot Tresid ent of tKe UNITED STATES OF AMERICA LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. ABRIDGED AND COMPILED BY WILLIAM COBBETT, M. P. FOR OLDHAM. WITH AN INTERESTING FRONTISPIECE, INCLUDING A PORTRAIT. lTY OF CALIFORHfil DAVIS LONDON : PUBLISHED AT 11, BOLT-COURT, FLEET-STREET; AND MAY BE HAD OF ALL BOOKSELLERS. 1834. LONDON : PRINTED BY MILLS, JOWETT, AND MILLS, BOLT-CO OUT, KLEET-9TRBKT. EXPLANATION OF THE FRONTISPIECE. (ABOVE THE PORTRAIT.) Part of the City of New Orleans, with the flag of the United States upon the citadel ; surrounded by a rampart of cotton-bags, with the Tennessee militia-men and the other patriot defenders firing from behind the cotton- bags upon the British, who are falling in all quarters and escaping to the sea, whereon some are already in boats, rowing off to the fleet, which is setting sail for Old England. N. B. The figure in the foreground, of a man, heels upwards and dying horse under him, represents Packenham, the commander and brother-in-law of Wellington. (UNDER THE PORTRAIT.) On one side, an Indian Chief, Jianging to a gibbet, his tomahawk, scalping-knife and horn, on the ground. On the other side, a Jew, suspended in like manner, and a bank-note of five dollars lying in the same manner as the mur derous, but less destructive instrument of the savage. DEDICATION TO THE WORKING PEOPLE OF IRELAND, MY FRIENDS, EVER since I became acquainted with the nature and extent of the ill-treatment of the people of Ireland, I have availed myself of every opportunity to endeavour to show, that I held their persecutors in abhorrence. I now dedicate to you a history of the life of the bravest and greatest man now living in this world, or that ever has lived in this world, as far as my knowledge extends. It has given me A2 2V DEDICATION. pleasure, which I cannot describe, to find that this famous man sprang from poor emigrant Irish parents ; and that he was born in the United States of America two years after the landing of his parents. You will read, with uncommon interest, the clear proof of his having "been urged on to perform the wonderful acts of his life, by his recollection of the ill-treatment of his parents in their native land. For more than two hundred years, the laborious Irish people were scourged, because, and only be cause, they would not apostatize from the reli gion of their fathers; and, even unto this day, every effort is made to keep them down, and to represent them as an inferior race of men. It is, therefore, in the name of truth and of justice, that I send this book forth amongst the people of this whole kingdom, to prove to them, that this ill-treated Ireland, this trampled-upon. Ireland, has produced the greatest soldier and the greatest statesman, whose name has ever yet appeared upon the records of valour and of wisdom. According to all the laws of all na- DEDICATION. V tions, a man, though born in a foreign country, if born of parents natives of another country, is a native of the country to which the parents belong. Thus this famous man is an Irishman; and, I beseech you to look at his deeds, and to applaud that just Providence, which has made him an instrument, though in a manner so indirect, of assisting to avenge the manifold wrongs of ill-treated Ireland. I am, Your faithful friend and most obedient servant, WM. COBBETT. Bolt Court, 27th March, 1834. I PREFACE AMONGST all the duties of men who meddle with public affairs, and who have any portion of the press at their command, no one is more obligatory upon them than that of endeavouring, by all the means that they have in their power, to do justice to the character and conduct of those, who, during their own time especially, have rendered eminent services in the cause of public justice arid public liberty; and, amongst all the men who have distinguished themselves in this way, in the present age, I know of no one who can challenge any thing like an equality with him, whose life and actions are the subject of the following pages. There may have been men placed in situations as difficult and as dangerous as those in which he has been placed. There may have been men who have shown courage, fortitude, perseverance, and resolution, equal to those shown by him. This may be ; but, at the end of pretty nearly seventy years of observing, of Vlll PREFACE. hearing^ and of reading, I declare most explicitly, I have never seen, never heard of, and never read of, any man equal to the President in these prime and admi rable qualities. These pages trace him from the spade and the plough to the musket carried against invaders, aiming at the destruction of the liberties of his country : from the musket they take him back to his books ; then take him to the bar; then place him on the bench; then send him to the senate ; afterwards lead us to see him on his farm, whence, when another invasion of his country took place, they show him quitting his beloved fields, again rushing to meet hostile foes ; and, having delivered his country of those foes, we are led with him back again to his farm^ whence he is again called to take upon him the chief magistracy of a great and opulent and a free country, and that, too, by the una nimous voice of millions of free men. Thus honoured; thus confided in; thus placed in a more honourable situation than any other man upon the face of the earth, we see him acting a part worthy of his high station. The angry, the bitter, the impla cable, the heretofore-deemed-all-powerful British go vernment, he had repulsed ; he had humbled : the savage tribes, the cannibal foes of his country, he had scourged with rods of scorpions; if he had not tamed them into humanity, he had made fear sheathe their hatchets and their scalping knives : but, in hia capacity of chief magistrate ; in his capacity of chief guardian of the civil and political rights, and of the property and lives of his countrymen, he had to deal with a monster more formidable, and more destructive PREFACE. -re to the people, than either the British or the savages : wave his determination already taken. The route he would have to make to gain the fort, lay for a considerable distance up the river : might not the boats, long expected from Hiwassee, and which he felt strongly assured must be near at hand, be met> with on the way ? He determined to proceed ; and having- passed his army and baggage wagons over several mountains of stupendous size, and such as were thought almost impassable by foot passengers, he arrived on the 22nd of October, at Thomp son's Creek, which empties into the Tennessee, twenty-four miles above Ditto's. At this place he proposed the establish ment of a permanent depot, for the reception of supplies, to be 34 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. sent either up or down the river. Disappointed in the hopes with which he had adventured on his march, he remained here several days, in expectation of the boats that were coming to his relief. Thus harassed at the first onset, by difficulties wholly unexpected, and which, from the numerous and strong assur ances received, he could by no means have calculated on: fearing*, too, that the same disregard of duty might induce a continuance, he lost no time in opening every avenue to expedient, that the chances of future failure might be diminished. To General Flournoy, who commanded at Mobile, he applied, urging him to procure bread stuff, and have it forwarded up the Alabama by the time he should arrive on that river. The agent of the Choctaws, Colonel M'Kee, who was then on the Tombigbee, was addressed in the same style of entreaty. Expresses were flspatched to General White, who, with the advance of the East Tennessee division, had arrived at the Look-Out mountain, in the Cherokee nation, urging him, by all means, to hasten on the supplies. The assistance of the Governor of Tennessee was also earnestly besought. To facilitate exertion, and to assure success, every thing within his reach was attempted : several persons of wealth and patriotism, in Madison county, were solicited to afford the contractors all the aid in their power ; and, to induce them more readily to extend it, their deep in terest, immediately at stake, was pointed to, and their deplorable and dangerous situation, should necessity compel him to with draw his army, and leave them exposed to the mercy of the savages. 38. Whilst these measures were taking, two runners, from Turkey town, an Indian village, dispatched by Path-killer, a chief of the Cherokees, arrived at the camp. They brought in formation, that the enemy, from nine of the hostile towns, were assembling in great force near the Ten Islands ; and solicited that immediate assistance should be afforded the friendly Creeks and Cherokees, in their neighbourhood, who were exposed to such imminent danger. His want of provisions was not yet remedied ; but distributing the partial supply that was on hand, he resolved to proceed, in expectation that the relief he had so earnestly looked for, would in a little while arrive, and be for warded to him. To prepare his troops for an engagement, which he foresaw was soon to take place, he thus addressed them : 39. " You have, fellow soldiers, at length penetrated the country of your enemies. It is not to be believed that they will abandon the soil that embosoms the bones of their forefathers, III.] INDIAN CAMPAIGN, 1813. 35 without furnishing 1 you an opportunity of signalizing- your valour. Wise men do not expect, brave men will not desire it. It was not to travel unmolested, through a barren wilderness, that you quitted your families and home.s, and submitted to so many privations ; it was to avenge the cruelties committed upon our defenceless frontiers by the inhuman Creeks, instigated by their no less inhuman allies ; you shall not be disappointed. If the enemy flee before us, we will overtake and chastise him ; we will teach him how dreadful, when once aroused, is the resent ment of freemen. But it is not by boasting that punishment is to be inflicted, or victory obtained. The same resolution that prompted us to take up arms, must inspire us in battle. Men thus animated, and thus resolved, barbarians can never conquer ; and it is an enemy, barbarous in the extreme, that we have now to face. Their reliance will be on the damage they can do you whilst you are asleep and unprepared for action : their hopes shall fail them in the hour of experiment. Soldiers \vho know their duty, and are ambitious to perform it, are not to be taken by surprise. Our sentinels will never sleep, nor our soldiers be unprepared for action : yet, whilst it is enjoined upon the sentinels vigilantly to watch the approach of the foe, they are, at the same time, commanded not to fire at shadows. Imaginary danger must not deprive them of entire self-posses sion. Our soldiers will lie with their arms in their hands ; and the moment an alarm is given, they will move to their respective positions without noise, and without confusion ; they will be thus enabled to hear the orders of their officers, and to obey them with promptitude. 40. " Great reliance will be placed by the enemy on the con sternation they may be able to spread through our ranks by the hideous yells with which they commence their battles ; but brave men will laugh at such efforts to alarm them. It is not by bel- lowings and screams that the wounds of death are inflicted. You will teach these noisy assailants how weak are their weapons of warfare, by opposing them with the bayonet; what Indian ever withstood its charge ? what army, of any nation, ever withstood it long ? 41. "Yes, soldiers, the order for a charge will be the signal for victory. In that moment, your enemy will be seen fleeing in every direction before you. But in the moment of action, coolness and deliberation must be regarded ; your fires made with precision and aim ; and when ordered to charge with the bayonet, you must proceed to the assault with a quick and firm step i without trepidation or alarm* Then shall you behold the 36 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap* completion of your hopes in the discomfiture of your enemy. Your general, whose duty, as well as inclination, is to watch over your safety, will not, to gratify any wishes of his own, rush you unnecessarily into danger. He knows, however, that it is not in assailing an enemy that men are destroyed ; it is when retreating and in confusion. Aware of this, he will be prompted as much by a regard for your lives as your honour. He laments that he has been compelled, even incidentally, to hint at a retreat when speaking to freemen, and to soldiers. Never, until you forget all that is due to yourselves and your country, will you have any practical understanding of that word. Shall an enemy, wholly unacquainted with military evolution, and who rely more for victory on their grim visages and hideous yells, than upon their bravery or their weapons shall such an enemy ever drive before them the well-trained youths of our country whose bosoms pant for glory, and a desire to avenge the wrongs they have received ? Your general will not live to behold such a spectacle ; rather would he rush into the thickest of the enemy, and submit himself to their scalping knives : but he has no fears of such a result. He knows the valour of the men he commands, and how certainly that valour, regulated as it will be, will lead to victory. With his soldiers he will face all dangers, and with them participate in the glory of conquest." 42. Having thus prepared the minds of his men, and brought to their view the kind of foe with whom they were shortly to contend; and having also, by his expresses, instructed General White to form a junction with him, and to hasten on all the supplies in his power to command, with about six days' rations of meat, and less than two of meal, he again put his army in motion to meet the enemy. Although there was some hazard- in advancing into a country where relief was not to be expected, with such limited preparation, yet, believing that his contractors, lately installed, would exert themselves to the utmost to forward supplies, and that amidst the variety of arrangements made, all could not fail, and well aware that his delaying longer might be productive of many disadvantages, his determination was taken to set out immediately in quest of the enemy. He replied to the Path-killer, by his runners, that he should proceed directly for the Coosa, and solicited him to be diligent in making dis coveries of the situation and collected forces of the savages, and to give him, as early as possible, the result of his inquiries. 43. " The hostile Creeks," he remarked to him, '* will not attack you until they have had a brush with me ; and that, I think, will put them out of the notion of fighting for some time." III.] INDIAN CAMPAIGN, 1813. 37 44. He requested, if he had, or could any how procure, pro visions for his army, that he would send them, or advise where they might be had : " You shall be well paid, and have my thanks into the bargain. I shall stand most in need of corn meal, but shall be thankful for any kind of provisions ; and in deed for whatever will support life." 45. The army had advanced but a short distance when unex pected embarrassments were again presented. Information was received, by which it was clearly ascertained that, the present contractors, who had been so much and so certainly relied on, could not, with all their exertions, procure the necessary supplies. Major Rose, in the quarter-master's department, who had been sent into Madison county, to aid them in their endeavours, having satisfied himself, as well from their own admissions, as from evidence derived from other sources, that their want of funds, and consequent want of credit, rendered them a very unsafe dependence, had returned, and disclosed the facts to the general. He stated, that there were there persons of fortune and industry, who might be confided in, and who would be willing to contract for the army if it were necessary. Jackson lost no time in embracing this plan, and gave the contract to Mr. Pope, upon whose means and exertions, he hoped, every reliance might be safely reposed. To the other contractors he wrote, informing them of the change that had been made, and the reasons which had induced it. 46. " I am advised," said he, " that you have candidly ac knowledged you have it not in your power to execute the con tract in which you have engaged. Do not think I mean to cast any reflection very far from it. I am exceedingly pleased with the exertions you have made, and feel myself under many obligations of gratitude for them. The critical situation of affairs, when you entered into the contract, being considered, you have done all that individuals, in your circumstances, could have performed. But you must be well convinced, that any approbation which may be felt by the commander of an army, for past services, ought not to become, through kindness to you, the occasion of that army's destruction. From the admissions you have been candid enough to make, the scarcity which already begins to appear in camp, and the difficulties you are likely to encounter in effecting your engagements, 1 am apprehensive I should be doing injustice to the army I command were I to rely for sup port on your exertions great as I know them to be. What ever concerns myself, I may manage with any generosity or indulgence I please ; but in acting* for my country, I have no 38 UFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. such discretion. I have, therefore, felt myself compelled to give the contract in which you are concerned, to another, who is abundantly able to execute it ; on condition he indemnifies you for the trouble you have been at.' 3 47. This arrangement being- made, the army continued its march, and having arrived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, was met by old Chinnaby, a leading chief of the Creek nation, and sternly opposed to the war party. He brought with him, and surrendered up, two of the hostile Creeks who Lad lately been made prisoners by his party. At this place, it was repre sented, that they were within sixteen miles of the enemy, who were collected, to the number of a thousand, to oppose their passage. This information was little relied on, and afterwards proved untrue. Jackson continued his route, and in a few days reached the islands of the Coosa, having been detained a day on the way. for the purpose of obtaining small supplies of corn from the neighbouring Indians. This acquisition to the scanty stock on hand, whilst it afforded subsistence for the present, encouraged his hopes for the future, as a means of temporary resort, should his other resources fail. 48. In a letter to Governor Blount, from this place, speaking of the difficulties with which he was assailed, he observes : " Indeed, sir, we have been very wretchedly supplied scarcely two rations in succession have been regularly drawn ; yet we arc not despondent. Whilst we can procure an ear of corn a-piece, or any thing that will answer as a substitute for it, we shall con tinue our exertions to accomplish the object for which we were sent. The cheerfulness with which my men submit to privations, and are ready to encounter danger, does honour to them, and to the government whose rights they are defending. 49. " Every mean within nay power, for procuring the re quisite supplies for my army, I have taken, and am continuing to take. East, west, north, and south, have been applied to with the most pressing solicitation. The Governor of Georgia, in a letter received from him this evening', informs me that a suffi ciency can be had in his state; but does not signify that he is about to take any measures to procure it. My former contractor has been superseded : no exertions were spared by him to fulfil his engagements ; yet the inconveniences under which he laboured were such as to render his best exertions unavailing 1 . The contract has been offered to one who will be able to execute it : if he accepts it, my apprehensions will be greatly dimi nished." 50. On the 28th of October, 1813, Colonel Dyer, who, on III.] INDIAN CAMPAIGN, 1813. 39 the march to the Ten Islands, had been detached from the main body, with two hundred cavalry, to attack Littafutchee town, on the head of Canoe creek, which empties into the Coosa from the west, returned, bringing 1 with him twenty-nine prisoners, men, women, and children, having 1 destroyed the village. 51. The sanguine expectations indulged on leaving" Thomp son's creek, that the advance of the East Tennessee militia would hasten to unite with him, was not yet realized. The ex press heretofore directed to General White, had not returned. Jackson on the 31st of October, 1813, dispatched another, again urging- him to effect a speedy junction, and to bring 1 with him all the bread stuflf it should be in his power to procure; feelingly suggesting- to him, at the same time, the great incon venience and hazard to which he had been already exposed, for the want of punctuality in himself and his commanding general. Owing to that cause, and the late failures of his contractors, he represented his army as placed, at present, in a very precarious situation, and dependent, in a great measure, for support, on the exertions which they might be pleased to make ; but assured him, at the same time, that, let circumstances transpire as they might, he would still, at every risk, endeavour to effect his pur pose; and, at all events, was resolved to hasten, with every practicable dispatch, to the accomplishment of the object for which he had set out. Believing the co-operation of the East Tennessee troops essential to this end, they were again in- ttructed to join him without delay; for he could not conceive it so be correct policy, that troops from the same state, pursuing the same object, should constitute separate and distinct armies, and act without concert, and independently of each other. He entertained no doubt but that his order would be promptly obeyed. 52. The next evening, a detachment which had been sent out the day before, returned to camp, bringing with them, be sides some corn and beeves, several negroes and prisoners of the war party. 53. Learning now that a considerable body of the enemy had posted themselves at Tallushatchee, on the south side of the Coosa, about thirteen miles distant, General Coffee was detached with nine hundred men, (the mounted troops having been pre viously organized into a brigade, and placed under his command,) to attack and disperse them. With this force he was enabled, through the direction of an Indian pilot, to ford the Coosa at the Fish dams, about four miles above the Islands ; and having encamped beyond it, very early the next morning proceeded to 40 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. the execution of his order. Having arrived within a mile and a half, he formed his attachment into two divisions, and directed them to march so as to encircle the town, by uniting their fronts beyond it. The enemy, hearing of his approach, began to pre pare for action, which was announced by the beating of drums, mingled with their savage yells and war whoops. An hour after sun-rise, the action was commenced by Captain Hammond's and Lieutenant Patterson's companies of spies, who had gone within the circle of alignement, for the purpose of drawing the Indians from their buildings. No sooner had these companies exhibited their front in view of the town, and given a few scat tering shot, than the enemy formed, and made a violent charge. Being compelled to give way, the advance guards were pursued until they reached the main body of the army, which immedi ately opened a general fire, and charged in their turn. The Indians retreated, firing, until they got around and in their buildings, where an obstinate conflict ensued, and where those who maintained their ground persisted in fighting as long as they could stand or sit, without manifesting fear or solicit ing quarter. Their loss was a hundred and eighty-six killed ; among whom were, unfortunately, and through accident, a few women and children. Eighty-four women and children were taken prisoners, towards whom the utmost humanity was shown. Of the Americans, five were killed, and forty-one wounded. Two were killed with arrows, which on this occasion formed a principal part of the arms of the Indians ; each one having a bow and quiver, which he used after the first fire of his gun, until an opportunity occurred for reloading. 54. Having buried his dead, and provided for his wounded, General Coffee, late on the evening of the same day, united with the main army, bringing with him about forty prisoners. Of the residue, a part were too badly wounded to be removed, and were therefore left with a sufficient number to take care of them. Those which he brought in, received every comfort and assistance their situation demanded, and, for safety, were imme diately sent into the settlements. 55. From the manner in which the enemy fought, the killing and wounding others than their warriors was not to be avoided* On their retreat to their village, after the commencement of the battle, they resorted to their block houses, and strong log dwellings, whence they kept up resistance, and resolutely main tained the fight. Thus mingled with their women and children, it was impossible they should not be exposed to the general danger ; and thus many were injured, notwithstanding every III.] INDIAN CAMPAIGN, 1813. 41 possible precaution was taken to prevent it. In fact many of the women united with their warriors, and contended in the battle with fearless bravery. 56. Measures were now taken to establish a permanent depot on the north bank of the river, at the Ten Islands, to be pro tected by strong- picketting 1 and block houses ; after which, it was the intention of Jackson to proceed along the Coosa to its junction with the Tallapoosa, near which it was expected the main force of the enemy was collected. Well knowing- that it would detach much of the strength of his army to occupy, in his advance, the different points necessary to the safety of his rear, it was desirable to unite, as soon as possible, with the troops from the east of Tenessee: to effect this, he again, on the 4th, dispatched an express to General White, who had previously, with his command, arrived at Turkey town, a Cherokee village, about twenty-five miles above, on the same river, urging him to unite with him as soon as possible, and again entreating him on the subject of provisions ; to bring with him such as he had on hand, or could procure; and, if possible, to form some certain arrangement that might ensure a supply in future. 57. Anxious to proceed, and to have his army actively and serviceably employed, which he believed would be practicable, as soon as a junction could be effected, he again, on the morning; of the 7th of November, 1813, renewed his application to General White, who still remained at Turkey-town. 58 As yet no certain intelligence was received of any col lection of the enemy. The army was busily engaged in forti fying and strengthening the site fixed on for a depot, to which the name of Fort Strother had been given. Late, however, on the evening of the 7th November, a runner arrived from Talla- dega, a fort of the friendly Indians, distant about thirty miles below, with information, that the enemy had that morning en camped before it in great numbers, and would certainly destroy it unless immediate assistance could be afforded. Jackson con fiding in the statement, determined to lose no time in extending the relief which was solicited. Understanding that General White, agreeably to his order, was on his way to join him, he dispatched a messenger to meet him, directing him to reach his encampment in the course of the ensuing night and to protect it in his absence. He now gave orders for taking up the line of march, with twelve hundred infantry, and eight hundred cavalry and mounted gun men ; leaving behind the sick, the wounded, and all his baggage, with a force which was deemed sufficient for their protection, until the reinforcement from Tur key-town should arrive. 42 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. 59. The friendly Indians, who had taken refuge in this be sieged fort, had involved themselves in their present perilous situation, from a disposition to preserve their amicable relations with the United States. To suffer them to fall a sacrifice, from any tardiness of movement, would have been unpardonable ; and unless relief wore immediately extended, it might arrive too late. Acting under these impressions, the general concluded to move instantly forward to their assistance. By twelve o'clock at night everything was in readiness ; and in an hour afterwards the army commenced crossing the river, about a mile above the camp, each of the mounted men carrying one of the infantry behind him. The river at this place was six hundred yards wide, and it being necessary to send back the horses for the remainder of the infantry, several hours were consumed before a passage of ail the troops could be effected. Nevertheless, though greatly fatigued and deprived of sleep, they continued the march with animation, and by evening had arrived within six miles of the enemy. In this march, Jackson used the ut~ most precaution to prevent surprise ; marching his army, as was his constant custom, in three columns, so that, by a speedy manoeuvre, they might be thrown into such a situation as to be capable of resisting an attack from any quarter. Having judi ciously encamped his men on an eligible piece of ground, he sent forward two of the friendly Indians, and a white man, who had for many years been detained a captive in the nation, and was now acting as interpreter, to reconnoitre the position of the enemy. About eleven o'clock at night they returned with in formation that the savages were posted within a quarter of a mile of the fort, and appeared to be in great force ; but that they had not been able to approach near enough to ascertain either their numbers or precise situation. Within an hour after this, a runner arrived from Turkey-town, with a letter from General White, stating, that after having taken up the line of march, to unite at Fort Strother, he had received orders from General Cocke to change his course and proceed to the mouth of Chatauga creek. It was most distressing intelligence: the sick and wounded had been left with no other calculation for their safety and defence than that this detachment of the army, agreeably to his request, would, by advancing upon Fort Strother, serve the double purpose of protecting his rear and enable him to advance still farther into the enemy's country. The inform ation which was now received, proved that all those salutary- anticipations were at an end, and that evils of the worst kind might be the consequence. Intelligence so disagreeable, and withal so unexnertfid. filled the mind of Jarkson with annrehen- IJI.] INDIAN CAMPAIGN, 18^3. 43! sion of a serious and alarming character ; and dreading lest the enemy, by taking a different route, should attack his encamp ment in his absence, he determined to lose no time in bringing him to battle. Orders were accordingly given to the adjutant- general to prepare the line, and by four o'clock in the morning, the army was a'ain in motion. The infantry proceeded in three columns ; thy cavalry in the same order, in the rear, with flankers on each wing. The advance, consisting of a company of artillerists with muskets, two companies of riflemen, and one of by abandoning her standard, as mutineers and deserters ; but should I be disappointed, and compelled to resign this pleasing hope, one thing I will not resign my duty. Mutiny and sedition, so long as I possess the power of quelling 1 them, shall be put down; and even when left destitute of this, I will still be found, in the last extremity, endeavouring to dis charge the duty I owe my country and myself." 89. To the platoon officers, who addressed him on the same subject, he replied with nearly the same spirited feeling ; but discontent was too deeply fastened, and by designing men had been too artfully fomented, to be removed by any thing like argument or entreaty. At length, on the evening of the 9th of December, 1813, General Hall hastened to the tent of Jack son with information that his whole brigade was in a state of mutiny, and making preparations to move forcibly off. This III.] INDIAN CAMPAIGN, 1813. 61 was a measure which every consideration of policy, duty, and honour, required Jackson to oppose ; and to this purpose he instantly applied all the means he possessed. He immediately issued the following general order : " The commanding- gene ral being informed that an actual mutiny exists in his camp, all officers and soldiers are commanded to put it down. The officers and soldiers of the first brigade will, without delay, parade on the west side of the fort, and await further orders." The artil lery company, with two small field- pieces, being posted in the front and rear, and the militia, under the command of Colonel Wynne, on the eminences, in advance, were ordered to prevent any forcible departure of the volunteers. 90. The general rode along the line, which had been pre viously formed agreeably to his orders, and addressed them, by companies, in a strain of impassioned eloquence. He feelingly expatiated on their former good conduct, and the esteem and applause it had secured them ; and pointed to the disgrace which they must heap upon themselves, their families, and country, by persisting, even if they could succeed, in their present mutiny. He told them, however, they should not suc ceed but by passing over his body ; that even in opposing their mutinous spirit, he should perish honourably by perishing at his post, and in the discharge of his duty. " Reinforcements 5 ' he continued, " are preparing to hasten to my assistance : it cannot be long before they will arrive. I am, too, in daily expectation of receiving information whether you may be dis charged or not until then, you must not, and shall not retire. I have done with entreaty, it has been used long enough. I will attempt it no more. You must now determine whether you will go or peaceably remain : if you still persist in your determination to move forcibly off, the point between us shall soon be decided." At first they hesitated; he demanded an explicit and positive answer. They still hesitated, and he com manded the artillerist to prepare the match ; he himself remain ing in front of the volunteers, and within the line of fire, which he intended soon to order. Alarmed at his apparent determina tion, and dreading the consequences involved in such a contest; " Let us return," was presently lisped along the line, and soon after determined upon. The officers now came forward and pledged themselves for their men, who either nodded assent, or openly expressed a willingness to retire to their quarters, and remain without further tumult, until information were had or the expected aid should arrive. Thus passed away a moment of the greatest peril, and pregnant with important consequences. 62 LIFE OF JACKSOX. i [Chap. 91. This matchless and ever- memorable scene, the reader will observe, took place on the 10th of December, 1813; the volunteers having- formed their first rendezvous, as he will re collect, on the !0th of December, 1812. One year had certainly expired ; but there had not been a year's service ; for they had not been in service from the 1st of May to the 10th of October, 1813 ; so that there remained five months of the year's service to come. The general was right in his construction of the bargain ; but, besides this, to have forsaken the campaign in such a manner/ would have been ruinous in the extreme : the -savage enemy not yet subdued, but exasperated to the last de gree, would have assailed the unprotected frontiers, and have drenched in the blood of the defenceless citizens. 92. This difficulty got over was by no means the last which he had to encounter : discontents were everlastingly rising up in his army ; the Governor of Tennessee recommended him to abandon his enterprise ; he had to reject this advice with scorn. One general retired with his brigade ; opposition after opposi tion he met with from different officers, yet he proceeded on to assault the blood-thirsty enemy, in spite of every impediment, though he had to imprison officers, to hang a militia soldier, and to do things which it appears almost to require credulity unbounded to believe to be true. Finally, however, he suc ceeded ; he subdued the savage tribes ; he reduced them to sue for pardon and for peace ; he concluded a treaty with them-; -took them out of the hands of the more crafty and more power ful enemy of America ; and cleared the way for a battle, single* handed, with the British, on the Gulf of Mexico ; and, finally at New Orleans. CHAPTER IV. FROM APRIL 1814 TO DECEMBER 1814. Perfidious conduct of the Spanish Governor of Pensacola. Jackson's rods rises above the elevation of the plains, and then the security of the country depends on the strength of those levees ; they not uuirequently break, when incalculable injury is the conse- ' quence. 72 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. general was under no necessity to encourage and allure tliem to deeds of valour : his own example was sufficient to excite them. Always in the midst, he displayed a coolness and disregard of danger, calling to his troops, that they had often said they could fight now was the time to prove it. 107. The British, driven back by the resolute firmness and ardour of the assailants, had now reached a grove of orange trees, with a ditch running past it, protected by a fence on the margin. Here they were halted and formed for battle. It was a favourable position, promising security, and was occupied with a confidence they could not be forced to yield it. Coffee's dauntless yeomanry, strengthened in their hopes of success, moved on, nor discovered the advantages against them, until a fire from the entire British line showed their position and defence. A sudden check was given ; but it was only momentary, for gathering fresh ardour, they charged across the ditch, gave a deadly and destructive fire, and forced them to retire. The re treat continued, until gaining a similar position, the British made another stand, and were again driven from it with con siderable loss. 108. Thus the battle raged on the left wing, until the British reached the bank of the river ; here a determined stand was made, and further encroachments resisted : for half an hour the conflict was extremely violent on both sides. The American troops could not be driven from their purpose, nor the British made to yield their ground ; but at length, having suffered greatly, the latter were under the necessity of taking refuge behind the levee, which afforded a breast-work, and protected them from the fatal fire of our riflemen. Coffee, unacquainted with their position, for the darkness had greatly increased, al ready contemplated again to charge them ; but one of his officers, who had discovered the advantage their situation gave them, assured him it was too hazardous ; that they could be driven no further, and would, from the point they occupied, resist with the bayonet, and repel, with considerable loss, any attempt that might be made to dislodge them. The place of their retire ment was covered in front by a strong bank, which had been extended into the field, to keep out the river, in consequence of the first being encroached upon, and undermined in several places : the former, however, was still entire in many parts, which, interposing between them and the Mississippi, afforded security from the broadsides of the schooner, which lay off at some distance. A further apprehension, lest, by moving still nearer to the river, he might greatly expose himself to the fire V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 73 of the Caroline, which was yet spiritedly maintaining the con flict, induced Coffee to retire until he could hear from the com manding- general, and receive his further orders. 109. During this time the right wing, under Jackson, had been no less prompt and active. A detachment of artillery, under Lieutenant Spotts, supported by sixty marines, and con stituting the advance, had moved down the road next the levee. On their left was the seventh regiment of infantry, led by Major Piere. The forty-fourth, commanded by Major Baker, was formed on the extreme left ; while Plauche's and Daquin's bat talions of city guards were directed to be posted in the centre, between the seventh and forty-fourth. The general had ordered Colonel Ross, who during the night acted in the capacity of brigadier-general, for he was without a brigadier, on hearing the signal from the Caroline, to move off by heads of companies, and, on reaching the enemy's line, to deploy, and unite the left wing of his command with the right of General Coffee's. This order was omitted to be executed ; and the consequence was an early introduction of confusion in the ranks, whereby was pre vented the important design of uniting the two divisions. 110. Instead of moving in column from the first position, the troops, with the exception of the seventh regiment, next the person of the general, which advanced agreeably to the instruc tions that had been given, were formed and marched in extended line. Having sufficient ground to form on at first, no incon venience was at the moment sustained ; but this advantage pre sently failing, the centre became compressed, and was forced in the rear. The river, from where they were formed, gradually inclined to the left, and diminished the space originally pos sessed : farther in stood Larond's house, surrounded by a grove of clustered orange trees : this pressing the left, and the river the right wing to the centre, formed a curve, which presently threw the principal part of Plauche's and Daquin's battalions without the line. This inconvenience might have been reme died, but for the briskness of the advance, and for the darkness of the night. A heavy fire from behind a fence, immediately before them, had brought the enemy to view. Acting in obe dience to their orders, not to waste their ammunition at random, our troops had pressed forward against the opposition in their front, and thereby threw those battalions in the rear. 111. A fog rising from the river, and which, added to the smoke from the guns, was covering the plain, gradually dimi nished the little light shed by the moon, and greatly increased the darkness of the night : no clue was left to ascertain how or 74 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. where the enemy were situated. There was no alternative but to move on, in the direction of their fire, which subjected the assailants to material disadvantages. The British, driven from their first position, had retired back, and occupied another, be hind a deep ditch, that ran out of the Mississippi towards the swamp, on the margin of which was a wood-railed fence. Here, strengthened by increased numbers, they again opposed the ad vance of our troops. Having- waited until they had approached sufficiently near to be discovered, from their fastnesses they dis charged a fire upon the advancing army. Instantly our battery was formed, and poured destructively upon them ; while the infantry, pressing forward, aided in the conflict, which at this point was for some time spiritedly maintained. At this moment a brisk sally was made upon our advance, when the marines, unequal to the assault, were already giving way. The adjutant- general, and Colonels Piatt and Chotard, with a part of the seventh, hastening to their support, drove the enemy, and saved the artillery from capture. General Jackson, perceiving the decided advantages which were derived from the position they occupied, ordered their line to be charged. It was obeyed with cheerfulness, and executed with promptness. Pressing on, our troops gained the ditch, and, pouring across it a well-aimed fire, compelled them to retreat, and to abandon their entrenchment. The plain, on which they were contending, was cut to pieces, by races from the river, to convey the water to the swamp. The enemy were, therefore, very soon enabled to occupy another position, equally favourable with the one whence they had been just driven, where they formed for battle, and for sometime gallantly maintained themselves ; but which, at length, and after stubborn resistance, they were forced to yield. 112. The enemy, discovering the firm and obstinate advance made by the right wing of the American army, and presuming 1 perhaps that its principal strength was posted on the road, formed the intention of attacking violently the left. Obliquing, for this purpose, an attempt was made to turn it. At this moment, Daquin's and the battalion of city guards being marched up, and formed on the left of the forty-fourth regiment, met- and repulsed them. 113. The particular moment of the contest prevented many of those benefits which might have been derived from the artil lery. The darkness of the night was such, that the blaze of the enemy's musketry was the only light afforded by which to deter mine their position, or be capable of taking our own to advan tage ; yet, notwithstanding, it greatly annoyed them, whenever V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 75 v it could be brought to bear. Directed by Lieutenant Spotts, a vigilant and skilful officer, with men to aid him who looked to nothing but a zealous discharge of their duty, the most essential and important services were rendered. 114. The enemy had been thrice assailed and beaten, and for nearly a mile compelled to yield their ground. They had now retired, and, if found, were to be sought for amidst the darkness of the night. The general determined to halt, and ascertain Coffee's position and success, previously to waging the battle further ; for as yet no communication had passed between them. He entertained no doubt, from the brisk firing in that direction, but that he had been warmly engaged; but this had now nearly subsided ; the Caroline, too, had almost ceased her operations; it being only occasionally that the noise of her guns disclosed the little opportunity she possessed of acting efficiently. 115. The express dispatched to General Jackson from the left wing having reached him, he determined to prosecute the successes he had gained no further. The darkness of the night, the confusion into which his own division had been thrown, and a similar disaster produced on the part of Coffee, all pointed to the necessity of retiring from the field, and abandoning the contest. The bravery and firmness already displayed by his troops, had induced with him a belief that by pressing forward he might capture the whole British army : at any rate, he con sidered it but a game of venture and hazard, which, if unsuc cessful, could not occasion his own defeat. If incompetent to its execution, and superior numbers, or superior discipline, should compel him to recede from the effort, he well knew the enemy would not have temerity enough to attempt pursuit. The extreme darkness, their entire ignorance of the situation of the country, and an apprehension lest their forces might be greatly outnumbered, afforded sufficient reasons on which to ground a belief, that although beaten from his purpose, he would yet have it in his power to retire in safety : but on the arrival of the express from General Coffee, learning the strong position to which the enemy had retired, and that a part of the left wing had been detached, and were in all probability cap tured, he determined to retire from the contest, nor attempt a' further prosecution of his successes. General Coffee was ac cordingly directed to withdraw, and take a position at Larond's plantation, where the line had been first formed: and thither the troops on the right were also ordered to be marched. 116. The last charge made by the left wing had separated' 76 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. from the main body Colonels Dyer and Gibson, with two hun dred men. and Captain Deal's company of riflemen. What might be their fate, whether they were captured or had effected their retreat, was, at this time, altogether uncertain ; be that as it might, Coffee's command was thereby considerably weakened. 117. Colonel Dyer, who commanded the extreme left, on clearing- the grove, after the enemy had retired, was marching: in a direction where he expected to find General Coffee ; he very soon discovered a force in front, and halting: his men, hastened towards it ; arriving- within a short distance, he was hailed, ordered to stop, and report to whom he belonged : Dyer, and Gibson, his lieutenant-colonel, who had accompanied him, advanced and stated they were of Coffee's brig-ade ; by this time they had arrived within a short distance of the line, and per ceiving that the name of the brigade they had stated was not understood, their apprehensions were awakened, lest it might be a detachment of the enemy ; in this opinion they were im mediately confirmed, and wheeling to return, were fired on and pursued. Gibson had scarcely started when he fell ; before he could recover, a soldier quicker than the rest had reached him, and pinned him to the ground with his bayonet ; fortunately the stab had but slightly wounded him, and he was only held by his clothes : thus pinioned, and perceiving others to be briskly advancing, but a moment was left for deliberation ; making a violent exertion, and springing to his feet, he threw his assailant to the ground, and made good his retreat. Colonel Dyer had retreated about fifty yards, when his horse dropped dead ; entangled in the fall, and slightly wounded in the thigh, there was little prospect of relief, for the enemy were briskly advancing : his men being near at hand, he ordered them to advance and fire, which checked their approach, and enabled him to escape. Being now at the head of his command, per ceiving an enemy in a direction he had not expected, and un certain how or where he might find General Coffee, he deter mined to seek him to the right, and moving on with his little band, forced his way through the enemy's lines, with the loss of sixty-three of his men, who were killed and taken. Captain Beal, with equal bravery, charged through the enemy, carrying- off some prisoners, and losing several of his own company. 118. This reinforcement of the British had arrived from Bayou Bienvenu after night. The boats that landed the first detachment had proceeded back to the shipping, and having returned were on their way up the Bayou, when they heard the guns of the Caroline ; moving hastily on to the assistance V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. . 77 of those who had debarked before them, they reached the shore, and knowing 1 nothing* of the situation of the two armies, during the engagement advanced in the rear of General Coffee's brigade. Coining 1 in contact with Colonel Dyer and Captain Beal, they filed off to the left, and reached the British lines. 119. This detached part of Coffee's brigade, unable to unite with or find him, retired to the place where they had first formed, and joined Colonel Hinds' dragoons, which had remained on the ground where the troops had first dis mounted, that they might cover their retreat if it became ne cessary. 120. Jackson had gone into this battle confident of success ; and his arrangements were such as would have ensured it, even to a much greater extent, but for the intervention of circum stances that were not and could not be foreseen. The Caroline had given her signals, and commenced the battle, a little too early, before Coftee had reached and taken his position, and before every thing was fully in readiness, to attain the objects designed : but it was chiefly owing to the confusion introduced at first into the ranks, which checked the rapidity of his advance gave the enemy time for preparation, and prevented his division from uniting with the right wing of General Coffee's brigade. 121. Colonel Hinds, with one hundred and eighty dragoons, was not brought into action during the night. Interspersed as the plain was with innumerable ditches diverging in different directions, it was impossible that cavalry could act to any kind of advantage : they were now formed in advance, to watch, until morning, the movements of the enemy. 122. From the experiments just made, Jackson believed it would be in his power, on renewing the attack, to capture the British army : he concluded, therefore, to order down to his assistance General Carroll with his division, and to assail them again at the dawn of day. Directing Governor Claiborne to re main x at his post, with the Louisiana militia, for the defence of an important pass to the city, the Gentilly road, he dispatched an express to Carroll, stating to him, that, if there had been no appearance of a force during the night, in the direction of Chef Menteur, to hasten and join him with the troops under his command : this order was executed by one o'clock in the morning. Previously, however, to his arrival, a different determination was made. From prisoners who had been brought. in, and through deserters, it was ascertained that the strength of the enemy during the battle was four thousand, and, with the 78 LIFE OF JACKSON. reinforcements which had reached them after its commence ment, and during the action, their force could not be less than six : at any rate, it would greatly exceed his own, even after the Tennessee division should be added. Although very decided advantages had been obtained, yet they had been procured under circumstances that might be wholly lost in a contest waged in open day, between forces so disproportionate, and by undisci plined troops, against veteran soldiers. Jackson well knew it was incumbent upon him to act a part entirely defensive*: should the attempt to gain and destroy the city succeed, numerous dif ficulties would present themselves, which might be avoided, so long as he could hold the enemy in check, and halt him in his designs. Prompted by these considerations that it was im portant to pursue a course calculated to assure safety ; and believing it attainable in no way so effectually as in occupying some point, and by the strength he might give it compensate for the inferiority of his numbers and their want of discipline, he determined to forbear all further offensive efforts until he could more certainly discover the views of the enemy, and until the Kentucky troops, which had not yet arrived, should reach him. Pursuing this idea, at four o'clock in the morning, having ordered Colonel Hinds to occupy the ground he was then abandoning, and to observe the enemy closely, he fell back, and formed his line behind a deep ditch, that stretched to the swamp at right angles from the river. There were two circum stances strongly recommending the importance of this place : the swamp, which from the high lands at Baton Rouge skills the river at irregular distances, and in many places is almost impervious, had here approached within four hundred yards of the Mississippi, and hence, from the narrowness of the pass, was more easily to be defended ; added to which, there was a deep canal, whence the dirt being thrown on the upper side, already formed a tolerable work of defence. Behind this, his troops were formed, and proper measures adopted for increasing its strength, with a determination never to abandon it ; but there to resist to the last, and valiantly to defend those rights which were sought to be outraged and destroyed. 123. Promptitude and decision, and activity in execution, constituted the leading traits of Jackson's character. No sooner had he resolved on the course which he thought necessary to be pursued, than with every possible dispatch he hastened to its completion. Before him was an army proud of its name, and distinguished for its deeds of valour. Opposed to which was his own unbending spirit, and an inferior, undisciplined and unarmed V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 79 force. He conceived, therefore, that his was a defensive policy, that by prudence and caution he would be able to preserve what offensive operation might have a tendency to endanger. Hence, with activity and industry, based on a hope of ultimate success, he commenced his plan of defence, determining to fortify him self effectually, as the peril and pressure of the moment would permit. When to expect attack he could not tell ; preparation and readiness to meet it was for him to determine on, all els3 was for the enemy. Promptly, therefore, he proceeded with his system of defence ; and with such thoughtfulness and anxiety, that until the night of the 27th, when his line was completed, he never slept, or for a moment closed his eyes. Resting his hope of safety here, he was everywhere, through the night, present, encouraging his troops, and hastening a com pletion of the work. The concern and excitement produced by the mighty object before him were such as overcame the demand of nature, and for five days and four nights he was without sleep and constantly employed. His line of defence being com pleted on the night of the 27th, he, for the first time since the arrival of the enemy, retired to rest and repose. 124. The soldier -who has stood the shock of battle, and knows what slight circumstances oftentimes produce decided ad vantages, will be able properly to appreciate the events of this night. Although the dreadful carnage of the 8th of January, hereafter to be told, was in fact the finishing blow, that struck down the towering hopes of those invaders, and put an end to the contest, yet in the battle of the 23rd is there to be found abundant cause why success resulted to our arms, and safety was given to the country. The British had reached the Mississippi without the fire of a gun, and encamped upon its banks as composedly as if they had been seated on their own soil, and at a distance from all .danger. These were circumstances which awakened a belief that they expected little opposition, were certain of suc cess, and that the troops with whom they were to contend would scarcely venture to resist them : resting thus confidently in the expectation of success, they would the next day have moved forward, and succeeded in the accomplishment of their designs. Jackson, convinced that an early impression was essential to ultimate success, had resolved to assail them at the moment of their landing, and " attack them in their first posi tion:" we have, therefore, seen him, with a force inferior by one half to that of the enemy, at an unexpected moment break into their camp, and with his undisciplined yeomanry drive be fore him the pride of England, and the conquerors of Europe. SO LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. It was an event that could not fail to destroy all previous theories, arid establish a conclusion which our enemy had not before formed, that they were contending- against valour inferior to none they had seen ; before which their own bravery had not stood, nor their skill availed them ; it had the effect of satis fying them, that the quantity and kind of troops it was in our power here to wield, must be different from any thing- that had been represented to them; for much as they had heard of the courage of the man with whom they were contending, they could not suppose, that a general having a country to defend, and a reputation to preserve, would venture to attack on their own chosen ground a greatly superior army, and one which, by the numerous victories it had achieved, had already acquired a fame in arms ; they were convinced that his force must greatly surpass \vhat they had expected, and be composed of materials different from what they had imagined. 125. The American troops, which were actually engaged, did not amount to two thousand men : they consisted of part of Coffee's brigade and Captain Beal's company, - 648 The 7th and 44th regiments, - - -763 Company of marines and artillery, 82 Plauche's and Daquin's battalions, - - 48S And the Mississippi dragoons under Colonal Hinds, not ) , fi / in the action, J 2167; which for a more than an hour maintained a severe conflict with a force of four or five thousand, and retired in safety from the ground, with the loss of but twenty-four killed, and one hundred and fifteen wounded, and seventy-four made prisoners ; while the killed, wounded, and prisoners of the enemy, were not Jess than four hundred. 126. Our officers and soldiers executed every order with promptitude, and nobly sustained their country's character. Lieutenant-colonel Lauderdale, of Coffee's brigade, an officer of great promise, and on whom every reliance was placed, fell at his post, and at his duty : he had entered the service, and descended the river with the volunteers under General Jackson, in the winter of 1812 passed through all the hardships arid difficulties of the Creek war, and had ever manifested a readiness to act when his country needed his services. Young, brave, and skilful, he had already afforded evidences of a capacity, which might, in future, have become useful ; his exemplary conduct, both in civil and military life, had acquired for him a respeet V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 81 that rendered his fall a subject of general regret. Lieutenant M'Lelland, a valuable young- officer of the 7th, was also among the number of the slain. 127. Coffee's brigade, during the action, imitating the ex ample of their commander, bravely contended, and ably sup ported the character they had previously established. The unequal contest in which they were eng'aged never occurred to them ; nor, for a moment, checked the rapidity of their advance. Had the British known they were merely riflemen, and without bayonets, a firm stand would have arrested their progress, and destruction or capture would have been the inevi table consequence; but this circumstance being unknown, every charge they made was crowned with success, producing discomfiture, and routing and driving superior numbers before them. Officers, from the highest to inferior grades, discharg-ed what had been expected of them. Ensign Leach, of the 7th regiment, being wounded through the body, still remained at his post, and in the performance of his duty. Colonel Reuben Kemper, enterprising and self-collected, amidst the confusion introduced on the left wing, found himself at the head of a handful of men, detached from the main body, and in the midst of a party of the enemy : never did any man better exemplify the truth of the position, that discretion is sometimes the better part of valour : to attempt resistance was idle, and could only eventuate in destruction : with a mind unclouded by the peril that surrounded him, he sought and procured his safety through stratagem. Calling to a group of soldiers who were near, in a positive tone, he demanded of them where their regiment was: lost themselves, they were unable to answer : but supposing' him one of their own officers, they assented to his orders, and fol lowed him to his own line, where they were made prisoners. 128. The 7th regiment, commanded by Major Piere, and the 44th, under Major Baker, aided by Major Butler, gallantly maintained the conflict forced the enemy from every secure position he attempted to occupy, and drove him a mile from the first point of attack. Confiding in themselves, and their general, who was constantly with them, exposed to danger and in the midst of the fight, inspiring by his ardour, and encouraging by his example, they advanced to the conflict, nor evinced a dis position to leave it until the prudence of their commander directed them to retire. 129. From the violence of the assault already made, the fears of the British had been greatly excited ; to keep their appre hensions alive was considered important, with a view partially 82 LIFE OP JACKSON. [Chap. to destroy the overweening- confidence with which they had arrived on our shores, and to compel them to act for a time upon the defensive. To effect this, General Coffee, with his brigade, was ordered down on the morning of the 24th, to unite with Colonel Hinds, and make a show in the rear of Lacoste's plantation. The enemy, not yet recovered of the panic pro duced by the assault of the preceding- evening, already believed it was in contemplation to urge another attack, and immediately formed themselves to repel it ; but Coffee having succeeded in recovering some of his horses, which were wandering along the margin of the swamp, and in regaining part of the clothing which his troops had lost the night before, returned to the line, leaving them to conjecture the objects of his movement. 130. The scanty supply of clothes and blankets that remained to the soldiers, from their long and exposed marches, had been left where they dismounted to meet the enemy,. Their numbers were too limited, and the strength of their opponents too well ascertained, for any part of their force to remain and take care of what was left behind : it was so essential to hasten on, reach their destination, and be ready to act when the signal from the Caroline should announce their co-operation necessary, that no time was afforded them to secure their horses ; they were turned loose, and their recovery trusted entirely to chance. Although many were regained, many were lost ; while most of the men remained but with a single suit, to encounter, in the open field, and in swamps covered with water, the hardships of camp, and the severity of winter. It is a circumstance which entitles them to much credit, that under privations so severely oppressive, complaints or murmurs were never heard. This state of things fortunately was not of long continuance. The story of their sufferings and misfortunes \vas no sooner known, than the legislature appropriated a sum of money for their re lief, which was greatly increased by subscriptions in the city and neighbourhood. Materials being purchased, the ladies, with that Christian charity and warmth of heart characteristic of their sex, at once exerted themselves in removing their dis tresses : all their industry was called into action, and in a little time the suffering soldier was relieved. Such generous con duct, in extending assistance at a moment when it w r as so much needed, while it conferred on those females the highest honour, could not fail to nerve the arm of the brave with new zeal for the defence of their benefactresses. This distinguished mark of their patriotism and benevolence is still remembered ; and often as these valiant men are heard to recount the dangers they V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. S3 have passed, and with peculiar pride to dwell on the mingled honours and hardships of the campaign, they breathe a senti ment of gratitude to those who conferred upon them such distinguished marks of their kindness, and who, by timely interference, alleviated their misfortunes and their sufferings. 131. To present a check, and keep up a show of resistance, detachments of light troops were occasionally kept in front of the line, assailing and harassing the enemy's advanced posts whenever an opportunity was offered of acting to advantage. Every moment that could be gained, and every delay that could be extended to the enemy's attempts to reach the city, was of the utmost importance. The works were rapidly progressing, and hourly increasing in strength. The militia of the state were every day arriving, and every day the prospect of successful opposition was brightening. 132. The enemy still remained at his first encampment. To be in readiness to repel an assault when attempted, the most active exertions were made on the 24th and 25th. The canal covering' the front of our line was deepened and widened, and a strong mud wall formed of the earth that had been originally thrown out. To prevent any approach until his system of defence should be in a state of greater forwardness, Jackson ordered the levee to be cut, about a hundred yards below the point he had occupied. The river being very high, a broad stream of water passed rapidly through the plain, of the depth of thirty or forty inches, which prevented any approach of troops on foot. Embrasures were formed, and two pieces of artillery, under the command of Lieutenant Spotts, early on the morning of the 24th, were placed in a position to rake the road leaftng up the levee. 133. He was under the constant apprehensions lest, in spite of his exertions below, the city might, through some ofter route, be reached and destroyed ; and those fears were increased to-day, by a report that a strong force had arrived debarked at the head of lake Borgne, and compelled an abandonment of the defence at Chef Menteur. This, however, proved to be un founded : the enemy had not appeared in that direction, nor had the officer, to whom was entrusted the command of this fort, so much relied on, forgotten his duty or forsaken his post. Acting upon the statement that Major Lacoste had retired from the fort, and fallen back on bayou St. John, and incensed that orders, which from their importance should have been faith fully executed, had been thus lightly regarded, he hastened to inform him what he had understood, and to forbid his leaving 4 LIFE or JACKSON. [Chap. his position. " The battery I have placed under your com mand must be defended at all hazards. In you, and the valour of your troops, I repose every confidence ; let me not be de ceived. With us every thing goes on well ; the enemy has not yet advanced. Our troops have covered themselves with glory : it is a noble example, and worthy to be followed by all. Main tain your post, nor ever think of retreating." To give addi tional strength to a place deemed so important, inspire confi dence, and ensure safety, Colonel Dyer, and two hundred men, were ordered here to assist in its defence, and act as videttes, in advance of the occupied points. 134. General Morgan, who at the English turn commanded the fort on the east bank of the river, was instructed to proceed as near the enemy's camp as prudence and safety would permit, and, by destroying the levee, to let in the waters of the Missis sippi between them. The execution of this order, and a similar one previously made below the line of defence, had entirely insulated the enemy, and prevented his march against either place. On the 26th, however, the commanding general fearing for the situation of Morgan, who, from the British occupying the intermediate ground, was entirely detached from his camp, directed him to abandon his encampment, carry off such of the cannon as might be wanted, and throw the remainder into the river, where they could be again recovered when the waters re ceded ; to retire to the other side of the river, and assume a position on the right bank, nearly opposite to his line, and have it fortified. This movement was imposed by the relative dis position of the two armies. Necessity, not choice, made it essential that St. Leon should be abandoned. 135. From every intelligence, obtained through deserters and prisoners, it was evident that the British fleet would make an effort to ascend the river, and co-operate with the troops already landed. Lest this, or a diversion in a different quarter, might be attempted, exertions were made to be able to resist at all points, and to interpose such defences on the Mississippi as might assure protection. The forts on the river, well supported with brave men, and heavy pieces of artillery, might, perhaps, liave the effect to deter their shipping from venturing in that direction, and dispose them to seek some safer route, if any <:ould be discovered. Pass Barrataria was best calculated for this purpose, and here, in all probability, it was expected the effort might be made. The difficulty of ascending the Missis sippi, from the rapidity of the current, its winding course, and the ample protection already given at forts St. Philip and Bour- V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 85 bon. were circumstances to which it was not to be inferred the British were strangers : nor was it to be expected, that, with a knowledge of them, they would venture here the success of an enterprise on which so much depended. It was a more rational conjecture that they would seek a passage through Barrataria proceed up on the right bank of the river, and gain a position whence, co-operating with the forces on the east side, they might drive our troops from the line they had formed, and, at less hazard, succeed in the accomplishment of their designs. Major Reynolds was accordingly ordered thither, with instruc tions to place the bayous, emptying through this pass, in the best possible state of defence to occupy and strengthen the island to mount sufficient ordnance, and draw a chain, within cannon-shot, across, the more effectually to guard the route, and protect it from approach. Lafite, who had been heretofore promised pardon for the outrages he had committed against the laws of the United States, and who had already shown a lively zeal on behalf of his adopted country, was also dispatched with Reynolds. He was selected, because, from the proofs already given, no doubt was entertained of his fidelity, and because his knowledge of the topography and precise situation of this section of the state was remarkably correct : it was the point where he had constantly rendezvoused, during the time of cruising against the merchant vessels of Spain, under a commission obtained at Carthagena, and where he had become perfectly acquainted with every inlet and entrance to the gulf through which a passage could be effected. 136. With these arrangements treason apart all anxiously alive to the interest of the country, and disposed to protect it, there was little room to apprehend or fear disaster. To use the general's own expression on another occasion, " the surest defence, and one which seldom failed of success, was a rampart of high-minded and brave men." That there were some of this description with him, on whom he could safely rely in moments of extreme peril, he well knew ; but that there were many strangers to him and danger, and who had never been called to act in those situations where death, stalking in hideous round, appals and unnerves even the most resolute, was equally certain ; whether they would contend with manly firmness, support the cause in which they had embarked, and realize his anxious wishes on the subject, could be only known in the moment of conflict and trial ; when, if disappointed in his expectations, the means of retrieving- the evil would be fled, and every thing lost in the result, 86 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. 1-37. As yet the enemy were uninformed of the position of Jackson. What was his situation what was intended whether offensive or defensive operations would be pursued, were cir cumstances on which they possessed no correct knowledge, nor could it be obtained ; still their exertions were unremitting to have all things prepared, and in readiness to urge their designs whenever the moment for action should arrive. They had been constantly engaged, since their landing', in procuring from their shipping every thing necessary to ulterior operation. A com plete command on the lakes, and possession of a point on the margin, presented an uninterrupted ingress and egress, and afforded the opportunity of conveying whatever was wanted in perfect safety to their camp. The height of the Mississippi, and the discharge of water through the openings made in the levee, had given an increased depth to the canal, from which they had first debarked enabled them to advance their boats much further in the direction of their encampment, and to bring up, with greater convenience, their artillery, bombs, and muni tions. Thus engaged, during the first three days after their arrival, early on the morning of the 27th a battery was dis covered on the bank of the river, which had been erected during the preceding night, and on which were mounted several pieces of heavy ordnance ; from this position a fire was opened on the Caroline schooner, lying under the opposite shore. 138. After the battle of the 23rd, in which this vessel had so effectually aided, she had passed to the opposite side of the river, where she had since lain. Her services were too highly appreciated not to be again desired, should the enemy en deavour to advance. Her present situation was considered truly an unsafe one, but it had been essayed in vain to advance her higher up the stream. No favourable breeze had yet arisen to aid her in stemming the current ; and towing, and other remedies, had been already resorted to, but without success. Her safety might have been ensured by floating her down the river and placing her under cover of the guns of the fort, though it was preferred, as a matter of policy, to risk her where she was, still hourly calculating that a favourable wind might relieve her, rather than by dropping her with the current, lose those benefits which, against an advance of the enemy, it might be in her power so completely to extend. Commodore Patterson had left her on the 26th, by the orders of the commanding general, when Captain Henly made a further but ineffectual effort to force her up the current, near to the'line, for the double purpose of its defence and for her own safety. V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 87 139. These attempts to remove her being 1 discovered, at Say- light, on the morning of the 27th, a battery, mounting 1 five guns, opened upon her, discharging 1 bombs and red-hot shot ; it was spiritedly answered, but without affecting the battery ; there being but a long twelve-pounder that could reach. The second fire had lodged a hot shot in the hold, directly under her cables, whence it could not be removed, and where it immediately com municated fire to the schooner. The shot from the battery were constantly taking effect, firing her in different places, and other wise producing material injury ; while the blaze already kindled under her cables was rapidly extending its ravages. A well- grounded apprehension of her commander, that she could be no longer defended the flames bursting forth in different parts, and fast increasing, induced a fear lest the magazine should be soon reached, and every thing destroyed. One of his crew being killed, and six wounded, and not a glimmering of hope entertained that she could be preserved, orders were given to abandon her. The crew in safety reached the shore, and in a. short time after wards she blew up. 140. Although thus unexpectedly deprived of so material a dependence for successful defence, an opportunity was soon pre sented of using her brave crew to advantage. Gathering confi dence from what had been just effected, the enemy left their encampment, and moved in the direction of our line. Their numbers had been increased, and Major- General Sir Edward Packenham now commanded in person. Early on the 2Sth, his columns commenced their advance to storm our works. At the distance of half a mile, their heavy artillery opened, and quanti ties of bombs, balls, and congreve rockets, were discharged. It was a scene of terror and alarm, which they had probably calcu lated would excite a panic in the minds of the raw troops of our army, and compel them to surrender at discretion, or abandon their strong hold. But our soldiers had afforded abundant proof, that, whether disciplined or not, they well knew how to defend the honour and interests of their country ; and had sufficient valour not to be alarmed at the reality still less the semblance of danger. Far from exciting their apprehensions, and driving them from their ground, their firmness still remained unchanged ; still was manifested a determination not to tarnish a reputation they had hardly earned ; and which had become too dear, from the difficulties and dangers they had passed to acquire it, for it now tamely to be surrendered. Their congreve rockets, though a kind of instrument of destruction to which our troops, unskilled in the science of desolating warfare, had been hitherto strangers, 88 LIFE OP JACKSON. [Chap. excited no other feeling than that which novelty inspires. At the moment, therefore, that the British, in different columns, were moving* up, in all the pomp and parade of battle, preceded by these insignia of terror more than danger, and were expect ing to behold their " Yankee foes" tremblingly retire and flee before them, our batteries opened, and halted their advance. 141. In addition to the two pieces of cannon mounted on our works on the 24th, three others, of heavy caliber, obtained from the navy department, had been formed along the line; these opening on the enemy, checked their progress, and disclosed to them the hazard of the project they were on. Lieutenants Crawley and Norris volunteered, and with the crew of the Caro line rendered important services, and maintained at the guns they commanded that firmness and decision for which on pre vious occasions they had been so highly distinguished. They had been selected by the general because of their superior knowledge in gunnery ; and on this occasion gave a further evidence of their skill and judgment, and of a disposition to act in any situation where they could be serviceable. The line, which from the labours bestowed on it was daily strengthening was not yet in a situation effectually to resist ; this deficiency, however, was well remedied by the brave men who were formed in its rear. 142. From the river the greatest injury was effected. Lieu tenant Thompson, who commanded the Louisiana sloop, which lay nearly opposite the line of defence, no sooner discovered the columns approaching, than warping her around, he brought her starboard guns to bear, and produced such an effect as forced them to retreat: but, from their heavy artillery, the enemy maintained the conflict with great spirit, constantly discharging their bombs and rockets for seven hours, when, unable to make a breach, or silence the fire from the sloop, they abandoned a contest where few advantages seemed to be presented. The crew of this vessel was composed of new recruits, and of dis cordant materials, of soldiers, citizens, and seamen ; yet, by the activity of their commander, they were so well perfected in their duty, that they already managed their guns with the greatest precision and certainty of effect ; and, by three o'clock in the evening, with the aid of the land batteries, had completely silenced and driven back the enemy. Emboldened by the effect produced the day before on the Caroline, the furnaces of the enemy were put in operation, and numbers of hot shot thrown from a heavy piece which was placed behind and protected by the levee. An attempt was now made to carrv it off, when that V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 89 protection heretofore had being- taken away, those in the direc tion of it were fairly exposed to our fire, and suffered greatly. In their endeavours to remove it, " I saw," says Commodore Patterson, " distinctly, with the aid of a glass, several balls strike in the midst of the men who were employed in dragging- it away." In this engagement, commenced and waged for seven hours, we received little or no injury. The Louisiana sloop, against which the most violent exertions were made, had but a single man wounded, by the fragments of a shell which bursted over her deck. Our entire loss did not exceed nine killed, and eight or ten wounded. The enemy, being more ex posed, acting in the open field, and in range of our guns, suffered, from information afterwards procured, considerable injury; at least one hundred and twenty were killed and wounded. 143. Among the killed, on our side, was Colonel James Hen derson, of the Tennessee militia. An advance party of the Bri tish had, during the action, taken post behind a fence that ran obliquely to, and not very remote from, our iine. Henderson, with a detachment of two hundred men, was sent out by General Carroll to drive them from a position whence they were effecting some injury, and greatly annoying our troops. Had he ad vanced in the manner directed, he would have been less exposed, and enabled more effectually to have secured the object intended ; but, misunderstanding the order, he proceeded in a different route, and fell a victim to his error. Instead of marching in the direction of the wood, and turning the enemy, which might have cut off their retreat, he proceeded in front, towards the river, leaving them in rear of the fence, and himself and his detach ment open and exposed. His mistake being perceived from the line, he was called by the adjutant-general, and directed to re turn ; but the noise of the waters, through which they were wading, prevented any communication. Having reached a knoll of dry ground, he formed, and attempted the execution of his order; but soon fell, by a wound in the head. Deprived of their commander, and perceiving their situation hazardous and un tenable, the detachment retreated to the line, with the loss of their colonel and five men. 144. While this advance was made, a column of the enemy was threatening an attack on our extreme left ; to frustrate the attempt, Coffee was ordered with his riflemen to hasten through the woods, and check their approach. The enemy, although greatly superior to him in numbers, no sooner discovered his movement than they retired, and abandoned the attack they had previously meditated. 90 LIFE OF JACKSOX. [Chap. 145. A supposed disaffection in New Orleans, and an enemy in front, were circumstances well calculated to excite unplea sant forebodings. General Jackson believed it necessary and essential to his, security, while contending with avowed foes, not to be wholly inattentive to dangers lurking at home ; but, by guarding vigilantly, to be able to suppress any treasonable pur pose, the moment it should be developed, and before it should have time to mature. Previously, therefore, to departing from the city, on the evening of the 23rd, he had ordered Major Butler, his aid, to remain with the guards, and be vigilant that nothing transpired in his absence calculated to operate injuri ously. His fears that there were many of the inhabitants who felt no attachment to the government, and would not scruple to surrender, whenever, prompted by their interest, it should be come necessary, has been already noticed. In this belief, sub sequent circumstances evinced there was no mistake, and showed that to his assiduity and energy is to be ascribed that the country was protected and saved. It is a fact, which was disclosed on making an exchange of prisoners, that, despite of all the efforts made to prevent it, the enemy w r ere daily and constantly apprized of every thing that transpired in our camp, Every arrangement, and every change of position, was immediately communicated. On the day subsequent to a contest on the lakes, on the 14th December, Mr. Shields, purser in the navy, had been dispatched with a nag, to Cat island, accompanied by Dr. Murrell, for the purpose of alleviating the situation of our wounded, and to effect a negotiation, by which they should be liberated on parole. We are not aware that such an applica tion militated' against the usages and customs of war: if not, the flag of truce should have been respected ; nor ought its bearer to have been detained as a prisoner. Admiral Cochrane's pretended fear that it was a wile, designed to ascertain his strength and situation, is far from presenting any sufficient excuse for so wanton an outrage on propriety and the rules of war. If this were apprehended, could not tho messengers have been met at a distance from the fleet, and ordered back with out a near approach ? Had this been done, no information could have been gained, and the object designed to be secured by the detention would have been answered, without infringing that amicable intercourse between contending armies, which, when violated or disregarded, opens a door to brutal and savage warfare. Finding they did not return, the cause of it was at once correctly divined. 146. The British admiral was very solicitous, and resorted to V.J DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 91 various means to obtain from these gentlemen information of the strength and condition and disposition of our army; but so cautious a reserve was maintained, that from them nothing- could be elicited. Shields was perceived to be quite deaf, and calcu lating on some advantage to be derived from this circumstance, he and the doctor were placed at night in the green room, where any conversation which occurred between them could readily be heard. Suspecting, perhaps, something of the kind, after having retired, and every thing was seemingly still, they began to speak of their situation the circumstance of their being detained, and of the prudent caution with which they had guarded themselves ag'ainst communicating any information to the British admiral. But, continued Shields, how greatly these gentlemen will be disappointed in their expectations, for Jack son with the twenty thousand troops he now has, and the rein forcements from Kentucky, which must speedily reach him, will be able to destroy any force that can be landed from these ships. Every word was heard, and treasured, and not supposing there was any design, or that he presumed himself overheard, they were beguiled by it, and at once concluded our force to be as great as it was represented ; and hence no doubt arose the reason of that prudent care and caution with which the enemy after wards proceeded ; for "nothing," remarked a British officer, at the close of the invasion, " was kept a secret from us, except your numbers : this, although diligently sought after, could never be procured." 147. Between the 23rd, and the attack on the 28th, to carry our line, Major Butler, who still remained at his post in the city, was applied to by Fulwar Skipwith, at that time speaker of the senate, to ascertain the commanding general's views, pro vided he should be driven from his line of encampment, and com pelled to retreat through the city ; would he in that event de stroy it ? It was, indeed, a curious inquiry from one who, having spent his life in serving his country in different capa cities, might better have understood the duty of a subordinate officer ; and that even if, from his situation, Major Butler had so far acquired the confidence of his general as to have become acquainted with his views and designs, he was not at liberty to divulge them, without destroying confidence and acting crimi nally. On asking the cause of the inquiry, Mr. Skipwith re plied, it was rumoured, and so understood, that if driven from his position, and made to retreat upon the city, General Jackson had it in contemplation to lay it in ruins ; the legislature, he said, desired information on this subject, that if such were his 92 LIFE OF JACKSON." [Chap. intentions, they might, by offering 1 terms of capitulation to the enemy, avert so serious a calamity. That a sentiment having for its object a surrender of the city should be entertained by this body was scarcely credible ; yet a few days brought the certainty of it more fully to view, and showed that they were already devising plans to ensure the safety of themselves and property, even at any sacrifice. While the general was hastening along the line, from ordering Coffee, as we have just observed, against a column of the British on the extreme left, he was hailed by Mr. Duncan, one of his volunteer aids, and informed, that already it was agitated, secretly, by the members of the legislature, to offer terms of capitulation to the enemy, and proffer a surrender ; and that Governor Claiborne awaited his orders on the subject. Poised as was the result, the safety or fall of the city resting in uncertainty, although it was plainly to be perceived, that, with a strong army before them, no such resolution could be carried into effect, yet it might be produc tive of evil, and in the end bring about the most fatal conse quences. Even the disclosure of such a wish on the part of the legislature might create parties excite opposition in the army, and inspire the enemy with renewed confidence. The Ten nessee forces, and Mississippi volunteers, it was not feared would be affected by the measure ; but it might detach the Louisiana militia, and even extend itself to the ranks of the regular troops. Jackson was greatly incensed, that those whose safety he had so much at heart, should be seeking, under the authority of office, to mar his best exertions. He was, however, too warmly pressed at the moment, for the battle was raging, to give it the attention its importance merited ; but, availing himself of the first respite from the violence of the attack waged against him, he apprized Governor Claiborne of what he had heard ; ordered him closely to watch the conduct of the legis lature, and the moment a project of offering a capitulation to the enemy should be fully disclosed, to place a guard at the door and confine them to their chamber. The governor, in his zeal to execute the command, and from a fear of the conse quences involved in such conduct, construed as imperative an order which was merely contingent ; and placing an armed force at the door of the capitol, prevented the members from conven ing, and their schemes from maturing. 148. The purport of this order was essentially misconceived by the governor; or, perhaps, with a view to avoid subsequent inconveniences and complaints, was designedly mistaken. Jack son's object was not to restrain the legislature in the discharge V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 93 of their official duties ; for although he thought, that such a moment, when the sound of the cannon was constantly pealing in their ears, was inauspicious to wholesome legislation, and that it would have better comported with the state of the times for them to abandon their civil duties and appear in the field, yet was it a matter indelicate to be proposed : and it was hence preferred, that they should adopt whatever course might be suggested by their own notions of propriety. This sentiment would have been still adhered to ; but when through the com munication of Mr. Duncan they were represented as entertaining opinions and schemes adverse to the general interest and safety of the country, the necessity of a new and different course of conduct was at once obvious. But he did not order Governor Claiborne to interfere with or prevent them from proceeding with their duties ; on the contrary, he was instructed, so soon as any thing hostile to the general cause should be ascertained, to place a guard at the door, and keep the members to their post and to their duty. My object in this, remarked the general, was, that then they would be able to proceed with their business without producing the slightest injury : whatever schemes they might entertain would have remained with themselves, without the power of circulating them to the prejudice of any other in terest than their own. I had intended to have had them well treated and kindly dealt by; and thus abstracted from every thing passing without doors, a better opportunity would have been afforded them to enact good and wholesome laws ; but Governor Claiborne mistook my order, and instead of shutting them in doors, contrary to my wishes and expectation, turned them out. 149. Before this lie had been called on by a special committee of the legislature to know what his course would be should ne cessity compel him from his position. If, replied the general, I thought the hair of my head could divine what I should do forth with, I would cut it off : go back with this answer ; say to your honourable body, that if disaster does overtake me, and the fate of war drives me from my line to the city, they may expect to have a very warm session. And what did you design to do, I inquired, provided you had been forced to retreat ? I should, he replied, have retreated to the city, fired it, and fought the enemy amidst the surrounding flames. There were with me men of wealth, owners of considerable property, who, in such an event, would have been amongst the foremost to have applied the torch to their own buildings ; and what they had left undone I should have completed. Nothing for the comfortable maintenance of 94 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. the enemy would have been left in the rear. I would have de stroyed New Orleans occupied a position above on the river cut off all supplies, and in this way compelled them to depart from the country. 350. We shall not pretend to ascribe this conduct of the legislature to disaffection, or to treasonable motives. The im pulse that produced it was, no doubt, interest a principle of the human mind which strongly sways, and often destroys its best conclusions. The disparity of the two armies, in numbers, preparation, and discipline, had excited apprehension and de stroyed hope. If Jackson were driven back, and little else was looked for, rumour fixed his determination of devoting the city to destruction : but even if such were not his intention, the wrath and vengeance of the enemy might be fairly calculated to be in proportion to the opposition they should receive. Although these considerations may somewhat palliate, they do not justify. The government was represented in the person of the com manding general, on whom rested all responsibility, and whose voice on the subject of resistance or capitulation should alone have been heard. In the field were persons who were enduring hardships and straining every nerve for the general safety. A few of the members of their own body, too, were there, who did not despond. Might not patriotism, then, have admonished these men, honoured as they were with the confidence of the people rather to have pursued a course having for its object to keep alive excitement, than to have endeavoured to introduce fear, and paralyze exertion ? Such conduct, if productive of nothing worse, was well calculated to excite alarm. If the mi litia, who had been'hastily drawn to the camp, and who were yet trembling for the safety of their families, had been told that a few private men, of standing in society, had expressed their opinions, and declared resistance useless, it would, without doubt, have occasioned serious apprehensions ; but, in a much greater degree would they be calculated to arise, when told that the members of the legislature, chosen to preside over the safety and destinies of the state, after due deliberation, had pro nounced all attempts at successful opposition, sain and inef fectual. 151. Here was an additional reason why expedients should be devised, and every precaution adopted, to prevent any com munication by which the slightest intelligence should be had of our situation, already indeed sufficiently deplorable. Addi tional guards were posted along the swamp, on both sides of the Mississippi, to arrest all intercourse ; while on the river, the '.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 95 common highway, watch boats were constantly plying during the night, in different directions, so that a log could scarcely float down the stream unperceived. Two flat-bottomed boats, on a dark night, were turned adrift above, to ascertain if vigilance were preserved, and whether there would be any possibility of escaping the guards and passing in safety to the British lines. The light boats discovered them on their passage, and on the alarm being given, they were opened upon by the Louisiana sloop, and the batteries on the shore, and in a few minutes were [ sunk. In spite, however, of every precaution, treason still dis covered avenues through which to project and execute her nefa rious plans, and through them was constantly afforded informa tion to the enemy ; carried to them, no doubt, by adventurous I" friends, who sought and effected their nightly passage through the deepest parts of the swamp, where it was impossible for sen- jf-' tinels to be stationed.* 152. Great inconvenience was sustained for the want of arms, Band much anxiety felt, lest the enemy, through their faithful 1 adherents, might, on this subject also obtain information ; to g'prevent it as far as possible, General Jackson endeavoured to ponceal the strength and situation of his army, by suffering his ports to be seen by none but himself and the adjutant-general, any of the troops in the field were supplied with common ns, which were of little service. The Kentucky troops, daily xpected, were also understood to be badly provided with arms, ncertain but that the city might yet contain many articles that uld be serviceable, orders were issued to the mayor of New * Letter from Charles K. Blancjiard to General Jackson. New Orleans, March 20, 18 14. SIR I Lave the honour, agreeably to your request, to state to your ellency, in writing, the substance of a conversation that occurred -een Quarter-master Peddie, of the British army, and myself, on the I tli instant," on board his Britannic Majesty's ship Herald. Quarter- ster Peddie observed, that the commanding officers of the British jes were daily in the receipt of every information from the city of New leans, which they might require, in aid of their operations, for the completion of the objects of the expedition; that they were perfectly i in ted with the situation of every part of our forces, the manner in which the same was situated, the number of our fortifications, their trength, position, &c. As to the battery on the left bank ot the Missis- ippi, lie described its situation, its distance from the main post, and promptly offered me a plan of the works. He furthermore stated, that ine above information was received from seven or eight persons, in the city of New Orleans, from whom he could at any hour procure every information necessary to promote his Majesty's interest. 96 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. Orleans, directing him diligently to inquire through every store and house, and take possession of all the muskets, bayonets, spades, and axes, he could find. Understanding too there were many young men who from different pretexts had not appeared in the field, he was instructed to obtain a register of every man in the city under the age of fifty, that measures might be con certed for drawing forth those who had hitherto appeared back ward in engaging in the pending contest. 153. Frequent light skirmishes, by advanced parties, without material effect on either side, were the only incidents that took place for several days. Colonel Hinds, at the head of the Mis sissippi dragoons, on the 30th December, was ordered to dis lodge a party of the enemy, who, under cover of a ditch that ran across the plain, were annoying our fatigue parties. In his advance he was unexpectedly thrown into an ambuscade, and became exposed to the fire of a line, which had hitherto lain concealed and unobserved. His collected conduct and gallant deportment gained him and his corps the approbation of the commanding general, and extricated him from the danger in which he was placed. The enemy, forced from their position, retired, and he returned to the line, with the loss of five of his men. 154. The British were encamped two miles below the Ame rican army, on a perfect plain, and in full view. Although foiled in their attempt to carry our works by the force of their batteries on the 28th, they yet resolved upon another attack, and one which they believed would be more successful. Pre suming their failure to have arisen from not having sufficiently strong batteries and heavy ordnance, a more enlarged arrange ment was resorted to, with a confidence of silencing opposition, and effecting such breaches in our entrenchment as would en able their columns to pass, without being exposed to any con siderable hazard. The interim between the 28th of December and 1st January was accordingly spent in preparing to execute their designs. Their boats had been dispatched to the shipping, and an additional supply of heavy cannon landed through Bayou Bienvenu, whence they had first debarked. 155. During the night of the 31st December they were busily engaged. An impenetrable fog next morning, which was not dispelled until nine o'clock, by concealing their pur pose, aided them in the plans they were projecting, and' gave time for the completion of their works. This having disap peared, several heavy batteries, at the distance of six hundred yards, mounting eighteen and twenty-four pound carronades, V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 97 were presented to view. No sooner was it sufficiently clear to distinguish objects at a distance, than these were opened, and a tremendous burst of artillery commenced, accompanied with congreve rockets, that filled the air in all directions. Our troops, protected by a defence, which from their constant labours and exertions they believed to be impregnable, unmoved and undisturbed, maintained their ground, and by their skilful management in the end, succeeded in dismounting and silencing the guns of the enemy. The British, through the friendly in terference of some disaffected citizens, having been apprized of the situation of the general's quarters, that he dwelt in a house at a small distance in the rear of his line of defence, against it directed their first and principal efforts, with a view to destroy the commander. So great was the number of balls thrown, that in a little while its porticos were beaten down, and the building made a complete wreck. In this dishonourable design they were however disappointed ; for with Jackson it was a constant practice, on the first appearance of danger, not to wait in his quarters watching events, but instantly to proceed to the line, and be ready, to form his arrangements as circumstances might require. Constantly in expectation of a charge, he was never absent from the post of danger ; and thither he had this morn ing repaired, at the first sound of the cannon, to aid in defence, and inspire his troops with firmness. Our guns along the line now opened to repel the assault, and a constant roar of cannon, on both sides, continued until nearly noon ; when, by the su perior skill of our engineers, the two batteries formed on the right, next the woods, were nearly beaten down, and many of the guns dismounted, broken, and rendered useless. That next the river still continued its fire until three o'clock ; when perceiving all attempts to force a breach ineffectual, the enemy gave up the contest and retired. Every act of theirs discovers a strange delusion, and unfolds on what wild and fanciful grounds all their expectations were founded. That the American troops were well posted, and strongly defended by pieces of heavy ordnance mounted along their line, was a fact well known ; yet a belief was confidently indulged that the undisciplined collection which constituted the strength of our army, would be able to derive little benefit from such a circumstance ; and that artillery could produce but slight advantages in the hands of persons who were strangers to the manner of using it. That many who, from necessity, were called to the direction of the guns, were at first entirely unacquainted with their management, is indeed true ; yet the accuracy and precision with which they 98 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. threw their shot, afforded a convincing- argument either that they possessed the capacity of becoming in a short time well acquainted with the art of gunnery, or that it was a science the acquiring of which was not attended with incalculable diffi culties. 156. That they would be able to effect an opening and march through the strong defence in their front, was an idea so fondly cherished by our assailants, that an apprehension of failure had scarcely ever occurred. So sanguine were they in this belief, that early in the morning their soldiers were arranged along the ditches, in rear of their batteries, prepared and ready to advance to the charge the moment a breach could be made. Here, by their situation, protected from danger, they remained, waiting the result that should call them to act. But their efforts not having produced the slightest impression, nor their rockets the effect of driving our militia away, they abandoned the contest, and retired to their camp, leaving their batteries materially injured nay, well nigh destroyed. 157. Perceiving their attempts must fail, and that such an effect could not be produced as would warrant their advance, another expedient was resorted to, but with no better success. Jt occurred to the British commander that an attack might be made to advantage next the woods, and a force was accordingly ordered to penetrate in this direction, and turn the left o'f our line, which was supposed not to extend further than to the mar gin of the swamp. In this way, it was expected a diversion could be made, while the reserve columns, being in readiness, and waiting, were to press forward the moment this object could be effected. Here, too, disappointment resulted. Coffee's bri gade, being already extended into the swamp, as far as it was possible for an advancing party to penetrate, brought unex pected dangers into view, and occasioned an abandonment of the project. That to turn the extreme left of the line was prac ticable, and might be attempted, was the subject of early con sideration ; and necessary precaution had been taken to prevent it. Although cutting the levee had raised the waters in the swamp, and increased the difficulties of keeping troops there, yet a fear lest this pass might be sought by the enemy, and the rear of the line thereby gained, had determined the general to extend his defence even here. This had been entrusted to General Coffee ; and surely a more arduous duty can scarcely be imagined. To form a breast-work in such a place was at tended with many difficulties, and considerable exposure. A slight defence, however, had been thrown up, and the under- frr tViirtxr rr fnrtv \rarr1e in frnnt put Hnwn tli.it tllA V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 99 riflemen stationed for its protection might have a complete view of any force which through this route might attempt a passage. When it is recollected that this position was to be maintained night and day, uncertain of the moment of attack, and that the only opportunity afforded our troops for rest was on logs and brush thrown together, by which they were raised above the surrounding water, it may be truly said, that seldom has it fallen to the lot of any to encounter greater hardships : but accustomed to privation, and alive to those feelings which a love of country inspires, they obeyed without complaining, and cheerfully kept their position until all danger had subsided. Sensible of the importance of the point they defended, and that it was necessary to be maintained, be the sacrifice what it might, they looked to nothing but a zealous and faithful discharge of the trust confided to them. 158. Our loss in this affair was eleven -killed, and twenty- three wounded : that of the enemy was never correctly known. The only certain information is contained in a communication of the 28th January, from General Lambert to Earl Bathurst, in which the casualties and losses, from the 1st to the 5th, are stated at seventy-eight. Many allowances, however, are to be made for this report. It was written at a time when, from the numerous disasters encountered, it was not to be presumed the general's mind was in a situation patiently to remember or mi nutely to detail the facts. From the great precision of our fire, and the injury visibly sustained by their batteries, their loss was no doubt considerable. The enemy's heavy shot having penetrated our entrenchment in many places, it was discovered not to be as strong as had at first been imagined. Fatigue parties were again employed, and its strength daily increased : an additional number of bales of cotton were taken to be applied to strengthening and defending the embrasures along the line. A Frenchman, whose property had been thus, without his consent, seized, fearful of the injury it might sustain, proceeded in person to General Jackson to reclaim it, and to demand its delivery. The general having heard his complaint, and ascertained from him that he was unemployed in any military service, directed a musket to be brought to him, and placing it in his hand, ordered him on the line, remarking at the same time, that as he seemed to be a man possessed of property, he knew of none who had a better right to fight and to defend it. 159. The 'British had again retired to their encampment. It was well understood by Jackson that they were in daily expecta tion of considerable reinforcements ; though he rested with 100 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. confidence in the belief that a few more days would also bring' to his assistance the troops from Kentucky. Each party, there fore, was busily and constantly engaged in preparation, the one to wage a vigorous attack, the other bravely to defend, and resolutely to oppose it. 1 60. The position of the American army was in the rear of an entrenchment formed of earth, and which extended in a straight line from the river to a considerable distance in the swamp. In front was a deep ditch, which had been formerly used as a mill-race. The Mississippi had receded and left this ^ry next the river, though in many places the water still re mained, Along the line, and at unequal distances, to the centre of General Carroll's command, were guns mounted, of different caliber, from six to thirty-two pounders. Near the river, and in advance of the entrenchment, was erected a redoubt, with -embrasures, commanding the road along the levee, and calcu lated to rake the ditch in front. 161. We have heretofore stated, that General Morgan was ordered on the 24th of December to cross to the west bank of the Mississippi. From an apprehension entertained that an attempt might be made through Barrataria, and the city reached from the right bank of the river, the general had extended his defence there likewise : in fact, unacquainted with the enemy's views, not knowing the number of their troops, nor but that they might have sufficient strength to wage an attack in various di rections, and anxiously solicitous to be prepared at all points, he had carefully divided out his forces, that he might guard and be able to protect, in whatever direction an assault should be waged. His greatest fears, and hence his strongest defence next to the one occupied by himself, was on the Chef Menteur road, where Governor Claiborne, at the head of the Louisiana militia, was posted. The position on the right was formed on the same plan with the line on the left, lower down than that on the left, and extending to the swamp at right angles to the river. Here General Morgan commanded. 162. To be prepared against every possible contingency that might arise, Jackson had established another line of defence, about two miles in the rear of the one at present occu pied, which was intended as a rallying point if he should be driven from his first position. With the aid of his cavalry, to give a momentary check to the advance of the enemy, he expected to be enabled, with inconsiderable injury, to reach it ; where he would again have advantages on his side, be in a situation to dispute a further passage to the city, and arrest their progress. To V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 101 show as possible of strength and intended resistance, his un armed troops, which constituted no very inconsiderable number, were here stationed. All intercourse between the lines, except by confidential officers, was prohibited, and every precaution and vigilance employed, not only to keep this want of preparation concealed from the enemy, but even from being known on his own lines. 163. Occasional firing at a distance, which produced nothing of consequence, was all that marked the interim from the 1st to the 8th of January. 164. On the 4th of this month, the long-expected reinforce ment from Kentucky, amounting to twenty-two hundred and fifty, under the command of Major-General Thomas, arrived at head -quarters ; but so ill provided with arms as to be incapable of rendering any considerable service. The alacrity with which the citizens of this state had proceeded to the frontiers, and aided in the north-western campaigns, added to the disasters which ill-timed policy or misfortune had produced, had created such a drain, that arms were not to be procured. They had advanced, however, to their point of destination, with an expectation of being supplied on their arrival. About five hundred of them had muskets; the rest were provided with guns, from which little or no advantage could be expected. The mayor of New Orleans, at the request of General Jackson, had already ex amined and drawn from the city every weapon that could be found ; while the arrival of the Louisiana militia, in an equally unprepared situation, rendered it impossible for the evil to be effectually remedied. A boat laden with arms was somewhere on the river, intended for the use and defence of the lower country ; but where it was, or when it might arrive, rested alone on hope and conjecture. Expresses had been dispatched up the river, for three hundred miles, to seek and hasten it on ; still there were no tidings of an approach. That so many brave men, at a moment of such anxious peril, should be compelled to stand with folded arms, unable, from their situation, to render the least possible service to their country, was an event greatly to be deplored, and did not fail to excite the feelings and sensibility of the commanding general. His mind active, and prepared for any thing but despondency, sought relief in vain ; there was none. No alternative 'was presented but to place them at his entrenchment in the rear, conceal their actual condition, and by the show they might make, add to his appearance and numbers, without at all increasing his strength. 165. Information was now received that Major-General 102 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. considerable reinforcement. It had been heretofore announced in the American camp that additional forces were expected, and something- decisive might be looked for as soon as they should arrive. This circumstance, in connexion with others no less favouring- the idea, had led to the conclusion that a few days more would, in all probability, bring- on the struggle which would decide the fate of the city. It was more than ever ne cessary to keep concealed the situation of his army ; and, above all, to preserve as secret as possible its unarmed condition. To restrict all communication, even with his own lines, was now, as danger increased, rendered more important. None were permitted to leave the line, and none from without to pass into his camp, but such as were to be implicitly confided in. The line of sentinels were strengthened in front, that none mig-ht pass to the enemy, should desertion be attempted : yet notwithstanding this precaution and care, his plans and situation were disclosed. On the night of the 6th January a soldier from the line, by some means, succeeded in eluding the vigilance of our sentinels. Early next morning his departure was discovered : it was at once correctly conjectured he had gone over to the enemy, and would, no doubt, afford them all the information in his power to communicate. This opinion, as subsequent circumstances dis closed, was well founded ; and dearly did he atone his crime. He unfolded to the British the situation of the American line, the late reinforcements we had received, and the unarmed con dition of many of the troops ; and, pointing to the centre of General Carroll's division, as a place occupied by militia alone, recommended it as the point where an attack might be most prudently and safely made. 166. Other intelligence received was confirmatory of the be lief of an impending attack. From some prisoners, taken on the lake, it was ascertained the enemy were busily engaged in deepening Villery's canal, with a view of passing their boats and ordnance to the Mississippi. During the 7th a constant bustle was perceived in the British camp. Along the borders of the canal their soldiers were continually in motion, marching and manoeuvring, for no other purpose than to conceal those who were busily engaged at work in the rear. To ascertain the cause of this uncommon stir, and learn their designs as far as was practicable, Commodor6 Patterson had proceeded down the river, on the opposite side, and having gained a favourable position in front of their encampment, discovered them to be actually engaged in deepening the passage to the river. It was no difficult matter to divine their purpose. No other conjee- V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 103 be made on the line of defence commanded by General Morgan ; which, if gained, would expose our troops on the left bank to the fire of the redoubt erected on the right ; and in this way com pel them to an abandonment of their position. To counteract this scheme was important; and measures were immediately taken to prevent the execution of a plan, which, if successful, would be attended with incalculable dangers. An increased strength was given to this line. The second regiment of Loui siana militia, and four hundred Kentucky troops, were directed to be crossed over, to reinforce and protect it. Owing to some delay and difficulty in arming them, the latter amounting, in stead of four hundred, to but one hundred and eighty, did not arrive until the morning of the 8th. A little before day, they were dispatched to aid an advanced party, who, under the com mand of Major Arnaut, had been sent to watch the movements of the enemy, and oppose their landing. The hopes indulged from their opposition were not realized; and the enemy, unmo lested, reached the shore. 167. Morgan's position, besides being strengthened by several brass twelves, was defended by a strong battery, mount ing twenty-four pounders, directed by Commodore Patterson, which afforded additional strength and security. The line itself was not strong ; yet if properly maintained by the troops selected to defend it, was believed fully adequate to the purposes of suc cessful resistance. Late at night Patterson ascertained that the enemy had succeeded in passing their boats through the canal, and immediately communicated his information to the general. The commodore had already formed the idea of dropping the Louisiana schooner down, to attack and sink them. This thought, though well conceived, was abandoned, from the dan ger involved, and from an apprehension lest the batteries erected on the river, with which she would come in collision, might, by the aid of hot shot, succeed in blowing her up. It was pre ferred patiently to await their arrival, believing it would be practicable, with the bravery of more than fifteen hundred men, and the slender advantages possessed from their line of defence, to maintain their position, and repel the assailants. 168. On the left bank, where the general in person com manded, every thing was in readiness to meet the assault when it should be made. The redoubt on the levee was defended by a company of the seventh regiment, under the command of Lieu tenant Ross. The regular troops occupied that part of the en trenchment next the river. General Carroll's division was in the centre, supported by the Kentucky troops, under General 104 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. John Adair ; while the extreme left, extending 1 for a consider able distance into the swamp, was protected by the brigade of General Coffee. How soon the attack should be waged was uncertain ; at what moment rested with the enemy, with us, to be in readiness for resistance. There were many circum stances, however, favouring 1 the belief that the hour of contest wa^ not far distant, and indeed fast approaching ; the bustle of to-day, the efforts to carry their boats into the river, the fascines and scaling-ladders that were preparing 1 , were cir cumstances pointing to attack, and indicating the hour to be near at hand. General Jackson, unmoved by appearances, anxiously desired a contest, which he believed would give a tri umph to his arms, and terminate the hardships of his suffering soldiers. Unremitting in exertion, and constantly vigilant, his precaution kept pace with the zeal and preparation of the enemy. He seldom slept : he was always at his post, perform ing the duties of both general and soldier. His sentinels were doubled, and extended as far as possible in the direction of the British camp ; while a considerable portion of the troops were constantly at the line, with arms in their hands, ready to act, when the first alarm should be given. 169. For eight days had the two armies lain upon the same field, and in view of each other, without any thing decisive being on either side effected. Twice since their landing had the British columns essayed to effect by storm the execution of their plans, and twice had failed been compelled to relinquish the attempt, and retire from the contest. It was not to be expected that things could long remain in this dubious state. Soldiers, the pride of England, the boasted conquerors of Europe, were there ; distinguished generals their leaders, who earnestly de sired to announce to their country and the world their signal achievements. The high expectations which had been indulged of the success of this expedition were to be realized at every peril, or disgrace would follow the failure. 170. The 8th of January at length arrived. The day dawned ; and the signals intended to produce concert in the enemy's move ments were descried. On the left, near the swamp, a sky rocket was perceived rising in the air ; and presently another ascended from the right, next the river. They were intended to announce that all was prepared and ready, to proceed and carry by storm a defence which had twice foiled their utmost efforts. Instantly the charge was made, and with such rapidity, that our soldiers at the out-posts with difficulty fled in. 117. The British batteries, which had been demolished on V.] DEFENCE OP NEW ORLEANS. 105 the 1st of the month, had been re-established during the pre ceding night, and heavy pieces of cannon mounted, to aid in their intended operations. These now opened, and showers of bombs and balls were poured upon our line ; while the air was lighted with their congreve rockets. The two divisions, com manded by Sir Edward Packenham in person, and supported by Generals Keane and Gibbs, pressed forward ; the right against the centre of General Carroll's command, the left against our redoubt on the levee. A thick fog that obscured the morning enabled them to approach within a short distance of our en- trenchment before they were discovered. They were now perw ceived advancing with firm, quick, and steady pace, in column, with a front of sixty or seventy deep. Our troops, who had for some time been in readiness, and waiting their appearance, gave three cheers, and instantly the whole line was lighted with the blaze of their fire. A burst of artillery and small arms, pouring with destructive aim upon them, mowed down their front, and arrested their advance. In our musketry there was not a moment's intermission : as one party discharged their pieces, another succeeded ; alternately loading and appearing, no pause could be perceived it was one continued volley. The columns already perceived their dangerous and exposed situation. Battery No. 7, on the left, was ably served by Lieutenant Spotts, and galled them with an incessant and destructive fire. Batteries No. 6 and 8 were no less actively employed, and no less suc cessful in felling them to the ground. Notwithstanding the severity of our fire, which few troops could for a moment have withstood, some of those brave men pressed on, and succeeded in gaining the ditch in front of our works, where they remained during the action, and were afterwards made prisoners. The horror before them was too great to be withstood ; and already were the British troops seen wavering in their determination, and receding from the conflict. At this moment, Sir Edward Packenham, hastening to the front, endeavoured to encourage and inspire them with renewed zeal. His example was of short continuance : he soon fell mortally wounded in the arms of his aid-de-camp, not far from our line. Generals Gibbs and Keane also fell, and were borne from the field dangerously wounded. At this moment, General Lambert, who was advancing at a small distance in the rear, with the reserve, met the columns precipitately retreating, and in great confusion. His efforts to stop them were unavailing, they continued retreating, until they reached a ditch, at the distance of four hundred yards, \vhere a momentarv safetv berns: found, they were rallied and halted. 106 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. 172. The field before them, over which they had advanced, was strewed with the dead and dying. Danger hovered still around ; yet urged and encouraged by their officers, who feared their own disgrace involved in the failure, they again moved to the charge. They were already near enough to deploy, and were endeavouring to do so ; but the same constant and unre- mitted resistance that caused their first retreat, continued yet unabated. Our batteries had never ceased their fire ; their con stant discharges of grape and canister, and the fatal aim of our musketry, mowed down the front of the columns as fast as they could be formed. Satisfied nothing could be done, and that certain destruction awaited all further attempts, they forsook the contest and the field in disorder, leaving it almost entirely covered with the dead and wounded. It was in vain their officers endeavoured to animate them to further resistance, and equally vain to attempt coercion. The panic produced from the dreadful repulse they had experienced, the plain on which they had acted being covered with innumerable bodies of their countrymen, while with their most zealous exertions they had been unable to obtain the slightest advantage, were circum stances well calculated to make even the most submissive soldier oppose the authority that would have controlled him. 173. The light companies of fusileers, the forty-third and ninety-third regiments, and one hundred men from the West India regiment, led on by Colonel Rennie, were ordered to pro ceed under cover of some chimneys standing in the field, until having cleared them, to oblique to the river and advance pro tected by the levee against our redoubt on the right. This work, having been but lately commenced, was in an unfinished state. It was not until the 4th that General Jackson, much against his own opinion, had yielded to the suggestions of others, and permitted its projection ; and considering the plan on which it had been sketched, had not yet received that strength neces sary to its safe defence. The detachment ordered against this place, formed the left of General Keane's command. Rennie executed his orders with great bravery, and urging forward ar rived at the ditch. His advance was greatly annoyed by Com modore Patterson's battery on the left bank, and the cannon mounted on the redoubt ; but reaching our works and passing the ditch, Rennie, sword in hand, leaped on the wall, and calling to his troops, bade them follow; he had scarcely spoken, when he fell by the fatal aim of our riflemen. Pressed by the im petuosity of superior numbers who were mounting the wall and entering 1 at the embrasures, our troops had retired to the line, V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 107 in rear of the redoubt. A momentary pause ensued, but only to be interrupted with increased horrors. Captain Beal, with the city riflemen, cool and self-possessed, perceiving the enemy in his front, opened upon them, and at every discharge brought the object to the ground. To advance, or maintain the point gained, was equally impracticable for the enemy : to retreat or surrender was the only alternative : for they already perceived the division on the right thrown into confusion, and hastily leaving the field. 174. General Jackson being informed of the success of the enemy on the right, and of their being in possession of the re doubt, pressed forward a reinforcement to regain it. Previously to its arrival they had abandoned the attempt, and were retiring. They were severely galled by such of our guns as could be brought to bear. The levee afforded them considerable protec tion ; yet by Commodore Patterson's redoubt on the right bank they suffered greatly. Enfiladed by this on their advance, they had been greatly annoyed, and now in their retreat were no less severely assailed. Numbers found a grave in the ditch be fore our line ; and of those who gained the redoubt, not one it is believed escaped ; they were shot down as fast as they entered. The route, along which they had advanced and retired, was strewed with bodies. Affrighted at the carnage, they moved from the scene hastily and in confusion. Our batteries were still continuing the slaughter, and cutting them down at every step: safety seemed only to be attainable when they should have retired without the range of our shot ; which, to troops galled as severely as they were, was too remote a relief. Pressed by this consideration they fled to the ditch, whither the right division had retreated, and there remained until night permitted them to retire. 175. The loss of the British in the main attack on the left bank has been at different times variously stated. The killed, wounded, and prisoners, ascertained on the next day after the battle by Colonel Hayne, the inspector-general, places it at twenty-six hundred. General Lambert's report to Lord Bath- urst makes it but two thousand and seventy. From prisoners, however, and information and circumstances derived through other sources, it must have been even greater than is stated by either. Among them was the commander-in-chief, and Major- General Gibbs, who died of his wounds the next day, besides many of their most valuable and distinguished officers ; while the loss of the Americans in killed and wounded was but thir teen. Our effective force at the line on the left bank was three 108 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. thousand seven hundred; that of the enemy at least nine thousand. The force landed in Louisiana has been variously reported ; the best information places it at about fourteen thousand. A part of this acted with Colonel Thornton ; the climate had rendered many unfit for the duties of the field ; while a considerable number had been killed and wounded in the different contests since their arrival. Their strength, there fore, may be fairly estimated, on the 8th, at the number we- have stated ; at any rate not less. 176. That this was considered an undertaking" of greater magnitude and hazard than they were disposed openly to admit, is obvious, from one circumstance. The officer who leads his troops on a forlorn attempt, not unfrequently places before them allurements stronger than either authority or duty. On the present occasion, this resort was not omitted ; and inducements were held out, than which nothing more inviting could be offered to an infuriated soldiery. Let. it be remembered of that gallant but misguided general, who has been so much deplored by the British nation, that, to the cupidity of his soldiers he promised the wealth of the city, as a recompense for their gal lantry and desperation ; while, with brutal licentiousness, they were to revel in lawless indulgence, and triumph uncontrolled over female innocence. Scenes like these our nation, disho noured and insulted, had already witnessed; she had witnessed them at Hampton and Havre-de-Grace ; but it was reserved for her yet to learn, that an officer of the character and standing of Sir Edward Packenham, polished, generous, and brave, should, to induce his soldiers to acts of daring valour, permit them as a reward, to insult, injure, and debase those whom all mankind, even savages, reverence and respect. The History of Europe, since civilized warfare began, is challenged to afford an instance of such gross depravity, such wanton outrage on the morals and dignity of society. English writers may deny the correctness of the charge ; it certainly interests them to do so : but its authenticity is too well established to admit of doubt, while its criminality is increased, from being the act of a people who hold themselves up to surrounding nations as examples of every thing that is correct and proper. The facts and circumstances which were presented at the time of this transaction left no doubt on the minds of our officers, but that " Beauty and Booty " was the watchword of the day. The information was obtained from prisoners, and confirmed" by the books of two of their orderly- sergeants taken in battle, which contained record proof of the fact. V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 109 177. The events of this day afford abundant evidence of the liberality of the American soldiers, and show a striking differ ence in the troops of the two nations. While one were allured to acts of bravery and duty by the promised pillage and plunder of the inhabitants, and the commission of crimes abhorrent in the sight of earth and heaven, the other fought but for his country, and having repelled her assailants, instantly forgot all enmity, viewed his fallen foe as a brother, and hastened to assist him, even at the hazard of his own life. The gallantry of the British soldiers, and no people could have displayed greater, had brought many of them even to our ramparts, where, shot down by our troops, they were lying badly wounded. When the firing had ceased, and the columns had retired, our troops, with generous benevolence, advanced over their lines to assist and bring in the wounded which lay under and near the walls ; when, strange to tell, the enemy from the ditch they occupied opened a fire upon them, and, though at a considerable distance, suc ceeded in wounding several. It was enough for our generous soldiers that they were doing an act which the benevolence of their hearts approved, and with charitable perseverance they continued to administer to the wants of these suffering men, and to carry them within their lines, although in their efforts they were continually exposed to danger. Let the apologist for crime say, wherefore were acts thus unpardonable committed against men, who were administering to the wants and relieving the sufferings of the dying countrymen of those who thus repaid the most laudable humanity with wanton and useless cruelty. 178. A communication, shortly after, from Major-General Lambert, on whom, in consequence of the fall of Generals Packenham, Gibbs, and Keane, the command had devolved, acknowledges to have witnessed the kindness of our troops to his wounded. He solicited of General Jackson permission to send an unarmed party to bury the dead lying before his lines, and to bring off such of the wounded as were dangerous. Though, in all probability, it was unknown to General Lambert what had been the conduct of his troops on this occasion, and unquestionably not authorised by him, yet Jackson, in answer to his dispatch, did not omit to bring it to his view, and to ex press his utter abhorrence of the act. The request to bury the dead was granted. General Jackson, though, refused to per mit a near approach to his line, but consented that the wounded who were at a greater distance than three hundred yards from the intrenchment should be relieved, and the dead buried : those nearer were, by his own men, to be delivered over, to be in- 110 LIFE OP JACKSON. [Chap. terred by their countrymen. This precaution was taken, that the enemy might not have an opportunity to inspect, or know any thing 1 of his situation. 1 79. General Lambert, desirous of administering- to the re lief of the wounded, and that he might be relieved from his apprehensions of attack, proposed about noon, that hostilities should cease until the same hour the next day. General Jackson, cherishing- the hope of being able to secure an important ad vantage by his apparent willingness to accede to the proposal, drew up an armistice, and forwarded it to General Lambert, with directions for it to be immediately returned if approved. It contained a stipulation to this effect that hostilities on the left bank of the river should be discontinued from its ratifica tion, but on the right bank they should not cease ; and, in the interim, that under no circumstances were reinforcements to be sent across by either party. This was a bold stroke at strata gem ; and although it succeeded even to the extent desired, was yet attended with considerable hazard. Reinforcements had been ordered over to retake the position lost by Morgan in the morning, and the general presumed they had arrived at their point of destination, but at this time they had not passed the river, nor could it be expected to be retaken with the same troops who had yielded it the day before, when possessed of ad vantages which gave them a decided superiority : this the com manding general well knew ; yet to spare the sacrifice of his men which, in regaining it, he foresaw must be considerable, he was disposed to venture upon a course which, he felt assured, could not fail to succeed. It was impossible his object could be discovered ; while he confidently believed the British commander would infer, from the prompt and ready manner in which his proposal had been met, that such additional troops were already thrown over as would be fully adequate to the purposes of attack, and greatly to endanger, if not wholly to cut off, Colonel Thorn ton's retreat. General Lambert's construction was such as had been anticipated. Although the armistice contained a request that it should be immediately signed and returned, it was neg lected to be acted upon until the next day ; and Thornton and his command were, in the interim, under cover of the night, re-crossed, and the ground they occupied left to be peaceably possessed by the original holders. The opportunity thus afforded of regaining a position on which, in a great degree, depended the safety of those on the opposite shore, was accepted with an avidity its importance merited, and immediate measures taken to increase its strength, and prepare it against any future attack V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. Ill that might be made. This delay of the British commander was evidently designed, that, pending the negotiation, and before it was concluded, an opportunity might be had, either of throwing over reinforcements, or removing Colonel Thornton and his troops from a situation so extremely perilous. Early next morning, General Lambert returned his acceptance of what had been proposed, with an apology for having failed to reply sooner : he excused the omission, by pleading a press of busi ness, which had occasioned the communication to be overlooked and neglected. Jackson was at no loss to attribute the delay to the correct motive : the apology, however, was as perfectly satisfactory to him as any thing that could have been offered ; beyond the object intended to be effected, he felt unconcerned, and having secured this rested perfectly satisfied. It cannot, however, appear otherwise than extraordinary, that this neglect should have been ascribed by the British general to accident, or a press of business, when it must have been, no doubt, of greater importance, at that moment, than any thing which he could possibly have had before him. 180. The armistice was this morning (9th of January) con cluded, and agreed to continue until two o'clock in the evening. The dead and wounded were now removed from the field, which for three hundred yards in front of our line of defence, they almost literally covered. For the reason already suggested, our soldiers, within the line of demarcation between the two camps, delivered over to the British, who were not permitted to cross it, the dead for burial, and the wounded on parole, for which it was stipulated an equal number of American prisoners should be restored. 181. It has seldom happened that officers were more de ceived in their expectations than they were in the result of this battle, or atoned more severely for their error : their reasoning had never led them to conclude that militia would maintain their ground when warmly assailed : no other belief was enter tained, than alarmed at the appearance and orderly firm approach of veteran troops, they would at once forsake the contest, and in flight seek safety. At what part of our line they were sta tioned, was ascertained by information derived through a de serter on the 6th ; and influenced by a belief of their want of nerve, and deficiency in bravery, at this point the main assault was urged. They were indeed militi^ ; but the enemy could have assailed no part of our intrenchment where they would have met a warmer reception, or where they would have found greater strength : it was indeed the best defended part of the 112 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. line. The Kentucky and Tennessee troops, under Generals Carroll, Thomas, and Adair, were here, who had already, on former occasions, won a reputation that was too dear to be sa crificed. These divisions, alternately charging their pieces, and mounting the platform, poured forth a constant fire, that was impossible to be withstood, repelled the advancing columns, and drove them from the field, with prodigious slaughter. 182. There is one fact told, to which general credit seems to- be attached, and which clearly shows the opinion had by the British of our militia, and the little fear which was entertained of any determined opposition from them. When repulsed from our line, the British officers were fully persuaded that the infor mation given them by the deserter on the night of the 6th wa& false, and that instead of pointing out the ground defended by the militia, he had referred them to the place occupied by our best troops. Enraged at what they believed an intentional de ception, they called their informant before them to account for the mischief he had done. It was in vain he urged his inno cence, and, with the most solemn protestations, declared he had stated the fact truly as it was. They could not be convinced, it was impossible that they had contended against any but the best-disciplined troops ; and, without further ceremony, the poor fellow, suspended in view of the camp, expiated on a tree, not his crime, for what he had stated was true, but their error in underrating an enemy who had already afforded abundant evi dences of valour. In all their future trials with our countrymen, may they be no less deceived, and discover in our yeomanry a determination to sustain with firmness a government which knows nothing of oppression ; but which, on an enlarged and liberal scale, aims to secure the independence and happiness of man. If the people of the United States, free almost as the air they breathe, shall at any time omit to maintain their privi leges and their government, then indeed will it be idle longer to speak of the rights of men, or of their capacity to govern themselves : the dream of liberty must fade away and perish for ever, no more to be remembered or thought of. 183. After the battle of the 8th of January, Jackson could have captured every man of the British force that was upon the land, if he had been supplied with arms, according to his own repeated urgent requests, and agreeably to the promises that were made him. Not having arms, he was compelled to let the remainder of the " heroes of the Peninsula" escape. They got to the other side of the river, and there they embarked, leaving V.] DEFENCE OF NEW ORLEANS. 113 sympathetic sorrows of the traitors. Now, however, these trai tors sang his praises in lofty strains ; put up thanksgiving in their churches, called him " an instrument in the hands of God ;" though a few days before, they would have sold him and his army, flesh, blood, bones and all. He submitted to the mummery of being fined for having imprisoned the judge, which he did, of course, in order to give an example of submission to the laws, most heartily despising the traitor, and all his brother traitors, at the same time. He found it necessary to remain at New Or leans till March, when he dismissed his troops in the following address, which ought to be read, and preserved, and cherished, in every country in the world : Address to the troops at New Orleans, after the annunciation of peace. The major-general is at length enabled to perform the pleasing task of restoring to Tennessee, Kentucky, Louisiana, and the territory of the Mississippi, the brave troops who have acted such a distinguished part in the war which has just terminated. In restoring these brave men to their homes, much exertion is expected of, and great responsibility im posed on, the commanding officers of the different corps. It is required of Major-Generals Carroll and Thomas, and Brigadier-General Coffee, to march their commands, without unnecessary delay, to their respective states. The troops from the Mississippi territory and state of Louisiana, both militia and volunteers, will be immediately mustered out of service, paid, and discharged. The major-general has the satisfaction of announcing the approbation of the President of the United States to the conduct of the troops under bis command, expressed in flattering terms, through the honourable the secretary at war. In parting with those brave men, whose destinies have been so long united with his own, and in whose labours and glories it is his happiness and his boast to have participated, the commanding general can neither suppress his feelings, nor give utterance to them as he ought. In what terms can he bestow suitable praise on merit so extraordinary, so unpa ralleled ? Let him, in one burst of joy, gratitude, and exultation, exclaim " These are the saviours of their country these the patriot soldiers, who triumphed over the invincibles of Wellington, and conquered the conquerors of Europe !" With what patience did you submit to priva tions with what fortitude did you endure fatigue what valour did you display in the day of battle ! You have secured to America a proud name among the nations of the earth a glory which will never perish. Possessing those dispositions, which equally adorn the citizen and the soldier, the expectations of your country will be met in peace, as her wishes have been gratified in war. Go, then, my brave compa nions, to your homes ; to those tender connexions, and blissful scenes, which render life so dear full of honour, and crowned with laurels which will never fade. When participating in the bosoms of your families, the enjoyment of peaceful life, with what happiness will you not look back to the toils you have borne to the dangers you have encountered ? How will all your past exposures be converted into sources of inexpressible deliirht ! Who, that never exoerienced vour sufterins-s. will be able to 114 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. appreciate your joys ? The man who slumbered ingloriously at Lome, during your painful marches, your nights of watchfulness, and your days of toil, will envy you the happiness which these recollections will afford still more will he envy the gratitude of that country which you have so eminently contributed to save. Continue, fellow soldiers, on your passage to your several destinations, to preserve that subordination" that dignified and manly deportment, which have so ennobled your character. While the commanding general is thus giving indulgence to his feelings towards those brave companions who accompanied him through diffi culties and danger, he cannot permit the names of Elount, and Shelby, and Holmes, to pass unnoticed. With what generous ardour and patri otism have these distinguished governors contributed all their exertions to provide the means of victory ! The recollection of their exertions, and of the success which has resulted, will be to them a reward more grateful than any which the pomp of title or the splendour of wealth can bestow. \\hat happiness it is to the commanding general, that, while danger was before him, he was, on no occasion, compelled to use towards his companions in arms, either severity or rebuke ! If, after the enemy had retired, improper passions began their empire in a few unworthy bosoms, and rendered a resort to energetic measures necessary for their suppres sion, he has not confounded the innocent with the guilty the seduced with the seducers. Towards you, fellow soldiers, the most cheering re collections exist ; blended, alas 1 with regret, that disease and war should have ravished from us so many worthy companions. But the memory of the cause in which they perished, and of the virtues which animated them while living, must occupy the place where sorrow would claim to dwell. Farewell, fellow-soldiers. The expression of your general's thanks is feeble, but the gratitude of a country of freemen is yours yours the ap plause of an admiring world. ANDREW JACKSON, Major -Gen era I commanding. 184. Let us now see the pretty story which the government dressed up to gull the people of England with. It will be re membered, that Packenham, and Gibbs, and Keane, had been killed, or put hors de combat; so that Lambert became the commander-in-chief. Lambert sent home his dispatch, though of what date, we were not told. Lambert's dispatch was never given to the public. What is called a " bulletin " was dressed up, and published in the London Gazette in the following words, on the 8th of March, 1815 : BULLETIN. War Department, March 8, 1815. Captain Wylly arrived this morning with dispatches from Major- Ge neral Lambert, detailing the operations against the enemy in the neigh bourhood of New Orleans. It appears that the army under the command of Major-General Keane, was landed at the head ot the Bayonne, in the vicinity of New Orleans, on the morning of the 23rd December, without V.] DEFENCE OF 1 NEW ORLEANS. 115 opposition ; it was, however, attacked by the enemy in the course of the night succeeding the landing, when, after an obstinate contest, the enemy were repulsed at all points with considerable loss. On the morning of the 25th, Sir E. Packenham arrived, and assumed the command of the army. On the 27th, at day- light, the troops moved forward, driving the enemy's picquets to within six miles of the town, when the main body of the enemy was discovered posted behind a breast- work, extending about one thousand yards, with the right resting on the Mississippi, and the left on a thick wood. The interval between the 27th December and the 8th January was employed in preparations for an attack upon the enemy's position. The attack which was intended to have been made on the night of the 7th, did not, owing to the difficulties experienced in the passage of the Mississippi, by a corps under Lieutenant-Colonel Thorn ton, which was destined to act on the right bank of the river, take place till early on the morning of the 8th. The division to whom the storming of the enemy's work was entrusted, moved to the attack at that time, but being too soon, discovered by the enemy, were received with a galling and severe fire from all parts of their line. Major-General Sir Edward Packenham, who had placed himself at the head of the troops, was unfortunately killed at the head of the glacis, and Major-Generals Gibbs andKeane were nearly at the same moment wounded. The effect of this upon the troops caused a hesitation in their advance, and though order was restored by the ad vance of the reserve under Major-General Lambert, to whom the command of the army had devolved, and Colonel Thornton had succeeded in the operation assigned to him on the right bank of the river ; yet the Major- General, upon the consideration of the difficulties which yet remained to be surmounted, did not think himself justified in ordering a renewal of the attack. The troops, therefore, retired to the position which they had occupied previous to the attack. In that position they remained until the evening of the 18th, when the whole of the wounded, with the ex ception of eighty (whom it was considered dangerous to remove), the field artillery, and all the stores of every description, having been ein- arked, the army ired to the head of the Bayonne, where the landing had been originally effected, and re-embarked without molestation. 185. And this was all that the people of this duped nation ever heard of the matter from first to last. Buonaparte had landed at this time from Elba, and the battle of Waterloo soon succeeded ; and both government and people were extremely glad to forget all about this unmerciful beating in America. This battle of New Orleans broke the heart of European despotism ; and the man who won it, did, in that one act, more for the good and the honour of the human race, than ever was yet done by any other man besides himself. 116 [Chap. CHAPTER VI. FROM MARCH 1815 TO FEBRUARY 1834. Becomes a senator in the congress cif the United States, for the state of Ten nessee. Is a candidate for the presidentship, 1824. Has the greatest number of votes, but is kept out fry a trick of Clay and Gfaioford* Is chosen president in 1829. Declares against a renewal of the bank- charter. Ptits his veto on a bill to renew the charter of the bank. The banks form a conspiracy against his re-election. He is re-elected in the fall of 1832. He denounces the bank, exposes its corruption and bribery, takes the deposits from the bank and places them in the state banks. Publishes his reasons for doing this. Person and character. 186. Once more Jackson returned to his farm at Nashville ; but after all these exploits ; after the exhibition of such talent,, such inflexible resolution in the performance of every thing which he deemed for the honour and good of his country, it was impossible that a sensible and grateful people should be satis fied without seeing him in the occupation of some important public post. He was soon, therefore, again a member of the congress ; one of the two senators for his own domestic state of Tennessee. At the time when he returned home, Mr. Madi son was the president; Munro succeeded Madison in 1816; and he continued in the office till 1824. In 1824 a new presi dent being to be chosen, Jackson, popular with all but the en vious few, and the monopolizing paper-money many, was put in nomination as a candidate for the presidentship ; and he had more votes than any other candidate, yet he was not chosen pre sident. The English reader will ask how this can be : it is thus. The law is, that electors of the president shall be chosen by the people in every state ; that these electors shall each give his vote for some one person to be president ; that any candidate who has a majority of the votes of the whole of the electors shall be the president; but, if there be no one who has a majority of the whole of the votes of the electors, then the president shall be chosen by the members of the House of Representatives; but that there they shall vote by states ; and that each state shall have one vote and no more. Now, there were four candidates having votes of electors as follows : Jackson 99 Adams 84 Crawford 47 Clay .... 31 261 VI.] BECOMES A SENATOR. 117 187. Therefore, Jackson not having 1 a majority of the whole, the other kind of election took place ; and as they were the great States who were for him, and the small States for Adams, the other mode of election made Adams the president, though with a minority of votes ! This was a vindictive trick of Clay, who envied and hated Jackson. Crawford and Clay appear to have stood forward for the express purpose of gratifying their envy of Jackson; and thus for four years they deprived the people of the services of the man of their choice. It is right to observe here on the sound judgment of the American people, as most fully proved upon this occasion. The president, though, as we have seen, a most able and beautiful writer, appears never to have taken much part in the war of words. Clay is, they say, one of the best speech-makers in the world ; but the people did not want a speech-maker : they remembered that Washing ton was no speech-maker ; they wanted a man of tried fidelity and resolution ; and, above aft things, a man hostile to the frauds of paper-money : they knew that they had a hydra to destroy, and they wanted a Hercules for a president. Mr. Ro- naldson, of Philadelphia, a most sensible, clear-sighted, and public-spirited man, an essay from whose pen I myself published in England pretty nearly twenty years ago, showing that, if the paper-money were not put a stop to, it must destroy the liber ties of America ; this Mr. Ronaldson, a native of Scotland, but settled from his youth in Philadelphia, I saw at New York, in 1818 ; and he then again pressed upon me the necessity of all good people combining against the infamous paper-money. I do not know, and I never have known, a cleverer man than Mr. Ronaldson : I have been informed by a gentleman from Philadelphia, and now in England, that Mr. Ronaldson was the first man in America to propose Jackson for president ; that he called a meeting for the purpose in Philadelphia ; and from that meeting the proposition spread itself over the union. I have thought it just towards Mr. Ronaldson to relate this fact ; and I thought it just to our cause also ; because the first thought of the matter having emanated from the mind of such a man, is an additional proof of the wisdom of the choice made by the people. 188. Adams' four years having expired, he tried the thing again ; but the field was now clear of Clay and of Crawford, who had got pretty well execrated for their conduct at the preceding election ; and now the votes of the electors stood thus : Jackson - - 178 Adams - - - 83 Total - 261 118 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. 189. Now it was, and now it is, that he had, and has, to overcome a more deadly enemy of his country than either the British, or the savages, namely, the monster of paper-money ! In the year 1816, a charter had been granted by the govern ment of the United States, to make a bank of the United States, as nearly as possible like the Bank of England. This bank was a great extension of the paper-money system which had before existed. It was to receive as deposits the taxes raised by the United States ; it was to pay the dividends on the United States' stock or debt; it was to make advances to the government, if necessary ; in short, like the Bank of England, it was to lend the people its notes, bottomed upon the people's own money ; and it necessarily would have, and it did have, the power of raising and of lowering prices at its pleasure ; and thus of enormously enriching the few at the expense of the industrious many, and of producing all those other terrible evils which, by the time that Jackson became president, in 1829, had covered that once-bappy country with misery. Jackson was too just and too wise a man not to use all his lawful powers for putting an end to this hellish system. He was no sooner in possession of his office than he began to take steps for this purpose. In his annual message delivered to the congress, in December 1829, in December 1830, and in December 1831, he expressed his opinions very freely as to this matter, and those opinions de cidedly hostile to the bank, and banking system. In the session of the winter of 1832, the villanous paper-money people, and their supporters, laid a scheme for ousting him from his presi dentship, or for compelling him to give up his hostility to the banks. If he intended to be chosen again, next year was the time for the election ; and, therefore, they thought they would put him to the test, which they did by bringing in, and passing through the two houses, a bill for the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States. This was wholly unnecessary, the charter of the bank having four years yet une.rpired ; but his re-election was coming on ; and this was to try him before that took place ; if he signed the act, then it did not signify whether he were elected or not : if he refused to sign it, then there was time to defeat his election. 190. He knew all this as well as the vile paper-money crew knew it ; but when the bill reached him he instantly put his veto upon rt, and told the two Houses that he never would put his hand to a charter of the bank as long as he existed. This was at the close of the session of 1832 ; and his re-election was to come on in October of that same year. He told the congress, VI.] ELECTED PRESIDENT. 119 that he clearly saw that this bill was tendered to him as the means of putting him to the test, and of putting the people to the test too ; and in conclusion of his reasons against signing the bill, he said, " I have now done my duty to my country. If sustained by my fellow-citizens, I shall be grateful and happy; if not, I shall find in the motives which impel me ample grounds for contentment and peace." The re-election was to come, as has been just observed, in October; and the bank and all its branches, and all the bankers in the whole country, set to work to defeat his re-election. The bank of the United States made enormous issues of fresh paper, and lent this paper to persons publishing newspapers, and to writers and other persons con nected with the press, in order so to work as to prevent his re election. These miscreants endeavoured to alarm the people at the prospect of low prices and of general bankruptcy and ruin ; and the watchword of the election was, " Jackson and hard money," on one side ; and the " Bank and its supporters," on the other side. It appears that the bank had a very large part of the newspaper press actually in its pay. Nevertheless, the people decided for Jackson. He had, upon this occasion, not three opponents, as before, but one, namely, his bitter and envious enemy, Mr. Clay, over whom he obtained a majority very great indeed. He had the last time to contend with Adams, who had none but the aristocratical party for him. Clay was, therefore, chosen as his opponent this time, it being supposed that the aristocratical party would all vote for Clay, though he had always been of the other party. Of the two it was thought that they would prefer Clay ; and it was thought that some of the democratic party, at any rate, would vote for Clay. These calculations, though rational enough, were thwarted by the event : all the people knew that Jackson had declared against the bank ; and being of his opinion, they de cided by a great majority, that the bank ought to cease. The people chose Jackson ; and, by choosing him, they decided in favour of hard money. When the English reader is thus in formed of the history of these two elections, he will cease to be surprised at the very long and admirably eloquent speeches of Mr. Clay, against what he calls the " tyranny" of the " dicta tor" Jackson; and he will cease to wonder, that these very lengthy and most pathetic patriotic harangues appear to produce no more effect upon the American people, than is produced on them by the squeaking of the frogs, the clamour of the Kiddadids, or the whistling of the " whipper- wills." But, the delinquencies of these infamous bankers were not to 120 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. be tolerated any longer. The president had determined not to renew the charter of this great bank ; but it had too long- a time to do mischief in ; and he, therefore, resolved to pare its nails. The Act establishing the bank provided, that the public money should be deposited in the bank, unless the secretary of the Treasury should think proper to deposit it at any other place, which he might do at any time, merely informing the House of Representatives that he had so done ; and, as this secretary is appointed by the president himself, he will hardly, in such a case, act contrary to his will. The president, therefore, ordered the secretary of the Treasury, or at least induced him, to take the deposits from the great bank, and place them in some of the state banks. One secretary would not do this, and he was compelled to choose another that would do it. In justification of a measure so decided, and of such vast importance, the pre sident exposed the corruption, the bribery, the roguery inde scribable, of this abominable Bank of the United States ; and showed, that neither law, nor constitution, nor private property, nor public safety, could co-exist with this atrocious institution. As a vehicle for these his accusations against the bank, he pub lished, on the 28th of September, 1833, a letter, addressed by him to the several ministers of his cabinet. This letter, one of the greatest acts of his whole wonderful life, I here insert, as containing the history of the abominations of this nefarious bank, and as containing the grounds of all those proceedings of the president, which he is now (March, 1834) pushing forward, and which promise to deliver his country from the accursed scourge of paper-money. Read to the Cabinet on the 18. of September, 1833. A. Having carefully and anxiously considered all the facts and argu ments which have been submitted to him, relative to a removal of the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, the President deems it his duty to communicate in this manner to his Cabinet the final con clusions of his own mind, and the reasons on which they are founded, in order to put them in a durable form, and to prevent misconceptions. B. The President's convictions of the dangerous tendencies of the Bank of the United States, since signally illustrated by its own acts, were so overpowering when he entered upon the duties of chief magistrate, that he felt it his duty, notwithstanding the objections of the friends by whom he was surrounded, to avail himself of the first occasion to call the attention of Congress and the people to the question of its re-charter. The opinions expressed in his annual message of December 1829, were reiterated in those of December 1830 and 1831 ; and in that of 1830 he threw out for consideration some suggestions in relation to a VI.] WAR WITH THE BANK. 121 substitute. At the session of 1831-2, an act was passed by a majority of both Houses of Congress re-chartering the present bank, upon which the President felt it his duty to put his constitutional veto. In his message, returning that act, he repeated and enlarged upon the principles and views briefly asserted in his annual messages, declaring the bank to be, in his opinion, both inexpedient and unconstitutional, and announcing to his countrymen, very unequivocally, his firm determination never to sanction, by his approval, the continuance of that institution, or the establishment of any other upon similar principles. C. There are strong reasons for believing that the motive of the Bank in asking for a re-charter at that session of Congress, was to make it a leading question in the election of a President of the United States the ensuing November, and all steps deemed necessary were taken to procure from the people a reversal of the President's decision. D. Although the charter was approaching its termination, and the Bank was aware that it was the intention of the Government to use the public deposits, as fast as they accrued, in the payment of the public debt, yet it did extend its loans from January 1831 to May 1832, from 42,402,304 dollars to 70,428,070 dollars, being an increase of 28,025,766 dollars in sixteen months. It is confidently believed that the leading object of this immense extension of its loans was to bring as large a portion of the people as possible under its power and influence ; and it lias been disclosed that some of the largest sums were granted on very unusual terms to conductors of the public press. In some of these cases the motive was made manifest by the nominal or insufficient security taken for the loans, by the large amounts discounted, by the extraordinary time allowed for payment, and especially by the subsequent conduct of. those receiving the accommodation. E. Having taken these preliminary steps to obtain control over public opinion, the Bank came into Congress and asked a new charter. The object avowed by many of the advocates of the Bank, was to put the President to the test, that the country might know his final determination relative to the Bank, prior to the ensuing election. Many documents and articles were printed and circulated at the expense of the Bank, to bring the people to a favourable decision upon its pretensions. Those whom the Bank appears to have made its debtors for the special occasion, were warned of the ruin which awaited them should the President be sustained, and attempts were made to alarm the whole people, by painting the depression in the price of property and produce, and the general loss, inconvenience, and distress, which it was represented would immediately follow the re-election of the President in opposition to the Bank. F. Can it now be said that the question of a re-charter of the Bank was not decided at the election which ensued 1 Had the veto -been equivocal, or had it not covered the whole ground, if it had merely taken exceptions to the details of the bill, or to the time of its passage, if it had not met the whole ground of constitutionality and expediency, then there might have been some plausibility for the allegation that the eole. It question was not decided by the people. It was to compel the P . to take his stand that the question was brought forward at that particular time. He met the challenge, willingly took the position into which his adversaries sought to force him, and frankly declared his unalterable opposition to the Bank, as being both unconstitutional and inexpedient. On that ground the case was argued to the people, and now that the people have sustained the President notwithstanding the array of influence and 122 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. power which vras brought to bear upon him, it is too late, he confidently thinks, to say that the question has not been decided. Whatever may be the opinions of others, the President considers his re-election as a decision of the people against the Bank. In the concluding paragraph of this veto message he said G. " 1 have now done my duty to my country. If sustained by my fellow-citizens, 1 shall be grateful and happy ; if not, 1 shall find in the motives which impel me, ample grounds for contentment and peace." He was sustained by a just people, and he desires to evince his gratitude, by carrying into effect their decision, so far as it depends upon him. H. Of all the substitutes for the present Bank which have been sug gested, none seems to have united any considerable portion of the public in its favour. Most of them are liable to the same constitutional objections for which the present Bank has been condemned, and perhaps to all there are strong objections on the score of expediency. In ridding the country of the irresponsible power which has attempted to control the Govern ment, care must be taken not to unite the same power with the executive branch. To give a President the control over the currency, and the power over individuals, now possessed by the Bank of the United States, even with the material difference that he is responsible to the people, would be as objectionable and as dangerous as to leave it as it is. Neither the one nor the other is necessary, and therefore ought net to be resorted to. I. On the whole, the President considers it as conclusively settled that the charter of the Bank of the United States will not be renewed, and he has no reasonable ground to believe that any substitute will be established. Being bound to regulate his course by the laws as they exist, and not to anticipate the interference of the legislative power, for the purpose of framing new systems, it is pi'oper for him seasonably to consider the means by which the services rendered by the Bank of the United States are to be performed after its charter shall expire. K. The existing laws declare, that "the deposits of the money of the "United States in places in which the said Bank and branches thereof may be established, shall be made in said Bank or branches thereof, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall at any time otherwise order and direct, in which case the Secretary of the Treasury shall immediately lay before Congress, if in session, and if not, immediately after the commencement of the next session, the reason of such order or direction." L. The power of the Secretary of the Treasury over the deposits is unqualified. The provision that he shall report his reasons to Congress is no limitation. H ad it not been inserted, he would have been responsible to Congress had he made a removal for any other than good reasons, and his responsibility now ceases upon the rendition of sufficient ones to Congress. The only object of the provision is to make his reasons access ible to Congress, and enable that body the more readily to judge of their soundness and purity, and thereupon to make such further provision by law as the legislative power may think proper in relation to the deposit of the public money. Those reasons may be very diversified. It was as serted by the Secretary of the Treasury, without contradiction, as early as 1817, that he had power " to control the proceedings " of the Bank of the United States at any moment, " by changing the deposits to the State Banks," should it pursue an illiberal course towards those institutions ; that "the Secretary of the Treasury will always be disposed to support the credit of the Slate Banks, and will invariably direct transfers from the VI.} WAR WITH THE BANK. 123 deposits of the public money in aid of their legitimate exertions to main tain their credit ," and he asserted a right to employ the State Banks when the Bank of the United States should refuse to receive on deposit the notes of such State Banks as the public interest required should be received in payment of the public dues. In several instances he did transfer the public deposits to State Banks, in the immediate vicinity o branches, for reasons connected only with the safety of those banks, the public convenience, and the interests of the Treasury. M. If it was lawful for Mr. Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury, at that time to act on these principles, it will be difficult to discover any sound reason against the application of similar principles in still stronger cases And it is a matter of surprise that a power which, in the infancy of the Bank, was freely asserted as one of the ordinary and familiar duties of the Secretary of the Treasury, should now be gravely questioned, and attempts made to excite and alarm the public mind as if some new and unheard-of power was about to be usurped by the executive branch of the Government. N. It is but a little more than two years and a Jialf to the termination of the charter of the present Bank. It is considered, as the decision of the country, that it shall then cease to exist, and no man, the President believes, has reasonable ground for expectation that any other bank of the United States will be created by Congress. To the Treasury De partment is intrusted the safe keeping and faithful application of the public monies. A plan of collection different from the present must, therefore, be introduced and put in complete operation before the disso lution of the present Bank. When shall it be commenced? Shall no step be taken in this essential concern until the charter expires, and the Trea sury finds itself without an agent, its accounts in confusion, with no de pository for its funds, and the whole business of the Government de ranged ? Or shall it be delayed until six months, or a year, or two years, before the expiration of the charter ? It is obvious that any new system which may be substituted in the place of the Bank of the United States, could not be suddenly carried into effect on the termination of its exist ence without serious inconvenience to the Government and the people. Its vast amount of notes is then to be redeemed and withdrawn from cir culation, and its immense debt collected. These operations must be gradual, otherwise much suffering and distress will be brought upon the community. It ought to be, not a work of months only, but of years, and the President thinks it cannot, with due attention to the interests of the people, be longer postponed. It is safer to begin it too soon than to delay it too long. O. It is for the wisdom of Congress to decide upon the best substitute to be adopted in the place of the Bank of the United States ; and the Pre sident would have felt himself relieved from a heavy and painful respon sibility if in the charter to the Bank, Congress had reserved to itself the power of directing, at its pleasure, the public money to be elsewhere de posited, and had not devolved that power exclusively on one of the exe cutive departments. It is useless now to inquire why this high and important power was surrendered by those who are peculiarly and appro priately the guardians of the public money. Perhaps it was an oversight. But as the President presumes that the charter to the Bank is to be con sidered as a contract on the part of the Government, it is not now in the power of Congress to disregard its stipulations; and by the terms of that con tract the public money is to be deposited in the Bank during the continuance 22 i24 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. of its charter, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall otherwise direct. Unless, therefore, the Secretary of the Treasury h'rst acts, Congress have no power over the subject, for they cannot add a new clause to the charter, or strike one out of it, without the consent of the Bank ; and consequently the public money must remain in that institution to the last hour of its existence, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall remove it ut an. earlier day. The responsibility is thus thrown upon the executive branch of the Government, of deciding how long before the expiration of the charter the public interests will require the deposits to be placed else where ; and although, according to the frame and principle of our govern ment, 5 this decision would seem more properly to belong to the legislative power, yet, as the law has imposed it upon the executive department, the duty ought to be faithfully and firmly met, and the decision made and executed upon the best lights that can be obtained, and the best judgment that can be formed. It would ill become the executive branch of the Government to shrink from any duty which the law imposes on it, to fix upon others the responsibility which justly belongs to itself. P. And while the President anxiously wishes to abstain from the exer cise of doubtful powers, and to avoid all interference with the rights and duties of others, he must yet, with unshaken constancy, discharge his own obligations : and cannot allow himself to turn aside, in order to avoid any responsibility which the high trust with which he has been honoured re quires him to encounter, ; and it being the duty of one of the executive departments to decide, in the first instance, subject to the future action of the legislative power, whether the public deposits shall remain in the Bank of the United States until the end of its existence, or be withdrawn some time before, the President has felt himself bound to examine the question carefully and deliberately, in order to make up his judgment on the subject ; and in his opinion the near approach of the termination of the charter, and the public considerations heretofore mentioned, are of themselves amply sufficient to justify the removal of the deposits with out reference to the conduct of the Bank, or their safety in its keeping. Q. But in the conduct of the Bank may be found other reasons very imperative in their character, and which require prompt action. De velopments have been made from time to time of its faithlessness as a. public agent, its misapplication of public funds, its interference in elec tions, its efforts by the machinery of committees to deprive the Govern ment directors of a full knowledge of its concerns, and, above all, its flagrant misconduct as recently and unexpectedly disclosed in placing all the funds of the Bank, including the money of the Government, at the disposition of the President of the Bank, as means of operating upon public opinion and procuring a new charter without requiring him to render a voucher for their disbursement. A brief recapitulation of the facts which justify these charges and which have come to the knowledge of the public and the President, will, he thinks, remove every reasonable doubt as to the course which it is now the duty of the President to pursue. R. We have seen, that in sixteen months, ending in May 1833, the Bank had extended its loans more than 28,000,000 dollars, 'although it knew the Government intended to appropriate most of its large deposits during that year in payment of the public debt. It was in May 1832 that its loans arrived at the maximum, and in the preceding March, so sensible was the Bank that it would not be able to pay over the public deposits when it would be required by the Government, that it com menced a secret negotiation without the approbation or knowledge of the VI.] WAR WITH THE BANK. 125 Government with the agents, for about 2,700,000 dollars of the 3 per cent stocks held in Holland, with a view of inducing them not to come forward for payment for one or more years after notice should he given by the Treasury Department. This arrangement would have enabled the Bank to keep and use during that time the public money set apart for the payment of these stocks. b. After this negotiation had commenced, the Secretary of the Treasury informed the Bank that it was his intention to pay off one-half of the 3 per cents, on the 1st of the succeeding July, which amounted to about 6,500,000 dollars. The President of the Bank, although the committee of investigation was then looking into its affairs at Philadelphia, came im mediately to Washington, and upon representing that the Bank was desirous of accommodating the importing merchants at New York (which it failed to do), and undertaking to pay the interest itself, procured the. consent of the Secretary, after consulting with the President, to postpone the payment until the succeeding 1st of October. T. Conscious that at the end of that quarter the Bank would not be able to pay over the deposits, and that further indulgence was not to be expected of the Government, an agent was dispatched to England, secretly to negotiate with the holders of the public debt in Europe, and induce them by the offer of an equal or higher interest than that paid by the Government to hold back their claims for one year, during which the Bank expected thus to retain the use of 5,000,000 dollars of public money, which the Government should set apart for the payment of that debt. The agent made an arrangement on terms, in part, which were in direct violation of the charter of the Bank, and when some incidents connected with this secret negotiation accidentally came to the knowledge of the public and die Government, then, and not before, so much of it as was palpably in violation of the charter was disavowed! A modification of the rest was attempted, with the view of getting the certificates without payment of the money, and thus absolving the Government from its liability to the holders. In this scheme the Bank was partially successful, but to this clay the certificates of a portion of these stocks have not been paid, and the Bank retains the use of the money. , U. This effort to thwart the Government in the payinentof the public debt, that it might retain the public money to be used for their private interests, palliated by pretences notoriously unfounded and insincere, would have justified the instant withdrawal of the public deposits. The negotiation itself rendered doubtful the ability of the Bank to meet the demands of the Treasury, and the misrepresentations by which it was attempted to be justified, proved that no reliance could be placed upon its allegations. V. If the question of a removal of the deposits presented itself to the executive in the same attitude that it appeared before the House of Representatives at their last session, their resolution in relation to the safety of the deposits would be entitled to more weight, although the decision of the question of removal has been confided by law to another department of the Government. But the question now occurs, attended by other circumstances and new disclosures of the most serious import. It is. true that in the message of the President, which produced this inquiry and resolution on the part of the House of Representatives, it wat; his object to obtain the aid of that body in making a thorough examination into the conduct and condition of the Bank and its branches, in order to enable the executive department to decide whether the public money was longer safe in its hands. The limited power of the Secretary of the 126 LIFE OF JACKSOX. [Chap. Treasury over the subject, disabled him from making the investigation as fuily and satisfactorily as it could be done by a committee of the House of Representatives, and hence the President desired the assistance of Congress to obtain for the Treasury department a full knowledge of all the facts which were necessary to guide his judgment. But it was not his purpose, as the language of his message will show, to ask the repre sentatives of the people to assume a responsibility which did not belong to them, and relieve the executive branch of the Government from the duty which the law had imposed upon it. It is due to the President that his object in that proceeding should be distinctly understood, and that he should acquit himself of all suspicion of seeking to escape from the performance of his own duties, or of desiring to interpose another body between himself and the people, in order to avoid a measure which he is called upon to meet. But although, as an act of justice to himself, he disclaims any design of soliciting the opinion of the House of Representa tives in relation to his own duties, in order to shelter himself from the responsibility under the sanction of their counsel, yet he is at all times ready to listen to the suggestions of the representatives of the people, whether given voluntarily or upon solicitation, and to consider them with the profound respect to which all will admit they are justly entitled. Whatever may be the consequences, however, to himself, he must finally form his own judgment where the constitution and the law- make it his duty to decide, and must act accordingly ; and he is bound to suppose that such a course on his part will never be regarded by that elevated body as a mark of disrespect to itself, but that they will, on the contrary, esteem it the strongest evidence he can give of his fixed resolu tion conscientiously to discharge his duty to them and the country. W. A new state of things has, however, arisen since the close of the last session of Congress, and evidence has since been laid before the President, which he is persuaded would have led the House of Repre sentatives to a different conclusion, if it had come to their knowledge. The fact that the Bank controls, and in some cases substantially owns, and by its money supports some of the leading presses of the country, is now more clearly established. Editors to whom it loaned extravagant sums in 1831 and 1832, on unusual time and nominal security, have since turned out to be insolvents ; and to others, apparently in no better con dition, accommodations still more extravagant, on terms more unusual, and sometimes without any security, have also been heedlessly granted. X. The allegation which has so often circulated through these channels, that the Treasury was bankrupt, and the Bank were sustaining it, when for many years there has not been less on an average than six millions of public money in that institution, might be passed over as a harmless misrepresentation ; but when it is attempted by substantial acts to impair the credit of the Governmeat, and tarnish the honour of the country, such charges require more serious attention. With six millions of public money in its vaults, after having had the use of from five to twelve mil lions for nine years, without interest, it became the purchaser of a bill drawn by our Government on that of France for about 900,000 dollars, being the first instalment of the French indemnity. The purchase-money was left in the use of the Bank, being simply added to the Treasury de posits. The Bank sold the bill in England* and the holder sent it to France for collection, and arrangements not having been made by the French Government for its payment, it was taken up by the agents of the Bank in Paris with the funds of the Bank in their hands. Under these VI.] WAR WITH THE BANK. 127 circumstances it has, through its organs, openly assailed the credit of the Government ; and has actually made, and persists in a demand of 15 per cent., or 15,884,277 dollars as damages, when no damage or none beyond some trifling expense, has in fact been sustained ; and when the Bank had in its own possession in deposit several millions of the public money, which it was then using for its own profit. Is a fiscal agent of the Govern ment, which thus seeks to enrich itself at the expense of the public, worthy of further trust ? Y. There are other important facts not in the contemplation of the House of Representatives, or not known to the Members at the time they voted for the resolution. Z. Although the charter and the rules of the Bank both declared that " not less than seven directors " shall be necessary to the transaction of business, yet the most important business, even that of granting discounts to any extent, is intrusted to a committee of five members, who do not report to the boaad. a. To cut off all means of communication with the Government in rela tion to its own most important acts, at the commencement of the present year, not one of the Government Directors was placed on any one com mittee ; and although since, bv an unusual remodelling of those bodies, some of those directors have been placed on some of the committees, they are yet entirely excluded from the committee of exchange, through which the greatest and most objectionable loans have been made. b. When the Government Directors made an effort to bring back the business of the Bank to the Board, in obedience to the charter and the existing regulations, the Board not only overruled their attempt, but altered the rule, so as to make it conform to the practice, in direct viola tion of one of the most important provisions of the charter which gave them existence. c. It has long been known that the President of the Bank by his single will originates and executes many of the most important measures con nected with the management and credit of the Bank, and that the com mittee, as well as the Board of Directors, are left in entire ignorance of many acts done, and correspondence carried on, in their name, and appar ently under their authority. The fact has been recently disclosed, that an unlimited discretion has been, and is now, vested in the President of the Bank, to expend its funds in payment for preparing and circulating articles, and purchasing pamphlets and newspapers, calculated by their contents to operate on elections, and secure a renewal of its charter. It appears from the official report of the public directors, that on the 30. of November, 1830, the President submitted to the Board an article pub lished in the American Quarterly Review, containing favourable notices of the Bank, and suggesting the expediency of giving it a wider circulation at the expense of the Bank ; whereupon the Board passed the following; resolution, viz : d. " Resolved, That the President be authorized to take such mea sures in regard to the circulation of the contents of the said article, either in whole or in part, as he may deem most for the interest of the Bank." e. By an entry of the minutes of the Bank, dated March the 11., 1831, it appears that the President had not only caused a large edition of that article to be issued, but had also, before the resolution of the 30. of No vember was adopted, procured to be printed and widely circulated nume rous copies of the reports of General Smith and Mr. M'Duffie in favour of the Bank, and on that day he suggested the expediency of extending his 128 LIFE OP JACKSON. [Chap. power to the printing of other articles which might subserve the purposes of the institution. Whereupon the following resolution was adopted, viz. : f. " Resolved, That the President is hereby authorized to cause to be prepared and circulated such documents and papers as may communi cate to the people information in regard to the nature and operations of the Bank,'' g. The expenditure purporting to have been made under authority of these resolutions, during the years 1831 and 1832, were about 80,000 dollars. For a portion of these expenditures vouchers were rendered, from which it appears that they were incurred in the purchase of some hundred thousand copies of newspapers, reports of and speeches made in Congress, reviews of the veto message, and reviews of speeches against the Bank, &c. For another large portion no vouchers whatever were ren dered, but the various sums were paid on orders of the President of the Bank, making reference to the resolutions of the 11. of March, 1831. h. On ascertaining these facts, and perceiving that expenditures of a similar character were still continued, the Government directors a few weeks ago offered a resolution to the Board calling for a specific account of these expenditures, showing the objects to which they had been applied, and the persons to whom the money had been paid. This reasonable proposition was voted down. i. They also oifered a resolution, rescinding the resolutions of Novem ber 1830, and March 1831. This was also rejected. j. Not content with thus refusing to recall the obnoxious power, or even to require such an account of the expenditure as would show whether the money of the Bank had, in fact, been applied to the objects contem plated by those resolutions, as obnoxious as they were, the Board renewed the power already conferred, and even enjoined renewed attention to its exercise, by adopting the following in lieu of the proposition submitted by the Government Directors : k. " Resolved, That the Board have confidence in the wisdom and integrity of the President, and in the propriety of the resolutions of the 30. of November, 1830, and the 11. of March, 1831, and entertain a full conviction of the necessity of a renewed attention to the object of those resolutions, and that the President be authorized and requested to continue his exertions for the promotion of the said object." 1. Taken in connexion with the nature of the expenditures heretofore made, as recently disclosed, which the Board not only tolerate but approve, this resolution puts the funds of the Bank at the disposition of the President, for the purpose of employing the whole press of the country in the service of the Bank, to hire writers and newspapers, and to pay out such sums us he pleases, to what persons and for what services he pleases, without the responsibility of rendering any specific account. The Bank is thus converted into a vast electioneering engine, with means to embroil the country in deadly feuds, and, under cover of expenditures in themselves improper, extend its corruption through all the ramifica tions of society. m. Some of the items for which accounts have been rendered, show the construction which has been given to the resolutions, and the way in which the power it confers has been exerted. The money has not been expended merely in the publication and distribution of speeches, reports of committees, and of articles written for the purpose of showing the constitutionality or usefulness of the Bank. Publications have been VI.] WAR WITH THE BANK. 329 prepared and extensively circulated, containing the grossest invectives against the officers of the Government ; and the money which belongs to the stockholders and to the public, has been freely applied in efforts to degrade in public estimation those who were supposed to be instrumental in resisting the wishes of this grasping and dangerous institution. As the President of the Bank has not been required to settle his accounts, no one but himself yet knows how much more than the sum already men tioned may have been squandered, and for which a credit may hereafter be claimed in his account, under this most extraordinary resolution. With these facts before us, can we be surprised at the torrent of abuse incessantly poured out against all who are supposed to stand in the way of the cupidity or ambition of the Bank of the United States? Can we be surprised at sudden and unexpected changes of opinion in favour of an institution which has millions to lavish, and avows its determination not to spare its means when they are necessary to accomplish its purposes ? The refusal to render an account of the manner in which a part of the money expended has been applied, gives just cause for the suspicion, that it has been used for purposes which it is not deemed prudent to expose to the eyes of an intelligent and virtuous people. Those who act justly do not shun the light, nor do they refuse explanations when the propriety of their conduct is brought into question. n. With these facts before him, in an official report from the Govern ment Directors, the President would feel that he is not only responsible for all the abuses and corruptions the Bank has committed, or may commit, but almost an accomplice in a conspiracy against that Govern ment which he had sworn honestly to administer, if he did not take every step within his constitutional and legal power, likely to be efficient in putting an end to these enormities. If it be possible, within the scope of human affairs, to find a reason for removing the Government deposits, and leaving the Bank to its own resources for the means of effecting its criminal designs, we have it here. Was it expected, when the monies of the United fetates were directed to be placed in that Bank, that they would be put under the control of one man, empowered to spend millions without rendering a voucher or specifying the object? Can they be considered safe, with the evidence before us, that tens of thousands have been spent for highly improper, if not corrupt purposes, and that the same motive may lead to the expenditure of hundreds of thousands, and even millions, more 1 And can we justify ourselves to the people by longer lending to it the money and power of the Government, to be employed for such purposes 1 o. It has been alleged by some, as an objection to the removal of the deposits, that the Bank has the power, and in that event will have the dis position, to destroy the State Banks employed by the Government, and bring distress upon the country. Jt has been the fortune of the President to encounter dangers which were represented as equally alarming, and he has seen them vanish before resolution and energy. Pictures equally appalling were paraded before him when this Bank came to demand a new charter. But what was the result? Has the country been ruined, or even distressed ? Was it ever more prosperous than since that act 1 The President verily believes the Bank has not the power to produce the calamities its friends threaten. The funds of the Government will not be annihilated by being transferred; they will immediately be issued for the benefit of trade, and if the Bank of the United States curtails its loans, the State Banks, strengthened by the public deposits, will extend theirs. 130 LIPE OF JACKSON. [Chap. What comes in through one Bank will go out through others, and the equilibrium will be preserved. Should the Bank, for the mere purpose of producing distress, press its debtors more heavily than some of them can bear, the consequences will recoil upon itself, and in the attempts to embarrass the country, it will only bring loss and ruin upon the holders of its own stock. But if the President believed the Bank possessed all the power which has been attributed to it, his determination would only be rendered the more inflexible. If, indeed, this corporation now holds in its hands the happiness and prosperity of the American people, it is high time to take the alarm. If the despotism be already upon us, and our only safety is in the mercy of the despot, recent developments in rela tion to his designs and the means he employs show how necessary it is to shake it off. The struggle can never come with less distress to the peo ple, or under more favourable auspices, than at the present moment. p. All doubt as to the willingness of the State Banks to undertake the service of the Government, to the same extent, and on the same terms, as it is now performed by the Bank of the United States, is put to rest by the report of the agent recently employed to collect information ; and from that willingness their own safety in the operation may be confidently- inferred. Knowing their own resources better than they can be known by others, it is not to be supposed that they would be willing to place themselves in a situation which they cannot occupy without danger of annihilation or embarrassment. The only consideration applies to the safety ofthe public funds, if deposited in those institutions. And when it is seen that the directors of many of them are not only willing to pledge the character and capital of the corporations in giving' success to this measure, but also their own property and reputation, we cannot doubt that they at least believe the public deposits would be safe in their manage ment. The President thinks that these facts and circumstances afford as strong a guarantee as can be had in human affairs for the safety of the public funds, and the practicability of a new system of collection and dis bursement through the agency ofthe State Banks. q. From all these considerations, the President thinks that, the State Banks ought immediately to be employed in the collection and disburse ment ofthe public revenue, and the funds now in the Bank ofthe United States drawn out with all convenient dispatch. The safety of the public monies, if deposited in the State Banks, must be secured beyond all rea sonable doubts ; but the extent and nature ofthe security, in addition to their capital, if any be deemed necessary, is a subject of detail to which the Treasury Department will undoubtedly give its anxious attention. The Banks to be employed must remit the monies of the Government without charge, as the Bank ofthe United States now does ; must render all the services which that Bank now performs ; must keep the Govern ment advised of their situation by periodical returns ; in fine, with any arrangement with the State Banks, the Government must not, in any respect, be placed on a worse footing than it now is. The President is happy to perceive by the report ofthe agent, that the banks which he has consulted, have, in general, consented to perform the service on these terms, and that those in New York have further agreed to make pay ments in London without other charge than the mere cost of the bills of exchange. r. It should also be enjoined on any banks which may be employed, that it will be expected of them to facilitate domestic exchanges for the benefit of internal commerce : to grant all reasonable facilities to thi? VI.] WAR WITH THE BANK. 131 payers of the revenue ; to exercise the utmost liberality towards the other State banks ; and to do nothing uselessly to embarrass the Bank of the United States. s. As one of the most serious objections to the Bank of the United States is the power which it concentrates, care must be taken, in finding other agents for the service of the Treasury, not to raise up another power equally formidable. Although it would probably be impossible to produce such a result by any organization of the State Banks which could be devised, yet it is desirable to avoid even the appearance. To this end it would be expedient to assume no more power over them, and interfere no more in their affairs than might be absolutely necessary to the security of the public deposits, and the faithful performance of their duties as agents to the Treasury. Any interference by them in the political contests of the country, with a view to influence elections, ought, in the opinion of the President, to be followed by an immediate discharge from the public service. t. It is the desire of the President that the control of the banks and the currency shall, as far as possible, be entirely separated from the political power of the country, as well as wrested from an institution which has already attempted to subject the Government to its will. In his opinion, the action of the General Government on this subject ought not to extend beyond the grant in the constitution, which only authorises Congress "to coin money and regulate the value thereof ;" all else belongs to the States and the people, and must be regulated by public opinion and the interests of trade. u. In conclusion, the President must be permitted to remark that he looks upon the pending question as of higher consideration than the mere transfer of a sum of money from one bank to another. Its decision may affect the character of our Government for ages to come. Should the Bank be suffered longer to use the public monies in the accomplishment of its purposes, with the proofs of its faithlessness and corruption before our eyes, the patriotic among our citizens will despair of success in struggling against its power, and we shall be responsible for entailing it upon our country for ever. Viewing it as a question of transcendent importance, both in the principles and consequences it involves, the President could not, injustice to the responsibility which he owes to the country, refrain from pressing upon tho Secretary of the Treasury his view of the considerations which impel to immediate action. Upon him has been devolved, by. the constitution and the suffrages of the American people, the duty of superintending the operation of the executive departments of the Government, and seeing that the laws are faithfully executed. v. In the performance of this high trust it is his undoubted right to express to those whom the laws and his own choice have made his associates in the administration of the Government, his opinion of their duties, under circumstances as they arise. It is this right which he now exercises. Far be it from him to expect or require that any member of the Cabinet should, athis request, order, or dictation, do any act which he believes unlawful, or in his conscience condemns. From them, and from his fellow-citizens in general, he desires only that aid and support which their reason approves arid their conscience sanctions. w. In the remarks he has made on this all-important question, lie trusts the Secretary of the Treasury will see only the frank and respectful declarations of the opinions which the President has formed on a measure 132 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. of great national interest deeply affecting the character and usefulness of his administration ; and not a spirit of dictation, which the President would be as careful to avoid as ready to resist. Happy will he be if th* facts now disclosed produce uniformity of opinion and unity of action among the members of the administration. x. The President again repeats, that he begs his Cabinet to consider the proposed measure us his own, in the support of which he shall require 110 one of them to make a sacrifice of opinion or principle. Its responsi bility has been assumed, after the most mature deliberation and reflection, as necessary to preserve the morals of the people, the freedom of the press, and the purity of the elective franchise, without which all will unite in saying that the blood and treasure expended by our forefathers in the establishment of our happy system of government, will have been vain and fruitless. Under these convictions, he feels that a measure so important to the American people cannot be commenced too soon, and ho therefore names the 1. day of October next as a period proper for the change of the deposits, or sooner, provided the necessary arrangements with the State Banks can be made. ANDREW JACKSON. 191. When the Congress met in November, 1833, he an nounced to them his determination to pursue the course marked out in this letter to his cabinet. Every one knew the effect that that course must produce. The bank of the United States had in circulation notes to the amount of nearly 70,428,070 dollars ; for it had, as we see in the cabinet letter, extended its issues by 28 millions of dollars, in addition to what it had out before it prepared for the struggle against the President. Before that, it had out notes to the amount of 42,402,304 dollars. Between January 1831 and May 1832, it put out an additional 28,025,776 dollars, though the bank had been apprized, that it was the intention of the government to apply the deposits as fast as possible to clear off the remainder of the public debt. This additional 28,000,000 were applied to the hiring of newspapers by the means of discounts ; to the bribing of needy men in every direction ; and to the giving of extraordinary time for the payment of the notes lent for ihis nefarious purpose. The parties thus borrowing of the bank saw ruin staring them in the face, if the charter were not renewed ; and this made them intrigue and work in all sorts of ways, to prevent the re-election of the President, because if he were re-elected the charter would not be renewed. If, however, the President were elected, perilous indeed was the state of the bank ; for, with its immense issues,. it would be utterly unable to give up the deposits to enable the nation to pay off its debt. By a reference to paragraphs r, s r t, and u, of the letter, the reader will see the nature of the nefarious transactions which the bank resorted to in conjunc- VI.] WAR WITH THE BANK. 133 lion with its allies in England ; and he will see how necessary it was, even for the support of the independence of the country, that a man like this should be placed at the head of its affairs. 192. It will be easily imagined, that the re-election of the president (in the fall of 1832), which, let it be observed, ex pressed decidedly the opinion of the people in support of his views as to the bank ; it will be easily imagined what confusion this must have created in the camp of the paper-money makers. That confusion extended itself into every part of the union instantly; for that system of having " branch banks," which has been imitated by our big bank in England, had placed the whole country under the command of the big bank in America. The strife at the election was prodigious ; but the industrious part of the community, long oppressed by the crafty robbery of the banks, had the sense to perceive, that to be delivered from this worst of tyranny they must stand by the President ; they had the virtue to stand by him, and their efforts were crowned with success. 193. At the time appointed by himself he removed the depo sits from the bank ; that is to say, in the month of October, 1833 ; the bank was compelled to draw in its issues ; compelled to withhold its discounts ; its branches were compelled to do the same ; and the consequence has been, bankruptcies all over the country ; a tremendous bursting of the bubble, a return, in great part already, to hard money; a sweeping away of banks, bankers, and clerks ; a cessation of the robbery of the industrious, and of sustaining innumerable idlers upon the fruit of their toil. Our intelligence comes down to the 16th of February, 1834, at which time numerous deputations and dele gations of merchants, of manufacturers, of master mechanics, had been to the president to supplicate a relaxation of his deter mination and proceedings. To all he has given the uniform answer : that the happiness of his country, the preservation of its constitution and its liberties, its independence of foreign nations, command him to persevere ; and that to persevere he is determined, and that nothing upon earth shall make him alter that determination. 194. In England it was said, and generally believed, from the month of November last until very recently (March, 1834), that he would be induced or compelled to yield. Knowing the monster with which he had to contend, I myself had fears upon the subject ; but I had not then read that account of his life which I now have read ; and an abridgment and remoulding of which I now submit to my own countrymen. If I had read 134 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap. that life before, I should have had no fear at all ; and by whom soever that life shall be read, not a. shadow of doubt can be entertained that the president will 'never cease his efforts till he has totally suppressed that fraudulent, that robbing-, that, ac cursed paper-money, which has steeped England in her present troubles, and her more than half revolution, and which would in a short time, in a very few years, have compelled the United States to resort to another revolution, or to have abandoned and levelled with the earth every institution and every law which have been made for the purpose of preserving the independence and the liberties of the country. PERSON AND CHARACTER OF THE PRESIDENT. 195. We are naturally curious to know something about the mere person of a man who has performed such wonderful ex ploits. Philosophers may say what they will about the man consisting solely of the mind. Human nature will not have it so. It will, in spite of philosophers, give a good deal of weight to the person by whom a thing is done. Jackson has this advan tage also. His friend and brother senator, and neighbour, Mr. Eaton, tells us, that he has nothing of the robust or the elegant ; that he is six feet and an inch high ; that he is remark ably straight and spare ; that he weighs not more than a hun dred and forty-five pounds (what a poor thing compared to our George the Fourth !) ; that his conformation appears to disqua lify him for hardship ; that, however, accustomed to it from early life, few are capable of enduring so much fatigue, or with so little injury ; that his dark-blue eyes, beneath his high and broad forehead, and loaded with brows somewhat heavy, when excited by any cause, sparkle with peculiar lustre of penetra tion ; that in his manners he is pleasing, while his address is commanding ; that in his deportment he is easy, affable and familiar ; that during his whole life it has been his study to honour merit, find it in whom he might ; that honest poverty has always been respected by him, while he has turned his back on dishonest wealth ; that he was never known to discover the existence of distress without seeking to assist and to relieve it ; that no man ever saw him irritated on account of a selfish pur pose; and that no man ever saw his bosom swell with rage or with anger, except against the enemies of his country, open or secret. 196. The portrait, which is prefixed to the head of this work, gives us, I dare say, a pretty accurate description of the person VI.] POSTSCRIPT. 135 of this celebrated man ; and that the person itself may exist until he has delivered his country from the monster which has so long 1 been tearing it to pieces, is the present prayer of WM. COBBETT. POSTSCRIPT. 197. I thought I had, in the dedication or the preface, done justice to the Irish people, relative to the deeds of this famous man, who sprang- from amongst them. But, having- since looked into the peerage of Packenham, and finding what he was ; what honours had been heaped upon him, who died in the midst of disgrace unparalleled : for, all the disgrace was his, as all the honour would have been his. The valour that takes a man up to an intrenchment, or makes him the first to enter a breach, is of a character not a thousandth part equal to that of a bull dog. Many hundreds of his soldiers went nearer to the mouths of the American muskets than he did : it is the valour which discovers itself in cool moments and day-after-day reflections, and comes, at last, to conclusions, such as are in so many, many instances, recorded of this famous American General. My readers have seen with what delight I have recorded the triumphs of this man. First, for his own sake ; secondly, be cause he is descended immediately from poor Irish parents ; thirdly, because he was so basely and infamously treated by British officers, at the early part of the American revolu tionary war ; but above all things, because he sprang immedi ately from poor Irish parents. The circumstances stated by me relative to this matter are very striking ; but, until I saw the peerage of the antagonist whom he laid sprawling upon the ground ; until I saw this peerage ; this bragging, this boasting peerage, I had not the means of making the contrast so striking as it ought to have been made. Let us take him, then, as he is described by the heralds of his family, copied from the peerage itself. It is a thing for eternal laughter ; a thing which every democrat should have about him, and when he has read it, he will not forget to exclaim : All this was smashed to pieces in a moment by the son of poor Irish emigrant parents, the mother of whom had urged this son to avenge the cause of Ireland. 198. I will now insert from the peerage, and when I have done that, I shall have some remarks to add ; 13(T LIFE OF JACKSON, [Chap." 199. " William de Pahenham was resident at Pakenham, co. " Suffolk, temp. Edward I. ; his eldest son, Sir Edmund Paken- " ham, m., tempi. Edward II., Rose, daughter and co-heir of " Robert de Valines, from whom descended Sir Hugh Paken- " ham, who d. temp. Henry VII., leaving issue, 1. Sir John " Pakenham, whose only daughter and sole heir, Constance, " carried the estate of Lordington, co. Sussex, to her husband " Sir Geoffry de la Pole, knight, second son of Sir Richard de " la Pole, K.G., by Margaret Plantagenet, Countess of Salis- " bury, only daughter of George, Duke of Clarence, brother to " Edward IV. ; 2. Nicholas, ancestor of the Earls of Long- "ford\ 3. Anne, m. Sir William Sydney, knight banneret, by " whom she was mother of Sir Henry Sydney, K.G., lord " deputy of Ireland. Sir Edward Pakenham, knt., grandson of " Nicholas, accompanied his cousin, Sir Henry Sydney, to Ire- ' land, 1576, whose grandson, Henry Pakenham, was seated at " Pakenham Hall, co. Westmeath, temp. Charles II., and was " father of Sir Thomas Pakenham, knt., of Pakenham Hall, "prime serjeant at law, 1695, whose son and heir, Edward " Pakenham, of Pakenham Hall, knight of the shire co. West- " meath, 1713, was father of 200. " Thomas Pakenham, 1st lord, 1. May 1713, m., March " 5, 1739, Elizabeth, sole heiress of Michael Cuffe, esq., nephew " and heir of Ambrose Aungier, last earl of Longford, and in " right of his wife was created, 1756, baron of Longford, and " had issue by her (who was created July 5, 1785, countess of " Longford), 1. Edward-Michael, 2nd lord; 2. Robert, in the " army, who d. unm., 1775; 3. William, d. young ; 4. Thomas, " b. 1757, an admiral of the white, m. 1785, Louisa, daughter " of the right hon. John Staples, and has issue six sons and four ''daughters; 5. Elizabeth, b. 1742; 6. Frances, >. June " 1776, John Ormsby Vandeleur, esq., and d. 1779, leaving " issue, 7. Helena, m. June 1768, William Sherlock, of Sher- " locks- town, esq., and d. 1774, leaving issue by him (who " d. 1788), Mary, m. 1770, Thomas Fortescue, esq., and d. " 1775, leaving issue. His lordship d. April 20, 1776, and " was succeeded by his son, 201. " Edward- Michael, 2nd lord, b. April 1, 1743, m., June " 25, 1768, Catharine 2nd daughter of the right hon. Hercules- " Longford Rowley, by Elizabeth, viscountess Longford, and " by her, (who d. March 12, 1816) had issue, 1. Thomas, "present earl; 2. Sir Edward Michael, G. C. B., major- " general in the army, and colonel 6th West India regiment, " who, Nov. 8, 1813, received the unanimous thanks of both VI.] POSTSCRIPT. 13-7 " Houses of Parliament, for the valour, steadiness, and exertion, " so successfully displayed by him, in repelling the repeated " attacks made on the positions of the allied army by the whole " of the French force under the command of Marshal Soult, " between the 25th of July, and 1st of August : b. March 19, *' 1778, killed in action near New Orleans, in America, Jan. 8, " 1815, to whose memory a monument is erected in the cathe- *' dral of St. Paul, at the public expense ; 3. Hercules-Robert, " C. B., 6. Sept. 29, 1781, lieut.-colonel in the army, severely " wounded at Badajos, 1812, m. Dec. 1817, Emily Stapleton, " daughter of Thomas, Lord Le Despencer; 4. William, 6. Sept. "20, 1782, captain R. N. who was unfortunately drowned in " his majesty's frigate Saldana, near Lough Swilly, Ireland, Dec. "4, 1811; S.Henry, in holy orders, b. Aug/23, 1787; 6. " Elizabeth, b. Sept. 1769, m. Henry Stewart, esq. ; 7. Mary " d. 1787 ; 8. Catharine m., April 10, 1806, field-marshal Ar- " thur, Duke of Wellington, K. G., K. T. S., and K. F., brother " to Richard, Marquis of Wellesley, K. G., K. C., and K. L. S. " (See Duke of Wellington, in the Peerage of England, and " Marquis of Wellesley, in the Peerage of Ireland} ; 9. Helen ; " 10. Caroline-Penelope. His lordship d. June 3, 1792, when " his son, 202. " Thomas succeeded to the barony, and on the death of " his grandmother, Jan. 1794, he succeeded to the earldom, *' and is the present peer. 203. " Heir-apparent Lord Pakenham, the earl's only son. 204. f< Creations Baron Pakenham, 1756; Earl, June 20, 1785. 205. " Motto Gloria virtutis umbra Glory is the shadow " of virtue." 206. Here is a pretty story : here is a rigmarole : this is the sort of way in which the base part of mankind are held in subjection. Here is as great a piece of work in recording the lineage of this gang of people, as if each individual of them had performed exploits equal to those of Jackson. Why, it must give one pleasure ; it must fill one with delight, to see such contemptible rubbish brought to the test, and to be proved to be not worth a straw. We see here that our particular hero had received the unanimous thanks of the House of Commons. And for what was it ? For his valour, &c. in repelling repeated attacks made on the positions of the allied army. This is a very unsatisfac tory description. Here is no deed done ; no strong place cap tured ; no army beaten, but merely attacks repelled. Very doubtful words ; and a pretty House of Commons it must have been, to have voted its unanimous thanks to a man upon grounds 138 LIFE OF JACKSON, [Chap. so very equivocal; and, indeed, who does not perceive that if he had been the son of a common man he would have had no thanks at all ? Yes, yes : the " French force :" he could do very well with the French force ; but it was another matter when he came to do with an American force, though it was only about a seventh part of his own. 207. Mark, too, the curious way in which his death is men tioned ; " Killed in action, near New Orleans, in America, Janu ary 8th, 1815, to whose memory a monument is erected in the cathedral of St. Paul, at the public expense." Now observe, first, that you do not know whether he was commander or not ; second, whether those on his side were the victors or not; third, whether it was a battle fought for the purpose of taking New Orleans or for defending it, or whether it was for any other object : but taking into view the fact immediately follow ing, that he had a monument erected immediately to his me mory in St. Paul's, at the public expense ; and is there one single man in this world, who, being unacquainted with the facts, would not believe that he lost his life in the arms of victory in a battle which happened to take place near the city of New Or leans, in America. Thus it is that the people of England have been basely betrayed and insulted and cheated. Not one man in ten thousand, or in fifty thousand, knows to this day that this Packenham was selected for this enterprise ; that the army and the navy were all ready, long before his arrival ; that they waited for that arrival to begin operations ; that the force was so great, the supplies so large ; so superabundant in every re spect; an outfit costing more than a million of money, and this for the double object of carrying the city, and of puffing Packen ham into a lord. And what did he do when he got there ? The very things that Jackson wanted him to do ; and, at last, after having given Jackson one specimen of his ability at assaulting, he really put all to the hazard of an assault ; but, curious to re late, not one hour before Jackson was perfectly ready for him. He had intelligence constantly from the city : he knew precisely the situation of Jackson : he knew that his whole force, his whole alliance was but about three thousand men, armed with muskets and rifles. He was duly apprized that these men were stationed behind a parapet of bags of cotton and of barrels of sugar and of flour, but particularly the former : he could see with his glasses the cotton-bales, as plainly as I can see this paper : he knew that rifles were behind them ; and he had the stupidity to believe that the Yankees would run away at the ap- nrnrrfi nf liia o-littprincr armv anH Ipnvp that armv to VailU OVfir VI.] POSTSCRIPT. 139 the cotton-bags. Common sense dictated to him to erect batteries, and to tear away at the parapet ; to annoy, to fatigue, to exhaust ; to take the chances of successful rebellion against Jackson ; at any rate there was one thing which was down-right madness, and that was what he did. To march up in columns, close to the cotton-bags, carry scaling ladders to climb up with, and to imagine that he was in the face of those Yankees thus going to get over those cotton-bags. Every man of common- sense must have known, that certain death would come pouring over those cotton-bags. When the columns approached, all was still on Jackson's side of the cotton-bags : not a shot was fired : not the smallest demonstration of resistance shown : the columns marched up to within a few yards of the edge of the ditch: then came the bullets : then came the buck-shot: then came the destructive contents of the rifles ; and the plain was instantly covered with the dead. Jackson had more men than he had rifles and muskets. Those who had no arms loaded for those who had arms ; so that the fire was one incessant volley ; and out of the four generals, the chief fell dead, and two others were dangerously wounded. I dare say that the moment Jackson saw those columns marching over the plain to come up to his parapet, that he felt as sure of the result as he did after it had taken place, This was a something to make the nation pay for a monument for this man, and in St. Paul's too. But it is no matter : if a commander belongs to any of these people, beaten or not beaten, so that he die, he is sure to have a monument to his memory at the people's expense, in order to keep up the blaze of these families. It was well for this poor fellow that he was killed : if he could have made shift to hobble off with his beating, I have no question that he would have had the thanks of the House of Commons, as I believe Cockburn had, for his work on the coast of Virginia. 208. Burke called nobility " the cheap defence of nations." Look at our half-pay list; look at our pension list; look at the retired allowance list; look at this very family of Packenham. We find that this man had nine brothers and sisters; one a lieu tenant-colonel in the army ; one a captain in the navy ; one in the church : so far for the men ; and as to the women, I could be bound to find them all out if I had time ; but we know that one of them was the wife of Wellington. A pretty dearish de fence of nations, I should think, all this. But, not to waste any more words upon the subject, here we have all this swaggering nobility, this hunting down from " William de Pahenham," in 140 LIFE OF JACKSON. [Chap, the time of Edward the First to the present time ; and only think of their publishing their mottoes : " Gloria virtutis um bra," that is to say, " Glory is the shadow of virtue" ; a saying which we can hardly understand the meaning of ; but the more senseless, the more it excites the cogitating wonderment of stupid and base people. When a public robber gets into a car riage with three or four Latin words written on it, and with the other insignia which he chooses to have put, all the base part of the people, and that is not a small part, look upon him as some thing or other a wonderful deal better than themselves. Now, unless this feeling be changed : unless the people be cured of this baseness, nothing that can be done by men, even the most able and industrious and zealous, will ever render them better off than they now are. However, that which I have here exhi bited, will do real good in America; it will make the people there resolve to guard against all the crafty and subtle approaches of aristocracy, which has always been begun by suffering wealth to be drawn into a small number of hands. When once that is done, then the titling work begins ; and then come all the curses under which we are now labouring. I shall be told that I have always been an advocate for a government of king, lords, and commons, and for bishops seated amongst the lords. Now, this is very true ; and my argument always has been that those things could not be bad in their nature, along with which co-existed such wise and just laws; so much freedom, so much power, possessed by so comparatively small a country ; and such an im mense mass of national resources of all sorts, together with a degree of reputation for integrity, frankness and all public virtue, never surpassed by any other nation, and, indeed, never any thing like equalled. 209. Well, then, ought you not to cherish these,orders now ? Are they not what they always were ? Have we not still dukes, marquises, earls, just as in the time of ? . Stop : yes, my friend, we have dukes, marquises, earls, and so forth still ; but those that we have now are no more like those in former times, than a French crab is like a Newtown pippin ; or than a Catherine peach (many degrees baser than a white tur nip) is like a French mignon or an early Montanlan. A peach is a peach ; and as words, mere words, are quite sufficient for the more numerous and baser part of mankind, to keep the word is all that has been thought necessary. 210. Well, but in what do the present lords differ from the lords of former times ? In every thing; except in the shape of VI.] POSTSCRIPT. HI their bodies, and the manner of receiving- their nutriment, though even in this latter I do not know that I am not admit ting- too much. The people of England, when called out in the wars, and especially in defence of their country, were conU manded by the lords ; and observe, the lords found them their arms, and their clothing 1 , and their provisions, and their money for the service, out of their own pockets and estates. It was the business of the lords, each one to protect his people from wrong; to see that they had fair play ; they were their advo cates in courts of justice ; pleading their causes in their per sons, and always for nothing. There was no such thing as a tax for a poor or working man to pay, nor ever heard of to pay, of any sort or kind. The bishops and abbots were in parlia ment to take care that the poor were not plundered of their patrimony ; and thus it was that nobility was " the cheap defence of nations." 211. What do we behold now? Every great family, as it is called, not paying for warriors to come forth to defend the country ; but making the people pay them, men, wqmen, and children, to the amount of thousands, and thousands upon thou sands ! In short, it is a prodigious band of spungers, living- upon the labour of the industrious part of the community, and making the people pay them, and men that they enlist ; the object of having such men in pay and armed with bayonets, can be hidden from nobody in this world but an idiot : a nobi lity, not paying the people to come out, and furnishing them with arms and ammunition, and clothing them, to defend the country ; but a nobility, actually living upon the sweat of the people, and passing laws at the same time, to transport the very same people, if caught in pursuit of pheasant, partridge, or hare ! While (oh, gracious God !) these same people, still calling themselves nobility, are breeding those wild animals for the purpose of feeding the wretches in London whom they sup port in the demanding and the receiving of the fruit of three days' work instead of one ! 212. However, either the people of England see all this, or they do not : if the latter, they are too blind to have the cha racter of humanity imputed to them ; they are absolutely brutes; for brutes any treatment is good enough, so that it does not lacerate, starve, or knock on the head. If the people of England do see it in its true light ; and yet, if they think nothing of these things, compared with corn-bill nonsense, or HEDDEKA- SHUN ; if this be their taste ; if they throw away the substance 142 tIFE OF JACKSON. to amuse themselves with the shadow, and will elect Captain Swallow- Pension and reject a man that scorns to deceive them ; then let them suffer ; and my consolation is, that / will not suffer along with them ! WM. COBBETT. FINIS. Printed by Mills, Jowett, and Mills, Bolt-court, Fleet-street, N. B. All the Books undermentioned) are published at No. 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-street, London; and are to be had of all the Booksellers in the Kingdom. THE WHEN I am asked what books a young man or young woman ought to read, I always answer, Let him or her Tead all the books that I have written. This does, it will doubtless be said, smell of the shop. No matter. It is what I recommended ; and experience has taught me that it is my duty to give the recommendation. I am speaking here of books other than THE REGISTER; and even these, that I call my LIBRARY, consist of twenty-nine distinct books; two of them being TRANSLATIONS ; six of them being written r,v MY SONS; one (TuLi/s HUS BANDRY) revised and edited, and one published by me, and written by the Rev. Mr. O'CALLAGHAN, a most virtuous Catholic Priest. I divide these books into classes, as fol lows: 1. Booksfor TEACHING LANGUAGE; 2. On DO MESTIC MANAGEMENT AND DUTIES; 3. On RURAL AFFAIRS: 4. On THE MANAGEMENT OF NATIONAL AFFAIRS; 5. HISTORY; 6. TRAVELS; 7. LAM'S; 8. MISCELLANEOUS POLITICS. Here is a great variety of uubjects ; and all of them very dry : nevertheless the manner of treating them is, in general, such as to induce the reader to go throuqh the book, when he has once begun it. LIST OF MR. COBBETT'S BOOKS. I will now speak of each book separately under the several heads above-mentioned. N. B. All the books are bound in boards, which will be borne in mind when the price is looked at. 1. BOOKS FOR TEACHING KNOWLEDGE. EIXG&XSH SPELLING-BOOK. I have been frequently asked by mothers of families, by some fathers, and by some schoolmasters even, to write a book that they could begin teaching hy ^ one that should begin at the begin ning of book learning, and smooth the way along to my owa English Grammar, which is the entrance-gate. J often promised to comply with these requests, and, from time to time ? in the in tervals of political heats, i have thought of the thing, till, at last, I found time enough to sit down and put it upon paper. The ob jection to the common spelling-books is, .that the writers aim at teaching several important sciences in a little book in which the whole aim should be the teaching of spelling and reading. We are presented with a little ARITHMETIC , a little ASTRONOMY, a little GEOGRAPHY, and a good deal of RELIGION ! No wonder the poor little things imbibe a hatred of looks in the first that they look into ! Disapproving heartily of these books, I have car'e- ; fully abstained from every-thing beyond the object in view; namely, the teaching of a child to spell and read ; and this work 1 ha.ye made as pleasant as I could, by introducing such stories as children inost delight in, accompanied by those little wood-cut illustrations which amuse them. At the end of the book there is a " Stepping^ stone to the English Grammar" It is but a step ; it is designed l;o teach a child the different parts of speech, and the use of pointi, . with one or two small matters of the kind. The book is in the 'duodecimo form, contains 176 pages of print, and the price is 2i. ENGLISH GXt.LI&Z..XU COBBETT'S ENGLISH GRAMMAR. (Price .3*.) This work is in a series of letters addressed to my son James, when he was 14 years old. I made him copy the whole of it before it went to press ; and that made him a grammarian at once; and how able a one it made him v, ill be seen bv his own Grammar of the ITA- .LIAN LANGUAGE, his RIDE IN FRANCE, and his TOUR IN ITALY. There are at the end of this Grammar " Six Lessons intended tp 'prevent Statesmen from using false grammar : " and I really wish that our statesmen would attend to the instructions of the whole book. Thousands upon thousands of young men have been macje correct writers by it ; and, it is next to impossible that they should have read with attention without its producing such effect. It is a book of principles, clearly laid down ; and when once these are got into the mind they never quit it. More than 100,000 of this work have been sold. LIST OF MR. COBBETT'S BOOKS. FRENCH GHAMTCAXU .COBBETT'S FRENCH GRAMMAR (Price 5*.) ; or, Plain Instructions for the Learning of French. This book has had, and has, a very great effect in the producing of its object. More young men have, 1 dare say, learned French from it, than from all the other books that have been published in English for the last fifty years. It is, like the former, a book of principles, clearly laid down. I had this great advantage, too, that I had learnt French without a master. 1 had. grubbed it out, bit by bit, and knew well how to remove all the difficulties ; 1 remembered what it was that had puzzled and retarded me ; and I have taken care, in this my Grammar, to prevent the reader from experiencing that which, in this respect, I experienced myself. This Grammar, as well as the former, is kept out of schools, owing to the fear that the masters and mistresses have of being looked upon as COBBETTITES. So much fhe worse for the children of the stupid brutes who are the cause of this fear, which sensible people laugh at, and avail them selves of the advantages tendered to them in the books. Teaching 1 French in English Schools is, generally, a mere delusion ; and as to teaching the pronunciation by rules, it is the grossest of all human absurdities. My knowledge of French was so complete thirty-seven years ago, that the very first thing in the shape of a bqok that I wrote for the press, was a Grammar to teach French men English ; and of course it was written in French. I must know all about these two languages ; and must be able to give advice to young people on the subject : their time is precious ; and I .advise them not to waste it upon what ure called lessons from masters and mistresses. To learn the pronunciation, there is no way but that of hearing those, and speaking with those, who speak the language well. My Grammar will do the rest. EXERCISES, EXERCISES TO COBBETT'S FRENCH GRAMMAR (Price 2s.) is just published. It is an accompaniment to the French Grammar, and is necessary to the learner who has been diligent iq his. reading of the Grammar. By JAMES CODBETT. ITALIAN CUtAMMAH, MR. JAMES COBBETT'S ITALIAN GRAMMAR (Price 6V.) ; or, a Plain and Compendious Introduction to the Study of Italian. This was the boy who, at fourteen, began his book-learning by copying my English Grammar for the press. It not only taught him grammar, but gave him a taste for study, which, indeed, is the ' tendency of all my books ; because the vivacity which they always exhibit, however dry the subject, not only entices the reader along, bat animates him with the desire to be able to imitate that which he cannot help being pleased with. I do not understand Italian;' but' I understand the English, in which the principles, rules, and definitions, are expressed j and I am proud, beyond measure, of LIST OF MR. COBBETT'S BOOKS. being the father of the able and persevering author. Let any scholar compare this book with the other heaps of confused stuff called Italian Grammars : that is all that is necessary. If I had nothing: else to do, [ would pledge myself to take this book and to learn Italian from it \\\ three months. Then, the author made the whole tour of Italy, was in the country nearly a year, can speak the language as well as write it ; and has had, in the performance of his task, industry and perseverance quite astonishing. FXtEKTCK AW2> X2X&Z.ZSH DXCTXOHTA21.Y. COBBETT'S FRENCH AND ENGLISH DICTIONARY. This book is now published. Its price is 125. in boards ; and it is a thick octavo volume. CSO&XtA9HICAZi DZCTZOZTAXfr OF ENGIATSTO AUTO WAX.ES. This book was suggested to me by my own frequent want of the information which it contains ; a suggestion which, if every compiler did but wait to feel before he puts his shears to work, v/ould spare the world many a voluminous and useless book. I am constantly receiving letters out of the country, the writers living ia obscure places, but who seldom think of giving more than the name of the place that they write from ; and thus have I been often puzzled to death to find out even the county in which it is, before 1 could re turn an answer. I one day determined, therefore, for my own con venience, to have a list made out of every parish in the kingdom ; but this being done, I found that I had still townships and hamlets to add in order to make my list complete ; and when I had got the vrork only half done, I found it a book ; and that, with the addition of bearing, and population, and distance from the next market- town, or if a market-town, from London, it would be a really use ful Geographical Dictionary. It is a work which the learned would call sui generis; it prompted itself into life, and it has grown ia rrty hands ; but 1 will here insert the whole of the title-page, for that contains a full description of the book. It is a thick octavo volume, price 12s. " A GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ENGLAND AND " WALES ; containing thenames, in Alphabetical Order, of all the Counties, with their several Subdivisions into Hundreds, Lathes, Rapes, Wapentakes, Wards, or Divisions; and an Account of the Distribution of the Counties into Circuits, Dioceses, and Parliamentary Divisions. Also, the names (under that of each County respectively), in Alphabetical Order, of all the Cities, " Boroughs, Market Towns, Villages, Hamlets, and Tithings, with " the Distance of each from London, or from the nearest Market " Town, and with the Population, and other interesting particulars " relating to each ; besides which there are MAPS ; first, one of the " whole country, showing the local situation of the Counties rela- " lively to each other ; and, then, each County is also preceded by (% a Map, showing, in the same manner, the local situation of the Cities, Boroughs, and Market Towns. FOUR TABLES are LIST OF MR. COBBETT'S BOOKS. 5) " added ; first, a Statistical Table of all the Counties ; and then " three Tables, showing the new Divisions and Distributions en- " acted by the Reform-Law of 4th June, 1832." 2. BOOKS ON DOMESTIC MANAGEMENT AND DUTIES. COTTAGE ECONOBCY. COBBETT'S COTTAGE ECONOMY (Price Is. Gel] ; con taining information relative to the brewing of Beer, making of Bread, keeping of Cows, Pigs, Bees, Ewes, Goats, Poultry, and Rabbits, and relative to other matters deemed useful in the con ducting of the Alfairs of a Labourer's Family; lo which are added, instructions relative to the selecting, the cutting and the bleaching of the Plants of English Grass and Grain, for the purpose of mak ing Hats and Bonnets ; and also Instructions for erecting and using ice-houses, after the Virginian manner. In my own estimation, the book that stands first is POOR MAN'S FRIEND; and the one that stands next is this COTTAGE ECONOMY ; and beyond all description is the pleasure I derive from reflecting on the number of happy families that this little book must have made. I dined in company with a lady in Worcestershire, who desiredto see me on account of this book ; and she told me that until she read it, she knew nothing at all about these two great matters, the making of bread and of leer ; but that from the moment she read the book, she began to teach her servants, and that the benefits were very great. But, to the labouring people, there are the arguments in favour of good conduct, sobriety, frugality, industry, all the domestic virtues ; here are the reasons for all these ; and it must be a real devil in human shape, who does not applaud the man who could sit down to write this book, a copy of which every parson ought, upon pain of loss of ears, to present to every girl that he marries, rich or poor. ADVICS TO ITOUKTG. M3TT, COBBETT'S ADVICE TO YOUNG MEN, and (incidentally) to Young PPomen, in the middle and higher Ranks of J^ife (Price 5s.) It was published in 11 numbers, and is now in one vol. complete. SERMONS. COBBETTS SERMONS (Price 3*. 6W.) There are 13 of them on the following subjects : I. Hypocrisy and Cruelty ; 2. Drunk* ' enness; 3. Bribery; 4. The Rights of the Poor ; 5. Unjust Judges ; 6. The Sluggard ; 7. Murder ; 8. Gaming ; 9. Public Robbery ; 10.' The unnatural Mother; 11. Forbidding Marriage; 12. Parsons and Tithes ; 13. Good Friday ; or, God's Judgment on the Jews. More of these Sermons have been sold than of the Sermons of all the Church-parsons put together since mine were published. There are some parsons who have the good sense and the virtue to them from the pulpit. 1 A3 LIST OF MR, COBBETT'S BOOKS. 3. BOOKS ON RURAL AFFAIRS. HUSBANDRY. COBBETT'S EDITION OF TULL'S HUSBANDRY (Pi-ice 15*.): THE HORSE-HOEING HUSBANDRY; or, A TREA TISE on the Principles of TILLAGE and VEGETATION, wherein is taught a Method of introducing a sort of VINEYARD CULTURE into the CORN -FIELDS, in order to increase their Product and diminish the common Expense. By JETHRO TULL, of Shalborne, in the county of Berks. To which is prefixed, An INTRODUCTION, expla natory of some Circumstances connected with the History and Di vision of the Work ; and containing an Account of certain Experi ments of recent date, by WILLIAM COBBETT. From this famous book I learned all my principles relative to farming, gardening, and planting. It really, without a pun, goes to the root of the sub ject. Before I read this book I had seen enough of effects, but really knew nothing about the causes. It contains the foundation of all knowledge in the cultivation of the earth. YEAR'S RESIDENCE IKT AMERICA. COBBETT'S YEAR'S RESIDENCE IN AMERICA, WITH A MAP (Price 5.) ; treating of the Face of the Country, the Climate, the Soil, the Products, the Mode of Cultivating the Land, the Prices of Laud, of Labour, of Food, of Raiment; of the Ex penses of Housekeeping, and of the usual Manner of Living; of the Manners and Customs of the People ; and of the Institutions of the Country, Civil, Political, and Religious; in three Parts. The map is a map of the United States. The book contains a Journal of the Weather for one U'hole year ; and it has an account of my farming in that country ; and also an account of the causes of poor Hirkbec It's failure in his undertaking. A book very necessary to all men of property who emigrate to the United States. THE ENGLISH GARDENER. COBBETT'S ENGLISH GARDENER (PriceSs.} ; or A TREA TISE on the Situation, Soil, Enclosing and Laying-out of Kitcheo- Gardens ; on the Making and Managing of Hot-Beds and Green- Houses ; and on the Propagation and Cultivation of all sorts of Kitchen-Garden Plants, arid of Fruit-Trees, whether of the Garden or the Orchard. And also on the Formation of Shrubberies and Flower-Gardens ; and on the Propagation and Cultivation of the several sorts of Shrubs and Flowers; concluding with a KALF.N- DAR, giving Instructions relative to the Sowings, Plantings, Prun- ings, and other labours, to be performed in the Gardens, in each Month of the Year. A complete book of the kind. A plan of a kitchen-garden, and little plates to explain the works of pruning 1 , grafting, and budding. But it is here, as in all my books, the principles that are valuable : it is a knowledge of these that fill* the reader with delight in the pursuit. 1 wrote a Gardener for LIST OF MR. COBBETT'S BOOKS. 7 America, and the vile wretch who pirated it there had the base ness to leave out the dedication. No pursuit is so rational as this, as an amusement or relaxation, and none so innocent and so use ful. It naturally leads to early rising ; to sober contemplation ; and is conducive to health. Every young man should be a gar dener, if possible, whatever else may be his pursuits. THE WOODLANDS, COBRETT'S WOODLANDS (Price 14s.) ; or, A TREATISE on the Preparing of Ground for Planting; on the Planting; on the Cultivating ; on the Pruning; and on the Cutting down of Forest Trees and Underwoods ; describing the usual Growth and Size and the Uses of each sort of Tree, the Seed of each, the Season and Manner of collecting the Seed, the Manner of Preserving and Sow ing it, and also the Manner of Managing the Young Plants until fit to plant out; the TREES being arranged in Alphabetical Order, and the List of them, including those of America as well as those of England, and the English, French, and Latin name being prefixed to the Directions relative to each Tree respectively. This work takes every tree at ITS SEED, and carries an account of it to the cutting down and converting to its uses. A. TREATISE OK COSEETT'3 COXtXT. COBBETT'S CORN-BOOK (Price 5s.) ; or, A TREATISE on COBETT'S CORN : containing Instructions for Propagating and Cultivating the Plant, and for Harvesting (and Preserving the Crop ; and also an Account of the several Uses to which the Pro duce is applied, with Minute Directions relative to each Mode of Application. This edition I sell at 5.v. that it may get into nu merous hands. I have had, even this year, a noble crop of this corn : and 1 undertake to pledge myself, that this corn will be ia general cultivation in England, in two or three years from this time, in spite of all that fools and malignant asses can say against it. When I get time to go out into the country, amongst the la bourers in KENT, SUSSEX, HANTS, WILTS, and BEHKS, who are now more worthy of encouragement and good living than they ever were, though they were ahvays excellent; I promise myself the pleasure of seeing'this beautilul crop growing in all their gardens, and to see every man of them once more witu a bit of meat on his table and in his satchell, instead of the infamous potato. 4. MANAGEMENT OF NATIONAL AFFAIRS. P APEP. AGAINST GOZ,1>. COBBETT'S PAPER AGAINST GOLD (Price 5s.) ; or, the History and Mystery of the Bank of England, of t l ie Debt, of thfc Stocks, of the Sinking Fund, and of all the other tricks atidcon- 8f LIST OF MR. COBBETT'S ,BOOKS. trivances carried on by this means of Paper Money. This is the tenth edition of this work, which will, I trust, be admired long after the final destruction of the horrible system which it exposes. It is the A, B, C, of paper-money learning. Every young man should read.it with attention. THS CITEtSS OP THE CURSE OF PAPER-MONEY; showing the Evils pro duced in America by Paper-Money. By WILLIAM GOUGE; and Reprinted, with a Preface, by WILLIAM COBBETT, M.P. Price 4s. F QUIT A 31,2 FOUR LETTERS TO THE HON. JOHN STUART WORTLEY, in Answer to his " Brief Inquiry into the True Award of an Equitable Adjustment between the Nation and its Creditors." Price '2s. ZtTTZtAX. XtZDES. COBBETT'S RURAL RIDES. (Price bs.} RURAL RIDES in the Counties of Surrey, Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Wiltshire, Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, Worcestershire, Somersetshire, Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Hertford shire : with Economical aud Political Observations relative to Matters applicable to, and illustrated by, the State of those Coun ties respectively. These rides were performed on horseback. Jf the members of the Government had read them, only just read them, last year, when they were collected and printed in a volume, they could not have helped foreseeing all the violences that have taken place, and especially in these very counties; and fore seeing them, they must have been devils iu reality if they had not done something to prevent them. This is such a book as statesmen ought to read. POOR, BEAST'S FR.IEWD, COBBETT'S POOR MAN'S FRIEND (Price 8