K fclSlliP&l HIS Publication dedicated to i^lBlJIiiiEi the Bankers of America by >''"i'-''\/'\'>'''c^'v Wells Fargo & Company. BANKING Q) Y\^V.>1--NTK;, ,^j. "Wells Fargo & Co.s Express ArU^ BANKING Ancient • and • Modern <^ Proflskln' Illustrated Portraits of Men Prominent in Banking AND en(;kavin(;s of some of the principal r.ANKINC. LNSTriLTIONS OF AMERICA, Intkrior and Exterior Views of U. S. Treasury Building, together with full instructions as to the i5us1ness METHODS OF THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT AT WASHINOToN. D. C. -1895 BY WiLLARD Forester Warner Tkf.asikv Dki'aktmkni , Washinc.ton. Y>. C. ^G'^ \>^ 1>1 FROM fHESS OF Lanward Pub. Co. Chicago JOHN G. CAULISJ,K, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, Wiisliiiiyton, 1). C ii5(^>:>^j .lOHN J. VALENTINE. Prtsi.Ii'iit Wills FargK A Co.'s liaiik, Kan Frniu'iseo, Cal. President Wells Fiirj^o & Co.'h Express, Sun Fnincisco, Cal. BANKING ANCIENT AND MODERN- CHAPTER I. ANCIENT BANKING. BANKING is an outgrowth of commerce. In its most primi- tive form — money changing — it assumed the first function of banking deiiandeci by the times, and as commerce increased between man and men and between country and countries, other functions devel- oped as necessity re- quired, until to-day the business of bank- ing occupies a proud position among the institutions which have contributed to the development of the world. The modern word bank seems to have been derived from the (lerman word "banck," which was introduced into Italy by the dom- inant Germans in the twelfth century, and became Italianized in- to the word "banco," which was used inter- changeably with the word "monte," to mean a culltction of credit oi" money. The late Cieorge .Smith, during his re- searches among the ruins of Babylon, found tablets which are the commercial instruments or checks and notes of a Babylonian banking firm, trading under the name of the founder, I\gibi. The firm appc:irs to h.^ve been practically, a national bank of Babylonia, and its LViMAN J. GAGK. I'resiclcnt First National I'ank, Chicago. 115G27 lO transactions were of the most extensive character, Mr. W. St. C. Boscawen has studied these tablets closely and publishes the following information concerning them: "Sula, son of Zirukin, son of Egibi appears as contracting party in the third year of Nebuchadnezzar, and continues to be at the head of the firm until the twenty-third year of that monarch. In the fifteenth year of this reign, his son Nabuakhi-idin, is taken into the firm and appears in compan)- with his father as contracting party. " The tablets give us a complete succession of annual transaction.-^ from the first of Nebuchadnezzar to the thirty- fifth of Darius. There is one tab- let dated in the fourth year of Nabupal u zar (Nabopalassar); tablets dated in the reign of this m o n a r c h a r e very rare. By means of a lunar eclipse mention- ed by Claudius Ptolem a e u s as taking place in the fifth year of Nab opalassar, wc are enabled to fix the date of this year to B. C. 621; this gives- B. C. 625 as the first year of this monarch, h^om this date, for more than a cen- t u r\-, this bank- appears to have carried on its business regularly, but in the month .\bb [the eleventh month, or July of the Jews. — Ed.] 11 C. 516, the revolt ot Aracus, against Darius took place, the firm of Kgibi was unable to transact any business owing to the revolt at Babylon, and the iiistory of this remarkable bank cannot be traced any further." In Greece, moncN'-changers formed a distinct class of business men as early as the fourth centur)- before Christ. It was their custom to re- ceive money from depositors and to loan it to others at rates of interest varying from ten to thirty-six per cent. A portion of their income was derived (torn premiums received for exchanging coins which floated to J. J. I'. \vn to the Athenians, and the rate of discount was often made so excessix-e as to brini^ some money-chani^ers into disrepute. This was possible under the Attic law which permitted every lender to char<^e as much interest as he chose. Money-changers as a rule maintained a high credit and were so im- plicitly trusted that transactions with them were often carried out without witnesses. Of the best known of these primitive bankers was Pasion, whose profit from his exchange bank was one hundred minas annually, equivalent to $1,710. When Pasion died the bank was assumed b\- Phormio, who paid an annual rental of $2,730 for the office and business. Of forms of business more nearly approaching the state banks of later times we are not without examples in Greece. At New Ilionabank seems to have transacted the financial business of the state in the third or second century before Christ, paying ten per cent interest on money for public use. There are also evidences that the authorities in charge of the temple of Delos, and that at Delphi, loaned money belonging to them, but there is no evidence that this money was that deposited for safe-keeping. In Byzantium a precedent for giving one organization the entire control of the banking business may be found, where, in a time of financial em- barrassment, the money-changing business was farmed out to a single bank, and a penalty was inflicted for buying or selling money elsewhere, the penalty being no less severe than the forfeiture of the sums bought or sold. In Rome the Decemvirate made stringent laws against usury in the year 449 B. C, and fixed the maximum rate of interest at ten per cent. It is evident that such a law was called forth by the existence of the oc- cupation of money-lending. In 346 B. C, the rate of interest was low- ered to five per cent, and in 341 B. C,, the taking of interest was alto- gether forbidden, but the law being inoperative, interest was about this period established at one per cent per month. The commerce which Rome had with the eastern and other coun- tries, naturally created an influx of foreign coin, necessitating, as in Greece, the class known as mone)'-changers, whose stone stalls were located along both sides of the P^orum — the Exchange of Rome. While the Romans seemed to have adopted the simple methods of moneyed speculation from the Greeks, it is quite generally conceded that they en- larged and perfected the system until it became something more similar to modern banking than any system the Greeks had known. Indeed, Macleod goes so far as to state that banking, as a technical business, was invented b\- the Romans. In our judgement this is a wrong use of the term, as such businesses as banking are but simple developments made necessar\- by the increasing \'olume of financial transactions, and while the Romans may have produced some business forms which were novel, it is not correct to say that they "invented" banking. No branch of Roman commerce was more vigorous!)- prosecuted, according to Mommsen, than that of the money-lender and money-dealer or banker, the practice of pkicing large sums of money with a banking agent, who received and made payments, invested and borrowed, and conducted financial business at home and abroad, being fully dexeloped 12 in the time of Cato — 209-149 B. C. With the activity of commerce which Rome enjoyed, bankers spreed rapidly throughout the provinces and dependent states. To the Htcrature of Rome we are indebted for contemporaneous references which informs: us of the uses of banking terms still in use, such as " checque," "drafts," etc. In Italy the money-changers were established at a v^ery early period of the middle ages, and the city of Florence became a recognized mone- tary center. As early as as the first quarter of the eleventh century, Florentine citizens loaned money to soverign princes. In 1265 the money-changers of that city formed themselves into a guild. It is prob- able that the business of the money-changers even at that early day was ap- proaching the character- istic feature of banking — the dealing in credit, as in 1300 the Mozzi and the Spini families are mentioned as being the bankers of Popes, and the last named as having a branch at Rome under the management of Nero Cambi. By 1378 bank- ing operations in Italy had attained great im- portance, due to the necessary transmission of money from distant parts of Europe to the Popes' court at Rome and Avignon, and most of the banking business was in the hands of Florentine citizens. The Strozzi were in later years, 15 13 to 1534, bankers to Leo X and Clement VII, accumula- ting wealth by their sagacity which is still enjoyed b\' their descendants, about the middle of the fourteenth century the famous banking house of the Alberti had counters in Avignon, Bruges, Brussells, Paris, Siena, Perugia, Rome, Naples, Barletta and Venice. Still greater than the Alberti were the Peruzzi and their associates, the Bardi. In 1346 the failure of ICdward III, of l^ngland, to pay 1,365,000 golden florins, bor- rowed of the Morentine bankers, caused a bankruptcy which seriously disturbed the entire commercial system of luu'ope. Later the Strozzi suffered serious losses by the king of France and the popes, but' in spite K. S. LACKN. Presiilciit Hankers' National Hank, Chicago. 13 of these losses the Florentine bankers regained their wealth through their lucrative business. From 1414 to 1423 times were prosperous in Florence, and at that period seventy-two banks could be counted in the streets surrounding the Mercato Nuovo. From 1430 to 1433, seventy- six bankers lent the State 4,865,000 gold florins, but, although there were said to be eighty bankers in Florence at one time, there was no public bank. Mr. Henry Mann attributes the invention of bank notes to the re- public of Carthage, but his testimony is not conclusive enough, being based on this statement of .Eschines, the Socratic philosopher; "In a small piece of leather is wrapped a substance of the size of a piece of four drachms, but what this substance is no one knows except the maker. After this it is sealed and issued for circula- tion; and he who pos- sesses the most of this is regarded as having the most money and as be- ing the wealthiest man." Jevons shows that leather was one of the earliest of circulating mediums, and was used without regard to any system of banking. As early as 807, A. D., the Chinese are cred- ited with the invention of the bank note. In that year the emperor exchanged all the money deposited in the public treasur}' by merchants and rich persons for notes, termed "flying money." It remained in circulation but three years in the capital, and became current only in the provinces. In 960, A. D., an emperor revived the practice of giving notes for money deposited by merchants, and so great was the convenience of the notes that their circulation increased rapidly. In 997, A. D., there had been 1,700,000 ounces of silver exchanged for paper, while in 102 i the paper in circulation had increased to the value of 2,830,000 ounces. A companj- of sixteen rich merchants was then formed which was allowed to issue notes, payable in three years. The company was bankrupt upon the expiration of that time, and much suffering was caused by its failure to pay. The emperor then abolished the notes of this company HKR.MAN KOLNTZE. President First National BanV:, Omaha, Nebraska '4 and prevented the formation of other joint-stock companies. After that the government only possessed the power to issue notes, which were made of the value of one ounce of silver. In 1032 these notes were circulating to the value of 5,256,340 ounces. Banks of this nature were subsequently established in every province, but the notes did not have inter-provincal circulation. To these notes, exchangeable for, and con- vertible into money, is given the credit for being the first on record. CHAPTER II. EARLY BANKING. In 1401 the "Tabla de Cambi" (Table of Exchange), was estab- lished at Barcelona, Spain. The city funds were its guarantee, and it was established by the city authorities as an aid to commerce. Foreign bills of exchange were negotiated in it, and a loan business was carried on. It seems to hav^e been the result of the assumption by the city of banking privileges which had been granted the cloth merchants in I360. In 1 78 1 the bank of San Carlos was established at Madrid, as a national bank on a plan advanced by the minister of finance. Its capital cc'^'^isted of 300,000,000 reals, divided into 150,000 shares. Profitable contract::, with the government were secured and enjoyed until 1785, when they wc/? taken away. Bills of exctiang,"'" followed what were termed "assignments." Au- thorities differ as to the date of their first use. By some they are ascribed to Lyons, France. Weber states that they were in use in 1171. Among the earliest ones preserved to the present time, are those issued from Milan on Lucca in 1325, from Bruges on Barcelona in 1404, and from Bologna on Venice in 1381. To the Italians we are indebted for man}- of the technical terms used in banking, such as drafts, remittances, cur- rency, sight, usance and discount. The first public bank in Italy was that established at Naples in i 565. There had been sixty great bankers in Naples, but, notwithstanding they were obliged to deposit 40,000 ducats with the government as security, they frequently failed and caused great distress. On this account the government decided to establish a public bank to be know n as the Banco di A. G. P. et di Picta. Following this, several joint-banks were estab- lished — as the Banco del Popolo, in 1589; the Banco dcllo San/o S/^irito, in 1591; the Banco di S, Eligio, in 1596; the Banco di S. Giaconio, in 1597; the Banco delle Povere, in 1600, and the Banco dc SS. Saivatore, in 1604. The private bankers were not able to withstand competition with the joint-stock companies and none survived after the last named date. l^'oUowing closely after the establishment and growth of banking in Morence, the Bank of Venice was established. Nearly all writers place the date of the organization of this famous institution at 1171, but Macleod has pointed out that it was not organized until 1587. The con- fusion has arisen because of the fact that in 1171, the X'enetian re- public, to meet financial necessities, levied a forced loan, bearing four per cent interest, with transferable stock, and managed b}' commissioners ap- pointed in I 173. The loan was called the ni07ite vecchio, and two similar 15 ones fallowing it. were termed uiontc niioj'o and inontc nuovissimo. The word nioiitc has been translated bank, and thus these public debts have been termed banks, while, as a matter of fact, the public debt commis- sioners exercised no functions resembling banking. The first bankers in Venice were two Jews who established them- selves in 1400. Their success attracted other persons (particularly mem- bers of the nobility,) into the business, but the usual failures followed until in 1587 the senate prohibited the nobility from entering the busi- ness, and established the Bank of Venice. Merchants were invited to deposit their money in an office managed be the commissioners of public debt, for which they received credit on the bank's books. This credit was transferable and payable in bullion on demand. An act was passed requiring all bills on Venice to be paid in bank money, which gave it a premium of about nine percent. The bank transacted no business on its own account, but the money in its vaults was taken on various pretexts by the State, and in 1678, in 1691, and again from 1717 to 1739, it suspended payments. An attempt was made to raise a loan by creating credits on the bank's books, but the credits fell to a discount of twenty per cent as compared with specie, and the Government mortgaged a part of its revenue to collect a fund of "real current specie" with which to purchase these transfer credits, b}' which means their par value was restored. The bank of St. George, in Genoa, occupied a most prominent posi- tion among the early influences which aided commercial development. As in the case of the Bank of Venice, however, most historians ascribe its establishment to a much early date. It was in I 1 48 that the Genoese Government incurred its first formal debt. The creditors chose from their number a council to watch over the debt due them and to secure its collection, the Gox-ernment having conceded certain customs duties for a term of years in payment of the debt. Each one hundred francs of the debt was a share, and each creditor a share-holder. In this manner were numerous loans made by the Gov- ernment, each loan being termed a "compera" and all the loans collec- itvely bjing known as the "Compere of St. George." In 1252 these loans bejane so numerous as to recjuire consolidation under one head, with a chancellor in charge. In 1302, so great had become the national debt, stringent regulations were enacted by which no future loan could be effected without the consent of the representatives of the existing cred- itors. In 1339 a popular revolution occurred at which all the old books of the "compere" were burned, and a new regulation conmiission was appointed. This has been mentioned as that of the origin of the bank, but it was simph- a step further in consolidating the national debt. In 1371 is recorded, in connection with the Bank of Genoa, the first known instance of the compounding of intere.st. Francesco Vivaldi ga\e his shares in the Compere of St. George to the compere, the interest on them to be annually applied to the purchase of other shares, until a sum should be collected in addition to the principal, which should be suffici- ent to pay off one of the specific loans. This done, the process should be repeated. Others followed in VHxaldi's steps, and the credit of the compere grew apace. In 1407 wars had so pressed the State into seeking money advances i6 tlwt an entire reorganization was decided upon. Nine men drew up a plan on which all the shares were reunited, and the interest for all was made seven per cent. New officers were selected and the organization renamed the Bank of St, George. It possossed peculiar powers of self- government entirely independent of the State, and in this year a new con- stitution was given it, under the provisions of which eight "protectors" were elected, each of whom was required to have an interest in the bank of not less than one thousand florins. These directors were given the offices of President, Treasurer- General, Superintender of the sale of shares, three Judges and two Secretaries, each of whom remained in office one year, Over these was the General Council of four hundred and eighty, and to this every holder of ten or more shares, and over eighteen }'ears of age, was eligible. In return for money ad- vanced by the bank to the Government, various colonies and provinces were made over to the bank as pledges for re- pa}'ment. In 1675 the directors of the bank saw the ne- cessity of adopting some more convenient meth- ods of doing business. The old title of "com- pere" then disappeared, and the institution be- came known strictl}- as a bank. It is from this year that Macleod as- cribes the establishment of the Bankof St. Cieorge, because it first adopted functions of modern banking, such as the ne- gotiation of loans and the deposit and with- drawing of uKMie}', but no history of banking would be complete which failed to give an outline of the fiscal measures from whicli modern banking grew. In 1675 four branches were established in different parts of the city. Later the invading Austrian army, in 1746, carried awa)' most of the gold belonging to the bank, serioush- crippling it, but in a "monte of preservation," established by the bank in I 750, a record of all suspended payments was kept and they were paid after the Austrians left. After a time the people came to see that the complex arrangement b\' which the I'. M. CASADV. I'resies Moines Savings Bank, Des Moinus, Ii 17 public taxes were collected and retained by the directors of the bank, was a species of tyranny, and the bank was obliged to surrender its privileges. As these were its sole source of income, the bank notes were found value- less, and the bank was ignominiously closed about 1798. I'Lfforts to re- establish it were made in 1804 and 18 14, but they were entirely unsuc- cessful. In 1609 the Bank of Amsterdam was established under a guarantee given by the city. The causes which led the creation of this bank were far different rrom those which caused the establishment of the banks at Venice and (jcnoa; which had their origin in forced loans by the Govern- ments. The promi- nent position occupied by Amsterdam in in- ternational commerce, drew to its merchants the coinage of all countries, much ot it worn and clipped. So marked was this influx of coin that the currency of Amster- dam was reduced about nine per cent below the value ot newly-coined money, and, although money might be plenty in the city, merchants were frequently at a loss to secure enough of par value to pay their bills of exchange, the value of which, therefore, became uncertain. The bank accepted all coin at its standard value; deducting a small amount for ex- penses of coinage and management, and gave a credit on its books for the amount. It possessed a constant ROBERT M. NIXON. PresiJent Fifth National Bank, Cincinnati, Ohic This credit was naturally termed bank-money value and was worth more than money in actual circulation. When the bank was created, it was ordained that bills drawn on Amsterdam, or bills negotiated in Amsterdam, of the value of six hun- dred guilders or more, shouhi be paid in bank-money. This gave a uniform value to bills of exchange, and obliged every merchant to keep an account with the bank, in order to pay his foreign bills of exchange. Other conveniences of bank-money brought it to a premium ; the safety of it seemed to be assured ; the city guaranteed its pa\ment on demand; pa\'ments made in it were in the most convenient form, and the premium on it was lost if the deposit was withdrawn, The natural result was that immense sums of money found their wa\' into the bank vaults, where they were popularly supposed to remain. Adam Smith published a statement made to him by Hope, the Am- sterdam merchant, to the effect that the deposits of coin formed but a small part of its capital, as the bank had been in the practice, for many years, of giving credit for depositors of gold and silver bullion. For bul- lion the bank gave a receipt, which permitted its removal at any time within six months, on retransferring to the bank a sum of bank-money equal to the credit given for the bullion. For the care of gold bullion one-half per cent was charged, and for silver one-fourth per cent. If the bullion was not removed on the expiration of six months, it reverted to the bank at the price for which credit had been given on its deposit. The effect of this was to stimulate trade in bullion. There was no cause for distrusting the statement that the entire de- posits made to the bank were kept intact until 1672, when the French invasion as far as Utrecht occurred. A rush was made by depositors for coin to the amount of their credits, and, in accordance with the principle on which the bank was founded, the deposits were found to be complete, and the bank met every demand. This run, and its successful weathering by the bank, increased popular confidence in the institution and greatly raised its credit. For one hundred and eighteen years after this the bank performed its functions with great efficiency, and solemn oaths were recorded with regularity that the treasures were intact. No public investigation of the bank was made in all this time, and the fact that the bank, contrary to the statements of its officers, had been advancing money to the unfortu- nate Fast India Company and to different provinces, was not publicly known until in December, 1790. When Mr, Hope wrote Adam Smith (about 1775). he stated that there were about two thousand depositors, and that the bank possessed ii^3,ooo,ooo. In 1790 it was discovered that most of the deposits in the bank had disappeared fifty years before, and that there was then but a small sum left. The bank, to save itself, suddenly announced that in the future it would pay out silver only at a discount often per cent, and that no deposits would be paid of less than 2,500 florins. This practical con- fession of bankruptcy caused its receipts to fall from 105 to 50, and created a run. The order was rescinded, after a short time, and credit was re-established with the people, who had no knowledge of the bank's real condition. In 1794 the I'^-ench entered Amsterdam, and an examination of the bank's aff.iirs showed that eleven millions of florins had been advanced by the bank to the ICast India Company and to the provinces of Holland and West i^'riesland. The disclosure of this breach of trust, and the in- ability to recover the money, brought its credits down to sixteen per cent below current coin, and the bank assigned its claims against the company and the States to its depositors. In 1619 the present bank of Hamburg was established — ten years after the Bank of Amsterdam, and to remedy the same evils in Hamburg as prevailed at Amsterdam — to receive debased coins of uncertain value. 19 and circulate in their stead bank-credits of a pixsitive value "In a city of the highest rank for commercial activity," saws Palgrave, "but greatly circumscribed in territory, continually receiving payments for merchan- dise in the coin of other countries, a ccniimon standard of \ahic was a matter of primary necessity." The bank received at first only the rix tloUars of the (jcrman ICm- pire, a silver coin having a fixed standard. The German Government soon coined a rix -dollar of light weight, and large numbers found their way into the bank before the fraud was disco\ered. The confusion was so great as to cause the closure of the bank for a short time. A basis of value was adopted, midway between the standard and de- based coins, on which settlements were effected in 1770. This basis ot value was termed a "mark banco." and from that time the "mark banco" was the unit of the money of account in the bank. Deposits were received b\- weight (whether of coin or bullion), and credits were made on the basis of "mark banco" for every 59^3 parts of a metrical pound of silver of the fineness of {[j'co '^^^ over. For its services the bank charged one- eighth percent to the seller of the silver. This system required the as- saying of each quantity of silv^er received. The bank-money on this basis was quite as permanent as any, Colwell saying of it in 1859 that it had commanded a premium above the currenc}' of coins in general circulation of from twenty to twenty- five per cent for a long period. Payments made were merely transfers from one person's account at the bank to that of another, and payers were obliged to appear person- ally, or by attorneys, with checks with printed signatures. Only mer- chants in Hamburg are allowed to keep accounts. In connection with the bank there is a loan ofifice, in which advances equal to three- fourths their value, are made on pledges of gold, silver or jewels. The credit of the bank has been uniformly well sustained. In 1770, as we have mentioned, the bank was affected by a depreciation of the German rix-dollar. Again it overextended its loans on pledges, and Napoleon's army once took its mone}-, but it was repaid, and the bank resumed t)perations. In 1853 it was found that the distinctive and altogether peculiar .sys- tem of conducting the bank's business, based, as it was, on bar silver, lacked convenience for modern business methods, as no facilities were given for credits or discounts. On February 15, 1873, the German Government rec[uiied all banking to be on a gold standard. The ancient Bank of Hamburg was obliged to abolish its bar-sil\er standard and its "mark banco," and use a monetar}- swstem, which is ri.x money in marks, 150 marks being equal to 100 marks banco. The bank is gcn'crned by five directors, two counsellors, two treasurers, and two of the principal city magistrates. The first bank in Sweden was established by a Swede named Palm- struck, in 1656, and in 1668 it became the bank of Sweden. To Sweden is gi\en the credit of introducing the use of the bank-note in Europe, the first one having been issued iu 1658. To Sweden is also given the credit for great advances in methods of banking similar to our present methods. The circulating medium of Sweden was copper, and large payments were made with great inconxenience. To remed\' this, the bank received the copper money and issued bank-notes against it, which passed current all 20 over the country. Later on the bank did a loaning business, and nearly suffered disaster in 1752. CHAPTER III. EARLY ENGLISH BANKING, AND THE BANK OF ENGLAND. In England banking as now understood had no existence previous to the sixteenth century. The first publi: institution of the nature ot banking was the Exchequer, founded by William I., which is still in existence, mod- 1 fied in form from a reposi- tory of cash to an office of ac- counts. In the reign of Henr)- III., 1216- 1272, we are informed that money-lending bankers, chiefly jews, were set- lied at Oxford, where shameful practices were carried out in discounting for students, fort\-- h\e per cent being a com- mon discount. On the ex- pulsion of the Jews from Eng- land the busi- ness of private banking fell into the hands of the Lombards, sent to England b\- Pope Gregory IX, some fifty }ears previously. Their business was undoubt- edly much the same as is at present carried on under the sign which they carried from Lombardy, the three golden balls. They gave wax- to the goldsmiths, who afterwards became bankers proper. Collins states that our "lumber" and "lumber- room" are from their name and method of storing pledges in what were called "Lombard Rooms." It is well known that Lombard Street, the banking center of London, took its name from the custom of Lombards and f(M'cign merchants assembling there twice each day. I,. C. NELSON. President St. Louis National Bank, St. Louis, \ 21 The custom of depositing money with goldsmiths, says a contem- poraneous writer, grew out of the fact that servants could not be trusted as cashiers. In the hands of goldsmiths, persons accustomed to handling valuables, it was safe. The business of receiving and making payments, of collecting rents, and of loaning money at interest, was a natural one, and soon followed the first practice of acting simply as treasurers of de- posits. Goldsmiths were well-respected members of the community, and record of their holding high offices in London are found in the reigns of Henry I., Richard I., and Edward I. In 1598 the houses in Goldsmith's Row were spoken of as being very beautiful. These were destroyed by the great fire of Lon- don, after w^hich the goldsmiths settled in Lombard street. Their surplus money was placed for safety in the Royal Mint in the Tower of London, from which Charles I. took iJ'200.000, ruin- ing many bankers and forcing them all to consider it a loan. It was repaid in a few months, but the mint never recovered its credit. During the civil war which marked the reign of Ciiarles I.; nearly all the sur- plus money of the country found its way into the hands of goldsmiths, many of whom, encouraged by their success in loan- i n g mone}', s u b s e- ( I u e n 1 1 y confined themselves e x c 1 u - sively to banking op- erations. The first "run" on a bank is recorded as occurring in 1667, the "run" being on a banker named Backwell, and become general. The bankers adopted the expedient of requiring twent\' days' notice, but suffered a shock to their credit, which was entirely destroyed in 1672. The custom of depositing surplus money in the mint had given way after its robbery by Charles I., to that of its deposit in the Exchequer. Once a week they withdrew this money, with which to meet the demands of their customers. On Jan. 2, 1672, Charles II., needed money very badly, on the advice of Sir Thomas Clifford, stopped the payment of the H. W, CANNON. President Chase National Bank, New York City money in the Exchetiucr beloni^in^ to the bankers, i'he suspension of this weekly payment (there bein<; i?i,328.526 on deposit) involved the bankers and customers in common ruin. In an attempt to satisfy this debt Charles ga\'e letters patent to the various robbed bankers, agreein<( to pay the principal with interest at 6 percent. A list of these creditors of tlie Kin*^ shows that Sir Robert Vyner, Edward Backwell, Gilbert Whitehall, Joseph Horneby, Jeremiah Snow, Bernard Turner, and Geort^e Sneli were the principal London bankers of the time. The interest was paid a few years and then sus- pended. The creditors were obliged to prosecute their claim to the court of last resort, and a judgement against the Crown was secured. In 1699 an act was passed which provided that 3 per cent per annum should be paid on the principal sum, but that the indebtedness might be cancel- led by the payment of a moiet\' thereof, ^664,264. This indebtedness is the first item of the present national debt of luigland, and interest is still paid at 3 per cent on the whole amount. Of the old London bankers whose business is still carried on ma\- be mentioned Edward Blackwell, who was succeeded by Sir Josiah Child, founder of the present house of Child & Co. In 1692 the business of Middleton & Campbell, goldsmiths, came into the hands of James Coutts, and the business still carried on by Coutts' bank was thus established. We are told that the use of pass-books by banks originated with Mr. Coggs, a goldsmith, in the Strand. Previous to their use it was cus- tomary for depositors to call regularly and check up their accounts. Although no public bank was established in England until 1699, there had been proposals, petitions, and discussions looking to the estab- lishment of a public bank, so that the organization of the Bank of Eng- land was but the result of a growth of public sentiment, and the increas- ing need that the public service should effect a large loan. Two schemes devised by William Paterson for the establishment of a national bank failed. In the third scheme, in which he was aided by Michael Godfrey, he was successful, and an act inccirporating the Bank of Eng- land received the royal assent from William III., on April 25, 1694. The act provided that ^100,000 should be annually appropriated to persons making a voluntary loan of i,"i, 200,000 for the purpose of carrying on the war with France. Commissioners were appointed to receive the sub- scrii:)tions before Aug. i, 1694. The stock was transferable, and the stockholders were called collectively the (jovernor and Company of the Bank of England. The Government retained the power to pay the sum at twelve months' notice after Aug. i, 1705, upon which payment the corporation should cease. The corporation was allowed to deal in bills of exchange, to buy and sell bullion, gold and silver, to lend money on security, and its bills of crctlit were made transferable. The corpora- tion was forbidden to athance mone\' to the Crown without permission of Parliament. In ten days the whole sum of /'i, 200,000 was subscribed, and on July 10 and 11, officers of the compan\- were elected. On January i, 1695, the bank began active operations at Grocers' Hall, Poultry. Notes of ;^20 were issued, and the bank commenced discounting mercantile bills of exchange. The bank was authorized to advance money on pledges, but no very considerable business of this kind seems to ha\'e 23 been done. At first the bank stood in hit^h credit with all hut usurers, with whose business it seriously interfered. Its first trouble came May 5, 1696. Coin had been clipped, filed, and counterfeited to an enormous extent, so much so that gold guineas of full weight passed current at thirty shillings. It had been the bank's practice to receive degraded coin at its nominal value, and when the great issue of new coin began the bank was obliged to pay its notes in full- weighted coin, so that for every seven ounces it had received it was obliged to pay twelve ounces. Of course, this caused a "run", on the bank. Its enemies, the private bankers, improved this opportunity to the full extent, and on the day mentioned they suddenly presented ^30,000 in notes and demanded payment. The bank suspended cash payments, but it got through the trouble by good management and Government assistance, but as a precautionary measure its capital stock was increased by vote of Parliament on Feb. 3, 1697, new subscriptions to be paid in exchequer tallies and bank notes. The life ofthe bank was prolonged until twelve months after notice given Aug. i, 17 10, and the bank was given a monopoly ofthe public banking business. It should be noticed that a bank was chartered by the Government just before this, its advance to the Government to be ^2,564,000, but it had been impossible to secure subscriptions. The Bank of England was authorized to issue bank notes to the ex- tent of its new capital, payable on demand and secured by the Govern- ment. The new subscriptions amounted to ^^"1,001, 17 i , los. In 1707 the threat of invasion by Louis XIV. threw the country into a panic, and the enemies ofthe bank again attempted to cause its downfall, but it was reinforced by the queen and several nobles, and came through the trouble safely. In 1709, the Government being greatly embarrassed, the bank was appealed to again, and an arrangement was made with it by which the interest which the Government was pa}'ing on its original stock of i." 1, 200,000, was reduced from 8 to 6 per cent, with an annual allowance of ^^"4,000 for managing the debt, the bank was to advance ^400,- 000 more at 6 per cent interest; the capital stock of ^r2, 201,171, los, was allowed to be doubled at a price of i i 5 for the new stock, upon which the bank agreed to circulate iJ"2, 500,000 in Exchequer-bills, and to receive an allowance of 6 j^er cent, one-half for interest and one-half for repayment of the principal, and that no more Exchequer-bills should be issued without the bank's consent. The life of the bank was further ex- tended to August I, 1732. The subscriptions to this new stock were paid in four hours after the lists were opened. Although the act of 1697 prevented the creation of another bank by Paraliament, private joint-stock banks were formed, and any corporation and company could {perform a banking business. To cut off these ad- venturers an act was passed that during the life of the Bank of England no more than six persons could be united to do a banking business. The result was the prevention ofthe formation of an\' other joint- stock- bank than the Bank of England. In 171 3, upon loan to the Government of /," 100,000, secured by I^x- chequer-bills, the life ofthe bank was prolonged to twelve months' notice 24 to be given after August i, 1742, and the payment of ^1,600,000. In 1 7 16 the life of the b\nk was prolonged indefinitely until three annuities of i^8 8,7 5 I, ;^ 1 00,000, and ^76,830, and other debts, upon which an annual interest of 5 per cent was paid, were extinguished. In 1717 the temporary victory and final collapse of the great South Sea company oc- curred, resulting in a "run" on the Bank of P^ngland which was artfully met and overcome. In 1722 the reserve fund known as the "rest" was created. As 1 742, the time when the life of the bank was to expire, drew nigh, the bank advanced i^ 1,600,000 to the Government, and its capital (enlarged in 1 720 to ^8,- 959,995 14s. 8d. by the purchase of ^^4, 000,000 in South Sea company's annuities) was inc eased to ^,"9, 800,000; its life was also prolonged until twehe months' notice to be given after August i, 1764. An attempt was made to close up the loose ends of the act of 1709 by an amendment intended to make the bank's monopoly more exclusive. In 1745 the rebellion in Scotland was the cause of a "run" on the bank, and its notes fell to a discount often per cent, but one thousand six hundred merchants pledged themselves to support the credit of the bank notes, and the "run" was stopped. In 1746 the bank's capital was advanced by f u r t h e r loans to the Government to i^ I 0,780,000. In 1759 notes for ^15 and for ^10 were first issued. The charter of the bank expired in 1764, and it was renewed upon the absolute gift of i^i io,ooo to the nation, and a loan of ^1,000,000 on Kxchequer-bills for two years at 3 per cent, the renewal of the charter being until twelve months' notice after August i, 1786. In 1781 the charter was again renewed upon the advance of ^"2, 000,000 at 3 per cent for three years, until twelve months' alter August 1, i8i2,and the pay- ment of the public debt. In 1782 the capital was increa.sed to £1 1,642,- 400. C. HOOD. President Kmporia National Bank. Emporia, Kansas. \ 25 The London Clearin*^ Mouse was established in 1773, and occupied its buildiuij^ in Lombard street in 1775, but it was many years before the Hank of Entj^land joined it. Up to this time the monopoh' of the bank was nearly complete. Private bankers now began to give customers blank check-books, and the use of them in London became universal, entireh- superseding the use of bank-notes and circunnenting the monopoly of the liink of England. During the period of unusual industrial activity which followed the termination of the war of 17 13, England felt for the first time the great need of reliable banks ot issue other than the Bank of England. Its monopoly was com- plete, and to provide a currency small shop- keepers and irrespon- sible persons turned bankers and inundat- ed the country with a miserable currency. In 1775 an act prohib- ited bankers issuing notes of less than 20 shillings. In 1777 the minimum value was made £^. In 1782 the exten- sion of foreign com- merce consequent on the conclusion of the war with the Ameri- can colonies, led to overtrading. The Bank of England made unwise issues. Banks w h i ch had sprung up like mush- rooms all o\er the country, in almost every hamlet, issued currency freely, and, strange as it may ap- Ky. pear, all was received w i t h o u t liesitation. The actual money at the command of the bankers became ridiculously small for the magnitude of operations carried on. In the fall of 1792 the revulsion occurred, and bankruptcies were unusualh' frequent. The declaration of war with the Government of France under the Convention was the last blow to staggering credit, and the financial storm which swept o\'er England carried down three hundred of the three hundred and fifty bankers doing business. The Bank of England refused to support credit by meeting the de- mand for discounts. The Government came to the rescue, issued Ex- J. H. LINUENBERGER. President American National Bank, Louisville 26 chequer-bills to the amount of ^,"5, 000,000, and freely loaned them to strugglinL^ institutions. Credit was immediatel}- restored. In 1797 a combination of untoward exents had the effect of with- drawing large sums of specie from the bank: The danger of invasion by the French became the cause of numerous "runs" on country banks, which rapidly spread to London, and on February 26, 1797, the Bank of England was directed to suspend cash payments until the opinion of Parliament could be taken. The bank gave notice that its affairs were most prosperous and its notes perfectly secure. Parliament continued the suspension of cash payments until six months after a definitive treaty of peace should have been concluded. The result of this action practi- cally made the bank-notes legal tender, and for the first three years after the passage of the restriction act they were on a par with gold or pos- sessed a small premium. From 1800 to 18 10 the history of the bank- notes was one of gradual depreciation, until m 18 10 the attention of Par- hament was called to the subject and a committee of inquiry was ap- pointed which reported that the depreciation was due to over-issue, and recommended that the Bank of England resume specie payments within two years. The recommendation was not adopted, and the over-issue continued until in 18 14 the maximum depreciation was 25 per cent. In 1813 the number of country banks had increased to 900, but in the three years following 240 of them stopped payment, and, of course, their paper was withdrawn from circulation, causing the Bank of Eng- land's notes to rise nearly to par. The bank was directed to resume specie payments in 1823, but in fact it did resume on May i, 1821. No legislation was had to prevent the unwise issue of notes by country banks however, and in 1823 such issues were greatly enlarged, and in 1825 the amount in circulation was estimated to have been 60 per cent greater than in 1823. Speculation became hazardous in the extreme, and when exchange began to fall in 1824 trouble began. London currenc}' was contracted in September, 1825, and country banks began to fail the mo- ment they could not secure accommodations in London. In less than six weeks more than seventy banks were carried down, and the demand for gold at the Bank of England was so great as to have drained it of about seven millions of bullion before the outflow could be stopped. The crisis in London lasted one week, when the tide receded, and the safety of the bank was assurred. The exchange turned to the favor of luigland, and gold began to flow towards the country. The Bank of England then issued notes with prodigal abundance, ^"5, 000,000 being issued in three days. The next week uneasiness in the country was again apparent, but it was stayed b\' the bank's issue of ^"500.000 in ;^i -notes, and by the first of 1826 credit was entirely restored. In 1826 the issue of less than i^5-notes was prohibited in I'jigiand. In 1833 the charter of the bank was extended for ten years, and joint- .stock banks of i.ssue defined and permitted. In 1839 the issue of the Bank of h.ngland again became redundant, and but for assistance from the Bank of h^-ance, the bank would have stopped pa\'ment. lu 1844 and 1845 Sir Robert Peel introduced measures into Parlia- ment, the pas.sage of which greatly imjjroved luigland's banking system. The power to issue notes payable on demand was limited by making the amount of such notes in circulation vary with the amount of bullion pos- -/ sesscd by the issuer. The issuing and banking; departments t)f the Bank of England were entirely separated, and over the first department the Bank was oi\en no control. The issue of the Bank was made /" 14,000,- 000 on securities, and it was allowed to issue two-thirds of the amount of notes which any country bank was authorized, but failed, to issue. Under this provision the issue had increased to ;j^i 5,000,000 in 1875. Above this sum its notes can only be issued upon the receipt of an equal amount of coin or bullion. By this legislation its notes are made equal with gold. The act of 1844 also provided that no new bank of issue should be established in the United Kingdom, and that the maximum issue of notes by the existing country English banks should be limited to the average amount which tiiey had in circulation during the twelve weeks preceding April 27, 1844. No other bank than the Bank of England was allowed to issue notes in or within sixty-five miles of London. The charter of the bank was extended until twelve months' notice after August i, 1855. On three occasions, in 1847, 1857, and in 1866, it has been found necessary to authorize the Bank to issue notes beyond the limits of the act of 1844, in order to restore credit to the mercantile community. Such, in brief, is the history of the Bank of England. \\ ith it is closeh' connected the histor}- of banking in England. Branches of the Bank have been established at Manchester, Liv^erpool, Birmingham, Bristol, Leeds, Plymouth, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Hull, and Portsmouth: The capital stock of the Bank is ^14,553,000. The "Rest" on October 26; 1887, was ^3,100,053. The dividends for the year ending October 5, 1887, were at the rate oi £g^/^ per cent. The price of bank stock on October 26, 1887; was ^304. On that day there were ^,^24 210,255 in circulation, and of its unemployed notes there were ^10,824,670. Of gold and siKer coin and bullion there were ^20,092,263. CHAPTER IV. .MODERN EUROPEAN B.ANKINC. The history of banks in England other than the Bank of England can be sketched in a few words. The end of the war between France aud England in 1815, was soon reflected in the brightening of commerce, but it was a long time before the people paid attention to banking laws or facilities, The Bank of England, together with private bankers, had been able to meet all demands. The crisis of 1825 showed the weakness of pri\ate banks, and the necessity of public banks. The legislation restrict- ing the formation of joint-stock banks in order to protect the monopoly of the Bank of luigland, has already been mentioned. In 1826 six joint- stock banks were registered, and seven in 1828-9 and seven more in 1829-30. In 1833 legislation was had permitting joint-stock baniident Nittional K: SIMPSON. I halite I'.an'k. Dull ,xas. twenty-seven shillings the ounce, the notes issued by the Merchants' Association, paj'able at nineteen shillings to the ounce, were hoarded up as too valuable for e\er\'-day serxice, and no longer used for the purposes of money. As early as 1732 the English Government began to in.struct the Royal Governor of Massachusetts to consent to no further issue of bills of credit to remain current longer than the time fixed for the redemption of that already in circulation, the last of which would mature in 1741. It would have been easy to raise each year, by taxation, a sum sufficient to pay the current expenses, and to redeem all the paper maturing during that year. Instead of pursuing this cour.se, the wisdom of which so 42 plainly appears, the revenue from taxation was allowed to fall below the necessar\- and inevitable expenditure, so that not only were the bills ma- turin<^ allowed to go unredeemed, but new paper, to fall due in 1741, was each year emitted. As the time for the pa}-ment of this great mass of paper drew near, and as hope grew fainter that the policy against new- issues would be relaxed and the promised pa>ment of the bills in some way evaded, a great clamor arose against the Governor, who, in spite ot all attempts to starve him into compliance by witholding his salary, ad- hered resolutely to his instructions. In 1 740 it became apparent that it was impossible to levy in one year a tax sufficient to discharge all these accumulations. A general dread of the further depreciation or entire withdrawal of the currency took possession of nearly the whole people. Hutchinson, the historian of Massachusetts, did, indeed, propose to the General Court to borrow in England a sum in silver equal to the bills then extant, and therewith to redeem those bills and thus furnish the colony with a sound currency ; the repayment of the loan to be spread over several years so as to escape burdensome taxation in any one. Hut this plan was rejected in favor of what was called the land bank, or manufactory scheme. It being held that the royal instruc- tions against bills of credit were no bar to private action, the projector and chief advocate of the "private bank" of i/ 14, hereinbefore mentioned, "put himself at the head of some seven or eight hundred persons, some tew of rank and good estate, but generally of low condition, of small estate, and many of them insolvent. This notable company were to give credit to /' 150,000 lawful money, to be issued in bills, each person to mortgage land in proportion to the sum he subscribed and took out, or to give bond with two sureties, but personal security was not to be taken for more than ;^ioo from an\' one person." Ten directors and a treas- urer were to be chosen by the compan)-. Kveiy subscriber or partner was to pay 3 per cent interest on the sum taken out, and 5 per cent an- nually of the principal. He that did not pay his dues in provincial bills might pay in the produce and manufacture of the province, at such rates as the directors should fix from time to time, and as they should com- monly i^ass for lawful money. It was claimed by its friends, that by thus providing a medium and currency for trade, not onl}- would the people be better able to procure provincial bills to pa\- their taxes, but trade, both foreign and inland, would revive and flourish. The principal mer- chants refused to receive the bills, though they had a large currency among the smaller sho])-keepers, mechanics and farmers. To lessen the temptation to receive the.se bills of the land bank, a number of leading- merchants agreed to issue their own notes, or bills, payable in siKer at the end of fifteen years, much like the private bank of 1733, and dubbed their scheme the "siKer bank." The Governor issued a proclamation forbidding either of these companies to issue bills. Hut both did make large emissions in defiance of the prohibition. The (io\ernor and Coun- cil then applied to the English Parliament, which, early in 1741, declared that the law commonly called the Bubble Act, passed twenty \'ears before on the breaking of the South Sea bubble, which prohibited the formation of unincorporated joint-stock companies with more than six members, applied to all the American Colonics. This declaratory legislation, giving retroactive effect to an old statute, was at the same time cautiously cited 43 as "an instance of the transcendent power of Parliament." It was. in substance if not in form, ex post facto legislation of a specially dangerous and pro\'oking type, and became, in the end, one of the strongest induce- ments to the prohibition of such laws which, not many years later, was incorporated in express terms in every American Constitution. Both the banks, or companies, were dissohed. The members or partners were held individually liable for the entire mass of their notes, not at the de- preciated rates at which they had been issued, but at par wath accrued interest, The nianufactor\' or land bank scheme especially, the affairs of w hich remained unsettled and in the utmost confusion for several years, pro\ed extremely ruinous to all such jiersons concerned in it as had an\-- thing to lose, l^arnest efforts on behalf of these unfortunate speculators, of whom his father was one, first introduced into politics Samuel Adams, afterward so celebrated, then a young man, a recent graduate of Harvard, designed for the ministry but compelled by his father's ruin and shortly ensuing death, to adopt a more active life. In 1741 a new royal Gov- ernor was appointed who construed his instructions as aimed only at pre- venting a further emission of depreciated currency or a further deprecia- tion of that already afloat. Holding that it did not matter how large a sum in bills was current if only their value was secured, and that neither the spirit of his instructions required, nor the circumstances of the case permitted, the literal obser\ance of that proportion of them which directed the redemption of all outstanding paper in that one year, a scheme was patched up which seemed to promise at least a brief postponement of the evil da)-. The General Court passed and the Governor, after obtaining at least the tacit approval of the English Ministry, assented to an act in- tended to establish an ideal measure af value in all trade and dealings, let the instrument of exchange be what it would. This declared that all contracts should be understood to be payable in siKer at 6s. 8d. per ounce. The true value of silver at that time was about 5s, 2d. sterling per ounce, but the old Pine Tree coinage of Massachusetts had been light weight and 6s. 8d, of that currency had been coined from an ounce of silver, so the standard now fixed was that which had obtained before the first issue of paper and, to that extent, was an honest one. Rills of a new form were issued which bore on their face a promise to pa\- three ounces of silver for every twenty shillings of their nominal value. These were made a legal tender for all dues, public and private. It was also ])rovided that in case they should depreciate in value an addition should be made in all debts equal to the depreciation of the currency from the time of contract to that of payment. How to ascertain the depreciation from time to time was the great difficulty in framing the act. To leave it to a common jury never would do, nor could the impartial integrity of the House of Representatives be trusted. At length it w.is agreed that the eldest member from each county, ot the Council, a body answering in some measure to our present State Senates, should meet together once a year and ascertain and declare the depreciation. But the measure af- forded no real relief The counselors appointed to estimate the deprecia- tion seldom had the firmness to make the full allowance as there was a popular outcry against every addition made to the fixed discount. No effectual steps were taken for the redemption and withdrawal of either the new issue or any of its predece.ssor's, save those made b\' the prixate 44 companies. Things went from bad to worse. The confusion of the cur- rcncx' was such as seriously to cripple foreigh and domestic trade. The depreciation increased and financial chaos seemed to be near at hand. The authorities of Massachusetts .seemed now to be possessed of a spirit near akin to desperation. For the operations which resulted in the capture of Louisberg and conquest of Cape Breton in 1745, and for the .several attempts at the reduction of the other French Colonies made in 1746 and 1747, this province issued new bills of credit to the nominal value of more than ^^2,000,000. These were paid out by the treasur}^ at an average discount of eleven or twelve of paper for one of specie. It becoming apparent that either redemption or repudiation must be faced in the near future, the General Court was, though with difficulty, per- suaded to le\}' taxes sufficient to retire a considerable portion of the redundant pa- per, In 1747, on the application of the agent of the province, the English Govern- ment granted Massa- chusetts an allowance of ;^i 80,000 for the partial reimbursement of the expenses of the conquest of Caj^e IJreton. This sum would become availa- ble, in specie, in 1749. Thomas H utchinson, the historian, who was then speaker of the Hou.se of Representa- tives, who also was warmly supjiorted by Ciovernor Shirly, per- ceived in this a favor- able (jpportunity for abplishing the bills-of-credit .sy.stem and substitute a .stable currency of silver and gold for the future. About £2,200,000 in bills would be outstanding in the year 1 749. At eleven for one — although the current rate was twelve for one — ^' 1 80,000 sterling would redeem ^* 1, 980,000, which would lea\e but /:220,ooo outstanding. It was there- fore proposed that the sum thus granted by Parliament should be ship- ped to the province in Spanish milled dollars, and applied to the redemp- tion of the bills, so far as it would serve, and that the remainder of the bills should be drawn in by a tax for the year 1749. This would dispo.se JACOB lURTH. I'rcsidcnt I'linci Sdiiiul National Hank and Peoples Savings Bank, Seattle, Washinnlon. 45 of the bills. For the future, silver of sterling fineness at 6s. (Sd. the ounce if paid in bullion, or in milled dollars at 6s. each, should be the lawful money of the colony, and no person within the province should receive or pay bills of credit of any of the other English Colonies. When it be- came known that a bill for an act on these lines had been introduced in the Provincial House of Representatixes, a great clamor was raised against it. It was said that the greater part of the people were no suf- ferers from a depreciating currency, as the number af deJDtors was always greater than that of creditors. Even those who were for a stable cur- renc)' were divided. Some argued that the paper might be so reduced volume as to be fixed and stable in value, and therefore were for redeeming only so many bills as should be agreed to be super- fluous. Others, in- cluding many of good standing and good sense, were for finish- ing the bills, but in a gradual way, other- wise, they said, a fatal shock would be gi\'en to business. The bills, it was said, had sunk g r a d u a 1 1 }' to o n e - twelfth their original value, and as by this means creditors had been defrauded, it was but reasonable that they should rise gradually that justice might be done. To this it was answered that the creditors and the debtors would not be the same, so, that instead of righting one wrong, another injust- ice would be done; the injury being the same when one is obliged to i)ay more, as when he is forced to receiv^e less, than is justly due. Others were for exchanging the bills for silverata higher rate, the Boston representatives favoring a ratio ofaboutfive to one, which would have given an exorbitant profit upon that redeemed, and would have left more tlian half the volume outstanding. These were the objections urged by the most reasonable and most intelligent. The strongest opposition came from the ignorant and the interested who strove to impress the people with the contradictor)- ideas, first, that no redemption should be made because if there were no other money than J. II. .\I- party met and petitioned the authorities to enforce the penal laws against tho.se refusing to receive the bills. By these laws cases in- volving a legal tender took precedence of all others and must be tried within three days after complaint made, without a jury, and without a right of appeal. The fine for a fir.st offence was from £6 to ^30, and greater for a .second. In a case brought against a butcher for refusing bank paper, five judges agreed the act was un- constitutional. A special session of the Assembly was called and the judges were summoned to assign the reasons and grounds of their decision, and sub- sequentl)-, four of them were removed. A law was proposed which dis- franchised any one who refused to receive the paper on an equality with specie, but this failed to receive the sanction of the towns. Land rents were paid in produce. The State debt, incurred dur- ing the revolution, was paidoffin the depreciated currenc}-. The question of the ratification of the new federal constitution c^. the cashier, Mr, Seaton, was dispatched to Philadelphia with a letter of introduction from Hamilton, to procure the desired in- formation from the Bank of North America and to purchase such material as could not be had in New York. On May 22 "the president and directors qualified before His Worship the Mayor as required by the the constitution" of the bank. On June 7, the subscriptions having been paid in, and some deposits having been made, notice was given that the bank would formally commence business on Wednesday, June 9, 1784; and that applications for dis- counts would be re- ceived on the succeed- ing Wednesday. The following rules, to be observed in transact- ing business with the bank, were also pub- lished. "The bank will be open e\er}- da}' in the year except Sundays, Christmas-day, New- \'ear's-day, Good Fri- day, the Fourth of Jul)', and general holi- days appointed by legal authority. "The hours of busi- ness \\\\\ be from ten to one o'clock in the forenoon, and from three to fi\e o'clock in the afternoon. "Discounts will be done on Thursda}' in every week, and bills and notes bi ought for discount must be left at the bank on Wednesday morning, under a seal cover, directed to William Seaton, Cashier. The rate of discount is at present fixed at si.x per cent per annum ; but no discounts will be made for longer than thirty da)'s, nor will any note or bill be discounted to pay a former one. Payments must b(.' made in bank notes or specie. Three days of grace being allowed ujx)!! all bills, the disc(nuit will be taken for the same. "Money lodged at the bank may be redrawn at pleasure, free of expense, but no draft will be paid beyond the balance of the account. I.. 11. HERSHFIKLD. I'residenl of Mcrch.ints National Bank, Helena, Montana, 57 "Bills or notes left witli the bank will be presented for acceptance, and the money collected free of expense; in case of non-payment and protest, the charge of protest must be borne by the party lodging the bill. " Payments made at the bank .nust be examined at the time, as no deficiency suggested afterward will be admitted. " Gold coin is received and paid at the Bank of New York at the followingf rates: A Johannes . - . . Weigh'g 1 8 dwt. $i6.oo A half Johannes - " 9 8.00 A Spanish doubloon " I? 15 .00 A double Spanish Pistole " 8 12 gr. 7-48 A Spanish Pistole 4 6 " 372 A British Guinea '< 5 6 " 4.64 A British half Guinea " 2 15 " 2.32 A French Guinea " 5 4 " 452 A Moidore - . . " 6 i8 " 6.00 A Caroline " 6 8 " 4.72 A Chequin " 2 4 " 1.78 "An allowance is made on all gold exceeding the abov^e standard at the rate of three pence per grain; on all gold short of the above weight four pence per grain is deducted. " By Order of the Board of Directors. "Ale.\. McDougall, Pres't." Both the Johannes and the Moidore were gold coins of Portugal; the Johannes being so called from the figure of King John which it bore. The Caroline was a German coin, and the Pistole was ot the same value as the Louis d ' o r . The Chequin, also written zeechin, zechin, and sequin, was a gold coin deriving its name from La Zeche, that quarter in the city of Venice where the mint was situated. The clip- ping and the sweating of the gold coin in cir- lation had long been practiced in the colo- GEORGE F. COPE. • t ,_ . , t^t nies. In 1 770 the New CJashier First National Kank, Helena, Montana. Y O r k Chamber O f 5S Coniniercc sti<^mati/.cd it as "an evil aiul scandalous practice," and passed a resolution to take no light coin except at a discount of four pence for each grain it fell short of just weight. The bank ex- perienced much trouble from this source. The practice was to weigh it in quantities on receiving and paying out gold, a course attended with many difficulties where the variety of coins were so numerous, but for which, in the absence of a national coinage, it was not easy to find a substitute. The paper currency of Penn.sylvania and New Jersey, which circulated largel}- in New York, was a cause of endless trouble and vexation to the bank and to its customers. Aj^plication had been made to the Legislature of New York for a charter incorporating the bank before it began bu>iness; but this was delayed and operations were begun without it. As in Pennsylvania, a paper-money party existed in New York which persistently opposed the efforts of the bank to obtain a charter. The direst evils were predicted from the establishment of the bank, and it was maintained that the only remedy for existing and threatened evils was to be found in an emission of legal-tender paper by the State. The directors were popularly charged with working in the interest of British capitalists and traders, and with refusing discounts a few days before the sailing of the European packet that the)-, personally, might profit by the distress thus occasioned. The bank, it was contended, had destroyed private credit as well as that confidence, forbearance and compassion formerly shown by creditors to their debtors. The enforcing the payment of notes at maturity by lodging them at the bank was especially disliked. A strong pressure was now brought upon the Legislature in favor of an emission by the State of paper money, to be made a legal tender. The merchants of New York, as a body, opposed the scheme, and the Chamber of Commerce forwarded a memorial remonstrating against the passage of any bill to that effect, and setting forth the evils which would result from such an issue. Rut outside the city there was a general belief that financial relief and permanent prosperity would only come with an abundance of paper money. The experience of the past had not deterred people from this conviction, and several of the States had recently issued bills of credit. The Legislature passed a bill in 1786, authorizing the emission of ^200,000, to be loaned out at five per cent, "for the purpose of increasing the currency," and to be a legal tender of all dues, j)ublic and j^rivate. Thus was the last issue of bills of credit by New York. In June, i/S/, the paper money issued by the State having then obtained a considerable circulation and being largely dejjreciated, the Bank of New York decided to open accounts and make discounts and pajmients in this currency, distinct from those in .specie or the bills of the bank. This was continued for several years, discounts in i)aper being done on Tuesda\'S and in specie on Thursdays. The 1 791 the bank obtained its first charter from the State, and on May 2, of that year the directors named in the Act of the incorporation formally accepted the charter, assumed all the exist- ing liabilities of the former company, and re-elected the former officers. Its paid-up capital was then S3 18,250, with tleposits amounting to $yy2)r 709, and discounts $845,940. The circulating notes outstanding were 5181,254. The business flourished and semi-annual dividends were segularly declared; that for the first half year under the charter being 59 seven per cent. During the same six months, May to November 1791, the discounts were $10,558,669, and the total cash received was ^42,661,- 664. These figures will illustrate the extent of mercantile tranactions in the City of New York at that time. The Bank of New York enjoyed a substantial monopoly of the banking business in that city for fifteen years. From 1 784 to 1 799 it had no competitor nor rival, save the branch of the Bank of the United States which during this time did but little business. It had obtained its charter with great difficult}- and those interested in its prosperity could scarceh- be expected to look with complacency on any attempt to establish an institution to compete with it. " Neither," says its historian, "did the public desire any additional banking facilities." Had any open attempt been made to obtain a State charter for a rival concern, the older bank undoubtedly would have opposed it to the bitter end. But suddenly and without premonition a formidable corporation made its appearance as a bank of deposit, discount and issue in New York. This was the result of the craft and sagacity of Aaron Burr. In the spring of 1799 a petition was presented to the Legislature asking for a charter for a compan)- with a capital of $2,000,000 for the purpose of introducing a supply of pure water into the City of New York. The prevalence of yellow fever during the summer before had been largely ascribed to the use of contaminated water, and had created an alarm which made the passage of an\' bill to improve the sanitar)- condition of that city an easy matter. Toward the end of the session the bill incorporating the Manhattan Company was accordingh' passed by the Legislature, without a suspicion on the part of the great majority of those who voted for it that it contained a grant of banking pri\eleges or indeed anything else but a franchise for the distribution of pure water. But the real purpose of the scheme was soon made manifest. While the bill had been on passage throug the committee stage it had been suggested that the whole of the new corporation's S2,ooo,ooo capital might not be needed at once in constructing water- works, and a clause was added pro\'iding that the surplus capital might be "employed in the purchase of public or other stocks, or in any other moneyed transactions or operations not inconsistent with the laws and constitution of the State of New York." No sooner had the bill become a law and the stock fully subscribed, than the persons interested proceeded to carry out their plans by giving notice that the new corporation would begin banking operations in September with a capital o( 5500,000. The discovery that so broad a franchise had been so incautiously granted occasioned no little excitement and indignation. It was charged that the Legislature had been cheated and tricked in order to allow Burr and his friends to obtain control of a majority of .stock of the company and power to use its capital for their own purposes. But it was too late. The Man- hattan Company continues to this day to be the leading state bank of New York, as distinguished from the national banks, and, under the same broad clause of its charter has organized life and fire insurance companies and conducted a great \yriet}' of other enterprises. On July 6, 1865, the Bank of New York re-organi/,ed under the national banking act, taking the title of "The Bank of New York National Banking Association," which it still retains, with a capital of S2, 000,000. During the first hundred years of its existence it paid to its stockholders 6o dividends amounting, m the aggregate, to gioy^ per cent, and never passed a dividend except in 1837 when it was compelled by law to do so. CHAPTER VII. THE FIRST AND SECOND BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES. On the organization of the government of the United States under present Constitution, Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, in his masterly report on the finances of the country, made to Congress December 13, 1790, recommended the es- tablisment of a bank of the United States and opposed the issue of paper money by the Government. At that time there were in ex- istence in the country only the three banks — the Bank of North America, the Bank of Massachusetts and the Bank of New York, with an aggregate capital of S-, 000,000 — of whose organiza- tion sketches have been given. There was no provision for the reception and pay- ing out of the bills of these banks bp the Government and the supply of gold and silver was meagre. The G o \- e r n m e n t daily suffered for the want of small sums in ready money. So long as specie only could be used, and there was no national bank, the delay and ex- e.xpcnse incurrctl in transferring monc)- from place to place were burden- some and vexatious. Therefore, it was argued, a national bank was imperatively recjuired, which would only serve these purposes but many others as well, by making temporary loans to the Government. The bill for the bank was debated chiefly on two ground.s — its constitutionality and its expediency. It pas.sed the .Senate with little opposition but was .\I. n. THArCHKK. President First National Hank, Piieblo, Colorado First National Bank, Trinidad Colorada. First National Bank, Silverton, Colorado. 6i vigorousl)' resisted in the I louse of Representatives. On February S, I79i,the House passed it by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty. Before signini]^ it President Washington required each of its cabinet officers to submit a written opinion on its constitutionality. The cabinet was equally equally divided. Ham- ilton, Secretary of the Treasury, and Gen. Knox, Secretary of War. affirming its con- stituality, and Jeffer- son, Secretary of State, and Edmund Ran- dolph, Attorney Gen- eral, denied it. But the bill became a law by the President's ap- proval, on February 2 5, 1 791, and the bank at once went into oper- ation. The capital was fixed at ^io,ooo,ooo, divided into 25,000 shares of ,^400 each ; one-fifth of which might be subscribed by the United States, but no other subscriber might take more than 1 ,000 shares. The subscriptions, except that of the United States, were to be pay - able on e- fourth in specie and three- fourths in certain si.x per cent stocks of the United States or in other three per cent stocks at half their nomi- nal value. The institution was incorporated under the style of "The President, Directors and Company of the Bank of the United States," to continue twenty yei?rs, expiring March 4, 181 1. The bank was authorized to hold property of all kinds, not exceeding, exclusive of its capital, $15,000,000. Twenty-five directors were to be elected, by a plurality of votes, on the first Monday of January in e\ery year, for one year only, who were to choose a president from their own number. It also provided "That no other bank shall be established by any future law of the United States during the continuance of the corporation hereby created, for which the faith of the United States is hereby pledged." The bank was authorized to established offices of discount and deposit in the several States, and to issue notes which were to be received in payments of all dues to the Government. It was authorized to sell the Government stocks received for subscriptions, but was forbidden to become the pur- H. M. JORALMON. Joralmon & Co, Bankers. Financial Agents and Attorneys. Denver, Colorado. 62 cha>er at such sales. Of the capital, 36,700,000 was reserved for the chief bank, which was established at Philadelphia, and the residue of S4,- 300,000 was to be divided among the eight branches to be established in the principal cities of the Union. The entire capital was subscribed and applications made for 4,000 shares in excess of the whole stock, within two hours from the time the books for subscription were opened. The enterprise was immediateh' successful. The dividends averaged eight to ten per cent per annum, being much below those of the Bank of North America in previous years; which, in the words of a distinguished writer, "now gradually declined as other banks sprang into exi.stence." The pay- ment of the Government shares was to be in ten annual installements, but the trearury department found it very difficult to comply with this require- ment as to the entire payments, the urgent demand for money to meet other pressing occasions being continious for several years. Neither bank nor Government had been long in operation when the need arose for a temporary loan from the bank. Congress authorized the treasury to procure loans to pay the appropriations of the year, and to pledge the duties on imports and the tonnage tax for their repayment. The revenue came in so slowly that its anticipaton in this manner could not be avoided if Government e.xpenditures were to be paid as they became due. This policy was condemned by Albert Gallatin, but was generally defended on the ground that it was a wall-known practice with older governments, and that there was no other way of getting the money imperatively required. These loans obtained from time to time, were of three kinds: First, those made in anticipation of taxes to meet current expenditures; the last of which was made in 1795. Second, the sinking commissionners were authorized to borrow money, not exceeding $1,000,000 annuall}-, in anti- cipation of the revenues, to pay interest. Each loan of this kind was to be reimbursed within one year after it was made. Third, loans were also founded on a pledge of the revenue to meet the exigencies of a specific case rather than for a general purpose. The first loan of this kind was to cover the expense of an Indian war. Of other subsequent loans, one was to provide money to ramson American sailors held in slaver)- by the Algerines. One still later was to equip and maintain the ships which carried on the war which the United States, first of all civilized powers, waged against the Harbary States for the protection of its commerce and citizens rather than pay tribute. Between the years 1796 and 1802 the United States disposed of its stock in the bank at a net profit of $1,137,152.29, equal to fiftj'-seven per cent on the original investment. In Augu.st, 1791, we are told. United States Bank scrip sold for 195, in consequence of the mania for specul- ation. In September of the same year, it fell to iio, but rallied, almost at once, to 145. The last sales of its stock on Government account, in 1802, were made at 145. It was a successful and prosperous enterprise from first to last. Ikit, unfortunately for the bank, during the entire term of its exi.stence it was looked upon and dealt with by a large majority of business men, and by men in i)ublic life with scarcely an exception, as a political rather than a business undertaking. Its projector, Hamilton, in 1791 urged its creation "as a powerful political engine." Political t)i)position continued from the beginning to the end of its career. When Jefferson became 63 President he tlesired Albert Gallatin, then Secretai'}- of the Treasury, to make a judicious distributitm of his favors among all the banks, since the Stock of the L'nited States Bank was held lar<^ely by forei<^ners, and, "were the Bank of the United States to swallow up all the others, and monopolize the whole banking business of the United States — which the demands we furnish them will tend shortly to favor — we might, on a mis- understanding with a foreign power, be immensely embarrassed by an\' disaffection in the bank." When the territory of Louisiana was purchased in 1805. Gallatin was desirous of establishing a branch bank at New Orleans. He considered the step of the highest importance. But the President vehemently opposed every extension of the bank. He wrote to Gallatin: "This institution is one of the most deadly ho.stility existing against the principles and form of our Constitution. What an obstruit- ion could not this Bank of the United States, with all its branch banks, be in time of war!" But Gallatin, being brought into more intimate relations with the bank, did not sha^'e the fears which Mr. Jefferson ex- pressed, and the branch was established at New Orleans. While the bank existed the funds of the Government were deposited with it to the credit of the United States Treasury. Ihey were considered in the Trcaaury from the time of depositing them, and were subject to the Treasurer's control. The Government ceased to be a stockholder in 1802, and only once applied for a loan after 1805. The revenues of the Government had grown more ample, its wants were not so pressing, and loans were un- necessar}'. With the great majority in Congress the bank was endured only as a convenience for obtaining such loans. Yet the other advantages derived by the Government from the bank were neither few nor unimpor- tant. As stated by Gallatin in a communication to Congress recommand- ing a renewal of the charter, these advantages were, first, with respect to keeping the public money ; another concerned its transmission from point to point, both at home and abroad; a third, and the greatest, related to the collection of the revenue. The punctuality of payments introduced by the banking system, and the facilities which it afforded importers in- debted for revenue bonds, had enabled the Government to collect with greater facility and fewer losses the revenues from the imports than it could have done had no such bank existed. One chief complaint was that the bank and its branches, and particularly the branch in New York, were more inclined to grant loans to the members of one political party than to others. Whether this charge contained any truth or not the complaint ceased to be heard after the creation of the Manhattan Company in 1799. The bank was required to make weekly reports to the Secretary ot the Treasur}-, but the following, for Jannuary 24, 181 1, is one of the only two balanced statements found on record: RESOURCES- Loans and discounts, - - - - - - $14,578,294 United States six per cent stock, ----- 2,750,000 Other United States indebtedness, . - - - 57,046 Due from other banks, ....-- 894,145 Real estate, -------- 500,653 Notes of other banks on hand. - ... - 393,341 Specie, .--.--.-- 5,009,567 Total, $24,183,046 64 LIABILITIES. Capital stock, . . . . Undivided surplus, . . - - Circulating notes outstanding, Individual deposits, . . . . United States deposits, . - - ■ Due to other banks, - . . - Unpaid draft outstanding. Total, $io 000,000 - 509^678 5^037,125 - 5'904.423 1,929.999 - 634,348 i7i>743 $24,183,046 In 1808 the bank petitioned for a renewal of its charter which would expire three years later. This application was favored by Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasery, and by Crawford and Pickering in the Senate, and op- posed by Mr. Clay.The trouble with France and England then impending made war probable in the early future with one or both of these powers. The State banks expected to profit from the disturb- a n c e s which would accom- pany open war and contributed largely to prevent any considera- tion of the bank's application until 1 8 10. when a de- cision could no longer be delay- ed. The neces- sit\' of the bank ,., . w as warmly urged by the Treasury (lc])artnicnt. The debate in l)<)th branch o. Congress was long, able and l)itter. The old cpiestion of its constitut onality was dis- cussed at great length, and its opponents denied that the institutionn was at all neces.sary to aid the Government in discharging its functions, insist- ing that it was evident, from the rapid muliplying of State banks, that there was a redundancy of capital. It was asserted that in case the bank should not be rechartered that the quantity of specie in the country would I'rcsklcnl C;i|iit;i MF.Ill 'IKI) l;. WILSON. 65 be reduced by the exportation of the lart;c amount of its capital which belonged to foreigners. The bill was defeated in the Senate by the cast- ing vote of the Vice-President, George Clinton, on h'cbruary 20, 181 1, and subsequentl\- failed in the House by a minority of one vote. The bank was now obliged to wind up its affairs, which was done with very little disturbance to the business interest of the countr}-. Within eighteen months from March 4, 181 1, the stock- holders had re- ceived 8 8 per cent upon their stock. On finally closing its busi- ness, the assets yielded to the stockholders an excess ofSyi per cent above the par value of the stock. Before going into liqui- dation, the bank made an unsuc- cessful applica- tion to the Leg- islature of Penn- .sylvania for a charter f o r a State bank with a capital ofS5,- 000,000, D u r i 11 g the war of 1812-15 the National (jovcrnmcnt, which was embarrassed b\' the want of means, had received \cr\- considerable loans and other timely ser- \ice from the State banks. Owing largely to such ad\ances, the State banks, with the exception of those of New England, were, in -August and September, 1814, dri\cn to a suspension of specie pay- ments. Toward the end of 1 814 the finances of the Government were again in seemingly inextricable confusion. Alexander J. Dallas became Secretary of the Treasury on October 6, 18 14, and, within a fortnight thereafter, made to Congress a report of extraordinary ability and lucidity upon the condition of afi^airs. In this communication he strongly recom- mended the re-establishment of a national bank, as the remedy required to bring the finances once more into order. The State banks again were opposed to its creation. With them were the speculators in exchange, whose iufluence was verv considerable, and all whose interest were served JOHN K. OTTLEV. Cashier Anieritan Trust and Banking Co., Atlanta, Georgia. 66 by a continuation of the suspension of specie payments. Various plans were broui^ht forward in Congress which resulted in nothing, until, on January 20, i8i 5, a bill was passed. This was vetoed by President Mad- ison, not for lack of constitutionality, as he considered that point already settled by the courts, but on the ground that it would not accomplish the objects rendered necessary by the state of the revenue and the condition of the country. On April 3, 181 6, however, a bill for a Bank of the United States, which had previously passed the House of Representatives, was adopted by the Senate, and, receiving the signature of the President, became a law on April 10, 1816. The charter was limited to twenty years and the capital to 535,000,- 000, composed of 350,000 shares of Sioo each, 57,000,000 was to be subscribed by the Government, payable in coin or in United States five per cent stocks at the option of the Government. Other subscriptions were payable one-fourth in coin and the remainder in coin or United States stocks. Five of its twenty-five directors were to be appointed by the President of the United States. The bank was to be made a public depository and was to aid the Government, free of charge therefor, in ne- gotiating its loans. It was empowered to establish branches and to issue circulating notes which were to be receivable in all payments to the United States. No other bank, outside of the District of Columbia, was to be establislied by Congress during the continuance of this charter, and, in consideration of the grants therein, the bank was to pay to the United States $1,500,000 in three installments. It was authorized to organize and commence business as soon as 58,400,000. exclusive of the subscription of the United States, was paid in. It was prohibited from lending on the account of the United States more than 5500,000, or to any State more than $50,000, or to any foreign prince or power an\- sum whatever, without the sanction of law being previousK- obtained. It went into operation January 7, 1817, and it was through its agency that the other banks throughout the country were enabled and induced to resume specie payments. At that time bank-notes at Washington and IJaltimore were twenty-two per cent below par; at l'hiladcl[)hia from seventeen to eighteen per cent; and at New York and Charleston they were from seven to ten per cent. In the interior the depreciation was much greater. This was nearl}- the worst stage tT the monetary trouble resulting from the late war, and at the \ergc of that financial crisis which culminated in 1819-20. As soon as the bank opened the Secretary of the Treasury directed importers to lodge their bonds with it, the bank agreeing, greatl\- to the relief of the Treasury, to tliscount the notes gi\en U)V duties, to secure which these bonds were deposited. Congress resoKed on April 30, 1S16, that all duties, ta.xes and debts payable to the United States after February 20, 1817, should be paid in the "legal currency" of the Government, or Treasury notes, or in notes of the Ikuik of the United States, or of other banks which paitl their notes on demand "in the legal currency of the United States." The .State banks agreed to resume specie payments in Iul\', iSijJjul neillur Mi", ("raw ford, .Secretary of the Treas- ury, nor the L'niled States jiank, h.ul nuicii f.iith that they would fulfill their agreement. Both the (ioxernment and the bank were desirous of hastening tiie return of specie paxnients. and the latter began negotiatiiMi to that k:\u\. (.)ne consideration nioviiiLr the bank to do so was that, if it 67 succeedctl, the dblii^ation which it had incurred nfdiscountinij^ all the notes of importers wcuild be very much diminished, for if tlie State banks paid in specie their notes would be readily taken by the Government. ( )n the other hand, if the State banks refused to make any arranj^ement for resum- ing;" specie pa\ment, a large amount of valuable paper for discount pur- poses would go immediately to the National bank, and the State banks would thus lose many of their best customers. As the result of this communit)' of interests a plan was devised for resuming on February 20, 1S17. (^n that day the balances due to the Government in the several banks, which ever since the closing of the first Bank of the United States had kept its deposits with the State banks, were to be transferred to the ]-5ank of the United States, retained by it until July i, when they were to be paid, with the interest thereon. In liciuidating the balances which might be due. The United States Bank agreed to credit the banks respect- ively with the amount of their checks on all banks which were party to the agreement. The payment of the balances which might accumulate against the banks, subsequently to the transfer of the balances previously mentioned, from the payment to them of Government dues in return for money previously borrowed, was not to be demanded b\- the Bank of the United States until it and its branches had discounted for individuals, other than those having duties to pa)', certain specified sums in the several principal cities of the country, provided the money should be called for within sixty days, by borrowers offering good securities. If the whole amount so to be loaned should not betaken by individual customers then the residue was to be lent to the banks signing the agreement. This plan for restoring specie payments was wholly successful. They were resumed and maintained while the charter of the bank continued in force. When the bank began business eighteen branches were established in different States. The notes of the bank, whether issued by the parent bank or by any of the branches, where everywhere received in payment of duties and taxes, and were redeemable in specie at any office of the bank. Another ver\' important function which it performed was in ecjualizing the rates of domestic exchange. Through its agenc}' funds could be transmitted from one part of the Union to another at an expense not exceeding one-half, and frequently less than one-fourth that commonly charged by private dealers, not exposed to the competition of the bank. From 1820 to 1835 the country was prosperous, the bank recovered from its embarrassments, and its stock rose steadily in value. Long before 1828 the bank had lived down all respectable opposition; and it was therefore a surprise to all parties when President Jackson, in his first message, in December, 1829, took ground against a renewal of its charter when it should expire in i; C. 11. SIl.I.lMAN. Land M.>ii-ai;e liank of F..11 Wnitli. ■|\-xa>. L-xas (I.iTiiitcJ), 69 bonus, had the bank rcniaincd solvent and in existence lont( enouj^h, woulil not have fallen short of $5,000,000. The histoiA' of the bank subsequent to the crisis of 1837 was a disastrous one. It suspended payments as frequently as other State banks, and finally succumbed to difficulties which prudent management would ha\e enabled it to oxercome. It made three several assignments in 1 841, to secure various liabilities, the last and final assignment being on September 4. 1841. The 57,000,000 of stock held by the United States previous to the time at which the institution became a State bank, was paid back in full, and the Government realized a very handsome profit upon its inxestment, as will appear from the following .statement, taken from the report of the Comptroller of the Currency for 1876: Bonus paid by the Bank of the United States, $1,500,000.00 Dividends received from the bank, .... 7,118,416.29 Proceeds of Stock sold and moneys received from the l)ank, 9,424,750.78 Total, $18,043,167.07 Subscription of capital stock ])aid in United States five per cent bonds, $7,000,000.00 Interest paid by United States on same, , . 4,950,000.00 1 1.950,000.00 Profit on Investment, .... $6,093,167.07 Nicholas Biddle was president of the bank from January, 1823, to March, 1839. ^^ ^'^^ time of his resignation the shares were selling at III, having in 1837 sold at 137; but in i