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OUR BURMESE WARS 
 
 RELATIONS WITH BURMA. 
 
OUR BURMESE WARS 
 
 RELATIONS WITH BURMA: 
 
 BEING AN ABSTRACT OF MILITARY 
 AND POLITICAL OPERATIONS, 1824-25-26, and 1852-53. 
 
 WITH VARIOUS 
 
 LOCAL, STATISTICAL, AND COMMERCIAL INFORMATION, 
 
 AND A SUMMARY OF EVENTS FROM 1826 TO 1879, INCLUDING A SKETCH 
 
 OF KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 
 
 COLONEL W. F. B. LAURIE, 
 
 AUTHOR OF " RANGOON," AND " PEGU," NARRATIVES OF THE 
 SECOND BURMESE WAR. 
 
 As long as the sun shines in the Heavens, the British flag shall wave over those 
 
 possessions." — Marquis of Dalhousie (1854). 
 : Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim are British, and British they will remain for many 
 generations of men. We govern in order that you should live in peace, pro- 
 sperity, and happiness."— Earl op Mayo, at Rangoon (1872). 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE, 
 
 PALL MALL, S.W. 
 
 PUBLISHERS TO THE INDIA OFFICE. 
 
 1885. 
 
 (All rights reserved.) 
 

 
 \ 
 
 H€*l^ v 
 
 MORSE 
 
 STEPHEN* 
 
GENERAL SIR WILLIAM HILL, K.C.S.L, 
 
 WHOSE GALLANT DEFENCE OP PEGU 
 
 WILL EVER BE CONSIDERED ONE OP THE MOST REMARKABLE EVENTS 
 
 IN THE HISTORY OP OUR BURMESE WARS, 
 
 THIS VOLUME 
 
 IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. 
 
 S1276T 
 

GENERAL PREFACE. 
 
 It seems almost superfluous to ask the attention of 
 intelligent Britons to a region little known among 
 them, but one, most assuredly, that has " a greater 
 future before it than any country in Asia." Expe- 
 rience, however, has shown the necessity of so doing ; 
 for if we do not yet nearly realise the immense in- 
 terests we possess in our old and "loved India" — the 
 most splendid dominion under the sun — how is it to 
 be expected we should do so in our comparatively new 
 portion of Chin-India ? That people often require to 
 be reminded as well as informed, is another reason for 
 the appearance of this volume, the greater portion of 
 which is devoted to the operations of our Burmese|"Wars, 
 and much of the remainder to the bright and hopeful 
 effect. As regards the Military portion, the object of 
 the present "Abstract" is two-fold. It is to supply the 
 place of a new edition of the Author's former Narra- 
 tives, by giving a considerable part of what seemed 
 
Vlll GENEEAL PREFACE. 
 
 best worth preserving, and a few additional incidental 
 remarks, with an especial view to interest those who 
 served in the last war, and to make it in some degree 
 useful in case of future operations. 
 
 In his preface to " Rangoon," the first Narrative of 
 the Second Burmese War (August 1852), it was stated 
 as one of the Author's principal objects, " to give the 
 reader as much information regarding Burma, and 
 take from him as little time, as possible. Wherever it 
 is a soldier's lot to roam, the pleasant duty may be 
 frequently performed of attempting to gather and 
 afterwards to diffuse knowledge. It is a duty which 
 our age demands of every man who thinks he has a 
 sufficiency of capacity." Again, he added, while the 
 war was not yet finished : — " Apart from the extreme 
 probability of the cause of civilisation being advanced, 
 in a distant and comparatively unknown land, by the 
 Second Burmese War, which should make the subject 
 one of general interest, there must be a vast number 
 of readers at home and in India who have friends and 
 relatives in Burma. This is the grand key to the in- 
 terest of Englishmen in the war. The possession of 
 Rangoon may be said to have put nine-tenths of the 
 Burmese Empire at our disposal. The conquest of 
 the remainder of the country may ensue, and other 
 pens will probably describe the course of events. But 
 on account of the liberal encouragement bestowed on 
 the present undertaking, the Author may be disposed, 
 if all goes well, to write another volume." 
 
 " Pegu," the concluding volume — written after the 
 Author reached Toungoo — completed an account of 
 
GENERAL PREFACE. IX 
 
 the conquest of the province ; and the book, more than 
 double the size of " Rangoon," with more plans and 
 sketches, originally appeared under circumstances far 
 from favourable. The adverse influence of the time — 
 the outbreak of the Crimean "War — operated on his 
 Oriental military narrative in much the same manner 
 as that bewailed by a famous sensation novelist, who 
 brought out one of his great works in 1 854, but which 
 had no great sale while England was watching a 
 serious national event, and new books, in consequence, 
 " found the minds of readers in general pre-occupied or 
 indifferent." Still, "Pegu" struggled on, being the 
 only authoritative standard of reference on the subject ; 
 and, aided by Government patronage, the book even- 
 tually became out of print. It is now, doubtless, to be 
 found in many libraries throughout England and India; 
 and not the least pleasing retrospect in a rather event- 
 ful life, is to the time when the writer travelled with 
 his father in Sweden, and personally presented a copy 
 of " Pegu " to King Charles the Fifteenth — soldier and 
 artist — thereby making sure of at least one Narrative 
 of the Second Burmese War being honoured by a place 
 in the royal library at Stockholm. 
 
 It was gratifying, some years ago, to learn from a 
 distinguished member of Her Majesty's Indian Council 
 that " Pegu " had been found "useful and interesting "; 
 and various officers, from time to time, notwithstand- 
 ing (as remarked in the preface) the difficulty of 
 producing a good book with the heat, the din of war, 
 and the frequent impossibility of procuring correct 
 information to contend against, have signified their 
 
X GENERAL PREFACE. 
 
 approbation. The Author having considered it most 
 important at the present time — when Burma promises 
 to be of far more than usual interest to the military as 
 well as to the commercial world — to give a summary 
 of events during the First Burmese War, in order that 
 the conduct of the two wars, and our relations with 
 Burma, may be better understood than hitherto, of 
 course it comes first in order. The very brief account 
 of that now famous war given in the Introductory 
 Sketch will, it is to be hoped, tempt the reader, should 
 he have time, to go through the more lengthy abstract 
 which is contained in the second and third chapters 
 (Part I.), of which the present writer appears, in a 
 very great measure, as editor rather than author or 
 compiler. The First Burmese War will also be found 
 alluded to, and occasional extracts given, in connection 
 with the operations of the Second ; but the study of a 
 connected sketch of such eventful Burmese Campaigns 
 as those of upwards of fifty years ago, will enable 
 military readers to better understand the. few remarks 
 on the operations, given in the fourth chapter. Again, 
 Pegu and the Irawady being now ours — forming our 
 grand base of operations — in the event of another war 
 we should probably have to make use of (and of course 
 improve) the same theatre of action as that in which 
 the gallant first Army of Ava played so distinguished 
 a part. 
 
 There is no desire in this work to advocate an an- 
 nexation — far less an aggressive policy ; and such a 
 desire is hostile to the intentions of a wise Government ; 
 but no intelligent Englishman will deny — and if he has 
 
GENER L PREFACE. XI 
 
 denied it hitherto, it is to be hoped he will do so no 
 longer — that the First Burmese War was vigorously 
 prosecuted because we sought to save Bengal at least 
 from invasion. And if, during the Mutiny of 1857, 
 we had not possessed the lower provinces of Burma, 
 there is no saying what trouble might have been 
 created on our south-eastern frontier, and what the 
 consequences might have been. When the Mahomedan 
 began to discover he had lost his military and the 
 Brahman his social sway, they might also have dis- 
 covered that Pegu was a very convenient province for 
 the game of murder and rebellion. The Second War, 
 followed by the grand political stroke of annexation — 
 which was forced on us — prevented the chance of 
 Burma aiding the fiends engaged in the Mutiny ! 
 
 Talking one day with that eminent Anglo-Indian 
 writer, the late Sir John Kaye, on the subject of 
 annexation, and having incurred his displeasure by 
 alluding to "the force of circumstances," of course it 
 was useless to point out to the Political Secretary how 
 valuable the possession of British Burma was to us 
 during the Indian rebellion; how the isolation of 
 Burma kept the Court of Ava out of the influences 
 of the mutinies altogether ; how the Bengal sepoy 
 regiment stationed in Pegu found no sympathy from 
 such a different race as the Burmese in the matter 
 of disaffection; how we could spare British troops 
 from the province at such a critical time ; or how the 
 Grolden Foot sent a handsome donation of one thousand 
 pounds to relieve the sufferers by the Mutiny ! All 
 was lost on Sir John, who conscientiously — like his 
 
Xll GENERAL PEEFAGE. 
 
 admirable friend, Sir Henry Lawrence, denounced 
 annexation. 
 
 As the time is probably near at hand when, if the 
 Golden Foot does not make a better wheel into the 
 ranks of civilisation, there may no longer be a King of 
 Burma, it is curious to notice that the last of the so- 
 called " Great Moguls," the King of Delhi, died while 
 a State prisoner at Rangoon on the 11th November 
 1 862, and was buried the same day — the Mahomedans 
 of the town being heedless of the event. Such was the 
 end of the Mogul, who disputed the Empire of India 
 with us, but now had been so long harmless, realm- 
 less, and " a prince without the shadow of power," that 
 even at his death the pious Mahomedans deemed him 
 hardly worthy of notice ! 
 
 One word more about " Annexation " — a word fre- 
 quently used in the following pages — a word which 
 should never be connected with " party " where its 
 realisation is meant for the good of mankind. Think- 
 ing of the great Canning's remark about the tremen- 
 dous power Great Britain is destined to wield in the 
 world, it is almost impossible not to fall in with Paley's 
 observation on the cases in which the extension of 
 territory may be of real advantage to both parties. 
 The moral and political Archdeacon writes of the case 
 where " neighbouring states " — one of them Upper 
 Burma, for instance — vbeing severally too small and 
 weak to defend themselves against the dangers that 
 surround them, can only be safe by a strict and con- 
 stant junction of their strength: here conquest will 
 effect the purposes of confederation and alliance ;tf in d 
 
GENERAL PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 the union which it produces is often more close and 
 permanent than that which results from voluntary 
 association." 
 
 This is a very " pithy " sentence and one well 
 worthy of study. How could Upper Burma ever keep 
 back China, or Russia, or, perhaps, Germany — if she 
 is to be allied with the flowery land — single-handed, 
 and probably with a hostile league of tribes against the 
 Golden Foot, in case of an attack from the northward ? 
 
 When a much younger man, the Author was all in 
 favour of annexation. Like many other sanguine 
 patriots, he thought we should be everywhere, and 
 annex every country that fell out with us ; but time 
 has sobered down his ambitious views ; and he now 
 adopts the more Conservative principle of non-inter- 
 ference, when it can possibly be adopted without in- 
 jury to our prestige. On the point of annexing only a 
 part of a country, the writer, it will be seen, has 
 expressed his decided views. He may further add 
 that, as Euclid teaches us — " the whole is greater 
 than its part " ; so, in political result, the axiom is — 
 If annexation must come, the whole is safer than a 
 part ! Commercial activity and enterprise also are 
 seldom safe when dealing with fractions. 
 
 The fourth part of his work will probably possess 
 more interest for the general reader and the merchant 
 than the others. To get a good general knowledge of 
 Burma, the Author must refer his readers to the 
 interesting volumes of Colonel Yule, General Fytche, 
 Dr. Mason, Dr. Anderson, Captain Forbes, and a few 
 others of less pretensions, such as Surgeon- General 
 
XIV GENERAL PREFACE. 
 
 Gordon, Colonel McMahon, and Mr. "Wyllie (in his 
 "Essay on the External Policy of India"). Mr. St. 
 Barbe, in reviewing the latter book, which has " no- 
 thing specially to do with Burma," says that the essays 
 are " valuable for the most part as expounding a policy 
 which is fast becoming effete — the policy of masterly 
 inactivity, which their author was t)i£ first to designate 
 and describe." Of course, in times like the present, 
 when so much ambition among European Powers is 
 afloat, " masterly inactivity " is simply ridiculous and 
 impossible. 
 
 It is to be hoped that commerce in Burma, and its 
 enemy, the eccentric, cruel, and obstructive King 
 Theebau, have received the attention they deserve. 
 Doubtless, there is a brighter day at hand for the 
 country, at which, of course, London, Liverpool, Glas- 
 gow, and Calcutta — above all, Eangoon — will especially 
 and naturally rejoice. The foreign trade of British 
 Burma — unparalleled in the annals of Eastern Asia — 
 notwithstanding the disadvantages under which it has 
 recently laboured, affords a prospect most bright and 
 advancing. 
 
 In conclusion, the author is pleased at being able 
 to add to the utility of his work by giving an excellent 
 map by that safe and experienced geographer, Mr. 
 Trelawney Saunders. With reference to the numerous 
 plans and sketches which enriched his former volumes 
 — among the artists being Lieutenant (now Major- 
 General*) Alexander Fraser, of the Bengal Engineers, 
 
 * RE., and Secretary to the Government of India. To this 
 officer the author was indebted for military sketches of Shwc- 
 gyeen and Gongoh. 
 
GENERAL PREFACE. XV 
 
 whose light-houses and other engineering works will 
 ever honourably connect his name with British Burma 
 — only two illustrations have been selected — the scene 
 Donabew, where the greatest of all Burmese generals 
 died, and where a distinguished British general of the 
 present day first saw active service — which will give 
 some idea of Burmese forest or jungle warfare. 
 
 W. F. B. L. 
 
 1, Oxford Gardens, London, W. 
 December 1879. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Chapter I. — Introductory Sketch .... 
 II. — The First Burmese War .... 
 III. — The First Burmese War (continued) 
 IV. — Remarks on the Operations 
 V. — The Finances of India fifty years ago ; or, after 
 the First Burmese War 
 
 Page 
 
 1 
 19 
 49 
 64 
 
 76 
 
 PART II. 
 
 The Second Burmese War. 
 
 Chapter I. — The Burmese provoke a Second War . . 81 
 II. — From Madras to Eangoon .... 95 
 III. — Naval Operations before Rangoon and Dalla. 
 — The Landing and Advance. — The White 
 House Stockade 107 
 
XV111 CONTENTS. 
 
 Pn-e 
 
 Chapter IV.- — The Grand Advance on the Shwe Dagon 
 
 Pagoda 122 
 
 V. — Capture of Bassein. — Burmese Attack on 
 
 Martaban 141 
 
 VI. — Pegu. — Prome. — The Grand Question. — Lord 
 
 Dalhousie at Eangoon . . . .157 
 
 PART III. 
 
 From the Advance on Prome to the Entire Conquest 
 of Pegu. 
 
 Chapter I. — The Advance on Prome. — Capture and Occu- 
 pation of Pegu 181 
 
 II. — The Burmese Investment of Pegu. — Critical 
 Position of Major Hill and his Troops. — 
 Summary of Military Transactions . . 219 
 III. — Belief of Pegu, and other Operations. — The 
 
 Proclamation ...... 236 
 
 IV. — Sir John Cheape's Operations against Myat- 
 
 htoon 257 
 
 V. — Lord Dalhousie's Policy in the Second Burmese 
 
 War. — Various Remarks . . . .275 
 Notification. — Troops in British Burma, 1853 
 
 and 1864 310 
 
 Account of Gross Revenue from Territory 
 ceded by the Burmese, including the annexed 
 Provinces of Pegu and Martaban, for 1855-56 314 
 Letter from Lord Dalhousie to Major Hill . 316 
 
CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 Various Papers on Burma. 
 
 Page 
 
 Paper I. — View of the Condition of Burma in 1854-55 . 318 
 II. — Sparseness of Population, and Health of the 
 
 Indigenous Races 328 
 
 HI. — A Brief Review of the Progress of Trade in 
 
 Pegu (1864) 346 
 
 Note.— Revenue (1878-79) and Commerce 350 
 IV. — From Mandalay to Momien (Review). — Trade 
 
 Routes from Burma to Western China . . 353 
 The Shan Tribes. — Productive Capacity of the 
 
 Shan Countries 366 
 
 V. — The Value of Upper Burma .... 369 
 VI.— Summary of Events from 1826 to 1879, 
 including a Sketch of King Theebau's Pro- 
 gress 374 
 
 Annexation and Non-Annexation . . . 416 
 Postscript : — The Looshais and the Nagas . . 420 
 Notes : — 1. — The Burmese Royal Family . 425 
 2. — Withdrawal of the British Re- 
 sident from Mandalay . . 426 
 3. — Population of Mandalay . .427 
 4. — King Theebau's Head Queen . 427 
 British Burma Division (1879) . . .429 
 
 Addenda to PART 1 431 
 
 n 440 
 
 „ HI 446 
 
 IV 466 
 
 Index 479 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Map and Sketches. 
 
 1. — Central Portion of British Burma. 
 
 2. — Kough Sketch pertaining to Operations against Myat-htoon. 
 
 3. — Plan of Breastwork captured from Myat-htoon. 
 
OUR BURMESE WARS 
 
 AND 
 
 EEKATA. 
 
 Page 17, Hue 14. For Irawady read Irawadi, the correct spelling of the 
 great river, which is, in the original Sanskrit, Airdvati, 
 feminine of the god Indra's elephant, from aira, 
 " moisture," and vati, " like." — See Ashd Pyee, p. 81. 
 „ 44, line 32. For Ma read Maha, Bandoola. 
 
 „ 170, note. For Thebau read Theebau ; and for Santama read Gautama. 
 „ 174, note. For peninsular read peninsula. 
 „ 357, line 11. -For something wrong read considerable difficulty in the 
 
 framing of the Burmese Treaty of 1862, &c. 
 „ 390, line 12. For Ramathayu read Ramathayn. 
 „ 393, line 17. For Meuhla read Menhla, or Minhla. 
 
 Note. — A distinguished London critic pointed out an error in the author's 
 rendering of the meaning of the word " Moozuffer," as applied to one of the 
 grand old East India Company's frigates. It does not signify a "traveller," 
 but " victorious," which is written, in the original Arabic, Muzaffar. The 
 word Musdfir, " a traveller," is Arabic also, which in this case was wrongly 
 applied. (Page 187, line 8.) 
 
 that the barter of commodities is " necessarily coeval with the 
 first formation of society/' and that trade and commerce form 
 
 * The Mogul Empire generally. We agree with the author of " Burma, Past 
 and Present," in considering the Mogul dynasty in India a misnomer, as 
 Baber and his descendants were not Moguls, but of the kindred race of Turks. 
 
 1 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Map and Sketches. 
 
 1. —Central Portion of British Burma. 
 
 2. — Kough Sketch pertaining to Operations against Myat-ht( 
 
 3.— Plan of Breastwork captured from Myat-htoon. 
 
OUR BURMESE WARS 
 
 AND 
 
 RELATIONS WITH BURMA, 
 
 PART I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTEODUCTOEY SKETCH. 
 
 It is still an interesting problem to solve, whether the Mon- 
 golian race, up to the present time, has retarded the beneficial 
 progress of the world. Taking an extensive yet fair view of 
 the question, the mind is puzzled by its numerous intricacies, 
 till at length we are obliged to fall back on a somewhat similar 
 conclusion formed by Gibbon regarding the Mogul Empire,* 
 that, perhaps, it has been rather the scourge than the bene- 
 factor of mankind. From childhood we learn the lesson that 
 war is only justifiable when defensive and unavoidable, not 
 when it is offensive and unnecessary. Common sense teaches us 
 that the barter of commodities is " necessarily coeval with the 
 first formation of society/' and that trade and commerce form 
 
 * The Mogul Empire generally. We agree with the author of " Burma, Past 
 and Present," in considering the Mogul dynasty in India a misnomer, as 
 Baber and his descendants were not Moguls, but of the kindred race of Turks. 
 
 1 
 
2 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the very key-stone of progressive civilisation. In the matters 
 of war and barter, therefore, the Mongolian race has been 
 largely to blame, inasmuch as it has given to the world far 
 too much of the one and far too little of the other. Welling- 
 tons and Richard Cobdens have been required from time im- 
 memorial in Asia. And yet, perhaps, had similar luminaries, 
 especially during the last two centuries, for their hour, become 
 lords of the ascendant in China and Chin-India (or Indo- 
 China), a bombastic general of the flowery land could never 
 have mastered the art of war on just principles, nor an arrogant 
 Burmese sovereign the soothing influences and mighty advan- 
 tages of free trade. Of course a strong natural love of exclu- 
 sion lies at the root of the evil ; and this is more evident in the 
 Mongolian race than among the other varieties of mankind. 
 
 Friendly relations with Eastern countries, among us, as with 
 other European empires and kingdoms, have ever been few and 
 far between. Even in Europe shrewd and practical statesmen 
 know well that what is styled " a supposed community of in- 
 terest" must form a chief ingredient in the friendships, and 
 especially in the commercial relations, of empires and states ; 
 and not balancing this consideration properly, the result must 
 ever be a monopolizing tendency, which must in the end gene- 
 rally lead to war. Of course this is very lamentable, and very 
 derogatory to human nature; but it cannot be helped, particu- 
 larly in the case of nations less civilised than our own. 
 
 It is curious to think what the result would now have been 
 had the little band of zealots who, tired of the excellent yet 
 bare morality of Confucius, left China, early in the Christian 
 era, in search of a new religion, brought back (65 a.d.), instead 
 of Buddhism from India, Christianity from Palestine. There 
 is one thing almost certain, that, were the four hundred mil- 
 lions of Chinese (Buddhists), and say the eight or ten millions 
 of Indo-Chinese, Christians at the present time, there would 
 be an almost entire absence of a deep love of seclusion among 
 them ; the possession of an eager and continual thirst for barter 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 3 
 
 on the largest scale j no fear to zealous members of the Senate 
 regarding the crippled finances of India, and, perhaps, Chinese 
 Burmese, and Siamese firms in London rivalling the British 
 houses. 
 
 But China and Indo-China are still Buddhistical, and India 
 is still the land of the Veda and the Koran — the principle of 
 life apparently still so strong within these creeds as to make it 
 difficult to think when they are to perish. So we proceed at 
 once to give some popular information regarding our Burmese 
 wars and relations with Burma. 
 
 As early as the middle of the sixteenth century the Burmese 
 had conquered the inhabitants of Pegu, their former masters, 
 and had established a strong independence. This brave and 
 warlike nation speedily assumed a high rank in the East. The 
 Burmese accession of power and territory naturally produced 
 a desire for increased traffic ; and, as regards the British, about 
 the middle of the seventeenth century — not many years after 
 the surgeon, Boughton, had done his country service by obtain- 
 ing for the English nation permission to traffic, free of duty, 
 in Bengal — our trade with Burma flourished to a considerable 
 extent. Grain, oil, timber, ivory, and other valuable com- 
 modities, were not to be neglected in the early fervour of com- 
 mercial speculation. 
 
 The fertile delta of that magnificent river, the Irawady, was 
 visited by our countrymen under great disadvantages. The 
 European barbarians — for the offensive term was used in the 
 same sense by Burmese and Chinese — dared not sail up the 
 Rangoon river, or any other of Burma's noble waters, without 
 acknowledging the supreme authority of the Lord of the White 
 and all other Elephants, whose trunks "put a girdle round 
 about the earth/' while under the shade of their master's golden 
 umbrella the spheres steadily and gracefully reposed. But our 
 merchants too frequently made respect for local authorities a 
 secondary consideration, which, perhaps, first inclined the higher 
 order of Burmese to look upon us in no very favourable li°-ht. 
 
 1 * 
 
4 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Far different was the conduct of the early servants of the East 
 India Company. These functionaries, we are told, knew well 
 how to humour the Burmese national vanity; and even go- 
 vernors of Fort St. George addressed the "Golden Feet" in 
 terms of great humility. An old letter has recently been dis- 
 interred, filled with what the writers in the " Spectator/' 
 had the gorgeous epistle come in their way, might have de- 
 nounced as a brilliant example of an effort to be ridiculous for 
 a political purpose. It is impossible to mistake the " studied 
 ornaments of style "* in a letter from Nathaniel Higginson, 
 Esq., &c, Governor of Fort St. George, to the King of Ava, 
 dated the 10th September 1695. 
 
 "To His Imperial Majesty, who blesseth the noble city of 
 Ava with his Presence, Emperour of Emperours, and excelling 
 the Kings of the East and of the West in glory and honour, the 
 clear firmament of Virtue, the fountain of Justice, the perfec- 
 tion of Wisdom, the Lord of Charity, and Protector of the 
 Distressed ; the first mover in the Sphere of Greatness, Presi- 
 dent in Council, Victorious in War; who feareth none, and is 
 feared by all : Center of the Treasures of the Earth, and of 
 the Sea, Lord Proprietor of Gold and Silver, Rubys, Amber, 
 and all precious Jewells, favoured by Heaven, and honoured by 
 Men, whose brightness shines through the World, as the light 
 of the Sun, and whose great name will be preserved in per- 
 petual memory. . . . 
 
 . . . " Your Majesty has been pleased to grant your 
 especial favours to the Honourable English Company, whose 
 Servant I am ; and now send to present before the footstool of 
 your Throne a few toys, as an acknowledgment of your Ma- 
 jesty's goodness, which I beg your Majesty to accept; and to 
 vouchsafe an Audience to my Servants, and a gracious Answer 
 to my Petition." 
 
 " Spectator," essay on " Metaphors. 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. O 
 
 Let us now hear the object of the petition, one of curious 
 interest at the present time. 
 
 " I humbly pray your Majesty's fountain of goodness to con- 
 tinue your wonted favours to the Right Honourable English 
 Company, and to permit our Factors to buy and sell, in such 
 Commoditys, and under such Priviledges, as your Royal bounty 
 shall please to grant ; and allow us such conveniencys, as are 
 necessary for the repair of Shipps, whereby I shall be en- 
 couraged to send my Shipps yearly to your Majesty's Port, 
 having orders from the Honourable Company, to send Shipps 
 and Factors into all parts of India, when their Service re- 
 quires it." 
 
 It was well said, early in 1852, " We shall look with addi- 
 tional interest for the Burmese Blue Book, that we may have 
 an opportunity of comparing the humble, cringing, obsequious 
 memorial presented by the Agent of the Governor, on his 
 knees, to the Lord of the White Elephant, with the cold and 
 imperious missive of the present Governor-General. These two 
 letters would of themselves form no incorrect index of the 
 difference between the Company Bahadoor, as a pedlar, and 
 as an emperor." 
 
 And now, before inviting the reader's attention to a slight 
 historical retrospect, let us ask him to turn to the map of Asia, 
 and mark how the country of Arakan and the province of 
 Chittagong are situated relatively to Calcutta and the coun- 
 tries of Ava and Pegu. 
 
 Every one knows that the Portuguese were the first regular 
 European traders in India, round the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 Many of these adventurers, about the year 1600, had settled 
 on the coast of Chittagong and Arakan. Ten years after their 
 arrival, the Portuguese and Arakanese, acting in concert against 
 the Subahdar of Bengal, agreed to invade his Subah by land 
 and by water. The limited forces went boldly to the attack ; 
 but the invaders were entirely defeated. The perfidious com- 
 mander persuaded the Governor of the Portuguese settlement 
 
6 OUJi BURMESE WARS. 
 
 in India, who resided at Goa, to equip a large fleet, and upon 
 its arrival on the coast Gonzales joined the admiral in attacking 
 the city of Arakan. They were repulsed with great loss, 
 reckoning their naval leader among the killed, while the cap- 
 tain escaped to the island of Sundeep, defeated, disgraced, and 
 ruined. It is remarked, by a competent authority, that the 
 attempt of the Arakanese to revenge themselves against the 
 inhabitants of Sundeep and all the neighbouring coasts, with 
 succeeding inroads of a similar nature, created the Soonder- 
 buns,* which region once flourished as the abode of wealthy 
 and industrious men. 
 
 We next hear that the Assamese, occupying a fertile country 
 to the north of Ava, were repulsed, and the Arakanese driven 
 off by the occupants of Sundeep, to secure the peace and pros- 
 perity of Bengal. It is curious to compare the progress of an 
 expedition set on foot by Meer Joomla, the Subahdar, in the 
 year 1661, against Assam, with the British martial adventures 
 during the first Burmese war. Having crossed the Brahma- 
 pootra, with his stores and provisions, at Rimgamutty, Meer 
 Joomla, forming a road as he went,t marched his army by land. 
 The march was tedious, seldom exceeding one or two miles a 
 day; the army was harassed by the enemy. Meer Joomla 
 shared every privation with the troops. At length, coming to 
 conclusions, the Mogul army struck terror into the hearts of 
 the Assamese. Their Rajah fled into the mountains, and many 
 of the chiefs swore allegiance to the conquerors. Meer Joomla, 
 in the plenitude of his triumph, contemplated planting the 
 Mahomedan flag on the walls of Pekin. But reverses now fell 
 upon the Mussulman. The valley of the Brahmapootra, from 
 
 * " History of Bengal," by Marshman, p. 39. 
 
 f This system of making war in a wild country was much in favour with 
 the late Duke of Wellington, and he ascribed Sir Harry Smith's failure al the 
 Cape of Good Hope entirely to his neglect of so salutary a precaution. 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. / 
 
 the violence of the rains which set in, became one vast sheet of 
 water. The cavalry were rendered useless by want of forage, 
 and the enemy cut off the provisions of the invaders. At 
 length dire pestilence ravaged the camp ; but with the change 
 of season the land dried, disease disappeared, the Moguls re- 
 gained health and courage, and, resuming the offensive, forced 
 the Rajah to solicit peace. Meer Joomla was happy to grant 
 this, for he was suffering from disease brought on by exposure. 
 
 A large sum of money was paid to the Moguls ; but yet was 
 Assam unconquered. 
 
 Burmese supremacy over the once independent kingdom of 
 Pegu continued till about the middle of the eighteenth century. 
 The Peguese (or Peguers*), however, having obtained assist- 
 ance from the Dutch and Portuguese, at length took up arms 
 against their oppressors, gained many victories, reduced the 
 far-famed capital, Ava, and took prisoner Dweepdee, the last of 
 a long line of Burmese kings.f 
 
 But the fallen people were naturally too brave and energetic 
 to remain long in a state of vassalage. The history of Euro- 
 pean countries presents us with more than one instance of a 
 nation long prostrate throwing off a foreign yoke through the 
 powerful and seemingly magical agency of one man ; and such 
 a fortune Burma was destined to realise. About the year 1753, 
 Alompra, the hunter, arose. He was a man of humble birth, 
 but through the exercise of an indomitable will acquired the 
 
 * They are also styled Peguans, whom the Burmese call Talains or Talaings. 
 The Burmese, Karens and Shans are the other chief distinct races. 
 
 t Bonna Delia, or Beinga Delia, the Pegu Sovereign, after the conquest of 
 Ava returned to his own country. "Renegade Dutch " and "Native Portu- 
 guese" are the terms applied to the European powers above noted. We 
 mention this because " the Portuguese, in the middle of the sixteenth century, 
 assisted the Burmans in their wars against the Peguese, and continued to 
 exercise an influence in the Burman and Pegu countries, and still greater in 
 Arracan." — " Account of the Burman Empire." 
 
s 
 
 OUR BURMESE WAES. 
 
 possession of a fort in the neighbourhood of the capital. At 
 first he carried on a sort of guerilla warfare against his enemies 
 the Peguese, and his forces speedily increasing, he suddenly- 
 attacked and took Ava. Alompra afterwards invaded Pegu, 
 became master of its capital, extinguished the Pegu or Taking 
 dynasty, and founded the great empire which has existed to 
 this day (1852). It was during Alompra' s reign that the 
 British Government was first brought into political relation- 
 ship with the Kings of Burma. 
 
 • During the war of conquest against the Peguese, we find the 
 French and English traders playing conspicuous parts. M. 
 Bourno, beyond the Ganges, appears to have been as zeaious in 
 his way as was the great Dupleix when in his glory at Chan- 
 dernagore or Pondicherry. The former, no doubt, had an eye 
 to the acquisition on the part of France of the capitals of 
 Ava and Pegu, while the latter plodded over his favourite 
 scheme of reducing Madras and Calcutta to their original 
 condition of fishing towns. The Frenchman intrigued with 
 both parties; the Englishman, Mr. Brooke,* declared for 
 Alompra. 
 
 Alompra appears to have entertained considerable respect 
 for the English character, notwithstanding that the conduct of 
 some of Brooke's countrymen was highly discreditable ; and it 
 is difficult to believe that the great Burmese leader participated 
 in the massacre of the English at Negrais, on the 16th of Oc- 
 tober 1759. This tragedy seems to have been brought about 
 through a combination of French treachery and jealousy. The 
 massacre was contrived by an Armenian named Gregory, who, 
 jealous of the growing influence of the English, found a ready 
 agent in a young Frenchman named Lavine. This Lavine had 
 been left by his treacherous friend, Bourno, as a hostage, during 
 one of the pretended negotiations with Alompra. 
 
 Resident at Negrais, then the company's chief timber-station. 
 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. V 
 
 Lavine and Gregory projected the extermination of the 
 English in Burma. At an entertainment given by one Southby, 
 the successor of Brooke, a Portuguese interpreter, well known 
 to Lavine, was present as a guest. At a signal given during 
 the evening the room was filled with armed men. Southby 
 and his English friends were instantly murdered, and soon after 
 all the Indian servants of the factory, upwards of one hundred 
 in number, shared a similar fate. The guns of the fort were 
 turned on the British ships by Lavine, who of course gloried 
 in having performed the chief part in a treacherous and 
 cowardly act, while he beheld our vessels steering for Bengal. 
 Happily in the latter part of our Eastern possessions events 
 were occurring of a cheerful character. 
 
 Since the commencement of 1757 Admiral Watson and Clive 
 had regained Calcutta, Chandernagore had been taken from 
 the French, Plassey had been won, and in the same year as the 
 above massacre Clive wrote his famous note previous to the 
 entire defeat of the Dutch at Chinsurah : — 
 
 "Dear Forde, — Fight them immediately; I will send you 
 the Order in Council to-morrow."* 
 
 It was not long after Clive had fixed the destiny of India 
 that the famous Alompra died.f One of his last actions was 
 to invade Siam, a great valley at the head of a wide gulf, shut 
 in by two ranges of mountains. Death arrested the sword of 
 the conqueror just as he had commenced the siege of the capital. 
 It was left for future adventurers to possess the rich plain of 
 Siam. The inhabitants of this country, unlike the Burmese, 
 are indolent and wanting in courage. It was, therefore, in 
 
 * Clive received the Colonel's letter while he was playing at cards. With- 
 out quitting the table, he wrote the reply in pencil. (History.) This is, 
 perhaps, the shortest order to fight a battle ever written, — no words lost, all 
 to the point. 
 
 t 15th May 1760. 
 
10 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 their destiny to become the prey of the valiant and enter- 
 prising. 
 
 For many years after the affair at Negrais, English traders 
 confined their operations to Rangoon, " where traffic with the 
 natives was comparatively uninterrupted, except when the ships 
 were impressed by the Burmese to be employed as transports 
 during successive Pegu rebellions/'' 
 
 Shemburen (or Shembuan), who may be said to have suc- 
 ceeded Alompra, crushed one of these serious revolts. He 
 further added to the glory of the empire by defeating a large 
 army of Chinese ; but failed in an attempt to possess the terri- 
 tory of Siam, excepting that part which is at present styled 
 the Tenasserin Provinces, including Mergui.* Shemburen's 
 brother afterwards succeeded in annexing the province of 
 Arakan,f reaching about five hundred miles along the eastern 
 coast of the Bay of Bengal to the Burmese Empire, which 
 now embraced Ava, Arakan, Pegu, a portion of Siam, and 
 various minor territories bordering on the British possessions. 
 The town and district of Chittagong had been finally lost to 
 the Arakanese in 1666, and annexed to the Subah of Bengal. 
 
 The Burmese and British territories now coming into con- 
 tact, a series of misunderstandings commenced; the seeds of 
 future war were sown. At the conclusion of a dispute con- 
 cerning some refugees from Arakan, who had, about the year 
 1794, found their way into the British territory, Colonel Symes 
 was sent by the Bengal Government on a mission to the Court 
 of Ava. His object was to establish ff amicable relations be- 
 tween the two Powers, and especially to procure for British 
 
 * Our landing at Rangoon in 1824 gave the Siamese hopes of recovering 
 these lost possessions, which our capture of them entirely destroyed. 
 
 f This was the work of the famous Minderajee Praw, fourth son of Alompra, 
 who, in 1783 (corresponding with the Burman year 1115), sent a fleet of hoats 
 against, and conquered Arakan. The surrender of Choduba, Ramree, and the 
 " Broken Isles," followed the conquest. 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 11 
 
 traders immunity from the oppression and extortion to which 
 they were constantly exposed in their visits to Burmese ports." 
 By the treaty thus concluded, this oppression and extortion was 
 lessened ; but only for a short time. 
 
 Some years after the mission, about 1811, a serious rebel- 
 lion having broken out in Arakan, the King of Ava believed 
 that it had been instigated by the English, and accordingly 
 laid an embargo on all British vessels at Rangoon. 
 
 Here was sufficient cause for hostilities. But the cost of 
 the wars in India, promoted during the government of the 
 Marquis Wellesley, had rendered it imperative upon the local 
 rulers who succeeded him to avoid such an expensive alterna- 
 tive ; and another mission was, therefore, in the first instance, 
 preferred. What other inference could an ignorant and iso- 
 lated potentate draw from this apparent acceptance of indignity 
 than that the English were powerless to resent, or rated an 
 amicable intercourse with Burma too highly to risk a perma- 
 nent rupture ? He mistook a prudent policy for fear, founded 
 on inherent weakness, and his arrogance proportionately in- 
 creased. At first his designs were cloaked by an appearance 
 of inaction, and the time of the British Indian Government was 
 too much occupied by the quarrels with Nepaul and the Mah- 
 rattas, to allow of its watching the movements of any Power in 
 the south-east. But gradually the King of the White Elephant 
 unfolded his schemes of aggrandisement, invaded Assam, re- 
 duced Munnipoor* through the agency of his general, one 
 Bandoola, and, although at peace with the British, sent troops 
 into the Company's territories, oppressed our traders, and in- 
 sulted our flag and country in every possible way. 
 
 Thus we were forced into preventing the future encroach- 
 ments of a very warlike and ambitious neighbour whose " arro- 
 gant pretensions and restless character" had so frequently 
 interrupted the peaceful relations subsisting between India 
 
 * Then an independent state lying between Burma and Assam. 
 
12 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 and Burma, keeping " the frontier provinces in constant dread 
 and danger of invasion." Then we were just beginning to 
 learn that in India we must be " everything, or nothing." 
 
 At this juncture Lord Amherst landed in Calcutta, on the 
 1st of August 1823, as Governor-General of India. He gave 
 his immediate attention to the conduct of the Burmese. An 
 explanation was demanded of the numerous offences committed 
 against the British Government ; but the haughty and inde- 
 pendent reply betrayed a spirit of aggression, and every attempt 
 at an honourable and satisfactory adjustment was met with 
 scornful silence. The Governor- General then declared war 
 against the Burmese. The declaration was dated the 5th of 
 March 1824, and operations commenced by the advance of a 
 British force, which had been collected at Goalparah, into 
 Assam, while arrangements were made to vigorously prosecute 
 the war in other quarters. We should state that the Assamese 
 were subjugated by the Burmese in 1822, when their General 
 was proclaimed Rajah of Assam, subordinate to the Emperor 
 of Ava. 
 
 It will give some idea of how British tenure of India was 
 valued by the Rajah of Burdwan at this period, to relate that 
 at the time of the Burmese war Lord Amherst asked the 
 Rajah for a loan of a certain sum of money, promising to repay 
 it at the end of twenty-five years. The Rajah declined, saying, 
 he did not know whether twenty-five years hence the Company 
 would possess the country. And now commenced the most 
 expensive and harassing war in which the British had ever 
 been engaged in India. Almost totally unacquainted with the 
 character and resources of the country into which our arms 
 were to be carried — unaware of the nature of the climate, 
 which in the marshy districts scarcely yielded to Walcheren in 
 the pestiferous quality of the atmosphere — the Government 
 entered upon its arrangements with a recklessness of expense, 
 and a disregard of the future, which ignorance might account 
 for, if it did not wholly excuse. 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 13 
 
 Steam, at this time, had scarcely asserted its wonderful 
 agency. As an engine of war it was certainly unknown every- 
 where, although steamers peacefully traversed all the rivers of 
 Great Britain and some parts of the continent of Europe ; and 
 in India, so backward had been the endeavours of the Govern- 
 ment to honour the enterprise of "James Watt/' that not 
 more than two or three vessels had begun to boil and bubble 
 through the seas which washed the coasts of Coromandel and 
 of Burma. Slow-sailing trading-vessels were consequently the 
 only means of transport available for one portion of the army 
 destined to invade Burma; and such were the difficulties of 
 the country lying between Calcutta and Arakan, that the other 
 part of the force, despatched by land, was three months in 
 reaching its destination. 
 
 Rangoon, situated on a branch of the Irawady called the 
 Rangoon river, about thirty miles from the sea, was captured 
 by the British in May 1824, and a movement was soon after- 
 wards made into the interior; for the Governor- General of 
 India had resolved to dictate terms to the haughty Burmese 
 ruler only at his capital, in presence of an army prepared to 
 dethrone him as the penalty of refusal. A gallant and stubborn 
 resistance was made by the Burmese throughout the war, which 
 actually lasted nearly two years. 
 
 About the opposing army not the least interesting feature 
 was that of a body of eight thousand Shans forming a part of 
 it. These were opposed to the British in 1825 ; and the troops 
 were accompanied by three young and handsome women of 
 rank, who were believed to be prophetesses and invulnerable. 
 These females rode on horseback at the head of the troops, 
 encouraging them to victory. At length they were utterly de- 
 feated, and two of the heroines were killed in action. The 
 Ranee of Jhansi in 1857-58 appears to have had something of 
 this mysterious bravery about her. 
 
 Formidable stockades, consisting entirely of timber, every- 
 where presented a barrier to our advance, and cover to the 
 
14 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 enemy, who employed musketry and cannon as well as the more 
 savage implements of war in the prolonged contest. The heavy 
 periodical rains, flooding the land, impeded operations for several 
 months ; and during this period of inaction disease, the result of 
 malaria, penetrated the British camp, and nearly decimated the re- 
 giments. Not less than one-half the invading force was destroyed 
 by the combined agencies of fever and patriotic resistance. 
 
 It appears by a return drawn up by Lieutenant -Colonel 
 Kelly, the Deputy Adjutant-General, that during the first year 
 34 per cent, of the troops were killed in action, while 45 per 
 cent, perished from disease. In the ensuing year the mortality 
 from the same causes had decreased one-half; but the total loss 
 during the war amounted to 72-i- per cent, of the troops engaged. 
 There were present at Rangoon on the 1st of January 1825, 
 officers included : — 
 
 Artillery, including rocket-troops . 1,071 
 European infantry . . . .4,146 
 Native infantry, &c 7,628 
 
 Total . . . 12,845 men. 
 At Arakan and the South-east Frontier, on the 1st February 
 1825, there were 9,937; and at Prome, on the 11th August of 
 the same year, 12,110. The loss from the commencement to 
 the close of the war was : — 
 
 Grand total of officers 
 Native commissioned . 
 Non-commissioned rank 
 and file, Europeans 
 Ditto, Natives 
 Extra, killed, deceased, s 
 
 Total casualties . . . 5,078 
 (According to the Deputy Adjutant-General's return, 5,080.) 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Deceased. 
 
 
 24 
 
 41 = 
 
 65 
 
 6 
 
 28 = 
 
 34 
 
 105 
 
 3,029 = 
 
 3,134 
 
 90 
 
 1 missii 
 
 1,305 = 
 :lg 
 
 1,395 
 450 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 15 
 
 The mortality was frightful ; the country, devastated or un- 
 friendly, yielded nothing in the way of sustenance to the 
 troops, and supplies were therefore continually forwarded from 
 India, increasing the cost fearfully, and rendering the condition 
 of the army extremely precarious. By dint of perseverance, 
 and the courage which never deserts British or native troops, 
 ably commanded, and with a grand object in view, Assam, 
 Arakan, and Mergui, fell into our hands ; the Burmese were de- 
 feated at Prome, on the Irawady, and elsewhere ; and the troops 
 approaching Ava, the monarch, terrified at the prospect of losing 
 his capital, and perhaps his empire, met them at Yandaboo, where 
 he signed a treaty consenting to pay one million sterling towards 
 the expenses of the war, and ceding Assam and all the places 
 on the Tenasserim coast. This contribution and these cessions 
 fell far short of indemnifying the British India Government for 
 the outlay, which, from first to last, had exceeded twelve 
 millions sterling. 
 
 The territorial acquisitions, though by no means productive, 
 have not been without their advantages in a commercial and 
 political view. Extending from about 17° 35' to 10° north 
 latitude, and from 97° 30' to 99° 30' east longitude, the 
 ' ' Tenasserim Provinces " as they have since been called, embrace 
 a distance of five hundred miles in length, and forty to eighty 
 miles in breadth, according as the sea-coast approaches or re- 
 cedes from the range of mountains which forms the eastern 
 boundary of the British territory. This chain of mountains, 
 rich in tin ores and other valuable minerals, runs, under dif- 
 ferent names, from north to south, and, draining its eastern 
 slopes into the Gulf of Siam, and its western slopes into the 
 Indian Ocean or Bay of Bengal, forms a clear, well defined 
 boundary between the kingdom of Siam and our Indian pos- 
 sessions. 
 
 The town of Tenasserim was once famous ; it is now of less 
 importance. Not far from it are tin mines, worked by Chinese, 
 
16 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 which may arrest the attention of the inquiring traveller. 
 These mines are farmed from our Government ; but are under- 
 stood to be generally unprofitable to the merchants. In Siam, 
 the cultivation of the soil is chiefly carried on by Chinese. 
 Brass and rubies form the principal treasures of this strange 
 country, which, on account of various misunderstandings 
 between the king and other nations, has now an insignificant 
 traffic. After the conclusion of the treaty of Yandaboo, Sir 
 A. Campbell, the Commander-in-Chief, selected the commanding 
 position of Maulmain, at the point of junction of the Salween, 
 the Gyne, and the Attaran rivers, for the permanent canton- 
 ment of a British force. 
 
 The town of Maulmain has gradually become of considerable 
 commercial importance, and with a good port for shipping, 
 and every prospect of an extended timber trade, there is hope 
 that it may one day rise to the dignity of an enlightened and 
 wealthy city. 
 
 But why should only one town gain happiness and prosperity 
 in such a land as this ? Let us hope that Rangoon, and the 
 other towns of Pegu, once a mighty and independent kingdom, 
 may likewise soon prosper through the blessings of an extensive 
 and well-protected commerce, doing honour to our government, 
 and adding glory to the name of Great Britain in India beyond 
 the Ganges. 
 
 The above remarks, which may give some historical interest 
 to his pages, include, with some other matter, the whole of the 
 original sketch with which the writer introduced his readers, 
 during the second Burmese war, to " Rangoon." Since then, the 
 enterprising and munificent East India Company has given way 
 to Her Majesty, who, in April 1876, assumed the title of " Em- 
 press of India." And, as will be fully seen towards the close of 
 this volume, what a change has come over Rangoon ! It is now 
 the Liverpool of Chin-India, the commercial capital of Burma, 
 which only wants a greater development of trade with the 
 
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 17 
 
 upper portion of the country, and south-west China, to increase 
 the wealth of Pegu, which chiefly requires a larger population, 
 and which even now is the most hopeful princess among all 
 Her Majesty's Eastern provinces. The Burmese hereafter will, 
 doubtless, be glad to learn that we entertained this strong view 
 of their golden land's excellence, especially if our hopes should 
 be realised ; for we learn from high authority that, in speaking 
 of their country, they often call it Ashe-Pyee, the Eastern 
 country — " the country before, or superior to all others."* 
 
 It may here be useful to introduce the reader of this sketch 
 to the correct spelling of Burma. In the present volume we have 
 taken two letters out of the next most important word, Irra- 
 waddy — in the Arabic wddi we find only one d — now presenting 
 it as Irawady, although Irawadi, or Irawadee, may be better. 
 From Burmah we have also lopped off the final and most un- 
 necessary h. There is no h in the original Burmese word, which 
 is"Myanima"; or Burma is a corruption of Mrumma. By 
 all Burmese scholars the word is written Burma ; and it must 
 be clearly understood that the spelling of Indian words, as now 
 used, has nothing to do with that of Chin-Indian. " Burma," 
 however, is strictly used in the India Office. We were glad to 
 notice this spelling adopted in a popular journal some six years 
 ago ; but on the death of the late king, in particular, the in- 
 truding h came forth again, and has been universally wrong 
 ever since. The peculiarly Hindustani word subah, a province, 
 may be so written in English because it ends with an h in the 
 original character ; although suba is quite sufficient, and looks 
 better or more simple when coupled with ddr, — suba-ddr, the 
 chief of a province. But for the h in Burmah there is no pos- 
 sible excuse, except that worst of all, bad habit. So let it be 
 written Burma in the English language for the future! It is 
 good to turn attention even to such " trifles/' especially when 
 
 General Albert Fytche's " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i., note, p. 212. 
 
 2 
 
 '1 
 
18 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Orientals notice them, and when we are so forcibly reminded, by 
 a well-known statesman,* that we are an Eastern as well as a 
 Western Power ! 
 
 Viscount Cranbrook, Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India. 
 
19 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. FROM THE OUTBREAK OF THE 
 WAR TO THE DEATH OF BANDOOLA AT DONABEW. 
 
 We now purpose to cite the chief military and political opera- 
 tions during the First Burmese War. But first it may be 
 stated that, as a reason for an earlier rupture not taking place, 
 the Burman emperor's hereditary enemies, the Siamese, in 
 1822 engrossed the greater part of his attention. Subsequent 
 events, however, speedily showed that the pacific or conciliatory 
 disposition evinced by the East India Company only tended to 
 increase the insolence and rapacity of the Burmese. 
 
 In 1823 various acts of aggression were systematically com- 
 mitted. Several of our Mugh subjects (Arakanese emigrants) 
 were attacked and killed on board their own boats in the 
 Naaf river ; and a party of the Company's elephant hunters 
 were taken from within the British boundaries and carried pri- 
 soners to Arakan. Even these insulting acts might have 
 been overlooked ; but an attack made upon the British guard 
 in the island of Shuparee, of which we had retained possession 
 for many years, was of a still more serious kind, and could be 
 regarded in no other light than as an explicit declaration of 
 undisguised hostility. 
 
 2 * 
 
20 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 The attack was made on the 21-th of September by a body 
 of six hundred Arakanese troops, who killed and wounded 
 several of our soldiers, upon whom they came altogether un- 
 expectedly. They were, however, speedily reinforced, and the 
 enemy was driven oat of the island. A remonstrance was also 
 immediately addressed to the Court of Amarapura, but no 
 answer was deigned to be returned. The Governor-General 
 now became aware that there was but one line of conduct left 
 for him to follow, and that further forbearance on his part would 
 have been attributed to pusillanimity, and advantage taken of 
 it accordingly. On the 5 th of March 1824, therefore, an 
 official declaration of war was issued by the Government of 
 Fort William — characterised not more strongly by its temperate 
 firmness than by its British frankness and honesty. 
 
 This step excited, as was to be expected, no inconsiderable 
 sensation throughout our possessions in British India, as well 
 as in England, as soon as the news arrived. It was at Calcutta, 
 however, from its vicinity to the Chittagong frontier, that its 
 importance was principally felt. 
 
 It was known there that one of the Burmese generals had 
 already gasconadingly announced his intention of taking pos- 
 session of the town, preparatory to his march to England ! It 
 was destined, however, that ere long the arrogance of this 
 haughty nation should be effectually tamed. The war opened 
 with military operations on the frontiers of Sylhet and Chitta- 
 gong, to both of which districts troops were speedily marched. 
 It was in Sylhet and Assam that affairs of greatest consequence 
 took place. Our troops there were under the command of 
 Major Newton, who, in several engagements with the far 
 superior forces of the Burmese, gained decisive advantages 
 over them. The first success obtained by the enemy was in an 
 affair which took place at Doodpatlee, after Colonel Bowen had 
 arrived to the assistance of Major Newton with a force from 
 Dacca. The Burmese, amounting to about two thousand, had, 
 according to their invariable custom, stockaded themselves with 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 21 
 
 unusual strength and care, and " fought/' says Colonel Bowen, 
 " with a bravery and obstinacy which I had never witnessed in 
 any troops." The action lasted from early in the day till night- 
 fall, when the British were obliged to retire with a severe 
 loss. 
 
 The Burmese, however, also suffered much ; and soon after, 
 evacuating their stockades, retreated in the direction of Assam. 
 Fresh troops were sent into Assam under the command of 
 Colonel M'Morine, who, by the latter end of March, had pene- 
 trated as far as Gowahati. The Burmese Government, hading 
 it necessary to concentrate their force in another quarter, with- 
 drew the greater part of their troops from Assam, and left 
 Colonel M'Morine in quiet possession of the country. In 
 Chittagong, in the meantime, affairs were going on less success- 
 fully. Captain Noton held the chief command on this frontier, 
 but an error seems to have been committed in intrusting too 
 few men to his charge. The small corps he commanded was 
 attacked in May by a powerful body of Burmese, and totally 
 defeated, Captain Noton and most of his brother officers being 
 slain in the engagement. The alarm speedily reached Calcutta, 
 before which it was imagined the Burmese would instantly 
 make their appearance, there being no intermediate force to 
 oppose their advance. In this emergency, the European inha- 
 bitants formed themselves into a militia, and a large proportion 
 of the crews of the Company's ships were landed to aid in pro- 
 tecting the town. But the panic was soon discovered to be 
 greater than the occasion required. 
 
 The enemy did not think of approaching one step nearer 
 than Ramoo, where, for a time, they took up their head- 
 quarters. 
 
 While these events were passing on the northern frontiers of 
 the Burman Empire, a plan was matured by the Bengal Go- 
 vernment, the execution of which was to effect an entire change 
 in the features of the present war. Hitherto we had been 
 acting principally on the defensive ; but it was necessary, con- 
 
22 OUlt BURMESE WARS. 
 
 sidering the enemy we hud to deal with, to make it a leading 
 object not more to repel aggression than to humble arrogance 
 and intimidate foolhardiness. It was necessary to show the 
 Burmese that we could not only endure, but inflict; that as 
 we were not easily roused into anger, so our animosity was 
 only the more fearful when it at length broke forth. The 
 measure which was about to be carried into effect was that of 
 despatching a considerable force by sea to make a descent upon 
 some part of the enemy's coast, where probably such a visita- 
 tion was but little expected. The force destined for this im- 
 portant expedition was supplied by the two Presidencies of 
 Bengal and Madras ; and, when united, was put under the 
 command of Brigadier- General Sir Archibald Campbell. 
 
 The place of rendezvous was the Port of Cornwallis, in the 
 Andaman Islands, where the troops arrived by the 3rd of May 
 1824. From thence Sir Archibald Campbell sailed on the 5th 
 direct for Rangoon, detaching one part of his force under 
 Brigadier M'Reagh, against the island of Cheduba, and another, 
 under Major Wahab, against the island of Negrais. On the 10th 
 the fleet anchored in the Rangoon river, and on the following 
 morning sailed up to the town in order of attack, receiving little 
 or no molestation by the way. 
 
 The Burmese at Rangoon seem to have been taken com- 
 pletely by surprise ; and when the news of the arrival of a 
 British fleet spread over the country, nothing could exceed the 
 wondering consternation of the inhabitants. In whatever 
 virtues, however, the Burmese may be deficient, certainly 
 courage is not of the number; and as soon as their first 
 emotions of astonishment had subsided, they prepared at all 
 hazards for a resolute, and, in this instance, we ought perhaps 
 to say patriotic, defence. Perceiving their feebleness, and being 
 not as yet sufficiently aware of their hardihood and folly, the 
 British commander humanely forbore opening a fire upon the 
 town, in expectation that its governor would offer him some 
 terms of capitulation. But it was soon discovered that no such 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 23 
 
 intention was entertained. A feeble and ill-directed fire was 
 commenced upon the ships from a sixteen-gun battery, which 
 was in a very short time effectually silenced. The troops were 
 then ordered into the boats to effect a landing, and in less than 
 twenty minutes the British flag was seen flying in the town, 
 without the loss of a single life, or the discharge of a single 
 musket. It was only the houses of Rangoon, however, that 
 were thus got possession of. The inhabitants had all betaken 
 themselves to the jungles in the neighbourhood, and our troops 
 found nothing but a collection of empty habitations to refresh 
 themselves in after their fatigues. The quantity of ordnance 
 captured was indeed considerable, but in general of a very im- 
 perfect description. The islands of Cheduba and Negrais fell 
 into our hands much about the same time, though not without 
 a spirited opposition on the part of the inhabitants of both. 
 
 The prospects of our little army, now quartered in Rangoon, 
 were anything but encouraging. The town was empty, in the 
 most literal sense of the word. Every attempt to establish any 
 intercourse with the native Burmese, for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing provisions, was found to be fruitless. The rainy season 
 was just setting in, which in Eastern climates is always pecu- 
 liarly unhealthy to European constitutions ; and, as far as any- 
 accurate information could be procured, it was ascertained that 
 his golden-footed Majesty was making preparations, on the 
 most magnificent scale, " to cover the face of the earth with an 
 innumerable host, and to drive back the wild foreigners into 
 the sea from whence they came ! " To add still further to the 
 discomfort of Sir Archibald Campbell's situation, some dis- 
 agreements unfortunately took place between the naval and 
 land forces. It had been expected, it is true, that the mere 
 capture of Rangoon, together with the two other maritime 
 possessions of the Burmese, already alluded to, would have 
 produced such an effect on the Court of Ava that terms of 
 peace would have been immediately proposed. 
 
 Nothing, however, was further from the intentions of that 
 
24 OUE JiUltMESE WARS. 
 
 proud Court ; and subsequent events proved, that though the 
 Burmese may be beaten, they will die rather than confess they 
 have been so. 
 
 The Commander-in-Chief, therefore, finding that as yet no 
 practical benefits had resulted from his success, and that, on 
 the contrary, the almost impenetrable jungles which surround 
 Rangoon were rapidly filling with troops from all quarters, ad- 
 mirably skilled in every species of desultory warfare, and pre- 
 pared to drive him either once more into his ships, or, if he 
 thought of advancing, to dispute every inch of ground with 
 him, saw the necessity of having recourse immediately to bold 
 and vigorous measures. His first object was to ascertain the 
 possibility of obtaining a sufficient number of boats, manned by 
 skilful pilots, to convey a considerable portion of his force up 
 the Irawady. This river may be set down as the great high 
 road of the Burman Empire. Indeed, all the knowledge which 
 we possess of that country was gathered by Colonel Symes, 
 and our other envoys, upon its banks. It runs from north to 
 south, through the whole of the kingdom of Ava ; and to it 
 alone is to be attributed the internal commercial prosperity of 
 the empire. 
 
 Every village on its banks is obliged to furnish one or more 
 war-boats, carrying from forty to fifty men each; and of these 
 His Majesty can muster, on the shortest notice, four or five 
 hundred. An impression appears to have been entertained by 
 our Indian Government that, from the spirit of dissatisfaction 
 which they supposed must necessarily exist in the minds of 
 many of the inhabitants against the tyranny of their despotic 
 monarch, they would be found, in uumerous instances, willing 
 to give all the aid in their power to the British. It was re- 
 collected, besides, that Rangoon was a town of Pegu, one of 
 the conquered provinces of the Burman Empire, and that, for 
 a long period of years, the most determined hostility had 
 existed between the two countries. There was perhaps nothing 
 irrationally sanguine in the hopes which these considerations 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 25 
 
 gave rise to, but they were entirely fallacious. Whatever com- 
 plaints the Burmese might have among themselves against 
 their government, and however severely the Peguers might 
 continue to feel the subjection into which they had been re- 
 duced from a state of independence, yet, like the people of 
 ancient Greece, at the appearance of a common foe all these 
 causes of internal dissension were forgotten. 
 
 Not a single boatman acquainted with the navigation of the 
 Irawady was to be procured ; and whether inspired with fear 
 or patriotism, but one desire was manifested, from the throne 
 to the hovel, — to shun all intercourse with the English. It 
 would probably also have been dangerous to have ventured 
 far up the Irawady unless the co-operation of a land force 
 could have been depended on ; and before that could be the 
 case, it would be necessary to clear the way by some hard 
 fighting. The design, therefore, was for the present abandoned. 
 In the meanwhile, the rainy season set in with all its attendant 
 evils. The rain fell in such torrents that it was impossible 
 for our troops to keep the field and act upon a regular sys- 
 tem. Harassed, too, by continual incursions of the enemy, 
 threatened with an approaching famine, and reduced by an 
 epidemic which broke out amongst them to a state of the 
 greatest debility, it seemed almost impossible for them to 
 achieve anything of importance. Neither the hostility, how- 
 ever, of the Burmese, nor of the climate, could subdue British 
 courage. For six months, from May to December, our opera- 
 tions were confined to Rangoon and its vicinity, it being the 
 determination of the enemy to prevent us, if possible, from 
 advancing a step into the country. Our ultimate success in 
 compelling them to retreat further into the interior, and thereby 
 affording us an opportunity of following them, depended not 
 so much on the decisive advantage gained in any one action, as 
 on the continued judgment and skill which regidated the whole 
 system of our military tactics. We never advanced a few miles 
 out of Rangoon for the purpose either of dislodging the enemy 
 
2'j OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 from a position they had taken up, or of gaining possession of 
 some post which appeared of importance, without being almost 
 sure of achieving our object. But as soon as a certain resist- 
 ance had been made, the Burmese were accustomed to retreat 
 leisurely from their stockades into the jungles, where, though, 
 we knew we had beaten them, it was impossible for us to follow. 
 Many rencontres of this description took place, into the details 
 of which it is unnecessary for us to enter. A short account 
 of one or two of the most remarkable will suffice as a descrip- 
 tion of the whole. 
 
 On the 28th of May the British and Burmese troops came 
 into contact for the first time. Sir Archibald Campbell led his 
 forces about five miles up the Rangoon river, and found the 
 enemy had taken a position in one or two scattered villages, 
 flanked on both sides by a jungle. Confident in the strength 
 of their situation, they received the British with shouts and 
 cries of " Come ! come ! " A heavy fire was immediately com- 
 menced upon our troops, whose muskets, having suffered 
 from rain, were so inefficient that it was necessary for them 
 to close without loss of time. The Burmese were altogether 
 unable to withstand the violence of our charge ; but, shut in as 
 they were in their own encampment, and thrown into irretriev- 
 able confusion by the impetuosity of our attack, their only 
 alternative was to continue fighting with desperate resolution 
 until they were cut to pieces. Being unaccustomed to give, 
 they did not expect quarter ; and in self-defence, therefore, 
 our soldiers were unfortunately obliged to disregard the dictates 
 of humanity. Having taken possession of the villages, in which 
 about four hundred Burmese lost their lives, Sir Archibald re- 
 conducted his troops to Rangoon. 
 
 Soon after this affair two deputies arrived from the Burmese 
 camp uuder pretence of negotiating a peace, but in reality 
 only with the view of gaining time for the main body of the 
 enemy to strengthen themselves as much as possible at Kem- 
 mindiue, a village three miles above Rangoon, on an elevated 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 27 
 
 situation, with a thick forest in its rear. They were intended, 
 perhaps, to act also as spies, and report upon the condition and 
 spirits of the British array. Whatever was their object, nothing 
 satisfactory was proposed by them in the interview they had 
 with our commissioners. 
 
 Determined to convince the Burmese that we were not to be 
 lulled into a treacherous security, our commander, on the 
 morning of the day after their departure (10th June), ordered 
 a general advance upon Kemmindine. The road was not left 
 undisputed. About half-way a strong stockade ran across it, 
 the fruitless attempt to defend which cost the enemy two 
 hundred men. 
 
 The way being cleared, the column again moved forward, 
 consisting of about three thousand men, and by nightfall the 
 troops had taken their position in many places within a hundred 
 yards of where the enemy was posted. At daybreak on the 
 following day, firing commenced, which upon our part, in less 
 than two hours, produced a very visible breach in their fortifica- 
 tions. This, together with the recollection of their discomfiture 
 the day before, operated so powerfully on the Burmese, that, 
 notwithstanding the still existing strength of their stockade, 
 they thought proper quietly to evacuate the place during the 
 cannonade. It was this facility of securing a retreat, assisted 
 as they were by the chain of posts which they occupied, and 
 the thickness of the surrounding jungle, that particularly 
 annoyed our troops, who, just in the very moment of victory, 
 constantly found that their enemy had slipped as it were from 
 between their very fingers. The object, however, which Sir 
 Archibald Campbell had in view in making this attack was fully 
 accomplished. 
 
 A terror of the British arms began to pervade the country ; 
 and, in the course of a few days, every stockade in the imme- 
 diate vicinity of Rangoon was abandoned. In this, as well as 
 in all his other expeditions on the banks of the river, the 
 Commander-in-Chief received most effective and valuable 
 
28 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 assistance from the co-operation of the naval part of his force. 
 A short cessation from active hostilities took place after the 
 affair of Kcmmindine : but both parties were preparing to renew 
 operations with increased vigour. A reinforcement arrived at 
 Rangoon from Madras ; and the detachments which had taken 
 possession of Cheduba and Negrais, returned very seasonably to 
 the main army, now a good deal weakened from various causes. 
 The Burmese, on their part, were not idle. Their former generals 
 having failed in driving " the wild foreigners into the sea/' had 
 fallen into disgrace, and were succeeded by a senior officer of 
 some reputation, who brought with him a considerable body of 
 fresh troops. 
 
 His object was, not so much to meet the British in open fight, 
 as to hem them in within a limited space and harass them with 
 a protracted system of desultory warfare. To such proceedings 
 it was of course not our interest quietly to submit ; and accord- 
 ingly, various expeditions were undertaken for the purpose of 
 breaking through the cordon which the enemy was attempting 
 to form round us. In one of these, ten stockades were taken 
 in one day, and the new general, with many other chief's of 
 rank, were killed. Still, however, no thoughts of peace were 
 entertained by the Burmese ; and it was now evident that, 
 whatever successes w r ere gained, as long as our operations were 
 confined to the neighbourhood of Rangoon no effect would be 
 produced by them on the Court of Ava. Unprovided, there- 
 fore, as Sir Archibald Campbell was with the means of ad- 
 vancing into the interior, he resolved to have recourse to the 
 only other alternative left him, which was to intimidate the 
 Burmese still further by the capture of some of their southern 
 maritime possessions. An expedition was fitted out for this 
 purpose, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles, who, 
 in the course of a few months, made himself master of Tavoy, 
 Mergui, and Tenasserim, seaports of much importance on the 
 eastern shores of the empire. Two of the King's brothers, the 
 Princes of Toungoo and Sarawuddy, now took the command of 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 29 
 
 the array. The one fixed his head-quarters at Pegu, and the 
 other at Donabew, both at a considerable distance from Ran- 
 goon. Along with them came a body of astrologers, who were 
 most probably kept in pay by the Burmese Government, as 
 useful engines by which to act on the superstition of the people ; 
 and likewise a party of troops called the King's Invulnerables, 
 from the belief entertained, or affected to be entertained, 
 both by themselves and their countrymen, that the fire of an 
 enemy could not injure them. Notwithstanding the exten- 
 sive nature of their preparations, however, and the confidence 
 they expressed in their own success, the operations of this 
 new armament ended as disastrously as those of any which 
 had preceded it. Instead of gaining any advantage over the 
 British, they were invariably driven back with considerable loss 
 as often as they attempted to approach our encampments. Yet 
 it is not to be denied or concealed that the Burmese are no 
 contemptible antagonists ; they are constitutionally brave, they 
 are trained to arms from their cradle, and there is a persevering- 
 obstinacy in their style of fighting, which, with troops less per- 
 fectly disciplined than those of England, would have every 
 chance of being ultimately crowned with success. 
 
 But the golden-footed monarch of Ava had found out, at 
 length, that however he might at first have affected to despise 
 the small army which had taken possession of Rangoon, five 
 or six hundred miles distant from his capital, it was more 
 than a match for the best generals he could send against it, 
 followed by thousands of his favourite troops. He saw the 
 necessity, therefore, of collecting his energies for a yet more 
 powerful effort. His forces, he found, were too much scat- 
 tered ; he was convinced that he was attempting to do too 
 much at once. He recalled, therefore, the armies he had 
 sent into Assam and Arakan; and, concentrating the whole 
 military power of his kingdom, he gave the entire command 
 to Maha Bandoola, the well-known Burmese general, whose 
 reputation, from his partial successes over the British in 
 
80 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Chittagong, stood exceedingly high. Bandoola had advanced 
 to Ramoo, where he was probably making preparations for 
 an expedition into Bengal ; and it is not unlikely that 
 he found it exceedingly disagreeable to be awakened from 
 his dream of future victory, by being recalled to defend his 
 own country from invasion. 
 
 His retreat from Ramoo, and subsequent march through 
 Arakan (which, in the midst, as it was, of the rainy season, 
 must have been a peculiarly arduous one), relieved the inha- 
 bitants of Calcutta from considerable anxiety; and, shortly 
 afterwards, enabled our troops in that quarter to advance with 
 little opposition into the very interior of Arakan, taking posses- 
 sion of the capital itself. 
 
 As soon as Maha Bandoola arrived at Ava, every honour and 
 attention was conferred upon him by his sovereign ; and after 
 a short delay in the capital, he set out for Donabew, accompanied 
 by a large fleet of war-boats, which carried down the river 
 strong reinforcements of men and military stores. We were not, 
 however, unprepared to receive these new enemies ; and some 
 overtures of a friendly nature which we had a short time before 
 received from the Siamese tended to inspire us with additional 
 confidence. 
 
 As it was now also clearly foreseen that an advance towards 
 the capital of the empire would be necessary before we could 
 expect to intimidate the Burman monarch into a desire for 
 peace, five hundred native artisans had been sent to Rangoon 
 from Chittagong, who were busily employed in preparing boats 
 to convey our troops up the Irawady. The arrival, likewise, of 
 several battalions of British and native infantry, as well as of 
 some troops of cavalry, added considerably to our numerical 
 and actual force. Towards the end of November the largest 
 and best appointed army which the Burman Government had 
 yet sent into the field marched down from Donabew, and made 
 their appearance in the neighbourhood of Rangoon, with the 
 intention of driving us first from our position at Kemmindine, 
 
THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 31 
 
 and then of forcing the scattered remains of our army to seek 
 for safety in their ships. 
 
 The name of the Commander-in-Chief, Bandoola, was in itself 
 a tower of strength; and there was not probably a Burman 
 into whose imagination the thought ever for a moment entered 
 that this invincible leader could, by any possibility, be un- 
 successful. Both armies met for the first time on the 1st 
 of December; and as the particulars of their first engage- 
 ment, where so much talent was displayed on both sides, cannot 
 fail to be read with interest, we shall make no apology for in- 
 troducing in this place an extract from the " London Gazette 
 Extraordinary " of April 24, 1825, consisting of— 
 
 "Copy of a letter from Brigadier- General Sir A. Campbell, 
 K.C.B., to George Swinton, Esq., dated Head-quarters, Ran- 
 goon, 9th December 1824. 
 
 "Sir, — The long-threatened, and, on my part, no less 
 anxiously wished for event, has at length taken place. Maha 
 Bandoola, said to be accompanied by the Princes of Tonghoo 
 and Sarawuddy, appeared in front of my position on the morn- 
 ing of the 1st instant, at the head of the whole united force of 
 the Burman Empire, amounting, upon the most moderate 
 calculation, to from fifty to sixty thousand men, appa- 
 rently well armed, with a numerous artillery, and a body of 
 Cassay horse. Their haughty leader had insolently declared 
 his intention of leading us in captive chains to grace the triumph 
 of the Golden Monarch ; but it has pleased God to expose 
 the vanity of his idle threats, and crown the heroic efforts 
 of my gallant little army with a most complete and signal 
 victory. 
 
 " The enemy had assembled his forces in the heavy jungle in 
 our front during the night of the 30th ult., and, being well 
 aware of his near approach, I had previously made every neces- 
 sary arrangement for his reception, in whatever way he might 
 think proper to leave his impervious camp. The absence of 
 
32 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin"" at Martaban, and of a strong de- 
 tachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Mallet, which I had sent to 
 display the British flag in the ancient capital of Pegue, had much 
 weakened my force; but I had been too long familiar with the 
 resolute resolution of British troops to have felt any regret that 
 fortune had given me an opportunity of contending with Ban- 
 doola and his formidable legions, even under circumstances of 
 temporary disadvantage. 
 
 " Early in the morning of the 1st inst., the enemy com- 
 menced his operations by a smart attack upon our post at 
 Kemmindine, commanded by Major Yates, and garrisoned by 
 the 26th Madras Native Infantry, with a detachment of the 
 Madras European Regiment, supported on the river by as 
 strong a naval force as could be spared. As the day became 
 light it discovered numerous and apparently formidable masses 
 of the advancing enemy issuing from the jungle, and moving, 
 at some distance, upon both our flanks, for the purpose of sur- 
 rounding us, which I allowed them to effect without interrup- 
 tion, leaving us only the narrow channel of the Rangoon river 
 unoccupied in our rear. 
 
 " Bandoola had now fully exposed to me his plan of opera- 
 tions, and my own resolution was instantly adopted of allow- 
 ing, and even encouraging him to bring forth his means and 
 resources from the jungle to the more open country on his 
 left, where I knew I could at any time attend him to ad- 
 vantage. 
 
 "The right corps of the Burmese army had crossed to the 
 Dalla side of the Rangoon river, and in the course of the 
 morning was observed, in several divisions, crossing the plain 
 towards the site of the ruined village of Dalla, where it took 
 post in the neighbouring jungle, sending on a division to occupy 
 
 * Afterwards Major-General Godwin, C.B., commanding " the army of 
 Ava " in the second Burmese war. 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 33 
 
 the almost inaccessible ground on the bank of the river, and 
 from which they soon opened a distant fire upon the shipping. 
 Another division immediately took ground in front of Kem- 
 ' mindine, and for six successive days tried in vain every effort 
 that hope of success and dread of failure could call forth, to 
 drive the brave 26th and a handful of Europeans from this 
 post; while tremendous fire-rafts, and crowds of war-boats, 
 were every day employed in the equally vain endeavour to 
 drive the shipping from their station off the place. 
 
 "The enemy's right wing and centre occupied a range of 
 hills immediately in front of the great Dagon pagoda, covered 
 with so thick a forest as to be impenetrable to all but Burman 
 troops ; and their left extended nearly two miles further, along 
 a lower and more open ridge to the village of Puzendoon 
 where their extreme left rested. They were no sooner thus 
 placed in position, than muskets and spears were laid aside for 
 the pick-axe and shovel, and in an incredibly short space of 
 time every part of their line out of the jungle was strongly and 
 judiciously entrenched. 
 
 " In the afternoon of the 1st, I observed an opportunity of 
 attacking the enemy's left to advantage, and ordered Major 
 Sale, with four hundred men from the 13th Light Infantry, 
 and 18th Madras Native Infantry, under Major Dennie of the 
 former and Captain Ross of the latter corps, to move forward 
 to the point I had selected ; and I never witnessed a more 
 dashing charge than was made on this occasion by His Ma- 
 jesty's 13th, while the 18th Native Infantry followed their 
 example with a spirit that did them honour, carrying all oppo- 
 sition before them. They burst through the entrenchments, 
 carrying dismay and terror into the enemy's ranks, great num- 
 bers of whom were slain ; and the party returned loaded with 
 arms, standards, and other trophies. Having correctly ascer- 
 tained everything I required, 1 now, as I originally determined, 
 abstained from giving any serious interruption to the inde- 
 fatigable labour of the opposing army, patiently waiting until 
 
 3 
 
34 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 I saw the whole of their material fully brought forward and 
 within my reach. About sunset in the evening, a cloud of 
 skirmishers were pushed forward close under the north-east 
 angle of the pagoda, who, taking advantage of the many pa- 
 godas and strong ground on our front, commenced a harassing 
 and galling fire upon the works. I at once saw we should 
 suffer from their fire, if not dislodged; therefore ordered two 
 companies of the 38th Regiment, under Captain Piper (an 
 officer I have often had occasion to mention), to advance and 
 drive them back. Were it permitted, on such an occasion, to 
 dwell upon the enthusiastic spirit of my troops, I would feel 
 a pleasure in recounting the burst of rapture that followed 
 every order to advance against their audacious foe ; but it is 
 sufficient to remark that the conduct of these two companies 
 was most conspicuous. They quickly gained their point, and 
 fully acted up to the character they have ever sustained. At 
 daylight on the morning of the 2nd, finding the enemy had 
 very much encroached during the night, and had entrenched a 
 height in front of the north gate of the pagoda, which gave 
 them an enfilading fire upon part of our line, I directed Cap- 
 tain Wilson of the 38th Regiment, with two companies of the 
 corps and one hundred men of the 28th Madras Native In- 
 fantry, to drive them from the hill. No order was ever more 
 rapidly or handsomely obeyed. The brave sepoys, vying with 
 their British comrades in forward gallantry, allowed the ap- 
 palled Burmese no time to rally, but drove them from one 
 breastwork to another, fighting them in the very holes they 
 had dug, finally to prove their graves. 
 
 " In the course of this day Colonel Mallet's detachment re- 
 turned from Pegue, having found the old city completely 
 deserted, and gave me the additional means of attacking the 
 enemy the moment the time arrived. 
 
 " During the 3rd and 4th the enemy carried on his labours 
 with indefatigable industry ; and but for the inimitable prac- 
 tice of our artillery, commanded by Captain Murray in the 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 35 
 
 absence, from indisposition, of Lieutenant-Colonel Hopliinson, 
 we must have been severely annoyed by the incessant fire from 
 his trenches. 
 
 " The attacks upon Kemmindine continued with unabating 
 violence; but the unyielding spirit of Major Yates and his 
 steady troops, although exhausted with fatigue and want of 
 rest, baffled every attempt on shore; while Captain Eyves, with 
 His Majesty's sloop 'Sophia/ the Honourable Company's 
 cruiser ' Teignmouth/ and some flotilla and row gun-boats, 
 nobly maintained the long-established fame of the British navy 
 in defending the passage of the river against the most furious 
 assaults of the enemy's war-boats, advancing under cover of 
 the most tremendous fire-rafts, which the unwearied exertions 
 of British sailors could alone have conquered. 
 
 " Captain Byves lost no opportunity of coming into contact 
 with the much- vaunted boats of Ava; and in one morning, 
 five out of six, each mounting a heavy piece of ordnance, were 
 boarded and captured by our men-of-war's boats, commanded 
 by Lieutenant Kellett of His Majesty's ship 'Arachne/ and 
 Lieutenant Goldfinch of the ' Sophia/ whose intrepid conduct 
 merits the highest praise. 
 
 " The enemy having apparently completed his left wing with 
 its full complement of artillery and warlike stores, I deter- 
 mined to attack that part of his line early on the morning of 
 the 5th. I requested Captain Chads, the senior naval officer 
 here, to move up to the Puzendoon creek during the night, 
 with the gun flotilla, bomb-ketch, &c, and commence a can- 
 nonade on the enemy's rear at daylight. This service was 
 most judiciously and successfully performed by that officer, 
 who has never yet disappointed me in my most sanguine ex- 
 pectations. At the same time two columns of attack were 
 formed, agreeably to orders I had issued on the preceding 
 evening, composed of details from the different regiments of 
 the army. The first, consisting of one thousand one hundred 
 men, I placed under the orders of that gallant officer Major 
 
36 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Sale, and directed him to attack and penetrate the centre of 
 the enemy's line j the other, consisting of six hundred men, I 
 entrusted to Major Walker of the 3rd Madras Native Light 
 Infantry, with orders to attack their left, which had approached 
 to within a few hundred yards of Rangoon. At seven o'clock 
 both columns moved forward to the point of attack j both were 
 led to my perfect satisfaction, and both succeeded with a 
 degree of ease their intrepid and undaunted conduct un- 
 doubtedly insured ; and I directed Lieutenant Archibald, with 
 a troop of the Governor- General's body-guard, which had 
 been landed the preceding evening, to follow the column under 
 Major Sale, and take advantage of any opportunity which 
 might offer, to charge. 
 
 " The enemy were defeated and dispersed in every direction ; 
 and the body-guard, gallantly charging over the broken and 
 swampy ground, completed their terror and dismay. The 
 Cassay horse fled, mixed with the retreating infantry ; and all 
 their artillery, stores, and reserve depots, which had cost them 
 so much toil and labour to get up, with a great quantity of 
 small arms, gilt chattahs, standards, and other trophies, fell 
 into our hands. Never was victory more complete or more 
 decided ; and never was the triumph of discipline and valour, 
 over the disjointed efforts of irregular courage and infinitely 
 superior numbers, more conspicuous. Majors Dennie and 
 Thornhill of the 13th Light Infantry, and Major Gore of 
 the 89th, were distinguished by the steadiness with which they 
 led their men ; but it is with deep regret I have to state the 
 loss we have sustained in the death of Major Walker, one of 
 India's best and bravest soldiers, who fell while leading his 
 column into the enemy's entrenchments ; when the command 
 devolved upon Major Wahab, who gallantly conducted the 
 column during the rest of the action; and I observed the 
 34th Madras Native Light Infantry, on this occasion, conspicu- 
 ously forward. 
 
 "The Burmese left wing thus disposed of, I patiently waited 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 37 
 
 its effect upon the right, posted in so thick a forest as to 
 render any attack in that quarter in a great me sure imprac- 
 ticable. 
 
 " On the 6th I had the pleasure of observing that Bandoola 
 had brought up the scattered remnant of his defeated left to 
 strengthen his right and centre, and continued day and night 
 employed in carrying on his approaches in front of the great 
 pagoda. I ordered the artillery to slacken its fire, and the in- 
 fantry to keep wholly out of sight, allowing him to carry on 
 his fruitless labour with little annoyance or molestation. As 
 I expected, he took system for timidity ; and on the morning 
 of the 7th instant, I had his whole force posted in my imme- 
 diate front — his first line entrenched so close that the soldiers 
 in their barracks could distinctly hear the insolent threats and 
 reproaches of the Burman bravoes. 
 
 " The time had now arrived to undeceive them in their san- 
 guine, but ill-founded, hopes. I instantly made my arrange- 
 ments, and at half-past 11 o'clock everthing was in readiness to 
 assault the trenches in four columns of attack, under the 
 superintendence of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles, my second in 
 command, and commanded by Lieutenant-Colonels Mallet, 
 Parlby, Brodie, and Captain Wilson of the 38th Regiment. 
 At a quarter before 12 I ordered every gun that would bear 
 upon the trenches to open, and their fire was kept up with an 
 effect that never was surpassed ; Major Sale at the same time, 
 as directed, making a diversion on the enemy's left and rear. 
 At 12 o'clock the cannonade ceased, and the columns moved for- 
 ward to their respective points of attack. Everything was done 
 under my own immediate eye, but, where all behaved so nobly, 
 I cannot particularise; but I must in justice state that Captain 
 Wilson's and Lieutenant- Colonel Parlby 's divisions first made 
 an impression, from which the enemy never recovered. They 
 were driven from all their works without a check, abandoning 
 all their guns, with a great quantity of arms of every descrip- 
 tion ; and certainly not the least amusing part of their formid- 
 
38 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 able preparations was a great number of ladders for escalading 
 the great pagoda, found in rear of their position. The total 
 defeat of Bandoola's army was now most fully accomplished. 
 His loss in killed and wounded, from the nature of the ground, 
 it is impossible to calculate ; but I am confident I do not ex- 
 ceed the fairest limit when I state it at five thousand men. In 
 every other respect the mighty host, which so lately threatened 
 to overwhelm us, now scarcely exists. It commenced its in- 
 glorious flight during last night. Humbled, dispersing, and 
 deprived of their arms, they cannot for a length of time again 
 meet us in the field ; and the lesson they have now received 
 will, I am confident, prove a salutary antidote to the native 
 arrogance and vanity of the Burmese nation. 
 
 " Thus vanished the hopes of Ava; and those means which 
 the Burmese Government were seven months in organising for 
 our annihilation, have been completely destroyed by us in the 
 course of seven days. Of three hundred pieces of ordnance 
 that accompanied the grand army, two hundred and forty are 
 now in our camp, and in muskets their loss is to them irre- 
 parable. 
 
 " Our loss in killed and wounded, although severe, will not, 
 I am sure, be considered great for the important services we 
 have had the honour to perform. 
 
 " Of my troops I cannot say enough ; their valour was only 
 equalled by the cheerful patience with which they bore long 
 and painful privations. My Europeans fought like Britons, and 
 proved themselves worthy of the country that gave them birth ; 
 and I trust I do the gallant sepoys justice when I say that 
 never did troops more strive to obtain the palm of honour 
 than they to rival their European comrades in everything that 
 marks the steady, true, and daring soldier. 
 
 " My obligations to Captains Chads and Ryves, and the 
 officers and seamen of His Majesty's navy, are great and 
 numerous. In Captain Chads himself I have always found 
 that ready alacrity to share our toils and dangers that has 
 
THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 39 
 
 ever characterised the profession he belongs to, and the most 
 cordial zeal in assisting and co-operating with me on every 
 occasion. I have also to notice the good conduct of the 
 Honourable Company's cruisers, the gun -flotilla, and row- 
 boats. Nor ought I to omit mentioning the handsome conduct 
 of Captain Binny, acting agent for the Bengal transports, in 
 volunteering both his European crew and ship for any service. 
 On the present occasion she was anchored off Dalla, and sus- 
 tained some loss from the enemy's fire. I may also add that 
 every transport in the river was equally anxious to contribute 
 every possible assistance to the public service." 
 
 Notwithstanding the defeat, so unexpected on his part, 
 which Bandoola thus sustained, not many days elapsed before 
 that indefatigable leader succeeded in rallying his scattered 
 forces, and with a body of about twenty-five thousand men re- 
 turned to within three miles of the pagoda alluded to in Sir 
 Archibald Campbell's despatch, and " commenced entrenching 
 and stockading," in the words of that general, " with a judg- 
 ment in point of position such as would do credit to the best 
 instructed engineers of the most civilised and warlike nations." 
 This position,* however, Sir Archibald determined to attack 
 on the 15th of December; and from the admirable manner in 
 which the fire of the artillery was directed, in less than fifteen 
 minutes the columns destined for carrying the breach were in 
 possession, not only of the enemy's work, but of his camp, 
 which was left standing, with all the baggage, and a great 
 proportion of his arms and ammunition. " When it is 
 known," says the Commander-in-Chief, " that one thousand 
 three hundred British infantry stormed and carried by assault 
 the most formidable entrenched and stockaded works I ever saw, 
 defended by upwards of twenty thousand men, I trust it is un- 
 
 * Kokeen, four miles from the great pagoda at Jttangoou. 
 
40 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 necessary for me to say more in praise of soldiers performing 
 such a prodigy ; future ages will scarcely believe it." 
 
 It is proper, however, to mention that upon this occasion 
 Baudoola did not command in person ; the chief to whom he 
 had entrusted that duty was mortally wounded whilst gallantly 
 defending the stockade. 
 
 On the same day on which this very brilliant action took 
 place, under the superintendence of Captain Chads, the senior 
 naval officer at Rangoon, an attack was made upon a fleet of 
 thirty-two of the enemy's war-boats. Of these, principally 
 through the aid of the " Diana " steamboat, which accompanied 
 this expedition, and the celerity of whose motions, even against 
 wind and tide, inspired the Burmese with the greatest con- 
 sternation, thirty were captured, having been previously aban- 
 doned by their crews, who, upon the approach of the steamboat, 
 threw themselves into the river, and were either drowned or 
 swam ashore, apparently in an agony of terror. 
 
 In consequence of these continued disasters, Maha Bandoola 
 found it necessary to lead back his army, much shattered, to 
 Donabew. 
 
 It was now for the first time that the British army at Ran- 
 goon found itself in undisturbed possession of a considerable 
 district of country, and active preparations were immediately 
 made for taking every advantage of this new situation of affairs. 
 Orders were issued to prepare for a speedy advance into the in- 
 terior ; and besides the continual arrival of transports from the 
 Presidencies, this object was not a little favoured by the return 
 of many of the inhabitants of the country to their former 
 places of residence in Rangoon and its vicinity, and by their 
 consenting to open a regular traffic with the British in all 
 articles of consumption. Some of the native watermen, too, 
 volunteered into our service, by whose assistance we were en- 
 abled to obviate many of the difficulties which our ignorance 
 of the navigation of the Irawady would otherwise have occa- 
 sioned. 
 
THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 41 
 
 Certainly at this moment the situation of the Burmese 
 monarch was anything but enviable. The most numerous armies, 
 headed by the most skilful generals he could send into the field, 
 had been defeated again and again. The victorious troops at 
 Rangoon were about to march for Ava ; and from the north- 
 east frontier of Arakan a large force under Brigadier-General 
 Morison was preparing to enter his empire, and, if possible, to 
 co-operate with Sir Archibald Campbell's division ; from Sylhet, 
 another army, under Brigadier- General Shouldham, threatened 
 to advance to the capital through Cassay ; in Assam, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Richards was busy with a small but active corps ; and 
 on the south the Siamese, who had already manifested their 
 friendly dispositions towards the British, held out hopes of 
 their making a movement in conjunction with our columns 
 which were to march up the Irawady. His celestial Majesty, 
 however, is not easily terrified, or, if he is, he has too much 
 pride to show it. Upon the present occasion he boldly stood 
 at bay, and manfully prepared for resistance at whatever cost. 
 
 It was on the 13th of February 1825 that the general advance 
 of the British troops commenced. They were divided into two 
 columns ; the one, about two thousand strong, proceeding by 
 land, under the command of Sir Archibald Campbell ; and the 
 other by water, under Brigadier- General Cotton, consisted of 
 about one thousand European infantry, with a powerful train 
 of artillery, which was embarked in a flotilla of sixty boats, 
 commanded by Captain Alexander. The land column was to 
 proceed, in the first place, up the Lain river, and effect a junction 
 with Brigadier-General Cotton as near Donabew as possible. A 
 smaller force, under Major Sale, was also ordered to take pos- 
 session of Bassein, after which it likewise was to join the main 
 body at Donabew. Brigadier M'Reagh, with the remainder of 
 the troops, was left in command at Rangoon, and was to 
 employ himself in superintending the fortification of that town, 
 which went on briskly. The land force, under General Camp- 
 bell, marched to Lain, without meeting any resistance 
 
42 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 whatever. Its distance from Rangoon is about fifty miles ; but, 
 owing to the uncultivated state of the country, and the absence 
 of everything like regular roads, the troops, though in high 
 health and spirits, could seldom advance more than eight miles 
 a day. 
 
 They left Rangoon on the 14th, and did not reach Lain till 
 the 23rd of February. The town, though the capital of a pretty 
 extensive district, was found quite deserted, and a halt was made 
 at it for only a single night ; after which, the column resumed 
 its march towards Donabew with all possible expedition. By 
 the 7th March it was near enough that place to hear distinctly 
 the sound of a cannonade which the marine division under 
 General Cotton, having arrived first, had already opened upon 
 it. The operations of this division, in passing up the Irawady, 
 had necessarily been much more arduous than those of the land 
 column. Various stockades and entrenchments had been thrown 
 up upon the banks to oppose its progress. At Panlang, in 
 particular, a very spirited affair took place, where between four 
 thousand and five thousand Burmese were driven back from 
 very powerful fortifications with considerable loss. Upon this 
 and other similar occasions, the shells and rockets used by the 
 British were found of the greatest service, both as tending to 
 throw the enemy into confusion and to save the lives of our men. 
 
 After these successes, Brigadier- General Cotton proceeded 
 direct to Donabew; and though Sir Archibald Campbell had 
 not yet come up, he determined upon attacking the enemy, 
 who, headed by Bandoola, mustered about fifteen thousand 
 strong, and had fortified their position in the most skilful and 
 soldier-like manner. An outer stockade, which our marine 
 force first attacked, was carried with a loss to the enemy of 
 about four hundred men. The attempt made upon the second 
 stockade was less successful; and, after being exposed for a 
 considerable time to a heavy fire, General Cotton found it 
 necessary to re-embark the troops he had landed for the pur- 
 pose of making the assault, and dropped down four miles 
 
THE FIRST BUEMESE WAE. 43 
 
 below Donabew, there to wait until reinforced. Our loss in 
 this second affair was serious. 
 
 In the meanwhile, Sir Archibald Campbell, not altogether 
 aware of the formidable resistance which was to be made at 
 Donabew, had pushed on several days' march towards Prome, 
 a city of some magnitude, and which he understood was the 
 head-quarters of the enemy. On the 11th of March he re- 
 ceived despatches informing him of the failure of the attack 
 upon the outworks at the former place, and, after some delibe- 
 ration, he judged it proper to retrace his steps to the assistance 
 of General Cotton. On the 14th, and four following days, his 
 troops were employed in crossing the Irawady, which it was 
 necessary to do before they could reach Donabew. The task 
 was one of no slight difficulty; but, in the words of Major 
 Snodgrass, "energy and perseverance, aided by the cheerful 
 and hearty exertions of the soldiers, finally triumphed over 
 every obstacle." It was not, however, till the 25th that the 
 army arrived within gun-shot distance of Donabew. 
 
 The main stockade at the fort of Donabew was upwards of a 
 mile in length, composed of solid teak beams, from fifteen to 
 seventeen feet high, and from five hundred to eight hundred 
 yards broad. Behind this were the brick ramparts of the place, 
 surmounted by a large deep ditch filled with spikes, nails, and 
 holes; and the ditch itself was shut in with several rows of 
 strong railings, together with an abatis of great breadth. Our 
 camp was hardly pitched before a sortie was made from the 
 fort, which, though of a formidable appearance at first, ended 
 in smoke. For several days skirmishes of a desultory kind 
 took place before the works, without producing any serious im- 
 pression on either side. On the 1 st of April a continued fire of 
 rockets was kept up on our part, with little or no return from 
 the enemy, a circumstance which occasioned some surprise. 
 The cause, however, was satisfactorily enough explained next 
 day. The fort of Donabew was nearly evacuated; for, on the 
 morning of the 1st, Maha Bandoola, while going his rounds, 
 
44 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 had been killed on the spot by a rocket j and such was the panic 
 which instantly took possession of the garrison, that the sur- 
 viving chiefs found it utterly impossible to keep it any longer 
 together. 
 
 Just as the enemy's rear-guard flew towards the neighbour- 
 ing jungle on the 2nd, our army took possession of the place, 
 and found in it a great store not only of guns and ammunition, 
 but of grain sufficient for many months' consumption. The 
 death of Maha Bandoola was probably the greatest misfortune 
 which the Burman monarch had yet sustained. There can be 
 little doubt that he possessed talents of no mean order ; and the 
 respect, approaching to awe, which he had inspired in his 
 soldiers, made them a great deal more formidable when under 
 his command than that of anyone else. One of the prisoners 
 found in the fort related the particulars of his general's death 
 in these words : " I belong to the household of Menghi Maha 
 Bandoola, and my business was to beat the great drums that 
 are hanging in the verandah of the Wongee's house. Yester- 
 day morning, between the hours of nine and ten, while the 
 chief's dinner was preparing, he went out to take his usual 
 morning walk round the works, and arrived at his observatory 
 (that tower with a red ball upon it), where, as there was no 
 firing, he sat down upon a couch which was kept there for his 
 use. While he was giving orders to some of his chiefs, the 
 English began throwing bombs, and one of them falling close 
 to the general, burst, and killed him on the spot. His body 
 was immediately carried away and burnt to ashes. His death 
 was soon known to everybody in the stockade, and the soldiers 
 refused to stay and fight under any other commander. The 
 chiefs lost all influence over their men, every individual thinking 
 only of providing for his own personal safety." 
 
 Maha Bandoola. 
 
 The death of Bandoola, which was the turning-point of the 
 First Burmese War, forces Major Snodgrass, in his excellent 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 45 
 
 narrative, to dwell at some length on the character of the 
 greatest of all Burmese generals j and some points therein sug- 
 gest a comparison with our clever and wily warlike enemy at the 
 Cape, King Cetawayo, who, strange to say, may now (August 
 1879) be bearded in his den, or kraal, wherever that may be, 
 by Sir Garnet Wolseley, who, as will be seen hereafter, in the 
 Second Burmese War first distinguished himself while, as a 
 dashing and fearless ensign, leading a storming party in the 
 land of the Golden Foot* at Donabew. 
 
 Before giving the Major's summing-up of Bandoola's cha- 
 racter, it may be remarked that, in our opinion, two qualities 
 reigned pre-eminent in him, namely, vainglory — according to 
 Bacon an essential point in commanders and soldiers — and a 
 superstitious fear, inseparable from a Burman and a believer in 
 Gautama, in which religion spirits, charms, transmigrations, 
 Niebban or Nirvana — annihilation, and yet, as Gautama men- 
 tions an " eternal city," hardly perfect annihilation — form the 
 leading features. We know that, East and West, superstition 
 has been the confusion of many States, and we also know that (to 
 support the philosopher's theory) its practical effect, during the 
 last fifty or sixty years in Upper Burma, has been to bring in a 
 new primum mobile that has " ravished all the spheres of govern- 
 ment." Bandoola was certainly, without intending it, a man 
 glorious for mischief. The biographer of Charles XII. considers 
 conquerors a species between good kings and tyrants ; and we 
 are ever eager to know the most minute circumstances of their 
 lives. The Burman, like many great European warriors in his- 
 tory, must needs be violent to " make good his own vaunt " ; and 
 
 * When a Burmese subject means to affirm that the King has heard any- 
 thing, he says "It has reached the golden ears"; he who has obtained 
 admittance to the royal presence has been at the " golden feet." The perfume 
 of otto of roses is described as being grateful to the " golden nose." Gold is 
 the type of excellence among Burmans — as Shakspeare says, " Gold — yellow, 
 glittering, precious gold ! " Yet, although so highly valued for ornament, it 
 is not used for coin in the country. 
 
46 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 it was probably in this state of mind that, sometime before a 
 similar threat, already mentioned, with regard to Calcutta, 
 Bandoola marched with his army through the Aeng pass into 
 Arakan — asserting Burmese rights to Bengal — taking with him 
 a pair of golden fetters to bind the Governor-General (Lord 
 Hastings) ! 
 
 Another anecdote of him, bringing forth the superstitious fear, 
 may be related : — 
 
 During an early period of the operations, Bandoola, having 
 heard so much of the destructive properties of a shell, desired 
 that one should be brought to him for inspection. A shell, 
 with a very long fuse, having been projected by the British, 
 the live creature was being brought, fizzing at a dreadful rate, 
 to the chief. This they thought to be a decided failure, and 
 the thing might be examined. The warrior, at some distance, 
 surveyed, with great curiosity, the unfortunate men bringing 
 the fiery fiend along. Another second or two, and it burst, 
 killing the carriers and everyone beside it. Bandoola was 
 thunderstruck : and, for the whole of that day, his courage left 
 him. 
 
 The civilised " Swedish Charles " comes to the mind at this 
 juncture; and we think of his placid air on the bursting of 
 the bomb in the house at Stralsund, where he was dictating, 
 and his cool remark, — on the consternation of his secretary, 
 after the latter's < ' Ah, Sire, the bomb ! " — " What has the 
 bomb to do with the letter I am dictating? Go on." 
 
 True enough, in the case of Charles, the shell had killed no 
 one ; but, would Bandoola, like him " who left a name at which 
 the world grew pale," have exposed his own life to save a fellow- 
 creature, as he did to protect one of his generals (Lieven) at 
 Thorn?* We think not. And this forms an important 
 
 * This is one of tho most romai'kablo instances of true courage in military 
 history. As tho general had on a blue coat, richly trimmed wit h gold, thus in- 
 viting destruction, Charles, in his plain bluo with brass buttons (which, as well 
 
THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 47 
 
 difference in the military character of the Asiatic and the 
 European. 
 
 It, doubtless, does so also in that of the African warrior and 
 the British officer or soldier ; for we have not yet heard of the 
 renowned King Cetawayo, on any occasion, emulating the gal- 
 lant and noble lord who has received the Victoria Cross for 
 conspicuous bravery in saving the life of a sergeant, at the 
 risk of his own, during a reconnaisance before the battle of 
 Ulundi. 
 
 We now turn from this perhaps pardonable digression to 
 Major Snodgrass's character of Bandoola, with the remark 
 that no other leading Burman has since displayed similar warlike 
 capacity and energy, although the nearest approach to him in 
 the second war was the powerful robber chieftain Myat-htoon, 
 who gave us so much trouble at and around Donabew. Major 
 Snodgrass writes : — 
 
 "The character of Maha Bandoola seems to have been a 
 strange mixture of cruelty and generosity, talent with want of 
 judgment, and a strong regard to personal safety, combined 
 with great courage and resolution, which never failed him till 
 death. The acts of barbarous cruelty he committed are too 
 numerous to be related ; stern and inflexible in all his decrees, 
 he appears to have experienced a savage pleasure in witnessing 
 the execution of his bloody mandates ; even his own hand was 
 ever ready to punish with death the slightest mark of want of 
 zeal in those he had intrusted with commands or the defence 
 
 as the cocked hat with a bullet-hole in it, the writer saw religiously preserved 
 in a glass case at Stockholm), placed himself before his " subject," entirely 
 screening him, to save him from being hit ; but a volley of cannon, which came 
 in flank, " struck the general dead on the spot which the King had scarcely 
 quitted." The death of this officer, apparently killed exactly in his stead, 
 made him, says his biographer, believe in " absolute predestination," and that 
 he was reserved for yet greater things — an idea which Bandoola may also 
 have cherished, till what was probably a shell Congreve rocket caused his 
 death. 
 
48 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 of any post. Still his immediate adherents are said to have 
 been sincerely attached to him ; uncontrolled license to plunder 
 and extort from all who were unfortunate enough to meet 
 Bandoola's men, may no doubt have reconciled them to their 
 situation, and confirmed them much in their attachment to 
 their leader. The management of a Burmese army, for so long 
 a period contending against every disadvantage to which a 
 general can be subjected, evinced no small degree of talent ; 
 while the position and defences at Donabew, as a field-work, 
 would have done credit to the most scientific engineer. But 
 it is difficult to account for his motives, or give credit to his 
 judgment, in giving up the narrow rivers of Panlang and Lain, 
 where a most effectual opposition could have been given, to 
 fight his battle on the banks of the broad Irawady, where the 
 ground was favourable to the regular movement of disciplined 
 troops. During the days of his prosperity Bandoola seldom 
 exposed his person— in the battles of Rangoon and Kokeen he 
 was never under fire ; but he did not hesitate, when circum- 
 stances required it, to allow himself to be hemmed in at Dona- 
 bew, where he boldly declared he would conquer or die, and, 
 till he actually fell, set his men the first example of the courage 
 he required in all." 
 
 It is not probable that Upper Burma will furnish another 
 Bandoola ; but, under any circumstances, we must be prepared 
 for him, and never be so mad as to despise our enemy ! 
 
49 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE ADVANCE ON PROME TO THE CONCLUSION OF A 
 TREATY OF PEACE AT YANDABOO, 24TH FEBRUARY 1826. 
 
 The British force now pushed on to Prorae with as little delay- 
 as possible, well aware that decisive measures alone would pro- 
 duce any effect on the obstinate and arrogant Court of Ava. 
 No hostile interruption was attempted to be made; but 
 " letters were received, in the course of the march, from the 
 Burmese authorities at Prome, intimating the willingness of 
 the Government to conclude a peace." " As it was suspected, 
 however," continues Mr. Bell,* " that this was merely a strata- 
 gem for the sake of gaining time, Sir Archibald Campbell re- 
 plied that as soon as he had taken military possession of Prome, 
 he would be happy to listen to any overtures of an amicable 
 nature which might be made to him." The prudence of this 
 determination was very clearly perceived when the army arrived 
 before that city, where every preparation was making for a 
 vigorous defence. The celerity of our motions, however, was 
 too much for the enemy, who, being taken by surprise before 
 
 * The Calcutta publisher (in 1852) of "An Account of the Burman Empire," 
 compiled from various standard works, thus alludes to Mr. Henry G. Bell's 
 succinct and clear narrative : — " The Account of the Burmese War of 1824, by 
 Mr. H. G. Bell, which concludes the work, will be a good substitute for the 
 voluminous narrative of Snodgrass, to those who have not access to the latter 
 volume." — The greater portion of Mr. Bell's narrative is contained in the 
 present Abstract. 
 
 4 
 
50 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 their fortifications were completed, retired during the night of 
 the 24th of April, and, on the 25th, General Campbell entered 
 the place without firing a shot. As the rainy season was about 
 to set in, and the campaign therefore necessarily near a close, 
 our head-quarters were fixed at Prome, from whence a detach- 
 ment marched, during May, towards Toungoo, taking possession 
 of the intermediate country, and returning about the end of 
 May to Prome. The Prince of Sarawuddy, who now headed 
 the remnant of the Burmese army, fell back upon Melloon, 
 and busied himself in raising recruits, to the number of about 
 thirty thousand, for the ensuing campaign. 
 
 During the stay of the British at Prome, everything was 
 done to conciliate the good-will and secure the confidence of 
 such of its native inhabitants as returned to it. The conse- 
 quences were particularly happy. The tide of population flowed 
 back; and not only at Prome, but in all the towns and dis- 
 tricts which had been already passed, an active and cheerful 
 people returned to live in unmolested quiet, perfectly satisfied 
 of the good faith and honesty of their invaders. In fact the 
 whole of Pegu, as well as a considerable portion of Ava Proper, 
 may be considered as having, at this time, been under the juris- 
 diction of the British. We had certainly conquered the country 
 so far; and, without attempting any material alteration of 
 their ordinary modes of civil government, we found it neces- 
 sary to supply the place of their magistrates and other crea- 
 tures of the crown, who had for the most part absconded, by 
 organising a system of official authority, to which we gave the 
 sanction of our approval and assistance. Into the details of 
 these arrangements it is unnecessary here to enter. It is suffi- 
 cient to say that they were at once simple and effective; 
 and reflect no small credit on our Commander-in-Chief and 
 his advisers. 
 
 The resources of the Court of Ava, great as their efforts had 
 already been, were yet far from being exhausted. During the 
 period in which there was a necessary cessation of hostilities, 
 
THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 51 
 
 a new army was organised, amounting to seventy thousand 
 men, and all thoughts of peace appeared to be laid aside. It 
 was the earnest desire, however, of our Commander-in-Chief 
 to avoid, if possible, the shedding of more blood ; and, in the 
 beginning of October, he despatched a letter to the Burmese 
 head- quarters, urging strongly upon the chiefs the propriety of 
 advising their sovereign to listen to the lenient terms of peace 
 he proposed. In consequence of this letter a meeting took 
 place at Neoun-Ben-Zeik, between commissioners appointed on 
 both sides ; but after much useless conversation, prolonged to 
 a ridiculous length by the Burmese, it was found impossible 
 to prevail upon them to agree to the proposals we made ; and 
 soon after the Burmese commissioners had returned to head- 
 quarters, the army advanced, in battle array, to the very gates 
 of Prome, its general having previously honoured Sir Archibald 
 Campbell with the following laconic epistle : — " If you wish for 
 peace, you may go away ; but if you ask either money or territory, 
 no friendship can exist between us. This is the Burman custom." 
 It was not long before "Burman custom" underwent a 
 change. To oppose the formidable force which now threatened 
 to shut us in, and bury us among the ruins of Prome, we were 
 able to muster an army of only five thousand men, of whom 
 only three thousand were British. It seemed to be the wish 
 of the Burmese leaders not to risk a general engagement, but 
 to proceed by the slower, though perhaps more certain, method 
 of blockade. As soon as these intentions were discovered, it 
 was resolved to attack the enemy at once, without allowing 
 him more time for strengthening his position. On the 1st 
 December our marine and land forces advanced at the same 
 moment; and, after a well-contested fight of some hours, the 
 Burmese were driven back, with much slaughter, to a stockade 
 they had erected some miles distant on the heights of Napa- 
 dee. It was remarked, as a curious feature of this engage- 
 ment, that three young and handsome women, evidently of 
 high rank, fought with the most persevering obstinacy and 
 
 4 * 
 
52 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 courage among the ranks of the Burmese, recalling to the 
 recollection of our officers all they had ever read of the 
 Amazons of earlier ages. It was believed that at least two of 
 these ladies perished in the field. The Burmese general, Maha 
 Nemiou, and many of the Chobwas, or tributary princes, who 
 had grown grey in the service of their sovereign, also lost 
 their lives on this day. But, after all, our troops had only 
 achieved half of what it was necessary for them to do. Until 
 the enemy was driven from his formidable position at Napadee, 
 we could not congratulate ourselves on having gained any de- 
 cisive victory. On the 2nd of December, therefore, and the four 
 following days, the army was employed in probably the most 
 arduous duty it had yet undertaken — that of forcing the 
 heights of Napadee. They were fortified with unexampled 
 strength, although the natural obstacles they presented made 
 artificial means of defence almost unnecessary. All things 
 considered, we do not think we can be accused of giving way 
 to national vanity when we assert that none but British soldiers, 
 powerfully assisted by a flotilla commanded by British sailors, 
 could have succeeded in steadily advancing from one stockade 
 to another, under the continued volleys of the Burmese, and 
 in driving at the point of the bayonet, without returning a 
 shot, their opponents from a position three miles in extent. 
 On the 5th the victory was complete. Every division of the 
 Burmese army, and these were several, had been beaten in 
 succession; and, completely disheartened, the fugitives dis- 
 persed themselves in all directions, wherever the woods or the 
 jungles seemed to offer concealment. 
 
 It was now determined to lose no time in advancing to Ava 
 itself, which is about three hundred miles distant from Prome ; 
 and on the 9th of December the march was commenced. On 
 the 29th our army reached Melloon, about halfway between 
 Ava and Prome, having seen nothing on the way but a de- 
 serted country, covered with the wounded, the dead, and the 
 dying. The Burmese monarch was at last awakened to some- 
 
THE PEACE OP YANDABOO. 53 
 
 thing like a becoming knowledge of the situation in which he 
 stood; and at Melloon a flag of truce was sent to meet us, 
 and to intimate the arrival of a commissioner from Ava, 
 with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace. That this was 
 really the case was attested by the amicable conduct of the 
 enemy's troops who were assembled at Melloon. Our army, 
 therefore, halted on the opposite side of the river, and a barge 
 was moored in the middle, where the first meeting with the 
 new delegate was to take place. 
 
 On the 1st of January, the commissioners of both nations met. 
 The demand made upon our part of a crore of rupees, as well 
 as of the cession of Arakan and the restoration of Cassay, was 
 what principally startled the Burmese commissioners; but at 
 length, finding it impossible to make us alter our terms, the 
 treaty was agreed to and signed, fifteen days being allowed for 
 obtaining the ratification of the King. At the expiration of 
 that period it was communicated to us from Melloon that no 
 answer had yet been received from Ava, and a further delay of 
 some six or eight days was requested. But as this must evidently 
 have been a preconcerted scheme, suspicions were aroused of the 
 sincerity of that designing Court, and Sir Archibald Campbell 
 gave the Burmese the choice of only two alternatives — either 
 to evacuate Melloon, and allow him to take possession of it, 
 in which case he would remain quiet for a short time longer j 
 or to prepare for an assault, which he would make upon it that 
 very night. The Burmese, with much courage, instantly pre- 
 pared for their defence. Though not inferior in bravery, how- 
 ever, the military tactics of the Burmese will not for a 
 moment bear any comparison with ours. Early on the 19th 
 January 1826, the British standard was erected on the walls 
 of Melloon, fifteen thousand men having been driven out of 
 the town by comparatively a mere handful. In the house of 
 Prince Memiaboo, a half-brother of the King, who had taken 
 the command, was found money to the amount of from thirty 
 thousand to forty thousand rupees ; and what was still more 
 
54 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 surprising, though perhaps not quite so agreeable, both the 
 English and Burmese copies of the treaty lately made, signed and 
 sealed as they had been at the meeting, and bearing, conse- 
 quently, undeniable evidence of their never having been 
 perused by the King. 
 
 " It is no easy matter," says an officer from whose work we 
 have already quoted, " to divine what object the Court of Ava 
 could have had in view in opening negotiations they had no 
 intention of abiding by, or what possible result they could have 
 anticipated from a short and profitless delay, which to us was 
 in every point of view desirable, as much to allow the men to 
 recover from the debilitating effects of their late fatigue, as to 
 afford time for collecting cattle from the interior and sufficient 
 supplies of every description for prosecuting our journey along 
 a sacked and plundered line of country." " Memiaboo and his 
 beaten army/' adds Major Snodgrass, " retired from the scene 
 of their disasters with all possible haste, and the British com- 
 mander prepared to follow him up without delay. Before, 
 however, commencing his march he despatched a messenger 
 with the unratified treaty to the Kee Woongee, as well to show 
 the Burmese chiefs that their perfidy was discovered, as to 
 give them the means of still performing their engagements ; 
 but merely telling the latter in his note that, in the hurry of 
 departure from Melloon, he had forgotten a document which 
 he might now find more useful and acceptable to his Govern- 
 ment than they had a few days previously considered it. The 
 Woongee and his colleague politely returned their best thanks 
 for the paper, but observed that the same hurry that had caused 
 the loss of the treaty had compelled them to leave behind a 
 large sum of money, which they also much regretted, and 
 which they were sure the British general only waited an oppor- 
 tunity of returning." 
 
 Our army now resumed its march upon Ava. On the 31st 
 of January it was met by a Doctor Price, an American mis- 
 sionary, and an Englishman of the name of Sandford, 
 
THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 55 
 
 assistant-surgeon of the Royal Regiment (who had been taken 
 prisoner some months before), and who were now sent on their 
 parole of honour to communicate the sincere desire which his 
 celestial Majesty at last entertained for peace, and to ascertain 
 the lowest terms upon which it would be granted. The terms 
 offered at Melloon were renewed, and, the British general 
 having promised not to advance for twelve days nearer their 
 capital than Pagahm-Mew, the two delegates returned to Ava. 
 There can be little doubt that the Burmese monarch now saw 
 the necessity for peace, and was therefore anxious to secure it j 
 but the terms proposed, lenient as they were, he found dread- 
 fully galling to his pride. At all hazards, therefore, he resolved 
 upon one effort more; and if that failed, peace was to be imme- 
 diately concluded. On the fall of Melloon, he made an appeal 
 to the patriotism and generosity of his subjects. He repre- 
 sented himself as tottering on his throne, and the immortal 
 dominion of Ava as about to pass away into the hands of 
 strangers. To the troops which he now collected, to the amount 
 of about forty thousand men, he gave the honourable appellation 
 of " Retrievers of the King's Glory " ; and a warrior, bearing 
 the formidable titles of "Prince of the Setting Sun," "Prince 
 of Darkness," and " King of Hell," was entrusted with the 
 command of this force. He took his position at Pegahm-Mew, 
 where he was attacked by the British on the 9th of March. 
 The result was the same as had attended all our engagements 
 with the Burmese. We took possession of the place, and the 
 " Retrievers of the King's Glory " fled in detached parties over 
 the country. The unfortunate " Prince of the Setting Sun " 
 ventured to return to Ava after his defeat, where he was imme- 
 diately put to death by order of the King. 
 
 Peace was now inevitable, unless it had been resolved to allow 
 Ava itself to fall into our hands. The army, which continued 
 to advance, was met only forty-five miles from that city by 
 Dr. Price and Mr. Sandford, accompanied by two Ministers of 
 State and all the British prisoners who had been taken, during 
 
56 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 
 
 the war, and bringing the first instalment of the money pay- 
 ment (twenty-five lakhs of rupees), as well as an authority 
 under the sign-manual, to accept of such terms of peace as we 
 might propose. These were finally settled and signed on the 
 24th of February 1826. This important Treaty of Peace between 
 the Honourable East India Company on the one part, and His 
 Majesty the King of Ava on the other, consisted of the follow- 
 ing Articles, to which we have much pleasure in giving a place 
 in this work : — 
 
 "Art. I. — There shall be perpetual peace and friendship 
 between the Honourable Company on the one part, and the 
 King of Ava on the other. 
 
 " Art. II. — His Majesty the King of Ava renounces all 
 claims, and will abstain from all future interference with the 
 principality of Assam and its dependencies, and also with the 
 contiguous petty states of Cachar and Jynteea. With regard 
 to Munnipore, it is stipulated, that, should Ghumbeer Singh 
 desire to return to that country, he shall be recognised by 
 the King of Ava as Rajah thereof. 
 
 "Art. III. — To prevent all future disputes respecting the 
 boundary between the two great nations, the British Govern- 
 ment will retain the conquered provinces of Arracan, including 
 the four divisions of Arracan, Ramree, Cheduba, and Sandoway, 
 and His Majesty the King of Ava cedes all right thereto The 
 Unnoupectowmien, or Arracan mountains (known in Arracan 
 by the name of Yeomatoung, or Pokhingloung range), will 
 henceforth form the boundary between the two great nations on 
 that side. Any doubts regarding the said line of demarcation 
 will be settled by the commissioners appointed by the respective 
 Governments for that purpose, such commissioners from both 
 Powers to be suitable and corresponding in rank. 
 
 " Art. IV. — His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the 
 British Government the conquered provinces of Yeh, Tavoy, 
 and Mergui and Tenasserim, with the islands and dependencies 
 thereunto appertaining, taking the Salwccn river as the line of 
 
THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 57 
 
 demarcation on that frontier. Any doubts regarding their 
 boundaries will be settled as specified in the concluding part of 
 Art. III. 
 
 " Art V. — In proof of the sincere disposition of the Burman 
 Government to maintain the relations of peace and amity 
 between the nations, and as part indemnification to the British 
 Government for the expenses of the war, His Majesty the King 
 of Ava agrees to pay the sum of one crore of rupees. 
 
 " Art. VI. — No person whatever, whether native or foreigner, 
 is hereafter to be molested by either party, on account of the 
 part which he may have taken, or have been compelled to take, 
 in the present war. 
 
 "Art. VII. — In order to cultivate and improve the rela- 
 tions of amity and peace hereby established between the two 
 Governments, it is agreed that accredited ministers, retaining 
 an escort or safe- guard of fifty men from each, shall reside at 
 the durbar of the other, who shall be permitted to purchase or 
 to build a suitable place of residence, of permanent materials ; 
 and a commercial treaty, upon principles of reciprocal advan- 
 tage, will be entered into by the high contracting Powers. 
 
 "Art. VIII.— All public and private debts contracted by 
 either Government, or by the subjects of either Government, 
 with the others previous to the war, to be recognised and liqui- 
 dated, upon the same principles of honour and good faith as 
 if hostilities had not taken place between the two nations ; and 
 no advantage shall be taken by either party of the period that 
 may have elapsed since the debts were incurred, or in conse- 
 quence of the war; and according to the universal law of nations, 
 it is farther stipulated that the property of all British subjects 
 who may die in the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava 
 shall, in the absence of legal heirs, be placed in the hands of 
 the British Resident or Consul in the said dominions, who 
 will dispose of the same according to the tenor of the British 
 law. In like manner, the property of Burmese subjects dying 
 under the same circumstances, in any part of the British domi- 
 
58 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 nions, shall be made over to the Minister or other authority 
 delegated by his Burman Majesty to the Supreme Government 
 of India. 
 
 " Art. IX. — The King of Ava will abolish all exactions 
 upon British ships or vessels in Burman ports that are not 
 required for Burman ships or vessels in British ports; nor 
 shall ships or vessels, the property of British subjects, whether 
 European or Indian, entering the Rangoon river, or other 
 Burman ports, be required to land their guns, or unship their 
 rudders, or to do any other act not required by Burmese ships 
 or vessels in British ports. 
 
 "Art. X. — The good and faithful ally of the British Govern- 
 ment, His Majesty the King of Siam, having taken a part in the 
 present war, will, to the fullest extent, as far as regards His 
 Majesty and his subjects, be included in the above treaty. 
 
 1 ' Art. XI. — This treaty to be ratified by the Burmese autho- 
 rities competent in the like cases, and the ratification to be 
 accompanied by all British, whether European or Native, 
 American and other prisoners, who will be delivered over to 
 the British commissioners ; the British commissioners, on their 
 part, engaging that the said treaty shall be ratified by the Bight 
 Honourable the Governor- General in Council, and the ratifica- 
 tion shall be delivered to His Majesty the King of Ava, in four 
 months, or sooner if possible ; and all the Burmese prisoners 
 shall, in like manner, be delivered over to their own Govern- 
 ment, as soon as they arrive from Bengal. 
 
 (Signed) (Signed) 
 
 " Largeen Mionga, " A. Campbell, 
 
 Woongee, L.S. Major-General and Senior 
 
 Seal of the Lotoo. Commissioner. 
 
 (Signed) 
 (Signed) ((r£ c.Robertson, 
 
 " Shwaguin Woon, Ciyil Commissioner L>S . 
 
 Atawoon, L.S. 
 
 (Signed) 
 H. D. Chads, Captain, R.N. 
 
THE PEACE OP YANDABOO. 59 
 
 "Additional Article. — The British Commissioners being 
 most anxiously desirous to manifest the sincerity of their wish 
 for peace, and to make the immediate execution of the fifth 
 article of this treaty as little irksome or inconvenient as possible, 
 His Majesty the King of Ava consents to the following arrange- 
 ments with respect to the division of the sum total, as specified 
 in the article before referred to, into instalments, viz. : — Upon 
 the payment of twenty-five lakhs of rupees, or one-fourth of the 
 sum total (the other articles of the treaty being executed), the 
 army will retire to Rangoon. Upon the further payment of a 
 similar sum at that place, within one hundred days from this 
 date, with the proviso as above, the army will evacuate the 
 dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava with the least 
 possible delay ; leaving the remaining moiety of the sum total to 
 be paid by equal annual instalments in two years, from this 24th 
 day of February 1826, a.d., through the Consul or Resident in Ava 
 or Pegue, on the part of the Honourable East India Company. 
 
 (Signed) (Signed) 
 
 "Largeen Mionga, " A. Campbell, 
 
 Woongee, L.S. Major-General and Senior 
 
 Seal of the Lotoo. Commissioner. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 (Signed) "T.C.Robertson, 
 
 " Shwaguin Woon, Ciyil Commissione . L .s. 
 
 Atawoon, L.S. 
 
 (Signed) 
 H. D. Chads, Captain, R.N/ 
 
 Such, then, was the end of the First Burmese War, which 
 altered the territories or relations of the British in India, and 
 first made us acquainted with the Burmese in the eastern 
 peninsula. However much the various writers on this interest- 
 ing war may differ as to the conduct or justice of it on our part, 
 they all agree as to the matchless coolness and arrogance of the 
 Burmese history which records it. The victory cost us dear. 
 
60 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 The King of Ava had been compelled to renounce all claims on 
 Assam, Cassay, Arakan, Martaban, Tavoy, and Tenasserim, 
 and to pay a crore of rupees — one million sterling — as an 
 indemnity for the expenses of the war. The following is 
 from the Royal Chronicle of the Burmese : — " In the years 
 1186 and 1187 " (of the Burmese era) " the Kula pyu, or white 
 strangers of the west, fastened a quarrel upon the Lord of the 
 Golden Palace. They landed at Rangoon, took that place and 
 Prome " (properly Pyee Myo), " and were permitted to advance 
 as far as Yandaboo; for the King, from motives of piety and 
 regard to life, made no preparation whatever to oppose them. 
 The strangers had spent vast sums of money in their enterprise, 
 so that by the time they reached Yandaboo their resources were 
 exhausted, and they were in great distress. They then peti- 
 tioned the King, who, in his clemency and generosity, sent them 
 large sums of money to pay their expenses back, and ordered 
 them out of the country." 
 
 Thus did the Burmese, ignoring the fact of their being the 
 aggressors, cleverly and resignedly register their case in the 
 national archives, according to Burman custom ! The boastful 
 character of the Burmese, as with the Chinese, and in a lesser 
 measure with the Siamese, fifty years ago, made it more difficult 
 than at present for the Western nations to bring them to their 
 complete senses, and cause them to acquire that degree of civi- 
 lisation to which such ingenious people might otherwise have 
 speedily aspired. Throughout this long war the British and 
 native soldiers deserved and received the gratitude of their 
 country. On the 8th of May 1827, Mr. C. W. Wynn moved 
 in the House of Commons, and on the 14th Lord Goderich in 
 the Lords, " That the thanks of each House be given to the 
 officers and men engaged in the late glorious successes in 
 India " (or rather in India beyond the Ganges, or, as Malte-Brun 
 styles it, Chin-India). The remark by the British Parliament, 
 " glorious successes in India " — erring on the right side — is apt 
 to raise a smile when compared with that of a popular historian 
 
THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 61 
 
 of British India, who, after asserting that the Burmese war was 
 the principal event of Lord Amherst's administration, and that by 
 the successful operations the Company gained a large extent of 
 territory on the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal, writes : — 
 " As this conquest, however, was carried on entirely beyond the 
 limits of India proper, it does not belong to the subject of the 
 present work ! " This is a remarkable statement. The war was 
 actually undertaken to protect Bengal, or give us a better 
 " scientific frontier " to the eastward (or south-east) than for- 
 merly ; and yet even the principal operations of such an 
 important war did not require to be handed down to posterity ! 
 As well might we say that Canada or South Africa should be 
 excluded from a History of the British Empire. Regarding our 
 Eastern Empire, we must ever consider each square mile or 
 even acre of it an important part of " the stupendous whole ! " 
 
 It is impossible to consider the effects of the first Burmese 
 war without thinking of the foreign policy of the illustrious 
 statesman and orator, Mr. Canning. Having gained a con- 
 siderable knowledge of Indian affairs at the Board of Control, 
 he had been selected to proceed to India as Governor-GeneraL 
 But he could ill be spared from Europe ; the people of England 
 especially could not spare him j so Lord Amherst went in his 
 stead. It was during his mighty achievements as Foreign 
 Secretary, therefore, that he could only hear at a distance of 
 the war and our relations with Burma; and it is curious to re- 
 flect what policy he might have recommended to the Court, or 
 himself adopted, had the Lord of the White Elephant and the 
 Golden Foot come under his special control. The great poli- 
 tical " adventurer " — as he was styled by his enemies — might in 
 a burst of eloquent enthusiasm — as Viceroy he would have ex- 
 hibited the ready writing genius, vigour, and foresight of Lord 
 Dalhousie, combined with the statesman-like moderation of 
 Lord Mayo — have informed the people of both Upper and 
 Lower Burma, that he called the British or New power in 
 portions of their golden land into existence " to redress the 
 
62 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 balance of the Old/'* which robbed them of independence, and 
 made them the slaves of tyranny and oppression. Mr. Canning's 
 remarks on war as well as politics — say, the balance of power 
 — appear to be equally just : they are especially so when we 
 regard the progress of British power in the East. On the 
 uncertainty of war he says : — " How seldom in the whole 
 history of the wars of Europe has any war between two great 
 Powers ended in obtaining the exact, the identical object for 
 which the war was begun ! " May not the same be said with 
 regard to our Indian wars against minor powers ? And again 
 — particularly applicable at the present time (1879), when the 
 encroachments of Russia in certain quarters have been arrested 
 by that stern sentry, a " scientific frontier " — he exclaims : — 
 " The balance of power ! ... Is it not a standard per- 
 petually varying as civilisation advances, and as new nations 
 spring up and take their place among established political 
 communities ? " 
 
 During two centuries the balance of power has been adjusted 
 over and over again. Upwards of half a century ago, as in 
 later times, there were revolutions and counter-revolutions, 
 Greek and other settlements in Europe, and a boundary dispute 
 in Europe and America; and in Africa and Chin -India the 
 Ashantee and Burmese wars. Time moves rapidly on; vast 
 changes throughout the world are now on the eve of being 
 accomplished, till, at no distant period, universal civilisation 
 may be found emerging from chaos. 
 
 The balance of power in the East will soon be a very difficult 
 problem to solve, especially if Russia and Germanyt (which 
 
 * The great statesman's celebrated sentence, with which the above liberty 
 is taken, the reader may recollect, was uttered in allusion to his being the 
 first European minister to recognise South American independence : — " I called 
 the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old." In 1827 
 Mr. Canning became Premier, and died in August of that year. 
 
 t In 1879 styled " the natural ally of China." 
 
THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 
 
 63 
 
 seems probable) become mixed up with China; and Russia, 
 with the usual steadiness of purpose, becomes too eager about 
 establishing a profitable inland trade with the flowery land — 
 the vast region whose people are still exclusive, but now more 
 progressive and wonderful and pliable than at any former 
 period ! With so many " coming events " casting their 
 "shadows before," it becomes almost an imperative duty on 
 Great Britain to keep a watchful eye on Upper Burma, as 
 Chinese relations* with the Golden Foot may expand at any 
 moment; and during some great crisis, or sudden convulsion, 
 we might lose the chance of better securing our eastern and 
 south-eastern frontier, and thus risk those vast commercial 
 interests for which the way has been so admirably paved by the 
 first and second Burmese wars. 
 
 * Burma is a sort of vassal of China. 
 
64 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 
 
 How true it is that in military operations time is everything ! " 
 
 Wellington. 
 
 In the event of a third Burmese war, or any future military 
 operations in Chin-India, it may be well to gather a few lessons 
 from the experiences of the old campaigns. The first grand 
 failure of the Burmese in opposing or standing against us has 
 been attributed to their ignorance of the art of war, or at 
 least to their knowledge of the art being very limited. But 
 even had they possessed a general-in-chief like Baron De 
 Jomini among them, without the feeling that it is the disci- 
 pline of an army that makes the multitude act as one man, 
 the result would have been the same. Such a Burmese strate- 
 gist must have worked after his own fashion, the proper use of 
 jungles, fastnesses, trees, stockades, rivers, swamps, old guns, 
 and jinjals,* being to him what field-works teeming with im- 
 provements in engineering and artillery science are to us ; the 
 
 * Wall pieces, carrying small balls, varying from half a pound to two or 
 throe pounds in weight. 
 
REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 65 
 
 above forming a large portion of his idea of the art of war — 
 as we found to our cost, no very bad one. 
 
 The Burmese, when the first war broke out, and fifteen years 
 before, had a very exalted idea of their knowledge of the art of 
 war; so much so that in 1810 one of the ministers at Ava in- 
 formed Captain Canuing, the British envoy, that if application 
 had been originally made in a proper manner, His Burman 
 Majesty would have sent an army, and put the British nation 
 in possession of the whole of France, thus ending the revolu- 
 tionary war in Europe. Another absurdity of the same period 
 is given in a draught of a letter to the Governor-General, com- 
 posed by the Ava ministers, declaring the King of England to 
 be a vassal of the Burman monarch ; but this, it is written, 
 "was too much even for the despotic Minderajee Praw, who 
 ordered it to be expunged.'' 
 
 During the long series of operations in which we were en- 
 gaged throughout the first war, exemplary patience under diffi- 
 culties, and admirable conduct in retreat, among the Burmese, 
 were especially observable. The retreat of Maha Bandoola 
 from Rangoon was managed with considerable skill. When, 
 with the remnant of his army, he retreated finally upon Dona- 
 bew, he left posts on the Lain and Panlang rivers, to harass 
 and detain the British force in moving forward. And even after 
 their hero's death, in a desultory and disorderly flight, we are 
 informed that the characteristic cunning and caution of the 
 nation was conspicuous, as Major Snodgrass writes, " effecting 
 their retreat with such science and circumspection as would 
 have been a lesson to the best disciplined army in Europe."* 
 
 Variety of resource to facilitate operations is also strikingly 
 apparent in the Burmese tactics. For instance, what could be 
 more ingenious than converting a huge tree into a battery? 
 
 Major Snodgrase's " Narrative of the Burmese War," p. 175. 
 
 5 
 
66 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Bandoola's look-out tree at Donabew — mounting four guns — 
 was certainly an extraordinary work, on which even Vauban or 
 Cormontaigne could never have calculated, and which would 
 have raised a smile on the calm visage of Linnseus, the father 
 of the peaceful science of botany. From an engraving, the 
 tree appears to be cleft in twain, all the smaller branches 
 being lopped off, and a series of props or arms left of consider- 
 able dimensions. Across and resting on these are three tiers, 
 the lowest mounting one gun in the centre ; on the second, a 
 gim left and centre ; and on the top tier, a gun left ; the whole 
 surmounted by a shed, with strong posts and a well-matted 
 roof, in which warlike domicile are seated two warriors, armed 
 with muskets, apparently engaged in feeling if their powder is 
 dry. So much for Bandoola's look-out tree at Donabew. The 
 Burmese operations during the war, as will have been seen, were 
 offensive as well as defensive, of course chiefly the latter ; the 
 stockade — in the construction of which they are perfectly 
 wonderful, and in making which even women and children 
 assisted — being given them, as it were, by Nature for their 
 own fortification. In attack, the Burmese varied consider- 
 ably ; at times being very feeble, but occasionally very despe- 
 rate, as will be seen from the general's account of the attack 
 on the British post at Kemmindine, where the First Madras 
 Fusiliers* and the gallant 26th Madras Native Infantry so 
 greatly distinguished themselves. The Burmese attack on 
 Pegu — gallantly defended by Major (now General Sir "William) 
 Hill — in the second war was the only approach to the deter- 
 mined assault on Kemmindine of the first. 
 
 But the most desperate Burmese attacks during the first 
 
 * Her Majesty's 102nd Royal — " The Royal Tigers " — spectamur agendo — 
 bearing on its colours glories commencing at Arcot and Plassey, down to 
 " Ava," " Pegu,"and " Lucknow." This was the famous Ncill's regiment — 
 General Neill, the " avenging angel of the Indian Mutiny." 
 
REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 67 
 
 campaigns were those made at Watty-goon* (or Watty goung) 
 before we forced the heights of Nepadee. The veteran chief, 
 Maha Nemiow, had at length arrived from the Court of Ava 
 as if to supply the place of a Bandoola, and direct the general 
 operations of the army. Two brigades had been ordered to dis- 
 lodge the enemy. They were to be assaulted in flank and rear, 
 while the main body attacked in front. The Burmese, obtain- 
 ing information of this plan, did not wait " to be visited in 
 their position," but met the British columns halfway, com- 
 menced an animated and continual skirmish, and thus frus- 
 trated the simultaneous attack of the three corps. When 
 Watty-goon was reached it was found to be strongly stockaded. 
 Colonel M'Dowall was killed while reconnoitring the place. 
 So at length, finding the position far too strong for a divided 
 force, "a retreat was ordered, and conducted with steadiness 
 and regularity M ; but we met with severe loss, " the enemy 
 closely following it up for several miles." The caution of Maha 
 Nemiow was remarkable for a Burman. Advancing direct upon 
 Prome, he moved slowly, stockading himself at every mile as 
 he advanced. 
 
 Regarding the British operations during this war, of course 
 they were, as usual, chiefly successful through bold and dashing 
 attack j and considering the length of the campaigns, and the 
 local disadvantages (chiefly from the want of a good intelli- 
 gence department) we laboured under, we managed admirably, 
 and committed very few mistakes. Our attacks were generally, 
 as they ever should be in such regions, sharp, short, and de- 
 cisive. Taking into account the natural obstacles of the 
 country, and the mode of warfare adopted by the Burmese, we 
 could hardly have done more. As will have been seen, the 
 enemy seemed to favour a position flanked on both sides by a 
 jungle ; but the British charge, even through this obstacle, 
 
 * Sixteen miles from Prome, in a north-east direction. 
 
 5 * 
 
68 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 was generally irresistible. And the Burmese fear of a terrible 
 rush of cold steel reached its climax when, twenty-eight years 
 after, we attacked Rangoon, or rather the great Shwe-dagon 
 pagoda, and achieved, as our readers will soon observe, "a 
 brilliant feat of arms."* 
 
 The decisive action at Kokeen in the first war was highly 
 creditable to the British arms, and shows what effects can be 
 gained against a formidable stockade by a well-organised and 
 well-managed plan of attack. It will have been observed that 
 on this occasion a well-directed fire of artillery speedily made a 
 breach in the work, which was then so gallantly carried by the 
 infantry ; but as a general rule we think that what the great 
 Duke said with reference to attacks on Indian forts, notwith- 
 standing the uncertainty in their issue, is applicable to warfare 
 in Chin-India, — that it is more expedient and more creditable to 
 our arms if we can attack without wasting time in making an actual 
 breach. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to breach some 
 stockades — the very nature of their construction affording such 
 vast powers of resistance — so the artillery must just be content 
 with throwing shells, fire-balls, rockets, or such-like projectiles, 
 into the Burmese fort, while the infantry are looking out for 
 some weak point in the flanks or rear to enter, and the irre- 
 gular cavalry are all on the alert to cut off the enemy while 
 attempting to escape from the stronghold. Of course, covering 
 advance and assault by a heavy fire of musketry on the de- 
 fences ; enfilading the part attacked, if possible ; and, if the 
 ground were favourable, taking the place by escalade, would all 
 be considered by a judicious commander. 
 
 It is impossible to read De Jomini's famous chapter on 
 " Offensive and Defensive Operations " without giving pre- 
 ference in the system to the former. Applied to a more 
 transient operation, the offensive is considered always advan- 
 
 * " The Times," 1852. 
 
EEMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 69 
 
 tageous, especially in strategy. " In fact," writes the Baron, 
 "if the art of war consist in directing one's forces upon the 
 decisive point, it is comprehended that the first means of 
 applying this principle will be to take the initiative of move- 
 ments/' Again : " The offensive, considered morally and 
 politically, is almost always advantageous, because it carries 
 the war upon foreign soil, spares your own country, diminishes 
 the resources of the enemy, and augments yours.'''' In tactics, 
 the offensive has also its immense advantages ; but they are 
 " less positive, because the operations not being upon so large 
 a sphere, he who has the initiative cannot conceal them from 
 the enemy, who, discovering this instantly, can, by the aid of 
 good reserves, remedy it on the spot."* Defensive war, never- 
 theless, has its advantages when " the inert or passive " and 
 the " active defence with offensive returns " are wisely com- 
 bined. It is a great talent to know how to retake the initiative 
 in the midst even of a defensive struggle. To the non-military 
 reader it may be well to say a word on strategy and tactics. 
 The former includes " the ensemble of the theatre of war/' 
 including in such the different combinations which it might 
 offer, and " the choice and the establishment of the fixed base 
 and of the zone of operations." Tactics have merely to do with 
 the manoeuvres of an army on the field of battle, and the 
 different formations for leading the troops to attack. Perhaps 
 our admirable young volunteers of the present day will keep 
 these definitions strictly in mind. 
 
 Of course, the most important point in a plan of operations 
 is a good base; and if an army operating against Germany 
 would be right in selecting for its base the Rhine, so would a 
 British army operating against Upper Burma, and other parts 
 of Chin- India, select for its base the Irawady, and other noble 
 rivers. With reference to the Irawady it may be said, " A base 
 
 * See " The Art of War," Art. xvi., " Stategical combinations," pp. 83, 84. 
 
70 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 supported upon a large and impetuous river, the banks of -which 
 should be held by good fortresses, situated in command of this 
 river, would be, without contradiction, the most favourable that 
 could be desired." Throughout Chin-India many rivers would 
 be found for bases, on which we could fall back, or from which 
 we could move forward at pleasure ; while British Burma surely 
 has capacity sufficient for establishing thereon any amount of 
 magazines or depots. Touching on Burmese rivers brings 
 forth the difference between Burmese and British strategy, as 
 has already been observed in the case of Bandoola, who is 
 blamed for having given up the narrow Panlang and Lain 
 rivers, where he could have presented a most effectual oppo- 
 sition, to fight on the banks of the broad Irawady at Donabew. 
 If, then, during the first Burmese war, the noble Irawady 
 formed a splendid base of operations for the invader, what 
 would it be now with the whole of Pegu at our command, 
 and, what we must obtain at all hazards, entire control over 
 the eastern and western Karennee country ! With such bases 
 of operations, strategy with the British in Chin- India will be 
 supreme, or, at least, better than any invading army in that 
 quarter ever had before for conquest. Even with a second- 
 rate general, provided the ordinary rules of the art of war 
 were attended to — no over confidence, but even more caution 
 than against an European foe — it would be simply a case of 
 veni, vidi, vici ! With such bases of operations, we should be 
 far more than a match for any power that could be arrayed 
 against us. 
 
 In the event of any extensive operations in and around 
 Upper Burma, we would probably have, say, three sorts of 
 allies — Karens, Shans, and some other powerful tribe which 
 would be sure to arise if the Shans joined us. In Upper 
 Burma, and to the north and east of the capital, should the King 
 be so insane as to hold out against us, there would be no 
 chance — as there might be in South Africa — of a predatory or 
 guerilla warfare ; such is quite foreign to the country. The 
 
REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 71 
 
 enemy would rely, as of yore, chiefly on their stockades. But 
 if, in imitation of other nations, they thought that a predatory 
 war — which would certainly have no foundation in strength — 
 might be more successful in the end, — if the allies, the first to 
 be attacked, only stood close by us, as the great Duke said 
 when fighting the Mahrattas, there would be no chance of the 
 enemy's success, but they would meet with utter discomfiture. 
 
 The "Diana." 
 
 We must now make a few remarks on the important part the 
 little steamer "Diana " played during the operations. It will 
 have been seen that on the same day as the brilliant action at 
 Kokeen, the navy was not behind the army in gaining dis- 
 tinction, Captain Chads having made a successful attack on the 
 enemy's war-boats. In their capture the " Diana" was chiefly 
 instrumental. Her exploits were so numerous, and she proved 
 so very serviceable, that while the campaigns lasted she never 
 was allowed to leave the Irawady. She reconnoitred the stock- 
 aded positions, chased and captured war-boats, greatly advanced 
 the movements of the army to Prome, and carried Mr. John 
 Crawfurd (the Envoy) as far as Amarapura, some five hundred 
 miles up the stream from Rangoon. With the "Diana" steamer, 
 as Lord Bacon has it, to " choose time " was to " save time." 
 No waiting for wind or tide, the little vessel, like Havelock's 
 saints at Rangoon, when called upon to attack, was always 
 ready.* She seemed, as it were, determined to be successful, 
 for she was in earnest everywhere. Could the immortal James 
 Watt, and the ingenious Patrick Miller of Dalswinton (inventor 
 of practical steam navigation) , only have looked on "■ Diana " 
 
 * " Call out Havelock's saints," said Sir Archibald Campbell on one occa- 
 sion, at Rangoon, when Bandoola had taken him by surprise ; " they are never 
 drunk, but always ready ! " 
 
72 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 during the first Burmese war, they would have been happy men 
 ever after; and, doubtless, while on the Irawady, she elicited 
 admiration and drew forth many a witty remark from our most 
 popular naval writer, who served in the operations— Captain 
 Marryat, the " Sea Fielding." The novelty of the structure 
 produced a powerful effect on the minds of the natives, who 
 of course could not know the limits of its power ; and if, it is 
 thought by some, we had been able to avail ourselves of a flotilla 
 of such steamers the war would have proved much shorter and 
 more decisive, as well as less expensive and bloody. History 
 repeating itself is not uncommon now-a-days : it seems to have 
 been repeated in a fashion at the end of this war ; for Alompra, 
 the hunter, began the old Burmese Empire ; and " Diana/' the 
 huntress, in the form of a little steamer, seventy-three years 
 after, seemed busy in helping British power to the dawn of a 
 new one ! 
 
 With regard to the effect produced on the Burmese mind by 
 a steamer— which will also be found touched on hereafter — it 
 will be interesting to the reader, should he, like the present 
 writer, recollect April 1852, to carry his memory back to the 
 magnificent appearance in the Rangoon river of the Queen's 
 and Company's war-steamers, aided by other subtle political 
 sailing persuasive instruments, such as the " Fox " frigate and 
 ' the brig " Serpent," as they lay opposite Rangoon — all ready to 
 bestow on Great Britain what is now the Liverpool or Glasgow 
 of Chin-India ! 
 
 It may here be well to remark that rockets were very effective 
 during the first Burmese war ; and the writer had more than 
 one opportunity of observing their utility in the second. These 
 "devil-sticks" — as the Burmese style them — can be brought 
 rapidly into action, when there may be a considerable delay in 
 bringing on the guns ; the tubes are light, and all can be 
 carried on elephants with great rapidity. In the event of 
 
REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 73 
 
 further operations, a corps of Pegu mounted rifles would be 
 very useful ; but in any case of war, no operations should take 
 place without a tight little force of irregular cavalry like the 
 Nizam's, or those which were employed in Central India. Such 
 troops are always invaluable in jungle warfare, as they can act 
 under all circumstances. 
 
 The novelty of introducing a few gatling guns into the 
 equipment of any field force in esse, of course, would be highly 
 desirable. We presume that officers who have seen them used 
 at the Cape and elsewhere are well aware of their destructive 
 as well as portable capabilities. The Americans, we understand, 
 have just invented a new gun, with only two barrels, of a most 
 destructive and portable nature, which would suit Chin-Indian 
 warfare admirably. For, after all, to get man or gun quickly 
 into position is a leading principle in the great art of war. 
 Light mountain guns would be useful, especially if we were 
 forced into operations in the Shan country, which is moun- 
 tainous and woody. They would not be so much required in 
 Upper Burma proper, now that we possess Pegu. When, 
 through the possession of Arakan, we freed our territories on 
 that side from Burmese interference, and our troublesome 
 neighbours were confined within their ancient boundaries by 
 the lofty Anoupectoumiew, it was then remarked : — " The King 
 is not ignorant that, should he again offend, we can march a 
 force across these mountains and appear on the Irawady, from 
 our post at Aeng, in eight or ten days, and probably reach his 
 capital within a month." Now, we can appear at once on 
 the Irawady, which we virtually command ; and with the 
 railway to Prome, and the telegraph, we have everything ready 
 — except, perhaps, a sufficient fleet of small steamers, none of 
 them drawing more than three feet of water — for a grand 
 advance, in the event of a third war ! 
 
 The topography of the country over which, to the north of 
 Prome, the operations were conducted in the first campaigns, 
 and which might again become the theatre of conflict, is now 
 
74 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 pretty well known. Want of good roads* — frequently none at 
 all — plenty of jungle, occasional thick forests, and wooded 
 hills, towns filled with large and small temples, plenty of good 
 (though sometimes hard) water, and occasionally beautiful 
 scenery, enriched by the unrivalled flora of Burma, would 
 chiefly attract the attention of the soldier or the traveller. 
 
 Pegu, the capital of the ancient Talaing kingdom, in lat. 18° N. 
 and long. 96° 30' E., about ninety miles from Rangoon, would 
 have to be strengthened in case of an advance. Tonghoo, or 
 Toungoo, is in the same latitude as Prome, 18° 45' N., long. 
 96° 45' E.,f and is a hundred miles to the eastward of that 
 town, from which the advance upon Ava was made in the first 
 war. It is separated from Prome by the Galadzet mountains. 
 The next most important town to Prome was Meaday (now on our 
 frontier), once of considerable magnitude. Then comes Melloon 
 (or Melown), in lat. 19° 46' N., long. 94° 54' E. ; next Pagam, 
 in lat. 21° N., long. 94° 40' E., a town famous for its numerous 
 temples ; and then Yandaboo, forty-five miles from Ava. 
 
 Umrapoora (or Amarapiira, " City of the Immortals ") is in 
 lat. 21° 55' N., long. 96° T E., and Ava in lat. 21° 45' N., 
 long. 96° E. Both of these cities had been the capital of the 
 Burmese Empire at different times, " according to the caprice 
 of the King." The country from Pagam (or Pagahm-mew) to 
 Ava is described as most beautiful : — " Extensive plains of the 
 finest land watered by the Irawady, interspersed with ever- 
 green woods, only sufficiently large to give beauty and variety 
 to the scenery ; and the banks of the river so thickly studded 
 with villages, temples, monasteries (kijoungs) , and other hand- 
 some buildings, as to give under one coup-d'ceil all the charms of 
 a richly varied landscape, with the more sterling beauties of a 
 populous and fertile country." This rapturous description is 
 
 * Still, Major Snodgrass considered the- roads and country upwards generally 
 more advantageous for military operations than those in the lower provinces. 
 f Longitude of Promo, 95° 5' E. 
 
REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 75 
 
 a little exaggerated; but every campaigner in esse may be 
 prepared for an interesting and novel tract of country. 
 
 The dispositions for the advance were ably conceived. The 
 first division, with head-quarters and commissariat, was en- 
 camped eight miles in front of Prome. The second division, 
 under Brigadier-General Cotton, was on the left — ordered to 
 move in communication with Sir James Brisbane, in command 
 of the river flotilla j the first division preceding the march of 
 the second by three days. The route of the first was by 
 Watty-goon and Seindoup. On the Pegu side, Colonel Pepper 
 advanced upon Toungoo, and threatened the capital from that 
 quarter. Mandalay could also be easily threatened from Assam. 
 We learn from high authority : — It has been recently ascer- 
 tained that the route by which the Burmese effected their last 
 invasion of Assam, crossed the Patkoi mountains by a depres- 
 sion of the range, where its height is only about 2,500 feet 
 above the sea. 
 
76 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 THE FINANCES OF INDIA FIFTY YEARS AGO, OR, 
 AFTER THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 
 
 The following short statement, taken from the old East India 
 Company's accounts, as laid upon the table of the House of 
 Commons in 1829, will show how pecuniary matters stood in 
 India for 1827-8 ; and it is altogether exclusive of the debts 
 and establishments at home. 
 
 INDIAN ESTIMATES FOR 1827-28. 
 
 Bengal. 
 
 Charge. Revenue. 
 
 Expenditure - £11,894,282 Revenue - £14,695,998 
 
 Interest - - 1,667,034 Commerce - - 79,905 
 
 Commerce - 179,591 
 
 Total charge - 13,740,917 Total - 14,775,903 
 
 Surplus revenue in Bengal - £1,034,986. 
 
INDIAN FINANCE. 77 
 
 Madras. 
 
 Charge. Revenue. 
 
 Expenditure - £5,488,208 Revenue - £5,373,756 
 Interest - 177,078 Commerce - - 28,459 
 
 Commerce - 21,474 
 
 Total charge - 5,686,760 Total 
 
 Deficiency at Madras - £284,545. 
 
 Bombay. 
 
 Charge. Revenue. 
 
 Expenditure - £3,820,013 Revenue - - £2,635,023 
 Interest - - 41,013 Commerce - - 39,375 
 
 Commerce - 54,551 
 
 rial charge - 3,915,577 
 
 Total - 2,674,398 
 
 Deficiency at Bombay 
 
 £1,241,179. 
 
 Out-ports. 
 
 
 Charge. 
 
 Revenue. 
 
 Prince of Wales' Island £195,418 
 
 000 
 
 St. Helena - - - 119,511 
 
 000 
 
 Canton - - - 320,761 
 
 000 
 
 Total charge - £635,690 
 
 
 Deficiency at Out-ports - £635,690. 
 
78 
 
 3 OUR BURMESE 
 
 WARS. 
 
 Collecting these, we have — 
 
 
 Revenue. 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 Bengal - £14,775,903 
 
 £13,740,917 
 
 Madras - 5,402,215 
 
 5,686,760 
 
 Bombay - 2,674,398 
 
 3,915,577 
 
 Out-ports nil 
 
 635,690 
 
 Total abroad 22,852,516 
 
 23,978,944 
 
 Deduct revenue 
 
 - 22,852,516 
 
 Net annual deficiency 
 
 abroad 1,126,428 
 
 This is the annual deficiency in the revenue of the company 
 abroad, after three years of profound peace, the Burmese -war 
 having terminated on the 24th February 1826 ; and with a 
 debt of very nearly thirty-five millions sterling, bearing an 
 annual interest of more than five per cent, upon the average * 
 
 When Lord Hastings left India in January 1823, the 
 Treasury was full, and the income exceeded the expenditure by 
 nearly two crores of rupees a year (two millions sterling). It 
 may here also be of interest to remark that, after 1818, 
 Scindiah's government was so well administered and his finances 
 had so improved, that, in 1827 (a year after the Burmese war, 
 and after the capture of Bhurtpore), he was able to lend half a 
 million sterling to the Company ! 
 
 This was a noble and liberal action on the part of a native 
 prince ; and we may question if any of our feudatories of the 
 present day would do likewise, even if we were so impolitic as 
 to ask their assistance in either money or men. 
 
 Such an act of Scindiah becomes the more remarkable when 
 it is considered that he and Holkar were once the most deadly 
 
 * See Mudie's " Picture of India (1832)," vol. ii. p. 207. 
 
INDIAN FINANCE. 79 
 
 foes to the British name j and Sir John Malcolm said he would 
 never forget the loss of empire sustained through Britain. 
 Unlike the Rajah of Burdwan, Scindiah knew we were good and 
 sure paymasters — though, perhaps, rather slow at getting out 
 of debt ! — and, like many other native princes, he seemed to 
 have studied Lord Bacon, who, writing on usury, declares 
 that " no man will lend his monies far off, nor put them into 
 unknown hands." 
 
 So long as there must be borrowing or lending among men, 
 there must be, with a less severe form of usury, the same 
 financial processes among states — the difference being, in the 
 latter case, that the money is always supposed to be lent for 
 some good or useful purpose. On this grand hypothesis neither 
 England nor India will ever be out of debt.* In the foregoing 
 statement we read of an Indian debt of nearly thirty -five millions 
 sterling, which, if there had been no Burmese war, or other 
 important military operations, we may suppose would not have 
 exceeded twenty millions, or, deducting the Burmese war only 
 (twelve), twenty-three millions. 
 
 What wars did formerly in India, public works and their 
 supervision have done in more recent times. In reading about 
 the vast machinery of the latter, however, the mind of the 
 state financier is solaced by coming on such a remark as " Pro- 
 ductive Public Works." Why should we not likewise be satisfied 
 with the fact that some wars are productive also ? Paley, one 
 of the shrewdest writers that ever lived, declares the justifying 
 causes of war to be " deliberate invasions of right, and the 
 necessity of maintaining such a balance of power amongst 
 neighbouring nations as that no single state, or confederacy of 
 states, be strong enough to overwhelm the rest." In the case 
 of the first Burmese war the just objects were precaution, 
 
 * The amount of debt of the Government of India, in India and in England, 
 at the close of 1878, was nearly one hundred and thirty-five millions sterling. 
 
80 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 defence, and reparation. The twelve millions were spent in 
 saving Bengal from invasion and constant annoyance, and in 
 preventing the Governor- General from being taken in " golden 
 fetters " to Ava. The seeds of future productiveness for our 
 benefit were sown in Chin-India — which we trust hereafter to 
 make apparent — and the way was paved for the second Burmese 
 war, which, at a cost of less than a fourth of the first, has long 
 been un grand fait accompli, and the cause and principal ope- 
 rations of which we shall now — when likely soon to be forced 
 into a third — have the honour of presenting, for the second 
 time, to our courteous and indulgent readers. 
 
 In the following chapters it has been thought advisable to 
 preserve many of the details recorded in the original narratives, 
 as not a few officers and others who were engaged in the ope- 
 rations are yet alive, and may feel pleased to look back upon 
 them, even if not among the few "green spots in memory's waste." 
 As acute British critics have long been well inclined to consider 
 details the very life and soul of a social narrative — the lights 
 and shades which give animation to the picture — so they may 
 consider them of some importance in a military record, as 
 furnishing materials, and, if not thus rendering a service to 
 society, at least forming a ready accessory or guide for the 
 future historian. 
 
81 
 
 PART II. 
 
 THE SECOND BURMESE WAR. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 
 
 The treaty of Yandaboo guaranteed the security of our mer- 
 chants and of our commerce. There was to be no oppression 
 of British subjects. The merchants trading at Rangoon were 
 to be liable to no inordinate exactions. On the whole, it seemed 
 as if civilisation had taken a stride, and from intercourse with 
 our countrymen, that the empire founded by Alompra was in 
 a fair way to gain reason and wisdom. But a dark cloud soon 
 gathered on the political horizon which, twenty-six years after 
 the treaty was signed, was to destroy every hope of friendship 
 between us, and force the Indian Government, after unexampled 
 long-suffering and patience, to put down " barbarian insolence" 
 by force of arms. At first, the King agreed to receive a repre- 
 sentative at Ava; two of our Residents were, however, suc- 
 cessively treated with every indignity, and the last was planted 
 
 6 
 
82 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 on an island in the Irawady without provisions, till the river 
 rose and threatened to swamp him and his suite. We therefore 
 withdrew the representative altogether, rather than irritate the 
 barbarous court. 
 
 Latterly, our merchants at Rangoon, contrary to the stipu- 
 lations of the treaty, were subjected to a series of oppressions 
 and exactions, which, if unredressed, must have obliged us to 
 quit the port. The merchants now applied for the interposition 
 of the Government of India, by whom the treaty was made. 
 
 It is unnecessary to enter into a detail of all the insults 
 heaped upon us by the Burmese. Suffice it to mention one 
 case of injustice and oppression, that of a British captain of a 
 vessel, who, on the false representation of a Burmese pilot, 
 was imprisoned, placed by the Governor of Rangoon jin the 
 stocks, and fined nine hundred rupees. This outrage brought 
 forth the sympathy of the good people at Maulmain, who 
 raised a subscription equal to the fine to release the merchant 
 from his unpleasant situation. 
 
 To satisfy our oppressed merchants, the Most Noble the 
 Governor-General, remote at the time from Calcutta, demanded 
 the removal of the tyrannical Governor, and the payment of 
 the sum of nine hundred pounds sterling, " the price/-' as was 
 humorously remarked, " of four or five of the golden spittoons 
 in the palace of Ava." The admission of a Resident or agent 
 at Rangoon, or Ava, was also required. The small sum of 
 money was considered necessary as compensation for losses 
 sustained by Messrs. Lewis and Shepperd, the former of whom 
 had also been imprisoned and fined, though not placed in the 
 Burmese stocks. The pacific disposition manifested by the Court 
 of Ava, on the receipt of the Governor-General's despatch, 
 induced Commodore Lambert, of the Royal Navy, with his 
 squadron, who had been some time previously deputed to Ran- 
 goon, to demand reparation for the extortions practised upon 
 British subjects, contrary to the treaty of Yandaboo. On the 
 1st of January 1852, the King's reply to the Governor-General 
 
THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 83 
 
 was delivered; and, with consummate assurance, the Golden 
 Foot professed an anxious desire " to comply with the demands 
 which had been made, and to maintain the relations of peace." 
 
 On the morning of the 4th, the new Governor arrived at 
 Rangoon from Ava, " empowered by the King to settle the 
 claims of the Indian Government." He came in regal pomp, 
 attended by a large retinue, consisting of an armament of 
 barges and war-boats. The latter, decorated with elaborate 
 carving and gilding, are said to have contained about three 
 thousand followers. Altogether, during his stately march, the 
 Governor was accompanied by nearly four thousand men. He 
 had levied the severest exactions on all the towns as he passed, 
 and had in his train ten boats laden with powder. 
 
 The ex- Governor of Rangoon, who had for some days been 
 occupying a small dwelling near Government House, paid his 
 respects to the Viceroy on his arrival, and was repeatedly 
 closeted with him. It was at first supposed that he would be 
 subjected to a trial — at least an investigation — in the presence 
 of the Viceroy, and a great number of the foreigners had 
 drawn up statements of their grievances. But on the 5th, it 
 was ascertained that he was in high favour with his Excellency, 
 and, on the 6th of January, he departed in triumph to Ava, 
 with all his family and a large retinue, and all the plunder he 
 had accumulated, in fifty boats. A clever trick, truly, in a 
 Governor, whose will for so long a time had been law five 
 hundred miles from the capital ! 
 
 The day after arrival, the Governor sent an order to 
 Mr. Birrell, a merchant, to take down a flag-staff he had 
 erected, and to remove a gun he had placed in position on his 
 landing-place. Mr. Birrell very properly replied, that the 
 flag-staff having been placed there by the consent of the Com- 
 modore, either to signal him in case of their being attacked, or 
 to establish a communication between the Europeans on shore 
 and the ships of war, he could not alter the arrangement 
 without the Commodore's permission. The Governor became 
 
 6 * 
 
84 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 enraged at this reply, and immediately ordered all communi- 
 cation with the shipping to he stopped. Commodore Lambert, 
 unwilling to give the Burmese any cause of offence, directed 
 the flag-staff to be removed. But the prohibition of all 
 intercourse with our ships, had already caused the flight 
 of unfortunate carpenters, coolies, and workmen of every 
 description. 
 
 Mr. Birrell, on the removal of the flag-staff and gun, 
 had been directed to inform the Governor that the Com- 
 modore had done so on the assurance that their property 
 and persons were safe under his government. Trade was then 
 resumed. 
 
 On the evening of this day, Mr. Edwards, the interpreter, 
 visited the Governor of Dalla — a picturesque town, situated op- 
 posite Rangoon — and inquired if the promised Governor had 
 really arrived. Doubt appears to have arisen on this point 
 among our functionaries, from the fact of so many hours having 
 elapsed without any Viceroy taking notice of the Commodore, 
 either by letter of friendship or simply by the announcement 
 of arrival. The old Governor answered in the affirmative, and 
 wondered at the question " when he must have seen, by the 
 great state and display on the river, that the Governor had 
 arrived." 
 
 On the morning of the 6th, Mr. Edwards was sent to inquire 
 the cause of the Viceroy's silence, and also to ascertain if it 
 would be convenient for the Governor to receive a deputation, 
 or any public communication. At the door of the mansion, 
 dignified with the appellation of a palace, Mr. Edwards was 
 stopped by a Burmese menial, who, according to one statement, 
 " drawing his sword, desired him to crouch to the ground, on 
 nearing the presence of his Governor." Mr. Edwards sent 
 word by another servant, that he was waiting with a message 
 from the Commodore. He was then admitted. On the Inter- 
 preter's complaining of the ill-treatment received at the door, 
 the culprit was ordered into the presence : he was then, we were 
 
THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. OO 
 
 told, " punished, and dragged out of the room by the hair of 
 his head." 
 
 Orders were also issued, that no one was to be stopped who 
 had business with the Governor from the Commodore. 
 
 The Viceroy's bearing was courteous. He informed Mr. 
 Edwards that he would at all times be happy to hear from 
 the Commodore, or to see him. In this there was good be- 
 haviour on the part of the Viceroy ; but, according to another 
 statement, the Governor " spoke in a tone of derision which 
 created no small merriment among the officers around him." 
 Not long after this curious interview, a deputation started to 
 wait on the Viceroy. 
 
 It consisted of Captain Fishbourne, of H.M.S. " Hermes," 
 Captain Latter, the chief Interpreter, and some other officers.* 
 And now commenced Burmese incivility to the fullest extent, 
 notwithstanding the fact that the Commodore had received 
 every deputation from shore with the greatest courtesy. On 
 their arrival at Government House, the members were not ad- 
 mitted to the Viceroy's presence. Some of the Burmese 
 officers had thought them mad in attempting what was con- 
 sidered such audacity towards their new Governor. Our 
 officers, therefore, had been obliged to force their way, through 
 a crowd of insolent barbarians, to the neighbourhood of the 
 hall of audience. They were prevented from going upstairs, 
 till the Viceroy's permission had been obtained. After some 
 minutes, Captain Latter was informed that his Excellency was 
 asleep, and could not be disturbed. At this very time of 
 glorious repose, the wily Governor had telegraphed for Mr. 
 Edwards to come into the presence, which the deputation, of 
 course, would not allow him to do. Captain Latter urged the 
 necessity of seeing the Viceroy, before their departure; but 
 
 * The deputation likewise included Mr. Southey, the Commodore's secre- 
 tary. 
 
86 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 " every remonstrance on his part, with the most distinguished of 
 the officers present, proved unavailing." The members of the de- 
 putation returned to the Commodore, reporting what had taken 
 place and the great insult to which they had been subjected. 
 
 According to the established law of nations, on a demand for 
 justice being refused, reprisals follow of right. The property of 
 any Burmese subjects " might have been lawfully seized, but it 
 was deemed much better to take what was notoriously the 
 King's than to distress individuals who might never have been 
 compensated by their own Government, and who would pro- 
 bably have been punished for complaining." Certainly, the 
 whole affair was left to the Commodore's discretion, and it is 
 difficult to see how any act of his could have been more natural 
 or proper than that of seizing the King's ship, then lying in 
 the harbour ; this was done. In the afternoon of the day on 
 which the deputation was insulted, a message was sent from the 
 flag-ship, requesting all British merchants and residents at 
 Rangoon to repair on board the frigate. Those who claimed 
 British protection, were but too glad to find it in this instance. 
 The Commodore stated to them what he had done, how he had 
 failed to maintain pacific relations, and how the British Go- 
 vernment and Flag had been grossly insulted, "and that the 
 insult was manifestly intentional, and not accidental." All 
 were ordered to embark that evening, as the town was to be 
 placed under blockade. The " Proserpine " steamer would be 
 sent to cover their embarkation. The grand flight is thus 
 graphically described, and is evidently from the pen of an eye- 
 witness : — " The ' Proserpine ' steamer ran close into the main 
 wharf, and eight or ten of the boats from the frigate and 
 steamers came to the shore to protect and receive the fugitives. 
 Meanwhile the streets were filled with armed Burmese, and 
 Burmese officers were moving to and fro on horseback, 
 threatening all who gave assistance to the foreigners j in con- 
 sequence of which, not a coolie could be procured. All classes 
 of foreigners — Moguls, Mussulmans, Armenians, Portuguese, 
 
THE BUEMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 87 
 
 and English — were seen crowding down to the river with hoxes 
 and bundles, and whatever they could carry, but they were 
 obliged, generally, to abandon all the property they possessed. 
 Mr. Kincaid, the American missionary, left his library, con- 
 sisting of more than a thousand volumes, the collection of 
 twenty years, behind him to be destroyed, too happy, however, 
 to find his wife and children safe under the British flag." 
 " By eight o'clock," says one authority, " all the British subjects 
 had embarked, and by midnight the whole of the ships were 
 removed by the steamers from off the town ; the men-of-war all 
 moved, and the King of Burma's ship taken with the fleet some 
 five miles down the river." On the 7th, all ships were ordered 
 to prepare for their departure out of the Rangoon waters, to be 
 conveyed by the men-of-war out of the river. 
 
 On the 8th, the H. C/s steamer " Proserpine " left for 
 Maulmain with upwards of two hundred refugees — nearly four 
 hundred, with their families — on board. During these im- 
 portant transactions, we are informed that Burmese officers 
 came repeatedly to the flag-ship " to offer excuses for the rude- 
 ness of the Viceroy, but none of them were accredited. The 
 Commodore insisted that the Viceroy should himself apologise 
 for the insult offered to the British flag, and engaged in that case 
 to return and forget the past." At length it seemed that there 
 was one exception to the intolerable arrogance and insolence 
 of the Burmese officials, in the person of the old Governor of 
 Dalla, who came on board the " Pox," and entreated the 
 Commodore " to give him time to see the Viceroy, and per- 
 suade him to apologise." Out of regard to the venerable age 
 of the Governor, he was allowed till the evening to try his best 
 at this work of peace. But his Highness of Rangoon had 
 come from Ava and Prome with no such views. The Lord 
 of the White Elephant would again try conclusions with us in 
 the field. He had forgotten the campaigns of 1824-26, and 
 did not deem favourably of our prowess from comparatively 
 recent victories over the Chinese only — a nation over which 
 
88 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the kingdom of Ava had been triumphant many centuries 
 ago. 
 
 While the old Governor of Dalla was supposed to be absent 
 on his mission, a written document arrived from the Viceroy, 
 stating that, "if the Commodore attempted to pass the two 
 stockades which had been erected down the river, he would be 
 fired upon/' The Commodore replied that if even a pistol were 
 fired, he would level the stockades with the ground. And 
 with this mutual determination may be said to have commenced 
 the second Burmese war ! 
 
 In the fulfilment of his plans, the Commodore now issued 
 the following 
 
 " Notification. 
 
 " In virtue of authority from the Most Noble the Governor- 
 General of British India, I do hereby declare the rivers of 
 Rangoon, the Bassein and the Salween above Moulmein, to be 
 in a state of blockade ; and with the view to the strict enforce- 
 ment thereof, a competent force will be stationed in or near 
 the entrance of the said rivers immediately. 
 
 " Neutral vessels lying in either of the blockaded rivers will 
 be permitted to retire within twenty days from the commence- 
 ment of the blockade. 
 
 " Given under my hand, on board Her Britannic Majesty's 
 frigate ' Fox/ off the town of Rangoon, the 6th of January 
 1852. 
 
 (Signed) " George Robert Lambert, 
 
 " Commodore in Her Britannic 
 " Majesty's Navy. 
 
 " By Command of the Commodore. 
 
 (Signed) " James Lewther Southey, 
 " Secretary." 
 
THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 89 
 
 Before the departure of the " Fox/' large war-boats were 
 observed proceeding from Rangoon to rendezvous at the stock- 
 ades, at which, it was said, five thousand men were congregated.* 
 It was soon reported in Maulmain and Calcutta, that, even 
 at this early period, twelve thousand men were ready at Ran- 
 goon to do battle with us : in a few weeks there would be at 
 least thirty thousand. 
 
 On the 9th of January, the day after the " Proserpine " left, 
 and the threatening letter had been written to the Commodore, 
 the " Hermes " steamer towed the ' ' Fox " down to off the 
 upper stockade. The " Hermes " then returned to bring on 
 the King's ship to keep the frigate company. The merchant- 
 men, at the same time, prepared to pass down the river. It 
 was early in the morning when these decisive movements com- 
 menced. The sun seemed not to shine with its usual splendour. 
 It was evident that some great change had taken place in our 
 relations with Burma, and that the British lion had been 
 roused from his forbearance. 
 
 At length, the " Hermes " came in sight, rounding the point 
 with the Burmese prize-vessel in tow. As she passed the 
 stockade, guns in rapid succession were opened on the vessels 
 of war ; at the same time, volleys of musketry were discharged 
 upon them. The " Fox " immediately returned the enemy's 
 fire by a terrific broadside ; she likewise thundered forth 
 against the war-boats which had ventured into the river. 
 
 The " Hermes " then came up, and poured forth her shot 
 and shell into the line of stockade. The " Phlegethon " 
 steamer, likewise, did vast destruction to the works. For 
 nearly two hours were our vessels employed in spreading ruin 
 and dismay around. During the conflict, a large gun-boat, 
 having on board a gun of considerable calibre, and upwards of 
 
 * The Burmese were jealous of these river defences ; for it was a popular 
 belief among them, that if they were destroyed, the temple of Gautama, who 
 was supposed to keep a watchful eye over them, would be lost. 
 
90 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 sixty armed men, was sunk by a broadside, when nearly all on 
 board perished. Altogether, about three hundred of the enemy 
 were killed, and about the same number wounded, in this first 
 encounter with the Burmese. As the vessels proceeded down 
 to the next stockade, they were again fired on, but only by 
 musketry. 
 
 It was remarked, at the conclusion of these operations, that 
 the enemy " probably had no intention of serious resistance, 
 but felt themselves obliged to make some show of defence, 
 when they saw the King's property taken off, as the heads of 
 the leading men were at stake." And, again, wrote a reliable 
 authority : — 
 
 " The Governor did not state that the Commodore would not 
 be permitted to pass the stockades with the King's ship ; but 
 that he would be fired on if he attempted to remove any 
 British property. There is, therefore, every reason to believe, 
 that if the royal vessel had not been touched, the stockades 
 would equally have opened a fire on our vessels as they passed 
 down the river." 
 
 After the Commodore's engagement with the stockades, he 
 departed for Calcutta in the " Hermes," to report progress, and 
 receive additional instructions. The " Proserpine," from Maul- 
 main, with despatches for Government, and intelligence of the 
 insult to the deputation, the " flight," and the blockade, had 
 previously reached Calcutta. 
 
 Commodore Lambert did not, as was expected, find the 
 Governor-General at Calcutta ; but, on the 18th of January, 
 an Extraordinary Council was held, after which a despatch was 
 sent off to Lord Dalhousie; and the 18th Royal Irish were 
 ordered to hold themselves in readiness for embarkation. It 
 was afterwards decided to send down at once to Maulmain a 
 wing of the regiment, and a company of artillery, in all about 
 five hundred men, for the protection of that important post in 
 the Tenasserim Provinces. The Commodore, in the "Hermes," 
 reached the Rangoon river about the 27th, without, on account 
 
THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 91 
 
 of the absence of the Governor - General, any positive 
 instructions. 
 
 The Governor- General arrived at Calcutta on the night of 
 the 29th of January ; and, on the following day, as was to be 
 expected, Burmese affairs formed the absorbing business of the 
 Council. It was stated that his Lordship gave his entire ap- 
 probation to the proceedings of Commodore Lambert. A report 
 reached Calcutta, on the 30th ult., of the Burmese having 
 threatened an attack on the province of Arakan. And now 
 despatch really became the order of the day. The "Precursor," 
 a magnificent steam-vessel, belonging to the P. O. S. Navi- 
 gation Company, with the 67th N. I., and half a company of 
 Native Artillery on board, departed immediately from Calcutta 
 for Arakan. The vessel was coaled, victualled, and made 
 ready for sea, in eight-and-forty hours after obtaining the 
 contract for transporting the troops ! u When the huge 
 ' Precursor ' made her appearance at Kyook Phyoo," writes an 
 officer, "all the native boats fled, frightened at her size." The 
 80th — Queen's regiment — reached Fort William from Dinapore 
 on the 30th of January; and it was expected the remaining 
 wing of the 18th Koyal Irish would be immediately despatched 
 to Maulmain or Arakan. This last movement, fortunately, 
 never took place. The threatened province remained in a state 
 of profound tranquillity. An officer had been deputed to the 
 Aeng Pass, in the heart of the Zama mountains, which se- 
 parate Arakan from the basin of the Irawady; and he saw 
 trade going on as briskly as ever. Many Burmese and Shan* 
 (Siamese) merchants were passing and re-passing with their 
 
 * Shy an is a Burman name, and Low, or Lao, the Chinese, which is adopted 
 by the Portuguese. They call themselves Tay (pronounced Tie). They seem 
 to be the parent-stock of both Assamese and Siamese. — Assam, Siam, and 
 Shyan or Shan are but different forms of the same word. The Southern 
 Shyans, we read, bordering on Siam and Camboja, were conquered in 1829 by 
 the Siamese, and their king carried in chains to Bankok. 
 
92 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 cattle, laden with merchandise, as though nothing had happened, 
 or was likely to happen. But, notwithstanding the undisturbed 
 state of the upper part of the valley of the Irawady, the de- 
 spatch of some troops to Arakan was " a wise measure at such 
 a crisis." 
 
 We return to the gallant Commodore. A steamer was 
 detained at Calcutta, immediately on his departure for Ran- 
 goon, to bring an answer to the despatch sent off by express 
 to the Governor- General. The " Fire Queen " arrived off 
 Rangoon river at the end of January. Soon after arrival, 
 she anchored ahead of the " Fox," and " towed her up off the 
 Hastings Sand, which is about four or five miles below Ran- 
 goon." On proceeding up the river, or passing the first stockade 
 — some twelve or fifteen miles from the entrance — the steamer 
 and frigate were both fired upon, by which the ' ' Fox " lost a 
 man. The frigate returned the fire with shot and shell. The 
 " Tenasserim," while passing up the river the following 
 day, was also fired upon, and the " Fire Queen " in passing 
 down.* The " Fire Queen " had brought a despatch to the 
 Commodore, also a letter to " His High Mightiness " on shore, 
 from the Governor-General. The " Fox," on arriving off 
 Rangoon, sent a boat in charge of a lieutenant, accompanied 
 by Captain Latter, with a flag of truce, to convey letters from 
 the Governor- General and the Commodore to the Viceroy. 
 
 A written apology, we believe, was required by Lord Dal- 
 housie from the Rangoon governor to himself, for the insult 
 offered to the deputation. And with this exception no fresh de- 
 mands were made. The next day a reply was returned to the 
 Commodore, and one forwarded for the Governor-General by 
 the hands of a dirty non-official, who might have passed for a 
 coolie or a cow-herd, in a canoe befitting his appearance. This 
 
 * Tho " Fire Queen " took the intelligence to Calcutta, arriving on the 9th 
 of February. 
 
THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 93 
 
 was probably intended as a mark of disrespect by the authorities 
 to "the straightforward negotiator on board the "Fox.-" To 
 avoid the Commodore as much -as possible, letters were now 
 sent from the Viceroy to the Governor-General via Martaban 
 to Maulmain, to be forwarded by the Commissioner of the 
 Tenasserim Provinces. One of these despatches is said to 
 have been forwarded with due civility, the messenger asking 
 permission of the blockading vessel to pass over. 
 
 Then came a letter, about the 7th of February, from the 
 King of Ava, which arrived at Maulmain in due state. The 
 Martaban officials wished the Commissioner, and not the Com- 
 modore, to settle the whole affair.* Colonel Bogle and 
 Commodore Lambert were, in their opinion, personages as 
 different in relative importance and character as Gautama and 
 Siva. One was all thunder and lightning, the other a beautiful 
 example of calm and dignified repose. But this Burmese in- 
 terpretation of the character of the gallant sailor, or that of his 
 frigate, did not lessen the power of a saying, which every sharp 
 school-boy can translate — Ingenium in numerate habe. 
 
 H. M/s brig " Serpent," some days before the arrival of the 
 King of Ava's letter at Maulmain, destroyed three small stock- 
 ades at the entrance of Negrais river, off which she was 
 stationed. The Burmese fired upon her, in fulfilment of re- 
 peated threats. Captain Luard very humanely abstained from 
 returning the fire, on account of the number of harmless 
 villagers about; he simply landed his men, and burned the 
 
 * Towards the middle of February, the H. C.'a steamer "Phlegethon" 
 arrived in Calcutta. The news ran thus : — His Majesty was said to write 
 peacefully. He professed to have been deceived by the authorities at Ran- 
 goon ; of course, the usual plea — it was his servants, not himself, who were 
 insolent ; and desired, hereafter, to be communicated with through Major 
 Bogle, the Commissioner, and not through the Commodore. The time for the 
 intervention of the civil power was past. It was not said that his Majesty 
 professed "any desire to come into the terms proposed as indispensable 
 before amicable relations could be resumed." 
 
94 0T7R BURMESE WARS. 
 
 works of the enemy. The Burmese seemed determined to 
 provoke a war. 
 
 At length, on the 10th or 12th of February, it was decided 
 by the Indian Government to send an expedition to Burma. 
 It was conjectured that, if actual hostilities should not ulti- 
 mately become necessary, the appearance of an armament 
 might probably excite the apprehensions of the Burmese, and 
 induce them to yield to the just demands of the British.* 
 
 * See " Rangoon," Appendix No. I. Minute by the Governor-General of 
 India (Extract). 
 
95 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 
 
 By the middle of February 1852, orders were received at St. 
 Thomas's Mount* for three European companies of Artillery 
 to hold themselves in readiness for field-service in Burma. 
 Instructions were also received by the Madras Government, to 
 hold in readiness " for immediate embarkation for Rangoon, if 
 necessary," H. M/s 51st Regiment, K. O. L. I., two regiments 
 of Native Infantry, and one Engineer officer. Bengal was to 
 furnish a similar force, and an officer of rank was to command 
 the whole. A company of Artillery from that Presidency, with 
 Major Reid and Lieutenant Voyle, also a wing of H. M/s 18th 
 Royal Irish, had left Fort William about a month before, in the 
 Hon. Company's steamers " Tenasserim '* and " Proserpine," to 
 reinforce Maulmain. In the papers it was stated that a spirit 
 of life and activity reigned among the military establishments 
 in Calcutta. Of course in Madras, too, it was to be all double 
 work — work for the prospect of "glorious war" being a 
 
 * Head- quarters of the Madras Artillery, about eight miles from Madras. 
 
96 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 capital sauce to exertion. About the 21st of February, orders 
 were received in Bombay, from the Governor-General, for all 
 the war- steamers that could be spared to be sent to Rangoon 
 without a moment's delay, ready for immediate action. The 
 " Feroze " was to be at once converted into a frigate, and 
 placed under the command of Captain Lynch, as Commodore 
 of the Indian Navy Squadron. The " MoozufFer," " Zenobia," 
 " Sesostris," and ' ' Medusa/' were the other vessels appointed ; 
 the " Berenice "to act as troop and store ship. A month hence 
 there would, in all likelihood, be a fleet of at least eight large 
 and five second-class war-steamers assembled in the Burmese 
 waters; one of the largest collections of this fearfully for- 
 midable class of ships that had ever been brought together 
 for purposes of actual hostility. The " Feroze " and " Moo- 
 zuffer" were each vessels of 500 horse-power and 1,500 tons, 
 the " Sesostris " of 300 horse-power and 1,200 tons, all armed 
 with guns of eight-inch calibre, throwing hollow shot and shells 
 to the distance of a couple of miles. Expedition in marine 
 matters was never practised with greater success than in the 
 preparation of these Bombay war-steamers for service. In a 
 few days everything was ready, reflecting the highest credit on 
 Commodore Lushington, and the oflicers of the Indian Navy. 
 The squadron was ordered round to Madras for the conveyance 
 of the troops to Rangoon. The steamers were expected to 
 arrive early in March. 
 
 The bustle at the Mount was exciting. " They won't go after 
 all ! " said some. " There will be tough work ! " said others. 
 But even those who had a fancy that the troops would " never 
 cross the surf," were very busy withal. News at length ar- 
 rived that the Burmese had one hundred guns at and about 
 Rangoon. It was reported that the old town of Rangoon, 
 founded by Alompra, had been burned by order of the Go- 
 vernor, and that the new one was strongly fortified. The new 
 town was founded by Tharawadi not many years before, and 
 a fort built about one mile and a half inland from the old 
 
FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 97 
 
 site. From Calcutta information was received that all the 
 houses in Rangoon were razed to the ground, and the inha- 
 bitants removed to the new town ; and that this position was 
 being doubly stockaded with the wooden materials from the 
 houses destroyed at the old. 
 
 Early in March the Madras Artillery officers of the expe- 
 dition to Rangoon dined with Colonel St. Maur, and the 
 officers of H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., meeting those of the 35th 
 and 9th Madras Native Infantry. It was a grand and social 
 entertainment. The Artillery returned the compliment paid us 
 by H. M.'s 51st next evening. 
 
 These social gatherings, before proceeding on service, are 
 unquestionably conducive to the establishment of mutual good 
 feeling in the army. They tend to keep that friendship, 
 which should ever exist amongst soldiers, in good repair at a 
 critical time. 
 
 Regarding the curiosity excited among the Burmese by 
 firing off a 68-pounder shot into one of their stockades, the 
 following absurd but characteristic " story "' was brought to 
 Madras from Rangoon. The shot was taken before the Go- 
 vernor by an official. The latter functionary, who had weighed 
 it, declared its weight to be equal to sixty-eight pounds. The 
 Governor was sceptical ; but at length, having fully satisfied 
 himself as to the weight, and having commended rather than 
 punished the official for his information, to crown his surprise, 
 and probably show his master, from the demon just projected 
 by a ship's gun, what a dreadful enemy he had to deal with 
 in the British, he ordered the huge shot to be immediately 
 forwarded to the King of Ava ! 
 
 On the 7th of March the squadron of war-steamers of the 
 Indian Navy, with the exception of the " Zenobia " and 
 " Medusa/' arrived in the Madras roads. 
 
 From Calcutta we learned that, in the Governor-General's 
 reply to the Kiug of Ava's letter, there was a demand for the 
 expenses of the war to the extent of ten lakhs of rupees 
 
 7 
 
98 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 (£100,000) "to be paid within a limited period, and to be 
 doubled if not immediately made good." Preparations for war 
 were uninterrupted. 
 
 The " Calcutta Gazette/' of the 25th of February, had the 
 following notification regarding Burma, "which showed that 
 the Governor- General was determined to enforce his demand 
 for satisfaction from the Golden Foot " : — 
 
 " The following additional notification of blockade issued by 
 Commodore G. R. Lambert, under authority from the Govern- 
 ment of India, is published for general information. 
 
 " The Barragu river, and other outlets of the Irawady, are 
 included in the blockade declared by me on the 6th instant. 
 
 " Given under my hand, on board her Britannic Majesty's 
 steam-sloop " Hermes," in the Bassein river, on the 25th of 
 January 1852. 
 
 (Signed) " G. R. Lambert, 
 
 " Commander in her Britannic 
 " Majesty's Navy. 
 
 u By order of the M. N. the Governor- 
 " General of India in Council." 
 
 " They insist on war ; war they shall have with a vengeance." 
 The papers quoted this well-known remark, made by the Go- 
 vernor-General, in his speech at Barrackpore, before the 
 triumphs of the second Sikh or Punjab war, asserting that war 
 with Burma, on the most extensive scale, had been resolved on. 
 They were likewise informed, in the north-west, that a requi- 
 sition for ten thousand men, including two Queen's regiments, 
 had reached Madras. It is recorded in history that Madras 
 sepoys were the first, if not the last, among our native troops, 
 to cross bayonets with French infantry; they surely never 
 could forget that. What would Bernadotte, the late King of 
 Sweden, have thought had he read these words ? " Native 
 troops cross bayonets with French infantry ? " he might have 
 muttered, while one of the scenes of a long eventful life rushed 
 
FEOM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 99 
 
 to his memory. He was once a plain sergeant, serving in the 
 Deccan, and first distinguished himself at Cuddalore ! Had 
 the Government of France possessed the sagacity of the English 
 East India Company, Bernadotte might have shared in the 
 foundation of an Eastern empire.* 
 
 " Look there, sir ! Do you know who that is at the end of 
 the room ? " said a late Governor of Pondicherry to the writer 
 of this Narrative. A marble bust of Dupleix adorned the 
 audience-chamber at Government House. " There, sir, is the 
 man who gave Clive the idea of conquering and keeping this 
 country by its own inhabitants ! The East India Company 
 assisted Clive, and cherished the idea. But Dupleix, for this, 
 and many other of his mighty schemes, was thought a madman 
 by the French ; and thus the empire we should have founded 
 and preserved was lost ! " [And, strange revolution in history, 
 nearly lost again (for a time, at least), by our placing too 
 much reliance in the majority of those very " inhabitants " in 
 1857 !] 
 
 Towards the end of March the news was various and inte- 
 resting. Some Burmese had arrived in Calcutta, and reported 
 that twenty thousand men were ready to stand against 
 us. From Rangoon to Ava, the enemy were said to be deter- 
 mined to dispute every inch of the way. April is the hottest 
 month in the year in Burma, the thermometer ranging from 
 90° to 95°; and in that month we were to be employed ! But 
 that was better than delay until after the rains, in October. 
 When war is to be, with such resources as ours, " 'Twere well it 
 were done quickly." 
 
 Major Oakes, Director of the Madras Artillery Depot of 
 
 * Little thought the writer, at the time of making the above remark, that, 
 in 1861, he would be in the presence of King Charles XV. of Sweden, grand- 
 Bon of Bernadotte, in the Palace of Stockholm, answering a question or two 
 about Burma. 
 
 7 * 
 
100 OUK BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Instruction, and Major Montgomery, of the Mysore Com- 
 mission, were to command two of the three artillery companies 
 going on service. The former had long been desirous of dis- 
 tinguishing himself in the field ; while report spoke highly of 
 the intelligence and activity of the latter. Practical hints on 
 the coming war were freely given to the men. 
 
 At Dum Dum,* a small stockade had been erected, which 
 was to be immediately blown up, for practice. The men of 
 H. M.'s 80th Regiment, just arrived from Dinapore, had per- 
 formed the mimic task of storming the Burmese stockades, 
 which they practised in the cunette of Fort "William, crossing 
 the ditch, and placing their bamboo scaling-ladders against the 
 angle of the bastion opposite Calcutta. 
 
 The " Zenobia " and " Medusa " were at length added to the 
 squadron in the Madras roads ; and we now expected to start 
 in a few days for Rangoon. 
 
 Orders were received for immediate embarkation. 
 
 Colonel Elliott, K.H., of H. M/s 51st Light Infantry, was to 
 command the Madras Brigade.f 
 
 At two o'clock, on the morning of the 31st of March, the 
 artillery set out from St. Thomas's Mount for the beach. The 
 band accompanied the force and played several appropriate airs. 
 The march was distinguished by the usual shouting, cheering, 
 and singing, in which European soldiers love to indulge on 
 departure from an old station. The embarkation presented a 
 grand and exciting scene — such as a man may only witness 
 once in his life. It was a splendid morning, which, added to 
 the refreshing appearance of the blue waters, and the nume- 
 rous vessels afloat, was calculated to fill the adventurer with 
 life, and hope, and joy. The Madras shore at any time is 
 impressive and picturesque, from the roar of the wild and 
 
 * Hoad-quarters of the Bengal Artillery, near Calcutta (now removed to 
 
 Meerut). 
 
 f For Formation of, see "Rangoon," Appendix No. 111. 
 
FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 101 
 
 dashing surf, the clear blue sky, the long line of elegant 
 buildings fringing the beach, and then the incessant going 
 to and fro of massulah boats and catamarans communi- 
 cating with ships in the roads. But now the whole line of 
 beach was covered with a vast multitude of living creatures, 
 men, women, and children. Hundreds of boats were in readi- 
 ness to be filled, and all the Madras troops were to embark 
 as nearly as possible at the same time. Old bullock bandies 
 came creaking along, very late, wending their way to the boats. 
 Knapsacks, under the superintendence of Europeans and Jack 
 Sepoy, were thrown into the uncouth machines, so admirably 
 adapted for crossing the surf. In spite of the excellent ar- 
 rangements made by the Quartermaster-General, and the 
 presence of many distinguished officers, to maintain anything 
 like order was absolutely impossible. The Madras surf alone is 
 enough to put order out of countenance. There were parting 
 scenes with relatives, of the most tender nature. Among many 
 pictures, it was painful to notice the anxious countenance of 
 the Hindu-British wife, who, perhaps, was never to see her 
 husband more : and then, in case of misfortune, who would 
 father the children in their journey through life ? The grief of 
 some relatives was excessive ; for, certainly, of those now de- 
 parting to encounter " moving accident by flood and field," 
 many would not be spared to return to the familiar shore on 
 which they had just taken such an affectionate farewell ! 
 
 A total of four thousand four hundred, officers, soldiers, and 
 followers, embarked on board the several vessels of the fleet, 
 which consisted of six steamers of the Indian Navy, and four 
 transports. 
 
 By the 7th of April we expected to reach the mouth of the 
 Rangoon river, if we did not put in to Amherst for water. At 
 break of day it was discovered that the " Feroze," leading 
 the first division, was out of sight The Commodore had been 
 too fast for us ; but after a short time, the squadron reunited. 
 It was in two divisions: the " Feroze," "Moozuffer/' " Bere- 
 
102 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 nice/' and "Medusa/ 1 * forming the first, the " Sesostris " and 
 " Zenobia " the second. 
 
 We saw land at 1 p.m., and anchored at the mouth of the 
 Rangoon river about half-past three. The coast is a pic- 
 turesque line of territory, with palmyras, mangroves, and 
 many large trees, nobly extending to the rear. Passing 
 Elephant Point, so styled from two famous trees growing there 
 in the form of an elephant, a conical red pagoda, falling to 
 ruins, appeared rising from the jungle. Gautama certainly 
 showed some wisdom in selecting such a position for a 
 shrine, as if he had once showered down commercial pros- 
 perity on the empire, and placed a sentinel over it at the 
 mouth of one of his rivers, which prosperity, on account 
 of the misconduct of his devotees, was, like the small temple, 
 hastening to a fall. 
 
 At the mouth of the river we discovered that the Admiral 
 and General had proceeded with H. M/s war-steamers, 
 " Hermes/'' " Rattler," " Salamander," and the Hon. Company's 
 steamer " Proserpine," to attack Martaban, and bring on troops 
 to the chief scene of action. 
 
 On the 28th of March, Admiral Austen, commanding in the 
 Eastern seas, had left Penang in the screw steamer " Rattler." 
 He arrived off the mouth of the Rangoon river on the first of 
 April. On the 2nd the Bengal division, in four steamers, the 
 " Hermes," " Tenasserim," " Enterprise," " Fire Queen," and 
 four transports, arrived, under General Godwin, who, with his 
 staff, had left Calcutta on the 25th of March. 
 
 Martaban. 
 On the 3rd of April, the General and Admiral left for Maul- 
 main, nearly opposite which is Martaban, and reached the 
 
 * This useful little iron steamor bad been towed by the "Berenice" since 
 the 2nd inst. Slow at sea; but, from her drawing nut more than three.or four 
 feet of water, invaluable in Burma. 
 
FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 103 
 
 capital of the Tenasserim Provinces* the next day at noon. 
 Martaban is situated on the right or north bank of the Sal- 
 ween river. The town to be attacked had been considered by 
 the Burmese a position of high importance. And there could 
 be no doubt that it was so. In a military point of view, it is 
 capable of making a very formidable defence. On the river 
 appears the usual array of houses ; then, as you recede, trees 
 extending to a hill, at the top of which is a pagoda ; then other 
 hills stretching further away, adding dignity and grandeur to 
 the landscape. 
 
 On the 5th of April the war-steamers appeared in front of 
 the town, and immediately opened fire against the defences. 
 A storming party was then formed, headed by Colonel Reig- 
 nolds, H. M/s 18th Regiment. They attacked the chief posi- 
 tion under a heavy fire of guns and musketry, and in a few 
 seconds Martaban fell. A company of Bengal Artillery did 
 not come into action, and thus, with few troops engaged,! and 
 a loss of life on our side hardly worth mentioning, the occupa- 
 tion of an important position formed a brilliant commencement 
 to the campaign. Martaban is distant from Rangoon about 
 seventy miles. On the afternoon of the 8th, the Admiral and 
 General were again at the mouth of the Rangoon river. We 
 were all on the tip-toe of expectation ; at length the " Rattler " 
 came steaming in gloriously, showing off her screw power to 
 great advantage. 
 
 Then came the " Hermes." The right wings of H. M/s 18th 
 and 80th Regiments, also a company of Bengal Artillery, and 
 two of Madras Sappers,! were the troops brought from Maul- 
 main by the General. Loud cheering greeted the arrival of 
 the two steamers. The distinguished 18th Royal Irish were 
 
 * i.e. Maulmain. 
 
 t Only a wing of the Royal Irish. 
 
 X The Sappers under Lieutenant Ford, who commanded them at Martaban. 
 
]04 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 now "all present." While the right wing passed along in the 
 steamer to take up position/ the band struck up the favourite 
 air of " St. Patrick's Day w j then came the " British Bayo- 
 neteers " ; this music on the waters had a fine effect, producing 
 that indescribable military enthusiasm which even the most 
 peaceful Briton must feel at times ! 
 
 Towards sunset the " Berenice/' preceded by the " Feroze," 
 started for about ten miles up the river to procure water. The 
 luxuriant mangrove down to the water's edge was exceedingly 
 striking. Occasionally you might see a picture of rare beauty : 
 a small creek, like a sheet of glass, sleeping among the 
 foliage. 
 
 On arrival, we found H. M/s brig " Serpent," and other 
 ships, at anchor. A party of Europeans were at Bassein 
 Creek for the protection of those who went to fetch water. 
 All night we were watering, watering; and very muddy and 
 brackish stuff the water was, nearly as bad as what the tired 
 British troops drank before fighting the battle of Mudki in the 
 first Sikh war. 
 
 On the 9th, the "Berenice" (with the Madras Artillery) 
 towed the " Juliana," containing the Bengal Commissariat es- 
 tablishment, to Rangoon. She had a motley set on board. 
 Some with handsome solemn faces ; some with broad, grinning 
 mouths, and every variety of pugaree * ; some very dirty, some 
 very clean ; dirty and clean, busy and idle, all packed together 
 in a little world. As the steamer approached to take her in 
 tow, a difficult business commenced. The hawsers would go 
 wrong ; for a time it was " confusion worse confounded '' ; but 
 time, which sets nearly everything right, at last set the "Bere- 
 nice" with the "Juliana" on their way rejoicing. About 
 three in the afternoon we were rapidly advancing to a new 
 position, some three or four miles from Rangoon. Proceeding 
 
 TurbanJ. 
 
FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 105 
 
 up the river j two stockades in ruins were visible. These had 
 been destroyed by the men-of-war ; the smoke, rising from 
 some huge piles of wood, told a very recent tale of demolition. 
 
 The scenery on both banks of the river appeared of a novel 
 character : numerous small picturesque villages, with scarcely 
 a soul visible. At intervals, a few fishermen with their canoes 
 were observable; but these vanished on the appearance of the 
 " Feroze " and " Berenice/' with their transports, as if they 
 really believed his Satanic Majesty was after them. 
 
 We had a splendid view of the Syriam pagoda in the dis- 
 tance — a grand and imposing pile ; as far as some of us could 
 observe, like an irregular cone, elaborately gilt. Its elevated 
 position makes it appear of enormous height. The country 
 about is very irregular; no hills of any size, but continual 
 elevations of ground, thickly studded with trees, resembling 
 portions of Southern India. 
 
 About 5 p.m. we anchored a mile or two from the " Serpent," 
 which useful craft had preceded us, as a skilful pioneer. There 
 the wily one now lay at her position, the name impressing you 
 with the idea that she brooded over mischief to be accom- 
 plished. The "Feroze" lay a short way before us, majestic, 
 and rejoicing in her strength. Here we had been ordered to 
 rest until the arrival of the remainder of the fleet. From 
 sunset till a late hour, many an eye was turned towards Ran- 
 goon and the celebrated Shoe (Shwe) Dagon Pagoda. Shwe 
 signifies golden ; and everything is either yellow or gilt in this 
 part of the world. 
 
 Mr. C. M. Crisp, merchant at Rangoon and Maulmain, less 
 than a month before, had written to the Government of India 
 regarding the strong position we were now about to attack. 
 On the upper terrace of the great pagoda at Rangoon, he had 
 formerly counted eight pieces of cannon at each of the three 
 principal entrances to the same terrace, viz. at the south, west, 
 and east ; at the north entrance only one cannon was placed, 
 making in all about twenty-five pieces, three of which were 
 
106 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 eighteen-poimders ; the rest may have been from six to twelve 
 pounders. He had heard that a number of swivel-guns were kept 
 in readiness at the pagoda; but never saw any. Along the 
 south front of the Temple, at the lower part, a wall had been 
 built by order of the late king, with embrasures for cannon ; this 
 being the principal entrance, the Burmese authorities had taken 
 great trouble to defend it. The north side he considered the 
 weakest point. On the west side, a range of go-downs for grain 
 had been built. The bund (rude rampart) enclosing the new town, 
 was very similar to the one round the cantonment at Maulmain, 
 about fifteen feet high, and twelve feet broad at the top ; twenty 
 feet from the bund a ditch ran all round, about twenty feet 
 wide, and from six to twelve feet deep. Government House, 
 in the new town, was in a state of defence. Mr. Crisp counted 
 twelve pieces of cannon of moderate calibre in the compound,* 
 also two twenty-four pounders. Some guns were also at the 
 custom-house and wharf; altogether, he considered there might 
 be forty pieces of ordnance at Rangoon. 
 
 The forenoon of the 10th was one of great excitement among 
 the majority on board. People doing things in place and out 
 of place ; some looking at plans, and examining swords and 
 pistols. The deck presented a scene of extraordinary anima- 
 tion : many a feature seemed to be lighted up with the fire of 
 hope; and the sick and the dying victims of that dire pesti- 
 lence, cholera, momentarily revived at the prospect of a con- 
 test. Contrary to our expectations, the head-quarters, with 
 the remainder of the fleet, did not arrive so early as we an- 
 ticipated ; but all were present at dawn of the next day, which 
 was Easter Sunday. 
 
 * Ground surrounding or in front of the mansion. 
 
107 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 NAVAL OPERATIONS BEFORE RANGOON AND DALLA. — THE 
 LANDING AND ADVANCE. — THE WHITE-HOUSE STOCKADE. 
 
 The noble and humane forbearance of the Indian Government 
 towards the Burmese has been already mentioned. But more 
 still may be advanced, before recording further operations. 
 The Governor- General had written a final letter to the King of 
 Ava, through the Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces, 
 to be presented for despatch to the Governor of Martaban. 
 Colonel Bogle, at the time of presenting the letter, informed 
 the Burmese functionary, "that the English were sincerely 
 desirous of peace, but that, if a reply were not received from 
 Ava by the 1 st of April, fully agreeing to the terms proposed 
 by the Governor- General, our forces would inevitably invade 
 the country; and that the guilt of having provoked the war 
 would rest with them." The Burmese officers around were 
 said to have replied, that, if we were prepared for war, so were 
 they! 
 
 General Godwin, on his arrival at the Rangoon river from 
 Calcutta, immediately sent Captain Latter, the interpreter, in 
 the " Proserpine," to Rangoon, with a flag of truce, to inquire 
 
108 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 if any reply had been received from the Court of Ava to the 
 Governor- General's letter. On reaching the stockades, which 
 guarded both banks of the river, the steamer was fired on. The 
 cool courage of Commander Brooking was admirable on this 
 trying occasion. He not only extricated the " Proserpine " 
 from danger, but blew up a magazine on shore, which inflicted 
 a severe loss on the enemy. The meaning of a flag of truce 
 had been explained to them some weeks before by Commodore 
 Lambert ; so that no pretext for not understanding it would 
 hold for one instant. Their firing on the flag was a sure indi- 
 cation that the Burmese authorities wished for war ; that they 
 would have it at any price : they were now about to have it 
 " with a vengeance ! " 
 
 It had been understood among us that no operations would 
 take place before Monday. The fulfilment of this resolution, 
 however, depended upon circumstances. These fortunately 
 tended to expedite matters, as there was no time to be lost. 
 
 On the evening of the 10th, the " Phlegethon " had recon- 
 noitred the enemy's works on the river in a cool and intrepid 
 manner. Next morning, about 9 o'clock, the " Berenice," 
 with the several war-steamers and vessels, changed position. 
 Our place was very near the " Serpent." The steam-frigates 
 were to our right, and in front, the smaller steamers filling up 
 the picture — which was one of imposing grandeur. Firing had 
 already proceeded from the direction of Rangoon; it struck 
 us that the Burmese were simply at morning practice, in ex- 
 pectation of a coming struggle. The General and Admiral 
 now steamed off to look at the defences, which had been repre- 
 sented of so formidable a nature. "We fully expected to see a 
 shot fired at the splendid " Battler," and the other steamers, as 
 they seemed to approach the works. The Burmese, however, 
 reserved their ammunition. They either supposed that we 
 should refrain from attacking them on the Sabbath, or deemed 
 it superfluous to employ their artillery until our whole force 
 should be arrayed in presence of their fortifications. We 
 
NAVAL OPERATIONS. 109 
 
 watched for some time for the first symptom of resistance, 
 and watched in vain. 
 
 We beheld the " Feroze," under Commodore Lynch, moving 
 on, evidently to take up position opposite the stockades. With 
 the animated crowd of soldiers on her decks, she was a grand 
 picture in motion — a " political persuader," with fearful instru- 
 ments of speech, in an age of progress ! Next came the 
 " Sesostris." At length, the Burmese, unable to stand this 
 gradual augmentation of the steam-warriors in front of their 
 position, fired at the frigates, and the operations began. The 
 " Moozuffer," " Feroze," and " Sesostris,"* also the " Medusa" 
 and " Phlegethon " — the two latter, from their drawing little 
 water, approaching nearer and nearer the coast — came seve- 
 rally into action. The fire from the vessels, Queen's and 
 Company's, was kept up with terrific effect against Dalla, on 
 our left, and the Rangoon defences on our right. At first the 
 enemy returned the fire with considerable dexterity and pre- 
 cision; but, shortly after the " Fox " had come up and poured 
 in her broadside, and the " Serpent " had moved on to destroy, 
 by about 11 o'clock the firing on our right almost ceased. 
 However, the war-steamers kept on, thundering forth against 
 the works on both sides of the river ; utterly destroying the 
 stockades on the shore at Rangoon, and cannonading Dalla with 
 decided effect. The large stockade, south-west of the Shwe- 
 Dagon, was set on fire by a well-directed shell, which caused the 
 explosion of a powder-magazine; and then, all the Avork soon 
 became filled with black smoke and vivid flame — up, up to the 
 bright skies ascending, till the scene became one of extreme 
 beauty and awful grandeur ! At this crisis, an occasional gun 
 was heard from the shore. Two or three pieces were still 
 observable in the burning stockade : and, as no Burmese 
 
 * The " Moozuffer," mirier Captain Hewitt ; the " Sesostris," under Captain 
 Campbell. 
 
110 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 were visible, some conjectured it to be the flame firing them 
 off without orders. 
 
 While the ruined defences on the Rangoon side were burning, 
 the town of Dalla, or Dalla Creek, became the chief point of 
 attack. A determined force had evidently taken up a position 
 in this quarter. Several of our shot and shells struck the prin- 
 cipal pagoda of the place j but, beyond knocking a piece out 
 here and there, with little effect. The stockade at Dalla having 
 been silenced, a party of seamen and marines, in four boats, 
 effected a landing, and took the place by storm. But something 
 must be said about this exciting scene. Every one on board 
 the fleet had his telescope with him, ready to observe with 
 interest the proceedings of the attacking party. When the 
 boats emptied their loads on the bank, a loud cheer sprung 
 from several vessels in the river. The party now rushed boldly 
 forward to the stockade : some coolly inspected it all round ; 
 some, we could behold, trying to scramble over it j at length 
 they entered it with little opposition, its chief defenders having 
 fled in every direction to escape the terrible fire of our guns. 
 One unfortunate Burmese soldier, on the approach of the naval 
 party, jumped into the water, and swam bravely ; a few more 
 followed his example, as if resolved on becoming targets for 
 practice. The works were soon all fired by the destructive 
 exertions of the soldiers and marines. About 2 p.m., the 
 stockade and a portion of the town were wrapped in one mighty 
 blaze. The quiet landscape on each side of the river became 
 disturbed with the fierce and raging element. The enemy had 
 played upon us with guns of considerable size — some of them 
 twelve and eighteen pounders — and, occasionally, these were 
 remarkably well laid. The shot flew over the decks of the 
 war-steamers ; on board one, the " Sesostris," a young officer of 
 H. M/s 51st,* was mortally wounded. Several shots struck 
 
 • Ensign Armstrong. 
 
NAVAL OPERATIONS. Ill 
 
 the vessels : the " Moozuffer " was maimed a little, and the 
 " Feroze" had part of her rigging shot away. According to 
 some, " the fire of the enemy proved fatal to many on board the 
 shipping " ; but our casualties were by no means numerous on 
 this day. 
 
 These highly successful operations by both the Queen's and the 
 Honourable Company's navy — the chief work, doubtless, of the 
 11th having fallen to the latter — cleared the coast for nearly a mile, 
 and made a splendid landing-place for the troops, who were 
 now eager to commence land operations on the following morn- 
 ing. The Navy had acted as a pioneer of true civilisation. 
 
 Just a quarter of a century had passed away since Lord 
 Amherst, on the conclusion of the first Burmese war, proceeded 
 to the western provinces of India, and visited Delhi. He there 
 told the King that all vassalage for the British Indian posses- 
 sions, which till then had been acknowledged, was at an end. 
 Thus, about seventy years after the battle of Plassey, we fairly 
 established ourselves — and the reward was not too great for so 
 much labour and enterprise — sole possessors, in every respect, of 
 what Macaulay styles, " the magnificent inheritance of the 
 house of Tamerlane/'* For anything we knew now, the land- 
 ing of the troops about to take place in Burma might be the 
 foundation of a new empire, which one day may teem with 
 Anglo-Saxon industry, and do honour to those who had secured 
 the golden inheritance of the descendants of Alompra ! 
 
 There was little sleep that night among many of us ; the ex- 
 citement attendant on preparation for work had kept away 
 its refreshing influence. About half-past 3 next morning, the 
 decks of the several steamers and vessels were crowded with 
 living creatures, all eagerly sharing the bustle which invariably 
 precedes the landing of troops in an enemy's country. Some 
 of the boats for conveyance on shore did not arrive until the 
 
 Essay on Lord Clive. 
 
112 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 morning had considerably advanced j and then we beheld Surya 
 ascending in full splendour,, as if seeking a vantage point 
 whence to view the coming fray. The river before Rangoon 
 presented an animated scene, the like of which had not relieved 
 its monotonous aspect for eight- and-twenty years. Boats row- 
 ing to and fro, steamers changing position; the detachments 
 already landed drawn out in martial array ; here, the boats of 
 the " Hermes/' with two 9-pounde'rs, brought to join their 
 companions two 24-pounder howitzers, from the " Lahore " ; 
 there, the men shouting and working, assisted by the gallant 
 tars, as they took each gun from the boat, and set it in readi- 
 ness for the carriage mounted to receive it. The troops landed 
 under a well-sustained fire from the steamers. The right 
 column consisted of H. M.'s 51st, the 18th Royal Irish, the 
 40th Bengal Native Infantry, and the Sappers and Miners. 
 The 18th Royal Irish were on the right ; the 51st K. O. L. I. on 
 the left j and the 40th Bengal Native Infantry in the centre. 
 The Sappers and Miners were drawn up with their ladders in 
 rear of the left flank. The troops were ordered to carry sixty 
 rounds of ammunition in their pouches, and all to have one 
 day's full rations, ready cooked, with them. The Artillery 
 formed in rear of the Brigade. Next landed, as soon as boats 
 were available, the wing of H. M/s 80th, and the 35th and 
 9th Madras Native Infantry — the wing of H. M.'s 80th in the 
 centre ; the 9th Madras Native Infantry on the right ; and the 35th 
 Madras Native Infantry on the left. The 9th Regiment N.I. had 
 served in the first Burmese war. The order for position appointed 
 by the General was quarter-distance column, right in front. 
 The ludicrous features of the landing scene may be described as 
 follows : — Guns and carriages dismounted, wheels lying here 
 and there, boxes of medicine, boxes of shot, rations of beef, 
 powder, arrack, and ladders, all in one confused mass, while 
 the troops moved in the midst of them to form into position. 
 
 In contrast to these lively and exciting doings, the follow- 
 ing melancholy accident maybe related: — On one occasion, just 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 113 
 
 as we were employed in mounting guns for the third detach- 
 ment of Artillery, some European soldiers and a sepoy had 
 recklessly approached the smoking ashes of a ruined stockade, 
 where quantities of loose powder had been left about by the 
 Burmese on the previous day; a portion of this exploded, 
 burning the poor fellows in the most dreadful manner. Some 
 now thought that the ground we stood on was well mined ; a few 
 probably expected to be in the air shortly, especially the sepoys ; 
 but all was soon lost in some new cause of excitement. At in- 
 tervals the ships' guus roared forth destruction on the town. 
 
 On, on to the Shwe Dagon! was soon the grand animating 
 thought of every officer and soldier. The General had advanced 
 with the first division that landed. His wise plan was to take the 
 circuitous route and attack on the eastern side. The old road 
 from the river led up to the southern gate of the pagoda, 
 through the new town, by which route it was generally believed 
 the enemy expected us. But events of considerable importance 
 were to take place before we got near any gate of Gautama's 
 splendid Temple. Colonel Foord, Commandant of Artillery, 
 with Major Turton and Brigade-Major Scott, and four Bengal 
 guns under Major Reid, were with the General in advance, the 
 guns covered by four companies of the 51st Light Infantry. 
 They had not proceeded far, however, when, " on opening some 
 rising ground to the right," they were fired on by the enemy's 
 guns, and immediately afterwards Burmese skirmishers appeared 
 in the jungle. On this audacity, General Godwin, who served 
 in the first Burmese campaign, afterwards remarked in his 
 despatch, that it was a new mode of fighting with the Burmese, 
 " no instance having occurred last war of their attacking our 
 flanks, or leaving their stockades, that I remember to have 
 taken place." They had profited by time, and, perhaps, by 
 European instruction. 
 
 The enemy's artillery fire proceeded from a position which 
 was styled the White House Stockade. It was a very 
 strong defence, as will be seen hereafter, and well situated to 
 
 8 
 
114 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 annoy our advance. Lieutenant Ford, of the Madras Sappers 
 and Miners, had constructed three temporary bridges in a very 
 short space of time, which would greatly facilitate the progress 
 of more guns required to assist Major Reid's battery, which 
 was now in full play against the stockade, at a range of about 
 eight hundred yards. " I am sorry to say, sir," remarked an 
 officer to the General, " that unless Major Oakes soon comes 
 up, we shall not be able to go on. I have but two rounds a 
 gun left." The accuracy of the enemy's range was shown by 
 two of the Bengal gunners receiving mortal wounds at their 
 guns, from two successive shots. At this critical time, Major 
 Oakes fortunately came up with two 24-pounder howit- 
 zers, leaving the remaining portion of his battery in the 
 rear. Colonel Foord told him to open with spherical case 
 at a range of eight hundred yards. The gallant Major, with 
 his usual alacrity, drew up in line with the Bengal battery, 
 and opened an effective fire on the outwork, which he continued 
 until the whole of his ammunition was expended. The" Bengal 
 guns had for some time withdrawn from the line of action, 
 until more ammunition should arrive. The heat of the sun 
 was now terrific; it gave Major Oakes his death-blow just as 
 he was about to fire the last gun. 
 
 Shortly before the Artillery ceased firing, a storming party 
 was formed from H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I., and the Sappers 
 and Miners. It consisted of four companies of Europeans, 
 Major Fraser, the chief Engineer, with the Sappers under 
 Captain Rundall. The third division of ladders was in the 
 rear under Lieutenant Ford, who had been constructing and 
 repairing wooden bridges for the passage of the Artillery. 
 After the work was finished, he had orders to rejoin the leading 
 division. While passing on for that purpose, a heavy flanking 
 fire from the left was opened on his detachment. This not 
 being returned, the enemy became bolder and the fire hotter, 
 so much so, that the men were obliged to ground their ladders, 
 unsling their carbines, and open a fire on the Burmese skir- 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 115 
 
 mishers. This silenced them for a while ; and resuming their 
 ladders, the men marched on with all speed. From the con- 
 tinual firing in front, it was evident that severe work was going 
 on at the stockade. The party moved on with their heavy 
 ladders, and, passing through a thick wood which screened the 
 place, the officer beheld Lieutenant Donaldson, of the Bengal 
 Engineers, passing by mortally wounded, his pale face lighted 
 up with a smile of triumph, although suffering extreme agony. 
 On reaching the White House Stockade,"* there were to be seen 
 the ladders reared against it, and troops crowding up them. 
 Four laddersf went at the place in two divisions. 
 
 Closely following the gallant Major Fraser in the assault, 
 came Captain Rundall, who mounted the ladders about the 
 same time as his superior. The storming party immediately 
 carried the stockade ; but not without considerable loss on our 
 side. The brave Captain Blundell, who commanded the leading 
 company of the party, was shot down, and afterwards died of 
 his wounds. In him the gallant 51st lost an excellent officer 
 — one who had nobly done his duty. The companies of Sappers 
 suffered severely, and their bravery was everywhere conspicuous. 
 Three of them alone reared a ladder, four more having been shot 
 down beside it. Lieutenant Trevor was here wounded, and Lieu- 
 tenant Williams had a narrow escape of his life. The Burmese, 
 on our carrying the stockade, fled precipitately ; but many of 
 these resolved to give us further trouble in the jungles. They left 
 many dead about the place ; amongst them was a warrior, clad 
 in a red jacket with the buttons of the 50th Regiment. 
 
 It was not yet near noon, and the sun had made severe 
 havoc among several members of our small army. Major 
 Griffiths,, Brigade Major of the Madras Division, was fatally 
 
 * For Supplementary Narrative of, See "Rangoon," Appendix No. VI. 
 p. 249. 
 t Or more, as four were reared, a fifth broke ; but four were enough. 
 
 8 * 
 
116 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 struck on the field. Colonel Foord, Brigadier Warren, com- 
 manding the Bengal Division, and Colonel St. Maur, H. M.'s 
 51st K. O. L. I.j were disabled by its overpowering effects. 
 Many of the European soldiers suffered, and here and there 
 were to be seen, on the ground for the advance, to the left 
 of the White House Stockade, the medical officers and their 
 subordinates administering relief by pouring cold water over 
 the patients. The remaining portion of Major Oakes' battery 
 — four 9-pounders — arrived from the shore shortly after that 
 gallant officer was struck. Next came Major Montgomery's 
 battery,* with the D Company 3rd Battalion of the Madras 
 Artillery, which had done good service in China. Major Back, 
 commanding, with Lieutenant and Adjutant Harrison, accom- 
 panied this division of the corps. Captain Cooke, with the 
 D Company 2nd Battalion, had already made some excellent 
 practice with his rockets while and after the Artillery fired 
 on the stockade, clearing the jungles on the left, and thereby 
 saving us for some time considerable trouble and annoyance. 
 
 Among the wounded in the early operations, may be men- 
 tioned Captain Allan, Quartermaster- General to the Force, 
 and Colonel Bogle, Commissioner of the Tenasserim Pro- 
 vinces. The former was shot in the calf of the leg, and the 
 latter in the knee. 
 
 Reposing in a shady spot, a small number of officers caught 
 the attention of the passer-by. Two of them, it seemed highly 
 probably, would recover from their misfortunes. But on the 
 face of Major Oakes death had set his seal. Several were 
 around him rendering every possible assistance, while the tear 
 of sorrow fell from even those who liked him not too well. 
 
 The Artillery were now commanded not to advance till further 
 orders; and after a good deal of sharp skirmishing, as the day 
 
 • Two 24-pounder howitzers, and two 9-poundors. To this battery the 
 writer was attached. 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 117 
 
 drew to a close, a general cessation of operations took place. 
 All now began to prepare for a night's bivouac on the field. 
 In tlie evening it was whispered among us, that Major Oakes 
 was dead ! that he who, since being appointed to command a 
 Service Company, had shown no ordinary zeal for the high 
 efficiency of that Company — who, a few hours before, had 
 rejoiced in a triumphant might — was now ranked among the 
 fallen. He had been taken into the general hospital on the 
 beach, where he died. The gallant deceased was in the forty-fifth 
 year of his age. In person Major Oakes rose above the or- 
 dinary stature. Six feet one inch in height, with a chest of 
 uncommon breadth, a striking military deportment, and a 
 countenance betraying a restless ambition, wherever he went 
 he could not escape observation. Aut Casar aut nullus, might 
 be read in his pale, hard features. He had entered the Madras 
 Artillery under the old regime, about the time when our first 
 war with Burma formed a subject of general interest through- 
 out the British dominions. Towards the end of the year 1827, 
 Majors Oakes and Montgomery were riding-masters to the 
 Horse Brigade. The Major was great in all matters of drill, 
 and was conspicuous as the man who gave the regiment an 
 entire system of manoeuvres. His publications on that subject 
 were acknowledged by the Honourable Court of Directors, who 
 rewarded him for his services.* 
 
 Major Oakes was not, in the ordinary sense, a man of 
 genius ; the creative faculty was in him but slightly developed. 
 But he was gifted with great energy, and was remarkable for 
 his untiring industry. Well-directed labour, steadily continued, 
 is a rare virtue in India, where climate and the absence of 
 any powerful motive for exertion, induce languid habits. He, 
 therefore, who shakes off the lethargy, and toils assiduously, 
 may, without a glimmering of genius, acquire a pre-eminence 
 
 * Order published at Fort St. George, 18th March 1851. 
 
118 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 even over those of his fellow-men who may be more highly- 
 endowed by Nature. In this way may we account for the 
 position Major Oakes wrought for himself. Through his 
 efforts the Madras Artillery was presented with several very 
 useful works, and he will long be remembered by officers of 
 the old Corps as one of its most useful members. 
 
 After the White House Stockade was taken, and picquets 
 had been placed in front, a good opportunity was presented 
 for examining the work. A vast quantity of ammunition was 
 found in the place. The grape was of the usual barbarous 
 description, common among some of the hill-tribes of India : 
 badly shaped iron bullets or bits of iron, closely packed in a 
 canvas bag, dipped in dammer. Into a well outside, all the am- 
 munition that could be found was thrown. The work, like all 
 Burmese defences, was very strong, and they had evidently taken 
 much trouble in its construction. In the last war the " White 
 House " was surrounded by a brick wall, which this time they 
 again surrounded with a stockade, at a distance of about ten 
 feet, filling the interval with rammed earth. This formed a 
 good parapet, to which they gave a reverse slope, so as to get 
 up and mount their guns on it. Some excellent guns were 
 found, of iron and brass ; two of the latter kind were deemed 
 handsome enough afterwards to be sent to Calcutta. The work 
 had on its front face an insignificant ditch. In the centre of 
 the little fort was the " White House/' from which the place 
 took its name. It was approached at one end only by a steep 
 flight of steps, and within, at the further end, was placed a 
 colossal figure of Gautama. A great deal of ammunition was 
 found scattered about this central building. After the place 
 was burned by the Engineers and Sappers, the same night the 
 entire roof of the house was destroyed, and the huge figure 
 seen from a distance, overtopping the shell of the ruined man- 
 sion, had an extraordinary effect. All the outside wood- work 
 of the place was also destroyed by fire, so that the parapet 
 became exposed ; consequently, had the enemy attempted to 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 119 
 
 retake the stockade, we could have swept them from the face 
 of the earth, or say, the top of it, in various ways. A 
 Burmese warrior, who had been severely wounded, must have 
 acquired some idea of British kindness towards an enemy, 
 when a high officer patted him on the back, to reassure him 
 of our protection, while others gave him water, and he was 
 allowed with his wife and relations, who had sought him out, 
 to leave the stockade and go peacefully away. 
 
 The " White House Picquet" — so called in the last war — 
 was well situated for an out-post. The enemy knew every inch 
 of the ground we should necessarily pass over to get at them ; 
 and it is highly probable they had practised for some time with 
 ranges to bear upon certain points, which may account for their 
 accuracy of fire in the morning. The fort being situated on 
 slightly rising ground, a picturesque view inland was afforded : 
 at about a mile and a half distant, was a small village, some- 
 what concealed by wooden ruins, to which considerable numbers 
 of the enemy retreated. 
 
 Allusion has already been made to the Burmese skirmishers. 
 It was amusing enough to see them chevied through the 
 bushes, across the plain, where the Artillery were drawn up, by 
 the European soldiers. Crack ! crack ! crack ! — away they ran, 
 as if a legion of evil spirits were after them ! But the retreat 
 of many was only temporary. Towards dusk, they showed 
 themselves in front of our camp ; but a few rounds of canister 
 quickly drove them back into their jungles. There could be 
 no doubt that Europeans were in the service of His Golden- 
 footed Majesty. A European Portuguese was taken prisoner ; 
 and a Conductor picked up, in one of the stockades, the first 
 volume of a work on anatomy, and a treatise on steam navi- 
 gation, both in English ; he also beheld plates, tumblers, and 
 wine-glasses. 
 
 A report was current, that an officer of the Madras Artillery 
 recognised a renegade of that corps, named Govin, in the ranks 
 of the enemy, clad in Burmese uniform. He was soon after 
 
120 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 shot dead. This man was said to have been an able artillery- 
 man, and had got up light field-trains, drawn by Pegu ponies. 
 It was strange, that the moment he was laid low the Burmese 
 Artillery fell into confusion. A panic had ensued ; and every 
 " volunteer " knows that, in the game of war, when confusion or 
 a panic takes place, all is nearly over. Even among Europeans 
 confusion or panic may destroy the bravest troops ; and as it 
 may come when least expected, a reserve should ever be at 
 hand. 
 
 No man seemed to bear the fatigues of the day better than 
 the gallant General ; he was busy everywhere — the cocked hat 
 he wore rendering his vicinity anything but safe — animating 
 the troops by his presence. He came forward, and expressed 
 his sorrow to Colonel Foord — who had slightly recovered — for 
 the accident which had befallen him. About this time, he said, 
 regarding the conduct of the Burmese that day, that they had 
 acted boldly and well, beyond all expectation. At night the 
 force bivouacked on the open plain, without tents or covering 
 of any description for officers or men. During the night, the 
 enemy fired on the camp with musketry, but did not otherwise 
 molest us. There may be more disagreeable things in life than 
 sleeping beside a howitzer, on some straw, to escape as much 
 dew as possible, after a hard day's work under a burning sun ; 
 getting up at intervals for duty ; and washing in the morning 
 out of a gun-bucket. 
 
 The alarm, when the camp had gone to rest, led some to 
 suppose that the White House Stockade was about being re- 
 occupied ; but it turned out to be only the flickering blaze from 
 some smouldering timbers, which looked as if people were moving 
 about with lights. Their conjectures were groundless. The 
 White House Picquet, or what remained of it, was speedily 
 becoming a blackened ruin, which it would take the Burmese 
 much trouble and time again to put in a proper state of 
 defence. 
 
 The night of the 12th of April will long be remembered by 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 121 
 
 many of the force. Towards the new town, and the great 
 Shwe Dagon, fire continued to spread through the darkness — 
 observing which formed amusement for the weary who could 
 not sleep. It proceeded from the steamers and men-of-war 
 pouring their destructive fire into the town. Huge hollow shot 
 and carcasses were continually projected, doing fearful execution. 
 Sometimes the effect, from our camp, was terribly sublime. It 
 seemed as if many a wrathful deity were, like Vishnu, hurling 
 the fiery discus through the air ! 
 
122 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE GRAND ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 
 
 The 13th of April was a busy day in camp * In addition to 
 the Artillery already up, four 8-inch iron howitzers were 
 required by the General for the grand advance on the great 
 pagoda. This was fixed for the morrow, when, many believed, 
 from what had already been experienced, the enemy would 
 make a desperate resistance. The whole of this day was 
 employed in disembarking and taking into camp these noble 
 pieces of ordnance. The Naval Brigade rendered us the most 
 hearty assistance in this arduous task. 
 
 At one spot on the field might be seen a knot of artillery- 
 men, under some zealous officer, cutting and fixing fuses ; at 
 another, the infantry cleaning and examining their trusty per- 
 cussion muskets and bayonets, the best Infantry weapons pro- 
 curable ; at another, a cluster of talkers, very eloquent some of 
 them, discussing the operations of the previous day ; the sun, 
 
 * Situated about one mile from the beaoh, and, by the route we took, two 
 from the pagoda. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 123 
 
 apparently, being quite disregarded in the zeal of a wordy 
 contest. In the shade— and a good deal was afforded by the 
 surrounding jungles — the thermometer stood considerably above 
 one hundred degrees. 
 
 The King of Ava, no doubt, all this time, believed that, 
 through the re-agency of such troops as those composing 
 " Shwe-Pee Hman-Geen," or the Mirror of the Golden 
 Country — a body of Royal Guards — and other bodies equally 
 well gilt, the English would soon be driven into the river j and 
 that then the Tenasserim Provinces would be taken from us, 
 and even Calcutta might become submissive to the Golden 
 Feet ! " On the night of the 13th/" wrote an intelligent 
 Armenian, one of the oppressed, " orders came to send us up 
 to the great pagoda. We were accordingly conveyed thither 
 in files of ten men, three Armenians and seven Mussulmans. 
 Rockets and shells * poured down on every side. Our escape 
 must solely be ascribed to the mercy of Providence. To have 
 escaped from the shells, some of which burst near us — from 
 the Governor's hand, and the hands of the Burmese soldiery, 
 who had already commenced pillaging the new town — must be 
 set down as a miracle. However, two files of our comrades 
 had scarcely gone, when the guard placed over us thought it 
 prudent to save themselves from the impending danger by 
 flight ; yet their chief stood with his drawn sword. We she- 
 koed,f prayed, and conjured him to save his life and ours. 
 In my long experience of the Burmese generally, I have never 
 found them wantonly cruel in nature. It is the system of 
 the insane Government of Ava that produces monsters. So 
 the man released us, and, with good grace, after seeing us 
 depart, departed himself also. We at first returned to our 
 abodes, but found them uninhabitable. Many of the houses in 
 
 * From the shipping. 
 
 f Salaamed, or made salutation. 
 
124 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the new town were in a blaze from the rockets. We then 
 thought of our safety : some tried to escape to the river- side— 
 they fell among the Burmese soldiery, were maltreated, stripped 
 even of their upper garments, and obliged to return, and hide 
 themselves under a Kyoung*; others took shelter under the foot 
 of the great pagoda, and a few disguised got safely out of the 
 town through the kind assistance of their Burmese friends. 
 This night was a night of flight.-" 
 
 We were informed that, shortly before the fleet arrived, the 
 Governor called a sort of Cabinet Council together, to deliberate 
 over the probability of beating back the English. An old and 
 respected inhabitant of Rangoon, who remembered the last war, 
 and many years before it, was called on to give his opinion. 
 The old man was afraid to speak out what he thought would 
 be the result j but being pressed to do so, as there was no fear 
 he would suffer for telling the truth, he declared that the British, 
 on account of their superior skill and discipline, would cer- 
 tainly be victorious. "With them/' said he, "one mind 
 guides all ; with the Burmese, each guides himself in the fight ; 
 what if we have fifty to one, the Europeans will conquer ! " 
 The fine old fellow was immediately ordered to be branded, and 
 otherwise tortured for his candour. 
 
 An idea of the strength of new Rangoon may be gathered 
 from the fact that the new town, already mentioned, up- 
 wards of a mile from the river, was described as " nearly a 
 square, with a bund, or mud wall, about sixteen feet high and 
 eight broad ; a ditch runs along each side of the square, and 
 on the north side, where the pagoda stands, it has been cleverly 
 worked into the defences, to which it forms a sort of citadel." 
 
 Wednesday morning, the 14th, beheld the force moving on. 
 The troops were certainly in the finest temper for dealing with 
 the enemy. The halt of yesterday had refreshed them con- 
 
 # Poongi, or priest-house. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 125 
 
 siderably, notwithstanding the intense heat ; and recollection of 
 the 12th prompted them to double exertion, if such were pos- 
 sible, to-day. 
 
 H. M/s 80th Regiment, with four guns of Major Mont- 
 gomery's battery,* formed the advance, covered by skirmishers. 
 About 7 o'clock, the sound of musketry fell upon the ear. It 
 seemed to those composing the reserved force in rear to pro- 
 ceed from the dark jungles, through which our march lay. The 
 troops in our front had come into action ; and the enemy were 
 being driven before the fire of the European and Native In- 
 fantry. But this was not effected without some loss, as several 
 doolies,-f with their wounded, which passed by us, clearly 
 testified. 
 
 The sound of artillery, from a Madras battery, likewise told 
 that the guns were in position. 
 
 Major Montgomery, having brought one 9-pounder and a 24- 
 pounder howitzer into a favourable position, had opened fire at a 
 distance of about seven hundred yards from the stockade. Passing 
 on through the jungley way, we at length came within range of 
 the enemy's jinjals, which appeared to fire at us from beside a 
 small pagoda. A succession of well-directed shots were now 
 launched against the reserved force, in rear of which the heavy 
 8-inch howitzers were being nobly brought along by the gallant 
 Naval Brigade. Our guns inclined to the right, and halted to 
 make way for the coming young giants of ordnance — all the 
 while, the fire proceeding from the enemy near the small 
 pagoda by no means abating. 
 
 * The A Company, 4th Battalion, so recently commanded by his friend 
 Major Oakes. 
 
 + Rudely constructed palankeens, for carrying sick and wounded. [They 
 are not " ferocious " ; neither are they a "tribe," as was once cleverly ima- 
 gined in England ! This is almost as good as when a member of the British 
 Senate asked, whether Surajah Dowlah (Sir Roger Dowler anglic6) was a 
 baronet !] 
 
126 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Again we marched on, and came upon a large body of our 
 troops, the Europeans, with fixed bayonets, as if ready for 
 an attack as soon as a breach could be made. The 40th 
 Bengal Native Infantry were likewise in this position, a petty 
 midan* sheltered by a small hill covered with jungle. Shot 
 from the Burmese guns, as well as jinjals, fell fast and thick 
 upon the plain. The troops wisely remained under cover of 
 the hill, passing an occasional remark on the correct range the 
 enemy had^attained, as shot after shot bounded along only a few 
 yards before us ; and then would come a jinjal, with its strange 
 whistling sound, over your head, making a man thankful he 
 was not quite so tall as men are represented in ancient writ. 
 In spite of all philosophy, such music must sound very strange 
 to all ears, for the first time ! At length, the greater portion 
 of the infantry moved on. 
 
 The D Company's Battery,t under Captain Cooke, was 
 ordered to remain in the old position till required. Cer- 
 tainly, it is galling to be under fire, without any order to 
 advance; and such was our case for about four hours. It was 
 amusing enough to observe the cattle attached to the guns, 
 while the shot continued to fly about. Strange to say, not one 
 bullock of the reserve battery was struck, nor did they seem to 
 be at all affected by the firing of the determined enemy ! 
 
 The Burmese soon got the range more exact than ever. 
 Probably guessing that some of the troops were under cover of 
 the small hill, they gave less elevation, when their shot fell very 
 near us, and the jinjals continued to whistle with fearful rapi- 
 dity. An intelligent Bengal officer, who had been engaged in 
 several of the great Punjab battles, declared to us that he had 
 not, on those occasions, "bobbed" his head so much as he had 
 
 * Plain. 
 
 + Madras Artillery. With this battery, which was in reserve, the writer 
 and Lieutenant Bridge remained. Lioutonant Onslow was oooupied at the 
 boach in landing stores and ammunition. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 127 
 
 done to-day. At length, the range of one of the enemy's guns 
 entirely differed from the previous practice ; which led us to 
 believe that the devoted warrior, who had shown so much skill, 
 was no more. 
 
 Major Montgomery's battery had, no doubt, done consider- 
 able execution.* It may have laid the aforesaid warrior low. 
 The gallant Major himself came past us while the jinjals were 
 flying, his Lascar orderly following him. A spent ball struck 
 the unfortunate orderly in the forehead, when he immediately 
 fell, but not dead, as at first supposed. 
 
 About this time, our Assistant- Surgeon, Dr. Smith, was 
 slightly wounded. A tar of the Naval Brigade was also struck 
 while giving assistance in bringing along a heavy gun; and 
 several others, European and native, were wounded near the 
 spot we occupied. The 9th Madras Native Infantry had gal- 
 lantly driven back a body of Burmese skirmishers in our rear. 
 
 At about 10 a.m., the heavy howitzer battery, under Major 
 Back, manned by the Bengal Artillery, was, after great labour, 
 brought into position. t We were delighted to hear the how- 
 itzers sounding forth in the advance, as they opened fire 
 against the great stockade. This continued about one hour 
 and a half, under a very galling and well-directed fire from 
 
 * After firing a few rounds, the commanding officer left those pieces 
 — the 9 -pounder, and 24 - pounder howitzer — under the charge of 2nd 
 Lieutenant Lloyd, who kept up a well-directed and spirited fire during the 
 whole time the action lasted. The Major then placed the other three 
 9-pounders of his battery in another position, about a quarter of a mile to 
 the right of the first one. Lieutenant Tayler and 2nd Lieutenant Blair had 
 each of them charge of a piece in this position, which they served with precision 
 and effect. With reference to the Burmese gunners, we found, in some 
 cases, that they had been chained to the guns. 
 
 t But for the valuable assistance of Lieutenant Dorville, of Her Majesty's 
 ship " Rattler," with a party of one hundred and twenty seamen, we could 
 Bcarcely have got the heavy howitzers into position, and to them also we are 
 chiefly indebted for disembarking these pieces on the previous day. — Major 
 Back's Report. — The two howitzers on the right were under the charge of 
 Captain Malloch, of the Bengal Artillery. 
 
128 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the enemy's guns and wall-pieces, from which our troops suf- 
 fered considerably. The Artillery operations of the Wednesday 
 were under the direction of Major Turton, of the Bengal 
 Army, whose accustomed zeal was fully displayed throughout. 
 Colonel Foord had not recovered from the coup de soleil in 
 time to proceed with the force ; nothing could have disap- 
 pointed him more. 
 
 It may be mentioned that, just before the heavy guns were 
 dragged into position, Major Turton told Lieutenant Ashe, of 
 the Bengal Artillery, to take his gun, a 24-pounder howitzer, 
 to the left of the heavy battery, to dislodge some Burmese 
 skirmishers from the bushes in front. This was the only 
 Bengal light field-gun engaged that day; and it was highly 
 necessary, as those determined skirmishers were fast closing in 
 on the crowded mass of our troops, who with great difficulty 
 kept down their fire. 
 
 At about half-past 11, Captain Latter, the Interpreter, 
 proposed to the General an attack on the eastern entrance of 
 the great pagoda ; it was his opinion that, for ten of our troops 
 now being killed or disabled, we would lose but one with a 
 storming-party ; which would naturally draw off the enemy's 
 attention, and excite their surprise. This sensible advice was 
 by no means disregarded. 
 
 Eventually, Captain Latter asked General Godwin's per- 
 mission to lead the storming-party. The gallant General 
 replied, " With the greatest pleasure, my dear friend ! " 
 This reply was quite characteristic of our brave and courteous 
 Commander. 
 
 The storming-party was formed of the wing of H. M/s 80th, 
 under Major Lockhart, two companies of the 18th Royal 
 Irish, under Lieutenant Hewitt, and two companies of the 
 40th Bengal Native Infantry, under Lieutenant White; the 
 whole commanded by Colonel Coote, of the 18th Royal Irish, 
 Captain Latter leading. From the elevated position— on which 
 were our heavy guns — to the pagoda is a sort of valley to be 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 129 
 
 crossed before reaching the eastern entrance ; the distance 
 might be about eight hundred yards. The hill on which the 
 great temple stands is divided into three terraces, each de- 
 fended by a brick and mud rampart.* There are four flights 
 of steps up the centre of each terrace, three of which are 
 covered over; the east, south, and west. On went our gallant 
 troops, crossing over to the pagoda in the most steady manner, 
 under a heavy and galling fire from the enemy on the walls. 
 At length they reached the desired gate, which was immediately 
 pushed open. Captain Latter had beheld Lieutenant and 
 Adjutant Doran, of H. M/s 18th Royal Irish, rather in advance 
 of his proper position : on being spoken to, we believe he said 
 that his regiment was in rear. Now, a grand rush was made 
 up the long flight of steps they had discovered. The storming- 
 party, however, suffered from the shower of balls and bullets 
 which immediately came down upon them with dreadful effect ; 
 but nothing could ever check the determined rush of British 
 Infantry ! Near the foot of the steps fell Lieutenant Doran, 
 mortally wounded; and by his side fell also two men of his 
 regiment. The young hero lay pierced by four balls. Colonel 
 Coote was also wounded. But our troops nobly gained the 
 upper terrace. A deafening cheer rent the air ! The Burmese 
 defenders fled in all directions before the British bayonet. 
 The Shwe Dagon, or say, " Dagon the Great," had fallen for 
 the second time into our hands ! The blow had been struck ; 
 the first grand act of the drama was over ! 
 
 " On the 14th," wrote the Armenian, ' ' there were but a few 
 thousand Shwaydown and Padoung men, say about five thou- 
 sand in all, that kept to their post on the pagoda, under the 
 immediate command of the Governor. They held out until 
 
 * Their heavy guns were on the upper terrace ; their light ones on the 
 second and third. The rampart of the upper terrace, being mostly of bricks 
 and mortar, is of a superior description. 
 
 9 
 
130 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 noon, when the Governor, in despair, gave orders to retreat, 
 himself setting the example of flight. His men, distinguished 
 by their gilt hats, remained to the last. They stood the first onset 
 of the British, and then fled to the west " ; that is, towards 
 Kemmendine. "Had there been a brigade of cavalry, or a 
 division of troops, at the north-west, the Governor could not 
 have escaped. He had a few days previously despatched his 
 plunder to his country, Shwaydown, in charge of one of his 
 trusty relatives. Thus dispersed the grand army of Rangoon, 
 computed at about twenty thousand strong at the beginning, 
 some of whom did not even exchange a shot with the English, 
 and many were driven away by the rockets and shells." 
 
 The reserved force moved on. A loud cheer from the 
 advance made us long to get near the heavy guns. There was 
 enough in that hearty cheer to tell that Eangoon was entirely 
 in the British possession. Having proceeded a short distance, 
 the battery halted in rather dense jungle. There, among other 
 sights, we beheld three of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry 
 lying dead on a bank — all three, as well as a bullock, having 
 been struck down with a shot from one of the enemy's 18- 
 pounders. Ascending a little, we found the four 8-inch guns 
 in position* ; and a good view of the piece of country at the 
 base of the Shwe Dagon was presented, to all appearance jungly 
 and confined. We were now informed that the General and 
 his Staff had entered the Pagoda. 
 
 After our Europeans had refreshed themselves with a little 
 tea — and nothing is more refreshing on the field — the Artillery f 
 
 * Lieutenant and Adjutant Voyle, of the Bengal Artillery, in addition to 
 commanding a howitzer, had cut and set many of tho fuzes for these guns, 
 which had now done their duty. Brigade-Major Scott, Madras Artillery, was 
 observed doing everything in his power to encourage the gunners as they 
 worked under a heavy fire. Lieutenant and Adjutant Harrison, Madras 
 Artillery, is likewise reported by Major Back as most active in pointing and 
 commanding one of the 8-inoh howitzers. 
 
 t Covered by tho 40th Bengal Nutivo Infantry. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 131 
 
 were ordered tp proceed in a southerly direction, and take up 
 quarters where they best could till the morrow. These were 
 on the cold ground, as on the two previous nights. To get 
 thither, we had a short march through the jungle ; and while 
 passing along, we frequently came across a Burmese soldier who 
 lay dead, with a look of determination, and a smile of apparent 
 contempt on his countenance. Curious enough, many of them 
 had adopted a sort of red jacket as a portion of their costume ; 
 this had been frequently a source of confusion to our troops, 
 who could with difficulty distinguish them from our own skir- 
 mishers. The Burmese muskets were old Hint ones from 
 England, " condemned/' the excuse for their being sold to our 
 enemies; and with the dha — a sharp, square-pointed sword 
 with a long wooden handle — and with other weapons, such as 
 a British bayonet stuck on the handle of a spear, tne Burmese 
 Infantry equipments were found to be tolerably complete. It 
 may be mentioned that the enemy's musket-ball was found to 
 be considerably smaller than ours, composed of iron as well as 
 lead, not cast in a mould, but rough and varying in size. 
 
 Towards the south side of the pagoda we passed a Poonghi 
 house in ruins. Gautamas of huge size gazed upon the stranger 
 with beneficent countenance, as if they were giving him a 
 hearty welcome to the new land. A huge tree, lying across the 
 road, was speedily cut asunder, to make way for the light field- 
 guns ; after a short period a portion of the heavy battery 
 arrived. When the guns were all in position, preparations were 
 made for the night's bivouac. Beside our halting-place we 
 found a fine tank and well. Many had never before enjoyed a 
 bathe or a wash so much as they did upon this occasion. 
 After a comfortable night's rest in the open air, in the morning 
 we moved into a Poongi house for breakfast. 
 
 Some necessary stores for hot-weather campaigning had 
 found their way to us through the faithful followers, who, 
 since the capture of the Great Pagoda, had been streaming 
 forth to the camp ; some of them, during the early part of the 
 
 9 * 
 
132 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 day, having nearly fainted from fear, while performing their 
 philanthropic duties, as the enemy's hullets flew ahout rather 
 too near to be agreeable. Where we now were stood various 
 ruins of the new town. The remainder of the force passed the 
 night in the covered entrances and immediate vicinity of the 
 pagoda. By the route we had come, it was expected there 
 would be no very great difficulty in placing our guns on the 
 ramparts for the defence of Gautama's Temple. 
 
 Notwithstanding what has been already said in the first part 
 of this Abstract ; a few particulars by another valuable autho- 
 rity — no less than Sir Henry Havelock, the future hero of 
 Lucknow — regarding the occupation of Rangoon by the British 
 in the first Burmese war, may be interesting at this stage of 
 our narrative. 
 
 The Court of Ava had never dreamed of the sudden blow 
 about to be aimed against the southern provinces, and maritime 
 commercial capital of the Burmese Empire. At this time,* 
 there was no actual Governor (Myo-ivoon) in Rangoon. A 
 subordinate officer, styled Rewoon, exercised the chief authority 
 in the town. 
 
 On receiving intelligence of the arrival of a large fleet of 
 ships at the mouth of the Rangoon river — ships of unusual 
 size and belonging to the British — " this unfortunate barbarian 
 became almost beside himself with wonder, consternation, and 
 rage." His first order ran thus — " English ships have brought 
 foreign soldiers to the mouth of the river. They are my 
 prisoners; cut me some thousands of spans of rope to bind 
 them/' 
 
 He next ordered the seizure of all the English residents in Ran- 
 goon. The order extending to all those " who wore the English 
 hat/' American missionaries, American merchants, and other 
 foreign adventurers, were confined in the same building with 
 
 * May, 1821. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON TAGODA. 133 
 
 five British merchants, a ship-builder, and two pilots. They 
 were immediately loaded with fetters, and otherwise cruelly 
 treated. 
 
 At length the fleet came in sight of a " considerable Asiatic 
 town." This seemed to be encircled by a rampart of solid 
 timber from fifteen to twenty feet in height, pierced with em- 
 brasures. Boats of various sizes and shapes lay moored along 
 the banks of the river; on these were constructed wharfs, 
 jetties, and landing-places. Clumps of light green forest oc- 
 cupied the plains around. 
 
 They were everywhere decorated Avith the gilded spires of 
 pagodas. Above them all, on a height at some distance, was 
 seen the grand monument, which had first attracted remark. 
 But attention was now fixed by the defences of the town. A 
 Burman stockade had been the theme of wonder and curiosity 
 for weeks and months at either Presidency. It was to try its 
 mettle against this redoubted species of work that the army 
 had sailed. Hence, as each ship neared the town, the first 
 glance towards the embrasures produced a murmur of deep in- 
 terest amongst the troops. "There it is, at last ; the stockade, 
 the stockade of Rangoon ! " * 
 
 The enemy heard the roar of that cannonade which covered 
 the landing of the troops. The streets were swept with cannon- 
 shot from the fleet. The Rewoon abandoned himself to his 
 fears. " He mounted a horse, and hurried through the south- 
 eastern gate into the country, followed in confused flight by 
 the armed rabble he had collected." Terror reigned in the 
 town. " Burman, Peguer, Portuguese, Parsee, Moguls, and 
 Chinese, male and female, young and old, followed by the 
 rushing sound of eighteen and thirty-two pounder shot, fled 
 like frightened deer to the neighbouring forests." f When the 
 
 * Havelock'a " Campaigns in Ava," p. 26. 
 t Ibid., page 33. 
 
134 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 troops were fairly landed, several of the unhappy prisoners 
 were released. The reason of four of them had given way. 
 Major Sale, afterwards the hero of Jellalabad, found Mrs. 
 Judson, of missionary celebrity, tied to a tree, and immediately 
 released her. 
 
 The troops took possession of a town scarcely tenanted by 
 a living being. With regard to the disposition of the troops 
 in Rangoon during the first war, we read that the Brigade from 
 Bengal had its right supported in the direction of the town, 
 and its left on the great temple. The troops from Madras 
 rested their right on " Shoe-da-gong-praw " (Shwe Dagon), and 
 their left on the town.* Their houses were wooden dwellings 
 of the priests, convents or monasteries, the abodes of pilgrims, 
 under the arched recesses of shrines, and in the square 
 chambers of temples. All of these abounded in either road. 
 The army in 1852 found little or no difference in this respect. 
 
 And now let us return to our second visit to Rangoon and 
 the Shwe Dagon Pagoda. With regard to the Burmese troops at 
 first opposed to us, the " Armenian" of 1852 gave the following 
 information: — These had commenced pouring down upon Ran- 
 goon from different towns and villages since the seizure of the 
 King of Ava's ship, " Helen," the golden apple ; and a large 
 army arrived from Amarapiira itself. They were all in high 
 spirits, and were employed in erecting the stockade round the 
 mud wall or fort, which they finished in the short space of 
 two months. They even fortified the king's old wharf, the roof 
 of which was constructed like a vat about two feet deep, and 
 filled with water to extinguish the shells and rockets that 
 might fall on it. But their magazine, in large jars, ranged in 
 rows on each side, having, as before stated, caught fire on the 
 11th, blew this one of their seven wonders into the air, at the 
 
 * Four miles were occupied by the force, with a continuous chain of sen- 
 tries. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 135 
 
 same time killing many men on duty. Before the works had 
 been completed, a portion of the Burmese army became dispi- 
 rited by over-fatigue and disease. " Many determined not to 
 fight the English, and they stuck to their determination. 
 Shwe-Pee Hman-Geen, or the Mirror of the Golden Country, 
 a body of Royal Guards stationed at the south and west, 
 were the first to set the example on the first day of the 
 fight." 
 
 Some curious Burmese plans were discovered in a magazine 
 by our excellent Commissary of Ordnance, Captain Robertson, 
 of the Bengal Artillery. Some square feet of a compressed 
 black substance, as usual in this country, took the place of 
 cloth or drawing-paper, and the drawing was produced by 
 means of a sort of hard chalk and a ruler. This we believe to 
 be the common mode of planning in Burma. One of the plans 
 in question minutely exhibited the stockade, also gave in Bur- 
 mese the strength of each detachment, with its designation, told 
 off for its defence. We saw a translation of the writing, from 
 which it would appear the Burmese think there is much in a 
 name. 
 
 The following were among the detachments which composed 
 the Burmese garrison of Rangoon* : — 
 
 The Dennobhew (Donabew) City Contingent 
 
 The Golden Palm Royal Boat's crew 
 
 The Kanaung City Contingent . 
 
 The Padoung ...... 
 
 The Great Hill Royal Boat's Crew 
 
 The Water Fowl „ 
 
 The Golden Parrot „ 
 
 The Rethey Braminy Goose „ 
 
 MEN. 
 
 500 
 500 
 600 
 300 
 130 
 119 
 65 
 76 
 
 * For the complete list, see " Eangoon ; a Narrative," p. 101. 
 
136 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 And so on, -with the White House Picquet and village of 
 Puzendoun (2,500), making a total of nearly 10,000 men in 
 33 detachments. 
 
 Each man with two baskets of rice and a piece of silver. 
 
 The names of the gates were also remarkable : — 
 
 
 GATES. 
 
 
 GATES. 
 
 1. 
 
 North Gate. 
 
 8. 
 
 Banyan Tree Gate. 
 
 2. 
 
 Shwe Gyeen Gate. 
 
 9. 
 
 Smith's Gate.* 
 
 3. 
 
 Red Earth Gate. 
 
 10. 
 
 Sacred Hair Gate. 
 
 4. 
 
 Sacred Tray Gate. 
 
 11. 
 
 Little Lake Gate. 
 
 5. 
 
 Shwe Doung Gate. 
 
 12. 
 
 Twisted Umbrella Gate. 
 
 6. 
 
 Tree Gate. 
 
 13. 
 
 Stone Gate. 
 
 7. 
 
 Tree Gate. 
 
 
 
 The enemy had, in the opinion of the General, " settled " 
 that the British should attack the town by the old road from 
 the river to the pagoda, leading to the south gate, and running 
 through the town, " where they had made every preparation to 
 receive us, having armed the defences with nearly a hundred 
 pieces of cannon and jinjals, and with a garrison of at least ten 
 thousand men. The attempt to assault on this side would, I 
 am convinced, from the steady way the Burmese defend their 
 works, have cost us half our force ." 
 
 Our casualties in the land force were at first reported to be 
 nearly two hundred. They were afterwards set down at three 
 officers killed in action, and two by coup de soleil. Out of 
 fourteen officers wounded, one, Captain Blundell, died. The 
 total number of killed was reckoned at seventeen, and wounded 
 at one hundred and thirty-two. The casualties in the iiect were 
 about seventeen, out of which one of the " Fox's " men was 
 
 * fcjoutli Gate. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 137 
 
 accidentally drowned, and another of the " Tenasserim " was 
 " blown away from an after pivot gun." 
 
 An indefatigable chronicler of the 12th of April wrote : — 
 " 14th, Wednesday. — Our troops attacked the enemy at the 
 Dagon pagoda ; the contest was severe and bloody ; several of 
 our men were so badly wounded, that it was found necessary to 
 amputate their limbs on the field of battle. The enemy fell in 
 heaps, and we are in possession of Rangoon. . . . The Burmese 
 fought like furies ; the poor fellows had no alternative : their 
 wives and children being held in security by their king for the 
 fulfilment of their duty as fighting men/' 
 
 It is impossible to give a correct estimate of the number of 
 the enemy who fell at the capture of the pagoda, or during 
 the previous operations. Say, out of 18,000 who were at first 
 prepared to meet us, and 20,000 is the number generally sup- 
 posed, only two hundred bodies were discovered, it does not 
 follow that only that number fell. 
 
 It is the Burmese custom on the field to carry away, if pos- 
 sible, the dead and wounded. This is considered a sacred duty, 
 and it is performed with every alacrity. A bamboo is quickly 
 passed through the cloth encircling the loins, and the dead man 
 is carried off. Should he be only wounded, more care and 
 ceremony are used to take the sufferer to some place of 
 refuge. — Our force consisted of European troops, 2,727, and 
 Native, 3,040 = 5,767. According to one authority, the entire 
 force engaged in this expedition consisted of 8,037 men of all 
 arms ; that is, reckoning, in addition to the foregoing, for five 
 Queen's ships,* 808 ; six steamers of the Indian Navy, 952 ; 
 seven Bengal Government steamers, and one gun-boat, 510. 
 Some of these vessels, and a portion of the land force, did 
 not come into action. 
 
 * Including three steamers. To the force were attached fourteen trans- 
 ports. 
 
138 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Return of Killed, Wounded, and Missing, at the attack and storming of 
 Rangoon on the 11th, 12th, and 14th April 1852. 
 
 Corps or Department. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 "Wounded. 
 
 Personal Staff . . . 
 
 
 One officer. 
 
 General Staff . . • 
 
 
 One officer. 
 
 Madras Engineers . . 
 
 
 Three officers, one N. C. 
 
 officer. 
 Two officers, one sergt., 
 
 Madras Sappers . . 
 
 Three rank and file 
 
 
 
 eight rank and file. 
 
 Artillery. 
 
 
 
 Bengal Contingent 
 
 One N. C. officer . . 
 
 Six N. C. officers. 
 
 Madras ditto. . . 
 
 ditto. 
 
 One N. C. officer, one 
 Lascar, three Syce dri- 
 vers. 
 
 Infantry. 
 
 
 
 1st or Bengal Brigade. 
 
 
 
 H. M.'s 18th Royal 
 
 One officer, one sergt., 
 
 Three officers, one N. C. 
 
 Irish. 
 
 and two rank and 
 
 officer, one trumpeter, 
 
 
 file. 
 
 thirty-seven rank and 
 file. 
 
 H. M. 80th Foot (one 
 
 One N. C. officer . . 
 
 One officer, three N. C. 
 
 wing). 
 
 
 officers, one trumpeter, 
 twenty- one rank and 
 file. 
 
 40th Regt. N. I. . . 
 
 One trumpeter, three 
 rank and file. 
 
 Eleven rank and file. 
 
 2nd or Madras Brigade. 
 
 
 
 H. M.'s 51st Regt.* of 
 
 One officer, one rank 
 
 One officer, three N. C. 
 
 Foot. 
 
 and file. 
 
 officers, thirteen rank 
 and file. 
 
 9th Regt. Mad. N. I. . 
 
 One rank and file . . 
 
 One officer. 
 
 35th Regt. Mad. N. I. 
 
 
 One officer, one N. C. 
 officer, five rank and 
 file. 
 
 * We were pleased to observe, while in England in 1862, a handsome monu- 
 ment erected in the noble old York Cathedral to the memory of the 51st 
 officers and men who died or were killed during tho Burmese war. In the 
 middle of 1864 tho news reached us in Burma that Capt. Glover, of the 51st L. I., 
 had boon killod in New Zealand, with his gallant Colonel (Booth) and other 
 ollicors. Captain Glover (then Lieutenant) served at the capture of Rangoon. 
 
ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 
 
 139 
 
 Officers and Men. 
 
 European officers ...... 
 
 Native officers ...... 
 
 Warrant and Non-commissioned officers, 
 rank and file, &c. . . . . . 
 
 Lascars, Syce drivers, Syces, &c. 
 
 Total 
 
 Killed. 
 
 . Wounded. 
 
 Missing. 
 
 2 
 
 14. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 114 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Grand total of killed, wounded, and missing — 149. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 H. Godwin, Lieutenant-General, 
 Comanding the Forces in Ava, 
 
 Arakan, and Tenasserim. 
 W. Mayhew, Captain, 
 
 Assistant Adjutant-General of 
 the Forces. 
 Officers Killed and Wounded. 
 
 i 
 
 r: 
 
 5 
 
 Corps or 
 Department. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 c 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 H. M. 18 E. I. 
 
 Lt. R. Doran, 
 14 April. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 H. M. 51 Foot 
 
 Ensign A. N. 
 Armstrong, 
 11 April. 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Personal Staff 
 
 
 Lieutenant W. J. Chads (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 General Staff 
 
 
 Captain G. Allan (severely). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Eng. Depart. 
 
 
 2nd Lieutenant E. C. S. Williams 
 (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 2nd Lieutenant L. Donaldson (mor- 
 tally), 12 April. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 2nd Lieut. W. S. Trevor (severely). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Madras Sapp. 
 and Miners 
 
 
 Captain J. W. Eundall (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 Lieutenant B. Ford (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 H. M. 18 R. I. 
 
 
 Lieut. -Col. C. J. Coote (severely). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 Captain W. T. Bruce (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 Lieutenant G. H. Elliott (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 H. M. 80 Foot 
 
 
 Lieutenant J. L. W. Wurni (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 H. M. 51 Foot 
 
 
 Captain W. Blundell (dangerously). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 9th Mad. N. I. 
 
 
 Ensign G. F. C. B. Hawkes (slightly). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 35th ditto 
 
 
 Lieutenant W. C. P. Haines (dan- 
 gerously). 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Commissioner 
 Tenasserim . 
 Provinces 
 
 
 Lieutenant-Col. A. Bogle (severely). 
 
140 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 List of Ordnance Captured at the White House Stockade, on the 12th, 
 and at Rangoon on the 11th April 1852. 
 
 Description of Ordnance. 
 
 No. j Remarks. 
 
 
 a 
 
 ' Captured at the " White 
 
 Iron Guns 3-pdrs. 
 
 
 2 
 
 | House " Stockade, on 
 
 Brass „ 3 „ 
 
 
 2 
 
 (. the 12th April 1852. 
 
 Iron „ 18 „ 
 
 
 9 " 
 
 ) 
 
 ,, Carronades* 18 „ 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 12 „ 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 „ Guns 9 „ 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 6 „ 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 ,, Carronades 6 „ 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 ,, Guns 3 ,, 
 
 
 11 
 
 The whole of these are 
 
 2 * » 
 
 
 7 
 
 - mounted on carriages. 
 
 2 „ 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 li » 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 Brass „ 6 „ 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 4 „ 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 „ 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 2i „ 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 „ „ I* » 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 Total . . . 
 
 92 
 
 Iron Jinjals or Wall Pieces, on Wooden 
 
 82 
 
 
 L/£irri£Lg6S .,...-•••• 
 
 (Signed) H. S. Foord, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 
 Shwe Dagon Pagoda, Commanding Artillery serving in Burma. 
 
 Rangoon, 15th April 1852. 
 
 
 * Regarding carronades, we gained the following information while in Europe 
 in 1862, having also visited the country of their Royal inventor :— " I caused a 
 light gun, a 12-pounder " (writes the far-famed Patrick Miller, of Dalswinton) 
 " to be cast at Carron." Eventually, " I caused a privateer to be fitted out at 
 Liverpool, under the direction of a relative, who was a merchant there. She 
 was a ship of two hundred tons burden, and carried sixteen light 18-pounder 
 guns, which, from being cast at Carron, I directed to be named Carronades, 
 
 and these were the first carronades put aboard a ship. This ship I named 
 
 the ' Spitfire.' Gustavus Adolphus may be said to have been the inventor of 
 the carronades. Having always thought so, I directed the following inscrip- 
 tion to be engraved upon a brass 32-pounder carronade : — 
 
 ' Quantum momenti sit in levibus tormentis, monstravit 
 Gustavus magnus qui coriaceis usus est.' " 
 A pamphlet exists, printed by Miller in 1779, giving a full account of the 
 carronade, which he would appear to have invented ten years before. 
 
141 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 CAPTURE OF BASSEIN. BURMESE ATTACK ON MAETABAN. 
 
 The capture of Bassein, on Wednesday, the 19th of May, 
 brought about by an attack, ably planned, well timed, and 
 bravely executed, formed one of the most brilliant achievements 
 recorded in this narrative.* Bassein, it appears, was once a 
 valuable port, under the Portuguese power ; and this position 
 was declared by Sir Archibald Campbell to be the key of the 
 Burmese Empire. In the last war the gallant Sale occupied 
 Bassein, with a considerable force ; but neither the force nor 
 the station rendered much service to the army. This, of course, 
 was occasioned by circumstances over which the British com- 
 mander had no control; for Bassein really is an important 
 position. With Prome and Donabew it forms a right-angled 
 triangle, of which Prome and Bassein constitute the hypothe- 
 nuse. It may be some eighty-five or ninety miles nearly 
 direct west from Rangoon. Its chief advantage consists in 
 
 * See " Rangoon," Appendix No. VIII. p. 270. 
 
142 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 commanding one of the three great navigable branches of the 
 Irawady. 
 
 On the 17th of May, General Godwin proceeded with a de- 
 tachment of 800 men, some 400 European and 300 Native 
 Infantry, 60 Sappers, and a party of Marines, to take posses- 
 sion of Bassein. To reach this port they were forced to make 
 for Negrais's island, and ascend the Bassein river — " the Kan- 
 goon river not being yet quite navigable upwards by the 
 steamers w ; or rather, being navigable for boats only, by the way 
 of Bassein Creek. The squadron consisted of the " Sesostris," 
 the " Moozuffer," the " Tenasserim," and the little steamer 
 " Pluto," all under the command of Commodore Lambert. 
 
 Bassein, about sixty miles above Negrais, was reached 
 on the afternoon of the 19th. The " Pluto, " in advance, 
 had intercepted a boat, filled with Burmese, on its way to give 
 warning of our approach. Nothing could be got out of the crew 
 save — " that it did not much matter whether news reached the 
 Governor of Bassein or not, that a force was coming up against 
 him, as everything was in a perfect state of readiness up there 
 to blow us out of the water." 
 
 A good authority wrote : — " By four o'clock in the afternoon 
 of the 19th of May the steamers were ranged opposite the forti- 
 fications of Bassein, having accomplished a voyage of sixty 
 miles, without a pilot, up an unknown river, lined with stock- 
 ades, without an accident, and without a shot having been fired. 
 The Governor-General, in his Notification, thanking General 
 Godwin and his force for their achievements, alludes to this 
 circumstance as heightening in no small degree the difficulty, 
 and therefore the credit of the exploit." We agree with the 
 writer in considering that, in the capture of Bassein, General 
 Godwin displayed some of the best qualities of an English 
 general. 
 
 There is discrimination in the following remarks by another 
 able authority : — 
 
 ' ' We read of no errors, the results of misinformation, of no 
 
CAPTUKE OF BASSEIN. 143 
 
 losses proceeding from rash or ill-digested movements. The 
 work marked out could hardly have been executed with 
 greater despatch ; nor could the resistance of the enemy, 
 strongly posted, confident and determined, have been subdued 
 and overcome with less loss. It is pleasing to have to record a 
 success, alloyed by no imprudence, unaccompanied by a nu- 
 merous list of casualties, resulting either from blundering 
 ignorance, or rash, ill-considered and unnecessary attacks." 
 
 The conduct of all the troops employed, particularly 
 H. M/s 51st, was truly admirable on this occasion. 
 
 There is something magnificently cool, too, about the gallant 
 Captain Latter — parleying with the Burmese behind their own 
 works, to the effect that if they would not fire at us, we would 
 not fire on them. The reply of the enemy was, that if our 
 force advanced one step further they would fire on us. Captain 
 Latter rejoined, that in that case we would turn them out root 
 and branch. At the same time a heavy discharge of musketry 
 and jinjals and round shot was poured into us.* 
 
 Our troops then commenced work in right earnest. The 
 non-commissioned officer accompanying Captain Latter was 
 killed, and fell over, that officer, who lay prostrate and stunned 
 from the effects of a spent shot ; every one supposed him to 
 have been killed. But, no ! — he bore a charmed life ; and 
 more glory was in store for him. 
 
 The noble Captain, in relating to us the story of this dan- 
 gerous adventure, did not think the projectile fired at him was 
 " a round shot/' * He considered himself, however, to have 
 had a very narrow escape ; and who will deny that he had ? 
 
 " The whole affair," wrote a describer of the scene, " occu- 
 pied fifty minutes, and a gallant one it was ; 5,000 of the King 
 of Ava's picked soldiers were there, and 2,000 men of Bassein." 
 Of course, an Armenian, or European, was, as usual, seen on 
 the works directing the Artillery. " The loss of the enemy was 
 
 * Despatch of Major Errington. 
 
144 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 calculated at 800 ; the gunnery from the ships was terrific and 
 most effectual." Considering our small numbers, the loss on 
 the side of the British was not trifling. 
 
 The following officers were wounded: — Major Errington, 
 Captains Darroch and Rice, and Lieutenant Carter — all of 
 H. M/s 51st Foot ; also, Lieutenant Ansley, of the 9th Madras 
 Native Infantry, and Lieutenant Rice, R.N. 
 
 The grand total of guns and jinjals captured amounted to 
 eighty-one. Immediately after the conquest, the Burmese 
 evacuated the town ; — and thus Bassein fell ! 
 
 The event is thus recorded in the Governor-General's Noti- 
 fication, and General Godwin's Despatch. From the latter all 
 the important details concerning the capture of Bassein may be 
 culled : — 
 
 " NOTIFICATION. 
 "Fort William, Foreign Department, 5th June 1852. 
 " The Governor- General in Council has the gratification of 
 announcing the capture of Bassein, and of publishing, for 
 general information, the Despatches which report the com- 
 bined operations of the Naval and Military Force by which 
 this service has been executed. 
 
 " In ascending for sixty miles a river still very imperfectly 
 known, in effecting the landing of the troops and capturing 
 the city, the fort, and the stockaded defences on both sides of 
 the river, fully garrisoned and armed, and in accomplishing all 
 this with very unequal numbers, and within the limits of a single 
 day, the combined forces at Bassein performed a gallant and 
 spirited service, which well deserves the approbation and ap- 
 plause of the Government of India. 
 
 " To Lieutenant- General Godwin, C.B., and to Commodore 
 Lambert, the Governor-General in Council has again the satis- 
 faction of offering his cordial acknowledgments of the ability 
 and good- will with which they have united their exertions for 
 ensuring success to the operations in which they were engaged. 
 
CAPTURE OP BASSBIN. 145 
 
 " The Governor- General in Council begs to repeat his thanks 
 to Major Boulderson, Deputy- Judge- Advocate General, to 
 Captain Latter, to Captain Chads, A.D.C., and to Lieutenant 
 Ford, of the Madras Sappers, for their conduct in the field on 
 this occasion. 
 
 " His Lordship in Council desires especially to mark his 
 sense of the services rendered by Major Errington, H. M/s 51st 
 Light Infantry, commanding the detachment of troops at Bas- 
 sein, and to Commander Campbell, of the Indian Navy, by 
 whom the stockade upon the right bank of the river was 
 stormed and taken. 
 
 " To Captain Rice, Captain Darroch, and Lieutenant Carter, 
 of H.M.'s 51st Light Infantry, to Lieutenant Ansley,9th Madras 
 Native Infantry, to Lieutenant Craster, Bengal Engineers, and 
 to Dr. McCosh, of the Medical Department, the Governor- 
 General in Council begs leave to convey his best thanks. 
 
 " Equal acknowledgments are due to Lieutenant Rice, R.N., 
 to Lieutenant Elliot and Lieutenant Nightingale, R.M., to 
 Commander Hewett, to Lieutenant Robinson and Lieutenant 
 Lewis, Indian Navy, and to Captain Dicey, Captain Burbank 
 and Mr. F. Duncan, of the Bengal Marine, whose services have 
 been commended. 
 
 "The Governor- General in Council has particular satisfac- 
 tion in adding the expression of his entire approbation of the 
 gallantry and good conduct of the officers, non-commissioned 
 officers, and men of H. M/s 51st Regiment, of 9th Regiment 
 Madras Native Infantry, of the Madras Sappers and Miners, 
 and of the seamen and marines employed in the capture of the 
 City of Bassein. 
 
 " By order of the Most Noble the Governor-General of 
 India in Council. 
 
 "C. Allen, 
 " Officiating Secretary to the Government 
 of India." 
 
 10 
 
146 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 From Lieutenant-General H. Godwin, C.B., Commanding the 
 Forces in Ava, Arakan and Tenasserim Provinces. 
 
 " Sir, — The Governor- General having expressed some an- 
 xiety about the south part of Arakan, as being in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Bassein, I resolved, as soon as I could conveniently 
 leave Rangoon, to take a detachment, and personally visit the 
 place. On expressing this opinion to Commodore Lambert, he, 
 to my very great pleasure, said he would accompany me. I 
 fixed on Monday the 17th of May, and had a detachment 
 warned to be ready to embark on that morning, consisting of 
 400 of the 51st K. O. L. I., 300 of the 9th Madras Native 
 Infantry, 67 Madras Sappers, and a sergeant and 6 gunners 
 of the Bengal Artillery. The whole party was placed under 
 the command of Major Errington of the 51st Light Infantry. 
 
 " The Commodore appointed three fine vessels to carry the 
 troops — the H. C. S. F. ' Sesostris' and l Moozuffer/ and the 
 ' Tenasserim/ with a smaller steamer, the l Pluto/ carrying 
 the Naval Brigade and Marines of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox/ 
 
 " We cleared the Rangoon river on the afternoon of Monday 
 the 17th, and on the next evening anchored off Negrais Island, 
 leading into the Bassein river. At daybreak the next morning 
 the flotilla weighed and we ascended that most beautiful stream 
 for sixty miles, which at 4 o' clock brought us in view of the 
 defences, of about a mile long, of the City of Bassein. We 
 had passed some new stockades, one at and the other south of 
 Naputa, a few miles below the town, which were not armed, but 
 these consisted of one extensive stockade, with several hundred 
 men in it, fully armed with cannon. 
 
 " The enemy looked at us, but did not show any disposition 
 to molest. The flotilla arrived at the left of their position, a 
 strong well-built mud fort, armed with cannon and men. This 
 we passed within two hundred yards, and so in succession all 
 their defences for nearly a mile, till the 'Tenasserim/ with 
 the Commodore and myself on board, anchored opposite a 
 
CAPTURE OP BASSEIN. 147 
 
 golden pagoda, centrally situated within the defences. The 
 steamers anchored in succession without bringing down the fire 
 of a single musket. 
 
 " The admirable position taken up by the steamers induced 
 me to order the immediate landing of the troops. The enemy 
 appeared so completely surprised and paralyzed by our ap- 
 proach, that I gave orders not to fire unless fired on, and to 
 take possession of the pagoda. Nearly all the men of H. M.'s 
 51st Foot got on shore under the pagoda before a shot was 
 fired. Captain Latter, my interpreter, accompanied Captain 
 Darroch with a company of the 51st on shore, and landed on 
 the extreme right of the works, opposite a traverse covering a 
 gateway, and there a parley was held between Captain Latter 
 and some Burmese on the walls, which brought on the first 
 discharge of musketry, killing a sergeant and wounding two 
 men. This fire was taken up and ran down the works, but 
 soon ceased. 
 
 "At this time Major Errington made his advance on the 
 pagoda and carried it in most gallant style, the 51st Light 
 Infantry maintaining nobly the character they had ever com- 
 manded by their courage and distinguished conduct in the field. 
 
 " The contest that stamped the operations of this remarkable 
 day with a brilliant conclusion, was the attack on the mud 
 fort, most scientifically built, and of great extent, which could 
 only have been constructed under a despotism that commanded 
 the labour of its subjects, in the short time they had been 
 about it. It was not entirely completed in its details within. 
 The storming party under Major Errington proceeding to the 
 left of the Burmese works, accompanied by Lieutenant Bice, of 
 H. M/s frigate ' Fox/ and Lieutenant Ford of the Madras 
 Sappers, came upon this mud fort fully garrisoned and well 
 armed. The attack was most determined, as was the defence 
 obstinate. It was bravely stormed, but with the consequence 
 of Major Errington and several officers and men being severely 
 wounded; Lieutenant Ansley, with a small detachment of the 
 
 10 * 
 
148 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 9th Madras Native Infantry shared in this contest; he was 
 severely wounded,, and the corps proved itself to be as good as 
 it looks, and it is one of the nicest* corps I have ever seen ; its 
 gallantry and devotion on this occasion claiming the admiration 
 of all who witnessed it. The whole affair was over a little 
 after 6 o'clock. 
 
 " While these operations had been going on, the Commodore 
 had claimed the services of Captain Campbell of the ' Sesostris/ 
 and his men, in destroying a stockade on the opposite bank of 
 the river. They drove off the Burmese, fired the stockade, and 
 took six guns. 
 
 " I am informed from several sources that the enemy suffered 
 very severely in the contest in the mud fort. 
 
 " In having the honour, as well as the gratification of 
 reporting to the Governor- General in Council the possession 
 of this important station, I will observe that, from every indi- 
 cation of preparations going on, the Government of this country 
 intended to make it a most powerful place and to repair the 
 loss of Rangoon by establishing Bassein as their mart of com- 
 munication with this country, as well as a powerful position 
 to keep in subjection the Pegu population, so decidedly and 
 ever our friends, and also to maintain a threatening attitude 
 towards the south of Arakan. 
 
 " By leaving Bassein to itself, I should have been giving it 
 back to the soldiery just driven out, as the defences had been 
 built and put into the improved state I have described, by five 
 thousand men from the Upper Country, commanded by a man 
 of reputation. To secure it I have left a garrison of two 
 companies (160 men) of the 51st Light Infantry, and 300 men 
 of the Madras Native Infantry. These will be reinforced by 
 an officer of artillery and half a company with two 9-pounder 
 guns — the garrison now possessing two 12-inch howitzers. 
 
 * It will be seen from this curious expression, and the despatch generally, 
 that our gallanl and amiable Commander was not a master in the art of 
 despatch-writing. 
 
CAPTURE OF BASSEIN. 149 
 
 These, with two months' rations, will leave this on or about 
 the 26th instant. Major Roberts, of the 9th Madras Native 
 Infantry, will proceed in the same vessel to take command of 
 Bassein ; he is an experienced and excellent officer. 
 
 " I consider that in a few weeks the Burmese soldiery of the 
 Upper Country will have returned to their homes, meeting with 
 no sympathy from the Pegu population, and the Pegu soldiers 
 themselves are already with their families, so that the garrison 
 I have left could, in a military point of view, be withdrawn in 
 six weeks ; and it will then remain with the Government of 
 India to decide whether it will hold during the war this very 
 important place. If so, further arrangements will be very 
 necessary. Major Fraser, the Commanding Engineer, should 
 visit it. A very little expense will make it a sure position. 
 The barrack houses the soldiery are now in are excellent, and 
 well built of wood. Fresh meat can be had, as the population 
 of the place are coming under our protection in great numbers. 
 
 " I may here remark, that that most admirable officer, and 
 clear-seeing man, my most respected late Commander Sir A. 
 Campbell, attached great importance to the holding of Bassein. 
 
 " After passing two clear days in arranging for the stability 
 of the detachment to be left here, on the morning of the 22nd, 
 the flotilla, with the exception of the ' Sesostris/ which remains, 
 weighed at daybreak, and reached Bangoon on the 23rd of 
 May, after an absence of only seven days. 
 
 "To Commodore Lambert, and to this combined expedition, 
 the Governor-General in Council owes all that professional 
 ability and unremitting exertion could accomplish towards 
 success to which they so largely contributed. The Hon. Com- 
 pany's steamer ' Proserpine/ Commander Brooking, arrived 
 twenty-four hours after the place was taken, but even so his 
 activity was not lost, for he and his vessel went off the morning 
 before we weighed and destroyed the stockade that I have 
 mentioned to have passed on the way up to the river. 
 
 "Major Errington, of H. M.'s 51st Light Infantry, who 
 
150 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 commanded the detachment of troops embarked for Bassein, 
 who principally directed this detachment, and who fought this 
 detachment, deserves the particular thanks of the Most Noble 
 the Governor- General in Council. I have great pleasure in 
 forwarding his report of the operations, for the perusal of his 
 Lordship in Council. 
 
 " I beg the best consideration of Government for Captain 
 Kice and Lieutenant Carter, of the 51st Light Infantry, and for 
 Lieutenant Ansley, of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, all three 
 severely wounded at the assault of the fort, and also for Lieu- 
 tenant Ford, of the Sappers and Miners, on the same occasion, 
 for Lieutenant Rice, 1st of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox/ who com- 
 manded the Naval Brigade, and who was severely wounded 
 whilst particularly distinguishing himself in the attack of the fort. 
 
 " It has been brought to my notice that Mr. Duncan, the 
 2nd officer of the Hon. Company's steamer ' Tenasserim,' at 
 the head of a party of men of his ship, behaved most gallantly 
 upon the same occasion. 
 
 "To Captain Darroch, of the 51st Light Infantry, and to 
 Captain Latter, my interpreter, thanks are due for their gal- 
 lantry in forcing the traverse, and entering at the gate on the 
 right of the enemy's position. Lieutenant Craster, of the 
 Bengal Engineers, also merits thanks ; and the plan of Bassein, 
 which I enclose for the Governor-General's inspection, will 
 prove his professional competency. To Lieutenants Elliot and 
 Nightingale, with the Marines of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox/ and 
 to Captain Campbell, of the Hon. Company's steam frigate 
 ' Sesostris/ I beg your Lordship in Council's kind consideration. 
 To Doctor McCosh and the officers of the Medical Department, 
 thanks are particularly due. 
 
 " The naval part of the expedition, both sailors and marines, 
 supported the character that has ever been theirs of undaunted 
 courage. 
 
 " I have been considered wanting sometimes, in not more 
 particularly naming corps or individuals, but in this peculiar 
 
OAPTUEE OF BASSEIN. 151 
 
 warfare of constant assaults on well armed and strong positions, 
 often well defended, it lias been the noble emulation of all to 
 be first into the enemy's works. It was in such an effort of 
 ambition that that fine and gallant young officer, Lieutenant 
 Doran, of the 18th Royal Irish, fell pierced with four balls, far 
 in advance of his proper post ; indeed, I might fill my report 
 with names, were all to be individualised. 
 
 " I now beg particularly to bring to the notice of the 
 Governor- General in Council, Major Boulderson, of the Ma- 
 dras Army, the Deputy Judge - Advocate - General of the 
 Force, who, on this occasion accompanied me and filled the 
 two posts of Assistant- Adjutant and Assistant-Quartermaster- 
 General to the expedition, as I could not move from their 
 important duties at Rangoon Adjutant-General Mayhew nor 
 Quartermaster- General Allan. 
 
 ** The Major has been of much essential service to me in 
 various ways ; and the judicious manner in which he posted 
 the picquets after the capture of Bassein, in that wilderness of 
 houses and jungle, tended to the perfect security of the force. 
 Captain Chads, my Aide-de-camp, never leaves me, and always 
 makes himself particularly useful. 
 
 " Since my last report, nothing worthy of note has occurred 
 at Rangoon. The town is increasing in importance by crowds 
 of natives who daily come in with their families and goods ; as 
 is the case throughout the neighbourhood, but especially at 
 Kemmendine, which is as large a place as Rangoon. 
 
 " The conduct of the troops is excellent, and their health is 
 improving daily since the rain has set in. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, &C V 
 (Signed) " H. Godwin, Lieutenant-General, 
 " Commanding the forces in Ava, 
 
 Arakan and Tenasserim Provinces. 
 
 " Head- Quarters, Rangoon, 24th May 1852. 
 
 " To Charles Allen, Esq. 
 " Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign 
 Department, Fort William. 
 
152 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 On Monday, May 24th, the General returned from Bassein. 
 The town of Pegu was said to be occupied by a Burmese chief, 
 who had been victorious over the Peguese. In the morning 
 there was a grand parade round the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, with 
 all the customary honours, to celebrate her Majesty's birthday. 
 The effect was very grand and impressive. 
 
 It was supposed that the unfortunate ex- Governor of Ran- 
 goon, who on a recent occasion was so nearly caught by 
 Colonel Apthorp, had at length been captured and sent in 
 chains to Ava. He was the same Mightiness who, at the 
 commencement of operations, had put the Line-Myoothoon-Gee 
 in irons for failing to re-capture the King's ship. What an 
 example of the biter bit ! — Lieutenant Tayler, with a detach- 
 ment of Artillery and two guns, proceeded to Bassein. Major 
 Roberts, with the remainder of his regiment, likewise went to 
 take command of the new position. — Such were a few of the 
 small and great events which followed the capture . 
 
 On May 31st, intelligence arrived of an 
 
 Attuck on Martaban. 
 
 At 6 o'clock on Wednesday morning (26th), a Burmese 
 advanced force, consisting of about 600 men, under Moung- 
 Bwosh, the Governor of Martaban, marched over the hill from 
 the western side, and made a sudden and unexpected rush upon 
 the picquets guarding the heights. The alarm now being given, 
 the troops were under arms and at their guns. Major Hall 
 ordered the picquets at the northern pagoda into camp, and 
 subsequently sent a strong party of sepoys, under the command 
 of Lieutenant Holmes, to reconnoitre, under cover of the ar- 
 tillery guns. The Burmese, however, advanced ; a party of 
 about 1,000 kept near the small white pagoda below the hill; 
 another of about 2,000 lay a mile away in reserve, while a 
 smaller force kept up a smart fire on the troops at the distance 
 
ATTACK ON MARTABAN. 153 
 
 of about 150 yards north of the camp. The party under Lieu- 
 tenant Holmes was placed in a very perilous situation; but 
 that officer succeeded in returning to camp with, however, 
 serious loss in three killed and eleven wounded, of whom eight 
 were dangerously so, a subadar of the 40th Native Infantry 
 being of the number of the latter. The Artillery now played 
 with the most deadly effect, and the report of heavy guns at 
 Martaban caused the alarm to be sounded in cantonments at 
 Maulmain. The two companies of H. M/s 51st Light Infantry 
 and 26th Native Infantry got under arms; the former were 
 marched off at once, embarked in boats, and proceeded to 
 Martaban. The " Feroze," from her position opposite the 
 office of Messrs. Graceman and Co., a distance of some two or 
 three miles from the white pagoda on the hill, sent discharges 
 of artillery which made the Burmese seek a more distant 
 point of protection, and defaced the beauty of their pagoda. 
 The strength of the Burmese was now seriously weakened, 
 and the reserved forces obliged to be brought up to the rescue. 
 These were also reduced in number, for the attack being in 
 open day, and not as hitherto at night, their position and 
 numbers were ascertained and dealt with accordingly. A 
 body of men entrenched themselves behind a small white 
 pagoda, near their former storehouse or magazine, and hoisted 
 a flag on it, which, being observed by Lieutenants Steuart 
 and Baird, became a mark at once. The flag on the first shot 
 was sent down in tatters, the summit of the pagoda keeping it 
 company. The Burmese now found themselves uncomfortably 
 situated here, the guns being fired in this direction until the 
 glacis of the hill was cleared. From this time until late in 
 the evening shots were fired at intervals to clear the place of 
 stragglers. 
 
 Commodore Lynch, on delivering his instructions to his 
 second in command, manned his three cutters, and proceeded 
 up the Salween to intercept the flight of the Burmese. He 
 found them scattered at the third pagoda, now repairing, north 
 
154 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 of the camp, and ordered his boats to open fire upon them with 
 shell and canister, which made them retire. The Infantry- 
 met them in their flight, and opened a raking fire upon them. 
 Captain Tapley, on the other hand, with his own cutter, and 
 one from the "Medusa," manned by marines from the 
 " Feroze/' went in a south-westerly direction, but failed to 
 meet the enemy. The boats returned on the same evening, 
 and proceeded up again yesterday morning. 
 
 The Burmese force was commanded by the notorious Dacoit 
 chief and robber Moung Shoay-loang, who had been sent 
 from Ava to retake Martaban, or forfeit his head in case of 
 failure. Wednesday last was, according to the guardian angels 
 of Moung Shoay-loang, considered the lucky day for the 
 exploit ; but with what success has now been seen. 
 
 Burmese Games. 
 
 A few words about the games among Talaings and Burmese 
 may now be interesting. The principal are cock-fighting, 
 wrestling, buffalo-fighting, foot-ball, and boat-racing. They 
 have likewise a sort of dice to aid their gambling propensities. 
 At the buffalo-fights men sit on the beasts ; these last rush at 
 each other with tremendous fury. Frequently the horns be- 
 come locked together, when a trial of strength ensues, each 
 pushing his adversary as far back as possible. The buffaloes, 
 after a short contest, generally become tired of the sport, and 
 not unfrequently scamper away at a furious rate from their 
 tormentors. The buffalo is seldom killed; but the rider is 
 often thrown. The game is every bit as rational as the bull- 
 fights so extensively patronised by the ladies of Spain, and to 
 the Burmese ladies it is certainly quite as exciting. Foot- 
 ball is played with a small ball of wicker-work — very light, 
 of course. The players form a circle, and keep up the 
 ball with remarkable skill : with knee or foot they send it 
 Hying in every direction, as if they were perfect masters in the 
 
BTTEMESE GAMES. 155 
 
 law of projectiles * In boat-racing the Burmese shine con- 
 siderably. Boats very long and very narrow, with some twenty 
 rowers on a side, and paddled along at an incredible speed. 
 Singing and a variety of gestures aid the effect of this exciting 
 amusement. The Burmese posture of defiance is common in 
 the pleasure as well as in the war boats. The latter are gene- 
 rally ornamented, and armed with some thirty men or so, 
 carrying questionable muskets, but sharp dhas. A national 
 game, of minor importance, is a sort of draughts. The players 
 commence by drawing squares on the ground, and seated oc- 
 casionally in a state of profound abstraction before a move, 
 they play away with a gravity worthy of the great Gautama 
 himself. The Burmese enjoy a game at cards quite as much as 
 the old ladies of England. They are fond of music and very 
 superstitious : many of them believe in fairies. The instru- 
 ment of sound used is a sort of harmonicon, which discourses 
 most eloquent music either to the adventurer on his rambles, 
 or to the Burmese beauty as she sits, like many of those in our 
 country, pensive and alone. Men and women, in every clime, 
 are both poets and musicians by nature. In the melody or 
 modulation of sound there is a wonderful power, which, 
 " partly from nature, partly from habit and association, makes 
 such pathetic impressions on the fancy, as delights even the 
 most wild barbarians/' The Burmese are likewise fond of 
 dancing, when they frequently display their skill in the dress 
 of devils. What the sensation drama is to the British public, 
 the Pooay is to the Burman. 
 
 We shall conclude this chapter with the descriptiont of a 
 Burmese funeral. 
 
 * While revising this narrative (September 1879) the writer has just learned 
 that English foot-ball has now become common among the Burmese. They 
 use the leather cover, with bladder inside, and affect Rugby to a considerable 
 extent ! Lately, we understand, the Burmese beat the gallant 54th at foot- 
 ball. 
 
 f From notes furnished us by Lieutenant Cadell, of the Bengal Artillery. 
 This description is of the most humble Burmese funeral. In general, the last 
 
156 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Returning from Kemmendine in the evening, we saw a Bur- 
 mese funeral-procession following the remains of an old woman. 
 Women and children attended as well as men, and three priests 
 brought up the rear. The corpse is placed in a coffin made 
 of matting, and is carried by four men. Old women were 
 howling in a most disconsolate manner. On reaching the burial- 
 ground the poougis (or phongyees) came forward, and took up 
 their position on a raised platform at the head of the grave. 
 Before the priests were placed three large dishes of plantains, 
 and dried fish. Pieces of wood were put across the grave, and 
 the coffin rested on them. The men then kneeled round the 
 priests, and the women and children formed an outer semi- 
 circle. A poongi then repeated a few prayers, to which the 
 men responded. Then a long prayer was said, and, while 
 the priest was speaking, a man was pouring water slowly on 
 the ground from a small earthenware vessel. This finished the 
 ceremony, and the poongi s, having had their provisions care- 
 fully collected, departed. The corpse was then taken from 
 the coffin and buried. Buddhists, it must be remembered, bury 
 as well as burn. Pouring the water from the earthen vessel is 
 to signify the spirit departing from the body. 
 
 rites, even where no sign of great wealth is observable, are performed with 
 extravagant splendour. The bier of the deceased, raised on high, and enclosed 
 in the model of a Buddhist temple, borne along on the shoulders of some dozens 
 of bearers, the glaring red and gilt and silvery ornaments of the grotesque 
 machine, to which a grace is given by the white flags and umbrellas attached 
 to it ; the long train of followers, chiefly women, in rear, and poongis in 
 front. Such is a faint outline of the richer Burmese funeral. 
 
157 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PEGU. — PROME. THE GRAND QUESTION. LORD DALHOUSIE 
 
 AT RANGOON. 
 
 During the first fortnight of May, the Peguese had risen in 
 considerable strength against the Burmese, and had turned 
 them out of their towns and villages. At the end of the same 
 month we found the case reversed ; and the town of Pegu again 
 in the hands of a Burmese chieftain. Regarding the Peguese 
 already in the light of allies, it was natural to expect that an 
 expedition from our Force would shortly pay their ancient 
 capital a visit. Pegu was reduced by Alompra, after his 
 conquest of Burma's rival kingdom, to a state of comparative 
 ruin and desolation. 
 
 The conqueror spared the temples, among others the mag- 
 nificent Shive-madoo Praw, or Temple of the Golden Supreme.* 
 
 Conciliation was attempted. But every endeavour to con- 
 ciliate the Peguese by Burmese strategy signally failed. What 
 
 * See "Rangoon," Appendix No. IX. p. 276. The extreme height of this 
 building, above the level of the country, is three hundred and sixty-one feet, 
 or about forty feet higher than the Great Shwe Dagon. 
 
158 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 they sought for was — either independence, or a good system 
 of government by the people of a nation wiser and more 
 civilised than themselves. AYith the former, in its strict sense, 
 every half-civilised people must now go back in the scale ; 
 with the latter they must advance, and add their portion of 
 lustre to the triumphant light which shall, sooner or later, 
 dwell upon earth. 
 
 The town of Pegu is situated some seventy-five miles nearly 
 north from Rangoon, to which it is far inferior as a commercial 
 position. On the 2nd of June an expedition was ready 
 to start for Pegu. The party consisted of two companies 
 of H. M/s 80th, and two companies of the 67th Bengal Native 
 Infantry, the whole under Colonel Sturt, of the latter corps. 
 As many as could be stowed were placed on board the " Phle- 
 gethon"; the remainder were put in country boats, to be 
 towed. But it was soon discovered that the boats were not 
 seaworthy. The troops could not proceed to Pegu that day; 
 so all were marched back to quarters. On the following 
 morning the expedition, considerably reduced in size, made a 
 successful start. It now consisted of one company of H. M/s 
 80th Foot/ the rifle company of the 67th Bengal Native Infan- 
 try, under Captain Hicks, and a detachment of Madras Sappers 
 and Miners, under Lieutenant Macintosh, with Lieutenant 
 Mayne as Field Engineer ; the whole commanded by Brevet- 
 Major Cotton, of the 67th Regiment. This force was accom- 
 panied by a small party of the marines and sailors from the 
 " Fox," " Phlegethon," and " Medusa," under the command of 
 Captain Niblett, of the " Phlegethon," and Commander Tarleton, 
 of H.M.S. " Fox." All embarked on board the " Phlegethon " 
 steamer, which took in tow the boats of the squadron. 
 
 Of course our " Chevalier Bayard,"f Captain Latter, accom- 
 panied the expedition. By nightfall the steamer had reached 
 
 * We believe commanded by Captain Ormsby. 
 t Sans pom- ct sans reprocbe. 
 
PEGU. 159 
 
 within sixteen miles of Pegu, where she anchored. From the 
 narrowness and shallowness of the river it was not considered 
 safe to proceed farther. The only thing worth observing that 
 took place on the passage was that several large villages, as 
 the expedition came in view, assembled all their inhabitants on 
 the banks of the river, and cheered and raised their hands 
 towards Pegu ! " Let the British standard be planted on the 
 walls of Pegu ! " 
 
 On anchoring for the night, information was brought off 
 that a party of Peguese, on the right bank of the stream, under 
 a chief named Movngtah, had risen and defeated, the day 
 before, a detachment of the Burmese garrison, and that they 
 had proceeded along the bank of the river, intending to co- 
 operate with us in the attack on Pegu. 
 
 The allies were to be distinguished by wearing a small white 
 flag in the cap. 
 
 Next morning the whole party took to the boats, and pro- 
 ceeded leisurely up to Pegu, a short distance from which 
 Moungtah and his Peguese band made their appearance. 
 These were directed, in case of accident, during our operations, 
 to keep at a distance till required. However, as heavy firing 
 was heard on the right bank of the river, between the Peguese 
 and the Burmese, the troops immediately landed. A few of 
 the enemy only were to be seen, retreating as fast as they 
 could. The boats and naval party, under Commander Tarle- 
 ton, were directed to proceed farther up the river, to cut off 
 the retreat of the enemy who might attempt to pass across. 
 However, seeing a party of the enemy on the left bank, on 
 which the town of Pegu is situated, Commander Tarleton 
 landed the whole of his party, except the boat-keepers, and 
 proceeded to disperse them. Having advanced some distance, 
 a body of Burmese, seeing the unguarded state of the boats, 
 pounced upon them, and took possession. Fortunately the 
 Burmese were more anxious to plunder than to destroy the 
 boats. 
 
160 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 As Commander Tarleton and his party were returning to 
 their boats they were fired upon from jungle growing upon 
 old and ruined walls. The little party gallantly turned to the 
 assault, and entered the work by a large gap or gateway, which 
 was not fortified. There were not more than forty shots fired 
 by the enemy, who fled before the steady fire of the naval 
 force with the utmost precipitation. Seven Burmese only were 
 shot down. It was on entering this gap that a correct view of 
 the future scene of operations was obtained. Within these 
 ruined walls was an open area of about four miles in length ; 
 nearly in the centre a lofty pagoda, with much jungle at its 
 base. The enemy also appeared in considerably larger force 
 than was expected. Commander Tarleton, accordingly, pru- 
 dently determined to hold the gap, and to send notice to the 
 troops under Major Cotton, on the opposite bank. These were 
 on their return, having heard that the boats were in the pos- 
 session of the enemy. In the meantime Commander Tarleton 
 likewise heard of the same circumstance; and that gallant 
 officer immediately returned with his men to the scene of dis- 
 embarkation. Thus, the sailors coming down on the one bank 
 and the soldiers on the other, the boats were immediately re- 
 captured with the loss of two riflemen wounded. 
 
 It being now about 10 o' clock a.m., the sun was very power- 
 ful ; and the men having passed over a large extent of ground, 
 Major Cotton prudently determined on postponing the attack 
 on the pagoda till 3 p.m. By that time the men would have 
 rested, and enjoyed their rations. The gallant Major took up 
 an admirable position with the Rifles in front inside the ruined 
 walls, sheltered by the jungle covering them, and commanding 
 a clear view of any movements from the pagoda. The European 
 portion of the force put up in the few huts that remained about 
 one hundred yards in the rear on the bank of the river j the 
 sailors occupied the boats. About 1 p.m., however, the enemy, 
 apparently emboldened by what seemed to be inactivity, and 
 perhaps by the lout (spoil) from the boats, which had been taken 
 
PEGU. 161 
 
 to the pagoda, were seen coming down about fourteen hundred 
 strong, in something like order, commanded by some thirty 
 chiefs, on ponies. Another account said, there were one thou- 
 sand two hundred men, some mounted, and carrying umbrellas 
 over their chiefs, besides which there were regular horsemen, 
 who, Avhile they rode, sung a kind of vaunting song. The 
 alarm being sounded, the Rifles immediately rushed out, and 
 held the enemy in check. On the native troops being joined 
 by the European soldiers and sailors the enemy immediately 
 fled ; and so precipitate was their retreat, that not a single 
 Burman was touched even by the long shots of the rifles. The 
 advance of cur small and gallant party was now so rapid that 
 they seemed as if by magic, in one instant, to rush up the west 
 and south faces of the pagoda, killing a few of the enemy, and 
 suffering no loss whatever themselves. 
 
 A stronger party, under Mr. Midshipman L , was now 
 
 left in the boats ; and Captain Latter was directed to remain 
 for their further safety with the Peguese on the banks. The 
 next day was spent in destroying the granaries, and carrying off 
 nine guns ; and, on the following morning, the whole party 
 returned to the steamer. The entire loss of the British on this 
 occasion was one European sailor killed, and two wounded, in 
 the occupation of the boats by the enemy. One sailor was 
 wounded in the assault on the gap, under Commander Tarleton; 
 and two riflemen were wounded on our recapture of the boats. 
 The loss of the Burmese could scarcely be estimated, from the 
 best information, at more than one score. 
 
 Thus was the old town of Pegu captured. It was not occu- 
 pied by the British, but made over to the Talaings — a political 
 step on which it was rather difficult to form an opinion, after an 
 earnest request from the Peguese for the expulsion of their 
 oppressors.* It was thought, however, they would defend 
 
 * The following was published about the middle of June : — " The British 
 troops stormed the pagoda at Pegu, after some heavy skirmishing on I be Itli, 
 
 11 
 
162 OTJE BURMESE WAES. 
 
 their own persons, if they could not keep their towns, till Pegu 
 came forth in greater beauty than ever, under an enlightened 
 rule. The month of June in this narrative was also distin- 
 guished by the achievements of the Hon. Company's gallant 
 little steamer " Proserpine," under Captain Brooking, in the 
 Irawady. She was sent up the river, and made good her way, 
 before the middle of the month, without serious opposition, to 
 where the Irawady divides itself, like the two prongs of a fork ; 
 or, say eighty miles below Prome. All that portion of the 
 river below this point was thus surveyed. At the point 
 where the Irawady divides into two streams, and above which 
 there is no other outlet, to the sea, we maybe said to command 
 the navigation of the great river. Captain Brooking, with the 
 " Proserpine," succeeded immediately after in exploring the 
 Irawady to within thirty miles of Prome, having thus pene- 
 trated into the very heart of the enemy's country, and, with 
 the assistance of two well-armed boats of H.M.S. " Fox," 
 having captured and destroyed eighty boats of grain, of thirty 
 tons each. The rice in these boats was destined for the Bur- 
 mese army assembling at Prome, and its loss at such a crisis 
 was, of course, severely felt. An intelligent writer remarked : — 
 " It was a proud thing to reflect upon this little English vessel 
 alone, in the midst of enemies and of an enemy's country, 
 performing its duties as unconcernedly as if it was on the 
 Thames, and taking and destroying the Burmese Commissariat 
 in their very teeth." 
 
 The " Proserpine," on her voyage, did not escape being tired 
 
 with a loss of one seaman killed; three seam on, two Bepoys, and one camp- 
 follower wounded. The Eorcej after destroying the fortifications, returned to 
 Rangoon on the 6th. Everything quiet round Bassein. The enemy had left 
 the neighbourhood, and the inhabitants were coming in numbers to seek pro- 
 tection under our rule The troops were all very healthy. Soon after our 
 troops left the old town of Pegu, the Burmese oame down in a body of three 
 thousand or four thousand strong, and drove out the Peguese." 
 
PEGU. 1 63 
 
 on; and, about the end of the month, intelligence readied us 
 at Rangoon of a brilliant little affair against a stockade, which 
 she silenced and destroyed, after expending all her ammunition. 
 This position was, most probably, held by a strong band of 
 dacoits, who roam like firebrands through the country, ready to 
 espouse any successful side, but, until opportunity turns up, 
 destroying every thing that comes in their way. Similar lawless 
 vagabonds infest the Nizam's dominions in the Deccan. But 
 "Jolly June" had its peaceful as well as its warlike triumphs ; 
 the former, of course, at Rangoon. An elegant theatre was being 
 erected for the entertainment of officers and men ; and the 
 Rev. Mr. Burney's reading and lecture room was very well 
 attended. This excellent chaplain arrived from Calcutta early 
 in May ; and his frequent visits to the hospitals, combined 
 with his admirable expositions of pious and homely truths to 
 the men on a Sunday, effected immense good. His idea of 
 getting up instructive lectures for the men, to be delivered 
 once or twice on the week days, was a good one.* Large 
 audiences of British soldiers were enlightened with a graphic 
 sketch of the rise of European traffic in Burma to its decline, 
 with various information regarding the country. They were 
 likewise, we believe, favoured by Mr. Kincaid — before alluded 
 to — with a lecture on Buddha, which one would imagine to 
 have been rather above their comprehension. When the author 
 of this work was at home on furlough a well-educated man 
 took him into a corner one evening, and said, with a solemn 
 face, — " Now tell me, what does Buddha mean ? Who was 
 Buddha ?" A very natural question, and one of so puzzling a 
 character, that we were obliged to leave it to such men as 
 Colonel Sykes and Professor Wilson to fairly answer. 
 
 * In September 1864 Royal Artillery lectures and public readings for the 
 Europeans were established at Rangoon. But these were got up under far 
 more advantageous circumstances than in 1852, the year of the first lecture to 
 British soldiers in Pegu. 
 
 11 * 
 
164 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Yes, with all their erudition and vast research, notwith- 
 standing the immortal labours of Sir W. Jones, Vans Kennedy, 
 Coleman, Colebrooke, Remusat, Manupied, and a host of others, 
 men will be inquiring, in a generation yet to come, — Who was 
 Buddha?* 
 
 Mr. Kincaid, on his return from Maulmain, recovered but a 
 very small portion of his valuable books lost in the "Might." 
 Lexicons and dictionaries, letters and manuscripts, were no- 
 where to be found. This zealous missionary appeared to be a man 
 of no ordinary stamp, judging by all we had heard of him from 
 officers of the Force and others. Having resided some twenty 
 years in Burma, he had amassed a vast quantity of infor- 
 mation concerning the people and the country. His work of 
 proselytism had been wonderfully successful. He twice visited 
 the city of Ava ; and on one or more occasions experienced ill- 
 treatment. If the truth were known, we dare say this American 
 missionary had really been, like many before him, and St. Paul 
 his great exemplar, " in perils by the heathen, in perils in the 
 city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils among false brethren/' 
 Thinking seriously on the matter, there is something to greatly 
 admire in those devoted men and women who labour in a 
 distant land, consecrating their whole lives to an obedience to 
 the Divine mandate, published by the Great Captain of our 
 Salvation — " Go and preach the Gospel to every creature ! " 
 There can be little doubt that the missionaries stand forth as 
 the pioneers of civilisation in Burma. Regarding the mis- 
 sionary enterprise in a political point of view, two things are 
 requisite, above all others, moderation and patience ! With 
 these the grand cause must flourish — without them there can 
 
 * How true it is, that the very errors of the human mind form a part of its 
 history! In China I In ire are three systems of philosophic or religious belief 
 — Tit, tin- doctrine of Confucius; Fo, or Buddhism ; and the sect of Taou, or 
 Rationalists. Buddhism, "the fairest branch of the religion of India," called 
 also Samaneism, deserves the attentive study of every thinking man. For 
 remarks on Gautama and Buddhism, see " Rangoon," chap. x. p. 129. 
 
PEGU. 165 
 
 be no satisfactory result. And, musing carefully over the re- 
 spective creeds of Brahmanism and Buddhism, very many may 
 be apt to believe that the latter presents the easier field for 
 missionary labour ; and, consequently, the chance of success 
 must be greater. On the plain Deism of the Karens, also, 
 we know that missionaries do not find it difficult to engraft 
 the valuable traths of Christianity; whereas, in the dark 
 religion of Brahmanical polytheism, the difficulties are legion, 
 and terribly disheartening to the Christian philanthropist. 
 
 Mr. Burney's father was the well-known Resident at the 
 Court of Ava, Colonel Burney, who, when the Burmese Go- 
 vernment would have a Resident no longer, was yet requested 
 by the King to stay as a friend. 
 
 Captain Impey, of whom we briefly wrote in our first 
 Narrative,* was now quietly residing at Bankok, in Siam, under 
 the assumed name of George Aylmer. At first he was reported 
 to be drilling the King of Siam's troops; but he was really 
 there in the peaceful capacity of a merchant. The adven- 
 turous Captain " hoped to be appointed agent to the Singapore 
 merchants at the capital of Siam." 
 
 From the throne Amai'inwinichai-Mahaiswriyapheman, great 
 improvements were now expected, in the government of Siam. 
 The policy of exclusiveness was said to be, at length, aban- 
 doned ; and the Siamese King had taken to free trade, after a 
 fashion, which was as necessary to the welfare of his kingdom 
 as to his own preservation. He had forbidden his own subjects 
 the use of opium, and had made a vigorous effort to extend the 
 commerce of his country. 
 
 Regarding that curious people, the Karens,t Deists, who 
 
 * See " Kangoon," p. 144. 
 
 f " Their traditions embody remembrances of the creation, the deluge, and 
 the promise of a deliverer." They, in fact, embrace what may be styled the 
 fossilised skeletons of the faith. 
 
166 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 occupy the various mountainous and difficult tracts through- 
 out Burma; Pegu, the Tenasserim coast, and parts of the Shan 
 and Siamese countries, we read that the " second section of 
 the great Karen tribe, which in Burma has embraced Chris- 
 tianity by themselves, and is rapidly being organized into a 
 nation, resides in Siam " (1852). 
 
 There is evidently a great change operating in the Siamese 
 character. The pride of this nation has been described by 
 some author of note, as so excessive, that the lowest Siamese 
 considered himself superior to the greatest subject of any other 
 nation. In their literature, as with the Burmese, they have 
 nothing to enforce upon them the folly of extreme pride. 
 
 In June, it may be mentioned, the Madras Artillery sustained 
 a severe loss by the death of that excellent officer, Major Hugh 
 Montgomery.* He had distinguished himself at the capture 
 of the White House Stockade, and during the advance on the 
 Great Pagoda. 
 
 By the commencement of July, Rangoon was a nourishing 
 town, with some forty or fifty thousand inhabitants. t People 
 to be seen of nearly every creed, and of every Asiatic nation. 
 Of course, it was to be expected that among this numerous 
 population lurked many men of questionable character. There 
 was the slippery dacoit, who had come to try his hand, perhaps, 
 upon a commissariat bullock ; there was the wily gambler who 
 had come to cheat those who had money about them ; there 
 were Burmese spies, who had just dropped in to look quietly at 
 the state of affairs, and see whether our gallant General was on 
 the qui vive or not ; but the majority consisted of those who 
 were driven by hunger to flee from Burmese oppression, and 
 
 * The lamented Major was brother in (lie late Sir Eenry Montgomery, 
 Bart., for manj years a member of Ber Majesty's [ndian Council. 
 
 | This may nol be quite correct, .-is, in I sr,7, bhe population of Rangoon did 
 not much exceed forty thousand. For L851, orshdrtlj before bhe war, wo have 
 acen it printed as low us twenty thousand. 
 
PEGU. 167 
 
 who now rejoiced to live in certain security, under British 
 protection ! Was it not for this, Providence sent us here ? Was 
 not the Indian Government working out its grand destiny? 
 Near the beach was an immense bazaar, where fish, fruit, meat, 
 and vegetables were sold. The vendors were women, old and 
 young. There were pine-apples, plantains, and mangoes in 
 abundance, for sale ; also pumpkins and cucumbers. The bek- 
 ties and maugoe fish were, generally speaking, very inferior to 
 what we got in India. 
 
 And, in addition to the necessaries of life, many articles 
 of luxury were now procurable in Rangoon. Justice breathed 
 under the vigilant magistracy of Captain Latter ; and, on the 
 whole, civilisation here seemed in a fair way of taking root. 
 
 From such a point of prosperity in our narrative we pass on 
 to the middle of July, when the welcome intelligence arrived 
 of the success of an expedition of steamers which had been 
 despatched up the Irawady. 
 
 The flotilla was under Commander Tarleton, R.N.; and the 
 steamers employed were the " Proserpine/' " Pluto/' " Phlege- 
 thon," " Medusa/' and " Mahanuddy." 
 
 Prome had been circumvented ; the enemy's war-boats had 
 been destroyed, and the Burmese put to flight, with the loss of 
 forty guns. " It is all up with the army/' said many. " There 
 will be no medal for Prome ! " said a few. The wise said nothing ; 
 although it did certainly seem that James Watt had taken more 
 than his share of the glory. The question of " Could not the 
 General ere this have taken troops sufficient to Prome in the 
 steamers and rafts ? " or, " Could he not have taken two thou- 
 sand men, and at once have occupied Prome on this occasion ? " 
 might have been answered in various ways ; one of them, per- 
 haps, " It would certainly have been impolitic to have denuded 
 Rangoon of troops, at such a period of the war, without the 
 chance of immediate reinforcements." Another, "Why occupy 
 Prome immediately, when the wishes of Government are not 
 known on the subject of annexation X " and another, " Why 
 
168 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 should the men be exposed at such a season as this, with the 
 chance of, on their arrival at Prome, finding all the houses 
 burned to the ground, and the ancient boundary between Pegu 
 and Burma utterly destroyed ? " 
 
 The object of the expedition to Burma was described by 
 Lord Derby, in the House of Lords,* as follows : — " To strike 
 a blow against Rangoon and Martaban, which by striking terror 
 into the minds of the Burmese, and by showing the efficiency 
 of our forces, would induce them to make peace on terms 
 honourable to the British Government.-" Far more than this 
 had been done. Bassein had been captured, and various minor 
 successes had attended our arms ; and then the Burmese kept 
 silence, while the Peguese seemed everywhere to desire our 
 protection and government ; yet Peace did not come from the 
 Court of Ava ! With the golden-footed King, or his vile and 
 dissolute advisers, she did not dwell ! 
 
 All this would naturally tend to place the British Commander 
 in a difficult position. Be this as it may, many thought Com- 
 mander Tarleton had done a very fine thing. The General, just 
 returned from a tour of inspection, was astonished at the event 
 which had humiliated Prome, for a time. 
 
 The following description of the affair was eventually de- 
 livered by electric telegraph in Calcutta, when the " Fire 
 Queen " came within telegraphic range of the City of Palaces: — 
 " Prome was occupied on the 9th July. Twenty-two guns, 
 many of large calibre, taken from the enemy by the steam 
 flotilla in the Irawady, under the command of J. W. Tarleton, 
 R.N. Flotilla attacked on the 7th by a strong force of the 
 enemy at Konongce. Silenced enemy's fire in an hour, and 
 the steamers proceeded. On the 10th, fell in with the rear of 
 General Bandoola's army, and, after an exchange of shots, the 
 enemy fled in great confusion, leaving the General's state-barge, 
 
 » 5th of April, 1852. 
 
PEGU. 169 
 
 standard, two gold umbrellas, several large war-canoes, and 
 twenty prisoners in our possession." A few officers were 
 wounded,* and, on the whole, twenty-eight guns were taken ; 
 twenty-nine by another account, and among them one 42 
 and one 54-pounder. Commander Tarleton, we believe, went 
 through what may be styled the eastern channel, passing 
 the Burmese who were drawn up in force, not on the island, 
 but on the left bank of the river. This movement almost 
 paralyzed the enemy ; and as our steamers were returning, war- 
 boats were sent out to intercept their progress. Then com- 
 menced the work of destruction and capture which terminated 
 this brilliant little affair. Strange enough, in almost deserted 
 Prome, some inhabitants who sought our protection assisted 
 the men in finding the guns. A poor Peguese labourer, on 
 being asked by one of our officers why he acted thus, replied, 
 " Because we are perishing under this Government ; no secu- 
 rity for person, no security for property. If a man is possessed 
 of five rupees to-day, and it becomes known, he is robbed of it 
 by the greedy authorities to-morrow." No person in Burma, 
 "ventures to exhibit his wealth by enjoying it, for means of 
 extortion would soon be used to deprive him of it." 
 
 The people were fleeced by the governors, who were delegated 
 by the King to rule over them for a high consideration. And 
 of course the chief object was to drain the coffers of their 
 helpless charge by a system of oppression. 
 
 Could it be otherwise, than that this people should wish the 
 dynasty of Alompra at an end ? The dog had had his day ; he 
 had earned a bad name; should we hang him? In an age of 
 social progress and enlightenment, all such vile instruments 
 of government must be swept away. What should such crea- 
 
 * According to this report, Lieutenant Elliot, Rl. M., Mr. J. Morgan, assist. - 
 surgeon, H.M.S. " Fox," Mr. Hunter, I. N., and Mr. Brayer, mate, I. N. 
 
1 70 OUR BURMESE a WARS. 
 
 tures as these do " crawling between earth and heaven ? "* The 
 grand question which now arose, was, " Would it be wise and 
 politic in our Government to annex the country to our eastern 
 domain ? " We were inclined to answer in the affirmative. 
 It would, we thought, be both wise and politic to absorb Burma, 
 and place the worthless king on the list of pensioners. The 
 country deserves care and trouble; let us dispense the bless- 
 ings of security and civilisation, and ensure wealth and prosperity 
 to a wide-spread and interesting people, whose domestic morals 
 we may reform in the course of time, the vast and rich re- 
 sources of whose country Ave shall be able to evolve for their 
 own benefit as well as that of mankind at large. The Burmese 
 would not require a great effort to be tamed under the paw of 
 the British lion, and would form the most formidable barrier 
 between our own and the Chinese Empire. Another view ad- 
 vocated the annexation of the kingdom of Pegu only to the 
 British possessions in the East. This would humiliate the court 
 of Ava, by taking away its best provinces, and would relieve the 
 Peguese from tyranny and oppression. And many Burmese 
 would soon come under our protection. At the close of the 
 last war numbers of Burmese expatriated themselves; they 
 availed themselves of a time and opportunity for emancipation 
 from tyranny, flocked into the Tenasserim Provinces, " and 
 formed the nucleus of their future prosperity." 
 
 The reader may now naturally inquire if any jealousy exists 
 between the Takings and Burmese? Not nearly so much as 
 might be expected. 
 
 They are both of the Tartar race,f and each has been inde- 
 pendent in its turn ; neither of them is affected by caste ; and 
 
 * Written in 1 Sol. The author must have anticipated the reign of King 
 Thebati in l s 7!>. Hamlet's remark, in this case, becomes more striking, when 
 we consider thai MLandalaj is lield by the Burmese to be under the especial 
 oharge of Santama ! 
 
 ■j- This is, of course, an assumption ; the people of further India are supposed 
 by Mr. Orawfurd to be radically distinct /rum any other Asiatic race. 
 
PEGU. 171 
 
 excepting a little jealousy which exists between the high phon- 
 gyees, orrahans (priests, or monks), of the Burmese and Talaings 
 — said simply to have reference to temporal dignity and position, 
 without a tendency to produce schism — there is not more envy 
 than we observe every day between any two men of a different 
 trade or country. The question remains open whether " the inde- 
 pendent sea-board power of Pegu or the comparatively land- 
 locked kingdom of Ava was most likely to have first received the 
 missionaries of Buddhism/' The Tenasserim Provinces had 
 yielded no actual surplus revenue to British India. They had, on 
 the contrary, cost us a few thousands a year. And why ? Because 
 at the close of the last war we occupied a country which could 
 never be made to pay its expenses. We occupied this and the 
 swamps of Arakan, while the once glorious kingdom of Pegu 
 stretched out its arms to receive us ! The Tenasserim Pro- 
 vinces had never paid their expenses ; but, says an authority, 
 taking his own view of the annexation question, lf This is no 
 reason why the rich province of Pegu, with its inexhaustible 
 forests of teak, its fertile soil, its noble rivers, its mineral re- 
 sources, and its industrious population, should not, under the 
 impulse of improvement — which we shall not fail to impart to 
 it — more than cover the whole expense of its occupation. Nor 
 must we forget that we secure, at the same time, four or five 
 millions of consumers of our manufactures — that is, according 
 to the extent of territory we may appropriate — and open new 
 marts of commerce/' Rangoon, at no very distant period, 
 would become the Liverpool or Glasgow of further India. Im- 
 mense traffic would naturally crown such an admirable com- 
 mercial position, and the woods, grain, oils and minerals of 
 Pegu, with its various other commodities, would be diffused 
 throughout the civilised world. 
 
 And why should not this be brought about? The entire 
 people of Southern Burma were seeking our rule ; Rangoon and 
 Kemmendine were filled with inhabitants ; and the Peguese, 
 i, " decidedly and ever our friends/' 
 
172 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 what could we seek more? Or, it may be better to say, what 
 could we wish more, after we had invested and occupied Prome 
 by British troops ? Such a consummation was, doubtless, near 
 at hand. " From Prome to the Aeng Pass on one side," wrote 
 an authority, " and to Martaban, taking the Sittang river as 
 the boundary on the other, would give us the whole sea-board, 
 and Pegu in its integrity, whilst it would still leave a noble 
 territory to the Court of Ava, larger than, for the interests of 
 the people, it ought to possess/' So much confidence General 
 Godwin appeared to have in the Peguese, that he once said 
 at Rangoon, "if he bad the authority to promise annexation, he 
 would levy a militia of these fellows, and go with them and a 
 portion of our force, to Prome at once." 
 
 The " Phlegethon," under Captain Niblett, took a trip to 
 Donabewin May. No fortifications were found there, merely 
 the town, and the remains of the work destroyed in the last 
 war. 
 
 The General, Bandoola, whose name has appeared while nar- 
 rating the temporary capture of Prome by Commander Tarle- 
 ton, was the son of our gallant and determined enemy during 
 the last war, who said, not long before his death at Donabew, 
 that the English did not know how to fight ! The report for 
 some time had been rife at Rangoon that Bandoola junior was 
 coining down to make a grand stand. He had forty thou- 
 sand of the King of Ava's chosen troops with him, goodly 
 men and true. 
 
 Probably the Golden Foot thought that the name of Ban- 
 doola would act like magic on the people. Such is well enough 
 in Europe, perhaps, but it will not do .in Asiatic countries. 
 The master-mind was wanting. Bandoola proved himself, on 
 the occasion referred to, to be a disgrace to his father's name ; 
 he tied bodily, probably to drown his misfortune in dissipation, 
 to which, report said, the would-be Bandoola the Great was 
 very much addicted. 
 
 Great Britain in the East— particularly at this time— appeared 
 
PEGU. 173 
 
 to be working out a grand destiny. Providence seemed to have 
 ordained that she should " go forth conquering and to con- 
 quer." To advance is life — to retire is death. Such assurances 
 ably cheer the onward march of civilisation. 
 
 To review the affairs of a mighty Government there must be 
 no prejudice, no party feelings of revenge ; there must be am- 
 plitude of comprehension and an intimate acquaintance with the 
 subject. Without these, a fair and candid judgment can never 
 be passed on civil or military affairs. Thoughts like these were 
 apt to crowd upon the mind at a time when India was about to 
 occupy a greater share of public attention than ever ; at a time 
 when a natural desire existed among so many that justice might 
 be done to India, and to the Honourable East India Company. 
 It was highly pleasing to read the speech delivered by the First 
 Minister of the Crown (the Earl of Derby) on Friday, the 2nd 
 of April. Justice was then done to the Company, which, "from 
 an humble origin, established in a comparatively short period, 
 the mightiest empire under the sun, redeeming any errors of 
 rapacity and lust in its early stages by the wise government 
 and enlightened humanity by which, in later times, it had 
 achieved a dominion absolute and uncontrolled, whether by 
 the direct exercise of its authority, or by an influence not less 
 absolute than actual authority, over a district of country ex- 
 tending from Cape Comorin on the south, to the borders of 
 Burma, of Cashmere, Cabul, and Afghanistan on the north, 
 and embracing, I think, something like 28° of latitude (cheers); 
 a vast district inhabited by a population which I believe I am 
 within the mark when I set down at 150,000,000 exer- 
 cising its authority over a population of various races, and of 
 various religions, who have been often in hostility to each other, 
 but who now, conquerors and conquered, agree to submit to 
 the jurisdiction of a comparatively small body of Europeans • 
 a Company which has secured its power, not so much by the 
 sword as by the wisdom of its councillors ; which has seen suc- 
 cumb to it, one after another, the mightiest monarchies of 
 
174 OUR BURMESE AVARS. 
 
 India, and which, without any attempt at conquest— nay, 
 contrary to its wish — has seen the populations of those monar- 
 chies gradually freeing themselves, under the protection of its 
 authority. It was not less extraordinary that this vast empire 
 should he maintained by an army of 285,000 men, composed 
 mainly of natives, every variety of religion and grades, equally 
 loyal to their conquerors. It was a task of magnitude to 
 investigate the machinery hy which this great territory was 
 superintended." 
 
 With reference, again, to the grand question, whether Prome, 
 or Amarapiira, would be on the northern boundary of our grasp, 
 a highly intelligent officer wrote, " Why, here is a country, the 
 conquest of which would cost comparatively a small outlay of 
 men and money, of much greater value to us than the Punjab, 
 as a maritime and commercial people, from its geographical 
 superiority and advantages, to say nothing of its productions 
 which are of the most remarkable kind." Thus was the matter 
 looked upon in the light of a commercial necessitj r . 
 
 Some talked of Ava and Prome making "convenient appen- 
 dages" to Calcutta, "rounding off" our possessions in the 
 East. And once having moved inland, it would be difficult to 
 stop short of the Sea of China.* " No fear of our Empire," 
 said a bold son of Progress, " falling to pieces from its own 
 size, were it extended from the Caspian to the Wall of China, 
 so long as the country is rich enough to meet its own charges, 
 and is possessed of a defensible frontier." 
 
 Including Arakan, the Burmese Empire was stated, many 
 years ago, to contain seventeen millions of souls. t The popu- 
 
 * " The peninsular is scarcely a thousand miles across, and is penetrated by 
 noble rivers, from north to south and from east to west — and we could advance 
 from both shores were we so inclined." 
 
 f Colonel Symes estimated the total number at seventeen millions, while 
 Captain Cox, who succeeded him as ambassador, does not go beyond eight 
 millions; bul from subsequent information collected by Captain Canning, there 
 was reason to hrlie\c that even this Inst number greatly exceeded the truth. 
 
 In 1809 the country appeared half depopulated. 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 175 
 
 lation has since very much decreased. Should we become 
 eventually possessed of the inheritance of the House of Alom- 
 pra, the Indian Government would exercise authority over 
 little less than one-fifth of the whole human family ! 
 
 On Tuesday, the 27th of July, the Governor-General of 
 India arrived at Rangoon, in 'the Company's steam-frigate 
 " Feroze." 
 
 Welcome intelligence, at the same time, came from England 
 that the fall of Rangoon and Martaban had drawn forth a 
 feeling of unqualified admiration of the skill and courage of 
 our troops. Soon after his arrival in the river, General God- 
 win and Commodore Lambert paid Lord Dalhousie a visit. 
 The weather was by no means auspicious for such an important 
 event as the arrival of the head of the IndianGovernment on these 
 shores. The day was rainy, and dark, and dreary-looking, as if it 
 were determined to repel the message of light to Burma. But, 
 as usual at this season, it cleared up in the afternoon; and 
 everything around seemed bright and beautiful. Next morn- 
 ing there was a grand parade, in honour of the Governor- 
 General; the time he had appointed for landing was 7 o'clock. 
 Punctual, as usual, the noble Marquis landed ; and, entering 
 the stockade, passed through the street, lined with troops, to 
 the south gate of the Great Pagoda. H. M/s 18th Royal Irish 
 furnished the guard of honour below, and the Artillery, of 
 course, furnished its guard of honour* above, on the upper 
 terrace. What with the various salutes — the shipping having 
 thundered away in the river, and the Artillery on the upper 
 terrace — and the general excitement, there was a temporary 
 relief from our rather monotonous life at Rangoon. Music, 
 too, welcome music, was now to be heard. The Governor- 
 General was accompanied on his visit by Major Banks, acting 
 as Military Secretary,t Mr. Charles Allen, Foreign Secretary, 
 
 * Under Captain Cooke, Madras Artillery. 
 
 t This gallant officer afterwards fell at the jKesidcncy during the siege of 
 Lucknow (1857). 
 
176 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 his Aides-de-camp, Sir Edward Campbell, Captain D'Oyley, 
 and others. He was received, on reaching the base of the 
 Great Pagoda, by Colonel Foord, the Artillery Commandant, 
 who introduced Major Back and Brigade-Major Scott to his 
 lordship. 
 
 The illustrious party wandered round the Temple, of course 
 wondering and admiring. " I am astonished how your men 
 got in here, with such defences ! " remarked the Governor- 
 General, who was also pleased to express his high approbation 
 of the soldier-like appearance of the Artillery guard of honour. 
 The quaint-looking houses of some of the officers, on the upper 
 terrace, must have excited the attention of the strange party j 
 nor could they have been less astonished at the bells, huge, 
 and now dumb, monsters of sound ; they also enjoyed a splendid 
 view of the country and river from the parapets. 
 
 While the Governor-General was residing at Rangoon, of 
 course the curiosity of every one was excited to the utmost. 
 What was going to be done ? Would there be now an imme- 
 diate advance on Prome, to follow up the recent successful 
 achievement? If so, immediate annexation would doubtless 
 follow. 
 
 On the arrival of reinforcements a force was to be sent 
 through the Aeng Pass into the basin of the Irawady, to cut 
 off all communication between Ava and Prome. A force would 
 also proceed from Martaban up the Sittang river; and the 
 principal force would start from llangoon in the steamers. There 
 would be no bullocks to destroy the efficiency of the Artillery, 
 and delay the army in its onward progress. The rivers in 
 October and November would have water sufficient for steamers 
 of considerable size to proceed up with perfect safety. "There 
 were steamers enough to take an army to Ava, without wetting 
 the sole of a man's foot." Such lively remarks became current 
 during the st;iy of the Governor- General at Rangoon. 
 
 But, with regard to marching, no one could pretend to give 
 an exact opinion as to the intentions of General Godwin. To 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 177 
 
 conquer a country thoroughly you must march through itj 
 there must be no rebels hanging on your rear. This is a 
 general view of the custom of war. With a river possessing 
 such capabilities as the Irawady, much steaming, however, to 
 save marching through an injurious and swampy soil, one would 
 imagine to have every chance of greatly facilitating the opera- 
 tions, and of bringing the campaign to a brilliant and glorious 
 termination. To use the steamers as much as possible may 
 have been the intention of our gallant General. The " Pluto," 
 in July, anchored off Prome, in eight fathoms water. Cox and 
 Crawfurd both mention that the rise of the Irawady at Prome 
 is from twenty to twenty-five feet, and that large vessels* have 
 been built there. 
 
 Our steamers gave us the entire command of the Irawady 
 below Prome — " in fact, of the whole of the Lower Provinces." 
 Steam would soon render Pegu truly British in character ; and, 
 with its auxiliary, the Press, it might form the nucleus of 
 civilisation in a new land, which would be sure to flourish 
 under a wise and liberal Government. After holding a levee 
 the Governor-General left Rangoon on Sunday, the 1st of 
 August, much pleased with his visit. It was believed he waited 
 instructions from England, which could not be received before 
 the end of September ; so, on the great question, we were left 
 in the dark as much as ever. It was not decided on whether 
 we should take the entire Burmese Empire, or simply unite the 
 two disjointed provinces of Arakan and Maulmain, by annexing 
 the intermediate delta of the Irawady. 
 
 And now, to close this portion of our narrative, Rangoon 
 was flourishing beyond all possibility of conception. In the 
 first war Rangoon had but few tenants. It was peopled chiefly 
 by the army and its followers. When we landed in April (1852) 
 the town was almost deserted. The case soon became entirely 
 
 * Of from three hundred to five hundred tons burthen. 
 
 12 
 
178 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 changed ; the people placed confidence in us, and rushed to 
 seek our protection. This time it was not probable that cun- 
 ning Burmese diplomacy would be allowed to have a hand in 
 the business. There would be no time for an interchange of 
 civilities, or other " airy nothings." 
 
 Looking with a sort of prophetic eye into coming events, we 
 remarked : — The Burmese are crafty; but the British are 
 earnest in a good cause. There will be no Dr. Jonathan Price, 
 excellent man as he was, rushing backwards and forwards to 
 Ava, bringing doubtful intelligence, as well as bad rupees, and 
 only a portion of the treasure at a time. There will be no de- 
 putations to the King, to present gifts of State. When we get 
 to Prome, or beyond it, trifling must cease. There will be 
 much business of vast importance to transact ; and there can 
 be little doubt of its being transacted in a manner highly 
 creditable to the Government of British India.* 
 
 The following is Lord Dalhousie's concise and elegant fare- 
 well gift to the force at Rangoon : — 
 
 " The Major-Generalf commanding, has the highest gratifi- 
 cation in publishing to the troops the following General Order 
 by the Most Noble the Governor- General of India : — 
 
 "Rangoon, 1st August 1852. 
 
 "The Most Noble the Governor- General of India cannot 
 forego the opportunity which is afforded to him by his visit to 
 Rangoon,^ for again offering the combined force his most 
 cordial acknowledgment of the valuable and distinguished 
 services they have rendered here. The gratification which 
 
 * It was Raid, that when reinforcements arrived from Bengal and Madras, 
 Gonoral Godwin's army would number about eighteen thousand men. At no 
 period of tho war were there so many troops in Burma. 
 
 f By a recent order, the Brevot Lieutenant- General was in several cases 
 cancelled, and our gallant. Commander was among them. 
 
 J The next important visit to this rising commercial city in Chin-India was 
 that of the mnoh loved and afterwards lamented Earl of Mayo, in January 
 1870, when Colonol Fytohe was Chief Commissioner. 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 179 
 
 the Governor-General experiences in thus congratulating the 
 force on its success in the field, is greatly enhanced by his 
 being able to add the expression of his unqualified approbation 
 of its conduct in quarters. 
 
 " In every branch, whether Naval or Military, European or 
 Native, the force has exhibited an orderly conduct and in- 
 offensive demeanour towards the people of the country, and a 
 spirit of sound discipline, which are as truly honourable to its 
 character as the high distinction it has won in battle. 
 
 " Whatever may be the future course of this service, what- 
 ever may be the ultimate fate of this country, the Governor- 
 General has the proud satisfaction of feeling that the people 
 of Burma will hereafter associate with the presence of a British 
 force among them no other recollections than those of its 
 irresistible bravery in the field, of its order, forbearance, and 
 obedience in the camp. 
 
 " (By command) 
 (Signed) "J.S.Banks, 
 
 "Assistant Military Secretary 
 to the Governor-General.-" 
 
 The following account of Lord Dalhousie's reception of, and 
 conversation with, the missionaries, from the graphic pen of 
 Mr. Kincaid, is of too interesting a nature to be omitted from 
 this narrative : — 
 
 " Rangoon, Aug. 8, 1852. 
 
 " In my last, I mentioned that Lord Dalhousie and suite 
 were here. The day after his arrival one of his secretaries 
 called on me and spent more than an hour, asking a great 
 number of questions relative to the Government, &c. of Burma. 
 On Saturday last, before he left, a line from one of his aides- 
 de-camp informed me that the Governor- General would see me 
 and my associates at 3 o'clock. I went accordingly with 
 Mr. Vinton and Dr. Dawson. 
 
 12 * 
 
180 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 <f His lordship received us in the kindest manner, and at 
 once began conversing on Burman affairs in a way that in- 
 dicated great familiarity with the subject. He inquired about 
 the three races of Karens, Talaings, and Burmans, the pecu- 
 liarities of each, the number of native Christians, whether the 
 Government made no distinction between us and British sub- 
 jects, whether I was acquainted with the present King, who 
 were the leading spirits in the court of Ava, and what were 
 the feelings of the people towards the English ? He asked my 
 opinion of the late Viceroy, whether he came down with peace- 
 ful or with hostile intentions. To this last I replied, ' Hostile, 
 no doubt/ 
 
 " ' How, then/ he inquired, ' do you account for the pacific 
 tone of the King's letter to me ? ' 
 
 " l It was to blind Commodore Lambert, and give the Viceroy 
 time to prepare for resistance/ " 
 
 This interesting conversation, in its entirety, will be found 
 in Mrs. Wyllie's work,* the eighth chapter of which — the 
 " Annexation of Pegu " — is a very interesting one, and which 
 may with advantage be referred to. With regard to annexation 
 and " the well-being or otherwise of unborn millions depending 
 very much on his decision," Lord Dalhousie said, "I feel it; 
 those who have not the responsibility may act hastily. I have 
 
 COME TO A DECISION AFTER LONG AND CAREFUL EXAMINATION." 
 
 On taking leave, his lordship said to the missionaries — " We 
 may meet again ! " 
 
 And thus the great Pro-consul courteously and gracefully 
 closed his first visit to Rangoon. 
 
 * Th " Gospel in Burma, 1859." 
 
181 
 
 PART III 
 
 FROM THE ADVANCE ON PROME, TO THE 
 ENTIRE CONQUEST OF PEGU. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. — CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION 
 OF PEGU. 
 
 Few events in Indian military history gave rise to so many 
 remarks, grave, gay, lively, and severe, as General Godwin's 
 advance on, and capture of, Prome. Some of the Indian 
 journals almost exhausted their wit on the subject. That five 
 octavo pages of a Gazette should have been occupied in de- 
 tailing an engagement; in which only one man was killed and 
 a few wounded, was, in the opinion of one of them, quite dis- 
 similar to the " Veni, vidi, vici" of the great Caesar. And 
 again, the same writer held that Nelson's idea of having one 
 day a Gazette " all to himself/'' was not " associated with such 
 cheap results as the capture of Prome by the Army of Burma." 
 It does certainly provoke a smile, while reading the graphic 
 narratives by the Commodore and General, as set forth in their 
 
182 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Despatches,* pondering over the naval and military exploits, 
 and the grand result. But we are a strange people in this 
 respect. Had there been in human life a large " butcher's 
 bill/' there would have been more praise and less wit bestowed 
 on the operations ; so, however brilliant the wit may be on 
 such occasions, the expression of it certainly does not say 
 much in favour of British humanity. Looking at this failing 
 in a purely professional point of view, it appears absurd in the 
 extreme ; since every one knows that it is the consummate art 
 of war to do as much as possible with quickness, decision, 
 and effect, at a small cost of life among the troops employed. 
 Writing a few pages about doing the thing does not then 
 become such a great crime after all ; and no doubt the General 
 as well as the Commodore were perfectly satisfied on this 
 point. 
 
 Before briefly narrating the advance, with the view of giving 
 a sort of continuous chain to the abstract of a separate narrative, 
 a few events in August and September may be noted, with some 
 remarks of general interest. 
 
 Rangoon, Martaban,f and Bassein were now in our possession, 
 to the infinite delight of the Peguese, or former lords of Burma. 
 The Irawady, that noble highway, or rather grand artery of 
 the country, was in our hands, which had enabled us for some 
 time to cut off the enemy's resources. 
 
 The Bay of Bengal continued to keep up an animated scene, 
 and its billows rolled fresher than ever, as if they shared the joy 
 of the Irawady, while steamers and transports dashed across its 
 blue waters with brave reinforcements for the " Army of Ava." 
 Who could deny that such vigour was highly creditable to the 
 Indian Government ? that such energy and such resources did 
 
 * Seo Appendix No. V., in " Pegu ; a Narrative." 
 t For more information regarding the attack on Martaban, see 
 chap. ii. p. 7. 
 
BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PBOME. 183 
 
 infinite honour to our Indian Empire, which, although not a 
 century since Clive won Plassey, was now the wonder and ad- 
 miration of the world. But in the face of this hard-won glory 
 there were still some good people in England — among them 
 those who loved above all things to make a public "show" 
 — who, as the great advocates of Free Trade put it, saw or 
 read of " nothing but growth," and for the most part talked 
 of " nothing but decay " ! 
 
 Among those who looked back with pride to the day they 
 entered the old Company's service, not the least important were 
 the members of that army which, " originating in a few gunners'" 
 crews and factory guards, had, in the course of not quite two 
 centuries, swollen to that gigantic and well-disciplined host 
 known as the Company's Army."* 
 
 This army had again sent forth a gallant portion of its 
 sons on another grand enterprise, as pioneers to clear the way 
 for justice and civilisation. 
 
 In the middle of August, the 1st Madras Native Infantry, 
 under Colonel Goldsworthy, reached Maulmain, as the garrison 
 there was sadly in want of reinforcement. It was truly con- 
 sidered that no little responsibility was attached to guarding a 
 town, some three or four miles long, with cantonments, arsenal, 
 and magazine. This important capital of the Tenasserim 
 Provinces — so famous for its teak and timber tradef — is about 
 thirty-seven miles from the sea. Martaban is on the right or 
 north bank of the Salween river, nearly opposite Maulmain. 
 
 We now return to Rangoon, where an attack was made, on 
 the night of the 14th, on the quiet village of Puzendoun — 
 lit., in Burmese, "the shrimp district" — under our very eyes. 
 The chief object of attack was a house occupied by the ex- 
 Governor of Pegu; and the attacking party consisted of fifty 
 
 * " Begbie'a Services of the Madras Artillery." 
 
 t For capabilities of Maulmain as a building yard for men-of-war, 
 " Pegu," p. 30. 
 
181 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Burmese soldiers. Of course, their design was to carry him 
 off; but the enemy were vigorously repulsed, the ex-Governor 
 having fought bravely with his small band, defending himself 
 in a manner, although severely wounded, worthy of the best 
 days of Pegu chivalry. 
 
 The Burmese at Prome, it was affirmed, were now employed 
 on an extensive stockade, or breastwork, in a commanding po- 
 sition, beyond the fire of the steamers. From ten thousand to 
 fifteen thousand men were reported to be in and about Prome. 
 There were seven thousand at Pegu, with a large body of 
 Cassay (Munnipoor) horse ; armed outposts between Pegu and 
 Rangoon ; and a large force at Beling, near Martaban. Ava 
 was said to be filled with guns ; and there were the two fierce 
 brigades, headed by a Picton and an Uxbridge of the Burmese 
 army, styled the Invulnerables and the Invincibles, who were 
 certainly to cut all the English to pieces ! The Burmese were 
 not going to await attack ; but they determined to attack us 
 when the rains abated. There were accounts from the steamers 
 up the river that Bandoola with the various expelled Woons, 
 or ex-Governors, remained at Prome. The Dalla Woon sent a 
 communication to Commander Tarleton proposing a conference 
 on the subject of the war. Tarleton replied, " that he had no 
 power to entertain the subject, but that if the Dalla Woon 
 was duly authorised, he would guarantee him safe conduct to 
 Rangoon in one of the steamers." The Woon did not accede 
 to this proposal, but wished to know whether, in the event of 
 his communicating with the Commodore, we would remain 
 below Prome till matters might be settled. This ruse was so 
 transparent as to indicate but an indifferent opinion of our 
 penetration. His Dalla Woonship was informed in reply that 
 nothing short of a treaty of peace between the two nations 
 would stay our proceedings. The Woon would not trust him- 
 self to the mercy of the British General. At Ava his head 
 would surely have gone for losing Dalla. But in such a case 
 he should have been allowed to keep it on for his admirable 
 
BEFOEE THE ADVANCE ON TROME. 185 
 
 diplomacy and cunning ! However, the nation that produced 
 Lord Palmerston could hardly have been defeated by the tact 
 of a Burmese Woon. 
 
 At the end of August, war-steamers were despatched from 
 Rangoon to Madras, to bring troops for the approaching cam- 
 paign. The Commodore had utilised the little passenger-steamer 
 "Fire Queen/' mounted her with some 12-pounders, and 
 made a man-of-war of her. Captain Keighly, 49th Madras 
 Native Infantry, and Mr. Chisholm— the former from Martaban 
 and the latter from Maulmain— were also engaged in the pre- 
 paration of a flotilla of boats for the conveyance of stores and 
 baggage in the movement upwards. At Rangoon, too, the 
 Artillery were usefully employed in attempting to effect a 
 breach in a flank of the west face of the great stockade with 
 two 24-pounders and two 8-inch howitzers, at ranges of from 
 four hundred to six hundred yards. But it was found perfectly 
 useless to attempt the breaching with such pieces in any reason- 
 able time.* We carefully examined the construction of the dense, 
 tough, timber wall, which, though lacking the beauty of a work 
 issued from the hand of a Vauban or a Cormontaigne, never- 
 theless had been raised on simply natural principles of sur- 
 passing strength. With two hundred pounds of powder, or 
 even with one hundred pounds, you can occasionally effect a 
 fair breach in a strong part of a stockade. Engineers and Ar- 
 tillery are well acquainted with how to effect this often diffi- 
 cult and sometimes dangerous operation. 
 
 The boats of the Hon. Company's steam-frigate " Zenobia " 
 were now doing some useful service about thirty miles above 
 Martaban, reconnoitring various positions preparatory to an 
 advance. They were frequently fired on by the determined 
 enemy. The boats returned early in September to Maulmain, 
 officers and men haraig suffered much from fatigue and ex- 
 
 ;-U," p. ^!. 
 
186 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 posure. In this expedition, Mr. Bondville, with three bouts of 
 the river police, also joined, and gave great assistance. Eigh- 
 teen canoes were captured in all. On the 1st of July the 
 Queen had prorogued Parliament in person, when Her Majesty, 
 for the first time in her reign, was pleased to allude to Burma. 
 There had been " an iuterruption of friendly relations " with 
 the King of Ava. The " promptness and vigour M of the 
 Governor-General of India received " entire approbation " ; 
 and the valour " and discipline " of all ' ' the naval and military 
 forces, European and Indian," were causes of just satisfaction, 
 having led to " signal successes," which, it was to be hoped, 
 would lead " to an early and honourable peace." 
 
 Our English Cicero, Lord Derby, had said in the House of 
 Lords on the 5th of April, with reference to the coming ope- 
 rations, — " If these steps " (striking a blow against Rangoon 
 and Martaban) " should not be sufficient before the rainy 
 season to induce the Burmese authorities to tender their sub- 
 mission and to enter into terms of peace, then it will be for the 
 Governor-General to consider what steps it will be his duty 
 to take in the arduous struggle which will be forced upon 
 him."* 
 
 On the same date (1852), in the House of Lords, Lord Ellen- 
 borough endeavoured to show that the Burmese war might 
 prove " more serious than we contemplated." Is it not so 
 with nearly every war engaged in by any nation ? The un- 
 certainty of the issues of war is proverbial ; and none knew this 
 better than the great Duke of Wellington. f " In the last war 
 with Ava," said his lordship, " we employed no less than forty 
 thousand men," but he doubted whether "in the end ten 
 thousand were left fit for duty.'-' But the noble Earl wisely 
 
 * For a dotailod account of tlio " Army of Ava," hog " Pegu," chap. iv. 
 p. 33. 
 
 + See llis Grace's remarks on the war at the end of this Abstract. 
 
BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. 187 
 
 admitted that we had undoubtedly " some advantages now we 
 did not possess then/' 
 
 Early in September we became aware that there was an 
 " inadvertent omission/' regarding the 9th Madras Native In- 
 fantry, in General Godwin's despatch published after the capture 
 of Bassein. When the orders for immediate landing were given, 
 the gallant party of H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I. were followed in a 
 boat from the "Moozuffer" (musdfir (Arabic)/' traveller") carry- 
 ing some seventy grenadier and D company men of the 9th 
 Regiment. The soldiers and sepoys, say four hundred and 
 thirty, were formed up close to the river's edge, about eighty 
 yards from the stockades which were manned by numbers of 
 the enemy. No sooner had the " Hurrah ! " of the British 
 soldiers, and the " Deen, deen ! "* of the Madras sepoys rent the 
 air, than the Burmese became discomfited, and fled " like chaff 
 before the wind/' The original writer of this brave conduct 
 of the 9th did not think our gallant General a master in the 
 art of despatch writing, but asserted that our Chief had con- 
 ducted the campaign hitherto ' c with a talent and energy worthy 
 of a Soult." Whatever may have been said of the General's 
 style, in conciseness of expression he was not to be excelled when 
 he chose, as many officers who served with him will, doubtless, 
 recollect. There was a good anecdote of him during the war, 
 for the exact truth of which we will not vouch; but his ex- 
 pression, which makes the pith of it, is certainly true. Two 
 rather " fast " medical functionaries arrived at Rangoon from 
 Calcutta, at a time when, after the capture and during much 
 cholera, medical aid was in great demand. It was reported that 
 these two worthies were seldom sober. We were too busy for 
 courts-martial in such cases ; but the following order soon ap- 
 peared from the General. " The undermentioned pair " (" brace" 
 some said) " of Chronic Inebriates will return to Calcutta forth- 
 
 * Literally " the Faith," used by Mussulmans; equivalent to calling on 
 Allah (God). 
 
188 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 forth with, per steamer, and report themselves to the Town Major, 
 Fort William." 
 
 It may interest some to learn that the transports, of about 
 four or five hundred tons, employed by the Government at Ran- 
 goon as store-ships, or stationed with the army on the Irawady, 
 were paid at the rate of eight or nine rupees (at par, 18s.) per 
 ton per month. In China the transports received twelve 
 rupees per ton. During the first Burmese war the enormous 
 snm of twenty-five rupees was given. 
 
 On the 5th of September news reached us that Bandoola 
 was tired waiting at or near Prome, that he now intended to 
 push on to Ava, where we must go if we wished to find him. 
 The trick was not badly conceived, and deserved a better 
 cause. 
 
 On the 6th it was announced in General Orders that active 
 operations would be resumed on the 18th. No more welcome 
 intelligence could have been given to the troops ; for notwith- 
 standing some comforts now enjoyed at Rangoon, they all hoped 
 to see more service, or to have change of scene and an active 
 life. The General's order on resuming operations was very 
 concise, entering carefully into every particular. The regi- 
 ments to embark on service were H. M.'s 18th, 51st, and 80th, 
 with the 9th and 35th Madras Native Infantry, and the 40th 
 Bengal Native Infantry. 
 
 There were two brigades, one under the command of Briga- 
 dier Elliot, K.H., and the other under Brigadier Reignolds, C.B. 
 Bengal and Madras Artillery, with the ever useful 8-inch 
 howitzers, and a light field battery, also a detail of Engineers and 
 Sappers, were to form a strong part of the force, now quite ready 
 to go to Ava or Pekin at a moment's notice. The General 
 hoped to embark the 2nd Division three weeks after the de- 
 parture of the first.* 
 
 * Sec " Pegu," p. 52. For remarks on Horse Artillery, see page 53. The 
 C. Troop, Madras II<<rso Artillery, arrived at Rangoon on the 7th of September, 
 under Major Burgoyne. 
 
BU14MESE COSTUME. 189 
 
 We should have remarked that, at the end of August, Captain 
 Shadwell, of H. M.'s steamer " Sphynx," proceeded up the 
 river to relieve Commander Tarleton* in the command of the 
 flotilla on the Irawady. And now there was a pleasing anec- 
 dote of our fine old General to record. On first hearing of 
 Captain Tarleton's dashing attack on Prome (already narrated) , 
 the veteran lost his temper for the moment, took off his wig 
 and threw it at his aide-de-camp (so the story ran), exclaiming, 
 
 "Dash it, C , there's that fellow Tarleton again! he's 
 
 gone and taken the wind out of my sails ! " Such is the splendid 
 emulation which, we trust, will ever exist in the Services while 
 their members are fighting for their gracious Sovereign and for 
 
 the glory of Old England ! 
 We shall now try and entertain the general reader with a 
 
 sketch of Burmese 
 
 Costume. — A Burmese Feast. 
 
 The long flowing robes, which give the females of India such 
 a graceful and classical appearance, we look for in vain in 
 Burma. 
 
 The lower orders simply wear a sort of jacket, white or any 
 other colour — open in front; at the base or near the centre 
 of this garment, a robe, reaching nearly to the feet, is fixed 
 or tucked in round the body, just covering the lower portion 
 of the bosom. This robe is composed of two pieces sewn to- 
 gether — the upper piece being of red cotton stuff, while the 
 other is frequently of silk, or, if too poor to afford it, of some 
 fantastically coloured substitute. The female petticoat is styled 
 hta-mein. Small shoes, or sandals, are worn by the women, 
 and these are extremely simple and primitive in construction. 
 The wealthier females adorn themselves, but not so profusely 
 as those of Hindustan, with jewellery. The poorer classes have 
 the rose, jasmine, and other flowers of tne country to adorn 
 
 * The present Sir J. W., K.C.B., who was a few years back a Lord of the 
 Admiralty. 
 
190 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 their jetty tresses. The men wear a rude cloth round the 
 loins, with a muslin ring of turband only, displaying economy 
 in its strictest sense ; the higher classes wear the turband in 
 full, flat and ungraceful in form, with a smart jacket and 
 under toga,* in part tucked in like the dress of the women ; shoes 
 also, with a handsome dhat complete the costume, which in 
 some instances is striking enough. The nob of hair, and ears 
 bored, also the pendent lobes, like Gautama, — the ears boasting 
 for the sake of ornament an unfinished cheroot or piece of wax 
 candle, to ensure the safety of which the holes in these valuable 
 organs are carefully distended, — are held in considerable im- 
 portance by the men of this country ; nor do the fair sex 
 neglect the wax candle ornament, and smoking appears with 
 them to be a favourite pastime, as it is also with their children. 
 It was amusing one day to observe a fruit-woman, cheroot in 
 mouth, attempting to bargain with an European soldier by 
 means of sounds and signs perfectly unintelligible to him. 
 Finding that she made no impression, she took up her basket, 
 placed it on her head, and walked off, smoking as coolly as 
 possible ! Sterne could have moralised on the picture. The 
 Burmese children appear to be smart and intelligent. On one 
 occasion, while lounging down the principal street of Rangoon, 
 we took particular notice of two sharp-looking Burmese 
 choker ahs,% seated by the roadside, each with his little table, 
 and the pice counted out upon it, ready to change money for 
 the passers by. These juvenile money-changers, as they sat, 
 gave a rupee an occasional ring, tossing it with the air of men 
 well up to their business ; they received one pice, or three pie 
 — the fourth of an anna or of three halfpence — for changing a 
 rupee. 
 
 * The potso of tho men — of bright silk or cotton — reaches from the waist 
 to the ankles. 
 
 t Tho universal weapon of Burma. 
 % Boys. 
 
A BURMESE FEAST. 191 
 
 We now turn to a Burmese feast when the upper terrace of 
 the great pagoda was crowded with Phongyces, and people, 
 chiefly from Kemmendine, in every variety and shade of cos- 
 tume. By the base of a graceful banian curiosity — beside the 
 old green walls of the building — sat two Phongyees, as usual in 
 the fashion of Gautama. One of them was praying fervently 
 in a moderate tone of voice, whilst the congregation, seated 
 around, repeated what he said * at the conclusion of each 
 prayer or sentence, bowing to the ground three times. The 
 greater portion of the audience appeared to be women ; but 
 several old men were there — patriarchal looking fellows, with 
 their long staves. At the same time all around Gautama's 
 Temple din and animation reigned to the utmost — gongs sound- 
 ing, people talking, laughing, and praying. The sun, now 
 beginning to shine from a bright blue sky, aided the fantastic 
 beauty of the lively scene., causing also the sacred silvery posts 
 to borrow beauty from its rays. Every colour for dress seemed 
 to have been brought into operation. Some of the females, 
 with Tartaric countenances not pleasant to look upon, wore 
 elegant handkerchiefs or scarfs over the shoulder. Several of 
 the small children were very fair in appearance, and were 
 dressed in fancy style ; one with a green silk boddice, turband 
 of yellow and red, and silver ornament on the foot. At the 
 conclusion of the Phongyee's oration, large red-painted dishes 
 were filled with the boiled rice, which, as offerings, in smaller 
 plates, had been placed before him ; and a well-filled dish was 
 set aside for each cluster of applicants, who immediately com- 
 
 * " In Ceylon, upon some of the festivals, one priest reads from the original 
 Pali, and another interprets in the Vernacular Singhalese ; but this method 
 is not very frequently adopted. Whenever the name of Buddha is repeated 
 by the officiating priest, the people call out simultaneously Sadhu ! which 
 gives them a participation in the proceedings, and prevents them from going 
 to sleep." — " Calcutta Review," No. xxxii., Art. "Eastern Monachism." 
 
192 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 menced their morning meal in good earnest. The women 
 rendered the rice palatable by means of mango-fish, chili, 
 prawns, and other savoury ingredients, proving themselves not 
 unskilled in gastronomical science ; added to this, tumblers of 
 genuine glass, like our own, showed symptoms of coming civi- 
 lisation ; and that with more speed than in the land of Vishnu 
 and Siva which we have held for nearly one hundred years * 
 And why is this ? simply because the people here are not 
 fettered by caste, nor are they subject, as the Hindus are, to 
 a vile priestly dominion ! Were it not so, the moral precepts 
 of Buddhism could not be so much more pure and efficacious 
 than those of Brahmanism. In Burma a woman is not her 
 husband's slave but his helpmate ; you could observe this even 
 during the simple operation of an occasional feast. In the 
 Great Pagoda, say the Phongyees, or gentlemen of the yellow 
 robe, are deposited the hair and teeth of Gautama, in a large 
 gold vessel : these relics of sanctity, of course, form a chief source 
 of attraction to worshippers at this celebrated shrine. Ceylon 
 is made sacred by the tooth of Buddha— the grand tusk, which is 
 now under British protection. The mighty shrine of Jagannath, 
 in Orissa, is said to contain the bone of Krishna ; and such is 
 " hero-worship " in the East ! The intelligent reader is well 
 able to compare it with that of the West. Without the aid of 
 Carlyle, he will surely find a likeness. We shall conclude our 
 observations on the feast by remarking that the Burmese and 
 Takings of every class take off their shoes before entering on 
 the upper terrace of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, and that the cir- 
 cumference of the base of this temple is about five hundred 
 yards. The height has been already given as three hundred 
 and twenty-one feet.f With this splendid edifice upon it, also 
 the smaller temples, the curious and beautiful trees, and the 
 
 * Written in 1853. 
 
 f See " Rangoon," p. 112 ; also plan and section. 
 
BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PKOME. 193 
 
 numerous relics and "emblems of religion, the upper terrace 
 cannot fail to command, from every diligent and inquiring 
 traveller, genuine admiration. 
 
 A document was said to have been found at Meaday, intended 
 as a report to the King of Ava, in which it was stated that more 
 than one thousand Europeans were killed during the operations 
 against Rangoon, " and that we set more than one thousand 
 sentinels all round the camp to defend ourselves ! " One 
 thousand sentinels, with earnest eyes, keeping watch around 
 the Great Shwe Dagon ! — Heaven defend us ! 
 
 Before the middle of September some two hundred boats 
 were ready to assist in the transport to Prome. In every 
 department activity reigned ; and it must have been no small 
 satisfaction to our gallant General, while these preparations for 
 an advance were being carried on, to know that the health of 
 the troops at Rangoon was highly satisfactory — forming, in this 
 instance, a remarkable contrast with gloomy, deadly, destructive 
 1824. On the 13th, the " Sphynx " and " Moozuffer," each 
 with a transport, arrived with Brigadier- General Steel, C.B.,* 
 Brigadier McNeill (Madras Cavalry), and the whole of the 1st 
 Madras Fusiliers, f under Lieutenant-Colonel (now General) 
 Duke. On the 16th, the Artillery entertained General Godwin 
 and Staff at dinner. The warm politicians at home, on festive 
 occasions, never looked forward with more eagerness for a 
 declaration of work in esse, in a political campaign, from the 
 leading Minister, than did we on this social evening while ex- 
 pecting some important information as to "coming events" 
 from our gallant and distinguished guest, the Chief of the 
 Army in Burma. Our worthy Brigadier (Foord) proposed the 
 health of the General, whom he hoped to hail, ere a few months 
 
 * Afterwards General Sir S. W. Steel, K.C.B. 
 
 t For remarks on this famous corps, incorporated, like the Madras Artillery, 
 in 1756, see " Pegu," p. 65. The 39th Begiment — Primis in Indis — was then 
 the only other complete European regiment in India. 
 
 13 
 
194 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 had passed away, as " Conqueror of Ava." The General rose. 
 In the course of his speech he said : — " With regard to Ava " 
 (now it may he Mandalay), " political as well as other reasons had 
 urged the necessity of staying in position at Rangoon till the 
 present time ; what had been already effected had been perhaps 
 slow, but he was certain that it was sure. He hoped before six 
 months were over to have the grand object of the expedition 
 fully carried out. Without going to Ava no successful ul- 
 timatum could be accomplished so as to produce a lasting 
 peace." 
 
 While the embarkation of the troops was going on, remarks 
 like the following were current at Rangoon : — " The word 
 annexation has only to be sounded, when the Peguers (and 
 many Burmese resident among them) throughout the length 
 and breadth of the land will rise as one man, and expel the 
 Burmese soldiery and dacoits, and give peace and liberty to 
 the oppressed ryots." 
 
 Wild flowers are numerous in Burma in September. The 
 great beauty of the creeping fern is very striking during this 
 month, of which plant there is a great variety at Rangoon. 
 The maidenhair, a beautiful fern, is seen in the crevices of old 
 ruins and walls. A very rainy day, succeeded by a dry and 
 very warm one, may give an idea of the nature of the weather, 
 which seemed highly favourable to rapid vegetation. 
 
 Through the astonishing energy of Major Fraser, of the 
 Engineers, Grand Architect of Rangoon, and the labours of his 
 assistants, a new city arose as if by magic. Ample shelter had 
 been afforded to the troops, even while the reinforcements were 
 gradually pouring in ; and now as the city emptied itself of a 
 portion of its defenders, there were almost palaces for some, and 
 houses for all, until another stream of life came in to stop the 
 gap, as it were, among a social throng. 
 
 On the 24th, the last detachment of H. M.'s 80th, also the 
 head-quarters of the 35th Madras Native Infantry, with General 
 Sir John Cheapc (Bengal Engineers) and Staff, embarked 
 
THE ADVANCE ON PROME. 195 
 
 in the " Phlegethon." Meanwhile another attack on the 
 village of Puzendoun was expected ; so the surveying-brig 
 "Krishna," with a party of marines and seamen from H.M.S. 
 " Winchester," started to look after the creek. The ex- 
 Governor of Pegu was again the object of Burmese vengeance. 
 
 The P. and O. Company's splendid steamer "Oriental" was 
 now at Rangoon, and gave rise to not a few reflections. This 
 fine vessel had, at the commencement of her career, carried 
 poor Warburton, of "The Crescent and the Cross," which made 
 us think that a graphic pen like his would have had an excellent 
 field for display in the land of the Golden Foot. Sir David 
 Wilkie also, the Scottish Teniers, we believe died at Malta, on 
 board the " Oriental." 
 
 On the 25th, General Godwin and Staff, with Brigadier 
 Foord and the Artillery, embarked on board the " Proserpine." 
 And now the whole of the 1st Division had gone from Ran- 
 goon, and Brigadier-General Steel was left in command. 
 Meanwhile there might be work to do in the southern portion 
 of the delta of the Irawady. The General was well aware that 
 before advancing with a force on Ava, if necessary, or even 
 being able fairly to secure the province of Pegu, it would be 
 necessary to clear the country up the Sittang river — say by 
 taking a land column from Martaban to Sittang, thence to Shwe- 
 gyeen, thence to the reported strong post of Toungoo, and 
 next, perhaps, across the country to Prome. It might be politic 
 for such a step to succeed the recapture of Pegu, the ancient 
 kingdom's capital. 
 
 With regard to the advance, the following letter was received 
 from Prome, at Rangoon, about the middle of October : — 
 
 " I have just sufficient time to give a detail of events as they 
 occurred since leaving Rangoon. The voyage was marked by a 
 few interruptions in our progress towards Prome. In the first 
 place, the f Fire Queen ' and ' Enterprise ' steamers grounded, 
 thereby causing a detention of all the other steamers for three 
 days. Again, there was the very melancholy event of the 
 
 13 * 
 
196 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Admiral's death, at the Island of ' Shouk Shay Khune.' * It 
 appears he had been taken ill on the night of the 5th ; the 
 following day he became worse ; and he died on the afternoon 
 of the 7th on board the ' Pluto/ which left for Rangoon on 
 the morning of the 8th. From this island, which is not more 
 than ten miles from Prome, we weighed and started, in all 
 eight steamers, at daybreak on the morning of the 9th. In two 
 hours we were under the hill fortifications of Prome, which 
 have a full command of the river. Fortunately only one shot 
 was fired from the hill, on the second steamer sailing abreast of 
 it. A few rounds of shell from the steamers soon silenced the 
 enemy for a time; but on our advancing a short distance higher 
 up the river, they fired on almost every steamer that passed, 
 and annoyed us very much with jinjals and musketry. The 
 two steamers in advance returned the firing with great pre- 
 cision and effect ; in short, all the steamers had a share in 
 replying to the ineffectual firing of the Burmese. During the 
 greater part of the day the steamers were alternately bombard- 
 ing, for the purpose of landing the troops. In the afternoon, 
 at 5 p.m. (rather late to commence operations inland), H. M.'a 
 80th, the Sappers and Miners, and the Artillery landed, taking 
 only two guns with us. Getting our guns ready took up a 
 considerable time ; so that while evening was closing upon us 
 we had made but little progress. At length we were all busy 
 in securing a resting position for the night. The 80th lost 
 but one man, who was shot, and three were wounded that 
 same evening. The following morning, with the 18th Hoyal 
 Irish, and 35th Madras Native Infantry, we proceeded to the 
 pagoda, where we expected a sharp contest ; but on our ar- 
 rival at the steps we found the Burmese had fled, so we quickly 
 ascended and took possession of the citadel. It is a similar 
 
 # Also written " Shouk Shay Khencc." Tho Admiral was in his 74th year 
 ■ — too advanced an ago for activo service in Burma. 
 
OCCUPATION OF PROME. 197 
 
 oue to the Shwe Dagon, but apparently of recent finish. The 
 Artillery are located in the north steps, far superior to those 
 of Rangoon. Since our occupation of Prome we have had no 
 fighting j but now and then we hear a few stray shots between 
 our skirmishers and the Burmese. On the night of the 9th, 
 one of the 80th soldiers, whilst at his post as sentry, between 
 the hours of 1 and 2, was attacked by a few Burmese, who cut 
 oft' his head and left his body some distance from his post. 
 The remains were not found until the relief went round. This 
 happened actually within one hundred and fifty yards of where 
 our guns were placed, at the north gate ; and two of our sen- 
 tries were walking about at the time. It appears at this 
 juncture, a few shots having been fired on the guard from an- 
 other direction, the attention of the men was diverted, giving 
 the Burmese ample time to accomplish their ends. They also 
 carried away the sentry's musket and belts. Since this atro- 
 cious murder was committed, double sentries have been planted. 
 Just as I am writing, the bugle sounds for the ' assembly ' of 
 the 18th Royal Irish, one of their picquets having been attacked 
 a little way out by a body of Burmese. 
 
 " The country seems to have been entirely deserted for some 
 time, judging from the total absence of food of any sort being 
 found ; not even a grain of rice ; and also from the overgrown 
 state of vegetation. Even the roads and paths are all green 
 and covered with long grass. No accidents have occurred to 
 any of our men ; nor has there been any sickness, save a few 
 trifling cases, since leaving Rangoon. The hospital, an old 
 Poongi house, is situated within a few yards of the steps, and 
 is very convenient. The General and Staff, I believe, return to 
 Rangoon this evening on board the " Proserpine/' Brigadier 
 Foord, and his Brigade-Major, Captain Scott, also go. We are 
 to await the arrival of the 2nd Division ; until then, nothing 
 further is to be done/' 
 
 Intelligence of Admiral Austen's death reached Rangoon as 
 early as the 8th of October. It is needless to say that it was 
 
198 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 received by the Naval and Military there with a feeling of 
 sorrow. The gallant Admiral had been " changed into clay " ; 
 but then he had died in harness, while serving his country, 
 with his flag flying ! Thus, it was neatly remarked, " it is the 
 pride of British sailors and soldiers to die ; and his memory 
 will be honourably associated in history with the Second Bur- 
 mese War." 
 
 The " Pluto," while reconnoitring off Prome, had been 
 fired upon by " two guns well mounted on the crest of a hill, 
 a few jinjals, and several hundred muskets." Then, in the 
 town itself, there were supposed not to be more than five 
 hundred Burmese troops, but numbers were said to be strongly 
 posted a few miles distant inland, at Euthay-Mew. Major 
 Brett had accompanied the Naval Commander-in-Chief to Prome. 
 
 Just before the melancholy news of the Admiral's death 
 arrived, the Artillery mess at Rangoon had the pleasure of 
 entertaining the purser of one of Her Majesty's men-of-war — a 
 fine old tar of the genuine old school, which is fast passing 
 away, to make room, it is to be hoped, for a better. That very 
 day he had completed forty-one years in the Royal Navy. The 
 Service was now as much changed, he said, from what it was 
 on his entering it, as if it were altogether a Foreign Service. 
 He was very severe on the " young gentlemen." The young 
 gentlemen were too fine now-a-days. In his time, a tumbler 
 between three or four, or a tin pot, or a bottle wanting the neck, 
 sufficed for a mess ; but now each must have his cut glass, and 
 he did not know what else besides. He was a promoter o£ 
 " progress " ; but, shaking his head as he pronounced the 
 word, he could not help adhering to his opinion that the 
 " young gentlemen " were too precocious now-a-days. The 
 Yankees were evidently no favourites with him ; and he con- 
 sidered their expedition against Japan* as " sheer humbug." 
 
 * Strango enough, in 1864 (July), we find a question in the British Senate 
 :il, mil, owr Bending troops to Japan. Thus, it would seem, does destiny impel 
 us on wan 1 ! 
 
OCCUPATION OF PROME. 199 
 
 Altogether, there was the dry humour of the true British sailor 
 about him which it will not be easy to forget. At this time 
 also, as if by way of variety, the " Moozuffer " aud " Feroze " 
 arrived from Calcutta with the greater portion of the Bengal 
 Fusiliers. On the 9th, the " Sphynx " came into port with the 
 remainder. This distinguished corps had come from Meerut, 
 and was under the command of Colonel Tudor. 
 
 On the 12th of October the "Pluto" left for Bassein with 
 the body of the Admiral, for whom minute-guns were fired the 
 same day. The " Pluto " was to relieve the " Rattler/' which 
 was ordered to proceed with the remains of the late Naval 
 Commander in-Chief to Trincomallee. 
 
 Three most useful river steamers had now arrived at Ran- 
 goon, the " Lord William Bentinck," the " Nerbudda," and 
 " Damooda." The former had been sent on the 5th to Pegu, 
 "to see what the Burmese were about up there"; she left 
 well provided with ammunition. 
 
 On the 6th the head- quarters and a detachment of Bengal 
 Artillery, with about forty horses and numerous bullocks, and 
 two light field-pieces, under Major Turton, embarked on board 
 the steamers " Nerbudda " and " Damooda " for Prome. The 
 subaltern officers who accompanied the light field battery were 
 Lieutenants Willoughby, Dobbin, Ashe, and Lewes. 
 
 Some high Burman chief, who had been under the zealous 
 and indefatigable Captain Latter's safe keeping, was now re- 
 leased, leaving, it was said, " his two sons as hostages." It was 
 likewise asserted, with what degree of truth it was impossible to 
 say, that the King of Ava had promised the Peguese that if 
 they would "join in opposing and harassing us, and finally 
 succeed in expelling us from the country, they should have a 
 prince of their own to rule over them, and be again an inde- 
 pendent nation ! " But these people seemed rather inclined to 
 say — " We shall have the British to rule over us ! " As may 
 be well imagined the Commissariat establishments had now 
 sufficient work on their hands. It was pleasant enough to hear. 
 
200 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 at a time when poor Madras was considered to be sadly in 
 the background, some experienced Bengal officers declaring 
 there could be little doubt that in two most important items 
 we did excel the Bengallis — in the Commissariat and in the 
 Medical Subordinates. However, in the former Department, 
 Major Budd, Captain Simpson,* and their officers, were wisely 
 too much occupied with the service of the State to think of 
 rivalry ; and there can be no doubt that in the face of many 
 difficulties they did their work nobly in the Second Burmese 
 War. Another company of Golundauze, under Captain Money, 
 was now added to the Artillery.f On the 16th of October the 
 General, Staff, and Commodore reached Rangoon from Prome. 
 Brigadier Foord, Captains Scott and Robertson, and Dr. M'Cosh 
 also arrived. And now we began to glean some fresh intelligence 
 about Prome, the city which had fallen with so little loss to 
 our troops. The scenery on the Irawady is for the most part 
 fiat and uninteresting. No palm-trees, no banyans, to be seen ; 
 but plantain trees numerous on the banks, with abundance of 
 brushwood. It may here be remarked that the plantain fruit 
 is as commonly used in Burma as the potato in England. 
 
 Near the Panlang Creek the river is so narrow that two 
 steamers can hardly pass abreast. On nearing Prome the sce- 
 nery improves, becoming picturesque, and not unlike the Rhine. 
 At the city itself the river is more that a mile broad. Yen- 
 ben zeik, a pretty village, with richly-wooded hills, crested with 
 pagodas, presents a beautiful distant view. Prome was described 
 to us as boasting its lew artificial as well as natural beauties, the 
 wood-carving there especially being very fine. The golden 
 pagoda likewise commanded its share of admiration. As at 
 Rangoon, the Burmese had removed the old town from the 
 beach, or rather from the bank of the river. Regarding the 
 
 * Chief of tho Bengal CommisBariat. 
 
 t The 5th Company, 9th Battalion, Bengal Artillery. 
 
OCCUPATION OF PKOME. 201 
 
 before-mentioned act of cutting off the European sentry's 
 head, General Godwin had written to Bandoola, through Cap- 
 tain Smith, the Burmese interpreter, protesting against the 
 barbarous murder, and reminding the chief that on a treaty 
 being concluded the act would be one of the first for which he 
 should be called on to give an account. Although we imagine 
 Bandoola had very little to say to the business, yet we believe 
 that the General's excellent letter, which also remarked on the 
 way in which we treated our prisoners, was not without a 
 salutary effect. The four steamers* which had come down with 
 the General and Commodore made the passage in forty-eight 
 hours ; they were just thirteen days in going up, including the 
 time lost by the " Fire Queen " having stuck in her progress 
 through the Irawady. The " Sesostris " now acted as a sort of 
 troop and guard ship off Prome. The once noble war-steamer 
 had of course been lightened considerably previous to her 
 voyage up the river. Portions of the 2nd Division, including 
 H. M/s 51st, were now ordered to hold themselves in readiness 
 to proceed to Prome at a moment's notice. Rangoon became 
 once more a scene of bustle and preparation. By the 22nd of 
 October the intelligence was generally spread that the King 
 of Ava had sent down for Bandoola to come into the royal 
 presence. He was ordered to appear before the Golden 
 Foot in the dress of a woman, having disgraced himself 
 by losing his army in July. Bandoola would not go, as he 
 feared the King, or perhaps the loss of his head more. The 
 wily chief therefore thought it wise to leave his stockade at or 
 near Euthay-Mew,t and come over to the English. He did 
 so — delivered himself up to Sir John Cheape — and was now a 
 prisoner on board the " Sesostris." 
 
 * The " Proserpine," " Phlegethon," " Mahanuddy," and " Fire Queen." 
 + Three thousand or four thousand men were reported to lie at Euthay- 
 Mevv. 
 
202 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 On the 25th the Burmese had a grand ceremony on the 
 upper terrace of the Great Rangoon Pagoda, which consisted in 
 putting up an immense orange-coloured cloth round the bell 
 end of the vast exterior of Gautama's Temple. They likewise 
 put one up round the smaller pagoda near it. These cloths are 
 sometimes sent by people to the Phongyees from distant parts, 
 as substitutes for attending the sacred feasts ?nd meetings at 
 Rangoon, where it is considered all such assemblies are of vast 
 importance. 
 
 On the following day there was another grand Gautamaic 
 display, that of placing the drooping muslin pipe* encircled by 
 orange-wreaths, in the foliage of the beautiful banian tree, in 
 which it appeared to be blown about so gently as if simply 
 intending to woo the air. To others must be left the pleasant 
 task of informing the public on this ceremony, which, on the 
 present occasion, was carried ]on during the striking of gongs 
 and the clamour of a vast mixed Burmese assembly. t The 
 pagoda at Prome, they say, is dedicated to the Hare ; by no 
 means an unimportant dedication in the religion of Gautama. 
 It may not interrupt in any very serious manner the chain of 
 this narrative if we here remark, to satisfy the curiosity of 
 those interested, that Gautama— the fourth or last Buddha — is 
 supposed to have been a hare in one of his previous transmi- 
 grations. A hare in Burmese is yon. Yong-meng signifies the 
 Hare- Governor — that is in a measure among the Burmese the 
 present ruler of the Universe. There are said to have been 
 twenty-eight Buddhas originally in all ; twenty-three have ap- 
 peared in different successive worlds previous to the present 
 world ; of the remaining five four have appeared, the fifth is yet 
 to come. The inferior celestial regions are said to be inhabited 
 
 of the Burmese stylo this Tan-hgun. Tan-hgun Being, according to 
 Chase, means " flag-post." 
 
 f After twelve or fifteen days the oloths and ornaments are removed from 
 the temples, trees, and sacred posts. 
 
OCCUPATION OF PEOME. 203 
 
 by the Nats or Fairies. At Rangoon, if we recollcet aright, 
 Mr. Kincaid said there were about sixteen hells in the Budd- 
 hist religion ; but the number varied. During a journey to 
 Ava he had seen some very curious infernal resemblances en- 
 graved on palm leaves. Time would not permit our waiting to 
 hear the learned lecturer enter fully into his interesting subject, 
 so we merely glean the following information, — that the four 
 states of suffering or punishment in general use are hell — 
 transmigration into insects, reptiles, and fish — transmigration 
 into animals— and the abode of the fallen Nats under the 
 Mayenmo hill. Then, again, the worshippers of Gautama 
 entertain the hope of being numbered among those who by 
 some miraculous change have become " raised above the com- 
 mon destinies, passions, and infirmities of human nature." The 
 Pali word Niebban, already alluded to, means annihilation, 
 or emancipation from all evil. By some it is believed to be a 
 state of total annihilation, by others a state of perfect tranquil- 
 lity and abstraction, like the quiet visage and demeanour of the 
 wooden or alabaster Gautama. And now, after all this mix- 
 ture of sublimity and absurdity, many Burmese think that the 
 greatest glory of the present Phya (god), the fourth Gautama, 
 on the appearance of the last or maistree (chief) Buddha in- 
 carnate, will be again to breathe in and assume the form of a 
 hare ! Perhaps in these wild beliefs it is not too much to trace 
 the origin of such a remark as that put by Shakspeare into the 
 mouth of Ophelia :— " They say the Owl was a baker's daughter; 
 we know what we are, but know not what we may be." 
 
 The river steamers with any intelligence from Prome were 
 always welcome to the quid nunc sojourners at Rangoon. At 
 this time we learned that there had been several cases of cholera 
 in the monastery at Prome, where the 80th had taken up their 
 abode. A detachment of H. M/s 51st had already left ; the 
 remainder was now in orders to proceed on the 27th. A 
 portion of 'the 40th Bengal Native Infantry had embarked for 
 Prome ; and another portion of Major Reid's Horse Battery, 
 
204 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 under Lieutenants Anderson and Fraser, was about to leave 
 Kangoon for that important scene of rendezvous. 
 
 On the 26th of October the 10th Bengal Native Infantry, of 
 the 2nd Bengal Brigade, arrived. The admirable state of disci- 
 pline which, at a critical time, preparatory to crossing the Kala 
 Panee — literally the dark water — distinguished this fine corps, 
 was a subject of eulogium throughout Bengal. It was said that 
 emissaries from certain malcontent corps in that Presidency 
 had been trying to dissuade the 10th from crossing the water ; 
 but like good soldiers they were true to the last to their 
 honourable and liberal masters ; and the regiment arrived, after 
 roughing it a little, in splendid condition at Rangoon. Colonel 
 Dickenson, who had been appointed to command the 2nd 
 Bengal Brigade, might well be proud of his corps, which now 
 fell under the command of Major Welchman. No doubt the 
 10th * wondered at the idea of, for one moment, a soldier not 
 going where he was ordered. The chief fault, however, in 
 the case of any native corps, did not lie with the Bengal sepoy 
 but in the Bengal system. We certainly have ordered these 
 matters better in Madras ; and there can be no question but 
 that the Bengal sepoys should be enlisted to go anywhere and 
 do anything according to the call of duty.f 
 
 On the 27th it was announced that a chief recently captured 
 was the adopted son of the late Rangoon governor. He said 
 that his father would come in ; but having fired upon our flag 
 of truce he was afraid to do so. A female, described as the 
 wife of the adopted, likewise appeared as a warlike Rosalind in 
 man's clothes. Gathering information from the Prome party 
 was now not an unimportant occupation among the doings at 
 Rangoon. We were not surprised to hear from one or more 
 quarters that the General was annoyed at not having had a 
 
 * Not a General Service Corps. 
 
 f This was eventually well manifested by them in the call for Indian 
 native troops during the lato Russo-Turkish war. 
 
OCCUPATION OP PROME. 205 
 
 decisive action at Prorae. Tt was natural also that he should 
 have been irritated by the navy during its previous progress 
 on the river, having, after procuring wood and provisions, left 
 the friendly villagers to the mercy of the Burmese soldiery. 
 The naval officers present on these occasions, of course, were 
 not to blame; they simply obeyed orders, but they never 
 should have been there. Immediately after Captain Tarleton's 
 operations on the Irawady, which few will now look upon in 
 their originally intended light, that of a surveying expedition, 
 the naval force under Captain Shadwell — finding, as it must have 
 done, that it could only afford very inadequate protection to 
 the friendly population in the important towns and villages on 
 the river's banks — should have been Avithdrawn. Its presence 
 only held out false hopes of protection to people who might 
 have sought refuge elsewhere.* Some may therefore insist on 
 the fact that the unsupported presence — there is no necessity 
 to say advance— of the steam flotilla on the Irawady was the 
 cause of much misery to the friendly people of the country. 
 It doubled Burmese vengeance against our allies. Had there 
 been none of this naval meandering before the regular advance 
 of the army in the steamers, the General might have found a 
 determined and powerful enemy to resist his occupying a po- 
 sition at Prome. A blow might then have been struck at the 
 ancient city itself which might have annihilated the Burmese 
 army, and at once have forced the Golden Foot to any terms 
 we might have chosen to dictate. Numbers of course will 
 dissent from these opinions ; it is utterly impossible to argue 
 on such a subject with satisfaction to all parties ; but there is 
 one thing certain, that all concerned were interested in serving 
 the State faithfully and well ! 
 
 * The indefatigable exertions of Captain Shadwell, R.N., and of Major 
 Brett, in defending Shouk Shay Khenee, with Her Majesty's allies, against 
 numbers of Burmese, were worthy of the highest praise. 
 
206 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 On the 30th of October the report of an attack by the 
 Burmese on Henzada reached Rangoon. It was simply a 
 " brash " with the enemy at that important position, beside the 
 junction of the Bassein river witb the Irawady. Captain 
 A. Becher, of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry, with only one 
 company of his regiment, highly distinguished himself on this 
 occasion by his promptitude and gallantry in repelling the 
 Burmese, for which he received the thanks of General Godwin. 
 
 By the end of the month nearly the whole of H. M/s 51st 
 and the 40th Bengal Native Infantry had embarked for Prome. 
 On the arrival of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, either there 
 or at minor posts on the river, the whole of the 2nd Division 
 would have left Rangoon. On the 29th, H.M.S. " Hastings" 
 had left for Madras, homeward bound. 
 
 On the 1st of November a terrific explosion took place, which 
 few will forget during their lives if they were at the time on 
 the upper terrace of the Great Dagon Pagoda, — the discharge of 
 heavy artillery, the rattling peals of thunder, will not describe 
 it. It was like some demon inside the earth growling for a 
 considerable length of time with a terrible power, certainly not 
 of this world ; the noise wound up by the fury of Jupiter in full 
 play, hurling about the bolts which Vulcan is reputed to have 
 forged for Jove ! It turned out to be the explosion of a small 
 magazine near the theatre, to the southward, where there were 
 many boxes and barrels of ammunition and some powder. The 
 explosion set fire to the temple of Thalia, which soon appeared 
 in one huge and dangerous blaze.* The large magazine on the 
 west was immediately occupied by men with buckets. Through 
 the exertions of the troops this important building was saved; 
 if it had not been, few of us would have been left alive to tell 
 the tale. The casualties amounted to three Burmese and two 
 or three of the native lascars killed and wounded. Pieces of 
 
 * This pleasant place of amusement, with all ita excellent scenery, was 
 entirely destroyed. 
 
THE DEATH OP WELLINGTON. 207 
 
 wood, fiery gun-wads, and musket balls,* were sent into the 
 air with terrific force ; and an artillery European gunner, who 
 was sentry over the upper magazine at the time, was lifted 
 some feet off the ground ! A committee of three field officers 
 assembled at the Artillery Mess-house to inquire into the 
 cause of the explosion, and to 'report on the extent of damage 
 done; and the impression at length became general that it 
 was accidental. 
 
 Akouk-toung,f it was now said, had been occupied by the 
 Burmese with two guns. On the 8th of November five dacoits 
 were caught by the Tlioogyee (Judge) of Dalla. One of them 
 was described to be the leader of five hundred men of the 
 King's army ; the titles given him by Royalty were engraved 
 on palm leaves ; these were carried by his servant. 
 
 On the 11th a company of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, 
 and one from the Bengal Fusiliers were sent to Puzendoun 
 and Dalla, respectively, as a guard to the friendly inhabitants 
 in these near positions to Rangoon. Attacks by the Burmese 
 had rendered such measures necessary. 
 
 On the 12th, the melancholy news reached us of the death of 
 Britain's greatest warrior — Wellington ! The " Times " was 
 magnificent in its eulogium on the departed hero who had 
 
 " EXHAUSTED NATURE AND EXHAUSTED GLORY." But indeed all 
 
 the leading journals seemed to vie with each other in doing 
 honour to his memory. We do not believe that on any previous 
 occasion so much graphic, elegant, and impressive writing had 
 been poured forth by the Press. J 
 
 The 4th Regiment of Local Sikh Infantry arrived on the 
 12th at Rangoon. Major Armstrong's corps was regarded as 
 quite a curiosity in Calcutta, and its appearance here was con- 
 
 * Some of these actually came through the thatch of the author's house, 
 though some hundred yards away from, and about forty feet above, the maga- 
 zine. 
 
 t On the right bank of the river, some fifteen miles below Prome. 
 
 % His Grace's valuable opinion on the Second Burmese War was probably 
 tin' last given by the " iron Duke " on the familiar subject of a campaign. 
 
208 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 sidered to be an event of no ordinary importance* The 
 Ramghur Cavalry also arrived. On the 15th news reached us 
 from Prome that a force had proceeded to Akouk-toung, and 
 had captured four guns. Another had landed at the stockade 
 opposite Prome. The enemy were completely surprised by the 
 tars and troops. Landing at different places, the gallant sailors 
 and marines drove the Burmese into the hands of our soldiers, 
 who made quick work of a large number of them, with little 
 loss on our side. Upwards of ninety Burmese were said to 
 have been killed. 
 
 News of a sad nature from Prome informed us of the death 
 of Captain Rundall of the Madras Engineers, commanding the 
 corps of Madras Sappers and Miners in Burma. This excellent 
 officer had served with distinction in the Chinese war. His 
 gallantry on the field in Burma has already been alluded to 
 in the second part of this Abstract. He was a zealous soldier, 
 of high talent, and of the most exemplary character ; and he 
 died in the prime of life beloved and regretted by all. In him 
 another had been added to the list of worthy men who had 
 fallen by a stronger hand than that of the enemy. 
 
 It may be recollected by the reader of the former 
 narrative that early in June 1852 a force of between two 
 hundred and three hundred men, under Major Cotton, left 
 Rangoon to attack the city of Pegu. The troops did their 
 work in what may be called dashing style, while exposed to the 
 fierce rays of a burning sun. The enemy were driven out, 
 but did not suffer very great loss. It was then much to be 
 
 * The following is an analysis of the men then composing the 4th Sikh 
 
 Infantry : — 
 
 "Sikhs 500 
 
 Afghans 150 
 
 Punjabees 100 
 
 Goorkhas and Hindustanis . . 150 — 900." 
 The Governor-Genoral, it was said, had paid the Sikhs the high compliment 
 of visiting them ; and bhe regiment had been furnished with percussion arms, 
 which, at Rangoon, with the British bayonet, they seemed to carry with as 
 much pride as the British soldier. 
 
CAPTUEE AND OCCUPATION OP PEGU. 209 
 
 regretted that General Godwin could not afford troops for the 
 permanent occupation of Pegu. The real capture and occupation 
 were now to come. 
 
 By the middle of November four river steamers were under 
 orders for Pegu, to convey a force consisting of three hundred 
 of the Bengal Fusiliers, three hundred of the Madras Fusiliers, 
 four hundred of the 5th Madras Native Infantry, with small 
 detachments of Artillery and Sappers, and two guns. Brigadier 
 M'Neill of the 2nd Madras Brigade was appointed to command. 
 The Bengal Fusiliers were under Colonel Tudor, the Madras 
 under Major Hill, the 5th companies under Major Shubrick, 
 and the Artillery under Captain Malloch of the Bengal army. 
 The Sappers were under Lieutenants Shortland and Harris. 
 General Godwin was to accompany the force, when it was to 
 be expected with his accustomed energy he would superintend 
 operations. The troops embarked on Friday morning, the 19th 
 of November, at daybreak, and anchored the next day at sunset, 
 a little below Pegu. In consequence of the shallowness of the 
 river the steamers were not engaged. The force landed on the 
 morning of Sunday the 21st, amidst a dense fog. The fatigue 
 endured by the troops was very great, and the casualties in this 
 gallant affair were considerable. The Grenadiers and Rifle 
 companies of the 5th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain 
 Wyndham, were on board, the " Mahanuddy." The following 
 notes may be selected as containing at least a faithful account 
 of the capture and occupation of Pegu : — 
 
 "My detachment (5th M. N. I.), all ranks included, was 
 400 strong; 280 were with me in the foremost steamer, the 
 ' Bentinck/ the remainder with General Godwin in the ' Ma- 
 hanuddy/ At noon, on the 19th, we first sighted armed 
 Burmese ; that night we were aground about seven miles below 
 Pegu. I was requested to furnish strong picquets on the 
 eastern bank for the protection of the steamers. Captains 
 Watts and Nicholls were sent with their companies. I visited 
 all the sentries, who were in a jungle so dense they could not 
 
 14 
 
210 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 be seen at a distance of 20 yards one from the other. On 
 the f.fternoon of this day I had accompanied Captains Lambert 
 and Seymour, R.N., who attended the expedition — the former 
 in charge of all the gun-boats, the latter as an ' amateur ' — and 
 Captain Digby of the ' Bentinck/ in an armed cutter up the 
 river, which we found staked, but of sufficient depth. We 
 rowed till the noise of shouting from a vast multitude, about 
 150 yards ahead of us, told us we were discovered. The town 
 proved to be Pegu, and the people its inhabitants. I concluded 
 those armed among them were not there, but at their respective 
 posts awaiting the arrival of our force, of which the smoke of 
 the steamers and the guns we had been compelled to fire had 
 given them notice, for we were not interfered with. At 10 
 p.m. our picquets were attacked, and a sharp fire poured upon 
 them, which was as promptly returned. 
 
 " On the 20th, at daybreak, we advanced about a mile or so, 
 the tide having fallen. I was requested to furnish companies 
 on either bank, for the clearance of the jungle. Captain Watts 
 and Lieutenant Whitlock performed this duty, aided by all 
 spare hands from the steamer, and several men of H. M.'s ship 
 ' Fox/ under Mr. Daws, who all worked with right good will. 
 In the course of the day we exchanged many shots with the 
 Burmese, who, before and after the return: of the working 
 parties, came boldly down and delivered their fire on the 
 steamer. At 5 p.m. the remaining steamers appeared in sight; 
 we weighed and proceeded about two or three miles, and 
 dropped anchor. I was again called on for a strong picquet — 
 this time on the western bank — which I accompanied and 
 placed in person, under Lieutenants Maud and Cloete. About 
 7 p.m. General Godwin arrived, and directed me to have my 
 detachment drawn up on the Pegu bank, at 6 a.m. the next 
 morning. The Sappers also came with the Artillery, and 
 remained on board for the night, the former under Captain 
 Elliot, Bengal Engineers, being engaged for a couple of hours 
 during the night scarping the bank for the easier ascent of the 
 
CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OP PEGU. 
 
 211 
 
 two 24-pounder howitzers the next morning. The river is 
 very narrow where the landing took place, hut the banks are 
 very steep. The scene on board that night, so crowded as we 
 were by the new arrivals, beggars all description. 
 
 "At 4 a.m. (November 21st) the 5th got under arras, and 
 about a quarter to 5 the landing began. We were soon formed 
 up, as ordered, occupying a grove of plantains. The Rifles 
 and Grenadier companies shortly joined me ; and by 6 a.m. 
 General Godwin in person came and gave me his orders ; they 
 were, in the advance on Pegu, or any other movement which 
 might take place, to keep up with the Madras Fusiliers, and 
 not lose sight of them. Supposing the following to be a rough 
 sketch of Pegu, the position of the troops will be clearer to you : — 
 
 
 
 
 
 78 
 
 Town of Pegu. 
 
 Pagoda 
 
 on 
 
 Platform. 
 
 
 
 
 
 T3 
 
 ® e3 
 
 §1 
 •i-j m 
 
 w J? 
 PI bo 
 
 7s Town of Pegu. 
 Wall If miles. 
 
 c3 
 O 
 
 
 Q 2 
 
 Ditch. 
 
 1 
 
 
 South. 
 
 "B. P. 5 
 
 5th N. I. M. F. Junglo. 
 
 — O in line. 
 
 — | B.F. 
 
 — ® in line, 
 
 — "s' Jungle. or column, 
 
 — ^ not known. 
 
 Jungle. 
 
 1. Gateway. 2. Gun-boats. 
 
 4. M. F. — Madras Fusilien 
 
 3. ' Bentinck ' and other steamers. 
 5. B. F.— Bengal Fusiliers. 
 
 14 * 
 
212 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 " At a quarter past 6 a.m. the firing began from the jungle, 
 close round and about the troops. Four or live casualties im- 
 mediately occurred. General Godwin, who was ever in the 
 front, was reconnoitring. The advance was first contemplated 
 through the jungle, between the river and the wall, and the 
 Bengal and Madras Fusiliers, feelers from both, were pushing 
 in that direction j but the severity of the fire proved the Bur- 
 mese were there in a strong position, and a flank movement 
 parallel with the south wall, and distant about one hundred and 
 fifty yards from it, was begun and continued for nearly two 
 miles through breast-high grass and a dense — most dense — 
 jungle. Before the movement a working party, covered by the 
 Rifles of the 5th, was sent forward to clear a track, and 
 nobly they did their work, the whole force following as they 
 best could, scattered here and there in single and double files 
 over the whole way, a heavy fire pouring upon them for four 
 hours and a half. The guns and Sappers, the former covered 
 by the Grenadiers of the 5th, had been hurried meanwhile to 
 the front. Advantage was taken, wherever it could be had, of 
 a good bank to pour in volley after volley ; but of eourse the 
 whole force was greatly scattered. The sun was fearful, and 
 the fatigue very great. By the time General Godwin had ar- 
 rived with the working party, Rifles, and hindmost portion of 
 the Bengal Fusiliers opposite the gateway which was to be 
 stormed, it was discovered that most were dead beat, and that 
 some time must elapse before anything like proper columns 
 could be formed. By dint of great exertions the best part of 
 the Bengal, and about half of the Madras, Fusiliers were at 
 last got together, allowed breathing time, — the Rifles forming 
 a line of skirmishers in their front, — then nobly harangued by 
 General Godwin, and, with a British cheer, let loose on the gate 
 and the crumbling wall, the ditch here having little water in it. 
 The fire while the columns were being formed was very severe, 
 and opposite the gate and at the south-west portion of the wall, 
 where the 5th were first formed up, was the severest expe- 
 
CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OF PEGU. 213 
 
 rienced. Captain Seymour, a gallant sailor (the amateur), was 
 first of all the assailants, and conspicuous throughout the day. 
 Passing the gateway, the storming parties drove the Burmese, 
 now flying to the westward, fast before them, and then retrac- 
 ing their steps, made as rapidly as they could for the pagoda, 
 about a short mile distant. Here some volleys were ex- 
 changed, and Pegu was in our possession. This was about 
 noon. 
 
 " All this time the 5th, that is the remaining portion of 
 them, with the remaining half or so of the Madras Fusiliers, 
 were returning the severe fire at extended order, as they best 
 could, along the south face of the wall, but collected within 
 three-fourths of a mile or so of the river, knowing nothing of 
 what was going on ahead, the firing permitting no sounds 
 of any kind to reach them. Once only a staff officer, Cap- 
 tain Darroch, came down, and noticing the heaviness of the 
 fire, directed me, in my flank march, not to lose sight of the 
 possibility of the Burmese occupying the intervening space 
 between the left of my line and the field hospital, which had 
 been formed on the spot where the 5th landed. At noon, 
 another staff officer came down and hurried the Madras Fusi- 
 liers on my right, and the 5th, up to the pagoda. Our fire, 
 doubtless, kept the Burmese from passing along the whole 
 length of the south wall, as General Godwin moved in that 
 direction, and in fact quite disconcerted their plans, for they 
 were not prepared for an assault where it was made ; and keep- 
 ing up a steady and rapid fire, they were so held in check 
 between the two points. The Rifle company had one officer 
 wounded severely, Lieutenant Whitlock ; two privates killed, 
 and five wounded; the Grenadiers none. About the centre, 
 between the south-west angle and the place of assault, the fire 
 was far less severe at times, and in my remaining detachment 
 I lost one officer ; Lieutenant Cloete severely wounded ; one 
 havildar killed ; and two privates wounded." 
 
 By the 24th the General, with the greater portion of the 
 
214 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 troops, had returned to Rangoon, having left a force at Pegu 
 under Major Hill. He was, on the whole, pleased with the 
 gallant affair, though he had to lament the loss of several 
 brave officers and men. About to storm the pagoda, our 
 gallant Chief " nobly harangued the troops," in a practical 
 style seldom surpassed. "Now," he said to the Fusiliers, 
 " you are Bengallis, and you are Madrassis ; let us see who are 
 the best men ! " A deafening cheer — a rush — and all was over ! 
 Pegu had fallen ; but, we trusted, only to rise in greater beauty 
 than ever ! Our loss was three officers wounded ; one, Lieu- 
 tenant Cook, of the Commissariat, mortally ; and from thirty- 
 five to forty of the men, Europeans and sepoys, were killed 
 and wounded. Two or three officers were disabled by the sun, 
 among them the worthy Brigadier, Malcolm M'Neill.* They 
 were fighting from 7 a.m. till 1 p.m. 
 
 All zealous soldiers should, we thought, come to this country 
 and learn what fatigue is, fighting with the enemy in ambush, 
 under a Burmese sun ! Had there been carriage, it is highly 
 probable that the General would have gone on to Sittang and 
 Beling. 
 
 Brigadier Elliott, commanding the 1st Madras Brigade, with 
 Captain Manners and Lieutenant Pilmer, Staff, had now left 
 for Prome. Intelligence had arrived at Rangoon of the death 
 of Captain Gardner,* of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry, at 
 Akouk-toung. One story went that he was out patrolling — 
 the "Enterprise" lying off Akouk-toung, high and dry the 
 while — and going rather far into the jungle, he suddenly came 
 upon a work of the enemy; a jinjal was fired at hiin, and he 
 
 * General Godwin bestowed bis tbanks on tbe following officers in bis 
 Despatcb: — Brigadier M'Neill, Commander Sbadwell, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Tudor, Majors Hill and Sbubrick, Majors Mayhow and Boulderson, Captains 
 Mallocb, Brown, Hamilton, Darrocb, Burne, Renaud, Latter, and Chads, A.D.C. 
 The enemy was stated to have amounted to upwards of live thousand men. 
 
 t Killed on the 19th November. 
 
WEIGHT OF ARTILLERY. 215 
 
 fell, shot through the head; a havildar, in trying to recover 
 the body, was shot also. He was, we were informed, a son of 
 the Honourable Lieutenant-General Gardner of the Royal Ar- 
 tillery, and had just been appointed a brigade-major on the 
 permanent establishment. He was a man of considerable 
 ability, and his kindly disposition could not fail to strike one 
 immediately on coming in contact with him. 
 
 Sixteen iron 9-pounders having arrived, chiefly for the defence 
 of the second terrace of the Great Pagoda, Colonel Anstruther, 
 with his usual practical knowledge and zeal in all matters re- 
 lating to Artillery, — on the efficiency of which, there cannot be 
 the shadow of a doubt, the security, offensive as well as defen- 
 sive, of all nations chiefly depends, — allowed several officers to 
 peruse an excellent paper he had written on the expediency of 
 having all iron 9-pounder guns reamed out to 12-pounders, so 
 as to throw a 12-pounder shot.* The 24-pounder was the 
 favourite breaching gun in the Peninsula — at Badajoz and at 
 St. Sebastian. But the weight of the iron 9-pounder reamed 
 to a 12 is more than half the weight of a 24-pounder gun. 
 Weight should be dispensed with on land service as much as 
 possible. It is a terrible drawback, especially in such countries 
 as Burma. With the Navy weight is of little or no consequence. 
 Robins' rule — " the strength of iron is as the quantity of 
 metal" — fully sanctions the general introduction of all 
 9-pounders (iron) being reamed out to 12's. Again, Colonel 
 Anstruther proved by experiment that a 12-pounder reamed 
 up to an 18, with carronade windage, is superior to all 18- 
 pounders now in use for land service. Those who uphold the 
 use of weighty guns on land forget the vast amount of toil and 
 trouble necessary to bring them along. Reaming, such as pro- 
 
 * It must be kept in mind that these remarks were written a good many 
 years ago, before the improvements of Armstrong, Whitworth, and others 
 astonished the world. 
 
216 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 posed, improves the windage, and diminishes the weight of our 
 Indian train. 
 
 The country about Pegu was described to be in an unculti- 
 vated state ; the Peguese had, on account of the war and its 
 effects, neglected to till the ground .* It seemed for the time 
 as if a beautiful and fertile province were on the verge of 
 ruin. 
 
 Major Eeid, with two guns of his horse battery, em- 
 barked for Prome on the 26th of November. A company 
 of the 9th Madras Native Infantry also left for Yangain- 
 chainya. 
 
 On the 27th we received intelligence that the chief who had 
 so distinguished himself at Puzendoun had managed to destroy 
 some three hundred or four hundred of the enemy who were 
 escorting rice to various posts. This, with the fact of an 
 attack having already been made on the newly captured city 
 of Pegu, showed very plainly that there were some desperate 
 characters about. The news of this latter affair was not unex- 
 pected by many, and the receipt of it was considered to be of 
 little importance. 
 
 On the 6th of December poor Walter Cook was no more. 
 A finer young officer than this (of the 22nd Madras Native 
 Infantry) never stepped. The author had served with him in 
 the field among the jungle regions of Orissa (in 1848), where 
 his ardent temperament and zeal for the public service were 
 conspicuous in a remarkable degree. 
 
 Pegu had been attacked a second time by the Burmese, on 
 which occasion it was said a large party of the enemy went to 
 an old house where we had formerly lodged a picquet, and fired 
 away for about two hours. The quarters had been vacated 
 some days before this act of gallantry on their part j some two 
 
 * It is during the months of June., July and August, that the Burmese 
 plough, sow, and harrow the ground after their own fashion. 
 
A FEENCH ADVENTUEEE. 217 
 
 thousand people were said to have come into Pegu the next day 
 seeking Major HilFs protection. 
 
 It is now time to turn our entire attention for a while to 
 this important quarter ; but it may be well to chronicle a few 
 events before leaving Rangoon. The headquarters of Artillery 
 left for Prome on the 9th of December. A French officer,* 
 who had established himself as a favourite, appeared on the 
 morning of packing up, and gave a few suggestions as an old 
 campaigner. In June he had come over in the " Emperor " 
 from Calcutta, and was then said to have been employed by 
 the Golden Foot. He struck not a few of us as being a sen- 
 sible and well-spoken man. He had done everything and had 
 been everywhere. He had served in the Brazils, in Africa, in 
 Spain, and in Portugal. " The Burmese/' said the Adventurer, 
 " were very brave behind a stockade or a breastwork, but they 
 knew nothing of regular warfare." He had a particular horror 
 at Royalist France being turned into the country of a republic. 
 General Godwin now cared little about what the French officer 
 did, although he considered himself on parole and under sur- 
 veillance. But things were very different in June, when it was 
 thought necessary to send the " Fire Queen " and " Berenice/' 
 on her voyage from Calcutta, to bring the "Emperor" in 
 sight of the Commodore, and our Adventurer before the 
 General. — The evening before the departure of the Prome 
 party (8th) was saddened by the death of Brigadier M'Neill, 
 already mentioned as having been disabled by the sun in the 
 operations against Pegu. He never recovered from the fa- 
 tigue and exposure attending the capture. He was of the 
 old school, an excellent and gallant officer, and a great favourite 
 in the army. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 9th intelligence arrived that Pegu 
 
 D'Orgoiii, afterwards the famous " general," of Ava celebrity. 
 
218 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 was surrounded or besieged. Two hundred Fusiliers and quan- 
 tities of ammunition were ordered to be shipped immediately 
 " To the rescue ! " was the thought of every officer and soldier 
 in Rangoon. 
 
219 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE BURMESE INVESTMENT OF PEGU. — CRITICAL POSITION 
 OF MAJOR HILL AND HIS TROOPS. SUMMARY OF MILI- 
 TARY TRANSACTIONS. 
 
 It seemed to be General Godwin's policy to retain Pegu as a 
 most important military position. He had won it after a 
 rather severe conflict, but yet the fact appeared to have escaped 
 him that the Burmese set any great value upon it. Might 
 there not be a combination among the hostile villages of the 
 Sittang Valley to recapture it ? On the 22nd of November all 
 the troops, with the exception of two hundred Madras Fusiliers 
 under Major Hill, two hundred of the 5th Madras Native 
 Infantry under Captain Wyndham, two guns, with a small de- 
 tachment of European Artillery, and some Madras Sappers, were 
 ordered to return to Rangoon. The news that a small garrison 
 was left to defend the ancient fortress and all the inhabitants 
 of the country who chose to come under our protection, was 
 not long in reaching the Burmese camp. Perhaps at this time 
 it was thought by the enemy that they could stand a defeat, but 
 could not bear to be despised. It certainly docs seem strange 
 that our Military Commander did not calculate on a speedy 
 
220 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 attempt at recapture by the Burmese, who knew tolerably well 
 that on the General's return to Rangoon there was every 
 chance of his proceeding as soon as possible to take the field 
 at Prome. Rangoon was now in a position to have afforded a 
 considerably greater military force at Pegu than what was left 
 there. Very different was it from the month of June when 
 the first capture took place. The plans of the campaign were 
 then, it appeared, in a slow and uncertain state of development, 
 and it was probably prudent at such a time not to draw away 
 troops from our chief conquest. But now, through the un- 
 ceasing exertions of the Engineers and Sappers, much had been 
 done to the fortifications of Rangoon, and numerous pieces of 
 ordnance had arrived to strengthen that noble fortress. Allow- 
 ing for the absence of a division of the army at Prome, and 
 troops elsewhere, some three hundred or four hundred men 
 more, one hundred and fifty of these at least Europeans, could 
 have been left with ease to garrison Pegu. 
 
 As soon as the night of the 24th of November the enemy 
 made an attack upon our gun-boats, but were immediately 
 repulsed. Late in the evening of the 27th they made a most 
 daring attack on all sides of the pagoda, but as the garrison 
 turned out in a few minutes, they were at once vigorously 
 repelled. The troops remained on the alert till morning, when 
 on examining the ground several dead Burmese were seen. A 
 most desperate attack had likewise been made upon the gun- 
 boats in the river and the Commissariat Guard. 
 
 About 8 o'clock on the morning of December (3th, the enemy 
 — infantry and cavalry — surrounded the pagoda, and attacked us 
 in great force. They continued to annoy us with jinjals and 
 musketry all that day and during a great part of the night, 
 and succeeded in driving off a large herd of the Pegu buffaloes. 
 
 From the 7th till the 13th inclusive, the enemy, according 
 to one of the besieged, were firing jinjals and musketry day 
 and night. On the 11th two gun-boats arrived from Rangoon 
 witli stores and ammunition; but these were driven back after 
 
CRITICAL POSITION OF MAJOR HILL. 221 
 
 losing several men.* The gallant beseiged were now doing 
 their utmost, animated during their unceasing toil with the 
 hope of a speedy reinforcement. Major Hill had sent in three 
 or four bold messengers to Rangoon. The foe seemed deter- 
 mined to drive the small band from Pegu ; in addition to their 
 rude iron and leaden balls, small brass representations of 
 Gautama, pieces of iron, necks of bottles, even stones, or 
 round lumps of granite brought hither for the purpose, were 
 fired on our troops from every quarter. Truly the position of 
 Major Hill was at this time hardly less critical than that of the 
 immortal Clive at the famous defence of Arcot. The Burmese 
 had managed to bring a gun of considerable size into a com- 
 manding position, which dealt forth several deadly missiles. 
 According to another of the besieged, spent balls hit some one 
 or other very frequently ; several of our men were thus wounded 
 at night and not discovered till the morning. 
 
 Before turning to the Relief of Pegu, it may be well to give 
 a summary of military transactions in November and December 
 1852, and January 1853, at this bravely manned post. 
 
 The sketch is from the manuscript notes of a distinguished 
 officer present throughout this arduous service : — The besieging 
 chief Moung-Kyouk-Loung's entire force consisted of eleven 
 thousand men, disposed as follows : — two thousand men at 
 
 * See Appendix No. VIII., " Pegu," p. 469. On the 10th, Captain Shadwell 
 proceeded with the war-boats to Pegu, also the " Nerbudda " with the Fusi- 
 liers. Some seventy-five rounds per gun had been shipped on the evening of 
 the 9th with the greatest speed, through the energy of Captains Voyle and 
 Robertson. At 3 p.m. of December 11th, we received the disastrous intelligence 
 that the boats under Captain Shadwell and the steamer had been compelled 
 to return. The enemy being in vast numbers and more determined than ever, 
 he wisely returned for reinforcements ; but not without the war-boats — con- 
 taining also Captain Malloch and a small party of European Bengal Artillery- 
 men — having had an affair with the Burmese, in which our loss was a sergeant 
 and two men of the Artillery killed, and two or three wounded ; also several 
 marines and sailors killed, and many wounded. It was a serious affair, and 
 the whole inquired and received immediate attention. 
 
222 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Shw£-gyeen, ninety-seven miles north of Pegu ; one thousand 
 men at Sittang, thirty-two miles east of Pegu ; and eight thou- 
 sand at Pegu,* which latter force opposed the British troops 
 on the 21st of November 1852. In addition to the small body 
 left to garrison the pagoda— which post was under the com- 
 mand of Major W. Hill of the 1st Madras Fusiliers— to keep 
 the river clear of the enemy's boats passing by, two gun-boats 
 were also left at Pegu under the command of Lieutenant Mason, 
 R.N., of H.M.S. " Fox." Each boat carried a 12-pounder 
 howitzer and 12-pounder rockets. The boats were completely 
 hidden from the pagoda by thick belts of bamboo jungle, 
 which grew up to within one hundred yards of the great 
 temple. 
 
 General Godwin had left the once famous capital of an in- 
 dependent kingdom, assured that no force would again assemble 
 in that part of the province. So little did he think of the 
 enemy daring to attack the garrison of Pegu, that he left a 
 Peguese chief, by name Moung-Loung, with about fifty fol- 
 lowers, to induce the families of the inhabitants to come in, 
 settle themselves quietly in their houses, and re-people the then 
 almost ruined and deserted city. But this glorious consum- 
 mation was not in the order of thirjgs ; and, as has been seen, 
 was not destined to be accomplished. It was too much, after 
 losing the Shwe Dagon — the stronghold of Gautama — to lose 
 also the Shwe-madoo Praw, which for so many centuries had 
 towered in sublime magnificence to the skies. Some idea of 
 what the troops had to defend may be gained from the fol- 
 lowing particulars : — The pagoda stands upon three terraces ; 
 the upper one contained the troops of the garrison and the 
 commissariat stores ; the upper platform was nearly a square, 
 each side of which measured from two hundred and ten to two 
 
 Under Monng-Gyee, the Commander-in-Chief s brother-in-law. 
 
DEFENCE OF THE SHWE-MADOO PKAW. 223 
 
 hundred and twenty yards.* A low brick wall, three feet high, 
 had formerly enclosed the upper platform. The dilapidation of 
 the walls was on every side apparent, and on the north-east 
 and west sides scarcely any wall remained, but high reedy grass 
 had sprung up — vegetation, as usual, rapid amid the scene of 
 neglect and ruin. A range of low buildings ran along each 
 face in a line with the walls, which no troops occupied. There 
 was a Phongyee house on each side, and adjoining the base of 
 the pagoda itself. In these sanctuaries the officers were quar- 
 tered, one only being reserved for a magazine. There were 
 four large entrances on the top platform, open, and about 
 thirty feet wide : to join these entrances from below there were 
 between thirty and forty flights of steps. The second terrace 
 was twelve feet below the upper, and extended about forty feet 
 on all sides from the wall. There was then another descent of six 
 feet, when a third terrace also ran about forty feet. The second 
 and third terraces, respectively, were three hundred and twenty 
 and four hundred and fifty yards in length on each side of the 
 pagoda, t The high grass which had grown up all round 
 prevented our posted sentries in many places from seeing each 
 other. Those who are acquainted with Burmese warfare will 
 readily understand how very much exposed our troops were 
 to a sudden surprise, when Burmese are so skilful in preserving 
 silence when creeping through grass to cut down sentries. 
 There were a great many small pagodas on the east and west 
 sides, a little way beyond the lower terrace. These were so 
 close to each other that on the east face, about one hundred 
 and twenty yards off, they formed a complete wall forty yards 
 in length, behind which the enemy were in perfect safety. 
 
 * The terrace on which the Shwe Dagon at Kangoon stands is nine hun- 
 dred feet long and six hundred and eighty-five broad. 
 
 f Each side of the base of the temple measures one hundred and sixty-two 
 feet. The shape is octagonal at the base. 
 
224 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Numerous other pagodas were clotted about at distances from 
 one hundred to six hundred yards, and these became formidable 
 barricades when jinjals and matchlocks were fired from behind 
 them. The remaining very important advantage on the side 
 of the enemy was, that the north and east sides of the country 
 being higher than the platform, caused every man to be ob- 
 served passing to and fro. The gallant defenders, it will now 
 be fully seen, were thus placed in a very critical position, with 
 only four hundred and thirty-live men to defend what required 
 at least one thousand two hundred to maintain, without haras- 
 sing the soldiery. 
 
 But, not at all strange in this contrary world of ours, the 
 very fact of a small band being left to garrison Pegu, this 
 military blunder on the part of the General, was the means of 
 achieving a decided political success. The prowess of the 
 British arms was here displayed to its full extent, which must 
 have struck terror into the hearts of the Burmese assailants, 
 whose tale would run rapidly through the neighbouring hostile 
 soldiery — all tending to bring about the conclusion of the 
 war. 
 
 Major Hill commenced his work of defence by barricading 
 the upper platform. Three of the four large entrances to the 
 pagoda were the first places to be looked to. The enemy were 
 in the neighbourhood, and work became the order of the day. 
 Parties from the Europeans and Natives were ordered out. 
 The Peguese were employed in cutting down the high grass 
 with their dhas, — their expertness in the use of which we fre- 
 quently noticed. All seemed determined to render the citadel 
 as strong as possible. Two brass 4-pounders aud a3-pounder, 
 captured on the 21st of November, were placed in position at 
 the gateways, which w T ere built up the whole breadth of the 
 entrance with timbers, about twelve feet high, leaving just a 
 sufficient opening for the gun. 
 
 The following is a detailed account of the attack on the 
 river-picquet and boats on the night of the 27th of November. 
 
ATTACK ON THE RIVER PICQUET AND BOATS. 225 
 
 These did not escape the attention of the enemy ; for though 
 we heard but a few shots in that direction whilst the pagoda was 
 attacked, yet as soon as they drew off from us they made a 
 desperate assault in that quarter, and we could tell from the 
 firing increasing at intervals more than at others, that the 
 attacks were being resumed ; but the blue jackets, with their 
 marine artillery, made such excellent use of their 12-pounder 
 howitzers and rockets, that, with the support of the picquet on 
 shore, they proved too strong for the Burmese. This was a 
 very unequal contest. There were houses within thirty yards 
 of where the picquet was posted, besides having brushwood all 
 round, which enabled the enemy to conceal themselves, whilst 
 our men were exposed on the bank of the river. Lieutenant 
 P. A. Brown of the Fusiliers commanded on this occasion. 
 Having commissariat stores to protect, that officer with his 
 men had taken the precaution before dark to pile up the bags 
 of rice, tobacco, barrels, and other articles which were lying 
 about, so as to have everything as compact as possible, and 
 then make his post secure in case of an attack. Some of the 
 bags caught fire during the night from the rockets, which en- 
 couraged the enemy to approach nearer, when some of our men 
 dashed forward, charged them, and compelled them to retire. 
 After continued assaults had been made upon this little post, 
 British blood, as it always does, proved too much for them, 
 and they withdrew, leaving the picquet quiet for the rest of 
 the night. On this, as on several other occasions during the 
 war, the rocket practice of the boats' crews of Her Majesty's 
 Navy was very good ; and the effect of such practice, added to 
 the untiring efforts of the gallant infantry, plainly showed what 
 a small body of men can do against a large number. It is on 
 such outpost affairs generally that the sharpest firing is seen. 
 General Godwin complimented Major Hill and his force for 
 their steady gallantry in this dashing business, and he trusted 
 that the severe lesson which had been given the enemy would 
 teach the Burmese respect for our new position and the vigil- 
 
 15 
 
226 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 ance of its garrison, so as to prevent any future molestation ! 
 The loss sustained in the boats was four seamen and one marine 
 artilleryman wounded. Three men of the Fusiliers were 
 wounded. Lieutenant Mason, R.N., narrowly escaped with his 
 life, a shot having cut through his neck-tie. It was singular 
 that our loss on the 27th was not greater, as the enemy 
 attacked also from the other side of the river, which is about 
 one hundred yards wide where the boats were in position. 
 
 In consequence of the Burmese having attempted to escalade 
 on three sides of the pagoda on the night of the 27th, Major 
 Hill found it necessary to appoint a captain to command each 
 face of the pagoda, with instructions that if any one face was 
 pressed by the enemy, the captain on the side attacked was to 
 concentrate his men at the given point of attack until support 
 was given. This admirable arrangement gave a responsibility 
 to the officer commanding each face, and enabled him to act 
 on a sudden without waiting for orders. The commandants of 
 faces appointed were Captains Stephenson and Nicolay of the 
 Fusiliers, to the north and east faces respectively ; and Cap- 
 tains Brown and Wyndham of the 5th Native Infantry, to the 
 west and south. This plan allowed Major Hill to have a 
 general supervision over the whole of the operations, and en- 
 abled him to move about and give directions where his presence 
 was most required. 
 
 It was soon learned from the manner of this night attack by 
 the Burmese, that they had regularly trained troops opposed 
 to us. Chosen crafty ones had doubtless found their way from 
 the " city of the immortals " to assist Moung-Kyouk-Loung ! 
 Now our men might be seen climbing up the splendid pagoda 
 to take a coup d'ail of the surrounding country, and then 
 would appear a cluster of officers talking earnestly over the 
 number of troops and the defences. Uncertainty hovered in 
 the atmosphere. But this, with the British character, only 
 tends to make the nerves firmer, and to raise expectation the 
 higher. It is difficult to say what were the feelings of the de- 
 
INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 227 
 
 tachment of the Native Infantry. They were ready, at a 
 moment's warning, to fight or die by the side of British 
 soldiers ! 
 
 On the 29th, parties of the enemy were seen moving in 
 various directions to the north of the pagoda ; Cassay* horse- 
 men were among them. Next were seen elephants moving 
 about, bearing officers of rank, all apparently determined on 
 another plan of attack. All this, of course, tended to increase 
 the vigilance of the garrison. Major Hill very prudently with- 
 drew the picquet of fifty men on the open bank of the river, a 
 mile away from the pagoda ; and Lieutenant Mason, with his 
 boats, was desired to repair to Rangoon. Upwards of forty men 
 of the force were now sick in hospital, and the withdrawal of 
 the river picquet brought additional aid for the defence. It 
 was signally providential that the Burmese did not come on, 
 for Moung-Loung, the Pegu chief, reported to Major Hill 
 during the forenoon of the 1st of December, that a very large 
 train of carts with Talaing families was then making its way 
 to the southward, and that some of their goungs (chiefs) had 
 come in advance to know whether they might claim protection 
 from the garrison. At about 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the 
 same day two hundred and sixteen carts, laden with the goods 
 and chattels of two thousand persons, chiefly women and chil- 
 dren, came in for protection. These poor creatures had taken 
 refuge in the jungles, and had wandered about from place to 
 place, with of course no settled residence while the royal 
 troops remained in the province. "Pity and protect the 
 slave ! }> was never uttered by the swarthy African with more 
 intense feeling than now marked the desires of those Asiatics — 
 whose ancestors had had a king of their own to rule over them 
 
 * " The Muniporeans, or people of Cassay in particular, abound in great 
 numbers, and they are much prized as clever workmen. Owing to their 
 superior skill in the management of the horse, the Burmese cavalry is 
 almost exclusively composed of them; and they are distinguished by the 
 national appellation of ' the Cassay Horse.' " — Major Snodgrass's " Narrative of 
 the First Burmese War." 
 
 15 * 
 
228 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 -—as their eyes were directed to the British for protection ! 
 The ground covered by their carts occupied several acres, for it 
 must be recollected the Pegu carts and buffaloes are of a pro- 
 digious size. It was now a matter of anxiety to afford protec- 
 tion to the families as well as to their property, whilst they lay 
 scattered about, and the enemy were nigh at hand. The infirm, 
 as well as all the women and children, were allowed to remain 
 on the upper platform of the pagoda during the night, while 
 the others remained below to look after the cattle and goods. 
 Reader, just picture to yourself the upper platform of the Pegu 
 Pagoda ! It is night, and the troops are wearied after the pre- 
 paration and arrangements of the day. Sleep for the weary 
 watchers would fain " knit up the ravelled sleeve of care ! " 
 Suddenly bursts forth the clamorous noise of children; the 
 sentries cannot hear beyond the walls. There are sick chil- 
 dren, and others wanting food ; and behold ! several officers, 
 up a great portion of the night, feeding the weary and desti- 
 tute with biscuit, to quiet the Peguese vociferation ! The help- 
 less now feel assured that Gautama, through the influence of 
 the fairies dwelling in the golden tee above, has sent guardian 
 angels to protect them ! As this arrangement inconvenienced 
 the troops, it only lasted three nights. Major Hill determined 
 on destroying all the houses in the street below, as they could 
 only give cover to the enemy; and orders were thereupon issued 
 to stockade in the Peguese under the walls of the pagoda. 
 This severe work was performed in a manner truly admirable 
 — officers and men, every one assisting to fortify the oppressed, 
 after their own national fashion ! There was the European 
 working with almost gigantic strength, felling down many a 
 noble tree, working with a right good will ; there the skilful 
 and active sapper ; and there the sepoy, having stopped work 
 for a time, grinning with a benevolent countenance ! The 
 husbands of those wc had to protect only a few miles off, and 
 forced to fight against us, were little dreaming of British 
 humanity being exercised towards their kindred under the 
 
INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 229 
 
 walls of Pegu. The stockade, covering about two acres of 
 ground, was soon done. The carts and buffaloes were all sys- 
 tematically arranged, and took up their position in line and 
 column in a manner quite worthy of the " Artillery Exercise." 
 All were stockaded in by nightfall. The women and children 
 were placed in the carts nearest to the walls, so as to shelter 
 them as much as possible from the shot. The men were sta- 
 tioned in front, with their spears, matchlocks, and sharp dhas, 
 to fight for their families — which they did, fearlessly and well. 
 Dr. Beautfleur, the zealous surgeon in charge of the stockaded 
 allies, had several severe cases brought to him for treatment. 
 Spies had been loitering about; and on the morning of the 
 5th, we could discover, from the elevations of the pagoda, that 
 the movements of the enemy were more extensive than usual, 
 and that they mustered in greater force. The Cassay horse- 
 men did not now conceal their numbers from our view, and 
 were seen galloping about in larger bodies. Towards the even- 
 ing of that day faint sounds of firing were heard at intervals, 
 as if from a long distance down the river. Night had set in, 
 when a shot was fired from the jungle, which was immediately 
 returned by the sentry who was fired at. Shortly before this it 
 had been reported to Major Hill that a low sound of voices 
 was heard, as of troops moving about in the jungle. Firing 
 soon became the order of the night, and a discharge of canister 
 from a 24-pounder howitzer, in the direction of the voices, 
 roused every one into action. Before 9 o'clock Major Hill was 
 called away from the defences to two sepoys of the 5th Madras 
 Native Infantry, who had hailed the picquet from the jungle — 
 the south picquet — the sergeant of which had brought them 
 in. Fortunately for these men, the firing, which was com- 
 menced at the pagoda just before they arrived, was on the east 
 face, whereas they came from the south. * Their object was to 
 
 * Firing was kept up round the pagoda, and did not cease until after mid- 
 night, when the moon rose. 
 
230 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 report the sad fate of a jemadar and his men, the former of 
 whom, with three or four sepoys, while convoying supplies in 
 a boat from Rangoon, had been killed by the Burmese. 
 
 The officers were sitting quietly at breakfast, discussing the 
 deeds of night and morning, when the well-known cry of 
 " Turn out ! " raised a stir among all hands ; at the same 
 time the Burmese shout of attack was heard at the south-west 
 angle of the pagoda. While the firing at the south-west angle 
 summoned the men to the walls, a very singular and guerilla- 
 like scene was exhibited. In an instant heights, mounds, and 
 pagodas were crowned with men, who opened a sharp but ill- 
 directed fire against our troops. The little curling smoke was 
 now to be seen issuing from the place where was perched each 
 wily matchlock -man ; the sky was beautifully clear; every 
 object came to view ; and the whole had the effect of a gor- 
 geous panorama. It was soon discovered — from the Burmese 
 balls coming among us from such elevated positions — that our 
 enemies were likely to have the best of it. It was, however, 
 highly ludicrous, in the midst of danger, to hear the men 
 joking with each other as they brought down a man or two 
 from the high pinnacle on which the Burmese had so proudly 
 perched themselves. The surprise having failed, the enemy 
 were no doubt astonished to find that the Peguese were 
 sheltered in a well-made stockade ; there was the reality 
 bristling up before their eyes ! It was now evident, from the 
 enemy taking possession of the elevations, that they did not 
 intend going away ; and so decided an advantage did the 
 heights give them of sweeping the platform with their shot, 
 that nearly fifty rounds of ammunition per man were expended 
 that day in keeping down their fire. To save life it was now 
 requisite to barricade the pagoda as strongly as possible. Lieu- 
 tenant Campbell, the officer of Engineers, had had no sand- 
 bags supplied him to make a temporary defence ; it was, there- 
 fore, necessary to apply to the Commissariat for all the empty 
 bags and barrels they could give, and these being found inade- 
 
INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 231 
 
 quate, bags of rice, and barrels of pork and biscuit were also 
 called for. As soon as it became dark the Sappers were set to 
 work. At night gongs were heard in various parts of the 
 jungle, as if the Burmese were assembling their troops. The 
 firing was not so heavy during the night as it had been that 
 day, still there was little cessation of it, while the working 
 parties were heard about the walls. It was of importance to 
 get the Peguese into military order in the event of an attack. 
 Some two hundred and ninety had enrolled themselves as 
 fighting men, but out of that number only fifty had muskets — 
 our old flint-locks — while the remainder were armed with spears 
 and swords. Major Hill visited the stockade, and, with the 
 assistance of a Burmese interpreter, pointed out to Moung- 
 Loung the way in which he wished his men to be disposed of 
 should an assault take place. The men with fire-arms were 
 placed at short distances between the spearmen, so as to give 
 a greater appearance of strength in that particular arm ; a cer- 
 tain number were told off as sentinels on duty, to be regularly 
 relieved. The goungs were placed so as to give orders, and to 
 overlook their own men. Major Hill visited the stockade of 
 the allies every night, to give them confidence, and to see that 
 they were all on the alert. To show how much our troops 
 were exposed on the platform notwithstanding all that had been 
 done, the officers' servants were obliged to erect some kind of 
 protection for the beds of their masters and themselves when 
 they lay down to rest. Several days and nights were passed 
 without any cessation of firing. With all the fatigue of mind 
 and body was excessive, particularly so with the indefatigable 
 commander of the garrison. The chance of being able to eat 
 one's dinner without being shot at seemed remote indeed. An 
 officer of the Fusiliers received a severe contusion while seated 
 at the mess -table ; several servants were wounded, and one was 
 killed while waiting upon his master. A Peguer also received 
 a mortal wound while at work inside the mess-house. On the 
 8th the men began to feel the incessant work. Every man 
 
232 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 was daily on duty ten hours out of the twenty-four. The ex- 
 posure and fatigue increasing, Major Hill at length deemed it 
 absolutely necessary to inform General Godwin of the deter- 
 mined nature of the enemy. All ammunition expended, we 
 would then be compelled to evacuate the pagoda, and force a 
 way back to Rangoon at the point of the bayonet. Four goodly 
 men and true, for fifty rupees a head, came forth from Moung- 
 Loung's detachment and volunteered to carry a letter to General 
 Godwin. Three copies were sent with the original, so that 
 each man had his letter. The Major did not ask for any more 
 men, but added, " All I want is ammunition." As soon as it 
 was dark, the messengers started on their hazardous enterprise. 
 There was a Burmese force on all sides of the pagoda of at 
 least six thousand men, and had the carriers fallen into their 
 hands, they would probably have been decapitated or crucified, 
 according to Burmese custom. 
 
 On the morning of the 12th the joyful sound of firing from 
 British war-boats ran like an electric shock through the weary 
 garrison. But despair soon followed, our forebodings were 
 indeed verified,— the naval party had failed in their attempt to 
 communicate with us. From the crowded state of the stockade, 
 together with the cold damp nights and the scanty supply of 
 food they had, cholera broke out among our Peguese allies. 
 Fortunately, the scourge did not extend to the troops. The 
 sudden withdrawal of the gun-boats, with relief so near at 
 hand, quickly became the all-absorbing topic. But the assur- 
 ance that General Godwin was now aware of our difficulties, 
 served to rouse us to increased effort. 
 
 After this event the enemy's fire gradually ceased. Those 
 only who have watched night after night can form an idea of 
 how much a temporary calm is appreciated. But yet it is 
 difficult to reconcile oneself to the change. On the present 
 occasion the whistling of the bullets— the rattling of the boards 
 
 the speedy movement — the sound from a cluster of voices, — 
 
 the want of all this seemed to create a vacancy in the state of 
 
INVESTMENT OP PEGU. 233 
 
 affairs quite unintelligible ! The reply of " All right, sir ! " to 
 the officers on duty passing along their beat, could not disturb 
 well-earned repose. But in the morning, yelling from the 
 Burmese — the firing of canister from our howitzers — and clear- 
 ing the platform for action, soon destroyed the peaceful de- 
 lusion. The Burmese having made a determined attempt to 
 force their way into the Peguese stockade, came to a hand-to- 
 hand contest with the allies, who received some severe wounds 
 from spears and matchlocks ; and it was not until they 
 tasted the cold steel from some of our Rifle sepoys that they 
 drew off.* Another night had closed upon us, when again the 
 welcome sound of a British gun was heard down the river. The 
 Artillery officer reported his hearing guns; he had also observed 
 a rocket fired perpendicularly. Wellington's remark at Water- 
 loo, " There goes old Blucher at last ! " could scarcely have been 
 uttered with more heartfelt pleasure than " There's old Godwin 
 at last ! " by the garrison of Pegu. 
 
 At 11 o'clock on the morning of the 14th the first firing of 
 General Godwin's relieving force was heard. As the troops 
 were seen nearing the pagoda, cheering became general 
 throughout the garrison, and continued until Lieutenant Elliott, 
 who commanded the advanced guard, entered the small aper- 
 ture — made as an embrasure for one of our small guns — on the 
 eastern entrance of the pagoda. 
 
 On the 4th of January, although no troops had been ob- 
 served moving about, a sudden discharge of musketry issued 
 from the opening of the jungle, which had been cut down. A 
 12-pounder howitzer, loaded with canister, was ready pointed 
 in the direction, to the north, where it was supposed the 
 
 * The loss of the Burmese must have been very great, as they had not 
 before ventured to cross a piece of clear ground. One man of immense 
 stature was found dead, supposed tobea chief. The Peguese hung him up to 
 a tree in triumph, but his body was cut down at sunset, and thrown into a dry 
 well. 
 
234 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 enemy might appear, and it was discharged with the happiest 
 effect. Firing now commenced, and at sunset the picquet was 
 increased to one hundred Europeans and fifty sepoys. By that 
 time several men had been wounded. 
 
 On the 5th, 6th, and 7th, the working parties were increased 
 and uprights were fixed in the ground, about ten feet from 
 each other, and planks were nailed upon them, as being the 
 most expeditious way of keeping the men out of sight of the 
 enemy. Their attacks were now directed against the north 
 face ; and notwithstanding our men had been for some time 
 worried and fired on— in spit of shot flying about — the Euro- 
 peans were quite observable outside, coolly nailing on the 
 planks, while others sat on the top of the beams, assisting 
 in the work, under a heavy fire all day. The Burmese must 
 have set them down as at least possessing a charmed life ; but 
 it was nothing more than British courage and working with a 
 hearty good-will— qualities which had for nearly a century 
 distinguished the Madras Fusiliers. The picquet was obliged 
 to act as a covering party to keep down the fire, otherwise we 
 might have lost many men. The enemy had now taken up a 
 position on the opposite bank of the river with the number of 
 their force increased, and where an irregular brick building 
 was turned into a battery by them. It has not. been recorded 
 that on the departure of General Godwin a stockade had been 
 erected, according to his orders, at the landing-place on the 
 bank of the river. The enemy's battery was about one hun- 
 dred and twenty yards from this stockade, and was a great 
 annoyance to it. The gun-boats, under Captain Tarleton, 
 R.N., having been withdrawn, we could not cross the river to 
 dislodge the enemy from the strong position they had taken up, 
 who, finding that we had no boats, at length rendered the 
 stockade, from its unfinished condition, almost untenable. Up 
 to the 7th one captain was mortally wounded (Captain Nicolay 
 of the Fusiliers), one artilleryman was killed, and thirteen men 
 were wounded. On the morning of the 8th, for some strange 
 
INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 235 
 
 reason difficult to understand, the enemy were seen from the 
 heights of the pagoda marching in two confused columns, in 
 full retreat. They went northward, and never again appeared 
 to oppose us. And thus ended the protracted transactions at 
 Pegu! 
 
 In consequence of the " very gallant and distinguished con- 
 duct" of Major Hill throughout these stirring events, the 
 Most Noble the Governor-General of India in Council bestowed 
 upon him a special mark of favour.* Previous to this the 
 thanks of the Supreme Government of India were sent him by 
 General Godwin, as well as to the garrison under his orders, 
 for the gallant defence of Pegu : — 
 
 " Fort William, Mh January 1853. 
 
 " 4th. The Governor- General in Council requests that you 
 will convey to Major Hill of the Madras Fusiliers, and to the 
 officers and men under his command, the marked acknowledg- 
 ments of the Government of India, for the bravery and steadi- 
 ness with which they met and repulsed the continuous and 
 harassing attacks of a large body of the enemy for many days, 
 before reinforcements arrived at Pegu." 
 
 * Command of the Gwalior Contingent, with about 2,000 Ea. a month. We 
 had the pleasure of reading the courteous letter from Lord Dalhousie by which 
 this noble gift was conveyed. 
 
236 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 CHAPTER III.* 
 
 RELIEF OE PEGU, AND OTHER OPERATIONS. THE 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 The most energetic measures were now taken at Rangoon by 
 General Godwin to answer with all possible speed the needy 
 call for relief which came from the Pegu garrison. Rangoon 
 had not been in such a state of excitement since its capture by 
 the British in April. Had the tide of fortune at length turned 
 against us ? Had the mine of Burmese vengeance at length been 
 sprung, to tell us that the dynasty of Alompra was not yet in 
 danger, and rouse us into action ? In any way a great event 
 had taken place. The wonted energy of our chief when any- 
 thing like danger was to be encountered proved him to be the 
 man for this emergency. But General Godwin unfortunately had 
 much difficulty in providing transports for the troops for the 
 relief of Pegu. Two hundred and fifty Madras Fusiliers under 
 Captain Renaud had been obliged to return to Rangoon in con- 
 sequence of the disabled state of the river steamer "Nerbudda," 
 
 • A melancholy interest is attached to this chapter, it being chiefly written 
 from notes furnished to the author by General Neill — tho " avenging angel " of 
 the great Sepoy mutiny — the hero who fell, in 1857, at Lucknow. 
 
BELIEF OF PEGU. 237 
 
 in which they had embarked. These troops were transhipped to 
 the " Mahanuddy," a vessel whose boilers had seen rather too 
 much service. It was not, therefore, until both these steamers 
 had been repaired that the head-quarters in the " Nerbudda/' 
 and the Madras Fusiliers in the " Mahanuddy," were enabled 
 to leave Rangoon. At noon of the 12th of December both 
 vessels steamed on until sunset, the " Nerbudda " leading. 
 At daylight next morning, which was very foggy, all the boats 
 conveying the other troops, under convoy of Captain Tarleton, 
 R.N., proceeded with the " Nerbudda" up the river; the other 
 steamer was supposed to be following not far astern. They 
 approached the village of Lomen Seedee as the mist was rising 
 which was found, as expected, occupied by the enemy, and the 
 river staked, abreast of it. We were quite prepared for the 
 foe; guns loaded, and a party of twenty-five men on each 
 paddle-box — the starboard furnished by the Madras, the lar- 
 board by the Bengal Fusiliers. We had evidently taken the 
 Burmese by surprise ; some of them were seen about the vil- 
 lage, also a large party with some horsemen moving about on 
 the plain. The left bank near where the steamer was anchored 
 was an open plain; higher up and out of shot, stood the 
 village. The troops were soon landed; and it was speedily 
 determined to occupy the village, as affording shelter — it 
 having been taken for granted that the enemy had retreated. 
 The Bengal Fusiliers were, therefore, moved up to some of the 
 nearest houses, when about twenty shots were fired into them 
 from the high grass and jungle adjoining. One man was 
 slightly wounded ; the Burmese escaped without either being 
 seen or fired upon. The village was then occupied, the Madras 
 Fusiliers being on picquet in advance. The "Mahanuddy" 
 not having yet arrived with the remainder of the Fusiliers, the 
 other steamer was therefore sent down to bring the men up. 
 The day wore on, and there being no appearance of the steamer, 
 arrangements were made to pass the night in the village, and 
 picquets were thrown out; but no attempt was made to drive 
 
38 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the enemy further away, or out of the village of Upper Seedee, 
 about a mile distant. This village had on several occasions — 
 particularly the last, when the boats were obliged to retire — 
 annoyed the navy considerably ; and the occupation of it might 
 have been attended with little or no loss had its entrenchments 
 been turned by a small party, and the enemy there, about three 
 hundred or four hundred men, driven off, and perhaps inter- 
 cepted. 
 
 About midnight a volley was fired into some of the houses, 
 by which one Bengal Fusilier was killed and another was 
 mortally wounded ; a sailor was also mortally wounded. Irre- 
 gular firing now commenced, and the sentries at other points 
 of the line also giving the alarm, some firing — which was for- 
 tunately put a stop to in time — had nearly caused considerable 
 confusion, to which the increasing consternation of the servants 
 and few camp-followers would have materially added. Two 
 hours after this disturbance the bamboo flooring of one of the 
 houses occupied by the followers falling in, caused great 
 alarm ; the troops of course, without inquiring into the cause, 
 stood to their arms and behaved steadily. The steamer re- 
 turned during the night with Captain Renaud's party, their 
 detention having been caused by the " Mahanuddy " unfortu- 
 nately grounding. The troops were landed early in the morn- 
 ing, and by 7 a.m. the whole force advanced in the following 
 order : — Two ship guns dragged by sailors of the Royal Navy, 
 under Captain Shad well, R.N. ; two hundred and fifty Madras 
 Fusiliers under Captain Renaud ; one hundred and fifty Bengal 
 Fusiliers under Major Gerrard, and three hundred Sikhs under 
 Major Armstrong, formed the advance of seven hundred men, 
 General Godwin commanding, with Brigadier Dickenson. Two 
 hundred of the 10th Bengal Native Infantry under Captain 
 Monro j four hundred and fifty Bengal Fusiliers under Colonel 
 Tudor— six hundred and fifty men — formed the reserve 
 under Brigadier-General Steel, C.B. The force moved off, 
 marching away from the river so as to avoid Seedee ; and on 
 
BELIEF OP PEGU. 239 
 
 nearing a small village came upon the high road leading to the 
 south-west gateway of the mound or old wall round the an- 
 cient city of Pegu. In the outskirts of the village about three 
 hundred of the enemy were posted, and on the plain about one 
 hundred Cassay horse. On the approach of our advanced 
 troops the enemy cheered and came on towards us, their in- 
 fantry flanked by their cavalry. Our skirmishers pushed on, 
 answering their cheers; firing commenced, and the Burmese 
 retired, the infantry into the jungle in our front, the cavalry 
 keeping to the plain on our flank. As the head of the column 
 Was entering the jungle near the south-west angle of the 
 mound, a short halt took place ; the guides had evidently been 
 leading the column in the wrong direction for that point. 
 Counsel was now taken of an excellent guide in Captain 
 Renaud's service, who, having urgently represented that the 
 defences at the west point were particularly strong— as was 
 subsequently seen — and that the proper way, which he offered 
 to show, was by the east side, he was at once directed to lead 
 the column. The force continued its march, and after a very 
 fatiguing morning's work, reached the gateway in the eastern 
 bund* Here, the head of the column first came in contact 
 with the enemy. Captain Renaud's party quickly pushed over 
 the bund. The Burmese came down through the jungle on the 
 flanks of the column, and opened fire on the reserve ; their 
 fire was speedily answered, and they were compelled to retire. 
 All then pushed forward and got within the bund. Firing had, 
 up to the time of the column entering the bund, been heard 
 near the pagoda. Telescopes were now in requisition, but 
 nothing could be seen of the garrison. A man was at last dis- 
 covered on the pagoda; he was made out to be a Burmese 
 soldier ; he was immediately afterwards declared to be a Madras 
 lascar. General Godwin, who had been in a state of intense 
 
 * An artilicial mound of earth. 
 
240 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 anxiety, was at once relieved. The force now pushed on to the 
 east gateway of the pagoda; and it was not until a very short 
 distance from it that we observed the garrison, and then learned 
 that the line of bund and old pagodas from which it was com- 
 manded, had been occupied by the Burmese until within a few 
 minutes of our entering the fortress, that we had taken them 
 in reverse, and that had we been aware of it, by detaching a 
 party to our right on entering the first bund, we might have 
 cut many, if not all, off. The troops were now " dead beat " ; 
 and quietly rising with terrific glow, shone forth the fierce 
 Burmese sun — than which the heat is nowhere more intense, 
 except perhaps occasionally in China. Few out of the whole 
 force were equal to more exertion during the heat of that day. 
 It had been a long and fatiguing march, but not yet was there 
 to be a rest of any duration. All the troops crowded into the 
 pagoda and completely covered its area. Then commenced 
 cordial greetings of welcome ; tales of adventure experienced 
 within the last few days; and the frequent remark of the 
 soldier to his comrade on the careworn and fagged appear- 
 ance of some of the relieved. The men were lying about 
 taking their rest when, about 4 p.m., a fire was opened upon 
 them from the old commanding ground which the enemy had 
 again occupied ; in a few minutes several men were hit, and it 
 became necessary to dislodge and drive them out of the defences 
 along the river bank, and south and west faces of the bund. 
 These services were performed in a very brilliant manner by 
 the troops employed ; and this being the first time we had an 
 opportunity of beholding the Sikhs acting by themselves, their 
 progress was attentively observed. Nothing could have ex- 
 ceeded their enthusiasm, and their forward propensities were 
 beyond a doubt. They advanced steadily and coolly across a 
 piece of open ground fully exposed to the fire of the Burmese, 
 who, posted on the mound, were completely covered by the 
 jungle j they pushed on, however, without answering the fire, 
 and when sufficiently near, ran in on the enemy and gallantly 
 
BELIEF OF PEGU. 241 
 
 drove them from their position. The same men whose bravery 
 had given Lords Hardinge and Gough their peerages, who had 
 proved themselves to be one of the most formidable foes the 
 British ever had to encounter in India, were now nobly acting 
 on our side in defence of order and a just government, nearly 
 three thousand miles from the land of their birth, from the land 
 where the pride of the Khalsa army but yesterday became 
 mutinous, disorganised, and fallen ! The Bengal Fusiliers had 
 been directed to clear the works to the south and west, which 
 they soon did in an effective style, destroying the stockades 
 and defences, out of which they expelled the enemy. All the 
 troops returned after dusk to the pagoda, well tired out ; they 
 slept under what cover they could get; many, being without 
 great-coats, suffered much during the night from the cold damp 
 and dew, which, no doubt, laid the foundation of much of the 
 subsequent sickness and mortality. 
 
 From what we saw of the Cassay horse, and the activity of 
 the enemy in evading us on the plain, we all looked forward 
 to the arrival of Colonel Sturt's land column,* with a portion 
 of Burgoyne's Troop of Madras Horse Artillery, Sappers, Ram- 
 ghur Cavalry, and 67th Bengal Native Infantry, feeling assured 
 the mounted men would give a good account of the cunning 
 Burmese soldiery on the plains over which they had to pass to 
 reach Shwe-gyeen or Sittang ; and more particularly on the fol- 
 lowing morning, when the whole Burmese army of about nine 
 thousand or ten thousand men were observed from the pagoda 
 taking up a position and entrenching themselves on the plains 
 about the village of Kully, between four and five miles distant, 
 on the Shwe-gyeen road. 
 
 It was now but natural to believe that General Godwin would 
 not venture an attack upon the enemy in such force without 
 aid from the expected land column in the shape of cavalry and 
 artillery. In the first place he could have no guns with him, 
 
 * Of some seven hundred men, which General Godwin had despatched to 
 co-operate with his other force. 
 
 16 
 
242 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 for he had " no means of drawing them " ; and in the second, 
 without cavalry, in any fortunate movement made by our in- 
 fantry, he had not the means of following up and cutting off 
 the enemy. But no doubt the General's presence was urgently 
 required at Prome. To him time was everything. He would 
 not be content with the glorious achievement of having re- 
 lieved Pegu, but he was determined also to free that garrison 
 from the near position of the Burmese army ! It is difficult to 
 say whether others, similarly situated, would not have been in- 
 clined to act likewise ; but we think that the majority, under 
 the circumstances, would have waited for the land column. As 
 to time, there was Brigadier-General Steel, a distinguished 
 Company's officer, who could have waited to disperse the 
 enemy with effect, while the senior general was steaming to 
 Rangoon or to Prome, ready to gain any amount of glory that 
 might be in store for him. But it was ordained otherwise. 
 
 On the 15th, orders were issued for the force to march on the 
 following morning. During the day this was countermanded 
 in consequence of the commissariat supplies not being brought 
 up. The Burmese were still observed entrenching themselves 
 about the village of Kully, and showed no intention of retiring. 
 
 On the 16th nothing was heard from Colonel Sturt's column. 
 According to orders issued on that day the force — composed of 
 five hundred and seventy Bengal Fusiliers, one hundred and 
 eighty-two 10th Bengal Native Infantry, three hundred and 
 thirty Sikhs, one hundred and fifty Madras Fusiliers, and thirty 
 Sappers ; total, one thousand two hundred and thirty men — 
 was warned to be prepared to move on the following morning. 
 The men were directed to carry their great-coats, and one day's 
 cooked provisions in their haversacks. A memorandum was 
 also required from the commandants of corps of the positive re- 
 quirements of their men in the way of shirts and trowsers, with 
 a view to their being procured from Rangoon ; men and officers 
 having left Rangoon for this service with the least possible 
 quantity of clothing. None of the officers had horses, Gene- 
 
BELIEF OP PEGU. 243 
 
 rals Godwin and Steel excepted ; and the rations for the force 
 were carried on in carts drawn by buffaloes. 
 
 The force moved out of the pagoda, following Captain 
 Latter's guides. "We wound slowly through the jungle to the 
 north of Pegu, and emerged on the plain about half-past 9 a.m. 
 So little were the enemy expecting us that the garrison of 
 Pegu saw from the pagoda their elephants feeding in the jungle 
 near us, and had we been aware of it we might have captured 
 them all. On our column reaching the plain signal guns were 
 fired from the enemy 's lines, evidently to collect their people. 
 On reconnoitring their position, it appeared to be three lines 
 of entrenchments, the right on the river, and extending across 
 the Shw^-gyeen road, far into the plain ; on the left of the 
 road, which was the centre of their position, ran a jungly 
 nullah, which we subsequently found had been so spiked and 
 entrenched that had we advanced by that route our loss would 
 have been very considerable from a foe ivho outmarched us and 
 fought under cover.* General Godwin determined to turn the 
 left of their position, and moved to the right. The Cassay 
 horse approached and kept pace with our column, moving on 
 our right flank. After the force had turned the left of the 
 first liue of entrenchments it was halted, and dispositions made 
 for attacking in two columns; one — the left — under General 
 Steel, the other under General Godwin. The left column was 
 soon in its place, impatiently waiting the signal to advance ; it 
 was not given ; the enemy were seen moving in huge masses 
 from their left, and it is the opinion of some that had the left 
 column been permitted it could have cut them off. An aide- 
 de-camp was sent off to General Godwin to inform him of what 
 was going on in front, and returned with an order that the 
 
 * This is a grand difficulty we have to contend with in Burmeso warfare. 
 Should, unfortunately, any rupture hereafter take place in this quarter, light 
 guns and plenty of irregular cavalry will be an invaluable addition to European 
 infantry ; also howitzers for boat service. — Note in 1864. 
 
 16 * 
 
244 OTJK BURMESE WARS. 
 
 attack of the left column was not to take place, but was to 
 stand firm and cover his flank when he attacked. At this 
 order considerable disappointment was felt by the left column. 
 General Steel rode back to join our Chief on the right ; and 
 Major Seaton, of the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, and his men, had to 
 remain inactive, seeing an enemy they could by a rapid dash 
 get in among and severely punish, walk leisurely off. When 
 the advance by General Godwin at last took place, the 
 enemy were in full retreat ; a few only remained on our front ; 
 and although the attacking party, European and Native, more 
 particularly the Sikhs, were exceedingly forward and energetic, 
 our men were never able to approach sufficiently near to do 
 the execution they would have done had they been permitted 
 to attack at the proper time. While the column was thus 
 halted, the Cassay horse on our right were emboldened to make 
 a charge. They rode down with some spirit, but none of our 
 infantry field officers being mounted they had not sufficient 
 command over their men, some of whom in the hurry and 
 excitement fired too soon, and were followed by the rest of the 
 line ; a few saddles only were emptied, and the Cassay horse 
 got out of shot at the quickest possible pace. The Burmese 
 retreated by the Shwe-gyeen road, and the column was halted 
 in a tope of trees which had formed their head-quarters. After 
 more than an hour's halt the men stood to their arms, and 
 formed upon a road leading nearly west. Hopes were now 
 entertained of again speedily beholding the enemy. Although 
 not a vestige or trace of any number of men was observed 
 along the road, yet on the repeated assurance of the guides the 
 march in that direction unfortunately was persisted in, which 
 ended in our reaching the village of Lephandoon before sunset. 
 With the exception of a broken-down buffalo cart and an old 
 woman — there are no patriots in Burma so staunch as the 
 old women, come friend or foe — the post was found aban- 
 doned. The old woman stated in a lively manner that the 
 enemy had not been there that day. General Godwin, it is 
 
BELIEF OF PEGU. 245 
 
 said, expressed his extreme displeasure at the conduct of the 
 guides. Many now thought that instead of halting in the tope 
 the enemy should have been at once followed up along the 
 Shwe-gyeen road ; as the men had not marched far, and their 
 blood was up, they could have kept up a hot pursuit for many 
 miles, and perhaps, although unaided by cavalry, they would 
 have captured some guns and baggage, also carts and other 
 carriage, which we much required. The guides on this oc- 
 casion seemed to have taken us off the proper line of pursuit, 
 which was the more provoking when it was considered that 
 they were under the charge of one who possessed a vast know- 
 ledge of the Burmese language and character. 
 
 For the night the force occupied the houses on the left bank 
 of the river at Lephandoon, and after sunrise on the 18th 
 moved off in a north-easterly direction. After proceeding some 
 distance we came upon the Shwe-gyeen road, about two miles 
 north of the tope where we had unfortunately halted the day 
 before, and proceeded along it. Every yard showed the traces of 
 a multitude having crowded along it in great confusion. The road 
 was narrow, through thick grass and paddy, and in some places 
 tall elephant grass, all sufficiently thick to impede the march 
 of infantry except on the road. Approaching the village of 
 Montsanganoo there was a thick belt of jungle, but it was 
 found unoccupied. The force passed through it and found 
 shelter in huts and sheds. A vast plain extended to the front 
 and our right. The guides declared that the enemy had 
 pushed on, and were at least twenty miles off. Under such 
 belief all ranks got under such cover as the place afforded, and 
 it was determined to return on the following day to Pegu 
 Lomen. About 1 o'clock p.m. it was reported that two of 
 the C assay horse had appeared in front of the position oc- 
 cupied by the detachment of the Madras Fusiliers. A Staff 
 and two other officers, accompanied by two men, went out 
 along the northern road to reconnoitre ; and the Burmese 
 being within long rifle range, two shots from a Minie were fired 
 
246 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 at them ; the first, at about four hundred and sixty yards,* 
 went sufficiently close to one to make him bow his head; 
 another, at about double the distance, also fell close. The 
 horsemen making off at their utmost speed, the party moved 
 on to a wooden bridge, from which they had retired, and 
 where a better view of the country in our front was expected. 
 From this nothing could at the time be seen except a village 
 and some large houses to our left, some Phongyee houses on 
 the road, about a mile in advance of the bridge, and a large 
 village some distance to the right ; in many places it was 
 thought a line of newly turned-up earth could be distinguished, 
 as if extending from the houses on the road, on both sides, 
 towards the villages on the right and left. Not a sawar was 
 to be seen except the two horsemen above noticed, who, ob- 
 serving the party stationary at the bridge, began to approach 
 slowly. It was at this time that Captain Travers, General 
 Steel's aide-de-camp, rode up on his brave little Arab Selim, 
 and galloping past the party, the Cassay horse wheeled about. 
 The gallant aide-de-camp dashed on after them, and had gained 
 within one hundred yards of the last, when many more men 
 suddenly rode out to meet him, and numbers of the enemy 
 showing themselves about the houses, the energetic Captainf 
 was compelled to pull up. As he walked quietly back, the 
 Burmese horsemen following at a respectful distance, the whole 
 
 * The old percussion musket, Lovell's Brunswick rifle, with belted ball, and 
 the old light artillery guns, had all been in use during these Pegu operations. 
 Since then, the Enfield rifle, with a range of nine hundred yards and upwards, 
 has been introduced into the Indian service. — Note of 1858-59. 
 
 t This excellent officer, of the Adjutant-General's Department, Madras, 
 was afterwards Colonel Travers, Assistant Adjutant- General for India at the 
 Horse Guards, London, which appointmont lie held for some years, lie was 
 subsequently promoted to the command of a brigade in his own presidency ; 
 but, health failing, Brigadier-General E. A. B. Travers died at Coonoor (Noil- 
 gherrics), 16th of June 1879. He was one of the most promising officers in 
 the Service ; and the present writer thought him the best adapted for command 
 in the event of a Third Burmese War ! 
 
RELIEF OF PEGU 247 
 
 extent, from village to village, became alive with men. A 
 long line rose up from their entrenchments, where they had 
 been lying concealed, and the houses and villages were soon 
 filled. A peremptory order at this time arrived for the party 
 to return to their lines, upon which our opponents fell back on 
 theirs. The presence of the whole enemy within two miles of 
 his head-quarters thus by chance became known to General 
 Godwin from the unauthorised act of two or three officers and 
 men going out beyond the outposts to reconnoitre. The 
 position occupied by the British was better adapted for affording 
 shelter to the troops than for defence ; a few huts on the right, 
 a shady tope, and some sheds on the left ; the rear close on a 
 jungle, and a nullah which turned up round our left flank and 
 extended nearly to the right centre of the enemy's position, 
 would have enabled him at any time, day or night, to have 
 brought his whole force unperceived into our rear and left 
 flanks, and to have occupied the thick jungle within half-musket 
 shot of us. There was certainly something wrong in the present 
 state of affairs. The guides asserted that it was all a mistake ; 
 there was no enemy near. However, an old ruined pagoda in 
 the jungle, in rear of our head- quarters, and which had been 
 used by the Burmese as a look-out, enabled others to see them 
 as they had been reported ; and a body of their infantry moving 
 down into the belt of jungle in front of their right centre, an 
 officer with a small party again went towards the bridge to 
 reconnoitre, when the enemy attempted to cut off their retreat. 
 More of their troops pushed forward ; but our party was brought 
 slowly back, keeping clear of the jungle which was now occu- 
 pied by our adversaries, and bringing down, following them at 
 a respectable distance, considerable numbers of their infantry, 
 with a few horse, The bugles in camp now sounded ; the men 
 stood to their arms in a few minutes, and the force moved on 
 to meet the foe, who, on seeing our troops advance, fell gra- 
 dually back on his entrenchments, our skirmishers dislodging 
 those who had entered the belt of jungle on our left. After 
 
218 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 crossing the bridge, two columns of attack were formed j the right 
 intended for General Godwin, the left given to General Steel. 
 The right had some little farther distance to march ; General 
 Godwin did not accompany it, and the next senior officer lost 
 no time in getting into motion. The left column was halted 
 and held back by General Godwin's personal order. Thus, in 
 the opinion of some, was a chance of fairly and successfully 
 closing with the enemy lost, who, as on the previous day, re- 
 treated slowly and surely. There can be little doubt that a 
 steady active advance would have brought our troops into ac- 
 tion, but apparently General Godwin was not desirous of risking 
 such a contact. The skirmishers of the left column only were 
 engaged; the right carried the village on the enemy's left. 
 Night closed in, and the force marched back to their former 
 ground, where they found that the sheds they had protected 
 themselves in during the day had been set fire to. The follow- 
 ing morning we left Montsanganoo after sunrise, and reached 
 Pegu about 1 o'clock p.m. 
 
 The operations on the 17th and 18th showed that had 
 Colonel Sturt's column been waited for, the army of the enemy 
 would in all probability have been entirely destroyed. No 
 country could have been more favourable for cavalry, and the 
 few patches of jungle their infantry might have found refuge in 
 could have been cleared by our own. But between Kully and 
 Montsanganoo there was a sufficient space of open ground for 
 the destruction of the force. A blow might have been struck at 
 Kully on the 18th or 19th which would have paralysed them with 
 terror, and compelled them to submit to our power ; and from 
 the carriage the enemy's camp would have supplied, a rapid 
 movement on Shwe-gyeen would have obtained us possession 
 of that town, and the almost certain annihilation of that boast- 
 ing Burmese army. It is a humane wish to be lenient with 
 the actions of men. We must relate, however, that this grand 
 opportunity was lost by not waiting for a most efficient column 
 which marched from and back to Rangoon without once coming 
 
RELIEF OF PEGU. 249 
 
 into action.* The exposure and fatigue the troops underwent 
 on the 17th and 18th caused much sickness from cholera ; the 
 Bengal Fusiliers in a few days lost upwards of twenty men. 
 The natives also suffered considerably. General Godwin, as was 
 ever the case, showed the greatest coolness under fire, and an 
 entire disregard of self; and nothing could have been better 
 than the relief of Pegu and the plans of attack on the 17th and 
 18th. These were admirably conducted until it came to the 
 moment for acting, when it appeared as if the veteran Chief 
 lacked decision, and seemed to be unconscious of the enemy 
 passing away before him. Whatever may have been General 
 Godwin's motives for not attacking his enemy with vigour on 
 the 17th and 18th — and he had shown himself quite capable 
 of vigorous and successful attacks even during the Second 
 Burmese War — whatever may have been his motives for not 
 waiting for Colonel Sturt's column, or leaving General Steel 
 to follow up the enemy when the Horse Artillery and the 
 Cavalry arrived — he relieved Pegu and turned the enemy's 
 position on the 17th with little or no loss to his own troops. 
 
 The three days' work on the 14th, 17th, and 18th of Decem- 
 ber tried the stoutest and hardiest of the force. Some old cam- 
 paigners declared the " Punjab " was a joke to it as far as fatigue 
 went. None displayed greater endurance than General Godwin 
 himself, and several of the oldest officers who accompanied him. 
 
 The General embarked at Pegu on the 20th, and arrived at 
 Rangoon on the morning of the 22nd, after leaving a rein- 
 forcement with the garrison at Pegu,f and strengthening their 
 party of Sappers as a temporary measure, to allow of their 
 putting themselves in a perfect state of defence. The British 
 Commander in his despatch bestowed no small share of praise 
 
 * See Colonel Sturt's Despatch, dated Pegu, December 19, 1852, " Pegu," 
 Appendix No. VIII. 
 
 t Amounting now to some seven hundred men, including four hundred and 
 fifty Europeans. On the 31st inst. a detachment of the 19th M. N. I. marched 
 up to the Pegu Pagoda; it consisted of two hundred and fifty men, and was 
 sent to relieve the detachment of the 5th M. N. I. ordered to Kangoon. 
 
250 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 on the officers and men employed in the harassing and arduous 
 duties we have just been relating; and we are assured that 
 never was praise better deserved. We shall now give the 
 General Order issued by General Godwin in honour of Major 
 Hill's gallant defence of Pegu : — " Major-General Godwin is 
 most proud to express his admiration of the noble defence of 
 the Pegu Pagoda (against a host of enemies) made by Major 
 Hill and the brave handful of officers and soldiers under his 
 command for so many days and anxious nights, cut off as they 
 were from the succour of their comrades by the works of the 
 enemy on the river as well as by the distant communication 
 with the head-quarters of the army. It is a fine example to 
 this army of what bravery under the direction of cool courage 
 can do, giving, as Major Hill has done, confidence to all, by 
 which alone the Pegu garrison has gained so much honour."— 
 [Dated Pegu, 17th December 1 852.] 
 
 The Land Column under Colonel Sturt had left Rangoon 
 on the 13th of December. Attacks on the great fortress had 
 been openly spoken of ; but Brigadier Duke had taken every 
 precaution. It certainly was an excellent opportunity for the 
 Burmese to commit some daring act; for never before had 
 Bangoon been so denuded of troops. Any attempt on the 
 citadel itself would have met with a repulse rarely equalled for 
 its terrible effects. The artillery was all in capital position — a 
 gun at every vulnerable point on the terraces of the pagoda — 
 a 24-pounder howitzer ready to sweep the north steps, where 
 it was said a rush might be made to regain possession of Gau- 
 tama's most famous temple. We maybe said to have prevented an 
 attack by being ready for it. And this, after all, may be con- 
 sidered the most valuable lesson to be learned in the great art 
 of War. 
 
 In January 1853, Captain Phayre,* who had been appointed 
 
 * For a sketch of this distinguished administrative officer, who had been 
 CommiBBioner of Arakan, see the writer's little work, "Sketches of some 
 Distinguished Anglo-Indians," p. 135. 
 
THE PROCLAMATION. 251 
 
 Commissioner of Pegu, arrived at Rangoon with the Governor- 
 General's Proclamation annexing Pegu to the British terri- 
 tories in the East. This act had been forced on the Govern- 
 ment of India. A Second Burmese War, it is useless to repeat, 
 was in the last degree repugnant to the feelings of that Govern- 
 ment. Lord Dalhousie did everything that man could do to 
 avoid it. He wished no addition to our territories ; but the 
 force of circumstances willed it, as they have done since the 
 days of Clive, and as they will do till the end of time or 
 England's glory. " We cannot stop here ! " said Clive on the 
 plains of Bengal. Why should we stop " here " if Providence 
 means us to go there ? Seventy years ago when they talked of 
 schemes of conquest in India, and the British Senate declared 
 that the pursuit of them was " contrary to the wish, policy, 
 and interest of the British Nation," the zealous speakers little 
 knew how the force of circumstances would produce much 
 rightful conquest, ending even in the annexation of such king- 
 doms as the Punjab, Sind, and Pegu. 
 
 The following is the Proclamation, so exactly adapted to the 
 meridian of Ava, and to the comprehension of its subjects : — 
 
 NOTIFICATION. 
 
 Fort William, Foreign Department, 
 the 30th December 1852. 
 The Most Noble the Governor-General in Council is pleased 
 to direct that the following Proclamation, whereby the Pro- 
 vince of Pegu has been declared to be a portion of the British 
 Territories in the East, shall be published for general infor- 
 mation. 
 
 His Lordship in Council directs that, in honour of this event, 
 a Royal Salute shall be fired at every principal Station of the 
 Army in the several Presidencies of India. 
 
 By order of the Most Noble the Governor- General of 
 India in Council, 
 
 C. Allen, 
 Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 
 
252 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 The Court of Ava having refused to make amends for the 
 injuries and insults which British subjects had suffered at the 
 hands of its servants, the Governor-General of India in Council 
 resolved to exact reparation by force of arms. 
 
 The Forts and Cities upon the coast were forthwith attacked 
 and captured j the Burmese forces have been dispersed wherever 
 they have been met; and the Province of Pegu is now in the 
 occupation of British troops. 
 
 The just and moderate demands of the Government of India 
 have been rejected by the King; the ample opportunity that 
 has been afforded him for repairing the injury that was done 
 has been disregarded ; and the timely submission which alone 
 could have been effectual to prevent the dismemberment of his 
 kingdom, is still withheld. 
 
 Wherefore, in compensation for the past, and for better 
 security in the future, the Governor- General in Council has 
 resolved, and hereby Proclaims, that the Province of Pegu is 
 now, and shall be henceforth, a portion of the British terri- 
 tories in the East. 
 
 Such Burman troops as may still remain within the Pro- 
 vince shall be driven out; Civil Government shall immediately 
 be established ; and officers shall be appointed to administer the 
 affairs of the several districts. 
 
 The Governor-General in Council hereby calls on the inhabi- 
 tants of Pegu to submit themselves to the authority, and to 
 confide securely in the protection of the British Government, 
 whose power they have seen to be irresistible, and whose rule is 
 marked by justice and beneficence. 
 
 The Governor-General in Council having exacted the repara- 
 tion he deems sufficient, desires no further conquest in Burma, 
 and is willing to consent that hostilities should cease. 
 
 But if the King of Ava shall fail to renew his former rela- 
 tions of friendship with the British Government, aud if he 
 
THE PKOCLAMATION. 253 
 
 shall recklessly seek to dispute its quiet possession of the Pro- 
 vince it has now declared to be its own, the Governor- General 
 in Council will again put forth the power he holds, and will 
 visit with full retribution aggressions which, if they be per- 
 sisted in, must of necessity lead to the total subversion of the 
 Burman State, and to the ruin and exile of the King and his 
 race. 
 
 By Order of the Most Noble the Governor- General of 
 India in Council, 
 
 C. Allen, 
 Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 
 20th December 1852. 
 
 ORDERS BY THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL IN 
 COUNCIL. 
 
 Foreign Department, Fort William, 
 the 30th December 1852. 
 
 The Most Noble the Governor-General in Council is pleased 
 to make the following appointments : — 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel A. Bogle to be Commissioner of the 
 Tenasserim and Martaban Provinces. 
 
 Captain H. T. Berdmore, Madras Artillery, to be Deputy 
 Commissioner in the Province of Martaban. 
 
 Lieutenant D. A. Chase, 64th Native Infantry, to be Assistant 
 ditto. 
 
 Captain A. P. Phayre to be Commissioner of the Province of 
 Pegu.* 
 
 * Consequent on this appointment, Captain Hopkinson succeeded to Arakan. 
 In 1864, Pegu, Arakan, and Tenasserim were all under the Chief Com- 
 missioner of British Burma, Agent to the Viceroy and Governor- General, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Phayre, C.B. It is probable that the three great provinces 
 which comprise British Burma will one day be ruled over by a Lieutenant- 
 Governor ! 
 
254 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Deputy Commissioners. 
 
 Captain T. P. Sparks, 7th Madras Native Infantry, at Ran- 
 goon. 
 
 Lieutenant A. Fytche,* 70th Native Infantry, at Bassein. 
 
 Captain T. Latter, 67th Native Infantry, at Prome. 
 
 Captain J. Smith, 13th Madras Native Infantry, at Sarawa. 
 
 Lieutenant R. D. Ardagh, Magistrate of the Town of Ran- 
 goon. 
 
 Lieutenant E. J. Spilsbury, 67th Native Infantry, Assistant 
 ditto. 
 
 Assistant Commissioners. 
 
 Lieutenant C. D. Grant, 11th Madras Native Infantry, at 
 Bassein. 
 
 Lieutenant G. Dangerfield, Madras Artillery, at Sarawa. 
 
 Lieutenant J. S. Baird, Madras Artillery, at Prome. 
 
 Dr. J. M'Clelland to be Officiating Superintendent of 
 Forests, Pegu. 
 
 Mr. R. S. Edwards, Collector of Customs, Prome. 
 
 Mr. T. J. Fallon, Collector of Sea Customs, Bassein. 
 
 C. Allen, 
 Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 
 
 At Rangoon, on the morning of the 20th, the annexation of 
 Pegu was proclaimed on board H.M.S. "Fox," amid the roar- 
 ing of cannon from the navy. On the 21st it was proclaimed 
 to the army, and a grand parade was ordered for the occasion. 
 The Proclamation was read to the troops in the various lan- 
 guages; and a detachment of Horse Artillery on the right 
 
 * For a sketch of this able and energetic officer (afterwards Chief Com- 
 missioner), seo " Sketches of some Distinguished Anglo-Indians," p. 119. 
 
THE PROCLAMATION. 255 
 
 fired a Royal Salute. Brigadier Duke then marched the troops 
 home, when another salute was fired from the upper terrace of 
 the great pagoda. Pegu had become British !* 
 
 " The Proclamation " would be read at the Courts of Siam 
 and Cochin China, and even at Pekin itself. A blow had been 
 struck which would no doubt vibrate throughout Eastern Asia; 
 and exclusive nations would learn henceforth that they need 
 not think of attempting to insult or oppress British subjects 
 with impunity. In 1752 we were in possession of three fac- 
 tories and twenty square miles of territory ; at the close of 
 1852, we were the sovereigns of all India, and not a shot was 
 fired in it without our permission : we ruled over six hundred 
 aud fifty thousand square miles, and a population of more than 
 two hundred millions. A new province had just been annexed, 
 at a rough calculation two hundred miles in length by nearly 
 two hundred in breadth, of some forty thousand square miles, 
 said to contain between three and four millions of inhabitants. 
 It was thought that the administrative talents of Captain 
 Phayre, who had been " one of the chief means of turning the 
 swamps of Arakan into the granary of the bay, and whose 
 forte lies in making a little kingdom a great one," would soon 
 render Pegu a most important and valuable British possession 
 in what Malte Brun styles Chin-India, which title has certainly 
 more meaning in it than " India beyond the Ganges ." 
 
 General Godwin had received a copy of the Proclamation 
 while busily employed at Pegu. The General having concluded 
 operations in that quarter, and having given orders regarding 
 
 * " The annexation of Pegu included the district of Bassein, and united in 
 one continuous sea-board of British possession, Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim, 
 commanding the entire outlets and deltas of the Irawady, the Sittang, and 
 the Salween. The British territory ran northward up the Irawady to 
 Meaday, and in addition to former stations, Toungoo, Shwe-gyeen, Henzada, 
 and Prome, were occupied by missions." — " Gospel in Burniah " (1859), 
 p. 237. 
 
256 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 an admirable flank movement to be made by a land column 
 from Martaban to Shwe-gyeen, he left Rangoon with his Staff 
 for Prome on the 29th of" December.* 
 
 * On the 8th of December the Burmese had made a most daring night-attack 
 on Prome, narrated in "Pegu," chap. xi. p. 148. On this occasion their file-firing 
 on Her Majesty's 51st was remarked as admirable. Reminding us of the first 
 •war, the chiefs, distinguished by their gilt helmets, rode boldly in the advance 
 and 'fearlessly arranged their posts. At length they fell back on Euthay-Mew. 
 On the 9th, Sir John Cheape (of Mooltan and Goojerat celebrity) followed up 
 the attack, when all became quiet for a time. There was to be no more severe 
 work at Prome. The march of the Martaban Land Column, under Brigadier- 
 General Sir S. W. Steel (with which force the writer had the honour to serve), 
 arranged in order to carry out that emphatic part of the proclamation, 1 , " Such 
 
 BURMAN TEOOP8 AS MAY STILL REMAIN WITHIN THE PROVINCE SHALL BE 
 
 driven out ! " was now the most important undertaking of the army. The 
 force left Rangoon early in January 1853, and was highly successful in all its 
 operations, reaching Toungoo (Tan-Hoon) on the 22nd of February. The 
 march will be found duly recorded, in all its details, in the twelfth, thirteenth, 
 and fourteenth chapters of "Pegu." Suffice it to say, that the column had 
 forced its way in thirty-four days from Martaban through two hundred and 
 forty miles of unknown forest, with a long and heavy train of artillery, sur- 
 mounting difficulties which few land marches on record ever had to encounter. 
 The ancient province of Toungoo extended eighty miles beyond this once 
 famous capital. Bassein, one of the most important places captured from the 
 King of Ava (see " Pegu," p. 218), had now attained importance through the 
 administrative and military energy of the Deputy Commissioner (a future 
 Chief), Captain Fytche. He raised a small local army, and cleared the entire 
 district of Dacoits, with little or no expense to the State. It is a strange 
 coincidence that in his first expedition in this district, Fytche employed the 
 " Nemesis" ; and twenty-four years after was also in a " Nemesis," when, as 
 Chief Commissioner, he went to make a treaty with the King of Burma ! 
 Thus, it would seem, although Fytche's was a peaceful mission, must Revenge 
 in the East be a sort of guiding-star for politicals ! (See also " Pegu," 
 p. 385.) For "the disaster near Donabew," in which the brave Captain 
 Loch, C.B., of the Navy, lost his life (in February), and both naval and mili- 
 tary officers distinguished themselves while operating against the notorious 
 robber chieftain, Myat-htoon, who had won for himself an all-powerful name 
 in Donabew and its vicinity, see " Pegu," chap. xvi. p. 226. As the English 
 never like to hear of disaster, it will be of more interest to proceed at once 
 to Sir John Cheapo's brilliant operations. 
 
257 
 
 CHAPTEE IV.* 
 
 SIR JOHN CHEAPE'S OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 
 
 The Robber Chieftain of Donabew had, to all appearance, 
 become the Soult of the war. Like the great opponent to our 
 immortal Wellington on more than one occasion in the Penin- 
 sula, he kept his ground — as a matter of course contemplated 
 gigantic enterprises — and was certainly not to be despised. 
 Were it possible in India or the East to meet with a hostile 
 leader possessing the "firmness, activity, vigour, foresight, 
 grand conceptions, and admirable arrangement "f of Soult, 
 the Indian army would better deserve the title which has been 
 so graciously bestowed upon it, that of the fighting army of 
 
 * An especial interest will be attached to this chapter when it is known 
 that in the operations narrated Ensign Wolseley, who led the storming party, 
 is now General Sir G. Wolseley, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., a High Commissioner at 
 the Cape. Such has been the rise, after much good service, of this promis- 
 ing general and able administrator. While writing this, we read (Sept. 1879) 
 the telegram by His Excellency : — " Ulundi, August 29. Cetawayo captured 
 yesterday in the heart of Ngome Forest by patrol under command of Major 
 Marter, King's Dragoon Guards." — Such heroism and perseverance in the 
 chase, displayed also by Lord Gifford, V.C., and his men, remind us of one or 
 more similar incidents during the Burmese War. 
 
 t Napier's " Peninsular War," vol. iii. p. 322. 
 
 17 
 
258 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the world ! There certainly is no army which has acted with 
 more strictness up to the great Napoleon's maxim, that " an 
 army should always be in a condition to fight/' than ours. But 
 not to diverge from the strange comparison brought forward, 
 Myat-htoon, in spite of the want of civilisation, and consequent 
 want of development of intellectual power, really seemed to 
 possess some of the attributes of Soult. He was determined 
 to remain in his strong jungly position, to force which had 
 proved so fatal to poor Loch and his companions ; and perhaps 
 his " grand conception " was, like the chivalrous Bandoola in 
 the last war, that of eventually carrying our General in chains 
 to Ava ! Of course the news of the recent disaster speedily 
 reached the palace of the Golden Foot, and filled the Golden 
 Ears with a rare delight. Donabew was the dreaded name 
 which would at length strike terror into the hearts of the 
 English ; and Myat-htoon had been deputed by the authorities 
 in the Buddhistical celestial regions to drive the British 
 " barbarians " into the sea, and prop up the falling Burmese 
 Empire ! 
 
 With regard to the former proceeding, it was confidently 
 asserted that the chief did, before the conclusion of Sir John 
 Cheapens operations, send the Commodore a letter saying that 
 if the gallant sailor did not immediately quit the river he 
 would blow him out of the water ! On the other hand, our 
 allies the Karens entertained the serious prospect of soon being 
 enabled to forward Myat-htoon's head in salt to the Commis- 
 sioner or to the General ! But he bad yet to be driven from 
 his stronghold ; and before relating the Brigadier-General's 
 operations it may be interesting to take a slight retrospect, in 
 which will be found a few events not yet mentioned. 
 
 At a time (May 1852) when Captains Niblett and Brooking, 
 of the " Phlegethon " and " Proserpine " steamers, were pro- 
 bably burning — like some of Her Majesty's Navy — with the 
 ambitious desire of bringing the war to a speedy termination 
 by what has been humorously styled " doing a little of ' Lord 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 259 
 
 Cochrane/" or simply shelling the Golden Emperor in his 
 palace from the river off Ava, the former vessel during- her 
 trip up the river went twenty miles above Donabew. No forti- 
 fications were found at the position so celebrated in the military 
 narratives ; there was merely the town and the remains of the 
 work destroyed in the last war. The science of Burmese war- 
 fare which here, under Maha-Bandoola, had been of no despic- 
 able nature, had given place to the more profitable glories of 
 dacoity. During the trips of the " Phlegethon " dacoits were 
 roving about, plundering and murdering, shooting men, women, 
 and children ; in short, whoever came in their way. Many of 
 the inhabitants who were friendly to us and anxious to know 
 if the country was to be annexed, came down with the steamer, 
 but during their progress were fired on from the banks of the 
 river. Three women were shot. The chief of the party, it 
 was said, went to Captain Niblett, and begged he would lend 
 him a dozen muskets or so, and they would land and capture 
 these terrible marauders. The fire-arms were lent ; the allies 
 landed, killed four or five of the dacoits, and captured the Rob 
 Roy of the party, " whom they tied to a tree and shot through 
 the head." 
 
 Towards the end of the year it was generally known that the 
 notorious bandit chief Myat-htoon, also another, by name 
 Shway-Ban, were but thirty or forty miles distant, in the vici- 
 nities of Rangoon and Dalla. Myat-htoon had burned down 
 Donabew and Zaloon, and many other villages. Two other 
 chiefs, it was believed, were along with him ; and he ruled over 
 a desperate army of seven thousand men. Shway-Ban had a 
 smaller force of two thousand. For the last six months these 
 skilful Sivas had been rushing forth like fiery torrents on the 
 country, destroying everything in their course. Myat-za, a 
 Karen chieftain, came into Rangoon about the middle of No- 
 vember and asked assistance to repel Shway-Ban, who hovered 
 about to the west of Dalla, but he was told very properly that 
 he must protect himself ; so collecting about seven hundred 
 
 17 * 
 
260 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 men of his tribe, he armed them after the fashion of the 
 country, and soon captured upwards of thirty robbers, three of 
 whom he executed on the spot, and sent in the rest to Ran- 
 goon. It is pleasant to record such energy on the part of a 
 Karen chief! It is just probable that soon after these pro- 
 ceedings Myat-htoon retired to his village and the various fast- 
 nesses near Donabew, on the right bank of the Irawady.* 
 
 We do not read of any defeat of Myat-htoon by Karen chiefs 
 or others ; he seems to have been regarded as Fra Diavolo of 
 his vicinity, striking terror into the hearts of innocent men and 
 helpless women. He was doubtless thus employed, in addition 
 to having dethroned a governor who had been elected by the 
 people at Donabew, when the steamer " Phlegethon," with gun- 
 boats, and a party of seamen and marines, arrived to attack 
 him and his band. A boat expedition was made up a creek, 
 where we met with a repulse, the particulars of which may here 
 be given. First, it may be stated, however, that in December 
 1852 Captain Hewett, I.N., of the "Moozuffer," with the steam- 
 frigate's boats and those of H.M.S. "Fox/' had surprised a 
 party of three thousand Burmese at Pantanno (Pantanau), 
 killing numbers, and among the rest a chiefs son, or some 
 such person of distinction. For anything we know to the 
 contrary the party then defeated belonged to Myat-htoon. 
 There eould be little doubt who was the directing chief on 
 the present occasion of our repulse. 
 
 On the 16th of January an attack was made on Pantanno, 
 and the place as formerly — when Hewett commanded — carried 
 with little loss. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th, the advance was made up the 
 
 * It is curious to note that the principal towns of Burma (including the 
 capitals) are on the left bank of the river. This pretty clearly demonstrates 
 that when the exodus from the north, or north-west, took place, the people 
 chose their dwellings on the left bank — especially those from the north — as 
 more convenient. 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 261 
 
 very creek into which Captain Hewett had thought it rashness 
 to venture. Two boats could not pull abreast in it j the banks 
 were low and covered with jungle, with stakes driven into the 
 river, and trees across to " bar the passage. " The boats had 
 only proceeded a few miles when from each bank came a 
 volley of musketry ; several men fell ; the fire became " hotter 
 and hotter/' till at length the boats were driven back with the 
 loss of twelve killed and wounded, including among the latter 
 one officer of the " Moozuffer," Lieutenant Mitcheson, I.N., 
 severely. On this occasion the expedition was about one 
 hundred and eighty strong.* 
 
 Having thus finished an imperfect retrospect of events con- 
 nected with Myat-htoon previous to the disaster near Donabew, 
 let us proceed to relate more decisive and satisfactory opera- 
 tions, yet those darkened by the ever-floating shadows of disease 
 and death ! 
 
 On the 18th of February Brigadier-General Sir John Cheape, 
 K.C.B., left Prome to proceed against the robber chief Myat- 
 htoon, near Donabew. He took with him the following de- 
 tachments composed of the most healthy men of the different 
 regiments :— two hundred of H. M.'s 18th Royal Irish under 
 Major Wigston; two hundred of H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I. 
 under Captain Irby; the Rifle company of the 67th Bengal 
 Native Infantry under Captain Hicks ; two hundred of the 4th 
 Sikh Locals under Major Armstrong; some seventy Sappers 
 and Miners under Lieutenants Mullins and Trevor j and two 
 guns— a 24-pounder howitzer and a 9-pounder of the light 
 field battery — under Major Reid, with Lieutenants Ashe and 
 Dobbin, all three of the Bengal Artillery; there were also 
 some rocket-tubes, served by a small party of dismounted 
 Madras Horse Artillerymen, with Conductor Lesby, under 
 Lieutenant Magrath of the latter arm. 
 
 * For Note on operations of the Indian Navy under Captain Eennie, see 
 Pegu," p. 256. 
 
262 OTJR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Sir John landed and collected his force at Henzada on the 
 Irawady, a position some thirty-five miles north of Donabew — 
 determining to start against Myat-htoon's stronghold from 
 this quarter. Henzada is large and populous, and here a 
 vast number of hackeries (carts) were procurable. From in- 
 formation gained through the Commissioner, Sir John was 
 led to expect that he could reach Myat-htoon's position in three 
 or four days, then march into Donabew, and embark again in 
 the steamers. The force, having been joined by Captain Sin- 
 gleton, H. M.'s 51st, and all sickly men left behind, started on 
 the evening of the 22nd, taking seven or eight days' provisions 
 with them. On the 26th the General found himself, as he be- 
 lieved, still at a considerable distance from the chiefs strong- 
 hold. Provisions running short, and without any knowledge 
 of the country between, save a nullah reported unfordable, 
 Sir John determined to regain the river ; he accordingly made 
 a flank movement to Zaloon, where the force arrived on the 
 afternoon of the 28th, after a very tedious and harassing march. 
 The enemy had only shown themselves twice, on one of which 
 occasions they fired from the opposite side of a nullah and 
 wounded two men of the 51st K. O. L. I. The steamers 
 having been warned, they came up to Zaloon and received the 
 greater part of the troops on board. On the morning of 
 the 1st March the force was joined by a small detachment of 
 the Ramghur Irregular Cavalry under Lieutenant Graham, 
 which body had followed Sir John from Prome, but did not 
 arrive at Henzada till after the General had started. The 
 steamers left about 11 a.m. for Donabew. The empty carts 
 and the horses of the battery were escorted down to Donabew 
 by one hundred of the Royal Irish, one hundred Sikhs, and 
 the detachment of Irregular Cavalry, the convoy being under 
 charge of Captain Armstrong, 18th Royal Irish. It arrived 
 safely at its destination on the morning of the 3rd of March. 
 
 About two miles before reaching Donabew Captain Smith, 
 the Deputy Commissioner, was told by a Phongyee that there 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 263 
 
 was a Burmese picquet in a house which he pointed out. Cap- 
 tain Smith, in consequence, took three or four sawars and 
 sepoys along with him, surrounded the house, and succeeded 
 in capturing three men. These prisoners afterwards acted as 
 guides to the expedition. The pagoda of Donabew stands on 
 the river side, and with the exception of three or four Phongyee 
 houses some three-quarters of a mile distant, not a house, not 
 even an inhabitant of any description was to be seen. The 
 town, as has been already observed, had been burned down 
 by Myat-htoon and his destructive band, who had probably de- 
 determined that while the English remained in the country 
 " Stormy Donabew/' as a town or military position, should 
 not stand. Here Sir John Cheape resolved to wait for the 
 reinforcements which were expected from Rangoon. The 
 Europeans lived in the flats and steamers, and the native 
 troops inside the pagoda. This prudent delay on the part of 
 the General was, no doubt, occasioned by the reflection that 
 Myat-htoon' s position was an exceedingly strong one. He was 
 by no means to be despised ; nor was his stronghold to be as- 
 sailed in an incautious and hasty manner. He had the disci- 
 pline and power of Mother Nature on his side against the 
 regular training of a British force ! Coolness and judgment 
 were consequently required at this juncture against such an 
 enemy as the chief Myat-htoon. 
 
 During Massena's invasion of Portugal, when Lord Welling- 
 ton was endeavouring to drive sense into the heads of the Por- 
 tuguese Government, he said to them, " I have little doubt 
 of final success, but I have fought a sufficient number of 
 battles to know that the result of any is not certain even with 
 the best arrangements."* In like manner, probably, argued 
 Sir John on the present minor occasion. 
 
 On the 6th a party of recruits, one hundred and thirty strong, 
 
 • Napier's " Peninsular War. 1 
 
264 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 of H. M.'s 80th, under the command of Major Holdich, three 
 hundred men of the 67th Bengal Native Infantry under Colonel 
 Sturt, two mortars under Lieutenant Percival, B.A., and a 
 large supply of commissariat stores under the charge of Lieu- 
 tenant Mackellar, Madras Commissariat, arrived. 
 
 Everything being now ready, including two rafts prepared 
 by the Sappers — the barrels composing them having been 
 brought from Rangoon — the General issued an order for the 
 force to start at 2 p.m. on the 7th instant. All the sick being 
 left at Donabew, and some few men to garrison the place, 
 the party now consisted of about five hundred Europeans, five 
 hundred Natives, two guns of the light field battery, three 
 rocket-tubes, and two mortars, with the detachment of Irre- 
 gular Horse, and seventy Sappers. Being now assured that 
 three days would bring them in front of Myat-htoon's strong- 
 hold, they started, as ordered, at 2 p.m. on the 7th, taking six 
 or seven days' provisions with them. The right wing under 
 Major Wigston, consisting of the detachments of H. M.'s 18th 
 and 80th regiments, with the 4th Sikhs in front ; then came 
 the guns, followed by the Irregular Cavalry, rocket -tubes, and 
 mortars. The left wing, consisting of detachments of H. M.'s 
 51st and the 67th Bengal Native Infantry, was under the 
 command of Colonel Sturt. The direction taken by the force 
 was almost due west. After proceeding three miles the ad- 
 vanced guard surprised a small picquet, and shot two of the 
 enemy. About 5 p.m. the column reached Akyo and the bank 
 of a broad nullah, at least one hundred and thirty yards wide. 
 This was seven miles from Donabew. Here the enemy opened 
 a fire of jinjals and musketry, but our guns came to the front 
 and silenced them for a time. The troops passed the night 
 behind a belt of jungle parallel to the nullah ; and, although 
 the Burmese dropped in shots all night, occasionally replied to 
 by our rockets, only two men were slightly wounded. On the 
 8th, about 9 a.m., the rafts having been put together by the 
 Sappers, and the fog clearing off, a party of the 51st and 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 265 
 
 Rifles were thrown across the nullah. A little firing took place, 
 but no casualties occurred. All this day was occupied in cross- 
 ing the guns and baggage, which operation was not concluded 
 till late at night. The fogs being particularly heavy at this 
 season in this part of the country, and not clearing up till 
 near 9 a.m., the force generally breakfasted before starting. 
 On the 9th they left at the above hour, when a few shots were 
 fired in front. At mid-day our troops came opposite a few 
 houses ; the Burmese were said to be in them. Guns drawn 
 up and all ready, a party was sent forward to make them show 
 themselves ; but not a vestige of either friend or foe was to be 
 seen there ! It was now said to be the wrong road ; the 
 guide was flogged, sent to the rear, and another one called up 
 to take his place. The new guide turned to the left, and 
 after a most tedious round, under a glaring sun, brought 
 the wearied troops back to the identical spot from which 
 they had started ! Here was provocation enough to try the 
 temper of the most forbearing. While dwelling on this inci- 
 dent one is apt to recall to memory a story related by Admiral 
 Sir Charles Napier in his " Travels in Syria," of a guide who 
 would not do his duty. Seizing hold of the miscreant, he de- 
 clared, if he did not proceed on his way forthwith, " by the 
 beard of the Prophet ! " he would send a bullet through his 
 head ; after which the guide sullenly took the lead. On the 
 present occasion the first guide should have been under the 
 charge of the gallant Admiral, and probably there would have 
 been no occasion for a second. To proceed — a halt was made 
 in the village for two hours ; but Major Cotton was sent on 
 with two hundred men to the nullah where the force intended 
 to encamp at Kyomtano. It was about a mile farther on ; and 
 on his arrival he succeeded in surprising a party of Burmese, 
 drove them across the nullah, followed them in dashing style, 
 and killed eight of them without losing a man. On the arrival 
 of the troops in the evening, a small party of Burmese showed 
 themselves from the jungles on the left; the guns opened on 
 
266 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 them, and they soon disappeared. These men came down next 
 morning, under cover of the fog, and fired into the camp. 
 The nullah here was about fifty yards wide. A sort of bridge 
 was made by connecting the rafts with planks, and, with the 
 assistance of an old boat found in the nuliah, the greater part 
 of the troops and all the baggage passed over. The bridge was 
 then broken up, and the guns taken across on the rafts ; the 
 empty hackeries were driven into the water and swam over 
 beautifully. Everything was across and the rafts packed again 
 by 5 p.m. 
 
 On the 11th the force started at the usual hour. Every one 
 now expected to reach Myat-htoon's position that day. They 
 had not proceeded two miles when Lieutenant Clarke, of the 
 67th Native Infantry, and one of the Rifles were wounded on a 
 small patch of cleared ground, and the rear-guard were attacked 
 by a strong party in the long grass. Lieutenant Johnson com- 
 manding the guard, seeing that firing was useless, charged into 
 the jungle and dispersed the Burmese. The rear-guard on this 
 occasion lost one sepoy killed, and one private and six sepoys 
 wounded. From the spot where Clarke was wounded the road 
 entered the thick forest j the Burmese had only to throw down 
 a tree or two with their usual tact in such matters, and a com- 
 pletely new road would have to be cut round the obstacle. 
 This they had done in several places ; there was consequently 
 very hard work, particularly for the Sappers, and the advance 
 was very slow. Shortly after entering the forest a small 
 breastwork was taken, where one man was wounded ; another 
 breastwork was passed, but it was undefended. About 2 p.m. 
 the Burmese disappeared from the front, and the road was unob- 
 structed. The force crossed a piece of water about 4 p.m. and 
 shortly after the advance found that the road turned into a foot- 
 path. Every one was now tired out, — man and beast thoroughly 
 fatigued from this wearisome pursuit of the crafty chief; the 
 Artillery horses were staggering in their harness. Sir John 
 determined to encamp on the spot, there being water a short 
 
0PEKAT10NS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 267 
 
 distance ahead. The hackeries as they came up were either 
 pushed right and left into the jungle or remained on the road. 
 The troops lay down on each side, and it was dark long before 
 the whole of the carriage was np. Not a fire was lighted, and 
 the night passed away quietly. Cholera made its first appear- 
 ance in camp this night, and one of the wounded Sikhs died. 
 Myat-htoou's place was said to be only two miles to the left, 
 but there was no road between. The guide who had committed 
 himself on the 9th, and who was now with the rear-guard, had 
 pointed out a spot shortly after passing the first breastwork 
 where he declared the road to Myat-htoon's position diverged 
 to the left. Unfortunately there was no one to take advantage 
 of this information, and his statement might not have found 
 credit, though it was afterwards proved to be correct. We 
 believe the Commissioner, Captain Smith, informed Sir John this 
 same morning that he did not know the road, and had no means 
 of gaining information. A feeling of despondency, a despair of 
 success, with one or more, began to arise ! But Sir John 
 tempered his energy to the occasion, and was determined to 
 persevere ! Myat-htoon was not the man to keep back the 
 Engineer of Moultan and the Artilleryman of Goojerat ! The 
 force retraced its steps on the morning of the 12th without 
 rations having been served out, the rear of yesterday moving in 
 front to-day. On passing the spot where the road branched off, 
 there were serious thoughts of still advancing on Myat-htoon ; 
 but provisions were failing again, so it was thought prudent to 
 return to Kyomtano and wait for a supply. Several cases of 
 cholera occurred on the road. On the 13th Colonel Sturt, 
 with all the hackeries and some three hundred men, went into 
 Donabew for provisions.* Meanwhile L the troops were put on 
 half -rations. This was a sad day in camp, no less than thirteen 
 deaths from cholera having taken place. 
 
 The Kick aiicl wounded were sent in along with him. 
 
268 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 The force remained here until the 16th, when Colonel Sturt 
 returned with ten or twelve days' provisions. The Burmese 
 had fired a few shots into camp every night, but fortunately 
 without hitting any one. At 2 p.m. on the 17th, the right 
 wing under Major Wigston, 18th Royal Irish, were sent on the 
 old road, and again captured the breastwork, which had been 
 much strengthened, with the loss of one officer and five men 
 wounded. A prisoner and two brass jinjals were taken on 
 this occasion. This prisoner was of some use in the further 
 advance of the force in describing and pointing out the enemy's 
 position.* On the 18th, at daybreak, the rest of the force 
 started, leaving the sick and surplus provisions with a detach- 
 ment under Lieutenant Dickson of the 51st, in a small stockade 
 at Kyomtano. The party joined the right wing at the breast- 
 work, and the sick and wounded of Major Wigston's party 
 were sent back to Kyomtano ; the column continued their 
 march, the left wing, under Colonel Sturt, in front, till they 
 came to another breastwork about 4 p.m. This work was 
 gallantly carried by H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I. and the 67th 
 Bengal Native Infantry, Captain Singleton of the former regi- 
 ment leading the advance. Ensign Boileau of the 67th fell 
 while gallantly attacking the enemy on the left bank. On this 
 occasion our loss was one officer and one sepoy of the 67th 
 killed, and one ensign of the 51st and six sepoys of the 67th 
 wounded. At 5 p.m. the force encamped by a piece of water 
 about a mile farther on, cholera raging in camp. At 7 a.m. 
 on the 19th, the General was advancing with his troops, the 
 right wing in front. Having gone a mile out, the enemy were 
 found in a breastwork on the opposite side of the nullah, or at 
 the head of the piece of water on the right, along the edge of 
 
 * For Sir John Chcapo's Despatch, dated Donabew, 25th March 1853, see 
 Pegu," Appendix No. XIII., p. 516. 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 269 
 
 which the road lay.* Under the circumstances Sir John 
 deemed it the safest plan to get at the enemy as speedily a 
 possible. 
 
 The Action of the \9th. 
 
 Supported by the guns and rockets, the General now re- 
 solved to carry the breastwork on the right. H. M/s 80th 
 formed the advanced guard, followed by the Sappers clearing 
 the road. 
 
 On coming opposite the enemy's left flank the firing com- 
 menced. The rockets were advanced and opened fire. The 
 Sikhs were sent on to support the 80th ; and the 1 8th Royal 
 Irish in support of them. 
 
 The Sappers worked admirably, and the guns were shortly 
 got into position and opened a well directed fire, which gra- 
 dually became very heavy on both sides, and it was reported to 
 Sir John that Major Wigston was wounded. On reaching the 
 front he found also that Major Armstrong of the Sikh Corps 
 was wounded, and many other officers and men. The fire of 
 the enemy on the path leading up to the breastwork was so 
 heavy that ' f the advanced party had not succeeded in carrying 
 it." Lieutenant Johnson, the only remaining officer of the 
 4th Sikh Regiment, persevered most bravely, which only in- 
 creased the loss. H. M.'s 80th and the Sikhs now hoped to 
 get round the extreme right of the enemy, but thick jungle 
 and strong abattis prevented the men from making their way 
 through. At this point the 18th Royal Irish came up. The 
 fire of musketry and grape was so heavy that they got scat- 
 tered, and sustained great loss. Lieutenant Cockburn of this 
 distinguished corps was severely wounded. Major Holdich of 
 H. M/s 80th was now in command of the right wing. Dense 
 smoke, a very heavy fire, and the deadly breastwork yet to be 
 
 * See Despatch. 
 
270 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 assailed, there was some difficulty in Sir John acting up to 
 Napoleon's advice to Massena before the battle of Busaco : " At- 
 tack vigorously after having observed well where to strike ! " At 
 length the General did ascertain what was between our men 
 and the breastwork. He discovered that there was no water, 
 and no obstacle of any importance to be encountered, provided 
 the troops could pass through the enemy's fire, a distance of 
 some thirty yards. Now the resolution to attack vigorously 
 was at its full height. The " assembly " brought as many of 
 the right wing together as possible. In the meantime Major 
 Reid of the Bengal Artillery gallantly brought up a 24-pounder 
 howitzer — the men of the 51st assisting to drag the gun along — 
 and opened an effectual fire on the enemy at a range of not 
 more than twenty-five yards. Being in a much exposed posi- 
 tion, as was to be expected the gallant Major was almost imme- 
 diately wounded, after which Lieutenant Ashe kept up the 
 fire of the gun in the most spirited manner. This was dan- 
 gerous firing for our Artillery, but the canister from that gem 
 of field-pieces, at such a range, must have been terribly effec- 
 tive ! At this crisis, while the Burmese were doing sad havoc 
 with their musketry, and working their masked battery with 
 decided effect, it is highly probable that no other means avail- 
 able could have been nearly so instrumental in striking terror 
 into the determined hearts of the enemy as this artillery fire ! 
 It came as a splendid harbinger of the final charge which, 
 in spite of all resistance, was to drive the chieftain from his 
 stronghold ! The right wing being much weakened from the 
 loss they had sustained, and on account of the number of men 
 required as skirmishers, Sir John ordered a reinforcement from 
 the left. These were joined by the men of the right wing that 
 had been collected by Major Holdich, and were led by Ensign 
 Wolselcy of H. M/s 80th. To use the General's own words, 
 " the whole advanced in a manner that nothing could check." 
 The fire was severe, and Lieutenant Taylor, 9th Madras Native 
 Infantry, doing duty with H. M.'s Gist, fell mortally wounded; 
 
OPEEATIONS AGAINST MrAT-HTOON. 271 
 
 Ensign Wolseley was also struck down, and many other gallant 
 soldiers. The breastwork was immediately carried ; the enemy 
 fled in confusion, except those who stood to be shot or bayo- 
 neted by the men. British courage had now overcome in the 
 midst of dense forest and jungle all natural difficulties, as in 
 more civilised countries it had so often gloriously conquered all 
 artificial ones, and the entire defeat of the chieftain Myat- 
 htoon was now to be ranked among the most important events 
 of the war ! Our loss was severe. Eleven bodies were buried 
 on the spot, and nine officers and seventy-five men were 
 wounded in this well- fought action of the 19th of March, 
 which lasted about two hours. " Lieutenant Trevor of the 
 Engineers, with Corporal Livingstone and Private Preston, of 
 H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., first entered the enemy's breastwork, 
 the two former each shooting clown one of the enemy op- 
 posing their entrance. The lead devolved on them and on 
 Sergeant Preston of H. M.'s 51st, and Sergeant-Major Quin 
 of H. M/s 80th, when Lieutenant Taylor, Ensign Wolseley, 
 and Colour-Sergeant Donnahoe fell in the advance." * Two 
 guns, which had been lost by the unfortunate expedition at the 
 beginning of February, were now recaptured. The Burmese 
 had been firing with them at our troops with deadly effect. 
 In the opinion of the General and others they were well served 
 to the last. In attempting to carry off one of them twelve of 
 the enemy were killed by a discharge from our 9-pounder gun. 
 The enemy sustained a heavy loss in killed and wounded ; the 
 only drawback to Sir John's complete triumph was the escape 
 of the chief with a few followers. It was improbable that he 
 would go to Ava after such a defeat, or out of his own vicinity be 
 again able to collect forces to resist our power. " His whole 
 force and means/' wrote Sir John, " were concentrated on this 
 
 * Sir John Cheape's Despatch. 
 
272 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 position, and I imagine he must have had about 4,000 men in 
 these breastworks, which extended 1,200 yards in length." 
 
 After the action a party was sent on immediately to Kyou- 
 kazeen (or Kun-ka-zeen) , Myat-htoon's own village. Neither 
 in this, nor in a village passed on the road to it, was a single 
 person to be seen. Both villages, situated on the Pantanno 
 creek, might be distant three quarters of a mile from each other. 
 Colonel Sturt, with part of the 67th, and all the commissariat, 
 remained in the first village ; the rest of the force, with all the 
 wounded, proceeded to Kyoukazeen. Captain Fytche, Deputy 
 Commissioner of the Bassein district, joined about mid-day at 
 the first village. 
 
 On the 20th Captain Tarleton arrived with some gun-boats, 
 having with his accustomed energy and perseverance cut through 
 the obstructions thrown into the creek for a distance of fifteen 
 miles. Some nine hundred boats, crowded with people who 
 had been kept in subjection by Myat-htoon, passed down the 
 creek ! In this affecting incident alone was to be found an 
 argument against those who, be it just or unjust, affect to 
 shudder at the very name of war ! Some thousands of our 
 fellow-creatures were now relieved from captivity and oppres- 
 sion ; and it may be doubted whether all the wordy speeches 
 of the Peace Societies will ever do as much ! . War, we all 
 know, is an evil, but it is a necessary one ; and, as in the above 
 incident, out of it does come good ; Providence, it would seem, 
 has placed it amongst the machinery which governs this won- 
 derful world of ours, and it cannot be removed altogether to 
 suit the selfishness of a party. Were our life not what Byron 
 styles " a false nature/' it might be otherwise. It certainly 
 " is not in the harmony of things, this hard decree ! " But as 
 long as there are opposing interests in the world, as long as 
 there are countries to bring within the pale of enlightenment 
 and civilisation, there must and will be war ! Governments, 
 therefore, should always be prepared for it, which preparation 
 may either promote a nation's glory, or secure a nation's peace. 
 
OPERATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 273 
 
 On the 21st Lieutenant Cockburn, 18th Royal Irish, was 
 buried, having died of his wounds the previous evening. All 
 the sick and wounded, with the guns, were sent down in 
 boats to the steamers lying in the creek. Lieutenant Wil- 
 liams, Adjutant of the 67th Bengal Native Infantry, who had 
 been seized with cholera on the 19th, died on board. The bad 
 cases of this terrible scourge were sent to Rangoon direct, the 
 others to Donabew and Prome. On the 22nd the force was 
 ordered to return. Four p.m. was the appointed hour to 
 march ; but at two the village (Kun-ka-zeen*), extending nearly 
 three-quarters of a mile on the side where the troops were en- 
 camped, caught fire. Sir John, who lived on the opposite side, 
 was enabled to cross with difficulty, and not without being 
 scorched. The fire spread with the utmost rapidity, burning 
 even the boats on the nullah. Captain Garden, Assistant 
 Quartermaster- General, and one or two others, were obliged 
 to swim across. It was most fortunate that the sick, the guns, 
 and ammunition, as also the Commissariat in the other village, 
 had been sent away. Great confusion reigned for some time, 
 the calamity of fire always producing " confusion worse con- 
 founded/' but eventually all were collected in Colonel Sturt's 
 camp. The force marched to Kyomtano the same evening. 
 
 On the 23rd a nullah was crossed, and into Akyo. On the 
 24th another nullah was crossed, and into Donabew. The 
 troops were embarked and returned to Prome, leaving a de- 
 tachment in the pagoda of Donabew. 
 
 In these operations against Myat-htoon upwards of one hun- 
 dred and forty of our troops were killed and wounded (including 
 three officers, one killed and two severely wounded), and up- 
 wards of one hundred died of cholera, making the total of 
 casualties up to nearly two hundred and fifty. This was severe 
 work, every one will admit, but only those who have had some 
 
 * Probably Kyou Kazeen is the correct spelling, although the above mode 
 is in the sketch, which has also Kun-ta-ni, and not Kyomtano. 
 
 18 
 
274 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 experience in jungle warfare can know of the sufferings fre- 
 quently to be endured, and the vast difficulties to be overcome. 
 No soldier likes to be shot at without a chance of immediately 
 returning it; he raises his piece at trees and jungle, and per- 
 haps another shot tells him to desist. Then may come want of 
 provisions, want of rest, and, worse than all, pestilence, too 
 often not to be avoided on such expeditions, — and such in jungle 
 warfare are the shadows of a soldier's life ! A glorious light 
 of it had now been shared by many in the final charge at the 
 enemy in the breastwork, with the irresistible British bayonet ! 
 In the operations just related two wants appear to have been 
 predominant, — the want of correct information regarding the 
 whereabouts of the enemy, and the want of a proper quan- 
 tity of provisions at the required time. Why not more provi- 
 sions ? Simply because, even had sufficient carriage been 
 available, it would not have been prudent in a General to 
 have started in an unknown forest with a long line of commis- 
 sariat hackeries, which, had the enemy sent thieves or skir- 
 mishers into the jungle, it would have taken half his force to 
 defend. It was, therefore, sufficient to take a fair quantity of 
 provisions, relying, as the distances could not be great, on the 
 talents of his guides, who appear to have been arrant knaves 
 and honest men by turns. Apparently, there is no fault to 
 find with the conduct of this expedition against Myat-htoon ; 
 on the contrary, Sir John Cheape is to be praised for the 
 manner in which it was conducted. Throughout the operations 
 he appears to have displayed coolness, energy, and prudence, 
 with compassion for his wounded and suffering soldiers ; and 
 these are qualities which must be found in an eminent 
 degree, under all circumstances, in him who would be a great 
 general. 
 
275 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY IN THE SECOND BURMESE WAR. 
 
 \ 
 
 VARIOUS REMARKS. 
 
 About the middle of June 1853 the official documents contain- 
 ing the policy of the Governor-General of India regarding 
 Burma, reached us at Toungoo. No feast could have been 
 more welcome to the poor author of a narrative than these 
 numerous columns of type at such a time. Novelty was sadly 
 wanting among us. Even those who had a taste for reading 
 and writing had exhausted books, and had nearly exhausted 
 paper. Of " news " there was none, save the old story of the 
 treaty which was never to be signed ; and of excitement, being 
 on the frontier station, there was an occasional little, caused 
 by the rumour of a Burmese attacking force being not far 
 distant, and the probability of, while writing a letter homewards 
 about the treaty of peace, your being visited by a swift mes- 
 senger in the shape of a 4-pounder shot or a jinjal ball right 
 through the mat-wall of your airy picturesque cottage ! The 
 reality of soldier-life at Toungoo had arrived at this pitch 
 among us when the various documents of correspondence be- 
 tween the Governor- General of India and the Secret Com- 
 mittee, relative to hostilities with Burma, presented some new 
 
 18 * 
 
276 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 food for the mind to dwell upon. The first thought that struck 
 the present writer was, How did it all tally with what he had 
 already written ? Had he been, without sufficient data, rash 
 in any of the important assertions he had ventured ? Con- 
 science having brought forward no very serious accusations, he 
 determined on making a few notes from, and remarks on, the 
 important papers which had now arrived, and the following are 
 presented to our readers accordingly. 
 
 In the first place, few will now be bold enough to deny that 
 " hostilities with Burma had become unavoidable," and these 
 few probably belong to the Peace Society, a great gun of which 
 was let fly at Manchester against our Burmese policy; but 
 what signified the futile discharge, when common sense held 
 firmly to the opinion that, " of all our justifiable wars, none 
 was more obviously and thoroughly justifiable than the Second 
 Burmese War." 
 
 The Governor- General, in a Minute dated June 30, 1852, 
 says — after remarking that the whole sea-board of Burma was 
 in our possession — " But, for all that, the Court of Ava has 
 made no sign of submission, and a final result has not yet been 
 obtained. ... I had the honour (Minute, February 12) 
 to declare my opinion that ' the Government of India cannot, 
 consistently with its own safety, appear for one day in an 
 attitude of inferiority, or hope to maintain peace and submis- 
 sion among the numberless princes and people embraced within 
 the vast circuit of the Empire, if, for one day, it give coun- 
 tenance to a doubt of the absolute superiority of its arms, and 
 of its continued resolution to assert it.' " The wisdom of 
 these remarks is at once apparent. " This maxim," continues 
 his Lordship, " applies with especial force to any matter of 
 dispute or conflict with the Burman Kingdom. . . . There 
 is no Power which ventures to assert the same pretensions to 
 superiority in strength and dignity, and none so ready to sup- 
 port those pretensions bv force of arms." The Governor- 
 General is next of opinion that " after the events of the last 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 277 
 
 three months we ought not to concede to them terms so light 
 as General Godwin, in his instructions, was authorised to 
 grant. ... If overtures should be made before large 
 additional charges have been incurred by the Government of 
 India, in the preparation of an army to take the field in No- 
 vember, the Court of Ava should be required to pay down, 
 promptly, 15 lakhs of rupees, to cede the Negrais and Diamond 
 Islands, and the district of Martaban, to a point upon the Sittang 
 river near to Shwe-gyeen."" In this Minute the Governor- 
 General thus ably defends himself and the Government of India 
 against the vulgar charge of " insatiable lust of territorial 
 aggrandisement " : — 
 
 " In the earliest stage of the present dispute I avowed my 
 opinion that conquest in Burnia would be a calamity second 
 only to the calamity of war ; that opinion remains unchanged. 
 ... If conquest is contemplated by me now, it is not as 
 a positive good, but solely as the least of those evils before us, 
 from which we must of necessity select one.'''' With reference 
 to the necessity which compelled us in 1826 to deprive the 
 Burmese of the provinces of Tenasserim, Arakan, and Assam, 
 the Governor- General asserts — " Now, for stronger reasons 
 and with better effect, the occupation of the province of Pegu 
 appears to me to be unavoidably demanded by sound views of 
 general policy." In short, what should have been done twenty- 
 six years before was in contemplation now. 
 
 On the 6th of September the Secret Committee replied to 
 the Governor-General of India in Council, acknowledging, in 
 addition to the above Minute of the 30th of June, the receipt of 
 a very important despatch, dated the 2nd of July. The reply 
 of the Secret Committee reveals the policy of the Home Go- 
 vernment. They seem entirely to concur with the Governor- 
 General in his opinions regarding the annexation of Pegu; 
 but they see " material difficulties opposed to the retaining 
 possession of the district without bringing the war to a con- 
 clusion either by a treaty with the King of Ava, of which that 
 
278 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 cession should be the basis (sine qua nori), or by the entire 
 subjugation of that Power/' These "material difficulties" 
 appeared to the Secret Committee from the Governor-General, 
 after presenting to them five alternatives, having remarked, 
 chiefly with reference to the disposition of the inhabitants of 
 Pegu, " that it may be well worthy of consideration whether, 
 in the event of the King of Ava evading submission, and of 
 the occupation of Pegu being finally resolved upon, we should 
 not confine our military operations to driving the Burmese 
 before us out of every part of that province, and then occupy- 
 ing it, with the declared intention of holding it permanently, 
 without proceeding onward to the capital." The Secret Com- 
 mittee consider that, simultaneously with General Godwin's 
 advance on Prome, or earlier if thought expedient, the King of 
 Ava should be informed of our being prepared to adopt the 
 cession of the province of Pegu as the measure of compensa-' 
 tion by which a farther advance into his kingdom may be 
 stayed, and to conclude a treaty of peace with him accordingly, 
 " accompanied by the necessary stipulations for the future 
 maintenance of a friendly intercourse between the two nations ; 
 but that, in the event of his refusing, or delaying to accede to 
 that proposal, he must be prepared for all the consequences 
 which he will bring upon himself by the further prosecution of 
 the war in his dominions." With regard to the additional 
 force required by General Godwin for his operations, the Com- 
 mittee consider that this force would be required under any of 
 the contingencies contemplated by the Governor-General in 
 Council, except the very improbable one of a timely submission 
 by the Burmese ; and they doubt not " the preparations for 
 the despatch of it will have been completed in due time to 
 take advantage of the favourable season for its employment." 
 The Secret Committee observe, with intense satisfaction, the 
 friendly disposition of the inhabitants of Pegu ; and they ex- 
 press their admiration of the policy of the Governor-General 
 in not yielding to the desire of the Peguese, or Takings, to 
 
LOED DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 279 
 
 place themselves formally under our protection while an un- 
 certainty remained as to the final annexation to our territories 
 of their once independent kingdom. " Now/' write the Com- 
 mittee, " that uncertainty will be removed by the present 
 despatch, which is intended to convey to you our authority, 
 under the sanction of the Queen's Government, to consider the 
 permanent occupation of Pegu, and its final annexation to the 
 East Indian Dominions of Her Majesty, as the just and neces- 
 sary result of those military operations which you have been 
 driven to direct against the Burmese Empire. . . . You 
 will, therefore, consider yourselves authorised to proclaim the 
 annexation of Pegu to the British Empire in the East as soon 
 as the forces under General Godwin shall be in possession of 
 the whole of it by the capture of Prome." The precise limits 
 of the cession to be insisted upon were those which would 
 secure a well-defined military line of defence. It is curious to 
 remark, in the above instructions by the Secret Committee, 
 the great importance attached to the capture and occupation of 
 the city of Prome. Perhaps, in common with many at home 
 and in India, they thought that not a shot to the southward 
 would be fired after our securing the ancient boundary between 
 the two kingdoms. 
 
 We now turn to the Governor- Gen eraFs Minute, dated 
 August 10, 1852, written after his Lordship's return from 
 Rangoon. He passes in review the present position of our 
 affairs in Burmah, our preparations, our means, and our future 
 prospects. He is delighted at the health of the troops, their 
 excellent state of discipline, and everything seems to secure 
 Lord Dalhousie's admiration at the great commercial capital 
 of the Burmese Empire. But his hands are tied — 
 
 " Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown ! " 
 "The Government of India," he writes to the Secret Com- 
 mittee, " is at present incompetent to determine the question 
 of policy. No reply can be expected to their application for 
 instructions for some time to come." 
 
280 OUB BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Particular attention is requested to the following remarks, as 
 bearing on what the author ventured to put forward in a 
 former chapter. " The absence of definite orders now, upon 
 the ultimate policy to be adopted, is so far to be regretted 
 that it necessarily hampers the Government in some degree 
 as to present measures. For, so long as it continues doubtful 
 whether the permanent occupation of Pegu will be permitted, 
 I feel reluctant to direct an advance of the army, even as far 
 as Prome ; because I am most unwilling to expose the people 
 (who would be led by our advance to commit themselves still 
 more deeply to us than they have yet done) to all the horrors 
 which would be the certain consequence to them of any subse- 
 quent retirement by us/' The question now to be solved was 
 — Whether the ensuing campaign should include a march upon 
 Ava, or should be restricted to an advance to Prome and an 
 occupation of Pegu? The Governor-General discovered, from 
 the best information he could obtain at Rangoon, that an ad- 
 vance to Ava could not be made wholly by water ; in his opinion 
 a heavy land column would be " unavoidable for some part of 
 the way." And with regard to the carriage resources of Burma, 
 Lord Dalhousie truly says — "Greatly as everything in that 
 country has changed for the better, compared with what it 
 was in 1824, I apprehend that the difficulty of obtaining land- 
 carriage would be hardly less now than then/' But notwith- 
 standing all these disadvantages, " everything of that sort is 
 practicable if one is resolved to do it ; but it could be effected 
 only at an enormous cost, which nothing but a proved indis- 
 pensable necessity would justify the Government in incurring.'" 
 On the other hand, should it be resolved to limit the advance 
 " to the ground which it is proposed to occupy permanently," 
 expense would be vastly diminished, life would be saved, and 
 time would be economised. Only half the amount of troops 
 would then be required by the General. The flotilla might be 
 able to convey the force for the occupation of Prome. Then, 
 says the Governor- General, " the whole of the cold season will 
 
lord dalhousie's poliot. 281 
 
 be before us, in which to confirm our position and to provide 
 against the future ; and if the decision of the authorities in 
 England shall confirm the proposals of the Government of 
 India, the war may be declared at an end in November, and 
 the annexation of the province proclaimed. The treaty rela- 
 tions which have been violated by the Burmese will not be re- 
 newed. Doubts and uncertainties both in Pegu and among 
 ourselves will be removed, and thenceforward we shall have 
 only to defend our frontier against attack. " Lord Dalhousie is 
 firmly of opinion that the conquest of the upper provinces 
 of the Burmese Empire " would be for no good end after all." 
 It was now decided that the advance should be limited to Prome. 
 We now come to a very important point, the discussion of 
 which drew down much unjust abuse on General Godwin — 
 unjust, because information and impartiality were not apparent 
 in the majority of opinions — regarding the time when the 
 advance on Prome should be made. The Governor- General 
 adverts to the subject of an immediate advance to Prome having 
 been officially discussed by General Godwin shortly after the 
 conclusion of operations at Rangoon. The General stated 
 strong military objections to the movement ; " he pointed out 
 that his force was comparatively small, and that no reinforce- 
 ments could be obtained at that season; he showed that we 
 were totally ignorant of the plans and movements of the enemy. 
 Hence he argued, that if he should take his force to Prome it 
 would be placed there in the heart of an enemy's country, 
 wholly without support if attacked (which was an event at 
 least as possible then as in 1825), and with his sole communi- 
 cation by the river insecure ; and, consequently, that he would 
 be altogether in a weak and false position." These reasons 
 appeared to the Governor- General — as they would, doubtless, 
 have appeared to all reasonable men — to be unanswerable. 
 Then, again, General Godwin was strongly urged by many to 
 advance during the rains. On — on — to Ava — " Sesostris," 
 " Pluto," " Proserpine " ! throw shells into the Palace of the 
 
282 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Golden Foot, astonish the inhabitants of the " City of the Im- 
 mortals " ! " Another turn-a-head," to Ainarapura, and bring 
 the " Golden Supreme " to terms ! Steam on the Irawady, 
 there is no limit to your progress ! shoals are nothing ; tonnage 
 is nothing ; rocks not laid down in the chart are nothing ; no- 
 thing whatever is impossible ! General Godwin informed Lord 
 Dalhousie at Rangoon that he had declined to advance during 
 the rains. Though some of his previous objections were re- 
 moved by the command obtained over the river by the flotilla, 
 he would still, in the absence of reinforcements, have been 
 wholly without support ; and he alleged as an additional reason 
 for declining to advance, that while no object of importance 
 had been pointed out as likely to be secured by the early 
 occupation of Prome, it would have been unwise and culpable 
 to remove the troops, without positive necessity, from the bar- 
 racks which had been provided for them, and where they were 
 enjoying comparatively good health, in order to expose them at 
 Prome to effects of climate and the season, from which they 
 were likely to suffer severely. " I consider," says Lord Dal- 
 housie, " that these reasons of General Godwin for refusing to 
 advance hitherto, during the rains, to Prome, were sound and 
 good/'' Thus approved of by his Lordship to the Secret Com- 
 mittee, nevertheless, General Godwin had the rare distinction 
 of being one of the best abused generals of the day ! Yes, it 
 was a distinction to be abused by those utterly ignorant of the 
 facts of each case — ignorant alike of local as well as of military 
 affairs — whose ignorance and presumption now became ap- 
 parent in the most glaring form from the papers before us. At 
 a more advanced period a letter appeared in an Indian journal* 
 — which journal in India, with two others well known to fame 
 in London, formed the grand literary triumvirate of sarcasm 
 and abuse — in defence of the General's conduct, the publication 
 of which evinced a decided liberality on the part of the editor : — ■ 
 
 * December 30, lbjii. 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 283 
 
 " General Godwin formed one opinion, Commodore Lambert 
 another. Had Commodore Lambert's views been as easy of 
 accomplishment as the editors of so many journals declare, 
 surely Lord Dalhousie would have over-ruled the General, 
 ordered him to furnish 1,000 soldiers to the Commodore, and 
 have directed the gallant sailor to advance up the Irawady and 
 blow the King's Court and Capital to ' immortal smash/ It is 
 but reasonable, however, to conclude that the Governor- General 
 did not coincide with this dashing proposal, but preferred the 
 plan of campaign submitted by the General." 
 
 Lot us next turn to the all-important Minutes of November 
 1852, forwarded by the Governor-General of India in Council 
 to the Secret Committee : — 
 
 "Fort William, November 6, 1852. (No. 53.) In reply to 
 your despatch of the 6th of September last, we have the honour 
 to forward for your information, copies of Minutes recorded by 
 us on the affairs of Burma, from which it will be seen that 
 we are unanimous in deprecating an occupation of Burma, and 
 that we further deprecate an advance to Ava (with the excep- 
 tion of Sir John Littler, who advocates an advance, but without 
 an occupation) . We have, &c. 
 
 (Signed) " Dalhousie. F. Currje. 
 
 " J. Littler. J. Lowis." 
 
 Lord Dalhousie's Minute is dated November 3, 1852. It 
 contains so much valuable information that one is almost led 
 to wonder how, in the midst of a Governor- General's multi- 
 farious duties, so much knowledge should have been brought 
 together in a despatch, a large portion of which, it is presumed, 
 must have been written from memory. Here we have the 
 Governor- General's full views, and the policy he urged upon 
 the Secret Committee at home. It is a reply to the despatch 
 of the Secret Committee, dated the 6th of September. It is 
 regretted that the Committee does not coincide with the Go- 
 vernor-General in Council "regarding the manner in which the 
 
284 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 formal termination of the war is to be effected. . . . The 
 orders of the Committee are, that on the occupation of Pegu 
 being completed, the King of Burma shall be called upon to 
 conclude a treaty of peace, of which the cession of Pegu shall 
 be the basis ; and threatened, if he refuses, with all the conse- 
 quences that continued war will bring upon him 
 Although it now appears that the objections felt by the Com- 
 mittee to the larger occupation are not insuperable, I still 
 adhere to the policy originally recommended ; and still strongly 
 urge that the army should not advance to Ava, excepting under 
 a more cogent necessity than that contemplated by the Com- 
 mittee in their present despatch." Now we have a piece of 
 statesmanship, as if its author, like a political Theophrastus, had 
 penetrated into the inmost core of the Burmese character : — 
 " The Committee/'' says Lord Dalhousie, " regard the treaty 
 as of great importance. I regret to feel myself compelled to 
 differ from it so widely, that I regard a treaty with this Burman 
 Power as an evil to be avoided. . . . Eastern nations set 
 little store by such instruments. Their opinion of any attempted 
 violation of treaty by Burma would certainly not be calcu- 
 lated to deter the Court of Ava from prosecuting its unfaithful 
 projects; and the British Government would obtain neither 
 moral nor physical aid from them in enforcement of its rights, 
 either by their opinion or by their action. In truth, the con- 
 clusion of such a treaty serves only to impose obligations 
 upon the British Government in proportion as it confers rights. 
 A general stipulation for peace and friendship, and for the 
 mutual security of the subjects of both States, is not open to 
 so much objection ; but when clauses are multiplied, as in the 
 Treaty of Yandaboo, and in the consequent commercial treaty 
 with Burma, giving to the British Government many rights 
 specified in detail, points of contact, and consequently of 
 coniiict, are multiplied in the same proportion. The British 
 Government is thereby reduced to the necessity either of in- 
 terfering upon every occasion on which a faithless and over- 
 
LORD DALHOUSIe's POLICY. 285 
 
 hearing Power disregards the stipulated rights of our subjects, 
 or of avoiding the perpetual risk of quarrel hy overlooking such 
 disregard of its subjects' rights, and neglecting to enforce them. 
 Such was the course pursued through many years in regard to 
 our treaties with Burma." 
 
 It is, then, the opinion of the Governor- General that this 
 undecided policy "did unquestionably encourage the Burmese 
 in their arrogance, and presumptuous violation of public rights, 
 which led at last to the present war, and to their refusal of any 
 reparation for the purpose of averting it." With reference to 
 the fact of our Envoys having been " actually hunted out of 
 the country/' the Rev. Mr. Burney — son of Colonel Burney — 
 informed the author of this narrative that while his father was 
 resident at Ava, on the eve of the Colonel's departure from the 
 presence of the Golden Foot, the King said he would allow 
 him to remain with him as a friend, but not as a Resident.* 
 Colonel Burney's knowledge of the Burmese language and 
 people even endeared him to the Court of Ava. 
 
 Lord Dalhousie is convinced that treaties formed on the 
 Yandaboo model would lead either to an early quarrel or to a 
 repetition of the same process as before, with a similar result ; 
 and such are the reasons for which the Governor- General 
 regards " the negotiations of a formal treaty with Burma as 
 productive of evil." The Governor-General in Council at 
 length arrives at the conclusion " that a treaty with Burma is 
 of no more value than the reed with which it is written — that, 
 as a barrier against hostility, it is as flimsy as the paper on 
 which it is traced." But, as the Committee express an opinion 
 that a treaty should be formed, " its injunctions shall be 
 obeyed." Lord Dalhousie regards it in the last degree im- 
 probable that the King will consent to sign a treaty ceding 
 Pegu. " That province was the first and best of the conquests 
 of Burma, and is the last that it has retained. To cede it 
 
 * See also p. 165. 
 
286 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 would be to cut off a right hand and pluck out a right eye. 
 National pride would struggle bitterly against the open humilia- 
 tion of a formal surrender " ; but yet the King's refusal to sign 
 does not deter the Governor-General from urging on the Secret 
 Committee the fact that the consequences of an entire subju- 
 gation of Burma would be " most injurious to the interests of 
 the British Government." With regard to the entire- sub- 
 jugation of the Burman power, the Committee had not before 
 it the full information that (in the Minute of the 10th of 
 August) "must subsequently have made it acquainted with 
 the great difficulties by which the execution of such an enter- 
 prise would be obstructed/' Lord Talhousie then proceeds to 
 show how, with reference to the much entertained opinion of 
 the propriety of an immediate despatch of a force upon the 
 steam flotilla to Ava, thus striking at the heart of the capital, 
 and terminating the war at once, such a movement is impos- 
 sible. " The Government of India has not at its disposal the 
 means of effecting it." 
 
 We have already stated in this Abstract that a fleet of very 
 light steamers was required to proceed above Prome, so it 
 will be useless here to give any of the Governor- General's 
 details on these matters, admirably set forth as they are in his 
 "splendid Despatch." In the narrative, the "Enterprise," 
 drawing twelve feet of water, has been seen lying high and dry 
 even between Rangoon and Prome. We are not quite so sure 
 of having mentioned the "Sesostris" having struck upon a 
 rock coming down the broad and deep Basscin river. How- 
 ever, the frigate, through a miracle, came safe to port, was 
 lightened, put into the Irawady while the water was yet high, 
 and accompanied the advance to Prome. " The river has already 
 fallen fifteen feet since the 9th of October." * There were nine 
 steam-vessels employed on the advance to Prome, including 
 store-boats, gun -boats, and other craft. " Although 2,300 
 
 * Minute, November 3, 1852. 
 
LOED DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 287 
 
 men were recently brought to Prome," says the Governor- 
 General, " the voyage was comparatively short and the weather 
 was fine. Even then the men suffered from the crowding and 
 confinement. If they are to be moved in the rains for some 
 hundred miles farther, the ships must be covered in, and the 
 ships' boats could not give the same aid as of late. Unless it 
 was desired to invite the decimation of cholera, the numbers 
 embarked in each ship must be greatly less than on the ad- 
 vance to Prome. I give a wide estimate when I say that the 
 whole steam flotilla could not, in the rains, convey more than 
 1,500 men" and this flotilla could not be increased. In the 
 Minute of the 10th of August the Governor-General held that 
 an advance to Ava could not be made wholly by water. " I 
 greatly doubt," said he, "whether the steamers which during 
 this autumn would go to Prome, could in the ensuing winter 
 mount the stream to Ava." Since the date of that Minute it is 
 now asserted that no time had been lost, nor any exertions spared, 
 to collect carriage for the army. Elephants had likewise been 
 despatched from Bengal, all with a view to enabling the army 
 " to move against any force that might be in its neighbourhood.'" 
 This was politic ; but Lord Dalhousie thinks it in the highest 
 degree the reverse, with the Cabul disaster fresh on our memory, 
 to conquer and occupy Ava, and thus " expose a handful of men 
 isolated in the midst of enemies." * 
 
 We now proceed to the financial remark put forward by the 
 Governor- General, that " heretofore the charges of the war 
 have been light indeed, compared with the cost of the previous 
 war." It has been already stated that the Campbell Expedition, 
 during Lord Amherst's administration, cost nearly twelve million 
 pounds sterling, or say ten crores of rupees, in less than twenty- 
 four months. From what has been publicly set forth regarding 
 the expense of the present war, it would appear to have cost 
 
 * These remarks become of especial interest in 1879, during our occupation 
 of Afghanistan. 
 
288 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 considerably less than a million sterling in the twelve months. 
 In the House of Lords, February 24, 1853, the Earl of Ellen- 
 borough said that the war had cost from the commencement 
 not less than one hundred and thirty thousand pounds a month. 
 On the following day, in the House of Commons, Sir James 
 Weir Hogg exposed what he termed the preposterous exaggera- 
 tions respecting the cost of the expedition. Taking up a good 
 authority* — a sort of finance minister in his way — it is there 
 said that the war will have scarcely cost more than sixty lakhs 
 of rupees in a twelvemonth ! The London " Times " had the 
 cost of the expedition, up to the first of July 1852, reckoned 
 at about half a million sterling : at a later date the " leading 
 journal" calculated it at the rate of two hundred and fifty 
 thousand pounds a month (twenty-five lakhs of rupees), or 
 three million pounds sterling a year. Our Indian financial 
 authority, writing in November 1852, says — " Lord Dalhousie 
 began the Burmese war not merely with £12,000,000 sterling 
 of cash balance in the treasury, but with £2,000,000 sterling 
 in excess of the sum which was in hand when the Second 
 Punjab War commenced in 1848, and it is doubtless to this 
 circumstance we are to attribute the fact of his having been 
 able to meet the heavy expenses of a maritime war like that we 
 are now engaged in, with so much ease and freedom, and to 
 disappoint the expectations of those who were looking for a 
 new five per cent. loan. Even if the war should therefore cost 
 £2,000,000 sterling, the treasury will only be reduced to the 
 same position in which it stood on the 30th of April 1848." 
 
 Returning to the Governor- General's Minute, he assures the 
 Committee that if it "requires this Government to protract 
 the war, to continue the advance to Ava, and to seize a vast 
 and unprofitable region, they must be prepared to hear of ex- 
 hausted cash balances and re-opened loans/' Even should 
 " Amarapiira be captured," the task would be but half done. 
 
 * " Friend of India," January 13th, 1853. 
 
LOED DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 289 
 
 The Committee are referred to the map of Burma, where it 
 will find that "six degrees of latitude must still be traversed 
 before the sujugation of the Burman power will be effected. 
 That tract of country is mountainous, jungly, and peopled 
 with wild tribes. The difficulties of subduing this tract cannot 
 be stated, because they cannot be calculated. . . . Terri- 
 tory, 800 miles in length, from the sea to Assam, and varying 
 in breadth from Arakan to the borders of China, will have 
 been added to the British possessions in the East. Once taken 
 it must be held. . . . No hill people is contemptible 
 among its own hills." Lord Dalhousie alludes to an attempt 
 to coerce the Nagas round Assam some two years ago, which 
 was attended with no very brilliant results ; the same might be 
 the case with the Shans* and other hill tribes with whom we 
 would now come in contact. On every principle his Lordship 
 seems to deprecate the entire subjugation of the Burmese Em- 
 pire ; he thinks it neither worth the trouble nor the expense. 
 The King of Ava's crown is one of tinsel, and will secure its 
 own downfall. The glory of the dynasty of Alompra, come 
 what may, is on the eve of departing for ever. We may some 
 day be solicited by numerous unknown tribes to go forth and 
 spread the light of civilisation among them. Such thoughts 
 are apt to strike one in the perusal of the Minute now under 
 consideration. The Governor-General is satisfied, from all 
 the information within his reach, " that the revenues of Burma 
 would not be sufficient to meet the extra expense which the 
 possession of Burma would impose upon us." Again, "the 
 
 * In 1861, although the Burmese Empire had lost some of its most valuable 
 possessions, still the centralising power of Burma, beyond our conquest, was 
 strongly folt. The Shans, extending from China to Bankok, were becoming 
 their prey, either by conquest or coercion; and, although Lord Dalhousie 
 wisely said " No hill tribe is contemptible among its own hills," might we not 
 in some measure prevent such a scattered race as the Shans, who might be so 
 useful to us in many ways, from falling a prey to the powers that still reign 
 in Chin-India? — In 1879 public attention has been much called to the Nagas 
 and other tribes. 
 
 39 
 
290 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 policy which would fix the frontier near to Ava would as- 
 suredly leave us still without a treaty of peace, and with the 
 prospect of an idefinite continuance of hostilities between the 
 two States. My own conviction remains, as I have already ex- 
 pressed it, that the King would make no overtures and no 
 submission. On our approach to Ava he would retire into his 
 highlands, as was their declared policy before, and as recent 
 intelligence, received through Armenian merchants at Ava, 
 shows to be the King's intention now." About the same time 
 as these words were written another opinion was entertained as 
 to the probability of the King's flight into the jungles on the 
 capture and occupation of Ava. It was said that those well 
 informed on the subject had declared that such a contingency 
 could never arise. The King could not leave his capital ; if 
 he did, his flight would be followed by immediate destruction. 
 So much for opinion, well defined by Dean Swift as " light of 
 foot and headstrong, yet giddy and perpetually turning ! " 
 And we cannot help thinking that, notwithstanding the golden 
 immortal charm that is ever said to hover around the dignity 
 of Ava, His Majesty would retire on our approach at an un- 
 questionable speed to the jungle regions. Were he to get 
 among . that strange and mysterious race, the Shans, they 
 might deliver him up any day to us for five -thousand pieces 
 of silver ; or, owing him a grudge for past injuries received, 
 they might seek to annihilate the dynasty of Alompra in de- 
 stroying him and all his followers. Siam would rejoice at the 
 annihilation; and this, in some way or other, at no very distant 
 period must take place. We shall, no doubt, be quite ready 
 for the coup d'etat ! for we shall have been prepared for it 
 by the prudent policy of the Governor-General of India in the 
 Second Burmese War. 
 
 But even if the King should forego the intention of flight, 
 there is, in the opinion of Lord Dalhousie, " no hope whatever 
 of his signing such a treaty as the Committee has required." 
 Even at Ava he would not consent to " cede the fairest portion 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 291 
 
 of his kingdom to us, and confine himself for the future to 
 forest and barren hills." No peace, therefore, will have been 
 concluded ; and why, at the present time, should we be " en- 
 cumbered witli four hundred miles of additional territory, with 
 enhanced expenses and disproportionate returns " ? With 
 regard to what was stated by the Secret Committee, that with 
 the mere annexation and occupation of Pegu the Government 
 would be under the necessity of constantly maintaining a 
 force upon a war footing in that district for its defence, the 
 Governor-General remarks — " I hold a treaty of any kind with 
 the Burmese to be so valueless, that the conclusion of one 
 would not induce me to keep one regiment less in Pegu 
 than if there were no treaty.* . . . Nor would the force 
 be kept on a ' war footing ' if there were no treaty, any more 
 than if it were negotiated. ... By long-established prac- 
 tice all troops crossing the sea receive the higher allowances ; 
 wherefore, for the present at least, and until a great change be 
 made, the higher allowances could not be withheld from the 
 troops in Pegu." 
 
 Lord Dalhousie brings forward the case of the Ameer Dost 
 Mahommed Khan in 1849, when he entered the Punjaub in arms 
 against the British Government, and occupied Peshawur. After 
 the surrender of the Sikhs, the Dost was chased out of the 
 country, and the province was occupied by the British. The 
 Governor- General's policy not to enter into any treaty with him 
 was approved of by the Committee. The people of the Punjab, 
 or elsewhere, did not consider our power one whit the less para- 
 mount because a treaty was not concluded with the wily Dost. 
 
 But to proceed : — " The occupation of Pegu does, in my 
 judgment," writes his Lordship, " afford reparation for the 
 past, and will give effectual security for the future. The phy- 
 sical and commercial advantages that would accompany the 
 
 * These remarks of his Lordship are of great political importance at the 
 present time (1879). 
 
 19 * 
 
292 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 possession of Pegu by the British Government were set forth 
 in the Minute of the 30th of June. The enquiries which have 
 been sedulously made since that time tend, as far as they go, 
 to confirm the safe and moderate estimate which stated the 
 revenues of Pegu at 25 lakhs a year. The annexation of a terri- 
 tory in perpetuity, producing the revenue above named, and sus- 
 ceptible of great and various improvement, will certainly pay 
 for all the cost of its occupation and government, and fully 
 reimburse the State for all the charges of the present war." 
 
 With respect to security for peace in the future, the loss of 
 Pegu deprives the Burmese of the sinews of war, for it im- 
 poverishes the treasury of the Court of Ava, and takes the 
 means of raising many soldiers on the " conscript " system out 
 of their hands. " If the Burmese should, nevertheless/' says 
 the Governor-General, " collect an army for attack, after the 
 declared annexation of Pegu, we could desire nothing better. 
 The frontier of Prome is not extensive. Its central portion is 
 filled by the Galadzet mountains, covered with jungle and desti- 
 tute of water, which are as impassable to the Burmese army as 
 to us. The valley of Prome and the valley of Toungoo are the 
 only points of attack. . . . If the Burmese should attempt 
 to attack with an army, its destruction, if it Avill stand, or its 
 total dispersion if it breaks, would be the certain consequence. 
 . . . Still, for some time, they may harass the border by 
 guerilla inroads." But, with the aid of a friendly population, 
 this frontier skirmishing would very soon cease. It would die 
 away. The Court of Ava would silently acquiesce in its loss, 
 " though it would not openly assent to a cession.''' 
 
 Having arrived at this point — and writing from Toungoo 
 (or Tonghoo), — it may here be remarked, that we believe the 
 difficulty of crossing the Galadzet mountains to be greatly ex- 
 aggerated, as far as a British force is concerned. We think if 
 a Baron Humboldt were asked his opinion, he would say that 
 where there were mountains and jungles there must be water. 
 The passage across, of course, would take time. And was it 
 
lord dalhousie's policy. 293 
 
 now to be regretted that when General Steel arrived at this 
 station he did not urge an endeavour to reach Prome. With fifty 
 elephants, the Irregular Cavalry, two light guns, and one company 
 of European Infantry, the General, an excellent horseman, might 
 have rivalled Napoleon crossing the Alps. The feat would have 
 astonished General Godwin, who would probably have resolved 
 on walking a considerable part of the distance ; for although 
 some seven or eight years older than our Madras General, the 
 pedestrian agility of the Chief of the Army of Burma had often 
 astonished far younger men ! 
 
 Asking pardon for this digression, let us now attend to the 
 Governor- General's assertion, that " if my anticipations should 
 not be fulfilled, — and if, notwithstanding the superiority, which 
 they cannot deny, and the risk, which they cannot fail to re- 
 cognise, the Burmese should really dispute our possession, still 
 I earnestly contend that an onward territorial movement 
 should be avoided to the last. . . . Though I am strongly 
 opposed to an advance on Ava, followed by a retirement to 
 Prome, I would advise that even that costly military operation 
 should be undertaken before Burma be made and declared a 
 British possession." And now comes what, in our humble 
 opinion, is the finest passage in the despatch : — " But if, after 
 all, peace cannot be procured by any thing short of the con- 
 quest of Burma; if the lapse of time and the course of 
 events shall establish a real necessity for advance, then let us 
 advance, — let us fulfil the destiny which there, as elsewhere, 
 will have compelled us forward in spite of our own wishes, and 
 let us reconcile ourselves to a course which will then have no 
 alternative, Having made every honest exertion to stand fast, 
 we shall go on with a clear conscience — with motives unim- 
 peached ; and we may rest tranquil as to the ultimate result." 
 The Minute then proceeds to consider matter already set forth 
 in the " Proclamation " chapter of this Abstract. A letter 
 should be addressed to the King of Burma, "reciting more 
 fully the object and the results of the war." According to the 
 
294 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 desire of the Committee, or with the object of giving effect to 
 their orders, the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the 
 States is to be proposed to the King. " If the Court of Ava 
 desires to secure itself from further assaults by the Power 
 which it has found itself wholly unable to resist, it will cause 
 the proper officers, duly accredited on its part, to repair to 
 Prome, within one month from the dispatch of the letter to 
 the King from that place, there to sign a treaty by which the 
 province of Pegu shall be ceded to the British Government, 
 and relations of friendship shall be renewed." The proba- 
 bility of the letter in question not reaching the King now 
 occurs to the mind of the Governor- General. European officers 
 would, perhaps, meet with immediate death on its delivery. 
 No Burman would undertake to be the bearer. The Lord of 
 the White Elephant holds heads but cheap in Ava ! But, 
 through the wise measure of distributing large numbers of 
 copies of the Proclamation over the country, the King will 
 hear of annexation " though the letter should never reach 
 him." The Secret Committee are then informed that the Go- 
 vernor-General in Council has selected Captain Phayre, the 
 present Commissioner of Arakan, to be Commissioner of Pegu j 
 that everything is in preparation for the establishment of a 
 civil government in the new province ; and that all will come 
 into operation as soon as the Proclamation of Annexation " shall 
 have been publicly promulgated." 
 
 We have now endeavoured to set before the reader the lead- 
 ing points of Lord Dalhousie's policy, in as brief a space as 
 was compatible with doing justice to his Minutes and the last 
 extraordinary despatch. This document of November 3, 1852, 
 is distinguished by three leading qualities — decision of cha- 
 racter, a desire of economy, and the wish to show that a para- 
 mount Power can afford wisely to act with moderation under 
 very difficult circumstances. The difficulties for a statesman 
 to contend with in this Burmese war were indeed great. 
 Who will deny 'that the pilot weathered the storm well, as 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 295 
 
 lie did before in other quarters in troublous times ? Who will 
 deny him a place beside such Governors-General as the Marquis 
 Wellesley, Lord William Bentinck, and Lord Hardinge ? 
 
 On the 23rd of December 1852, the Secret Committee replied 
 to the Governor- General in Council. They approve of the 
 course the Governor- General proposes to pursue. "We should 
 deplore/' say they, " the necessity of further conquest, and 
 we strongly feel the very serious objections to the annexation 
 of any other portion of the Burman Empire." The Committee 
 " see with satisfaction, by the Minute of Sir John Littler, 
 whose military experience entitles his opinion to great con- 
 sideration, that he does not estimate the difficulties of an 
 advance upon Ava as being of so grave a character as to pre- 
 sent a material obstacle to the adoption of that course, if it 
 should be rendered necessary by the persevering hostility of the 
 Burmese." Sir John advocated an advance on Ava without an 
 occupation. It is probable that General Godwin entertained 
 the same idea in September 1852, when he made his speech at 
 the Artillery dinner. And none could be more natural for a 
 military man to entertain, who, from the very nature of his 
 profession, is calculated to look more at the immediate effect 
 and glory of a thing than at the after consequences. Yet, for 
 anything we know, the two Generals may have well considered 
 the future, after planting the British standard on the battle- 
 ments of Ava ! 
 
 The Governor- General's letter to His Majesty the King of 
 Ava is dated November 16, 1852. It is simply the Proclamation 
 in detail ; but there is important matter regarding the treaty 
 by which the conquered province of Pegu was to be ceded to 
 the Government of India. Should His Majesty's accredited 
 officers sign, then the Government of India, on its part, " will 
 bind itself to renew relations of friendship with your Majesty, 
 and to grant liberty to trade in security within the British terri- 
 tories to your Majesty's subjects, permitting the usual trade 
 and supplies of your kingdom to pass its frontier in Pegu, on 
 
296 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the payment of such moderate duties as it may fix." The 
 following is the 
 
 DRAFT OF TREATY. 
 
 Treaty of Peace between the Honourable East India Com- 
 pany, on the one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava, on the 
 other; settled by His Excellency Commodore G. R. Lambert, 
 Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty's Naval Force in the 
 East Indies, Major-General Henry Godwin, C.B., commanding 
 the British Forces in Ava, and Captain Arthur Purves Phayre, 
 Commissioner of Pegu, on the part of the Honourable Company ; 
 and by , on the part 
 
 of the King of Ava ; who have each communicated to the other 
 their full powers. 
 
 There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the 
 Honourable East India Company, on the one part, and His 
 Majesty the King of Ava, on the other. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the Honourable East 
 India Company, in perpetual sovereignty, the Province of Pegu, 
 being the territories to the southward of the boundary herein- 
 after described, namely : — 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 The Honourable East India Company, and His Majesty the 
 King of Ava, will each permit the subjects of the other to carry 
 on trade within their respective dominions, and they will give 
 to such traders full protection and security. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 This Treaty shall be ratified by His Majesty the King of Ava 
 within one month ; the British Commissioner engaging that it 
 
PEOGEESS OP GOVERNMENT. 297 
 
 shall be ratified by the Governor- General in Council, and de- 
 livered to the Burmese Commissioners, within one month, at 
 Prome. 
 
 Done at , this 
 
 day of 185 . 
 
 (1853.) 
 Having now related the annexation of a new province to our 
 dominions in the East, and holding the opinion that it is 
 highly politic to increase those dominions when we can do so 
 with a due regard to our own interests and to those of others, 
 we are led, at a time when the government of India forms one 
 of the prominent objects of public attention, to muse over the 
 progress we have made during a wonderful century of govern- 
 ment. If even a Frenchman — remembering the scenes of the 
 glory of Dupleix, Labourdonnais, Lally, and Bussy — styled 
 the government of the East India Company " one of the most 
 glorious works of civilisation," why should any of our own 
 countrymen, without having weighed the matter, be prone to 
 condemn, or simply to wish for change ? In the little city of 
 Pondicherry — the Niobe of the French possessions in India — 
 the traveller of the present day will probably hear, as the writer 
 has heard before him, the intelligent circles of the Paris of the 
 East expressing their wonder and admiration on the subject of 
 the government of India — " the result of circumstances rather 
 than of design " — a piece of machinery surpassing all that 
 could be devised by the most cunning legislator — a system 
 which could not wisely be replaced by any other. It is plea- 
 sant to know that the country in which so many of our desti- 
 nies are cast has made considerable progress under the East 
 India Company. This government, it has been well expressed, 
 " is extraordinary in its design, singular in its conduct" ;* it is 
 a system pursued among a strange people who like not sudden 
 
 * " History of the British Conquests in India," by Horace St. John, 
 
298 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 innovations, millions of whom seem to persist in remaining 
 " unchangeable in the midst of change ! " Who that knows 
 aught concerning India and her people will not agree with the 
 remark * that " Europe and South America, if not India, have 
 had quite enough of governments by design — of governments 
 not the results of circumstances, but of theories ; and we should 
 be sorry were India the prey of constitution-makers ! " Modify 
 and correct if you will, but do not attack in order to destroy. 
 The attempt carries failure in the face of it, as sure as ever 
 failure was, or ever will be ! f 
 
 It is to be hoped that even in a quarter of a century hence 
 a decided progress will be observable among the inhabitants of 
 Pegu. As has been said before, there is easier and better 
 material to work upon here ; and the Talaings, seeing that we 
 have been the means of rescuing them from tyranny and op- 
 pression, will no doubt aid us in the general cause of improve- 
 ment, when our system of government has fairly begun to work, 
 buoyed up with the hope of seeing Pegu rise in its beauty 
 again, and themselves, although not an independent, at least a 
 peaceful and happy nation ! 
 
 Upon our occupation of the Tenasserim provinces after the 
 first war, we are informed that our rule commenced very 
 properly, " by disturbing as little as possible the systems of 
 revenue, police, and justice, to which the people had been ac- 
 customed under their Burmese rulers." By the Burmese the 
 chief portion of the State revenue derived from laud, was levied 
 in kind ; and one-fourth of the crop of rice was nominally 
 the share claimed by the Government. J But, on account of 
 the distance of the southern provinces from Ava, the Burmese 
 
 * " Economist." 
 
 f No sensible man will venture i<> deny in Eer Majesty's Government, 
 during the laei twenty years, building on the foundation laid bj theEasI Endia 
 Company, the exercise of extreme moderation, and an anient desire to benefil 
 the people of Endia. (1879.) 
 
 X "Calcutta Review," No. xv. p. 90. Thai branch of revenue derived from 
 teak forests was unknown to tho Burmese. 
 
FISCAL SYSTEM. 299 
 
 governors and their subordinates had a large field for the exer- 
 cise of tyranny and exaction. Garden produce, fruit trees, 
 the farming of fisheries, town dues, and other modes of raising 
 money, likewise yielded revenue for the State as well as for 
 the governors. [The officers appointed by our Government 
 are the Commissioner, his assistants, the Tseekays, and the 
 Goung Gyouks.] With the exception of taking revenue from 
 the land in kind, the above fiscal system was adopted by 
 us ; from which period the revenue system of the Tenasserim 
 provinces, apparently for some years, went through so many 
 fluctuations and errors as to impress us with the idea that a 
 Colonel Read, with his assistant Munro (afterwards the great 
 Sir Thomas) were much wanted in this corner of our do- 
 minions in the East. There is no saying what these lords of 
 the Ryotwari system, and masters in all relating to land 
 revenue, would have done under the circumstances ; but, 
 doubtless, they would have done something — have invented 
 some mode of raising a just revenue which should at least 
 bring the territory nearer paying its civil and military expenses 
 than has hitherto been attained.* It would now appear, not- 
 withstanding a similar drawback to these provinces — that of a 
 scanty population — reasonable to expect that Pegu, with all its 
 natural advantages, will not eventually disappoint the Govern- 
 ment ; there is every chance of a speedy increase of population ; 
 and even in a few years, with judicious management, guided 
 by experience, which qualities distinguish the head of Pegu's 
 Government, this once ancient kingdom may furnish a fair and 
 sufficient revenue for every purpose. The Commissioner of 
 
 * Major Broadfoot, the hero who foil at Moodkce, altered the whole fiscal 
 system of the provinces, "substituting a fixed money payment in lieu of the 
 levy of one fourth of the grain in kind or commuted in money ; he abolished 
 taxes on trees and garden produce, and those on turtle-banks and fisheries ; in 
 place of the latter he established a species of poll-tax, so regulated that a 
 cultivator paid about one-third of what was exacted from a non-cultivator." — 
 " Calcutta Review." 
 
300 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the Tenasserim and Martaban provinces, whose jurisdiction now 
 includes a portion of Pegu to the eastward, as far as Shwe- 
 gyeen, will also have an admirable field for the development of 
 his talents in the endeavour to bring his now extensive terri- 
 tory into a prosperous and paying condition. As regards the 
 commercial capital of Pegu, the ground-rent of Rangoon 
 alone, it was said, would furnish no inconsiderable source of 
 income. Captain Phayre had already begun to lay the founda- 
 tion of a healthy and wealthy metropolis of Eastern Asia. 
 And now, towards the close of this narrative, it comes as a sort 
 of duty to notice a fallacy recently put forth in England, — 
 nothing less than the assertion that " each new acquisition had 
 added to our debt, and has impoverished India/'' 
 
 In the account of the revenues and charges of the Punjab 
 and Trans-Indus territory for 1840-1850, and the succeeding 
 year, we find a surplus of upwards of sixty lakhs of rupees. 
 If we deduct from this what is styled " an extra military ex- 
 penditure " of thirty lakhs — much of which would have been 
 expended had annexation never taken place — there is then a 
 clear surplus of thirty lakhs ! The last accounts of the same 
 territory give a surplus of about half a million sterling, subject 
 to the same deductions. Should very minute statisticians give 
 no weight to the fact that had w r e not annexed the Punjab we 
 would have had to watch it, consequently a large army to pay, 
 without deriving any revenue from that territory ? Supposing 
 that Government, in the case of Pegu, had not annexed — had 
 simply been contented with striking a blow; allowing that 
 Burmese arrogance always goes on in an increasing arithmeti- 
 cal progression, would not Maulmain and Arakan have re- 
 mained constant themes of anxiety and expense ? There could 
 be nothing so effective as taking away the " sinews cf war " 
 from a country like Ava ! And this could only be done by 
 annexation ! Had the resources of Ava, by such a stroke of 
 policy, been crippled in 1826, it is highly probable there would 
 have been no Second Burmese War in 1852. 
 
AN EASTERN EMPIRE. 301 
 
 Again, a popular writer advised, shortly after we were settled 
 at Rangoon, that the army should be withdrawn from Burma, 
 and that we should retire to Calcutta " with as little loss of 
 time as possible " j thus attempting to destroy the prestige of 
 the power of that very Empire which he afterwards so ele- 
 gantly styled " the most splendid dominion under the sun ! " 
 
 "We are thankful to have some writers in India able and 
 willing to expose such absurdities as have just been alluded to; 
 and it is only to be regretted that these are not more uni- 
 versally read in England. But we are not always perfect in our 
 views of matters, even in the Eastern quarter of the universe. 
 Our esteemed Indian Quarterly* put forth a fallacy or two 
 which were commented on by one of the Calcutta journals. The 
 annexation of Pegu, thought the reviewer, would be followed 
 "by the rapid establishment of an Eastern Empire." This was 
 all very well— "Who did not hope it might ? But after giving 
 England new possessions, in addition to Pegu, such as the Shan 
 States and the Gulf of Siam, and having established his empire, 
 he was of opinion that such acquisitions would not pay. It 
 was sufficient to assert that we did not see why an " Eastern 
 Empire " should speedily follow the annexation of Pegu ; but 
 if such should take place, we maintained that the said " Empire " 
 would not only pay, if properly managed, but afford a consider- 
 able surplus to the future Emperors ! f 
 
 On the 20th of June a letter arrived, having been brought 
 across the Galadzet mountains from Prome in six days, a 
 distance of at least one hundred and twenty miles, making the 
 runner's trip at the rate of twenty miles a day. General 
 Godwin was about to start for Meaday, and then move south- 
 ward and complete his tour of inspection at the various military 
 posts — which steps seemed to augur, on our part, a decided 
 termination to the war. 
 
 * " Calcutta Review," September 1852. 
 
 f Pegu has partly fulfilled this prophecy iu the funds she has already fur- 
 nished to the Imperial exchequer. {Note in 1879.) — See notes in 'Papers/ No. III. 
 
302 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 But all doubt on the latter point was put an end to by the 
 arrival of news at the end of June, to the effect that an Am- 
 bassador had arrived at Prome with a message from the King 
 of Ava, stating that although he would not sign away any of 
 his territory he would nevertheless allow us to remain in the 
 country, and would give orders to his generals not to molest 
 us;— and that he wished the blockade on the Irawady with- 
 drawn, and a free trade to be established between the two 
 nations ! We should have been inclined to consider this a 
 piece of consummate craft, had it not been a well-known fact 
 that the unfortunate people to the northward were starving — 
 that traffic had almost ceased — that taxes of course could not 
 be paid, — and that if such a state of things continued, the 
 remnant of the glory of Ava's kingdom must soon depart 
 without the necessity of our moving one mile from Meaday. 
 
 We deem it necessary to make special mention here of the 
 admirable measures adopted for enabling us to defeat any 
 attempt of the Burmese to recover a position in the Aeng Pass 
 or its vicinity. Captain NuthalPs gallant surprise of the Aeng 
 stockade * was followed up by a garrison there. The Toungoo 
 Pass being also garrisoned, British communication via Arakan, 
 was brought to within three days' journey from Prome. " From 
 the crest of the Nareghain Pass," writes an officer, u the valley 
 and course of the Irawady are distinctly visible, and present a 
 very beautiful and interesting sight/' Two officers were em- 
 ployed to survey these Passes, which were to become "the 
 main line of communication between Prome, the upper part of 
 Pegu, and Calcutta." And, in a few years, we hoped to see the 
 Governor-General of India, by means of electric telegraph, in 
 communication with Promo and Meaday ! Truly, what might 
 we soon expect to see the wizard — Science — leave undone? 
 
 * Sco " Pegu," ohap. xiv. p. 207. On this occasion Captain Nuthall and two 
 sepoys wero wounded. 
 
LIBERATED PRISONERS — MR. QUINN. 303 
 
 The magic wires will speak, — announce a kingdom's fall, or 
 utter forth a kingdom's prosperity, — tell from Europe of an 
 Emperor's ambitious views, or herald forth an approaching 
 revolution ; all these things were likely enough to be tele- 
 graphed in Eastern Asia ! How different from the time when 
 Sir A. Campbell showed his foresight by ordering a body of 
 men to Aeng under Captain Ross, to pioneer the way for any 
 future force, as the Aeng road over the Arakan mountains had 
 not been explored by any officer of General Morrison's unfor- 
 tunate army ! However, we should even be grateful to that 
 army, for through it the Burmese lost Arakan on the 1st of 
 April 1825. It was now declared that there was not a single 
 stockade to be seen all the way from Meaday to Ava! 
 
 Among the Christian prisoners who had been liberated by 
 Prince Mengdoon in his struggle for the throne of the Golden 
 Foot, were two Catholic priests ; a Mr. Spiers, formerly captain 
 of a vessel at Rangoon ; and Mr. Conductor Quinn, attached 
 to the Bengal Ordnance Department. The last was an extra- 
 ordinary man. There is always something to create a vast 
 interest in the mind about the circumstance of a prisoner of 
 war. Here was a man who strayed beyond the safe boundary 
 at Prome, probably " whistling as he went for want of thought," 
 who believed the presence of an enemy to be a fable. Behold 
 him coolly ascending a tree, then employed in getting a spy- 
 glass to the proper focus, then surveying the surrounding 
 country in the most consummate self-confidence ! The Bur- 
 mese observe him — he is surrounded — becomes a prisoner of 
 war— and is led off in triumph to Ava. He refuses food — 
 even kicks away the proffered meal— he is but a poor prisoner 
 — his heart is sick — he is about to die. He reaches Ava. As 
 a stroke of conciliation with the British, the successful Prince 
 releases the conductor, and once more the hitherto unfor- 
 tunate man is a child of the glorious goddess Liberty ! 
 Who would not be a prisoner of war for such a brilliant con- 
 summation? 
 
304 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Having thus remarked concerning prisoners of war, one is 
 led to think of a concluding event of the former campaigns, 
 just before the Treaty of Yandaboo was signed and sealed. 
 The reader will probably recollect the arrival of a deputation 
 and treasure from Ava, also of Dr. Price, with the Judsons and 
 other prisoners. The British camp at Yandaboo boasted one 
 tent containing Mr. and Mrs. Judson. While Mr. Judson's 
 life was in the power of a cruel and sanguinary Court, the 
 amiable wife was debarred from seeing her husband. While he 
 remained in prison she supplied him with food, " occasionally 
 contriving to communicate with him by hiding a slip of paper 
 in the spout of a teapot ; and at one period, the prisoners having 
 been moved to a place of confinement several miles from Ava, 
 she followed, and took up her abode in a miserable hut, where 
 to escape insult, she assumed the Burtnan attire/'' * We have 
 no " romance " like this to write about in the Second War ; and 
 perhaps it is as well. 
 
 As Sir Archibald Campbell and General Godwin are the only 
 two British Generals to whose lot it has yet fallen to conduct 
 a war in these regions, it may not be deemed uninteresting, in 
 conclusion, to note a few circumstances regarding each, with 
 respect to their high command. 
 
 Sir A. Campbell, having distinguished himself in the Penin- 
 sula, where he commanded a division of the Portuguese army, 
 was appointed to the' Army of Ava some twelve or fourteen 
 years after he had won his European laurels. General Godwin, 
 who, as Lieutenant-Colonel of a Queen's regiment, had served 
 under him in the East, having distinguished himself in the Ava 
 campaigns, was appointed to a similar command about twenty- 
 six years after that war Avhich has been so vividly narrated by 
 Trant and Havelock, and so correctly by Professor Wilson. f 
 
 * " Two Years in Ava." 
 
 + Captain Doveton's " Reminiscences of the Burmeso War in 1821-5-G, 
 another work of interest. 
 
GENEEALS CAMPBELL AND GODWIN. 305 
 
 With Sir A. Campbell there was European military experience 
 to guide the war, which could not possibly include a practical 
 knowledge of how to work Europeans and sepoys together j and 
 the latter not having been supported by European infantry and 
 a well-directed fire of artillery was the cause, every one knows, 
 of such decided and bloody repulses as our troops met with at 
 Kykloo and Wattegaum (Watty-goon). With his European 
 regiments there was much to admire in Sir A. Campbell as a 
 soldier, but he knew nothing of Native Infantry. And putting 
 the qualifications of the sepoy out of the question — even as a 
 political stroke of wisdom never to give our native troops in the 
 East a chance of being shown off to disadvantage — this want 
 of knowledge was of serious consequence. General Godwin, 
 although a Queen's officer, throughout the operations of the 
 Second War, proved himself well aware of the advantages to 
 be derived from using the sepoy. In no instance did he 
 allow the natives to advance ineffectively supported by Euro- 
 peans ; and thus supported, they really did admirably at Ran- 
 goon, Bassein, and Pegu, to say nothing of Donabew, and 
 several minor affairs. Even in his greatest error — that of 
 leaving Pegu with too small a garrison after its capture — more 
 than half of that small but gallant band was composed of 
 Europeans. The sepoy could not have been better supported ; 
 and no doubt he would have aided in slaying the Burmese 
 wholesale, by the side of the European, had an opportunity 
 offered, even against the thousands of infuriated warriors who 
 surrounded the pagoda. 
 
 Before Sir A. Campbell's army was sent to Rangoon, a 
 supposition was entertained that should an advance on Ava be 
 necessary it might be accomplished by embarking the troops in 
 Burmese boats, which would reach the city of Ava* in three 
 or four months. It never occurred to those who dictated this 
 
 A distance of about 5U0 miles. 
 
 20 
 
306 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 line of operations that the Burmese might have the means of 
 withholding from us the resources of the country, on which it 
 would be necessary in such a movement to place great depen- 
 dence. Having selected Rangoon as the chief point of attack, 
 it was also thought that the Burmese would submit on hearing 
 of the fall of the famous city built by Alompra. 
 
 Twenty-eight years after, on General Godwin's arrival with a 
 splendid array of steamers and comparatively few transports, 
 subsequent to the " brilliant feat of arms " which placed Ran- 
 goon in our possession, a speedy advance on the capital was 
 declared by many to be the only mode of bringing matters to 
 a conclusion. Again, little thought was given to the proba- 
 bility of the Burmese cutting off our supplies, or withholding 
 the resources of the country, or to the fact that but very few 
 of the steamers were suitable for such an advance. In the 
 case of both generals public expectation was filled with the idea 
 of a brilliant and speedy termination to the war. The dis- 
 tinguished Peninsula officer was expected to bring about all 
 this in the first war, and all-powerful steam was to do every- 
 thing that was needful in the second. We say all-powerful 
 steam, for it was believed by many, from no knowledge of the 
 Commander, but from sheer assumption on the score of years, 
 that General Godwin, in spite of his Burmese experience, would 
 be fit for nothing — that he would be " simply in the way." 
 Age is a personal business with which the public have nothing 
 whatever to do. For no other crime than that of having lived 
 a little longer than most men through the changing scenes of 
 life, volleys of abuse were discharged in England against our 
 gallant General, and that, too, before he was put to the test. 
 Even the philanthropic spirit of " a noble and learned lord " 
 opposed to the war, was roused to give utterance to the liberal 
 sentiment that the General's appointment to command the 
 expedition was a very proper one. He was acquainted practi- 
 cally and personally with Burma, he had already obtained 
 distinction there, and it was therefore likely that he would 
 
GENERALS CAMPBELL AND GODWIN. 307 
 
 carry on the war with greater advantage than any other officer. 
 Who among us would object to a command, should he have 
 the good fortune to enjoy what Dry den styles " a green old 
 age " — a youth renewed like the eagle's ? We do not advocate 
 the employment of old generals as a safe rule in the army * ; 
 they do not always boast that matured judgment tor which 
 they get credit; but when strong recommendations in their 
 favour appear, it is very hard and unfair that, without having 
 been weighed in the balance, they should be declaimed as want- 
 ing ! Sir A. Campbell had the good fortune to steer clear of 
 all such calumny at the period of his appointment. Then 
 public feeling in England against war was not so violent as it 
 is at present. The national advantages obtained by Waterloo 
 were being reaped in abundance. In India the Mahratta Power 
 had only a few years before been subdued ; and in the case of 
 a Burmese war it was merely turning the course from the west 
 to the extreme east. When the Burmese authorities had 
 written to the Marquis of Hastings, asserting their right to the 
 Province of Bengal, we had no Punjab — no Sind — under our 
 government. Altogether, the times were more favourable to 
 the First Burmese War than the Second. Far less shackled, if 
 shackled at all, than General Godwin, and with a new and 
 determined enemy, Sir A. Campbell had also frequent oppor- 
 tunities of displaying that persevering enterprise which the 
 British always admire, and than which, when discreetly used, 
 nothing can be more worthy of admiration. General Godwin 
 had not so many opportunities. The efficiency of steam aided 
 in rendering the opening campaign of the Second Burmese 
 War truly brilliant. It would seem, therefore, that no satis- 
 factory comparison can be instituted between the two com- 
 manders, under the circumstances. The health of the troops, 
 
 * Nor of old admirals in the Navy, as has been already remarked regardins: 
 Admiral Austin. 
 
 20 * 
 
308 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 in comparison with the former campaigns, shows to great 
 advantage. We behold no army perishing in the swamps of 
 Arakan from the want of the commander's experience of the 
 climate. As far as hardships and the want of supplies are 
 concerned, we are not too proud to yield the palm to the former 
 Army of Ava. The first war was a far longer and more 
 tedious one than the second; and it was declared to end "in a 
 manner highly honourable to the British Government." As 
 regards the expenditure of life and treasure, " look on this 
 picture and on this ! " As regards energy and military capacity, 
 it is pleasant to turn to pictures of the two chiefs, — to the one 
 with the eye of the past, when we behold him busy at work 
 preparing to retrieve what we had lost by the repulse at Do- 
 nabew,* and again at the final action of Pagahm Mew, a city 
 of former splendour, where he directed the column in person 
 against the Infernal King f ; to the other with the eye of the 
 present, when we behold him in his general's cap and plume, 
 while so many were suffering from the terrific heat of the sun, 
 as active as the younger men on the field on the 12th of April, 
 while fighting our way towards the great pagoda, — in all his 
 prompt energy during the bustle and preparation for the relief 
 of Pegu, — and again, when directing the assault against that 
 capital's noble temple. In both cases we have true soldiers 
 anxious to serve their country faithfully and well. The result 
 of the Second Burmese War is infinitely more satisfactory than 
 that of the First. Great Britain, for the first time, secured 
 a firm footing in Eastern Asia. The link between our posses- 
 
 * The news of this was forwarded by Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, H. M.'s 
 41st, in a quill, to headquarters. 
 
 t " The King of Hell," as he was styled, the Golden Foot's last resource as 
 a commander. The battle of Pagahm Mew was fought on the 9th of Feb- 
 ruary 1826. It was nearly bloodless on our side, and fifty-five pieces of 
 artillery were captured. This was the last action of the First Burmese 
 War.— See Part I., p. 55. 
 
GOOD HOPES FOB THE FUTURE. 300 
 
 sions on the Ganges and the vast Hindu-Chinese regions had 
 been rendered complete. A mighty work was done — a great 
 political triumph had been accomplished ! Should destiny impel 
 us forward, a few years in Pegu would make us quite ready 
 for the service. Before that time arrived it was probable the 
 King of Ava would be in every sense a strenuous advocate for 
 free trade. Some enterprising members of the British Senate 
 may even travel this way, and expound some new and unheard 
 of principles of political economy to His Majesty of the Golden 
 Foot and the Golden Ear ! * (1853.) 
 
 * It must, with regret, be affirmed that, as regards free trade, our sanguine 
 hopes have not been realised (October 1879). For continuation of narrative 
 to the month of February 1854, see " Pegu," p. 380.— Keeping to the order 
 of events, we shall here make a few remarks to render our Abstract as com- 
 plete as possible. At Toungoo — where for some time the writer was the only 
 artillery officer in command — Mr. Mason, of the American Baptist Mission, 
 paid us a visit. He thought well of the annexation of the country. It was 
 of no common interest to talk with the author of the " Fauna, Flora, and 
 Minerals of Burma," perhaps, after Judson, the most distinguished missionary 
 that ever came to the land of the Golden Foot. In his famous work he thus 
 describes the Amherstia, which he first saw in all its native grace and beauty 
 at Maulmain, and which is considered the finest indigenous tree of Chin-India. 
 " It is of low stature, with slender pendulous branches clustered under its 
 tufted summit of lively green, and draperied with large pea-blossom shaped 
 flowers of brilliant red and yellow, which hang down from its graceful branches 
 in tassels more than a yard long. It was discovered by Dr. Wallich, on the 
 Salween, near Trockla, and named by him 'after the Governor-General's lady, 
 ' the noble Amherstia.' " We notice in his work on Burma that General 
 Fytche, following the doctor's example, has named a beautiful Burmese 
 creeper after himself — Dendrobium Fytchianvm — a fine illustration of which 
 will be found at page 297, vol. i. In Burma there is scarcely a tree without 
 its attendant creeper. — On the 14th of December (1853), the Governor- General, 
 Lord Dalhousie, paid his second visit to Rangoon. He found the city prosperous, 
 and happiness and prosperity everywhere ; also that articles paying duty in 
 November and December, amounted in value to eleven lakhs of rupees (one 
 hundred and ten thousand pounds sterling) — a good return from exports and 
 imports in such a short space of time. His lordship next steamed up the 
 Irawady to Prome and Meaday, on his mission of peace. At the latter place 
 he made a pithy speech, and was the chief actor in the settlement of the 
 boundary of the new Province. The pillar, he said, was to be a mark of the 
 British possessions for ever and ever! Our Toungoo boundary was to be in a 
 
310 OUR. BURMESE WARS. 
 
 NOTIFICATION. 
 
 Fort-William, Foreign Department, 
 the 30th June 1853. 
 In the Proclamation by which the Province of Pegu was an- 
 nexed to the British dominions in the East, the Governor- 
 General in Council declared that he desired no further conquest 
 in Burma, and was willing to consent that hostilities should 
 cease. Thereafter the Burman troops were everywhere 
 withdrawn. The King was dethroned by his brother, the 
 Mengdoon Prince, and an Envoy was sent from Ava to sue for 
 peace. The Burman Envoy — confessing their inability to 
 resist the power of the British Government, and submissively 
 soliciting its forbearance — announced his willingness to sign a 
 Treaty in accordance with the Proclamation, objecting only to 
 the frontier being placed at Meaday. The Government of 
 India, while it maintained its undoubted right to fix the 
 frontier where it had been placed, at the same time gave signal 
 proof of the sincerity of its desire for the renewal of friendly 
 relations between the States ; for, in the hope of at once con- 
 cluding a treaty of peace, the Governor-General in Council 
 consented to withdraw the frontier from Meaday, and to place 
 it, in strict conformity to the most literal wording of the 
 Proclamation, immediately to the northward of Prome and 
 Toungoo, — cities which have been described at all times as 
 within the northern limits of Pegu, in the official records of 
 transactions between the two States. 
 
 But when this concession was offered, the Burman Envoy, 
 
 straight lino with the point chosen six miles north of Meaday. — Our march to 
 Myo-Khla— forty-two miles north of Toungoo— has been alluded to elsewhere. 
 At. this time it looked as if a Third Burmese War were about to commence — 
 although the Burmese knew wo had now a direot land movement on Ava in 
 
 our power on one side, and a water movement by moans of light craft on the 
 
 [rawadj on the other. With Buoh moans we could oiroumvenl the Empire! 
 
GOVERNMENT NOTIFICATION. 311 
 
 wholly receding from his previous declarations, refused to 
 assent to any Treaty by which a cession of territory should be 
 made. Hereupon the negotiations were at once broken off. 
 The frontier of the British territories was finally fixed to the 
 northward of Meaday and Toungoo, and the Envoy was 
 directed to quit the camp. 
 
 The Envoy proceeded to the capital, whence he has now 
 conveyed to the Government of India the sentiments and pro- 
 posals of the Court of Ava. 
 
 The King expresses his desire for the cessation of war. The 
 King announces that " orders have been issued to the governors 
 of districts not to allow the Burmese troops to attack the 
 territories of Meaday and Toungoo, in which the British Go- 
 vernment has placed its garrisons." Furthermore, the King 
 has set at liberty the British subjects who had been carried 
 prisoners to Ava; and he has expressed his wish that "the 
 merchants and people of both countries should be allowed, in 
 accordance with former friendship, to pass up and down the 
 river for the purpose of trading." Mindful of the assurance he 
 gave that hostilities would not be resumed so long as the 
 Court of Ava refrained from disputing our quiet possession of 
 the Province of Pegu, the Governor-General in Council is 
 willing to accept these pacific declarations and acts of the 
 King as a substantial proof of his acquiescence in the proposed 
 conditions of peace, although a formal Treaty has not been 
 concluded : Wherefore the Governor-General in Council permits 
 the raising of the river blockade, consenting to the renewal of 
 former intercourse with Ava, and now proclaims the restora- 
 tion of peace. The Army of Ava will no longer be maintained 
 on a war establishment. At the same time, a force will be 
 permanently retained in Pegu amply adequate for its defence 
 and fully prepared for the event of war. The Governor- 
 General in Council, while he announced the successive events 
 of the war, has gladly seized each fitting occasion for bestowing 
 promptly on the several officers whose services were mentioned 
 
312 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 with distinction, the cordial thanks and approbation of the 
 Government of India. His Lordship in Council deems it un- 
 necessary now to repeat in detail acknowledgments of individual 
 merit that are still so recent ; but he cannot close the record 
 of this war without again conveying to the Services generally 
 an assurance of the admiration with which he has viewed the 
 combined exertions, whereby, under God's good providence, 
 the supremacy of our power in the East has once more been 
 asserted and upheld. [Then follow jthanks, naming the higher 
 officers.] 
 
 In testimony of the sense that is entertained of the services 
 and conduct of the combined Force, the Governor-General in 
 Council is pleased to direct that a donation of six months' 
 batta shall be issued to all the officers, non-commissioned 
 officers, and men of the several Naval and Military Forces that 
 have been employed during the progress of the war with 
 Burma. And it shall be the further care of the Governor- 
 General in Council to bring their services and conduct under 
 the special notice, and to commend them to the most favour- 
 able consideration, of Her Majesty's Government and of the 
 Honourable Court of Directors. 
 
 By Order of the Most Noble the Governor-General in 
 Council, 
 
 (Signed) J. P. Grant, 
 
 Officiating Secretary to the Government of India. 
 
 At the termination of hostilities (1853) the troops were 
 quartered at the following stations and out-posts : — 
 
 Rangoon. Shwe-gyeen. Shwe Doung. 
 
 Yandoon. Toungoo. Padoung-Mew. 
 
 Bassein. Maulmain. Tomboo. 
 
 Pegu. Prome. Henzada. 
 
 SlTTANG. MEADAY. DoNABEW. 
 
 Grand total actually present, — 346 European officers; 177 
 Native officers ; 4,334 European non-commissioned officers and 
 
THE ARMY IN PEGU. 313 
 
 men; 8,242 Native non-commissioned officers and mm, — in 
 all 13,099. 
 
 The army was divided into two divisional commands, held 
 by Brigadier- General Sir John Cheape at Prome, and by 
 Brigadier-General Steel at Rangoon. The Staff of each Divi- 
 sion was to remain — a highly prudent arrangement — until the 
 new territory became perfectly secure on the frontier. The 
 army being now distributed over Pegu, recalled the memorable 
 words of the Governor-General in his Despatch of 3rd Novem- 
 ber : — " By the annexation of Pegu we hold in the easy grasp 
 of our hand the kernel of the Burman Empire. Why should 
 we, by the occupation of Ava, encumber ourselves with an 
 armful of worthless rind ? But if, after all, peace cannot be 
 procured by anything short of the conquest of Burma; if the 
 
 LAPSE OF TIME AND THE COURSE OF EVENTS SHALL ESTABLISH A 
 
 real necessity for advance, then let us advance." Mean- 
 while we hoped that our new possession — extending beyond 
 the 19th parallel of latitude — a fertile country more than twice 
 the size of Holland, with a friendly and unwarlike people — 
 would rise to a high state of prosperity, without " encumber- 
 ing ourselves with an armful of worthless rind ! " 
 
 Troops in Pegu, &c. 
 1864. 
 Head-quarters : — Rangoois — No. 1 Battery, 20th Brigade, 
 Royal Artillery; H. M.'s 60th Rifles (3rd Battalion) ; 28th 
 Regiment Madras Native Infantry. Thayet-Myoo — G Bat- 
 tery, 23rd Brigade, Royal Artillery; H. M/s 19th Regiment of 
 Foot ; 5th Regiment Madras Native Infantry. Toungoo — No. 
 5 Battery, 20th Brigade, Royal Artillery ; 3rd Regiment Madras 
 Light Infantry. Shwe-gyeen— Two companies 3rd Regiment 
 Light Infantry. Maulmain — 9th Regiment Madras Native In- 
 fantry. Port Blair, Andamans — One company Sappers and 
 Miners ; one company Madras Native Infantry. (The Arakan 
 Battalion had been abolished, and Police substituted.) 
 
314 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
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316 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Lord Dalhousie's Autograph Letter to Major Hill, on the 
 Defence of Pegu. 
 
 The author thinks it a fitting conclusion to a chapter con- 
 taining remarks on Lord Dalhousie's policy to present his 
 readers with a copy of the original letter forwarded by the 
 Governor- General to Major Hill, after the gallant defence of 
 Pegu.* This epistle by the great Pro-consul and ready writer 
 has never before been published; and it will be of additional 
 interest at a time when "Isandula" and " Roorke's Drift" are 
 fresh in the memories of all true Britons — showing that the 
 British arms are always gallantly displayed, in all ages. Such 
 a letter also enhances the great importance Government at- 
 tached to the defence : — 
 
 Government House, July 19, 1853. 
 
 Sir, — It afforded me much satisfaction some months ago to 
 offer to you, on the part of the Government of India, an expres- 
 sion of the approbation with which it regarded your gallant defence 
 of your post at Pegu, against an overwhelming Burman force. I 
 have still greater satisfaction now, in having the means of proving 
 the sincerity of the admiration which was expressed, by rewarding 
 the services which called it forth. 
 
 The command of the Gwalior Contingent is vacant. It com- 
 prises two regiments of Cavalry, seven regiments of Infantry, 
 and four Field Batteries ; its allowances are to be 2000 rupees 
 a month ; the climate is excellent, and the position is altogether 
 more coveted than any other which the Governor- General has to 
 bestow. 
 
 If it should suit your views to accept this command, I shall feel 
 
 * The above letter has been alluded to at page 235, after the " Investment 
 of Pegu." Major Hill, we may here note, had served in the First Burmese 
 War; and, as Ensign in the Madras European Regiment, was present at the 
 fall and occupation of Rangoon, 1824, and at the assault of stockades at 
 Kommondine in the same year. He served also at the escalade of Panlaug, 
 in 1825, and was engaged in the first assault on, and the second attack of, 
 Donabew. The gallant young subaltern, therefore, had been taught in a good 
 yet severe school to prepare him for his future grand achievement. 
 
LORD DALHOUSIE's LETTER. 317 
 
 a great and real pleasure in bestowing it upon you : and I beg 
 jou to regard the act as being at once a testimony to your dis- 
 tinguished personal merit, and a compliment to the gallant force 
 you led so well, and a mark of respect to the army of the Presidency 
 to which you belong. 
 
 I would beg that if you should accept my offer, you will, never- 
 theless, remain in command of your corps, until final arrangements 
 shall be made for the distribution of forces in Pegu after the mon- 
 soon. 
 
 Let me add that my selection of you for this command has not 
 prevented my soliciting the consideration of the Honourable Court, 
 and of Her Majesty's Government, for the services of yourself and 
 others at Pegu, in marked and special terms. 
 
 I have the honor to be, Sir, 
 
 Tour obedient Servant, 
 
 (Signed) Dalhousie. 
 Major Hill, 1st Madras Fusiliers, Tonghoo. 
 
31 8 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 PART IV 
 
 VARIOUS PAPERS ON BURMA. 
 
 i. 
 
 View of the Condition of Burma in 1854-55. 
 
 " Peace is that harmony in the state, that health is in the body." 
 
 Loed Clarendon's "Essays." 
 
 Towards the close of the year 1854, it became generally known 
 in Rangoon that the Burmese were about to gild anew the 
 great Shwe Dagoung (Dagon) Pagoda.* This momentous event 
 in the annals of the Golden Land, it naturally struck us, 
 would be no inconsiderable proof of Burmese prosperity under 
 British rule. And while among the men, women, and chil- 
 dren of this interesting land, the news became rife that the 
 grand temple dedicated to Gautama was to shine forth in full 
 splendour again, a royal salute was fired by British soldiers 
 from the upper terrace of that very temple, in honour of the 
 great victory gained by the allied forces on the banks of the Alma 
 — the first, as it seemed, of a series of blows about to be aimed 
 
 * We have heard " Dagoung " translated " world's end" ; Pagoda is from 
 the Persian " but-k:ula," " idol temple " ; hence " pagoda " is an easy transi- 
 tion. 
 
burma in 1854-55. 319 
 
 at Russian despotism. The Burmese, as usual, wondered at 
 the cause of the firing. Could there be any analogy between 
 Artillery and Religion ? The salute could not be in honour of 
 Gautama ? At length some were told, and others divined, that 
 a victory was the cause of the firing. The old Phongyee (priest), 
 with yellow garb, turned a wistful glance to the great pagoda, 
 as the smoke vanished from the landscape : the little Phongyee, 
 clinging to his garments, would surely see some great charge 
 in his native land, before he attained the age of his sacred 
 sire ; at present, they had the first or great change, security 
 under a new and liberal government. Everything breathed of 
 security ; and the contemplative Phongyee even began to forget 
 that he might have, without our conquest, become a miserable 
 victim of feudal days, while he gained from the Rangoon 
 authorities, on the asking, permission to place, with a view to 
 gilding, the unique and highly ingenious scaffolding of his 
 country around the exterior of the vast and solemn pile.* 
 Thus, in a matter of considerable moment, did we humour the 
 Burmese people ; although some short-sighted reformers would 
 infinitely have preferred our pulling down the noble edifice and 
 selling the bricks ! Such people have never yet aided, and 
 never will aid, the cause of Civilisation or Christianity in the 
 East by too hasty action. Conciliation must ever form the 
 basis of our Eastern policy. 
 
 In February 1855, the writer, after nearly three years resi- 
 dence in the country, left Burma f ; and the Burmese people, 
 
 * See note at the end of this Paper. 
 
 f He returned again in 1861, when he had the honour, on the recommenda- 
 tion of the Chief Commissioner, Colonel Phayre, C.B. (now Sir A. P. Phayre, 
 K.C.S.I.), of being appointed the first Inspector of Civil Schools in British 
 Burma. As superintendent of army schools, Madras Presidency, the writer 
 again visited Burma in 1S68, when he inspected the school of H.M.'s 24th 
 Regiment, giving the men a lecture on Charles XII. of Sweden ; and many 
 of the gallant fellows afterwards displayed the true courage of the "Iron 
 King" in the eventful Cape War (1879). 
 
 With reference to Education in Pegu, Sir Arthur Phayre did his utmost to 
 give the inhabitants a national system, founded on the best principles. 
 
320 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 there is every reason to believe, were then greatly pleased at 
 the change of masters. Discontented growlers there were, as 
 there are everywhere ; but there was, in the opinion of many 
 a close observer, no general discontent in the country. Among 
 other peaceful events in the East, 1854 was remarkable as the 
 year in which Indian and Burmese specimens of art and in- 
 dustry were procured for the Paris Exhibition of 1855. Peace 
 had indeed begun to assert her triumphant reign — Peace, the 
 greatest ornament and comfort that can be conferred upon 
 states. 
 
 We shall now proceed to take a very brief view of the con- 
 dition of Burma shortly after the conquest of Pegu, which 
 condition, as Macchiavelli said is occasionally the case with a 
 man, it is easier to understand than to define. It may aid 
 our purpose if we commence by condensing some facts, at the 
 time well known, relative to an embassy from Ava. We should 
 like to possess the discerning powers of some moral philosophers 
 who have in days gone by dissected for you, on paper, a co- 
 quette's head, or given you a lecture on the probable position 
 or quantity of a fop's brain, — that we might penetrate into, or 
 examine, the heads of the Burmese Envoys on their arrival in 
 Calcutta. 
 
 Not having the graphic powers of a Theophrastus or an 
 Addison, we must simply content ourselves with beholding in 
 the " mind's eye " the mental machinery of the Burmese 
 Envoys on their landing at Baboo's Ghat,* under a salute, 
 and while they proceeded in the Governor- General of India's 
 carriage to the fort. 
 
 " With such a splendid city, such a ( residence of Merchant 
 Kings,' what can the British possibly want with Pegu ? Let 
 us exceed the bounds of our mission and ask back the Province. 
 The ' strangers ' having taken our territory, how can friendship 
 
 * Tuesday, November 28(,li, Lb54. 
 
burma in 1854-55. 321 
 
 exist between us ? If they wish for peace, they must give us 
 back Pegu. This is Burman custom. " So, perhaps, whis- 
 pered the principal Envoy * to the most astute and clever of 
 his five companions when they became fairly settled in their 
 strange abode. 
 
 Some amusing anecdotes regarding the Burmese Envoys 
 were current in Eangoon, one of which was that the Dalla 
 Woon (Minister) believed the greater portion of the guns of 
 Fort William to be wooden, until the sound of the metal proved 
 them to be genuine iron. Again, with regard to the Envoys, 
 it was said that the rooms of the Government House in which 
 they were located, furnished with many necessary European 
 comforts, did not at all meet with their approbation. The 
 rooms were too large, and the walls too white ; and they 
 longed for the real Burman house, and the close curtain to half 
 suffocate themselves in, and dream of Pya (Gautama). So 
 much for what some Orientals think of the civilisation of the 
 West. In Pegu, however, we found it amusing to meet with 
 people of the country using English washing-basins, tumblers, 
 bowls, and even decanters, for wrong purposes — proving, at 
 least, that they hold our manufactures in great esteem. 
 
 On Monday, the 11th December, Calcutta was enlivened by 
 the brilliant spectacle of the reception of the Burmese Envoys 
 in the marble hall of Government House. Everything was 
 done to render the scene as impressive as possible. The 
 Governor- General was there, and all the grand dignitaries of 
 the City of Palaces. The Chief Envoy advanced to the throne 
 with his own credentials and the royal letter from the Golden 
 Foot of Ava. 
 
 Then there was a conversation, through Major Phayre, the 
 Commissioner of Pegu, who acted as interpreter. Gifts, curious 
 and valuable, were then presented and received by our Govern- 
 ment and the Ambassadors. After a short time, passed in 
 
 * The old Dalla Woon, who was ruler of Dalla at the commencement of the 
 war in April 1852. 
 
 21 
 
322 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 conversation, the Envoys returned to their carriages; and, 
 under the shade of many umbrellas, were soon conveyed to 
 their mansion in the fort, and again secluded from the curious 
 gaze of a motley Calcutta world. 
 
 To cultivate friendship with the paramount power now na- 
 turally seemed to all to be the grand object of the Embassy. 
 
 At night, the ndts (fairies) of the Golden Land appeared 
 to one of the Envoys in a dream, while, disdaining the sump- 
 tuous couch prepared for him, he lay comfortably on the 
 floor.* These Glendoveers (good spirits) of the Gautamaic 
 creed, who 
 
 " In sportive flight were floating round and round,"f 
 
 prompted him to take advantage of British good nature, and 
 ask back the Province of Pegu. — On Saturday, the 23rd of 
 December, the parting interview took place. It was a business 
 interview of the most important nature. The Burmese Envoy 
 at length boldly proclaimed that he had come, by command of 
 the King of Ava, to seek restitution of the whole of the cap- 
 tured provinces in Burma ! The political gun had exploded ; 
 but with no deleterious effect. The Governor-General, as was 
 his wont, stood calm and collected ; and his answer, through 
 the interpreter (Major Phayre), to this cool request was — 
 "Tell them, that as long as the Sun shines in the Heavens, 
 the British Flag shall wave over those Possessions." — 
 Lord Dalhousie's reply was considered by a few gentle diplo- 
 matists to partake rather too much of the " Cambyses vein " ; 
 but this was a complete mistake. Nothing could have been 
 milder with the slightest pretension to decision of character, 
 
 * Ludicrous as it must appear, this position may easily have been realised, 
 if wo are to believe tbo assertion of a writer who evidently knew something 
 about the matter, " They (the Envoys) passed much of their time shivering 
 in the morning, looking wretched during the day, and (disdaining the bed) 
 building themselves up on the floor at night." Goldsmith's " Chinese Philo- 
 Bopher" was infinitely more in his element in London. 
 
 f ^outlay's " Curse of Kehama." 
 
burma in 1854-55. 323 
 
 or upholding the dignity of the British Government. And 
 when, in after ages, men will search in Burma's history for 
 aught " to point a moral, or adorn a tale/' they will say, as we 
 do now, and as other candid actors in the Burmese theatre of 
 past events must be compelled to say, it would be difficult 
 to imagine any reply more dignified or suitable than such an 
 irrevocable, immutable, and final decision of the Governor- 
 General. — On Thursday, the 28th December, the Burmese 
 Woongees, with their suite and accompanied by Major Phayre, 
 took their departure in the Hon. Company's steamer "Sesostris" 
 for Rangoon and Ava. 
 
 After this important visit, a return Mission from our 
 Government proceeded .to Ava * (sometimes styled the Golden 
 City), the results of which, doubtless, under the able conduct 
 of Major Phayre, were highly beneficial to the Eastern world. 
 We can imagine the feelings of regret with which, at the close 
 of the First Burmese War, the British soldier turned his back 
 upon the capital of Alompra, when only three marches from 
 the city. But notwithstanding the patched-up and unsatis- 
 factory treaty of peace concluded at Yandaboo,f it is perhaps 
 as well we did not advance on and destroy the capital ; for Ava 
 is as dear to the Burman as London is to the Briton. And our 
 noble forbearance then, as in the Second Burmese War, must 
 have taught the people that even an Oriental despot might be 
 permitted to govern his subjects, if he could govern them well. 
 Under the reigning king it seemed possible that this good 
 government might be secured. He appeared to manifest a 
 friendly disposition towards the British, although we had 
 deprived him of Pegu ; and, while sorely feeling the loss of 
 such a fine province, it was now generally believed that he did not 
 authorise the Envoys from his Court to ask its cession. J It was 
 
 * See Captain H. Yule's " Narrative of a Mission to Ava in 1855." 
 t February 1826. 
 
 X It was believed by many, on the Mission departing for Calcutta, that the 
 Envoy would ask back the port of Bassein, and Meng-don, a principality of 
 
 21 * 
 
324 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 a Mission to cement friendship, and it was nothing more. This 
 was the brightest and most satisfactory side of the question, 
 although there was nothing extraordinary in a Burmese king 
 asking back from strangers, since he declared that he was not 
 the erring party, the glorious conquest of his ancestors. He 
 was soon said to be improving his kingdom of Ava in trade 
 and in agriculture ; the best thing he could do, since the de- 
 cision had gone forth, " irrevocable, immutable, and final/' 
 that Pegu was ours for ever ! 
 
 It may now be well to state that the condition of our new 
 conquest in Eastern Asia, in 1854, was, considering the time 
 Pegu had been ours, truly marvellous. The sudden rise of 
 Rangoon, from a dirty town, to a flourishing commercial 
 capital, well laid out, — with its picturesque military canton- 
 ments, adorned with so many neat houses and excellent roads ; 
 its newly erected assembly rooms, with the general look of comfort 
 the town was beginning to wear, — seemed, as it were, a tran- 
 sition from darkness into light. Let us turn to Rangoon at the 
 end of 1854, and, comparing it with what the town was nearly 
 three years before, we may well say, " Look on this picture, and 
 on this/' Before, misery and starvation were to be seen in many 
 a countenance, while the small army of " men and boys, the 
 matron and the maid," proceeded to pay their devotions to 
 the god of their ancestors at his celebrated shrine. Now, well 
 dressed crowds, in holiday attire, — the Burmese ladies, fresh 
 from Vanity Fair, shining forth, as Goldsmith has it, " in all 
 the glaring trickery of dress/' proud rather than otherwise to be 
 gazed at by the English strangers, — wend their way to Gau- 
 tama's temple. And silently working for the conversion of our 
 new subjects, behold the amiable Protestant missionary, with 
 
 Ava. — To this note we may add (1879) that the present King takes his name 
 from Thee-bau — some seventy or eighty miles to the east of Mandalay — the 
 same way as the late King did from Meng-don. It is the custom to name the 
 princes of the Royal House after Principalities, the revenues of which are 
 generally given them " to eat" — in some en es also, we presume, to drink ! 
 
burma in 1854-55. 325 
 
 his not less amiable wife, surrounded by Karens, Takings, and 
 other tribes, paving the way, should peace continue, for the 
 exclamation of delighted surprise from the charmed and arrested 
 traveller, when he shall hear throughout Pegu the " hum of 
 missionary schools/'' and regale himself with the " lovely spec- 
 tacle of peaceful and Christian villages. " 
 
 And again, silently working, behold the disciples of the 
 Church of Rome — the Church, as Lord Macaulay says, " with 
 the principle of life still strong within her/' There she is with 
 her funds and her chapels, her persuasive priests, and her 
 wonderful management, silently working in Burma, as she has 
 long done in China ; causing us more than ever to say, 
 " When we reflect on the tremendous assaults which she has 
 survived, we find it difficult to conceive in what way she is 
 to perish."* 
 
 And silently working in the region of Science, now comes 
 forth that wonder of wonders, which is now fast progressing in 
 Pegu — the Electric Telegraph. Through this mighty agent the 
 Governor of Bengal will eventually receive intelligence from 
 Pegu in two or three hours. May we hope that the telegraphic 
 message may never be an announcement of the Russians pour- 
 ing down in Northern Burma ! With good roads, and the 
 electric telegraph, if they do come, what need we care if the 
 Indian Army be kept up to the requisite European strength ? 
 Then, to the three Presidencies it is simply 
 
 " A word — and the impulse is given; 
 A touch — and the mission has sped :— 
 Hurrah ! 'tis the best conjuration 
 That Science, the wizard, has done ! 
 Through me nation speaks unto nation, 
 Till are are united in one." 
 
 * Macaulay's "Essays" — Ranke's History of the Popes. — "During the 
 reign of Louis XIV. several splendid attempts were made to propagate the 
 doctrines of the Church of Rome, and advance the interests of the French 
 nation in the kingdom of Siam ; but little is related of Ava or Pegu." 
 
326 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Campbell declares, in his " Pleasures of Hope/' — 
 
 " The world was sad ! — the garden was a wild ! 
 And man, the hermit, sigh'd — till woman smiled ! " 
 
 And not the least important light in the picture of civilisation 
 was now the appearance of so many European ladies in Pegu. 
 The resources of the new province were in course of develop- 
 ment, regarding which the Mission to Ava would probably 
 furnish us with more information. Coal, it was said, had been 
 discovered on the Irawady, of excellent quality, — a discovery of 
 infinite importance to the Government and steam navigation. 
 Of course, in a few years, Pegu will have its railway. Then 
 there is the new port at the mouth of the Bassein river, new 
 Bassein,* which would do an immense grain trade. Turn what 
 way we wished, the condition of Burma in 1854, more par- 
 ticularly Pegu, was highly gratifying. If dacoits were severely 
 and summarily dealt with, dacoity would soon be rare in the 
 land. But it must ever be remembered that this crime is, 
 like Thuggism in India, indigenous to the country. Many 
 persons hoped for an abrogation of the frontier duties ; but the 
 security of a new conquest must be maintained with money, 
 and taxation is the order of the day throughout the world. 
 So much, then, for the condition of Burma, at a time when 
 Government began wisely to think, in the words of Plutarch, 
 that it sufficed not to conquer alone — " Victory must be made 
 profitable." — [The frontier duties were abrogated in 1863.] 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Gilding the Great Pagoda. 
 
 The Burmese mode of erecting the scaffolding around the Great 
 
 Pagoda struck us as being most ingenious. Every one assisted in 
 
 bringing material for the huge frame-work. Even the women, in 
 
 * Or Dalhousie, so styled, of course, after tho celebrated Marquis. [It is 
 situated some sixty miles below Bassein, near tho mouth of the river ; but, on 
 account of extensive flowing a few years since, was ruined, and is now (1864) 
 abandoned as a station.] 
 
GILDING THE GREAT PAGODA. 327 
 
 holiday attire — with the glittering nadoung (ear-ring) and the 
 gold chain — came forth to assist in the religious duty. Many 
 females and young children were to be seen wandering from Kem- 
 mendine ; first with bamboos, and eventually with chatties of 
 water, requisite for cleaning the temple before the operation of 
 gilding. A strong foundation beiug made, the bamboo frame- 
 work gradually ascended to a height of more than three hundred 
 feet, to the astonishment of the inhabitants of Rangoon. The 
 huge pile then resembled a temple of wicker-work, admirably pre- 
 serving the bell-like form of a portion of the structure, beside 
 which the colossal human images used by the Druids of old in 
 their sacrifices would have made an appropriate ornament. The 
 exterior of the temple was not touched by the general frame- 
 work, allowing space sufficient for a man to perform the opera- 
 tion of gilding, which, from the curious arrangement of the 
 bamboo, he could do in perfect safety. The scaffolding was 
 brought to the base of the tee (umbrella) ; and through a tele- 
 scope it was interesting to observe what might form a striking 
 picture of the huge pile. First, you beheld the parapet, then the 
 dark fan-like palms, then the old dark base rings of the pagoda, 
 then the bamboo-work (which was eventually covered with mats), 
 then the gorgeous tee of Gautama, for the time divested of its 
 gold and silver bells. In the great tee, we heard, there were 
 about six hundred silver bells, twenty of pinchbeck, and fifteen 
 of gold. One of the gold bells was found to be six pounds in 
 weight, with a golden leaf,* as usual, attached to the tongue, 
 a present from the late King Tharawadi's daughter. Some of 
 the silver bells weighed seventeen pounds and a half. Each 
 bell was inscribed with the name of the donor, and some of the 
 small gold bells were adorned with jewels. Each bell was attached 
 to the rich gilt tee by a hook ; and no difficulty was experienced in 
 handing down the bells, which was done by arranging a string of 
 men from the tee to the base, a select few who were allowed to 
 touch the precious offerings. On the completion of the gilding, the 
 bells were to be restored to their former position. 
 
 The gilding, which was only to extend to the upper portion 
 of the pagoda, was just commencing when the writer left Burma, 
 
 * "Waring golden leaves attached to tinkling bells, rich gold work, all so 
 strictly protected by the golden ' tee,' draw forth admiration." — Narrative. 
 
328 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 and the expense, defrayed by a Burmese subscription, was esti- 
 mated at between forty thousand and fifty thousand rupees 
 (four thousand five hundred pounds). According to Havelock, 
 the glittering coating of the temple was last renewed in 1817, 
 if we recollect right, at a much less cost. [The height of the 
 pagoda, as before remarked, is upwards of three hundred and 
 twenty-one feet. The terrace on which it stands is about nine 
 hundred feet long, and six hundred and eighty-five feet broad ; it 
 is elevated above the inferior terrace by a wall fifteen feet high. 
 Shwe Dagon is encircled, at some distance, by smaller pagodas, all 
 possessing more or less beauty. The scene from the upper terrace 
 is most imposing ; either by moonlight, with huge grotesque faces 
 peering out upon you ; or in the broad day, when the golden 
 summits of the temples are glittering in the fiery sun.] 
 
 II. 
 
 Sparseness of Population and Health op the 
 Indigenous Races.* 
 
 Sparseness of population anywhere is a serious subject. It 
 suggests various trains of thought to the mind. Emigration, 
 caused by bitter want and local distress, — emigration, caused 
 by cruel wars and oppression ; increase of mortality from 
 neglect of women and children (the latter in early infancy) — 
 may turn us at once, with regard to emigrants or people forced 
 to leave their homes, to think of the " Deserted Village " of 
 Goldsmith ; and again, in the realms of poetry, to " Evangeline, 
 
 * This paper is a portion of a review of Reports on the Health and Popula- 
 tion of the Indigenous Races of British Burma, ordered by Colonel (Sir 
 Arthur) Phayre. The writer received the following kind note, when tin- Chief 
 Commissioner had done him the honour to peruse his paper : — " Accept my 
 best thanks for your very interesting chapter on the Health of the Indigenous 
 Peoples of British Burma. I fool assured that your work will be read with 
 deep interest, and have no doubt will cause the country to be known and 
 appreciated in quarters where otherwise it never would have been heard of." — 
 Under the title of " The Conquest of Pegu," the author had intended to pub- 
 lish his two Narratives in one volume, while at Rangoon, in 1864. 
 

 POPULATION AND HEALTH. 329 
 
 a Tale of Arcadie " j while, with reference to the management 
 of infancy, we turn in prose to where a chief evil existing in 
 Burma has the remedy at once suggested, by simply going back 
 eighty years to wise old Benjamin Franklin, who wrote on early 
 marriages, holding forth their advantages in a rising country to 
 his " Dear Jack " : — " By these early marriages we are blessed 
 with more children ; and from the mode among us, founded by 
 nature, of every mother suckling and nursing her own child, 
 more of them are raised. Thence the swift progress of population 
 among us, unparalleled in Europe/' Such was an opinion on 
 the cause of a large population in America by a philosopher, 
 whose penetrating eye nothing could escape, the best informed 
 man of his time. Turning from Franklin, who could write an 
 essay on a whistle, teach the city of Paris, by statistics, the 
 economy of using " sunshine instead of candles M ; who could 
 ascertain the nature of lightning by the most simple means, 
 and then treat the subject of population — all with equal facility 
 — we arrive at the second page of the interesting brochure on 
 which we now intend to make a few brief remarks, furnishing 
 also a portion of what is valuable therein, and thus forming 
 what may be considered a fitting chapter in the history of the 
 " Conquest of Pegu." 
 
 From the " Report by the Medical Officer of Eamree "* 
 (Mr. Thomas), we learn, with reference to Burmese women and 
 children, that ''there is a pernicious practice prevalent among 
 the people of giving unnatural food to infants at a very early 
 age. The natural aliment of the child is the mother's milk, 
 but scarcely is a Burmese child a week old, when boiled rice is 
 taken into the mouth by the mother, or by any other female 
 relative, and is chewed into a pulp, and with this pulp the poor 
 little creature is daily fed." 
 
 Another evil is now noticed — want of clothing. " A dis- 
 
 * District of Ramree ia in Arakan. 
 
330 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 regard to cleanliness is an evil also, and the want of proper 
 ventilation in the houses is no less so. Burmese medicine, I 
 may add, is very rude, and all these combined operate with 
 deleterious influence on human life ; and although the people 
 of British Burma may have fine houses and plenty of grain 
 food with numerous children born to them, still will the nu- 
 merical bulk of the nation be affected as long as the people 
 cleave to this " (alluding also to the absurd treatment of the 
 woman and child on the occasion of a birth) " barbarous 
 mode of treating their women and children." 
 
 Few people will deny the truth of the remark, that a greater 
 number of children all over the world do not annually die at 
 birth, is in itself a wonder. We read, in one of Dr. Combe's 
 treatises, of the care required in Great Britain to rear even a 
 healthy infant.* We should like to know what he of the 
 present, or Dr. Hunter of the last century would have said to 
 the indiscriminate use of the cold bath, followed up by quick 
 firing, or the " roasting plan/' for the mother, and " pulpy 
 chewed rice " for the small particle of humanity just appeared 
 on the stage ! Hunter would have called his man John (this 
 was the name of his favourite servant) immediately, and, 
 doubtless, would have said to him, " Hang at every Burmese 
 threshold my three rules for the rearing of healthy children, — 
 
 PLENTY OF MILK, PLENTY OF SLEEP, AND PLENTY OF FLANNEL ! " 
 
 These the celebrated John Hunter has handed down to posterity. 
 With the observation of such rules, our wonder would no longer 
 increase at the fewness of deaths among Burmese and other 
 children of the East. Colonel Phayre inquiresf why the 
 people of British Burma, possessing all those circumstances 
 which are considered favourable to increase of population, are 
 
 * Combe says that " between a third and a half of all the children ushered 
 into the world die within the first five years after birth." 
 
 + In his " Memorandum on the Sparseness of Population in British 
 Burma." 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 331 
 
 not more numerous than we now find them ? among the cir- 
 cumstances considered favourable, enumerating "natural fertility 
 of soil, general healthiness of climate, the use of rice as the 
 chief article of food, the non-oppressive character of the Go- 
 vernment under which the people reside, and their descent 
 from the same stock as the prolific Chinese." In the Chief 
 Commissioner's opinion, " the following appear to be the most 
 obvious remedies against disease and the number of early 
 deaths, which there is reason to conclude occur among the 
 indigenous races of Burma. These are vaccination, improved 
 sanitary arrangements, the establishment of dispensaries, and 
 instruction of natives of the country in the science of medi- 
 cine " ; and, since the Reports now under consideration were 
 written, " measures have been adopted for commencing the 
 above plan." In fact, the famous saying of the American 
 essayist,* " To think is to act ! " has been wisely carried out 
 during our British policy in Burma. And we all know that 
 the grand requisite for a political officer in the East is decision 
 of character, of that nature which the eloquent pen of John 
 Foster has described, without which he is nothing, or, locally 
 speaking, worse than nothing ! In the " Report " from the pen 
 of Colonel Fytche,t he writes to the Chief Commissioner : — " In 
 a beautiful and fertile country like Burma, and inhabited by 
 such a robust race, the sparseness of its population must strike 
 the most indifferent person with surprise. The most generally 
 received idea regarding this scarcity of population is, I believe, 
 the great mortality of children between five and fifteen years of 
 age. This, however, I imagine to be a popular error, for since 
 we have taken possession of Tenasserim and Arakan, the 
 country being freed from either internecine or foreign wars, 
 and the people allowed to settle q*uietly down in towns and 
 villages, the population has increased much more than two-fold : 
 
 * Emmerson. 
 
 f Commissioner of Tenasserim. 
 
332 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the official returns showing a term of about thirty years as the 
 period within which the population has doubled itself, and 
 which does not by any means compare unfavourably with the 
 increase of either any European or Asiatic race we are ac- 
 quainted with." 
 
 According to this Commissioner, then, devastating hostilities 
 or remorseless wars appear as the chief causes of a scarcity of 
 population for the past, while, from a practical knowledge of 
 the subject, gained by many years residence in Burma, he 
 holds out great hopes for the present, or for the country under 
 British rule. Regarding the " chronic state of internecine 
 warfare " in Burma, one or two facts may be here brought 
 forward. The oppression of the Takings (or Peguers) by the 
 Burmese is known to the reader of history. The Takings, 
 long oppressed after their conquest by the Burmese, became 
 special objects of hatred when the British forces unhappily 
 withdrew from Pegu in 1826, leaving the Peguers, our friends 
 during the First Burmese War, to Burman vengeance and 
 cruelty. The subsequent years, till British annexation in 1853, 
 witnessed increasing severities ; " and the race is now greatly 
 diminished." But, prior to our first war with Burma, not only 
 cruelty, and oppression, and murder thinned the fertile pro- 
 vinces of the Delta, but emigration did its work in a very 
 considerable degree. This, of course, was caused by cruelties 
 practised. Deing Woon, who delighted in the sight of gibbeted 
 or crucified bodies, it is said, caused the emigration of some 
 twenty thousand families of Peguese into Siam, which, although 
 enduring far better treatment, they feel to this day is not the 
 land of their fathers. It is little more than fifty years since 
 that the condition of the interior of Ava became equally de- 
 plorable with that of the river banks. Villages and towns were 
 everywhere deserted ; robbers and insurgents ranged about the 
 country, and " many of the harassed inhabitants, at the risk of 
 their lives, openly expressed their wishes that the English 
 would either take the country or allow them to migrate to 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 333 
 
 Bengal." These facts alone, which we have derived from 
 various sources, prove how much reason upholds Colonel 
 Fytche's argument regarding the sparseness of population in 
 Burma. Turning to the history of British colonisation also, we 
 find a reduction of population from various significant causes. 
 In Virginia, for instance, the first colony in which we settled 
 in America, the tribes were originally strong enough so destroy 
 three separate and powerful bodies of colonists, who acted like 
 brutal invaders, after being received with a welcome. But 
 their thousands of warriors of 1607 were reduced two-thirds 
 in sixty-two years " by our spirituous liquors, by our diseases, 
 by our wars, and by an abridgment of territory, fatal to a 
 people who lived much on the spontaneous productions of 
 nature." In twenty years more they were quite weakened ; 
 and, at the end of the next century, nearly all had perished. 
 Wars and a consequent abridgment of territory here pro- 
 ducing sparseness of population, again support the views of 
 Colonel Fytche ; while it is curious to remark that, by the 
 invasion of Virginia we ruined the population, through the 
 conquest of Pegu we have increased, and are going on steadily 
 increasing it ! 
 
 Doubtless, we have made vast improvement in the way of 
 ordering matters in a new country. This becomes evident 
 from simply reading about Virginia — a country " purchased," 
 in " unexceptionable form," to use the words of Jefferson,* by 
 the English, whose reserved districts were "kept from en- 
 croachment by the authority of the laws, and who usually had 
 white protectors to watch over their interests." We ponder 
 and inquire, How could almost extinction be the 'fate of a 
 people who were so cherished? We know of no other answer 
 to this question but that of an improved system of colonisation, 
 
 * " Notes on Virginia," quoted by S. Bannister in his " British Colonisa- 
 tion," &c. 
 
334 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 or of our manner of conduct after conquest ; and this has been 
 admirably exemplified in the conquest of Pegu. 
 
 Causes of the decay in numbers in Burma, before we an- 
 nexed Pegu, now become susceptible of a simple solution : — 
 the whole made clear from the " interesting and useful reports " 
 furnished to the Chief Commissioner — Colonel Fytche believing 
 " that mortality is not greater amongst the people of British 
 Burma than in other Asiatic countries " ; and he has no doubt 
 that ' l the establishment of dispensaries throughout the country, 
 with properly educated practitioners, would considerably de- 
 crease the mortality now existing." True enough, he considers 
 that time and civilisation alone must teach the people. 
 
 Dr. Donnelly, Civil Surgeon of Mergui, furnishes a very 
 interesting report. He is the grand advocate for properly 
 educated practitioners in the science of medicine. The best of 
 the Burmese students who have passed the prescribed exami- 
 nation, in the opinion of Dr. Donnelly, should be selected to 
 fill all those hospital appointments at present held by natives 
 of India, — who, having few feelings or sympathies in common 
 with the Burmese, never obtain their respect or their confi- 
 dence, — to take charge of village dispensaries and to act as 
 vaccinators throughout the district. With a few and inex- 
 pensive changes, the doctor thinks, we could do much towards 
 lessening the present rate of mortality. 
 
 Dr. Marr, Civil Surgeon of Maulmain, likewise strongly 
 advocates the extension of vaccination, and the establishment 
 of dispensaries throughout the country, in charge of properly 
 educated practitioners. Alluding to the mortality of Burmese 
 infants, from causes similar to those we have before alluded to, 
 this medical officer brings forth a curious fact, which we 
 believe may be applied to the children of all Asiatic nations, 
 that they get through the process of dentition with greater 
 facility than European children. 
 
 Dr. A. J. Cowie, Civil Surgeon of Rangoon, furnishes a most 
 elaborate and valuable report on the sparseness of population 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 335 
 
 in British Burma. The learned surgeon takes a very compre- 
 hensive view of the subject, worthy of one holding such a 
 situation as his at the great commercial capital. But, on one 
 or two points, we either do not quite understand him, or his 
 opinion appears to be rather sudden. For instance, he cites 
 wars and bad governments as one of the given chief causes for 
 a sparseness of population, the truth of which he proceeds to 
 examine. " Could we attribute sparseness of population," he 
 says, " to successive and great wars, then surely we could 
 expect to find a great preponderance of women over men, which 
 is not the case." Now we are of opinion that men, women, 
 and children, in countries without the light of civilisation, suffer 
 nearly equally by war — internecine wars especially producing 
 the desire of mutual extermination. Warlike gentlemen such as 
 Messrs. Deing Woon, Generals Roung-Roung and Bandoola in 
 the first, and such as Myat-htoon in the second Burmese war, 
 would think little of sparing woman and child in their tiger- 
 like thirst for blood. Doubtless, they frequently thought how 
 much sooner the cause would be won by taking " all the little 
 chickens and their dam at one fell swoop ! " 
 
 No finer touch of human nature is to be found in literature 
 than when Macduff, hearing of the murder of his wife and 
 children, inquires of the messenger — " Did you say all ? " 
 Nature is nearly the same in all countries ; and this pathetic 
 question from the genius of Shakspeare has often rung through 
 the Burman vales and forests ! 
 
 In 1812, we read, the Viceroy of Pegu "monopolised the 
 supply of coffins " ; and very well he might have done so if 
 his cruelty was nearly equal [to that of the Viceroy, two years 
 before, who was ordered up to the Court of Ava with a chain 
 round his neck. Opium smoked and spirits drank by the 
 troops, and being too lenient, were the charges against him. 
 He had taken off too few heads since his arrival in Rangoon. 
 A very short time before, this "mild person" had ordered 
 twelve men, women, and children, who had deserted from him 
 
836 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 to an obnoxious rival; to be murdered in a manner that we 
 dare not put on paper. The execution of the sentence, how- 
 ever, was prevented by the " urgent entreaties of the British 
 Envoy." Being murdered or starved were too frequently the 
 fate of the poor women and children, during peace as well as 
 war. Children of various ages were frequently brought to 
 Captain Canning (whose mission took place in 1809) whose 
 fathers had been driven to the wars, and whom their mothers 
 entreated him to accept, " in hopes of procuring for their 
 wretched offspring that sustenance which they were unable to 
 get for themselves." We have no doubt, if we could collect 
 records of the oppressive mode of recruiting the Burman armies 
 and of the conduct of the opposing nations* during the wars, 
 quite enough evidence would appear to show that, during at 
 least a century, men, women, and children have suffered 
 dreadfully ; especially in Pegu, when the star of Alompra, the 
 hunter, became lord of the ascendant ! 
 
 Again, the Civil Surgeon commences his report by remarking 
 that "Colonel Phayre has shown us, that the population of 
 British Burma was never more numerous than it is at present." 
 The Chief Commissioner also commences the section, Popu- 
 lation, in his Administrative Report for 1862-63, by stating, 
 what deserves the consideration of all rulers, that. " the popu- 
 lation of British Burma increases rapidly; partly from im- 
 migration, and partly, it is to be hoped, from natural causes. 
 The causes of the paucity of population in Chin-India remain 
 to be ascertained. Increase appears to be an established fact/' 
 Captain Harrison (Deputy Commissioner) writes, regarding the 
 Mcrgui district : — " There is a fair annual increase to the 
 population, and when more accurate statistics have been col- 
 lected I think it will be found that the increase amounts to 
 about twenty or twenty-two per thousand per annum, and at 
 
 Burmese, Chinese, Siamese, and Peguese. 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 337 
 
 this rate the population would double itself in about thirty- 
 three ^ years." Colonel Fytche also mentions increase. We 
 have had the Tenasserim Provinces about forty years — Pegu 
 not yet twelve; surely, then, on the same principles, there is 
 hope for the new conquest ! It appears difficult, therefore, to 
 see cause for remarking, after allusion to "wars and bad 
 governments": — "enough, whether the people increased or 
 not, before the advent of British rule, is not to the point — what 
 is now keeping the increase of the population in check is the 
 difficulty to be solved, for wars can have nothing to say in 
 the matter, and the country can boast of a good and just 
 Government."* If by increase kept in check, non-increase be 
 meant, then the author of the report in question has the autho- 
 rity of Colonel Brown, Deputy Commissioner, Prome, to 
 support him, — " I am of opinion that the non-increase of the 
 population of the country is not solely the effect of any one 
 special cause, but that of a combination of influences which 
 are in operation at the same time." f The population of 
 British Burma, however, does not appear to be stationary, 
 but increasing, as already asserted in two cases with statistical 
 proof ! 
 
 Dr. Cowie informs us that small-pox in Burma is a much 
 milder and far less fatal disease than it is in Great Britain. 
 Regarding this disease, Dr. Marr asserts that " epidemics of 
 small-pox exercise a considerable influence on the population. 
 . . . To children unprotected by either vaccination or in- 
 oculation, the disease proves very fatal." For not being 
 vaccinated, while we write, at least in Rangoon, no one can 
 have any excuse ; for all are invited to come to the dispensary 
 by the Civil Surgeon, and receive what the genius of Jenner 
 provided for them ; and this is announced in Burmese as well 
 as in English, in the public journals. Referring to inoculation, 
 
 Page 37. t Page 74. 
 
 22 
 
338 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Dr. Cowie brings forward an interesting remark which will be 
 new to many readers : — " Our greatest living Physician says of 
 Lady Mary Wortley Montague — ' We owe the actual intro- 
 duction of the practice of inoculation'' — a wise and justifiable 
 measure in the absence of vaccination — into Great Britain to 
 the good sense and courage of an English lady." 
 
 Cholera in Burma is only " an occasional visitant/' and 
 seldom severe in its outbreaks. It is not endemic, as in many 
 parts of India ; and, writes Dr. Marr, " visits Burma at long 
 intervals." Of this destroyer, we have thus two valuable me- 
 dical opinions, in addition to that of the Chief Commissioner 
 (as regarding its destructiveness) , justly coinciding. 
 
 Fevers of the country, opium smoking and eating, housing, 
 food, ardent spirits, and a variety of other topics, are all 
 touched on by the fertile pen of Dr. Cowie. Regarding 
 " Ardent Spirits " — to all military officers a most important 
 subject as regards discipline — the Civil Surgeon of Rangoon 
 asserts what should shame many a European who boasts of 
 enlightenment and civilisation ! " I have not yet, in all my 
 experience, met with a case of ' delirium tremens ' among the 
 Burmese ; and I will venture to say, that no other medical man 
 who has resided in this country ever has either. The Burmese are 
 not at all given to drunkenness." Dr. Cowie concludes a most 
 interesting report, extending to fifty-three sections, with the 
 remark, which has been so often applied to advocate the cause 
 of Female Education in India : — " It is through the /women 
 that we must expect to reform the Burmese, and they are 
 under the influence of the Phongyees ! " 
 
 Valuable papers from Major Ardagh (Officiating Commis- 
 sioner of Pegu), Mr. E. O'Riley, Rev. Mr. Beecher, Dr. Davis, 
 Captain M. Lloyd, and others, also throw light on the sparse- 
 ness of population in British Burma, forming a valuable col- 
 lection of statistics, from which also a good idea of the health 
 of the indigenous peoples of the country may be gained. — The 
 Andaman Islands (which came under the Government of British 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 339 
 
 Burma about March 1864), although extensive, have a popu- 
 lation of less than three thousand original inhabitants. These 
 are a singular race, resembling a degenerate race of negroes — 
 five feet in height, eyes small and red, and skin of a deep dull 
 black. They are not cannibals, as has been supposed. How 
 they came there is not yet decided. They belong, we believe, 
 to the same race as the inhabitants of the Nicobar Islands — 
 not a hundred miles distant. But the affinity between the 
 people of the Andamans and Nicobars is yet to be established 
 by fact. 
 
 The story of the advent of the Andamanites is, that of a ship 
 being wrecked while conveying pilgrims to or from Mecca, and 
 depositing its strange "cargo" on these islands. But this 
 would appear to be more possible than probable. Facts re- 
 garding the health and population of these curious people are 
 required. Recently a party of officers from Rangoon visited 
 the Andamans, and brought away several items of information, 
 as well as a few specimens of fish and fossils, interesting to the 
 naturalist. Dr. Smith examined some peculiarity about the 
 teeth of an Andamanite.* The scenery of the Islands was 
 considered to be very beautiful in parts ; the hospitality of 
 the Superintendent, Major Ford, was great ; and the party left 
 the islands for Rangoon, justly reckoning among the " green 
 spots " in memory's waste their visit to the " Cannibal Islands" ! 
 — But, to return to the land of Burma. 
 
 After receipt of the Reports on health and population, a 
 
 * On inquiring from our learned and obliging friend, the Deputy Inspector- 
 General of Hospitals, what this peculiarity was, he sent us the following 
 note : — " The peculiarity is this : — The Eye-tooth (Dens Cannia) is placed out- 
 side, and on a level with the first Bicuspid. Tops of molars worn flat, as in 
 all tribes that feed on roots." Inquiring, also, regarding some skulls he had 
 brought from the Andamans, Dr. Smith informed us, that the skull is well- 
 developed — belonging, most likely, to " Negrello," or Dwarf Negroes. 
 Another esteemed traveller to the Andamans mentions the absence of the 
 receding or monkey forehead ! 
 
 22 * 
 
340 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 valuable little pamphlet — " Queries respecting the Human 
 Race, Addressed to Travellers, By a Committee of the British 
 Association for the Advancement of Science/' fell into our 
 hands. We believe that it was printed by order of the Chief 
 Commissioner, in order to obtain reports on the various sub- 
 jects from officers in the province. One set of answers, some 
 months ago, had been received from Dr. Mason, which were 
 considered to be " exceedingly interesting " ; and which we 
 trust may be laid before that learned body, the Asiatic Society. 
 Regarding this Society, the prophecy of Sir William Jones — the 
 motto of their Calcutta journal — has been well fulfilled : — " The 
 bounds of its investigation will be the geographical limits of 
 Asia ; and within these limits its inquiries will be extended to 
 whatever is performed by man or produced by nature/' In 
 their museum in Calcutta (thanks to Mr. Bligh), we saw beasts 
 and birds from Burma; and now, through the researches and 
 energy of the Chief Commissioner and others, they have a 
 flood of light thrown on the various interesting races of the 
 country ! 
 
 We shall now enrich this rather discursive paper with some 
 already published matter on the sparseness of population, and 
 other statistical information, commencing with Dr. Mason, who 
 has furnished a critique on the Reports. If there be one man 
 more qualified than another, not in the medical profession, to 
 give an opinion on the health of and sparseness of population 
 among the indigenous peoples of British Burma, that man, 
 perhaps, is Dr. Mason, of Toungoo. His valuable statistics 
 cause us regret, when we read (what would support, regarding 
 one race, the views of Dr. Cowie) that the Karens, under the 
 most favourable circumstances, are not increasing. But we 
 think it will interest many to insert the learned Doctor's 
 critical notice entire : — 
 
 " It was a happy thought in the Chief Commissioner to propose 
 the inquiries which have produced these Reports. We have thus 
 brought together the knowledge of all the men best acquainted 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 341 
 
 with the subject, from every part of the country. The Reports 
 contain a miscellaneous mass of information that may be divided 
 into : — 
 
 1. Statistics. These all adding to our knowledge of the country, 
 are all valuable. 
 
 2. Plans for obtaining more accurate statistics. These are of 
 mixed value : some not being quite practicable. 
 
 3. Causes of the sparseness of population. These are somewhat 
 contradictory. Those that are valid are exaggerated. A European 
 does not suffer by exposing his face to the weather, and the body 
 of a native is all face. 
 
 4. Proposals to Government to take measures to preserve the 
 population. Perhaps all is here proposed that Government can 
 do ; and it is satisfactory to know, from the Chief Commissioner's 
 introduction, that arrangements have been made to carry out the 
 plans proposed. 
 
 Still it can scarcely be said that the cause of the sparseness 
 has been revealed, for most of the causes to which it is attributed 
 exist in Hindustan and China, where the population abounds. We 
 need in the first instance, accurate and extensive statistics, as a 
 basis on which to ascertain the exact state of the question. Since 
 the reports pertain principally to the Burmese, we will contribute 
 an item to the statistics of the Karens in this district. 
 
 In 1859 we took the census of nearly one hundred and fifty 
 Christian villages, and found in them about twenty-six thousand 
 inhabitants. In 1860 we required the native Assistants to note 
 the births and deaths in their villages, and to report annually to 
 the Associations. 
 
 This they have done ever since, but, as from one cause or another, 
 the Eeports have never been complete, we prefer to call the popula- 
 tion reported on, in round numbers, twenty-five thousand. The 
 births and deaths for the last four years were reported : — 
 
 1860, Births, 496, rt. 1-90. Deaths, 700, rt. 2-8. 
 
 1861, „ 763, „ 3-05. „ 891, „ 3-56. 
 
 1862, „ 801, „ 3-20. „ 518, „ 2-07. 
 
 1863, „ 659, „ 2-63. „ 644, „ 2-57. 
 
 Average, Birth-rate 2 - 69. Death-rate 275. 
 
 The churches report also annually the number of baptized Chris- 
 tians that have died during the year, and as few are baptized under 
 
342 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 fifteen years of age, we thus obtain the death-rate of a class of 
 the population, exclusive of children. The returns for the last 
 nine years are : — 
 
 1855 
 
 Of 2,010 baptized, 64 died. 
 
 Eate 3-1. 
 
 1856 
 
 „ 2,660 
 
 93 
 
 >> 
 
 „ 31. 
 
 1857 
 
 „ 2,706 
 
 66 
 
 >> 
 
 „ 2-4. 
 
 1858 
 
 „ 3,739 
 
 108 
 
 >> 
 
 „ 2-8. 
 
 1859 
 
 „ 4,142 
 
 190 
 
 „ 
 
 „ 4-5. 
 
 1860 
 
 „ 4,531 
 
 146 
 
 „ 
 
 „ 3-2. 
 
 1861 
 
 „ 4,907 
 
 174 
 
 » 
 
 „ 3-5. 
 
 1862 
 
 „ 5,307 
 
 120 
 
 >> 
 
 „ 2-2. 
 
 1863 
 
 „ 5,085 
 
 157 
 
 » 
 
 „ 3-0. 
 
 A' 
 
 rerage of nine 
 
 years, 
 
 Death-rate 2-9. 
 
 The great difference that is seen in the numbers of different 
 years is not to be attributed to the inaccuracy of the reports. We 
 know that such differences often occur. 
 
 These statistics prove very conclusively that the Karens, under 
 the most favourable circumstances, in this district are not increas- 
 ing. 
 
 The high death-rate among the Church members may arise from 
 a large proportion of elderly people being baptized. But it seems 
 to indicate that the deaths in infancy are not disproportionate." 
 (From the " Toungoo News Sheet," October 1864, an interesting 
 little journal— pro deo et ecclesia — edited by Dr. Mason.) 
 
 For the sake of variety, we now give a portion of a rather 
 able letter, contributed to the " Rangoon Times/' and headed 
 
 SPAESENESS OF POPULATION IN BEITISH BUEMA. 
 
 " Sir — 
 
 I have of late seen several articles treating on the sparse- 
 ness of population in British Burma, among the rest a very able 
 one by Captain Fitzroy, in the " Gazette " of 27th September 1864. 
 Granting that he has used the subject with skill, ability, and 
 much information, I would oppose my arguments to his, on the 
 ground that he has been led by appearances and not by facts. For 
 instance, in his first deduction he comes to the conclusion that 
 countries are populous in proportion to the facilities with which 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 343 
 
 they can produce or acquire food. I would oppose this position, 
 by stating that rather, as land is cultivated in proportion to the 
 number of its inhabitants, and that when the population is con- 
 trasted, that seven hundred and seventy-seven Chinese cultivate 
 one square mile, whilst seven hundred and ninety-three Burmese 
 are required to do the same work : it necessarily follows, that the 
 Chinese are more efficient in that work by sixteen. This, of course, 
 is owing to the superiority of the one over the indolence of the 
 other. 
 
 Men are social creatures, and in consequence are always found 
 together, so if a settlement is formed of ten families, the houses 
 will be found together, as the centre of their industry ; but if the 
 number be increased, then the radii of their industry become so 
 elongated that some are obliged to emigrate to some other centres, 
 and thus another and another sphere of industry follows, yet all will 
 keep together, as close as possible, the one only being separated 
 from the other by his requirements. Thus, if we say that ten is 
 sufficient for one house, then four houses might be set together, at 
 the point where the four houses meet, or they may be the centres 
 of each square, or they may be centres of the side of those 
 squares ; and thus we find that each house that is established 
 forms its own area of industry, which separates it from the rest, 
 whilst the general wants of all are supplied at a central position, 
 which forms the town or city, and this town or city will be large in 
 proportion to the number of cultivators. Thus, if fifty cultivators 
 require two blacksmiths, four carpenters, three shoemakers, three 
 tailors, one butcher, one doctor, &c. &c, then a hundred will require 
 twice as many. The land is cultivated because there were men to 
 cultivate it, and not because the land was good. In proof of this, 
 look to the fertile wilds of Australia, America, and Africa, also of 
 our colony of Burma — hence so much land is cultivated in China 
 because there are so many men in the country, and so little is 
 cultivated in Burma because the population is so small. Compare 
 the population of England to its extent, and we find three hundred 
 and thirty-six souls to each square mile, whilst for real purposes 
 of cultivation sixteen men and their families are quite enough to 
 cultivate a square mile; and allowing that four acres are 
 enough for meat and bread to a family for a year, sixteen men and 
 their families, by cultivation, provide food for one hundred and 
 fifty-eight families. Again, allowing the requirements of sixteen 
 
344 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 families demand the assistance of sixteen families more, we yet 
 have the food of one hundred and twenty-six families to spare. 
 Now to confine one hundred and fifty-eight families, or say five 
 hundred souls, on one square mile of land, not allowing them any 
 other resources, would of necessity reduce them to idleness, though 
 they would find sufficient food ; consequently when seven hundred 
 and seventy-seven men are counted to a square mile, it is not for 
 the extent of cultivation, but from the concentration of trade and 
 other industry among them." 
 
 [The writer now is off to China, England, and Bengal ; turns 
 to the book of Genesis ; lays a great stress on love displayed 
 to parents as a cause of increase, and the breach of the Divine 
 command to " honour thy father and thy mother " as certainly 
 producing a decrease of population in a country. He touches 
 also on early destruction of children in Burma, and great 
 mortality among mothers in child-birth.] 
 
 He sums up the reasons for the sparseness of the population in 
 British Burma, which are, he says, — 
 
 "1st. The father and mother do not want children. 
 
 2nd. Many mothers die from unskilled treatment during child- 
 birth. 
 
 3rd. Children die from want and neglect. 
 
 4th. Epidemics carry off large numbers, in which the native 
 physicians give great help. 
 
 We may before long add that no small number will be carried 
 off by drink. Drunkenness is a well-known hindrance to in- 
 crease. 
 
 I would propose two points of inquiry to the Government. 
 
 1st. Is the population of Bengal greater now than it was ten, 
 twenty, thirty, forty, and fifty years ago? 
 
 2nd. Why are there so few children in Kangoon between the 
 ages of ten and fourteen years ? 
 
 Tours truly, 
 
 Witness." 
 
 In concluding the subject, it may be remarked that we do not 
 go along with the above writer in all he has advanced; but, 
 
POPULATION AND HEALTH. 345 
 
 doubtless, there is reason in him ; and as, in this enlightened 
 age, the opinion of every well-wisher of a country meets, or 
 should meet, with respect, so we value what he has written, in 
 addition to the various reports so briefly touched on in this 
 paper. Since these were written, measures of a remedial 
 nature have been adopted and commenced, at the instigation 
 of the Chief Commissioner. Throughout the country, doubt- 
 less, everything beneficial to the native races will soon be in 
 train for increased health, and consequent increase of popu- 
 lation, as has for many years been the case, with reference to 
 peace and commercial prosperity, among Europeans and others 
 in British Burma. 
 
 STATISTICAL NOTE. 
 
 The total population of Rangoon, according to the census taken 
 on December 24th, 1869, is set down at 96,942, or an increase of 
 24,267 in three years, the population at the last enumeration being 
 72,675. These comprise— Burmese, 52,732; Takings, 9,183 ; Shans, 
 2,219 ; Chinese, 3,44U ; Natives of India, 28,946 ; Malays, 103 ; 
 Arakanese, 139 ; Armenians, 162 ; Europeans and East Indians, 
 1,619; other races, 128; total males, 61,978; females, 34,964; 
 grand total, 96,942. It was in 1872 considerably upwards of 
 100,000. The following are the principal towns having a popula- 
 tion of 10,000 :— Eangoon, 100,000; Maulmain, 53,653; Prome, 
 24,682 ; Bassein, 19, 577 ; Akyab, 15,281 ; Henzada, 15,285 ; Tavoy, 
 14,467; Shwe Doung, 12,411. In 1871-72 there were only 6,058 
 police employed in British Burma = 1 policeman to every 423 
 persons, and to upwards of fifteen square miles of country !* 
 
 * This fact says much for the peaceful character of a population of over three 
 millions. The increase of population in Arakan and Tenasserim has been 
 wonderful. In 1826 they were annexed, with populations respectively of one 
 hundred thousand and seventy thousand. In 1855 Arakan increased to three 
 hundred and fifty thousand, and Tenasserim to more than two hundred and ten 
 thousand. " Within thirty years," says General Fytche, " the population of 
 both provinces had trebled under British rule." The maritime population of 
 British Burma has been reckoned at a million. 
 
346 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 III. 
 
 A Brief Review of the Progress of Trade, and Sketch of 
 
 the Prospects of Pegu.* 
 
 Commerce. 
 To this the present prosperity of Pegu is entirely due ; and it 
 will, no doubt, prove interesting to review briefly the progress 
 of trade in this province, during the brief period it has enjoyed 
 the privilege of being under the British rule, and the probable 
 future, in a commercial point of view, of this most rapidly 
 flourishing of Her Majesty's dependencies in the East. 
 
 There are, at present, only two places of export by sea in 
 Pegu — Rangoon and Bassein. The following is an abstract of 
 the exports and imports from Rangoon for the past nine years, 
 from which it will be seen that the tonnage of the vessels has 
 been nearly doubled, that the value of the exports has been 
 nearly five times increased, and that the import and export 
 duties have likewise been increased from one hundred and 
 fifty-six thousand to eight hundred and forty-eight thousand 
 rupees within that period. The only check to the further 
 progress of the country is the obstructiveness of the Burmese 
 Court. 
 
 Official 
 
 Import 
 
 Export 
 
 Merchan- 
 
 Merchan- 
 
 Import 
 
 Export 
 
 Total 
 
 Year. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 Imported. 
 
 Exported. 
 
 Duty. 
 
 Duty. 
 
 Duty. 
 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 1855-56 
 
 138,881 
 
 131,5-16 10,692,021 
 
 3,701,187 110,1S6! 46,490 
 
 156,676 
 
 1856-57 
 
 133,745 
 
 133,059 111,15 1,1'.',:, 
 
 5,354,791 122,353 ', 52,604 174,957 
 
 1857-58 
 
 217,884 
 
 195,606 Il3,51 1,981 
 
 8,318,317 113,004 i 110, 127 i 253,431 
 
 1858-59 
 
 167,378 
 
 171,128 112,743,744 
 
 8,566,817 178,240 ! 96,456 
 7,210,536 i 293,704 121,357 
 
 274,696 
 
 1859-60 
 
 116,879 
 
 133,062 12,532,815 
 
 41S,061 
 
 1860-61 
 
 131,029 
 
 126,616 13,231,628 
 
 7,830,2811 365,354 223,212 
 
 588,566 
 
 1861-62 
 
 172,663 
 
 169,916 14,026,757 
 
 12,387,682, 102 029 408,616 
 
 810,646 
 
 1862-63 
 
 1.67,096 
 
 172,983 
 
 I 1,668,775 
 
 13,305,236 290,156 399,439 
 
 689,595 
 
 1863-64 
 
 252,813 
 
 226,252 
 
 16,901,031 
 
 L7,34S,437 272,737 575,309 
 
 818,046 
 
 * From Notes received October 4th, 1864, ] from a " merchant king " at 
 Rangoon, who, at the author's request, furnished the information. 
 
TRADE AND PROSPECTS OF PEGU. 347 
 
 The exports of rice from Bassein have increased in much 
 the same proportion, but the imports at that port are but 
 trifling. 
 
 Rangoon, by its position — being only about twenty miles 
 from the entrance of the eastern branch of the Irawady, which 
 is deep and broad enough to enable ships of almost any size 
 to sail up to the town, — is particularly well placed for com- 
 mercial purposes ; and, even to a stranger, it is apparent that 
 no site could be better adapted for an almost endless increase 
 of traffic, with hardly any other assistance than what Nature 
 has so liberally provided. Several ships, drawing over twenty- 
 five feet of water, have sailed safely to sea without steam ; but 
 one or two powerful boats are much wanted, to prevent de- 
 tention to the vessels by contrary winds, and such, doubtless 
 will soon be forthcoming. 
 
 Rangoon is behind in facilities for repairing vessels, such 
 having either to go on a rather rough gridiron, exposed to the 
 tide-way, or to go on a slip dock without gates in the Govern- 
 ment dockyard, on both of which the ships have either to 
 be scuttled, or float with every tide. A new patent slip 
 is, however, projected, and, when finished, will prove of 
 much use to vessels requiring repairs, — the river being so 
 convenient for vessels in distress to run to, from any part of 
 the bay. 
 
 The Bassein river is also a very safe one ; but the town 
 being situated about seventy miles up, and there being no 
 steamer on the river, renders it more tedious to the navigation 
 when the winds are adverse. A tug steamer is, however, 
 expected soon to be stationed there. 
 
 The communication between Rangoon and Upper Burma 
 being open at all [seasons by river, its trade must necessarily 
 increase in a far greater proportion than Bassein, which can 
 only be supplied with produce from the western part of Pegu, 
 the direct river communication with the upper country being 
 only open during the rains. 
 
348 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 The principal articles of export from Rangoon are rice,* 
 timber, cutch, cotton, and petroleum; and from Bassein, rice 
 only ; but the qualities of the land are such, both in Pegu and 
 Upper Burma (but more particularly in the latter), that tea, 
 indigo, and coffee could, in addition, easily be grown to ad- 
 vantage, — the want of labour, and the greater want even than 
 labour, for that can be supplied, though it may be at con- 
 siderable cost — the want of a class of men with sufficient skill 
 and energy to superintend such cultivation — being the only 
 causes why so much rich land has been left untilled. 
 
 The condition of the natives engaged in agricultural pursuits 
 in Pegu has so much improved during the past ten years, that 
 numbers of Burmese, Karens, &c, are yearly coming from 
 beyond the frontier ; but those from the Burmese territories 
 can only bring their families by stealth ; and nothing would be 
 more acceptable to the natives of Upper Burma, except to those 
 actually in power, than to see the British Government extend 
 as far as the Irawady is navigable ; for, notwithstanding the 
 extremely heavy taxes with which Pegu is burdened, the con- 
 dition of all classes is fast improving, and forms a striking 
 contrast with the poor cultivators of Upper Burma, who are 
 kept in poverty by the cruel exactions of each petty governor, 
 and from the King's monopolies compelling them to sell their 
 produce at a low fixed rate, whatever the market value may 
 be. Under the British rule, it is truly difficult to fortell to 
 what extent the productions of the country would grow, rich 
 as it is in every source of prosperity, both mineral and 
 agricultural. 
 
 Of the present exports the rice is entirely grown in Pegu ; 
 the petroleum produced in Upper Burma; and the timber, 
 cutch, and cotton found in both places. 
 
 • In March, 1870, we learned that the memorial forwarded to Lord Mayo 
 by the mercantile community of Rangoon, on the subject of the rice duty, 
 had been translated into Burmese. — During tho late terrible famines in 
 Bengal and Madras (1875-76-77) a very largo quantity of rice was exported 
 from British Burma. 
 
TRADE AND PROSPECTS OF PEGU. 349 
 
 The treaty of 1862 with the Court of Ava, has had no 
 results, except in the sacrifice of the British frontier duties to 
 the Burmese, and the general opinion is, that the King will 
 not reduce any duties, or give up any monopoly, it having 
 been left optional with him to do so. 
 
 Any improvement in the means of bringing produce from 
 China, or the independent Shan States, would give an immense 
 impulse to the trade of Pegu, the only regular communication 
 as present being by trains of laden mules and oxen, the prin- 
 cipal route for which is from Western China to Bamo and 
 Mandalay. A railway is proposed from China to some point 
 on the Irawady, from which steamers would ply to Rangoon, 
 and the King of Ava has granted a concession of ground, &c, 
 for such ; but great fears are entertained that the obstructive- 
 ness of the Burmese character, when in power, will prevent 
 the object being carried out by the only apparently possible 
 routes, which are through Upper Burma. It is indeed a great 
 pity such a fine country, with such great prospects, is saddled 
 with a Government like that of Ava ; and,[with a willing people, 
 it is to be hoped the protection of the British flag will soon 
 be given to the whole of Burma. 
 
 The Government have sold the Irawady flotilla to a private 
 firm, but the steamers only ply to the frontier, and are all 
 old-fashioned vessels. The trade with Mandalay is, therefore, 
 left to one steamer belonging to the King, and to native 
 boats. There are two new steamers for the King, of large 
 size, now about ready, however, and a few more would pay 
 well, as the delay and risk of transit in native craft are very 
 great. 
 
 The Government Dockyard has lately been leased for one 
 year to a private firm for two thousand rupees per mensem, 
 after the expiry of which term it will probably be advertised 
 for sale or lease for a long period. The cost of it to Govern- 
 ment, however, is far above its present value, either to them- 
 selves or to a private company. 
 
350 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 [Since the above was written, important changes in Pegu 
 have taken place, into which there is no intention of entering 
 here. Disturbances in Upper Burma,* bringing forth the 
 energetic action of the Chief Commissioner, and of Major 
 Sladen, the Resident at Mandalay, cast shadow and sunshine 
 over the country, — the whole of which, sooner or later, must 
 become British. When our forbearance has become suffi- 
 ciently tried, — and that it would be sorely tried Lord Dal- 
 housie seemed to prophesy, — then necessity and the welfare 
 of millions must impel us onward — not the love of annexa- 
 tion !] 
 
 NOTE (October 1879). 
 Revenue and Commerce. 
 
 Probably the finances of British Burma are far more pliable than 
 those of any other Asiatic country ; certainly infinitely more so 
 than those of India, where the tremendous wants — local, mili- 
 tary, and political — are continually eating up the finances, without 
 any apparent further development of resources for imperial or 
 commercial profit. The success which has hitherto attended our 
 Chin-Indian possessions in finance as well as in commerce, as has 
 been repeatedly urged in these pages, would be tenfold were the re- 
 sources of the country fully developed, a larger population secured, 
 and all monopolies, instead of harmless princes and princesses, 
 massacred in Upper Burma. Liberal commercial relations with 
 that golden region are now all that we require to make Pegu a 
 wealthy " Princess among the Provinces," when she could stretch 
 forth a helping hand to her ever needy Indian sister. China owes 
 her religion to India ; Pegu owes her deliverance to us who possess 
 India ; therefore, both China and British Burma — or say Pegu — 
 are bound to assist India ! 
 
 About six months ago we read some remarks on the development 
 of a provincial system in British Burma, to the effect that provin- 
 cial contracts with that country (and Assam) had been revised and 
 greatly expanded with effect from the beginning of 1878-79. A 
 
 * Middle of August 1866, the following telegram was received in Calcutta: — 
 " King of Burma's brother killed. The King in prison. Rebels in possession 
 of country surrounding Mandalay, and Mandalay itself. Europeans safe." 
 Thus runs the world away in Upper Burma, when we least expect it. 
 
EEVENUE AND COMMERCE. 
 
 351 
 
 new feature in the arrangement was that, in place of a fixed 
 allotment, a share of the net reserved imperial revenues had been 
 assigned, so that the provincial finances would participate in any 
 improvement of those revenues. With the exception of the army, 
 the wholly imperial portion is not important. The salt and 
 customs revenue levied in Bombay, Calcutta, and Upper India 
 "cannot be divided among the several provinces from whose con- 
 sumption those revenues are obtained. But in Burma there is no 
 such obstacle. Consequently, the Government of India has been 
 able to make with that province the most complete provincial con- 
 tract yet existing." Only a few items were retained as wholly 
 imperial. The greater portion of the revenue and expenditure 
 were made " wholly provincial." It was believed that some judi- 
 cious public expenditure in Burma would yield especially valuable 
 financial results. With an increase of provincial resources, we 
 might now look for these to the Chief Commissioner. And, 
 doubtless, ere long, when the question of Upper Burma is settled, 
 great financial improvement will be observable. 
 
 A comparison of the Local Estimates, which were prepared upon 
 the old basis with the estimates recast by the Government of India 
 upon the new basis, may be of interest to Indian financiers : — 
 
 
 BRITISH BURMA. 
 
 Local Estimates. 
 
 Revised by Government 
 of India. 
 
 1878-79. 
 
 1879-80. 
 
 1878-79. 
 
 1879-80. 
 
 Revenue 
 
 Expenditure . 
 
 Surplus 
 
 Deficit .... 
 
 Closing Balance . 
 
 £ 
 401,300 
 416,900 
 
 15,600 
 87,300 
 
 £ 
 
 407,800 
 511,100 
 
 103,300 
 16,100 
 
 £ 
 
 915,900 
 
 892,600 
 
 53,300 
 
 156,200 
 
 £ 
 
 967,300 
 
 1,019,900 
 
 52,600 
 143,600 
 
 This table shows the addition of d£159,600 to the provincial and 
 local revenues of British Burma — " the effect of the measure in 
 two years." In a few years, under able management, the country, 
 no doubt, in both finance and commerce, will do credit to its 
 original benefactor, Sir Arthur Phayre, who may be said to 
 
 HAVE CREATED PEGU AND CONSOLIDATED BRITISH BURMA ! 
 
 Some months ago, his successor, General Fytche, wrote, with 
 reference to Lord Dalhousie's famous remark, that we held " in 
 
352 OUlt BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the easy grasp of our hand the kernel of the Burmese Empire ": — 
 " And this kernel (Pegu), I may remark, with its extraordinary 
 commercial and producing activity, pays more than double the 1 
 amount of revenue, rated on population, of that provided by any I 
 province or presidency of India, and, after all provincial expenses I 
 are paid, yields a handsome surplus to the Imperial exchequer." 
 And, again — Its line of frontier with Burma, "though far from 
 being a ' scientific ' or theoretically perfect one, has its outposts 
 connected by electric telegraph, and is easily accessible from its 
 base both by rail and river." The General did not advise our 
 passing this frontier, in case we might be led into the expense of 
 annexing the whole country up to the borders of China ; but at 
 the time he wrote King Theebau had not, through his bad conduct, 
 brought about the portentous event of our President being obliged 
 to quit Mandalay ! We really think the Chinese and the surround- 
 ing tribes would aid us in any attempts to better the trade and 
 condition of Upper Burma. China knows how ill her young tribu- 
 tary or vassal has behaved ; and the Chinese, with the hope of 
 mutual advantage, would soon surrender their natural " extreme 
 jealousy " to rapid commercial gains ! The net revenue of British 
 Burma for 1877-78 amounted to 160,14,328 Es., being an increase 
 of 3,18,801 Es. over that of 1876-77.* In the Eevenue Eeport, the 
 steady and progressive increase in the prosperity of the province 
 was considered satisfactory. The great want was also said to be 
 " a larger " population, and until this is secured, it is clear that 
 the resources of the province can never be properly developed, or 
 the full amount of revenue obtained which it is capable of yield- 
 ing. Instead of a total net revenue of 176,17,351 Es., there might 
 easily be double that amount. The population of British Burma 
 already being over three millions, if we could only get two or three 
 more millions under our rule, Burma would have nearly as large a 
 commerce as a fourth of that of the whole of India; for, with"a small 
 population of three millions, we have exports and imports amount- 
 ing to nearly thirteen millions and a half sterling, f more than 
 four times the population. " If the commerce of India," says 
 
 * In 1875-76, according to General Fytcho, the gross revenue and receipts, 
 imperial, provincial, and municipal, amounted to £2,00-1,813, giving an inci- 
 dence of taxation of 13s. 3}d. per head. 
 
 f Fur trade of British Burma 1878-79, the total value of which had risen 
 to sixteen croroB of rupees (sixteen millions sterling), see Addenda. 
 
FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 353 
 
 General Fytche, in his excellent work on " Burma," bore the same 
 proportion to population, it would be ten times greater than it is ; 
 that is to say, it would be about nine hundred and fifty millions 
 instead of ninety-five ! " — Again, British Burma contrasts favour- 
 ably with India in " the value of the imports being much nearer 
 to that of the exports." 
 
 IV. 
 
 From Mandalay to Momien."* 
 [The following paper, on Dr. Anderson's interesting book, 
 appeared in the " Academy/' April 8, 1876 ; and as the matter 
 contained therein is so intimately connected with remarks made 
 in the present work, the writer deems it unnecessary to make 
 any apology for its insertion here.] 
 
 The Royal visit to our Indian Empire has of late drawn so 
 much attention from the British public that we now trust some 
 study and thought may be given to Chin-India, or at least 
 that portion of it styled Burma Proper or Independent, the 
 comparatively new capital of which is Mandalay, where reigns 
 one of the shrewdest, best-informed, and most whimsical kings 
 in Eastern Asia — the King of the Golden Feet and the Golden 
 Ears, who has recently ordered, according to Burmese custom, 
 the courts and public offices in his capital to be closed for 
 forty days, during the all-important ceremony of " boring holes 
 in the ears of the princesses." 
 
 Even the two expeditions to Western China, of 1868 and 
 1875, from "Mandalay to Momien " forming the grand base 
 of operations, and, though unsuccessful, displaying so much 
 energy and bravery on the part of our countrymen, have been 
 well-nigh cast into the shade ; the hearts of wealth-seeking 
 British merchants have become sick and weary with disappoint- 
 ment ; but we trust that all such clouds may be looked on as 
 of insignificant result in a prospect bright and advancing. Dr. 
 
 * " Mandalay to Momien : A Narrative of the two Expeditions to Western 
 China, of 1868 and 1875, under Colonel Edward B. Sladen and Colonel Horace 
 Browne," by John Anderson, M.D., &c. London: 1876. 
 
 23 
 
354 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Anderson, by bis handsome, well-timed, entertaining and in- 
 structive volume, has done much to renew the interest felt not 
 long since in the destinies of Upper Burma, and the chance of 
 British progress in Western China. Before proceeding briefly 
 to examine the work of the ever-zealous medical officer and 
 naturalist, it may be remarked that our position in Burma — the 
 only correct way of spelling the word — is a very remarkable 
 one ; and this fact has not been sufficiently brought home to 
 the British nation, for on its proper consideration our success 
 in the land of the Golden Foot, and in lands beyond, greatly 
 depends. It is just fifty years since Mr. Crawfurd, in his 
 " Embassy to Ava/' informed us that he suggested the policy of 
 keeping possession of Rangoon; thus shutting out the Bur- 
 mese from the navigation of that grand artery the Irawady, 
 and placing us in a commanding military attitude, which 
 would have relieved us from all apprehension of annoyance 
 from the power of these people. One of the ambassador's 
 shrewdest reviewers could not agree with him on this point, 
 and was disposed to think that we had done much better. 
 Hemmed in as they then were between Arakan and Martaban, 
 we had little to fear from any annoyance they could give us. 
 Indeed, the reviewer was rather surprised at such a proposal 
 from Mr. Crawfurd, who, in the same breath almost, said 
 that "the conditions of a convention with them ought to be 
 strictly reciprocal ; and the letter and spirit of the engagement 
 such as would tend to develop the resources of both coun- 
 tries." We cannot think that to stop them up "like rats 
 within their holes," as the critic said, would be the most 
 likely mode of producing this desirable reciprocity, or of de- 
 veloping the resources of the Burmese. When we conquered 
 and annexed Pegu, nearly four-and-twenty years ago, our 
 ideas of the vast resources of the upper region of Bui ma 
 were very vague indeed. We knew, from reading, that it 
 boasted gold, silver, and copper, and that it was rich in 
 precious stones; facts since entirely corroborated by Captain 
 
FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 355 
 
 Strover's " Memorandum on the Metals and Minerals of 
 Burma (1873) " ; but, for every practical purpose, Upper 
 Burma was, and seemed likely to remain, almost an undis- 
 covered country. Even the great master of annexation, Lord 
 Dalhousie, talked and wrote of it as " a worthless rind." 
 Having secured Pegu, and consequently the entire delta of the 
 mighty Irawady, why should we increase our responsibility and 
 expenditure by annexing what can be of no advantage to us at 
 present ? But, should " the force of circumstances " ever 
 compel us to do so, then, said the Governor-General, in one 
 of his brilliant despatches — " Let us advance ! " 
 
 Lord Dalhousie knew little or nothing of the most con- 
 venient road to Western China being through Upper Burma, and 
 that through Bhamo (or Bamo) the richest side of the " celestial " 
 regions could be tapped. The romantic dreams of the most 
 sanguine have never come up to the reality which we may 
 reasonably expect when there is a clear passage from Yunnan 
 to Rangoon. But even had such knowledge been then avail- 
 able, it did not occur to many who were interested in Bur- 
 mese affairs, that our having secured possession of Rangoon — 
 which future Liverpool of Chin-India, or Bombay of the 
 Chinese and Burman Empires, Crawfurd so ardently desired — 
 would prove the grand obstacle in the way of opening com- 
 merce with Western China. We had taken up, in the opinion 
 of the king, one trade-monopolising position; and so the 
 Golden Foot naturally seemed determined to take up the other. 
 And thus began the difficulties which have been encountered 
 by fearless and enterprising travellers and explorers, who 
 deserve all honour for having, through the " impassable/' 
 endeavoured to pave a road. 
 
 In the preface to his goodly volume, Dr. Anderson informs 
 us that public interest in the subject of " the overland route 
 from Burma to China," called forth by the repulse of the 
 recent mission and the well-known tragedy which attended it, 
 suggested its publication. He hopes that his account of the 
 
 23 * 
 
356 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 expedition of 1868, in which he bore an important part, will 
 be acceptable to clear the way for the simple narrative of the 
 mission of 1875, commanded by Colonel Horace Browne. The 
 difficulties in both cases were very great, and such a concise 
 and authoritative statement of them will assuredly do much 
 good by putting us on our guard for the future. We may say 
 that the two expeditions to Western China were most fortunate 
 in the selection of the accomplished writer to whom were 
 entrusted the scientific duties of medical officer and naturalist. 
 An excellent map of the routes traversed, and another of South- 
 western China, showing routes traversed and proposed, fol- 
 lowed up by a plan of Momien (Teng-Yue-Chow), confront the 
 reader as he turns to the first chapter of the narrative, " Man- 
 dalay to Bhamo," which abounds with interesting, if not 
 altogether new information. Rangoon is here most appro- 
 priately mentioned as the port of the great water highway of 
 the Irawady, boasting a trade which, during fifteen years, had 
 increased in annual value to two million five hundred thousand 
 pounds. The commercial community of British Burma's capital 
 had long directed their attention to the prospect of an over- 
 land trade with Western China, so as to avoid the long and 
 dangerous voyage by the Straits and Indian Archipelago, with 
 a view to a direct and easy interchange of our manufactures 
 for the products of rich and fertile provinces like Yunnan and 
 Sz-Chuen. There was, and is, no better way, in Dr. Ander- 
 son's opinion, than by the river Irawady and the royal city of 
 Mandalay. And here it is important to note that — 
 
 " Although before 1867 but four English steamers with freight 
 had ascended the river to the capital, harbingers of the numerous 
 flotilla now plying in the Irawady, it was known that a regular 
 traffic existed between Mandalay and China, especially in the 
 supply of cotton to the interior, which was reserved as a royal 
 monopoly." 
 
 General Albert Fytche, in his " Four Years' Administration 
 of British Burma/' informs us that when he was entrusted with 
 
FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 357 
 
 the chief commissionership, as successor to Sir Arthur Phayre, 
 in the early part of 1867, one of his chief objects was to open 
 up " a friendly intercourse with the king," and endeavour, 
 through Major Sladen his assistant at the Court of Mandalay, 
 to remove all suspicions, and convince the Burmese Govern- 
 ment that our only object was to promote the material in- 
 terests of the two states by mutual concessions. At that time 
 so little had been accomplished in the way of developing the 
 trade with Upper Burma that we need not wonder at only four 
 merchant steamers having made their way to Mandalay. There 
 was evidently something wrong in the framing of the Burmese 
 treaty of 1862, in which the Government of India desired Sir 
 Arthur Phayre to include, if possible, the re-opening of the 
 old caravan route from Western China by the town of Bhamo, 
 and other important concessions. The first object was to be 
 effected by the king's sanction to a joint Burmese and British 
 mission to China. But this proposal, on which the success of 
 our enterprise then and hereafter appears to have rested, was 
 not accepted. A direct trade with China might be carried on 
 by us through Upper Burma, subject to certain conditions; 
 and, in 1863, Dr. Williams — our former Resident at the Court 
 of Mandalay — after a journey of twenty-two days, reached 
 Bhamo, with the object of testing the practicability of a trade 
 route. The Bhamo routes were considered by this other dis- 
 tinguished "political" medical officer and traveller as politically, 
 physically, and commercially, the most advantageous. Dr. 
 Anderson informs us that for twelve years, from 1855, the Bur- 
 mo-Chinese trade in Bhamo, which represented five hundred 
 thousand pounds per annum, had almost entirely ceased — perhaps 
 owing to the effects of the Mohammedan rebellion in Yunnan. 
 To solve the question of such ruin in a grand local trade, the 
 Chief Commissioner, General Fytche, projected the expedition, 
 which brings forth the suggestive, pleasing remark from the 
 writer of the present volume, that " the enterprise might be 
 deemed one of hereditary interest to the descendant of that 
 
358 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 enterprising merchant-traveller, Mr. Fitch, who has left an 
 account of his visit to Pegu in 1586." This, on reference to a 
 narrative, we find to be the same Ralph Fitch who with John 
 Newberry in 1583 led a great scheme of English adventure, 
 which had for its object the reaching of the Persian Gulf (by 
 way of Aleppo and Bagdad), and sailing thence by Ormus, in 
 order to reach the shores of Malabar ; and who narrates, with 
 excusable ignorance of the wonders of Hindu mythology and 
 archaeology, that, on beholding the numberless temples and 
 idols, some were " like a cow, some like a monkey, and some 
 like the devil ! " The proposed expedition was sanctioned by 
 the Government of India in September 1867 ; and it was ar- 
 ranged that the departure of the mission, in which Dr. Ander- 
 son took so conspicuous and interesting a part, should take 
 place from Mandalay in January 1868. This laudable enter- 
 prise, under Colonel B. Sladen, may be justly considered the 
 first important step in carrying out the views of the merchants 
 of England in a quarter where it was considered new fields of 
 commerce for manufactures and produce might be obtained, 
 thus helping to maintain the " commercial status " of their 
 country. 
 
 Mandalay reached, the minute description of this Burmese 
 city and its suburbs will well repay perusal ; for we see at 
 once that it is the work of a graphic writer and attentive 
 observer. In fact, through the aid of this volume we may con- 
 sider ourselves in the land of the Golden Foot for a time — the 
 land of remarkable fauna, of gorgeous and fairy-garden-like 
 Flora, and of valuable minerals, and with various productions 
 to be utilised but barely yet discovered. It is also the land of 
 a curious, lazy, but ingenious people, whose contemplative deity, 
 Gautama — the Burmese incarnation of Buddha — governs their 
 daily actions. 
 
 The fortunes of this now famous expedition were pretty well 
 known to many readers long before the appearance of the book 
 now under notice. They may be briefly summarised in the 
 
PROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 359 
 
 following manner ; but it may be well at first to state, in the 
 words of the author, that — 
 
 " the city properly called Mandalay, with its palace and countless 
 pagodas, lies about three miles from the Irawady, on a rising 
 ground below the hill Mandale. It was founded, on his accession 
 in 1853, by the present king ; and one of his motives for quitting 
 Ava, and selecting the new site, was to remove his palace from the 
 sight and sound of British steamers." 
 
 The old capital has been admirably described by Colonel Yule, 
 and other writers before him, such as Colonel Symes, Major 
 Canning, Captain Cox, and Drs. Leyden and Buchanan, who 
 have contributed towards . throwing a light on our knowledge 
 of the Burman Empire. Dr. Anderson's " Report on the 
 Expedition to Western Yuuan, via Bhamo/' was first published 
 at Calcutta in 1871, and the greater portion of the present 
 Narrative is devoted to a detailed account of matters set forth 
 in that most interesting document. First, there was the de- 
 parture from Mandalay, in the middle of January 1868, of 
 Major Sladen, Captain Williams, and the author in the King 
 of Burma's steamer, which also had on board representatives of 
 the commercial community of Rangoon. Notwithstanding the 
 public declaration of the Burmese Government that no steamer 
 could possibly ascend the Irawady so far north as Bhamo, 
 Bhamo was reached with a steamer of only three feet draught 
 without any difficulty in the river navigation, and the expe- 
 dition was thus brought nine hundred miles from their 
 starting-point at Rangoon, and three hundred miles above 
 Mandalay. On January 22nd they had left the beautiful scenery 
 "through which the Irawady threads its course/' and came 
 in sight of the town of Bhamo, situated in latitude 21° 16' N., 
 and longitude 96° 53' 47" E. on the left bank of the river, two 
 or three miles below the mouth of the Tapeng. The region 
 between the borders of Yunnan and the Irawady at Bhamo 
 had next to be crossed, which region — the former battle-ground 
 of Burma and China — is said to be the site of the nine Shan 
 States mentioned by Du Halde. The treachery of the Bur- 
 
360 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 mese soon became apparent, which the fearless Sladen was 
 resolved to defeat by securing the aid of the Kakhyen chiefs, 
 and — it was the period of the Panthay insurrection in Western 
 China — by opening communications with the Panthay (Moham- 
 medan) commander at the Yunnan frontier city of Momien. 
 This was a most important movement on the part of Sladen, 
 as the very object of the expedition was to find out the exact 
 position held by the Kakhyens, Shans, and Panthays, with 
 reference to the former traffic between Bhamo and Yunnan. 
 Notwithstanding that the Burmese and Chinese (friends and 
 enemies by turns, and neither long) were opposed to the further 
 advance of the party, they came after a variety of adventures, 
 on May 26, in sight of the walled city of Mornien, distant 
 from Bhamo about one hundred and twenty miles, and the 
 nearest frontier city in Yunnan. The town was being con- 
 tinually harassed by] forays of Chinese partisan bands in the 
 neighbourhood, which compelled Major Sladen to think of a 
 return, as he could not proceed with any safety in the direction 
 of the Panthay capital of Talifoo. Then came the adventurous 
 return, commenced on July 13 ; and the result of the expe- 
 dition was a vast deal of information gained, but no commercial 
 or political effect. As another attempt to explore the trade 
 routes to Western China, in 1868, we may here mention that 
 the enterprising and intelligent explorer, Mr. T. T. Cooper, 
 endeavoured " to pass from the head-waters of the Yang-tsze- 
 Kiang to the northern frontier of Assam," but without success.* 
 
 * He got nearly as far as Sudya. This excellent and affable public servant 
 eventually, after proceeding in 1876 to India from England, in connection with 
 the Grand Delhi Durbar, was murdered in April 1878, while Political Agent 
 at Hhamo, by a Burman ; but no political importance was attached to the deed. 
 Regarding the Assam route, General Sir George Balfour, M.P., informed the 
 writer that he preferred the one from Assam (Sudya) to Sz-Cli;ien, in his 
 opinion the province of S.W. China of greatest importance, deferring to 
 the adventurous Chin-Indian traveller, Mr. Cooper, Sir George said he little 
 knew how close lie was to our settlement. " 1 cannot vouch for the fact thai 
 the Chinese thought he had come from India." It is to be hoped some other 
 enterprising explorer frill soon arise to emulate Cooper! The mountain diffi- 
 culty must be overcome ! 
 
FKOM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 361 
 
 Among the excellent illustrations in Dr. Anderson's detailed 
 Narrative will be found one of " Kakhyen Women/' very- 
 truthful and life-like, from a photograph by Major Williams ; 
 an excellent view of Mandalay, furnished by Colonel Sladen ; 
 and various well-executed sketches, with the photograph of " a 
 posturing girl " at Mandalay, by the author — evidently a man 
 of various and useful attainments. His book— which we cor- 
 dially recommend as the best yet published on the subjects 
 treated — also contains the invaluable addition of an index, 
 with appendices including a Note by Professor Douglas on the 
 deities in a Shan temple, and a vocabulary, English, Kakhyen, 
 and Shan, which will amuse as well as instruct. It is curious 
 to observe that, although the words "oily," "pretty," and 
 "beautiful," are nearly all alike in the Kakhyen and Shan 
 dialects, there is no word for " ugly " to be found therein, 
 although it appears in the wilder vocabulary of the Hotha, 
 Shan, Leesaw, and Poloung. Once more turning to Bhamo, 
 where Captain Strover, in 1869, was assistant political agent, 
 we have been informed by a high authority that the importance 
 of this town has been somewhat over-rated as a trade-mart — 
 even in its most palmy days, when a Shan queen reigned one 
 hundred and forty years ago, the annual revenue of the district 
 not exceeding fourteen lakhs of rupees (one hundred and forty 
 thousand pounds). Here, where a well-informed writer states 
 " Burmese and Chinese influences commingle," we hope yet to 
 see an exchange-mart for the silk, copper, gold, drugs, and 
 textile fabrics of Western China, and for British and Burmese 
 staples. 
 
 Regarding the second ill-fated expedition, the narrative of 
 which will be found in the last five chapters of the present 
 volume, Dr. Anderson writes that, in 1874, — 
 
 "Lord Salisbury, the Secretary of State for India, decided to 
 send a second expedition to penetrate China from Burma, and pass 
 through, if practicable, to Shanghai. To avoid possible misunder- 
 standings, and to make it plain to the Western Chinese mandarins 
 
362 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 that the foreign visitors were of the same nation as the English 
 who lived and traded in the treaty-ports, her Majesty's Minister 
 at Pekin was instructed to send a consular official, duly furnished 
 with imperial passports, to meet the mission on the frontiers of 
 China." 
 
 Mr. Ney Elias, gold-medallist of the Royal Geographical 
 Society, was geographer. The fate of the young, brave, and 
 most promising member of the consular service, Mr. Margary, 
 is too well known to be repeated here ; but many details of 
 this second British mission— subsequently followed by Mr. 
 Grosvenor's to Yunnan, under a British escort— are given by 
 the author in a manner which must commend itself to all 
 well-wishers of the commercial enterprise and of the glory of 
 England. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Trade Routes from Burma to Western China. 
 No better signs of a growing British interest in the golden and 
 flowery lands could have been evinced than the public meeting 
 held in February 1870, in Westminster, to vote a resolution on 
 Captain Sprye's project for opening up trade with the " west 
 of China and intermediate Shan States of Burma by the direct 
 land route from Rangoon to Kiang-Hung " ; and trade with 
 China (in connection with Major Sladen's official report of his 
 expedition to explore the trade routes to China via Bhamo, in 
 February 1868, printed at the British Burmese Press in 1869) 
 forming the subject of a clear and exhaustive leading article in 
 one of the London daily journals* The latter authority, with 
 reference to " the recent discussion as to the mode in which 
 commerce should be conducted between England and the 
 highest population on earth's surface/' considers that such 
 " has lent peculiar interest to a report of recent exploration, 
 which is in itself most fascinating." The report, it was believed, 
 would be shortly laid before Parliament. The easiest way to 
 
 • The"Dailj Telegraph," April 2 let, L870. 
 
FROM BURMA TO WESTERN CHINA. 363 
 
 the great markets of China may yet form a leading subject 
 of debate. "The object of the movement/' says the journalist, 
 " was to ascertain the practicability of a route which would 
 place fifty millions of the most nourishing and active inhabi- 
 tants of the Celestial Empire within a fortnight or three 
 weeks' reach of the Bengal Gulf, and thus diminish by one- 
 fifth the time and labour consumed in bringing Chinese pro- 
 ducts by the eastern sea-board." The expedition started from 
 Bhamo, a town nine hundred miles from the mouth of the 
 Irawady, " which is navigable for ships of average burthen all 
 the way." The Dutch and English had trading stations at 
 Bhamo just three centuries ago. " The old tracks of commerce 
 have been obliterated simply because the King of Burma's 
 Ministers have sought to feed their own public and private 
 revenue by forcing trade to follow the long land route from 
 Yunnan to Mandalay, that they might extort ample protection 
 fees from the caravans." From the western frontier of China 
 the distance by caravan to Bhamo is but five or six days; 
 thence down the Irawady by steamer, twelve days more, which 
 " immensely greater facilities of conveyance " Major Sladen is 
 said to have ' ' practically opened." In parting with the ex- 
 plorers, the London journalist highly eulogises Major Sladen, 
 to " whose undaunted courage and exhaustless invention of 
 tactics, science and commerce owe so much," and Dr. Anderson 
 and Lieutenant Bowers, his " loyal and able assistants." It 
 was to Colonel Fytche (Chief Commissioner) that the arrange- 
 ments for the above expedition were entrusted, and he persuaded 
 the King, during his mission to Mandalay, to take considerable 
 interest in it. " On the return of the mission from Momicn," 
 the General writes in his new work, " with a view to strengthen 
 the belief in the reality of our intentions to endeavour to 
 resuscitate trade, and to maintain communication with the 
 Kakhyen and Shan chiefs, and the Panthay Government, an 
 English political agent was at once appointed to Bhamo ; which 
 contingency had been provided for in my treaty of 1867 with 
 
364 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the King of Burma." We must not omit to mention in con- 
 nection with the trade routes to South-west China, the visit 
 of the Burmese Embassy to England in 1871-72. The Burmese 
 Envoy Extraordinary made a special visit to Halifax, famed for 
 its Chamber of Commerce. The council presented him with an 
 address, alluding to the fertile lands of Burma as affording 
 great inducements for the spread of commerce and agriculture. 
 They now wished the Golden Foot to open up a commercial 
 highway to the unlimited resources of Western China. The 
 Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from His 
 Majesty the King of Burma replied : — " In reference to the 
 question of trade routes through Burma to Western China, I 
 need merely repeat what I have said in other places, that His 
 Majesty the King of Burma is most anxious to promote, by 
 every means in his power, any matured and feasible plan which 
 has this object in view. But in regard to the route to which 
 you advert, commonly known as Captain Sprye's route, I would 
 remark that as the line passes through an insignificant portion 
 of the King of Burma's territory, the responsibility of opening 
 it out cannot fairly be laid upon His Majesty/' * 
 
 It may here be interesting to say a few words regarding 
 The Shan Tribes. 
 
 The Shans, or Shyans, are divided into many tribes. 
 The population used to be little short of three millions, of 
 which vast number a considerable portion owed allegiance to 
 the King of Ava. They are considered to be the parent stock 
 of both Assamese and Siamese. 
 
 A Shan camp appeared not far distant from the ancient walls 
 
 * On February 28th, 1873, a deputation from the Associated Chambers of 
 Commerce waited on the Secretary of State for India (His Grace the Duke 
 of Argyll), to urge the completion of the survey of a line of railway from 
 Rangoon to the frontier of China. The deputation was introduced by Mr. 
 Wliitwell, M.P. ; Mr. Baincs, M.P., explained. Mr. Haigh, of the Huddersfield 
 Chamber, and Mr. T. T. Ormerod and Mr. John Crossley, of the Halifax 
 Chamber, also spoke. The Duke was not averse to the survey, but was bound 
 to object fco the expense of it "falling on Indian revenues." 
 
THE SHAN TRIBES. 365 
 
 of Toungoo. These descendants of Magog — it is presumed 
 they are such — originally from Chinese Tartary,* or, it may be, 
 leaving the country of Japheth and proceeding to the more 
 southern possessions of Shem ; — the descendants of Shem who 
 inhabited the mighty region of Thibet, from whose mountains 
 the Burmese are said eventually to have poured down — these 
 descendants of what Patriarch you will, who nourished after 
 the flood when " the whole earth was of one language and of 
 one speech/' are apt to strike one as carrying a strange interest 
 along with them, retaining as they do much of that simplicity 
 in habits which was peculiar to the elder world. They had 
 some very fine bullocks, with other merchandise, which they 
 were about to expose for sale in the Maulmain market. The 
 import trade from the Shan States — which lie along the eastern 
 frontier of Northern Burma — into the capital of the Tenasserim 
 Provinces, not along ago consisted of cattle (cows and bullocks), 
 elephants, ponies, gold leaf, lacquered boxes, cotton cloth, and 
 other valuable articles of traffic, amounting annually to little 
 less than three hundred and twenty thousand rupees (thirty- 
 two thousand pounds), while about a lakh of rupees worth 
 (ten thousand pounds) of our manufactures found their way to 
 them. There are Siamese Shans and Burmese Shans, the 
 former having no affection for the latter ; but both we believe 
 to be equally hostile to the throne of Ava. Independence 
 seems to be the ruling principle of all the Shans. We read, not 
 long ago, a sensible opinion, that a good understanding should 
 exist between the British Indian Government and the Shan States 
 with regard to reciprocal acts of accommodation and courtesy. 
 Zimmay had thrown off its allegiance to Ava and boasted a 
 considerable army, including two hundred and fifty elephants ; 
 the writer, therefore, thought the political connection between 
 us and the Shan States should be placed on some sure footing. 
 
 * The Tartars to this day are a wild and wandering race, living in encamp- 
 ments of moveable tents, which they carry from place to place. The Shans 
 may have been a more civilised tribe, fond of traffic. 
 
366 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Productive Capacity of the Shan Countries. 
 Town of Bamo, and Trade. 
 With a view to strengthening the commercial interests of Eng- 
 land in Chin-India, the author of this work thinks a few 
 notes regarding the Shan Countries, north and east of Ava, 
 will be of use at the present time. They are from an excellent 
 paper by Lieutenant-Colonel S. F. Hannay, published in the 
 Records of the Bengal Government, 1857. 
 
 The productive capacities of the regions inhabited by the 
 Shan tribes are great, particularly Siam and the territories east 
 and north of it. In Siam proper, great impulse has been given 
 to industry by the Chinese settlers on the rich delta of the 
 Menam river, and sugar, cotton, with rice and pepper of a 
 superior quality, form most important items in the extensive 
 export trade between Bankok and some of the maritime 
 Chinese ports, and more particularly the island of Hainan. 
 
 Vegetable Productions. — The lower ranges of the hills bound- 
 ing the Menam, Cambodia, and their tributary streams, are 
 covered with forests, with valuable timber such as teak and 
 rose-wood ; besides various drugs, spices, dye-woods and gums. 
 Among the latter may be reckoned gamboge, cardamums, 
 saffron, red-wood, and sandal-wood. Large quantities of stic-lac 
 are produced, both in the lower Laos and the Shan States, west 
 of the Salween river, under Burma, which find their way to 
 Rangoon and Moulmein (Maulmain). The tea-plant is exten- 
 sively cultivated by the Polongs, in the hilly region of the 
 Moongmeet and Senvee Province, under Burma; and it may 
 here be worthy of notice that the tea-plant of the Polongs is 
 identical with that of Assam, both being distinct from that of 
 China. The Polongs are the manufacturers of leing or lepek, 
 a preparation of the tea-leaf which is much esteemed by the 
 Bur mans and eaten on all occasions as a condiment, sometimes 
 fried in oil. It is the young twigs and leaves of the tea-tree 
 subjected in large masses to a half state of fermentation j and 
 
THE SHAN COUNTRIES. 307 
 
 when the process is complete, it is packed into large bamboo 
 baskets and taken to Burma proper (Upper Burma), where it 
 is exposed for sale in every bazaar, from Ava to Rangoon, and 
 is thus visible in masses about the size of half-a-dozen bricks, 
 lying generally on a board, being of sufficient compactness to 
 allow of the vendor cutting off with a dha or large knife as 
 much as may be purchased. Tea also, of a coarse Bohea kind, 
 is manufactured by the Polongs ; this is brought in round 
 hard balls cemented together, by paddy starch-water, and also 
 in a loose state in large baskets, the latter principally by land 
 on ponies or mules, and both are sold at a very cheap rate. 
 
 To the above vegetable productions may be added fibres of 
 the most useful kind to the people themselves, amongst which 
 is the pan, identical with the grass cloth plant of China and 
 rheea of Assam. Silk is also produced by the Shans, though 
 the best kinds come from China. 
 
 Minerals. — The Shan territories are rich in mineral. In 
 Siam proper and the tributary states of the Laos there are 
 ores of tin, antimony, lead, and abundance of iron. In the 
 north-east corner of the Province of Moongmeet is situated 
 the celebrated Bandwen, or silver mine, which belongs to the 
 King of Ava, but it appears to be worked by the Chinese, who 
 probably rent it either from that monarch or from the dependent 
 Shan Toobwa (Chobwa), or Prince, in whose territory it lies. Of 
 its productiveness little can be said, as the Burmese are jealous 
 of foreigners knowing about their supplies of this metal. 
 
 About twenty-five miles south of the town of Moongmeet, 
 and sixty north and east of the Burmese capital (Ava), are 
 situated the celebrated ruby and sapphire localities, called 
 Mogaut and Kyatpen, and not Capellan as hitherto written, and 
 supposed to be in the kingdom of Pegu. In Colonel Hannay 
 we have another witness to the fact that the mineral resources 
 of the Shan territories immediately north of Ava are not so 
 well known, little being done by the Burmese to bring to light 
 the natural riches of their country in this respect. [It has 
 
368 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 been already mentioned that eighty miles nearly east of Man- 
 dalay, about fifty miles south-west of Theinnee, is Theebo, with 
 hilly spots, and that from the latter place the present Golden Foot 
 takes his name, probably inheriting his extravagant notions 
 from the wealthy nats (evil spirits), from a country so rich in 
 minerals, continually surrounding him ! ] 
 
 The situation of the Chinese Mart of Bamo, on the Upper 
 Irawady, is thus described : — It is also styled Manmo, and 
 is in lat. 24° 12' and 97° of E. long., on the left bank of the 
 river. It is the modern capital of the old Shan province of 
 that name, extending north as far as lat. 25°, bounded on the 
 east by the great black mountains of the Chinese, which se- 
 parate the Burmese territories from Yunnan. It is interesting 
 to note that this residence of a Burmese governor and his 
 under officers appears to have had a double influence — the 
 district and its land revenue having been (1857) in the hands 
 of one of the Queens of the King of Ava, a sister of the Tapan 
 Rajah of Assam. The amount of revenue, including the duties 
 at the principal and inferior marts, used to be three lakhs of 
 rupees (thirty thousand pounds). Bamo was thus described in 
 1836 : — " I find that this is a modern town, erected on the 
 banks of the Irawady, for the convenience of water carriage 
 between it and Ava. The old Shan town of Manmo, or Bamno, 
 is situated two days' journey up the Tipan river, which falls 
 into the Irawady, about a mile above the new town of Bamo or 
 Zee-theet Zeit, or new mart landing place. This modern town 
 is situated on high unequal ground, and the bank toward the 
 river is from forty to fifty feet in height and composed of clay. 
 With the exception of Ava and Rangoon it is the largest place 
 I have seen in Burma, and not excepting these places I cer- 
 tainly think it the most interesting. ... I felt as if I 
 were almost in a civilised land again, when I found myself 
 amongst fair-complexioned people, wearing jackets and trowsers, 
 after being accustomed to the harsh features and parti-coloured 
 dress of the Bnrmans. The people I saw were Chinese from 
 
VALUE OF UPPER BURMA. 369 
 
 the province of Yunnan, and Shans from the Shan provinces 
 subject to China. Bamo is said to contain one thousand five 
 hundred houses, but including several villages which join it, 
 I should say it contained two thousand, at least two hun- 
 dred of which are inhabited by Chinese. Besides the perma- 
 nent population of Bamo, there are always a great number 
 of strangers there, Chinese, Shans, Polongs, and Khykhyens 
 (Kakhyens), who either come to make purchases, or to 
 be hired as workmen. There are also a great number of 
 Assamese, both in the town and the villages, amongst 
 whom are several members of the Tapan or Assam Rajah's 
 family." — The Chinese import trade with Bamo is great in 
 the month of December. Save for the floods, there might be 
 constant intercourse with Yunnan. Among the articles im- 
 ported into Burma are raw silk, rich China silks, velvets, and 
 gold, all of which are taken to the capital. The transit of 
 cotton is periodical, and large boats are employed in it. 
 
 V. 
 The Value of Upper Burma. 
 In a country — the old Burmese Empire — where all rank was 
 official, a royal monopoly of riches was only considered natural. 
 To the northward of Ava, there were (and, doubtless, are still) 
 mines of gold, silver, and precious stones — rubies and sapphires 
 of the finest description— but, as all mines throughout the 
 kingdom formed one of the numerous royal monopolies, and 
 were only worked at particular times, by special order from 
 the Golden Foot (one of whose titles is — " Proprietor of the 
 Mines of Rubies, Gold, and Silver"), the nation derived little 
 benefit from their existence. No specie, however plentiful it 
 might be, was permitted to be exported ; and this formed one 
 great drawback to the trade with Ava. " The merchants, un- 
 able to carry off all their profits or returns in produce, were 
 often under the necessity of suspending their *;ilrs. even when 
 
 24 
 
370 OfJR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the demand was greatest, and the native merchants ready to 
 pay for their goods in silver or gold, or to smuggle the money 
 into vessels, at a great risk of seizure and consequent forfeiture." 
 —Vast sums were annually expended in building and gilding 
 pagodas, in which images of Gautama, made of solid [gold, were 
 frequently buried. It was difficult, after the capture of Ran- 
 goon, and our occupation of other strongholds, to keep the 
 Europeans from breaking into the pagodas to discover this 
 treasure. In the large gilt wooden images — some of them 
 not unlike those of Assyria — frequently splendid rubies were 
 found. If this were the case in Lower, what might we not 
 find in Upper Burma ? Truly the mineralogy of the country 
 is rich, abundant, and various ; and, if properly worked under 
 British protection and enterprise, would pay off at least half of 
 the whole debt of India within the present century ! 
 
 Gold* 
 
 It has been generally supposed that Upper Burma is not 
 rich in itself as regards this metal, but there would seem to 
 be good grounds for supposing that it exists very extensively. 
 In former years the gold used in the country was imported 
 from China to the extent of some four hundred or five hundred 
 viss annually, but the imports have considerably decreased 
 since the commencement of the Mahomedan rebellion in 
 Yunnan, and now do not exceed two hundred viss per annum, 
 the deficiency being imported from Rangoon. It is an article 
 that is greatly used in the decorative art, and appears to be 
 generally plentiful. 
 
 In the Mogoung district there would seem to be a gold-field 
 
 * From a valuable Memorandum by Captain G. A. Strover, Political Apent, 
 Mandalay, on the Metals and Minerals of Upper Burma. The Chief Commis- 
 sioner had called for a Report on the mineral resources of the country, April 
 1873. 
 
GOLD. 371 
 
 that, if properly worked, would prove very productive. Some 
 years ago, a Mr. Golding, of Australian experience, contracted 
 with the King to work one square mile of this field for a sum 
 of twenty-five thousand rupees annually, for ten years, but 
 unfortunately the district proved to be malarious and Mr. 
 Golding succumbed to fever; he, however, pronounced the 
 fields to be equal to any in Australia, if not better. I am not 
 aware that he succeeded in procuring much gold. Since then 
 no attempt has been made on the part of the Burmese Govern- 
 ment to work the mines. 
 
 To the north-east of Mandalay, in the Shan States, there is 
 another field of gold. My information tends to show that here 
 again, with energy and enterprise, considerable quantities of 
 gold could be extracted, and the mines prove very productive ; 
 but the locality at present is malarious, and but little gold is 
 procured. 
 
 At Thayet-pein-yua, near the Myit-Nyay, on the road to 
 Pyoungshoo, to the south-east of Mandalay, the gold quartz is 
 found in abundance, the reefs cropping up from the ground, 
 and there is reason to believe that very valuable gold-mines 
 are in existence, and could be worked and developed with 
 little trouble. A Shan lately procured from here a piece of 
 quartz, three and a half pounds in weight, that produced exactly 
 two and a half ticals of gold. 
 
 In the Yaw district, to the south-west of Mandalay, gold is 
 obtained in fair quantities in the alluvial deposits ; it exists at 
 Sagaing, Kannee, Sein-joo, and is also obtained from the 
 Kyeend-ween river, and, indeed, it is procurable from the sands 
 of most of the streams between Mandalay and Mogoung. The 
 natural conclusion from this profusion of gold in the rivers and 
 streams of Upper Burma is that it exists in large quantities 
 in situ somewhere, and, as I have explained, this is the case, 
 and doubtless there are more deposits that have not been 
 discovered. 
 
 24 * 
 
372 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Silver 
 
 Is found in many localities in the Shan States to the east of 
 the Irawady river, but the most prolific mines are those situ- 
 ated at Bawyine, Kyouktch and Toung-byne, near Theebau, to 
 the north-east of Mandalay. It is mixed with lead, and is, in 
 fact, a rich argentiferous galena. One mine, the Kampanee, 
 will yield as much as forty ticals of silver and twenty-five viss 
 of lead from one basket of the ore, while the poorest mine gives 
 four ticals of silver and thirty viss* of lead. Other mines exist, 
 such as the Bandween, Bandweengyee, and Sagaing. The metal 
 is also found in other towns unmixed with lead. The supply 
 of silver obtained hitherto has been sufficient for the require- 
 ments of the country in conjunction with the imports from 
 Yunnan. 
 
 Copper. 
 
 This metal is found in the Shan States, but is not worked. 
 It is also found at Kolen-myo and Sagaing ; at Bawyine and 
 Kolen-myo the malachite appears to be of a rich description. 
 The copper resources of the Shan States do not appear to have 
 been ever utilised to any extent, and the deposits, which seem 
 to be abundant, remain as nature placed them. The Sagaing 
 mines were worked in former times by Chinese, but many years 
 have elapsed since they were abandoned. The surface ore is 
 not promising. Most of the copper used in Upper Burma 
 is imported from China. It is plentiful in the province of 
 Yunnan. 
 
 Iron. 
 
 Iron abounds in the Shan States, and the district of Pagan, 
 to the south of Mandalay, is noted for it. A manufactory 
 exists on a rough and ready scale in this district at Pohpah- 
 Toung, but the out-turn is inconsiderable. To the west of 
 Sagaing, for miles up the Irawady river, the ore abounds a 
 
 * The Ticcal is a Chinese weight, of about 4i ounces, and the viss an Indian 
 of about 8i lbs.! (Note, 1870.) 
 
METALS AND COAL. 373 
 
 rich hematite. His Majesty is now procuring iron-works from 
 England, and will before long have a large foundry, with 
 all the requisite machinery, erected and at work at Sagaing. 
 The surface hematite alone will feed it for years to come, if 
 worked. 
 
 Two mining engineers are now awaiting the arrival of the 
 works, and expect to proceed to Sagaing soon to commence 
 operations. 
 
 Lead 
 
 Is found in abundance in the Shan States, and is extracted 
 from galena. Considerable quantities of this metal could be 
 obtained if such were desired. At present moderate supplies are 
 procured, sufficient for the requirements of the land. It is 
 also imported from Yunnan. 
 
 Tin. 
 
 This metal exists in the Shan States to the south-east of 
 Mandalay, but the mines have never been worked. The tin 
 consumed in the country now is all imported. 
 
 Platinum 
 
 Is said to exist in the Shan States, and it seems probable 
 that it does exist, but I have no reliable information on this 
 point. 
 
 Graphite 
 Is found to the east of Nat-taik in large quantities on a low 
 range of hills near the village Nyoke-toke. It is not utilised. 
 
 Coal. 
 
 This mineral is known to exist at Thingadaw, about seventy 
 miles above Mandalay, on the western bank of the Irawady ; 
 at Shuaygoo below Bamo ; at Meimbaloung in the Shan States 
 east of Mandalay j to the south-west of Mandalay in the Yaw 
 
374 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 district, at Yaignaw, east of Nat-taik. It is found at Pagan 
 and Shimpagah, and it is probable that it exists near Menhla 
 and Yeynaugyoung. At Thingadaw the coal has been ex- 
 tracted, but it is of an inferior description, and more resembles 
 lignite than the true mineral coal. An attempt was lately 
 made here to ascertain the productiveness of the coal-beds. It 
 is nearly certain that plenty of coal exists in the locality, and 
 a few more borings would probably prove this. The coal-bed 
 in the Shan States, at Meimbaloung, contains the true mineral 
 coal, and consequently a valuable coal. It has been inspected 
 by an experienced mining engineer, and highly approved of as 
 equal to the best English coal. There is little doubt that the 
 beds are extensive, but unfortunately the distance inland is 
 great, and no easy means are available for transporting the 
 coal to the low lands ; indeed, the only method at present is by 
 floating it down mountain streams and rapids on rafts, which 
 entails considerable risk and loss of coal. European skill and 
 enterprise would soon make a safe route of one description or 
 another if really required by the Government ; it remains at 
 present, with neighbouring wealth, where nature placed it, 
 awaiting " development in times to come/' — May the time for 
 such development soon arrive !* 
 
 VI. 
 
 Summary op Events from 1826 to 1879, with a Sketch 
 op King Theebau's Progress. 
 The royal house of Burma has long been distinguished for 
 surprises as well as monopolies. From the golden capital of 
 the " Lord of Earth and Air," wondrous tales have proceeded ; 
 and within it, all of a sudden, changes and " deeds of dreadful 
 note," from time to time, have taken place, excelling in inteu- 
 
 * Jade and amber, sulphur, saltpetre, rubies, sapphires, garnets, &c, salt, 
 and petroleum (tho valuable and useful mineral oil), nearly complete Captain 
 Strover's interesting list. Six years ago the total supply of earth-oil in 
 Upper Burma was nearly 11,000 tons per annum. On the whole, Upper 
 Burma would seem to have " a grand future " in store for it ! 
 
KING THEEBAU. 375 
 
 sity all that we have read of in the history of other Asiatic 
 kingdoms. Kind British advice has always been thrown away 
 on such absolute and arrogant monarchs. Alompra, upwards 
 of a century ago, although hard pressed during the conquest of 
 Pegu, despised our assistance, and would have nothing to say 
 to us; and the great founder of the reigning dynasty died, 
 destined to have successors under whom there would be frequent 
 revolts and massacres, and who would some day give us much 
 anxiety and trouble. 
 
 A French writer of celebrity has well and truly said, that we 
 preserve the memory of bad princes, as we record fires, plagues, 
 and inundations. Shakspeare, in " King John/' alluding to 
 the evil purposes of kings, deems it their curse to be surrounded 
 by slaves who servilely execute their orders, even to breaking 
 into " the bloody house of life " — 
 
 " And, on the winking of authority, 
 
 To understand a law, to know the meaning 
 
 Of dangerous majesty "... 
 when it has resulted from the king's humour rather than from 
 deliberate consideration. To be thus charitable at the com- 
 mencement of a rapid sketch of a genuine Burman monarch's 
 progress, and give King Theebau* the full benefit of the word 
 " humour/' is all that can be advanced in his behalf; while 
 even that vanishes when we think, with regard to this King, 
 of the poet's truthful lines : — 
 
 "How oft the sight of means to do ill-deeds 
 
 Makes ill-deeds done ! " 
 We then pause, and ponder on one who has for some months 
 traded in cruelty — a creature without a shadow of remorse — 
 till at length we feel a natural anxiety to behold the spirit of 
 some murdered innocent rush forward, as a Nemesis from the 
 unseen world, to avenge the foul massacre ! 
 
 If we are wrong, and it be true that, but for the effects of 
 
 * Or Tkebaw, or Theebaw ; but the above is probably the most correct 
 spelling, as nearest to the Burmese Theebo, the principality. 
 
376 OUB BURMESE WARS. 
 
 drinking, and evil counsellors or agents being by, the murders 
 " had not come into his mind," then we may be too severe ; 
 but still we have been enabled to bring forth from Chin-India 
 — what well-meaning but not generally practical temperance 
 philanthropists should make capital of — the important fact of 
 murder and drinking being combined in lands other than our 
 own! 
 
 " More massacres ! " — " The King still drinking ! " — Such, 
 from the beginning of 1879, has been an occasional burden of 
 the telegrams and letters which have arrived from Mandalay. 
 The thirst for blood and gin appeared to be equally unquench- 
 able ; and the proverbial wish of the Dutchman, in the old 
 song, regarding his depth of draught of the national spirit, had 
 at length found a counterpart in that of King Thebau. The 
 progress of such a man is worth recording. 
 
 Hogarth's " Rake's Progress," with all the terrible ideas 
 which surround it, is, perhaps, about the mildest edition of this 
 king that could be conceived. Allowing for the difference of 
 civilisation of the two countries, we mourn over the dissipated 
 and cruel Asiatic, with so many grand opportunities — legion in 
 comparison with those of Hogarth's rake — and think what 
 good he might have done — what firm and profitable relations 
 he might have established with the British Government — how, 
 in short, he might have become a noble character, with all the 
 " divinity " — in Burma the kings are intimately related to 
 Gautama!* — "which doth hedge a king!" Before chro- 
 nicling such a progress, let us give a brief summary of various 
 important events. It will suffice for our present purpose to 
 commence with Phagyi-dau, one of Thebau's ancestors, a 
 haughty and overbearing king, whose arrogant conduct forced 
 on the First Burmese War. The influence possessed over him 
 
 * The bead of t lie Burmese religion — an incarnation of Buddha-, whiofa 
 
 signifies " wisdom," "enlightened." Strange enough, Gautama is a saint 
 in the Etonian calendar. Pity that the King is sometimes so unworthy of his 
 patron ! 
 
SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 377 
 
 by his queen has been attributed to sorcery ; and, in the latter 
 years of his reign, he suffered much from hypochondria, and at 
 length became insane.* 
 
 It is important to remark at the present time that the " vital 
 clause " in the Yandaboo Treaty of 1826 was that referring to 
 the establishment of a Resident or Envoy at the capital. In 
 1830, when Major Burney was sent to Ava as Envoy, he re- 
 ported unfavourably of the proposal to have a permanent 
 representative at the Burmese Court. It was, he very shrewdly 
 thought, with such regal material on the throne, sure to pro- 
 duce irritation, and, perhaps, eventual disaster. 
 
 The efforts made to open up good relations, or " a genuine 
 and sympathetic intercourse with the ruler " (above mentioned) 
 were abortive. The King had neither the sense nor the incli- 
 nation to understand the value of commercial intercourse with 
 the British. " Although averse from the shedding of blood/' we 
 read that one of his principal amusements was, Saul-like, " to 
 fling his spear at or among those courtiers who came under his 
 displeasure."t 
 
 We now come to his brother Tharavvadi, who, with 
 the usual fraternal affection of the Burmese Royal Family, 
 deposed Phagyi-dau and placed him in confinement, in 1837. 
 Tharawadi was the younger son of the Crown Prince, who had 
 never reigned, and seemed to possess all the ability requisite for 
 a great ruler and worthy descendant of Alompra. As Prince, 
 Tharawadi had seemed a friend to the British, boasting of his 
 " love of humanity and of a peaceful rule." But as King, he 
 was " of a different turn of mind " ; eventually detesting " wise 
 counsel," and especially the presence of all foreigners in his 
 capital. At that time, Colonel Burney deemed it prudent to 
 " withdraw himself from the presence of the tyrant " — which 
 withdrawal was censured by Lord Auckland. During the next 
 
 * See General Fytche's "Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 83. 
 + See an excellent article in the " Times," 11th of April, " The Kingdom of 
 Bur man." 
 
378 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 few years he consolidated his power by the murder of all his 
 most formidable relatives. 
 
 Diplomatic intercourse with King Tharawadi closed when 
 that worthy man and excellent officer Captain (now General) 
 McLeod withdrew from Burmese territory, early in 1840. In 
 1841, Tharawadi assumed a decidedly hostile attitude towards 
 the British Government, ignoring the Treaty of Yandaboo, 
 and threatening to drive us out of Arakan and Tenasserim. 
 This, of course, had produced great excitement in Calcutta. 
 Like his predecessor, the King became insane. Plots were 
 formed against him ; and, strange to say, in the very year in 
 which his full brother died (1845), he was deposed and con- 
 fined in the palace of Amarapiira, the " new capital " which had 
 been founded by Bhodan Prau (Phra), the third son of Alompra. 
 
 Tharawadi was succeeded by his son, the Prince of Pagan, 
 or Pagan Meng. After the Second Burmese War, Pagan 
 Meng was deposed. As has been well observed, the triumph 
 of the British army was the knell of this sovereign — the 
 "Cock-fighting" King, as he was called in Burma. For 
 seven years he was in every sense " wickedly mad." He was 
 succeeded by his younger brother, Prince Mengdon Meng. As 
 King he refused to sign a treaty of peace, which caused Lord 
 Dalhousie, after the Second Burmese War, to define his own 
 boundary of the newly conquered territory. But Mengdon 
 was a vast improvement on his late predecessors, and showed a 
 decided turn for trade and business ; and, notwithstanding his 
 monopolising tendencies, with his love of the old " Burman 
 custom," his reign was of considerable advantage to Burma. 
 His practical reforms brought him not a few enemies ; and his 
 rule, as usual, was not free from internal sedition. In 18G6, 
 during a rising, many princes of the royal house were executed.* 
 
 * " Although the dynasty of Alompra has been maintained for more than 
 a century, the kingdom has been constantly exposed to palace revolutions." — 
 " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 211. 
 
SUMMARY OP EVENTS. 379 
 
 During King Mengdon's reign, also, most important events 
 as regarded our relations took place. Elsewhere (No. 1, Paper on 
 Burma) we have alluded to the complimentary mission in 1855 
 sent to Calcutta by the King of Burma. Then came a return 
 mission to Amarapiira, in the middle of the same year, under the 
 present Sir Arthur Phayre (then Colonel). The Burmese 
 capital was eventually transferred from Amarapiira to Mandalay 
 (founded by Mengdon in 1860); and, in January 1862, the 
 three divisions of Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim were formed 
 into the Chief Commissionership of British Burma. Up to 
 1873, the Chief Commissioners appointed were Sir Arthur 
 Phayre, Major-General Fytche, and the Honourable Ashley 
 Eden. The Chief Commissioner's power extends along the 
 eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal from Chittagong to Siam 
 in 10° N. lat. British Burma is geographically divided " into 
 Arakan, the valley of the Irawady, the valley of the Salween, 
 and Tenasserim/'* And when we consider that he has the 
 control of an extensive province, with one thousand miles of 
 frontier, it will be seen that the Chief Commissioner is an 
 Asiatic sovereign not to be despised ! Sir Arthur Phayre, the 
 first Chief, concluded the Treaty of 1862 ; but although the 
 British Government abolished the duties on their side of 
 the frontier, the Burmese did nothing whatever. It was our 
 grand object to educate the Burmese in the principles of free 
 trade. The King was always waiting for a more convenient 
 season to carry out his idea of trade reform. It should be kept 
 in mind that in 1855 the King had objected " to any treaty 
 which would recognise the loss of Pegu.'' He said to the 
 Envoy, " If a treaty is made there must be mutual advantage!" 
 Mengdon, not seeming inclined to sign the treaty, was informed 
 by Colonel Phayre that " without a treaty no gunpowder or 
 warlike stores would be permitted to pass up the river Irawady; 
 
 * " Annals of Indian Administration in the Year 1871-2," p. 79. 
 
380 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 but that if a treaty were concluded, a confidence would be esta- 
 blished according to Western ideas, and commodities of all 
 descriptions would be permitted to pass."* The main object 
 of the first mission had been to establish friendly relations, and 
 to make another attempt to conclude a definite treaty with the 
 King, which fact was broadly stated to His Majesty. The 
 King refused to sign, but friendly relations were established. 
 After 1862 other obstacles to free trade arose, the principal of 
 which was that nearly every article of produce in Upper Burma 
 was a royal monopoly. Burmese merchants could not sell " grain 
 timber, cutch, or other commodities, except through royal 
 brokers, or express permission of the local authorities." 
 
 The next important event calculated to disturb British re- 
 lations was — although the King was well-disposed towards us 
 — the insult offered to two British officers, while exploring the 
 intricate and dangerous Salween river, by arrogant Burmese 
 officials. They were stopped and sent back, "in direct vio- 
 lation of the treaty ! " An English gentleman was also beaten 
 in the streets of the capital. 
 
 Another mission was to have started for Mandalay early in 
 1866, but it was checked by the insurrection in Upper Burma, 
 during which the Crown Prince was assassinated. Captain 
 Sladen was at this time the British representative at Mandalay; 
 and it is curious to remark at present — when so many great 
 events are on the gale — that " during the insurrection, the 
 Burmese considered themselves more secure on the premises 
 of the British representative than in their own houses ! " f 
 
 Captain Sladen — one of the bravest and most energetic 
 officers we have ever had in Burma — remained at Mandalay for 
 
 * For this information General Fytcho refers to the splendid work, by 
 Colonel Yule, C.B., of the Engineers, (who was Secretary to the Mission,) 
 entitled " Narrativo of the Mission to tho Court of Ava," pp. 97-98. See 
 " Burma, Bast and Present," vol. i. p. 208. 
 
 f " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 213. 
 
SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 381 
 
 seven days after the outbreak ; but, as the King could not 
 guarantee either the safety of the lives or the property of the 
 European residents, he embarked with nearly the whole of 
 them in a " British merchant steamer/' and proceeded to 
 Rangoon. It should be recorded that the King, without per- 
 mission, had been employing this steamer against the rebels 
 headed by the two rebel princes ; but this can easily be excused 
 from the danger the Golden Foot was subjected to. The 
 insurrection was suppressed ; the rebel princes, having seized 
 one of the King's steamers, came into British territory, when 
 " Colonel Phayre took the necessary steps for preventing them 
 from committing further mischief; and they were required 
 to reside at Rangoon, under the surveillance of the British 
 authorities." 
 
 When the rebellion had passed away, about the end of 1866, 
 Colonel Phayre again proceeded to Mandalay. Nothing of 
 great importance apparently resulted from this mission, which 
 must have been considered a disheartening failure by the very 
 able and ever zealous Chief Commissioner. The King, true to 
 his cloth, would not reduce his frontier duties, nor forego any 
 one of his monopolies. Thus, at the end of a splendid career 
 in Burma, and having, through the care of the rebel princes, 
 relieved the King from danger — probably saved his life — our 
 Chief met with the usual Burmese or Oriental ingratitude on 
 this last occasion of his strong endeavour to put common sense 
 into the head of the Golden Foot, a sovereign by no means 
 wanting in ability.* 
 
 It has been remarked that King Mengdon, when (some 
 twelve or fourteen years ago) the overthrow of the Panthays 
 — Mahomedans of Yunnan, South-west China— brought Chinese 
 arms into his vicinity, intrigued " with the representatives of 
 the celestials in Yunnan." There was also a disagreeable 
 
 * Eventually, on return to Europe, General Sir Arthur Phayre's ^reat ser- 
 vices were rewarded with the Governorship of Mauritius. 
 
382 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 question, in recent years, concerning the Karen frontier; but. 
 notwithstanding these escapades in the reign of Mengdon, and 
 the probability cf the wild tribes on our frontier, nominally 
 under his control, promising to become a permanent source of 
 trouble and annoyance, " so long as the late King lived it was 
 clear that no cause for just umbrage would be given to us." 
 His death, early in October 1878, produced a period of bar- 
 barity and uncertainty at Mandalay, of which it is most 
 difficult, at present, to see the end. 
 
 We have not yet alluded to a most important mission, with 
 General (then Colonel) Albert Fytche as Envoy, in September 
 1867 ; but there are a few points in it which, in these unsettled 
 and warlike times, may be of interest, before turning to the 
 progress of King Theebau.f 
 
 The new Chief Commissioner was appointed in March 1867, 
 and, in the following May, his Burman Majesty appeared to be 
 about abolishing some of his monopolies and reducing the 
 frontier duties ; but the good news, made public through pro- 
 clamations, was considered to be simply a blind. Then another 
 conspiracy took place at Mandalay, in which Captain Sladen, 
 who had resumed his duties at the capital, greatly distinguished 
 himself. The Princes of the Blood were about to be executed. 
 The Resident immediately went to the King, and got a reprieve 
 with which he galloped off, but was too late to save all the 
 victims. The eldest son of the Crown Prince was already in 
 the agonies of death j but the younger brothers were saved by 
 the gallant English representative. Strange enough, the King 
 said he was unaware that the execution had been ordered by 
 his ministers, and " warmly thanked " Captain Sladen for his 
 interference. This was very properly accepted as " a proof of 
 
 * A complete account, with the official narrative, of this mission, will be 
 found in General Fytche's valuable and beautifully got up -work, "Burma, 
 Past and Present " — a work containing more general information than any 
 other we have read on the subject of Burma. 
 
SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 383 
 
 the friendly relations which were growing up between the 
 British Government and the King of Burma." But yet there 
 was room for suspicion that a good deal of Machiavelli 
 hovered about this sort of conduct ; and, perhaps, Mengdon 
 would not have made a bad Chin-Indian model of a " Prince " 
 for the great Florentine to work on ! Truly, " the present state 
 of political relations with Burma" had "no connection what- 
 ever with the old diplomacy of the eighteenth century." The 
 voyage of the mission was made in two steamers, the " Ne- 
 mesis " and " Colonel Phayre," and leaving Rangoon on the 
 20th of September, they arrived at Mandalay, seven miles 
 above Amarapura — which old capital, with Ava, they passed on 
 the left bank of the river — on the 7th of October. It almost 
 seemed as if the gallant new Chief Commissioner had gone 
 with his " Nemesis " to avenge the insults offered to his great 
 predecessor by the King in not acceding to his requests ! 
 However that may be, the reception was a brilliant one. Man- 
 dalay had, for this occasion, cast away her bloody garments, 
 and put on holiday costume. The Envoy was of opinion that 
 Mengdon was " one of the most enlightened monarchs that ever 
 sat on the Burmese throne/' but, since his accession to the throne, 
 he had been educated in a political school " perhaps the worst 
 in the world." He boasted that he had never ordered an exe- 
 cution since his reign began, but left it all to his ministers ; 
 the Envoy was likewise of opinion that the King's reign had not 
 been disgraced, like his predecessors', by wanton atrocities and 
 wild excesses. The natural question then comes to be, From 
 whom did King Theebau learn his jovial and severe lessons 
 of drinking and murder? The King asked the Envoy for 
 arms and steamers, " on which point, as he had been informed 
 on several previous occasions by Sir Arthur Phayre, the English 
 Government was inclined to be liberal." He wished to guard 
 against rebellion ; but, as a selfish Buddhist potentate, he cared 
 nothing for the "well-being of his subjects." This hardly 
 agrees with our ideas of an " enlightened " king. 
 
384 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 After a discussion about the steamers required, when His 
 Majesty was informed by Colonel Fytche that there were[many 
 varieties of steamers suitable for river navigation, the King said 
 — " I also want eight thousand rifles ; you have already as- 
 sented to my having two thousand, which I am now getting 
 from Dr. Williams ; and if you let me have eight thousand 
 more, I shall have ten thousand men well armed with rifles, 
 and they will always remain near me at the capital." 
 
 To this Colonel Fytche replied, " that the rifles could be fur- 
 nished, but that the kind of rifle wanted should be settled." — 
 After some remarks on smooth-bores and breech-loaders, the 
 King turned on his sofa to leave, saying, with a political saga- 
 city which even Napoleon or Talleyrand might have envied, 
 " Sladen, I am sorry you have been sick. I shall send you 
 something to-morrow to make you well," and with that with- 
 drew.* Could any Sovereign of the West have shown more 
 courtesy than this ? 
 
 The weak point in the treaty duly signed on the occasion of 
 this mission, and which treaty had great mercantile advantages 
 in largely increasing our exports to Upper Burma, is the latter 
 portion of the eighth article, in which it is stated that " the 
 Burmese Government shall further be allowed permission to 
 purchase arms, ammunition, and war materials generally, in 
 British territory, subject only to the consent and approval 
 in each case of the Chief Commissioner." Had the Cal- 
 cutta Secretariat — we presume the Foreign Office — before the 
 ratification of the treaty, suggested some more stringent 
 
 * See vol. ii. p. 274. A copy of the signed treaty will also be found, with 
 the Official Narrative, in the Appendix to "Burma, Past and Present." The 
 eighth article of the treaty runs thus : — " In accordance with the great friend- 
 ship which exists between the two Governments, the subjects of either shall 
 be allowed free trade in the import and export of gold and silver bullion 
 between the two countries, without lei or hindrance of any kind, on due 
 declaration being made at the time of import or export." 
 
SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 385 
 
 wording, or, what might have been better still, struck out 
 the latter portion of the article altogether, leaving, without 
 expressing it, the question entirely to the Chief Commissioner's 
 good will and discretion, we respectfully venture to think 
 that King Mengdon's mind would have been relieved from 
 some doubt on the subject of arms. John Bull in his policy, 
 East and West, too frequently injures himself by an excess 
 of good nature. To have made obtaining arms conditional 
 on a time of peace, also, would not have done ; for it is 
 just in these so-called times of peace in Burma and China, 
 as in a few enlightened countries of Europe, that war and 
 rebellion may be nigh at hand ! It is the old, sad story ; 
 we need not seek it, but, until some radical change takes 
 place in the relations of States, we must continue to be 
 prepared for war ! 
 
 We are not aware that the King ever got all the arms or 
 stores he wanted ; perhaps he had not the money to purchase 
 them ; but, some seven or eight years ago, after the expedition 
 to the Looshai country, the present writer remarked elsewhere 
 that our difficulty with regard to a then probable outbreak in 
 Upper Burma was not lessened by a knowledge of the fact 
 from Mandalay, that in order to put down local disturbances, 
 and perhaps be able to resist the Chinese, the Russians, or the 
 English, the King of Burma was " very anxious to arm his 
 soldiers with rifles, and obtain rifled cannon " (1872). Had 
 Mengdon been on the throne at the present time, he might 
 have had more fear than ever as to China, on hearing of the 
 restoration of Kuldja — which the Czar never had any right to 
 take away — the adjustment of the so-called Russian Western 
 Mongolian frontier — the forced payment of five millions of 
 roubles to Russia by the Chinese, and the possibility of a 
 Chinese army descending on Upper Burma to make up the 
 losses sustained by the Celestials from Russian intrigue ! On 
 the other hand, it was believed that his successor had formed 
 an alliance with China. 
 
 25 
 
386 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Let us, while writing at the end of September 1879 — having 
 just heard of a desperate outbreak and massacre at Herat (and 
 consequently that " key " running more risk than ever of a 
 "Russian coup de main ") , following so soon after the insur- 
 rection and massacre at Cabul — now return to King Theebau. 
 
 Of the early days of this Chin-Indian potentate we know 
 little or nothing ; but it may be presumed that, unlike his 
 traditionary prototype, Gautama, he was never contemplative, 
 but always inclined for action. It is not difficult to picture 
 him, when sowing his wild oats, enjoying the most harrowing 
 pooay — Burmese drama — taking a rare pleasure in the society 
 of " posture girls," and being very savage (if it be usual for 
 princes to play) at the Burmese game of football. Determined 
 to prove himself a worthy descendant of his grandfather, King 
 Tharawadi, at the commencement of his regal career, he was 
 said to "habitually carry about the spear with which his 
 savage relative was wont to deal out death to those of his at- 
 tendants, ministers, or menials who displeased him." Like 
 Tharawadi, he was well educated, and at one time liked the 
 English. The person of the King of Burma is thus described: — 
 " He is little over twenty, and has been barely four months on 
 the throne" (February 1879). "He is a tall, well-built, per- 
 sonable young man. He is very fair in complexion, has a good 
 forehead, clear steady eyes, and a firm but pleasant mouth. 
 His chin is full and somewhat sensual looking, but withal he 
 is a manly, frank-faced young fellow, and is said to have 
 gained self-possession, and left the early nervous awkwardness 
 of his new position with great rapidity." 
 
 He was by some considered to have a strong will of his own, 
 was not always the victim of his ministers, and showed no 
 fondness " for any diminution of the royal prerogative." Here 
 we have some good materials for a king ; but we know appear- 
 ances to be deceitful. After the death of the old King (Octo- 
 ber 3rd), it was the opinion in Mandalay that the accession of 
 King Thebau was entirely due to harem intrigue. The Nyoung- 
 
KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 387 
 
 yan Prince was the favourite in the succession. Mengdon had 
 desired it, and his election would have given satisfaction to the 
 people ; but the Nyoungyan Prince was married, which at that 
 time was his misfortune. " The mother of the ladies who have 
 the honour of being King Theebau's wives, intriguing with the 
 ministers, so managed matters that the Nyoungyan Prince, and 
 his brother, the Nyoungoke, speedily found it expedient to flee 
 with their families from the palace. This they did, and taking 
 refuge in the British Residency, were, after a time,* sent down 
 to Rangoon, and thence to Calcutta." Theebau, or his mother- 
 in-law, fortunately for them, could not induce the two princes 
 to return to the palace. We now arrive at the first " damned 
 spot" in the royal progress. Towards the end of February news 
 from Burma was received in Calcutta of the commencement in 
 earnest of a new regime. Instead of constitutional reforms 
 taking place, under an educated monarch, Theebau had proved 
 himself to be a ferocious barbarian. Over " sixty relatives " 
 (the number was found afterwards to be exaggerated), male and 
 female, of the late King were said to have been executed in the 
 palace and prisons, and Mandalay had become the scene of a reign 
 of terror. Trade was paralysed. A monster, reminding us of 
 Nero or Caligula, had appeared on the throne of the Golden 
 Foot. It was indeed the beginning of a terrible end, and came 
 home, especially in Mandalay and Rangoon, to " men's busi- 
 ness and bosoms " with a rare intensity. The British Resident 
 at the capital, Mr. Shaw (successor to Colonel Duncan), had 
 of course, strongly remonstrated with the King on his barba- 
 rity, and was exerting himself to prevent further murders. It 
 was wisely considered that the Government, having its hands full 
 with Afghanistan, would not care to precipitate a war with 
 Burma unless British interests were directly menaced ; but it 
 was thought that, if the King's progress were marked by similar 
 
 * About the middle of February. 
 
 25 
 
388 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 brutal conduct, a collision would, sooner or later, become in- 
 evitable. The Indian Government, meanwhile, had sent in- 
 structions to the Resident " to obtain protection for the King's 
 surviving relations." Another " fell swoop " might be expected 
 at any moment. Although horrible to write it, still, in an age 
 desirous of every information, it may be remarked that, accord- 
 ing to Mongolian tradition, no blood of any member of the 
 royal race must be spilt. " Princes of the blood are exe- 
 cuted by a blow, or blows, on the back of the neck." Prin- 
 cesses are put to death by a blow in front "instead of the back 
 of the neck/' * The bodies are then sunk in the river Ira- 
 wady, not " usually burnt," as remarked by another writer. 
 On the present occasion, we believe, they were buried in a pit. 
 To show that the Government were fully alive to the importance 
 of the situation in Upper Burma, it may here be remarked 
 that, additional troops being asked for, they were at once 
 granted; and, early in March, the 54th Foot and Madras 
 troops embarked at Calcutta for Rangoon. The whole rein- 
 forcements ordered were nearly double the ordinary strength of 
 garrisons in British Burma. The number of victims to the 
 King's madness was now reported to be forty, instead of eighty 
 or sixty. At this time it was telegraphed from Calcutta (March 
 9th), "The Rangoon and Irawady State Railway, one hundred 
 and sixty-one miles long, and running three trains daily each way, 
 connects Rangoon with Prome,* whence outposts at Thayetmyo 
 and Toungoo are distant respectively forty and sixty miles, and 
 at Mandalay about two hundred and twenty miles. There is a 
 
 * " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 217 (note). 
 
 f This railway " was pushed on rapidly during 1876-77, and was publicly 
 opened to traffic on the 1st of May 1877. It connects Rangoon and Prome, a 
 distance of one hundred and sixty-three miles. Its opening has caused a very 
 appreciable increase of population in t lie tracts through which it runs." — From 
 an admirable " Statement " drawn up in the India Office, and ordered by the 
 House of Commons to be printed, August 1878. 
 
KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 389 
 
 telegraph from Rangoon to Mandalay, but the line beyond the 
 British frontier, maintained by the Burmese authorities and 
 working irregularly, is now interrupted." 
 
 Early in March also, in reply to Earl Granville, in the House 
 of Lords, Viscount Cranbrook, with reference to the " precau- 
 tionary measure of sending reinforcements to Burma, said the 
 telegram from the Viceroy was in these terms : — " In com- 
 pliance with strong recommendation of Chief Commissioner, 
 Rangoon, and Resident, Mandalay, we have reinforced the 
 garrison of British Burma by two regiments Native Infantry and 
 one British." 
 
 The situation in Burma had assumed a really serious aspect. 
 But the extensive military preparations going on at Mandalay 
 were not so likely to produce King Thebau's downfall as his 
 surrounding himself with advisers known to be hostile to the 
 British Government. As was well remarked, the ill-advised 
 Prince, having committed a shocking outrage on humanity, 
 appeared to be making warlike preparations, " perhaps under 
 the delusion that he [may recover Pegu." But, like most 
 Orientals, he had miscalculated his opportunity. Still, we had 
 now lamentable experience enough to teach us not to under- 
 value any'enemy whatever ! By the middle of March it was 
 considered'that the 8 Chief Commissioner, with the 54th Foot 
 from Calcutta^and'Jthe 43rd from Madras, with the native 
 regiments from both Presidencies, was able to protect British 
 territory in^the event of aggression ; but the position of the 
 Resident at Mandalay, and other Europeans there, was, doubt- 
 less/ critical in the extreme. Still, some were bold enough to 
 think that the King and his advisers were " not so utterly lost 
 to all sense of prudence as to precipitate their own downfall by 
 rushing into hostilities with us." The "savage madman at 
 Mandalay " was even talked of in the streets of Lahore. From 
 that quarter we first learned that at t Thayetmyo there was 
 already a field battery, and at] Toungoo a mountain battery, 
 while a garrison battery was ready to take up the equipment 
 
390 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 forwarded. There would, therefore, be no lack of field artillery, 
 " while the defensive works at both the above outposts, as well 
 as at Rangoon, were well armed and manned." Having again 
 mentioned Toungoo, the present writer is led to think of 
 twenty-five years ago, when, not long after we had taken pos- 
 session of the now rising town, he was suddenly ordered to pro- 
 ceed with his detachment of artillery (guns and rockets) to the 
 northward. An advanced infantry force, under Captain Geills, 
 had met with determined opposition— the commanding ofiicer 
 was mortally wounded — while the frontier line was being 
 marked out, some forty miles from Toungoo.* We then heard 
 of a strong stockade at Ramathayu, another forty, or perhaps 
 sixty, miles further north. This post must be the same as 
 Yemethen, in the maps of the present day, or Ramethen ; and, 
 in the event of a column invading Upper Burma from Toungoo, 
 it would only have to proceed direct north to Yemethen, and 
 thence, in the same direction, passing Ava and Amarapura, to 
 Mandalay — about two hundred and fifty miles, or less. With 
 the flotilla of attack from Prome or the frontier town of Mea- 
 day, and the advance from Toungoo resolutely performed, 
 King Theebau, should he give us trouble, would find himself 
 in) a critical position. This slight digression from the royal 
 progress may be excused on the plea that " the King is still 
 drinking ! " 
 
 Later news informed us that King Theebau was constructing 
 fortified works, and making various warlike preparations ; also 
 that the Burmese inhabitants of Rangoon had been summoned 
 to return to their own country. Non-compliance with this 
 order was to be punished by the execution of their families ! 
 The " Times of India " remarked, regarding the recent mas- 
 sacre : — "It is etrange that, when the people of Mandalay 
 carry their indignation against the atrocities of the King to 
 
 * See " Pegu," p. 407. 
 
KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 391 
 
 the length of expressing their desire for British intervention, 
 and the slaughter of so many influential personages must have 
 alienated the ruling classes, a revolution does not break out." 
 And again, at the conclusion of the summing up — This 
 butchery " of the butcher's own relations is an atrocity fully 
 equalling any recorded in history, and shows to what frightful 
 lengths unlimited and irresponsible power may carry a human 
 being." 
 
 At the time of recording this progress (September 1879), and 
 the period of our Cabul troubles — which, through the deter- 
 mination of the Indian Government and the valour of our 
 troops, must be only temporary — it is of interest to think of 
 what the King said to Mr. Archibald Forbes,* on his visit, 
 early in the year, to the Burmese Court. " Whence does he 
 come ? " asked the Golden Foot, at the interview. " From the 
 British army in Afghanistan, engaged in war against the Prince 
 of Cabul," replied Dr. Williams, the interpreter. " And does 
 the war prosper for my friends the English ? " " He reports that 
 it has done so greatly, and that the Prince of Cabul is a fugitive." 
 Theebau may, before this last question, have been thinking even 
 of the Afghans as allies; for, strange to say, history records 
 that sixty-five years ago the Burmese asked the Sikhs in the far 
 north-west to co-operate with them in driving the British out 
 of India ! The King made a remarkable speech during the 
 above interview, which makes us think of the truthful saying, 
 that " the Devil can cite scripture for his purpose." One of 
 the ministers being absent, Theebau asked where he was. On 
 being told, it being " Court day," he was in Court, the King 
 replied, in quite a Charles-the-Twelfth fashion, " It is well. I 
 wish the ministers to make every day a Court day, and to 
 labour hard to give prompt justice to suitors, so that there be 
 
 * The well-known correspondent of the " Daily News." This important 
 visit is quoted in the " Homeward Mail," March 29th, 1879. 
 
392 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 no complaint of arrears." The " law's delay " was a more 
 fearful crime, in the eyes of Theebau, than murder ! O, poor 
 Human Nature, what variety there is in thy composition ! 
 Had King Theebau moved in another sphere, unshackled by 
 " Burman custom," his progress would have been different, and 
 he might have become a fair specimen of an Eastern ruler ! 
 With reference to a remark of the Russian " Golos " in March 
 last, that our first negotiations for peace in Afghanistan were 
 due to "military disasters," one of our best public writers 
 thought that in all the lucubrations of the " Golos " it seems 
 to have been overlooked that, with the prospect of another 
 Burmese war before us, in addition to South African military 
 requirements, prudential motives, and not the prowess of the 
 Afghans, would suggest some sort of compromise with their 
 ruler." He concludes in the following remarkable strain : — 
 " As regards the finances of India at the present moment, a 
 war with rich Burma would certainly be more agreeable than 
 a financially barren victory in Afghanistan." Notwithstanding 
 assurances to the Resident of future tranquillity, the King 
 appears to have gone on fortifying Mandalay, and, doubtless, 
 to have gone on drinking. A Burmese Envoy (or Agent) also 
 had been despatched to the Indian Government. It seemed 
 that there was as yet " no good ground for interference." The 
 Viceroy would only think of war as " a last resource," and even 
 then, with our hands so full, that " last resource " might be 
 delayed, to the heartfelt regret of Rangoon, Calcutta, Glasgow, 
 and other commercial centres. That something would have to 
 be done ere long was undeniable. Trade was at a comparative 
 standstill, and there was no security for peace in British or Lower 
 Burma while Upper was ruled by such a very strange sovereign 
 as King Theebau. In the event of military operations, it was 
 remarked — " Nothing like the protracted struggle of the two 
 former Burmese wars need be anticipated, for it seems clear 
 that King Theebau has completely alienated the affections of 
 his subjects, and an invading army (British force) would be re- 
 
KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 393 
 
 ceived with welcome, as a new era of prosperity would dawn on 
 Burma were Thebau dethroned and the Nyoungyan Prince (a 
 refugee in Calcutta) established in his place and made a feuda- 
 tory of the Indian Government." The King was reported to 
 fear some such action on our part, and had despatched secret 
 agents to Calcutta to assassinate the Nyoungyan Prince. 
 Surely such an instance was never heard of before, that of a 
 somewhat talented young sovereign rushing so madly on his 
 fate. It was, indeed, a royal progress with a vengeance ! 
 
 In one of his drunken fits he might attack us, if not first 
 attacked by us. Such may have been his intention. But, of 
 the reinforcements arrived at Rangoon, it was pleasing to learn 
 that two thousand men, European and Native, with a small naval 
 brigade from H.M.S. "Wild Swan/' had been despatched to 
 the frontier. It was not intended to send any ultimatum to the 
 King of Burma. The policy seemed to be to wait for the move- 
 ment of the Burmese troops massing at Meuhla, some thirty 
 miles above our frontier. About the end of March, intelligence 
 was received that a deceitful quiet prevailed at Mandalay ; and 
 King Theebau, since the despatch of reinforcements, was reported 
 to be in a conciliatory mood. The Burmese ministers were 
 uneasy, as well they might be ; and, to make matters worse, 
 Theinnee, the chief of one of the Burmese tributary (Shan) 
 states, was contumacious, and disregarded the order of the 
 head that wore a crown, summoning him to Mandalay. In 
 the first week of April the situation was " practically un- 
 changed." But some four thousand of the King's troops were 
 stated to be on his side of the frontier. 
 
 It was alleged that King Theebau had sent a mission to 
 Pekiu, acknowledging the suzerainty of China (of which he is 
 a vassal), and invoking help against us. Trade at Mandalay 
 continued paralysed, and anxiety regarding the safety of the 
 Europeans there continued unabated. The Nyoungyan Prince, 
 as if to profit by the situation, had gone to Rangoon in dis- 
 guise ; but he was detected, and promptly shipped back by the 
 
394 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Chief Commissioner (Mr. Aitchison) to Calcutta. Complica- 
 tions on the frontier were reported, in consequence of some 
 powerful chiefs (we believe Shan) having declared that they 
 would no longer pay any allegiance to the King of Burma. Mr. 
 Shaw's steamer was lying, with steam up, in constant readi- 
 ness for his departure, " in case of necessity/' It was thought 
 that, in the event of his departure, the Burmese war vessels at 
 Menhla might intercept the Resident. The British Govern- 
 ment had proclaimed that it desired no rupture, and would 
 permit none, " unless forced by overt acts of insult or aggres- 
 sion/' 
 
 The trading community at Calcutta, " with characteristic im- 
 patience/' were anxious for definite action. The remaining 
 events of some importance, early in April , chiefly consisted in 
 arrangements for King Theebau's coronation, and the fact of 
 several Shan chiefs, who had visited his Majesty, having been 
 thrown into prison. The brave Shans,* it was thought, pre- 
 viously disaffected, would rise to a man. This would be a most 
 telling point in our favour, in the event of future operations. 
 If we can only secure the loyalty of the Shans, we become at 
 once, in a great measure, the masters of Upper Burma. 
 
 * We have great faith in the Shans ; and the heroism of the Shan ladies — to 
 which allusion has already been made in the First Burmese War— is perfectly 
 captivating. In addition to what has been said of their military ardour, two 
 little incidents are worth recording. The fearless Amazons fought with their 
 chobwas (chiefs) and petty princes, as has been noticed, against us in the first 
 war. They were not only credited with the gift of prophecy and fore-know- 
 ledge, but with the possession of the miraculous power of turning aside the 
 balls of the English. One of them, before Prome, received a fatal bullet in 
 the breast, but the moment she was seen, and her sex recognised, the soldiers 
 bore her from the scene of death to the rear, where she expired. Another of 
 them was observed flying on horseback with " the defeated remnant of her 
 people," but boforo she could gain tho opposite bank of the river, a shrapnell 
 shell exploded above her head, and she fell from her horse into the water ; " but 
 whether killed or only frightened," writes Major Snodgrass, "could not be 
 ascertained." 
 
KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 395 
 
 By the middle of April several steamers were in readiness at 
 Thayetmyo to convey our troops beyond the frontier in the 
 event of war. New ministers were in the ascendant; and, 
 although the Burmese Government "wished for peace/' it de- 
 clined to settle the " shoe question." This has long been a 
 vexata questio in Burma and other countries of the East j and 
 would be settled at once if we could only get them to under- 
 stand that, although " Burman," it is not European " custom." 
 On the conclusion of the first war, while Mr. Crawford's mis- 
 sion was at Ava, Captain Lumsden of the Bengal Horse Artil- 
 lery could not get his boots to come off, so was allowed to 
 enter with them on. A horse artillery man without his boots 
 (they*/wore jacks and leathers in those days) is almost as defi- 
 cient a picture as a Golden Foot without his golden umbrella 
 {tee), or a bishop without his lawn ! The cultivators of the 
 soil were now leaving, and no preparations were being made 
 for sowing the crops. Never was Upper Burma in a worse 
 state. Chaos was everywhere. Large masses of Burmese 
 soldiery were said to be moving towards our frontier garrison of 
 Toungoo, which was about to be reinforced. 
 
 Looking at the matter boldly, there can be no doubt that 
 Burmese policy has always been hostile to England. Mengdon 
 wished it to be known that he was entirely independent of the 
 British, notwithstanding the loss of Pegu ; and " at Rome and 
 at Teheran, by his embassies, let it be clearly known he was 
 anxious to obtain outside help." 
 
 Italians and Frenchmen at Mandalay have had their share 
 of royal favour. If we do not, for the sake of peace in Eastern 
 Asia, so effectually settle Upper Burma — if possible, without 
 annexation* — before very long, Russians, and even Germans 
 (on account of China) will probably be found " doing business " 
 at the capital of the Golden Foot ! There is a great game of 
 
 * It has been well said that if the late king had possessed a seaport, war 
 would have occurred long ago. " We should have had to choose between the 
 annexation of Upper Burma and a foreign protectorate." 
 
396 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 chess being played all over the world ; and Britannia must 
 not allow herself to be checkmated. 
 
 We now return to King Theebau. Although twenty-five 
 thousand men were reported to be on the Burmese frontier, 
 there was a more pacific feeling at Mandalay, in producing 
 which the terrible heat of the weather probably had the chief 
 effect. Murders had been discontinued, owing to the energy 
 of our Resident and of the Italian Consul. The number of 
 executions, therefore, had fallen far short of that originally 
 intended " by the bloodthirsty tiger, Theebau/' From conver- 
 sations with Burmese it was ascertained that the King had 
 prepared a list of one hundred and fifty victims, " and had 
 even gone into the details of those who should be killed on 
 such and such a night." Of the royal family alone — wives, 
 sons, and daughters of the late King — no less than forty-five 
 persons were said to have met their fate. The people at the 
 capital were beginning to discover that their property and lives 
 were at the mercy of " a barbarous despot." With reference 
 to previous remarks in this summary, it may be stated that a 
 shrewd writer, on hearing that King Theebau had informed his 
 counsellors that heretofore fear had prompted his yielding to 
 the English demands, and that henceforth he would neither 
 hear nor speak of proposals for an accommodation with Eng- 
 land,* declared : — ' ' It is all very well to ridicule the ' Golden 
 Foot ' when, seemingly playing the role of Macbeth, he deter- 
 mines to hang all that talk of fear, but this sudden change 
 may not be the result simply of a tyrant's whimsicality. It 
 looks rather as though he had just received f Celestial ' prompt- 
 ings, and it might not be difficult after all to connect a sequence 
 of events which at present seem far apart." Theebau might 
 prove to be the tool of " a greater potentate " already becoming 
 conspicuous as the "third factor" in Asian affairs. By the 
 end of April, information was received in London that the 
 
 * This usaortion was afterwards uilicially denied by the Burmeso Ministers. 
 
897 
 
 Secretary of State for India had sanctioned the finally-revised 
 estimate for the Rangoon and Prome Railway, which made 
 provision for six additional miles of branch line ; but, while 
 civilisation in Lower Burma was thus becoming so apparent, in 
 the Upper country affairs were in a strange condition. The 
 King had been " drinking heavily " — what he had been drinking 
 we are not informed j — power was'slipping back into the hands of 
 late King's advisers ; and warlike preparations in Mandalay had 
 ceased, doubtless from the effects of the never-ending royal 
 indulgence. The King, it was said, never appeared in public. 
 But still our diplomatic relations, through Mr. Shaw (appointed 
 a second-class Resident), were being conducted with every 
 courtesy, in the ordinary forms. This was but a poor conso- 
 lation, while humanity and commercial enterprise were both 
 suffering so wrongfully. So long as Theebau sat on the throne 
 the peace of Burma was sure to hang by a thread ; while the 
 unfortunate British mercantile community conceived the bit- 
 terest dislike for the Burmese Government, " so hostile to all 
 measures for developing the resources of the country." 
 
 Early in May, King Theebau was " still drinking " ; the Prime 
 Minister was out of favour; and the masses — perhaps with a 
 meaning which the King did not think of — were for war. 
 
 The King was brooding over some scheme of revenge for the 
 rebellious attitude of his maternal grandfather, the Theinnee 
 Chief; and the Theinnee Shan tribes were in open rebellion. 
 There was little, if any, actual change in the position. The 
 following is a good story current at this time : — When the news 
 of the Zulu affair (Isandula) reached Mandalay, Theebau, in a 
 drunken fit, issued orders to invade British Burma via Prome, 
 and to take Rangoon ! Government, and the reinforcements, 
 were too quick for him, when he said he was only making 
 preparations to resist his enemies, the Shans ! 
 
 At Mandalay the King's troops were being constantly drilled ; 
 and it was considered almost certain that Theebau had killed 
 the young son of the Theinnee Princess, " because of the re- 
 
398 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 bellion of her brother and other members of the Theinnee Shan 
 tribes." Other murders were reported to have taken place ; 
 but the exact truth was not known. However, one thing was 
 evident, that King Theebau's progress in massacre — contem- 
 plative as well as actual — was very considerable. " King still 
 drinking— trade at a standstill/' even in the middle of May, 
 was the standard telegram; and it was also affirmed that 
 General Elmhirst, an officer of repute, commanding a division 
 in the Madras Presidency, would take the command of an 
 expeditionary force for Upper Burma, in the event of war. We 
 were then, as now, of opinion, that officers who had a good 
 local acquaintance with Burma should be utilised as much as 
 possible in any contemplated operations. Of these a large 
 number could be found, ready at a moment's notice, to further 
 the glory and promote the interests of Great Britain in Chin- 
 India. 
 
 King Theebau's progress had now assumed a new phase : he 
 had prohibited all Europeans (foreigners) from entering the 
 palace walls under any pretext whatever. More surrounding 
 tribes* were in open rebellion, and there was a steady secrecy 
 hanging over everything taking place within the palace. No- 
 thing, it seemed, could exceed the uncertainty of our relations 
 with Mandalay. None could predict what " act of ignorant 
 violence " the King might commit if he remained under the 
 influence of the party compromised by the massacres. 
 
 Towards the end of May, Mr. Shaw had a long meeting with 
 the Prime Minister ; the King, however, was summoning fresh 
 levies, which removed all hope that the crisis would pass away. 
 The cultivators between Prome and Thayetmyo were reduced 
 to a state of desperation. There were no workmen to get the 
 fields ready, or to sow the grain. A cloud seemed to hang 
 over all ; but yet it was believed (doubtless with good reason) 
 
 * It was said, the Bhama Kachin (Kakhyen) tribes. TheKakhyens form a 
 very large tribe, and are warlike when roused. Their territory extends from 
 the Irawady to China, and from Bamu to Thibet. 
 
KING THEEBATj's PEOGRESS. 399 
 
 at Simla, that affairs were more settled in Upper Burma. A 
 telegram at the end of May brought the intelligence that the 
 King had determined upon war ever since the Resident's re- 
 monstrance as to the massacres, and his threat to lower his 
 flag and leave the capital if any more were committed. It was 
 now undoubted that the Theinnee Prince was murdered, and 
 that his mother had been tortured, if not actually slain. It 
 was also said that, although there had been no more " whole- 
 sale massacres," several cases of individual murder had taken 
 place, generally by starvation or slow torture. 
 
 It will now be of interest to relate that the remonstrance of 
 the Italian Government " against the Burmese massacres and 
 shocking atrocities," which had horrified the world, was most 
 keenly felt by the Burmese Government. Italy was the only 
 country which had formally acknowledged King Theebau and 
 " the ministers had hoped for her support against the British 
 Government ! " King Theebau's progress in alienating himself 
 from the entire civilised world appeared to be most rapid. It 
 is hard to believe that, towards the end of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, we should be writing about such a Burmese Caligula. 
 The famous horse of the Roman Emperor, which he styled " High 
 Priest " and " Consul," and which, adorned with pearls and 
 splendid trappings, he kept in a hall of ivory, has at length 
 found a counterpart in the White Elephant* of the Golden 
 Foot, both of which noble and sagacious animals their masters 
 equally disgraced. 
 
 Caligula and Nero died about the age of thirty — the former, 
 as every schoolboy knows, having been assassinated, and the latter 
 having killed himself to avoid a shameful death. If King 
 Thebau's jovial fits go on as steadily as hitherto, the pro- 
 
 * Held in extraordinary veneration by the Burmese and Siamese — the King 
 and his people deeming it inauspicious to be without one. For an excellent 
 account of this " sacred " animal, see " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. 
 pp. 249-50. 
 
400 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 gress towards destruction will soon be ended; and, like 
 Addison's rake, he will die of old age at two-and-twenty ! 
 The Government of India might then be saved all further 
 anxiety and trouble in remonstrance by placing (under 
 certain conditions) either the Nyoungyan Prince or the 
 Lunbin Prince, son of the War Prince (elder brother of 
 Mengdon), who was killed in the rebellion of 1866, firmly on 
 the throne ! The last we heard of the " Lunbin " was that he 
 was at Rangoon, studying English. There are, therefore, hopes 
 yet for Upper Burma ; but at present we must go back to 
 King Theebau. 
 
 " Jolly June," as Spenser hath it, found the King " still 
 drinking." It was announced that he had sent letters and 
 presents to the Viceroy, and asked for a personal interview ; 
 but it seemed doubtful whether his subjects would allow him 
 to remain on the throne, or not. The same informant an- 
 nounced that his ministers had left off visiting him, and that 
 his troops were " a mere rabble." The latter remark was 
 highly silly and impolitic, and leads soldiers to undervalue an 
 enemy. After our sad experiences, we should call not even 
 the worst troops " mere rabble " ! 
 
 For an Eastern or an African campaign, we should even be 
 better prepared for an enemy, with whom Nature makes up for 
 the want of Science, in men, material, and especially the In- 
 telligence department, than if we were going to fight a highly 
 civilised European power. This is the only true philosophy 
 of war in such a vast and splendid Empire as ours ! 
 
 The mother of the Nyoungyan Prince was heavily ironed ; 
 and the King was so terribly violent that none of the ministers 
 dared to approach him. In British Burma, the merchants of 
 Rangoon had memorialised the Chief Commissioner in reference 
 to Burmese affairs. They alleged the existence of " an extra- 
 ordinary stagnation of trade consequent upon the uncertainty 
 of our relations with Upper Burma, and the insecurity caused 
 by the large additions to the military force on the frontier. 
 
KING THEEBAU'S PBOGRESS. -M)l 
 
 They represented that the trade to Mandalay had, " sine:' the 
 massing of the troops, declined more than half a million," and 
 that there was a decrease in the value of goods cleared at 
 Rangoon for Lower Burma of " a million and a half." It was 
 difficult to [imagine " a more disastrous state of affairs." The 
 matter was to be laid, without loss of time, before the Indian 
 Government. 
 
 The King was considered to be seriously alarmed at the 
 approach of our troops to his frontiers ; and he had appointed 
 " a lot of savage ruffians as his body-guard." Formerly youths 
 of high rank used to hold the office ; so the change had greatly 
 annoyed the better class of people. Having had a fresh list 
 of all connected with the royal blood submitted to hirn, it was 
 naturally believed that he projected another massacre, at no 
 distant period. But it was all set down to the stern fact that 
 Theebau was " still drinking." " What a god-send," wrote an 
 ever lively, instructive, and witty military journalist, "this 
 royal ' horrid example ' will be for the teetotal lecturers ! " — 
 As we before said, drinking and murder going hand in hand 
 together ! 
 
 It will naturally occur to every English reader, who has 
 honoured these pages with a perusal, that the position of the 
 British Resident at Mandalay, throughout so many escapades 
 of King Theebau, must have been a very responsible as well 
 as a very difficult and harassing one — calculated to spoil the 
 best temper, and wear out the strongest constitution. 
 
 From Simla it had heen announced that the Agent de- 
 spatched by the King, with letters and presents to the Viceroy, 
 had arrived ; but his request for a personal interview could not 
 be granted. The conduct of the Mandalay Court in requiring 
 our Resident to submit to certain " undignified ceremonials " 
 would never do ; and his visits to the King had been, there- 
 fore, suspended. King Theebau had evidently lost his best 
 friend. The diiriculty was said to resemble that overcome in 
 China ; but where the Emperor of China yielded, the com- 
 
 26 
 
402 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 paratively petty potentate of Upper Burma held out. Prepara- 
 tions were still in progress for the coronation of the King. 
 On the 15th of June the amiable, energetic, and accomplished 
 Resident breathed his last. His death was said to proceed 
 from heart disease,* doubtless brought on, or aggravated, by 
 too much worry and anxiety. Like a true soldier, Shaw died at 
 his post, with harness on his back ; and, although his end was 
 not surrounded by a halo of tragical heroism, as in the in- 
 stances of Sir Alexander Burnes and Sir Louis Cavagnari, at 
 Cabul, still England lost in him a most worthy son, " a dis- 
 tinguished explorer, and trustworthy representative of the 
 Indian Government in intercourse with border potentates, re- 
 quiring tact and personal influence." 
 
 Reports of fresh massacres of royal princes were said to have 
 reached the Indian Government. The coronation of King 
 Theebau had passed over without any disturbance. It was now 
 discovered that the King of Burma had been prosecuting 
 " certain intrigues and encroachments " in the Karennee 
 country, inconsistent with the special treaty made in 1875 
 regarding that important tract of " debatable border-land." 
 
 In addition to the late massacres, the "Rangoon Times" 
 correspondent had gathered " from a reliable source " that 
 " the poor mad Prince of Chabin had been put. to an igno- 
 minious death, having undergone kicking and slapping for 
 several years. It was said that like his grandfather, Tharawadi, 
 he had tried to render himself " invisible " ! Pooays were nu- 
 merous ; and a royal lottery, encouraging gambling, had been 
 established since early in May. There were numerous royal 
 lottery shops ; and the Royal Rake's progress now appeared to 
 be advancing at a more rapid pace than ever. 
 
 At the end of June we read that King Theebau's second 
 
 Afterwards staled to be rluMiinalic-fever. 
 
KING THEEBATJ'S PROGRESS. 403 
 
 queen had succeeded in inducing him to degrade his chief 
 queen, her elder sister. 
 
 An adventurer, who was for some time in King Mengdon's ser- 
 vice, informed the puhlic that this sovereign was "very anxious on 
 the subject of ironclads and fortifications," and projected iron- 
 works,* "from the furnaces for the smelting of ore, down to the 
 mills for rolling the armour plates." But nothing was done. The 
 city of Mandalay was also described :— " The city, with the palace 
 in the centre, forms a square, and is surrounded by four brick 
 walls, each wall being three-quarters of a mile long and twenty 
 feet in height; nine feet thick at the base, finishing off at the top 
 to three feet, all the slope of the walls being inside, where earth is 
 also packed up to a height of about twelve feet. There are three 
 entrances on either side, and the twelve great doors are shielded 
 on the outer side by blocks of brickwork. These walls are again 
 surrounded by a moat fifty feet wide, the inner edge of which 
 is about thirty-five feet from the city walls. The city, with its 
 walls and moat, is considered by the Burmese impregnable."t 
 
 It was pleasing to hear that the Burmese conducted them- 
 selves very well on the sad occasion of Mr. Shaw's death, and the 
 funeral was largely attended. The deceased Resident had for- 
 merly been British Agent at Ladakh, and his knowledge of 
 Central Asian affairs was very considerable. Colonel Horace 
 Browne, of the Pegu Commission, had left Rangoon to take 
 charge of the^ Residency at Mandalay, till the arrival of Mr. 
 Shaw's succe o 
 
 * See page 373. 
 
 f For a most interesting &..d useful description of the present capital, 
 varying, in some respects, from the above, see General Fytche's " Burma, 
 Past and Present," vol. p. 250-254. The plan of the wall of the city of 
 Mandalay, with its cro ated top, flanking buttresses, and parapet, strongly 
 resembles the great il of China. 
 
 % Mr. St. Barbe, who hnrl snecoeded Mr. Cooper at Bhamo, acted till Colone 
 Browne's arrival. 
 
 2d * 
 
104 OUR BURMESE WAKS. 
 
 Early in July, the British public were furnished with a 
 most graphic account of an important military review at Man- 
 dalay. It must be kept in mind that the whole force of the 
 Burmese army is generally concentrated at the capital, and at 
 this time it was believed that " the actual influence of the King 
 and his Court did not extend beyond a radius of fifty miles 
 round, and a few miles on either side along the banks of the 
 Irawady." The " Grand Review of Burmese Troops in Manda- 
 lay " was, doubtless, a most important local event ; but for 
 any purposes of war, of course, it was utterly useless, and no 
 idea of Burmese warfare can be formed except when the enemy 
 are in their jungles or behind their stockades. The ludicrous 
 incidents of this review, at which some five or six thousand 
 men were present, were admirably brought out by the writer* ; 
 and, like too many effusions of our highly gifted " Specials " of 
 this railroad age, they deserved a more permanent place than 
 in the ephemeral columns of a journal. From the terrace of 
 Signor Andreino's residence, the view is described as " charm- 
 : ng enough." " On our left front on the other side of the city 
 vas Mandalay hill, with its white pagodas (reached from the 
 surrounding level by great staircases ornamented with colossal 
 dragons) shining among the emerald vegetation. In the distant 
 east the Shan Hills, gently rounded, lay in a purple shade. On 
 the right rose a jagged peak, which local superstition avers to 
 be the wild abode of the ' nats,' or evil spirits. At our feet 
 was the city wall with its embroidered crest of notches, from 
 behind which rose the roofs of the King's palace, and peaked 
 kyoungs and pagodas innumerable ; and then there was the 
 splendid moat, with its brilliant green mantle of lotuses, deco- 
 rated here and there with the large white flowers that are the 
 true Buddhist's veneration and delight/' Such description as 
 
 * Special Correspondent of the " Standard," dated May 20th, in issue of 
 Juh 2nd, is7i>. 
 
KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 405 
 
 this would do credit to the pen of a Warburton or a King- 
 lake. Most of the Marines, he observed, were armed with 
 rifles.* One company had the dha, "the national knife, which 
 is almost the same as that terrible weapon of the Afghans, the 
 charah." Among the extraordinary costumes, he observed the 
 "gilded hats," worn by "spearmen," — many of which kind (worn 
 by the King's troops) we picked up at the capture of Rangoon. 
 Signor Andreino (the Italian Consul) had received two letters 
 conveying King Humbert's congratulations on Theebau's acces- 
 sion to the throne. But, at the same time, the Burmese 
 ministers were informed that the late massacres had excited 
 horror throughout the civilised world, and especially in Italy. 
 Although the steamers of the Irawady flotilla at Mandalay, 
 for a time, had left off their " banked fires " — ready in case of 
 rebellion — King Theebau was said still to continue in his dan- 
 geror." " :nad lunes " ! 
 
 Colonel Horace Browne was now the hero of the hour 
 at Mandalay. On his arrival,f towards the end of June, 
 he had been escorted to the Residency by several Burmese 
 officials, and visits of ceremony were paid him by a few 
 of the grandees of the Court. But no apparent change 
 seemed to have come over the murderous spirit of King 
 Thebau, or that of his executive. No sooner did we hear 
 of the new Resident's arrival, than more massacres by the 
 King were reported to have taken place. This time the vic- 
 tims were the cousin of Nyoungyan, and two sons of Paghan 
 Myoza, supporters of the refugee princes. They had been 
 sentenced to imprisonment in Mogoung, the Burmese Siberia. 
 " Murder," it was said from Rangoon, " was the easier means 
 of riddance." 
 
 * The musket was first introduced into the Pegu and Ava countries by the 
 Portuguese. The stout Buruian, with his dha and Martini-Henry, may yet 
 fight on our side in Upper Burma ! 
 
 + Strange to say, his gun and sword were detained at the Custom-house on 
 this occasion, for a short time, " though foreigners are allowed to land these 
 ordinarilv without a pass." 
 
406 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Rangoon, and of course Calcutta, considered the situation 
 extremely unsatisfactory. But, by some, it was thought that 
 matters were improving as regarded the chance of peace. All 
 reports, however, were very conflicting. At first it was said that 
 the King had commenced his extensive military preparations in 
 " terror of the consequences of his barbarity " ; and yet, no 
 sooner had the new Resident arrived than more murders 
 were reported. It seemed clear that the Golden Foot was 
 not troubled with that active moral check and companion 
 in life — a conscience ! 
 
 Cholera, our Indian "Angel of Death," had at length "spread 
 his wings on the blast " at Thayetmyo ; and there was some 
 alarm, owing to the crowded state of the troops. The excellent 
 sanitary movement of forming a cholera camp on the other 
 side of the river was at once adopted. While marching in 
 India, we have found crossing a river, at all hazards, prove a 
 valuable check to cholera. This would seem to argue in favour 
 of the disease being of a local character; and, in the early 
 stages, change or movement should, therefore, take place at 
 once. 
 
 The King had said that nothing would induce him to agree 
 to a settlement of " the shoe question ." We have before touched 
 on this point. It does seem eminently absurd, the political 
 officer of Her Majesty the Empress of India appearing before 
 the Golden Foot without his shoes ! Life is too short for such 
 useless etiquette, so we must just make the " Lord of Earth 
 and Air" stoop a little to civilisation, and "the force of cir- 
 cumstances." We recollect being shoeless (or rather bootless) 
 during the year of the great Mutiny (1857), when present at 
 the installation of the Nizam (lit. putter in order) of the 
 Dekhan, at Hyderabad. The Mussulmans in the grand 
 audience hall, while apparently keeping the pressing crowd 
 back with their sticks, in case of our being forcibly pushed 
 too near the yuddee (cushion or throne) of His Highness, had 
 little regard to the safety of our boots, which were eventually 
 
KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 407 
 
 found with some difficulty ; while a gallant horse-artilleryman, 
 we believe, lost his helmet altogether. Should, by auy chance, 
 King Theebau reform, we trust that he will turn his strict 
 attention to this important question. 
 
 Not long after the King's "homicidal fit/' disturbances 
 occurred in the country between Mandalay and Bhamo ; but 
 the officials and populace at the capital were so much engaged 
 with State lotteries, that the fact of several of the King's ser- 
 vants having been killed, while collecting unusually heavy taxes, 
 caused no sensation. Human life, or " flesh and blood," had 
 become very " cheap " at Mandalay. 
 
 At the end of July, it was said that a rectification of the 
 British frontier in the direction of Thayetmyo was looked for 
 at no distant date ; the Shans near Bhamo were quiet ; and it 
 was rumoured that the very wise step of removing the British 
 Residency at Mandalay to a more secure site had been deter- 
 mined on. The Resident's guard was also to be largely 
 increased. 
 
 At this time public attention in Russia was devoted to the 
 future relations between that Empire and China. The " deve- 
 lopment of commercial relations for the benefit of Russian 
 trade," was the leading cause. As Russia trades with China 
 mainly, if not solely, by land, it was demanded that similar 
 privileges as have been accorded to " maritime trade " with 
 China should be granted to "trade carried on by land." Per- 
 haps most Englishman wish that we would keep a stricter watch 
 over the Nunquam dormio policy of Russia in the East. Like 
 the science of geology, it never rests — its law is progress. 
 
 In Asia we had now obtained our " scientific frontier," and 
 a vote of thanks was accorded to our victorious army in 
 Afghanistan by both Houses of Parliament. There might 
 now be time to look after a " scientific frontier " for Burma. 
 
 It was remarked in London that things were becoming " very 
 1 red ' in Mandalay." Perhaps no king was ever so earnestly 
 watched. His " Progress " had become a sort of "household 
 
408 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 word/' and the questions, " Is lie still drinking ? " " Any more 
 massacres ? " resounded throughout the land. We are not 
 aware of the authority on which a popular writer based the 
 remark that, after the recent murders, Colonel Browne took 
 no notice, although his predecessor, Mr. Shaw, said, on any 
 more massacres occurring, he would haul down the British 
 flag from the Residency and leave the capital. It was affirmed 
 that, after the threat, some thirty princes were slaughtered, 
 but this was an evident exaggeration. In the event of Thee- 
 bau hereafter being one of our feudatories, it was interesting 
 now to learn that, with reference to the question of disarm- 
 ing the native princes of India, it appeared that " twelve thou- 
 sand British troops were required to watch the forty-five thou- 
 sand troops of the Nizam/' Holding Pegu as we do, and 
 having the entire command of the Irawady and other Burmese 
 rivers, about one-half of that number should suffice. 
 
 About the middle of August, some interesting information 
 regarding Burma was received in Calcutta. It appeared there 
 were two parties at Mandalay. The Government, or Court, and 
 the Moderate parties — the latter party belonging to the pre- 
 ceding reign. The ascendancy of the Court party was shown 
 " by the increasing attempts to isolate the British Resident." 
 It became very questionable whether the Indian Government 
 would long care to keep an officer of high political rank at 
 Mandalay on such terms. It was now thought that when 
 Colonel Browne returned to his post in British Burma, no 
 officer of equal rank would relieve him, but that his present 
 Assistant would carry on " the unimportant work which the 
 system now pursued at Mandalay leaves for our Resident." 
 The genuine and philanthropic desire of the Indian Govern- 
 ment to keep matters quiet was steadily observable ; but the 
 King and the Court party sorely tried our patience. Their 
 present policy seemed to be, to "evade open aggression or 
 insult." The King, however, had made steady progress in 
 wickedness, and at length was reported " mad through blood 
 
KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 409 
 
 unci brandy." Executions and drinking-bouts continued. And 
 it was thought that if Colonel Browne left the capital the_King 
 and Court party might be rash enough " to exceed the care- 
 fully denned limits " within which they had, so far, restrained 
 their insolence. 
 
 Rain, during the year 1879, was by no means wanting in 
 Burma. Up to July 13, the rainfall was 43" 11 inches, when last 
 year it was only 32*32. During one week the average was an inch 
 a day. But even such an average appears to be considerably 
 less than what the present writer recollects at Rangoon.* 
 
 With reference to our paper on the mineral wealth of Upper 
 Burma, at the end of August we read that some Shans having 
 made large sums of money by trading in sapphire and rubies 
 from Siam, numbers of others had recently gone there from 
 British Burma. The stones, though "inferior to those ob- 
 tained in Upper Burma," were said by the Burmese to be so 
 plentiful near Bangkok, that even women were anxious to pro- 
 ceed to the mines. But it was considered that the astute 
 Siamese Government were not likely to allow foreigners many 
 mining privileges, while they had so many subjects of their 
 own anxious to make their fortunes. 
 
 If King Theebau did not prefer spirits to wine, living as 
 he does among the finest rubies in the world, instead of 
 murdering his relatives, he might be enjoying their society, 
 governing his country well, while developing its resources, en- 
 joying his wine in moderation, and, perhaps, occasionally break- 
 ing forth in the rapturous strain of the Persian Hafiz : — 
 " Boy, let the liquid ruby flow, 
 And let the pensive heart be glad ! " 
 
 Early in September, London was startled by one of the 
 " Latest Telegrams " (Rangoon, September 2), with most omi- 
 nous headings, in large type. The British Resident had departed 
 from Mandalay ; and there was a probable ministerial conspi- 
 
 * For Meteorology of Burma, see Addenda, Part III. 
 
410 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 racy against King Theebau. The rank of Resident was to be 
 reduced. It was further said that twelve guns were mounted 
 at Menhla, on the frontier, where there were forty thousand 
 men. 
 
 With reference to troops sent by the King to Shwe-koo- 
 gyee, near Bhamo, it was considered that the Red Karens had 
 gained the day, and had "hacked, crucified, and chopped up 
 three hundred of the royal army/' It was difficult to get the 
 Burmese soldiers to face these " wild creatures." The several 
 tribes of Karens have been much written about, and much 
 misunderstood. Perhaps our friend Dr. Mason knew them 
 better than any other missionary or traveller. Although his 
 success among them, as to conversion, was wonderful, he 
 nevertheless speaks of them in terms of the severest deprecia- 
 tion. They are " a race of incorrigible liars, and as contrary 
 as Balaam's ass. They are as cowardly as sheep, as savage as 
 wolves, and as destitute of compassion as an alligator." To 
 call a Burman a Karen is about the greatest insult you can 
 offer him. They are generally considered to be a simple, docile, 
 truth-loving people. Dr. Mason also remarks : — " I have never 
 met a Karen, in the church or out of it, that when he had 
 committed a wrong would not tell a falsehood to cover it." 
 Still, with all this they are, writes Mr. St. Barbe,. " a thrifty, 
 industrious set of people, and when the English raj had intro- 
 duced some notion of justice, order, and equal laws, they began 
 to see that their tribal idiosyncracies, their barbarous language, 
 and unspeakable habits, were considerable obstacles in the way 
 of their realising these blessings to an equal extent with the 
 Burmese and Talaings." 
 
 The Bghai tribes are usually divided into six clans, the chief 
 of which is the Karennee or Red Karen j " so called,'' writes 
 General Fytche, " by the Burmese from the colour of the 
 bright red turban they wear; though they call themselves 
 Ka-ya, their term for man. They inhabit the elevated plateau 
 of Karennee (the name is equally applied to the country and 
 
KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 411 
 
 to the inhabitants), extending from the eastern slope of the 
 Poung-loung range, immediately joining our territories on the 
 north-east, to the right bank of the Salween river. It consists 
 chiefly of high table-land about three thousand to four thou- 
 sand feet above the level of the sea, is well cultivated, and 
 in parts very fertile."* Within the last hundred years we read 
 that the Red Karens, originally under one chieftain, have split 
 into two separate tribes, western and eastern Karennees.f 
 " Since our occupation of British Burma, " continues the 
 General, "the former tribe has been most friendly disposed 
 toAvards the English Government, and has given every assis- 
 tance in its power in keeping peace on the frontier and opening 
 out trade; while the latter has kept entirely aloof from all 
 communication with us, and has lately acknowledged the su- 
 zerainty of the Burmese Government/'' From prudent motives 
 in 1864, the old chief of Western Karennee was informed, in 
 reply to his wish that we should act as protectors and go- 
 vernors, that we had then no desire to extend our frontier in 
 that direction. The request was renewed in 1869 by the late 
 chief's two sons, when the Burmese were making encroachments 
 on their territory, as also on Eastern Karennee, and that they 
 would have to succumb unless assisted by the British Govern- 
 ment. We urged the Burmese Government not to interfere 
 in the internal affairs of Karennee. It was our wish that 
 Western Karennee should retain its independence and nation- 
 ality. Eventually, however, the Burmese Government menaced 
 and assumed sovereignty over the hill state, which obliged our 
 Government, in 1875, through the mission of Sir Douglas 
 Forsyth to Mandalay, to exact a more effective guarantee. A 
 boundary was then laid down, " between Western Karennee 
 
 * " Burma, Fast and Present," vol. i. p. 335-337. 
 
 t See Map. See also " Pegu," Appendix X., p. 500, where some of the 
 remarkable scriptural traditions of the Karens are cited. 
 
412 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 and Burma, which has been formally recognised by all parties, 
 and the autonomy of Western Karennee secured." The whole 
 of the Karennee country may be considered of great " political 
 as well as strategical importance. " (See map.) 
 
 We have thought it of importance to bring forward these 
 remarks in the present critical state of Burma, as they now 
 become mixed up with the law of King Theebau's progress. In 
 addition to his other troubles, the Karens were beginning to show 
 their teeth ; and it was severely remarked that " if he had not 
 been a drunkard before, he would have been driven to the bottle 
 now from pure distraction.-" He now claimed sovereignty over 
 the Eastern Karennee country. Of course the British Govern- 
 ment would not hear of such a claim for an instant. The 
 independence of the Eastern half of the Karennee is no less dear 
 than that of the Western half; and it has been well said that 
 "to allow Burma to possess itself of Karennee would be a 
 strategic error of the first magnitude/' as, in case of war it 
 would enable the enemy to turn our flank, and threaten our 
 communication between the frontier posts and the sea-ports ! " 
 
 In short, everything seemed to be tending with King Theebau 
 to disturb the peace of our diplomatic relations, and above all, 
 the Resident had not been treated with that respect due to 
 his high rank. Still, the course pursued by the Government 
 exhibited the wise caution of being "neither hostile nor 
 friendly/' This was the most dignified mode of conduct which 
 could be pursued. If we were forced into a war, it would be 
 only against " the blood-stained Prince, whose reign is a dis- 
 grace to humanity." It was also predicted that a British 
 invading army would be hailed as " deliverers throughout the 
 length and breadth of Upper Burma." 
 
 With regard to Colonel Browne's recall, it was reported from 
 Simla that the Indian Government had given directions for him 
 to return to his post as Commissioner in British Burma, 
 leaving the accomplished civilian, Mr. Saint Barbc, as Charge 
 d'JJ) 'aires atMandalay. It was again said to be considered that an 
 
KING THEEBAu's PROGRESS. 413 
 
 officer of junior rank would suffice for the discharge of the poli- 
 tical routine duties in the present state of relations with Burma. 
 Doubtless, Colonel Browne will never forget the month of 
 August 1879 at the Burmese capital. The granaries empty; 
 trade ruined ; the people lottery mad ; the King ever drinking 
 or seeking out a new victim ; when it was forcibly written from 
 Rangoon, that " ere long the people will have neither money 
 nor food, and then young Theebau may well tremble ! " The 
 gallant Colonel, it was said, some time before his departure, with 
 reference to the grain question, was nearly threatening to haul 
 down his flag if some beneficial arrangements were not speedily 
 come to. Upper Burma never produced " enough grain goods 
 to support itself, and this year there was less by thousands of 
 bushels than in any former year/' Was ever a splendid country 
 in such a sorry plight before ? 
 
 London was now startled by news more serious than any we 
 had received from Mandalay. Telegrams of the 6th and 7th 
 September, from the Viceroy, announced the destruction, on 
 the 3rd, of the Envoy, Staff, and Escort of the British Resi- 
 dency at Cabul; and our friend, the Ameer, was invoking 
 British aid. The avenging angel was at once ordered to be 
 got ready, in the shape of a strong force to march at once on 
 the doomed city of treachery and rebellion. Following this sad 
 news, it was prematurely affirmed that the British Resident in 
 Upper Burma had left for Rangoon, fears having "grown lest 
 King Theebau might have been tempted to follow the Cabul 
 example.'' 
 
 With reference to that most important subject, the trade of 
 Rangoon — in which Calcutta, Liverpool, Glasgow, and other 
 great commercial centres are so much interested — Mr. O'Connor, 
 of the Statistical Department in the City of Palaces, had re- 
 cently declared that " the trade of Rangoon last year exceeded 
 that of Madras/' probably on account of the depression caused 
 by the famine in that Presidency. It is evident, however, said 
 Mr. O'Connor, "that Rangoon is one of the most rising 
 
414 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 places in the East, and it is quite as evident that the city of 
 Madras is not particularly well suited for commerce, and that 
 no great development of trade may be looked for there such as 
 may be anticipated at Rangoon/' With a King like Theebau, 
 however, the trade of Rangoon is in a great measure crippled ; 
 and only a good and liberal ruler is wanted for Upper Burma 
 to make Rangoon the second, if not the first, city in our Eastern 
 Empire. 
 
 It is difficult to think how King Theebau received the news 
 of the Cabul massacre. It was said by a good authority, " The 
 slaughter of the British Mission has doubtless quickened 
 Theebau' s determination of putting our policy of ' repose and 
 defence ' to the test. We shall probably not contemplate a 
 forward movement unless we are attacked ; but that we shall 
 be attacked is, in the circumstances of the case, only too pro- 
 bable." Truly, the very greatest forbearance at Rangoon and 
 Mandalay was now required to avert an open rupture with the 
 King of Burma, especially with a King so uncertain as Theebau. 
 However, we thought that a very successful advance on Cabul 
 might change the position in the land of the Golden Foot ; and 
 depression and ruin of trade might yet give us more anxiety 
 than the chance of war. Again, it was thought that the " com- 
 mercial interests " of Rangoon would not suffer from a war 
 with Burma ! 
 
 King Theebau's Tariff. 
 At this time, the following information was of interest : — " The 
 King of Burma has published his tariff for the Burmese year 
 1241. The English translation covers some twelve or thirteen 
 folio pages. The Burmese Government is bound by treaty obliga- 
 tions not to levy more than five per cent, on goods which are im- 
 ported from, or exported to, British Burma. The tariff, therefore, 
 has only to give the quantity and value on which the duty is 
 assessed. It professes to have been drawn up 'after consultation 
 with brokers and revenue officers,' who among them seem to have 
 forgotten nothing. Wash-hand basins, empty bottles, pills, frying- 
 pans, onions, edible birds' nests, puff-boxes, are some of the things 
 
king theerae's progress. 415 
 
 included in the imports. Of the exports, the following may be 
 noticed — walnuts, human hair, cheese, preaching-benches, dolls, 
 brass finger-rings with mock jewels. Besides the imports from 
 British territory, various goods ' brought in by Shans on their 
 shoulders ' are mentioned in the tariff, including ivory from across 
 the mountains, rhinoceros' horns, camphor, silver, tigers' skin, 
 tigers' milk, dried shrimps, peacocks' tails, gold dust, and ponies. 
 The brokers and revenue officials must surely have been mistaken 
 when they said that the last-named article was brought in by Shans 
 on their shoulders."* 
 
 The situation at Mandalay was now by no means a pleasant 
 one to contemplate. The lives of the Mission were not thought 
 safe for a single moment. Still it would have been highly im- 
 politic, as well as a serious matter, to have broken off diplomatic 
 relations with the King's Court, " because of the probability 
 that such a rupture would sooner or later end in war/' It 
 was also well said, that the withdrawal of our Charge d' Affaires 
 and suite would have been interpreted by King Theebau and his 
 ministers as an indication ol coming hostilities, and under that 
 belief they would have done us what harm they could while 
 opportunity offered. 
 
 It was now declared that " a settled and friendly rule, the 
 strict observance of treaty, and the recognition of our hege- 
 mony " must form the bases of any future relations with Upper 
 Burma. But we do not agree that these could recently have 
 been attained " easily and effectively " — in fact they could not 
 have been obtained at all with such an evil agent as King Theebau 
 at the head of affairs ! When the time for action comes — and 
 we think it is nigh at hand — doubtless, the Home as well as 
 the Indian Government will be ready. We could only hope 
 that before such took place, the King and his dissolute 
 advisers would not imitate the summary fashion of the Heratee 
 mutineers at Cabul. It was curious to note in the tele- 
 
 # " Pioneer.' 
 
416 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 grams from India the juxtaposition of news such as the massacre 
 at Cabul and the Herat outbreak being almost simultaneous, 
 and the apprehension felt regarding our Residency at Man- 
 dalay — the latter in a country so very different in every way 
 from Persia and Afghanistan ! Referring to Burma it was also 
 published in London, at the end of September, that affairs 
 were very critical in that part of the world, and that the Indian 
 Government, between Cabul and Burma, was " on the horns of a 
 dilemma." 
 
 Early in October, " Anglo-Indian " wrote to a leading daily 
 journal on the " Danger at Mandalay." The writer was of opinion 
 that " never before in the annals of British relations with an 
 Asiatic Court had there been such an unsatisfactory condition 
 of things as is now visible at Mandalay." " Anglo-Indian " 
 also said — which agrees with our previous remarks — that, " so 
 long as the drunken and half-insane despot Theebau is supreme 
 it is impossible to see how things can mend there." Through- 
 out this sketch of King Theebau's progress, which we are now 
 bringing to a close, perhaps our readers will be inclined to 
 agree with the severe epithets here used towards the Golden 
 Foot. It will be well if they only reach the Golden Ears, that 
 the " Lord of Earth and Air " may change his mad career in 
 time. In a few months he has done enough injury to himself 
 and Burma to satisfy a whole line of wicked kings ; so, when 
 our troubles are over with Afghanistan, or before they are over, 
 we shall, doubtless, see what can be done to better the condition 
 of a hopeful people, and one of the fairest and most promising 
 countries on God's earth ! 
 
 Annexation and Non-Annexation. 
 
 We think it will be of interest to follow up the lamentable 
 " Progress " just related with a very few remarks on the above 
 subjects, which to Englishmen are becoming more familiar than 
 ever. While writing, we learn that Sir Garnet Wolscley has 
 
ANNEXATION AND NON-ANNEXATION. 417 
 
 solved a problem, how we may hold sway in Zululand without 
 annexation. We trust that the solution will prove satisfactory, 
 but still we are by no means sure that the energetic Sir Bartle 
 Frere was wrong when he proposed annexation as the only 
 security for the future peace of the colony. If we can get a 
 controlling as well as a commercial power in a country we 
 conquer, without putting the revenues into our own pockets, 
 then, of course, annexation is unnecessary. If we cannot get 
 these requisites to civilisation (to further which Destiny impels 
 us forward) without annexation, then what remains to be 
 done ? We know little of Zululand, its chiefs, or its people ; 
 but, as to Upper Burma, it strikes us most forcibly that it is 
 just one of those countries where, without annexation, in the 
 event of a successful war, our obtaining any controlling or 
 commercial power of a lasting, useful, and productive character, 
 would be simply impossible. And the difficulty is greatly in- 
 creased by the stern fact of Pegu having been so long a 
 flourishing British possession, having at its command the 
 noble Irawady and the chief ports of the old Burman Empire. 
 One portion already annexed — let the annexation be right or 
 wrong — the other portion, if anything were done, must follow 
 as a natural consequence. One thing is plain; we could not 
 annex a part of Upper Burma, and leave the rest to a reigning 
 sovereign. The consequences of such a step would be at once 
 fatal to peace and prosperity in British and Upper Burma. 
 
 If we conquered and left the whole to a reigning sovereign, 
 in a short time, the work would have to be done over again. 
 If we made the King of Burma a feudatory, with his levies, in 
 a country of dacoits and Rob Roys of a most daring character, 
 there would be continual local collisions, as well as with the 
 British troops on our frontier stations in Pegu. If we par- 
 titioned out the country to chiefs, Myat-htoons would arise in 
 abundance, and keep us in perpetual hot water. Then, again, 
 the Shans, Karens, and other powerful tribes would be dis- 
 satisfied if we took any half measures. They would be in doubt 
 
 27 
 
418 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 whom to serve. The grand sequence is, therefore, either do 
 not act at all in the event of conquest, or, if we do act, let us 
 put Upper Burma in exactly the same position as Pegu, Arakan, 
 and Tenasserim. There is no fear of China. On the contrary the 
 Chinese — keen traders as they are — and the ever-husy Shans, 
 would welcome our appearance between Mandalay and Bhamo as 
 a god-send, for the purposes of opening out a trade which in time 
 would rival nearly all the commercial openings in the world ! 
 Although, with the great Peter's traditional policy trying to 
 extend her frontier in every direction, we have nothing to fear 
 from the shifting character of Russian diplomacy in Asia, which is 
 gradually working out its own destruction. This remark leads 
 us to think of some important views expounded by Mr. Tre- 
 lawney Saunders, in an admirable lecture delivered some years 
 ago, and which are of especial interest at the present time : — 
 " We should counteract Russian influence in Persia by taking 
 a more direct interest in the affairs of that country, develop 
 her commerce, and improve land and water communication. 
 Then, also, if it was sound policy to convert Afghanistan into 
 a barrier against Russian aggression, far stronger arguments 
 could be adduced in favour of so utilising the great Chinese 
 Empire. Non-aggressive and highly desirable as it has proved 
 to be, its integrity should be maintained at all hazards. If 
 those portions of its territory north of India should fall into 
 the hands of Russia, we must be prepared for the consequences. 
 The future of Mongolia, and perhaps of the world at large, 
 might depend on the course of Ango-Indian policy on this 
 truly Central Asian question ! " 
 
 Again, to the question of annexation. When King Theebau's 
 grandfather, Tharawadi, was on the throne, nearly forty years 
 ago, supposing that Pegu had been annexed in the First Bur- 
 mese War, there can be little doubt that he would have given 
 us just cause for also annexing Upper Burma, which would 
 very materially have altered the state of affairs at the present 
 time. He would never have stood the loss of Rangoon, and 
 
ANNEXATION AND NON-ANNEXATION. 410 
 
 being deprived of all his other ports, any more than a Briton 
 would consider his country independent if he saw London, 
 Liverpool, and Glasgow in the hands of an enemy. Ever 
 since the conquest of Pegu we have virtually had the entire 
 Burmese Empire at our disposal ; so even to talk of annexing 
 now appears hardly correct. We wish peace, good government, 
 and steady commercial prosperity in Upper Burma; and if 
 those be not in Upper, there can be neither peace nor a thriving 
 commerce in Lower Burma or Pegu. The one country, through 
 the course of events, has become a part and parcel of the other, 
 which would seem to put the word " Annexation " entirely 
 out of the question. 
 
 It was, perhaps, some such considerations as these that kept 
 the late King of Burma quiet. He was reported to be a great 
 reader ; and, like the intelligent and educated Mahomedan or 
 Hindu, he took a deep interest in the passing events of the day, 
 and mused over the stern vicissitudes of things. But Mengdon 
 and Theebau are two very different specimens of a King : the 
 former used his talents according to what he thought best 
 under the circumstances; the latter abuses them, and for 
 months has appeared to be incapable of forming any opinion 
 whatever, except whom to kill next, or what the "proof" 
 strength of his next draught may be ! To take the country 
 of such a ruler entirely under our charge, considering all the 
 circumstances, would surely be a masterly stroke of policy for 
 any government. It would be a humane, a generous act. It 
 seems a pity now that Lord Dalhousie did not take charge of 
 the "worthless rind " after all. For, really, partial annexation 
 — especially where a capital always rife for rebellion is con- 
 cerned — is a great mistake. You leave the root of evil in the 
 ground while you only lop off and take care of the branches, 
 till some fine day you behold springing up before you the 
 " boundless Upas, the all-blasting tree," of fiendish treachery 
 and rebellion ! But, in the discussion of either policy — an- 
 nexation or non-annexation — party must be left entirely out 
 
 27 * 
 
420 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 of the question. It is simply a question of — for better or for 
 worse ? 
 
 You may as well try to put an amount of reason into the 
 head of a strong party politician as to teach a monopolising 
 Burmese Sovereign the principles of free trade. That great 
 statesman, Mr. Cobden, was against the annexation of Pegu. 
 We all know our Empire is too large already for more annexa- 
 tion anywhere. Conservatives and Liberals, as a rule, are now 
 against it; and we know from Lords Beaconsfield and Cran- 
 brook that neither annexation nor aggression, nor undue in- 
 terference in the affairs of other States, is the policy of the 
 present Conservative Government ; but, in the case of Upper 
 Burma, the Lord of Misrule now impels us forward, and as we 
 are goaded on by " the force of circumstances/-' so is he reso- 
 lutely bent on his own destruction ! 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 The Looshais and the Nagas. 
 At a time when so much uncertainty prevailed, in India and 
 England, regarding the situation in Burma, it was natural for 
 those who had given attention to that country to be struck 
 with the intelligence, which was announced towards the end of 
 October, that there was danger of a " Looshai rising " j and, 
 again, that the recent revolt of the Naga hill tribes, or their 
 rising, might " provoke the Burmese to some outrage that 
 would render war inevitable."* Such news tended to force on 
 us more and more the impression that, were Upper Burma 
 under British rule, there would be nothing to fear from Loo- 
 shais, Nagas, or any other tribes in these wild quarters of 
 
 * In the middle of Novembor, some hundreds of armed Burmans entered 
 the Aong Pass between Akyab and Kyouk Phyoo ; but they left on the appear- 
 ance of the police. Still, the country between Upper Burma and our territory 
 demands strong protection. 
 
THE LOOSHAIS. 421 
 
 Eastern Asia. There would soon be no uncivilised tribes what- 
 ever to disturb our well-earned Imperial repose. 
 
 The Looshais, on our north-eastern frontier, gave us trouble 
 in 1872 ; and the present writer had the temerity to assert in a 
 London periodical that, " in the event of what has been termed 
 ' the involuntary annexation of those Looshai hills, wherever 
 they are/ where Generals Brownlow and Bourchier have just 
 been wandering, the Rajah of Munnipoor, with his men, doubt- 
 less, will ever be ready to do us good service. We think that out 
 of the one hundred and thirty-one thousand native troops of 
 India — or, say, out of the forty-two thousand Madrassis who 
 were so staunch during the Mutiny, and who furnish the native 
 garrisons of Burma — with a European regiment or two, a select 
 force could be spared for some additional territory to strengthen 
 our eastern frontier; and the geographical knowledge gained 
 by the Looshai expedition will greatly tend to facilitate our 
 movements/' The grand stride of civilisation in esse points 
 to this quarter of the universe, North-east, South-east, and to 
 South-western China. China would never object when she saw 
 the prospect of an increased trade founded, not on visionary 
 schemes, but on the solid foundation of British Imperial 
 progress ! 
 
 In 1872 a popular writer was asked by a London map-sellei 
 whether Looshai was not an island on the coast of China ! 
 Yet it was nearly a hundred years since we first came into 
 contact with the inhabitants of that region, and about three 
 years before the above display of geographical knowledge we 
 had despatched " an abortive expedition against those pests of 
 our tea-planters in Cachar." The inhabitants of the Looshai 
 region are termed indifferently Looshais or Kookies. They are 
 not two separate tribes, as some suppose. The Looshai country 
 is described as " an extensive tract of hilly country, densely 
 covered with jungle, traversed by numerous streams and only 
 sparsely inhabited by a semi-nomadic race of men, who pass 
 their time alternately in rude cultivation, hunting, and internal 
 
422 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 warfare, varied by occasional predatory incursions on territory 
 occupied either by the British or the semi-independent States 
 protected by them." The Looshai district is situated between 
 24° 20" and 22° 30" N. latitude, and lies north of the British 
 province of Chittagong, south-west of the protected State of 
 Munnipoor, south of the tea-district portion of British Cachar, 
 and due west of the protected State of Tipperah. It is about 
 sixty miles broad, and one hundred and thirty-five miles long. 
 " The best way to find the Looshai country is to draw a line 
 due east from Calcutta. At a distance of about three hundred 
 miles this line strikes the south-eastern angle of the district in 
 question." The inhabitants of the Looshai country are be- 
 lieved to be of Malay origin ; but nothing can be pronounced 
 with certainty regarding them, except that, when roused into 
 action, they become very dangerous and troublesome neigh- 
 bours, in three great tribes, numbering about twenty-five 
 thousand ; and the sooner they are entirely placed under British 
 rule the better for the future peace of our south-eastern frontier. 
 As our Indian Empire advances, we must be prepared, 
 especially in Eastern Asia, for local surprises, and tribal risings, 
 which will give ample opportunity for the display of political 
 talent, fortunately not rare in our Indian Services. Notwith- 
 standing the new regime — which has its merits — the old spirit of 
 Malcolm, Metcalfe, Munro, Outram, and many others, will 
 cling to the soil, and make clever politicals, though it may not 
 make great statesmen. Such an affair as a Naga rising, in itself, 
 seems of little importance; but it is just these little things that 
 produce great results in "the stupendous whole" of our 
 Government. A worthy and talented Commissioner is mur- 
 dered; and the question comes naturally to be, — Why? And 
 again, by the British public— always anxious to acquire know- 
 ledge — Who arc the Ntigas ; whence come they ? 
 
 From a description of different tribes inhabiting in and 
 around the old Burman Empire, by Howard Malcolm, " who 
 sailed from America in September 1835, on an expedition to 
 
THE NAGAS. 423 
 
 explore a new field of missionary enterprise in the East," we 
 learn that the Nagas are a numerous people on the borders of 
 Cachar, Munnipoor, and Assam. Their country belonged 
 partly to one and partly to the other of these States. They 
 are called Nagas (literally " naked people ") from their almost 
 total want of dress ; and they are divided into many clans or 
 tribes, differing greatly in their measure of civilisation. " The 
 better sort dwell in compact villages of well-built houses on 
 high hills, and are reported to be a very handsome and athletic 
 race, active both in agriculture and merchandise." Their 
 religion is a rude sort of demonology, but they have little or 
 no idea of a Supreme Being, or of the nature of the soul. 
 Some of these tribes were — and possibly are at the present 
 time — in the lowest state of humanity ; and " Mr. Rae, of the 
 Serampore Mission, has made extensive journeys among them 
 and the Meekeers, and published ample and interesting details." 
 
 Some forty-three years later, Captain Forbes, in his inte- 
 resting work on " British Burma and its People," says, with 
 reference to the conquest of India by the Aryan races, and 
 their wars with the people they found in possession : — " These 
 non- Aryan tribes are described under various names, several of 
 which have been identified with those so-called aboriginal 
 tribes of the present day. Amongst these were the Nagas, who 
 are described as having been a powerful and partly civilised 
 people. We cannot, certainly, clearly connect these Nagas 
 with those tribes of the same name which now occupy the 
 East of Bengal and belong to the Tibeto-Burman family, but 
 we may mark the coincidence."* 
 
 We are strongly inclined to think they are the very same. 
 If not, who can they be ? It is surely easier to believe in the 
 Naga pure thus put before us, than in the idea that the White 
 Karens of Burma and the Todars of the Neilgherries are de- 
 scended from the Ten Tribes ! The mysteries of mankind — 
 
 * Page 37. 
 
424 , OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 " names and natures " — are yet to be revealed. We are only 
 just commencing the study. But our business at present is 
 with the Nagas of our own day, on the north-eastern frontier 
 of Assam ; and it is highly probable, as has been remarked to 
 us by a shrewd observer, that they, taking advantage of the 
 withdrawal of our Envoy from Mandalay,* became ripe for 
 revolt. The murder of the excellent Mr. Damant, Political 
 Agent in the Hills, took place at Konoma, some twenty miles 
 south-east of Kohima, which, at the beginning of the year, had 
 been made the head-quarters of the Political Agency. Mr. 
 Damant was one of the most promising members of the Assam 
 Commission, and in 1876 had acted as Political Agent at 
 Munipur (Munnipoor), and his political and administrative 
 career was said to be marked by " courage, tact, and dis- 
 cretion." The fault on the last melancholy occasion appears to 
 have been the want of a sufficient force at Kohima, on which 
 position the rebels, after the murder, immediately advanced. 
 And now, after the place has been relieved (27th October) we 
 learn again the lesson that such uncertain posts in a wild region 
 should be of considerable strength in men as well as material, 
 and that a political agent's escort should always be very strong 
 and select, composed partly of Europeans, and should never be 
 divided. f Eventually, as remarked, Kohima, with its stockade, 
 was relieved, and a " terrible catastrophe " probably averted. If 
 severe measures be not adopted, we venture to think, the Naga 
 hill tribes will yet give us much trouble, quite as much as the 
 Looshais did some years ago. The former expedition to the 
 Naga hills was in December 1877. About the middle of No- 
 
 * See Note, p. 426. 
 
 t We read that half the escort (of eighty sepoys) was left in the plain 
 (Konoma) below when Mr. Damant advanced. — The relief of Kohima was en- 
 trusted to Colonel Johnstone (with two thousand Munipuries), when some 
 desperate lighting took place. " Showers of bullets, spears, and rocks " nut 
 our troops in each attack. Stone walls had been built by the enemy as ob- 
 structions. — Colonel Nuttall, Major Evans, and all the troops engaged did 
 good service. 
 
THE BURMESE ROYAL FAMILY. 425 
 
 vember (1879) it was announced that Her Majesty the Queen 
 had expressed her "heartfelt sympathy " to Mr. Damant's 
 parents on the loss of their brave son under circumstances 
 " exceptionally trying." — To the relatives and friends of all who 
 die in the service of their country, nothing is more grateful than 
 the kind and ever thoughtful expressions of the Queen-Empress. 
 
 NOTES. 
 The Burmese Eoyal Family. 
 
 Information has reached us from Burma (wrote the " Pioneer ") 
 in greater detail than we have previously received of the nume- 
 rous family of the late King. The gay old monarch had during 
 his life-time fifty-three recognised wives, by whom he had forty- 
 eight sons and sixty-two daughters, or a nice little family of 
 one hundred and ten children, of whom fifty-nine survived him. 
 Of the fifty-three wives, twelve died before the King, and of the 
 remainder two were imprisoned by him on account of their sup- 
 posed complicity in plots by their children, the Meng-Gwan and 
 Katha Princes; and two were expelled for adultery. Deducting 
 those who died and these four, the King had, at the time of 
 his death, thirty-seven recognised wives. Of these thirty-seven 
 ladies one only was massacred by King Theebau. She appears 
 to have been particularly obnoxious to him on account of her being 
 the mother of the Mekhara Prince, a powerful rival of Theebau's. 
 No fewer than fourteen of this lady's children and grandchildren 
 were massacred with her ; one of her grandsons had fled to Rangoon. 
 Thirteen of the late King's wives quitted the palace either during 
 his illness or just after his death. The remaining twenty-three wives 
 are still in the palace, and of that number seven only are free or 
 believed to be so. The other sixteen are in confinement more or 
 less strict. Seven are known to be in what may be called rigorous 
 imprisonment; some of them are in double-irons, half-starved, 
 and not permitted to have any attendants. Out of the forty-eight 
 sons born to the King, twenty-four died before him, leaving twenty- 
 four alive at the time of his death. Of these twenty-four, four- 
 teen are known to have been massacred by Theebau. Four are 
 now alive in India, leaving only six, including the present 
 King, alive in Mandalay. Of these six, only one beside the King 
 is grown up. This one is the Kya-beng Prince, who is a lunatic j 
 
426 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 and it is not certain that even he has been left alive. The other 
 four are boys from ten to two years of age. Out of the sixty-two 
 daughters of the late King .thirty-live survived him. Four of 
 these, all married to princes, were with their families killed by 
 Theebau in February and March last ; of the remainder twenty- 
 one are now in confinement in the palace, nine of them being in 
 close imprisonment. — Sept. 1879. 
 
 Withdrawal of the British Resident from Mandalay. 
 
 This for some time expected event took place on the 6th of 
 October, under instructions from the Indian Government. Due 
 notice was given by Mr. St. Barbe, the Assistant-Resident, to the 
 Burmese authorities, that he was about to quit the capital. The 
 departure was announced by telegram from Simla on the 7th, 
 which added : — " Since the departure of Colonel Horace Browne, 
 the position of Mr. St. Barbe had daily become more and more 
 unsatisfactory. The studied discourtesy with which he was treated, 
 combined with the spirit of antagonism towards the British displayed 
 by King Theebau and the Court party, and finally the system of 
 espionage over the inhabitants of the Residency established by the 
 Burmese authorities, rendered the continuance of diplomatic rela- 
 tions, even for routine business, impossible, and Mr. St. Barbe was 
 accordingly instructed to leave. Notice of the withdrawal of the 
 Residency was given to all the British subjects in Bhamo and 
 Mandalay. Acts of barbarity continue to be committed by the 
 Palace party." It was pleasing to know that he left without 
 molestation for the British steamer, with the whole of his establish- 
 ment. Soon after, all the English residents, with their property, 
 and that of the flotilla were preparing to leave the capital. And so 
 ended, for the present, our diplomatic relations with King Theebau 
 and his Court at Mandalay ! Nothing could have been more for- 
 bearing than the conduct of the Indian Government in this matter ; 
 and Mr. St. Barbe deserves credit for the true English "pluck" he 
 displayed throughout the severe trial. The rising young Bengal 
 civilian achieved distinction which would have been impossible as 
 Political Agent at Bhamo. "The withdrawal of the Residency 
 from Mandalay," we read ("Standard," 8th of October), "will 
 involve the abandonment of the minor Residentship which the 
 Government of India used to uphold at Bhamo." It was thought 
 that, excepting for information about Yunnan and the Kakhyen 
 tribes, occasionally received, the abolition of the post would bo of 
 
POPULATION OP MANDALAY. — HEAD QUEEN. 427 
 
 little importance. However, there is certainly a great future in 
 store for Bhamo — when British trade with South-west China he- 
 comes developed, which must be the case ere long ! While on the 
 subject of "Residents," it is interesting to learn from General 
 Fytche that, " in the present day the British Resident at Mandalay 
 is (was) in direct communication with the Foreign Secretary to the 
 Government of India, without the intervention of the Chief Com- 
 missioner." And, again, on the authority of Colonel Yule, that 
 " King Tharawadi is said to have been much amused at the 
 success of his efforts to extinguish the Residency, and thought 
 it an especially good joke that the Residents somehow always got 
 ill." Simultaneous with the departure of the Resident, the Indian 
 Government had ordered H.M.'s ships "Ruby" and " Wild Swan" 
 to Rangoon. 
 
 The Population of Mandalay. 
 The Mahomedans in Burma. 
 
 We have received the following information from the most 
 authentic source, which will constitute a valuable addition to the 
 population statistics already given : — The number of houses in the 
 city and suburbs of Mandalay is, in round numbers, about 12,000 ; 
 and the population is roughly estimated at 65,000. We have no 
 knowledge of the number of Mahomedans among them. 
 
 To this we may add : — It is curious to observe that, out of the 
 82,000 Mahomedans in Burma, the majority are the descendants 
 of Mahomedan fathers and Burmese mothers — a strange alliance 
 between the religion of Gautama and that taught by the Koran. — 
 Truly, as has been well said, the whole Mussulman world — espe- 
 cially in India and Eastern Asia — requires from us the most serious 
 attention at the present time, so as to avert any possible danger. 
 
 Kino Theebau's Head Queen. 
 A correspondent of the "Times of India" wrote from Manda- 
 lay : — " Extensive preparations are being made at the palace in 
 prospect of a coming event, viz., the confinement of King Theebau's 
 head queen, the Soo-pyah-lat. The Phongyees (priests), Poonaks 
 or astrologers, Baydin Sayas or fortune-tellers, have been duly 
 consulted, and they have all unanimously come to the conclusive 
 prediction that the new comer will be a royal son, and Theebau has 
 declared that he shall be the Royal heir-apparent to the throne of the 
 King of the Rising Sun, Lord of the White Elephant, the Golden 
 Umbrella, &c. It is reported that the cradle, which has just been 
 
428 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 completed, cost the State nearly two lakhs of rupees. The cradle 
 was first framed with mango wood, and encased with sheet gold 
 inside and outside. Over this is ornamented gold- work, set with 
 precious stones of all kinds — diamonds, rubies, sapphires, emeralds, 
 &c, and the work is said to be very superior, as it is turned out by 
 the best of the first-class goldsmiths of Upper Burma. The 
 arrangements for fitting up the cradle are as follows : — A soft bed 
 or cushion covered with green silk velvet, and the sides with em- 
 broidered work. I should have stated the manner in which the 
 cradle was to be fixed, and how worked. A thick iron rod has been 
 fixed across the room, some twelve feet above the floor, and the 
 cradle is suspended by means of golden cords, made of golden wire 
 for the purpose of swinging, and to work backwards and forwards 
 like punkahs in your part of the world. The King objected to the 
 old method of having the Royal cradle pulled by a parcel of old 
 women, so the mechanical and engineering elements of his kingdom 
 were called into requisition, and I am told that one of the Italian 
 mechanics has invented a wind- up machine by which the cradle can 
 be set going, once wound-up, for a day or night, or until further 
 orders, to the great delight of the King. The Royal babe is to be 
 nursed and brought up in the English style, and for this purpose 
 the sum of five thousand rupees was given to one of the sisters 
 of the convent here to purchase a complete outfit ; and my in- 
 formant says that the sister has faithfully executed the order, and 
 the paraphernalia for the youth has been deposited in good time. 
 The King and Queen are said to abhor the sight of Europeans, 
 and of the English particularly, and yet we have the fact before 
 us that the foregoing preparations are after the European fashion." 
 The belief in astrology in Burma being quite as strong as it was 
 in Britain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the 
 writer of the foregoing graphic picture might, even before the 
 advent of an infant Theebau, have introduced a Chin-Indian Guy 
 Mannering, who, in his divinations regarding the future son and 
 heir, might, taking the key from the Royal parent, have observed 
 " that three periods would be particularly hazardous — his fifth — 
 his tenth — his twenty-first year"* — about the latter age his father 
 having ruled over Upper Burma ! 
 
 * See " Guy Mannering," chap. iv. 
 
TROOPS IN BURMA. 429 
 
 BRITISH BURMA DIVISION. 
 
 (Adjutant-General's Office, Fort St. George, 1st July 1879.) 
 
 Head-quarters, Rangoon. 
 
 Two batteries, 8th Brigade, Royal Artillery ; one company of 
 Sappers and Miners ; 89th Foot ; 24th Native Infantry. 
 
 Thayet-myo. 
 K. battery, 1st Brigade, and half a battery Royal Artillery ; 
 Head-quarters and wing 44th Foot ; 32nd Native Infantry. 
 
 Toungoo. 
 Two batteries, 8th Brigade, Royal Artillery; wing 44th 
 Foot; 41st Native Infantry; two companies and a half 33rd 
 Native Infantry. 
 
 Shwe-gyeen. 
 One company and a half 33rd Native Infantry. 
 
 Maulmain. 
 Wing 33rd Native Infantry. 
 
 Port Blair (Andamans) . 
 One company 89th Foot ; seven companies and a half 23rd 
 Native Infantry. 
 
 Nicobars. 
 Half a company 23rd Native Infantry. 
 
430 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 Regiments specially on Service in Burma. 
 
 H. M/s 43rd Foot; wing 54th Foot; C company Sappers 
 and Miners; wing 19th Native Infantry; 22nd Native In- 
 fantry ; 31st Native Infantry. 
 
431 
 
 ADDENDA. 
 
 PART I 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM NARRATIVES OF THE CAMPAIGNS 
 OF 1824-25. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin at Martaban and Ye. 
 
 The passage from Rangoon on the Irawady to Martaban on the 
 Salween appears insignificant on the map. But the strong 
 currents of the intermediate portion of the coast baffled day- 
 after day the fleet of Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin. He did not 
 arrive near the romantic lake and heights of Martaban before 
 the 29th September. On the 30th the Burmans were driven 
 from its town, fortified pagodas, and stockaded lines, by a scien- 
 tific attack. The Lieutenant-Colonel detached Captain O'Reilly 
 of the 41st against Ye-Mijo. This also was rapidly captured. 
 The occupation of Martaban brought the British upon the 
 frontier line of the Siamese. But no efforts of either Burman or 
 British agents, neither arguments, promises, nor threats, could 
 ever divert that Government from their cautious and reserved 
 system of policy. They persevered in an armed neutrality to 
 the end of the protracted contest, carefully watching the tre- 
 pidations of the balance of success. They could never be drawn 
 into any overt act of hostility against the Burmans; but to 
 keep well with their enemies, they filled the streets of Ran- 
 goon with a tinsel embassage, so soon as they heard of the 
 
432 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 advance of the British; and during the third campaign the 
 political agents at Martaban were amused from time to time 
 with choice specimens of enigmatical eloquence by a General- 
 in-Chief with the sonorous name of Roung-roung. 
 
 The Health op the Troops at Rangoon.* 
 
 Meanwhile the privations and sufferings of the troops at 
 Rangoon were painfully aggravated. The continued use of 
 salt provisions had added to the disease which preyed on 
 them before, scurvy — a frightful scourge anywhere, but on the 
 humid delta of an huge river, a foe to human health, which 
 seemed to defy extirpation. The heavy rains, which had in- 
 termitted after the second week of October, were renewed in 
 November with their former violence. Ships despatched from 
 Rangoon in July, could not bring back any effectual succours 
 in less than four months. Private adventurers had brought 
 sheep and poultry to this mart of starvation. But they were 
 few in number, and were sold at rates incredibly exorbitant. 
 They furnished only an ephemeral repast for the tables of a few 
 of the half-famished officers. Pine-apples abounded in the 
 forests. Limes and citrons were to be found in rude orchards. 
 The juice of these fruits might have been rendered sanative to 
 a few, if used as antiscorbutics only. But the heedless voracity 
 with which such unripe rarities were swallowed by hungry 
 soldiers proved fatal to hundreds of dysenteric sufferers. Bread 
 had been, from the month of August, supplied in sufficient 
 quantities for the consumption of hospitals. But the rations of 
 the soldier consisted of rice, a crude indigestible viand for the 
 stomach of a native of Britain, salted beef and pork, which 
 vitiated the animal juices, and biscuit seldom fresh, and com- 
 monly swarming with animalcules, or mouldy from long 
 detention under hatches, or in damp magazines. The supply 
 
 * Towards the conclusion of November 1824. 
 
PAET I. 433 
 
 of medicines was not abundant, nor assorted with a view to 
 peculiar ailments, which could not have been anticipated. Of 
 most of the articles included under the head of medical com- 
 forts, there was yet a greater scarcity. It may be surmised 
 that where there were no cattle, milk was not procurable ; yet 
 a milk diet would have saved many valuable lives. Dropsical 
 symptoms manifested themselves extensively. Dyspepsia, and 
 acute hepatitis were yet more common. Diarrhoea and dysen- 
 tery committed lamentable ravages. For dyspeptic, hepatic, 
 dysenteric, and scorbutic patients, there were neither milk, 
 vegetables, farinaceous food, nor nutritive broths. These de- 
 ficiencies baffled the skill, though they could not extinguish the 
 zeal, of the medical officers. The plan of mooring transports at 
 the mouth of the river, on board of which convalescents might 
 inhale the sea-breezes, did not produce very beneficial results. 
 The most successful of the sanitary measures was the establish- 
 ment of a depot at Mergui. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin at Tantabain. 
 
 It was known to the British that Bandoola had concentrated 
 a force, swelled by this time to a considerable amount, at 
 Donabew. The Kee Woonghee, or first Woonghee of the 
 Empire, commanded several detachments intended to cover 
 the left bank of the Irawady. One of these had taken post at 
 Tantabain. It was the plan of Sir Archibald Campbell to 
 assume two principal lines of advance, one up the stream of the 
 Rangoon river, Panlang branch, and great eastern branch of 
 the Irawady, the other parallel to the prolongation of the left 
 bank of this same branch ; but at some distance from it, as far 
 as Sarawah. At that point the two lines would become coin- 
 cident. It seemed necessary as a preliminary measure to clear 
 the Laing river. Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin was detached 
 against Tantabain. This officer found the enemy on the 16th 
 
 28 
 
434 OUE BUEMESE WABS. 
 
 of February, posted two thousand strong in a position on the 
 point of a little peninsula. Two sides of their work were ex- 
 tended to eleven hundred paces each. It was lined with 
 thirty-six guns. The Lieutenant-Colonel caused the " Satel- 
 lite " armed ship, towed by the steam vessel, to enfilade one 
 face of the defences. He paralysed the barbarians by her fire, 
 and a shower of rockets launched from the deck of the "Diana," 
 by Captain Graham's troop. The Burmans were amazed at 
 the velocity, the dazzling light, the rapid succession, the fatal 
 aim, and ominous hissing of this new weapon. The grenadiers 
 of the 41st, transported by the boats to a point sheltered from 
 fire, rushed upon the enemy in the moment of consternation. 
 The work was carried. The barbarians left behind thirty-four 
 out of thirty-six guns. — Havelock. 
 
 Major Sale at Bassein. 
 
 Sir Archibald Campbell had sent some troops to manoeuvre 
 on the line of the great western branch of the Irawady. Major 
 Sale's transports were conveyed by H. M/s frigate "Lame," 
 and the Hon. Company's cruiser " Mercury." The passage of 
 his fleet round the circumference of the coast was tedious. It 
 reached Pagoda point in great Negrais on the 24th of February. 
 Major Wahab had arrived here in May 1824, when all might 
 have been attempted, which was now worth attempting. The 
 enemy had constructed some works on both the greater and the 
 lesser island. Their defenders were put to flight by the fire 
 of the ships of war. Whilst the expedition was making its 
 way with little opposition between the picturesque banks of 
 the magnificent stream, the Burmese set fire to Bassein and 
 retreated towards Lamina. The fleet anchored off the smoking 
 ruins on the 3rd March. Major Sale having established his 
 troops in the area of the Grand Pagoda endeavoured by assu- 
 rances, and the distribution of proclamations, to restore con- 
 fidence in the minds of the alarmed inhabitants. — Ibid. 
 
PART I. 435 
 
 Prome. 
 
 The fate of the campaign was decided, as it had been easy 
 to foresee, under the walls of Donabew. Sir Archibald Camp- 
 bell, regaining his former line of route, by recrossing the 
 river at Sarawah, prosecuted an unopposed advance. He en- 
 tered Prome on the 25th April 1825. General Cotton's division 
 in rejoining him, encountered no obstacles but the rocks, 
 shallows, and rapids of the Irawady. 
 
 But the army had lost half a month. Prome was its place 
 of arms during the monsoon. A reconnoissance was pushed to 
 Meaday fifty miles beyond it. Prome may be considered the 
 third town in the Empire. The commercial advantages of 
 Rangoon seem to entitle it to rank second. Prome stands on 
 a somewhat lofty margin of the river. A timber stockade en- 
 closes three or four narrow streets of huts, the wooden houses 
 of the local Government, those of the priesthood and numerous 
 
 Considerable intervening spaces are partially planted with 
 trees. From the platforms of the work the inhabitants look 
 forth across a stream of a thousand yards at the rocky heights 
 which guard the right bank. These are a portion of the chain 
 of wooded hills, which extend in unbroken links from a point 
 on the right bank forty miles below Prome to another one 
 hundred and sixty miles above it. 
 
 This line of two hundred miles is beautiful throughout. The 
 eye of the voyager on the Irawady is perpetually feasted with 
 the sight of hanging woods, which in this climate are never 
 entirely deprived of their foliage. In the more abrupt bends 
 of the river the rocks, which occasionally decorate the left 
 bank also, seem to unite themselves amphitheatrically with 
 those of the right. 
 
 The spectator may fancy himself on a lake in a mountainous 
 region. This, and sudden glimpses of pagodas perched adven- 
 turously on the summits of crags, like the castles of the Rhine, 
 
 28 * 
 
436 OCR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 are the principal features of the picturesque in Ava. The site 
 of Prome is salubrious as well as beautiful. The town is a 
 healthy place of residence even in the season of rain. The air 
 of the breezy hills around it is yet more delicious. 
 
 A line of heights lower than those of the right bank extends 
 along the left from Shwe-doungmyo, ten miles below Prome. 
 A few hundred yards southward of the latter, these hills run 
 off abruptly at a right angle, shaping their course into the 
 interior. On the summits of the mounds and hillocks of this 
 range the troops were cantoned. Roomy huts of mats, timber, 
 and thatch, were quickly thrown up for them. The officers 
 built themselves small bungalows of the same materials. Freed 
 from care, from wants and sickness, they here spent their 
 days nearly as agreeably as in the remoter stations of the Pre- 
 sidencies. Another monsoon was before the army ; but how 
 far different from the last ! The defeat of Bandoola at Ko- 
 kaing had restored its population to Rangoon. His death,* 
 and the dispersion of his bands at Donabew, relieved the plains 
 and villages of Pegu from the second reign of terror. The 
 British army had acted on its march in the spirit of the bene- 
 volent proclamation of its leader. It had conciliated Pegu. 
 From Rangoon to Yandaboo the conduct of the force was ex- 
 emplary. Even the followers of the camp, by far the most 
 intractable portion of an armament in India, were never guilty 
 of serious indiscipline. This opinion does not rest solely on 
 British testimony. He who should dispute its correctness, 
 would find many thousands of Peguers to contradict him. The 
 presence of General Sir A. Campbell's divisions was not only 
 never felt as a calamity in Pegu, but regarded as a protection 
 against the severity of the Burmans. In April 1826, their 
 departure was bewailed in terms of clamorous regret, which no 
 prudential arguments could restrain. The simple people of 
 
 April 1, 1825. Supposed to have boen caused by a Congreve rocket. 
 
PART I. 437 
 
 these provinces arrived at once at the secret of British supe- 
 riority without the aid of metaphysics, or political economy. 
 They said, " The Inglee Rajahs pay for everything ;, and do not 
 cut off our heads." This surprised and delighted them. — 
 Havelock's Campaigns in Ava. 
 
 Malown. 
 
 Sir A. Campbell's Despatch reporting the result of the attack 
 on the Burmese entrenchments at Malown (or Melown) on the 
 19th January 1826, has a peculiar interest ; but, as there is 
 hardly space for it in this volume, the reader is referred to the 
 author's " Rangoon : a Narrative/' Appendix vii. p. 262. 
 
 Burmese General Orders. 
 Found in the Governor's House at Syriam, near Rangoon. 
 
 In the First Burmese War, hostility to the English " stran- 
 gers " was intense ; and anathemas loud and deep, like shells, 
 were made to burst continually over the heads of our devoted 
 countrymen. The following is a good specimen of the prayer 
 (at length assuming the form of a general order) which, up- 
 wards of fifty years ago, was levelled against our gallant 
 Anglo-Indian army, and is in *the genuine vindictive, melo- 
 dramatic style : — 
 
 " In order that not one of the wild foreigners may escape from 
 being destroyed and slain, they must be apprehended, by cover- 
 ing the face of the earth with an innumerable host, to accomplish 
 which, effectual measures are now in progress. . . . Having 
 the district of Syriam under your personal inspection, should 
 any deficiency exist, you will petition for whatever may be 
 required, without delay. 
 
 " Although it is a business of great difficulty to shut up the 
 course and channel of the river, yet by labour and constant 
 exertion, night and day, it must be done ; and as the men of 
 
438 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the war-boats have been detached from you, others from the 
 grand army are sent to replace them." 
 
 " To Oona Penen and the Principal Men of the Yamhu-gangee 
 Gold Boat. 
 
 " On the grounds subject to the Maywoon's war-boat (beyond 
 Kemmendine) , whoever is an inhabitant must not say he is 
 free, or belonging to such and such a prince, but they must 
 act unitedly in blocking up the ships' passage through the river 
 and channels of Silva, by throwing in logs of wood and roots 
 of trees, that the captive strangers may not escape ; and if they 
 attempt to do so, they must be apprehended and put to death. 
 . . . On arriving at Moroon, let no man say he is at liberty, 
 or in the service of such or such a chief ; he that can wield a 
 sword, let him take a sword ; and he that can use a spear, let 
 him take one." 
 
 The latter order is signed by the Burmese avenger, Kengee 
 Awengee Bomien. 
 
 The King of Ava's Order. 
 
 " Our royal army will march in several divisions to seize, 
 kill, and crush the rebel strangers, who are in Prome. The 
 victorious advance division, under the chief Maha Nemiow, 
 seized, killed, and crushed the strangers at Watty-goon ; owing 
 to the excellent power of the Golden Majesty, they could not 
 resist or stand before us. . . . The strangers came with 
 great confidence: as they have been beaten this first time, 
 they cannot stand on another occasion ; the royal army having 
 conquered once, ten times it will be successful," &c. &c. 
 
 Probably such a proud assurance of conquest was never before 
 penned in a general order. 
 
 The reader's attention is requested to the striking phrase- 
 ology of the words in these orders marked in italics — the 
 former being like what we meet with in the Old Testament of 
 our Bible, and the latter in the New. 
 
PAET I. 439 
 
 Buddha — especially shadowed forth in Oriental writings and 
 with similar attributes to the Messiah in Isaiah — has often been 
 considered the rude form of our Saviour — one of the skeletons 
 of our Faith embedded in the far East. But Gautama, the 
 incarnation of Buddha, the deity of the Burmese, when we 
 consider the Gautamaic influence over the Golden Land, comes 
 strikingly forward as a parallel in the above passage which 
 refers to taking a sword in a case of emergency. See St. Luke 
 xxii. 36, ' ' But now, he that hath a purse, let him take it, and 
 likewise his scrip ; and he that hath no sword, let him sell his 
 garment and buy one ! " This is at least remarkable. Com- 
 pare also the previous verse with the Phongyees, or Burmese 
 teachers, when they go abroad without either " purse " or 
 " scrip." See "Rangoon," chapter x., on Gautama, page 138. 
 
 Patkoi. 
 
 With reference to the end of the fourth chapter and the 
 term " Patkoi," we find, — 
 
 "It is also written Patkai, which, Mr. Trelawney Saunders 
 informs us, is an abbreviation of Pat-kai-seng-kan, which means 
 Cut -fowls-oath-taken. It originated in consequence of an oath 
 ratified between the Ahom Raja Cheedangpha on the north 
 side, with Surunphai, the Nora Baja of the south side of the 
 range, in 1399-1400 a.d. The oath bound them to respect 
 the Nongyang pani as the boundary between them." 
 
440 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 EXTRACTS AND NOTES. 
 
 The " Friend of India " wrote (1852) :— " In making Pegu 
 British, we take from the kingdom of Burma its chief financial 
 resources, and its political strength; we deprive it of the 
 sinews of war. It is to this prostration of the power of the 
 Burmese, and the dread inspired in the Court by our own 
 power, that we must look for the security of our new border- 
 line. For the last twenty-five years they have occupied the 
 territory lying between our own provinces of Arakan and 
 Maulmain. A line of hills separates the former from Pegu j 
 but there are three or four passes, through which a barbarian 
 army, unencumbered with artillery and commissariat stores, 
 might at any time have invaded the province, while Maulmain 
 has always been open to incursion." 
 
 Pegu. — Ophir. 
 
 It was in the middle of 1852 that we first became acquainted 
 with an admirable work by the Rev. F. Mason, M.A., en- 
 titled " Tenasserim ; or, Notes on the Fauna, Flora, Minerals, 
 and Nations of British Burma and Pegu." Its possession oc- 
 casioned the following remarks : — In this work, by a learned 
 missionary, will be found much valuable and interesting infor- 
 mation. In this age, when gold in California and in Australia 
 
PAET II. 441 
 
 is drawing so many adventurers from their native land, it may- 
 interest mankind to learn that, according to the work in 
 question, gold is plentiful in Pegu ; it is distributed all over the 
 provinces ; " all the streams from the lofty granite mountains 
 bring down their tribute of the precious metal." "There is a 
 rumour widely current in Burma, that valuable mines are 
 known to the Burmese Court ; but the secret is strictly guarded 
 because the treasures of the earth are regarded as a kind of 
 royal reserve fund, only to be drawn upon in great emergencies." 
 One would have thought our present occupation of Rangoon, 
 Bassein, and Martaban, to be " a great emergency " ; but 
 where, up to the middle of August, is the gold, the yellow, 
 glittering gold, we require, with other conditions — and to 
 which we are now legally entitled? 
 
 Pegu is called by the Takings Suburnubhumi, or the land 
 of gold. Mr. Mason endeavours to prove that it is no other 
 than the Ophir of Solomon. " The ancient name of Moubee, 
 in the delta of the Irawady, was Suvanna-nadee, or ' river of 
 gold'; indicating that Pegu was famous in antiquity for its 
 gold; and gold and silver appear to have been much more 
 abundant than they are now, even three centuries ago." "The 
 Sanscrit form of Suvana is Suverna; and this, when the final 
 syllable is dropped, is nearly indentical with Soupheir, the 
 Greek name of Ophir." 
 
 We had read somewhere of our own India supposed to be 
 Ophir ; but this proof of Mr. Mason's is quite new, and as 
 convincing as most proofs from etymology. 
 
 The Burmese language is said to be a compound of the 
 ancient Pali with the Sanscrit, the Tartar, and the Chinese. 
 [The Burman language, as well as the Siamese, is written 
 from left to right.] 
 
 Rangoois. 
 
 Regarding the capture of the Great Dagon Pagoda, the 
 General's despatch contains the following reasons for not ad- 
 
442 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 vancing on the 13th : — " On Tuesday, the 13th, it was reported, 
 the heavy battery-guns could not be landed, and be with me, 
 before the middle of that day ; and, also, that rations for the 
 troops could not be prepared in time to enable me to advance. 
 I therefore held my position till the next morning." 
 
 Nothing can be more natural in an officer of high standing 
 than a disposition in favour of his own branch of the service ; 
 that in which he has won honour and renown. The veteran 
 warrior, Sir Charles Napier, at the Preston Waterloo dinner, 
 said to the 50th Regiment — " There has been a great deal of talk 
 about the Minie rifle ; but I can assure you, 50th, there is nothing 
 like ' Old Brown Bess,'' with a fixed bayonet, a strong arm, a 
 strong heart, and strong courage." Very true ; but to bring these 
 grand qualities into highly successful operation, it strikes one, 
 especially where attacks on outworks and a strongly-fortified 
 position are probable, that the most powerful arm in war should 
 occupy the chief importance. General Godwin, then, may 
 have said he could not have advanced the first day without 
 landing at least two of the heavy guns, with a large supply 
 of ammunition for these, and ample for the light field batteries, 
 to take along with him. 
 
 It may be brought forward in support of the advance on the 
 12th, that the artillery of the shipping had sufficiently exercised 
 the powerful arm of destruction. In the chances of war, this 
 would appear to carry a species of justification along with it. 
 The military critic then replies — But why talk of chance, now- 
 a-days, when an overwhelming display of ordnance, in the first 
 instance, against every point of attack reduces operations almost 
 to a certainty of success ? But, after all, it is more difficult 
 to do, than to know " what were good to do " ; yet we were 
 highly successful ; and history will record that the capture of 
 Rangoon opened the Second Burmese War with " a brilliant 
 feat of arms." * 
 
 * So was the capture styled by the " Times" of London : — "Tho capture 
 of Rangoon has opened the Burmotiu War with a brilliant feat of arms, and 
 
PAET II. 443 
 
 With regard to the works of the fortress, it may be men- 
 tioned, that the cutting off a long projecting right flank was 
 proposed by that gallant and talented officer, Colonel Apthorp, 
 35th Madras Native Infantry ; his suggestion was taken up by 
 the field engineer, and a breast-work was thrown up {en cremal- 
 liere) . The construction of the new barracks for the European 
 troops did infinite credit to Major Fraser and the Engineer 
 Department. We had now (middle of August) the commence- 
 ment of a new and important British station. There was 
 covering in Rangoon for a large army. 
 
 Volunteers. 
 
 One of the most important and interesting incidents of this 
 war was to be found in the " volunteering for Burma." The 
 4th Sikhs, Ramghur Irregular Cavalry, and another Sikh corps 
 were to form a portion of the gallant " army of Ava." Those 
 who came forward as our bitterest enemies in December 1845, 
 through the wonderful nature of our Government, probably 
 were, in October, November, or December 1852, to assist us 
 either in taking entire possession of Pegu, or in humiliating 
 the Burmese, and planting the British standard on the walls 
 of Ava ! The two Sikh regiments for Burma were to com- 
 mence their downward march on the 15th of August. 
 
 Prome. 
 
 The proceedings of Captain Tarleton's expedition, which was 
 sent to reconnoitre Prome, have been briefly narrated. The 
 Burmese, it appears, were located in great numbers on the left 
 bank of the river. On this bank, in commanding positions, 
 were bastions mounted with cannon. But the steamers took 
 
 we shall be happy to learn that the irresistible force of tho British squadron 
 on the coast, and tho fall of the chief port of Burma, has at once convincod 
 the Court of Ava," &c.— May 31, 1852. 
 
444 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 the other channel, or right branch, and reached the main river 
 uninjured. The steamers were " nine days in going up to Prome, 
 staying there two days and returning." A small steamer be- 
 longing to the King of Ava " had left for Ava only the day 
 previous to the arrival of our steamers." 
 
 In a second expedition, Captain Tarleton repassed the forti- 
 fied rock, a little below Prome, where General Bandoola had 
 before taken up [position. It was deserted j but more guns 
 were found. 
 
 Arakan. 
 
 Some interesting intelligence was, in August, received from 
 Sandoway and Arakan. The Aeng river had been proved to 
 be navigable for steamers, having a light draught, upwards of 
 thirty miles further than had hitherto been supposed to be the 
 case. This was no trifling advantage, should the authorities 
 decide on sending any troops to Burma by the Aeng Pass. 
 
 Lieutenant Fytche, the very active and enterprising civil officer 
 at Sandoway, had, after great exertions, opened a land com- 
 munication between that place and Bassein, a communication 
 which is effected in seven days, and can be continued thence to 
 Rangoon in three or four more. 
 
 The following intelligence was terrible ! — " The Burmese, who 
 come across, say the troops at the capital are determined to 
 fight like devils ; and that two brigades are formed, one termed 
 the Invulnerables, the other the Invincibles, which are to 
 cut all the English to pieces ! " 
 
 Captain Barry, commanding the Arakan Battalion, on hear- 
 ing of General Godwin's successes, " turned out a couple of 
 guns, and ' woke the slumbering echoes ' of the passes with a 
 Royal salute, much to the astonishment of the natives." 
 
 The Aeng Pass. 
 An intelligent officer, at the commencement of the war, re- 
 marked that it was probable, in the cold weather, that Assam 
 would make a demonstration against Burma. It now appeared 
 
PART II. 445 
 
 that the Munipur Rajah was all energy to repel Burmese in- 
 vasion. But an advance from Burma on Upper Assam or 
 Munipore at this season would be impracticable. The distance 
 that divides Munipur from Burma Proper is three hundred 
 miles. The routes, in every respect, are described as insur- 
 mountable. Nevertheless, in the last war, the Burmese poured 
 their troops down on Arakan through the Aeng Pass, and into 
 Cachar through Munipur ; so, in the rainy season, they might 
 be tempted " to beat up our quarters in Cachar and in the pro- 
 vince of Arakan." "The troops collected at Arakan might 
 form the nucleus of the army which would march across the 
 Aeng Pass, during the cold weather, into the valley of the 
 Irawady, and co-operate with the army from Rangoon in its 
 march to the capital, where," said the " Friend," " alone we 
 can make peace with any confidence of its permanency." 
 
 An Advance to Ava. 
 From all accounts, there appears to be no want of water to 
 navigate the mighty Irawady with our small steamers. What 
 a magnificent undertaking — the British ascending, perhaps 
 slowly, but surely, " capturing Meaday, Patanago, Pagan, and 
 many towns of importance, situated principally on the left 
 bank," and then reaching and taking possession of the capital ! 
 From Rangoon, Donabew is less than one hundred miles up 
 the stream; Prome is about one hundred and thirty from 
 Donabew; and from Prome to Ava, say, is two hundred and 
 sixty. By annexing the Delta only, we shall have a popula- 
 tion which "would effectually counteract the hostility of the 
 Burmese." Should this be done, to repel Burmese invasion 
 of British Pegu — a crisis not altogether improbable — would 
 bring on a third Burmese war, which would last but a short 
 time, and surely end in the entire annexation to the British 
 dominions of Alompra's once powerful empire. (August 1852.) 
 
446 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 PAPEES AND NOTES. 
 
 General Godwin's Farewell Address to the Army of 
 Burma.* 
 
 The Major-General is about to resign the command of the 
 army, — an army that for one year and four months has not 
 given the Major-General one hour of trouble or anxiety. 
 Whether in the field or in quarters its admirable conduct has 
 held an even course. It is a singular fact that with troops of 
 three distinct Services, of which this Force has been composed, 
 not one collision of interests has come to the knowledge of 
 the Major-General— all has been harmony j and the good of the 
 service on which the Force has been employed has been the 
 prevailing and first consideration of the combined whole. 
 
 Such creditable bearing must increase the painful feelings of 
 the Major-General to know he is leaving so excellent a force, 
 which he has never been absent from one day — sharing as he 
 has done in its triumphs in the field and living with it in its 
 quarters, — so that he does not consider the subject he is now 
 addressing to them so much in the light of a farewell address as 
 
 * Datod Promo, 27th July 1853. 
 
PART III. 447 
 
 a testimony of the warmest feelings towards his brother soldiers. 
 [The General, after acknowledging the services of the Staff, in- 
 dividually and collectively, proceeds.] The Major-General 
 begs to offer his warmest thanks to Brigadier- General Sir J. 
 Cheape, K.C.B., and to Brigadier-General S. W. Steel, C.B. j 
 to the Brigadiers of the several Brigades, and to the Officers 
 commanding Regiments, for their constant, valuable, and cheer- 
 ful support, by which alone he has been able to sustain the 
 honourable trust reposed in him by Government. [In the 
 address very nattering mention is made of Majors Mayhew, 
 Allen, Boulderson, Budd, and Fraser,* — a galaxy of energy and 
 talent that would do honour to any army. The " brave and 
 ever ready Sappers " are likewise highly commended. Liberal 
 thanks are also bestowed on Brigadier Foord and the Artillery 
 of both Presidencies; on Superintending Surgeon Montgo- 
 merie, and the Medical Officers of Regiments ; and on our excel- 
 lent Chaplains the Reverend H. B. Burney and the Reverend 
 J. W. Bull. The General evidently does his best to wish a kind 
 farewell to all.] 
 
 Burma. 
 
 Burma, or, as it is sometimes called, the kingdom of Ava, 
 occupies nearly a third of the peninsula whose western shore 
 borders the Bay of Bengal to the east, stretching to the Straits of 
 Mi.lacca to the south, and facing the shores of China on the west. 
 It occupies a space of about one hundred and eighty-four thou- 
 sand square miles,f extending from the fourteenth to the twenty- 
 eighth parallel. The river Irawady, which is wholly within 
 the empire, is supposed to be nearly a thousand miles in length. 
 
 * The indefatigable Bengal Engineer, at whose bidding towns rose as if by 
 magic, where all before was desolation and ruin. 
 
 f The entire Indo-Chinese Peninsula, or Eastern India, has a surface of 
 about 700,000 square miles, and a population of 25,000,000, giving 36 persons 
 to each square jnile. 
 
448 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 With, the empire in general we need not at present concern 
 ourselves ; it is on the delta and shores of the Irawady that 
 our attention is pre-eminently concentrated. This noble stream 
 discharges itself by fourteen different mouths into the Bay of 
 Bengal, lat. 18° — just south of Cape Negrais. The delta is 
 supposed to cover an area of about ten thousand square miles, 
 or considerably more than that of the Nile — its three sides are 
 about one hundred and thirty-five, one hundred and forty-five, 
 and one hundred and thirteen miles in length respectively. So 
 far as the tide reaches, the delta of the Irawady is thickly 
 covered with jungle and small-sized trees; after this, vast 
 tracts of lofty grass, interspersed at intervals with tall-sized 
 trees, make their appearance. Rangoon is the marine capital 
 of the empire.* From Rangoon to Ava the distance by the 
 river is close on five hundred miles, and might be traversed 
 against the current by the " Nemesis " or " Phlegethon " in 
 four days. The population is estimated at twenty-five thou- 
 sand. Amarapura is only accessible by vessels of inconsider- 
 able size ; and above this, the river rapidly diminishes in size 
 and depth. Prome, in lat. 18 - 50°, contains a population of 
 about ten thousand inhabitants ; it is said to have been the 
 earliest of the seats of the Government of the empire. Com- 
 pared even to our second-rate Indian cities, those of Burma 
 are in point of magnitude inconsiderable, and in architecture 
 contemptible in the extreme. In lat. 20'30° to the south of 
 the banks of the Irawady, are the famous petroleum wells of 
 Burma; they are about three hundred in number, and cover 
 an area of sixteen square miles of ground. The quantity 
 of mineral oil obtained from them is enormous : when 
 drawn it is thin and watery, but speedily thickens on expo- 
 sure, and affords the profitable source of lamp-light to all 
 the country round. From this all along to Ava, numberless 
 
 * On tho Panlaug or Rangoon river, eastern channel of the Irawady. 
 
PAET III. 449 
 
 fossils of great beauty, both wood and animal remains, simi- 
 lar to those of Perim, prevail ; and should accident throw our 
 warriors in the way of enriching our museums, we trust the 
 opportunity presented will not be lost sight of; specimens 
 sufficient to replace the weight of a single discharge of shot, 
 would fill a cabinet. In the delta the monsoon sets in early 
 in May, and for three months rain pours in torrents— the 
 remainder of the season is almost rainless. The heat of 
 April is oppressive, so the climate there is not unlike our 
 own — with this difference, that they have the wet season a 
 month sooner than we have. — " Bombay Times/' February 
 25, 1852. 
 
 Mortality among the Troops in Burma during the War. 
 
 Frequent allusion has been made in the Narrative (" Pegu") to 
 the health of the troops employed in the operations. This being 
 a subject of vast importance, especially as concerning the pro- 
 bability of our being in time to come urged on to further con- 
 quest in Eastern Asia, the writer, with a view of rendering his 
 work as useful as possible for a reference now and hereafter, 
 begs to submit the following matter to his readers. It has been 
 already stated, from an official return, that in the First Burmese 
 War, " during the first year 3^ per cent, of the troops were killed 
 in action, while 45 per cent, perished from disease. In the 
 ensuing year the mortality decreased one-half; but the total 
 loss during the war amounted to 72\ per cent, of the troops 
 engaged." We were surprised to see a statement in June (1853) 
 purporting to be from the annual returns, that in the Second 
 Burmese War, "during the past year, fifty-four European 
 officers, one thousand three hundred and fifty-three European 
 soldiers, and probably above two thousand sepoys have perished 
 in Burma " ; including all who had from time to time gone 
 away on medical certificate, the facilities for which were 
 very great during the recent campaigns. These figures may 
 be correct, but in our opinion they can scarcely be so. 
 
 29 
 
450 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 With an army more than double the size of ours in the First 
 War, which lasted nearly two years, the grand total of Euro- 
 pean officers killed and deceased amounted to sixty-five ; native 
 commissioned, non-commissioned rank and file, one thousand 
 four hundred and twenty-nine; non-commissioned rank and 
 file Europeans, three thousand one hundred and thirty-four ; 
 and extra killed, deceased, and missing, four hundred and fifty. 
 As has been observed elsewhere, the privations and sufferings 
 of the troops during the First War were infinitely greater than 
 what were endured by us. Mortality throughout the recent 
 campaigns was extremely variable in its character; the Angel 
 of Death continually shifting his quarters, and often abiding 
 in those places where he was least expected. On one or two 
 occasions he made a steady residence at Prome. After re- 
 cording the deaths of Lieutenants Pilmer and Montgomery 
 of H. M/s 51st and 80th Regiments, we had to add to 
 the list the names of Lieutenant-Colonel Coote, H. M/s 18th 
 Royal Irish, and Lieutenant Chisholm, 40th Bengal Native 
 Infantry. The former gallant officer, it will be remembered, 
 commanded the storming party at the attack on the Great 
 Shwe Dagon Pagoda. The Queen's regiments had certainly 
 shared considerably in the mortality of the war. The Com- 
 pany's regiments were more fortunate. Of the former we 
 had no exact statistics ; but a tolerably accurate idea could be 
 gained from what was written in the foregoing chapters. The 
 Madras troops, on the whole, may be said to have suffered less 
 than the Bengal. By the end of May last, out of one hundred 
 and sixty European Bengal Artillerymen who came to Burma 
 at the commencement of the war, upwards of forty had died. 
 Out of say two hundred and thirty European Madras Artillery- 
 men, up to the same time, not more than the above number 
 had died. The Bengal European Fusiliers* had been more 
 
 * Captain Byng died en route from Toungoo to Shw6-gyeen. 
 
PART III. 451 
 
 severely visited than the Madras. From the convenience of a 
 frequent communication between Rangoon and Calcutta, the 
 Bengal sepoys were enabled when sick and unfit for duty to visit 
 their country in considerable numbers ; but notwithstanding 
 this advantage we are not sure if their bill of mortality was less 
 than the Madras. In the 5th Madras Native Infantry, which 
 came to Rangoon from Kyouk Phyoo, in Arakan — a climate 
 not particularly healthy — from June 1852 to June 1853 the 
 deaths amounted to eighty-eight men. From June to August, 
 at Toungoo, they had lost twenty-five — total one hundred and 
 thirteen. Considering — as has been well remarked — that " all 
 Eastern countries are at first unfavourable to the health of 
 Europeans/' * and, it may be added, to that of native sepoys 
 also, there was nothing very alarming in the aspect of the mor- 
 tality among the troops in Burma. Before drawing attention to 
 some interesting tables kindly furnished us by the officer 
 commanding the 1st Madras European Regiment of Fusiliers, 
 it may be remarked that the first is to show the few casualties 
 in the Fusiliers since the day of landing at Rangoon till the 
 end of August 1853, as compared with other European regi- 
 ments in Burma. The second table is to show the salubrity 
 of Toungoo from the few casualties in that corps — six in five 
 months. The third table will interest those who make investi- 
 gations into probable causes in producing certain effects, as it 
 shows the quantity of arrack drank by four hundred and thirty- 
 one men in five months at Toungoo. 
 
 It was the opinion of Dr. Robertson of H. M.'s 13th Regi- 
 ment — reputed as one of the best informed practitioners for 
 Indian maladies — that during the siege of Jellalabad he had no 
 sickness, and attributed it entirely to the impossibility of obtain- 
 in " liquor. From this, by casting the eye over the table now 
 
 * On the 22nd of April the service lost a very fine young officer, Lieutenant 
 Harris, 19th M.N.I., of the Sappers, who died at Sittang. 
 
 29 * 
 
452 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 presented, perhaps an inference may be drawn from the few 
 casualties at Toungoo, — amounting only to five men, (one of 
 whom, the Quartermaster-Sergeant, died from apoplexy the day 
 after arrival) — that as the liquor drank for five months at this 
 station does not give on an average above half a dram to each 
 man, the predisposition to infectious diseases, which always 
 renders them more fatal where strong drinks are indulged in, 
 had not been seen here. The Government allowance of liquor 
 — two drams a-day when porter was not issued — was ample for 
 the men ; and it appeared to be necessary to health in such a 
 climate as Burma. Often did we hear the highly respectable 
 sergeant say — " I could not get on, sir, without my dram ! " In 
 the heavy monsoon the sentry is relieved from his duty in the 
 morning ; he is wet, cold, and aching — a dram to him then is 
 worth an ocean of physic. The sobriety of the men of the Fusi- 
 liers — there is much to like in that word sobriety, it implies 
 self-denial, whereas Total Abstinence has no human grandeur 
 about it — the sobriety of the Madras Fusiliers, we say, at 
 Toungoo, had been the leading cause of so few casualties having 
 occurred among them ; and the same might have been said of the 
 company of Madras European Artillery under the charge of the 
 writer of this narrative. As regarded the soldier-like appearance 
 and general behaviour of the Company's European troops, they 
 did not suffer by comparison with the best European troops 
 in the world, in spite of some miserable calumnies, founded, 
 as usual, on ignorance, brought at home against them. 
 
 After writing the above, a most interesting document ap- 
 peared, professing to be a list of officers who had either died, 
 been killed, or wounded, or who had been compelled to leave 
 Burma since the commencement of the war, up to the 12th 
 of June 1853. Thus— 
 
PART III. 
 
 453 
 
 
 Killed 
 and 
 Dead. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 s. c* 
 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 4 
 8 
 5 
 4 
 4 
 
 "l 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 "l 
 
 "4 
 
 "5 
 3 
 
 9 
 6 
 
 5 
 4 
 3 
 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 "2 
 
 2 
 
 "l 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 23 
 1 
 9 
 3 
 8 
 7 
 
 2 
 6 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 1 
 1 
 11 
 
 "l 
 1 
 1 
 
 Indian Navy and Bengal Marine 
 H. M.'s 18th Eoyal Irish . . 
 H. M.'s 51st K. 0. L. I. . . 
 H. M.'s 80th Eegiment . . 
 Staff 
 
 
 
 Madras Artillery . . 
 Bengal Artillery . . 
 Bengal Engineers . . 
 Madras Engineers 
 Bengal Fusiliers . . 
 Irregular Cavalry . . 
 5 th Madras Native Infai 
 9th Madras Native Infai 
 19th Madras Native Inf. 
 1st Madras Native Infan 
 35th Madras Native Infg 
 4th Sikhs .... 
 40th Bengal Native Infa 
 67th Bengal Native Infa 
 49th Madras Native Infc 
 
 ltry . 
 ltry . 
 mtry . 
 try . 
 mtry . 
 
 mtry . 
 ntry . 
 mtry . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 58 
 
 45 
 
 89 
 
 The Madras Fusiliers, of which corps a perfect statement is 
 given in the subjoined table, had among officers 4 s. c. The 
 above was a rather more numerous bill of mortality than 
 we at first supposed, although the list was drawn out to the 
 utmost statistical length, some having been set down who 
 did not die in Burma. It will be seen that the two most 
 unfortunate regiments in point of officers, were the 51st 
 Kings Own Light Infantry and the 35th Madras Native 
 Infantry. 
 
 On Sick Certificate. 
 
454 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 -Madras Fusiliers. 
 
 
 "3 
 
 § 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 B 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 "a 
 % 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 S 
 
 3 
 
 DO 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 <M 
 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 02 
 
 w 
 
 a 
 o 
 
 1 
 
 do 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 | 
 
 Strength of Regiment on landing 
 at Rangoon, 13th. September 
 1852 
 
 Casualties by death up to 25th 
 August 1853 .... 
 
 l 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 ■is 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 47 
 5 
 
 sir 
 57 
 
 II. — Martaban Column. 
 
 
 1 
 c 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 B 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 o5 
 
 1 
 ■5 
 
 | 
 3 
 
 m 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 Si 
 a> 
 
 m 
 
 1 
 
 01 
 
 1 
 
 9> 
 02 
 
 i 
 
 ■3 
 
 I 
 
 <D 
 
 B 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 Detachment under Captain Geils, 
 arrived at Toungoo, 22nd Feb- 
 ruary 1853 .... 
 
 Detachment under Captain Re- 
 naud, arrived at Toungoo, 6th 
 March 1853 .... 
 
 Eead-quarters under Major Hill, 
 arrived at Toungoo, 24th April 
 1853 
 
 BrigadierWilliams's escort arrived 
 12th March 1853 . 
 
 Total . 
 
 Casualties by death at head- 
 quarters, up to 25th August 
 1853 
 
 Total . 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 
 9 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 5 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 1 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 21 
 
 2 
 4 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 20 
 20 
 
 136 
 
 158 
 
 1 L 
 
 r,«; 
 28 
 
 378 
 
 4 
 874 
 
PAET III. 
 
 455 
 
 III. — Quantity of Arrack issued at Head-quarters during tho Months 
 specified below. 
 
 Months. 
 
 AllKACK. 
 
 1 
 
 Average Consumption. 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 April 1853. 
 
 May „ 
 
 June ,, 
 
 July 
 
 Aug. 25, „ 
 
 410 
 237 
 
 224 
 264 
 201 
 
 21 
 11 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 
 431 
 430 
 429 
 
 428 
 427 
 
 Nearly l^th drams per man daily. 
 
 7-10ths „ 
 Less than 7-10ths „ „ ,, 
 Nearly 4-5ths „ ,, „ 
 „ 3-4ths „ „ „ 
 
 Total . . 
 
 1338 
 
 83 
 
 2145 
 
 General average, 5-6ths dram per 
 man daily. 
 
 By an official memorandum from Simla, 16th August 1864, 
 His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief directed that " com- 
 manding officers will report on the results of the general order 
 dated 21st June 1864, restricting the issue of spirits from can- 
 teens to one dram per diem for each man." When these re- 
 ports are compared, it may be found that the one dram only 
 has some effect on the conduct, health, and saving propensities 
 of the European soldier. Anyway, such a step shows the in- 
 terest taken by His Excellency in the soldier's welfare in the 
 East. In the garrison artillery battery at Rangoon (1864) we 
 may say that every man, who was able, took his dram daily. 
 Out of say sixty-four men, the generality of the gunners 
 preferred arrack to porter, on account of their being able to 
 get a dram for one anna, whereas two pints of porter cost 
 three annas (fourpence half-penny). One dram and two 
 pints of porter was the allowance for the soldier; and it 
 used to be, as before remarked, two drams a day when porter 
 was not issued. It is not good in Burma (so some doctors 
 think) to drink much beer in the wet weather. In the writer's 
 battery, the men smoked a good deal, though not to excess ; 
 
456 
 
 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 and, in five years in Burma, the average of mortality did not 
 exceed one a year. 
 
 The Campaign in Burma, 1853, 
 At Toungoo, towards the end of September, a new Indian 
 periodical* fell into our hands, evidently most ably conducted, 
 and to which we wished every success. The July number con- 
 tained a paper with the above title, from which a few useful 
 notes may be culled, supplementary to information which has 
 already appeared. 
 
 In the beginning of January 1853, the British force in 
 Burma under the command of General Godwin gave a body 
 composed of — 
 
 1 Troop of Horse Artillery. 
 
 1 Light Field Battery. 
 
 5 Companies of Foot Artillery. 
 
 4 Companies of Sappers. 
 
 2 Troops of Cavalry. 
 
 5 Regiments of British Infantry. 
 8 Regiments of Native Infantry. 
 
 The above might, on the 1st of January 1853, be fairly 
 reckoned as ten thousand men of all arms, who were scattered 
 over the face of Pegu, from Prome to the sea. 
 
 During the autumn of 1852 the want of carriage being much 
 felt by the army, and it being necessary to provide against the 
 necessity of an advance by land upon the capital, the Governor- 
 General decided on despatching two hundred elephants by way 
 of Assam and the borders of Arakan, which, entering the 
 valley of the Irawady through the Toungoo Pass, should pro- 
 ceed immediately to Prome and join the head-quarters of the 
 army under General Godwin. With a small escort of sepoys 
 under the command of Captain Baugh of the 26th Bengal 
 Light Infantry, this enormous living column commenced its 
 
 * " East India Army Magazine and Military Review." 
 
PAET III.' 457 
 
 march. The frontier line in the immediate vicinity of Arakan 
 was held by the 68th Bengal Native Infantry and the Arakan 
 Battalion, under the command of Major Maling and Captain 
 Barry; and a strong detachment of H. M/s 18th Royal Irish 
 and 4th Sikhs, under command of Major Edwards, marched 
 from Prome to receive charge of the elephants and reinforce 
 their escort whilst proceeding through the Toungoo Pass into 
 Pegu. [Then follows a detailed account of Captain NuthalFs 
 successful capture of the strong stockade of Nareghain, or as a 
 London critic expressively styles the feat, " the brilliant taking 
 of the Aeng Pass." Captain Sutherland being left in command 
 of the stockade so gallantly captured, all fears regarding the 
 safety of the elephants or their escort were at an end.] 
 
 About seventy-five miles to the eastward of Bassein the 
 Burmese had^ strongly intrenched themselves in a stockade 
 which they had erected on the left bank of the Duggah creek, 
 and had not only planted some small guns within their en- 
 trenchments, but had staked the creek from bank to bank, with 
 a view of preventing the possibility of an attack or approach by 
 water. From this stockade bands of armed men would issue, 
 eager for plunder and rapine, keeping the surrounding districts 
 in a state of uneasiness and alarm, and ready to fall upon any 
 detached parties of the British forces which might be escorting 
 baggage or stores on the great lines of communication ; and 
 Captain Fytche saw the necessity of dispersing and destroying 
 them before he could hope to restore the confidence of the 
 inhabitants or settle the district. On the 21st January, then, 
 accompanied by Captain Rennie, at the head of eighty armed 
 sailors, and four small guns under the charge of Lieutenant 
 Manderson of the Bengal Artillery, Captain Fytche sailed in 
 the " Nemesis " to meet the boats of the " Zenobia/' towing 
 which the little steamer made its way up the Duggah Creek. 
 
458 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 [The adventures of this gallant body till the end of the month 
 were of the most brilliant description.] On the termination 
 of the gallant affair against the Minku, the British sailors im- 
 mediately returned to Laruinah, worn out with fatigue, but full 
 of rejoicing at their success, which all parties united in mainly 
 attributing to the gallantry and untiring energy of Captain 
 Fytche. 
 
 Regarding the Donabew disaster, the " Review " says — It 
 would appear that Captain Loch, a truly gallant sailor, as- 
 sumed improperly the command of the united force; an 
 assumption which Major Minchin appears to have succumbed 
 to, overlooking, or being ignorant of the rule, which assigns 
 the command of a united force on land to the senior military 
 officer, just as rigidly as it does to the naval officer at sea. 
 [See also " Pegu," page 231. — Captain Loch died of his wounds 
 6th February 1853. His remains were interred at Rangoon, 
 beside young Doran, who fell on the 14th of April.] 
 
 [We briefly narrated the insurrection at Beling in the Narra- 
 tive ("Pegu"),* and the doings of the gallant detachment of the 
 1st Madras Native Infantry under Captain Wright and Ensign 
 Newdick of that regiment.] It was then at once determined 
 to recapture Beling. The Governor-General despatched four 
 companies of the 2nd Bengal Europeans to occupy Maulmain, 
 while a column advanced against Moung-Goung. Through the 
 indefatigable exertions of the troops — men of the 49th and 1st 
 Madras Native Infantry, a company of Bengal Fusiliers from 
 Sittang, and a small detail of Madras Artillery — and the marked 
 zeal of Colonel Bogle, Captain Berdmore, Majors Hall and 
 Gottrcux, and others, Beling was recaptured,! and Captain 
 Berdmore offered a reward of one thousand rupees for Moung- 
 Goung. 
 
 * Pp. 290-91. t 19th April 1853. 
 
PAET III. 459 
 
 Meteorological Notice of Burma. 
 
 April. — This is the hottest month in the year. The ther- 
 mometer ranges during the day from 90° to 95 °, and the 
 heat is very oppressive, especially during the latter part of 
 the month, relieved, however, by a breeze from the south and 
 south-west, which springs up about 10 o'clock in the forenoon. 
 Rain rarely falls in this month, although sometimes it does 
 in small quantities. [At Toungoo, during this month, the 
 thermometer in houses stood at 105°.] 
 
 May. — During this month the monsoon changes, which 
 usually takes place from the 15th to the end. The weather, 
 till this happens, is similar to that experienced last month. 
 Occasional showers and north-westers prevail during the latter 
 part, at times attended with the most vivid lightning and loud 
 thunder. Average fall of rain during the month about fifteen 
 inches. 
 
 June. — This may be called the first month of the south-west 
 monsoon. The heavy rains which fall now cool the air and 
 encourage vegetation. Violent gusts of wind and heavy squalls, 
 generally from the south, are frequent, commonly about the 
 middle of the month. Average fall of rain forty inches. 
 
 July. — This month is attended with very heavy rains and 
 much wind; the weather is gloomy, stormy, and cool, whilst 
 at intervals it is fair and mild, particularly from 4 to 7 in 
 the afternoon ; with so much regularity does this occur, that 
 during this and next month we can almost depend on twenty- 
 three days to enjoy a fair afternoon. Average fall of rain from 
 fifty to sixty inches, though seventy have been known to fall 
 during the month. 
 
 August. — The heaviest rains usually fall in this month. The 
 weather is cool and pleasant but for the dampness, which is 
 very destructive to clothes, books, &c. The wind blows strong 
 and steady from the south-west quarter during the whole of 
 
460 OUR BUEMESE WARS. 
 
 the month, with few deviations from that point. Average fall 
 of rain fifty-five inches. 
 
 September. — The rains subside considerably towards the 
 middle of the month; and from that to the first or second 
 week of October the change of the monsoon usually takes 
 place, with its accompaniments of north- westers, lightning, and 
 thunder. Towards the end the winds are generally light 
 and variable, and the weather is cool. Average fall of rain 
 thirty inches. 
 
 October. — Showers fall occasionally to the middle of the 
 month. Winds light and variable, blowing from the north-east 
 to the south ; lightning and thunder are frequent during the 
 evenings and nights, and the weather is cool. During the 
 latter part of the month the wind blows light from the north- 
 east in the day, veering to the south in the evening. Average 
 fall of rain five inches. 
 
 November. — This is the first month of what is called the 
 cold season. The days are hot, with scarcely any wind, but 
 the nights are cool and agreeable. Towards the end a delight- 
 ful breeze from the north springs up about 9 or 10 o'clock, 
 changing to the south-east during the night. Rain seldom, 
 and then trifling in quantity. 
 
 December. — This is the most pleasant month in the year. A 
 refreshing breeze from the north springs up about 10 o'clock, 
 veering by the east to the south in the evening; mornings 
 and evenings cold ; fogs frequent from 7 to 9 o'clock in the 
 mornings, and towards the end of the month dense. No rain. 
 Copied from the " Notice " in the Madras Artillery 
 Hospital at Rangoon. 
 
 Addendum. — With the exception of increased heat, what is 
 said above of December is nearly applicable to January and 
 February. The month of March (ta-goo la hi Burmese, la 
 meaning month), for the most part very hot and sultry, with 
 an occasional breeze for a short period, day and night. During 
 this month and the next the Burmese hold a water feast, to hail 
 
PART III. 461 
 
 a beneficial monsoon for their crops ; also another water feast 
 in September, towards the end of the monsoon."* 
 
 Anecdotes of Donabew. 
 
 When the manuscript of " Pegu " had been despatched to 
 Europe for publication, the Author received another account of 
 Sir John Cheapens operations against Myat-htoon from an 
 officer engaged. This being the second authentic description 
 from the scene of action, in addition to the Despatch, the 
 writer hoped to gather something more of interest for his 
 readers. That he was not disappointed the following anecdotes 
 of bravery will show : — 
 
 An Afghan havildar of the 4th Sikhs, named Jezut Khan, 
 behaved splendidly on the 17th. On the 11th some of his 
 caste were killed and wounded when the enemy attacked our 
 rear-guard. He then took an oath on his sword tl at he would 
 kill a Burman with it or die; accordingly on the 17th he ad- 
 vanced ahead of every one else, determined to be revenged. 
 When he got about fifteen yards from the breastwork he re- 
 ceived one shot in the hip and another in the arm, but this did 
 not deter him in the least, and he still continued to push on. 
 When he got almost within reach for the sacred sword to begin 
 its work, he was shot right through the body ; and thus the 
 brave Afghan fell ! [This anecdote has a special interest at 
 the present time (Dec. 1879) .] 
 
 On the 19th Sergeant-Major Fury of the 4th Sikhs behaved 
 very gallantly. When we got within eighty yards of the 
 deadly breastwork, and some men did not move forward with 
 that alacrity he thought desirable, he became almost frantic 
 with rage. To use the graphic language of the narrator, " he 
 
 * According to Lieutenant Chase (" Burmese Hand-Book "), the true epoch 
 of Burman time is the annihilation of Gautama, 540 years before Christ. 
 Time is measured by lunar months, 12 of which make a common year, and 
 every third year admits an intercalar month of 30 days. A month is distin- 
 guished into two parts, the waxing and the wane. The full moon falls on the 
 15th of the waxing, the change on the 14th or 15th of the wane. 
 
462 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 began kicking and striking Europeans and Natives right and 
 left, to make them go on ; and whilst thus engaged he was 
 shot dead, with three bullets through him." 
 
 Whatever people may say to the contrary, incidents such as 
 these are always found in the realities of war ; and there is no 
 satisfactory way of accounting for them.* 
 
 The late Duke op Wellington on the Second 
 Burmese War. 
 
 Everything from the pen of the late illustrious Duke of 
 Wellington is of interest to the British nation. The inde- 
 fatigable Earl of Ellenborough had asked the Government for 
 the production of a Despatch written twenty-eight years ago, 
 which embodied the Duke's opinion regarding the First Bur- 
 mese War. His Lordship, it is well known, had evinced a 
 decided hostility to the cause and prosecution of the present 
 war. The result of his demand was an answer from Lord 
 Aberdeen, and a justification from Lord Derby. The latter 
 was supported by the opinion of the Duke on the present war, 
 which, " as one of the last public productions of His Grace, is 
 worthy of perusal and record," — and which the Author felt the 
 necessity of inserting as a lasting ornament to his Narrative. 
 
 Earl Derby said — " I am sure your Lordships will not think 
 I am trespassing on your patience if I read to the House this 
 memorandum by the noble and gallant Duke, and which only 
 his death has prevented us receiving from his own mouth : — 
 
 " f It appears to me/ he says, 'that the war could not be 
 averted ; that the operations fixed upon were judicious ; have 
 been ably carried into execution, and with great gallantry, by 
 
 * In junglo and stockade warfare particularly, it has occasionally (though- 
 very seldom) been found difficult to make young British troops advance on an 
 enomywith the often desirable impetuosity; and, perhaps, this is an argument 
 in favour of not employing too young and inexperienced soldiers on such service. 
 The great Duke thought young cavalry more liable to panic than young in- 
 fantry; and also that the bravest soldiers maybe "terrified" in a peculiar 
 stato of action. 
 
PAET III. 463 
 
 the Officers and troops ; and that a commencement has been 
 made to require from, and enable the Government to consider 
 of the means to be adopted for the restoration of peace, and the 
 terms on which peace should be restored. I concur with the 
 Governor-General in thinking it will be absolutely necessary 
 to retain possession of all that has fallen into the hands of the 
 British troops — that is, Rangoon, Martaban, and even Bassein, 
 Pegu, and the whole province so- called. My opinion is that 
 it will be necessary to continue the preparations for carrying 
 on the operations of the war till the Sovereign of Ava shall 
 be convinced of the necessity of signing a treaty, by the pro- 
 visions of which all these dominions will be ceded to the 
 British Government, or till the State of Ava shall be destroyed. 
 A mere military possession of these districts would be but an 
 inglorious and little secure result of these successful operations. 
 I confess that I am inclined to expect that the means adopted 
 to cut off from Ava the supplies of corn usually received by 
 imports from sea, will have the effect of producing efforts 
 to obtain peace by negotiation ; but if not, the British Go- 
 vernment ought to be in a state of military preparation to 
 advance upon Ava, — to enforce the abandonment of the capital, 
 and even of Amarapura. It may be relied upon that the 
 natives of the East are not better prepared than we are to 
 abar don their dwellings in the winter, and to live in the jungles 
 and mountains. The Government suspected of intending to 
 take such a course would be abandoned by all its followers. 
 At all events, the military possession and tenure of provinces 
 and possessions upon the sea-coast would be considered in a 
 very different light, the Government of Ava being there seated 
 in strength, as under existing circumstances ; or being driven 
 out and weakened towards Amarapura, or farther on in the 
 mountains, as is supposed in the printed papers. I conceive, 
 therefore, that it will be necessary to assemble the large force 
 proposed, even though it should be determined to insist upon 
 the cession of all the maritime possessions of the State of Ava. 
 
464 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 These must be ceded by the stipulations of a treaty of peace, 
 or the State must be destroyed. If, after all, the Sove- 
 reign should treat for peace in order to save his State, he 
 must be made to pay the expenses of the war. The neces- 
 sity for providing specially for the security of the people 
 of Pegu, discussed in the Minutes of the Members of the 
 Council, appears to me to be disposed of; but it may be 
 relied upon that the point will have much effect in both Houses 
 of Parliament. It appears to me that the people of Pegu have 
 already, by their conduct, acquired the right to claim protection 
 by stipulation of treaty, if the province should be restored to 
 the Government of Ava, however objectionable all such pro- 
 visions of treaties, as leading to, and rendering necessary, 
 interference in the internal affairs of a foreign nation. The 
 demand of the cession would certainly be preferable to resto- 
 ration, with a stipulation of amnesty to the people of Pegu, of 
 which it would be necessary for the British Government to 
 enforce the execution/ " — March 5, 1853. 
 
 Cost of the War. 
 
 Next to the expenditure of human life in a war, ranks the 
 expenditure of treasure. This latter, in an age filled with rash 
 " economists and calculators," had apparently been much over- 
 rated. Even two million pounds sterling was not too great a 
 price to pay for the advantages gained by the annexation of 
 Pegu. But nine hundred and twenty thousand pounds only 
 was said to be a " close approximation " to the cost of the war 
 for seventeen months. Among the items, of course the Com- 
 missariat charges were the principal, or two hundred and fifty 
 thousand pounds. In round numbers the expense of the war, 
 therefore, was little over six hundred and fifty thousand pounds 
 a year. We thought, however, the entire cost might be safely 
 put down at two millions. [Eventually, Ave heard it did not 
 exceed three] 
 
PAT?T TTT. 465 
 
 Me ADA V. 
 
 Meaday, signifying in the Burmese language " very rich/' 
 Avas nearly deserted on our occupation of it, there being 
 scarcely a house in the whole place in a fit condition for 
 quartering troops. There were but few inhabitants and a very 
 inferior bazaar. The space occupied by the villagers was outside 
 the south gate, extending one hundred yards in length and 
 breadth ; all beyond this was inundated during the monsoon, 
 and cultivated in the dry season. "Our frontier station," 
 wrote Lieutenants Bridge and Lloyd in their Report, " is about 
 fifteen feet above the highest rise of the river, surrounded by 
 a stockade, forming an island in the height of the monsoon. 
 Our present position extends from the south gate to the breast- 
 work marked C on the ' Plan of the Stockade of Meaday/* 
 but will be extended on the arrival of more troops. This has 
 proved to be one of our healthiest stations, only six deaths 
 having occurred from the end of January to the end of June, 
 out of a force of nearly five hundred men. The heat is ex- 
 cessive during the months of March, April, and May, the 
 thermometer averaging from 104° to 111° in the houses." 
 
 By a Government Notification of the 5th May 1853, Mr. 
 E. O'ftiley was appointed Assistant Commissioner at Toungoo, 
 under the Commissioner of Pegu. 
 
 * " Pegu," p. 237. 
 
 30 
 
466 OUE BURMESE WARS. 
 
 FART IV 
 
 Before and After the Resident's Departure. 
 
 " Meanwhile he drew wise morals from his play, 
 And in these solemn periods stalked away ! " 
 
 Old Epilogue. 
 
 After all that Mr. St. Barbe had borne and suffered at Mandalay, 
 we can easily imagine him muttering to himself a couplet like the 
 above as he went quietly and pensively on board the steamer which 
 was to carry him to our frontier station of Thayetmyo. There 
 could be little doubt that the day our Resident left the capital 
 would be like that on which may yet be sounded the death- 
 knell of Upper Burma's independenee — an event, if not yet at 
 hand, one which cannot be much longer delayed in the interests 
 of humanity, commerce, and civilisation ! The King and his 
 advisers had been fairly weighed in the balances, and sadly found 
 wanting ; but now we must look on what is past as clouds of insig- 
 nificant result in the prospect so " bright and advancing." After 
 the Resident's departure, some interesting particulars were pub- 
 lished. Even Major Halstead, on this occasion, could be "the 
 last man " no longer. 
 
PART IV. 467 
 
 " Thayetmyo, Sunday, October 12. 
 "The following is the true account of the withdrawal of our 
 Mission from Mandalay : — 
 
 "Early on the morning of the 6th instant the Eesident sent 
 round a peon with the following circular to the various British 
 residents : — 
 
 " ' October 6th. — The Government of India have decided to 
 remove for the present their representative and establishment. 
 They hope, however, that the temporary absence of a British officer 
 from the capital will in no way affect the friendly relations at 
 present existing between the two Governments. 
 
 " ' It is my duty, however, to apprise you of my intentions, and 
 to advertise them publicly as speedily as possible. I am proceed- 
 ing at once on board the " Panthay," leaving my baggage to 
 follow. 
 
 " ' Should you consider it necessary to adopt similar measures, 
 you will arrive at the wharf almost as soon as ourselves. In any 
 case the steamer will be detained a sufficient time to admit of your 
 communicating your resolve.' 
 
 "At the Residency no packing was allowed, lest an alarm should 
 be given. The circulars sent out, the Staff proceeded to the 
 steamer, and the peon returning from delivering the circulars 
 found the Residency closed and the Burmese in possession. 
 
 " These would not permit the baggage to be removed without 
 orders from the King. 
 
 "Some hours afterwards a courteous letter was received allowing 
 the removal of the baggage. 
 
 " Upon the receipt of the circular the European residents and 
 British subjects hurried down to the wharf as fast as possible ; 
 even Major Halstead, the only man who remained behind during 
 the troubles in Major Sladen's time, left on this occasion. 
 
 "Andriano, who is flotilla agent and Italian Consul, remained, as 
 he considered that there was no danger. 
 
 " Commercial affairs, as might be imagined, are completely upset 
 by this sudden move. Traders refuse to undertake the delivery 
 of imports, and a feverish anxiety prevails all down the river to 
 get goods for export away safely. 
 
 " At Mandalay all is quiet. The Ministers believe that a new 
 Resident will be appointed directly, and they are showing their 
 
 30 * 
 
468 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 confidence in peace "by sending some of their steamers down to 
 Rangoon ; others are to follow in a few days. 
 
 " Two of the flotilla steamers loft Mandalay on the 7th. Two 
 others, which were on their way up, turned back on receiving the 
 news. 
 
 " All arrived safely at Thayetmyo yesterday. 
 
 " Confidence is, however, rapidly returning, and three of the 
 flotilla steamers are leaving Thayetmyo to-day for Mandalay. 
 
 " The American missionaries have remained at Bhamo. Should 
 hostilities occur they purpose seeking safety in China. 
 
 " Before the ' Panthay ' arrived at Menhla a slight disturbance 
 occurred. The Burmese officials boarded the steamer and insisted 
 upon arresting some Burmese British subjects who were coming 
 down from Mandalay. 
 
 " The Resident interfered energetically, and the guard of Ma- 
 drasees stood to their arms. 
 
 " Finallv the Burmese officials gave way, and the ' Panthay ' pro- 
 ceeded down the river. 
 
 " The Resident has reported to the Government that the King 
 has summoned men from every village to proceed to Mandalay to 
 protect it. 
 
 " Although there were numerous passengers proceeding to Man- 
 dalay by the steamers which were stopped on their way up and 
 returned to Thayetmyo, none of them go up by the steamer which 
 leaves to-day for Mandalay, but all return in the boats for Rangoon." 
 — By telegraph, from the "Standard's" Special Correspondent. 
 
 Following up the telegraphic account given the previous day, the 
 " Standard " of the 14th of October had an excellent leader on the 
 withdrawal of our Resident, and. the probable results ; but we are 
 afraid, when the writer talks of the chances of war having become 
 " remote," ho is over-sanguine, and has coloured the peaceful picture 
 too highly. We may not have war ; but something must be done to 
 change the government of Upper Burma, in order to promote peace 
 and commerce in Lower ! The following extract from the article 
 in question is most interesting at the present time : — 
 
 " On the whole it is difficult to conceive how a British Residency 
 in a semi-civilised country, governed by an impetuous and blood- 
 thirsty young autocrat like Tbeebau, could have been withdrawn 
 
 with less friction. 
 
 " The departure of Mr. St. Barbe will, of course, have a serious 
 
PART IV. 409 
 
 effect upon the trade which usually flows between British and Upper 
 Burma. Six months ago the merchants of Rangoon were vaguely 
 calling upon the Government of India to do something because 
 their import trade was almost at a standstill, and articles of com- 
 merce were coming slowly from Upper Burma. The local Chamber 
 of Commerce prepared a statement for the consideration of the 
 authorities, showing that Eangoon traders were suffering at the 
 rate of some millions a year. Now that something like a crisis 
 has actually occurred in the relations between the Government of 
 India and the Government of Independent Burma, business will 
 become worse than ever. The cotton, teak, dye, and rice trade, 
 which, under ordinary circumstances, flows briskly along the Ira- 
 wacly, will be paralysed under the influence of two beliefs — one, 
 that there will be no security for British goods sent into Upper 
 Burma; and the other, that articles despatched from Upper Burma 
 will neither be purchased nor paid for in Lower Burma. This 
 injury to a trade which has made Pegu one of the most thriving 
 countries under the Government of India, and transformed Rangoon 
 from an unimportant mart into one of the most rising ports in the 
 East, is to be regretted, but it is certain to be only of temporary 
 duration." 
 
 Of course it would be wrong to credit all we hear from 
 Mandalay ; but, judging from the antecedents of the Golden Foot, 
 the following royal act, after the Resident's departure, has a 
 decided stamp of truth about it : — King Theebau telegraphed to 
 the Chief Commissioner "sarcastically" ("Daily News" corre- 
 spondent), stating he was sorry that the British Agent left so 
 precipitately, as there was no chance of sending an officer of rank 
 to escort him to the steamer! The force of political etiquette 
 could surely no farther go. A telegram of the 14th, from Thayet- 
 myo announced that a special boat from Menhla — some forty miles 
 above the former station, and also on the right bank of the river — 
 brought the report that large bodies of armed men were massing 
 there. The Governor, however, who was "friendly," said that the 
 flotilla steamer would be free from molestation. Of course we 
 must conciliate the King's subjects on the frontier as much as 
 possible. It is hardly to be believed that even King Theebau pro- 
 jects any attack on British territory — which would at once force on 
 a war — especially when he has heard of General Roberts' splendid 
 and successful march on Cabul ! But, at any time, an insane fit 
 
470 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 on the part of the Golden Toot may make him the aggressor, and 
 force us into speedy action ; so the only way is to keep on adopting 
 the Napierean motto of Ready — aye Ready !— 16th October, 
 1879. 
 
 Eulogy on Mr. Shaw. 
 
 " In reply to the despatch of the Government of India reporting 
 the death of Mr. Shaw, acting Political Resident at Mandalay, the 
 Secretary of State makes the following remarks : — ' I have received 
 this intelligence with great regret. Mr. Shaw had on various occa- 
 sions rendered good service to the Government of India. His 
 recent conduct of affairs at Mandalay was marked by coolness and 
 sound judgment, and, had he survived, would have entitled him to 
 high commendation. The loss of an officer of so much promise is 
 the more to be deplored as the knowledge and experience he had 
 acquired would have been of essential value in Upper Burma.' " — 
 " Allen's Indian Mail," October 27th, 1879. 
 
 An Envoy from Mandalay to the Viceroy. 
 
 At the end of October the most important news from Mandalay 
 was that a Woondouk (Minister or Secretary of State) had been sent 
 as an envoy to the Viceroy. The Deputy Commissioner of Thayet- 
 myo had received orders to detain him and question him as to his 
 mission. The envoy was detained by orders of the Chief Commis- 
 sioner, pending the receipt of further orders from the Viceroy. 
 Despatches from Thayetmyo, received by the " Standard " early in 
 November, stated that the object of the mission sent by the King 
 of Burma to the Viceroy was understood to be to re-establish 
 diplomatic relations with England. The Embassy was still de- 
 tained pending the sanction of the Chief Commissioner to their 
 going on, and the King was said to be much irritated at their 
 detention. A European lady had been permitted to have an inter- 
 view with the King, who stated that, if attacked, he should defend 
 his frontier, but that if beaten he would offer no further defence. 
 He thought the English too impatient in their demand for a re- 
 vision of the treaty with his father, and said that he would never 
 yield to the claim that he should dispense with the ceremony of 
 taking off shoes on entering his presence. 
 
 News had reached Rangoon from Mandalay that the King had 
 
I 'ART IV. 471 
 
 arranged that as soon as war was declared, Rangoon should he 
 burnt down by his emissaries, who were also to receive 500 rs. 
 " for each member of the royal family killed on the occasion." His 
 Majesty was most anxious " that this kind service might be ren- 
 dered to one of the princes, who, in the days of his childhood, 
 dared to box his royal ears in some childish squabble," the memory 
 of which still rankled in his royal breast. It was also affirmed 
 that the Mandalay royal lotteries had been attended with the loss 
 of not a few lives. 
 
 The Customs Officers. 
 
 Towards the end of October, the Irawady flotilla continued to 
 enter Burma ; but the attitude of the Governor of Menhla towards 
 the British preventive officers was by no means satisfactory. He 
 strongly objected to their accompanying steamers ; but as their 
 right to accompany them is distinctly guaranteed by treaty, his 
 objection, it was said, would not be regarded, and ampie compensa- 
 tion would be demanded " in case of any insult or outrage to pre- 
 ventive officers." This difficulty alone was thought to " keep the 
 door open " for hostilities. Another despatch from Rangoon said 
 that the question of the customs officers in the flotilla was becom- 
 ing serious ; and the local Government was determined to send 
 them up. Then, at the same time, the Burmese Premier had tele- 
 graphed, expressing his satisfaction at the continuance of steamer 
 communication ! Mandalay was quiet ; the Residency was occu- 
 pied by a Burmese Prince; and the Church compound by Phon- 
 gyees. A Rangoon-Chinese firm had received orders from its 
 Mandalay Agent to send up goods. 
 
 The Nyoung-Yan Prince. — The Church at Mandalay. 
 
 An opinion was entertained at Rangoon that, in the event of a 
 campaign, it would be rendered easier if, on the declaration of 
 hostilities, Nyoung-Yan (or Nyoungyan) were publicly recognised 
 as the British nominee, and received with royal honours, while a 
 proclamation was issued placing him on the Burmese throne. This 
 was thought by some to be preferable to annexation ; but, as before 
 remarked, we must, in some fashion or other — to secure the peace 
 of British Burma — reign supreme at Mandalay. Great regret was 
 expressed at the abandonment of the splendid church there. It 
 
472 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 was built for the zealous missionary, Dr. Marks, by the late King, 
 " but no option was left to the Rev. Mr. Colbeck." He found it 
 impossible to save the font presented to the church by Her 
 Majesty the Queen. There was a rumour that the church had been 
 burnt to the ground ; but it was said that respect for his father 
 would induce even King Theebau " to spare the sacred building." 
 It would probably be made into a Burmese monastery, or Kyoung. 
 
 Rev. Me. Colbeck and the Burmese Ladies. 
 
 In noticing the withdrawal of our Resident from Mandalay, it 
 should have been mentioned that the party consisted of Mr. St. Barbe, 
 Dr. Ferris, and the Rev. Mr. Colbeck. We also read in " Allen " 
 the pleasing and noble fact that two ladies of rank belonging to 
 the palace, who " had owed their previous immunity from massacre 
 to Mr. Colbeck's humanity, were safely embarked on board the 
 steamer." 
 
 Trade of British Burma (1878-79). 
 
 " The annual trade and navigation returns for British Burma 
 exhibit a very satisfactory increase. The large extension of trade 
 carried on by private persons is especially referred to by the local 
 Administration, who point with satisfaction to the legitimate de- 
 mand which prevails both for the produce of the country and for 
 goods imported, the improved condition of the people enabling 
 them to purchase readily and at rates fairly remunerative to those 
 engaged in the trade. We are told that, although the exports to 
 Upper Burma, at one per cent, duty, show an increase in value 
 rather than a decrease, yet the trade would have been much 
 greater if the country had been more settled. In June 1878 the 
 King actively interfered with both the import and export trade, 
 and the dealers in imports declined to buy largely, while the ex- 
 ports of grain and pulses were practically prohibited, because the 
 customs farmer demanded an extra five per cent, duty on this pro- 
 duce. In August, His Majesty purchased large quantities of 
 piece-goods, and gave them to his suldiers as pay. These goods 
 were re-sold in the Mandalay bazaar at any prices they would 
 fetch, thus seriously interfering with the usual retail trade. Towards 
 the end of September the rumoured death of the King, Moung 
 
PART IV. 
 
 473 
 
 Lon (Mengdon), caused considerable excitement; the native mer- 
 chants ceased shipping, and many who held stocks in Mandalay 
 and in other towns beyond the frontier brought them back to Ran- 
 goon. After King Theebau had been proclaimed successor to his 
 father, business improved, and continued brisk until the middle 
 of February, when the reports which reached Rangoon in regard 
 to the massacre of his relatives by the new King almost put a 
 stop to purchases for Upper Burma, and there was no revival 
 of trade up to the close of the year. The result of this was 
 that the stocks of cotton, silk, and woollen goods in bond on 
 March 31, 1879, were much in excess of the stocks on the same 
 date in 1878. The imports from Bombay were valued at 8,22,849 rs.j 
 from Bengal, 1,78,08,191 rs. ; and from Madras 25,85,827 rs." 
 
 It was generally considered in Rangoon (October 19th) that the 
 "rupture of diplomatic relations" between the British and Bur- 
 mese Governments had given a severe shock to trade ; and it was 
 confidently affirmed that trade could never recover a really healthy 
 condition until confidence was restored by a fresh treaty, pro- 
 perly enforced or guaranteed, or by a successful campaign. 
 Early hostilities were considered by some as inevitable ; but 
 others held that they would be staved off as long as possible, as 
 the Government of India was averse to war. 
 
 THE "MANDALAY GAZETTE." 
 Despatch from the Viceroy. 
 
 To furnish intelligence regarding the Burmese Mission, to the 
 latest date, the Author deems it advisable to add the follow- 
 ing information from two of the London daily journals — the 
 "Daily News" and "Standard" of the 11th and 8th De- 
 cember respectively. The former's correspondent, writing from 
 Rangoon, November 9, gives important notes regarding the 
 " Mandalay Gazette," evidently the " Court Journal " of Upper 
 Burma. 
 
 No one had yet seen King Theebau's letter to the Viceroy; 
 but the terms of it were understood to be embodied in an article 
 
474 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 in this amusing specimen of Mandalay periodical literature. 
 The " Gazette " is described as " a wonderful paper," full of 
 " announcements of extraordinary dreams and portents and 
 queer superstitions." Everything good proceeds from " the 
 Majesty of the Ruler of Land and Sea, and proves his power 
 not only over Upper Burma, but over the province of Pegu 
 and the ' dismal swamps by the sea/ as the Burmans style our 
 territories." Leaders are unknown in the " Gazette/' except 
 " when dictated by a Minister, as no doubt the follow- 
 ing article Avas. It appeared in the issue of October 13, 
 Thadiugyart, waning moon, 1241 " : — 
 
 " The Political Agent in charge of the British Residency at the 
 Golden City, considering it improper to continue in the place, and 
 being about to leave, wrote to the Burmese authorities on the 6th 
 October 1879, informing them of the same, and, immediately 
 after sending the letter, left with three other officers and the 
 Residency guard; also calling away a number of British regis- 
 tered subjects. Considering that nothing strange had occurred, 
 and whilst the Burmese and British Governments continued on 
 friendly terms, and no single instance of a breach of the Treaty 
 conditions had taken place, to write, simply stating that it was 
 thought improper to stay any longer in the Golden City, and then 
 all of a sudden and at once to depart, like one who, seeing and 
 fearing danger, leaves to avoid it, so hurriedly as the British 
 officers have done, is a matter for wonder to all who have heard 
 of it. The merchants, traders, and people generally of the two 
 countries, seeing and knowing the manner in which the British 
 officers acted, making matters out to be more serious than they 
 are, by their hurried and sudden retreat, naturally ascribed it to 
 various causes, resulting in the stoppage of trade and damage 
 and ruin to traders. The Burmese authorities have always acted 
 with the view to maintain friendly relations between the two 
 countries, and were watchful that all they did should be in ac- 
 cordance with the terms of the Treaty. But the very sudden 
 and hurried retreat of the British officers caused a serious panic ; 
 the people became uneasy, and imagined all sorts of things, re- 
 sulting in the stoppage of trade and the consequent damage and 
 ruin to business. The time having arrived when the Government 
 
PAET IV. 475 
 
 should protect and care for its people, it became necessary, in 
 order to revive trade and to encourage traders to continue their 
 business in an easy state of mind, and also to allow them to travel 
 about freely and quietly, for the Government to nominate coura- 
 geous and able Ministers of high rank to proceed to and protect 
 and watch the towns of Melloon, Menhla, Tounghoo, Yamecthen, 
 the villages of Mobyai, Buigon, and other frontier towns and 
 stations. When the British officers were leaving they also sent a 
 letter asking the Burmese authorities to protect and take care of 
 all goods, persons, and things (British property) in Mandalay. To 
 enable the Burmese authorities to comply with said request a 
 letter was sent back asking for a list of the property to be taken 
 care of, to which, however, no answer was received, the officers 
 leaving in the steamer suddenly. Nevertheless, the Burmese 
 Government have with a noble heart caused all British subjects 
 who are left behind in Mandalay, together with the goods and 
 property, animate and inanimate, to be properly cared for and 
 protected. The proceeding which has caused merchants, traders, 
 and people generally to entertain imaginary fears, and in conse- 
 quence uneasiness of mind, stoppage of and damage to trade, 
 the stoppage in the movements of the people of the two king- 
 doms, the necessity on the part of the Burmese Government to 
 nominate officers to watch and protect the frontier stations, the 
 unsettled state of British subjects who are removed from one place 
 to another, and the sufferings generally of everybody, are attribut- 
 able to the action of the British Government only." 
 
 If this production does not " out-Herod Herod," nothing 
 could ever do so. Such a last phase in King Theebau's pro- 
 gress — even if it be only partly authentic — gives the finishing 
 touch to our knowledge of the present Golden Foot's shifting 
 diplomatic character ! 
 
 By telegram, dated Thayetmyo, 7th December, the " Stan- 
 dard's " Special Correspondent wrote : — 
 
 " The Burmese Embassy, which has for some time been de- 
 tained here, awaiting permission from the Indian authorities to 
 proceed, has received a communication from the Viceroy through 
 the Chief Commissioner to the following effect : — 
 
 " The Viceroy states that he is seriously dissatisfied with the 
 
476 OUR BURMESE WARS. 
 
 position and treatment of our Ecsident lately at the Burmese 
 Court ; such treatment being altogether inconsistent alike with the 
 professions of friendship of the Burmese Government and with 
 ordinary diplomatic courtesy. 
 
 " It appears, then, altogether incongruous and premature for 
 the King to send a complimentary mission, or for him to assume 
 that it can he received in a friendly or honourable manner by the 
 Government whose representative has been treated with habitual 
 discourtesy at Mandalay. 
 
 " During the past twelve months the Resident has lost no occa- 
 sion of placing fully before the Ministers of the King the views 
 and wishes of the British Government upon various questions, 
 particularly with regard to the diplomatic privileges to which he 
 is entitled, and to the proper accommodation which should be 
 afforded him at the capital. 
 
 " Since, then, the Embassy has not come with authority to pro- 
 pose anything likely to be acceptable in regard to these matters, 
 or to the other points at issue, nothing would be gained by the 
 Mission proceeding onward. 
 
 "If the Ambassadoi sees fit to refer to the Court for additional 
 instructions, and in the event of his disclosing hereafter an in- 
 tention to make substantial overtures, the Chief Commissioner 
 will be authorised by the Government of India to receive and 
 deal with such communications, otherwise the Ambassador cannot 
 be received. 
 
 " The Embassy is now awaiting instructions from Mandalay." 
 
 At this uncertain stage of our relations with Burma, it is 
 pleasing to notice an increasing British interest taken in Bur- 
 mese affairs, which, with the remarks of the Press, will no 
 doubt gain for them the importance they deserve. Regarding 
 our policy in Central Asia, we cannot help being of opinion 
 that it has been, in many respects, suited to " a commanding 
 Asiatic Power " ; and among what has been well styled the 
 " collateral aspects of the revolt of Cabul/' affairs on our South- 
 Eastern Frontier, and the " undisguised hostility of the Bud- 
 dhist Burmese " — it would be more correct to say of a portion 
 of the Kitty's Court at Mandalay, where there are some shrewd 
 old woons (ministers) who keep King Theebau from actual 
 
PART IV. 477 
 
 aggression — have been prominently brought forward. Doubt- 
 less, we shall look to the smallest causes of our anxiety, and be 
 prepared for all contingencies. Meanwhile we must keep up a 
 fixed attention on Eastern Asia. Cabul and Mandalay form 
 the diamond and the ruby of our present Eastern policy, the 
 lustre of which is to guide the fine old ship safe into port. 
 Executions, we read, Lave been continued in the palace of 
 King Theebau, and five unfortunate Princesses are reported to 
 have been recently murdered for corresponding with Prince 
 Nyoungyan. If such be true, Humanity— to say nothing of 
 discourtesy to our Resident, and an injured Commerce, brought 
 about by the chronic insolence of a next-door neighbour — 
 should rise and thunder for British rule or protection in Upper 
 Burma ! 
 
 December 26, 1879. 
 
I! 
 
 il 
 
 1l 
 
479 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aeng stockade surprised by 
 Captain Nuthall, 302; Pass, 
 444. 
 
 Alexander (Captain) commands 
 flotilla, 41. 
 
 Allan (Captain) wounded, 116. 
 
 Alompra, captured Ava, 8 ; 
 founded Burmese empire, 8 ; 
 in reign of, first political rela- 
 tions with British Govern- 
 ment, 8 ; invaded Siam, 9 ; 
 death of, 9. 
 
 Amherst(Lord),Grovernor-Grene- 
 ral, 1823, 12 ; declares war 
 against Burma, 12. 
 
 Andaman islanders, 338, 339. 
 
 Anderson's (Dr.) " Mandalay 
 to Momien," 353. 
 
 Annexation and non-annexation, 
 416 ; annexation of Pegu, 
 252. 
 
 Ansley, Lieutenant, 144. 
 
 Anstruther, Colonel, 215. 
 
 Ai'akan, Portuguese settlers here, 
 a.d. 1600, 5 ; recent account 
 of, 444. 
 
 Archibald, Lieutenant, 36. 
 
 Armstrong (Ensign) mortally 
 wounded, 110. 
 
 Armstrong, Captain, 262. 
 Armstrong, Major, 261, 269. 
 Arrack issued to troops, April — 
 
 August 1853, 453. 
 Ashe, Lieutenant, 128, 261, 270. 
 Assam, invaded by Meer Joomla, 
 
 6 ; by King of Ava, 11 ; 
 
 ceded to the British, 15; 
 
 Mandalay easily threatened 
 
 from, 75. 
 Austen (Admiral) arrives in 
 
 Rangoon river, 102; death of, 
 
 196. 
 Ava, British march on, Decem- 
 ber 1825, 52; situation of, 74; 
 
 an advance to, 445. 
 
 Back (Major) in command of 
 artillery, 116, 127. 
 
 Bamo (or Manmo), situation of, 
 368. 
 
 Bandoola (Maha). — Burmese 
 commander, 30 ; defeated by 
 Sir A. Campbell, 31 ; total 
 defeat at Kemmindine, 39; 
 at Kokeen, 39 ; killed at 
 Donabew, 43, 44, 436 ; sum- 
 mary of his character, 44; 
 Major Snodgrass' account, 
 
480 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 47 ; compared with Charles 
 XII. , 46. 
 
 Bandoola, Junior, 172 ; deli- 
 vered himself up, 201. 
 
 Banks (Major) with Lord Dal- 
 housie at Rangoon, 175 ; 
 death of, 175 (note). 
 
 Bassein, capture of, 141-141; 
 official notification of capture, 
 144 ; river of, 347. 
 
 Beantfleur, Dr., 229. 
 
 Becher, Captain A., 206. 
 
 Bengal attacked by Portuguese 
 settlers, 1610, 5. 
 
 Bernadotte, King of Sweden, 
 served in India, 99. 
 
 Binny, Captain, 39. 
 
 Birrell (Mr.) at Rangoon, 83. 
 
 Blair, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 
 
 Blockade of Rangoon in Second 
 War, 88. 
 
 Blundell (Captain) mortally 
 wounded, 115. 
 
 Bogle (Colonel), Commissioner 
 of Tenasserim provinces, 93, 
 107 ; wounded, 116. 
 
 Boileau (Ensign) killed in ac- 
 tion, 268. 
 
 Bowen (Colonel) repulsed, 21. 
 
 Brett, Major, 205 (note). 
 
 Brisbane (Sir James) in com- 
 mand of flotilla in First War, 
 75. 
 
 Broadfoot, Major, 299 (note). 
 
 Brodie, Lieutenant-Colonel, 37. 
 
 Brooking (Commander), cool 
 courage of, 108 ; service in 
 Irawady, 162. 
 
 Browne (Colonel Horace) Resi- 
 dent at Mandalay, 405. 
 
 Brown, Lieutenant P. A., 225. 
 
 Burma. — British forces in, 1st 
 July 1879, 429 ; campaign of 
 1853, 456 ; condition in 
 1854-55, 320-25 ; correct spell- 
 ing of the mime, 17 ; difficul- 
 ties in subduing, 289 ; 
 diseases in, 388 ; events (sum- 
 mary of), 1826-1879, 374 j 
 
 fauna, flora, and minerals, 309 
 (note) ; financial statement 
 respecting, 314, 315 ; trade 
 of British, 1878-79, 472: geo- 
 graphical description of, 447 ; 
 meteorological notice of, 459 ; 
 minerals in, 370-409 ; papers 
 on, 318, Part IV. ; population 
 and health in, 328 ; position 
 of principal towns, 260 (note) ; 
 rainfall in, 1879, 409 ; routes 
 to China, 362 ; sparseness of 
 population in, 342 ; trade 
 with Europe opened, seven- 
 teenth century, 3 ; Upper, 
 value of, 369 ; writer's resi- 
 dence in, 319 and note. 
 
 Burmese, empire founaed by 
 Alompra, 8 ; costume, 189 ; 
 Envoy to the Viceroy, 470 ; 
 feast, 191 ; funeral, 156 ; 
 games, 154; general orders, 
 437, 438 ; mode of putting 
 royalty to death, 328; royal 
 family of, 425 ; sobriety of 
 the, 338 ; wars with, first 
 war, 12, 19 ; concluded, treaty 
 of peace, 56-59 ; Burmese 
 account of, 60; mortality 
 among the troops, 449 ; 
 second war, 81 ; mortality 
 among the troops, 449 ; cost 
 of, 288, 464 ; Duke of Wei- 
 lington on, 462. 
 
 Burney (Rev. Mr.), Chaplain at 
 Rangoon, 163, 285. 
 
 Burney (Major), Envoy at Ava, 
 377. 
 
 Campbell's (General Sir Archi- 
 bald) expedition to Rangoon 
 22 ; capture of Rangoon, 23 
 success at Kemmindine, 27 
 victory over Bandoola, 32 
 despatch of, 31-40 ; storms 
 Kokeen, 39 ; march on Do- 
 nabew, 41 ; advance on Prome, 
 49, 435 ; cost of expedition, 
 287 ; criticisms on, 304. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 481 
 
 Campbell and Godwin(Generals) 
 compared, 304-308. 
 
 Campbell, Lieutenant, 230. 
 
 Canning's (Right Hon. George) 
 policy, 61. 
 
 Carter (Lieutenant) wounded, 
 144. 
 
 Cassay Horse at Pegu, 227, 229, 
 239, 241, 243, 244. 
 
 Chads, Captain, R.N., 35 ; cap- 
 ture of war-boats, 40. 
 
 Charles XII. compared with 
 Bandoola, 46. 
 
 Cheape, General Sir John, 194, 
 256 (note) ; operations against 
 Myat-htoon, 257, 461; force 
 commanded by, 261 ; at Hen- 
 zada, 262. 
 
 Cheape's (Sir John) complete 
 triumph, 271 ; criticisms on, 
 274 ; divisional command, 366. 
 
 " Cholera camps " check the 
 disease, 406. 
 
 Clarke (Lieutenant) wounded, 
 266. 
 
 Cloete (Lieutenant) severely 
 wounded, 213. 
 
 Cockburn (Lieutenant) severely 
 wounded, 269 ; his death, 
 273. 
 
 Cook (Lieutenant) mortally 
 wounded, 214. 
 
 Cooke, Captain, 116. 
 
 Cooper, T. T., 360. 
 
 Coote (Col.) commands storm- 
 ing party, 128. 
 
 Cotton, Brigadier-General, 41 ; 
 attack on Donabew, 42 ; com- 
 mand in First War, 75. 
 
 Cotton (Brevet Major) in com- 
 mand at Pegu, 158 ; major, 
 265. 
 
 Cowie's (Dr. A. J.) Report on 
 Population, 334, 337. " 
 
 Crawfurd's " Embassy to Ava " 
 quoted, 354. 
 
 Crisp, C. M. (Mr.), description 
 of the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda, 
 105. 
 
 Dalhousie (Lord), Governor- 
 General at outbreak of Second 
 Burmese War, 91 ; arrives at 
 Rangoon, 175 ; general order 
 at Rangoon, 179; proclama- 
 tion, 252; policy of, 275; 
 Minute of June 30, 1852, 276 ; 
 Secret Committee's reply to, 
 278; Minute, August 10, 
 1852, 279; Minute, Novem- 
 ber 3 and 6, 1852, 283 ; Se- 
 cret Committee's reply, 295 ; 
 letter to King of Ava, No- 
 vember 16, 1852, 295 ; noti- 
 fication, June 30, 1853, 310; 
 autograph letter to Major 
 Hill, 316. 
 
 Dalla, naval attack on, 109. 
 
 Damant (Mr.) murdered, 424. 
 
 Darroch (Captain) wounded, 
 144. 
 
 De Jomini (Baron) quoted, 69. 
 
 Dennie (Major) at Kemmindine, 
 33, 36. 
 
 Derby (Earl of), speech when 
 Premier, 173; quotes the 
 Duke of Wellington, 463. 
 
 D'Orgoni, a French officer, 217. 
 
 " Diana " steamer, part played 
 by, 71. 
 
 Dickenson, Colonel, 204. 
 
 Donabew, partial failure of at- 
 tack on, 42, 308, 436, 458, 
 461. 
 
 Donaldson (Lieutenant) mor- 
 tally wounded, 115. 
 
 Donnahoe, Colour-Sergeant, 271. 
 
 Donnelly (Dr.), on medical edu- 
 cation, 334. 
 
 Doodpatlee, Burmese success at, 
 20. 
 
 Doran (Lieutenant) mortally 
 wounded, 129. 
 
 Dorville, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 
 
 Dost Mahommed Khan, 291. 
 
 Duke (Lieutenant-Colonel),193 ; 
 (Brigadier) at Rangoon, 250. 
 
 Dupleix not understood by the 
 French, 99. 
 
 31 
 
482 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Dweepdee, last of Burmese 
 kings, defeated and taken 
 prisoner, 7. 
 
 Edwards (Mr.), interpreter at 
 
 Rangoon, 84. 
 Ellenborough, Earl of, 288,462. 
 Elliott (Colonel K. H.), his 
 
 command, 100. 
 Embargo laid on British ships 
 
 at Rangoon, 11. 
 Envoys' (Burmese) reception at 
 
 Calcutta, 321. 
 Errington (Major)wounded,144. 
 Execution of royal personages 
 
 in Burma, 388. 
 Expedition to Burma resolved 
 
 upon, February 1853, 94. 
 
 Finances (Indian) after First 
 Burmese War, 76-78; of 
 British Burma, 350. 
 
 Fiscal system in Burma, 299. 
 
 Fishbourne, Captain, R.N. 
 
 Foord, Colonel, 113, 114; dis- 
 abled by sun-stroke, 116. 
 
 Forbes (Mr. Archibald) at the 
 Burmese Court, 391. 
 
 Ford (Lieutenant) at White 
 House Stockade, 114. 
 
 Forsyth, Sir Douglas, 411. 
 
 " Fox," frigate at Rangoon, 89. 
 
 Fraser (Major), Chief Engineer, 
 114, 115 ; grand architect of 
 Rangoon, 194. 
 
 Free-trade anticipations disap- 
 pointed, 309 (note). 
 
 Funeral, Burmese, 156. 
 
 Fury (Sergeant-Major), killed 
 at Donabew, 462. 
 
 Fytche, Captain, 256 (note), 
 272, 457. 
 
 Fytche, Colonel, 331, 337. 
 
 Fytche (General Albert) quoted, 
 357, 382. 
 
 Games, Burmese, 154. 
 Gardner (Captain) killed, 214. 
 Godwin, Liout.-Colonel, 32 ; 
 
 (General) command in Second 
 War, 107 ; despatch quoted, 
 113 ; official despatch, May 
 24, 1852, 146 ; British force 
 under, January 1853, 456 ; 
 advance on Prome, 181 ; 
 anecdotes of, 187, 189; in 
 command, 209 ; in the field, 
 243 ; want of decision, 249 ; 
 general order of, 250 ; leaves 
 Rangoon for Prome, 256; the 
 difference of opinion as to his 
 advance on Prome, 281 ; cri- 
 ticisms on, 304 ; narrative of 
 campaign, 1824-25, 431 ; fare- 
 well address to army, 446. 
 
 " Golden Foot," &c, meaning in 
 Burmese State phraseology, 
 45 (note). 
 
 Goldfinch, Lieutenant, R.N., 35. 
 
 Goldworthy (Colonel) reinforces 
 Maulmain, 183. 
 
 Gore, Major, 36. 
 
 Graham, Lieutenant, 262. 
 
 Griffiths (Major) fatally struck 
 by coup-de-soleil, 116. 
 
 Hall, Major, 152 ; defence of 
 
 Pegu, 224. 
 Harrison, Lieutenant and Adju- 
 tant, 116. 
 Harrison, Captain, 336. 
 Harris, Lieutenant, 209. 
 " Havelock's Saints " always 
 
 ready, 71 (note). 
 Havelock (Sir H.) quoted, 
 
 " Campaigns in Ava," 132. 
 Heat, intense in Burma, 240. 
 Henzada, description of, 262. 
 " Hermes " steamer at Rangoon, 
 
 89. 
 Hewitt, Lieutenant, 128. 
 Hewitt (Captain), success at 
 
 Pautauno, 260. 
 Hicks (Capt.) at Pegu, 158, 261. 
 Hi ggin son's (Governor) letter 
 
 to King of Ava, 1698, 4. 
 Hill, Major, 209 ; in garrison at 
 
 Pegu, 223 ; thanked by Go- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 483 
 
 vernor-General, 235 ; thanked 
 
 by General Godwin, 250 ; 
 
 autograph letter from Lord 
 
 Dalhousie, 316. 
 Hill-tribes dangerous, 289. 
 Hogg, Sir James Weir, 288. 
 Holdich, Major, 264, 269, 270. 
 Holmes (Lieutenant) at Marta- 
 
 ban, 152. 
 
 Impey, Captain, 165. 
 
 Indigenous races, population 
 and health of, 328. 
 
 Irawady, high road of the Bur- 
 man Empire ; its importance 
 in war and to commerce, 24. 
 
 Irby, Captain, 261. 
 
 Isolation, dangers of, 287. 
 
 Johnson, Lieutenant, 266. 
 
 Joomla Meer, invasion of As- 
 sam, 6. 
 
 Judson, missionary, 309 (note). 
 
 Judson (Mr. and Mrs.) in cap- 
 tivity, 304. 
 
 Karen (the) tribe, 165, 410; 
 
 births and deaths, statistics 
 
 of, 341. 
 Kellett, Lieutenant, R.N., 35. 
 Kemmindine. — Sir A Campbell 
 
 defeats the Burmese at, 27 ; 
 
 defeat of Bandoola at, 31, et 
 
 seq. 
 Killed and wounded in Second 
 
 War to June 12, 1853, 453. 
 Kincaid (Rev. Mr.), American 
 
 missionary, 87 ; returns to 
 
 Maulmain, 164 ; interview 
 
 with Lord Dalhousie, 179. 
 Kokoon stormed by Sir A. 
 
 Campbell, 39. 
 Kully, Burmese army at, 241. 
 Kykloo, repulse at, 305. 
 
 Lambert, Commodore, 82, 
 84 ; notification of blockade 
 of rivers of Rangoon, 88 ; 
 additional notification, 98. 
 
 Latter (Captain), interpreter, 
 85, 107 ; advises the general, 
 128 ; leads the storming 
 party, 128 ; at Pegu, 158. 
 
 Lesby, Conductor, 261. 
 
 Littler, Sir John, 283, 295. 
 
 Lewis and Shepperd (Messrs.) 
 imprisoned, 82. 
 
 Livingstone, Corporal, 271. 
 
 Lloyd, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 
 
 Loch and his companions, 258. 
 
 Loch (Captain, R.N.), death of, 
 458. 
 
 Lockart, Major, 128. 
 
 Looshai tribes and country, 
 420, 421. 
 
 Luard, Captain, 93. 
 
 Lushington, Commodore, 96. 
 
 Lynch, Captain, I.N., 96, 109. 
 
 Lynch, Commodore, 153. 
 
 Macintosh (Lieutenant) at Pegu, 
 158. 
 
 McDowall (Colonel) killed at 
 Watty -goon, 67. 
 
 MacKellar, Lieutenant, 264. 
 
 McLeod, General, 378. 
 
 McNeill, Brigadier, 193; in 
 command of Pegu expedi- 
 tion, 209 ; disabled by sun- 
 stroke, 214; his death, 217. 
 
 McReagh's (Brigadier) com- 
 mand against Rangoon, 22, 
 41. 
 
 Madras Fusiliers, strength 
 and losses, 454. 
 
 Magrath, Lieutenant, 261. 
 
 Maha Nemiou killed at Prome, 
 52. 
 
 Maha Bandoola, Commander, 
 (see Bandoola,) 29. 
 
 Mallet, Lieutenant-Colonel, 32, 
 34, 37. 
 
 Malloch, Captain, 127 (note), 
 209. 
 
 Malown, attack on, (see Melloon,) 
 437. 
 
 Mandalay becomes the capital, 
 379. 
 
484 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 " Mandalay to Moinien," 353. 
 
 Mandalay, fortifications of, 
 1879, 403; political parties 
 in, 408; withdrawal of the 
 British Resident from, 426 ; 
 population of, 427 ; " Ga- 
 zette," 473. 
 
 Margary (Mr.), fate of, 362. 
 
 Marr (Dr.) on Vaccination, 
 334, 337. 
 
 Marryat (Captain) on the Ira- 
 wady, 72. 
 
 Martaban, preparations to at- 
 tack, 102-106; attacked by 
 Burmese, 152 ; column, 
 strength of, 454. 
 
 Mason (Lieutenant, R.N.), nar- 
 row escape, 226. 
 
 Mason (Dr.), statistics of births 
 and deaths, 340. 
 
 Mason, Rev. F., missionary, 
 309 ; reference to his work, 
 440. 
 
 Mayne (Lieutenant) atPegu,158. 
 
 Meaday, once an important 
 town, 74, 465. 
 
 Melloon, Burmese and British 
 envoys meet near, 53 ; Sir A. 
 Campbell's attack on, 437 ; 
 situation of, 74. 
 
 Mengdon-Meng, King, 378. 
 
 Memiaboo, after defeat, re- 
 treats, 54. 
 
 Meteorology of Burma, 459. 
 
 Miles (Lieut-Colonel) captures 
 Burmese seaports, 28, 37. 
 
 Minerals in Upper Burma, 369- 
 374, 409. 
 
 Mission, withdrawal from 
 Mandalay, 466-67. 
 
 Mitcheson (Lieutenant) se- 
 verely wounded, 261. 
 
 Mogul Empire, Gibbon's 
 
 opinion of, 1. 
 
 Mongolian race warlike, 2. 
 
 Montgomery (Major) in com- 
 mand of artillery, 100 ; leads 
 the advance on New Rangoon, 
 125 ; death of, 166. 
 
 Morison, Brigadier-General, 41. 
 
 Mortality among the troops, 
 449. 
 
 Moung-Bwosh, Governor of 
 Martaban, 152. 
 
 Moung-Shoay-Wang at Marta- 
 ban, 154. 
 
 Mullins, Lieutenant, 261. 
 
 Murray (Captain) at Keminin- 
 dine, 34. 
 
 Myat-htoon, bandit chief of 
 Donabew, and Soult com- 
 pared, 257, 258 ; entirely de- 
 feated, 271 ; British losses in 
 operations against, 273. 
 
 Myat-za (Karen chieftain) at 
 Rangoon, 259. 
 
 Nagas, the, 420 ; their religion, 
 
 423. 
 Napadee, Burmese driven back 
 
 to, 51 ; Burmese routed at, 52. 
 Napier (Admiral Sir Charles), 
 
 anecdote of, 265. 
 Negrais, massacre of English 
 
 at, 1759, 8. 
 Neill, General, 236 (note). 
 Neoun-ben-Zeik, conference at, 
 
 51. 
 Newton's (Major) successes, 20. 
 Niblett, Captain, I.N., 158. 
 Nicolay (Captain)' killed, 234. 
 Noton (Captain) defeated and 
 
 slain, 21. 
 Nuthall, Captain, 302 and note. 
 
 Oakes (Major) in command, 99 ; 
 at White House stockade, 
 114; receives his death-blow, 
 114 ; his death and character, 
 117. 
 
 Operations, remarks on, in First 
 Burmese War, 64. 
 
 Ophir, identity with Pegu, 440. 
 
 Opportunity lost at Kully, 248. 
 
 "Oriental," P. and O. steamer, 
 195. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 485 
 
 Pagahm-Mew, British victory 
 at, 55, 308 ; situation of, 74. 
 
 Pagan-Men g, King, 378. 
 
 Pagoda, gilding the great, 326 ; 
 capture of, 441. 
 
 Parlby, Lieutenant-Colonel, 37. 
 
 Patkoi, meaning of, 439. 
 
 Pegu. — Conquered by Burmese 
 in sixteenth century, 3 ; re- 
 gained its independence, 7 ; 
 geographical description of, 74, 
 158 ; expedition against town 
 of, 158 ; captured, June 1852, 
 161 ; capture and occupation 
 described, 209 ; suggested 
 identity with Ophir, 440 ; 
 trade and prospects of pro- 
 vince, 346 ; town attacked by 
 Burmese, 216 ; surrounded, 
 218 ; military operations at, 
 221; defence by Major Hill, 
 224; relief of, measures for, 
 235, 236 ; relieved, 249 ; an- 
 nexation of, 251, 255 (note); 
 boundary of, 309 (note) ; 
 troops in, 1864, 313 ; mine- 
 ral wealth of, 411. 
 
 Pepper (Colonel), advance upon 
 Toungoo, 75. 
 
 Percival, Lieutenant, 264. 
 
 Phagy-dan,King of Burma, 376. 
 
 Phayre (Captain), Commissioner 
 of Pegu, 250, 294, 300, 322, 
 328 (note), 352, 357, 381. 
 
 Phayre, Sir Arthur P., 319. 
 
 "Phlegethon" steamer at Kan- 
 goon, 89. 
 
 Piper (Captain) at Kemmindine, 
 34. 
 
 Population, &c. of indigenous 
 races, 328. 
 
 " Precursor " steamer at Kyook 
 Phyoo, 91. 
 
 Preston, Private, 271. 
 
 Preston, Sergeant, 271. 
 
 Price (Dr.) sent to British com- 
 mander by King of Ava, 54, 
 304. 
 
 Prisoners liberated, 303. 
 
 Proclamation by Lord Dal- 
 housie, 252. 
 
 Progress of King Theebau, 386- 
 400. 
 
 Prome, advance on, 49 ; Sir A. 
 Campbell's entrance into, 50 ; 
 Sir A. Campbell defeats Bur- 
 mese besiegers, 51 ; occupied 
 by Commander Tarleton, 168 ; 
 Captain Tarleton' s expedition, 
 443. 
 
 " Proserpine " steamer at Ran- 
 goon, 86. 
 
 Quarters of troops after war, 
 312. 
 
 Quin, Sergeant- Major, 271. 
 
 Quinn (Mr. Conductor) libe- 
 rated, 303. 
 
 Kaces, indigenous, health of, 328. 
 
 Railway in Burma, 388. 
 
 Rangoon. — Embargo laid on 
 British ships, 1811, 11, 13; 
 captured by British, May 
 1824, 23 ; new town, founded 
 by Tharawadi, 96 ; naval ope- 
 rations before, 107 ; garrison 
 of, 135 ; return of killed, 
 wounded, and missing in 
 storming of, 138 ; develop- 
 ment of, 324 ; population of, 
 345; sanitary condition of 
 troops at, 1824, 432 ; particu- 
 lars of capture, 442. 
 
 Reid, Major, 95, 113, 261, 270 ; 
 wounded, 270. 
 
 Renaud, Captain, 236. 
 
 Renegade shot in action, 120. 
 
 Revenues of Burma, 314, 350. 
 
 Rice (Captain) wounded, 144. 
 
 Rice, Lieutenant, R.N., 144. 
 
 Richards, Lieut. -Colonel, 41. 
 
 Rockets, effectiveness of, in 
 First Burmese War, 72. 
 
 Rundall (Captain) in command 
 of Sappers, 114. 
 
 Ryves, Captain, 35. 
 
480 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 St Barbe (Mr.) quoted, 410, 
 
 412, 426; withdrawal from 
 
 Mandalay, 466. 
 St. Maur (Colonel), disabled in 
 
 action by sun-stroke, 116. 
 Sale (Major) at Kemmindine, 
 
 32, 36, 41 ; liberates Mrs. 
 
 Judson, 134 ; at Bassein, 434. 
 Sandford, Assist.-Surgeon, 55. 
 Sanitary condition of troops at 
 
 Rangoon, 432. 
 Saunders, Mr. Trelawney, 418. 
 Scindiab's good government, 78. 
 Scott, Brigade-Major, 113. 
 Seaton, Major, 244. 
 Sbadwell, Captain, R.N., 205 
 Shan ladies in First Burmese 
 
 War, 13, 52, 394 (note). 
 Sban tribes, 364, 394 ; countries, 
 
 366. 
 Shaw (Mr.) and King Theebau, 
 
 387, 398. 
 Shaw (Resident), death of, 402 ; 
 
 eulogy on, by Secretary of 
 
 State, 470. 
 Shemburen, or Shembuan, suc- 
 ceeds Alompra, 10. 
 " Shoe question," 395, 406. 
 Shortland, Lieutenant, 209. 
 Shouldham, Brigadier-General, 
 
 41. 
 Shubrick, Major, 209. 
 Shuparee attacked by Burmese, 
 
 September 24, 1823, 20. 
 Shway Ban, bandit chief, 259. 
 Shwc-Dagon Pagoda, advance 
 
 on, 122 ; captured the second 
 
 time, 129. 
 Shwc-gyeen, 256 : troops at, 1864, 
 
 313 ; troops at, 1879, 429. 
 Singleton, Captain, 262, 268. 
 Sladen's (Major) expedition, 
 
 360, 361, 363. 
 Sladen (Captain) at Mandalay, 
 
 380, 382. 
 Smith (Dr.) slightly wounded, 
 
 127. 
 Smith (Captain), Deputy-Com- 
 missioner, 262. 
 
 Snodgrass, Major, 43 ; charact m 
 of Bandoola, 47. 
 
 Soonderbuns (the), origin of, 6. 
 
 Spiers (Mr.) liberated, 303. 
 
 Steel (Brigadier- General), C.B., 
 193, 238, 243, 256 (note), 
 313. 
 
 Sturt (Colonel) commands ex- 
 pedition to Pegu, 158 ; forces 
 under, 241, 242, 264, 267. 
 
 Symes (Colonel) concludes 
 treaty with Burma, 11. 
 
 Tantabain, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Godwin at, 433. 
 
 Tarleton, Commander (Sir J. 
 W.), 158 ; occupies Prome, 
 168, 443 ; releases Myat- 
 htoon's captives, 272. 
 
 Tayler, Lieutenant, 127 (note). 
 
 Taylor (Lieutenant) mortally 
 wounded, 270. 
 
 " Tenasserim provinces " ceded 
 to British, 15. 
 
 Tharawadi, King, 377. 
 
 Theebau, King, 374, 386; vic- 
 tims of, 397, 398, 425 ; tariff 
 of, 414 ; head queen of, 427. 
 
 Thornhill, Major, 36. 
 
 Tonghoo, or Toungoo, situation 
 of, 74. 
 
 Transport, cost of, in Burmese 
 and Chinese wars, 188. 
 j Travers, Captain, 246 and note. 
 
 Treaties, Eastern disregard of, 
 284, 285, 291. 
 
 Treaty of 24th February, 1826, 
 56 ; draft of, 1852, 296. 
 
 Trevor (Lieutenant) wounded, 
 115, 261, 271. 
 
 Troops in Pegu, 1864, 313. 
 
 Tudor, Colonel, 199, 209. 
 
 Turton, Major, 113, 128, 199. 
 
 Umrapoora (Amarapura), situ- 
 ation of, 74. 
 
 Volunteers for Burma, 448. 
 Voyle (Lieutenant) ordered to 
 Maulmain, 95. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 487 
 
 Wahab's (Major) command 
 against Rangoon, 22, 36. 
 
 Walker (Major) killed, 36. 
 
 Wants in warfare. Correct in- 
 formation, 274 ; sufficient 
 provisions, 274. 
 
 War declared against Burma by 
 British Government, March 5, 
 1824, 12, 20. 
 
 Warfare, Burmese tactics in, 
 243 and note. 
 
 Warren (Brigadier) disabled in 
 action, 116. 
 
 Watty-goon, repulses at, 305. 
 
 Welchman, Major, 204. 
 
 Wellesley's (Marquis) Govern- 
 ment, 11. 
 
 Wellington (Duke of) on the 
 Second Burmese War, 463. 
 
 White House Stockade, descrip- 
 tion of, 118. 
 
 White, Lieutenant, 128. 
 
 Whitlock (Lieutenant) severely 
 wounded, 213. 
 
 Wigston, Major, 261, 264, 268 ; 
 wounded, 269. 
 
 Williams (Lieutenant) in action, 
 115 ; death of, 273. 
 
 Wilson (Captain, 38th Regi- 
 ment) at Kemmindine, 34, 
 37. 
 
 Wolseley, Ensign, (Sir Garnet,) 
 257 (note), 270 ; severely 
 wounded at Donabew, 271. 
 
 Wyndham, Captain, 209. 
 
 Yandaboo, treaty of, 15. 
 Yates, Major, 32. 
 
 Zaloon, Sir John Cheape's move- 
 ment on, 262. 
 
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