UC-NRLF B 3 TMb 711 ioj LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA ^V^4R.^3'siVN'': %_ ; ; /^ LOXGMAXS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 1907 All ri(jhts reserved Ma:a LJb? W/STOfif C 3 PEEFACE. This little volume does not profess to be a Church History of the momentous period with which it deals. Its scope is limited to a particular aspect of the Eccle- siastical movement in that period. The internal ques- tions which agitated the Church, and the great Councils in which those disputes were arranged — in other words, the dogmatic and conciliar history of the Church — must he looked for elsewhere. Here it is intended to trace in outline the relations between Christianity and the Eoman Empire, and the external growth of the Church, during the fourth and fifth centuries. It was an era of change and revolution more complete and far-reach- ing in consequences than any which had yet befallen the civilised world. The disruption of the Eoman Empire, the invasion and settlements of the Teutonic races, the reception of the Church into the political system, and its grotvth into a force strong enough to 22 1 954 vi Preface remould the scattered world, form a subject of supreme interest and of great complexity. It is clear, therefore, that in a work of this kind the leading events and personages alone can be touched upon. Its aim is to describe especially those acts which seem to have had a decisive and determining effect on the external growth of the Church. And if sometimes an undue proportion appear to be given to what are termed secular affairs, if sometimes a great statesman or a great general rather than a great bishop or theologian be the prominent figure in these pages, none the less will the subject still be ecclesiastical history. The advance of the Church in its external aspect is sometimes visibly and appropriately the work of a priest or statesman-bishop ; another crisis requires the sword of a conqueror; sometimes even the tyranny of a barbarian leader remotely ends in good. The march of Constantino from Gaul to Rome, and the alliance of Theodoric and Aetius against the pagan Hun, were in a real sense ecclesiastical events; though in a different way, they bore upon the future of the Church as definitely as the decisions of \\i^. QEcumenical Councils. The thoughts which give the impulse to acts are the key to history. And whether emperor or general or Preface vii ecclesiastic seemed for the moment to have the leading influence in affairs, all the while Christianity was the :spirit which breathed into every movement and in -reality shaped results. It is with results alone that we propose to deal. But even thus limited the subject is a vast one, far surpassing the possibility of adequate treatment in a work like this. But the object will be achieved if a wider interest be awakened in this period of Church History, and fresh attention be directed to these earlier attempts to work out problems in Church and State which are still unsolved. The chief original authorities for this period are: Eusebius, ' Ecclesiastical History ' and the ' Life of Constantine ' ; Lactantius, ' Deaths of the Persecu- tors ' ; the ecclesiastical histories of Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret and Evagrius ; the ' Misopogon ' and Letters of the Emperor Julian ; the histories of Zosimus, Am- mianus Marcellinus, Procopius, and Priscus ; the his- torical poems of Claudian ; the works of St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Chrysostom, St. Jerome, St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, and other Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries. Modern works which may be consulted to fill in the details of the sketch in this volume are : Gibbon, viii Preface " Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire ' ; De Broglie, * L'Eglise et I'Empire Romain au IV® Siecle ' ; Professor liright's 'History of the Church, a.d. 313-451'; Milman, ' History of Christianity ' ; Gieseler, ' Eccle- siastical History ' ; Neander, ' General History of the Christian Religion and Church ' ; Mason's ' Diocletian '; and the different articles relating to this period in the 'Dictionary of Christian Biography,' edited by Dr. William Smith and Professor Wace. Arthur Carb. St. Sebastian's Vicarage, Wokingham ; Jifarch 24, 1887. CONTENTS. CHAriER I. INTRODUCTORY. PAQJt Importance of the term Basileia or Kingdom of God— It implies attributes of imperial power — Therefore rivalry with Rome —This sense of rivalry felt— The strength of the Church in this contest 1 CHAPTER II. DIOCLETIAN. A.D. 286-3U5. Death of the emperor Carus — Diocletian elected emperor — The imperial system of Diocletian — Consequences to the Church of this system— The Ciesar Galerius— The Cassar Constantius —The division of empire— Diocletian's attitude to the Church — The numbers and resoiuces of the Christian body — Perse- cution begins — The first edict — Mysterious fires in the palace — The persecution becomes more fierce — The second edict — The persecution not equally severe in different parts of the empire — The third edict — Dioc'etian leaves Rome in disgust — His abdication — The fourth edict .... 6 CHAPTER III. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO CONSTANTINE. Constantine escapes from Nicomedia — Elected emperor by the troops — Maxentius in Rome — A great conflict imminent — The end of Maximian — Death of Galerius — The meaning of the favourable decree of Galerius — The plan of Maximin — Death of Diocletian — Christianity misrepresented in schools 21 CHAPTER IV. CONSTANTINE. The great resolve of Constantine — The sign of the Cross — The march of Constantine — Constantine is victorious — The battle X Contents PAGB of Ponte Molle — Cocstantine professes Christianity in Rome — The edict of Milan — Defeat and death of Masimin — Church controversy in Africa — The fanaticism of the Dona- tists — Effect of Chrlitianity ontho laws— Slavery and Chris- tianity — Paganism still a force in the empire — Strug'gle between Licinius and Constantine — Licinius defeated — The changes in the empire favourable to Cliristianitj- — The new Rome 27 CH.\PTER V. THE COUNCIL OF NIC.EA — ATUANASIUS. Arianism — The Council of Nicaea — Easebius — Athanai?iCta — Charges brought against Athanasius — Death of Ariu-S — Death of Constantine — His influence on the Church . . . 4»} CHAPTER VI. THE SOXS OF CONSTANTINE. Accession of the three empsrors — Athanasius returns to Alex- andria — Again in exile — The gro\^th of the Roman see — Influence of Athanasius in Rome — The Council of Sardica — Athanasius again returns to his see — Constantius sole emperor — Athanasius driven from Alexandria — George of Capradocia — Council of Arirainum — Tlie sequel of Athanasius' career 47 CHAPTER VII. THE EMPEROR JULIAN CALLED THE APOSTATE. The interest of Julian's career — Gallus — Julian at Milan — He studies at Athens — Julian's education — The title of Apo- state — Basil and Gregory fellow-students of Julian — Julian despatched to Gaul — St. Martin of Tours — The jealousy of Constantius — The march of Julian against Constantius — Constantius dies — Julian succeeds to the empire — The paganism of Julian — Julian's attempt to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem — Julian abstains from persecution — Persecu- tion becomes inevitable — Christians debarred from reading the classics — Julian at Antioch — Julian's last campaign and death 5^ Contents xI CHAPTER YIII. ST. BASIL AND ST. GREGORY. PAGB Early life of Gregory and Basil — Student life at Athens — Easil adopts a monastic life — Gregory assists his father at Na- zianzus — Basil Bishop of Cffisarea — The teaching of these two lives 73 CIIArTEPt IX. JOVIAN — VALENTINIAN — VALENS. Jovian elected emperor — The change from paganism — Jovian's CJburch polic}' — The death of Jovian — Choice of a new em- peror — Valens — Valentinian's Church policy — Non-interven- tion impossible — An ecclesiastical dispute in Eome — Growth of the episcopal power in Piome — The Church a refuge from despotism 76 CHAPTER X. VALENS — INVASION OF THE GOTHS. VaJans conquers Procopius — An Arian persecution — The Gothic invasion — Gothic version of the Scriptures — The Goths cross the Danube — The Goths occupy the imperial provinces — The ba^^ of Hadrianople — Death of Valens . . .85 CHAPTER XI. GRATIAN ST. AMBROSE, The chiltlhood of Ambrose — Atubrose goes to Milan — Elected Bishop — St. Ambrose and Gratian — Gratian's policy in Church matters — Theodosius — St. Ambrose and Tt eodosius — The mas?acre at Thessalonica — Repentance of Theodosius — The empress Justina — St. Ambrose and Valentinian II. — Death of St. Ambrose — The work and policy of St. Am- brose — Heresy made a capital oflfence 92 CHLVPTER XII. THEODOSIUS. A.D. 379-395. Theodosius avenges the death of Valentinian II. — The defeat of Eugenius— The death of Theodosius — The decline of the empire — Stilicho — The sieges of Rome by Alaric . . . 103 xU Contents CHAPTER XIII. THE FALL OP PAGANISM. PAOR Tolerance of paganism in a Christian state — Tolerance enjoined by Constantine — The inutility of Christian persecution — The effects of Julian's policy — Important action of Gratian — The meeting of St. Ambrose and Symmachus — Theodosius brings the question of religion before the senate — Decisive measures of Theodosius — Pagan apologies — Pagan temples destroyed — Theophilus of Alexandria — The destruction of the Serapeum — Evils of prosperity — Hj^atia — The weakness of Honorius — The year 365 — Paganism still powerful in places — evidence of Salvianus . . . . . lOT CHAPTER XIV. ST. JEROME. A.D. 34G-420. Theories of the Christian life — Monasticism in Egypt — Dif- ferent phases of the monastic life — Early life of St. Jerome — St. Jerome at Bethlehem — The Vulgate — St. Jerome's literary labours I21 CHAPTER XV. ST. AUGUSTINE. A.D. 354-430. St. Augustine's early life — St. Augustine at Milan — Meets St. Ambrose — Is made Bishop of Hippo — The influence of f>L Augustine — The ' De Civitate Dei' — Death of St. Augustine ?27 CHAPTER XVI. ST. CHRYSOSTOM. A.D. 347-407. Early life of St.Chrysostom — His asceticism— Seditious outbreak at Antioch — St. Chrysostom calms the people — The emperor's sentence — Announcement of pardon — Chrysostom Bishop of Constantinople — Attacks abuses among the clergy — He raises enemies by his faithfulness — Antipathy of the empress — Chrysostom is driven into exile — lieview of his life . .131 Contents xiii CHAPTER XVII. HOXORIUS. A.D. 395-423 — RUFINUS, STILICHO. PAGB Accession of Honorius — Early life of Rufinus — His rise — The crimes of Rafinas — Rufinus foiled in his ambition — His fall and death — The early life of Stilicho — His rapid rise to power — Defeats Gildo — Assassination of Rufinus — Marriage of Stilicho 's daughter 139 CHAPTER XVIIL ALARIC AND THE GOTIIS. Invasion of Greece by Alaric — Stilicho repels the invasion Alaric's first invasion of Italy — General confidence in Stilicho — His measures — Defeat of Alaric — The victory too late to save Rome from ruin — The real force in the v/orld— Gladia- J y torial shows stopped by Christianity — The transference of 7^ the capital — Ravenna — Tlie artistic and historical interest of Ravenna — The invasion of Radagaisus — St. Augustine's view of the defeat of Radagaisus — Alaric allies himself with the Western empire — Stilicho's policy unpopular — Intrigues against Stilicho — His death — Stilicho's wisdom proved by events — Olympius — Disqualification of pagans — First siege of Rome by Alaric— Generid us — Second siege of Rome — Attalus proclaimed emperor — Capture of Rome by the Goths — Results for Christianity — Death and burial of Alaric 146 CHAPTER XIX. THE WEST UNDER HONORIUS. The hold on the West by the two empires — The usurper Con- stantine — He is slain — The end of Ataulf — Galla Placidia — Britain — The effects of the Saxon invasion . . • . 164 CHAPTER XX. THE EAST. Characteristics of Church and State in East and West— Eutro- pius — Gainas and the Goths 170 xi^' Contents CHAPTER XXI. TIIEODOSIUS II. AND PULCHERIA. „.„„ FAGS Pulcheria virtually regent — The education of Arcadias — The empress Eudocia — Persecution of Christians in Persia — Christianity a casus belli — Christian charity — The character of Theodosius II. — Intimate union of Church and State . 173 CHAPTER XXH. THE WEST FROM THE DEATH OF HOXORIUS. Galla Placidia — The rebellion of John — Valentinian III. — Boni- face and Aetius — The Vandals under Genseric invade Africa — The capture of Carthage 180 CHAPTER XXIII. THE HUNS AXD ATTILA. The barbarians gradually civilised — The Huns — Attila — The invasion begins — Theodoric — Attila's pretexts for war — Attila marches across the Rhine — The battle of Chalons — Attila invades the north of Italy 185 CHAPTER XXIV. POPE LEO I. AND THE CHURCH OF ROME. Prestige of the Poman see — This prestige due to growth of jurisdiction — The increase in wealth — Growth of episcopal power— Checks on the power of the Church — Pome becomes the arbiter of disputes — The apostolical origin of the see — The authority of Leo — His rise to the Papacy — His claims for the see of Rome — The idea of the unity of Christendom — Italy not wholly subservient to Rome — Disputes with Leo — Spain — Africa — Mistakes of the Roman see — The influ- ence of Leo in the East — Leo's attitude towards heresy — Leo and the barbarian invasion — Leo intercedes for Rome with Genseric — Leo the greatest statesman as well as the greatest Churchman of his day . . . . , .19.3 I^DEX 207 i MAP The Roman Empire, ad. 292-305 .... To face Title PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF THIS EPOCH, A.D. 284 286 292 303 30.5 306 307 811 312 313 314 323 324 325 331 335 Diocletian emperor Maximian chosen as his colleague Constantius and Galerius, CWsars Persecution of Christians Diocletian and Maximian abdicate ,, Constantius and Galerius Avgusti Severus and Maximin CcBsars Maxentius proclaimed emperor by the Pree- torian guard Const an tine begins to reign Severus slain Licinius declared A vgnstus Death of Galerius Maxentius defeated and slain at Fonte MoUe Edict of Milan Maximin defeated by Licinius Battle of Hadrianople Licinius defeated Death of Licinius Council of Kicsea Birth of Juliau First exile of St. Athan- asius A.D. 386 337 340 3n 346 350 351 354 356 359 300 301 362 363 Death of Arius Death of Constantine The three sons succeed as Aiigitsti — Constantine II., Constantius, and Constans Constantine II. defeated and slain Second exile of St. Athan- asius Birth of St. Jerome Death of Constans Usurpation of Magnen- tius Battle of Mursa — Magnen- tins defeated Birth of St. Augustine Third exile of St. Athan- asius Council of Ariminum Julian proclaimed Augus- tus by his army at Lutetia (Paris) Death of Constantius Julian emperor Julian at Antioch Fourth exile of St. Athan- asius Julians disastrous cam- paign and death Jovian succeeds XVI Principal Events of this Epoch '^ A.D A.D • - 364 Death of Jovian 403 ^w Valentinian I. Emperor of the West 405 ^"-^ -Valens of the East 370 St. Basil Bishop of Ca;- 407 sarea 408 373 Death of St. Athanasius 374 St. Ambrose Bishop of Milan 410 375 Valentmian I. dies Valentinian II, and Gratian 420 > succeed > 378 Battle of Hadrianople 424 * Death of Valens ;^^379 Tlieodosius proclaimed 429 Augustus by Gratian Death of St. Basil 430 381 Council of Constantinople 383 Gratian murdered 431 386 Conversion of St. Augus- tine 440 390 Penance of Theodosius 441 392 Murder of Valentinian II. 450 394 Defeat of Eugenius and Arbogastes 395 St. Augustine Bishop of Hippo Death of Theodosius I. Arcadius Emperor of the • 451 East 452 Honorius of the West Alaric invades Greece 453 397 Death of St. Ambrose 398 St. Chrysostom Bishop of Constantinople 4G1 Battle of Pollentia— Re. treat of Alaric Radagaisus defeated by Stihcho Death of St. Chrysostom Theodosius II. succeeds Arcadius in the East Stilicho slain at Ravenna Capture of Rome by Alaric Death of St. Jerome Persecution of Christians in Persia Valentinian III. succeeds Honorius Invasion of Africa by the Vandals under (icnseric Siege of Hippo — Death of St. Augustine Council of Ephesus Leo the Great, Bishop of Rome Tlie Huns under Attila cross the Danube Marcian succeeds Theo- dosius II., whose sister Pulcheria he marries Council of Chalcedon Battle of Chalons — Attila defeated by Aetius and Theodoric Attila ravages the north of Italy Death of Attila and of Pulcheria Death of Pope Leo the Great 5 3 3 I 'i^3 J 3 J 1 .3 3 > •I I.' THE CHUECn AND THE EOMAN EMPIEE. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY. The first leading idea implanted by Christ in tlie minds of His followers was the idea of a kingdom. ' Seek ye first His Kingdom [^^acriXsio] and His righteousness ; and all these things shall be added unto you ' ' were words which bore fruit. It was a command with a promise, and the promise was fulfilled in time. The Church did seek the Kingdom of God and His right- eousness. And for three centuries those things which the Gentiles sought after seemed to be denied to her. Tlie Gentiles still sought after the power and riches of the world, and the Church grew on without them in her quest for righteousness, in organised strength, in patience, love, faith, clearness of view, wisdom of judgment and interpretation. At length the centuries of oppression and persecution ended, and the Church > St. Matt. vi. 33. CH. B 2 The Church and the Roman Empire became allied with kings. Riclies poured in upon her : jDolitical power came in too abundant measure. She had sought first the Kingdom of God and all things were added to her. For if by ruling the world is meant to dictate the principles of gfovernment, to con- trol legislatic a. to repeal or to change o ne class of laws, lo pass and carry into efiect another, to regulate the pursuits and amusements of the people, to define the limits of right and wrong, then Christianity ruled the worldj and the Empire of Christ — the Kingdom of Heaven — was constituted. The Twelve sat on thrones, ruling and judging the earth. Their words and thoughts and rules have inspired the code of modern civilisation. These results are historical facts. It may be added that the direction given to the advance of Christianity Importance was clearly ruled by the term which describes lasiieia it — the hasUeia, the Kingdom, the impcriuni, of God. For although the spiritual aspect of the Kingdom was carefully defined and pressed, yet this term adopted by the Master and always prominent in the teaching of His Apostles could not be used without a sense of comparison with the Roman Empu-e. In inscriptions and in all contemporary historians such as Zosimus, Socrates, or Sozomen, the Roman emperor was known as hasileus (^^aa-tXsvs) and the Greek for the It implies empire was hasileia (jSaaiXsLo).^ In some bates of seuse the Kingdom of which Christ spoke power would be mightier and more enduring than the empire of the Caesars. And in some sense ' In 1 Tim. ii. 2, and 1 Peter ii. 17, the Apostles are of course speaking of Claudius or of Nerc Introductory 3 tliat cruel and hated despotism was a symbol aud image of the Kingdom of God. History disproved the earthly conception of the hasileia at first present to the Apostles' minds. But certain elements of empire — and that meant of the Eoman Empire — organised rule, unity of headship, universality of extension, resistless success, power of growth, discipline and law, were characteristic of the divinely organised society -which Jesus Christ founded. Another result of this word hasileia or hnperiiim was to suggest a rival and therefore a hostile power. Tiieiefore For the modcm notion of great and powerful with Rome kingdoms existing side by side at peace, and respecting one another, was foreign to the political sentiment of the ancient world. This thought is a key to many incidents in the course of Church history. It explains the attitude of the civil power tow^ards the Church — there was a point where persecution became a necessity — and it explains the magnificent courage of the Christian martyrs, and the far-reaching hopes and exalted confidence of great Churchmen in every age. The very words of the Lord's Prayer carried in them the seeds of a revolution. Ko Roman magistrate could hear with perfect complacency that the words iXOdro) rj /SaaiXsia o-ou (Thy Kingdom come) were uttered in a most sacred, and to some extent a secret, form of prayer every day by hundreds of thousands who formed part of what seemed to him to be an organised and dangerous conspiracy. The instinctive sense of this danger soon came to the front. It had already appeared in the trial of E 2 4 The Church and the Roman Empire Clirist before Pilate : ' If thou let this man go thou art not Caesar's friend ; ' and it appears in the trial of St. Thesen?e Paul before the politarchs of Thessalonica.' power felt It is, however, a remarkable point in Church history that the Christians never did organise them- selves against the empire, as the Jews, for instance, organised themselves, with far less chance of success, against the earlier emperors. But it is no wonder that the danger of such disaffection was felt. Expressions which would sound like open sedition were frequently on the lips of Christians. In the Diocletian persecution Alphgeus and Zacchseus, two clergymen, suffered death for declaring that they acknowledged but one God, and Jesus as the anointed emperor, y^piarov ^aaCkia ^Xiqcrovv. And when Procopius, the first martyr whose death Eusebius saw with his own eyes, was told to sacrifice to the gods, he answered there was only one God to whom it was right to offer sacrifices in the way he wished, and then being urged at least to pour a health to the four emperors, he replied with Homer's well-known verses : VivK ayadoi' TroXvi^oiparh], tig KOipavot; forw, Eig (jaaiXfVQ (' it is not good to have lords many, let there be one lord, one king' [or emperor]). To the presiding magis- trate the meaning would be treason, an utterance against Digcletian's system, to say nothing of the suggestion of another emperor. Procopius was ordered to instant execution. ^ In this way Ciesarism and Christianity clashed. In this way the idea of the * Acts xvii 7. ' Mason's Diocletian, p. 187. . ^l- Introductory 5 paaCKsLa worked itself out to the supremacy of the Church in the world. All that vast development which we lightly trace in these pages sprang from the thoughts which Jesus Christ infused into this conception of a hasileia. The possession of this imperial idea has made Church history what it was. The Church was to absorb all the forces of the world. Its history was to be the history of a conquest. All the proud expres- sions in which the Augustan poets describe the great- ness of Rome and the empire were capable of being transferred in a figure to the Church of Christ. ' Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento/ might serve as a watchword for Christian missions. In this contest of rival powers, the two ^ao-iXslaL or imiJGria of Rome and the Church, which began their The great careers almost simultaneously, the Church ofth?^ won the victory. In a true sense ' the king- 9'^yV?^ doms of the world became the Kinsfdom of contest Christ.' But, in truth, against all seeming the advantages all along had been on the side of the Church. How fully this was realised in Christian thought we may learn from the pictures and parables of the Apocalypse, which are the real sequel to the Acts of the Apostles. Glance at the history of the Roman Empire. At any moment the career of an emperor might be closed by assassination. This became so serious an evil, and the succession so swift and changeable, that the system of Diocletian, by which the government was shared by four princes, associated in rule and by family ties, became a necessity. But this change, though a gain in one direction, involved the loss of unity, and introduced 6 The Church and the Roman Empire the weakness of rivalry. Again, the empire was ex- posed to dissolution by the pla.gue-spots of luxury and moral corruption, and by the attacks of the vigorous hordes of barbarians pressing on the Danube and the Rhine. But the Kingdom of Christ could suffer from none of these things. No blow could strike it down. Christ the King could not be slain, or deposed, or influenced. There could be no partition of the ^aaCKzia, no loss of unity. It did not rest on the passions or fears of men, or on corrupting influences, but on an appeal to the spirit of liberty, and on all that is finest and noblest in the nature of man. It was invincible, because there v/as not only no fear of death, but its subjects were, as their persecutors said, 'only too ready to die.' A history with such principles underlying it could not fail to be glorious. And no epoch in that histor^^ has been more fruitful in great men and great events than the fourth and fifth centuries. CHAPTER II. DIOCLETIAN. A.D. 284-305. In the year 283 the hopes of the Roman world were raised to the highest pitch by the successes of the Death of cmperor Cams in the East. It seemed that carus at length the most formidable danger which had menaced the empire from Augustus to Aurelian was to disappear before the advance of an emperor whose simi^licity of life and sevority of discipline recalled the 1 Diocletian, a.d. 284-305 7 old and virtuoas days of the Republic. His victorious armies had crossed the Euphrates and the Tigris, and were encamped a few miles from the latter river, when a terrific storm broke over the plain. After one of the loudest peals of thunder, a cry arose that the emperor was dead, and his tent was observed to be in flames. His death was variously ascribed to the stroke of lightning, to the natural course of a malady from which he suffered, or to assassination. In any case the visions of con- quest vanished, and the ' patient ' East once more wit- nessed the retreat of a Roman army. The death of Numerian, the young and virtuous son of Carus, soon followed. Aper, the Prefect of the Praetorian guard, aspiring to the empire, for some time concealed the death, of which he was probably the cause. When this intrigue was discovered, Aper was loaded with chains and dragged before a council of officers. In the hasty trial which followed, Diocletian, com- mander of the late emperor's bodyguard, was at once Diocletian the chief witucss, the judge, and the execu- emperor tioucr. He had probably also been the ac- complice of Aper. At any rate, the precipitate action by which he plunged his dagger into the prisoner's heart before he had time to reply, has left a dark and merited suspicion in history. Such was the sinister beginning of a reign which makes an epoch in the constitutional annals of Rome, and is ever memorable in the history of the Christian Church. Diodes (such was the earlier form of the name) was of servile origin. His father, however, obtained his S The Church and the Roman Empire freedom, ancl exercised tl\e office of a scribe — a calling wliicli implies some amount of culture, and certainly left its mark on Diocletian. The campaigns of Aure- lian — restorer of the Roman Empire * — and those of Probus and of Carus had produced and trained in a severe school of discipline a number of able and illustrious officers. Among these Diocletian had been highly distinguished, and on the death of ISTumerian was pro- nounced to be the most worthy to assume the pui-ple. There was, indeed, one rival for the possession of empire — the despicable Carinus, son of the late em- peror. But the decisive battle of Margus, in which Carinus was slain, left Diocletian sole master of the Roman world. From that moment the qualities which distinguished Diocletian were rather those of the great statesman than of the brilliant soldier. He conceived a system of government which en- titled him to be called the second founder of the empire, The imperial and which Certainly had momentous conse- biocietian qucuces for the future of the world's history. A monarchy holding sway over a vast and varied empire like that of Rome was a terribly insecure and unsettling form of government. It placed the peace of the world and the tenure of power at the mercy of the assassin's knife, or the caprice of a military conspiracy, at any moment in any distant corner of the earth. As a matter of fact the despotism had been transferred from the emperor to the soldiers of the Prastorian guard. Diocletian's plan was to create four rulers in place of one. Two, holding a higher rank with the supreme title of Augustus, were to govern the prefectures of * Vopiscus, Biv. Aurel § 1. Diocletian, a.d. 284-305 9 Italy and the East ;'^ two others of lower but still im- perial rank, bearing the name of Caasar, were to hold their respective courts, and to keep the enemies of Kome at bay on the banks of the Rhine and the Danube. The members of this quadruple autocracy were to be so closely associated by the bonds of common interest and of family alliance as to combine the strength and solidity of a monarchy with the advantage of an ex- tended and ubiquitous defence. Combined with this system, and an integral part of it, was the deliberate and final abandonment of Rome as the capital of the world. Hereafter, as there were to be four rulers, there were to be four capitals of the empire. Hence the names of Nicomedia, of Milan, ot Sirmium, and of Augusta Trevirorum — the modern Trier or Treves — rise into importance. It was a masterly scheme and had many conse- quences. It made assassination useless, it crushed the Conse- influence of the Praetorian guard, and reduced the ciiurcb tlio Roman senate to the status of a raunicipal system council. Its conscquences to the Church, which was still latent as a political force, will be de- veloped as this history proceeds. Two results were obvious, and, when persecution arose, immediate. Dif- ferences of rule must produce differences of adminis- tration, however carefully a compact is sealed. Conse- quently, if persecution raged in one quarter, toleration if not immunity prevailed in another. Again, division of power however carefully guarded, and the creation of separate courts and armies, could only result in rival- ries and a contest for supremacy. In such a contest Christianity as a political force must sooner or later be 10 The Church and the Roman Empire recognised, used and suitably rewarded. In carrying his plan into effect, Diocletian cliose as his immediate colleague and brother Augustus Maximian, a rude uncultivated soldier, son of a Dalmatian peasant, a compatriot therefore of Diocletian, and one who had like him risen to distinction in the wars of Aurelian and Probus. This was in the year 286. It was not till the year 292 that Diocletian's system was completed by the choice of the two Caesars — Galerius and Constantius — both names of grave import to the Christian Church. Galerius like the two Augusti had risen entirely by his military talents. These he possessed in an eminent TheCfesar degree. He deserves the name of a great Galerius general. In other respects the historian has no good thing to tell of Galerius. ' In this evil beast,' says Lactantius, ' there dwelt a native barbarity and a savageness foreign to Eoman blood.' Even if we do not accept to the full the hideous and repulsive portrait which the Christian historian has drawn of the perse- cutor of the Church, it is difficult to credit Galerius with the redeeming features possessed by such pagans as the humane and statesmanlike Diocletian. Constantius, surnamed Chlorus or pciZe, claims a nobler birth and was certainly endowed with a finer The csesar culturo and more generous qualities than his Constantius compecrs. By his mother he was connected with the emperor Claudius Gothicus, and by his father with a noble house in Moesia. In accordance with that part of Diocletian's plan which was to connect the Augusti and the Csesars in marriage, Galerius married Valeria, daughter of Diocle- tian, and Constantius was compelled to divorce his first Diocletian, a.d. 284-305 it wife Helena tlie mother of Constantiiie, and to become the son-in-law of Maximian by marriage with his step- daughter Theodora. In the distribution of power, Diocletian, fixing on Nicomedia in Bithynia as the seat of empire, retained The division Tinder his immediate authority Thrace, Egypt of empire ^^^ ^g-^_ Maximian ruled from Milan, Italy and Africa. Galerius, in his arduous post on the Danube, was answerable for Illyricum and the ad- joining provinces. To Constantius were assigned the care and defence of Gaul, Spain and Britain. The new experiment in governing the world at first succeeded admirably. Peace, indeed, there was not in any of the imperial provinces ; but in each the empire prevailed. While Constantius and Galerius were fight- ing on the line of the Danube and the Ehine, Maximian and Diocletian crushed a dangerous rising which ex- tended from Mauritania to Egypt. Persia, too, after a momentary triumph suffered a decisive defeat by the Roman forces under the command of Galerius. These great successes were celebrated by what had now become an unusual and remarkable event — a Roman triumph. For the first time in his reign, which was now drawing to its close, Diocletian determined to visit the ancient capital of his empire, and in company with Maximian to celebrate a triumph destined to be the last, though certainly not the least magnificent or the least sumptuous with the spoils of conquered nations, that had proudly moved along the Sacred Way.^ * According to Gibbon, ch. xiii., this triumph was coincident with the celebration of the Vicennalia at Eome (p. 18), but the latest authorities distinguish the two events. 12 The Church and the Roman Empire The beginning of the end had come. To Diocle- tian's friends this great and politic career was almost concluded. The interest of it had gone. But to the Christian historian the enduring interest is centred in its concluding years. Here begins its direct and dire Diocletian's relation to Christianity. What up to this tiie Church time had been Diocletian's attitude to the Christian Church ? The only possible answer is that it had been most favourable. Diocletian had sur- rounded himself with Christians. The most influen- tial, the most confidential oflices in his household, those which were most nearly concerned with his own person, were filled by Christians. His wife and daughter had roused the suspicion of the pagan society by their absence from sacrifices to the gods, and by their leaning to Christianity. There were some who asserted that Diocletian himself was almost a Christian. It is certain that he admired Christianity, and it is probable that as a statesman he saw the folly and the danger of stir- ring the hostility of an organisation, which had spread quickly and mysteriously, but firmly and increasingly, throughout the Empire. It is difficult to gather statistics now, but various indications had shown that the Christian body was Thenum- uumcrous. There was a large contingent in sources of tlic armv. Another proof of the numbers, the the Chris- i,i i xi pi- i tiau body wcaltu, and the energy oi this strange people, lay in the frequency and growing magnificence of Christian churches, which now appeared in all large centres of population. At Nicomedia the Christian Church dominated the whole city. Persecution of Christians, indeed, had never quite ceased ; but it was Diocletian, a.d. 284-305 13 not officially authorised, and each particular instance, if investigated, would show that there were secondary causes at work, such for instance as military insubordi- nation. Now there were sio-ns of a chano-e. In the autumn of the year 302, Galerius, 'the evil beast,' as Lactantius ^ ,. calls him, came to Nicomedia to confer with rersecution ' begins Dioclctian. No third person was present at these interviews. But events soon disclosed the nature and meaning of them. Symptoms of reviving hostility against Christianity had shown themselves in various quarters. The sense of danger arising from an organised secret confederacy within the empire grew as the evidence of its strength became more manifest. On one occasion Diocletian him- self had given the signal for persecution. He had asked the advice of his soothsayers, who examined the entrails of victims in the emperor's presence. When no signs or tokens appeared which should give indications of the future, the trembling soothsayers repeated the sacrifices, but still no response came. ' At length Tages, the chief of the soothsayers, either from guess or his own observation, said : " There are profane persons here who obstruct the rites." Then Diocletian in furious passion ordered not only all who were assisting at the holy ceremonies, but also all who resided within the palace, to sacrifice, and in case of their refusal to be scourged. And further, by letters to the commanding officers, he enjoined that all soldiers should be forced to the like impiety under pain of being dismissed the service. Thus far his rage proceeded, but at that season he did nothing more against the law and religion of 14 The Church and the Roman Empire GocL' ^ Sucli a thunderbolt might have falleu harmless. But the fierce and impolitic nature of Galerius had also been stirred to passionate hatred against the Christians. His mother, a devoted worshipper of the gods, invited to her frequent sacrificial feasts the officers of the army and her own household. But when the Christians among them refused to partake of those meats offered to idols, she was deeply incensed, and stimulated her son in his designs against the Church. Diocletian was too great a statesman to ajDprove of a general Diocletian persecution of Christians. He had recognised Galerius and the Strength and powerful organisation of the persecution Church, and saw the desirability of winning her as an ally. He knew that Christians, so far from fearing death, were only too eager to die. Never- theless, he was overcome by the violence of Gale- rius. Diocletian agreed to two steps which showed a faltering resolution. He convened a council, and he consulted the oracle of Apollo at Branchida? near Miletus. It was easy to forecast the result ; council and oracle joined in persuading the evil course, and Diocletian consented to persecute. But he made one reservation ; he insisted that there should be no blood- shed. The festival of the god Terminus, the god of limits and boundaries, was fixed upon for the beginning of the persecution, as if that day was to mark the limit of the Christian religion and influence. In the dim light of a winter's morning — it was on February 23, A.D. 303 — the imperial officers forced open the doors * Lactantius, Deaths of the Persecutors, cb. i. Diocletian, a.d. 284-305 15 of the cliurcli in Nicomedia, searched, it is said, for an image of the deity — so great was still the ignorance of Christian ritual — then proceeded to burn the sacred books and to pillage the furniture of the Church. The building itself was levelled to the ground by the axes and iron implements of the Praetorian guard. Next day the imperial edict was published — 1 . All churches were to be demolished. 2 . All sacred books The First Committed to the flames. 3. All who per- '^^^^^ sisted in Christianity to be deprived of any office or dignity they might possess ; if free, to lose their freedom. The third clause was by far the most serioas in its effects. It was a sentence of outlawry against all free men who professed Christianity ; it subjected Roman citizens to torture, and prevented all redress of griev- ances or possibility of pleading in the courts of law. It was a deliberate return to the persecuting regime of Valerian. The first act on the side of the Christians showed the spirit with which the persecutors had to deal. A certain man, whom Eusebius describes as of no mean origin and esteemed for his temporal dignities, tore down the decree and cut it in pieces ' improperly, indeed, but with high spirit,' says Lactantius with true sobriety of judgment. This man suffered a cruel death of torture and slow burning, not, strictly speaking, because of his Christianity, but, in form of law, for con- tempt of the emperor's authority. But it was precisely in this way that Diocletian's humane reservation against bloodshed was certain to become a dead letter. It was not difficult for pagan judges to put a fatal construction on the acts of out- 1 6 The Church and the Roman Empire lawed Christians. It was impossible for tliem not to punish obstinacy or acts of open treason. Diocletian was now compelled to plunge more deeply into persecution. A fire broke out in the palace Mysterious at Nicomedia, which is ascribed not without palace good rcason to the crafty policy of Galerius. Diocletian instantly commanded his household slaves to be put to the torture to force some confession of guilt. No discovery was made ; and it was significant that the servants of Galerius were not put to the question. Shortly afterwards for a second time the palace was set on fire. Galerius did not cease to ply the aged Augustus with suspicions, and before long hurried out of the city to escape, he said, being- burnt alive. The poison of suspicion did its work. Diocletian now allowed the persecution to rage without let or hindrance. His own dauo-hter Valeria and The perse- o cutionbe- ]^]^g -^^f^ Pnsca wcre compelled to sacrifice. comes more i fierce jjg j^ad the pain of handing over to torture and death the officers of his household, whom he had loved and trusted as his own children. The annals of the historians are filled with horrors only relieved and enlightened by the testimony of patience, devotion, and courage which the persecution of Christians has elicited in every age. In the secure times, which followed the era of persecution, the maimed confessors, who triumphed over Diocletian's torturers, had tales of wonderful endurance to tell to the Christian annalists. * Having been nine times exposed to racks and diver- sified torments,' says Lactantius, writing to Donatus. ' nine times, by a glorious profession of your faith, you Diocletian, a.d. 281-305 17 foiled the adversary ; in nine combats you subdued the devil and his chosen soldiers . . . after this sort to lord it over the lords of the earth is triumph indeed ! ' A second persecuting edict was directed against the clergy. It was ruled that the clergy everywhere The Second ^^'^^^ ^^^® Bishops to the humblest ministers of Edict ^]^Q Church should be arrested and cast into prison without the option of sacrifice. The shafts of the persecutor had been discharged with cruel skill. They were aimed not so much to slay the Christian as to ruin and break up the Church. How could this hated confederacy continue to exist without temples for worship, without the right of assembly, without bishop or priest to rule the Church and officiate at her altars ? Rigorously, remorselessly, and consistently carried out, the decrees were calculated to exterminate Christianity. It has been said that it is impossible to bring an indictment against a whole people, and the Christian community had become a people whom it was impossible to slay by legislation. The new constitution, too, prevented the systematic and even enforcement of the edicts without which they could not be effectual. The records of Christian suffering have not been preserved with sufficient accuracy of time and place to The perse- draw a Certain inference ; but it is clear the cution not . , t i • i equally pcrsecution was keen and cruel m the countries severe \xx different which fell undcr Diocletian's special govern- parts of the ^ r^ ^ • - ^ i /»iij -i • • empire ment. (jraierius might saiely be trusted witli the execution of the edicts in his division of the world. We find the zeal of the enemies of the faith quickened and fires of martyrdom blazing more fiercely in the c,H. c 1 8 The Church and the Roman Empire places visited by the C^sar in his progresses. Maxi- mian, too, was well pleased to indulge his coarse and cruel nature by carrying out the edicts which were now construed to authorise, without any limitation whatever, the infliction of death in forms of the most exquisite and protracted agony. But one imperial province en- joyed a comparative immunity. * All the world was afflicted,' says Lactantius ; ' and with the exception of the Gallic provinces alone, from east to west three rancorous wild beasts continued to rage.' The decrees could not, indeed, become completely a dead letter even with Constantius. One famous in- stance — the story of a martyrdom dear to the English Church — the passion of St. Alban, is enough to prove that the edicts were published in the provinces ruled by Constantius. But, allowing for some rhetorical license in the reign of Constantino, we may believe that the historian's words are substantially true : ' Constan- tius permitted the demolition of churches — mere walls, and capable of being built up again — but he preserved entire that true temple of God which is the human body.' From the November of the year 303, in which the edicts were issued, dated the commencement of the twentieth year of Diocletian's reign. He arranged to celebrate the occasion, technically called the Vicennalia, in Rome. At such a time it was usual to grant a general amnesty. It was an act of clemency which largely The Third affected the imprisoned Christians. But a Edict j^Q^Q added to the edicts made release con- ditional on doing sacrifice to the gods. Tlie Christian Diocletian, a.d. 284-305 19 historian frankly admits that many even thus availed themselves of the amnesty. Others, and the acts of some of these are recorded, endured torture and a lengthened imprisonment rather than yield. Diocletian had intended after the ceremony of the Vicennalia to remain in Rome until the Calends of Diocletian January, when he was to be invested with the in disgust consulsliip. But Romo became distasteful to him. "Vexed, it is said, with the freedom of the imperial city, he burst impatiently away from it. The Roman emperor had in fact with the dress and adornments and the titles assumed also the proud exclusiveness of an Oriental monarch. This is, indeed, to be ascribed to the policy rather than to the pride or ostentation of the Dalmatian freedman's son. Still, custom infects the nature of a man, and the spirit of freedom in speech and act which still breathed in the streets of the city of the Gracchi was displeasing to the monarch of Nicomedia. Diocletian entered on his consulship at Ravenna. The journey thither having been made through intense cold and incessant rain, he contracted a slight but lingering disease which obliged him to be carried in a litter. He left Ravenna in the summer and travelled first to the Danube and thence to Nicomedia. His malady now assumed a dangerous form — a report of his death, and even of his burial, was spread through the palace. He recovered, however, sufficiently to show himself in public, but probably never wholly regained his mental vigour and power of judgment. Shortly afterwards Diocletian abdicated the govern- ment — a step long contemplated, indeed, but hastened in the end by the vehement pressure of Galerius. His c 2 20 The Church and the Roman Empire colleague Maximian was compelled to follow his ex- ample. Galerius and Constantius now became the Diocietiau's Augusti. The title of Caesar was bestowed abdication ^^^^ Sevei'us, a man of the lowest reputation, and Daia, afterwards named Maximin, whose only claim was relationship to Galerius. With this change a fresh and still more cruel era of persecution set in. While Diocletian was still battling The Fourth ^'^^ discase and taking no part in public Edict affairs, an edict, harsher and more sweeping than any of the former, was issued. It enacted that wherever Christians should be found still adhering to their superstition, they should be compelled to sacrifice or die. Whole communities in towns and cities were literally called over individually by name and offered the alternative. It is clear, indeed, that such a measure could not be executed to the full extent of its intended malignity; but it left Christian people at the mercy of savage magistrates, and the annals of martyrdom are filled with accounts of wide-spread and cruel suffering. But systematic persecution like this exhibited the numbers of the Christian body ; and the inflexible courage of Christian men and women made an im- pression which must have added enormously to their influence and consideration in the State. Soon it will be seen that this influence was taken openly into account in the decisions of history. 21 CHAPTEH III. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO C0NSTAJur was The Emperor Julian called the Apostate 6i not exacted. Julian, however, made enquiry about tho young soldier, and was informed of his affectionate nature, of his charity, and of the love which his comrades bore him. He was told, also, how one bitterly cold night this soldier had divided his military cloak into two halves, and had given one half to a shivering beggar ; in the night the Christ had appeared to him clothed in that half cloak, saying : ' It was Martin that clothed me.' The story is familiar, but it is not remembered by all as an incident in the campaign of the pagan Julian. The success of Julian was by no means grateful to the emperor Constantius, who began to employ The jealousy against him the policy which he practised on stantius Gallus. A demand came to Julian to despatch some of his best troops across the Alps to the East, where Constantius was preparing for his war with Persia. Julian perceived the danger; but to disobey the commands of the emperor seemed impossible. The devotion of his troops came to his aid. They sur- rounded the palace where he resided at Lutetia, tho modern Paris, and first with low and isolated voices, then with a chorus of tumultuous cries, called on Julian to assume the titles of Augustus and emperor. After a certain show of resistance Julian accepted the situation. The conciliatory letter which he ad- The march ^rcssed to Coustautius was answered by a agains?^ peremptory message to lay down the title Coustantius ^yhich he had assumed, and to trust himself to the clemency of the emperor. To such a letter the only possible response was war. This was the occasion which Julian took of publicly 62 The Church and the Roman Empire renouncing Christianity, so that tlie campaign, which he instantly commenced against Constantius, bore to a certain extent the character of a reaction in favour of paganism. Symptoms of such a reaction had already appeared, and perhaps had given hopes to Magnentius in his desperate conflict with Constantius. We will not linger over Julian's gallant and ad- venturous march, with a flying column, as we should term it, detached from its base and from the main division of his army, through the unknown depths of the Black Forest, and across the Alps, to a point on the banks of the Danube between Ratisbon and Vienna, and thence by the river to Sirmium in Illyricum, one of the chief imperial residences. Everywhere he was received with joy. Constantius turned back from the Persian war to meet his adversary, and the fright- ful prospect of imminent civil war disclosed itself to the world. Happily for the peace of the empire, Constantius caught a fever in a town where he halted Constantius ^^^ ^'^^ from Tarsus, and there died. He ^^®* was succeeded by Julian, who now, at the age of thirty-two, became sole master of the Roman world (361). It was a critical and dramatic moment in the history of mankind. Once more Christianity and paganism Julian confronted one another ; but the circum- the empire stauccs and Conditions of the conflict had changed. Formerly paganism had endeavoured to hold back the advancing tide of Christian influence; but Christianity had won the victory. Constantino had avowedly fought his way to supreme power in the name of Christ, and he upheld with all the authority of the The Emperor Julian called the Apostate 63 State the religion which had carried him to victory. Still that revolution was not effected without wounding and destroying many interests, and without exciting deep antipathies. There were many an ti- Christian influences which were strong enough at any favourable moment to create a formidable reaction. Julian took advantage of the lingering prejudice in favour of the old religion, and gave all his energy to The pagan- promoto a revival of paganism. But the Julian paganism which Julian sought to restore was very different to any form of religion which the world had yet seen or known. In one important particular, at any rate, it differed from the ancient idea of a religion which confined special gods and special ob- servances to particular countries. Julian's paganism was to be a catholic paganism, and in this, as in other elements, the influence of Christianity may be traced. He accepted the Greek and Koman polytheism, and the Homeric Olympus, but he allegorised these conceptions after the manner of Alexandrian philo- sophers. He acknowledged, indeed, a supreme eternal cause of the universe ; but that cause was invisible and inaccessible to the human intellect, and was only to be reached by the ministers and interpreters of the supreme deity, known to men by the familiar names of Jupiter, Mars, Minerva, or Venus. Lastly, the celestial bodies were, he held, rightfully objects / of worship ; amongst them the Sun held sovereignty, / and was in a special sense the favourite divinity of j tJulian. Such was the religion which Julian attempted 64. The Church and the Roman Empirp. to oppose to Christianity. It awoke no enthusiasm, because it contained no principle. It made no response to human needs or to the human conscience. Julian, pure-minded and even ascetic in his own views and life, was disappointed to find that the revival of paganism only meant renewed license to indulge in the coarse ritual of the heathen gods. The two directions in which Julian delighted to make a display of his convictions were, a profuse expenditure on sacrifices to the gods, and an exaggerated devotion to those philosophers and mystics who had been his teachers and religious guides. So bitter was the re- sentment which he felt against the Christians, that any cult or worship which they opposed was taken under his protection. This feeling became the occasion of one of the most remarkable events in his reign. Because a Christian Julian's at- propliccy had foretold the utter destruction of build the the Temple at Jerusalem, and had declared Jerusalem agaiust its restoration, Julian determined to rebuild the Temple. He assumed a friendly attitude towards the Jews, for no other reason except that they were enemies of the Christians. What follows is attested not only by the Christian writers, Ambrose, Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzen, but by a more impartial witness, the heathen historian Ammianus Marcellinus. The Jews hastened with great alacrity to carry out the emperor's wish. Men and delicate women, rich and poor alike, vied with each other in preparing the foundations of the Temple. ' But,' says Ammianus, ' whilst Alypius, assisted by the governor of the pro- The Emperor Julian called the Apostate 65 vince, urged with vigour and diligence the execution of the work, horrible balls of fire breaking out near the foundations with frequent and reiterated attacks rendered the place from time to time inaccessible to the scorched and blasted workmen, and the victorious element continuing in this manner obstinately and re- solutely bent, as it were, to drive them to a distance, the undertaking was abandoned.' We leave the story as we find it : whatever explana- tions may be offered, few historical incidents are better authenticated, and few are more significant. Julian had persuaded himself that his mission was to destroy Christianity. But he did not propose to Julian ab- persecuto, both because he was not naturally staius from , ^ , . ,. . ', persecution cruel, and because persecution as a political measure had been tried and failed. It had increased the number of martyrs, deepened the enthusiasm for the faith, and drawn fresh adherents by the attraction of danger. So Julian determined not to persecute ; the * Galilaeans,' as he contemptuously terms the Christians, were only to be deprived of those favourable exemp- tions from taxation and civic duty granted them by Constantine. They were to restore or rebuild the pagan temples which they had destroyed; they were to render back the sites on which the temples stood, and the sacred vessels which they contained. But whatever resolve Julian might make about refraining from persecution, he soon found that the process of destroying Christianity involved it. His measures as to the restoration of pagan temples became the occasion of cruel and irritating persecution. In J many cases churches had risen on the sites of temples, c.H. F 66 The Church and the Roman Empire and tlie temples could not be rebuilt except at enormous expense. The zeal of provincial magistrates and popu- Persecutioa lations Carried out what they conceived to be becomes ? • i i • » inevitable the emperor s wish, by the oppression ol many Christians ; if the Christian was quite ruined, Julian was ready with his sneer, * It is the condition which their Master called " blessed." ' Another curious and petty mode of persecution, and one which raises an interesting question, was the pro- christians hibitiou to Christian teachers of the ofreat debarred ^ ° from read- classical woi'ks of Greek and Roman authors, rr I classics ' If they do n ot believe the_ g;oc[sj' he decreed, ' 1 * let them not read the books which describe their eeds.' Julian's object was doubtless to lower the standard of Christian education and to reduce the Galilasans to the status of a despised and illiterate sect. Even pagan historians feel a sense of shame in recording this unjust and illiberal measure. St. Augustine speaks of it in indignant terms. In a fine passage of the Be Civitate Bei addressed to those who formed a priori schemes about the Advent of Christ, and tried to round off the number of persecutions, so as to make them tally with their theories, he asks : ' Is not he a persecutor of the Church who prohibits a liberal education ? ' ^ The Chris- tian response to these measures was a noble one. Within a few months, works were composed by Christian scholars setting forth the history and the verities of Christianity in dialogues or poems modelled on the style of Homer, Euripides, or Plato. ' An ipse non est ecclesiam persecutus qui Christ ianos liberales literas docere ac discere vetuit ? — IJe Civ. Dei, xviii. 52. The Emperor Julian called the Apostate 67 This striking and unexampled effort in' iterature has had no slight influence in deciding the future of Christian education. It is in great measure owing to the position taken by Gregory Nazianzen, Basil of Csesarea, and other great scholars of this epoch, that Christianity is not a narrow enthusiasm, but a Church divinely built upon a foundation broader than all human knowledge. But the opposite view, condemnatory of all pagan literature and its influence, found vigorous defenders in this age as it has at other epochs. The depreciation of secular learning has been an animating principle in schools of Christian thought as widely opposed in time and characteristics as the monasticism of Egypt and the Evangelical school of the eighteenth century. The historian Socrates found it necessary to put forth an elaborate defence of teaching from the great pagan writers. ' Christ,' he says, ' has taught us to become approved money-changers ' (an expression not else- where found) ' in order that we may prove all things and hold fast that which is good.' He cites also the instance of St. Paul and of ' the ancient doctors of the Church.' Among the scholars who took part in this literary movement against the decree of Julian, and who claimed for Christianity the whole range of human learning, and refused to place it outside the highest results of Hellenic wisdom, the two Apollinarii, father and son, the one celebrated as a grammarian, the other as a rhetorician, were especially distinguished. The elder Apollinarius translated the Pentateuch and paraphrased the historical books of the Old Testament in Greek F 2 6S The Church and the Roman Empire verse, using all the different metres, says Socrates, ' in order that no form of expression peculiar to the Greek lanofuaofe mi^-ht be unknown or unheard of amonc^ Christians.' ' The younger Apollinarius explained the teachinor of the New Testament in the fonu of Platonic dialoo'ues. But nowhere did Julian find a more able and strenuous resistance to his illiberal method of per- secution than in his former fellow-students Gregory Nazianzen and Basil of Caesarea. St. Gregory has left many poems, some descriptive of his own career and of contemporary events, some on abstract subjects of Christian thoug-ht, which, thouo-h fallinof short of classic correctness and beauty, have a charm of their own re- cognised by modern criticism. ^ St. Basil w^rote a special addre ss to the young, showing how they may study Greek literature to ad- vantage. He takes the view already adopted by Eusebius, that all that is good in pagan literature was an eclio of the ins pirprl tp^^^hing of the Old Testame nt. The whole movement is full of interest, and suggests modern parallels in many points ; with Synesius of Cyrene, for instance, there is the same tendency to push classic influence and modes of thought to an extreme w^hich is observable in some phases of the Renaissance in Em'ope. Julian's brief reign of eighteen months (from No- vember 361 to June 363) was divided between a resi- dence at Constantinople, a residence at Antioch, and his campaign on the Euphrates against the Persians. It would lie beyond the limits of our subject to go minutely into the details of Julian's active and interest- » Socr. Bk. iii. ch. 16. The Emperor Julian called the Apostate 69 ing career. It is enough to say that, notwithstanding bis self-denial and energy as a ruler, and his military skill and brilliant rhetoric, troubles grew thick upon him. At Antioch the greater part of the population was hostile to him, and he was exposed to petty annoyances Julian at ^^ looks or muttered words which it was im- Antioch possible to restrain or to punish. Julian was drawn more and more into the hateful necessity of per- secution. Christians were excluded from civil employ- ment in tlie imperial service. Soldiers who declined to take part in the idolatrous rites with which Julian surrounded the military life were put to death. The great temple of Apollo near Antioch was burnt to the ground, probably by accident ; but Julian attributed the calamity to the fanaticism of the Christians. The order was given to demolish Christian churches. Several Christians were brought to trial, and were cruelly tor- tured and slain. Their constancy amazed and baffled their judges. One, Theodoret by name, in the midst of his tortures calmly prophesied the death of his judge; and of the emperor he said : ' An unknown hand shall take his life, and his body shall lie unburied in a foreign land.' Within a few days the first part of the prophecy was fulfilled. Count Julius, Theodoret's judge and a near kinsman of the emperor, died in agonies. Tlie rest of the prophecy lingered in men's minds WW it was fulfilled in the Assyrian deserts. It is not necessary to describe at large Julian's disastrous campaign on the Euphrates and tbe Tigris. Julian's last Nor d.oes that campaign immediately affect and death the history of the Church except so far as it terminated the career of her last pagan persecutor. 70 The Church and the Roman Empire Julian had proved himself a brilliant commander in his Gaulish campaigns, and in his daring march for empire from the Rhine to the Danube. In the present expedi- tion his old soldierly qualities remained, but as a general he made fatal mistakes. At the instigation of a Persian spy he burnt his ships and provisions on the Tigris, marched into the heart of the waterless deserts, was there abandoned by his treacherous adviser, and exposed to the onslaught of the enemy's cavalry. After some days of unspeakable hardships and privations Julian determined on a retreat. In one of the skirmishes with a body of Persian horse he rushed unarmed to the front and was fatally wounded. A scream of agony escaped him, which, so far as it shaped itself into articulate words, was interpreted to mean, '0 Galilasan, thou hast conquered ! ' or else, ' Sun god, thou hast deceived me 1 ' The scholar will recognise that in Greek the two sentences would have a far closer similarity of sound than in English. Such was the end of Julian, and such the success of his attack on Christianity. In some ways this great trial of the Church was not without its results for good — the removal of dangerous exemptions from eccle- siastics, the cutting down of unseemly state and wealth in the Church, the spread of Christian teaching by the partial assumption of it into his system by Julian, the purification and strengthening of the Church by the excision of weak and cowardly members. CHAPTER VIII. ST. BASIL AND ST. GREGORY, It is a relief to turn from Julian to his two fellow- students in the schools of Athens — Gregory Nazianzen and Basil. The careers of these two noble champions of the faith against the influence of pagan and Arian emperors make an instructive and stirring contrast to the life and work of Julian. Gregory and Basil were born about 330. Both were natives of Cappadocia ; the parents of Basil living at Cassarea, then the capital of the province ; those of Gregory at the little town of Nazianzus in the south- west of Cappadocia, of which place Gregory's father was Bishop. The life-long friendship began when Basil and Gregory were schoolfellows together at Csesarea, under Early life tlio tutorsliip of Carterius, afterwards, it is and Basil thought, the iustructor of Chrysostom, and always tenderly loved and remembered in after days by Gregory. From Csesarea in Cappadocia, Gregory and his brother Caesarius — afterwards a celebrated physician — passed to the city of the same name in Palestine to pursue the study of rhetoric. Shortly before that time the empress Helena had discovered, or believed she had discovered, the true Cross on Calvary, and the young students at Caesarea would doubtless visit at Jerusalem the noble church which had been lately consecrated on the spot. Still eager in the pursuit of knowledge, Gregory went to Alexandria^ 71 72 The Church and the Roman Empire then the seat of the most refined culture and the most advanced learning of the age. After a short resideDce at Alexandria he became anxious to visit a city of still older renown and greater memories. Like Julian, Gregory was attracted to the schools of Athens, which was still the eye of Greece, the centre of Hellenic culture. At Athens Gregory and Basil met again. It is amusing to read how Gi'egory saved his old friend from student life ^^® anuoyanco of rough practical jokes, to at Athens wMcli frcshmeu were exposed at Athens as they have been at more modern seats of learning. As fellow-students they lived in the closest intimacy, sharing one room, studying the same books, and stimu- lating each other to aim at the highest ideal of Christian scholarship. Here Basil especially became intimately acquainted with Julian. They studied together, as Basil afterwards reminds the emperor, not only the models of classical eloquence and poetry, but also the Holy Scriptures. It is interesting to remember in after life this intercourse of the scholar emperor and the scholar saint. Gregory and Basil achieved the highest reputation at Athens. Distinguished and lucrative careers were open to either of them, but each resolved to devote all to the cause of Christ. Each, however, had his temp- tations and his weaknesses. The classical writers of Greece and Rome still possessed a great, perhaps a dangerous, attraction for Basil adopts Gregory. As for Basil, a wise and loving life ' elder sister — Macrina — detected an intel^ lectual pride which ke^Dt him back from entire self- St. Basil and St. Gregory 73 abandonment to Christ. A letter of his brother has been preserved, which implies that Basil had adopted the manner and airs of a fine gentleman. But the spirit of devotion prevailed, and Basil determined to retire from the world and live a secluded life with a community of like-minded brethren. First, he visited the celebrated hermits and ascetic communities in Pales- tine, Syria and Egypt ; then he resolved to carry out his plan of life in a quiet spot on the banks of the river Iris in Pontus. This age of Church history was the age of great experiments in the Christian life ; and Basil's experi- ment, with its teaching for the future, deserves to be carefully noted. Basil decided for the life of a community as against the solitary life with much reason. * What discipline of humility, of pity, or of patience,' he says, ' can exist if there be no one on whom those virtues are to be prac- tised ? ' In a letter to Gregory, inviting him to join his soniety, Basil gives a charming account of his monastic home, with an appreciation of natural scenery, which seems to be a gift of Christianity. ' My mountain is lofty, covered with thick woods, watered on the north with clear streams. At its foot extends a vast plain made fruitful by the mountain rivulets, so closed in by stream and mountain, as to make it like an island.' ' And it was,' he said, with recollections of his Homer, ' as beautiful as the island of Calypso.' Gregory, however, had duties at Nazianzus in assisting his aged father in his episcopal labours, helping too in domestic management, in which he finds intolerable difficulties. ' To govern servants,' he says, 74 The Church and the Roman Empire ' is a very net of ruin.' He visited Basil, however, and was charmed by the scene of mingled industry and de- Gregory votion. Soon after this Gregory was ordained, father at ^ not Voluntarily, but, as happened sometimes Kazianzus -^ tliose days, suddenly by compulsion on the part of the congregation. Such forced ordinations — j we hear too of forced baptisms and of forced episcopal consecrations — are among the most remarkable eccle- siastical incidents at this period of Church* history. It is another instance of the Church feeling her way to a more perfect discipline. Once ordained Gregory made it a principle to fulfil his duties as priest to the utmost of his powers. The address which he delivered on pastoral work, after- wards amplified into a treatise, has remained a standard authority on this subject through all the Christian cen- turies. Soon the terror of Julian's accession fell upon the Church. His cruel and illiberal edict against the use of classics by Christian teachers was deeply felt by the two friends. But a more bitter and nearer visita- tion was at hand. Julian passed through Cassarea on his march to Persia. He found a Christian population, and the last heathen temple levelled to the ground. He levied an enormous fine on the city, but was nobly resisted by Basil. Then he left Caesarea, threatening a terrible vengeance on his return from the Persian expedition. St. Basil became Bishop of C^sarea, a position of great and wide importance and supremacy. By him St. Basil St. Gregory was appointed Bishop of Sasima, cajsarea a Small and unattractive spot, but chosen as the seat of a Bishopric that it might be a sort of eccle- St. Basil and St. Gregory 75 siastical outpost in a dispute on the question of episcopal jurisdiction. This position was distasteful to St. Gregory, and produced a coolness for a while between him and St. Basil. Basil's weak and tortured frame was the first to suc- cumb to death. His episcopal rule had been surrounded with difficulties and dissensions, but his splendid reso- lution triumphed over all. He was threatened by the emperor Valens, but his noble Christian courage not only compelled the emperor to retract his edict of banishment, but preserved for his city the purity of the Catholic faith. St. Gregory was summoned to the see of Constanti- nople, where he presided at the oecumenical council held in the year 381 . He had a hard fight against the Arian faction in Constantinople under the emperor Valens, but better times came with Theodosius. Eventually St. Gregory left Constantinople, after delivering an impres- sive valedictory address, and retired to his native Nazianzus, where he died in about the sixtieth year of his life. The life and works and examples of these two great Saints have left an indelible impression on the The teach- Churcli. Their history, of which our limits thes?two liave afforded only a meagre outline, is full liyes Qf cieep and modern interest. In the course of it important questions were raised, such as the Christian study of the classics, the pastoral duties of the Christian minister, the ties of friendship and religion, the attitude of a Catholic Bishop to an un- believing emperor — questions which we may learn to decide in the clear light of ancient ecclesiastical history, ^6 The Church and the Roman Empire and by the eloquent words and devoted lives of two of the greatest and saintliest of holy and heroic men whose linked memories are a heritage of the Church. CHAPTER IX. JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN, VALENS. The death of Julian left the army in a miserable and even desperate position. It became necessary to elect Jovian a ncw general and a new emperor. For a emperor wliile it Seemed possible that the spirit of faction would seal the ruin of the unfortunate expedi- tion. But while the leaders of the army were discussing rival claims, a shout was raised in the rear in favour of Jovianus, an officer of medium rank. The favourable but almost accidental cry of a few soldiers was carried from rank to rank and resulted in the choice of Jovian as emperor, an election furthered, it is said, by the confusion occasioned by the similarity of sound between the names of Julian and Jovian, which created a mo- mentary belief among the veterans of the late emperor that their favourite leader had returned to life. The emperor thus elected by a knot of the inferior officers and common soldiers of a retreating army was a Christian, a circumstance which seems to imply that the sentiments of Julian, and his bitter hostility to Christianity, had not deeply penetrated the mass of his soldiers. Many signs pointed in the same direction throughout the empire. Altars which had smoked with Jovian, Valentinian, Valens yj innamerable victims were left cold and dislionoured. The massive and half-finished remains of magnificent The change heathen temples stood witnessing to the mo- frora ^ ° paganism mentous change. In the army the pagan emblems once more gave place to the Christian symbol of the laharum. The new emperor had a task of iinmense peril and difficulty before him. He had to achieve the rescue of his famished and despondent troops from the intermin- able deserts, and from the pursuit of the enemy. Gibbon has truly marked this as an important epoch in the decline and fall of the Roman empire, when Jovian concluded a shameful, though perhaps a necessary, treaty with the Persian monarch, by which he abandoned five provinces and the impregnable fortress of Nisibis to the victorious Sapor. It is not, however, true to assert, as Gibbon does, that this was the first occasion on which the limits of empire were contracted. The impenetrable silence in which the Persian ex- pedition had been involved was at length l)roken by the news of Julian's death, and the succession of Jovian. That news was variously received. At Antioch it pro- duced the liveliest satisfaction. There the Christian emperor was welcomed with delight. St. Jerome de- scribes his boyish recollections of the scene when the news reached his native town. He witnessed the desertion of the temples, and the sudden cessation of heathen sacrifice. He records, too, the saying of a pagan bystander which he overheard : ' Why do the Christians call their God long-suffering ? Here He has not lost a single day in taking vengeance.' It is unhappily characteristic of the history of 78 The Church and the Roman Empire Christianity, that the removal of external pressure or persecution opens the field to internal dispute. Jovian was surrounded by the advocates of the different Chris- tian parties, each eager to secure the imperial interest for his own faction. He took the wisest possible course. He summoned Athanasius to his presence, and asked his jovian's counscl. It was a policy which disappointed Church TPA. -r^-' 1 it' t policy a crowd oi Arian i^isUops who had expected another Constantius, and whose sole object was to obtain a share of court favour. St. Athanasius had written to Jovian, referring him to the Nicene Creed as the standard of faith, and on his arrival at court had urged the emperor to adopt a policy of toleration and religious freedom. Consequently both Arianism and pagan philosophy, no longer basking in the sun of imperial protection, began to pine away and disappear. Jovian proceeded to restore to the Churches, with some restrictions, those favours and immunities which they had enjoyed before the reign of Julian. Altogether the firm and prudent attitude of this rude soldier suddenly elevated to supreme power was a precedent which promised well for the future relations of Church and State. We seem here to have an ad- mirable adjustment between those relations, neither displacing the other, but each regardful of mutual interests ; the empire supporting and drawing spiritual strength from the Church, and in spiritual matters ruling and judging by the advice and wisdom of her chief pastor ; the Church in all temporal things submit- ting herself to Cassar's rule. Eut the career of Jovian was destined to be short Jovian, Valentinian, Valens 75 and tragic. The difficulties of his position seemed to be surmounted. He was passing though Asia Minor on The death ^^^ ^^Y ^^ Constantinople. His wife Charito of Jovian ^j^]-^ \^Qy youthful SOU was hastening to meet- him, when the tidings met her that her husband was no more. He had reached a halting place, Dadas- tana,^ on the confines of Bithynia and Galatia ; the night was intensely cold, his lodgings happened to be in a newly built house, the walls of the chamber in which he slept were damp and a large fire was lighted. In the morning the emperor was disco- vered to be dead. Either the exhalation from the damp walls or the fumes of the charcoal had been fatal to him. St. Augustine in the ' City of God ' remarks : * It was well for divine wisdom to load Constantine with prosperity, to show it can recompense its servants ; it was w'ell too to smite Jovian in spite of his piety, that men should learn not to follow the Christian faith in the hope of earthly gain.' For ten days the Eoman empire was without a head. Several names were proposed, but none met Choice of with the unanimous approval of the high emperor officials who had met in council, until the name of Yalentinian was mentioned. Valentinian, the son of a distinguished general, had himself served with merit on the Rhine and in the campaigns against Persia. He was a Christian and had run some risk in consequence of his sincerity in the reign of Julian. The heathen historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, praises the proved courage of Valentinian and the purity and simplicity of his life. But one dark stain, which the 8o The Church and the Roman Empire possession of supreme power rendered darker and mora injurious, marked the cliaracter of Valentinian. He was subject to fits of furious and indiscriminating passion which hurried him into acts of inexcusable cruelty. Th3 administration of the empire under this prince became a reign of terror. A brighter side of his policy, which especially commended itself to his heathen biographer, was his impartiality in all matters of religion. We shall see, however, how impossible and, indeed, how criminal it is for a Christian ruler to preserve this attitude when the usurpations of heresy demanded the interference of the civil power. The election of Valentinian was confirmed by the army. It is a sign of the confusion and indecision of relisfious thouo^ht at this crisis that the Valens o o ceremony was deferred until the arrival of a day esteemed propitious in the light of pagan super- stition. In obedience to the demands of his soldiers Valentinian appointed a colleague — not, however, one who would have been the choice of others — his own brother, the feeble and incompetent Valens. In the division of empire Valentinian took for his share the more difficult task of governing the West with Milan for his capital ; the East, with its centre at Constantinople, was left to Valens. Valentinian did not entirely reverse the policy of Julian towards the Christian Church. He withdrew, in- vaien- deed, from the heathen temples the Christian chirch endowments conferred on them by Julian, but policy \^Q ^{^ j^Q^ restore them to the Church. The Christian priesthood was no longer permitted to carry Jovian, Valentinian, V a lens 8i with it immunity from taxation — the dangerous gift of Constantine. In Church questions he endeavoured to separate himself entirely from religious controversy. When he was met on his way to Italy by a deputation from the Bishops of the Hellespont and of Bithynia, requesting him to summon a council : ' I am but one of the laity (or people),' he said, ' and have therefore no right to interfere in these transactions. Let the Bishops to whom such matters appertain assemble where they please.' ' It is important for us in these days to take note how impossible it is for a Christian ruler to adhere to such resolutions. Almost immediately after his arrival at Milan Valen- tinian found a state of affairs in the Christian Church which demanded his intervention. Auxentius, Bishop of Milan, had throughout his career belonged to the Arian party, and it was by the influence of the Arian Non- Constantius that he had been placed in his intervention -^ -i * • • -i i t i impossible seo. Bxxt now that Arianism had ceased to be fashionable at the imperial court in the West, Auxentius professed a change, and declared himself on the Catholic side. This sudden and suspicious conversion failed to secure the confidence of the Christians in Milan, who took up an attitude of mistrust and resistance. At that time Hilary, the celebrated Bishop of Poitiers, was visiting the Churches of Italy with the view of reconciling with their flocks certain Bishops who in an unguarded moment had subscribed the erring Creed of Ariminum. In many cases such reconciliation was easy and de- Kghtful ; the Bishops had erred from ignorance rather * Sozoaien, vi-vii. C.H, G 82 The Church and the Roman Empire than from any deliberate opposition to the Nicene Creed. But at Milan Hilary took the side of the Catholic Christians in their resistance to the time-serving Bishop Auxentius. Valentinian wished to stand aloof. But his coun- sellors forced upon him the necessity of putting an end to a state of affairs which threatened the public peace. Accordingly, Valentinian commanded all Christian people to submit to Auxentius, and to frequent only the regularly consecrated churches. Discovering the impossibility of enforcing this decree, he next proposed a measure equally distasteful, and equally impracticable, namely, the appointment of a commission of Bishops and lay officials to settle the question. The end of the affair was that Auxentius gained so great an influence over the emperor that Hilary was ordered to quit Milan. From Gaul, Hilary addressed a letter to Valentinian, in which he nobly maintains the independence of the Church in her own province, and the danger of seeking an unworthy alliance with the civil power. It is a model treatise on the true relations between Church and State. Another incident, into which we shall not enter at length, presents some suggestive details to the Church historian. On the death of Liberius, Bishop of Bome, the question of his successor gave rise to a fierce and even Anecciesias- sanguiuary conflict between the partisans of ii^Rome " Damasus and Ursinus, rival candidates for the see. In the end, the party of Damasus prevailed. But in the course of the contentioUj the authority of Jovian, Valentinian, V a lens 83 the civil governor had been overridden, the emperor himself had been appealed to. He intervened, but to little purpose indeed. The result was significant. An Growth of imperial officer had broken Valentinian's ml pSiver" pi"iiiciple of non-intcrference. A rival power in Rome resting on popular choice had shown itself supreme in Rome. The prestige of the Christian pontiff* seemed already to be a danger to the empire. A say- ing of Praetextatus, prefect of Rome, points to the growing sense of the episcopal power in that city : ' Make me Bishop of Rome,' he exclaimed, ' and I pro- mise to become a Christian.' Another pagan, Ammianus Marcellinus, contrasts the dignity, the magnificence, and the luxury of the Bishop of Rome with the frugal, humble, and self-deny- ing life of his provincial brethren. This glimpse at the history of the Roman Church will suffice at least to draw attention to one of the most intensely interesting lines of historical research — the growth and influence of the papal power. Before we leave the history of Valentinian, an in- stance may be given of the tendency, the unconscious tendency of the Church to absorb within itself the powers of the world. A principal aim in Valentinian's government was to counteract ecclesiastical influence. Partly with this view he created a body of function- aries named Defensores civitatum (protectors of cities). These were placed in the several cities of the empire, charged with the duty of defending the popular rights and of redressing grievances. They were to be elected by the people, and confirmed in office by the emperor. The institution was intended to be a check on the G 2 S.{ The Church and the Roman Empire popular authority of the Bishops. But before a genera- tion had passed, the Bishop and clergy were associated in the election of this officer, who eventually became little else than the nominee and lieutenant of the Bishop. There is little more in the reisrn of Valentinian that directly affects the Church. The ferocity of his cha- racter, which has been already mentioned, increased in intensity as he advanced in years. Instances are re- corded, not only of cruelty, but of treacherous cruelty. The story is well known of the two pet bears which he kept in his own sleeping apartment, and to which he exposed condemned criminals to be torn in pieces under his own eyes. The magistrates and officials in the provinces were ordered to carry out the same hard and cruel policy The Church ^^ suspicion and death. All this tended to a refuge auormcnt the influence of the Church of Christ. from ues- o potism Yov everywhere men turned to the Church and to the episcopal rule, as the only refuge from the tyranny of the imperial government. In this way, without countenancing the thought of disloyalty, and without any consciously aggressive action, the Kingdom of God grew in power. Some years before his death, Valentinian had nomi- nated his son Gratian, then a boy eight years of age, to be his associate in empire with the title of Augustus. He expired in a fit of apoplexy, induced by a passionate interview with the ambassadors of the Quadi, a barbar- ous tribe with whom he was at war (375). CHAPTER X. VALENS — INVASION OF THE GOTHS. The East was regarded as the less arduous division of the world to govern ; but Valens, brother and colleague va'ens of Valentiniau, found himself entangled with Procopfus difficulties from the first. While the threat- ening of a Persian war detained him in Syria, the news reached him of a formidable insurrection under Pro- copius in the western part of his dominions. Procopius, a kinsman of the emperor Julian, and at one time, it is said, designated as his successor, was considered too dangerous a subject to live. He escaped, however, the imperial officers who had been sent to arrest him, and found himself compelled to assume the purple rather than perish ignominiously as a rebel. He was scon surrounded by a considerable force. Perhaps we may trace in the first successes of Procopius renewed evi- dence of a pagan reaction. So formidable did the rising appear that Valens was eao-er to abdicate : but his officers disclaimed submission, and insisted on Valens giving battle to his rival. The field of Nacolia in Phrygia justified their resolution. Procopius was deserted by his officers, his troops listened to the persuasion of their old leaders, and the unfortunate Procopius, an emperor against his will, was captured and slain. Valens had fallen under the influence of Eudoxius, the Arian Bishop of Constantinople. The religious interest of his reign lies, not in the struggle between 85 S6 The Church and the Roman Empire Clii'istianity and paganism, but between Arianism and Catliolic Christianity. The time had come when ' Chris- An Armn *^^^ \o^Q among the Churches looked the persecution ^win of heathen hate.' Everywhere pressure was laid on the orthodox Churches, Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, was driven into exile, and an Arian put in his place ; in Alexandria the Arian Lucius was thrust into the see of Athanasius. An imperial order de- livered over to pillage and the sword the monasteries of the Egyptian deserts. Many Christians who re- mained true to the Nicene faith were slain at Antioch and other cities of the East. A scene which took place at Edessa finely illustrates the Christian view of persecution. Valens had ordered a general massacre of the faithful assembled for worship in the ' martyry '• of St. Thomas in Edessa. A cordon of soldiers sur- rounded the church, when a poor woman bearing a little child tried to force her way into the congregation, l^rought before the prefect and asked whither she was pressing, ' To the same place to which others are hasten- ing,' she replied. ' Have you not heard that the prefect is about to put to death all who shall be found there ? ' * Yes,' said the woman, ' and therefore I hasten that I may be present.' ' And whither are you dragging that little child ? ' said the prefect. ' That he also may be vouchsafed the honour of martyrdom,' was the mother's reply. Thus once more was the folly of persecution tauofht. It was vain to contend ao-ainst a faith and against a community in which the women and little children were possessed of such calm courage. The mind of Yalens, too, was diverted from Christian • Such was the name given to churches dedicated to martyrs. Valens— Invasion of the Goths 8/ peruecution by a superstitions fear. It was a fashion- able weakness of the day to dip into the secrets of tlie future by various devices. By one of these a revolving table and an alphabetical arrangement spelt out the names of destined dignitaries. Asked who should be the future emperor, the oracle gave forth the letters Th-e-o-d and then paused. By the voice of all the supreme power was promised to Theodorus, a person of some distinction. The designation was not only fatal to this Theodorus, but was a danger to all the unhappy persons who bore that name, or whose names began with the fatal letters. Valens proceeded to put in force severe measures against all who professed or practised the arts of sorcery and magic. It is said that his zealous ministers con- trived to include in this proscription sophists, neo- platonists and others whose sympathies were with the pagan system, and whose studious lives gave colour to the charge of divination. A story is told of St. Chry- sostom in connexion with this imperial edict. Walking with a friend by the side of the Orontes he picked up a fragment of writing which to his horror he discovered to be part of a treatise on magic — a fatal possession. To fling it away or to keep it was equally dangerous. Fortunately he was not detected, but the incident made a deep impression on his mind. An event now occurred which became a turning point in the history of the empire. For long different The Gothic divisions of the Teutonic race had hung like invasion g^ dark cloud on the borders of the Roman empire. Up to this time the Danube, strongly guarded by a succession of fortresses, had proved a sufficient 88 The Church and the Roman Empire barrier against the Gothic invasion. Bat now a new motive, rather a necessity for advance, pressed upon the Teutons. A fierce barbarian tribe of another race, the Turanian Huns, had swept down upon the Goths and forced them onwards. In countless hordes they Btood on the northern banks of the Danube which flowed between them and the safe and fruitful plains ot Moesia, imploring permission to cross. The Goths had in some measure come under the influence of Roman civilisation. Many of them had Theconver- servcd in the imperial armies, and had carried sion of the , , • , i . /• i Goths home some lessons m the arts ot peace and war. They must also have taken home the dangerous secret of the weakness of the empire and the de- clining valour and strength of Koman armies. In another respect they had grown akin to Rome. They had become Christians through the preaching of one of the greatest missionaries of our faith — Ulfilas, the latinised form of Wulfila or Wolfel. Ulfilas, a Goth, succeeded Theophilus, the first Bishop of the Goths, who had sat at the Nicene Council. His great work was the translation of the Scriptures into the Gothic ver- language of the Goths. In order to accom- scriptures plisli this work it was necessary to compose an alphabet of twenty-four letters, four expressing sounds unknown to Greek or Latin. Frao^ments of this version are preserved, the most celebrated of which, the ' Codex Argenteus,' forms the most precious treasure of the University of Upsala. This ' superb codex ' is written in gold and silver letters on a violet ground, it contains portions of the Gospels, and dates from the fifth or early in the sixth century. Ulfilas had subscribed the Creed Valens— Invasion of the Goths 89 of Ariminum, but liis declared Arianism dates from a mission to Valens, from whom he petitioned assistance for the Christianised Goths in a feud against their still heathen brethren. Through the preaching of Ulfilas the Goths adopted an Arian type of Christianity, though it may be doubted whether the barbarian intellect gra sped in any des^ree of accuracy the fine distinctions of the Arian teaching. When the demand of the Goths to cross the Danube reached Valens, he hesitated for a while and then gave the permission. Their guide was Ulfilas. They claimed him as a second Moses to lead them across the stream to a land of promise. The date of this important event is A.D. 376. Two conditions were exacted of the Goths : that they The Goths should deliver up their arms and their children. DiTuubr The latter were to be dispersed and brought up to civilisation among the cities of Asia. The terms were agreed to, but subsequent events soon rendered them inoperative. Their arms were for the most part retained by bribery , and victory restored the children to their parents. To permit the passage of the Goths was a fatal blunder on the part of Valens, but it tended to the strength and advance of the Christian cause. The officers of Valens added to the original blunder by their treatment of their Gothic allies. Markets were closed to them, food sold at an exorbitant price, and all the benefits of a fruitful land withheld. Meanwhile the Ostrogoths succeeded in crossing the Danube and join- ing their brethren the Visigoths. The seething discontent between the two nations broke out at Marcianopolis. A quarrel about rights of 90 The Church and the Roman Empire market ended in drawn swords and spilling of blood. A conflict followed in which the imperial forces were The Goths shamefully defeated by Fritigern and his hTperfaf^^ Victorious Goths. From that day the Goths proTinces -yverc virtual rulers from the Danube to Con- stantinople. Their numbers were further augmented by a body of fellow-countrymen in the imperial service whom a studied insult turned against their masters. When intelligence of this threatening state of affairs reached Valens, he resolved to leave Antioch and meet the danger — for once unseasonably brave. Two incompetent generals, ' anhelantes quidem altius sed imbelles,' says Ammianus, were sent in advance.- The armies met near the southernmost mouth of the Danube. A fierce, sanguinary, and undecisive engage- ment damped the spirit of the barbarians. They were l)esieged in their camp and might have been reduced by famine, when an unlooked-for diversion occurred by a fresh incursion of Gothic tribes. The Roman general i-aised the siege, and the two branches of the Visigoths and Ostrogoths, uniting their forces, flooded the pro- vinces south of the Danube with rapine and violence. Valens had summoned to his aid his nephew Gratian, now covered with fresh glory from the defeat of the The battle of liosts of the Alcmauui on the plains of Alsace. A.D. 378 But his rash impatience, the scornful clamours of Constantinople, and some trifling successes of his generals urged Valens to instant action. He marched at the head of his army to Hadrianople, near which place the enemy were encamped. The long march of twelve miles was performed in the heat of the day. Fritigern increased his advantage by carrying on nego- Valrns— Invasion of the Goths 51 tiationSj while the men stood to their arms under the burning rays of the sun. The battle commenced with a rash attack made by Bacurius the Iberian, at the head of a body of archers. As they retreated, the Gothic horse swept like a thunder-bolt from the mountain, carrying all before them. The infantry alone stood their ground, but were surrounded and cut to pieces by the victorious Goths. ' In no battle since Canna3,' says Ammianus Marcellinus, ' has such complete destruction befallen the Roman arms.' There is some uncertainty about the fate of Valens ; according to one account he was fatally wounded by an Death of arrow while fighting in the ranks, and fell Viiieus among the undistinguishable dead. Others state that he took refuge with a few attendants in a countryman's cottage, which was set on fire by a band of Goths who were ignorant of the prize which they might have secured. One only of the refugees escaped the flames to tell the tale. His pagan biographer gives Yalens the praise of being a firm and faithful friend, stern in discipline, inflexibly just : on the other hand he accuses him of nvarice, cruelty, and ignorance. He had the faults as well as some of the virtues of a tyrant. The Gothic war which withdrew him from the persecution of the - Catholic Christians, seemingly the grave disaster of his reign, proved in the end to be the gain of the Church. 92 The Church and the Roman Emure CHAPTER XL GRATIAN — ST. AMBROSE. Gkatian was sixteen years old when he succeeded his father. The army took the initiative in giving him as a colleague his younger brother Valentinian II. The story of these ill-fated princes is closely con- nected with the name of the great Churchman who was The at this time Bishop of Milan — St. Ambrose, childhood . 1 o T o * • of Ambrose who rauKS With bt. J erome, bt. Augustine, and Gregory the Great, as one of the four famous doctors of the Latin Church. His father was a Roman of distinguished position, who rose to high official rank as prefect of the Gauls, a term which includes Britain, Spain, France, and the Rhine countries. His birth- place is unknown. One or two stories of his boyhood have been remembered, of which the best known is one which is common to the childhood of Pindar and of Plato as well as of Ambrose. It narrates that a swarm of bees settled upon the head of the sleeping infant, some of them crawling over his parted lips. It was thought to be an omen of his future eloquence. When Ambrose grew up to manhood he took to the study and practice of law in Rome. There he attracted the notice of Anienus Petronius Probus, prefect of the city and a Christian, who introduced Ambrose into his court as secretary, and afterwards appointed him con- sular magistrate of Liguria and Aemiiia, of which pro- vinces Milan was the chief place, and therefore the official residence of Ambrose. Grat/an—St. Ambrose 93 It is said that as Probnp dismissed hir.i to Ms post, he used the prophetic words : ' Vade, age non ut judex Ambrose sed ut Episcopus ' (Go, act not as iudore but as goes to N TP 1 T • Milan bishop). If we remember the couditiOH 01 the empire at this time, and the general character of the magistracy under Valentiniau, this will be thought to be a significant direction. It points to a contrast be- tween the acknowledged gentleness of the Christian and the harshness of the imperial rule ; and it points to the fusion and mutual reaction on each other of the two kingdoms in the administration of justice. The very remarkable scene which follows makes it clear that Ambrose had commended himself to the people of ^lilan as a just and clement magistrate. On the death of Auxentius it became necessary to appoint a successor. The Bishops of the province Ambrose wcre assembled for that purpose. The great Bishop basilica of Milan was crowded from end to end with an expectant throng. Ambrose was present in his capacity as magistrate to preserve order. The discussion of the electing Bishops was prolonged ; when suddenly a voice from the assembly in the Church broke out, ' Ambrosius Episcopus ' (Ambrose is Bishop). The cry was like the voice of a child, but it seemed to be inspired. The idea, strange and impossible as it might be thought, was taken up with acclamations. No one was more astonished and bewildered than Ambrose himself; as soon as the intention became evidently serious, he repudiated it by every means in his power. It was, indeed, a singular choice ; Ambrose, though an earnest Christian and the son of Christian parents, was not even baptized. A statement of that fact might 94 The Church and the Roman Empire have seemed a sufficient bar to his elevation, hut it was impossible to resist the tide of popular feeling. Ambrose used every expedient to avert the act; he tried to make himself out to be cruel, to be unjust, to be licentious even. Then he fled from the city, and when he was discovered and brought back, for a time he concealed himself in the house of a friend. But the popular choice was approved by Valentinian, and at length Ambrose yielded. He was baptized and conse- crated Bishop within ten days. At every moment in the ecclesiastical history of this period interesting questions start up, which would take long to discuss fully. What are we to say for instance from the Church point of view of these two things, — of the deferred baptism of St. Ambrose, and of the irre- gular election ? The first is an occurrence not only not rare, but even usual at this epoch. We find it in the case of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom, as well as in the case of Constantine, of Constantius, and of Valentinian II. Here we only stop to remark that the practice seems to have arisen at least partly from an exaggerated feeling of the effect of post-baptismal sin, or perhaps we may say from a false practical inference from the effects of Holy Baptism. As to the election of St. Ambrose, it was un- doubtedly irregular, but it was not without parallel at this epoch. At Constantinople Nectarius, a layman, was hurriedly and against his wish pressed into the episcopate ; and at Caesarea in Cappadocia Eusebius, a layman of distinction, was elected to the Bishopric, much to the annoyance of Julian, who complained of having been deprived of the services of a capable magistrate. G RAT/AN — St. Ambrose g^ In the case of Ambrose it was an instance either of quick-sighted popular intuition, or possibly of the intervention of some friends who knew him well and saw in him the solution of a pressing difficulty. It is needless to say how completely the choice was justified. As a Bishop St. Ambrose was wise and tender and fearless. All these qualities were needed and exercised in turn. One of the most touching episodes in his life is his intercourse with the young emperor Gratian. Between St. Ambrose thcse two a great affection subsisted. Gratian and Gratian writing to St. Ambrose with a request to be furnished with arguments in defence of the Catholic faith, addresses him as ' parens.' In answer Ambrose sent to Gratian two books ' De Fide ' (concerning the faith) to which three others were added. This treatise is still extant, and is not the least valuable of the works of St. Ambrose. A quotation from Gratian's letter may be cited as a proof of this friendly, indeed loving, intercourse : ' I desire much,' he writes, ' to enjoy the bodily presence of him whose recollection I carry with me, and with whom I am present in spirit. Therefore, hasten to me, religious priest of God, to teach me the doctrine of the true faith.' .... Then at the end of the letter : ' May the Deity preserve you for many years, my father, wor- shipper of the eternal God, Jesus Christ whom we worship.' The effect of this influence on Gratian may be traced in some of the laws passed by him, and in some of his public acts. He was the first of the Roman emperors to refuse the robe of office presented to the emperor us 06 The Church and the Roman Empire Pontifex Maximus, or high priest of the pagan worship. He appears, however, to have retained the title on his Gratian's coins. Among Other acts which showed Gra- chu%h'^ tian's zeal for the Christian faith was the re- matters moval of the altar of Victory from the senate house at Eome, and the confiscation of the endowments of the temple of Victory. His laws in respect to the stage, to apostasy from Christianity, and in favour of exemption of the poorer clergy from taxation, point in the same direction. The winning qualities of Gratian, his cultivated abilities, his graces of person and manner were un- happily associated with an indolence and a want of high capacity which rendered him unfit to govern in difliicult times. In a rising under Maximus which spread from Britain to Gaul he was deserted by his troops and perished by a miserable and ignominious death. The wisest, and in some respects the bravest, act of Gratian was the nomination of the great Theodosius as emperor of the East after the disastrous battle of Hadrianople (a.D. 378), in which, as narrated in the last chapter, Valens and twoTthirds of his vast army were destroyed by the victorious Goths. Theodosius was a Spaniard, the son of an illustrious general of the same name, who under Valentinian had suppressed a dangerous revolt in Africa. The elder Theodosius had subsequently been put to death, probably by the permission at least of Gratian. When, therefore, in the extremity of danger Gratian summoned to his aid the great capacity of Theodosius, he took a step which might have proved fatal to him- self. G RATI AN — St. Ambrose 97. His confidence, however, was justified. Tlieodosins became the friend, and before long the brother-in-law, of Gratian by his marriage with his half-sister Galla. Afterwards he avenged his death by the defeat of the usurper Maximus. For the ecclesiastical historian the election of Theo- dosius was in every way a memorable event. Under St. Ambrose Gratian and Theodosius for the first time the Theodosius civiHsed world was governed by orthodox Christian princes, and the relations between the great and powerful emperor Theodosius and the brave and pious Bishop of Milan exhibit in the most picturesque and instructive way the working out of some great problems in Church and State. The scenes in which these two great men took a leading part are among the most famous and the most familiar of historical events. One of these was a tragedy of which the first act took place at Thessalonica. It was during the celebra- The tion of the games of the circus in that city. Thessalonica A favourite charioteer had been detained in prison on account of a shameful crime by Botheric, commander of the imperial troops. The pleasure-loving citizens, fired by resentment, made a furious attack upon Botheric, whom together with some of his prin- cipal officers they slew, and treated their bodies with inhuman indignities. It was a gross and open affront to the imperial honour, and Theodosius, whose gravest fault was a passionate disposition, determined on speedy and bloody vengeance. He even sanctioned the use of treachery. The inhabitants were invited to an exhibition of games in the circus. The whole space was filled with eager spectators, when on a given signal CM. H , ^S The Church and the Roman Empire the soldiers of Theodosius rushed Id and pcrpetrai-^d an indiscriminate massacre. This base and cruel action sent a thrill of horror through the Christian world. St. Ambrose was over- Repentance whelmed with indignant grief. He addressed dosius a letter to Theodosius urging him to repent. He pointed out to the emperor that it was impossible for him to celebrate the Eucharist in the presence of one who was stained with recent and unrepented crime. Theodosius showed true greatness of soul in submitting to the rebuke of St. Ambrose. He openly did penance, appearing in the basilica of Milan stripped of his imperial robes, in the dress and posture of a suppliant. Theodoret, a later writer, makes a dramatic addition to the scene, which is set forth in a picture by Vandyke in the National Gallery, in which the emperor is re- presented as imploring admission into the Church on the Christmas festival, while St. Ambrose with his attendant priests and ministers, holding the Cross on high, refuses permission to enter. The incident is, however, sufficiently marked and significant without any such doubtful additions. It was one which brought out the noblest traits in the characters both of the emperor and the bishop. It is no record of priestly pride or pomp, as Gibbon misre- presents it. Of that there is no trace in the letter or demeanour of St. Ambrose. Rather, it is a remark- able and striking proof of the advance of the power of Christ, both in its gentleness and in its strength. When a priest of His Church could be found fearless enough, and Christ-like enough to bear such testimony before great kings for the sake of Christ, and an em- G RATI AN — St. Ambrose 99 peror sufficiently obedient to the law of Christ, to ac- knowledge the guilt of a great political sin before his people, we have an acknowledgment of moral restraint, impossible in the days, we do not say of Nero or Caligula, but of Augustus or Diocletian. It was an act which marked an epoch in the history of the Church of Christ. Other events in the life of Ambrose must be in- dicated rather than described. In these wild and turbulent times, there was frequent need of the exer- cise of Christian charity. When the barbarian Goths, after the defeat of Valens, carried off many Christian prisoners, St. Ambrose devoted all the resources of the Church to obtain their ransom. For that pur- pose he sold even the Eucharistic vessels. Deep as was his reverence for that Holy Sacrament, and for all connected with it, he held the lives and liberty of human beinofs to be more sacred still. ' If the Blood of Christ,' he said, ' redeemed their souls, should not the vessels which held that Blood be used to redeem their bodies ? Again, we trace the same high courage which enabled him to brave the anger of the great Theodosius, when on two occasions he entered unprotected the camp of the usurper Maximns on an embassy of peace; or when he resisted with all his authority the Arianising policy of the empress Justina, mother of Valentinian II. The history of that resistance is exciting and full of incident. Justina had demanded one of the Milan „. churches for the use of the Arians. St. Am- The empress justiua brose with a high sense of the sacredness of his trust refused his assent. The population of Milan H 2 ICO The Church and the Roman Empire was for the most part Catholic, and took the side of the Bishop. At Easter the quarrel came to a climax. Ambrose was ordered to appear before the council. He obeyed the summons, but the surging crowd of citi- zens who followed him to the palace made it dangerous to lay upon him any penalty, or to enforce any com- mand. Eventually the ministers of Valentinian were compelled to appeal to Ambrose to guard the person of the emperor, and to calm the city. When the immediate danger was over, the imperial court returned to their rash and short-sighted policy of opposition to Ambrose. When the rumour spread that he was to be driven from the city, the people rose in de- fence of their beloved Bishop, who took refuge in the basilica, and there remained guarded by the de- voted population until the court once more gave way. The weariness and suspense of this watch in the basilica were cheered by addresses from Ambrose, and by singing hymns — a practice said to have been then first introduced into the West from the Eastern Church. It is also narrated that during this crisis the bodies of two martyrs, Gervasius and Protasius, were discovered beneath the pavement of the church, through a reve- lation to St. Ambrose ; and St. Augustine, speaking of these days of excitement, confidently appeals to the people of Milan as witnesses of miracles wrought in confirmation of the Catholic faith. ^ It was soon after these events that Justina, not- withstanding what had passed, implored the aid and * De Civitate Dei, xxii. 8 G RATI AN — St. A'MB'RCfSS''^. " ' ^ 101 intercession of St. Ambrose as^ainst ]Maximus, wlio was rapidly marching upon Ital}^ This mission of Ambrose was ineffectual. But ^laximus soon afterwards was defeated and slain by Theodosius. ^ Valentinian II. too came under the influence of St. Ambrose, who won him over to the orthodox faith. Ambrose And whcu a cruel and treacherous death tiuiau II. overtook the youthful emperor at Vienne in Gaul, Ambrose sincerely mourned him. He had died unbaptized, deferring the rite in accordance with a prevalent usage of the time. But St. Ambrose con- soled his relatives with the thought that ' the desire for baptism was equivalent to the act, and that he had been baptized in his piety, as martyrs in their blood.' St. Ambrose died as became the great and good bishop who had lived so nobly and so well. The states- The death ^^^^ Couut Stilicho Said of him, that the deatli of Ambrose Qf g^^h a man threatened death to Italy itself. The citizens of Milan implored him to pray for con- tinued life. His answer was : ' I have not so lived amongst you that I should be ashamed to live ; and I do not fear to die, because we have a good Lord.' He expired on the night of Good Friday, A.D. 397, and was buried in the basilica, which preserves his name, in the presence of an immense concourse of all ranks and classes of citizens, the pagan and Jewish population joining with the rest to do him honour. St. Ambrose had carried the authority of the Church in affairs of State to a higher pitch than any of his predecessors. His principles, indeed, on this point, if actually put in force, would destroy the just balance J02 The Ch'UR€J-:'^'ND the Romaj^; Empire between civil and ecclesiastical government. But his practical assertion of the supreme authority of conscience The work a^d moral right in the government of the ofst!*'^^''^ world, and the limitation thereby imposed Ambrose ^^ ^^ imperial rule, gives a supreme import- ance to his episcopate. If on the one hand he put a strain upon the authoritative side of the Kingdom of God, on the other hand he was the first to place its legitimate influence in a conspicuous light before the eyes of rulers. It was during the period sketched in this chapter that an event occurred which is noteworthy as the Heresymade first instance when the penalty of death was ofteuce inflicted by a Christian court for heretical opinions. This was the execution of Priscillian, Bishop of Avila in Spain, which took place at Treves under the administration of the usurper Maximus. The doctrines professed by Priscillian and his followers may be de- scribed as a kind of Gnosticism. They were a strange medley of erroneous teaching. In accordance with the discipline of their sect, the Priscillianists practised the greatest austerities, and abstained from every kind of indulgence. This extreme act of persecution was condemned by the wisest of the Western Bishops, St. Ambrose of Milan, and St. Martin of Tours. The latter is said to have protested against the decision of an ecclesiastical cause by a secular tribunal (the appeal having been made to Maximus, at that time emperor of the West), and to have exacted a promise that the life of Priscillian should be spared. In this way the incident raised for Bolution the difficult question as to the duty of the State GrA TIA N — S 7\ A MB ROSE in point of orthodoxy, which remained unsettled, < Bettled grievously in the wrong way, for many cec of Christian life. CHAPTER XIL THEODOSIUS. A.D. 379-395. We have seen how the great Theodosius avenged the treacherous murder of Gratian, and sustained the cause Theodosius of Valcntiniau II. by the defeat of Maximus dlathS ^^ in Pannonia. This was followed by his exe- ian ii/°' cution at Aquileia, A.D. 388, two years before the rising in Thessalonica, which was succeeded by the celebrated scene of the imperial penitence under the censure of St. Ambrose. Soon after this, Valentinian 11. suffered the fate of his half-brother Gratian. He had ventured to resist the will of the most powerful of his generals, a Goth named Arbogastes, whom he attempted to dismiss from his command. Valentinian was found strangled in his bed. Arbogastes declined to assume the purple him- self, but placed it on the shoulders of Eugenius, a rhe- torician of some note. After a slight hesitation, Theodosius determined on war. It is said that, before embarking on this enter- prise, he took the precaution of consulting an Egyptian anchorite, John of Lycopolis, and was assured by him of victory, to be won, however, at the cost of much bloodshed. The story is interesting, as one instance among many of the dangerous vitality of pagan ideas, 104 The Church and the Roman Empire which in spite of higher and truer teaching continued to tiirust themselves into Christian thought and prac- tice. It is but a slight step from the priestess of Delphi to the hermit of Lycopolis. Eugenius and Arbogastes had occupied Milan and the northern provinces of Italy. Ambrose had reso- lutely declined all the overtures of Eugenius and had left the capital. This conduct, wortliy of the admir- able and courageous Bishop, was appreciated by Theo- dosius when he returned in triumph to Milan after his hardly won victory. The decisive contest took place under the walls of Aquileia, the scene of many momentous events in these critical times. On the first day of battle the attack of Theodosius on the enemy's camp was repulsed with immense loss. „, , „ . For a moment his situation seemed to be The defeat of Eugenius desperate. But two things contributed to his success on the following day. In the morning a message came from the leaders of the enemy's troops, who had encircled his army, offering to desert Eugenius in the course of the engagement. Added to this, when the armies joined battle, a furious tempest poured down the passes of the Alps, and beat upon the faces of the troops of Arbogastes and Eugenius, blinding them with dust and hindering the use of their weapons. As of old ' the stars in their courses fought against ' the ene- mies of the divine cause, — a thought which occurred to St. Ambrose, and which is nobly expressed in some magnificent verses by the poet Claudian : Te propter gelidis Aquilo de nionto procellis Obruit adversas acies ; revolutaque tela 'Theodosius, a.d. 379-395 105 Vertit in auctores, et turbine reppulit hastas. O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ab antris -ZEolus armatas liyemes, cui militat sether, Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti. In Ter. Cons. Honor. 93-93. The victory was complete and decisive. A different result would probably have been calamitous to the Church, because, though Eugenius professed Christianity, his strength probably lay in the heathen reaction, which would have inspired his policy if his enterprise had been successful. Once more for a brief space the Roman world ac- knowledged a single master. But the death of Theo- The death of ^losius soon followcd (395), and under his two Theodosius g^j^g Arcadius and Honorius the old divisions were resumed, Arcadius becoming emperor of the East at the age of eighteen years, Honorius a child of eleven nominally assuming the government of the West. The reigns of these weak emperors were marked by great and terrible events indicating the rapid decline of The decline ^^® empire. But whilc the empire was swiftly of the empire burryiug to its end, and the devastating hordes of barbarian invaders were pressing in on every side to the very heart of it, laying waste its fairest and most fruitful provinces, and storming and delivering over to pillage its wealthiest and most historic cities, the Church was gathering strength and laying up a rich store of guid- ance in the lives of some of her greatest and holiest sons. The Church and the empire had been born together. The Church but wlicn the empire was rocking to its foun- risiug on . , -^- , , . , its ruins dation, the Church was engaged m strength- ening the outworks of that City of God which was de- io6 The Chukch and the Roman Empire stined to gather within its walls, and moukl to it? uses, the better elements of those barbaric forces which were breaking up the old and tottering society of the ancient world. One great man, worthy to be placed in the catalogue of heroes for all ages, had for a while kept back the flood of invasion. This was the distinguished general, fetilicho, trained m the service oi Theodosius and celebrated in the verse of Claudian. But in 408 Stilicho was slain. In the same year Alaric king of the Goths laid siege to Rome. On this occasion his retreat was pur- The sieges chased bv a vast and exhaustinsr ransom. But of Rome . '^ . . , . , ,. i by Alaric twice again withm the space or three years Alaric appeared before the unhappy city. Once the horrors of a sack were averted by a political arrange- ment, but in 410 Alaric, stung by the insults of the foolish Honorius, marched from Bavenna to Bome. The gates were opened by treachery, and Bome awoke to find itself at the mercy of its barbarian foe. It is deeply interesting to find that even then and there the influence of Christianity was felt. Alaric himself gave orders that the Churches of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul should be spared, and that quarter should be given to unresisting citizens. Sacred vessels of gold and silver were rescued from pillage by an appeal to the conscience of the rude soldier to whom the treasure had been pointed out, and were even conveyed under an escort of Gothic troops to custody in the Vatican. There also many of the defenceless citizens were allowed to find a refuge. Still, notwithstanding all gentler influences, the Theodosius. a.d. 379-395 IC7 proud capital of the worJrl, unassailed for eiglit hnndred years, suffered many of the worst horrors of a captured city, from slaughter, from fire, and from injuries more unbearable than these. ^ CHAPTER XIII. THE FALL OF PAGANISM. Before we leave the history of Theodosius some account should be given of the first Catholic emperor's direct dealing with paganism. With Theodosius Christianity had become supreme. The question arose in a thousand breasts, how far it istoier- should permit the continued existence of ^ran/sm to Paganism. Paganism had endeavoured to Sachri"'''^ extirpate Christianity; should Christianity tiau State ? finaUy crush out paganism ? Pagan perse- cution had failed, should Christian persecution be at- tempted ? Or put in another form : was it right or allowable for a Christian prince to concede to his subjects freedom of religious thought and practice, even if freedom meant persisteuce in error ? The religious question in the ancient world started from premisses different from those which are recog- nised now. The conception of a religion in Rome, or at Athens, was intimately connected with the political constitution of the State. There was tolerance of all religions because each religion was national. The idea ' See ch. xviii. and xix., where these events are more fully narrated. io8 The Church and the Roman Empire of au uDiversal religion extending to all nations, or that of a religion which claimed to be the only true one, and whose truth proved all others false, or even the idea of a religion which demanded righteousness, and which professed to govern motives, w^as alien to the ancient spirit of statesmanship or religion. In the pagan system the connexion between the national religion and the State w^as intimate and close. With Chris- tianity this connexion could not be continued or re- vived. For the first time religion claimed the position of an independent power. It became a possible rival of the State. It was the intuition of this which lay at the root of persecution and resistance to the growing power of Christianity. All that was over now ; but two questions of wide and deep importance rose for solution. One was the Two great I'slatiou of the State to Christianity. The questions other was the relation of the Christian State or the Christian ruler to paganism. We have seen the former working itself out in the reigns of Constantine, Yalentinian, and Theodosius. One thing, at any rate, had become plain — that abso- lute neutrality in the ruler was impossible. One solution, which lay in the complete supremacy of the Church, had already been started and was destined to have great effects in the course of history. Another, the complete domination of the supreme State power over religion and the conscience, had been already con- demned by the Christian history of the first three centuries. Christian resistance, even with death as a penalty, where obedience to Christ clashed with obe- dience to Caesar, had once for all shown the impossibility The Fall of Paganism 109 cf successful persecution. The failure of Constantino, Constantius and Valens indicated a like impossibility on the part of the civil ruler to impose a perverted view of Christianity on the Church. The other question of the day was the relation of the Christian ruler to paganism. The policy of Constantino the Great was to grant religious liberty to his subjects. In his letter to the Tolerance eastcm proviuccs, quoted by Eusebius, he coustantine says I ^ Let no one molest another in this matter, but let everyone be free to follow his own in- clination. But,' he adds, ' with regard to those who will hold themselves aloof from us, let them have, if they please, their temples of lies : we have the glorious edifice of the truth.' ^ Still, paganism continued to prosper, especially in Eome itself, where the chief families held to the ancient customs as much from family pride as from any other motive. In the year 331 the temple of Concordia was restored by the senate, and several altars were erected about the same time. A few instances only of disestablishment occurred. Temples were destroyed where immoral rites were carried on, and their revenues were devoted to Christian churches or to the building of Constantinople. Beyond this Constantino does not appear to have advanced. Many of the most distinguished persons about his court and in high military command were pagans ; and even if severe edicts were enacted against heathenism — some Christian writers mention the penalty of death — thoy were probably inoperative. ' Euseb. Vit. Const, ii. 53. no The Church and the Roman Empire Under the successors of Constantine the feelin<» against paganism grew in intensity. Lactantius writing under Constantine could say, ' religio cogi non potest : The policy nihil est tarn voluntarium quam reliofio ' (Reli- ef his . ... ., T . . ° , successors gion cannot be lorced; nothing is so voluntary as religion). In the succeeding reigns a Christian writer refers the emperors to Deuteronomy xiii. 6-10, and urges upon them the duty of persecuting the ' crime of idolatry.' Constantius acted on the spirit of this advice, and expressly prohibited sacrifit^e — ' volumus " etiam cunctos sacrificiis abstinere' (It^ is our will that all men abstain fromvsacrifice). In these circumstances the name of pagan canie into use^ the followe'i:^ of heathen rites and practices being compelled to take refuge in the country villages or 'pdQi^ while imperial officials, agents or spies (agentes in rebus, curiosi) were on the watch to detect any infraction of the edicts. These measures of persecution did no good to the Christian cause. They were opposed to the higher and The in- ti'uer Spirit expressed in the words of Lac- christiin taiitius — ' religio cogi non potest ' — and they persecution could not fail to raise a prejudice against the Faith in the minds of the best and most religious pagan thinkers. On the other hand they compelled into a nominal profession of Christianity large numbers of the cowardly and worldly-minded who are always found on the winning side. Thoughtful and philosophic paganism gained somewhat of that unworldly and disinterested element which had been the essential characteristic of Christianity in the days of persecution. This is an aspect of the gradual disendowment and disappearance of paganism on which the Church his- The Fail of Paganism hi torian seldom dwells. And yet there were doubtless incidents of a touching and pathetic kind connected with that disappearance. It was anions the dwellers in country villages that the old belief lingered the longest. With many it must have been hard indeed to relinquish the immemorial sacrifices or ancient custom hallowed through many generations — to do this, too, before the advancing tide of a Christianity which, in some cases, through the dangerous influence of power, had forgotten the spirit of gentleness and persuasion. Among the many lessons to be drawn from this epoch that is one which ought not to escape us. The reaction under Julian has been already sketched. It probably made little impression on genuine Christi- The effects auity, thougli the floating, mass of time-servers of Julian's • n -^ • , ,^ n policy again nowed into the stream oi paganism. Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens pursued a policy of tolerance in respect to paganism. Gratian, however, Important took an important and decisive step in the Gratian movemeut towards the ascendency of the Church, when he refused or resigned the office of Pon- tifex Maximus. According to the account in Zosimus, when the pontifical robe was presented to Gratian as first Augustus, he declined it, though from the inscrip- tions of this date he appears to have borne the title of Pontifex for a while. In any case it was a step which severed the public connexion between the empire and paganism. Gratian proceeded to confiscate the revenues of heathen temples, and to deprive the priests and the vestal virgins of their immunities and State allowance (victum modicum justaque privilegia). Another blow created an even deeper impression and was struck at 1 1 2 The Church and the Roman Empire a higher power. A deeply venerated altar of Victory, and an historic statue of the goddess with flowing robes and outstretched wings, stood in the temple where the senate were accustomed to assemble. The presence of the goddess and the offerings made upon her altar had given a solemn sanction to the deliberations of the senate. Constantius had ordered their removal, but they were restored by Julian. By Gratian's order they were once more removed from the senate house, and the embassy which came to implore their restitution was refused audience, a.d. 382. The significance of this transaction in the rivalry of the two imipeviob was so clearly seen by thoughtful Themeetin- P^gaus, that repeated attempts were made to brSe^nd" rcverse the imperial dccision. A second em- symmachus j^assy, again headed by Symmachus, the chief of the senate and pontifex maximus, approached Valen- tinian II. with a prayer for the restoration of the statue. He was confronted by St. Ambrose. It was a dramatic meeting between the power of the old world and of the new. All that was best in pagan-morality or wisdom was to be found in Symmachus ; he was an ardent advocate of the dying system, and all that could be said in its favour was urged by its representative pontifex with good taste and skill. He appealed to the generosity and high feeling of the young prince, not to crush out, by so mean a measure as confiscation, the religion which Rome had sanctioned for eleven cen- turies, nor to desert by his policy the gods under whose auspices the Roman legions had subdued the world. The answer of Ambrose was calm and assured. ' There was no need J he said, * to ascribe to imaginary gods The Fall of Paganism 113 what was due to the courage and discipline of Roman soldiers.' Then putting aside the arguments of senti- ment, he contended for the absolute truth of Christianity. In part it was the argument of the ' City of God.' To Valentinian, in place of the appeal of Symmachus to personal pride or weakness, the argument was a threat of ecclesiastical censure. If the mission to Valentinian II. was unsuccessful, it may be inferred that the repeated petition to Theo- Theodosius <^^osius was Condemned to failure a.d. 388. queslLn^of ^^^ Tlicoclosius was resolvod to push his for?t'he^^' victories further. It was a remarkable point senate \^ hlstory wlicu a Roman emperor proposed in formal language the question ' whether the worship of Jupiter or that of Christ should be the religion of the Romans.' This statement of Gibbon, resting on the authority of Prudentius, may be open to some doubt. But that some formal defence of Christianity was laid before the senate by the emperor, and found a majority in its favour, by whatever motives influenced, seems to be beyond question. The words of Prudentius are worth quoting : — Adspice quam pleno subsellia nostra senatu Decernant infame Jovis pulvinar, et omne Idolium longe purgata ex urbe fugandum. Qua vocat egregii sententia principis, illuc Libera cum pedibus, turn corde frequentia transit.^ But a still more decisive step of Theodosius was the absolute prohibition of sacrifice, and of all approach to pagan temples. Henceforth no victim was to fall before ' hi SijinmacliKvi, i. G08 foil. C, //. I 1 14 The Church and the Roman Empire the images of the gods, no lar or household god was to be worshipped with fire, uo genius appeased by offering Decisive of wine, no yenates by the steam of sacrifice, measures of . _ Theodosiua no lestive lamps, or iragrant incense, or gar- kmds of flowers were to be used in honour of the gods.^ In these circumstances the words of the Christian poet Prudentius exhibit an exultation which can be understood, though exception may be taken to the manner in which the final victory of the faith was won : — Et dubitamus adhuc Romam tibi, Christe, dicatam In leges transisse tuas ? Though the poet may have anticipated the triumph of Christianity, his words are interesting, as the testi- mony of a contemporary who observed the signs of the times, and desired to lay his finger on the moment of this great crisis. By the irony of fate the honours paid in past times to the memory of deceased pagan emperors were paid to the Christian Theodosius, whose death is represented by the poet Claudian as a reception among the gods in terms similar to those in which Virgil or Horace speak of the apotheosis of Julius or Augustus Csesar.^ But the instructed and philosophic pagans themselves felt that paganism was dead, as is shown by their vain at- Paffan tompts to recoucile paganism with Christianity. apologies ^y^ j^q^ ves^di apologics, not for Christianity and Christ, but for the heathen gods ; and these apologies are penetrated with Christian ideas, the leaven was secretly at work even when the influence vras most * Cod. Theodos. x\i. 10, 12. ' iii. Cons. Jfonorii, 102 foil. The Fall of Paganism hi; eagerly resisted. On the other liand the wisest of tlie Christian teachers claimed the harvest of the best thoughts of pagan philosophy. Jerome, for instance, enthusiastically praises the erudition of Christian writers, ' all of whom,' he says, ' in such wise fill their books with the teaching and thoughts of philosophers, that you know not what first to admire in them, the learning of the world, or the knowledge of the Scrip- tures ' (Qui omnes in tantum philosophorum doctrinis atque sententiis sues referciunt libros, ut nescias quid in ill is primum admirari debeas, eruditionem saBCuli an scienti'am vScripturarum).^ While the finer intellects were thus being influenced by argument, coarser and less excusable means sealed Pagan the fate of pao-anism in the populations of temples ^ ^ ^ destroyed town and country. The pagan temples were closed. A few were afterwards converted into Christian churches, but before long by far the greater number were levelled to the ground by fanatical mobs of Christians, headed in many instances by the bishop and his clergy. In some districts a vigorous resistance was made by the pagan population, and anyone who has visited the ruined temples of Baalbec can understand how readily such buildings lent themselves to defence. A scene took place in the Lebanon, which illustrates the temper of the times, and the moderation of the government. The story is told by Sozomen. A Bishop named Marcellus commanded a party of soldiers in an attack on a large temple at Aulone in Apamea. He himself, being afilicted with the gout, remained behind while the fight proceeded. Here he was discovered by * Jerome, Ep. 10, od Mognum oratorcm. I 2 fi6 The Church and the Roman Empire some of* the pagans and slain. The council of tlie pro- vince, however, prevented his friends taking vengeance for his death, ' when they should rather return thanks to God for having accounted him worthy to die in such a cause.' For the same reason, Theodosius offered free pardon to those who had slain the Christians in the temple of Serapis at Alexandria, ' hoping thereby that they would be the more readily induced to embrace Christianity.' ' Such instances indicate the need which was felt of moderation and clemency. There was still danger of a pagan reaction, and in face of such risings as those under Maximus or Procopius, it would be mad- ness to exasperate too deeply pagan susceptibilities. Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, was one of those who carried out the emperor's orders with inconsiderate Theophilus violence. Determined to expose the whole of A.Ig'^* andria systcm of idolatry, he caused the temple of Serapis to be ransacked, and the obscene figures of idolatrous worship to be paraded through the streets. This grave insult gave the signal for a massacre of the Christians. In the encounter the grammarians Helladius and Ammonius took a leading part. Helladius boasted that he had slain nine victims at the shrine of the in- sulted deities. It is a note of the complex relations of the time that Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, was a pupil of these zealous champions of heathenism. Theodosius, as we have seen, pardoned the rioters, but an imperial edict condemned the edifice. For a Thedestruc- moment superstition stayed the destroyer's tion of the i i * •> • , •' , i t serapeum hand. A peculiar sanctity was attached to the statue of Serapis. It was believed ^uhat if a human ' JSoz. vii. 15. The Fall of Paganism 117 hand should touch the statue, the solid earth would open, and the heavens fall with a crash.' A brave soldier dispelled the superstition with a blow which cleft the head of the idol. The other fear that the enraged di- vinity would check the rising waters of the Nile was like- wise belied by a flood which exceeded the usual height. In this way the war against paganism was not without grievous excess and worldly motive on the Christian side, but on the other hand with an absence of heroism and faith on the side of paganism which marks a declining religion. St. Augustine contrasts the stedfastness of Christian martyrs with the cowardice of the pagan ministers : ' Which of them has been caught in the act of sacrifice which is against the laws, and did not deny it? Which of them has been caught worshipping idols, and did not in fear of the judgment exclaim, I did it not ? Such are the devil's ministers' (' Quis eorum comprehensus est in sacrificio, cum his legibus ista prohiberentur, et non negavit ? Quis eorum comprehensus est adorare idolum et non cla- mavit, non feci, et timuit ne convinceretur ? Tales ministros Diabolus habebat').^ But if Christianity seemed to speed well externally, prosperity brought with it its accustomed evils. False ^ ., , and dishonest Christians brought on the faith Evils of o prosperity ^q scom of houcst paganism. 'Why do you persuade me to be a Christian?' exclaims a heathen. * I am innocent of false dealing, but have been cheated by a Christian. I who never swore a false oath have Buffered from Christian perjury.'^ 'If all Christiana • Kufiii. i. 23. 2 Enar. in Psalm. 141, § 20. ' Augustin, E7ia.-: i.L PmIhi. 25, § li. 1 1 3 The Church and the Roman Empire were as tliey onglit to be,' says St. Clirysostom, ' there would be no unbeliever i^Y^XK/Tqv) now.' In tlie East there was less resistance to the im- perial edicts than in the West. The Eastern provinces were traversed by monks commissioned to sweep away all traces of idolatry. In Alexandria, scenes of in- creased violence occurred in the episcopate of St. Cyril, and culminated in the cruel murder of the beautiful and gifted Hypatia. Hypatia, daughter of the philosopher Theon, was not only so highly distinguished for her learning and eloquence as to draw crowds of eager listeners ' " ' to her lectures, but ev^en, pagan though she was, she won the admiration of Christian writers. ' Such was her self-possession,' says Socrates,' ' and ease of manner arising from the refinement and cultivation of her mind, that she not unfrequently appeared in public in presence of the magistrates without even losing, in an assembly of men, that dignified modesty for which she was conspicuous, and which gained for her uni- versal respect and admiration.' But she fell a victim to the turbulent politics and evil surmisings of the time. She was supposed to use her influence over Orestes, the civil governor of Alexandria, to prevent his reconcilia- tion with Cyril. A fanatical Christian reader, named Peter, with a band of followers, dragged Hypatia from her carriage, as she was driving home, carried her into the Church called the Caesareum, and there stripped her of her clothes and murdered her, it is said, by tear- ing her flesh with oyster-shells. An act so inhuman,' says Socrates, ' could not fail * vii. l/j. The Fall of Paganism 119 to bring ttie greatest opprobrium not only on Cyril, but also on the whole Alexandrian Cliurcli. And surely nothing can be farther from the spirit of Christianity than the allowance of massacres, fights, and transactions of that sort.' ' ' Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum ! ' This was in the year 416. In the West the severity of the movement against paganism relaxed under the weak Honorius. The laws The weak- remained unrepealed, but they were not en- Henorius forced with the vigour of Theodosius. In some instances they were practically suspended. Honorius checked the destruction of temples, acknowledged the official position of heathen priests, and after having expressly stated that ' no one should be in any way connected with him who differed from him in faith and religion,' offered to nominate Generidus, a heathen, to command in Rh^tia. "When Italy was invaded and Rome besieged by the Goths, a cry arose that the Christians were at the bottom of this humiliation and misery. It was this cry which gave occasion to St. Augustine's ' City of God.' A widely prevalent belief amongst Christians assigned the second Advent of Christ to the three hundred and The ear sixty-fifth year after His first appearance. This ^^'^ floating prophecy was interpreted by pagans to mean the limit of the Christian power, and both eagerly awaited the fulfilment of prophecy. But the year passed unmarked by either event, and when the Gothic invaders themselves embraced the Christian faith, the pagan argument was discredited. Later on even Yalentinian III. could put forth edicts against paganism ' vii. 16. 120 The Church and the Roman Empire which a generation earlier would have required a strong ruler to enforce : ' All heresies, unbeliefs, schisms, and superstitions of the heathen, all errors opposed to the Catholic rule we visit with punishment.' But here and there evidence appears of predominant paganism. In the year 443 the Council of Aries passes Paganism cauous agaiust Christians who have witnessed powerful in l^^atheu ritos without prohibiting them, against places those who have denied the faith under persecu- tion, or who have been forced by torture to do sacrifice. In Corsica sacrifices were still publicly offered, and a story is told of a Cliristian woman, named Julia, being crucified because she refused to take part in the pagan rites. ^ In Rome, too, some pagan observances were retained even in State affairs. Salvianus, a presbyter of Mar- Evidence seillcs, about the year 440, declares that auguries of Salvianus ^jq^q g^i^ taken from the flight or the feeding of birds for the election of consuls. He testifies to the continued passion for the circus in which the fights with wild beasts were still continued, and contrasts the emptiness of Christian churches with the crowded circus during the celebration of the games : ' not only do pro - fessing Christians (qui Christianos se esse dicunt) not come to church, but those who have come there in ignorance, if they hear that the games are going on, instantly quit the church.' All the great Christian writers of this period inveigh against the practice of taking part in the lascivious cele- brations of heathen festivals; and Salvianus, speaking of the African Church, denounces those Christians who * Acta Sanctorum, viii. iC7, quoted by Gieseler. The Fall of Paganism i2I enter Christian shriDes when they are reeking with the steam of sacrifices ottered to demons. Such are some of the features of this great contention^ of the relations of civil rulers to Christianity and to paganism, of the conditions under which the Kingdom of Christ was by slow and painful process moulding a new world. CHAPTER XIV. ST. JEROME. A.D. 346-420. We now turn to trace some of the directions in which the leaven of the Kingdom of God was transfusing itself into the mass of worldly opinion and motive, and was influencing human action. The name of Jerome suggests an important movement and an important work — monasticism and the Vulgate. The epoch which we are considering was a time when the conduct of life and the problems of society had Theories of to be re-discusscd. Christianity was still so the Christian . life new and undeveloped an element that its social relations were as yet undefined. How were Christian men and women to be in the world and yet not of it ? The question was simple in the old days before the Church became a political force, and before Christians were exposed to the dangerous temptations of high position, of wealth, axid of influence ; but it was no longer simple ; indeed it had become exceedingly intricate and complex. Accordingly the foremost theologians were putting forth thoughts, which were destined to take efl'ect with more or less permanency. 122 The Church and the Roman Empire One of these tliouglits was mojiasticism. The monastic life is the expression of ideas which will always animate Christian society and Christian thought. It is a pro- test against the world. It is a refuge for disappoint- ment, weariness, and hopeless sorrow, and a retreat for learning and piety of a special type. No system has been more abused or distorted in its applica- tion, or has more fully exposed itself at times to condemnation by the best and purest Christian judg- ment in particular epochs. But the system and life were infinitely varied, and in one place or another have given scope to the energy and intellect of such men as Jerome, Chrysostom, Anselm, St. Bernard, and Fra Angel ico. Egypt was the home of monasticism. Its influence in the West may be said to date from the visit of St. Monasticism ^thanasius to Rome, accompanied by two in Egypt Egyptian monks. Athanasius had, himself, in early life been fascinated by the personal attraction of St. Anthony, whom he describes, in different terms from what we should have expected, as ' urbane and polished.' St. Anthony is regarded as the founder of Christian monasticism ; and the life of this Saint, Written by Athanasius, gave an impulse to the mo- nastic tendency, which at one time strongl}^ influenced St. Augustine also. Many causes increased the popularity of monasti- cism. The unsettled condition of society, the inse- Different curity of possessions, the prevailing vice and themouas- iniq^^itT of the age, tJie yearning in some tic life minds for a life of quiet contemplation and the pursuit of learning ; while others, guided by lower St, Jerome, a.d, 346-420 123 motives, may have seen in the solitary or ccBnobitic life an avenue to spiritual influence or even high ec- clesiastical position. Some who devoted themselves to the monastic life adopted rigid rules of abstinence and austerity. The more weird, desolate and lonely the spot, the harsher and more exacting the rule, the more sparing or even repulsive the diet, the greater was the attraction to many minds. Some voluntarily yielded themselves to what can only be described as a lifelong torture. Such were the pillar saints familiarised to English readers by Tennyson's ^ St. Simeon Stylites.' Let this avail, just, dreadful, mighty God, This not be all in vain, that thrice ten years, Thrice multiplied by superhuman pangs. In hungers and in thirsts, fevers and cold. In coughs, aches, stitches, ulcerous throes and cramps, A sign betwixt the meadow and the cloud, Patient on this tall pillar I have borne Kain, wind, frost, heat, hail, damp, and sleet, and snow. Simeon was a Syrian shepherd boy who left his flock on the mountains thirty miles east of Antioch for a monastic life, and not content with its austerities, raised a pillar within the enclosure of a sheep-fold or mandra^ and with a ponderous chain attached to his body as- cended the pillar and there remained for thirty years, not even descending to die. But under all this crude fanaticism, there was a substratum of practical truth, and to the strange ex- aggerations of the principle there succeeded the sober and temperate discipline of life, which produced great scholars, great bishops, great thinkers. St. Basil of 124 The Church and the Ro}[an Empire Csesarea, as we have seen, enjoyed the beauties of nature in the midst of which his monastery w^as placed, courted the society of his friend St. Gregory, and was delighted by the alternations of manual and mental exercise which he made the rule of his community. In the West the history of monasticism connects itself with the name of St. Jerome, or Hieronymus. This great doctor of the Latin Church, whose character and example have left deep traces on the conception and discipline of the Christian life, was born at Stridon, near Aquileia, probably in the year 346. After studying rhetoric in Rome, Jerome visited Spain, and then settled for a time at Aquileia, where his experience of the ascetic life began. He pursued this experience in the East, where he travelled for some while, visiting great cities — Jerusalem, Antioch, and Constantinople — and studying under distinguished teachers, one of whom was Gregory Nazianzen. During five years he lived in the Syrian desert, submitting him- self to all the austerities of the solitary life. In 382 ho was summoned to Rome by Pope Damasus. Here the whole weight of his great influence was directed to the advocacy of asceticism. He attracted a large and devoted following; but on the death of Damasus he resolved to quit Rome. For his final retreat and monastic home he fixed upon the most interesting spot on earth, and was joined St. Jerome at Bethlehem bv his dearest friends and at Beth- . ' lehem pupils, the lady Paula, and her daughter Eustochium. Nor was his life there one of idle con- templation and rest. On the contrary, it was filled with eager and arduous literary labours, with a wdde St. Jerome, ^.z). 346-423 125 correspondence, and often, it must be added, with hot and fierce controversy. Of these controversies the most important were those with Pelagius on the sub- ject of original sin, of grace, and the human intellect ; with Helvidius on the subject of the perpetual virginity of the Blessed Virgin Mary; and with Bufinus and others on the question of Origen's writings — a point of keen theological controversy at this period. Into these subjects of dispute we do not propose to enter, but we cannot pass over without some descrip- tion the great literary achievement which has made the name of Jerome famous throughout all aofes, which exercised a dominant influence over the whole Western Church, and which indirectly affects the life and thought of Englishmen at the present day, nay, even the very words which we use. Jerome had been what we should now call a great classical scholar. He confesses that he had allowed him- self to be carried away too far by his love for the famous writers of Greece and Rome, till the voice of a vision, telling him that he was not a Christian but a Ciceronian, made him turn to the almost exclusive study of the Bible. The scene and the country in w^hich he wrote aided and stimulated him in his great work. In Palestine he was not only able to identify and visit Biblical scenes, but also to study with advantage the original language of the Old Testament. The result of these labours was the version of the Holy Scriptures from Hebrew and Greek into Latin, known to us as the Vulgate trans- lation. The English word Vulgate represents the Latin Vulgata Editio^ * the current edition ' of the Bible, the 126 The Church and the Roman Empire edition to be understood of the people. This term was applied to versions of the Bible from Greek into Latin which had preceded Jerome's Vulgate. Jerome's first task w^as to correct these old, and in many cases corrupt, versions of the Greek Testament and of the Greek Old Testament or Septuagint. But the great and monu- mental work on which St. Jerome spent ■yi^_JiiiiiLmTse energy-aad- labour of th o luLci } cin ^s'oniis life was a translation of "iiiB~"Oid—TeBtamenT^irectiyfVom the Hebrew. The books were^'ptrbiishBd at iiltervals^at the request of various friends jVom the year 389 to the year 404, the forty ^ourt h to_tlie fifty-ninth of Jerome's life. From this time the Vulgate took its place as the authorised Bible of ^he Western Church. With the exception of the Gothic Bible of Ulfilas, all the ver- sions of the Bible into the languages of the West, our own included, are more or less directly founded on the "VuTgatTof Jerome. Wyclif's Bible (1324-1384) is a literal rendering of the current Vulgate text. The Bible of Tyndale and Coverdale rests chiefly on the Latin of Jerome and the German of Luther. Our own Authorised Version was accomplished by men to whom the Vulgate was the most familiar text. In this way the influence of St. Jerome has a cjose and interesting relation to modern life. '^'^^ The Vulgate by no means exhausts the literary work of St. Jerome in Palestine. He wrote commen- jerome's .taries ou portious of the proplietical books, lit6r(irv labours on St. Matthew, and on several of the Epistles. He translated some of Origen's homilies. His book of Hebrew names and his questions on Genesis, written at this period, are cf value to the present day. Sj\ Jerome, a.d. 346-420 127 Besides these works biographies, controversial treatise/, letters, and translations justified his retirement. St. Jerome died in the year 420. His tomb is shown in the narrow cell, where he lived and wrote, near that rocky cavern to which a very ancient tradition points as the scene of the Saviour's birth. CHAPTER XV. ST. AUGUSTINE. A.D. 35i-430. In turning from St. Jerome to St. Augustine we find ourselves in the presence of a gentler influence and assuredly of a greater name in the Church of Christ. . Perhaps it is the early life of St. Augustine, the child of many tears, which has most widely touched st.Augus- human hearts. His mother Monnica, her tine's early i i • • i life tender care, her loving anxiety, her prayers, her tears ; then the dissolute youth of this great saint ; then his conviction of sin, his inward struggles, his search after truth, his conversion and reconciliation with God — all these things told in the glowing and passionate language of the ' Confessions ' have found a response in every generation : ' Mentem mortalia tan- gunt.' But perhaps the light in which the name of*St. Augustine is most justly honoured in the Church is that iivwhich he is regarded as the founder of system- atic theology. He was the first of great ecclesiastical teachers to touch with no uncertain hand those deep and mysterious questions vvuich began to agitate the 128 The Church and the Roman Empire minds of men in respect cf the relation of the soul to God, and the acts or thoughts or attitudes on which its eternal destinies depend — Fixed fate, free will, foreknowledge absolute. These were the high, and, we may add, the insoluble, themes which engaged the mind of Augustine. The ' Confessions ' of St. Augustine refer to the period of his life which preceded his baptism. This- did The'Confes- not take place till thB~^iMriyrthjrd-„year of Augustine * liis age. For at least nine years of his early manhood he had been led away by Manich^eism, a system which recognises a dual government of the world by the equal and contending powers of good and evil, a kingdom of light and a kingdom of darkness. The crisis came when he obtained an appointment as teacher of rhetoric at Milan. There he became St Au s- known to St. Ambrose, by whose eloquence *i."^ ^^ . and 2:oodness he was at once attracted ; at Milan meets o ' St. Ambrose flrg^^ howevcr, in a critical spirit. ' I listened diligently,' he says in his ' Confessions,' ' ' to him preaching to the people, not with that intent I ought, but as it were trying his eloquence, whether it answered the fame thereof, or flowed fuller or lower than was reported of the matter. I was as a careless and scornful looker-on . . . and yet,' he says, ' was I drawing nearer little by little and unconsciously.' Such was the begin- ning of that sweet and fruitful intercourse of these two great Saints. Augustine returned to Africa after his conversion. Here he became associated with. Valerius, Bishop of ' r. 13. Sr. Augustine, a.d. 354-430 129 Hippo, who ordained him. On the death of Valerius St. Augustine succeeded to the comparatively unimpor- ismade tant bishopric. But his influence extended Bishop of n • 1 1 Hippo tar and wide beyond the limits of his see ; for no voice swayed men's minds more effectively than St. Augustine's, no one directed the current of thought on Theiuflu- momentous questions with greater authority, euce of St. iY.ni . Augustine or affected the course of the Church's history more profoundly than the Bishop of Hippo. The most famous controversies in which he was en- gaged were, first, that in which he upheld the discipline and the doctrine of the Catholic Church on the one hand against the Donatists, who asserted the possibility of maintaining an ideally pure and holy Church on earth, and separated themselves from the Church of their brethren, in which they could trace laxity of discipline or the elements of sin ; next, that against the Pelagians, who denied the need or efficacy of the grace of God, and attributed to the unassisted human will and intellect the capacity of attaining righteous- ness. We cannot enter into these important subjects at length, nor can we here describe or estimate the wealth The'De and valuo of St. Augustine's literary works. Dei' But something must be said of the ' De Civitate Dei ' or the ' City of God,' or, more accurately, * Concerning the Divine State, or the Kingdom of God ' — a book which had immense weight in determining men's minds at the time, and has influenced the histoiy of the world more perhaps than any other book. The ' De Civitate Dei ' was written at a memorable epoch and with a memorable purpose. The epoch was C.H, K i^^o The Church and the Roman Empire the capture of Home by Alaric in 410 ; the purpose was to confute the idea that the calamities of the time were due to Christianity. It is the wisest and most complete of Christian ^ apologies,' a searching enquiry into the meaning of history, a vindication of the King- dom of Heaven. The sack of Rome produced an indescribable shock through the civilised world. Society seemed to be falling into ruin. Men looking about for a cause blamed Christianity. St. Augustine proves incontestably that it was by the vices and corruptions of the old pagan system that ruin had overtaken the empire. He shows the helplessness of paganism and of the philosophic systems which had succeeded it, and then exhibits the lofty aims, the mighty progress, the assured future, the blessed hopes and promise of the ' City of God.' It is at once a review of history and an exposition of the discipline and doctrine of the Catholic Church. There are few things finer in literature than the com- prehensive sweep of St. Augustine's intellect in his criticism of the events and politics of the pagan past, of all philosophy and of all aspects of life, in his ' City of God.' Nothing can be gentler or more generous than his attitude towards mistaken beliefs. Nothing can exceed his readiness to recognise what is beautiful and noble in character or in nationality, or his eagerness to claim it for Christianity. Nor is there any fear in the in- terests of Christianity for results of research or keenness of analysis. It is polemic theology at its best.^ * St. Augustine is chosen as the exemplar of polemic theology in the noble and impressive fresco by Simone Memmi in the Spanish Cliapel of Santa Maria Novella in Florence. St. Augustine, a.d. 354-430 131 So far as outward events were concerned tlie lite of St. Augustine was quiet and uneventful till close upon its end. Then it was disturbed, as all north Africa was disturbed, by the cruel and desolating invasion of the Vandals under Genseric. The Count Boniface had thrown himself into the city of Hippo, which was at once closely invested. ' There,' writes Gibbon, ' in the third Death of mouth of the sieo^e, and in the seventy-sixth St. Augus- ° ' ■^ tine year of his age, St. Augustine, the light and pillar of the Catholic Church, was gently released from the actual and impending calamity of his country.' CHAPTER XVI. ST. CHRYSOSTOM. A.D. 347-407. Turning for a while from the West to the East, we will endeavour to trace at least in outline the life and work of the great Bishop and eloquent preacher John surnamed Chrysostom. In some respects his life is more modern in its characteristics and modes of influence than any of the others which have been described. St. Chrysostom's life naturally divides itself into three parts — his rise into power and brilliance as a preacher at Antioch, his career at Constantinople, his sufferings in banishment at different places in Asia Minor. John Chrysostom — we must remember that John was the only name by which he was known to his con- temporaries, the title of Chrysostom, ' golden-mouthed,' K 2 132 The Church and thf. Roman Empire being a later tribute to bis eloquence — was born at An- tioch in the year 347 and died in 407. He was gifted Early life witH great and brilliant ability, and seemed chrysostom destined to be tbe foremost of rhetoricians in liis native city. His mother Anthusa was a devout Christian ; all that we know of her points to a sweet and loving nature, and to the utmost anxiety for her son's spiritual welfare. After some hesitation, and not until he had grown up to manhood, he was baptized, and renounced the world. The form of religion which suited his temperament was asceticism in its severest guise. But though he sub- j^.g mitted to a rigid discipline, he yielded to his asceticism mother's tcars and remained for a while under her roof. But he longed for a more rigorous self-denial, and for six years he exposed himself to privations among the Syrian mountains, which permanently injured his health. Afte*^this he returned to Antioch, was ordained, and began his course of Christian oratory which has left an imperishable fame. His promise had already been great. When Libanius, the most eminent sophist and rhetorician of his time, and the devoted friend of the emperor Julian, was asked on his death- bed who should take his place when he was gone, he answered : ' It would have been John, had not the Chris- tians taken him from us.' ^ Soon events took place in Antioch which gave occa- sion to the most brilliant and the most moving of Chrysostom's homilies. The East was at this time- — in the year 387 — groan- ing under an oppressive taxation, which had become ' Socr. viii. 3. St. Chi^ysostom. a.d. 347-407 133 necessary for the military operations in the West and for the approaching celebration of the decennalia, or Seditious festival on the tenth year of the emperor's outbreak at . . . ^ Antioch rcign. Seditious meetings were held at A.lex- andria, at Antioch, and at other chief towns in the Eastern empire. When the edict of taxation was pro- claimed at Antioch a tumult broke out. The mob rushed into the governor's palace and overthrew the statues of the imperial family, which were placed in the hall of judgment. For three hours the madness raged through the city. The statues of Theodosius, his wife and family, in the city were hurled down and broken up or dragged along the streets. It was a deadly insult, and what made the sting more keenly felt by Theodosius was the recent death of his wife Flaccilla, to whom he was deeply attached. Tn Antioch swift repentance and the gloomiest ap- prehensions followed the outbreak. The aged Bishop Flavian was sent with a deputation including, according to Zosimus, the pagan orator Libanius, to solicit the emperor's pardon. While the city waited in terrified suspense, the magistracy with miserable cowardice were sending victims to execution in order to shield them- selves from blame of complicity. In this condition of things Chrysostom intervened. Every day in words of ' golden ' eloquence he addressed the people who Chrysostom flockcd to the basilica, exhorting them to calm- calms the z^i • • people ness, to show what Onristian courage meant in times of danger. He pointed to reasons for hope- fulness from the ability of their advocates and the clemency of a Christian emperor. At the same time he took this opportunity to urge the need of repentance, 134 T^^^ Church and the Roman Empire and of trust in the Heavenly King. At lengtli the imperial envoys came. As they moved through the streets they were met by the hermits from the moun- tains — strange figures — who for once had descended to the crowded city to intercede. The envoys, who were Christians, alighted and fell on their knees before the hermits, who with the utmost courage delivered their message of intercession. 'A^ severe sentence had indeed already been issued. The city was degraded from its metropolitan position ; The em- the pubHc baths, the circus and places of sentence amuscmeut Were closed. But before severer measui*es were taken or sentences of death inflicted, a respite was granted and an appeal to the emperor - allow ed. Meanwhile Bishop Flavian returned bearing the joyous news that a pardon had been granted. He Announce- had pleaded in the emperor's presence in pardon words which St. Chrysostom has preserved. The appeal to the Christianity of the emperor prevailed. ' If the Lord of the earth,' said Theodosius, ' who be- came a servant for our sakes, and was crucified by tliose whom He came to benefit, prayed for the pardon of His crucifiers, what wonder was it that man should forgive his fellow-servants ? ' It was an Easter of joyous thankfulness for Antioch. The whole scene was significant of the growing in- fluence of Christianity. The historian has to take note of this new force in the world, this new possi- bility of clemency, this avenue to pity opened out by the Church. We read too without astonishment that ' one great and happy result of the recent trouble was St. Ciirvsostom. a.d. 347-407 135 a large accessiou of pagans to the ranks of the Church.' If the power that wins is the power that rules, the Kingdom of God had shown itself to be the stronger imjperium. The removal of Chrysostom from Antioch to Con- stantinople is another of those picturesque and dramatic Chrysostom incidents which fill the annals of this epoch. t)GCOTIlGS Bishop of The episcopal throne of Constantinople was Constanti- , -r i j ^ ^ - • o nopie vacant. ' J ohn, says the historian feozomen, ' was adjudged worthy in word and in deed, by all the subjects of the Roman empire, to preside over the Church of Constantinople. The clergy and people were unanimous in electing him ; their choice was approved by the emperor ; messengers were despatched for John ; and, to confer greater solemnity on his ordina- tion, a council was convened.' But the difficulty was to persuade St. Chrysostom to quit Antioch, or to steal their favourite preacher from the unwilling citizens. Both fraud and force were employed. He was tempted to go beyond the city walls, and there seized by im- perial officers and carried a prisoner to the capital over which he had been elected to preside as Bishop. At Constantinople Chrysostom found many evils to correct in the dissolute society of the capital. For him- self he carried the simple and ascetic habit of his life at Antioch into the episcopal palace. It was his custom to eat alone and never to accept an invitation to a feast. Whatever his motive may have been, needed carefulness in diet, or a vow of abstinence, this seclusion made him unpopular. He endeavoured first of all to check the growing luxury of his clergy. Already the temptations of wealthy houses had sapped spiritual strength. Im- t^6 The Church and the Roman Empire morality too, oi^j^^anger of immorality, had produced scandals such a^^^^^e and pure Church could endure. Attacks In sweepin^^^te|b&se evils, possibly with too the clergy harsh and unsparing a hand, St. Chrysostom raised enemies who combined against him when his time of trial came. But St. Chrysostom was not content with restoring discipline to his clergy. He inveighed against the extravagance, the idleness, the finery of the fashionable world. The homilies and addresses of Chrysostom prove how uniform and monotonous are the lines on which human sin and folly proceed, and how alike the preacher's arguments must be in every age. ' As long as John attacked the clergy only,' says Socrates, ' the machinations of his enemies were utterly powerless ; but when he proceeded to rebuke the nobles also with his characteristic vehemence, the tide of unpopularity began to set against him with far greater impetus, and the stories which were told to his disparagement found many attentive listeners.' The eunuch Eutropius, who had been raised to the dignity of consul, and Gainas, the Gothic chieftain, and He raises other persous of distinction assailed and up- enemies by -n-i his faithful- braided by this courageous Bishop, became ness 111 re- buke powerful adversaries. His most inveterate enemy however was Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, whose designs had been thwarted by the election of John to the see of Constantinople. But the gravest danger to St. Chrysostom lay in the hostility of the empress Eudoxia, who saw in him an obstacle to her complete ascendency over the emperor. At length through the joint practicef^ of the empress and of Theo- St. Chrysostom, a.d. 347-407 137 philus, by the vote of a packed S3||^ composed of Bishops hostile to St. Chrysoston|^^^Rng at a place Antipathy called ' The Oaiy^^^^naicedon, he was con- of the em- ^B^ n t p • i press demned to exile. He tied from the city, but on the same night a violent storm excited the supersti- tious fears of Eudoxia, and Chrvsostom was recalled. The population of the capital welcomed his return with demonstrations of delight. However, the renewed friendship with Eudoxia was short-lived. On this occasion the fiery nature of St. Chrysostom seems to have carried him away. A silver Btatue of the empress had been placed on a porphyry pillar close to the Church of St. Sophia. At this pillar public games were performed which Chrysostom objected to as an insult to the sacredness of the place, The empress incensed at Chrysostom's protest endeavoured to convene another council against him. A synod of Bishops met, and though no formal decree was passed, the emperor Arcadius was persuaded to sign an order for the removal of Chrysostom. Then took place in the Church of St, Sophia one of those wild and cruel scenes, to which this history has Chrysostom accustomed us. The sacrament of baptism jiven m o ^^^ j^ging administered ; soldiers rushed in and interrupted the sacred rite. Chrysostom escaped from the church ; but, as soon as the weak Arcadius could be persuaded to sign the decree of banishment, he was driven into exile. The place of exile was Cucusus, a mountain village in the range of the Taurus to the north of Cilicia. After a journey hastened on with cruel ex- pedition, he reached Cacustis, where he was received with hospitality by many friends. 138 The Church and the Roman Empire From that secluded village Chrysostom exercised an immense influence over the Church of the East, taking special thought of his own flock in Constantinople. Never was he more a Bishop than when he ruled from Cucusus. But the end was near. His enemies were disappointed that the severities of exile had not slain ChrysQstom. He was ordered to a spot still more bleak and dreary, Pityus in the Caucasian mountains. Thither he was hurried by guards, whose merciless haste proved fatal at Comana, a halting-place on the way. This was on September 14, a.d. 407. Thirty- one years afterwards, the remains of St. Chrysos- tom were translated with great pomp to his epis- copal city, and placed in the Church of the Holy Apostles. The times and scenes in which St. Chrysostom played no unimportant part exhibit some of the worst Review of as well as some of the best and brightest stom's life features of ecclesiastical history. In nis own early life we trace not only the coarse seductions of half-extinguished paganism, but the finer and more noble temptations of the trained intellect. When the change came, we see asceticism carried to an extreme and a narrowed conception of Christianity. On his own high and saintly character in its development it is a delight to dwell. It is as a beacon light thrown across the stormy sea of intrigue and sin. It is a' delight also to trace the deep impress that his person- ality and his eloquent teaching made on society, espe- cially on the masses of Antioch and Constantinople, who were enthusiastically attached to their eloquent guide. St. Chrysostom. a.d. 347-407 139 Here is a beginning of that Christian influence on vast urban populations which it has always been the just ambition of the Church to secure. The new force has not only swayed the minds of emperors and claimed mercy as a right, but it has stirred multitudes of men by an appeal to tlie religious sense, — two modifications of imperialism, and mitigations of absolute power, un- dreamt of and impossible except in the light of Chris- tianity. We are, however, compelled to see darker lines in the picture. Christianity has not been able, as enthu- isiasts might have hoped, to sweep away the selfishness, the lust, the cruelty of the pagan world. Society was still unpurged ; every page of Chrysostom's homilies teaches this. We note also an even darker stain, because seemingly more incurable, the beginning of ecclesiastical intrigue, the battle of pride and jealousy in the Church of Christ, the Church divided not by differences of religious thought or discipline, but, as in the contest between Theophilus of Alexandria and Chrysostom, by the base and mundane spirit of faction and that other dark spirit of rivalry and hate. CHAPTER XVII. HOXORIUS. A.D. 395-423 — RUFINUS, STILICHO. A WEA.K reign is the opportunity of powerful ministers; and in the eventful history of the falling empire it ii not the names of Honorius and Arcadius that fill the pages of history. The whole of the administration of 14.0 The Church and the Roman Empire affairs was thrown into the hands of statesmen and generals who had thrust themselves into power, or of the more capable members of the imperial family.' Accession ^^o men had gained surpassing influence of Honorius jj^ ^}^g closiug yoars of Theodosius, — Rufinus and Stilicho, men of marked, but widely differing cha- racters, one an extreme instance of corrupt and selfish ambition, the other not indeed a faultless character, yet a light in dark and evil days, and a support of falling Rome. Rufinus, as we learn from the verses of Claudian, the chief authority for this period, was a native of Elusa, Early life ^ Small towu of Aquitauia. In the language of Ruiiuus Qf ^]^Q pQQ^ ]^Q jg summoned by Alecto from his mean penates by the temptations of wealth and power, to take his part in the movements of a larger world : — Otia te, Rufine, juvant ? frustraque juventse Consumis florem patriis inglorius arvis ? Heu nescis quid fata tibi, quid sidera donent, Quid fortuna paret : toti dominabere mundo, Si parere velis. Rufinus rose to eminence as a lawyer, and his elo- quence and capacity for business attracted the attention of the emperor Theodosius, who advanced him His rise „ -, . . from one post of dignity to another, until he became his leading minister and trusted adviser. The true character of Rufinus revealed itself by degrees. Only when the control of Theodosius was removed was the world to know the secret of his cruei and rutblesa ' Zosimu?, V. I.. HCNGkJUS. A.D. Z95-i23--R(7F/iV[;S, StILICHO I4I fimbition. But we have authority for the belief that he stood by the emperor's side when he planned the mas- sacre of Thessalonica, and that he resisted with all his force the humane and civilising influence of Ambrose. He would present at this crisis in the relations between Church and State the argument, which is true if not pressed to an extremity, that in civil administration and in great State questions the Church as such has no right to interfere. This point a minister may justly urge ; but he may not forget that the principles of Christianity, of which the Church is the exponent, hold good in Church and State alike. The profound secresy with which the crime of Thessalonica was veiled until the moment of its pcT- Tiie crimes pstratiou is characteristic of the deep dissimu- DfRuflnus lation attributed to Rufinus.^ In his advance to supreme and undisputed influence two rivals stood in his way — Promotus, a soldier who had braved the daugers and hardships of campaigning by the side of Theodosius, and was now commander of the infantry ; and Tatian, prefect of the palace. Promotus was the first victim. Stung by a scornful speech of Rufinus, he struck him on the cheek. The insult was avenged by an imperial order to Promotus to leave the capital for a fortress on the Danube. There, according to Zosimus,^ he was slain in an ambuscade planned by Rufinus. Tatian was tried on the charge of mal- administration. His son Proculus, who had been united with him in authority, had escaped, but the father was persuaded by the most perhdious promises to recall his ' ^aSvyvufioov ^I'dpuvros Kal Kpvxpivoos, Suidas, quoted by Gibbon. k 142 Thr Church and the Roman Empire son. On his return Proculus was instantly slain before his father's eyes : — juvenum rorantia colla Ante patrum vultus stricta ceoidere securi, writes Claudian in a passage in which he indignantly sums up the crimes of Rufinus.' It is a significant mark of the influence of Christi- anity, and of the change which made an outward pro- fession of it respectable, that an evil and unprincipled statesman should have deemed it expedient to include a church and monastery in the precincts of his palace near Chalcedon. The hypocrisy of false Christians, predicted, by the Master,^ which once seemed in- credible, had come to pass. Christianity, instead of being perilous and scorned, had become safe and dignified. With the accession of Arcadius, Rufinus enjoyed complete liberty of action. * The whole power of sovereignty,' says Zosimus,^ ^was with Rufinus in the East and with Stilicho in the West ... all the edicts of the emperors were prescribed by Rufinus or by Stilicho.' In this position Rufinus acquired enormous wealth by the sale of prefectures and other high digni- ties. At length he aspired to imperial power. The first step was to be the marriage of his daughter to Arcadius. This design was intercepted by a stratagem. Arca- Rufinus dius had been persuaded to discard the alli- foiledinhia • i -r> ^ t i n ^ • ambition auce With Runrus, and to choose for his bride the beautiful pjudoxia. "It is an interesting note > In Rujin. i. 220-258. « St. Luke xiii. 25, 26. ? v. 1. HgNORIUS. A.D. 395-423 — RUFINUS^ St/LICHO 1 43 of Byzantine art that the charms of Eudoxia were commended to Arcadius by means of a picture. This lady, the daughter of Bauto, a Frankish general, was residing in the house of one of the sons of Promotus, the rival of Hufinus. The scheme was arranged with the utmost secresy by Eutropius, a powerful eunuch of the palace. When the festive procession moved through the streets under the direction of Eutropius, a gorgeous robe and ornaments worthy of an emperor's bride being carried by attendants, instead of advancing to the palace of Rufinus, it turned aside and halted at the house where lived Eudoxia, who was clothed in the imperial robes and conveyed to the palace. This check to the ambition of llufinus was followed after a short interval by his complete ruin. Rufinus instinctively foresaw his doom in the march of Stilicho to the East, and he put forth every expedient to hinder this dangerous advance. An order from Arcadius compelled Stilicho to stop at Thessalonica, but he was able to entrust the execution of his plans to the Gothic general Gainas. To make the interest of this crisis intelligible it will be necessary to trace the earlier career of Stilicho. If the glowing verse of Claudian may not be accep- ted as literally historical in every point, the greatness of Stilicho's career proves at least the substantial accuracy The early of the poet. Claudian describes him as fired life of Stilicho from boyhood with high and noble aspirations and as winning from his fellow-citizens a recognition of his youthful promise : — taciti sufFragia vulgi Jam tibi detulerant quicquid mox debuit aula. His fall and death 1^4 T^^ Church and the Roman Empire An embassy to Persia displayed his high capacity in another direction, and on his return he received a His rapid most distinguished mark of court favour in his rise to power j-^-^r^j-j.^age with Serena, the niece of Theodosius. This alliance brought with it a position of unrivalled power in the State. Stilicho received in succession the highest dignities which the empire could bestow, and eventually obtained the control of the whole military force of the West. On the death of Theodosius, Stilicho became the guardian of Honorius and Arcadius. In this office, according to some writers, Rufinus was associated with him ; but in the West at least Stilicho was now supreme. His first act was to visit and reinstate the garrisons on the Rhine. He then pro- ceeded to strike down the two great enemies of the Defeats empire — Gildo in Africa, and Rufinus at Giido ^}^0 court of Constantinople. The former, a tyrant of the most brutal and despotic character, had for twelve years oppressed Africa with a reign of terror: — Instat terribilis vivis, morientibus hseres, Yirginibus raptor, thalamis obscoenus adulter. The great danger to be apprehended from an interference with his rule was the stoppage of the corn supply from Africa, which had for centuries been the granary of Rome. Here Stilicho displayed his skill by arranging for a supply of corn from the province of Gaul, which was floated down the Rhone and so forwarded to the Roman market. The expedition against Gildo was entrusted to his brother Mascezel, who had taken refuge at Milan from the dangers which threatened him at HONORIUS. A.D. 395-423 — RUFINUS, StILICHO I45 home. For there had been a deadly feud between the two brothers ; and Mascezel was now made desperate by a crowning act of atrocity — the murder of his children by Gildo. The expedition was, in the language of later de- votion, a crusade. The leader himself was a devout Christian ; and on his way to Africa he landed at Oapraria, in those days a settlement of monks, some of whom were persuaded to come on board his ships. The victory of Mascezel was complete, and even, as it appeared to some, miraculous. Gildo put himself to death ; and Mascezel returned in triumph. But an accident in crossing over a bridge put an end to a life which might have been glorious. This was in the year 398. The attack upon Rufinus had taken place three years previously. When Gainas approached Constantinople with his victorious troops, Arcadius and his minister, Eufinus, Assassina- advauccd to meet them. As Ruhnus passed Kufinus along the line, the wings of the army were observed to be closing in upon him. At length Gainas gave the signal, and a dagger was plunged into the breast of Rufinus, who instantly expired at the feet of Arcadius. It was an act which blackens the fair fame of Stilicho, a return to the tyrant's policy of government by assassination and fear. Nor did Stilicho gain the end at which he aimed, for the power of the Eastern court passed into the hands of the eunuch Eutropius, and of Gainas. The latter, no longer faithful to Stilicho, joined with Eutropius in resisting his influence at Constantinople. Stilicho consequently had the magnanimity to abandon the East, though the event of 146 The Church and the Roman Empire a civil war miglit have left him supreme at Constanti- nople as well as at Milan. His prestige was enhanced by the betrothal of his daughter, Maria, to the emperor Honorius, who aban- Marriage of doued the defeuco of the empire to his power- daughter tul minister, and gave him sell up to sucn unexciting pursuits as feeding poultry. Stilicho was, in fact, virtually emperor, and that at a time of critical importance. In a fine passage Claudian describes the solitary greatness achieved by this distinguished soldier and statesman, his prescience of danger, and his forti- tude in meeting it : — Solus erat Stilicho qui desperantibus augur Sponderet meliora manu ; dubiajque salutis Dux idem vatesque fuit.^ He praises the courage with which he raised the fainting hopes of Italy, until at length ' she dared to emerge from the darkness of despair and to rest assured with £0 mighty a hostage for her destiny.' CHAPTER XVIII. ALARIC AND THE GOTHS. The threatening cloud of danger to which Claudian alludes was the approach of the Goths. The death of Tnvrasionof Theodosius had been the signal for their in- Aiaric cursiou ; and they crossed the Danube under the leadership of Alaric. The position and strength » Dc Bella Getico, 267. Alaric and the Goths 147 of Constantinople — the first object of attack — deter- mined Alaric to retreat in order to press his invasion on another quarter of the empire. In the year 396 he followed the historic footsteps of the Persian invader, passing through Macedonia and Thessaly to the narrow defile of Thermopylee, where, as in the days of Leonidas, a handful of men might have opposed his advance. No resistance, however, was offered ; but the defenders of the pass were treacherously withdrawn by the orders of their leader Gerontius. Alaric led his army past Thermopylas, 'as though,' says a scornfal writer, 'he were traversing a racecourse.' Thence he advanced to the sack of defenceless cities in the plains of Phocis and Boeotia, making a broad track of flame and ruin long afterwards discernible. ' Even now,' writes Zosimus,' ' all the Boeotians and other Grecian peoples point to a desolation which dates from this period.' All males capable of bearing arms were slain, the women and children were carried off with the rest of the spoil. Thebes was spared, partly owing to the strength of its fortifications, partly to Alaric's im- patience to reach Athens. Here it is said that the goddess Pallas appeared to protect the sacred walls, and that Alaric consented to honourable terms of peace, and entered Athens rather as an invited and distinguished guest than as a dreaded conqueror. He next turned his arms against Megara, which fell at the first blow, crossed the Isthmus, again through the treacherous negligence of Gerontius, and finally secured entire mastery over the Peloponnesus. Btilichoj the only Roman general capable of stem- » V. 5. L 2 r.|8 Thr Church and the Roman Empire ming the tide of ruin, liastened to Greece, and in a brief space of time compelled the Gothic army to take refuge stiiicho in Mount Pholoe, where it was surrounded invasion by liis troops. From this desperate position Alaric only escaped by the negligence of his enemies, who allowed themselves to be enticed by the amusements of a pleasure-loving people, and relaxed the rigours of the siege. This was in the year 396. Alaric con- ducted his retreat with masterly skill, and then, without delay and with consummate policy, concluded with the court of Constantinople a treaty of peace which was no doubt facilitated by jealousy of Stilicho's success. A still more surprising stroke of statesmanship followed. Alaric was proclaimed master-general of Eastern Illyricum. No government could inflict a more cruel insult on its subjects who had fought and suffered in the cause of their country. In a passage of generous indignation Claudian contrasts the times when the good old custom prevailed of rewarding high desert and crushing the rebel, with his own time, when ^ he vv^ho breaks treaties grows rich, he who keeps them comes to want : the scourge of Greece, the devastator of Epirus is master of Illyricum, enters by right the cities which he besieged, and metes out justice to the men whose wives he ruined and whose sons he slew.' Alaric used his authority to furnish his troops with military supplies and equipment from the armouries of Greece. He turned the discord of the Eastern and Western empires to his own aggrandisement, and soon felt himself strong enough to attempt the cherished object of his ambition — the conquest of Italy and Rome. Alaric and the Goths 149 Of Alaric's first campaign in Italy in the year 402 few particulars are known. Probably after occupying Alaric's first the northern provinces of Istria and Venetia invasion of Italy he recrossecl the Alps to draw reinforcements from the Danube. Once more all hopes of resistance to the Gothic invasion were centred in Stilicho, who was worthy of Confidence ^^® general trust. His first concern was to lu stiiicho urge the timid Honorius to hold his ground in Milan, until an army should be collected to check the TT,-. ,>,„o adv^ance of Alaric : then in mid-winter he His inea- ' sures crossed the Alps to subdue a barbarian tribe which had invaded Rhgetia. A rapid conquest gave him fresh recruits and released the troops engaged in tran- quillising the district. He then issued orders to call in the Roman legionaries from the remotest regions of the empire. The Rhine frontier was denuded of troops ; even our own island had to give up her protecting garrison in this dire necessity of Rome : Yenit et extremis legio prsetenta Britamiis, Quae Scoto dat frenatruci.^ The advance of Alaric, favoured by the unusual dryness of the spring, was swifter than Stilicho had „ , ^ , calculated. Honorius fled before him and Defeat of Alaric tQ,(^ refugo in Asta, a small Ligurian town, where he was besieged by Alaric and driven to the verge of a capitulation. At the moment of his extremity Stilicho appeared at the head of an advanced guard with which he cut his way through the investing lines. The rescue of Honorius was followed by a • Claudian, De Bclln Getivo, 416. 150 The Church and the Roman Empire general attack on the forces of Alaric at Pollentia, a few miles south of Asta and twenty-five miles south- east of Turin. The Goths were surprised during the celebration of the Easter festival. The battle raged all day with varying success, but ended in the utter defeat of the Goths. The spoils of the East fell into the hands of Western conquerors, and thousands of captives, ' released,' to use the poet's words, ' by the slaughter of their masters, impressed grateful kisses on the blood- stained hands of their deliverers.' ^ In his retreat Alaric resolved to seize the important fortress of Verona; but his line of march and design were betrayed to Stilicho. His troops were caught in the mountain defiles, and attacked in front, flank, and rear. Another crushing defeat left him with a small body of survivors, who prepared for a desperate resistance on some mountain fastness. But, probably through the policy of Stilicho, Alaric was allowed to escape. It was a great success, and one which might have awakened visionary hopes of a restored Eome, resting The victory ouco more on the valour and wisdom of her sSve Rome citizeus. But tliis was not the destined course from ruin ^^ history, and a more exact judgment de- cides that the seeds of corruption were too widely sown in the declining empire to make it worth while or l^ossible to rebuild the shattered edifice on the old lines. Behind the glitter of the procession, in which Honorius and Stilicho celebrated the victories over Alaric and the Goths, a keen eye might discern the > ClauJian. De Bello Getico, 618. 619. Alaric and the Goths T 151 / real and enduring forces wliicli were to mould the future empire. It is in vain that Claudian recalls the ex- amples of ancient Rome, and speaks of this phantom \ triumph as if it meant the same thing as the triumph i of Marius or of Scipio. The Church and Kingdom of Christ, which Claudian never names, and the Teutonic races, which a proud inscription and a train of captives The real declared to have been vanquished utterly, were forces in the . i • i i i i • t ^ • i • world the realities which lay behind this glorious semblance of imperial power. Two incidents occurring at this time respectively manifested the two forces which were beofinnino* to rule the world and to determine the events of history. 1. One was the daring feat of the monk Telemachus during this visit of Honorius to Rome. 2. The other was the resolution of Honorius to abandon Milan for the secure retreat of Ravenna. 1. One of the most revolting features of Roman civilisation was the exhibition of gladiatorial shows, in Gladiatorial "^^^^h slavcs or captivcs taken in war were str^ld by c^nipelled to slay each other in cold blood, ' to Christianity juake a Romau holiday.' Christianity had from the first raised a protest against this inhuman and degrading barbarity. The practice had even been formally condemned in the code of the first Christian emperor ; but the cruel custom, to which thousands were sacrificed every year in the chief towns and cities of the empire, lived on. At length the needed self-devotion came. When Honorius entered the ancient capital of the world to celebrate his triumph, the games were being celebrated f^2 The Church and the Roman Empire on a macfnificent scale. But wlien the time arrived for the gladiatorial combats, hardly had the fight begun when Telemachus, an Oriental monk, stepped down from the circle of spectators on to the arena, and parted the combatants. He was instantly stoned to death by the indignant populace, but his heroic act stopped once and for ever the barbarities of gladiatorial shows in Roman amphitheatres.^ 2. We have seen how Honorius was stayed for a while in Milan by the imperious bidding of his minister, and how he had fled before the Goths to Asta. After this experience Milan ceased to be a possible capital for a monarch who had a ' pre-eminence of cowardice.' The chosen seat of imperial timidity was Ravenna. This transference of the capital was a well-marked step in the decadence of the empire. Milan had been The trans- chosen to be a frontier fortress against a f crcncG of the capital Gothic invasion ; Ravenna was chosen to be a secure retreat from Gothic attack. Ravenna, like Venice, was built on piles at the edge of a vast lagune or swamp. The surrounding marshes were only passable by means of bridgfes. At Ravenna »' ••• ./ o one time it had been a naval station and port ; but by degrees the harbour was filled with alluvial deposits from the Po, and the strip of land thus formed between the city and the sea was covered with a belt cf pine wood. In this way nature continued to con- tribute to the defences of Ravenna. The political history of Ravenna is the history of cowardice, of decline, and of shrinking from high re- sponsibilities. But viewed from another side, it has ' Tbeodoret, v. 26. I Alaric and the Goths i$3 Associations and an i interest of the most sacred and ennobling kind. In the storms and revolutions of this The artistic turbulont and chansfeful agfe, monuments of andhistor- r^^ • ■ . P . leal inte- bhristian art were sfrowmef into existence, with rest of T ? . 1 Ravenna matchlcss and undying beauty of form and colour, under the care and direction of Galla Placidia. Five of the churches of Ravenna owe their origin to her, and are the enduring memorials of her reign. Externally plain and uninteresting, the churches of Ravenna still preserve on their walls and vaulted roofs, almost in original brightness and truth of colouring, the imperishable mosaics placed there by Byzantine artists of the fifth and sixth centuries. It is possible to see, in the long processions there depicted, the shape and colour of priestly vestments and imperial robes, and the features of men and women who made history at this epoch. Here are the earliest of Christian symbols of priceless interest and value : the Cross itself both in the ground-plan of the churches and represented on the monuments ; the Lamb of God ; the emblems of the Evangelists ; the Christ Himself, always a youthful beardless figure, now as the Good Shepherd, now as the Conqueror bearing on high the flag of victory, now, it would seem, committing heretical works to the flames, now calmly enthroned. Another symbol has a peculiar importance in this age. More than once two stags are represented coming to a fountain of water, which is interpreted as an emblem of the heathen world being brought into the Church of Christ. One shrine in Ravenna, the Chapel in the Archbishop's palace, still used for daily service, stands without alteration, hal- lowed by uninterrupted rites since the days of St. Peter 1 5 4 The Church and the Roman Empire Clirysologus, who founded it in this century. The body of Galla Placidia herself was placed in a chapel of surpass- ing beauty, beneath a vault of deep blue mosaic spangled with golden stars. For eleven centuries her form could be seen clothed as in life with imperial robes and seated on a throne of cypress wood. In 1577 by an unhappy accident this was destroyed by fire. Such are the memorials which still lend an unfail- ing interest to Ravenna. By its very seclusion, rendered still more guarded by the gradual withdrawal of the sea, this sheltered city has preserved unimpaired the unique monuments of an age which has elsewhere left few memorials. While Honorius sought protection in the security of his new capital, Stilicho was once more engaged in the defence of the empire. A fresh invasion of barbarian hordes poured down the passes of the Alps, this time The inva- undep the guidance of Radagaisus, a type of Radagaisus barbarian very different from Alaric. Alaric was a Christian, and as a soldier and statesman under- stood the rules of civilised warfare, and acknowledged the obligation of treaties. Radagaisus was not only a barbarian and a pagan, but a fierce and merciless tyrant. Many cities had fallen before his arms, and the siege of Florence was being pressed with eager haste, when at the moment of direst extremity Stilicho came to the relief. He declined a pitched battle with Radagaisus, pre- ferring to reduce the enemy by the slower process of starvation. He drew lines around the barbarian forces and maintained the blockade with such strictness that the enemy were compelled to capitulate. Radagaisus Alaric and the Goths 155 was put to death — an act utterly unjustifiable — and his fioldiers were sold into slavery. St. Augustine has some remarks on this decisive Christian victory in the ' De Civitate Dei.' ' In his St. Augus- view it was a direct conflict between paganism tine's view ., ^-^, ... -^ ^ , of the defeat and bhristianity ; tor iiadagaisus openly ap- gaisus peased the gods and invited them to his aid by daily sacrifices, ' a thing,' says Augustine, finely in- dicating the religious revolution, ' which the Christian religion forbids Eoman citizens to do.' It was the firm belief and the subject of boast in the pagan army, that the gods would never suffer a nation who neglected them to vanquish so devout a worshipper as Radagaisus. St. Augustine describes the victory as miraculous and swift, achieved without the cost of a single life, even without a wound, in the Christian army — an exaggera- tion, perhaps, but owing to the defensive tactics of Stilicho not impossible. St. Augustine goes on to point out the providence by which the capture of Rome was eflTected, not by an idolatrous pagan, who knew no mercy, but by a general who, if he was a barbarian, was yet a Christian, under whose auspices — for the first time in the history of the world — men and women were spared who fled for refuge to the sanctuary of Christian churches. Though Alaric took no part in this campaign, he, ,, . ,,. nevertheless, must have w^atched it w4th a Alaric allies ' himse_if with j^gen interest. When it was over, he took an the Western ' empire unexpected step in seeking an alliance with the court of Ravenna, and broke off his relations with the Eastern emperor. He even succeeded in gaining the » V. 23. 1^6 The Church and the Roman Empire friendship of his great adversary Stilicho. In recogni- tion of these advances, he was appointed master- general of the Roman armies in Illyricum, and, through the in- fluence of Stilicho, obtained a subsidy from the Roman senate. The shame of this last concession was bitterly felt by the senators themselves, even when they sup- ported Stilicho by a reluctant vote. ' This is not peace, but a contract of slavery,' exclaimed the senator Lam- padius, in words so true to the crisis and so welcome to popular feeling, that the Greek historian Zosimus wishing the ipsissima verba to be remembered, has pre- served them in the Latin language in which they were pronounced. Stilicho had taken an unpopular step. He was ac- cused of undue favour to the barbarians, and of neglect- stiiicho's ing his Roman soldiers. Olympius, the new popular favourite of Honorius, destroyed the reputation of Stilicho, by accusing him of scheming to place his son Eucherius on the imperial throne. Honorius was persuaded to believe in Stilicho's ambition and treason, and gave his sanction to the intrigues which planned his downfall. At Pavia, where the troops were encamped on their way to a campaign in Gaul against the usurper Con- intrigues stantine,' a massacre of Stilicho's friends took Stilicho place. Officers of the highest distinction were mercilessly cut down by the partisans of Olympius, and the emperor was forced to approve the deed, and pardon the assassins. Stilicho, who was at Bologna, consulted his friends, but hesitated to take up arms against the empire. Instead of choosing the only path of safety ' See p. 165. 'to his Bis death Alaric and the Goths 157 open to him, and one wLIch promised suc(!eas, lie threw himself into Ravenna, the stronghold of his enemies, and took refuge at the altar. He was induced to leave his sanctuary by a perfidious falsehood of Count Heraclian, who, the instant Stilicho left the church, produced the warrant for his execu- tion. ' He fell,' says Gibbon, ' with a courage not un- worthy of the last of the Roman generals.' Zosimus awards him the high praise of unselfish moderation. Notwithstanding his imperial condition, and the vast sums of money placed at his disposal, he took no occn- sion of enriching himself, and he conferred no higher dignity on his only son than the office of Prgefectua Notariorum (Prsefect of the Notaries or Clerks). Sozomen sums up contemporary opinion when he says of Stilicho : ' he had attained almost absolute power; and all men, so to speak, whether Romans or barbarians, were under his control.' ^ His death occurred in August 408. A significant incident took place in the Italian gar- rison towns, which helps us to understand the policy stiiicho's ^^^ position of Stilicho. As soon as the news wisdom Qf i^ig (^eath reached the soldiers quartered in proved by • i events ^j^g various citics, they attacked the wives and children of the barbarians, massacred all whom tbey found, and carried off their goods. Nothing could indicate with greater clearness tlio wise and temperate policy of Stilicho. His death was the signal for an outbreak of the race hatred between the Romans, or subjects 01 the emperor, and the bar- barians. Stiiicho's later policy, on which he shipwrecked ' Book ix. c. 4. 158 The Church and the Roman Empire kis personal fortune and popularity, was to recognise the presence of the barbarian element in the empire. He alone had the statesman's prophetic insight to discern the rising and irresistible force — the force of the new world now working itself into existence — which lay in the Teutonic race. The true policy of Kome was, he saw, to win over, and to assimilate, if possible, this vigorous element with the imperial system. For this reason an alliance with Alaric, at first sight a startling departure, became indispensable, because Alaric alone could efficiently direct the new force. Events proved the soundness of this policy, but it was the cause of Stilicho's fall. The Eomans, as the subjects of Honorius were still proud to call themselves, resented the idea of making terms with the barbarians. The death of Stilicho gave the commanding voice in the court and empire to Olympius. His first measures were to pursue the relatives and friends of Stilicho with relentless cruelty. The empress Therm antia, daughter of Stilicho and sister of Maria, the first wife of Honorius, was divorced. Many of the fallen minister's partisans were tortured to obtain evi- dence of their master's treason, but no discovery was made. The innocence of Stilicho is established in history. Olympius then proceeded to disqualify from State service all pagans and all persons tainted with Arianism. Disquaii- This sweepiupf measure lost to the imperial ficatiou . 1 /» 1 -i '^(- ^ on Of pagans armies numbers 01 the most skilful officers and some thirty thousand of the bravest soldiers. Passed at that critical epoch it was a measure fatal to Rome. Alaric himself could not have shaped a policy Alaric and the Goths 159 more favourable to his cause tlian one wliich gave liim thousands of recruits and a motive which fired their indignation. It was a blunder in State policy, and it was a mis- take in ecclesiastical discipline. It has taken many centuries to determine that the relations between the State and the Church do not prevent the State from employing the services of all its citizens. But in this in- stance the policy pursued sprang from no high principle ; it was simply the result of rancorous hatred of Stilicho and his measures. The natural result followed. Alaric instantly in- vaded Italy, and most of the towns in the north opened Invasion of ^^^^^ gatcs to him. Leaving unapproachable aSc^^ Ravenna behind him, he marched swiftly m • r. r.f aofainst Rome itself and formed the sies^e Tne siege of o o Rome (408). ' During a period of six hundred and nineteen years,' writes Gibbon, ' the seat of empire had never been violated by the presence of foreign enemies.' A siege of Rome therefore seemed to be like a violation of a fixed law of nature. The first feel- ings were those of shame and indignation, and then in an access of suspicion — a frequent phenomenon in such cases — a cruel deed was wrought. Serena, widow of Stilicho and niece of Theodosius, was within the walls of the city. A rumour spread that she was in league with the Goths, and that her death would be the signal for their departure. The aunt and mother-in-law of the emperor was mercilessly slain ; but still the siege went on with increasing severity. The Romans sent an embassy to negotiate. When the legates spoke of the fierce resistance of a people iCo The Church and the Roman Empire maddened by despair, Alaric's scornful answer wa^: ^Tlie thicker the hay, the easier it is mowed.' At length the terms of retreat were arranged on payment of an enormous fine. The negotiations which followed were marked by the presumptuous folly of Olympius, who soon afterwards suffered the fate of favourites, and was supplanted by Jovius, the praetorian prefect. The palace had learned by experience the evil re- sults of the edict against pagans and Arians. The restriction was removed, and many Roman Generidus ^ . i t » soldiers returned to their standard. Among these was Generidus, who presented an example of unselfishness and magnanimity, a type of character not seldom to be found in the history of a losing cause. Generidus, the heathen, displayed the qualities which a prosperous Christianity was in danger of losing. He refused to be restored to his rank in the army by a privllegium, preferring to wait until his brethren of the ancient faith could re-enter the imperial service with him. He afterwards served with distinction on the frontier of northern Italy. There the old Roman disci- pline seemed once more to revive, and Generidus was able to protect the Dalmatian frontier from the attacks of fresh barbarian foes. Some efforts were now made to bring about a re- conciliation between Alaric and the emperor. Alaric met the imperial envoys at Ariminum ; but Honorius was firm for once, when it was impolitic to be firm, and though he granted to Alaric as much corn and money as he might desire, he sternly refused to put him in command of the cavalry and infantry. Accordingly Alaric and the Goths 161 Alaric was soon again at tJie gates of Rome. He seized on the port of Ostia and stopped the importation Second siege of suppHes, SO that the city was starved into of Home by i • • a i • t . • , n Alaric suumission. Aiaric entered in triumph, and Attaius proclaimed Attains, then prefect of Rome, em- proclaimed ^ . \x\. in all probability the Churches of Gaul were more subservient to the see of Rome than the civil and military administration to the central authority at Ravenna. Pope Innocent I. claimed for the Roman see obedience from the Churches of Britain, Gaul, Spain, and Africa, as well as from those of Italy, on the ground that St. Peter and his successors were the founders of each and all of these Churches. In great measure this The West under Honorius 165 wide and unhistorical claim was admitted. The juster claims of the imperial power had scant recognition in the West. The legionaries in Britain revolted, and after electing and deposing two emperors in swift Tiie usurper succcssion, agreed in the choice of a common coustautiue ggldier named Constantine, whose sole merit seems to have consisted in his illustrious name. Not- withstanding his incapacity — such was the weakness of the imperial administration — this new Constantine was able to establish himself in Britain, and to overrun Gaul from Boulogne to the Cottian Alps. His son Constans was equally successful in Spain, where he made himself master of the province, the only serious opposi- tion being offered by two brothers named Didymus and Yerinian, who were related to the emperor Honorius. After a gallant resistance the rising was quelled and the brothers taken and slain. Constantine himself crossed the Alps and penetrated into Italy as far as to Verona. Here the rebellion collapsed. Alanicus, commanding the troops of Honorius, who was about to betray his master's cause, was assassinated in a procession, and Gerontius, one of the ablest of Constantine's generals, deserted him, setting up a rival emperor named Maximus. Constantine retreated from Italy and threw himself into Aries. Here he was besieged first by Gerontius, who, hearing of the approach of the imperial forces under Constantius, raised the siege. Gerontius was sur- rounded, and at length, driven to desperation, put him- self to death. The Christian historian, Sozomen, names with commendation the conduct of his wife Nunecbia, who was a Christian. It is interesting in this strange 166 The Church and the Roman Empire complexity of intricate rebellion to be brouglit in con- tact with the thought of Christian life and love going on bravely through the storm. Gerontius, we read, might easily have escaped with his life had not his affection for his wife detained him by her side. And when all hope was gone, Gerontius first, in compliance with his prayer, slew the one friend who had remained with him, and then his wife besought him to do the like to her, lest she should fall into the hands of her enemies. Accordingly, he complied with her request before falling on his own sword. Sozomen adds, with- out the hesitation which might occur to deeper Christian thought : ' Thus died one who manifested a degree of courage worthy of her religion ; for she was a Christian.' Meantime the siege of Aries was pressed, and Con- Stantine, despairing of the succour for which he had Constantine l^opcd, had recourso to a strange and sug- issiaia gestive expedient. Casting aside his purple robe and imperial ornaments, he caused himself to be ordained a priest, and, trusting to the protection of the sacred office, surrendered himself to Constantius, who sent him under a guard to Ravenna together with his son Julian. Both, however, were slain before they reached that city, and the various leaders who had risen against Honorius suffered the same fate. It was indeed a remarkable fact, carefully noted by the Christian historians, that seven usurpers who had successively risen against this feeble and incompetent, though pious and orthodox, emperor, failed to make any effective head against his power, and fell almost without striking a blow. One alone of these threatened to be formidable ; for a time Jovinus was aided by the alliance witn Thr West under Honor/ us :6y Ataulf, tlie king of the Visigoths in succession to Alaric. For some unexplained reason Constantius re- treated before him, leaving the whole of Gaul open to the usurper. But before long Ataulf found cause to withdraw his alliance and turn his arms against Jovinus, who fell as swifcly as he had risen to power. Ataulf proved his loyalty to Honorius by sending to him the heads of Jovinus and his brother Sebastian. The disturbed and unsettled condition of Western Europe had opened the gates of Spain to the incursions The end of ^^ ^^® Yanclals, the Suevi, and the Alani. In i.uuif ^jjg process of conquest the unhappy country endured untold miseries of war, rapine, and famine. Ataulf was directed to recover the possession of Spain for his imperial brother-in-law. He took Barcelona by surprise, but was assassinated within its walls by one of his slaves, who had been a follower of Sarus, one of g^^j^ his vanquished rivals.' His widow was Galla r.acidia Placidia (a name memorable in the history of Christian art), sister of the emperor Honorius, who had been captured in the sack of Ptome. In spite of the pro- tests of the Roman court, she was united in marriage with Ataulf, whose affection for his bride, and whose pride in the imperial alliance, gave the court of Ravenna the sup- port of his services, with the brief exception of his transitory alliance with Jovinus. The death of Ataulf exposed Galla Placidia to the scornful cruelty of Singeric, his short-lived successor. Under VVallia, who after the death of Singeric was chosen king of the ' TMs invasion of Ataulf laid the foundation of the Gothic kingdom in Spain and south-westein Gaul. See Freemans His- torical Geograjj/aj, p. 89 ; Gibbon, iii. 455. ■{C3 The Churzh axd the Roma.v E:.:pire YisigotliS; Galla Placidia was restored to lier broiher on the pavment of a ransom. It was at this period of confiisioii tliat the Roman legions left Britain and abandoned the Celtic inhabitants of onr island to the attacks of the Teutonic Britain . ^ . ^ ^ invaders — the baxons. Jutes, and Lnglish.- This definite act on the part of the Roman armies gave a character to the settlement of Britain entirelv different from that of Gaul and Spain. In the latter countries the settlement was gradual, and the barbarian invaders adopted in great measure the language, customs, and religion of the Roman population. In the case of Britain the invading force consisted of uncivilised and pagan strangers. The conflict was one of extermination. The victorious Saxons, Jutes, and EngKsh assimilated nothincr. They swept away the race, the religion, and the stores of Roman civilisation. This difference of settlement deeply affected the ec- clesiastical history of Britain and south-western Europe. Tbeeffe2ts In Britain a fresh process of conversion had inTasion " become necossarv. In Gaul and Spain Chris- tian teaching and influence were continuous and pro- gressive. The Gothic kingdoms remained in some sense an integral part of the empire, long after Britain had become isolated and independent l^v the desertion of the Roman government. The express testimony of Zosimas places this impor- tant movement in the time of the usurper Constantine.* The events, therefore, which have just been narrated mark a crisis in British ecclesiastical hisrory. which is, ' 1? Hi, E--€raj;.aj K'al ri-v ev KeXroTs er; i-; iT:--acr(s Kz.b' by (Tv oa/ifi xfOioy 5 Ku- ycrroiTiros iydvero. — Z,^r,. vi. c. 6, The West under Honor/ us 169 as it were, cleft in two at this point by the wedge of Saxon paganism. Politically, Britain was separated for ever from the empire ; but its ecclesiastical rela- tions with Rome were destined to be close and impor- tant, with varied results of good and evil. Previous to this time, although the British Church was too far removed from the centre of imperial autho- chri^tianity ^'^^J *° ^® brought iuto closo couuexion with in Britaiu ^]^q liigrher civil administration, thouo'h it had sent forth no St. Ambrose or St. Jerome to sway the councils of emperors, or to decide the course of reli- gious controversy, yet there is evidence of an important and flourishing Church in the British Isles, full of mis- sionary zeal and saintly examples, which sent Bishops to the Councils of Aries, Ariminum and Sardica. The €ra of St. Patrick is placed in the year 433, and in Ireland there were probably more Bishops in the fifth century than at any subsequent period. The rise of Pelao-ianism is a stain on the annals of the British Church, but the existence of false teaching, cast in a thoughtful and philosophical mould, imjDlies the pre- sence of culture as well as of religion in these isles. The influence of Christian teaching was probably deep and wide-spread during the Roman occupation. It is possible to believe that the new version of the Scriptures by Jerome, and the hymns of St. Ambrose, found a welcome within the walls of Uriconium or Silchester, and that the penance of Theodosius, the conversion of St. Augustine, and the pious deeds of Honoriiis and Placidia were discussed in all their freshness of in- terest by Christian men and women in country villas and military stations, from York to London, and from 170 The Church and the Roman Empire Bangor to Lincoln, in tlie land wliicli sent forth the first emperor who dared to give Christianity a place in the imperial system. CHAPTER XX. THE EAST. We have brought the affairs of the Western emph'O under survey, up to the important epoch marked by the fall of pagan Rome, and by the defeat of the usurper Constantine, and its consequences in the Western pro- vinces. Events in the Eastern division of the empire have hardly the same critical and momentous character in determining the course of history ; but they bear testi- mony to the same marvellous ascendency of the Church in the affairs of men which we have traced in the West. This supreme influence is so familiar that it is needful to remind ourselves, more than once, how recent the revolution was, which conferred this great authority on the Christian religion. The Church and the empire in East and West respectively differed considerably in character. The Character- East adopted the symbols and the state in Church and wliich Oriental despotism is wont to clothe and West '^ itsclf. All tracos of republican freedom had vanished. An absolute monarch demanded the servile submission of his subjects. The eunuchs of the palace became the ministers of State. The career of Rufinus was closed, and he was succeeded by the eunuch Eutropius, a man of infamous antecefJents, The East 171 The poet Claiiclian exhausts the resources of language in describing the scorn and shame with which the rule of this misshapen and wrinkled being was accepted by the Roman subjects of Arcadius, and the satisfaction which the appearance of such a general and statesman gives to the enemies of the nation. The ruling passion of Eutropius was avarice, though he could have no children to inherit his wealth. The commands of provinces were put up for sale by this * trafficker of empire and dishonest broker of dignities ' (Institor imperii, caupo famosus honorum). Claudian ^ describes the process of sale : — Certantum ssepe duorura Diversum suspendit onus ; cum ponclere judex Yergit, et ^n geminas nutat provincia lances. Another plan of amassing wealth — a favourite one with tyrants — was to confiscate the estates of wealthy men condemned in the servile courts of law on simulated charges. At length the gathering storm of hatred broke. The fall of Eutropius came to pass partly by the peti- tion of the empress Eudoxia, partly by the demand of the Gothic general Gainas, who bitterly resented his influence and position. Gainas, who had been sent to put down a rising of the Ostrogoths on the Hellespont, secretly joined ^•lina'and hauds with the enemy, and under pretence of the Goths making terms of peace pressed his own wishes upon the emperor. He represented that Tribigild, the leader of the Ostrogoths, demanded the execution of » In Evirop. i. 207. 174 1^^^ Church and the Roman Empire left a mark on history. Socrates ^ speaks of the go- v^ernment being entrusted to Anthemius, the Praetorian prefect, during the minority of Theodosius. Sozomen makes no mention of Anthemius, and certainly expresses himself as if the direction of affairs was controlled by Pulcheria, of whom he writes in terms of such un- measured praise that he even checks himself, ' lest,' he says, ' I should be condemned as a mere panegyrist.' Pulcheria took a step at the commencement of her reign, for such it proved to be, which was surely the strangest ever taken in the history of civil government, and which marks in a striking manner the revolution in thought which the last hundred years had wit- nessed. In the presence of priests and people she took a vow of perpetual virginity ; in this vow her sisters associated themselves, and, as a memorial of this solemn act, the three imperial sisters dedicated an altar set with gold and precious stones in the Church of Con- stantinople. Pulcheria's palace became a convent into which no male was permitted to enter, and so the empire of the Tiieeduca- East was administered from a cloister. The Arcadius eclucation 01 the young emperor was superin- tended by Pulcheria with the most exact and loving care. In the manly arts of horsemanship and war masters were provided ; but Pulcheria herself undertook to teacli liim the graces of imperial manner, ' how to gather up his robes, and take his seat with dignity, how to assume a mild or formidable mien, as occasion might require.' Above all she taught him devotion to the Church and to its ministers, and the duty of regular attendance » Lib. vii. c. 13. ThEODOSWS II. AND PULCHERIA I75 at itg services. Paiclieria herself caused mao:nificer:t cliurclies to be erected, and built hospitals, monasteries and other ecclesiastical houses. The private life of the sisters was in accordance with these outward acts of religion. Attendance in the house of prayer, charity to strangers and the poor, days and nights spent in singing the praises of God, together with such manual tasks as occupy the time of exemplary women, formed, as Sozo- men tells us, the occupation of Pulcheria and her sisters. The history of the young emperor's marriage is a romance. Athenais, the beautiful daughter of a Greek The empress philosoplier, learned in all the wisdom of her Eudocia g^gg^ \^^^ been deprived by her brethren's fraud of the little legacy bequeathed her by her father. She came as a suppliant to Pulcheria, who listened to her prayer, and taking note of her intelligence and charm of manner, resolved that she should be empress. Her portrait was shown to Theodosius, who was further allowed to see the lady herself from a place of conceal- ment. The emperor admired and loved. Athenais abandoned the pagan religion in which she had been brought up, and received the name of Eudocia at her baptism. The married life which followed was happy for Eudocia in its earlier part, but adventurous and melancholy at its close. Her scholarly tastes continued, but instead of the pagan classics, her former delight, she devoted herself to the study of the Holy Scriptures and Christian literature. She paraphrased in verse some of the books of the Old Testament, composed a Homeric poem on the life of Christ and the acts of St. Cyprian, and a panegyric on the Persian victories of Theodosius. When her daugliter Eudoxia at the age 176 The Church and run Roman Empire of fifteen married Valentinian III.., emperor of the West, Eudocia made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Her progress was magnificent and ostentatious ; she showered gifts on Antioch and other cities through which she passed, and in Jerusalem itself rivalled the empress Helena by her alms and magnificence. On her return she vainly endeavoured to overthrow the ascendency of Pulcheria. The struggle ended in the disGrrace of Eudocia and in the ruin of her most faithful friends. Unhappily, too, an estrangement arose between Eudocia and her husband. The empress was permitted to retire to Jerusalem, where, divested of all imperial state, she lived in exile, devoting herself to a religious life, and to the end protesting her innocence of the charges which her enemies had preferred against her. The Persian war which broke out in 421 presents some points of interest to the ecclesiastical historian. Persecution The occasion of it as related by Theodoret * of Cliristiaus . . , . , . in Persia raiscs a question which reappears m every age. A certain pious Bishop named Abdas, carried away by zeal, caused a pyrceoii or fire temple to be destroyed. The Persian king, Isdegerdes, informed of this by the Magi, at first spoke kindly to Abdas, for he was a friend of the Romans, and had been in some sense regarded as protector of the young emperor. He ordered Abdas, however, to rebuild the temple. The Bishop refusing to do this was ordered to execution. A persecution followed which involved the demolition of the Christian churches. Theodoret's comment ou the transaction is noteworthy. He cannot approve tho act of destruction. ' For the Apostle Paiil.' he soya, » K. E. V 39. Theodosius IL and Pulcheria 177 * did not destroy any of the idolatrous altars wliich he saw in Athens, but preached truth to the citizens. At the same time,' adds Theodoret, ' I greatly admire the firmness of Abdas in consenting to die rather than re-erect the temple which he had destroyed, and I judge that he thereby merited a crown. Indeed to me it seems almost the same thing to erect a temple to fire, and to fall down and worship it as a deity.' A sounder Christianity will reject a logic which admits a wrong but holds it unrighteous to redress it. It will be re- membered, however, that the same principle was pressed upon Theodosius by St. Ambrose in the case of the Jewish synagogue destroyed by Christian zeal at Fort Callinicus near Aquileia. It is at least evidcDt from this incident that the spirit of martyrdom still animated the Christian Church. Socrates, who gives the best account of this war, assigns as its immediate cause the refusal of the Romans Christianity ^^ dclivcr up to the Persiaus some Christian a uisus belli fugitives who had fled from the persecution into Roman territory. The Romans refused to surrender these unhappy men, because ' they were ready to do anything for the sake of the Christian religion. They chose rather therefore to renew the war with the Persians than to suffer the Christians to be miserably destroyed.' In this answer we remark the decisive Christianity of the imperial councils at this period. The defence of the Faith is a casus hellij a noticeable step in Christian influence. The war ended to the advantage of the Roman armies, though the fortress of Nisibis still refused to yield. The ecclesiastical historian turns aside from his c. h\ W J 78 The Church and the Roman Empire narrative to record the incredible speed witli which thd Koman victories were announced by the messenger Palladius, who could cover the distance between Con- stantinople and the Persian frontier in the space of three days. It is instructive to read in these days with their modern application the shrewd words of one who said : * This man by his speed seems to contract the vast expanse of the Roman territories.' ^ Another story of Christian action deserves to bo recorded. The Romans in the course of their successes Christian ^^^ captured seven thousand Persian prisoners. charity ^ famine set in, to the great distress of the miserable captives. Acacius, Bishop of Amida, hearing of their sad case, called his clergy together and said: ' Our God, my brethren, needs neither dishes nor cups, for He neither eats nor drinks, nor is in want of any- thing. Since then, by the liberality of the faithful, the Church possesses many vessels both of gold and silver, it behoves us to sell them, that by the money thus raised we may be able to redeem the prisoners, and also supply them with food.' Accordingly the sacred vessels were melted down, and the captives were ran- somed, furnished with all that was necessarv for their journey, and so restored. This gracious act paved the way for an honourable peace. Socrates, who is the professed advocate of Theo- dosius II., as Sozomen is of Pulcheria, breaks out into Theciiarac- praise of his hero with amusing naivete. uosius II. ' ' Although I neither seek the notice of my sovereign, nor wish to make an exhibition of my oratorical powers, yet have I felt it my duty to record * iSocrates, vii. 19. ThEODOSIUS II. AND PULCHERIA 1 79 without exaggeration the singular virtues with which the emperor Theodosius is endowed.' ^ He then pro- ceeds to describe the courage and hardihood of one born to the purple, his wisdom and knowledge, his observance of Christian duties, his self-command, his humanity ; never would he suffer capital punishment to be inflicted on any criminal. Theodoret adds a story which confirms this account of the relimous feelinsf of Theodosius II. An ascetic had made a demand upon the emperor; when refused, he uttered a sentence of excommunication upon him. This had so deep an effect upon the emperor that he refused to sit down to table until the same monk who had pronounced the excom- munication should come forward and remove it. On the whole the reign of Theodosius II. deserves a special study in the particular point of view from which irtimate ^^ ^^® survcyiug liistory. Ecclesiastical dis- cimrc?and cipliue has laid its principles and rules on the state highest executive power. A time when an empress studied the works of St. Cyprian, and the virtual sovereign lady of the land was as eager to keep the faith pure from heresy as the State free from attack, is surely too singular an epoch to be passed over or ignored. If it was a weak reign, it was not without its suc- cesses. The barbarians were still pressing on the frontiers of the empire, but as yet they had not threatened Constantinople. Again, if it was a weak reign, it was one in which the influence of the Church had become paramount, and the fair way to judge of Christian influence is to consider what a weak reigu » via. 22. N 2 j8o The Church and the Roman Esipire would have been without the thought of the Cross or the discipline of the Church. In one respect this age was greater than we shall probably ever be able to appreciate properly. It must have been pre-eminently an age of Christian art : the mosaics of Ravenna owe much to the study of Eastern designs and to the skill of Eastern artificers. CHAPTER XXII. THE WEST FROM THE DEATH OF HONORIUS. While rejoicings over the successes in the Persian war were proceeding at Constantinople, Placidia, sister of (.^j,^ Honorius, arrived at that city. Already her piaciaia strange and romantic history had seen her twice a captive. We have described her redemption from the hands of Wallia, king of the Visigoths. On her return to Ravenna, Honorius gave her in marriage a reluctant bride, to Constantius, the general who had defeated the usurper Constantine. Her husband was associated in the empire, but only enjoyed the title of Augustus for some months. He left two children by I^lacidia, Honoria and Valentinian HI. After the death of Constantius, Honorius and his sister lived together for a while on terms of the deepest affection, but by some evil intrigue hatred was sown between them, and Placidia left the court of Ravenna for Constantinople. Soon afterwards news came that Honorius was dead, A.D. 423. The rightful successor, the infant Valentinian, was proclaimed and supported by Theodosius ; but a high The West from the Death of Honorius i8i official at Eavenna named Jolin seized tho occasion and assumed the imperial purple in the absence of The rebel- Valcntinian and his motlier. The struggle lion o£ John fQj. power ended in Valentinian's success, after strange vicissitudes of fortune. John shut himself up in inaccessible Ravenna. Ardaburius, a general of the Western empire, embarked a large force to assert the claims of Valentinian. But a storm dispersed his fleet, and he was taken prisoner and carried to Eavenna. Meanwhile the cavalry contingent under Aspar, son of Ardaburius, marched successfully along the coast, and surprised and took Aquileia, when the news of his father's disaster reached him. All seemed to be lost ; but Ardaburius used his time so well at Eavenna that the troops were persuaded to desert John and return to their allegiance. Aspar was conducted across the diffi- cult and treacherous morasses by a shepherd. After a short struggle the gates of Eavenna were thrown open, and the city taken. John was seized, carried to Aquileia, and beheaded. Theodosius II. by an express enactment acknow- ledged Valentinian III. as emperor of the West (425), ^ , ,. . and thouofh the two empires were associated Valentinian o r^ ^ ^ ^^- by the marriage of Valentinian with Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius II., the legal and final separa- tion between East and West took place at this epoch. It was a crisis in the history of the civilised world when it was expressly declared that the laws of either emperor should be valid only in his own dominions. When this decisive act took place the world was governed by two women. We have noted the ascen- dencv of Pulcheria in the East. In the West Placidia, 1 82 The Church and the Roman Empire daughter of the great Theodosius, was virtually supreme. Placidia, however, did not possess the governing capa- city of Pulcheria, and the intrigues of her two great generals, Aetius and Boniface, resulted in the loss of Africa, and brought the empire to the verge of destruc- tion. Boniface had been true to the cause of Placidia ; Aetius had supported John. When the rebellion Boniface collapscd, Actius managed to regain the aud Aetius favour of the court, and abused his position by involving Boniface in war with the empire, first persuading Placidia to recall him from his command in Africa, and then persuading Boniface to refuse. This base intrigue was discovered too late. Boniface in de- spair allied himself with the Vandals, then the strongest power in Spain. The terrible Genseric had lately suc- The Vandals cccdcd to the cliief Command, and the harbour seHc h?va"ie ^^ Cartagena was in his hands. At the in- "^^"^'*' stance of Boniface the hordes of the Vandals crossed the straits, and under the skilful guidance of Genseric and Boniface overran the fruitful province of Africa. The horrors of war were increased by the vengeance which the fanatical Donatists took on their Catholic oppressors. These fierce schismatics had been deprived of their churches, their revenues, and their civil rights. In the invasion of Genseric they saw their opportunity, and much of the barbarity of this inva- sion is to be ascribed to the unsparing vengeance of the Donatists, rather than to the ferocity of the Vandals. Possidius, the biographer of St. Augustine, vividly describes the scenes of which St. Augustine was an eye- The West from the Death of Honorivs 183 witness. * They spared/ he writes, ' neither sex nor age, not even the priests and ministers of God, nor tho very ornaments of churches, nor the sacred vessels, nor the buildings themselves. . . . That man of God witnessed states ruined, and the inhabitants of the country houses, some slain, some driven into exile and dispersed in many directions ; in many places Christian worship had ceased, there was no one found to partake of the Holy Eucha- rist, or, if anyone came, there was no priest to minister. Thus the influence of the Catholic Church, as well as the authority of the imperial government, was extin- guished in North Africa.' ' When the province was irretrievably lost to the em- pire, and when war, cruelty, and passion had wrought their accustomed horrors, Boniface discovered his fatal error. The intrigues of Aetius were unmasked ; but it was too late to restore lost lives and ruined homes, as Genseric declined all overtures. All that Boniface could do was to turn his arms against his former ally. He was defeated, and then threw himself into Hippo, one of the few places which still held out against tiie Vandals. There, while the storm raged wildly round him, the aged Bishop Augustine was calmly ending his life. After a second defeat, Boniface sailed from Hippo for Ravenna, where Placidia received him with favour. Meanwhile Aetius, exasperated by the discovery of his treasonable practices, marched from Gaul into Italy at the head of an army. In the battle which ensued Boniface was victorious, but died of a wound which he had received at the hands of his great rival. Aetiu? took refuge among the Huns. 1 Ch. xiii. 1 84 The Church and the Roman Empire - Meanwhile in Africa Genseric showed an unexpect ed moderation. Probably sedition in his own camp com- The capture pellcd him to negotiate. He made peace with of Carthage ^j^g Romans, and relinquished a portion of his conquests. Then he proceeded to capture the one or two cities which remained unconquered. With treache- rous professions of peace and friendship, he surprised Carthage, the capital of the African province. The wretched inhabitants of this wealthy and voluptuous city were exposed to the rapine and pillage of the bar- barian soldiers. The noblest families and the most devoted Catholics were forced into slavery and exile. Europe was filled with fugitives from the sword of Genseric. A legend, which belongs to the age of the younger Theodosius, deserves notice as at least a picturesque and The seven memorable illustration of the vast change Epiiesus which the two centuries, from the persecution of Decius to the time of Theodosius II., had brought upon the world. The story runs that, in the days of the Decian perse- cution (a.d. 250), seven young men of Ephesus retired to a cave, in a mountain near the city, to take refuge from the danger to which the profession of their faith exposed them. The emperor gave orders that the mouth of the cave should be blocked with stones. Then the seven youths fell into a deep sleep, which was miraculously prolonged for two hundred years. When they woke up, uncon^ scions of the lapse of time, one of them went to the city to buy bread. His strange speech, old-fashioned dress, and the ancient coins which he proffered in payment, discovered the miracle to the men of Ephesus. The The West from the Death of Honor ius 185 young man (if, as Gibbon says, he can be termed young), in his turn was astonished at the changed world which he saw. The Cross — the symbol of Christianity — no longer proscribed, was displayed conspicuously over the principal gate of the city ; everywhere Christ was acknowledged ; everywhere there was an altered life ; old Pagan abominations had been swept away ; the world had become new. The story ends by narrating that the Bishop and clergy of Ephesus, even, it is said, the emperor Theodosius himself, hastened to the mouth of the cavern, where they received the benediction of the seven sleepers, who then peacefully sank to rest again. CHAPTER XXIII. THE HUNS AND ATTILA. The conquest of the empire by the Teutonic races had been a gradual process. The barriers of the Rhine, the The bar- Danube, and the Alps had sufficed to hold barians baclv the iuvasiou while vioforous and martial gradually o civilised emperors held sway. The temporary delay was an incalculable advantage to the provinces over which the flood of invasion was soon to sweep. The interchange of war and commerce had taught the barbarian to respect and imitate the arts of civilisation ; and when the time came for the various barbarian tribes to settle in the vanquished territories, they were prepared to adopt the manners, the language, and the religion of the Roman provincials. In this way Christianity pos- sessed herself of the new world which was growing out i86 The Church and the Roman Empire of the changed, rather than the ruined, empire of Home. The Visigoths, converted to an Arian form of Christi- anity by the labours of Ulfilas, spread the same teaching among the Ostrogoths, the Vandals, and the Gepidae. Even those tribes which, like the Burgundians and the Suevi, had received the purer doctrine of Catholicism, lapsed into the Arian error. The few Catholics who remained were exposed to bitter persecution in the new Teutonic kingdoms. This was especially the case in Africa, a province always characterised by the bitterness of religious conflict. The interesting history of the recovery of the Gothic kingdoms to the Nicene faith belongs to a later period. The fact of historical importance at this epoch is that the Gothic invasion, while it seemed to shatter the empire, infused new force into the Christian Church, and carried w^ithin it the seeds of a stromrer and purified order. The first signal service which the Teuton wrought for Christianity and civilisation in con- junction with the subjects of the empire, w^as the re- pulse of the Huns under the renowned and terrible Attila. We hear of this Turanian people about the year 372 in the region to the north of the Caspian The Huns n , , , t oea, whence they began to press westwards, driving before them in their march the Teutonic tribes, who were at length checked by the barrier of the Danube. We have narrated the circumstances of that famous passage of the Ostrogoths across the Danube in the reign of Valens.^ For a while the Turanian advance seemed to have > Ch. ix. TiiB Huns and Attila 187 spent its force. The restless and undisciplined warriors dissipated their strength in scattered expeditions, wherever hopes were held ont of victory or spoil. There were Huns fighting side by side with Goths, when Stilicho hemmed in the troops of Radagaisus on the ridge of Fa3sula3 ; and in the formidable rebellion, after the death of Honorius, Aetius led sixty thousand Huns to the support of the usurper John. Under Rugulas, the uncle of Attila, the Huns were united and threatened the existence of the Eastern empire. Theodosius 11. staved off the danger by con- ferring on Rugulas the title of general and by the payment of three hundred and fifty pounds of gold, as an annual tribute. On the death of Rugas or Rugulas, struck by a thunderbolt, as Socrates would have us believe, his nephews, Attila and Bleda, not only doubled the tribute, but imposed other ignominious conditions. Attila soon possessed himself of sovereign power by the murder of his brother Bleda, and gained an absolute ascendency over his countless followers, whom he now prepared to lead to victory. A vivid description of Attila's personal appearance has been pre- served. ' The large head, swarthy complexion, deep- seated eyes, flat nose, sparse hairs, broad shoulders, short square body, of nervous strength though of dis- proportioned form,' ^ present a picture not to be forgotten. Under the guidance of this terrible hero began the incursion into Europe, which gave him the title of * Scourge of God.' Unlike the Teuton races, the Huns had never been ' Gibbon, ch. xxxiv. '188 The Church and the Roman Empire i won by Christianity, or assimilated the culture of the older civilisation. The savagery of the race gave no promise of yielding to the influences of Rome. Their victories were marked by a broad line of ruin, and by the destruction of all that was ancient, or revered, or beautiful. They left behind them burning towns and desolated plains. The founding of the Gothic kingdoms was the salvation of Europe and the starting-point of modern progress ; the triumph of Attila would have rolled back the tide of civilisation and have changed the course of European history to an extent which it is impossible to estimate. This is the reason which makes the ultimate repulse of Attila a determining event in ecclesiastical history. The sources for the history of Attila's campaign are scanty, but we learn that the spark which fired the train The inva- ^^^ ^^® rcfusal of the Byzantine court to de- Eioii begins \{yqy ^p to the king of the Huns the Bishop of Margus and some fugitives from his justice. Instantly Attila's troops were in movement ; the whole stretch of country from the Euxine to the Adriatic was swept by his armies. The Bishop of Margus, wise in his generation, made friends with the Huns by opening the gates of his citv to the invaders. One after another, cities — some of which have grown familiar in the history of this century — fell before his ruthless sword, Sirmium, an imperial capital, Sardica, the scene of the famous Council (p. 50), and other places. The imperial troops which ventured to dispute the advance of Attila were defeated in three successive engagements, and were finally driven to bay in the Thracian Chersonese. When Attila appeared beneath the walls of Constantinople, he was absolute The Huns and At til a iSg master from the Danube to the Hellespont. No mercy liad been shown, and the land behind him was a waste. A concession of territory along the Danube, extending over a fifteen days' journey, a tribute thrice as large as before, now amounting to twenty-one thousand pounds of gold, release of all Huns who had been taken pri- soners, a shameful surrender of refugees — such were the hard and ignominious conditions of peace with Attila. The death of Theodosius II. brought a change (450). His successor Marcian declined to pay the exorbitant, tribute, whereupon Attila instantly resolved to renew the war. But he hesitated whether he should carry his arms first into the West or East. The West was virtually ruled by Aetius, the rival of iiiface. In his early days he had been a friend of ila, and familiar with the camp of the barbarians. This had been his refuge, when the rebellion of John failed, and again, when he was defeated by Count Boniface. This friendship and alliance continued. A detachment of Huns was employed by Aetius in the defence of Gaul, but their march through the province is described by the poet as formidable alike to friend and foe : — * Nam socium vix ferre queas qui durior hoste/ ^ Theodoric, son of Alaric and king of the Visigoths, had established a powerful dominion in southern Gaul. Eager to extend his rule, he matched his forces against the Roman army. Aetius, however, wa Gicseler, § 94, note 20. Leo and the Church of Rome 201 was made to Rome. Zoslmus, who was tlien Pope (a.d. 417), declared in favour of Aries, and appointed Disputes ^^^ Bishop Patroclus his vicar in Gallia Nar- witbLeo bonensis. In the time of Leo, Hilary was Bishop of Aries, a man distinguished for eloquence and the vigorous administration of his office. Charges having been brought against Celidonius, one of the Bishops within his jurisdiction, Hilary summoned a council and deposed him. Celidonius appealed to Leo, whereupon Hilary instantly journeyed to Rome on foot, and protested against the appeal being made. Leo, how- ever, reversed the judgment of Hilary, and removed the sentence of deposition from Celidonius. Other accusa- tions of ecclesiastical tyranny and misrule were brought against Hilary ; and Leo, insisting on his supremacy, withdrew the privileges which had been conferred on the see of Aries by his predecessor. In this asser- tion of prerogative, Leo obtained the support of an im- perial decree. Valentinian III. was persuaded to issue a constitution affirming the primacy of the Roman pontiff. ' No one was to presume to attempt anything without the authority of the Roman see. The peace of the Churches all over the world will only be preserved if the whole of Christendom (universitas) acknowledges its ruler. Let no one be allowed, contrary to ancient use and custom, to take any measures without the sanc- tion of the venerable Pope of the eternal city.' This decree bears evidence of Leo's influence over the feeble mind of Valentinian, and cannot be regarded as a spon- taneous expression of imperial policy. Spain, which was no longer under the sway of the empire, felt the influence of the Papacy. The opinions 202 The Church and the Roman Empire of Priscillian, who was put to death by the usurper Maximus, had survived in Spain, and deeply affected the purity of religion in that country. Turibius, Bishop of Astorga, a]3pealed to Leo for advice, and by his recommendation two councils were held, in which the pernicious and immoral doctrines of tho Priscillianists were condemned. . The African Church which had been distinguished by some of the greatest names and most saintly memories in the early history of Christianity, had never surrendered her independence to E,ome. The one or two occasions on which disputed questions were referred to the see of St. Peter, left the liberties of the Church of Tertullian and Cyprian intact. More than once Rome was convicted of grievous misjudgment. In 419 Zosimus endeavoured to sustain Mistakes of an African presbyter deposed by his own see Bishop. The Pope's legates boldly produced as their authority certain canons which they alleged to be decrees of the Nicene Council, establishing a right of appeal to Pome from the w^hole of Christendom. The members of the African synod, however, were able to show conclusively that the alleged canons issued from the Council of Sardica and not of Nicaja. The pro- ceeding displayed incredible ignorance or incredible fraud on the part of the Poman legates. To add to their humiliation, the accused presbyter was proved by his own confession to have been guilty of the most heinous crimes. In the time of Leo, however, the mis- fortunes of the African Church drew it nearer to Rome. The persecution by Genseric grew fiercer and more vindictive towards the close of his reio-n. The Ariana D Lf.o and the Church of Rome 203 were everywhere triumphant, and the persecuted Catholic Bishops even welcomed the intervention of the Bishop of Kome. Thus the policy of Leo prevailed throughout the Western empire. In the East he was less successful. The influ- Notwithstanding the influence of Valentinian iu the East and Placidia, Leo was unable to persuade Theodosius to yield to his wish for a general council to -be held in Italy. Nor did the Eastern Bishops acknow- ledge the authority of Rome, as their Western brethren were content to do. At the great Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451, though the Roman legates were allowed to pre- side, and though Leo's famous letter to Flavian, defining the doctrine of the Incarnation, was received with respect and with the general assent of the assembly, a decree was passed which placed the see of Constantinople on an equality with that of Rome. Leo bitterly protested against the decree ; and this twenty-eighth canon of the Council of Chalcedon has been justly regarded by historians as one of the causes which ultimately led to the separation between the Eastern and Western Churches. Nowhere was the strength of Leo's character more conspicuously shown than in his vigorous action against the various heresies which were distracting Leo s . . attitude ^j^q Church ! he seemed to make the extmction towards ' . i i • i, c iieresy Qf lieresy his Special work m every quarter 01 Christendom. Here too, as in his assertion of supremacy, he called in the aid of the civil power. His counsel in the struggle of the Catholic Bishops in Spain against Priscillianism has been mentioned. With still gveai er vic'our did he fling himself into the conflict with 204 The Church and the Roman Empire Manicheism. This sect was increased in Rome by fugi- tives from Genseric's cruelties in Africa. Theoretically, Manicheism was an attempt to infuse into Christianity the teaching of Zoroaster; but, actually, Manicheism had been given over to the practice of the grossest immorality. This Leo determined to suppress by means of the ecclesiastical and civil powers. A council was held, and revelation was made of shameful sensuality even in the relisfious ceremonial of this sect. Valen- tinian made the profession of Manicheism a penal offence, and Leo exposed its real character by sermons and letters addressed to different Bishops. The relations of Leo with Eutyches and with Euty- chianism, and the part which he took in regard to the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, belong to a different side of ecclesiastical history. The general result was to place his personal influence and the authority of his see in a commanding position throughout the civilised world. The most picturesque and impressive scenes in the life of Leo were those in which he appeared as the Leo and the champiou of Rouie against barbarian inva- iuvasion siou. Twice it was his fortune to come for- ward in order to mitigate the horrors of war. We have seen how he confronted Attila on the shore of lake Benacus, and forced or persuaded him to retire. On a still more memorable occasion he advanced to meet Genseric before the gates of Rome. Valentinian III. deservedly met his death as a direct consequence of a cruel act of licentiousness. Petronius Maximus, the husband of the lady whom he had wronged, became emperor. He in turn misused Leo and the Church of Rome 205 Lis povv-er by forcing the empress Eudoxia to take the place of his own wife, who had died since his acces- Leo inter- ^^*^^- Eudoxia in her resentment invited Kome with GenseHc to invade Italy. Geuseric rp|^e Vandal conqneror landed at Ostia and was soon in the neighbourhood of Rome. Leo headed a procession of his clergy to intercede with Genscric for his unhappy countrymen. Though it was not given to Leo to turn the tide of conquest a second time, he pro- cured some concessions. Those who made no resist- ance should be spared— the buildings of the city were to be protected against conflagration — the captives were not to be exposed to torture. If Leo's mediation gained little, it was an impressive lesson and full of promise for Christendom. The sack of Rome by the Yandal army swept away the last relics of heathenism. The gilded roof of the Capitol, and the statues of the gods of Rome, were carried off by the same hands w^iich pillaged the Chris- tian churches. But for paganism the ruin was irre- parable. No lingering enthusiasm cared to rebuild the fallen temples of the gods. Leo's death in a.d. 461 coincided with the death of Majorian, who had made a gallant effort to stay Leo the the progrcss of calamity, but failed. After Sesman his death, the empire swiftly hastened to its the^preatest cud. The feeble rulers who close the line Churchiuau ^ . ■■ -^-.j . . i -, . of his day 01 the Western empire leave no mark m history. Leo not only stands out as the grandest figure among the Churchmen of his day, but he was the only great statesman of his time in Italy. The relations between Church and State, as he defined them, were 2o6 The Church and the Roman Empire recognised for centuries to be the only true relations. The position of the Roman see among the Churches of the West, as he left it, continued to be for centuries its acknowledged position. The contest which Leo sus- tained in defence of the Catholic faith ao-ainst the here- sies of East and West deservedly gave a prestige to the see of Rome, which in his time and afterwards was upheld by far more questionable means. The pontificate of Leo sums up the general results of Christianity as a force in the affairs of the world, as a powerful factor in history. At the special epoch when it occurred, the strength and unity which his powerful intellect achieved for the Church were undoubtedly needed in view of the coming disruption. But the in- significance to which the imperial power had been re- duced in the feeble hands of Valentinian III., and in the seclusion of Ravenna, gave a dangerously large share of influence to the rival power of the Church, wielded by a masterful genius in the city with which twelve hundred years of empire had irreversibly asso- ciated the idea of supremacy. Nearly an equal term of years was granted to the new empire to complete and develop the statesmanship of Leo ; and when the break in the unity occurred, it was the Roman see, and not the Church of Christ, which was impaired. INDEX. ABDAS Abdas, Bishop, 176 Acacius, Bishop, 178 Aetius, 182, 18D-191, 199 African Church, the, 33 Alaric, 106, 146-161 Alban, St., 18 Albinus, 199 Alemnnni, 60 Alexandria, 41 Ambrose, St., 92-103, 194 Ammianus Marcellinus, 64, 79, 90 Anianiis, Bisliop, 191 Anthony, St., 49, 122 Anthusa, 132 Antioch, 26, 57, 69, 131, 133 Apollinarii, the two, 67 Apostate, meaning of, 58 — Julian the, see Julian Aptunga, Bishop of, 33 Aquileia, 48, 104, 181, 192 Arbogastes, 10:5 Arcadius, the emperor, 105, 1.57 Ardaburius, 181 Arianism, 41, 158 Aries, 165, 190, 198, 200 — council at, 34 Ariminum, council of, 54 — , creed of, 81, 83, £8 Arius, 40, 46 Asceticism. 49, 132 Aspar, 181 Asta, 149 cnuKCii Ataulf, 161, 167 Athanasius, St., 43, 45, 48, 4?, 53, 55, 78, 194 Athenais, see Eudocla Athens, 58, 72, 147 Attalus, 161 Attila, 185-193 Augustine, St., 127-131 Auxentius, 81, 93 Avienus, 192 Baptism, deferred, 94 Basil, St., of Ciesarea, 56, 59, 71-76 J3asih'ia (fiaaiKeia) the, 1 Bethlehem, 124 Bologna, 156 Boniface, 131, 182 Botheric, 97 Britain, 149, 168, 169 Busentinus, the river, 164 CiECILIAN, 33 Carus, the emperor, 6 Celibacy, 36 Chalcedon, council of, 203 Chalons, battle of, 191 Charito, 79 Chrysostom, St, 131-139 Church and State, 53, 78, 81. 82, 101, 108 2o8 The Church and the Roman Empire CIKCUMCELLIONS Circumcellions, 34 ' City of God,' the, 70, US), lli9, 155 Claudian, 104, 143, 14G, 150 CJassics, the study of, ques- tioned, G6 • Confessions,' the, of St. Augus- tine, 127 Constans, 47, 50, 51 Constantino tlie Great, fJl, 2V- 40,46 Constantino II., 47 Constantino the Usurper, 1G5, 168 Constantinople, 39, 188 Constantius Chlorus, 10 Constantius, son of Constan- tino I., 47, 50, 51, 62 Constantius, general under Honorius, 165, 180 Crispus, 38 Cross, the, abolished as a legal penalty, 35 Cucusus, 137 Cyril, Bishop of Alexandria, 194 Dadasiana, 79 Damasus, Pope, 80, 124 Danube, passage of, by the Goths, 89 Defensores Civitatum, 83 Diocletian, 6--20, 25, 26 Donatism and Donatists, 33, 34, 129, 182 Edersa, scene at, 85 Education, Christian, 66 Ephesus, the seven sleepers of, 184 Eudocia, 175 Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, 136 Eudoxia, wife of Valentinian III., 175, 181 Eudoxius, 85 IIYPATIA Eugenius, 103 Eusebia, 57 Eusebius of Csissnrea, 42, 43 Eusebius of Nicomedia, 45, 58 Eustochium, 124 Eutropius, 136, 145, 170 FAUsrA, 23 Felix of Aptunga, 33 Flaccilla, 133 Flavian, Bishop of Antioch, 133 Fritigern, 90 Gainas, 136, 143, 171-173 Galerius, 10, 13, 22, 23 Galla Placidia, 153, 167, 180, 182, 203 Gallus, 48, 56 Generidus, 119, 160 Genseric, 131, 182-184, 190, 205 George of Cappadocia, 53 Gerontius, 147 Gildo, 144 Gladiatorial shows, 151 Goths, the, 87-91, 146-164 Gratian, the emperor, 84, 92- 96, HI Gregory Nazianzen, 56-59, 71- 76 Gregory, usurping Bishop oi Alexandria, 50 Hadrianople, 32, 38, 90 Helena, the empress, 2 1 Helvidius, 125 Heraclian, 157 Hilary of Poitiers, 81 Hilary, Bishop of Aries, 201 Hippo. 129, 131, 183 Honoiia, i90, 192 Honorius, the emperor, 105, 139-146 Huns, the, 88, 185-193 Hypatia, 108 Index 209 ILDICO Ildico, 193 Innocent I., Pope, 164 Intercession, right of, 194 Isdegerdes, 176 Jerome, St., 121-127 Jerusalem, Temple of, 64 Jews favoured by Julian, 64 John, see Chrysostom — of Ravenna, 181 — of Lycopolis, 103 Jovian, the emperor, 76-7U Jovius, 160 Julian, the emperor, 48, 56-70 Julius, Pope, 48 Justin a, 99 Kingdom of God, 1, 29 PULCHERIA Milan, edict of, 31 — council at, 51 — 92, 128, 192 Monasticism, 49, 73, 122 ]\lonnica, 127 Mosaics at Ravenna, 153 Mursa, battle of, 51 Narbonne, 189 Nicfea, council of, 43 Nicene Creed, 44 Nicomedia, 9, 15, 21, 108 Nisibis, 77, 177 Olympus, 156 Ordination, forced, 74, 93 Orleans, 156 Laharum, the, 28, 77 Laws, influence of Christianity on, 35 Leo the Great, 199-206 Libanius, 132, 133 Liberius, Bishop of Rome, 82 Licinius, the emperor, 23, 37 Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, 52 Macrina, 72 Magnentius, 51 Manicheism, 204 IMarcella, 49 Mardia, battle of, 37 :\rargus, 8, 188 Maria, 146 IMartin, St., of Tours, 60, 102 l\Iascezel, 144 iMaxentius, 22, 28, 30 Maximian, the emperor, 10-22 Maximin, 20, 22. 32 Maxim us, 99, 101, 102, 103 Meletius, Bishop of Antioch, 86 C.//. Pagan reaction, 62, 63, 85 Paganism, derivation of the word, 110 — , revival of, by Julian, 63 — , persecution of, 110 Patrick, St., 109 Patroclus, Bishop, 201 Paula, 124 Pa via, 192 Pelagianism, 129, 169 Pityus, 138 Placidia, see Galla Placidla Pola, 57 Pollentia, 150 Pompeianus, 29 Ponte Molie, battle of, 30 Possidius, 182 Prretextatus, saying of, ?3 Prisca, 16, 25, 32 Priscillian, 102, 202 Prisons affected by Christie- anity, 36 Procopius, 85 Prudentius, 113 Pulcheria, 173-180 2IO The Church and the Roman Empire radagaisus Radagaisus, 154 Ravenna, la, 152-164, 157, 161, 163, 181, 198 Rome, deserted as a seat of empire, 9, 30 — , sieges of, 159, 161, 162 — , See of, 48, 193, 198, 206 Rufinus, 139-143, 145 Rugulas, 187 Salona, 25 Salvianus, 120 Sapor, 77 Sardica, 188 — , council of, 50 Sarus, 161 Sasima, 74 Serena, 144, 159 Severus, 20 Simeon Stylites, 123 Singeric, 167 Sirmium, 62, 188, 198 Slavery, 36 Spain, 201 Stilicho, 101, 139, 143-146, 149, 154, 156, 157 Supervision, moral, of Bishops, 194 Symmachus, 112 Synesius, Bishop, 194 Taesus, 32 Telemachus, the monk, 151 Tennyson quoted, 123 Thaodoric, 189-191 llieodosius I., 96-107, 113, 134 ZOSIMUS Theodosius XL, 173-180, 189 Theophilus, Bishop of Alexan- dria, 116, 136 Thermantia, 158 Thessalonica, 97, 143 Toleration, religious, 107 Torismond, 192 Treves, 9, 47, 198 Triumph, last at Rome, 11 Turin, 29 Ulpilas, 88 Upsala, 88 Valens, the emperor, 80, 85-91 Valentinian I., 79-84 Valenlinian II., 92, 101-103 Valentinian III., 201, 204 Valeria, 16, 25, 32 Vandals, 131, 167, 182 Verona, 29, 150, 165 Victory, altar of, 96 Vienne, 101, 200 Vulgate, the, 125 Wallia, 167 Wealth, growth of, in the Church, 195 York, city of, 20 ZosiMUS, Pope, 201, 2C2 Printed by Ballantynk, Hanson &^ Co. Edinburgh &= London i Epochs of Church History, Edited by the Right Hon. and Right Rev. M. CREIGIITON, D.D., LATE LORD BISHOP OF LONDON. Fcap. 8vo, price 2s. 6d. each. "Among the series of class-books and educational manuals now so numerous, there are lew that offer such sound preparative mnierial for honest, study as the ' Epochs of Church History. " — Saturday Review. THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. By the Rev. George G. Pkrky, M.A. THE CHURCH OF THE EARLY FATHERS. By the Rev. A. Plummer, D. D. THE EVANGELICAL REVIVAL IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. By the Rev. J. H. Overton, D.D. A HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. By the Hon. G. C. Brodkick, D.C.L. THE CHURCH AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE. By the Rew A. Carr, M.A. THE CHURCH AND THE PURITANS. 1570-1660. By H. Offlev Wakeman, M.A. THE CHURCH AND THE EASTERN EMPIRE. By the Rev H. F. TozER, M.A. HILDEBRAND AND HIS TIMES. By the Very Rev, W. R. W. Stephens, B.D. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES, By the Rev. W. 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