^K^y||,/-,^rr II 
 
 
 ■I'"!''" 
 
 'H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 
 
 tp:'--^''> 
 
 
 ^^^^^H^ ^r'^'"'*^"' "^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ r 
 
 j^ii '^^^1^^ 
 
SSI 
 
 11' 
 iMPPW 
 
 mm 
 
 
:ilW 
 
 m. 
 
 ttili 
 
ONLY AUTHORIZED AND OFFICIAL EDITION 
 
 THE LIVES AND PUBLIC SERVICES 
 
 OF 
 
 PARKER AND DAVIS 
 
 EMBRACING 
 
 A FULL ACCOUNT OF JUDGE PARKER'S EARLY LIFE; HIS 
 
 STRUGGLES WITH POVERTY AND EFFORTS TO OBTAIN 
 
 AN EDUCATION; HIS AMBITION AS A STUDENT; 
 
 HIS PROFESSIONAL CAREER, ETC., ETC. 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 LIVING POLITICAL ISSUES AS PRESENTED TO VOTERS BY SUCH 
 
 GREAT STATESMEN AS HON. DAVID B. HILL, HON. JOHN 
 
 SHARP WILLIAMS, HON. RICHARD OLNEY, SENATOR 
 
 GORMAN, HON. CARTER HARRISON, JUDGE GRAY, 
 
 HON. F. M. COCKRELL, HON. JOHN M. DANIEL, 
 
 CHAMP CLARK, AND SCORES OF OTHERS WHO 
 
 ARE WELL KNOWN IN EVERY STATE 
 
 COMPILED BY ^ ' :'■ ' '- 
 
 COL. JOHN R. GRAblY 
 
 // 
 
 The Distinguished and Popular Author 
 
 Embellished with a Large Number of Fine Portraits 
 and Engravings 
 

 ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR 1904, SV 
 
 D. Z. HOWELL 
 
 THE OFFICE OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS, AT WASHINGTON, D. C, U. 6. *• 
 
JSC- 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IT is the pride and boast of Americans that 
 this is a country of self-made men. How- 
 ever humble may be the position of a man it is 
 within his power, in this land of equality and 
 Democratic institutions, to attain the highest 
 honors within the gift of his fellow-citizens. 
 Our history is full of the names of men who, 
 without friends or fortune to aid them, have risen 
 by the force of their own abilities to the proudest 
 position in the Republic — Washington, Jefferson, 
 Jackson, and their glorious compeers were all 
 self-made men, and carved out their great suc- 
 cesses by their own efforts. 
 
 No career in all our history furnishes a more 
 brilliant example of this than that of Alton B. 
 Parker. Starting as a poor boy, without money, 
 position, or influence, compelled to struggle 
 against poverty, he has raised himself by his 
 own efforts to the highest pinnacle of fame. The 
 poor boy of forty years ago is now the leader of 
 the great Democratic party in one of its most 
 critical struggles. 
 
 Alton B. Parker's life is the story of uncon- 
 querable determination and sublime self-reliance, 
 of lofty purpose and inflexible resolve, of incor- 
 
 iii 
 
 Qp.*?i^a 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 ruptible integrity and moral conrage of the 
 highest type, of noble and magnificent achieve- 
 ment, of a prolonged and determined strnggle, 
 crowned by the most brilliant triumphs. 
 
 The work shows how a poor boy secured a 
 good education, and fitted himself for the great 
 struggle he meant to make in after life. How 
 he became a great lawyer and judge, always 
 using his wonderful eloquence on the side of the 
 right, and constituting himself the champion of 
 the people's cause against all who sought to 
 infringe upon their rights and privileges as 
 American citizens. 
 
 The work also contains a splendidly written 
 biography of Hon. Henry G. Davis, the Demo- 
 cratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency. His 
 career is sketched with a brilliant pen, and this 
 portion of the work is full of the deepest interest 
 to all who are striving for the success of the 
 Democratic party. 
 
 Under the head of Facts About All Our Pres- 
 idents^ the work contains an account of the 
 election and administration of every President 
 from Washington to the present time. 
 
 The book sets forth the principles of the grand 
 old Democratic party and the vital issues of the 
 present struggle for the instruction of voters. 
 It gives a bird's-eye view of our Nation's history 
 as bearing upon the great issues of the campaign. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION 17 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM 33 
 
 THE NOMINATIONS 48 
 
 ALTON B. PARKER'S CAREER 52 
 
 HENKY G. DAVIS, NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. . 67 
 
 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS 76 
 
 HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES 88 
 
 INTERESTING FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS . 107 
 
 APPENDIX A.— THE WHITE HOUSE 209 
 
 ♦* B.— POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. ... 236 
 
 " D.— PRESIDENTS AND THE CABINETS ... 243 
 
 " E.— THE ELECTORAL VOTE 260 
 
 « F.— THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES 263 
 
 V 
 
NATIONAL 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION 
 
 OF 1904 , 
 
 AT ST. LOUIS. 
 
 WHEN the Convention assembled on July 
 6tli, it was evident that Judge Alton B. 
 Parker, of New York, would be the nominee for 
 President. For several months the tide of Dem- 
 ocratic sentiment had been flowing in his direc- 
 tion, and all efforts to unite the opposition on 
 any other candidate had signally failed. 
 
 A great demonstration at the mention of the 
 name of Grover Cleveland was the striking feat- 
 ure of the opening session of the Convention. 
 While the outburst which greeted the name of 
 the former Democratic President before its last 
 syllable had fallen from the lips of the tempo- 
 rary chairman was noteworthy in itself, it was 
 magnified by contrast with the greetings accord- 
 ed the men who stood for all that was opposed to 
 Mr. Cleveland within the party during the last 
 eight years. 
 
 The greatest significance was attached to the 
 showing made by the conservatives. Their ab- 
 solute control of the Convention was no longer 
 2 17 
 
18 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 doubted, even by tHose who had declined to be 
 convinced. The nomination of Judge Parker for 
 President was assured beyond any possibility of 
 defeat. 
 
 The Convention was called to order by Hon. 
 John Sharp Williams, of Mississippi, temporary 
 chairman. 
 
 A striking feature of Mr. Williams's address 
 was his tribute to Grover Cleveland for bringing 
 about the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase 
 law. Coming from a Southern Democrat, it gave 
 a galvanic spark to the Bryan men, who had 
 hardly supposed that Mr. Williams would go so 
 far. The Convention applauded and cheered his 
 declarations, and he even went so far as to claim 
 that, by repealing that law, the Democratic party 
 put the United States practically on the gold 
 standard, and that the Republicans, in claiming 
 to have accomplished that feat, were stealing 
 Democratic thunder. 
 
 Mr. Williams was attired in a light gray suit 
 and a white waistcoat. He delivered his address 
 calmly and without gestures. Several cries of 
 '^ Louder ! Louder ! " interrupted Mr. Williams 
 as he began, his clear but not powerful voice at 
 first failing to reach all parts of the hall. 
 
 The Convention appeared considerably amused 
 at Mr. Williams' humorously sarcastic references 
 to the " mutual admiration society " of Mr. 
 Roosevelt and Mr. Root, and when he read an 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 19 
 
 eulogy by the President on Mr. Root the dele- 
 gates lauglied and applauded. 
 
 Mr. Williams spoke in an ironical tone that 
 caught the fancy of the Convention, and he was 
 interrupted time and again by laughter. He 
 drew a picture of the country's condition at the 
 time of President Cleveland's first inauguration, 
 declaring that much of the distress that came in 
 the early nineties was due to Republican misrule 
 that had gone before. He mentioned the name 
 of Mr. Bryan in discussing the price of wheat 
 during the first Bryan-McKinley campaign. The 
 utterance of the name called forth a little 
 applause and some cheers. A second later he 
 mentioned the name again, but the applause was 
 not repeated 
 
 A moment later the first scene of the session, 
 occurred. Mr. Williams declared that it was 
 brazen effrontery for the Republican party to 
 attempt to seize the laurels of Grover Cleveland. 
 A genuine outburst of applause followed. Cheer 
 after cheer rolled through the hall and, although 
 the Chairman used the gavel vigorously, the 
 Convention was soon beyond his control. 
 
 New Hampshire delegates climbed up on their 
 seats and yelled vigorously. One Iowa man of 
 the Hearst-instructed delegation from that Com- 
 monwealth, stood up and waved his hat frantic- 
 ally, and a wild chorus answered him. 
 
 ^' Three cheers for Grover Cleveland," shouted 
 
20 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 an Alabama delegate, and they came with gen- 
 uine power and enthusiasm. No cry came from 
 Nebraska, where Mr. Bryan and his friends sat 
 quietly without taking part in the noise. Again 
 and again the cheers came in dense volume, 
 despite numerous cries of *' order," and the 
 strenuous pounding of the Chairman's gavel. 
 
 Then Mr. Williams sat back and watched the 
 scene he had created. As the cheers and cries 
 fell there would be a renewed outbreak, and the 
 demonstration lasted eight minutes. 
 
 The speech of the temporary Chairman of the 
 Convention scintillated with epigrams. Here 
 are a few : 
 
 " What partnership is this between God, 
 human industry and ingenuity and the Repub- 
 lican party, of which the Republican party is 
 the self-asserting senior member ? " 
 
 " I think it was the permanent Chairman of 
 the Republican Convention who said that the 
 Democrats killed trusts with wind and the 
 Republicans with law. Where are the corpses ? 
 There is but one that I know of, and that pro- 
 erty belongs to Governor Van Sant. It is the 
 spoil of his sword and spear." 
 
 '' What are you going to do, then, when the 
 ^ trust buster ' (Attorney General Knox) is 
 ' busted ' or removed, or ' promoted ' out of the 
 way? " 
 
 ^' Things have almost reached the old decadent 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 21 
 
 days of the Roman Empire wHen government 
 consisted chiefly in distributing bread and giving 
 circuses. 
 
 " Certainly if it be wrong to discriminate at 
 all because of race, if the professions of adher- 
 ence of the doctrine that all men of all races 
 are equal, be sincere, then the men making that 
 profession cannot vote to prevent a yellow man 
 from earning a living by the sweat of his brow 
 in America, the right to earn a living being a 
 much more sacred and God -given thing than the 
 statutory privilege of voting or the social privi- 
 lege of lunching with you." 
 
 '' It (the Democratic platform) will speak out 
 unmistakably against the Republican policy of 
 starving home development in order to feed the 
 schoolboy appetite of national prestige and mere 
 display of strength." 
 
 " How humorous to praise so highly our fel- 
 low-citizen in the White House, who, in the long 
 line of great men. who have filled the seat he now 
 occupies, has himself found only about three, in 
 his opinion, worthy of anything like unstinted 
 praise — George Washington, Abraham Lincoln 
 and himself." 
 
 " Disfranchisement of a negro in Mississippi 
 for ignorance is a horrible thing ; disfranchise- 
 ment of a white man for ignorance in Massachu- 
 setts or Connecticut is a part of New England 
 ' higher civilization.' " 
 
22 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 It was opera bouffe at the Coliseum on the 
 morning of the second day. It was Bryanism in 
 the afternoon. Easily the foremost spectacle of 
 the day was the demonstration for the twice- 
 defeated nominee for President. The sedate ones 
 said that the arrangement for the seventeen 
 minutes of applause was more interesting than 
 the applause itself; but those who were not be- 
 hind the scenes saw the most magnetic side of it. 
 
 Nothing altered the fact that Bryan command- 
 ed more uproarious outbursts from the people 
 than any man who had yet appeared in the Con- 
 vention. His very appearance on the floor to 
 take his seat was the cause of the cheering. 
 Other men tried in a manner almost grotesque 
 to compel attention from the 10,000 spectators 
 without success ; yet one wave of the Nebras- 
 kan's white hand produced a silence grateful to 
 the drum of the ear. Beside him and his dom- 
 ination of the people, other personages were not 
 to be reckoned with. 
 
 He did not win in any movement of the day, 
 and yet the effect he made on the audience over 
 and over again was remarkable. In his face 
 there is self confidence, placidity, self-suf&ciency 
 and honesty. This last is a strange quality to 
 be evolved from the face of a charlatan, but it is 
 there in a strong measure. 
 
 It is the honesty that comes fron; policy. His 
 voice needs adjectives more profound than " sil- 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1094. 23 
 
 ver" or ^' golden." Coming, as it did, after three 
 hours of ear strain, one felt profoundly grateful 
 for its quality. It reached to the gallery, dipped 
 to the basement, flooded the middle spaces. 
 Every word he said sounded so convincing in 
 that voice. His smile was bland during his talk- 
 ing, and his voice, lifted as it was to reach into 
 those far spaces, did not swell one muscle of his 
 neck. He gave the impression of one casually 
 talking on a piazza. 
 
 He probably could not be humorous, like John 
 Sharp Williams. He could not be powerful with 
 those who think ; but he is easily one of the 
 most magnetic speakers before a mass of people 
 that any American can hear. He has the re- 
 markable combination of being earnest without 
 being powerful, of being magnetic without being 
 convincing. 
 
 At the opera bouffe in the morning, the Mis- 
 sissippian and the sergeant-at-arms had their 
 little jests with the people, and they were a de- 
 lightful break in the tedium of routine work. 
 Mr. Williams made a mirthful sensation when 
 he said, after an effort to raise his voice to reach 
 the galleries : ^' If the Angel Gabriel stood on 
 the topmost pinnacle of this earth and with a 
 megaphone announced the crash of creation, 
 there would be some man who would call 
 Mouderl'" 
 
 In the convulsion of joy over this suave drawl- 
 
24 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 ing speech of the chairman, a man in the gallery 
 who did not hear it yelled '^ louder ! " This was 
 too much for the others, who simply rocked in 
 their seats in sheer glee. 
 
 Not to be outdone in raising a laugh, Colonel 
 Martin, the sergeant-at-arms, waited for a pause 
 after the applause that greeted a reading clerk 
 who really had a voice that could reach to the 
 distances and tell the people what was going on. 
 " I am glad you like our new megaphone,'' said 
 the colonel. " We'll let you hear it again." 
 After that, whenever this reading-clerk rose to 
 his feet, there were shouts of "There's the 
 megaphone I " 
 
 The most laughable incident of a megaphone 
 occurred at the beginning of the afternoon ses- 
 sion, when, to the astonishment of delegates and 
 visitors, Mr. Williams lifted a huge megaphone 
 to his mouth and began to address the distin- 
 guished Democrats as though he were a spieler 
 in front of a Bowery show. The gallery kindly 
 yelled to him that he knew nothing about it, and 
 guided by their opinion as much as his own fail- 
 ure, he gave it up later on, and let the human 
 megaphone have precedence. 
 
 The Mississippian, by the way, had no regard 
 for rule and order. A hundred signs announced 
 the '' no smoking " ordinance and more than a 
 hundred policemen enforced it, while in the 
 middle of this combat the chairman sat aloft on 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 25 
 
 his platform smoking long black cigars and 
 enveloping himself and a few others in the whirl- 
 winds of smoke. 
 
 The galleries had their innings. Twice " the 
 megaphone " assured the 8000 people who had 
 nothing to do but listen, that they would be 
 cleared out by the St. Louis police and the doors 
 shut on every one but delegates. This was the 
 threat of a leaf of the wind. The galleries were 
 there to have a voice in this convention, and 
 they had it. 
 
 Two Italian diplomats, who looked on, thought 
 it remarkable that all motions and speeches were 
 governed by the audience. It was hard to assure 
 them it was the unasked opinion of the masses, 
 and they significantly answered : ''Ah, the 
 American masses ! " 
 
 Five hours before the day was over every aisle 
 was blocked. Officers and police made no at- 
 tempt to clear them, and in many sections of the 
 hall there were three people on one chair. When 
 those in the far circles couldn^t hear they 
 arranged a little comedy or tragedy of their 
 own on which it took a squad of policemen to 
 ring down the curtain. In the press section 
 sharpshooters were amusing themselves by aim- 
 ing at all bald heads in the house with spit 
 balls. If a man had a peevish disposition they 
 would threaten to turn the ice-water coolers on 
 him, which were carried by the messenger boys. 
 
26 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 All the wags in the country must have sat .n 
 the Coliseum, and eacji one had his sa3\ In 
 most dramatic moments over the seating of the 
 Illinois contestants a parson-like man tried to 
 make a speech. His sing-song voice would have 
 done credit to a country pulpit. In an instant a 
 man intoned a deep " amen " from the balcony. 
 His impertinence was answered from the other 
 gallery by the remark : ^' Isn't it a pity the organ 
 isn't playing." 
 
 When a most strenuous man from Indiana 
 was answering Mr. Bryan with gestures that 
 were copied from a blacksmith, a man yelled, 
 " Get Williams to loan you his gavel. He's 
 good-natured; he'll do it." 
 
 When a fat, huge Californian arose to ask for 
 information, Mr. Williams said : " The chair is 
 compelled to rule that the gentleman is not pro- 
 pounding a parliamentary inquiry," at which 
 some one yelled from a side aisle : " Say it slow, 
 Mr. Williams, or, better still, spell it." 
 
 It showed the humor and the laxity of the 
 convention that these things raised a shout on 
 every side. 
 
 There were several features of the Convention 
 which must have impressed observers. The first 
 was the skillful manner in which the Parker 
 managers handled their campaign and moved 
 resistlessly forward to success. Every effort to 
 block the way or effect a combination against 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 27 
 
 them failed. They evidently planned their work 
 with cool calculation and executed it with good 
 generalship. 
 
 The second was the complete failure of the 
 Hearst movement. Considering the lavish ex- 
 penditure the persistent labor and the dubious 
 agencies employed to promote it the collapse was 
 as crushing as it was remarkable. It is credit- 
 able that, with all the force behind it, the attempt 
 made so little headway, and sound men of all 
 parties may take heart from it. 
 
 Another and most conspicuous feature was the 
 utter overthrow and downfall of Bryan. Never 
 has the chosen leader of a great party been so 
 humiliated. His rejection was certain, but his 
 own colossal folly turned his repudiation into a 
 pitiful spectacle. He took issue with one part 
 of the report of the Committee on Credentials, 
 that which related to delegates from Illinois. 
 
 Whether the side he espoused was right or 
 wrong it was .bound to be beaten. He was 
 defeated by a vote of 299 to 647. This was more 
 than a two-thirds vote against him, and it repre- 
 sented the strength of the Parker force. 
 
 The crush of visitors around the doors and 
 inside the convention hall at 8 o'clock in the 
 evening of the third day, the time set for the 
 opening of the Convention, was greater than 
 that of any previous session. It was something 
 rarely paralleled at any national convention. 
 
28 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 Extras had spread the news over the city that a 
 nomination was to be expected that night, and 
 the crowd was greater than at any previous ses- 
 sion. At two or three entrances the pressure on 
 the doorkeepers and policemen was so great that 
 the lines were broken and many persons without 
 tickets forced their way into the hall. 
 
 It was a crowd that, judging from prevailing 
 symptoms, came with the full intention of par- 
 ticipating in the proceedings, for cheers, applause 
 and comment were forthcoming on every occa- 
 sion. 
 
 The first genuine reception of the evening 
 was given to David B. Hill, of New York, who 
 made his first appearance in the hall. General 
 Nelson A. Miles was also present for the first 
 time. 
 
 At 8 o'clock there was not a vacant seat in the 
 vast auditorium. From platform to topmost gal- 
 lery it was packed with delegates, alternates and 
 spectators. The heat was already intense. On 
 the outside the crowd was even greater than 
 within the Coliseum. So far as the interest of 
 the masses was concerned this night's session 
 was what all strove to witness. 
 
 It had been rumored that the doors were to be 
 thrown open to the public. This was not true 
 but tickets sold so cheaply that they were within 
 the means of all. The only trouble was that 
 the cheapest tickets were for sessions gone by, 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 29 
 
 and the buyer took his own chances on getting by 
 the doorkeepers. Many of the bogus ticket 
 holders got in and others less fortunate blocked 
 the entrance. 
 
 The streets on the four sides of the Coliseum 
 were impassable. Street cars got through with 
 difficulty and with danger to humanity. The 
 police endeavored to keep passageways clear. 
 Nothing, however, aflfected the pushing mob, for 
 it was known that hundreds passed through the 
 doors who had no right to enter, and that served 
 to work the throng into a frenzy. Long after 
 the hall was filled the crowd pressed against 
 the entrances, loath to give up the hope of get- 
 ting in. 
 
 Frequently half a dozen people would be 
 allowed to enter on a single ticket. There was 
 no attempt made at many entrances to restrict 
 the crowd in any way^ and by the time the Chair- 
 man called the Convention to order the hall was 
 filled to the danger line and beyond. 
 
 A series of energetic thumps on the presiding 
 officer^s table, were given by Chairman Clark at 
 8.03 o'clock in an endeavor to call the conven- 
 tion to order. The reading clerk ordered the 
 floor officers to clear the aisles. As Mr. Clark 
 stood at the desk, Senator Daniel, of Virginia, 
 Chairman of the Resolutions Committee, made 
 his way to his side, with a copy of the platform 
 in his hand. 
 
 r 
 
HO DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 It was then announced that the report of the 
 committee would be received. At this statement 
 the convention seized the opportunity to vent its 
 satisfaction at the unanimous report to be made. 
 A great cry went up. Many delegates jumped 
 to their feet, and the first demonstration of the 
 night session occurred. 
 
 Becoming impatient at the delay, Senator 
 Daniel began his announcement in the midst of 
 the uproar. 
 
 " I am instructed to make to this convention," 
 he began, '' this unanimous report from the 
 Committee on Resolutions." 
 
 The Senator's persistence had the desired 
 effect, although it was several minutes before 
 the convention composed itself, and warning had 
 to be given by the reading clerk that quiet must 
 be preserved. Cries of " Louder I '' were re- 
 peatedly made as Senator Daniel proceeded, for 
 his voice seemed inadequate to the hall. 
 
 A great hum of conversation and an all-per- 
 vading noise of shuffling feet, moving bodies and 
 scraping chairs mingled to drown the Virginian's 
 voice. Powerful as it is, he could not be heard 
 ten rows of seats from the stand on which he 
 stood. 
 
 An Ohio delegate mounted his chair and, after 
 repeatedly addressing the Chairman in a loud 
 manner, demanded order. 
 
 " All right, sit down and keep still and we will 
 
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 31 
 
 have order," retorted Mr. Clark. Then, turning 
 to the clerk, he directed again that the aisles be 
 cleared. Senator Daniel's exhaustion from his 
 long session with the Resolutions Committee 
 was apparent.. To the vast audience which faced 
 him he was but a silent figure with moving lips. 
 
 Ten minutes went by with the same disorder, 
 the reading of the platform not being heard, 
 when another interruption was made at the in- 
 stance of Chairman Clark, at which order was 
 demanded, but ineffectually. 
 
 Disturbances resulting from cries for order 
 from various portions of the hall exhausted the 
 patience of Chairman Clark, and he gave per- 
 sonal directions to have several persons quieted 
 or put out. Senator Daniel, however, refused to 
 be disturbed. He proceeded with the reading of 
 the platform, regardless of the fact that not one 
 soul in the hall except perhaps the stenographer, 
 who stood at the steps just beneath him, heard 
 a word. 
 
 Senator Daniel concluded reading the platform 
 at 8.45 o'clock. When it was observed that he 
 had ceased reading the Convention broke into 
 cheers. 
 
 Senator Daniel said : 
 
 " I am unanimously instructed by your Com- 
 mittee on Platform to move the previous question 
 on its adoption, and now I make that motion." 
 
 It was adopted by a viva voce vote, two or three 
 
32 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1904. 
 
 delegations voting in the negative, and they 
 apparently in a spirit of fun. Chairman Clark 
 then put the motion to adopt the report, and 
 another viva voce vote carried it. 
 
 Temporary Chairman Williams mounted the 
 steps leading up to the platform, swung his hat 
 round his head, and the delegates, following his 
 lead, roared their applause again and again, 
 while the band played '' Hail, Columbia." 
 
NATIONAL 
 
 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 The Democratic party of the United States, in 
 National Convention assembled, declares its 
 devotion to the essential principles of the Dem- 
 ocratic faith which bring ns together in party 
 communion. 
 
 Under them the local self-government and 
 national unity and prosperity were alike estab- 
 lished. They underlaid our independence, the 
 structure of our free Republic, and every Dem- 
 ocratic extension from Louisiana to California 
 and Texas to Oregon, which preserved faithfully 
 in all the States the tie between taxation and 
 representation. They yet inspire the masses of 
 our people, guarding jealously their rights and 
 liberties, and cherishing their fraternity, peace 
 and orderly development. 
 
 They remind us of our duties and responsi- 
 bilities as citizens and impress upon us, particu- 
 larly at this time, the necessity of reform and 
 the rescue of the administration of government 
 from the head strong, arbitrary and spasmodic 
 methods which distract business by uncertainty, 
 and pervade the public mind with dread, distrust 
 and perturbation. 
 
 First — The application of these fundamental 
 3 33 
 
34 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 principles to the living issues of the day is the 
 first step toward the assured peace, safety and 
 progress of our nation. Freedom of the press, 
 of conscience, and of speech ; equality before 
 the law of all citizens ; right of trial l)y jury ; 
 freedom of the person defended by the writ of 
 habeas corpus ; liberty of personal contract 
 untrammeled by sumptuary laws ; supremacy of 
 the civil over military authority ; a well-disci- 
 plined militia; the separation of Church and 
 State ; economy in expenditures ; low taxes, that 
 labor may be lightly burdened ; prompt and 
 sacred fulfillment of public and private obliga- 
 tions ; fidelity to treaties ; peace and friendship 
 with all nations ; entangling alliances with none ; 
 absolute acquiescence in the will of the majority, 
 the vital principle of Republics — these are doc- 
 trines which Democracy has established approved 
 by the nation, and they should be constantly 
 invoked and enforced. 
 
 We favor enactment and administration of 
 laws giving labor and capital impartially their 
 just rights. Capital and labor ought not to be 
 enemies. Each is necessary to the other. Each 
 has its rights, but the rights of labor are 
 certainly no less " vested," no less '' sacred " 
 and no less "unalienable" than the rights of 
 capital. 
 
 Constitutional guarantees are violated when- 
 ever any citizen is denied the right to labor, 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 35 
 
 acquire and enjoy property or reside where 
 interests or inclination may determine. Any 
 denial thereof by individuals, organizations or 
 governments should be summarily rebuked and 
 punished. 
 
 We deny the right of any executive to disre- 
 gard or suspend any constitutional privilege or 
 limitation. Obedience to the laws and respect 
 for their requirements are alike the supreme 
 duty of the citizen and the official. 
 
 The military should be used only to support 
 and maintain the law. We unqualifiedly con- 
 demn its employment for the summary banish- 
 ment of citizens without trial or for the control 
 of elections. 
 
 We approve the measure which passed the 
 United States Senate in 1896, but which a 
 Republican Congress has ever since refused to 
 enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts, 
 and providing for trial by jury in cases of 
 indirect contempt. 
 
 We favor liberal appropriations for the care 
 and improvement of the wate-^ways of the country. 
 When any waterway like the Mississippi river 
 is of sufficient importance to demand special aid 
 of the government, such aid should be extended 
 with a definite plan of continuous work until 
 permanent improvement is secured. 
 
 We oppose the Republican policy of starving 
 home development in order to feed the greed for 
 
36 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 conquest and the appetite for national " prestige " 
 and display of strength. 
 
 First. Large reductions can easily be made in 
 the annual expenditures of the government 
 without impairing the efficiency of any branch 
 of the public service, and we shall insist upon 
 the strictest economy and frugality compatible 
 with vigorous and efficient civil, military and 
 naval administration as a right of the people, 
 too clear to be denied or withheld. 
 
 Second. We favor the enforcement of honesty 
 in the public service, and to that end a thorough 
 legislati\e investigation of those executive de- 
 partments of the government already known to 
 teem with corruption, as well as other depart- 
 ments suspected of harboring corruption, and the 
 punishment of ascertained curruptionists with- 
 out fear or favor or regard to persons. The per- 
 sistent and deliberate refusal of both the Senate 
 and House of Representatives to permit such 
 investigation to be made demonstrates that only 
 by a change in the executive and in the legis- 
 lative departments can complete exposure, 
 punishment and correction be obtained. 
 
 We condemn the action of the Republican 
 party in Congress in refusing to prohibit an 
 executive department from entering into con- 
 tracts with convicted trusts or unlawful combina- 
 tions in restraint of interstate trade. We believe 
 that one of the best methods of procuring econ- 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 37 
 
 oiny and Honesty in the public service is to have 
 public officials, from the occupant of the White 
 House down to the lowest of them, returned as 
 nearly as may be to Jeffersonian simplicity of 
 living. 
 
 Third. We favor the nomination and election 
 of a President imbued with the principles of the 
 Constitution who will set his face sternly against 
 executive usurpation of legislative and judicial 
 functions, whether that usurpation be veiled 
 under the guise of executive construction of 
 existing laws, or whether it take refuge in the 
 tyrant's plea of necessity or superior wisdom. 
 
 We favor the preservation, so far as we can, of 
 an open door for the world's commerce in the 
 Orient without an unnecessary entanglement in 
 Oriental and European affairs, and without arbi- 
 trary, unlimited, irresponsible and absolute gov- 
 ernment anywhere within our jurisdiction. We 
 oppose as fervently as did George Washington 
 himself an indefinite, irresponsible, discretionary 
 and vague absolutism and a policy of colonial 
 exploitation, no matter where or by whom in- 
 voked or exercised. We believe, with Thomas 
 Jefferson and John Adams, that no government 
 has a right to make one set of laws for those ^^ at 
 home," and another and a different set of laws, 
 absolute in their character, for those " in the col- 
 onies." All men under the American flag are 
 entitled to the protection of the institutions 
 
38 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 whose emblem the flag is : if the}'' are inher- 
 ently unfit for those institutions, then they are 
 inherently unfit to be members of the American 
 body politic. Wherever there may exist a people 
 incapable of being governed under American 
 laws in consonance with the American Constitu- 
 tion, that people ought not to be part of the 
 American domain. 
 
 We insist that we ought to do for the Philip- 
 pines what we have done already for the Cubans, 
 and it is our duty to make that promise now, and 
 upon suitable guarantees of protection to citizens 
 of our own and other countries resident there 
 at the time of our withdrawal, set the Fillipino 
 people upon their feet, free and independent to 
 work out their own destiny. 
 
 The endeavor of the Secretary of War, by 
 pledging the government's indorsement for 
 " promoters '' in the Philippine Islands to make 
 the United States a. partner in speculative legis- 
 lation of the archipelego, which was only tem- 
 porarily held up by the opposition of the 
 Democratic Senators in the last session, will, if 
 successful, lead to entanglements from which it 
 will be difficult to escape. 
 
 Fourth. The Democratic party has been and 
 will continue to be the consistent opponent of 
 that class of tariff legislation by which certain 
 interests have been permitted, through Congres- 
 sional favor, to draw a heavy tribute from the 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 89 
 
 American people. This monstrous perversion 
 of those equal opportunities which our political 
 institutions were established to secure, has 
 caused what mav once have been infant indus- 
 tries to become the greatest combinations of 
 capital that the world has ever known. These 
 especial favorites of the government have, 
 through trust methods, been converted into 
 monopolies, thus bringing to an end domestic 
 competition, which was the only alleged check 
 upon the extravagant profits made possible by 
 the protective system. These industrial combi- 
 nations, by the financial assistance that they 
 can give, now control the policy of the Repub- 
 lian party. 
 
 We denounce protection as a robbery o. tne 
 many to enrich the few, and we favor a tariff 
 limited to the needs of the government, economi- 
 cally administered, and so levied as not to discrimi- 
 nate against any industry, class or section, to the 
 end that the burdens of taxation shall be dis- 
 tributed as equally as possible. 
 
 We favor a revision and a gradual reduction 
 of the tariff by the friends of the masses and for 
 the common weal, and not by the friends of its 
 abuses, its extortions and its discriminations, 
 keeping in view the ultimate ends of '^ equality 
 of burdens and equality of opportunities " and 
 the constitutional purpose of raising a revenue 
 by taxation, to wit — the support of the Federal 
 
40 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 Government in all its integrity and virility, but 
 in simplicity. 
 
 We recognize that the gigantic trusts and com- 
 binations designed to enable capital to secure 
 more than its just share of the joint products of 
 capital and labor, and which have been fostered 
 and promoted under Republican rule, are a 
 menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle 
 to permanent business prosperity. A private 
 monopoly is indefensible and intolerable. 
 
 Individual equality of opportunity and free 
 competition are essential to a healthy and per- 
 manent commercial prosperity, and any trust, 
 combination or monopoly tending to destroy 
 these by controlling production, restricting com- 
 petition or fixing prices, should be prohibited 
 and punished by law. We especially denounce 
 rebates and discriminations by transportation 
 companies as the most potent agency in pro- 
 moting and strengthening these unlawful con- 
 spiracies against trade. 
 
 We demand an enlargement of the powers of 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission to the end 
 that the traveling public and shippers of this 
 country may have prompt and adequate relief 
 from the abuses to which they are subjected in 
 the matter of transportation. We demand a 
 strict enforcement of existing civil and criminal 
 statutes against all such trusts, combinations 
 and monopolies ; and we demand the enactment 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 41 
 
 of sucli further legislation as may be necessary 
 to effectually suppress them. 
 
 Any trust or unlawful combination engaged 
 in interstate commerce which is monopolizing 
 any branch of business or production, should not 
 be permitted to transact business outside of the 
 State of its origin. Whenever it shall be estab- 
 lished in any court of competent jurisdiction 
 that such rtionopolization exists, such prohibi- 
 tion should be enforced through comprehensive 
 laws to be enacted on the subject. 
 
 We congratulate our Western citizens upon 
 the passing of the law known as the Newlands 
 Irrigation act for the irrigation and reclamation 
 of the arid lands of the West ; a measure framed 
 by a Democrat, passed in the Senate by a non- 
 partisan vote, and passed in the House against 
 the opposition of almost all the Republican 
 leaders by a vote, the majority of which was 
 Democratic. 
 
 We call attention to this great Democratic 
 measure, broad and comprehensive as it is, work- 
 ing automatically throughout all time without 
 further action of Congress, until the reclamation 
 is accomplished, reserving the lands reclaimed 
 for homeseekers in small tracts, and rigidly 
 guarding against land monopoly, as an evidence 
 of the policy of domestic development contem- 
 plated b}^ the Democratic party, should it be 
 placed in power. 
 
42 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 The Democracy, when entrusted with power, 
 will construct the Panama Canal speedily, hon- 
 estly and economically, thereby giving to our 
 people what Democrats have always contended 
 for — a great interoceanic canal, furnishing shorter 
 and cheaper lines of transportation, and broader 
 and less trammeled trade relations with the other 
 peoples of the world. 
 
 We pledge ourselves to insist upon the just 
 and lawful protection of our citizens at home 
 and abroad, and to use all proper measures to 
 secure for them, whether native born or natural- 
 ized, and without distinction of race or creed, the 
 equal protection of laws and the enjoyment of 
 all rights and privileges open to them under the 
 covenants of our treaties of friendship and com- 
 merce ; and, if under existing treaties the right 
 of travel and sojourn is denied to American citi- 
 zens, or recognition is withheld from American 
 passports by any countries on the ground of race 
 or creed, we favor the beginning of negotiations 
 with the governments of such countries to se- 
 cure by treaties the removal of these unjust 
 discriminations. 
 
 We demand that all over the world a duly au- 
 thenticated passport, issued by the government 
 of the United States to an American citizen, shall 
 be proof of the fact that he is an American citi- 
 zen, and shall entitle him to the treatment due 
 him as such. 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 43 
 
 We favor the election of United States Sena- 
 tors by tHe direct vote of the people. 
 
 We favor the admission of Oklahoma and the 
 Indian Territory. We also favor the immediate 
 admission of Arizona and New Mexico as sepa- 
 rate States, and a Territorial government for 
 Alaska and Porto Rico. 
 
 We hold that the officials appointed to admin- 
 ister the government of any Territory, as well as 
 with the District of Alaska, should be bona iide 
 residents at the time of their appointment of the 
 Territory or District in which their duties are to 
 be performed. 
 
 We demand the extermination of polygamy 
 within the jurisdiction of the United States and 
 the complete separation of Church and State in 
 political affairs. 
 
 We denounce the Ship Subsidy bill, recently 
 passed by the United States Senate, as an iniqui- 
 tous appropriation of public funds for private 
 purposes, and a w^asteful, illogical and useless 
 attempt to overcome by subsidy the obstructions 
 raised by Republican legislation to the growth 
 and development of American commerce on the 
 sea. 
 
 We favor the upbuilding of a merchant marine 
 without new or additional burdens upon the 
 people, and without bounties from the public 
 treasury. 
 
 We favor liberal trade arrangements with 
 
44 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 Canada and with peoples of other countries 
 where they can be entered into with benefit to 
 American agriculture, manufactures, mining or 
 commerce. 
 
 We favor the maintenance of the Monroe 
 Doctrine in its fullest integrity. 
 
 We favor the reduction of the army and of 
 army expenditures to the point historically 
 demonstrated to be safe and sufl&cient. 
 
 The Democracy would secure to the surviving 
 soldiers and sailors and their dependents gener- 
 ous pensions, not by an arbitrary executive 
 order, but by legislation which a grateful people 
 stand ready to enact. 
 
 Our soldiers and sailors, who defend with 
 their lives the Constitution and the laws, have a 
 sacred interest in their just administration. 
 They must, therefore, share with us the humili- 
 ation with which we have witnessed the exaltation 
 of court favorites, without distinguished service, 
 over the scarred heroes of many battles ; or 
 aggrandized by executive appropriations out of 
 the treasuries of a prostrate people in violation 
 of the act of Congress which fixed the compen- 
 sation of allowances of the military officers. 
 
 The Democratic party stands committed to 
 the principles of civil service reform, and we 
 demand their honest, just and impartial enforce- 
 ment. 
 
 We denounce the Republican party for its 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 45 
 
 continuous and sinister encroacHments upon the 
 spirit and operation of civil service rules, where- 
 by it has arbitrarily dispensed with examinations 
 for office in the interests of favorites and employed 
 all manner of devices to overreach and set aside 
 the principles upon which the civil service is 
 established. 
 
 The race question has brought countless woes 
 to this country. The calm wisdom of the 
 American people should see to it that it brings 
 no more. 
 
 To revive the dead and hateful race and sec- 
 tional animosities in any part of our common 
 country means confusion, distraction of business 
 and the reopening of wounds now happily healed. 
 North, South, East and West have but recently 
 stood together in line of battle from the walls of 
 Pekin to the hills of Santiago, and as sharers of 
 a common glory and a common destiny, we 
 should share fraternally the common burdens. 
 
 We, therefore, deprecate and condemn the 
 Bourbon-like, selfish and narrow spirit of the 
 recent Republican Convention at Chicago, which 
 sought to kindle anew the embers of racial and 
 sectional strife, and we appeal from it to the 
 sober, common sense and patriotic spirit of the 
 American people. 
 
 The existing Republican Administration has 
 been spasmodic, erratic, sensational, spectacular 
 and arbitrary. It has made itself a satire upon 
 
46 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 the Congress, the courts and upon the settled 
 practices and usages of national and interna- 
 tional law. 
 
 It summoned the Congress into hasty and 
 futile extra session and virtually adjourned it, 
 leaving behind its flight from Washington un- 
 called calenders and unaccomplished tasks. 
 
 It made war, which is the sole power of Con- 
 gress, without its authority, thereby ursurping 
 one of its fundamental prerogatives. It violated 
 a plain statute of the United States, as well as 
 plain treaty obligations, international usages 
 and constitutional law, and has done so under 
 pretense of executing a great public policy which 
 could have been more easily effected lawfully, 
 constitutionally and with honor. 
 
 It forced strained and unnatural constructions 
 upon statutes, usurping judicial interpretation 
 and substituting Congressional enactment decree. 
 
 It withdrew from Congress their customary 
 duties of investigation which have heretofore 
 made the representatives of the people and the 
 States the terror of evil doers. 
 
 It conducted a secretive investigation of its 
 own and boasted of a few small convicts, while 
 it threw a broad coverlet over the bureaus which 
 had been their chosen field of operative abuses 
 and kept in power the superior officers under 
 whose administration the crimes had been com- 
 mitted. 
 
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 47 
 
 It ordered assault upon some monopolies, but 
 paralyzed by its first victory, it flung out the flag 
 of truce and cried out that it would not '^ run 
 amuck," leaving its future purposes beclouded 
 by its vacillations. 
 
 Conducting the campaign upon this declara- 
 tion of our principles and purposes, we invoke 
 for our candidates the support, not only of our 
 great and time honored organization, but also 
 the active assistance of all of our fellow-citizens, 
 who, disregarding past differences upon questions 
 no longer an issue, desire the perpetuation of our 
 constitutional government as framed and estab- 
 lished by the fathers of our republic. 
 
THE NOMINATIONS. 
 
 Memorable in the history of national conven- 
 tions will be the record-breaking all-night session 
 at which Judge Parker was nominated. When 
 Cleveland was nominated in 1892 daylight was 
 streaming in, but when Parker was nominated 
 the convention hall had long been illuminated 
 by the light of day, and the delegates went out 
 into busy streets. It was five minutes of six. 
 
 Judge Parker of New York, was nominated 
 for President on the first ballot, at 5.45 o'clock 
 Saturday morning. He received 658 votes on 
 votes on the roll call, but before the result of the 
 ballot was announced, enough votes were changed 
 to insure Parker's nomination. 
 
 The ballot gave Parker 658 votes out of the 
 667 needed to nominate, and before the result 
 could be announced, Idaho, Nevada, Washing- 
 ton and others made changes to the Parker 
 column. 
 
 Governor Dockery, of Missouri, moved to 
 make the nomination unanimous, and it was 
 carried amid increasing cheering. The result of 
 the ballot was not announced ofiicially. 
 
 Eight names were presented to the Conven- 
 tion for the Presidential nomination. Nomi- 
 nating and seconding speeches innumerable were 
 48 
 
HON. ALTON B. PARKER 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE FOR PRESIDENT 
 
HENRY G. DAVIS. 
 Democratic Nominee for Vice-President. 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE-WASHINGTON 
 
HON. GKORGE GRAY. 
 
JUDSON HARMON 
 
DAVID B. HII.I, 
 
WILLIAM J. BRYAN 
 
ARTHUR P. GORMAN 
 
BKNJAMIN R. TII.I.MAN 
 
THE NOMINATIONS. 49 
 
 made, and as dawn approaclied it became neces- 
 sary to limit the seconding speeches to four 
 minutes each. 
 
 An exception was made in the case of W. J. 
 Bryan, who, in one of the most dramatic situa- 
 tions ever witnessed in a political gathering, 
 addressed the Convention, and concluded by 
 seconding the nomination of Senator Francis M. 
 Cockrell, ^' the favorite son " candidate from Mis- 
 souri. 
 
 Judge Parker was placed in nomination by 
 Martin W. Littleton, of Brooklyn. The domon- 
 stration at the mention of the jurist's name 
 lasted twenty-five minutes. 
 
 W. R. Hearst was placed in nomination by 
 D. M. Delmas, of California. A great demon- 
 stration also greeted his name. 
 
 Judge George Gray's name was presented by 
 ex-Congressman L. Irving Handy. 
 
 Congressman Champ Clark named Senator 
 Cockrell, of Missouri ; Mayor Rose, of Milwau- 
 kee, presented the name of Edwin C. Wall, of 
 Wisconsin ; Richard Olney's name was presented 
 by Mayor Patrick Collins, of Boston ; David 
 Overmeyer, of Kansas, presented General Miles' 
 name, and Delegate Cole, of North Dakota, 
 placed John Sharp Williams in nomination. 
 
 The leaders had agreed upon Henry G. Davis 
 as the candidate for Vice-President, and after a 
 prolonged recess, the final session was called to 
 4 
 
50 THE NOMINATIONS. 
 
 order at 5.30 o'clock. In the midst of this pro- 
 ceeding, seemingly moving on to a foregone con- 
 clusion, there came one of the most dramatic 
 situations known to American politics. 
 
 A message from Judge Parker, pointedly de- 
 claring himself as favoring the gold standard 
 and unwilling to accept a nomination from the 
 Convention should his views be unsatisfactory to 
 the Convention, threw the assemblage into an 
 uproar, and the leaders, in consternation, hastily 
 conferred, to agree upon a course of action. 
 
 The Vice-Presidency was forgotten. The Con- 
 vention was hastily dismissed and a new battle 
 was on, which was not concluded until past mid- 
 night, and though the Vice Presidential nomina- 
 tion was quickly concluded when reached again, it 
 was 1.20 A. M. before this had been accomplished. 
 
 Judge Parker's telegram was addressed to Wil- 
 liam F. Sheehan, and was as follows : 
 
 '^ I regard the gold standard as firmly and irre- 
 vocably established, and shall act accordingly if 
 the action of the Convention of to-day shall be 
 ratified by the people. As the platform is silent 
 on the subject, my views should be made known 
 to the Convention, and if they are proved to be 
 unsatisfactory to the majority, I request you to 
 decline the nomination for me at once, so that 
 another may be nominated before adjournment." 
 
 After hours of excitement, anxiety and debate, 
 the Convention found a way out of what had 
 
THE NOMINATIONS. 51 
 
 seemed an unsurmoun table difficulty and sent 
 this reply : 
 
 " The platform adopted by this Convention is 
 silent on the question of the monetary standard, 
 because it is not regarded by us as a possible 
 issue in this campaign, and only campaign issues 
 were mentioned in the platform. Therefore, there 
 is nothing in the views expressed by you in the 
 telegram just received which would preclude a 
 man entertaining them from accepting a nomi- 
 nation on said platform." 
 
ALTON B. PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 Fifty-two years ago — the exact date is May 
 14, 1852 — a man-child came into this world in a 
 plain, roomy farmhouse in that rich, middle 
 region of New York State which is most typical 
 of bucolic thrift and plenty. 
 
 The man-child's lineage was truly American, 
 traced back, but not very far at that, to ancestors 
 who blended in themselves most of the worthy 
 qualities of the English-speaking race, therein 
 being included both of the insular strains of 
 the Celt. His great-grandfather, John Parker, 
 was a soldier in Washington's army. 
 
 His father, the second John Parker, came from 
 Massachusetts to Cortland Count}^, then other- 
 wise known, about the beginning of the last 
 century. About midway between the boundary 
 of Pennsylvania and the great northern lake, 
 when nearly all the land was still more wooded 
 than it was crop-bearing, he cleared a large farm 
 for himself. Some of Cooper's remnants of 
 Indians were, in that day, still threading the 
 forest, and railways were undreamed of. 
 
 The memories and traditions of that early 
 
 epoch of family history hovered, as it were, over 
 
 Alton Brooks Parker when he was a little lad, 
 
 and, as he grew, gave him that intimate compre- 
 
 52 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 53 
 
 hension of the distinctively American character 
 and life which has also been noted of such 
 leaders as Jackson, Webster, Clay and Lincoln. 
 Furthermore, he was developed — through adoles- 
 cence into manhood — largely in the school of 
 hearty, generous outdoor labor, and, like nearly 
 every American leader who has amounted to 
 much, he found the true scope and value of his 
 intellectual powers through an education the 
 pecuniary means for which were partly gained 
 by his own industrious and persevering efforts. 
 
 The farm in Cortland County, at the time he 
 was born, was still of that primitive sort which 
 was a small world in itself. Agriculture in 
 America was, until the last half of the century, 
 an almost self-sufficing calling. Linen-weaving, 
 woolen-weaving and carpet-weaving were still 
 practiced in the home ; and the whir of the 
 spinning-wheel was the housewife's habitual 
 music, where now the cheap piano tinkles from 
 the tawdrily decorated parlor. 
 
 The farmer, in a crude fashion, knew many 
 simple trades. Judge Parker is a product of 
 that plain, faithful, toilsome, frugal, substantial 
 country life of old, examples of which have 
 grown so rare that they are now to be specially 
 remarked. 
 
 In the foregoing facts is found the key to 
 Alton B. Parker's temperament, character and 
 trend of intellect. Not only in the political 
 
54 JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 sense, but in the nnpartisan sense of the word, 
 is lie a Democrat — not cliiefly, as Jefferson was, 
 by intellectual choice, but by natural destiny. 
 His simplicity is innate, not in any degree 
 assumed, or dependent upon reasoned motives. 
 
 Few contrasts in the personal histories of 
 American statesmen or jurists are more marked 
 than that of Judge Parker's position to-day and 
 the position of the humble farm boy in his round of 
 labor in barn and field. Even Abraham Lincoln, 
 who conned his first books in a log cabin, by the 
 light of the pine fagots on the hearth, and rose 
 to be the second greatest figure in the national 
 epopee, never possessed a beautiful and restful 
 country home such as Judge Parker's, nor was 
 in an easy position as to fortune when he was 
 called to the White House. 
 
 Judge Parker, though very moderately rich, 
 has most of the things that the heart can desire, 
 and for political honors, even those of the highest 
 grade, he has never been violently ambitious. 
 From the barefoot farm boy to the much-lauded 
 Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals of the 
 great State of New York is in itself a very 
 impressive transition ; yet to those who have 
 studied his career it appears in every respect 
 natural and logical. 
 
 Judge Parker's grandfather was possessed of 
 considerable education for a farmer of that period, 
 and his grandmother, Elizabeth Brooks, had 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 55 
 
 very great strength of mind and will. His 
 grandfather's health failed in middle life, and he 
 devoted a great part of his time to study. His 
 reputation for learning spread all over the coun- 
 tryside. 
 
 He was considered successful, too, in business 
 affairs, and while he held a large mortgage 
 on the homestead farm, which he had sold to 
 Judge Parker's father, he also acquired other 
 real estate and much personal property. Among 
 his papers his distinguished grandson found, 
 some years ago, a receipt for $500 paid for stock 
 of the Syracuse and Binghamton Railroad long 
 before it was built, an evidence of his public 
 spirit. 
 
 Judge Parker's father was the eldest of six 
 children, and the burden of family leadership in 
 affairs, after the failure of John Parker's health, 
 fell upon him. Judge Parker's reverence for his 
 father's memory and high appreciation for his 
 manly qualities are among his conspicuous traits. 
 He likes to talk of his father, and his friends 
 feel no restraint in repeating what he has said 
 to them on the subject. 
 
 John Parker was very young when he assumed 
 this family burden ; but he was strong, faithful 
 and always kind. He was of the sort who take 
 up their responsibilities without murmuring and 
 carry them to the end. Finally he became able 
 to purchase the farm, the price being $6000, 
 
56 JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 much more, Judge Parker avers, than it would 
 now bring. 
 
 This was some two years before Judge Parker 
 was born. His mother, of New England descent, 
 was, before her marriage, Miss Harriet Stratton. 
 She is still living, at the age of 80 years, with 
 her daughter, Mrs. Mary L. Miles, at Derby, 
 Conn. She has great intelligence and refine- 
 ment and a well-informed mind. Judge Parker's 
 brother, Frederick H. Parker, is an insurance 
 examiner, residing in New York city. The 
 homestead at which the three children all spent 
 their childhood is 250 acres in extent, and lies 
 about four miles northwest of the village of 
 Cortland, the county seat. Judge Parker is its 
 owner, and his great affection for it will probably 
 never permit him to part with it. 
 
 Judge Parker speaks of his father in simple 
 but moving terms. There was a great deal of 
 illness in the family. Nevertheless, John Brooks 
 Parker never retrograded, but almost always ad- 
 vanced in his worldly affairs. The Judge cor- 
 rects a statement which has gone through the 
 press to the effect that when he himself started 
 out in life his father disapproved of his course, 
 and refused to aid him. 
 
 '' Our home,'' said the Judge, ''was a lovely 
 one, and our father did all that he possibly could 
 for us. In the later years he procured a piano 
 for my sister. The only person whom he reall}^ 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 57 
 
 Stinted in any way was himself. His influence over 
 us was very great. I was just as anxious to help 
 with the work on the farm as if it had been my 
 own. He had a way of developing the judgment 
 of each of his children. He consulted me about 
 everything concerning the management of the 
 farm, as, for instance, whether such or such a 
 field ought to be plowed, and to what crop it 
 ought to be put, etc. I was not able to see, 
 until I grew up, why he did this. Now I know 
 it was to form my judgment. 
 
 ''In the same way he strove to develop char- 
 acter in us. He was never cross with us. He 
 never punished us. When we did anything con- 
 trary to his wishes, it was quite enough punish- 
 ment for us to know that he felt hurt over it." 
 
 Judge Parker's mot'ier, however, has been 
 quoted as saying ;chat she herself sometimes 
 punished him slightly with a switch, when he 
 was very young and very mischievous ; but, 
 she added, as he grew older he became as good 
 a boy as one could desire. 
 
 Alton attended the district school until he was 
 thirteen years old. Then he was sent away to 
 the old Cortland Academy for the fall and winter 
 terms, but he spent the springs and summers at 
 work on the farm. Even after he began to teach 
 and until his nineteenth year, he returned each 
 summer to aid in the farm work. 
 
 The story of Judge Parker's first engagement 
 
68 JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 as a teacher should be told in his own words. 
 He had rounded out his pedagogic equipment by 
 attendance at the Cortland Normal School, and 
 had procured a certificate which set forth his 
 educational qualifications. 
 
 '' I thought/' said Judge Parker, " that I 
 ought to go away and teach, and so help out with 
 the family expenses a little. I passed the exam- 
 ination and got a certificate, and then I rode off 
 across the country until I found a school with 
 which the district magnates were willing to en- 
 trust me. When I returned I told my father 
 what I had done, and I felt rather proud that I 
 had found a place so promptly. But he was dis- 
 appointed. He had watched young men all his 
 life, he said ; and he had always remarked that 
 when they made a failure of any important thing 
 at the outset they went on making failures all 
 the way through life." 
 
 ^'I think you are very young for what you 
 have undertaken,'' he added. '' I am sorry, too, 
 because the trustees here in our district want you 
 to teach for them, and the pay is fifty cents a day 
 more than you will get where you have engaged 
 yourself." 
 
 " I told my father that I would prefer to teach 
 near home, and suggested that perhaps the other 
 trustees would readily release me. I shall not 
 forget the tone of his answer. ' Never, never I' 
 he exclaimed. ^ When you once put your hand 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 59 
 
 to the plow, never turn back. But examine 
 thoroughly hereafter anything into which you are 
 about to enter before you do so." 
 
 " That was a hard school, that first one. It 
 was fortunate for me that my father had talked, 
 to me as he had of the meaning of failure and 
 about never turning back from a duty under- 
 taken. I think what he said strengthened me, 
 prepared me for what was to come, and enabled 
 me to acquit myself better than I would have 
 done. He drove me over to my school. Just as 
 I got out of the wagon at the house of one of the 
 trustees where I was to leave my trunk, the 
 latter came out to meet us, and said to me : 
 
 " Well, young man, one of the boys of our 
 school saw you when you were here the other 
 day, and said he didn't think it would take long 
 to put you out." 
 
 ' I asked what was meant by this, a question, 
 of course, which should have occurred to me 
 before. 
 
 " ' Why, you see,' answered the trustee, '' the 
 boys put three teachers out of the school last 
 winter, and one of them was forty-five years old, 
 and he went out through the window.' 
 
 " I saw that my father sujBfered when this was 
 said to me. He had just about all he could do 
 to keep the tears back. He thought that I was 
 going to have a hard time at that school, and 
 that, perhaps, I would fail in what I had set out 
 
60 JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 to do. But his warning to me had given me 
 time to think, and I had made np my mind that 
 I wasn't going away from there except as master. 
 
 " My resolution was tested on the second day 
 of my teachership. A trustee's son was the first 
 to rebel. He was larger than I was, although I 
 was pretty sturdy and agile, as country boys are 
 apt to be, if they indulge, as I had done, in 
 wrestling and other physical sports that are com- 
 mon among them. This boy put an old-fashioned 
 loco-foco match, the kind that smell of sulphur 
 and brimstone, on the hot stove. The result was 
 decidedly disagreeable, and the issue of disci- 
 pline and order was at once raised. I stepped 
 from the platform, where my desk was, and 
 walked down toward the place where the boy sat, 
 wondering what I was going to do to him. 
 
 '' I didn't intend anything very savage, but I 
 knew I had to do something, or there was an end 
 forever of all semblance of authority on my part. 
 He solved the question as to what I was to do 
 by his own act. As I approached, he took hold 
 of the bench with both hands, as if anticipating 
 that I would try to haul him off it by the collar. 
 He had not gotten a firm hold before I leaned 
 over, and, seizing him, stood him up on top of 
 the bench. Then he grabbed me, and we went 
 down together on the floor. But what followed 
 did not last long, and there was no more question 
 of my supremacy. 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 61 
 
 " One of tlie little fellows came to me just as 
 school was out and said : ' Jim (that was the big 
 boy) says he's going to tell his father, and he'll 
 have you attended to.' I thought it was about 
 time that I began to attend to that end of the case 
 myself. So I took a different direction from the 
 usual one when I left the schoolhouse, walking 
 toward the house of Jim's father. I met him just 
 as he was crossing the road, and, Jim and several 
 other boys being present, told him the whole 
 story. Jim hung his head with a very hand-dog 
 look, and the father said, " Well, I think you 
 have punished him enough ; but if 3^ou have to 
 do it again, you let me know, and after you have 
 got through, I will do some of it myself.' " 
 
 To intimate friends Judge Parker has told 
 how the nature of his career was determined. 
 ^' It was a little thing," he said, " that led me 
 into a choice from which I never wavered. Since 
 I made that choice I have never thought for a 
 moment of any other calling as possible for me. 
 My father was a juryman during a term of court 
 at the county seat. I used to drive him to the 
 Court House in the morning, return to my work 
 on the farm and then go for him with a horse at 
 six in the evening. It happened that a celebrated 
 breach of promise case was up for trial. 
 
 " The parties were of social prominence and 
 somewhat wealthy. I remember especially that 
 the young man was very handsome. Two dis- 
 
62 JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 tinguished outside counsel were engaged in ti^e 
 case — Albert Charles Sedgwick, of Syracuse, and 
 Milo Goodrich, of Dry den, an old-time circuit 
 rider, whose practice covered several counties. 
 The case interested me so much that on the first 
 day I asked my father if I could not stay and 
 listen instead of going home to work. He con- 
 sented, and I watched the trial of the case from 
 beginning to end. 
 
 ^* The pleas of the lawyers, the examinations 
 and cross-examinations, the speeches on either 
 side, and, finally, the summing up, all impressed 
 me very profoundly with the one thought — that I 
 wished to become a lawyer. My mind was made 
 up. I never ceased to pursue this subject from that 
 time on. Of course, it was such a boyish way 
 in which to arrive at such a conclusion ; yet it 
 influenced my life, and I do not think that I 
 made a mistake. I would not advise other young 
 men, however, to act upon that sort of impression 
 without greater determining reasons. 
 
 '' I have never consented for political prefer- 
 ment to turn aside from that chosen career. I 
 have never had ambition for high place." 
 
 Judge Parker says that of all our great men 
 he earliest began to study the character of Wash- 
 ington; but he owns that Thomas Jefferson is 
 his political ideal. His whole manner of life in 
 fact shows that Jeffersonian simplicity is one of 
 his favorite aims. Yet, though never an aspirant 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 63 
 
 for any political office lower tHan that of Presi- 
 dent of the United States, he gave earnest many 
 years ago of his ability to become a supreme 
 master in political arts. 
 
 His earliest legal mentor was Augustus Schoon- 
 maker, of Kingston, afterward Attorney General 
 of the 'State of New York. Alton B. Parker, a 
 very young lawyer, took up the cause of Judge 
 Schoonmaker, who had been unjustly relegated 
 from the judicial office he had held, organized a 
 wonderful campaign and achieved his reinstate- 
 ment by the vote of the people. Some years 
 later he consented to manage the canvass of 
 David B. Hill for the Governorship of New 
 York, and made it a brilliant success. Samuel 
 J. Tilden admired his political acumen, and it 
 was usually understood that Parker sat figura- 
 tively at the feet of the " Sage of Gramercy Park '' 
 in the interpretation of Jefifersonian doctrine. 
 
 He was consulted by the greatest practical 
 politicians of his party and was offered nomina- 
 tions to the Governorship and a high appoint- 
 ment in the Federal official household. Had 
 he not been resolved to become and remain a 
 great jurist, Alton B. Parker might have long 
 ere this have gone very far in a purely political 
 career. But nothing short of the Presidency has 
 ever tempted him, other than the honors and the 
 zest of achievement offered by the judicial career. 
 
 From the start he liked politics. In 1877 he 
 
64 JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 was elected Surrogate of Ulster County, having 
 been brought into prominence by managing the 
 successful campaign of Mr. Scboonmaker for 
 County Judge. 
 
 In 1883 Parker's six-year term as Surrogate 
 of Ulster County expired, and lie was once more 
 elected, this time by a largely increased plurality, 
 and in 1884 lie became a power in State politics. 
 All the Democratic warriors — Daniel Manning, 
 William C. Whitney, Edward Cooper, David B. 
 Hill, Abram S. Hewitt, Samuel J. Tilden, Edward 
 K. Apgar and their friends — cottoned to Parker, 
 the young, handsome, debonnair, clever Demo- 
 crat, who had won in two pitched battles in 
 which was considered a normal Republican 
 county. Parker went as a Democrat to the 
 Democratic National Convention, and there, with 
 Daniel Manning and others of Grover Cleveland's 
 friends, succeeded in nominating Mr. Cleveland 
 for President. 
 
 With Cleveland's election David B. Hill be- 
 came a political power through succeeding Cleve- 
 land as Governor. In the fall of 1885 Mr. Hill 
 was a candidate for election as Governor, and 
 Mr. Parker on his way to New York in a railroad 
 train, found himself confronted with Mr. Hill 
 and several other prominent Democratic politi- 
 cians, who insisted upon his managing Mr. Hill's 
 campaign as Chairman of the Executive Com- 
 mittee of the Democratic State Committee. 
 
JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 65 
 
 Mr. Parker at first declined peremptorily to 
 toucli the place, saying that such a place was 
 not in the line of his profession as a lawyer, but 
 he finally consented to take it for that campaign 
 only. It proved to be a campaign which had to 
 be managed with great skill, but Mr. Parker, by 
 his genius as a tactician and his masterful knowl- 
 edge of the State, brought Hill in a winner over 
 Ira Davenport by 1 1 ,000 plurality. 
 
 Upon the death of Justice Theodore R. West- 
 brook, of the New York Supreme Court in 1885, 
 Governor Hill appointed Judge Parker to fill the 
 vacancy. The following year Judge Parker had 
 proved to be such a satisfactory Judge that he 
 was nominated by the Democratic party and the 
 Republican party put forward no candidate 
 against him. His election as a Justice of the 
 Supreme Court followed. 
 
 In January, 1889, the second division of the 
 Court of Appeals was created and Justice Parker 
 was appointed to it by Governor Hill, the Judge 
 being the youngest man who ever sat in the 
 Court of Appeals in the State. He was then 
 only thirty-eight years old. 
 
 He retained this of&ce until the dissolution of 
 the court in 1892. Then, at the request of other 
 judges, he was appointed by Governor Flower a 
 member of the general term of the Supreme 
 Court of the first department, and continued at 
 work in New York City until the creation of the 
 5 
 
6Q JUDGE PARKER'S CAREER. 
 
 appeal division of the Supreme Court, when he 
 resumed the duties of the trial terms in his ovrn 
 district. In November, 1897, J^^R^ Parker was 
 elected Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals. 
 
 When you meet Judge Parker and talk with 
 him, you cannot but recognize in him a whole 
 man, a true man, a man of a very high type. 
 Sincerity seems to breathe from all his being. 
 He is modest, but not self-effacing. He has led 
 the kind of life that conserves the power of fresh 
 conception and relative appreciation. This per- 
 haps goes hand in hand with that quality in his 
 manner which sometimes almost spells difi&dence. 
 In a man of a certain bigness of heart and intel- 
 lect, this fresh consciousness is absolutely re- 
 freshing to his fellow-man who comes in contact 
 with him. 
 
HENRY G. DAVIS, 
 
 NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 It may not be known generally that the nomi- 
 nee for Vice President on the Democratic ticket, 
 Henry G. Davis, is a first consin of Arthur Pue 
 Gorman, United States Senator from Maryland, 
 and a recognized power in Democratic politics. 
 While he is credited to West Virginia, Mr. Davis 
 is almost as much a Marylander as he is a West 
 Virginian. His mother and Senator Gorman's 
 mother were sisters. 
 
 Thoughout his long business career, until a 
 comparatively recent date, Mr. Davis was ac- 
 customed to make Baltimore his winter residence, 
 preferring it to Washington, where he had spent 
 several years as a United States Senator. His 
 extensive railroad and coal interests were focussed 
 into Baltimore headquarters until his son-in-law, 
 Stephen B. Elkins, assumed managerial control. 
 
 The nominee for Vice President is 8i years 
 old, having been born November i6, 1823. ^^ 
 the person meeting and conversing with him 
 he does not appear to be more than 60 years 
 of age. In fact, he is more active than the 
 average man of 60 ; his health is excellent, his 
 constitution strong, his mind alert. Not long 
 
 67 
 
68 NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 ago he rode forty miles on horseback in one day 
 along the line of railroad he is building from his 
 home town of Elkins to Charleston, a distance 
 of nearly 200 miles, and he felt the effects no 
 more than would a cowboy upon a Western 
 cattle ranch. 
 
 Henry G. Davis was a boy in his teens when 
 his father died, and he was forced not only to 
 support himself, but also to assist in supporting 
 his mother. His first employment was upon a 
 farm, and his love for the vocation of farming 
 never has left him. He is still a farmer, as well 
 as railroad builder, mine owner, banker, capital- 
 ist and statesman. 
 
 At the age of 19 he obtained a position as a 
 brakeman on a freight train on the Baltimore 
 and Ohio. Railroading was then in its infancy, 
 and that great system, which now operates 
 thousands of miles of road, and has done so 
 much for the development of Western Maryland, 
 West Virginia, Ohio, Pennsylvania and the 
 other States of that section, then operated only 
 a single line of track between Baltimore and 
 Cumberland. 
 
 It was thought to be a wonderful enterprise, 
 as, indeed, it was in those days, but insignificant 
 as compared with its great operations of to-day. 
 Yet that line was the beginning of railroad 
 building in America, and the position of freight 
 brakeman that Henry G. Davis held upon the 
 
NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 69 
 
 line was the beginning of his remarkable career 
 and of his enormous fortune. In those days 
 there were no telegraph lines to aid in running 
 trains, and it was thought impossible to operate 
 cars after dark. Accidents were frequent, and it 
 required great nerve and energy to surmount 
 the difficulties which daily confronted the train- 
 men. 
 
 There were then none of the safeguards which 
 now surround the lives of the men who operate 
 the swift-running trains on the Baltimore and 
 Ohio. The services of young Davis were so 
 efficient that he was soon promoted to be freight 
 conductor and afterward to passenger conductor. 
 
 It was while serving in this latter capacity 
 that he met and formed the acquaintance of 
 Henry Clay, w^ho was a passenger upon Mr. 
 Davis' train while going from his Kentucky 
 home to the capital and returning. Clay would 
 board the train in Baltimore and leave it at its 
 western terminus, and make the journey over 
 the mountains into Kentucky in the old-fashioned 
 stage coach. Mr, Davis got his first taste for 
 politics from Henry Clay in his conversations 
 with that great statesman during these trips over 
 the Baltimore and Ohio, and he cast his first 
 ballot for the great Commoner for President. 
 
 The Baltimore and Ohio grew, and Mr. Davis 
 grew with it. He was quick to realize the great 
 possibilities of what was then Western Virginia ; 
 
70 NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 he foresaw its development and realized its 
 immense resources, its Hidden wealth of ore, oil 
 and timber, and he invested his savings in these 
 rich lands. 
 
 The outbreak of the Civil War found him a 
 man of means, of great energy, of growing 
 experience, good judgment and engaged in lay- 
 ing the foundation of the fortune which he now 
 possesses. Although the war caused him to 
 sustain temporary losses, he was a loyal Union 
 man throughout the struggle. 
 
 When the great conflict was at an end and 
 West Virginia had become a separate Common- 
 wealth, Mr. Davis branched forth into still 
 greater fields of effort, and he has since been 
 instrumental and active in every movement look- 
 ing toward the development of the vast resources 
 of that State. No man has done more to make 
 West Virginia the great wealth-producing State 
 that it is to-day than Henry G. Davis. He is 
 conspicuously identified with all of its leading 
 interests ; in the production of coal, oil, timber, 
 in railroad building, town building and a dozen 
 or more enterprises of various kinds. 
 
 At the close of the war Mr. Davis first entered 
 politics. Having been a strong Union man, his 
 sympathies were at first with the Republican 
 party, and he became a candidate for the Legis- 
 lature. The discovery of trickery and dishon- 
 esty on the part of some of the Republican 
 
NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 71 
 
 leaders in tlie State at that time, however, turned 
 him from the party. 
 
 Thoroughly honest and upright himself in all 
 of his dealings, he could not tolerate dishonesty 
 in politics, and he, therefore, cut loose entirely 
 from the Republican organization and joined the 
 opposition. In 1866 he was elected to the lower 
 House in the legislature as a Union-Conserva- 
 tive, and took a leading part in its deliberations. 
 Two years later he was chosen State Senator as 
 a Democrat. 
 
 In 187 1, he was elected United States Senator 
 from West Virginia, as a Democrat, succeeding 
 W. T. Willey. He received almost the unani- 
 mous vote of the Legislature, even Republicans 
 voting for him. Six years later he was re-elected, 
 and during two years of the latter period, when 
 the Democrats were in control of the Senate, he 
 held the important position of Chairman of the 
 Committee on Appropriation. He was, in fact, 
 one of the leaders of the Senate. 
 
 At the expiration of his second term he de- 
 clined to become a candidate for re-election, 
 fearing that by longer service in the Senate he 
 would jeopardize his business interests in the 
 State by reason of his inability to devote his 
 entire time and attention to them. By retiring 
 from of&ce Senator Davis did not cease his inter- 
 est in political affairs ; he continued to take an 
 active part both in State and national politics. 
 
72 NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 
 
 and his opinions and judgment carried great 
 weight in the councils of his party. 
 
 In the Democratic National Convention of 
 1884, Senator Davis was one of the foremost 
 candidates for Vice President, and doubtless could 
 have had the nomination had he consented to 
 accept it. It was believed that the late Thomas 
 A. Hendricks, who had been a candidate for Presi- 
 dent, would not accept the nomination for Vice 
 President, and that it would go to Senator Davis. 
 
 Senator Davis refused, however, to allow his 
 name to be considered and threw his strength to 
 Mr. Hendricks, who was nominated on the ticket 
 with Cleveland and elected. Senator Davis was 
 called into consultation v/ith the Democratic 
 President-elect upon the matter of the selection 
 of members of his Cabinet, and had the Treasury 
 portfolio gone to any other than a New York 
 man Senator Davis would undoubtedly have 
 filled that important position. 
 
 In 1888 Senator Davis was urged to accept 
 the nomination for Governor, but declined. In 
 the matter of attending Democratic National 
 Conventions it is said that his record exceeds 
 that of any other Democrat in the country. 
 He has been a delegate to six national conven- 
 tions of his party, and again in 1904 headed 
 the West Virginia delegation to the St. Louis 
 Convention, making in all seven national con- 
 ventions of which he has been a member. 
 
NOMINEE, FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 73 
 
 Senator Davis was one of tlie United States 
 delegates who formulated the scheme for bring- 
 ing the republics of North, Central and South 
 America together, which resulted in the estab- 
 lishment of the Bureau of American Republics. 
 He was also a delegate to the second interna- 
 tional conference, held two years ago in the City 
 of Mexico. Another project in which Senator 
 Davis is interested is the international railway 
 project, which contemplates a continuous road 
 from Boston to Santiago, Chile and Buenos 
 Ayres. 
 
 In this undertaking he is associated with An- 
 drew Carnegie. Senator Davis and Mr. Carnegie 
 provided the funds for sending representatives 
 to Central and South America to investigate the 
 project. The Senator realizes, of course, that it is 
 a work of the future, and that while, despite his 
 good health and prospects of many years of use- 
 ful life, he may not live to see it an accomplished 
 fact, he wishes to be known as one of those who 
 forsaw the possibilities and was the first to aid 
 in the undertaking. 
 
 Mr, Davis' business interests are enormous. 
 It was his conception to build the West Virginia 
 Central and Pittsburg Railroad, running from 
 Cumberland, Md., along the banks of the Poto- 
 mac to its source on the summit of the moun- 
 tains and continuing beyond into the valley of 
 the western slope of the Alleghenies. By open- 
 
74 NOMINEE FOR VICE-P,RESIDENT. 
 
 ing up access to the coal and timber lands of the 
 greatest value he sprang at once into an impor- 
 tant position in West Virginia affairs. 
 
 Public life finally brought him into contact 
 with prominent men of wealth, and before he 
 had left the United States Senate he had enlisted 
 several in the enterprise he had in mind. The 
 road was the fruition of his labors, and he was 
 President of the company from its organization, 
 in 1 88 1, until its comparatively recent sale to 
 the Wabash in connection with the Western 
 Maryland Railroad. The coal mines and timber 
 industry opened up by the railroad have proved 
 immensely profitable to Mr. Davis and his asso- 
 ciates. He is also largely interested in banking 
 enterprises. In the management of some of 
 these interests his son-in-law, United States 
 Senator Stephen B. Elkins, of West Virginia, 
 co-operates with him. 
 
 In Tucker county, West Virginia, at an eleva- 
 tion of 3,100 feet from the sea and not more than 
 250 miles therefrom, in the midst of magnificent 
 timber forests underlaid with coal, is the town of 
 Davis, located by Mr. Davis, after whom it was 
 named. It is now a prosperous community of 
 2,500 inhabitants. In 1890 the West Virginia 
 Central and Pittsburg Railway was extended 
 into Randolph county. West Virginia, and a town 
 was laid out by Senator Davis and his business 
 associates, to which was given the name of Elkins. 
 
NOMINEE FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 75 
 
 Here Senator Davis has established his home 
 and built one of the finest residences in the State. 
 
 He has given practical proof of his attach- 
 ment to the places in which he has dwelt. In 
 Piedmont, W. Va., his former home, he gave a 
 handsome building, now known as the Davis 
 Free School. During the winter of 1894-1895 
 he sent a letter to the Governor of West Virginia 
 offering to give $50,000 for the establishment of 
 a girl's industrial school on certain conditions to 
 be fulfilled by the State, and the Legislature 
 agreed to meet the conditions. 
 
 At Elkins he built and gave to the Presbyte- 
 rian parish a beautiful stone structure known as 
 the Davis Memorial Church, and in company 
 with his son-in-law, Senator Elkins, endowed a 
 Presbyterian college to be located at Elkins. 
 
 In 1853 Mr. Davis married Miss Kate A- 
 Bantz, daughter of Mr. Gideon Bantz, of Freder- 
 ick, Md. They had five children : Hallie D., 
 wife of United States Senator Stephen B. Elkins ; 
 Kate B., wife of Lieutenant Commander R. M. 
 G. Brown, U. S. Navy ; Miss Grace T. Davis, 
 Henry G. Davis, Jr., and John T. Davis. 
 
 The esteem in which ex-Senator Davis is held 
 by the Democrats of West Virginia is shown by 
 the fact that they had arranged to make him, by 
 unanimous vote, their candidate for Governor 
 this year, fully expecting to regain control of the 
 State under his magnetic leadership. 
 
76 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 ROBERT E. PATTISON. 
 
 TJOBERT EMORY PATTISON, late Governor 
 "*-^ of Pennsylvania, was born at Qnantico, Md., 
 December 8th, 1850. His father, Robert Henry 
 Pattison, a native of Maryland, was born Jan. 
 22nd, 1824 ; graduated from Dickinson College in 
 1843 ; entered the Philadelphia Conference of the 
 Methodist Episcopal Church in 1846; filled a 
 number of prominent appointments in Philadelphia 
 and elsewhere ; was a Presiding Elder from 1869 
 to 1872; received the degree of D. D., from Dick- 
 inson in 1867 ; was for several years chaplain of 
 the Grand Lodge of Masons in Pennsylvania ; and 
 at his death in Philadelphia, February 14, 1875, 
 was one of the ablest and most popular ministers 
 of his church. His mother, Catherine P. Woolford, 
 was a grand-daughter of Col. Thomas Woolford, 
 of the Maryland line in the Revolution. When 
 Robert was six years old, his father was appointed 
 to Asbury church, Philadelphia. He obtained his 
 education in the public schools of that city, and 
 was graduated from the Central High School, de- 
 livering the valedictory address. 
 
 In 1869, on the recommendation of Prof Riche, 
 of the high school, he entered the law office of 
 Lewis C. Cassidy, then one of the most brilliant 
 
CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 7T 
 
 advocates of the Philadelphia bar, and was admitted 
 to practice in 1872. He had good prospect of suc- 
 cess as a lawyer, but his career was destined to be 
 political rather than legal. 
 
 In 1877 he was named as a candidate of the 
 Democratic party for Auditor-General of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and on first ballot in the convention stood 
 next to William P. Schell, who was nominated and 
 elected. A few m-onths later, at the suggestion of 
 Mr. Cassidy, he was the Democratic nominee for 
 City Controller of Philadelphia. This depart- 
 ment, like others in the city government at the 
 time, was badly managed, and if he should be 
 elected he would have a task of reform before him 
 that needed a good deal of experience and a very 
 level head. The people were ripe for revolt, and 
 he was elected Controller by a majority of 2,000, 
 although the Republican candidates on the State 
 ticket carried the city by 6,000 majority. 
 
 Mr. Pattison entered upon his duties January 1, 
 1878, and recognizing the fact that he had been 
 elected to reform the office and its methods, he set 
 about his work with a determination to honestly 
 administer its affairs. He found the credit of the 
 city impaired; its paper at a discount in the money 
 market — but by adopting a funding plan, order 
 was brought out of chaos ; and such was the 
 appreciation of his services by the people that at 
 ^he expiration of his three-years term, he was re- 
 
78 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 elected by a majority of 13,593 over his contest- 
 ant, one of the most esteemed citizens and success- 
 ful merchants of Philadelphia. This was not a 
 triumph of party, but one due to the personal and 
 exceptianal ability with which Mr. Pattison had 
 discharged his office, for it was at a time when the 
 Republican candidate for President carried the 
 city by over 20,000 majority. 
 
 This popularity placed him in 1882 as an avail- 
 able candidate for Governor. After a close and 
 vigorous contest in the State convention he was 
 nominated, and in November of that year was 
 elected by a plurality of 40,202 over his Republi- 
 can opponent. Gen. Jas. A. Beaver, although for 
 thirty years previously his party had been in a 
 minority in the State. This result was due more 
 to his vigorous and independent personality and 
 to his successful administration of the finan- 
 cial affairs of the metropolis, than to the dissen- 
 sions in the Republican ranks at that particuiaf 
 time. 
 
 During his administration, the finances of the 
 State were economically managed and the State 
 debt steadily reduced. Although hampered at every 
 step by the legislative branch of the government, 
 which was in the control of his political opponents, 
 he was patient and persevering, setting his face 
 against extravagant appropriations, and holding 
 the corporations of the State to a strict obedience 
 
CELEBEATEt> POLITICAL LEADERS. Y9 
 
 to the Constitution and the laws. His success was 
 a phenomenal one. 
 
 Under the Constitution of Pennsylvania the 
 
 Governor cannot succeed himself, so that at the 
 
 \ end of his term, January 18, 1887, he retired from 
 
 office. A leading opposition newspaper at that time 
 
 gave this testimony • 
 
 '"' Gov. Pattison retires from office with the en- 
 comiums of political friends and foes, with thu ' well 
 dones ' of the people ringing in his ears to cheer 
 his heart. He has been a good Governor. He 
 made that sort of a ruler that the people like. He 
 was bold and fearless, and he was not afraid to do 
 and say what he thought was right. Even his 
 bitterest enemies in his own party were forced to 
 admire the man who rejected unwise counsel and 
 followed it to the line. The people admire a man 
 of brains, and they are quick to recognize an honest 
 official. Gov. Pattison fills the measure of these 
 qualifications. He. will be heard from in the 
 future." 
 
 In the light of subsequent events the last sen- 
 tence seems almost prophetic. Upon returning to 
 private life he resumed the practice of law in 
 Philadelphia. Three months later he was elected 
 President of the Chestnut Street National Bank. 
 He had previously declined the Auditorship of the 
 Treasury tendered him by President Cleveland, 
 but afterwards accepted an appointment as Pacific 
 
80 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 Railroad Commissioner, and was elected President 
 of that commission. His report on the relations 
 of that corporation to the government is one of the 
 ablest and most valuable papers in the financial 
 history of the land-aided roads and on the existing 
 status of their debt to the government. On the 
 completion of his work as head of the Commission 
 he returned to Philadelphia and devoted his atten- 
 tion to the bank. 
 
 He was a lay delegate to the General Conference 
 of the Methodist Episcopal church in 1884 and 
 1888; in 1890 fraternal delegate to the General 
 Conference of the M. E. Church South, and in 
 1891, a delegate to the Methodist (Ecumenical 
 Council, held in Washington, D. C. In 1884, 
 Dickinson College conferred upon him the degree 
 of Doctor of Laws. In 1890, owing to the errors 
 of the Republican party, the Democracy seized the 
 golden opportunity and again nominated Mr. Pat^ 
 tison to the Executive office. His campaign was 
 a vigorous and aggressive one, and his speeches 
 were masterly presentations of the real issues 
 before the people. 
 
 For a second time he carried Pennsylvania on a 
 platform of reform, being elected by a majority of 
 16,554, although the Republican candidates for 
 Lieutenant-Governor and Secretary of Internal 
 Affairs were elected by majorities above 20,000. 
 His victory gave him a position of national impor- 
 
GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
HON. J. B. RICHARDSON 
 
HON. JOHN S. WII.I.IAMS. 
 
WIIvUAM V. ALJwEN 
 
JAMES M. GUFFEY. 
 
RICHARD OIvNEY. 
 
ROBERT E. PATTISON 
 
GEORGE B. McCIvELLAN 
 Mayor of Greater New York 
 
JOSEPH C. S. BLACKBURN 
 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY ROCKWOOD, N. Y. 
 
 RICHARD CROKER 
 
HENRY WATTER30N 
 
CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 81 
 
 tance. He was inaugurated January 20, 1891, for 
 the term of four years. 
 
 Mr. Pattison enjoys the perfect confidence not 
 only of his own party, but of the community in 
 general. Many would hail his nomination for the 
 Presidency with enthusiasm. 
 
 His public life is a proof that honesty and up- 
 rightness of purpose are honored and appreciated 
 by the mass of American voters, and that it pays in 
 the long run for one to be true to all that is implied 
 in the golden rule. There is a wide distinction 
 between the peanut politician and the high-minded 
 statesman who is incorruptible. 
 
 Mr. Pattison is a type of the old-fashioned, 
 reliable, sturdy voter and statesman, who have 
 made our American history and brought our social 
 and political life into the highest repute. His name 
 is a synonym of noble worth and citizenship. 
 
 DAVID B. HILL. 
 
 AMONG the distinguished leaders of the Demo- 
 cratic party no one is more prominent than 
 Senator Hill. A man of intellectual force, ener- 
 getic and aggressive nature, sound judgment on 
 party issues, magnetic and eloquent as a speaker, 
 having the ability to command and control men, 
 experienced in public affairs, and having risen from 
 comparatively humble life, he combines in a sin- 
 gular degree nearly all the elements which render 
 6 
 
82 CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 
 
 a statesman popular and draw to him the con- 
 fidence of the people. 
 
 Mr. Hill was born in Havana, Chemung Co., 
 N. Y., August 29th, 1843. His mind in early life 
 inclined to the study of law, and we therefore find 
 that his first employment was in a lawyer's office 
 in his native village. He had obtained a good 
 common-school education, and shown himself to be 
 a thorough scholar, diligent at his books, and some- 
 what shy of social life, fearing that it might inter- 
 fere with his life purposes and pursuits. He was 
 Buch a lad as the neighbors predicted would have a 
 useful and honorable career. The old saying, "the 
 boy is the father of the man " was true in his case, 
 and he gave promise at this early period of one 
 day holding a high position in his professirn as 
 well as in public life. He afterward studied law 
 in Elmira, and was admitted to the bar in 1864. 
 
 In course of time, he received the appointment 
 of city attorney, and in this office drew wide atten- 
 tion for the aggressive, skillful and able manner in 
 which he conducted his cases. During this time 
 his attention was turned to politics, for wlrch he 
 seemed to have a natural taste and adaptation. 
 He was located in a community with excellent 
 schools and where the people generally took a 
 deep interest not only in their own local affairs, 
 but in the larger questions which affected the 
 nation. He was many times a delegate to the 
 
CELEBEATED POLITICAL LEADEKS. 83 
 
 Democratic State Conventions, and was made the 
 permanent chairman of those held in 1877 and 
 1881. 
 
 He was also prominent in the Democratic Na- 
 tional Conventions of 1876 and 1884, where he 
 began to command attention as a leader, shaping 
 to some extent the policy of his party. He was 
 elected a member of the New York Legislature of 
 1870 and 1871, rendering valuable service upon 
 committees and being recognized as one of the 
 foremost leaders of that body. In 1882 he was 
 elected Mayor of Elmira, a tribute to the con- 
 fidence placed in him by his fellow-townsmen. 
 During this year Grover Cleveland received the 
 nomination for Governor of the State of Ne\< 
 York, and Mr. Hill was nominated with him for 
 the office of Lieutenant-Governor. The campaign 
 of this year and the great success of the Demo- 
 cratic party are matters of history. Mr. Hill 
 threw himself heartily into the campaign, took the 
 stump and by his speeches contributed largely to 
 the result. 
 
 When Mr. Cleveland resigned in 1884, having 
 been elected President of the United States, Mr. 
 Hill succeeded him as Governor of New York. 
 In 1885 he was made the candidate for Governor 
 and was elected for the full term of three years. 
 His course during this time commended itself to 
 his party, and he became his own successor in 1888, 
 
84 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADEES. 
 
 being re-elected over Warner Miller, who was 
 made the nominee for Governor by the Kepublican 
 party. The position and influence he had already 
 gained pointed him out as a suitable candidate for 
 the position of United States Senator, to which 
 position he was chosen by the Legislature of New 
 York, to succeed that distinguished and able law- 
 yer and statesman, Wm. M. Evarts, of whom it 
 was said when he was made United States Senator, 
 " What more natural disposition could be made of 
 Mr. Evarts than simply to transfer him from the 
 head, of the New York State Bar to the head of 
 the United States Senate ? " 
 
 By this time Mr. Hill, being a man of resolute 
 convictions, heroic purposes, able to think for b'm- 
 self, and to defend in a masterly way his own 
 thinking, had antagonized certain elements of his 
 party, who criticised his alliance wi^h Tammany 
 of New York City and endeavored to bring him 
 into disrepute. There was, howev^i, a larger 
 number who applauded his course of action and 
 showed themselves to be his faithful friends and 
 supporters. He opposed the nomination of Grover 
 Cleveland for a second presidential term in 1892. 
 At this time there were many who would have 
 preferred that Mr. Hill should receive the nomina- 
 tion, and there was good reason for believing that 
 the '^presidential bee" was buzzing around his 
 ears. He made a trip through the Southern 
 
CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 85 
 
 States, delivering speeches at many points, but 
 failed to command the support of his party for 
 the presidential nomination on the Democratic 
 ticket. 
 
 Once in the Senate, he became the leader of a 
 faction opposed to Mr. Cleveland. His utterances 
 in the Senate Chamber were bold, spirited and 
 sometimes bitter. His views and opinions, how- 
 ever, were so pronounced and so well sustained 
 that they carried great influence with other Sen- 
 ators, and he was able to defeat several nomina- 
 tions sent to the Senate by Mr. Cleveland, notably 
 two for the position of Judges on the Supreme 
 Bench. No one maintained that these nomina- 
 tions were not good ones, but as they did not com- 
 mend themselves to Mr. Hill, and, it was claimed, 
 were made without any reference to his wishes, 
 he succeeded in effecting their summary rejection. 
 
 In stature Mr. Hill is rather below than above the 
 average height, and, although somewhat sparely 
 built, he is a man of physical strength and capable 
 of enduring a large amount of labor and fatigue. 
 Being a bachelor and unencumbered with domestic 
 cares and concerns, he can devote himself exclu- 
 sively to the affairs of State. He shows an inti- 
 mate acquaintance with the history of his party, 
 he is far-seeing and shrewd, is a master of debate, 
 a sturdy antagonist when encountered, is perfectly 
 
 cool and self-possessed, is skillful in the use of 
 c 
 
86 CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 
 
 invective, and upon entering the Senate immedi- 
 ately assumed a commanding position. While 
 looking after the interests of his native State, he 
 has always been considered a strong partisan, and 
 this must be accounted one of the elements which 
 have given him success among those of his own 
 political faith. 
 
 It is but just to say that Mr. Hill has been 
 remarkably successful in his profession as a lawyer 
 and in his efforts and aspirations as a politician. 
 He does not seem to writhe under defeat, but 
 assuming that there is another day coming and 
 that the end is not yet, he fixes his face like a 
 flint and pushes on against every storm of oppo- 
 sition or calumny. This in brief is the history of 
 a man who exercises great influence in the coun- 
 cils of his party and is now prominent before the 
 American people. 
 
 Mr. Hill has always been a stalwart Democrat. 
 In 1896 when his party endorsed the Chicago 
 Platform, some of the measures of which he con- 
 sidered extremely radical and ill-timed, he secured 
 the floor of the Convention and began his speech 
 with the memorable utterance, " I am a Democrat) 
 but not a revolutionist. ''- This was taken as indi- 
 cating his position, and this he firmly maintained 
 throughout the exciting campaign that followed. 
 At the expiration of his term in the Senate he 
 resumed his law practice at Albany. 
 
CELEBRATED POLITICAL LEADERS. 87 
 
 ARTHUR P. GORMAN. 
 
 ONE of the most outspoken of men^ with appar- 
 ently no concealments or reserves, and with 
 abilities that eminently fit him for the high po- 
 sition in which his party has placed him, Senator 
 Arthur P. Gorman, of Maryland, is regarded as a 
 model of candor and honesty in the upper branch 
 of Congress, where for a number of years he rep- 
 resented his State as a conservative Democrat. 
 Senator Gorman was born in Howard county, 
 Maryland, March 11, 1839. He received a public 
 school education, and in 1852 became a page in 
 the United States Senate, where he remained until 
 1866, at which time he was the Senate postmaster. 
 On September 1 of that year he was appointed 
 Collector of Internal Revenue for the Fifth District 
 of Maryland, which office he held until March, 
 1869. Three months later he was made a direc- 
 tor in the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal Company, of 
 which- he became president in 1872. In November, 
 1869, he was elected to the Maryland Legislature 
 as a Democrat, re-elected in 1871, and chosen 
 Speaker of the House during the ensuing session. 
 He was elected to the State Senate in 1875, and 
 served four years. In 1880 he was chosen to 
 represent the State in the United States Senate, 
 succeeding William Pinkney Whyte, and was re- 
 elected in 1886, 1892, and 1903. 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 Abolitionists. 
 
 During the Revolution, and when the Constitu- 
 tion was made, various societies were formed for 
 the aholition of slavery, the first originating in 
 Philadelphia, April 14, 1775, with Benjamin 
 Franklin as president. A second society with the 
 same purpose in view, formed in New York, Jan- 
 uary 25, 1785, with John Jay as president (later 
 succeeded by Alexander Hamilton). These were 
 the beginnings of many throughout the States, 
 their meetings, publications and petitions being 
 treated respectfully until the development of cotton 
 planting in the early part of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury raised the price of slaves, when the struggle 
 between the anti-slavery and pro-slavery interests 
 began. The contest out of which the term Aholi- 
 tion grew dates with William Lloyd Garrison's 
 arraignment of slave-holders as criminals in 1829, 
 he two years later publishing " The Liberator." 
 This was afterward followed by the formation in 
 Boston of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, 
 for the purpose of promoting the cause of emanci- 
 
 88 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 89 
 
 pation, and with a similar object at Philadelphia, 
 the creation of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 The Abolitionists appeared in 1840, as a distinc- 
 tive party, calling themselves the Liberty Party, 
 whose advocacy finally culminated in the Emanci- 
 pation Proclamation of January 1, 1863. In 
 February, 1866, slavery was abolished forever from 
 the territory of the United States, by act of Con- 
 gress. 
 
 The Abolition, Whig and Federal were parties 
 of liberal ideas and aggressiveness ; when their 
 mission was accomplished, each disappeared until 
 called into life to meet a new crisis. 
 
 American. 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska bill of 1853 occasioned a 
 split in the Whigs in 1854, who allied with the 
 Know-Nothings and became the American Party. 
 In 1860 it took the place of the Whigs in. the 
 South. 
 
 In convention at Philadelphia, September 16-17, 
 1887, the name again assumed as a party politic, 
 founded on " love for our country and its institu- 
 tions, believing that America should be governed 
 by Americans." (See Know-Nothings.) 
 
 Anti-Federalists. 
 One of the first two political parties under the 
 present Constitution, the outcome of the Particu- 
 larists. They were the opposers of the Constitu- 
 
90 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 tion of the United States, which was then spoken 
 of as the Federal Constitution. 
 
 The Anti-Federalists were unwilling to take cer- 
 tain great powers from the States and give them to 
 the General Government, were jealous of the power 
 of Congress, too much national power, lest a mon- 
 archy should be established, and were strong ad- 
 herents to rights of State and local self-government. 
 
 In 1791 withdrew against the Constitution, 
 turning against financial measures of the Federals 
 toward- funding of State debts. In 1796 became 
 the Republican Party, branching into JefFersonian 
 Kepublicanism, afterward becoming the Democrat- 
 (See Republican and Democrat.) 
 
 Anti-Monopoly. 
 
 Formed May 14, 1884, at Chicago, under tht 
 title of The Anti-Monopoly Organization of the 
 United States, demanding economical government, 
 enactment and enforcement of equitable laws, in- 
 cluding an Inter-state Commerce Law (a law en- 
 acted in 1887), establishing Labor Bureaus, pro- 
 viding Industrial Arbitration, direct vote for Sena- 
 tors, graduated income tax, payment of the na-, 
 tional debt as it matures, and " fostering care " for 
 agriculture ; and denouncing the tariff and grant- 
 ing of lands to corporations. Joined issue with 
 the Greenback-Labor Party under the name of the 
 '' People's Party." 
 
POLITICAL PAETIES. 91 
 
 Bloody Shirts. 
 
 A-pplied to those RepubHcans who are continu- 
 ally raising the late war issues ; appealing to war 
 sentiments. The term originating from a disguise 
 of the Ku-Klux-Klan, pictured by the Republicans 
 as covered with negro blood. 
 
 Oarpet-Baggers. 
 
 Applied to Northern Republicans, who it was 
 alleged came South after the war, and by the aid of 
 negro votes were elected to local and State offices. 
 Being so-called transient politicians, it was said they 
 brought all their effects in their carpet-bags. 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Anglicized, from the French word democrate, 
 which finds its derivation from two Greek words. 
 Demos J the "people," cratos, ^* government," liter- 
 ally, " one who is in favor of government by the 
 people." 
 
 The party successor, in name of the Eepuhli^ 
 can, descending unbrokenly from Anti-Federalist, 
 through the Jeffersonian branch of Republicanism. 
 Its title of Democrat being fully assumed as a party 
 name in 1812, at the second election of Madison 
 as President ; in fact, as a party it has remained 
 almost intact, both in form and name, from the 
 first Presidential election (1789), being aided by 
 conservatism and a policy of negation, 
 
92 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 The adoption of the word Democrat traceable tc 
 the introduction, in 1793, by Citizen Genet, of 
 France (imitative of the Jacobin Clubs of Paris), of 
 sociable clubs, known as "Democratic Societies;" 
 the first being instituted in Philadelphia, on May 
 30 of that year. 
 
 The party constructed and maintained upon 
 the principle of popular government or popular 
 sovereignty, wdth an indifference to the sub- 
 ject of slavery as to whether it was voted up or 
 down. 
 
 In 1860 it lost a section on squatter sovereignty 
 which took the name of National Democrats. In 
 1872 it endorsed the Liberal Republicans as to the 
 necessity of reform, a change demanded, lest the 
 disease of one political organization infect the body 
 politic, and lest in making no change of men or 
 parties the country obtains no change of measures 
 and no real reform. 
 
 Dough-Paces. 
 
 Applied in 1820, from a remark that " they 
 were plastic in the hands of demagogues ; " a 
 reference to the action of certain Republicans, who, 
 for the sake of a compromise, voted in favor of 
 striking slavery out of the Missouri Bill. 
 
 Also used as a nickname ; given to Northern 
 favorers and abettors of negro slavery ; meaning a 
 politician who is accessible to political influences 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 93 
 
 and considerations. Likewise given to such North- 
 ern members of Congress as manifested especial 
 willingness to fall in with the views and demands 
 of the South on questions involving slavery ; i. e., 
 the Northerner false to the principles of free- 
 dom, or the Southerner false to the principles of 
 slavery. 
 
 Federalist. 
 
 From the French word Federaliste, derived from 
 Latin fcedus, foederis ; a covenant, a league. 
 
 One of the first two political parties under the 
 new Constitution (1787). It was the outcome of 
 the strong government Whigs opposing every pre- 
 liminary step looking to the abandonment of the 
 Articles of Confederation and the adoption of 
 the Federal Constitution, in which it eventually 
 succeeded, thereby creating the Federal Govern- 
 ment, hence its name. It was the political party 
 which favored the administration of Washington 
 for President. 
 
 Through Adams' administration, the Alien and 
 Sedition laws lost to the party the election of 
 1800. In 1808 it recovered with a strong minority, 
 though bitterly opposing the war policy of the 
 Republicans, on which, as a party, it eventually 
 split, merging into the Whigs. As a party it 
 disappeared with its candidate of 1816, Rufus 
 King. 
 
94 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 Fire-Eaters. 
 Applied in 1857 to strong anti-slavery politicians 
 of the North. The Southern politician who 
 vehemently denounced the Union also so called. 
 
 Free-Soilers. 
 
 Formed in 1848, from disaffected Democrats, 
 
 advocating Congress should abolish slavery where 
 
 it constitutionally had the power so to do (intended 
 
 to apply to the District of Columbia), that it should 
 
 not interfere with the slave States, but prohibit it 
 
 in the Territories. It became the nucleus of the 
 
 modern Republican Party, drawing largely from 
 
 the Whigs, in 1848, who were opposed to the 
 
 Omnibus Bill. The name of Free-Soilers came 
 
 from the party cry of " free soil, free speech, free 
 
 labor and freenien." 
 
 Grangers. 
 
 A secret society first formed in Washington, in 
 1867, and known as the Patrons of Husbandry; 
 the subordinate lodges were known as granges^ 
 hence the party name. 
 
 The object was co-operative among farmers, in 
 purchasing supplies from first hands, thereby doing 
 away with middle men ; and while declared not 
 to be political, in order to serve the interest of cer- 
 tain land ends, it became necessary that individ- 
 uals representative of their interests should be in 
 Congress, and to serve ^is purpose the combined 
 
rOLlTICAL PARTIES. 95 
 
 influence of the Grangers was secretly brought to 
 bear in voting, so that in time a strong political 
 party was in actual existence, somewhat on the 
 principle of the Know-Nothings. 
 
 G. O. P. 
 
 Initial letters of the Grand Old Party, a desig- 
 nation of the modern Republican Party. 
 
 Greenback. 
 Party favoring an unlimited issue of greenbacks 
 (paper money), or an issue based upon the resources 
 of the country, toward easing the rigors of a 
 money panic; they opposed the resumption of 
 specie payments according to act passed in January, 
 1875. In 1884 they amalgamated with the labor 
 element under the name of National Labor and 
 Greenback Party, as against Democrats. Also 
 called Inflationists, Soft-Money Men, and Fiatists. 
 
 Know-Nothings. 
 Bartlett, in his Americanisms, notes: "The 
 Know-Nothing Party was first formed by a person 
 of some notoriety in New York, who called him- 
 self ^Ned Buntline' (Edward Z, C. Judson). 
 Ned was once a midshipman in the United States 
 Navy, but left the service, and commenced the 
 business of Americanism on a large scale, by 
 founding a secret political order, of so exclusive a 
 character that none were to be admitted as mem- 
 bers whose grandfathers were not natives oi the 
 
96 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 country. It is a difficult matter in a country like 
 the United States where free inquiry is so common 
 to keep anything secret; and so Ned instructed 
 his proselytes and acolytes to reply to all questions 
 in respect to the movements of the new party, ' I 
 don't know.' So that they were at first called 
 Dont-Knows and then Know- Nothings, by outsiders, 
 who knew nothing further of them than that they 
 invariably replied to all questions, ' I don't know/ " 
 The platform was: 
 
 1. Repeal of all naturalization laws. 
 
 2. None but native Americans for office. 
 
 3. A pure American common-school system. 
 
 4. War to the hilt on Romanism. 
 
 Ku-Klux-Klan, or K. K. K. 
 X secret society of great political significance 
 in the Southern Central States, formed in 1868 
 for the intimidation of negro voters in order to 
 defeat the Republicans. They traveled at night, 
 disguised, among the negro sections, not hesitating 
 at various outrages on the race ; and before their 
 disbandment by Republican Congressional action 
 in 1872, it is stated they had reached nearly 300,- 
 000 in numbers. Their general purpose was 
 similar to the White Liners of Louisiana. 
 
 Labor. 
 A, general name given to labor politics; the 
 divisions or factions are United LahoVy Lhiion 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 97 
 
 Labor, Progi^essive Labor, and the Anti-Poverty 
 Society. All divided on the interpretation of the 
 term, " the land for the people," and a direct main- 
 tenance and protection of the laborer. 
 
 Loco-foco. 
 
 A division arose in the Democratic Party (Oct. 
 29, 1835) in consequence of the nomination of 
 Gideon Lee as the Democratic candidate foi Con- 
 gress, by the committee chosen for that purpose. 
 The nomination, as customary, had to be con- 
 firmed at a general meeting of Democrats, called 
 for October 29, 1835, at Tammany Hall, New 
 York City. Lee's friends, anticipating opposition, 
 assembled in large numbers in order to support 
 him. The selection of chairman was the first 
 question that arose, and it tested the strength of 
 the divisions. The Tammany men (friends of Mr. 
 Lee) supported Mr. Yarion, while the Anti-Mono- 
 polists did similar office for Mr. Curtis ; each side 
 claimed their party as the duly elected presiding 
 officer, whereupon great confusion ensued, and 
 during the excitement the lights were extin- 
 guished. 
 
 The Equal Rights (Anti-Monopolists) Party, 
 having witnessed similar occurrences, or having 
 received some intimations that such would be the 
 course of their opponents, had previously provided 
 themselves with Loco-foco matches and candles, 
 
98 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 and the room was re-lighted in a moment. The 
 meeting continued, and the Equal Rights section 
 accomplished their object. 
 
 The " Courier and Enquirer " newspaper dubbed 
 the Anti-Monopolists who used the matches, with 
 the name of Loco-focos. 
 
 Mugwump. 
 
 Imparted in the Presidential campaign of 1884 
 to the Independents or Republican Seceders who 
 favored the Democratic candidate for the reason 
 that a change in administration was necessary, as 
 twenty-four years was long enough for a party t'> 
 be in power ; too long a life-engrafted corruption. 
 
 The meaning of the word had no connection 
 with its political application or use, being taken 
 up in the nature of a by- word, It was first used 
 as meaning a Seceder, by Gov. Waller, of Connecti- 
 cut, and by one of the New York dailies intro- 
 duced into the political literature of the time. 
 
 Mugwump is an Indian word^ occurring in 
 Eliot's Indian Bible, where it is used as an equiv- 
 alent of " duke," as this latter word occurs in Gen- 
 esis, chapter xxxvi. 
 
 National. 
 
 A split from the Prohibition Party in 1896. In 
 addition to Prohibition it advocates the free coin- 
 age of silver, woman suffrage, and the abolition 
 of all trusts and monopolies. 
 
POLITICAL PAETIES. 99 
 
 National Prohibition. 
 
 Out of the Independent Order of Good Tem- 
 plars, instituted in 1851 on the Temperance ques- 
 tion, emanated a faction with political tendencies, 
 that favored and elected Neal Dow as Mayor of 
 Portland, Me., 1853, and in 1854, as the Temjper- 
 ance Party elected Myron Clark as Governor of 
 New York. In 1868 Illinois and Michigan had 
 taken up the matter on local issues, and formed 
 Temperance and Prohibition political parties. 
 
 The first move toward a National Party in the 
 interest of Temperance was in May 25, 1869, dur- 
 ing a session of the Right Working Grand Lodge, 
 I. 0. G. T., at Oswego, N. Y., when a meeting was 
 held to " favor independent action for the promo- 
 tion of the temperance cause," resulting in a call 
 for a National Convention to organize a National 
 Prohibition Party; the meeting was ultimately 
 held at Chicago, September 1, 1869. 
 
 The first Temperance candidate for the Presi- 
 dency on a National Ticket was James Black, 
 nominated in convention held at Columbus, 0., 
 February 22, 1872. The platform declaration of 
 principles claimed the traffic in intoxicating bever- 
 ages a dishonor to Christian civilization, a political 
 wrong, and suppression only effective when legal 
 prohibition is both State and National. That the 
 entire prohibition of the liquor traffic is declared 
 
100 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 to be a principle good in law and feasible in prac- 
 tice. 
 
 Native American. 
 
 The Federalists being anti-alien, the Democrats 
 naturally sought alliance with aliens, as foreigners 
 with the five-year naturalization limit, centering 
 in New York, filled the New York division of De- 
 mocracy to the exclusion of native Federalism, in 
 the control of the city government, and to meet 
 this condition of affairs the first attempt at a Native 
 American organization was made. It began in 
 1835, and with the mayoralty election of 1837 
 failed, was renewed in 1844, with the vital princi- 
 ple of American, and was successful in electing its 
 mayor of New York, its boom being incident to the 
 action of Bishop Hughes in a speech in Carroll 
 Hall, 1843, in which he advocated a distinct or- 
 ganization, as a party, of the Irish voters of New 
 York. This was the first attempt to organize for- 
 eign citizens for political purposes. The party 
 advocated the extension of the naturalization laws 
 to twenty-one years, which with other extreme 
 measures resulted in its defeat in 1845, through 
 the strong opposition of Democrats and the Irish 
 and Roman Catholic elements. 
 
 People's. 
 
 Originated in New York in 1823, as the Demo- 
 cratic supporters of Mr. Crawford and the Albany 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 101 
 
 Regency, advocating that electors should be chosen 
 by the people and not by the Legislature, proclaim- 
 ing they would favor only such candidate as would 
 avow himself in favor of giving the people the 
 right of appointing presidential electors. (See 
 Anti- Monopoly . ) 
 
 Personal Liberty. 
 Originated in New York, in 1887, as a pro-liquor 
 combination, alleging sumptuary laws having no- 
 where proved effectual in extirpating intemperance 
 nor in reducing immorality or vice, but invariably 
 stirred up ill-feeling, that under pretence of serving 
 religion and morality, of aiding in the prevention 
 of crime, and diminishing the causes of pauperism, 
 attempts are multiplying to encroach upon the 
 rights of person and property guaranteed, laws 
 having been passed detrimentally affecting time- 
 honored customs and individual rights and privi- 
 leges. " That as a political body they use all hon- 
 orable means to promote the cause of civil and re- 
 ligious liberty by insisting upon the repeal of the 
 obnoxious portions of the excise laws until that 
 result be attained." 
 
 Populists. 
 
 (See Anti-Monopoly.) 
 
 Progressive Labor. 
 
 The radical, or socialistic, element that withdrew 
 from the United Labor Party, at Syracuse, N. Y., 
 
102 POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 August 19, 1886; their platform notes that the 
 soil of every country is the social and common in- 
 heritance of the people ; that labor produces all 
 wealth, which includes the instruments through 
 which alone the forces of nature become accessible, 
 therefore all should have free access to land, and 
 to the instruments of production without tribute 
 to landlords and monopolists. That to the imme- 
 diate relief of the working-class : eight hours a 
 day's work, no child labor, no female labor in oc- 
 cupations detrimental to health or morality, an 
 extension of the common-school system, equal pay 
 to both sexes, payment of wages weekly, first lien 
 for workmen's wages, enactment of juster laws for 
 liability of employer to employe, abolish contract 
 system in prisons and on public works, and tene- 
 ment-house manufacturing. Have thorough sani- 
 tary inspection to secure health of laborers, a non- 
 importation of labor, to force existing beneficial 
 ^abor laws, equal sex-citizenship and suffrage, repeal 
 blue laws interfering with interests of labor, and 
 all conspiracy tramp laws, class legislation and 
 privileges ; not allow Pinkertons ; to have a public 
 ownership in industries involving public franchises 
 or perfo!?mance of public functions ; a direct issue 
 of money, not through the banks ; a special tax on 
 •iniim].Tovi'd land sufficiently high to compel its 
 surrender to the community; tax incomes over 
 $2,000 per annum graduated to be most heavy on 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 100 
 
 monopolists ; demand home rule, and many other 
 "progressive" planks of interest to the labor class. 
 
 Prohibition. 
 (See National Prohibition.) 
 
 Republicans. 
 
 From the French repuhlicain, from the Latin, 
 respublica, res, " an affair," puhlicus, puhlica, " of 
 or pertaining to the people, common to all." 
 
 The outcome of the Anti-Federalists, 1796. 
 When the Bill of Eights to recognize the equality 
 of all men, and their rights "to life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness," has been incorporated 
 m and attached to the Constitution as Amend- 
 ments, the Anti-Federalists amalgamated with a 
 section of the Federalists, and at the suggestion of 
 the party leader, Jefferson, it became known as the 
 Republican Party, Jefferson promulgating this 
 name, as he thought the name Anti- Federalist was 
 inappropriate, the original cause of the name hav- 
 ing become lost, as the party principles were more 
 directly the opposers of Federal party measures. 
 
 The name Republican suggested to Jefferson 
 through his being an ardent, enthusiastic friend of 
 the French Revolution and its Republican prin- 
 ciples, and maintained until 1826, when as repre- 
 senting the name of a political party disappeared 
 into Democrat. 
 
 As a party name Republican re-appeared in 1855, 
 
104 POLITICAL PAKTIES. 
 
 they interpreting its application as meaning " na- 
 tionality." The Kepublicans have twice been a 
 strong party politic ; the original looked upon the 
 Union as a democracy, persons, not States; the 
 modern Republicans contemplated the Union as a 
 Republic of itself, believing in its existence as a 
 nation-republic. 
 
 In 1859, the modern adaptation was called into 
 existence solely to resist the encroachments of 
 slavery upon the free territory of the Union and 
 the free States, that there should be an entire pro- 
 hibition of the " twin relics of barbarism, polygamy 
 and slavery," that white slavery must remain and 
 be protected where it was. In the Republican 
 platform the attempt of John Brown was de- 
 nounced as ''lawless and unjustifiable," denying 
 the authority of Congress, of a Territorial legisla- 
 ture or of any individuals to " give legal existence 
 to slavery in any territory of the United States," 
 affirming the principles of the Constitution of the 
 United States as essential to the preservation of 
 Republican institutions, and that the rights of 
 the States should be held inviolate, and especially 
 that " the right of each State to order and control 
 its own domestic institutions according to its own 
 judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance 
 of power on which the perfection and endurance 
 of our political fabric depends." 
 
 In 1876, it demanded a vigorous Southern policy 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 
 and arraigned their opponents (Democrats) as seek- 
 ing to perpetuate sectional strife. In connection 
 with the name Repuhlican as a great party name, 
 there occurs a coincidence worthy of note, the 
 " Republican Supremacy " of each party extended 
 over the space of twenty-four years — 1801 to 1825, 
 and 1861 to 1885. 
 
 Tammany. 
 
 A society, Tammany Society, otherwise called 
 the Golumhian Order from 1789, composed of 
 New York Democrats ; the order originally formed 
 by William Mooney of New York, an upholsterer, 
 during the administration of Washington, in 
 1789, with the probable purpose of antagonism to 
 the Cincinnati Society, which had an aristocratical 
 tendency. Tammany originally having in view 
 the preservation of democratic institutions, from 
 contamination by the adoption of any aristocratic 
 principles. 
 
 The name Tammany or St, Tammany adapted 
 from the name of an Indian chief, Tammenund, 
 tradition alleging " his attachment to liberty was 
 greater than his love of life." The belief is, that 
 the name was one of fancy in its selection, having 
 uo significant meaning. 
 
106 
 
Interesting 
 Facts about all our Presidents. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF WASHINGTON- 
 1789-1797. 
 
 The 4th of March, 1789, was the time appointed 
 for the Government of the United States to go into 
 operation under its new organization ; but several 
 weeks elapsed before quorums of both Houses of 
 Congiess were assembled. The city of New York 
 was the place where Congress then mot. 
 
 On the 6th of April the electoral votes were 
 counted. At that time, and until 1805, each elec- 
 tor voted by ballot for two persons. If a majority 
 of all the votes were cast for any person, he who 
 received the greatest number of votes became 
 President, and he who received the next greatest 
 number became Vice-President. When the votes 
 were counted they were found to be for George 
 Washington, of Virginia, 69 (all of the electors 
 having voted for him), John Adams, of Massachu- 
 *«etts received 34 votes, and 35 votes were cast for 
 various other candidates. 
 
 Charles Thompson, the oldest secretary of Con- 
 gress, was sent to Mount Vernon to notify Wash- 
 ington of his election. Washington promptly sig- 
 nified his acceptance of the office, and, two days 
 later, started for New York. He was desirous of 
 
 107 
 
108 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 travelling as quietly and unostentatiously as possi- 
 ble, but lie people of the States through which he 
 passed would not permit him to do so. His jour- 
 ney was a constant ovation. Crowds greeted him 
 at every town with the most enthusiastic demon- 
 strations of affection and confidence; triumphal 
 
 GEOKGE WASHIIJGTOx». 
 
 Arches were erected, and his way was strewn with 
 dowers by young girls ; and maidens and mothers 
 greeted him with songs composed in his honor. 
 In consequence of these demonstrations his pro- 
 gress was so much retarded that he did not reach 
 New York until the latter part of April. 
 
 On the 30th of April Washington appeared on 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 109 
 
 the balcony of Federal Hall, New York, on the 
 site of which the United States Treasury now 
 stands, and took the oath of office in the presence 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives, and 
 a large crowd of citizens assembled in the streets 
 below. He then repaired to the Senate chamber, 
 and there delivered an address to both Houses of 
 Congress. The plan of the new government 
 being now completed, Congress proceeded to its or- 
 ganization through the departments of the judi- 
 ciary, of state, of the treasury, of war, and c/ 
 attorney-general. 
 
 President Washington appointed Thomas Jeffer- 
 son, of Virginia, Secretary of State, Alexander Ham- 
 ilton, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury, and 
 General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, Secretary 
 of War. John Jay, of New York, was made Chief 
 Justice of the United States, and Edmund Ran- 
 dolph, of Virginia, Attorney-General. 
 
 Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, was 
 chosen Speaker of the House ; but his election was 
 not a party triumph, for parties were still in a 
 state of utter confusion. Between the extreme 
 Anti-Federalists, who considered the Constitution 
 a long step toward a despotism, and the extreme 
 Federalists, who desired a monarchy modeled on 
 that of England — there were all varieties of polit- 
 'ical opinion. Washington, through the universal 
 eonfidence in his integrity and good judgment, had 
 the ability to hold together the conservative men 
 
110 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 of all parties for a time, and prevent party contest 
 upon the interpretation of Federal powers until 
 the Constitution should be tested and its value de- 
 monstrated to the people. 
 
 In 1792 the second Presidential election took 
 place. Washington was anxious to retire, but 
 yielded to the wishes of the people, and was again 
 chosen President by the unanimous vote of the 
 electoral colleges of the several States. 
 
 The electoral votes were counted in February, 
 1793, and found to be for George Washington 132 
 (all the electors having voted for him), for John 
 Adams 77, for George Clinton 50, for Thomas 
 Jefferson 4, and for Aaron Burr 1. Washington 
 was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1793. 
 
 At the close of his term of office Washington 
 withdrew to his home at Mount Yernon, to enjoy 
 the repose he had so well earned, and which was 
 so grateful to him. His administration had been 
 eminently successful. When he entered upon the 
 duties of the Presidency the government w^as new 
 and untried, and its best friends doubted its ability 
 to exist long ; the finances were in confusion, and 
 the country was burdened with debt ; the disputes 
 with Great Britain threatened to involve the 
 country in a new war ; and the authority of the 
 general government was uncertain and scarcely 
 recognized. When he left office the state of affairs 
 was changed. The government had been severely 
 tested, and had been found equal to any demand 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. Ill 
 
 upon it. The disputes with England had been ^iT* 
 ranged, and the country, no longer threatened with 
 war, but was free to devote its energies to its im- 
 provement. Industry and commerce were growing 
 rapidly. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 4th of March, 1797— 4th of March, 1801. 
 
 At the elections held in the fall of 1796 the 
 Federalists put forward John Adams, of Massa- 
 chusetts, as their candidate, while the Republicans 
 or Democrats supported Thomas Jefferson, of Vir- 
 ginia. The contest was very bitter, and resulted in 
 the election of Mr. Adams. Mr. Jefferson, receiv 
 ing the next highest number of votes, was de 
 clared Vice-President, in accordance with the law 
 as it then stood. 
 
 The electoral vote was counted in February and 
 was as follows : For John Adams 71, for Thomas 
 Jefferson 68, for Thomas Pinckney 59, for Aaron 
 Burr 30, and the rest scattering. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, the 
 second President of the United States, was inau- 
 gurated at Philadelphia, in the presence of both 
 Houses of Congress, and Thomas Jefferson was in- 
 augurated as Vice-President. Mr. Adams was 
 dressed in a full suit of pearl-colored broadcloth, 
 and wore his hair powdered. He was in the sixty- 
 second year of his age, and in the full vigor of 
 health and intellect. 
 
112 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Mr. Adams made ho changes in the cabinet 
 left by President Washington, and the policy of 
 his administration corresponded throughout with 
 that of his great predecessor. He came into office 
 at a time when this policy was to be subjected to 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 the severest test, and was to be triumphantly vin- 
 dicated by the trial. Mr. Adams began his official 
 career with the declaration of his "determination 
 to maintain peace and inviolate faith with all 
 nations, and neutrality and impartiality with the 
 belligerent powers of Europe." 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 113 
 
 During the summer of the year 1800 the seat of 
 the general government was removed from Phila* 
 delphia to the new federal city of Washington, in 
 the District of Columbia. On the 22d of Novem- 
 ber, the session of Congress was opened in the un- 
 finished capitol of Washington. 
 
 THOMAS JEFFEBSON. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OP JEFFERSON. 
 
 4th of March, 1801— 4th of March, 1809. 
 
 The elections for President and Vice-President 
 were held in the autumn of 1800. John Adams 
 8 
 
114 /ACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 was the Federalist candidate for the Presidency, 
 and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney the candidate 
 of that party for Vice-President. The Republican 
 or Democratic party nominated Thomas Jefferson 
 for the Presidency, and Colonel Aaron Burr, of 
 New York, for the Vice-Presidency. The alien 
 and sedition laws had rendered the FederaHst party 
 so unpopular that the electors chosen at the polls 
 failed to make a choice, and the election was 
 thrown upon the House of Representatives, ac- 
 cording to the terms of the Constitution. 
 
 The votes of the electoral college were for 
 Jefferson, 73; Burr, 73; Adams, 65; Pinckney, 
 64 ; and John Jay, 1. The States that cast the 
 electoral votes of their colleges for Mr. Jefferson 
 |)d Colonel Burr were nine; to wit, New Yorl^ 
 ^Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, Kentuck}', 
 North Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, and 
 Georgia. Those that cast the electoral votes of 
 their colleges for Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney 
 were seven; to wit. New Hampshire, Massachu 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New 
 Jersey, and Delaware. Rhode Island cast one 
 vote for Mr. Jay, to prevent that equality of votes 
 on the Federal ticket, which, for the want of a 
 like precaution, resulted on the Republican side, 
 and which caused so much excitement and confu- 
 sion. Mr. Jefferson and Colonel Burr having re- 
 ceived an equal number of votes, there was no 
 election by the colleges, as the Constitutiv^n then 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 115 
 
 gtood. It then devolved upon the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, voting by States, to choose for Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President between Mr. Jefferson and 
 Colonel Burr. 
 
 On the 17th of February, 1801, after thirty-six 
 ballots, the House elected Thomas Jefferson Presi- 
 dent, and Aaron Burr Vice-President of the United 
 States, for a term of four years from and after the 
 4th of March, 1801. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson, the third President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated at the new capitol, 
 in the city of Washington, on the 4th of March, 
 1801. He was in his fifty-eighth year, and ha( 
 long been regarded as one of the most illustrious 
 men in America. He was the author of the Dec- 
 laration of Independence, had represented the 
 country as minister to France, had served in the 
 cabinet of General Washington as Secretary of 
 State, and had filled the high office of Vice-Presi 
 dent during the administration of Mr. Adams. 
 He was the founder of the Democratic party, and 
 was regarded by it with an enthusiastic devotion 
 which could see no flaw in his character. By the 
 Federalists he was denounced with intense bitter* 
 ness as a Jacobin, and an enemy of organized gov 
 ernment. He was unquestionably a believer in 
 the largest freedom possible to man ; but he was 
 too deeply versed in the lessons of statesmanship, 
 and was too pure a patriot to entertain for a mo 
 wient the levelling principles with which his ene* 
 
116 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 mies charged him. Under him the government or 
 the republic suffered no diminution of strength, but 
 his administration was a gain to the country. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson began his administration by seek- 
 ing to undo as far as possible the evil effects of 
 the sedition act of 1798. A number of persons 
 were in prison in consequence of sentences under 
 this act at the time of his inauguration. These 
 were at once pardoned by the President and re- 
 leased from prison. 
 
 At the meeting of the seventh Congress, in 
 December, 1801, President Jefferson, in pursuance 
 of an announcement made some time before, in- 
 augurated the custom which has since prevailed 
 of sending a written message to each House of 
 Congress, giving his views on public affairs and 
 the situation of the country. Previous to this the 
 President had always met the two Houses upon 
 their assembling, and had addressed them in 
 person. 
 
 In the fall of 1804 the fifth Presidential election 
 was held. The Republicans, or Democrats, voted for 
 Mr. Jefferson for the office of President ; this time 
 Mr. Burr was dropped by his party, who nomi- 
 nated George Clinton, of New York, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent in his place. The Federals supported Charles 
 Cotes worth Pinckney for President, and Rufus 
 King for Vice-President. The result was one 
 hundred and sixty-two electoral votes for Mr. 
 Jefferson and Mr. Clinton, and fourteen only for 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 117 
 
 Mr. Pinckney and Mr. King. By States the vote 
 stood : fifteen for the Democratic or Republican 
 ticket, and only two States for the Federal. These 
 two were Connecticut and Delaware. So popular 
 was Mr. Jefferson's Administration, that the cen- 
 tralizing party, styling itself " Federal," had be- 
 come almost extinct. He was inaugurated for a 
 second term on the 4th of March, 1805. 
 
 Aaron Burr had at last experienced the reward 
 of his insincerity : both parties had come to dis- 
 trust him. After his defeat for the Vice-Presidency 
 he had been nominated by his party as their can- 
 didate for governor of New York. He was warmly 
 opposed by Alexander Hamilton, who was mainly 
 instrumental in bringing about his defeat. Burr 
 never forgave Hamilton for his course in this 
 election, and took advantage of the first opportu- 
 nity to challenge him to a duel. They met at 
 Weehawken, on the banks of the Hudson opposite 
 New York, on the 11th of July, 1804. Hamilton, 
 who had accepted the challenge in opposition to 
 his better judgment, and who had expressed his 
 intention not to fire at Burr, was mortally wounded, 
 and died within twenty-four hours. In him per- 
 ished one of the brightest intellects and most 
 earnest patriots of the republic. His loss was 
 regarded as second only to that of Washington, 
 and the sad news of his death was received in all 
 parts of the country with profound and unaffected 
 sorrow. 
 
118 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The murder of Hamilton, for it was nothing 
 else, closed Burr's political career. His remaining 
 years were passed in restless intrigue. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MADISON. 
 
 4th of March, 1809— 4th of March, 1817. 
 
 In the election of 1808 Mr. Jefferson, following 
 the example of President Washington, declined to 
 be a candidate for a third term, and the Democratic 
 or administration party supported James Madison 
 for the Presidency, and George Clinton for the Vice- 
 Presidency. The Federal party again nominated 
 Charles Cotesworth Pinckney for President, and 
 Rufus King for Vice-President. The result of the 
 election was, 122 electoral votes for Madison and 
 47 for Pinckney, for President, and 113 for Clinton 
 and 47 for King for Vice-President. By States 
 the vote stood : 12 for the Democratic ticket, and 
 5 for the Federal. These five were New Hamp* 
 shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
 and Delaware. 
 
 James Madison, the fourth President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated at Washington on 
 the 4th of March, 1809. He was in the fifty-eighth 
 year of his age, and had long been one of the most 
 prominent men in the Union. He had borne a 
 distinguished part in the convention of 1787, and 
 was the author of the Virginia resolutions of 1786, 
 which brought about the assembling of this con* 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 119 
 
 mention. He had entered the convention as one 
 of the most prominent leaders of the national 
 party, which favored the consolidation of the 
 States into one distinct and supreme nation, and 
 had acted with Randolph, Hamilton, Wilson, 
 Morris, and King, in seeking to bring about such 
 a result. When it was found impossible to carry 
 out this plan Mr. Madison gave his cordial support 
 to the system which was finally adopted by the 
 convention; and while the constitution was under 
 discussion by the States, he united with Hamilton 
 and Jay in earnestly recommending the adoption of 
 fae constitution by the States, in a series of able 
 articles, to which the general title of the " Feder* 
 alist" was given. After the organization of the 
 government Mr. Madison was a member of the 
 House of Representatives, and was regarded as 
 one of the leaders of the Federalist party, and gave 
 to Hamilton his cordial support in the finance 
 measures of that minister. Towards the close of 
 Washington's administration, however, Mr. Madi- 
 son's political views underwent a great change. 
 He was a near neighbor and warm friend of Mr. 
 Jefferson, and v/as greatly influenced by the opin- 
 ions and the strong personal character of that great 
 statesman. As the political controversies of the 
 time deepened, he became more and more inclined 
 towards the Republican or " Strict Construction " 
 party, and in Mr. Adams' administration took his 
 position as one of the leaders of that party. At 
 
JAMES MADISON, 
 
 120 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 121 
 
 the time of his election to the Presidency, Mr. 
 Jefferson having withdrawn from public life, Mr. 
 Madison was the recognized leader of the Demo- 
 cratic party, as the Republican party had come to 
 be called. 
 
 In 1812 Mr. Madison was again nominated foi 
 President by the Democratic party, and Elbridge 
 Gerry, of Connecticut, for Vice-President. De 
 Witt Clinton, of New York, was supported by the 
 anti-administration or old Federal party for Presi- 
 dent, and Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, for 
 Vice-President. Mr. Madison received 128 elec- 
 toral votes for President, and Mr. Clinton 89. Mr 
 Gerry received 131 for Vice-President, and Mr. 
 Ingersoll 86. By States, the vote stood : For the 
 regular Democratic candidates, 11 ; and for the 
 Opposition candidates, 7. The eleven States that 
 voted for Mr. Madison were : Vermont, Pennsyl- 
 vania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and 
 Louisiana; and the seven that voted for Mr. Clin- 
 ton were : New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and 
 Delaware. 
 
 Mr. Madison was inaugurated President for a 
 second time, on the 4th of March, 1813. The 
 most distinguishing feature of his administration 
 was the war with Great Britain. Whatever may 
 be thought of the wisdom or the policy of that 
 war, or of its general conduct, the result unques- 
 
122 FACTS ABOUT AL;L OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 tionably added greatly to the public character of 
 the United States in the estimation of foreign 
 powers. The price at which this had been pur- 
 chased was in round numbers about one hundred 
 million dollars in public expenditures, and the loss 
 of about thirty thousand men, including those who 
 fell in battle as well as those who died of disease 
 contracted in the service. At the close of his 
 term Mr. Madison retired from office, leaving the 
 cour/try at peace with the world, and rapidly re- 
 covering from the injurious effects of the late war. 
 He returned to his home at Montpelier, Virginia, 
 vhere he enjoyed the society of his friends and the 
 general esteem of his countrymen. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES MONROE. 
 
 4th of March. 1817 -4th of March, 1825. 
 The eighth presidential election took place in the 
 (all of 1816. Mr. Madison having declined to be 
 3. candidate for a third term, the Democratic party 
 nominated James Monroe, of Virginia, for Presi- 
 dent ; Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, for 
 Vice-President, and elected them by large majori- 
 ties over the Federal candidates, who were : For 
 President^ Rufus King, of New York ; for Vice- 
 President, John Howard, of Maryland. The re- 
 sult of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was 183 
 for Mr. Monroe, and 34 for Mr. King, for President ; 
 183 for Mr. Tompkins, and 22 for Mr. Howard, for 
 Vice-President. The vote by States at this election 
 
JAMES MONROE. 
 
 123 
 
124 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 stood : 16 for the Democratic, and 3 for the Federal 
 candidates. The 16 States that voted for Mr. 
 Monroe and Mr. Tompkins were : New Hamp- 
 shire, Rhode Island, Vermont, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Ten- 
 nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, and Indiana. The 3 that 
 voted for Mr. King were : Massachusetts, Connec 
 ticut, and Delaware. 
 
 James Monroe, the fifth President of the United 
 States, was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 
 1817, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His in- 
 augural address gave general satisfaction to all 
 parties. His cabinet were : John Quincy Adams, 
 of Massachusetts, Secretary of State ; William H 
 Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; 
 John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Secretary of 
 War; William Wirt, of Virginia, Attorney-General; 
 Smith Thompson, of New York, Secretary of the 
 Navy. These were all men of distinguished 
 ability, and thoroughly identified with the Demo> 
 cratic party at the time. 
 
 In the fall of 1820 Mr. Monroe and Governor 
 Tompkins were re-elected President and Vice- 
 President of the United States. Mr. Monroe re- 
 ceived at the polls a majority of the votes of every 
 State in the Union, and every electoral vote but 
 one. The electoral college of New Hampshire 
 cast one vote for John Quincy Adams. 
 
 The 4th of March this year coming on Sunday, 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 125 
 
 Mr. Monroe was inaugurated for the second term 
 on the succeeding day, Monday, the 5th of that 
 month. 
 
 Monroe's election had been so nearly unanimous, 
 and party divisions had nominally so far disap- 
 peared, that his administration is commonly 
 called the era of good feeling. In reality there was 
 as much bad feeling between the Strict Construc- 
 tionists and the Loose Constructionists of his party 
 as coyld have existed between two opposing parties. 
 The want of regularly organized parties had only 
 the effect of making the next Presidential election 
 a personal instead of a party contest, the worst 
 form a political struggle can take. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN QUINCY 
 ADAMS. 
 
 4th of March, 1825— 4th of March, 1829, 
 
 In the fall of 1824 the presidential election was 
 held amid great political excitement. The " era 
 of good feeling " was at an end, and party spirit 
 ran high. There were four candidates in the field;. 
 Mr. Monroe having declined a third term ; Andrew 
 Jackson, John Quincy Adams, "William H. Craw- 
 ford, and Henry Clay. None of these received a 
 popular majority, and the election was thrown into 
 the House of Representatives in Congress, and re- 
 sulted in the choice of John Quincy Adams, of 
 Massachusetts, as President of the United States, 
 
126 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The result of the electoral vote was 99 for 
 Andrew Jackson, 84 for John Quincy Adams, 41 
 for William H. Crawford, and 37 for Henry Clay, 
 for President ; and 182 for John C. Calhoun for 
 Vice-President, with some scattering votes for 
 others. The States that voted for Gen. Jackson 
 were : New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, and Alabama — eleven 
 in all. Those which voted for John Quincy Adams 
 were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New 
 York — seven in all. Those that voted for Mr. 
 Crawford were : Delaware, Virginia, and Georgia. 
 While those that voted for Mr. Clay were : Ken- 
 tucky, Ohio, and Missouri. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun, having received a large majority 
 of the electoral votes, was duly declared elected 
 Vice-President ; but neither of the candidates for 
 President having received a majority of the votes 
 of the Electoral Colleges, the choice, under the 
 Constitution, devolved upon the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, voting by States. This choice was 
 made on the 9th of February, 1825 ; when, upon 
 counting the ballots, it was found that John Quincy 
 Adams received the votes of thirteen States, 
 Andrew Jackson the votes of seven States, and 
 Mr. Crawford the votes of four States. Mr. Adams 
 having received the votes of a majority of the 
 States was declared elected to succeed Mr. Monroe 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 127 
 
 This election produced great discontent through- 
 out the country, and most seriously affected the 
 popularity of Mr. Clay, as the election of Mr. 
 Adams was attributed mainly to his agency, which 
 had been exerted, as was supposed by many^ 
 with a view to defeat the election of Gen. Jackson, 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 who by the returns of the electoral vote seemed to 
 stand highest in the popular favor. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1825, John Quincy Adams 
 was inaugurated President of the United States. 
 He was the son of John Adams, the second Presi- 
 dent of the republic, and was in his fifty-eightb 
 
128 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 year. He was a man of great natural ability, of 
 strong personal character, and of unbending integ- 
 rity. He had been carefully educated, and was 
 one of the most learned men in the Union. Apart 
 from his general education he had received a special 
 training in statesmanship. He had served as min- 
 ister to the Netherlands, and in the same capacity 
 at the courts of Portugal, Prussia, Russia, and 
 England, where he had maintained a high reputa- 
 tion. He had represented the State of Massachu- 
 setts in the Federal Senate, and had been secretary 
 of state, in the cabinet of Mr. Monroe, during the 
 last administration. He was, therefore, thoroughly 
 qualified for the duties of the high office upon 
 which he now entered. He called to his cabinet 
 men of marked ability, at the head of which was 
 Henry Clay, who became secretary of state. The 
 administration of Mr. Adams was one of remaik- 
 able prosperity. The country was growing 
 wealthier by the rapid increase of its agriculture, 
 manufactures, and commerce ; and abroad it com- 
 manded the respect of the world. Still party 
 spirit raged with great violence during the whole 
 of this period. 
 
 During Mr. Adams' administration the tariff 
 question again engaged the attention of the country. 
 The manufacturing interests were still struggling 
 against foreign competition, and it was the opinion 
 of the Eastern and Middle States that the general 
 government should protect them by the imposition 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 129 
 
 of high duties upon products of foreign countries 
 imported into the Union. The South was almost 
 a unit in its opposition to a high tariff. Being, as 
 we have said, an agricultural section, its interests 
 demanded a free market, and it wished to avail 
 itself of the privilege of purchasing where it could 
 buy cheapest. The South and the West were the 
 markets of the East, and the interests of that sec- 
 tion demanded the exclusion of foreign competition 
 in supplying these markets. 
 
 In July, 1827, a convention of manufacturers 
 was held at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and a me- 
 morial was adopted praying Congress to increase 
 the duties on foreign goods to an extent which 
 would protect American industry. When Congress 
 met in December, 1827, the protective policy was 
 the most important topic of the day. It was 
 warmly discussed in Congress and throughout the 
 country. The interests of New England were 
 championed by the matchless eloquence of Daniel 
 Webster, who claimed that as the adoption of the 
 protective policy by the government had forced 
 New England to turn her energies to manufac- 
 tures, the government was bound to protect hei 
 against competition. The Southern representatives 
 argued that a protective tariff was unconstitutional, 
 and was injurious in its operations to the interests 
 of the people of the Southern States, who, being 
 producers of staples for export, ought to have 
 liberty to purchase such articles as they needed 
 9 
 
130 FACTS ABOUT A^Jj OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 wherever they could find them cheapest. They 
 declared that duties under the protective policy 
 were not only bounties to manufacturers, but a 
 heavy tax levied upon their constituents and a 
 great majority of the consumers in all the States, 
 which never went into the public treasury. The 
 tariff bill was passed by the House on the 15th of 
 April, 1828, and was approved by the President a 
 little later. It was termed by its opponents the 
 " Bill of Abominations." 
 
 In the midst of this excitement the presidential 
 election occurred. Mr. Adams was a candidate 
 for re-election. The contest between the two 
 parties, the Administration and Opposition, over 
 the powers and limitations of the Federal Govern- 
 ment, became almost as not and fierce as it was in 
 1800, between the Federalists and Republicans of 
 that day. General Jackson, without any caucus 
 nomination, was supported by the Opposition every- 
 where for President, and Mr. Calhoun for Vice- 
 President. The friends of the Administration put 
 forth the utmost of their exertions for the re-elec- 
 tion of Mr. Adams to the office of President, and 
 Richard Rush to the office of Vice-President. The 
 result of the vote of the Electoral Colleges was, 178 
 for Jackson, and 83 for Adams; 171 for Mr. 
 Calhoun, and 83 for Mr. Rush. The vote for 
 President by States stood : 15 for Jackson and 9 
 for Adams. The 15 States that voted for Jackson 
 were : New York, Pei^nsylvania, Virginia, North 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDEK^S. 131 
 
 Carolina, South Cawlina, Georgia, Kentucky^ Ten? 
 nessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, lUi 
 nois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 9 that voted foj 
 Mr. Adams were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa 
 chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont^ 
 New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON, 
 
 March 4th, 1829— March 4th, 1837. 
 
 Andrew Jackson, the seventh President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated at Washington, on 
 the 4th of March, 1829. 
 
 President Jackson was in many respects one of 
 the most remarkable men of his day. He pos- 
 sessed a combination of qualities seldom met with 
 in any one person. Education had done but little 
 for him ; but by nature he was fitted for the gov» 
 ernment of men both in the field and in the Cabi- 
 net, During the- Administration of the elder 
 Adams he had occupied a seat in the United States 
 Senate from Tennessee, and gave a most cordial 
 support to the principles of Mr. Jefferson. Resign- 
 ing his place in that body, he was afterwards 
 elected one of the judges of the Supreme Court of 
 his State. His military achievements in the wars 
 against the Creek and Seminole Indians, and his 
 victory over the British at New Orleans, have been 
 frlly recorded. 
 
 The election of General Jackson to the Presi« 
 
ANDKEW JACKSON, 
 
 132 
 
FAHTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 133 
 
 dency was regarded with some anxiety, for though 
 his merits as a soldier were conceded, it was feared 
 by many that his known imperiousness of will and 
 his inflexibility of purpose would seriously dis- 
 qualify him for the delicate duties of the Presi- 
 dency. Nature had made him a ruler, however, 
 and his administration was marked by the fearless 
 energy that characterized every act of his life, and 
 was on the whole successful and satisfactory to 
 the great majority of his countrymen. 
 
 General Jackson began his administration by 
 appointing a new cabinet, at the head of which he 
 placed Martin Van Buren, of New York, as Secre- 
 tary of State. Until now the postmaster-general 
 had not been regarded as a cabinet officer.^ General 
 Jackson invited that officer to a seat in his cabinet 
 and a share in its deliberations, and his course has 
 been pursued by all of his successors. 
 
 Early in 1831, the question of the Presidential 
 succession was agitated. The Legislature of Penn- 
 sylvania put General Jackson in nomination for 
 re-election, he having consented to be a candidate. 
 
 The election took place in the fall of 1832, 
 General Jackson was supported for the Presidency 
 by the Democratic party, and Mr. Clay by the 
 Whig party. The contest was marked by intense 
 bitterness, for Jackson's veto of the charter of the 
 Bank of the United States, his other vetoes of 
 public improvement bills, and his attitude in the 
 ** NuUiUcation " controversy between the United 
 
134 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 States and South Carolina, had created a strong 
 opposition to him in all parts of the country. In 
 spite of this opposition he was re-elected by a tri' 
 umphant majority, and Martin Van Buren, of 
 New York, the Democratic nominee, was chosen 
 Vice-President. 
 
 The following electoral votes were cast for the 
 respective candidates : for Jackson, 219 ; for Clay, 
 49 ; and for Wirt, the Anti-Masonic candidate, 7 
 votes. For Vice-President, the electoral votes 
 stood: for Martin Van Buren, 189; for John 
 Sergeant, 49 ; for Amos Ellmaker, 7. The vote 
 by States for the candidates for the Presidency 
 stood : 16 for Jackson ; 6 for Clay ; and 1 for 
 Wirt. The 16 States that voted for Jackson were; 
 Maine, New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, 
 Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, 
 Illinois, Alabama, and Missouri ; the 6 States that 
 voted for Mr. Clay were: Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, Delaware, Maryland, and 
 Kentucky ; the State that voted for Mr. Wirt was: 
 Vermont; South Carolina cast her vote for John 
 Floyd, of Virginia, for President, and Henry Lee, 
 of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. 
 
 President Jackson was inaugurated for hi» 
 second term on the 4th of March, 1833. 
 
 In the meantime serious trouble had arisen be^ 
 tween the general government and the State of 
 South Carolina. During the year 1832 the tariff 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS, 135 
 
 was revised by Congress, and that body, instead of 
 diminishing the duties, increased many of them. 
 This action gave great offence to the Southern 
 States, which regarded the denial of free trade as 
 a great wrong to them. They were willing to sub> 
 mit to a tarilF sufficient for a revenue, but were 
 utterly opposed to a protective tariff for the reasons 
 We have already stated. 
 
 The State of South Carolina resolved to " nul- 
 lify " the law within its own limits. A convention 
 of the people of the State was held, which adopted 
 a measure known as the " Nullification Ordinance." 
 This ordinance declared that the tariff act of 1832, 
 being based upon the principle of protection, and 
 not upon the principle of raising revenue, was un* 
 constitutional, and was therefore null and void. 
 This ordinance was to take effect on the 12th of 
 February, 1833, unless in the meantime the general 
 government should abandon its policy of protection 
 and return to a tariff for revenue only. 
 
 The country at large was utterly opposed to the 
 course of South Carolina, and denied its right to 
 nullify a law of Congress, or to withdraw from the 
 Union in support of this right. Intense excitement 
 prevailed, and the course of the President was 
 watched with the gravest anxiety. He was 
 known to be opposed to the protective policy ; but 
 it was generally believed that he was firm in his 
 intention to enforce the laws, however he might 
 disapprove of them. 
 
136 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS, 
 
 President Jackson took measures promptly to 
 enforce the law. He ordered a large body of troops 
 to assemble at Charleston, under General Scott, 
 and a ship of war was sent to that port to assist 
 the federal officers in collecting the duties on im- 
 ports. Civil war seemed for a time inevitable. 
 The President was firmly resolved to compel the 
 submission of South Carolina, and the issue of such 
 a conflict could not be doubtful. 
 
 Fortunately a peaceful settlement of the trouble 
 was effected. Mr. Verplanck, of New York, a sup- 
 porter of the administration, introduced a bill into 
 Congress for a reduction of the tariff, and the State 
 of Virginia sent Benjamin Watkins Leigh, a dis- 
 tinguished citizen, as commissioner to South Caro- 
 lina, to urge her to suspend the execution of her 
 ordinance until March 4th, as there was a proba- 
 bility that a peaceful settlement of the difficulty 
 would be arranged before that time. South Caro- 
 lina consented to be guided by this appeal. 
 
 Henry Clay, with his usual patriotic self-sacrifice, 
 now ch,me forward in the Senate with a compromise 
 which he hoped would put an end to the trouble. 
 He intl'oduced a bill providing for the gradual re» 
 duction in ten years of all duties then above the 
 revenue standard. " One-tenth of one-half of all the 
 duties for protection above that standard was to be 
 taken off annually for ten years, at the end of 
 which period the whole of the other half was to be 
 taken off, and thereafter all duties were to be 
 
PACTS ABOtTT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 137 
 
 levied mainly with a view to revenue and not for 
 protection.'' This measure with some modifica- 
 tions was adopted by both Houses of Congress, 
 and was approved by the President on the 2d of 
 March, 1833. The people of South Carolina 
 rescinded their " Nullification Ordinance," and the 
 trouble was fortunately brought to an end. 
 
 The Administration of Gen. Jackson was distin- 
 guished for many acts of foreign as well as domes- 
 tic policy which cannot be embraced in this brief 
 sketch. Taken all together, it made a deep and 
 lasting impression -upon the policy and history of 
 the States. On his retirement, following the ex- 
 ample of Washington, he issued a Farewell Address^ 
 in which he evinced the most ardent patriotism and 
 the most earnest devotion to the cause of constitu- 
 tional liberty. 
 
 The presidential election was held in the fall of 
 1836. General Jackson having declined to be a 
 candidate for a third term, the Democratic party 
 supported Martin Van Buren for President, and 
 Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. Mr: Van Buren was elected ; but the 
 electors having failed to make a choice of a candi* 
 date for Vice-President, that task devolved upon 
 the Senate, which elected Colonel Richard M 
 Johnson by a majority of seventeen votes. 
 
 The electoral votes cast for the several can- 
 didates for President were as follows: 170 for 
 Martin Van Buren, 14 for Daniel Webster, 73 for 
 
138 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 William Henry Harrison, 11 for W. P. Man^^iH, 
 of N. C, and 26 for H. L. White, of Tennessee. 
 Mr. Van Buren, having received a majority, was 
 duly declared President for the next term. The 
 vote by States in this election was: 15 for Mr. 
 Van Buren, 7 for General Harrison, 2 for Mr. 
 White, and 1 for Mr. Webster. The 15 States 
 that voted for Mr. Van Buren were : Maine, New 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, 
 and Michigan ; the 7 that voted for General Har* 
 risoa were : Vermont, New Jersey, Delaware, 
 Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana; the 2 
 that voted for Mr. White were ; Georgia and Ten- 
 nessee; the one St^te that voted for Mr. Webi.er 
 was Massachusettai 
 
 The votea of the Electoral Colleges for Vice 
 President were : 147 for Richard M. Johnson, ol 
 Kentucky ; 77 for Francis Granger, of New York', 
 47 for John Tyler, of Virginia; and 23 for WiU 
 Ham Smith, of Alabama. Neither of the candi- 
 dates for Vice-President having received a majority 
 of the votes, the choice of that officer devolved upon 
 the Senate, and that body elected Col. Johnson by 
 a vote of 33, against 16 for Mr. Granger. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF VAN BUREN. 
 4th of March, 1837— 4th of March, 1841. 
 Martin Van Buren, the eighth President of the 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 139 
 
 (Jnited States, was inaugurated on the 4tli of 
 March, 1837, in the 55th year of his age. "At high 
 noon the President elect took his seat, with his 
 venerable predecessor. General Jackson, in a car- 
 riage, made from the wood of the frigate Gon^ 
 stltution, presented to General Jackson by the 
 Democracy of the city of New York. In this from 
 the White House they proceeded to the Capitol. 
 After reaching the Senate Chamber Mr. Van Buren, 
 attended by the ex-President, and the members of 
 the Senate, led the way to the rostrum, where the 
 Inaugural Address was delivered in clear and im- 
 pressive tones. At the close of the Address the 
 oath of office was administered by Chief-Justice 
 Taney." 
 
 In the Address Mr. Van Buren indicated his 
 purpose, on all matters of public policy, to follow 
 in the " footsteps of his illustrious predecessor." 
 
 A distinguished writer, in speaking of Mr. Van 
 Buren's Administration, as a whole, says : 
 
 " The great event of General Jackson's Admin- 
 istration was the contest with the Bank of the 
 United States, and its destruction as a Federal 
 institution — that of Madison's was the war— while 
 Jefferson's was a general revolution of the anti- 
 Democratic spirit and policy of the preceding 
 Administration. The great event of Mr. Van 
 Buren's Administration, by which it will hereafter 
 be known and designated, is, the divorce of Bank 
 and State in the fiscal affairs of the Federal Gov- 
 
MAETIN VAN BUREN. 
 
 UO 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PBESIDENTS. 141 
 
 ernmentj and the return, after half a century of 
 deviation, to the original design of the Constitu- 
 tion." 
 
 In the fall of 1840 another Presidential election 
 was held. Mr. Van Buren and Vice-President 
 Johnson were nominated for re-election by the 
 Democratic party, and the Whigs supported Gen- 
 eral William Henry Harrison, of Ohio, for Presi- 
 dent, and John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent. The financial distress of the country which 
 had been very great since 1837, was generally 
 attributed by the people to the interference of the 
 government with the currency. This feeling made 
 the Democratic nominees exceedingly unpopular^ 
 and the political campaign was one of the most 
 exciting ever conducted in this country. 
 
 The principal issues in this contest were the 
 sub-treasury system, extravagant appropriations, 
 defalcations, and profligacy of numerous subordi- 
 nate officers. The '^gold spoons" furnished the 
 Executive Mansion figured prominently in the 
 canvass. All the opposing elements united under 
 the Whig banner. This party held a general con- 
 vention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 4th 
 of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating 
 candidates for President and Vice-President. It 
 was generally supposed that Mr. Clay would re- 
 ceive the nomination of this body for President. 
 But his course on the Tariff Compromise of 1833 
 had greatly weakened him with the Protectionist* 
 
142 PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 When he adopted that course he was told it would 
 lose him the Presidency. His reply at the time 
 was, " I would rather be right than be President/' 
 The Democratic party held their general conven- 
 tion in Baltimore on the 5th of May, 1840. Log- 
 cabins and hard cider, which were supposed to be 
 typical of Harrison's frontier life, became very 
 popular with the Whigs. The result of the elec- 
 tion, after a heated canvass, was 234 electoral 
 votes for Harrison for President, and 234 for John 
 Tyler for Yice-President. Mr. Van Buren re- 
 ceived 60 electoral votes for President; Richard 
 M. Johnson, of Kentucky, received 48 for Yice- 
 President; Littleton W. Tazewell, of Virginia, 11, 
 and James K. Polk, of Tennessee, 1. The vote 
 for President by States stood 19 for General Har- 
 rison and 7 for Mr. Van Buren. The seven States 
 that voted for Mr. Van Buren were : New Hamp- 
 shire, Virginia, South Carolina, Illinois, Alabama, 
 Missouri, and Arkansas. 
 
 ADMINISTRATIONS OF HARRISON AND 
 TYLER. 
 
 4th of March, 1841— 4th of March, 1845. 
 
 William Henry Harrison, the ninth President 
 of the United States, was inaugurated on the 4th 
 of March, 1841, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. 
 The city of Washington was thronged with people, 
 many of whom were from the most distant States 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 143 
 
 of the Union. A procession was formed from his 
 hotel quarters to the capitol. The President-elect 
 was mounted upon a white charger, accompanied 
 by several personal friends, but his immediate escort 
 were the officers and soldiers who had fought under 
 him. The inaugural address wsls delivered on a 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 
 
 platform erected over the front steps of the portico 
 of the east front of the capitol. The oath of office 
 was administered by Chief-Justice Taney, before 
 an audience estimated at 60,000 people. 
 
 He was a man of pure life and earnest character, 
 and the certainty of a change of policy in the 
 measures of the federal government had caused 
 
144 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 the people of the country to look forward to his 
 administration with hope and confidence. He 
 began by calling to seats in his cabinet men of 
 prominence and ability. At the head of the cab- 
 inet he placed Daniel Webster as Secretary of 
 State. The President was not destined to fulfil 
 the hopes of his friends. He was suddenly at- 
 tacked with pneumonia, and died on the 4th of 
 April — -just one month after his inauguration. 
 
 It was the first time that a President of the 
 United States had died in office, and a gloom was 
 cast over the nation by the sad event. The mourn- 
 ing of the people was sincere, for in General Har- 
 rison the nation lost a faithful, upright, and able 
 leader. He had spent forty years in prominent 
 public positions, and had discharged every duty 
 confided to him with ability and integrity, and 
 went to his grave a poor man. 
 
 The office of President now, for the first time, de- 
 volved upon the Vice-President, John Tyler, who, 
 by the death of General Harrison, became the tenth 
 President of the United States. He was not in the 
 City of Washington at the time of the death of his 
 predecessor, but repaired to that city without loss 
 of time, upon being notified of the death of General 
 Harrison, and on the 6th of April took the oath of 
 office before Judge Cranch, Chief-Justice of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia. Mr. Tyler was in his fifty-second 
 year, and had served as governor of Virginia, and 
 as representative and senator in Congress from 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 145 
 
 that State. On the 9th of April President Tyler 
 issued an address to the people of the United States, 
 in which there was no indication of a departure 
 from the policy announced in the inaugural of Gen- 
 eral Harrison. He retained the cabinet ministers of 
 his predecessors in their respective positions. 
 
 The last years of Mr. Tyler's administration 
 were devoted to the effort to secure the annexation 
 
 JOHN TYLER. 
 
 of the republic of Texas to the United States. The 
 territory embraced within the limits of Texas con- 
 stituted a part of the Spanish-American possessions, 
 and was generally regarded as a part of Mexico. 
 
 In April, 1844, Texas formally applied for ad- 
 mission into the United States, and a treaty for 
 that purpose was negotiated with her by the gov- 
 
 10 
 
146 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 ernment of this country. It was rejected by the 
 Senate. 
 
 In the fall of 1844 the presidential election took 
 place. The leading political question of the day 
 was the annexation of Texas. It was advocated 
 by the administration of President Tyler and by 
 the Democratic party. This party also made the 
 claim of the United States to Oregon one of the 
 leading issues of the campaign. Its candidates 
 were James K. Polk, of Tennessee, and George M. 
 Dallas, of Pennsylvania. The Whig party sup- 
 ported Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore 
 Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, and opposed the 
 annexation of Texas. 
 
 During this campaign, which was one of unusual 
 excitement, the Anti-slavery party made its appear- 
 ance for the first time as a distinct political organ- 
 ization, and nominated James G. Birney as its 
 candidate for the Presidency. 
 
 The result of the campaign was a decisive vic- 
 tory for the Democrats. This success was gen- 
 erally regarded as an emphatic expression of the pop- 
 ular will respecting the Texas and Oregon questions. 
 
 The result of the election by the colleges was : 
 170 electoral votes for James K. Polk, for Presi- 
 dent, and 170 for George M. Dallas, for Vice-Presi- 
 dent; 105 for Henry Clay, for President, and 105 
 for Theodore Frelinghuysen, for Vice-President, 
 By States the vote stood : 15 for the Democratic 
 ticket, and 11 for the Whig ticket. Mr. Birney 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 147 
 
 received no electoral vote; but local returns 
 showed that, out of the popular vote of upward* 
 of two and a half millions, there were, polled for 
 him only 64,653. The fifteen States that voted 
 for Mr. Polk were : Maine, New Hampshire, New 
 York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan ; the 
 eleven that voted for Mr. Clay were : Massachu- 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New 
 Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Ken- 
 tucky, Tennessee, and Ohio. 
 
 After the expiration of his term of office, Mr. 
 Tyler retired from the seat of Government to his 
 residence in Virginia. His administration was a 
 stormy one, but signalized by many important 
 events. It was during this period that the electro- 
 telegraphic system was established by Morse. A 
 room was furnished him at the Capitol for his ex- 
 perimental operations in extending his wires to 
 Baltimore ; and among the first messages ever 
 transmitted over them was the announcement of 
 the nomination of Mr. Polk for the Presidency. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK. 
 
 4th of March, 1845— 4th of March, 1849. 
 
 James K. Polk, the eleventh President of the 
 United States, was inaugurated on the ith of 
 March, 1845, in the 50th year of his age. The 
 o^th of office was administered by Chief-Justice 
 
148 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Taney, in the presence of a large assemblage of 
 citizens. In his inaugural, the new President 
 spoke favorably of the late action of Congress in 
 relation to Texas, and asserted that the title of the 
 United States to the whole of Oregon was clear 
 and indisputable, and intimated his intention to 
 maintain it by force if necessary. 
 
 JAMES K. POLK. 
 
 The new cabinet consisted of James Buchanan, 
 of Pennsylvania, Secretary of State ; Robert J. 
 Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 William L. Marcy, of New York, Secretary of 
 War; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, Secre- 
 tary of the Navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 149 
 
 Postmaster-General ; and John Y. Mason, of Vir- 
 ginia, Attorney-GeneraL 
 
 President Polk had served the country as gov- 
 ernor of the State of Tennessee, and for fourteen 
 years had been a member of Congress from that 
 State, and had been chosen speaker of that body. 
 Two important questions presented themselves to 
 the new administration for settlement : the troubles 
 with Mexico growing out of the annexation of 
 Texas, and the arrangement of the northwestern 
 boundary of the United States. 
 
 During the Presidential campaign of 1844 the 
 Democratic party adopted as its watchword, " all 
 of Oregon or none," and the excitement upon the 
 question ran high. The election of Mr. Polk 
 showed that the American people were resolved to 
 insist upon their claim to Oregon, and when the 
 new President in his inaugural address took the 
 bold ground that the American title to " Oregon 
 territory " ^' was clear and indisputable," and de- 
 clared his intention to maintain it at the cost of 
 War with England, the matter assumed a serious 
 aspect, and for a while it seemed that party pas- 
 sion would involve the two countries in hostilities. 
 President Polk, upon a calmer consideration of the 
 subject, caused the secretary of state to reopen the 
 negotiations by proposing to Great Britain the 
 forty-ninth parallel of latitude as a boundary, and 
 ^hat was finally agreed upon. 
 
 During the fall of 1848 another Presidentiftl 
 
150 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 election came off. The combined elements ot 
 opposition to the administration, in the main, 
 continued to bear the name of Whigs, though the 
 anti-slavery element now formed a distinct organi- 
 zation known as " Free-Soilers." The Democratic 
 party held their General Convention at Baltimore, 
 on the 22d of May, and put in nomination for the 
 Presidency General Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and 
 for the Vice-Presidency General William 0. Butler, 
 of Kentucky. The Whigs held their Convention 
 at Philadelphia on the 1st of June, and put in 
 nomination for the Presidency General Zachary 
 Taylor, of Louisiana, and for the Vice-Presidency 
 Millard Fillmore, of New York. The Free-Soileif 
 held their Convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on tin 
 8th of August, and put in nomination for the 
 Presidency Martin Van Buren, of New York, and 
 for the Vice-Presidency Charles Francis Adams, 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 The result of the election was 163 electoral 
 votes for the Whig ticket and 127 for the Demo- 
 cratic. The Free^-Soil ticket received no electoral 
 vote ; but local returns showed that out of a popu- 
 lar vote of nearly 3,000,000, there were polled for 
 it nearly 300,000 votes. The vote for Taylor and 
 Fillmore by States stood 15; and for Cass and 
 Butler 15 also. The 15 States that voted for 
 Taylor and Fillmore were Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, North 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 151 
 
 Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, 
 and Florida ; the 16 that voted for Cass and Butler 
 were Maine, New Hampshire, Virginia, South 
 Carolina, Ohio, Mississippi, Indiana, Illinois, Ala- 
 bama, Missouri, Arkansas, Michigan, Texas, Iowa, 
 and Wisconsin. Taylor and Fillmore, having 
 received a majority of the electoral votes, were 
 declared elected to the offices of President and 
 Vice-President. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. Polk retired to 
 his home in Tennessee. His administration had 
 /^en a stormy one. It will, however, always be 
 distinguished . in history by ita eminently wise 
 financial and revenue policy, the settlement of the 
 Oregon question with England, and the immense 
 acquisition of territory from Mexico. During its 
 period also, great lustre was added to the military 
 renown of the United States. 
 
 ADMINISTRATIONS OF 
 TAYLOR AND FILLMORE. 
 
 4th of March, 1849— 4th of March, 1853 
 The 4th of March, 1849, coming on Sunday 
 General Taylor was duly inaugurated as the 
 twelfth President of the United States on the next 
 day, Monday, the 5th of that month, in the 65th 
 yesLY of his age. The oath of office was adminis- 
 tered by Chief-Justice Taney, in the presence of an 
 in^mense concourse of people. 
 
 The new President was a native of Virginia, 
 
ZACHAKY TAYLOR. 
 
 X52 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 153 
 
 but had removed with his parents to Kentucky at 
 an early age, and had grown up to manhood on the 
 frontiers of that State. In 1808, at the age of 
 twenty-four, he was commissioned a lieutenant in 
 the army by President Jefferson, and had spent 
 forty years in the military service of the country. 
 His exploits in the Florida war and brilliant vic- 
 tories in Mexico had made him the most popular 
 man in the United States, and had won him the 
 high office of the Presidency at the hands of his 
 grateful fellow-citizens. He was without political 
 experience, but he was a man of pure and stain- 
 less integrity, of great firmness, a sincere patriot, 
 and possessed of strong good sense. He had re- 
 ceived a majority of the electoral votes of both the 
 Northern and Southern States, and was free from 
 party or sectional ties of any kind. His inaugural 
 address was brief, and was confined to a statement 
 of general principles. His cabinet was composed 
 of the leaders of the Whig party, with John M. 
 Clayton, of Delaware, as Secretary of State. The 
 last Congress had created a new executive depart- 
 ment — that of the interior— to relieve the secre- 
 tary of the treasury of a part of his duties, and 
 President Taylor was called upon to appoint the 
 first secretary of the interior, which he did in the 
 person of Thomas Ewing, of Ohio. The new de- 
 partment was charged with the management of the 
 public lands, the Indian tribes,, and the issuing of 
 patents to inventors. 
 
154 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Since the announcement of the Wilmot Proviso^ 
 the agitation of the slavery question had been in- 
 cessant, and had increased instead of diminishing 
 with each succeeding year. It was one of the chief 
 topics of discussion in the newspaper press of the 
 country, and entered largely into every political 
 controversy, however local or insignificant in its 
 nature. The opponents of slavery regarded the 
 annexation of Texas and the Mexican war as 
 efforts to extend that institution, and were resolved 
 to put an end to its existence at any cost. The 
 advocates of slavery claimed that the Southern 
 States had an equal right to the common property 
 of the States, and were entitled to protection for 
 their slaves in any of the Territories then owned 
 by the States or that might afterwards be acquired 
 by them. The Missouri Compromise forbade the 
 existence of slavery north of the line of 36° 30' 
 north latitude, and left the inhabitants south of 
 that line free to decide upon their own institutions. 
 The Anti-slavery party was resolved that slavery 
 should be excluded from the territory acquired 
 from Mexico, and in the Wilmot Proviso struck 
 their first blow for the accomplishment of this pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Upon the organization of the House President 
 Taylor sent in his first and only message. He re- 
 cognized the danger with which the sectional con- 
 troversy threatened the country, expressed his 
 views of the situation in moderate terms, and inti- 
 
B«5i.ARD FILLMORE. 
 
 155 
 
156 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 mated that he should faithfully discharge his 
 duties to the whole country. 
 
 About the last of June, 1850, President Taylor 
 was stricken down with a fever, which soon ter- 
 minated fatally. He died on the 9th of July amid 
 the grief of the whole country, which felt that it 
 had lost a faithful and upright chief magistrate. 
 Though the successful candidate of one political 
 party, his administration had received the earnest 
 support of the best men of the country without 
 regard to party, and his death was a national 
 calamity. He had held office only sixteen months, 
 but had shown himself equal to his difficult and 
 delicate position. 
 
 By the terms of the Constitution the office of 
 President devolved upon Millard Fillmore, Vice- 
 President of the United States. On the 10th of 
 July he took the oath of office, and at once entered 
 upon the duties of his new position. 
 
 Mr. Fillmore was a native of New York, an^ 
 was born in that State in the year 1800. He had 
 served his State in Congress, and as governor, and 
 was personally one of the most popular of the 
 Presidents. The cabinet of General Taylor re* 
 signed their offices immediately after bis death» 
 and the new President filled their places by ap- 
 pointing a new cabinet with Daniel Webster at ita 
 head as Secretary of State. 
 
 On the 4 til of July, 1851, the corner-stone of 
 the two new wings of the capitol was laid. Mr. 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRES1di:.NTS. 157 
 
 Webster delivered a speech on the occasion which 
 was considered one of the greatest of his life. It 
 was delivered to an immense audience, on a plat- 
 form erected on the east side of the capitol. In it, 
 among other things, he said : 
 
 " If it shall hereafter be the will of God \hat 
 this structure shall fall from its base — that its 
 foundations shall be upturned, and the deposit be= 
 neath this stone be brought to the eyes of men — 
 be it then known that on this day the Union of tL^ 
 United States of America stands firm, that this 
 Constitution still exists unimpaired, and, with all 
 ita usefulness and glory, is growing every day 
 stronger in the affections of the great body of the 
 American people, and attracting more and more 
 the admiration of the world." 
 
 During the fall of this year (1852) anothef 
 Presidential election took place. 
 
 The Democratic party nominated Franklin 
 Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, and Wil- 
 liam R. King, of Alabama, for Vice-President. 
 The Whig party nominated General Winfield Scott 
 for President, and Williain A. Graham, of North 
 Carolina, for Vice-President. The Anti-slavery 
 party put in nomination John P. Hale, of New 
 Hampshire, and George W. Julian, of Indiana. 
 The election resulted in the choice of the candi- 
 dates of the Democratic party by an overwhelming 
 majority. 
 
 Mr. King, the Vice-President elect, did not long 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 survive his triumph. His health had beeh deli- 
 Date for many years, and he was obliged to pass the 
 winter succeeding the election in Cuba. Being 
 unable to return home, he took the oath of office 
 before the American consul, at Havana, on the 4th 
 of March. He then returned to the United States, 
 and died at his home in Alabama on the 18th of 
 April, 1853. 
 
 The result of the election was : 251 electoral 
 votes for Pierce and King ; and 42 for Scott and 
 Graham ; by States, 27 for Pierce and King, and 
 1 for Scott and Graham. The States which voted 
 for General Scott were : Massachusetts, Vermont, 
 Kentucky, and Tennessee. The anti-slavery ticket 
 received no electoral vote, but out of the popular 
 vote of nearly 3,500,000, it polled 155,825 indi- 
 vidual votes, being little over half of what it polled 
 at the previous election. 
 
 In October, 1852, the whole country was again 
 thrown into mourning by the announcement of the 
 death of Mr. Webster, the last survivor of the great 
 senatorial "trio," Clay, Calhoun and Webster. 
 
 They were regarded as the ffiree greatest states- 
 men of the country in their day. They were all 
 men of very great ability, of very different charac- 
 ters of mind, as well as styles, of oratory. They 
 differed also widely on many questions of public 
 policy. But they were all true patriots in the 
 highest sense of that term. 
 
fACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 159 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF PIERCE. . 
 
 4th of March, 1853— 4th of March, 1857. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1853, Franklin Pierce, oi 
 New Hampshire, the fourteenth President of the 
 United States, was duly inaugurated in thei 49th 
 
 FKANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 year of his age. The oath of office was adminis. 
 tered by Chief-Justice Taney. 
 
 General Pierce was an accomplished orator, and 
 his inaugural address was delivered in his happiest 
 style, in a tone of voice that was distinctly heard 
 at a great distance. It was responded to by shout* 
 from the surrounding multitudes. 
 
160 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 The most important measure of Mr. Pierce's ad« 
 ministration was the bill to organize the Territories 
 of Kansas and Nebraska. The region embraced 
 in these Territories formed a part of the Louisiana 
 purchase, and extended from the borders of Mis- 
 souri, Iowa, and Minnesota to the summit of the 
 Rocky mountains, and from the parallel of 36° SO 
 north latitude to the border of British America. 
 This whole region by the terms of the Missouri 
 Compromise had been secured to free labor by the 
 exclusion of slavery. 
 
 The people engaged warmly in the discussion 
 aroused by the reopening of the question of slavery 
 in the Territories. The North resented the repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise, and in the South a large 
 and respectable party sincerely regretted the repeal 
 of that settlement. By the passage of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill the Thirty-third Congress assumed 
 a grave responsibility, and opened the door to a 
 bloody and bitter conflict in the Territories between 
 slavery and free labor. The troubles in Kansas 
 which followed gave rise to a new party which 
 called itself Republican, and which was based 
 upon an avowed hostility to the extension of 
 riavery. A third party, called the American, or 
 Know Nothing, also took part in the Presidential 
 campaign of 1856, and was based upon the doctrine 
 that the political offices of the country should be 
 held only by persons of American birth. The 
 Democratic party nominated James Buchanan, of 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS 161 
 
 Pennsylvania, for the Presidency, and John C. 
 Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for the Vice-Presidency . 
 The Republican nominee for the Presidency was 
 John C. Fremont, of California; for the Vice- 
 Presidency William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. 
 The American or Know Nothing party supported 
 Millard Fillmore, of New York, for the Presidency, 
 and Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, for the 
 Vice-Presidency. The Whig party had been 
 broken to pieces by its defeat in 1852, and had 
 now entirely disappeared. 
 
 The canvass was unusually excited. Slavery 
 was the principal question in dispute. Party ties 
 had little influence upon men. The sentiment of 
 the nation at large had been outraged by the re- 
 peal of the Missouri Compromise, and thousands 
 of Democrats, desiring to rebuke their party for its 
 course in bringing about this repeal, united with^ 
 the Republican party, which declared as its lead- 
 ing principle that- it was " both the right and the 
 duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories 
 those twin relics of barbarism — polygamy and 
 slavery." 
 
 The elections resulted in the triumph of James 
 Buchanan, the candidate of the Democratic party. 
 Mr. Buchanan received 174 electoral votes ; Gen- 
 eral Fremont 114, and Fillmore 8. The vote by 
 States was: 19 for the Democratic ticket; 11 for 
 the Republican, and 1 for the American. The 
 
 aineteen States that voted for Mr. Buchanan were: 
 11 
 
162 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Ken- 
 tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, 
 Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, 
 Texas, and California. The eleven that voted for 
 Fremont were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, Ehode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, 
 New York, Ohio, Michigan^ Iowa, and Wisconsin. 
 The one that voted for Fillmore was Maryland. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 March 4th, 1857--March 4th, 1861. 
 
 James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, the fifteenth 
 President of the United States, was inaugurated 
 on the 4th of March, 1857, in the 66th year of 
 his age, and was a statesman of ripe experience. 
 The oath of office was administered by Chief- 
 Justice Taney. His inaugural was conciliatory, 
 and approbatory of the principles of the Kansas 
 and Nebraska bill upon which he had been elected. 
 He was born in Pennsylvania, in 1791, and was 
 by profession a lawyer. He had served his State 
 in Congress as a representative and a senator, had 
 been minister to Russia under President Jackson, 
 and had been a member of the Cabinet of Presi- 
 dent Polk, as Secretary of State. During the four 
 years previous to his election to the Presidency, 
 he had resided abroad as the Mini iter of the 
 United States to Great Britain, and in that capac^ 
 
JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 163 
 
164 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 ity had greatly added to his reputation as a states- 
 man. The intense sectional feeling which the dis- 
 cussion of the slavery question had aroused had 
 alarmed patriotic men in all parts of the Union, 
 and it was earnestly hoped that Mr. Buchanan's 
 administration would be able to effect a peaceful 
 settlement of the quarrel. Mr. Buchanan selected 
 his Cabinet from the leading men of the Democratic 
 party. Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was appointed 
 Secretary of State ; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of Vir- 
 ginia, Secretary of War ; Isaac Toucey, of Connec- 
 ticut, Secretary of the Navy ; Jacob Thompson, of 
 Mississippi, Secretary of Interior ; Aaron V. Brown, 
 of Tennessee, Postmaster-General, and Jeremiah S. 
 Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney-General. The 
 two leading subjects which immediately engaged 
 the attention of the new administration were 
 the state of affairs in Utah on the one hand, and 
 Kansas on the other. 
 
 On the night of the 16th of October, 1859, John 
 Brown, who had acquired a considerable notoriety 
 as the leader of a Free Soil company during the 
 war in Kansas, entered the State of Virginia, at 
 Harper's Ferry, with a party of twenty-one men, 
 and seized the United States arsenal at that place. 
 He then sent out parties to induce the negro slaves 
 to join him, his avowed object being to put an end 
 to slavery in Virginia by exciting an insurrection 
 »f the slaves. Several citizens were kidnapped by 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 165 
 
 these parties, but the slaves refused to join Brown, 
 or to take any part in the insurrection. 
 
 The effect of Brown's attempt upon the South- 
 ern people was most unfortunate. They regarded 
 it as unanswerable evidence of the intention of the 
 people of the North to make war upon them under 
 the cover of the Union. The John Brown raid 
 was the most powerful argument that had ever 
 been placed in the hands of the disunionists, and 
 in the alarm and excitement produced by that 
 event, the Southern people lost sight of the fact 
 that the great mass of the Northern people sin- 
 cerely deplored and condemned the action of 
 Brown and his supporters. 
 
 While the excitement was at its height the 
 Presidential campaign opened in the spring of 
 1860. The slavery question was the chief issue 
 in this struggle. The Convention of the Democra- 
 tic party met at. Charleston, in April, but being 
 unable to effect an organization, adjourned to Bal- 
 timore, and reassembled in that city in June. The 
 extreme Southern delegates were resolved that the 
 convention should be committed to the protection 
 of slavery in the Territories by Congress, 'and fail- 
 ing to control it withdrew from it in a body, and 
 organized a separate convention, which they de- 
 clared represented the Democratic party, but which, 
 in reality, as the vote subsequently proved, repre- 
 sented but a minority of that party. 
 
 The original convention, after the withdrawal 
 
166 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 of these delegates, nominated for the Presidency 
 Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, and for the Vice- 
 Presidency Herschell Y. Johnson, of Georgia. It 
 then proceeded to adopt the platform put forward 
 by the entire party four years before, at Cincinnati, 
 upon the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, with this 
 additional declaration : " That as differences of 
 opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the 
 nature and extent of the powers of a territorial 
 legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Con- 
 gress under the Constitution of the United States 
 over the institution of slavery within the Territo- 
 ries, . . . the party will abide by the decisions of 
 the Supreme Court of the United States on the 
 questions of constitutional law." 
 
 The " Seceders' Convention," as it was commonly 
 called, also adopted the Cincinnati platform, and 
 pledged themselves to non-interference by Congress 
 with slavery in the Territories or in the District of 
 Columbia. This party held to the doctrine that 
 the Constitution recognized slavery as existing in 
 the Territories, and sanctioned and protected it 
 there, and that neither Congress nor the people of 
 the Territories could frame any law against 
 slavery until the admission of such Territories 
 into the Union as States. The " Seceders' Con- 
 vention " put forward as its candidate for the Pres- 
 idency John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky,- and 
 for the Yice-Presidency Joseph Lane, of Oregon. 
 
 The Republican party took issue with both wings 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 167 
 
 of the Democratic party. Its convention was held 
 at Chicago, Illinois, and its candidates were, for 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, and for 
 Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. The 
 platform of principles adopted by the Republican 
 Convention declared that '' the maintenance of the 
 principles promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence and embodied in the federal Constitution 
 is essential to the preservation of our republican 
 institutions. . . . That all men are created equal; 
 that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- 
 tain inalienable rights." 
 
 A fourth party, known as the "American or 
 Constitutional Union Party," proclaimed as its 
 platform the following vague sentence : " The con- 
 stitution of the country, the union of the States, 
 and the enforcement of the laws." The convention 
 'yf this party met at Baltimore, and nominated for 
 he Presidency John Bell, of Tennessee, and for 
 the Vice-Presidency Edward Everett, of Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 The contest between these parties was bitter 
 beyond all precedent, and resulted as follows : 
 
 Popular vote for Lincoln, . 1,866,452 
 
 " " Douglas, . 1,375,157 
 " " Breckinridge, 847,953 • 
 
 « " Bell, . . 590,631 
 
 The electoral vote stood as follows: For Lincoln, 
 180; for Breckinridge, 72; for Bell, 39; fot 
 Douglas. 12, 
 
168 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was thus elected by a plurality ot 
 the popular vote, which secured for him the elec- 
 toral votes of eighteen States^ These States were 
 entirely north of the sectional line, and he received 
 not a single electoral vote from a Southern State 
 The States which cast their electoral votes for 
 Breckinridge, Bell, and Douglas, were entirely 
 siaveholding. The division thus made was alarm- 
 ing. It was the first time in the history of the 
 republic that a President had been elected by the 
 votes of a single section of the Union. ^ 
 
 The eighteen States that voted for Mr. Lincoln^ 
 under the plurality count of the popular vote, 
 were : Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York^ 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, California, Minnesota, 
 and Oregon. The eleven that voted for Mr. 
 Breckinridge were : Delaware, Maryland, North 
 Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Mis- 
 sissippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas. 
 The three that so voted for Mr. Bell were : Vir- 
 ginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee ; and the one that 
 60 voted for Mr. Douglas was Missouri. Mr. Lin- 
 coln did not receive the majority of the popular 
 vote in but sixteen of the thirty-three States then 
 constituting the Union ; so he had been constitu- 
 tionally elected, without having received a majority 
 of the popular vote of the States or of the people. 
 
¥ACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 169 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM 
 LINCOLN. 
 
 March 4th, 1861— April 15th, 1865. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of 
 the United States, was inaugurated at Washington 
 ou the 4th of March, 1861. As it was feared 
 that an attempt would be made to prevent the in- 
 auguration, the city was held by a strong body of 
 regular troops, under General Scott, and the Presi. 
 dent elect was escorted from his hotel to the capitol 
 by a military force. No effort was made to inter- 
 fere with the ceremonies, and the inauguration 
 passed off quietly. 
 
 The new President was in his fifty-third year, 
 and was a native of Kentucky. When he was but 
 eight years old his father removed to Indiana, and 
 the boyhood of the future President was spent in 
 hard labor upon the farm. Until he reached man- 
 hood he continued to lead this life, and during this 
 entire period attended school for only a year. At 
 the age of twenty-one he removed to Illinois, 
 where he began life as a storekeeper. Being anx^ 
 ious to rise above his humble position, he deter- 
 mined to study law. He was too poor to buy the 
 necessary books, and so borrowed them from a 
 neighboring lawyer, read them at night, and re- 
 turned them in the morning. His genial character, 
 great good nature, and love of humor, won him 
 
170 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUP rftESIDENTS. 
 
 the friendship of the people amon^ whom he re« 
 sided, and they elected him to the l^wer house of 
 the legislature of Illinois. He now abandoned his 
 mercantile pursuits, and began the practice of the 
 law» and was subsequently elected a representative 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 to Congress from the Springfield district. He took 
 an active part in the politics of his State, and in 
 1858 was the candidate of the Republican party 
 for United States senator. In this capacity he en- 
 gaged in a series of debates in various parts of the 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR FKESIDENTS. 171 
 
 State with Senator Douglas, the Democratic can- 
 didate for re-election to the same position. This 
 debate was remarkable for its brilliancy and intel- 
 lectual vigor, and brought him prominently before 
 the whole country, and opened the way to his 
 nomination for the Presidency. In person he was 
 tall and ungainly, and in manner he was rough and 
 awkward, little versed in the refinements of so- 
 ciety. He was a man, however, of great natural 
 vigor of intellect, and was possessed of a fund of 
 strong common sense, which enabled him to see at 
 .a glance through the shams by which he was sur- 
 rounded, and to pursue his own aims with single- 
 ness of heart and directness of purpose. He had 
 aprung from the ranks of the people, and he was 
 never false to them. He was a simple, unaffected, 
 kind-hearted man; anxious to do his duty to the 
 whole country ; domestic in his tastes and habits ; 
 and incorruptible in every relation of life. He 
 was fond of humor, and overflowed with it ; find- 
 ing in his " little stories " the only relaxation he 
 ever sought from the heavy cares of the trying 
 position upon which he was now entering. He 
 selected his cabinet from the leading men of the 
 Republican party, and placed William H. Seward, 
 of New York, as Secretary of State; Salmon P. 
 Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon 
 Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; 
 Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the 
 Navy ; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the 
 
172 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Post 
 master-General; and Edward Bates, of Missouri, 
 Attorney-General. 
 
 The Great Civil War was the all-important 
 event of Mr. Lincoln's administration. 
 
 In 1864 the next Presidential election was held. 
 The Republican National Convention met at Bal- 
 timore, June 7, and adopted a platform declaring 
 war upon slavery, and demanding that no terms 
 but unconditional surrender should be given to the 
 rebellious States. It nominated Abraham Lincoln, 
 of Illinois, for President, and Andrew Johnson, of 
 Tennessee, for Vice-President. 
 
 The latter was a United States Senator when 
 his State allied itself to the Confederacy. He, 
 however, continued to hold his seat, and was the 
 only Senator from any of the States, who did so 
 after the withdrawal of their States from the 
 Federal Union. 
 
 The Democratic Convention met at Chicago Au- 
 gust 29, and nominated for the Presidency General 
 George B. McClellan, of the Federal army, and for 
 the Vice-Presidency, George H. Pendleton, of 
 Ohio. The result was Messrs. Lincoln and John- 
 son carried the electoral votes of every State ex- 
 cept three, to wit : New Jersey, Delaware, and 
 Kentucky; of the popular vote the Democratic 
 ticket received 1,802,237, against 2,213,665 cast 
 for Lincoln and Johnson. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln having been duly elected was 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 173 
 
 Inaugurated for his second term on the 4th of 
 March, 1865. On the night of April 14th, Presi 
 dent Lincoln was assassinated at Ford's Theatre. 
 in Washington City, by John Wilkes Booth. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JOHNSON. 
 15th of April, 1865— 4th of March, 1869. 
 
 Upon the death of Mr. Lincoln, Andrew John- 
 son, the Vice-President, by the terms of the Con 
 stitution, became President of the United States 
 He took the oath of office on the 15th of April, 
 and at once entered upon the discharge I his 
 duties. His first act was to retain all the mem* 
 bers of the Cabinet appointed by Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 Mr. Johnson was a native of North Carolina, 
 having been born in Raleigh, on the 29 th of De- 
 cember, 1808. At the age often he was bound as 
 an apprentice to a tailor of that city. He was at 
 this time unable to read or write. Some years 
 later, being determined to acquire an education, 
 he learned the alphabet from a fellow-workman, 
 and a friend taught him spelling. He was soou 
 able to read, and pursued his studies steadily 
 working ten or twelve- hours a day at his trade^ 
 and studying two or three more. In 1826 he re- 
 moved to Greenville, Tennessee. He was subse- 
 quently chosen alderman of his town, and with 
 this election entered upon his political career. 
 Studying law he abandoned tailoring, and devoted 
 himself to legal pursuits and politics. He was 
 
■VNDREW JOHNSON. 
 
 174 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 175 
 
 successively chosen Mayor, Member of the Legisla- 
 ture, Presidential elector, and State Senator. He 
 was twice elected Governor of Tennessee, and 
 three times a Senator of the United States from 
 that State. Upon the secession of Tennessee from 
 the Union, he refused to relinquish his seat in the 
 Senate, and remaineq" faithful to the cause of the 
 Union throughout the war, winning considerable 
 reputation during the struggle by his services in 
 behalf of the national cause. He was an earnest, 
 honest-hearted man, who sincerely desired to do 
 his duty to the country. His mistakes were due 
 to his temperament, and proceeded from no desin 
 to serve his own interests or those of any party 
 In his public life he was incorruptible. A man ol 
 ardent nature, strong convictions, and indomitable 
 will, it was not possible that he should avoid 
 errors, or fail to stir up a warm and determined 
 opposition to his policy. 
 
 The first duty devolving upon the new adminis- 
 tration was the disbanding of the army, which at 
 the close of the war numbered over a million of 
 men. It was prophesied by foreign nations and 
 feared by many persons at home, that the sudden 
 return of such a large body of men to the pursuits 
 of civil life would be attended with serious evils, 
 but both the Union and the Confederate soldiers 
 went back quietly and readily to their old avoca- 
 tions. Thus did these citizen-soldiers give to the 
 world a splendid exhibition of the triumph of law 
 
176 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Hnd order in a free country, and a proof of the 
 gtability of our institutions. 
 
 The restoration of the Southern States to their 
 places in the Union was the most important work 
 of Mr. Johnson's administration. 
 
 In the fall of 1868 another Presidential election 
 was held. The Republican party nominated Gen- 
 eral Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency, and 
 Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, for the Vice-Presi- 
 dency. The Democratic party nominated Horatio 
 Seymour, of New York, for the Presidency, and 
 Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for the Vice-Presi- 
 flency. The election resulted in the ehoice of 
 General Grant by a popular vote of 2,985,031 to 
 2,648,830 votes cast for Mr. Seymour. In the 
 electoral college Grant received 217 votes and 
 Seymour 77. The States of Virginia, Mississippi 
 and Texas were not allowed to take part in this 
 election, being still out of the Union* 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF ULYSSES S. 
 
 GRANT. 
 4th of March, 1869— 4th of March, 1877. 
 Ulysses S. Grant, the eighteenth President of 
 the United States, was inaugurated at Washington 
 with imposing ceremonies on the 4th of March, 
 1869. He was born at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, on 
 the 27th of April, 1822. His father was a tanner, 
 and wished him to follow his trade, but the boy 
 had more ambitious hopes, and at the age of seven- 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 1^7 
 
 teen a friend secured for him an appointment as 
 a cadet at West Point, where he was educated. 
 Upon graduating he entered the army. Two 
 years later he was sent to Mexico, and served 
 through the war with that country with distincv 
 
 ULYSSES r GRANT. 
 
 tion. He was specially noticed by his comman 
 ders, and was promoted for gallant conduct. Soon 
 after the close of the war he resigned his commis- 
 sion, and remained in civil life and obscurity until 
 the breaking out of the civil war, when he volun- 
 
178 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 leered his services, and was commissioned by 
 Governor Yates Colonel of the Twenty-tirst Illi« 
 nois regiment. He was soon made a Brigadier- 
 General, and fought his first battle at Belmont. 
 His subsequent career has been related in all his- 
 tories of the Great Civil War. He selected the 
 members of his Cabinet more because of his per- 
 sonal friendship for them than for their weight 
 and influence in the party that had elected him. 
 
 General Grant was the fifth President whose 
 military achievements had contributed more to higs 
 election to this high office than any services ren- 
 dered in the civil departments of the government. 
 His inaugural, delivered before an immense crowd 
 of enthusiastic admirers, on the east portico of th« 
 capitol, was brief and pointed. He was no orator, 
 and his address on tliis occasion was rehearsed 
 from a manuscript before him. It might be char- 
 acterized as a good specimen of the " multum in 
 'parvor He said " he should have no policy of his 
 own, except to carry out the will of the people, as 
 expressed by the legislative department, and ex« 
 pounded by the judiciary. Laws," said he, "are 
 to govern all alike, those opposed, as well as those 
 who favor them. I know of no method to secure 
 the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as 
 their stringent execution." The oath of office was 
 administered by Chief-Justice Chase. 
 
 His cabinet consisted at first of Elihu B. Wash- 
 burne, of Illinois, Secretary of State ; Alexander 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 179 
 
 T. Stewart, of New York, Secretary of the 
 Treasury ; John D. Rawlins, of Illinois, who had 
 been his chief of staff from the beginning of the 
 great war until its termination. Secretary of Warj 
 Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of 
 the Navy ; Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, Secretary of 
 the Interior ; John A. J. Cresswell, of Maryland, 
 Postmaster-General ; and Ebenezer R. Hoar, of 
 Massachusetts, Attorney-General. 
 
 Several changes in the cabinet were afterwards 
 made, the most notable of which were George ^ 
 Boutwell, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the 
 Treasury, instead of Alexander T. Stewart, the 
 famous merchant of New York. Soon after the 
 confirmation of the latter by the Senate, it was 
 ascertained that he was ineligible under the law, 
 because of his being engaged in commerce. Mr. 
 Washburne also gave up his place to accept the 
 position of Minister to France, and the vacant 
 Secretaryship of the State Department was given 
 to Hamilton Fish of New York. 
 
 The President on the 20th of March, 1870, issued 
 a proclamation announcing that the Fifteenth 
 Amendment had been duly ratified by a sufficient 
 number of States, and therefore declared it to be 
 part of the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 In the fall of 1872, another presidential election 
 occurred. The canvass was marked by the most 
 intense partisan bitterness. The Republican party 
 renominated General Grant for the presidency, and 
 
180 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 supported Henry Wilson for the vice-presidency 
 The measures of the administration had arrayed a 
 large number of Republicans against it. These 
 now organized themselves as the Liberal Republican 
 party, and nominated Horace Greeley of New York 
 for the presidency, and B. Gratz Brown of Missouri 
 for the vice-presidency. The Democratic party 
 made no nominations, and its convention indorsed 
 the candidates of the Liberal Republican party. 
 The election resulted in the triumph of the 
 Republican candidates by overwhelming majorities. 
 The elections were scarcely over when the 
 Rountry w^as saddened by the death of Horace 
 Greeley. He had been one of the founders of the 
 Republican party, and had been closely identified 
 with the political history of the country for over 
 thirty years. He was the "Founder of the New 
 york Tribune,'' and had done good service with hia 
 journal in behalf of the cause he believed ^o be 
 founded in right. He was a man of simple and 
 childlike character, utterly unaffected, and generous 
 to a fault. In his manner and dress he was eccen- 
 tric, but nature had made him a true gentleman at 
 heart. His intellectual ability was conceded by all. 
 • His experience in public life and his natural dis- 
 position induced him to favor a policy of concilia- 
 tion in the settlement of the reconstruction ques- 
 tion, and, influenced by these convictions, he signed 
 the bail-bond of Jefferson Davis and secured the 
 release of the fallen leader of tlie South from his 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 181 
 
 Imprisonment. This act cost him a large part of 
 his popularity in the North. He accepted the 
 presidential nomination of the Liberal party in the 
 belief that his election would aid in bringing about 
 a better state of feeling between the North and the 
 South. He was attacked by his political opponents 
 with a bitterness which caused him much suffering, 
 and many of his old friends deserted him and 
 joined in the warfare upon him. Just before the 
 close of the canvass, his wife, to whom he was 
 tenderly attached, died, and his grief for her and 
 the excitement caused by the political contest 
 broke him down and unsettled his mind. He was 
 conveyed by his friends to a private asylum, where 
 he died on the 29th of November, 1872, in the 
 sixty-second year of his age. The result of the 
 election by States was 286 electoral votes for Grant, 
 for President, 286 for Wilson, for Vice-President, 
 and 47 for B. Gratz. Brown, for Vice-President. 
 
 Mr. Greeley having died soon after the election, 
 and before the meeting of the Electoral Colleges, 
 the electoral votes that he carried at the popular 
 election (only 65) were cast in the colleges for a 
 number of persons whose names had never been 
 connected with i he office. 
 
 The votes by States for Grant were Alabama, 
 California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Illinois, 
 Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, Mississippi, Minnesota, Nebraska, Ne- 
 ^'ada, North Carolina, New Hampshire^ New 
 
182 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, South Carolina, West Virginia, Vir- 
 ginia, Vermont, Wisconsin. — 29. Those casting 
 electoral votes against Grant were Maryland, 
 Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and 
 Texas — 6. The electoral votes of the States of 
 Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted. 
 
 On the 4th day of July, 1876, the United States 
 of America completed the one hundredth year of 
 their existence as an independent nation. The 
 day was celebrated with imposing ceremonies an(? 
 with the most patriotic enthusiasm in all parts oV 
 the Union. The celebrations began on the night 
 of the 3d of July, and were kept up until midnight 
 on the 4th. Each of the great cities of the Unio| 
 vied with the others in the splendor and complete, 
 ness of its rejoicings ; but the most interesting of 
 all the celeb' itions was naturally that which was 
 held at Philadelphia, in which city the Declaration 
 of Independence was adopted. 
 
 In the summer of 1876 the various political par- 
 ties met in their respective conventions to nomi- 
 nate candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- 
 dency of the United States, which oflBcers were to 
 be chosen at the general election in November. 
 The Republican Convention assembled at Cincin- 
 nati, Ohio, on the 14th of June, and resulted in 
 the nomination of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes, 
 of Ohio, for President of the United States, and 
 of William A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice- 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 183 
 
 President. The Democratic Convention was held 
 at St. Louis on the 27th of June, and nominated 
 Governor Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for the 
 Presidency, and Governor Thomas A. Hendricks, of 
 Indiana, for the Vice-Presidency. A third Conven- 
 tion, representing the Independent Greenback party, 
 met at Indianapolis on the 18th of May, and nomi' 
 nated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, 
 and Samuel F. Gary, of Ohio, for Vice-President. 
 
 The campaign which followed these nominations 
 was one of intense bitterness, and was in msiuy 
 respects the most remarkable the country has .vef 
 witnessed. 
 
 The election was held on the 7th of November, 
 The popular vote was as follows : 
 
 For Samuel J. Tilden 4,284,265 
 
 " Rutherford B, Hayes 4,033,295 
 
 " Peter Cooper 81,737 
 
 Tilden thus received a popular majority of 
 250,970 votes over Hayes, and a majority of 169,« 
 233 votes over both Hayes and Cooper. 
 
 Both sides claimed the success of their tickets. 
 In several of the States there were two returns. 
 Three hundred and sixty -nine was the aggregate 
 number of votes of the electoral college. It re- 
 quired 185 to elect. The advocates of Tilden and 
 Hendricks maintained that by right they were en- 
 titled to the electoral votes of South Carolina, 
 f^lorida, and Louisiana, which would give them an 
 
184 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRFSIDENTS. 
 
 Aggregate of 203 votes ; but that if the votes erf 
 these three States, amounting to 19, v/ere given to 
 Hayes and Wheeler, Tilden and Hendricks would 
 8till have 184 undisputed votes, a^id that they were 
 clearly entitled to one vote from Oregon, which 
 would give them 185 — the requisite majority. 
 Meantime the Republican leaders maintained that 
 upon a right count of the vote of the four States 
 in dispute Hayes and Wheeler had the majority. 
 Leading Republicans in Congress maintained that 
 the presiding officer of the Senate had a right to 
 count the votes as sent up from the several States, 
 and to decide questions of dispute between differ- 
 ent returning boards. The Democrats proposed 
 that the matter should be settled and adjusted 
 under the previously existing joint rule of the two 
 Houses on the subject of counting the electoral 
 votes. This the Republicans refused to do. The 
 condition of affairs was assuming a threatening 
 aspect, when a proposition was made to provide by 
 law for a Joint High Commission to whom the 
 whole subject should be referred. This was to 
 consist of five members of the House, five of the 
 Senate, and five of the Supreme Court. The five 
 Judges of the Supreme Court were Clifford, Miller, 
 Field, Strong, and Bradley; the Senators were 
 Edmunds, Morton, Frelinghuysen, Bayard, and 
 Thurman ; the members of the House were Payne, 
 Hunton, Abbott, Garfield, and Hoar. 
 
 To the commission thus constituted, the whol^ 
 subject was referred by special act of Congress. 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 185 
 
 The two Houses of Congress met in joint con- 
 rention on the 1st of February, 1877, and began 
 the counting of the electoral vote. When the 
 vote of Florida was reached, three certificates were 
 presented and were referred to the Electoral Com- 
 mission. This body, upon hearing the arguments 
 of the counsel of the Democratic and Republican 
 parties, decided that it had no power to go behind 
 the action of the Return Board, and that the cer 
 tificate of that body giving the vote of that State 
 to Haye8 must be accepted by the two Houses of 
 Congress.. The vote by which this decision was 
 reached stood eight (all Republicans) in favor of 
 it, and seven (all Democrats) against it. A similar 
 conclusion was come to in the case of Louisiana. 
 Objections were made to the reception of the votef 
 of Oregon and South Carolina. In the Oregon 
 case the decision was unayiimously in favor of 
 counting the votes of the Hayes electors. In the 
 South Carolina case the commission decided that 
 the Democratic electors were not lawfully chosen ; 
 but on the motion to give the State to Hayes the 
 vote stood 8 yeas to 7 nays. So South Carolina 
 was counted for Hayes. Objection was made on 
 the ground of ineligibility to certain electors from 
 Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, 
 Vermont, and Wisconsin, but the objections were 
 not sustained by the two Houses. 
 
 This Commission made its final report on all the 
 cases submitted to them, on the 2d day of Marclti, 
 
186 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 and according- to their decision, Hayes and Wheeler 
 received 185 votes, and Tilden and Hendricks 184 
 votes. The States that voted for Hayes and 
 Wheeler were California, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, 
 Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, 
 Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New 
 Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, Pennsyl- 
 vania, South Carolina, Vermont and Wisconsin; 
 jtnd those which voted for Tilden and Hendricks 
 were Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, 
 Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, 
 Missouri, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, 
 Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia. 
 
 General Grant, on the expiration of his second 
 term, retired from office, but remained in Wash- 
 ington City, receiving marked demonstrations of 
 the admiration of his friends for some months, 
 before starting upon an extensive travel through 
 Europe and around the world. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF RUTHERFORD B. 
 HAYES. 
 
 4th of March, 1877— 4th of March, 1881. 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, the nineteenth President of 
 the United States, was inaugurated at Washington 
 on Monday, March 5th, 1877. As the 4th of 
 March fell on Sunday, the President-elect simply 
 took the oath of office on that day. The inaugural 
 ceremonies were carried out on the 5th at the 
 
BUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 
 
 187 
 
188 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 capitol with the usual pomp and parade, and in 
 the presence of an enormous multitude of citizbus 
 and visiting military organizations from all parts 
 of the country. After the customary reception by 
 the Senate, the new President was escorted to the 
 eastern portico of the capitol, where he delivered 
 his inaugural address to the assembled multitude, 
 after which the oath of office was publicly adminis- 
 tered to him by Chief-Justice Waite. 
 
 The new President was a native of Ohio, having 
 been born at Delaware, in that State, on the 4th 
 of October, 1822. He graduated at Kenyon Col- 
 lege, Ohio, and obtained his professional education 
 at the law school, Cambridge, Mass. He began the 
 practice of law at Cincinnati in 1856. Soon aftet 
 the opening of the war he enlisted in the Twenty- 
 third Ohio Volunteers, with which regiment he 
 served as major, lieutenant-colonel and colonel 
 He led his regiment, which formed a part of 
 General Reno's division, at the battle of South 
 Mountain, in September, 1862, and was severely 
 wounded in the arm in that engagement. In the 
 fall of 1862 he was made colonel of the regiment, 
 and in 1864 was promoted to the rank of brigadier, 
 general of volunteers, and was brevetted major* 
 general, "for gallant and distinguished services 
 during the campaigns of 1864 in West Virginia, 
 and particularly in the battles of Fisher's Hill and 
 Cedar Creek." At the time of this last promotion 
 tie was in command of a division. He serve*^ 
 
PACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 189 
 
 tintil the close of the war, receiving four wounds 
 and having five horses shot under him during his 
 military career. In the fall of 1864 he was elected 
 to Congress, and was returned a second time in 
 1866. In 1867, before the expiration of his Con- 
 gressional term, he was elected Governor of Ohio, 
 and was re-elected to that office in 1869, being 
 each time the candidate of the Republican party. 
 In 1870 General Hayes was again elected to Con- 
 gress, and in 1874 was nominated for a third term 
 as Governor of Ohio. His opponent was Governor 
 William Allen, one of the most popular of the 
 Democratic leaders of Ohio. General Hayes was 
 elected by a handsome majority. He resigned this 
 office in March, 1877, to enter upon his new duties 
 as President of the United States. 
 
 President Hayes selected as his cabinet Williani 
 M. Evarts, of New York, Secretar}^ of State; 
 John Sherman, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 George W. McCrary, of Iowa, Secretary of War; 
 Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, Secretary of 
 the Navy ; Carl Schurz, of Missouri, Secretary of 
 the Interior ; David M. Key, of Tennessee, Post* 
 master-General ; and Charles E. Devens, of Massa- 
 chusetts, Attorney-General. The cabinet was of a 
 composite character and generally regarded as a very 
 conservative one. Mr. Hayes, early in his admin- 
 istration, adopted several reforms in the civil service^ 
 one of which was not to allow Federal office 
 ♦lolders to take active part in ejectiona. 
 
190 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Few Presidents were ever so embarrassed upon 
 entering on the duties of the office as he was. At 
 this time the States of South Carolina and Lou- 
 isiana were in a quasi civil -war. Two Governors 
 in each were claiming to be entitled to the execu- 
 tive chair. Two legislatures in each were also 
 claiming to be rightfully entitled to the law-making 
 power. 
 
 Mr. Haj, es displayed the most consummate skill 
 in the conduct and settlement of these most em- 
 barrassing questions. In the summer of 1880 the 
 various political parties of the country met in Con- 
 vention to nominate candidates for the Presidency 
 and Vice-Presidency of the United States. The 
 Republican Convention met in Chicago on the 2d 
 of June, and nominated James A. Gai^eld, of Ohio, 
 for President, and Chester A. Arthur, of New 
 York, for Vice-President. (The platform and all 
 the ballots of this convention will be found in 
 another part of this work.) The Democratic Con- 
 vention met in Cincinnati, on the 22d of June, and 
 nominated Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, for President, and William H. English, of 
 Indiana, for Vice-President. The Greenback Con- 
 vention met at Chicago, on the 9th of June, and 
 nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for Presi- 
 dent, and B. J. Chambers, of Texas, for Vice- 
 President. 
 
 The election was held on the 2d of November, 
 %nd resulted in the choice of General James A. 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 191 
 
 Garfield, who received 214 electoral votes to 155 
 electoral votes cast for General Hancock. 
 
 The States that voted for Garfield and Arthur 
 were : Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, 
 Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan^ 
 Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New York, 
 Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver- 
 mont, Wisconsin ; and those that voted for Han- 
 cock and English were : Alabama, Arkansas, Del 
 aware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
 Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Nevada, New 
 Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, 
 Texas, Virginia, West Virginia. 
 
 The State of California was divided. She casi 
 one vote for Garfield and Arthur, and five for 
 Hancock and English. 
 
 The last days of Mr. Hayes' administration were 
 the happiest he spent in the White House. Ai 
 the close of- his term, he retired to his residence at 
 Fremont, Ohio, followed by the good will of mil- 
 lions of his fellow-citizens. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF GARFIELD. 
 
 4th of March, 1881— 19th of September, 1881. 
 
 On Friday, March 4th, 1881, the inauguration 
 ceremonies took place upon a scale of unusual mag- 
 nificence, and were participated in by numerous 
 military and civic organizations, and by thousands 
 of citizens from all parts of the country. After the 
 
192 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 new Vice-President had taken the oath of office, 
 President-eloct Garfield was formally received by 
 the Senate, and escorted to the eastern portico of 
 the capitol, where, in the presence of an immense 
 aiultitude of citizens and soldiery, he delivered 
 
 JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
 eai dble and eloquent inaugural address, and took 
 the oath of office at tlie hands of Chief- Justice 
 Waite. 
 The new President had been long and favorably 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. |93 
 
 known to his countrymen. He was in his fiftieth 
 year, and in vigorous health. A man of command- 
 ing presence, he was dignified and courteous in his 
 demeanor, accessible to the humblest citizen, and 
 deservedly popular with men of all parties. Bom 
 a poor boy, without influential friends, he had by 
 his own efforts secured a thorough collegiate edu- 
 cation, and had carefully fitted himself for the 
 arduous duties he was now called upon to dis- 
 charge. Entering the army at the outbreak of the 
 civil war, he had won a brilliant reputation as a 
 soldier, and been promoted to the rank of Major- 
 General of volunteers. Elected to Congress from 
 Ohio, in 1862, he had entered the House of Repre- 
 sentatives in December, 1863, and had seen almost 
 eighteen years of constant service in that body, in 
 which he had long ranked as one of the most bril- 
 liant and trusted leaders of the Republican party. 
 Early in 1880 he had been chosen a United States 
 Senator from Ohio, but had been prevented from 
 taking his seat in the Senate by his election to the 
 Presidency. Immediately after his inauguration 
 the names of the new cabinet were sent to the 
 Senate, and were confirmed without opposition. 
 James G. Blaine, of Maine, was Secretary of State ; 
 William Windom, of Minnesota, was Secretary of 
 the Treasury ; Robert T. Lincoln, of Illinois, son of 
 ex-Fresident Abraham Lincoln, was Secretary of 
 War; William H. Hunt, of Louisiana, was Secretary 
 of the Navy ; Samuel J. Kirk wood, of Iowa, was Sec- 
 
 13 
 
194 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 retary of the Interior ; Thomas L. James, of New 
 York, was Postmaster-General, and Wayne Mc- 
 Veagh, of Pennsylvania, was Attorney-General. 
 
 The Cabinet was regarded, generally, as one 
 very judiciously selected, being all men of marked 
 ability, though of somewhat different shades of 
 opinion in the Republican party. 
 
 As the time wore on. President Garfield gained 
 steadily in the esteem of his countrymen. Hi? 
 purpose to give to the nation a fair and just ad- 
 ministration' of the government was every day 
 more apparent, and his high and noble qualities^ 
 became more conspicuous. Men began to feel for 
 the first time in many years that the Executive 
 chair was occupied by a President capable of con- 
 ceiving a pure and noble standard of duty, and 
 possessed of the firmness and strength of will 
 necessary to carry it into execution. The country 
 was prosperous, and there was every reason to ex- 
 pect a continuance of the general happiness. 
 
 On the morning of July 2d, President Garfield, 
 accompanied by a distinguished party, including 
 several members of the Cabinet, preceeded to the 
 Baltimore and Potomac depot, in Washington, to 
 take the cars for Long Branch. The President 
 arrived in company with Secretary Blaine. They 
 left the President's carriage together, and walked 
 arm-in-arm into the depot. In passing through 
 the ladies' waiting-room, the President was fired at 
 twice by a man named Charles J. Guiteau. The 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 195 
 
 first shot inflicted a slight wound in the President's 
 right arm, and the second a terrible wound in the 
 right side of his back, between the hip and the 
 kidney. The President fell heavily to the floor, 
 and the assassin was secured as he was seeking to 
 make his escape from the building. 
 
 The whole city was thrown into the greatest 
 consternation and agitation when swift-winged 
 rumor bore the news through every street and 
 avenue, that the President had been assassinated ! 
 The wires carried the same consternation through- 
 out the length and breadth of the Union, as well 
 as to foreign nations. 
 
 In the meantime, the suffering President re- 
 ceived every attention that could be given. He 
 was borne as soon as possible to the Executive 
 mansion, where many eminent surgeons of the 
 country were soon summoned to his bedside ; but 
 no permanent relief was given. Tli^ ball was not 
 found, and he continued to suffer and languish for 
 weeks. His physicians thought it best to remove 
 him to Long Branch. Suitable and comfortable ar- 
 rangements were made for his travel from the 
 White House to Francklyn Cottage, at Elberon, at 
 that place, and his journey was successfully per- 
 formed on the 6th of September. 
 
 Here he continued to languish, with intervals of 
 hopeful improvement until he suddenly grew worse 
 on the 18th, and finally expired quietly at 10.35 
 p. M., on the 19th of September. 
 
196 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 His remains were taken to Washington and lay 
 in state in the rotunda of the capitol, after which 
 they were conveyed to Cleveland, Ohio, and there 
 interred with the most solemn and impressive cer- 
 emonies. Never before was there such universal 
 and unfeigned sorrow over the death of any public 
 official. 
 
 On the night of the death of the President at 
 Elberon, the members of the Cabinet present joined 
 in sending the following telegram to Mr. Arthur, 
 the Vice-President, who was at that time in the 
 city of New York : 
 
 " It becomes our painful duty to inform you of 
 the death of President Garfield, and to advise you 
 to take the oath of office without delay." 
 
 Mr. Arthur, as advised by Mr. Garfield's Cabi- 
 net, immediately took the oath of office before 
 Judge Brady, one of the Justices of the Supreme 
 Court of the State of New York. 
 
 On the 22d of September President Arthur again 
 took the oath of office, this time at the hands of 
 the Chief-Justice of the United States, and was 
 quietly inaugurated in the Vice-President's room, 
 in the Capitol at Washington, delivering upon this 
 occasion a brief inaugural address. 
 
 President Arthur entered quietly upon the duties 
 of his administration, and his first acts were sat- 
 isfactory to a majority of his countrymen. As he 
 had been the leader of '^ the Stalwart " section of 
 the Republican party, it was felt by the mem- 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 197 
 
 bers of the Cabinet of the late President that he 
 should be free to choose his own advisers. There- 
 fore, immediately upon his accession to the Execu- 
 tive chair, Mr. Blaine and his colleagues tendered 
 
 CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 
 
 him their resignations. They were requested, 
 however, by the new President to retain their 
 offices until he could find suitable successors to 
 
19H FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 them. To this they agreed, but before the yeaf 
 was out several important changes had been made 
 in the Cabinet. The principal of these were the sub- 
 stitution of Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, of New 
 Jersey, for Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, and 
 the appointment of Judge Charles J, Folger, of 
 Ohio, to the Treasury Department. 
 
 One of the first acts of the new administration 
 was to cause the indictment of Charles J. Guiteau 
 for the murder of President Garfield. After some 
 delay the trial of the assassin began on the 14 th 
 of November. It ended on the 25th of January, 
 1882, in the conviction of Guiteau for the murder 
 3f the late President. 
 
 The execution took place in the District jail on 
 the 30th of June, 1882, and was witnessed by 
 about 200 people, many of whom Were represen- 
 tatives of the press. 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
 GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 March 4th, 1885— March 4th, 1889 
 The twenty-second President of the United 
 States was Grover Cleveland. Mr. Cleveland was 
 a native of New Jersey, and was born in Caldwell, 
 Essex Co., March 18, 1837. He came from sturd}/ 
 New England stock, many of his ancestors having 
 lield honorable positions in their respective locali- 
 i^^<» Some of them were ministers, of which 
 
PRESIDENT GROVER CLEVELAND. 
 
 199 
 
200 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 number was President Cleveland's father. The 
 training in the family was such as to make the 
 boys, of whom there were several, upright, self- 
 reliant, acquainted with public affairs, and quali-- 
 fied for useful life. 
 
 President Cleveland, after teaching two or three 
 years, studied law in Buffalo, was admitted to the 
 bar, became sheriff of the county, and, having re- 
 ceived the nomination for Governor of New York, 
 was elected by a large inajority. This was fol- 
 lowed by his nomination in the Democratic Con- 
 vention of 1884 and his election in the following 
 November. 
 
 With very imposing ceremonies Mr. Cleveland 
 was inaugurated at Washington on the 4th of 
 March, 1885. His inaugural address was a clear, 
 manly and forcible presentation of the duties be- 
 longing to his high office, with some suggestions 
 concerning the vital questions of the hour. 
 
 President Cleveland's administration was char- 
 acterized by a conservative policy, a desire to pu- 
 rify official life, a bold and vigorous dealing with 
 the tariff question, and a careful guarding of the 
 public treasury. At the close of the third year of 
 his administration the Democratic party naturally 
 looked to him to be their standard-bearer during 
 the ensuing campaign. 
 
THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
 BENJAMIN HARRISON 
 
 March 4th, 1889— March 4th, 1893 
 
 Benjamin Harrison was born at. North Bend, 
 Ohic, August 2oth, 1833. John Scott Harrison, 
 
 BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 father of Benjamin, served as a Governor of the 
 Northwestern Territory, and in this position as 
 
 201 
 
202 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 well as in that of member of Congress, rendered 
 good service. He was a farmer by occupation, 
 and entered public life only at the call of his 
 constituents. His illustrious son graduated at 
 Miami University, Ohio, in 1851, and on October 
 20th, 1853, married Miss Caroline Lavinia Scott, 
 of Oxford, Ohio. 
 
 Mr. Harrison was inaugurated March 4th, 1889. 
 His administration was such as to inspire con- 
 lidence in his ability, honesty of j)urpose, and 
 statesmanlike wisdom. With James G. Blaine for 
 Secretary of State, matters at issue between our 
 Government and Great Britain and Italy were 
 handled in a conservative manner, and at the 
 same time in a way so positive that no charge 
 of weakness or unpatriotic hesitation could be 
 brought against him. 
 
 Mr. Harrison approved the tariff legislation, 
 which had for its object j)rotection to American 
 industries. He took decided groun^i in the dispute 
 with England concerning the Bering Sea fisheries. 
 He approved the legislation upon the Chinese 
 question, and was an ardent advocate of reciprocity 
 with the Bepublics of South America. 
 
 On public occasions he showed the same felicity 
 of speech which characterized him during the 
 campaign preceding his election, and his course 
 during his term of office was such as to enhance 
 his popularity and gather to his support the 
 substantial, controlling elements of his party. 
 
SECOND ADMINISTRATION OP 
 GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 March 4th, 1893— March 4th, 1897 
 
 In November, 1892, Mr. Cleveland was elected 
 by a large majority, and was inaugurated on the 
 4th of March, 1893. There was the usual large 
 gathering at Washington of people from all parts 
 of the country, who were drawn together by the 
 imposing ceremonies of the occasion. 
 
 The capital was in gay attire ; there was a fine 
 military display; the streets through which the 
 procession passed were lined with crowds of spec- 
 tators, and among the Democrats there was a jubi- 
 lant feeling and expressions of congratulation upon 
 the return of Mr. Cleveland to the White House. 
 
 He entered upon the duties of his office at a 
 time when there was much discussion concerning 
 public questions, especially the tariff and the free 
 coinage of silver. A low protective tariff had 
 been the chief issue of the preceding campaign, 
 and it was understood that such legislation would 
 be adopted as would change the McKinley bill 
 and admit various kinds of imports from other 
 countries at lower rates. 
 
 One of the main features of Mr. Cleveland's 
 second administration was the enactment of the 
 Wilson tariff bill, which produced a marked effect 
 upon the revenues of the Government. So great 
 was the falling off in the treasury receipts that 
 upwards of $250,000,000 in bonds were issued, 
 "^^^^'"h found a ready market, thus relieving the 
 
 203 
 
204 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUE PKESIDENTS. 
 
 emergency and providing money for current ex- 
 penditures. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland's administration was also charac- 
 terized by a vigorous foreign policy. This was not 
 so evident in the early periods of it as subsequently, 
 when he protested against the encroachments of 
 Great Britain upon territory which the Republic 
 of Venezuela, in South America, claimed as her 
 own by lawful right. Much discussion followed 
 his message upon this subject, and there were 
 angry mutterings of war in both England and 
 America. This folly was speedily suppressed by 
 the uprising of a strong sentiment in both nations 
 in favor of peace and the settlement of all inter- 
 national questions by a court of arbitration. 
 
 Next came the Cuban question, the party of 
 freedom in that island having risen again in an 
 insurrection which was very formidable and prom- 
 ised to be successful. There were multitudes of 
 sympathizers with struggling Cuba throughout the 
 country, and their sentiment was vigorously ex- 
 pressed by the members of Congress. Resolutions 
 were passed by both houses granting the rights of 
 belligerents to the Cuban insurgents, but these 
 resolutions were not signed by Mr. Cleveland and 
 consequently failed of their intended effect. The 
 action of Congress produced a profound impression 
 in Spain, mobs assembled at various points, and 
 bitter insults were offered to the American flag. 
 Happily a peaceful policy prevailed. 
 
THE ADMINISTRATION OF 
 WILLIAM McKINLEY 
 
 March 4th, 1897— March 4th, 1901 
 
 In the election of November, 1896, Mr. Me- 
 Kinley received 7,101,401 of the popular vote ; 
 Mr. Bryan, 6,470,656 ; Mr. Palmer, 132,056, and 
 Mr. Levering, candidate of the Prohibition party, 
 130,560. Of the Electoral College, Mr. Mc-^ 
 Kinley received 271 votes, and Mr. Bryan 176. 
 
 On the 4th of March, 1897, Mr. McKinley was 
 inaugurated President with imposing ceremonies, 
 and Mr. Hobart was inducted into the office of 
 Vice-President. A multitude of people from all 
 parts of the country assembled in Washington, 
 and nothing occurred to mar the success of the 
 inauguration. Mr. McKinley entered upon the 
 duties of his office with the best wishes, not only of 
 his party, but of all classes of his fellow-country- 
 men. 
 
 Mr. McKinley immediately called an extra 
 session of Congress, which assembled on March 
 15, for the express purpose of revising the tariff, 
 providing a revenue sufficient for the wants of the 
 Government, and placing the finances of the 
 nation upon a sound basis. Hon. Thomas B. 
 Reed, of Maine, was reelected Speaker of the 
 House. 
 
 An insurrection which broke out in Cuba in 
 February, 1895, led to the landing of a large 
 Spanish army on the island and an attempt to 
 suppress the uprising. In February, 1898, the 
 United States battleship Maine was sent on a 
 
 205 
 
206 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 friendly mission to the harbor of Havana, and on 
 the 15th of this month was destroyed by a 
 mysterious explosion, resulting in the death of 
 266 sailors and marines who were on board. The 
 public mind was greatly excited by this event, and 
 
 WILLIAM Mckinley 
 
 it is universally conceded that it had much to 
 do with precipitating the war between the United 
 States and Spain which followed. 
 
 On April 18 both Houses of Congress united in 
 passing a series of resolutions calling for the 
 intervention of the United States to compel Sjmin 
 to withdraw her forces from Cuba, and thus permit 
 
FACTS ABOUT ALL OUB PRESIDENTS. 207 
 
 the authorities at Washington to provide the island 
 with a free and independent government. The 
 demand contained in the resolutions was sent to the 
 Spanish Minister at Washington on April 20, who 
 at once called for his passports and left for Canada. 
 In the war that followed the Spanish fleets at 
 Manila and Santiago were destroyed and in several 
 land battles the Spaniards were defeated, resulting 
 in peace between the two countries, December, 
 1898. Mr. McKinley was re-elected in 1900 by 
 an overwhelming majority. His death by the hand 
 of an assassin occurred at Buffalo, September 13, 
 1901. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 When Mr. Roosevelt became President through 
 the death of the lamented McKinley, he announced 
 that he would continue the policies of his predeces- 
 sor. He requested the members of the Cabinet to 
 retain their positions. The prominent acts of 
 Roosevelt^s administration relate to Cuba, the 
 Philippines, the prosecution of unlawful trusts, and 
 also of the men who were accused of fraud in the 
 Postoffice Department. 
 
 He was a strong advocate of an isthmian canal, 
 and was quick to take advantage of the action of 
 Panama in becoming a Republic, thereby enabling 
 the United States to secure a canal route from 
 ocean to ocean. 
 
 He advocated reciprocity with Cuba, and this 
 
208 
 
 FACTS ABOUT ALL OUR PRESIDENTS. 
 
 measure was enacted by Congress. He advocated 
 the celebration of the Louisiana purchase, for 
 which Congress made an appropriation of $5,000,- 
 000 and a loan of $4,500,000. 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. ' 
 
 His diplomacy secured for our country the re- 
 spect and good will of foreign nations, and largely 
 through his efforts ample appropriations were made 
 for our navy, to increase the number of ships and 
 keep the remainder in a high state of efficiency. 
 
Appendix A. 
 
 WHAT IT COSTS THE PRESIDENT TO LIVE 
 
 The official salary of the President is fixed 
 by law at fifty thousand dollars per annum, 
 or two hundred thousand dollars for his terai 
 of four years. At the beginning of each 
 term Congress makes an appropriation for 
 refurnishing the Executive Mansion. The 
 kitchen and pantry are supplied to a consid- 
 erable extent by the same body. Congress 
 pays uU the employees about the house, from 
 the private secretary to the humblest boot- 
 black ; it provides fuel and lights ; keeps up 
 the stables; and furnishes a corps of gar- 
 deners and a garden to supply the Presiden- 
 tial board with fruits, flowers, and vegetables. 
 Many persons suppose that these allowance? 
 ought to be enough to enable him to liv« 
 comfortably. They are mistaken, however. 
 The President is required by public opinion 
 to live in a style consistent with the dignity 
 of his position and the honor of the country, 
 and such a mode of life imposes upon him 
 many very heavy expenses. Besides this, 
 he is expected to be liberal and charitable 
 towards persons and meritorious causes seek- 
 ing his aid, and "their name is legion.'* He 
 cannot give as a private individual; his do- 
 nation must be large. The expense of en- 
 tertaining the various officers of the Govem- 
 ment, members of Congress, and Foreign 
 
 14 209 
 
210 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Ministers, is enormous. One hundred thou 
 sand dollars per annum would not be too 
 much to allow him. 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S VISITORS. 
 
 Access to the President may be easily had 
 by any person having legitimate business 
 with him, or wishing to pay his respects to 
 the Chief Magistrate of the Union, but, as 
 His Excellency's time is valuable and much 
 occupied, interviews are limited to the short- 
 est possible duration. Visitors, upon such 
 occasions, repair to the reception-room ad- 
 joining the President's private office, send 
 m their cards, and await His Excellency's 
 pleasure. 
 
 Besides granting these private interviews, 
 fhe President holds public receptions or 
 levees at stated times during the sessions of 
 Congress. 
 
 His official title is '*Mr. Presiuent," but 
 courtesy has added that of '' His Excellency." 
 It is worthy of remark that none of the Ex- 
 ecutive officers of the States of the Union 
 except the Governor of Massachusetts, have 
 any legal claim to the titles ''His Excel- 
 lency" and ''Your Excellency." 
 
 All sorts of people come to see the Presi- 
 dent, on all sorts of business. His immense 
 patronage makes him the object of the 
 efforts of many unprincipled men. His in- 
 
THifi WHITE HOUSE. 211 
 
 tegrity is subjected to the severest trials 
 and if he come out of office poor, as happily 
 all of our Presidents have dono, he must in- 
 deed be an honest man. His position is not 
 a bed of roses, for he cannot hope to please 
 all parties. His friends exaggerate his good 
 qualities, and often make him appear ridicu- 
 lous, while his enemies magnify his faults 
 and errors, and slander and persecute him 
 in every imaginable way. Pitfalls are set 
 for him along every step of his path, and he 
 must be wary indeed if he would not faU 
 into them. The late President Buchanai 
 unce said that there were at least two per- 
 sons in the world who could not echo the 
 wish experienced by each American mother 
 that her son might one day be President, 
 and that they were the retiring and the in- 
 coming Presidents, the first of whon; was 
 worn and wtdvy with the burden he wa- lay- 
 ing down, and the other for the first time 
 fully alive to the magnitude of the task he 
 had undertaken. 
 
 CABINET MEETINGS. 
 The Cabinet Ministers in our Government 
 are the Secretaries placed at the heads of 
 the various Departments. They are the 
 constitutional advisers of the President, but 
 he is not obliged to be governed by their 
 advice. It is customary, however, to laj 
 
212 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 important matters before them for their 
 opinions thereupon, which are submitted in 
 writing at the request of the President, and 
 for this purpose regular meetings of the 
 Cabinet are held at stated times in a room 
 in the Executive Mansion, provided for that 
 purpose. It is located on the second floor of 
 the mansion, and is plainly but comfortably 
 furnished. 
 
 The relations existing between the Presi- 
 dent and his Cabinet are, or ought to be, of 
 the mo»t friendly and confidential nature. 
 They are well set forth in the attitude main« 
 tained upon this point by Mr. Lincoln. Says 
 Mr. Raymond, his biographer: '^He always 
 maintained that the proper duty of each 
 Secretary was to direct the details of every- 
 thing done within his own Department, and 
 to tender such suggestions, information, and 
 advice to the President as he might solicit 
 at his hands. But the duty and responsi- 
 bility of deciding what line of policy should 
 be pursued, or what steps should be taken 
 in any specific case, in his judgment, be- 
 longed exclusively to the President ; and he 
 was always willing and ready to assume if 
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 The Executive Mansion is situated on 
 Pennsylvania Avenue, near the western end 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 213 
 
 of the city, and is surrounded by the Treas- 
 ury, State, War, and Navy Departments. 
 The grounds in front are handsomely orna- 
 mented, and in the rear a fine park stretches 
 away to the rivui; The location is attractive, 
 and commands a magnificent view of the 
 Potomac, but it is not healthy. Ague and 
 fever prevails in the Spring and Fall, and 
 renders it anything but a desirable place of 
 residence. The building is constructed of 
 freestone painted white — hence its most 
 common nauie, the ''White House.^^ It was 
 designed by James Hoban, and was modeled 
 after the palace of the duke of Leinster. 
 The corner-stone was laid on the 13th of 
 October, 1792, and the house was ready for 
 occupancy in the Summer of 1800. It was 
 partially destroyed by the British in 1814. 
 It has a front of one hundred and seventy 
 feet, and a depth of eighty-six feet. It con- 
 tains two lofty stories of rooms, and the roof 
 is surrounded with a handsome balustrade. 
 The exterior walls are ornamented with fine 
 Ionic pilasters. On the north front is a 
 handsome portico, with four Ionic columns 
 in front, and a projecting screen with three 
 columns. The space between these two rows 
 of i)illars is a covered carriage way. The 
 main entrance to the house is from this por- 
 tico through a massive doorway, which opens 
 into the main hall. The garden front has a 
 
214 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 rusticated basement, which gives a third 
 story to the house on this side, and by a 
 semi-circular projecting colonnade of six 
 columns, with two flights of steps, leading 
 from the ground to the level of the principal 
 story. 
 
 THE INTERIOR OF THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Entering by the main door, the visitor 
 finds himself in a handsome hall, divided 
 midway by a row of imitation marble pil- 
 lars, and ornamented with portraits of former 
 Presidents. Passing to the left, you enter 
 the magnificent banqueting hall, or, as it is 
 commonly called, 
 
 THE EAST ROOM, 
 which occupies the entire eastern side of the 
 house. It is a beautiful apartment, and is 
 handsomely furnished. It is used during 
 the levees and upon great State occasions 
 The President sometimes receives here the 
 congratulations and respects of his fellow- 
 citizens, and is subjected to the torture ol 
 having his hand squeezed out of shape by 
 his enthusiastic friends. It's a great pity 
 that some one of our Chief Magistrates has 
 not the moral courage to put a stop to this 
 ridiculous practice of hand-shaking. The 
 East Room is eighty-six feet long, forty feet 
 wide, and twenty-eight feet high. It has foui 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 215 
 
 fire-places, and is not an easy room to warm. 
 Adjoining the East Room are three others, 
 smaller in size, the whole constituting one oi 
 the handsomest suites in the country. The 
 first, adjoining the East Room, is the Green 
 Room, the next the Blue Room, and the 
 third the Red Room, Each is handsomely 
 furnished, the prevailing color of the apart- 
 ment giving the name. 
 
 THE RED ROOM 
 is elliptical in foim having a bow in rear 
 and is one of the handsomest in the house. 
 It is used by the President as a general re- 
 ception-room. He receives here the official 
 visits of the dignitaries of the Republic, and 
 of foreign ministers. Previous to the com- 
 pletion of the East Room, this apartment 
 was used for all occasions of public cere 
 mony. 
 
 The building contains thirty-one rooms ol 
 considerable size. West of the Red Room is 
 the large dining-room used upon State occa- 
 sions, and adjoining that is the small dining- 
 room ordinarily used by the President and 
 his family. The stairs to the upper story are 
 on the left of the main entrance, and are 
 always in charge of the door-keeper and 
 his assistants, whose business it is to see 
 that no improper characters find access to 
 the private portion of the house. 
 
216 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 The north front has six rooms, which are 
 used as chambers by the family of the Presi- 
 dent, and the south front has seven rooms — 
 the ante-chamber, audience-room, cabinet- 
 room, private office of the President, the 
 ladies' parlor, and two others, used for vari- 
 ous purposes. 
 
 THE LADIES' PARLOR 
 
 is situated immediately over the Red Room, 
 and is of the same size and shape. It is 
 for the private use of the ladies of the Pres- 
 ident's family, and is the handsomest and 
 most tastefully furnished apartment in the 
 house. 
 
 There are eleven rooms in the basement, 
 which are used as kitchens, pantries, but- 
 ler's room, &c. The house is built in the 
 old style, and has an air of elegance and 
 comfort extremely pleasing to the eye. 
 
 FIRST MISTRESS OP THE WHITE HOUSR. 
 
 Mrs. John Adams came to Washington 
 with her husband in November, 1800, and 
 at once took possession of the Executive 
 Mansion. Her impressions of it are thus 
 described by herself in a letter to her 
 daughter, written soon after ber arrival. 
 She says : 
 
 " The house is upon a grand and superb 
 ^ale requiring about thirty servants to 
 
THE WHITE HOUSK 217 
 
 attend and keep the apartments in propei 
 order, and perform the ordinary business of 
 the house and stables — an establishment 
 very well proportioned to the President's 
 salary. The lighting the apartments, from 
 the kitchen to parlors and chambers, is a 
 tax indeed, and the fires wo are obliged to 
 keep to secure us from daily agues is an- 
 other very cheering comfort. To assist us 
 in this great castle, and render less attend- 
 ance necessary, bells are wholly wanting, 
 not one single one being hung through the 
 whole house, and promises are all you can 
 obtain. This is so great an inconvenience, 
 that I know not what to do or how to do. 
 The ladies from Georgetown and in the 
 city have many of them visited me. Yes- 
 terday I returned fifteen visits. But such 
 a place as Georgetown appears ! Why, our 
 Milton is beautiful. But no comparisons, 
 if they put me up bells, and let me have 
 wood enough to keep fires, I design to be 
 pleased. But, surrounded with forests, can 
 you believe that wood is not to be had, be- 
 cause people cannot be found to cut and 
 cart it? . . . We have indeed, come into 
 a new country, 
 
 "The house is made habitable, but there 
 is not a single apartment finished, and all 
 within-side, except the plastering, has been 
 done since B. came. We have not the hast 
 
218 THE WHITB HOUSE. 
 
 /ewce, yard, or convenience vMhout, and the 
 great unfinished audience-room I make a 
 drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. 
 ... If the twelve years, in which this 
 place has been considered as the future seat 
 of government, had been improved, as they 
 would have been in New England, very 
 many of the present inconveniences would 
 have been removed. It is a beautiful spot, 
 capable of any improvement, and the more 
 I view it, the more I am deligh^^d with it.^^ 
 
 OLD TIMES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Mr. Cooper thus describes a dinner at the 
 White House, to which he was invited, 
 during its occupancy by Mr. Monroe : 
 
 ** On this occasion, we were honored with 
 the presence of Mrs. Monroe, and two or 
 three of her female relatives. Crossing the 
 hall, we were admitted to a drawing-room, 
 in which most of the company were already 
 assembled. The hour was six. By far the 
 greater part of the guests were men, and 
 perhaps two-thirds were members of Con- 
 gress. . . . There was veiy great gravity 
 of mien in most of the company, and neither 
 any very marked exhibition, nor any posi- 
 tively striking want of grace of manner. 
 The conversation w^as commonplace, and a 
 li':;tle sombre, though two or three men of the 
 world got around the ladies, where the bat- 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 219 
 
 de of words was maintained with sulHBcient 
 spirit. ... To me the entertainment had 
 rather a cold than a formal air. When dinner 
 was announced, the oldest Senator present 
 (there were two, and seniority of service is 
 meant) took Mrs. Monroe, and led her to 
 the table. The rest of the party followed 
 without much order. The President took a 
 lady, as usual, and preceded the rest of the 
 guests. 
 
 ^'The drawing-room was an apartment of 
 good size, and of just proportions. It might 
 have been about as large as the better sort 
 df Paris salon in a private hotel. It was 
 iirnished in a mixed style, partly English 
 and partly French. ... It was neat, 
 sufficiently rich, without being at all mag- 
 nificent, and, on the whole, was very much 
 like a similar apartment in the house of a 
 man of rank and fortune in Europe. The 
 dining-room was in a better taste than is 
 common here, being quite simple, and but 
 little furnished. The table was large and 
 rather handsome. The service was in china, 
 as is uniformly the case, plate being ex- 
 ceedingly rare, if at all used. There was, 
 however, a rich plateau, and a great abun- 
 dance of the smaller articles of table-plate. 
 The cloth, napkins, &c., &c., were fine and 
 beautifuL 
 
 ''The dinner was served in the French 
 
220 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 style, a little Americanized. The dishes 
 were handed round, thougli some of the 
 guests, appearing to prefer their own cus- 
 toms, coolly helped themselves to what they 
 found at hand. Of attendants there were a 
 good many. They were neatly dressed, out 
 of livery, and sufficient. To conclude, the 
 whole entertainment might have passed for 
 a better sort of European dinner-party, at 
 which the guests were too numerous for 
 general or very agreeable discourse, and 
 some of them too new to be entirely at their 
 ease. Mrs. Monroe arose, at the end of the 
 dessert, and withdrew, attended by two or 
 three of the most gallant of the company. 
 No sooner was his wife^s back turned, than 
 the President reseated himself^ inviting his 
 guests to imitate the action. After allowing 
 his guests sufficient time to renew, in a few 
 glasses, the recollections of similar enjoy- 
 ments of their own, he arose himself, giving 
 the hint to his company, that it was time to 
 rejoin the ladies. In the drawing-room, 
 coffee was served, and everybody left the 
 house before nine.^' 
 
 AN OLD-TIME LEVEE. 
 
 *'0n the succeeding Wednesday Mrs 
 Monroe opened her doors to all the world. 
 No invitation was necessary, it being the 
 usage for the wife of the President to i-eceivr 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 221 
 
 company once a fortnight during the session, 
 without distinction of persons. 
 
 '*We reached the White House at nine. 
 The court (or rather the grounds) was filled 
 with carriages, and the company was arriv- 
 ing in great numbers. On this occasion two 
 or three additional drawing-rooms were 
 opened, though the frugality of Congress has 
 prevented them from finishing the principal 
 reception-room of the building. I will ac- 
 knowledge the same sort of surprise I felt at 
 the Castle Garden fete, at finding the assem- 
 blage so respectable in air, diess and de- 
 portment. 
 
 ''The evening at the White House, or 
 drawing-room, as it is sometimes pleasantly 
 called, is, in fact, a collection of all classes 
 of people, who choose to go to the trouble 
 and expense of appearing in dresses suited 
 to an ordinary evening party. I am not sure 
 that even dress is much regarded ; for I cer- 
 tainly saw a good many there in boots. The 
 females were all neatly and properly attired, 
 though few were ornamented with jewelry. 
 Of course, the poor and laboring classes of 
 the community would find little or no pleas- 
 ure in such a scene. They consequently stay 
 away. The infamous, if known, would not 
 be admitted ; for it is a peculiar consequence 
 of the high tone of morals in this countryj 
 that grave and notorious ofienders rarely 
 
222 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 pi-esume to violate the public feeling by in- 
 vading society. 
 
 '' Squeezing through the crowd, we achieved 
 a passage to a part of the room where Mrs. 
 Monroe was standing, surrounded by a bevy 
 of female friends. After making our bow 
 here, we sought the President. The latter 
 had posted himself at the Ufp of the room, 
 where he remained most of the evening, 
 shaking hands with all who approached. 
 Near him. stood all the Secretaries and a 
 ireat number of the most distinguished men 
 of the nation. Individuals of importance 
 from all parts of the Union were also here, 
 and were employed in the manner usual to 
 such g«cenes. 
 
 "Besides these, one meets here a great 
 variety of people in other conditions of life. 
 I have known a cartman to leave his hcrse 
 in the street, and go into the reception-room 
 to shake hands with the President. He 
 offended the good taste of all present, be- 
 cause it w^as not thought decent that a 
 laborer should come in a dirty dress on such 
 in occasion ; but while he made a trifling 
 mistake in this particular, he proved how 
 well he 'understood the difference between 
 government and society. He knew the levee 
 was a sort of homage paid to political equal- 
 ity in the person of the first magistrate, but 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 223 
 
 he would not have presumed to enter the 
 house of the same person as a private indi- 
 vidual, without being invited, or without a 
 reasonable excuse in the w^ay of business. 
 
 *' There are, no doubt, individuals who mis- 
 take the character of these assemblies, but 
 the great majority do not. They are a sim- 
 ple, periodical acknowledgment that there is 
 uo legal barrier to the advancement of any 
 one to the first association in the Union. 
 You perceive, there are no masters of cere- 
 monies, no ushers, no announcings, nor, in- 
 deed, any let or hindrance to the ingress of 
 all who please to come ; and yet how few, in 
 eomparison to the whole number who might 
 enter, do actually appear. If there is any 
 man in Washington so dull as to suppose 
 equality means a right to thrust himself into 
 any company he pleases, it is probable he 
 satisfies himself by boasting that he can go 
 to the White House once a fortnight, as well 
 as a governor or anybody else.^' 
 
 ETIQUETTE. 
 
 The social observances of the White House 
 are prescribed with the utmost exactness. 
 At the commencement of Washington's ad- 
 ministration, the question of how to regulate 
 such matters was discussed with great eari^- 
 estness. It was agreed that the exclusivv 
 rules by which European conrtR were ecov- 
 
224 THE WHITE HOOSE. 
 
 erned would not entirely suit the new Re- 
 public, as there were no titled personages in 
 America, and as the society of our country 
 was organized on a professed basis of equal- 
 ity- Washington caused the following arti- 
 cles to be drawn up : 
 
 ''In order to bring the members of society 
 together in the first instance, the custom of 
 the country has established that residents 
 shall pay the first visit to strangers, and, 
 among strangers, first comers to later comers, 
 foreign and domestic ; the character of stran- 
 ger ceasing after the first visit. To this rule 
 there is a single exception. Foreign minis- 
 ters, from the necessity of making them- 
 selves known, pay the first visit to the 
 [cabinet] ministers of the nation, which is 
 returned. 
 
 "When brought together in society, all are 
 perfectly equal, whether foreign or domestic, 
 titled or untitled, in or out of ofiice. 
 
 "All other observances are but exempli- 
 Ications of these two principles. 
 
 "The families of foreign ministers, arriving 
 at the seat of government, receive the first 
 visit from those of the national ministers, as 
 from all other residents. 
 
 "Members of the legislature and of the 
 judiciary, independent of their ofiices, have 
 a right, as strangers, to receive the first 
 visit. 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 225 
 
 "No title being admitted here, tLose of 
 [oreigners give no precedence. 
 
 ''Differences of grade among the diplo- 
 matic members give no precedence. 
 
 " At public ceremonies to which the gov- 
 ernment invites the presence of foreign min- 
 isters and their families, a convenient seat 
 or station will be provided for them, with 
 any other strangers invited, and the farailies 
 of the national ministers, each taking place 
 as they arrive, and without any precedence. 
 
 '* To maintain the principle of equality, or 
 of pele 7nele, and prevent the growth of pre ' 
 cedence out of courtesy, the members of the 
 executive will practise at their own houses 
 and recommend an adherence to the ancien^ 
 usage of the country, of gentlemen in masd 
 giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in 
 passing from one apartment where they are 
 assembled into another. ^^ 
 
 These rules were too arbitrary and exact- 
 ing to give satisfaction, and society was not 
 disposed to acknowledge so genuine an 
 equality amongst its members. For some 
 years, disputes and quarrels were frequent 
 and bitter. In the wint<^.r of 1819, John 
 Quincy Adams, then So. -^ liry of State, ad- 
 dressed a letter to Daniei D. Tompkins, the 
 Vice-President, stating that he had been 
 informed that the members of the Senate 
 had agreed amongst themselves to pay no 
 
 15 
 
226 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 hrst visits to any person except the Piee- 
 ident of the United States. He declared 
 that he repudiated the claim on the part of 
 the Senators, and that he would pay no first 
 calls himself as being due from him or his 
 family. Mr. Adams was severely criticised 
 for his aristocratic views, and the contro- 
 versy went on as warmly as before. The 
 result, a few years later, was, that all 
 parties interested agreed upon a code, which 
 is now in force, and which may be stated as 
 follows, as far as the White House is con- 
 cerned: 
 
 THE CODE. 
 
 The title of the Executive is Mr. Pres- 
 ident It is not proper to address him in 
 conversation as Your Excellency. 
 
 The President receives calls upon matters 
 of business at any hour, if he is unengaged. 
 He prefers that such visits should be made 
 in the morning. Stated times are appointed 
 for receiving persons who wish to pay their 
 respects to him. One morning and one 
 evening in each week are usually set apart 
 for this purpose. 
 
 During the winter season, a public recep- 
 tion, or levee, is held once a week, at which 
 guests are expected to appear in full dress. 
 They are presented by the Usher on such 
 occasions, and have the honor of shaking 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 227 
 
 hands with the President, These receptions 
 last from eight until ten o'clock. 
 
 On the 1st of January of each year, the 
 President holds a public reception, at which 
 the Foreign Ministers present in the city 
 appear in full court dress, and the oflicerg 
 of the Army and Navy in full uniform. The 
 Heads of Departments, Governors of States, 
 and Members of Congress are received first, 
 then the Diplomatic Corps, then the oflicers 
 of the Arm}' and Navy, and then the doors 
 are thrown open to the public generally for 
 the space of two hours. 
 
 The President, as such, must not be in- 
 vited to dinner by any one, and accepts no 
 such invitations, and pays no calls or visits 
 of ceremony. He may visit in his private 
 capacity, however, at pleasure. 
 
 An invitation to dine at the White House 
 takes precedence of all others, and a pre 
 vious engagement must not be pleaded as 
 an excuse for declining it. Such an invita- 
 tion must be promptly accepted in wa-iting. 
 
 THE PRESIDENT'S RECEPTIONS. 
 
 The levees held by the President differ in 
 nothing from those of Mr. Monroe's time, 
 described a few pages back, except that the 
 East Room is now finished, and the wdiole 
 magnificent suite of apartments is used. 
 The elite of the land are present, but the 
 
228 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 infamous are also there in the pei'son? of 
 those who live by plundering the public 
 treasury. 
 
 The President stands in one of the smallei 
 parlors, generally in the Red or Blue Eoom 
 He is surrounded by his Cabinet, and the 
 most distinguished men in the land. Near 
 him stands his wife, daughter, or some 
 relative representing the mistress of the 
 mansion. Visitors enter from the hall, and 
 are presented to the President by the Usher, 
 who first asks their names, residences, and 
 avocations. The President shakes each one 
 by the hand cordially, utters a few pleasant 
 words in reply to the greeting of his guest, 
 and the visitor passes on into the next room, 
 to make way for those behind him. Before 
 doing so, however, he is presented to the 
 lady of the house, to whom he pays his re- 
 spects also. This regular routine goes on 
 for the space of two hours, when it is 
 brought to an end, the President devoutly 
 thanking Heaven that it does not last aR 
 night. 
 
 These levees are no doubt very interesting 
 to the guests, but they are the bugbears of 
 the Presiaent and his family. The former is 
 obliged by custom to shake hands with 
 every man presented to him, and when the 
 levee is over, his right hand is often bruised 
 and swollen. It is said that some of the 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 229 
 
 Presidents have suffered severely fmm this 
 species of torture, and that General Har- 
 rison's death was to some degree hastened 
 by it. 
 
 President Arthur being a widower, and 
 having no grown-up daughter, his sister, 
 Mrs. McElroy, acted as lady of the White 
 House, and her amiable way of making 
 everybody at home, even at the receptions 
 of the Diplomatic Corps and distinguished 
 foreigners, will be gratefully remembered 
 by all who have been honored by an invi- 
 tation. 
 
 The semi-annual receptions of the Pres- 
 ident — New Year's Day and the Fourth of 
 July — are brilliant affairs. At a little before 
 eleven o'clock* in the morning, the ap- 
 proaches to the Executive Mansion are 
 thronged with the spendid equipages of the 
 various Cabinet olficers and Foreign Minis- 
 ters. The entrance at such times is by the 
 main door, and the exit through one of the 
 large north windows of the East Koom, in 
 front of which a temporary platform is 
 erected. The customs upon such occasions 
 vary slightly with each administration. In 
 the description given here, the order ob- 
 served at the reception of the President, 
 January 1, 1884, is followed. 
 
 The East Room and the other parlors are 
 handsomely decorated with flowerp. and 
 
230 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 other ornaments, the full Marine Bat a is 
 in attendance to furnish music for the 
 promenaders in the East Eoom, and a 
 strong police force is present to preserve 
 order when the people are admitted en 
 masse. 
 
 At a few minutes before eleven o'clock, 
 the President and the ladies of the White 
 House, in full dress, take their places in 
 the Blue Room, the President standing neai 
 the door leading into the Red Room, and 
 the ladies in the centre of the Blue Room. 
 The President is attended by either the 
 Commissioner of Public Buildings, or the 
 Marshal of the District of Columbia, whose 
 duty it is to present the guests to him. A 
 gentleman is also appointed to attend the 
 ladies for the purpose of presenting the 
 guests to them. 
 
 Precisely at eleven o'clock the doors are 
 thrown open, and the reception begins. The 
 Cabinet Ministers and their families are ad 
 mitted first, and after they have passed on 
 into the East Room, through the Green Par- 
 lor, the Secretaiy of State remains and pre- 
 sents the Foreign Ministers and their fami- 
 lies. They are followed by the Justices of 
 the Supreme Court and their families. Then 
 come the Senators and Representatives in 
 Congress and their families. The next in 
 order are the officers of the Army, then the 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 231 
 
 officers of the Navy and Marine Corps, ii 
 full uniform, and then the officials of the 
 District of Columbia. These personages 
 generally occupy the first hour. The doors 
 are then opened to the public, and the next 
 two hours are devoted to receiving them. 
 Several thousand persons are presented 
 during this period. They say a few pleas- 
 ant words to the President, receive a brief 
 reply, and pass on. 
 
 The promenaders in ttie East Eoom often 
 linger in that apartment during the whole 
 reception. The scene is brilliant, the toi- 
 lettes are magnificent, the uniforms and court 
 dresses attractive, and the music fine. At a 
 little after two o^clock the parlors are de- 
 serted, and the gay throng has sought other 
 attractions. 
 
 Besides those public levees, the ladies of 
 the White House hold receptions at stated 
 periods, to which invitations are regularly 
 issued. The President sometimes appears 
 upon these occasions, but is under no obli- 
 gation to do so. 
 
 During the first two years of the adminis- 
 tration of Mr. Lincoln, he always selected a 
 lady to join the promenade with him at nis 
 evening receptions, thus leaving his wife free 
 to choose an escort from the distinguished 
 throng which always surrounded her on such 
 occasionp^. This custom did not please Mrs 
 
232 THE WHITE HOUSE. 
 
 Lincoln, who resolved to put a stop to it 
 She declared the practice absurd. "On such 
 occasions/^ said she, '-our guests recognize 
 the position of the President as first of all ; 
 consequently he takes the lead in every- 
 thing ; well, now, if they recognize his posi^ 
 tion, they should also recognize mine. 1 am 
 his wife, and should lead with him. And 
 yet he offers his arm to any other lady in the 
 room, making her first with him, and placing 
 me second. The custom is an absurd one, 
 and I mean to abolish it. The dignity that 
 I owe to my position, as Mrs. President, de- 
 mands that I should not hesitate any longer 
 to act." 
 
 The spirited lady kept her word. Ever 
 after this, she either led the promenade witk 
 the President, or that dignitary walked alone 
 or in company with some gentleman. 
 
 It has long been the custom for the Presi- 
 dent to give a series of State dinners during 
 the session of Congress, to which the various 
 members of that body, the higher Govern- 
 ment officials, and the Diplomatic Corps are 
 invited. In order to be able to entertain 
 each one of these celebrities it is necessary 
 to give about two dinners per week. The 
 custom was not much observed during Mr. 
 Lincoln's administration, though it has been 
 revived by his successor. 
 
THE WHITE HOUSE. 233 
 
 IMPERTINKNT GOSSIP. 
 
 The President and his famil} are miicli 
 annoyed by the impertinent curiosity of 
 which they are the objects. There are '^cores 
 of persons in Washington, some of whom are 
 doubtless well-meaning people, who are so 
 ignorant of the common decencies of society, 
 as to seek to lay bare before the public every 
 incident of the private life of the family at 
 the White House. The whole city rings wdth 
 gossip upon this topic, much of which finds 
 its way into the columns of the newspaper 
 press in various parts of the land, to the 
 great annoyance of its victims. There are 
 people who can tell you how the President 
 gets out of bed in the morning, how he 
 dresses, breakfasts, picks his teeth, what he 
 talks about in the privacy of his family, and 
 a thousand and one other such private de- 
 tails, until you "turn from your informant 
 with the most intense disgust. It is said 
 that much of this comes from the servants 
 employed in the Executive Mansion, who 
 seem to think it adds to their importance to 
 retail such scandal. Every year this goes 
 on, and every new occupant of the Wfjite 
 House is subjected to such peise^utioii. 
 
Appendix B. 
 
 FiGfJEES are said to be dry, but figures some- 
 times have a large meaning. They are the skele- 
 ton, and no body would be good for much without 
 the skeleton. It is all a question of figures as to 
 whether a man is a millionaire or a pauper, whether 
 he is elected to the highest office in the gift of the 
 people or suffers inglorious defeat. Figures are 
 mighty; they tell thrilling tales; they rule the 
 world. 
 
 The next morning after an exciting election 
 every one wishes to know what figures have to say. 
 The following pages will be no less interesting as 
 records of history. You will find it profitable to 
 study the contests of party and the results of the 
 great campaigns as expressed in these tables. They 
 present the cold, hard facts ; they have the force 
 that always goes with statistics. The reader will 
 Bee that the two great political parties are very 
 evenly matched ; neither has an overwhelming 
 advantage over the other in the popular vote. 
 
 235 
 
236 
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 1860. 
 
 
 linooln, 
 
 Douglaa, 
 
 Breckinridge, 
 
 EeU, 
 
 state*. 
 
 R. 
 
 D. 
 
 D. 
 
 U. 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 •••••. 
 
 13651 
 
 48831 
 
 27875 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 
 5227 
 
 23732 
 
 20094 
 
 California, 
 
 39173 
 
 38516 
 
 34334 
 
 6817 
 
 Colorado, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 43792 
 
 15522 
 
 14641 
 
 3291 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 3815 
 
 1023 
 
 7337 
 
 3864 
 
 Florida, 
 
 
 367 
 
 8543 
 
 5437 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 
 11590 
 
 51889 
 
 42886 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 172161 
 
 160215 
 
 2404 
 
 4913 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 139033 
 
 115509 
 
 12295 
 
 5306 
 
 Iowa, 
 
 70409 
 
 55111 
 
 1048 
 
 1763 
 
 Kansas, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 1364 
 
 25651 
 
 53143 
 
 66058 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 
 7625 
 
 22681 
 
 20204 
 
 Maine, 
 
 62811 
 
 26693 
 
 6368 
 
 2046 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 2294 
 
 5966 
 
 42482 
 
 41760 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 106533 
 
 34372 
 
 5939 
 
 22331 
 
 Michigan, 
 
 88480 
 
 65057 
 
 805 
 
 405 
 
 Minnesota, 
 
 22069 
 
 11920 
 
 748 
 
 Q2 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 
 3283 
 
 40797 
 
 25040 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 17028 
 
 58081 
 
 31317 
 
 58372 
 
 Nebraska, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nevada, 
 
 
 5801 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 
 37519 
 
 22811 
 
 2212 
 
 441 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 58324 
 
 62500 
 
 
 
 New York, 
 
 362646 
 
 312731 
 
 
 
 North Carolina., 
 
 
 
 48539 
 
 44990 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 231610 
 
 18822 
 
 11403 
 
 12194 
 
 Oregon, 
 
 5270 
 
 3951 
 
 5006 
 
 183 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 268030 
 
 16765 
 
 178871 
 
 12776 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 12244 
 
 7707 
 
 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 Electors chosen by Legislature. 
 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 
 11350 
 
 64709 
 
 69274 
 
 Texas, 
 
 
 
 47548 
 
 15438 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 33808 
 
 6849 
 
 218 
 
 1969 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 1929 
 
 16290 
 
 74323 
 
 74681 
 
 West Virginia, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 86110 
 
 65021 
 
 888 
 
 161 
 
 Totals, 
 
 1866452 1375157 847953 590631 
 
fOPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 237 
 
 1864. 
 
 i^68. 
 
 Lincoln, McClellan, Grant, Seymour, 
 
 Stfttet. R. D. R. D. 
 
 Alabama, 7^366 72086 
 
 Arkansas, 22152 10078 
 
 California, 62134 43841 54592 54078 
 
 Colorado, 
 
 Connecticut, 44691 42285 50996 47951 
 
 Delaware, _ 8155 8767 7623 10980 
 Florida, 
 
 Georgia, 57134 102822 
 
 Illinois, 189996 158730 256293 199143 
 
 Indiana, 150422 130233 176552 166980 
 
 Iowa, 89075 40596 120399 74040 
 
 Kansas, 16441 3691 31047 14019 
 
 Kentucky, 27786 64301 39569 115889 
 
 Louisiana, 33263 80225 
 
 Maine, 6814 46992 70426 42396 
 
 Maryland, 40153 32739 30438 62357 
 
 ■Massachusetts, 126742 4874C 136477 59408 
 
 Michigan, 91521 74604 128550 97009 
 
 Minnesota, 21060 17375 43542 28072 
 
 Mississippis 
 
 Missouri, 72750 31678 85671 59788 
 
 Nebraska, 9729 5439 
 
 Nevada, 9826 6594 6480 5218 
 
 New Hampshire, 36400 32871 38191 31224 
 
 New Jersey, 60723 68024 80121 83001 
 
 New York, 368732 361986 410883 429883 
 
 North Carolina, 96226 84090 
 
 Ohio, 265154 205568 280128 237800 
 
 Oregon, 9888 8457 10961 11125 
 
 Pennsylvania, 296391 276316 342280 313382 
 
 Rhode Island, 14349 8718 12903 6548 
 
 South Carolina, 62301 45237 
 
 Tennessee, 56757 26311 
 
 Texas •••••• •.«... 
 
 Vermont, 42419 13321 44167 12045 
 
 firginia, 
 
 West Virginia, 23152 10438 29025 20306 
 
 Wisconsin, 83458 65884 108857 84710 
 
 Totals, 
 
 2223035 811754 3013188 270360C 
 
238 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 
 
 *1876. flSSO. 
 
 
 
 Hayes, Tilden Garfield Hancock Weaver, 
 
 Dow, 
 
 States. 
 
 R. D. R. D. 
 
 G. 
 
 P. 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 68,708 102,989 56,221 91,185 
 
 4,642 
 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 38,669 58,071 42,436 60,775 
 
 4,079 
 
 
 California, 
 
 79,279 76,468 80,348 80.426 
 
 3,392 
 
 
 Colorado, 
 
 By Legislature. 27,450 24,647 
 
 1,435 
 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 59,034 61,934 67,071 64,415 
 
 868 
 
 "*469 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 10,752 13,381 14,133 15,275 
 
 120 
 
 
 Florida, 
 
 23,849 22,927 23,654 27,964 
 
 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 50,446 130,088 54,086 102,470 
 
 969 
 
 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 278,222 258,601 318,037 277,321 
 
 26,358 
 
 443 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 208,011 213,526 232,164 225,522 
 
 12,986 
 
 
 Iowa, 
 
 171,326 112,121 183,927 105,845 
 
 32,701 
 
 "*592 
 
 Kansas, 
 
 78,322 37,902 121,549 59,801 
 
 19,851 
 
 25 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 97,156 159,696 106,306 149,068 
 
 11,499 
 
 258 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 75,315 70,508 38,637 65,067 
 
 439 
 
 
 Maine, 
 
 66,300 49,917 74,039 65,171 
 
 4,408 
 
 ""93 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 71,981 91,780 78,515 93,706 
 
 818 
 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 150,063 108,777 165,205 111,960 
 
 4,548 
 
 "'682 
 
 Michigan, 
 
 166,534 141,095 185,341 131,597 
 
 34,895 
 
 942 
 
 Minnesota, 
 
 72,962 48,799 93,903 53,315 
 
 3,267 
 
 286 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 52,605 112,173 34,854 75,750 
 
 5,797 
 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 145,029 203,077 153,567 208,609 
 
 35,135 
 
 
 Nebraska, 
 
 31,916 17,554 54,979 28,523 
 
 3,950 
 
 
 Nevada, 
 
 10,383 9,308 8,732 9,613 
 
 
 . . . r -, 
 
 New Hampshire. 41,539 38,509 44,852 40,794 
 
 '**528 
 
 mf 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 103,517 115,962 120,555 122,565 
 
 2,617 
 
 191 
 
 New York,^^ 
 
 489,207 521,949 555,544 534,511 
 
 12,373 
 
 1,517 
 
 North Caroiina 
 
 , 108,417 125,427 115,874 124,208 
 
 1,126 
 
 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 330,698 323,182 375,048 340,821 
 
 6,456 
 
 ' 2,618 
 
 Oregon, 
 
 15,206 14,149 20,619 19,948 
 
 249 
 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 384,184 366,204 444,704 407,428 
 
 20,668 
 
 ' V,939 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 15,787 10,712 18,195 10,779 
 
 236 
 
 20 
 
 South CaroUna, 
 
 , 91,870 90,896 58,071 112,312 
 
 566 
 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 89,566 133,166 107,677 128.191 
 
 5,917 
 
 ""43 
 
 Texas, 
 
 44,803 104,803 57,893 156^28 
 
 27,405 
 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 44,428 20,350 45,567 18,316 
 
 1,215 
 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 95,558 139,670 84,020 128,586 
 
 
 
 West Virginia, 
 
 42,046 56,495 46,243 57,391 
 
 * 9',679 
 
 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 130,070 123,926 144,400 114,649 
 4,033,768 4,285,992 4,454,416 4,444,952 
 
 7,986 
 308,578 
 
 '"69 
 
 Total, 
 
 10,305 
 
 Maj. over all. 
 
 145,911 J9,464 
 
 
 
 * 1876— Greenback, 81,737; Prohibition, 9,522; American, 539; imner 
 feet and scattering, 14,715. f 1880— Greenback, 308,578; Prohibition, 
 10,305; American, 707 ; imperftrt and scattering, 989. X Plwnility. Ai^ 
 over Garfield, 311,115. 
 
POPULAR VOT^ FOR PRESIDENT. 289 
 
 ^1884. 
 
 
 Blaine, 
 
 Cleveland, 
 
 Butler, 
 
 St. John, 
 
 ?itates. 
 
 R. 
 
 D. 
 
 G. 
 
 P. 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 59,591 
 
 93,951 
 
 873 
 
 612 
 
 Arkansas, 
 
 50,895 
 
 72,927 
 
 '1,847 
 
 
 California, 
 
 102,416 
 
 89,288 
 
 2,017 
 
 2,920 
 
 Colorado, 
 
 36,290 
 
 27,723 
 
 1,958 
 
 761 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 65,923 
 
 67,199 
 
 1,688 
 
 2,305 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 12,951 
 
 16,964 
 
 6 
 
 55 
 
 Florida, 
 
 28,031 
 
 31,766 
 
 
 72 
 
 Greorgia, 
 
 48,603 
 
 94,667 
 
 "145 
 
 195 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 337,474 
 
 312,355 
 
 10,910 
 
 12,074 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 238,463 
 
 244,990 
 
 8,293 
 
 3,028 
 
 Iowa, 
 
 197,089 
 
 177,316 
 
 
 1,472 
 
 Kansas, 
 
 154,406 
 
 90,132 
 
 16,341 
 
 4,495 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 118,122 
 
 152,961 
 
 1,691 
 
 3,139 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 46,347 
 
 62,540 
 
 
 
 Maine, 
 
 72,209 
 
 52,140 
 
 3,953 
 
 2,160 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 85,699 
 
 96,932 
 
 531 
 
 2,794 
 
 IMassacliusetts, 
 
 146,724 
 
 122,481 
 
 24,433 
 
 10,026 
 
 Michigan, 
 
 192,669 
 
 149,835 
 
 i2,243 
 
 18,403 
 
 Minnesota, 
 
 111,923 
 
 70,144 
 
 3,583 
 
 4,684 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 43,509 
 
 76,510 
 
 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 202,929 
 
 235,988 
 
 
 *2*,i53 
 
 Nebraska, 
 
 76,912 
 
 54,391 
 
 
 2,899 
 
 Nevada, 
 
 7,193 
 
 5,578 
 
 "26 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 
 43,249 
 
 39,183 
 
 552 
 
 1,571 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 123,440 
 
 127,798 
 
 3,496 
 
 6,159 
 
 New York, 
 
 562,005 
 
 563,154 
 
 16,994 
 
 25,016 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 125,068 
 
 142,952 
 
 
 454 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 400,-082 
 
 368,280 
 
 '5',]* 79 
 
 11,069 
 
 Oregon, 
 
 26,860 
 
 24,604 
 
 726 
 
 492 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 473,804 
 
 392,785 
 
 16,992 
 
 15,283 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 19,030 
 
 12,391 
 
 422 
 
 928 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 21,733 
 
 69,890 
 
 
 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 124,078 
 
 133,258 
 
 "957 
 
 1,131 
 
 Texas, 
 
 93,141 
 
 225,309 
 
 3,321 
 
 3,534 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 39,514 
 
 17,331 
 
 785 
 
 1,752 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 139,356 
 
 145,497 
 
 . .... 
 
 138 
 
 West Virginia, 
 
 63,096 
 
 67,317 
 
 810 
 
 939 
 
 Wisconsin, 
 
 161,157 
 
 146,459 
 
 4,874,986 
 
 4,598 
 175,370 
 
 7,656 
 
 Total, 
 
 4,851,981 
 
 150,369 
 
 plurality. 
 
 23,005 
 
 
 
 
 * 1884 — Blank, defective and scattering, 14,904. In consequence of the 
 uncertainties in the count resulting from the " fusions " formed, the plu- 
 rality shown for Cleveland must be considered an approximation to the 
 actual result— not a definite result. All, over Cleveland, 317,638, 
 
240 
 
 POPULAR VOTE FCB PRESIDENT. 
 
 1888. 
 
 States. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 California 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa. 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maine 
 
 Maryland , 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire.. 
 
 New Jersey.. 
 
 New York 
 
 North Carolina.... 
 
 Ohio..o 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 South Carolina..... 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Cleveland. 
 Dem. 
 
 117,320 
 
 85,962 
 
 117,729 
 
 37,567 
 
 74,920 
 
 16,414 
 
 39,561 
 
 100,499 
 
 348,278 
 
 261,013 
 
 179,887 
 
 103,744 
 
 183,800 
 
 85,032 
 
 50,481 
 
 106,168 
 
 151,855 
 
 213,459 
 
 104,385 
 
 85,471 
 
 261,974 
 
 80,552 
 
 5,362 
 
 43,456 
 
 151,493 
 
 635,757 
 
 147,902 
 
 396,455 
 
 26,522 
 
 446,633 
 
 17,530 
 
 65,825 
 
 158,779 
 
 534,883 
 
 16,788 
 
 151,977 
 
 79,664 
 
 155,232 
 
 Harrison. 
 
 Fisk. 
 
 Streetei. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Pro. 
 
 U. Labor. 
 
 56,197 
 
 583 
 
 
 
 58,752 
 
 641 
 
 10,613 
 
 124,816 
 
 5,761 
 
 
 50,774 
 
 2,191 
 
 1,266 
 
 74,584 
 
 4,234 
 
 240 
 
 12,973 
 
 400 
 
 
 26,657 
 
 423 
 
 
 40,496 
 
 1,808 
 
 136 
 
 370,473 
 
 21,695 
 
 7,090 
 
 263,361 
 
 9,881 
 
 2,694 
 
 211,598 
 
 3,550 
 
 9,105 
 
 182,934 
 
 6,768 
 
 37,726 
 
 155,134 
 
 5,225 
 
 622 
 
 30,484 
 
 160 
 
 39 
 
 73,734 
 
 2,691 
 
 1,344 
 
 99,986 
 
 4,767 
 
 
 183,892 
 
 8,701 
 
 
 236,370 
 
 20,942 
 
 4,542 
 
 142,492 
 
 15,311 
 
 1,094 
 
 30,096 , 
 
 218 
 
 22 
 
 236,257 
 
 4,539 
 
 18,632 
 
 108,425 
 
 9,429 
 
 4,226 
 
 7,229 
 
 41 
 
 
 45,728 
 
 1,593 
 
 13 
 
 144,344 
 
 7,904 
 
 
 648,759 
 
 30,231 
 
 626 
 
 134,784 
 
 2,787 
 
 32 
 
 416,054 
 
 24,356 
 
 3,496 
 
 33,291 
 
 1,677 
 
 363 
 
 526,091 
 
 20,947 
 
 3,873 
 
 21,968 
 
 1,250 
 
 18 
 
 13,736 
 
 
 
 138,988 
 
 5,969 
 
 48 
 
 88,422 
 
 4,749 
 
 29,459 
 
 45,192 
 
 1,460 
 
 
 150,438 
 
 1,678 
 
 
 77,791 
 
 669 
 
 1,064 
 
 176,553 
 
 14,277 
 
 8,552 
 
 Total 5,540,329 5,439,853 249,506 146,935 
 
 Cleveland's majority on popular vote over Harrison was 
 100,476. Electoral vote • Harriso- ^83; Cleveland, 168. 
 
POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 241 
 
 1892. 
 
 Harrison. Cleveland. ' Bid well. Weaver. 
 
 States. Rep. Dem. Pro. Peo. 
 
 Alabama 9,197 138,138 239 85,181 
 
 Arkansas 46,974 87,752 . 113 11,831 
 
 California 117,618 117,908 8,187 25,226 
 
 Colorado 38,620 1,687 53,584 
 
 Connecticut 77,032 82,395 4,026 809 
 
 Delaware 18,077 18,581 564 
 
 Florida 30,143 570 4,843 
 
 Georgia 48,305 129,386 988 42,939 
 
 Idaho 8,799 219 10,430 
 
 Illinois 399,288 426,281 25,870 22,207 
 
 Indiana 255,615 262,740 13,044 22,198 
 
 Iowa 219,373 196,408 6,322 20,616 
 
 Kansas 157,241 ..: 4,553 163,111 
 
 Kentucky, 135,420 175,424 6,385 23,503 
 
 Louisiana 25,332 87,922 1,232 
 
 Maine 62,878 48,024 3,062 2,045 
 
 Maryland 92,736 113,866 5,877 796 
 
 Massachusetts 202,814 176,813 7,539 3,210 
 
 Michigan 222,708 202,296 20,569 19,79f 
 
 Minnesota 122,736 100,579 14,017 30,398 
 
 Mississippi 1,406 40,237 910 10,256 
 
 Missouri 226,762 268,628 4,298 41,183 
 
 Montana 18,833 17,534 517 7,259 
 
 Nebraska 87,218 24,943 4,902 83,134 
 
 Nevada 2,822 711 85 7,267 
 
 New Hampshire 45,658 42,081 1,297 293 
 
 New Jersey 156,080 171,066 8,134 9S5 
 
 New York 609,459 654,908 38,193 16,430 
 
 North Carolina 100,346 132,951 2,636 44,732 
 
 North Dakota 17,486 17,650 
 
 Ohio ' 405,187 404,115 26,012 14,852 
 
 Oregon 35,002 14,243 2,281 26,965 
 
 Pennsylvania 516,011 452,264 25,123 8,714 
 
 Rhode Island 27,069 24,335 1,565 227 
 
 South Carolina 13,384 54,698 2,410 
 
 South Dakota 34,888 9,081 26,512 
 
 Tennessee 99,973 136,477 4,856 23,622 
 
 Texas 81,444 239,148 2,165 99,638 
 
 Vermont 37,992 16,325 1,424 43 
 
 Virginia 113,256 163,977 2,798 12,274 
 
 Washington 36,470 29,844 2,553 19,105 
 
 West Virginia 80,285 83,484 2,130 4,165 
 
 Wisconsin 170,761 177,436 13,132 .9,909 
 
 Wyoming 8,376 526 526 
 
 Total 5,186,931 5,553,142 268,361 1,030,128 
 
 Percent. 42.93 45.96 2.22 8.52 
 
 Total vote, 12,081 ,316. Cleveland's majority on popular vote over 
 Harrison was 366,211. All over Cleveland, 932,278. 
 16 
 
242 POPULAR YOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 1896. 
 
 States. • McKinley. Bryan. Palmer. Leveringc 
 
 Alabama 54,737 131,219 6,464 2,147 
 
 Arkansas 37,512 110,103 893 889 
 
 California 146,588 144,166 2,573 
 
 ColQrado 26,271 161,269 1,717 
 
 Connecticut 110,297 56,740 4,336 1,806 
 
 Delaware 20,452 16,615 956 602 
 
 Florida 11,389 32,213 1,778 868 
 
 Georgia 20,191 94,232 2,708 
 
 Idaho 6,324 23,192 181 
 
 Illinois 607,130 466,703 6,390 9.796 
 
 Indiana 323,719 305,771 2,146 3,056 
 
 Iowa 289,293 223,741 4,519 3,192 
 
 Kansas 158.541 171,810 1,209 2,351 
 
 Kentucky 218,171 217,890 5,114 4,781 
 
 Louisiana 22,012 77,096 1,810 
 
 Maine ... 80,421 34.504 1,864 1,571 
 
 Maryland 136,978 104,745 2,507 5,928 
 
 Ma^sacnusetts: 279,976 105,711 11,749 2,998 
 
 Michigan 293,327 237,251 6.930 4,968 
 
 Minnesota 193,501 139,626 3,202 4,343 
 
 Mississippi 4.730 63,457 1,021 390 
 
 Missouri 304,940 363,652 2,355 3,169 
 
 Montana 10,490 43,680 
 
 Nebraska 101,064 115,999 2,797 1,196 
 
 Nevada 1,939 8,377 
 
 New Hampshire 57,444 21,650 3,420 776 
 
 New Jersey 221,367 113,675 6,373 5,614 
 
 New York 819,838 551.513 18,972 16,075 
 
 North Carolina 155,222 174,488 578 6a5 
 
 North Dakota 26,336 20,689 356 
 
 Ohio 527,945 478,547 1,831 5,060 
 
 Oregon 48,711 46,739 974 789 
 
 Pennsylvania 728,300 427,127 11,000 19,274 
 
 Rhode Island 37,437 14,495 1,166 1,160 
 
 South Carolina 9,313 58,101 824 
 
 South Dakota 40,802 40,930 992 
 
 Tennessee 148,773 168,176 1,951 3,098 
 
 Texas 164,886 368,299 5,030 185 
 
 Utah 13,861 67,053 
 
 Vermont 60,991 10,607 1,329 728 
 
 Virginia 135,388 154,985 2,127 2,341 
 
 Washington 39,153 51,616 1,668 968 
 
 West Virginia 104,414 92,927 677 1,203 
 
 Wisconsin.... 269,135 165,528 4,584 7,509 
 
 Wyoming 10,072 10,855 159 
 
 . Total 7,107,980 6,509,056 132,056 127,174 
 
 McKinley 's plurality, 598,924. The vote for Bryan and Sewall 
 and that for Bryan and Watson are combined. 
 
POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 243 
 
 1900. 
 
 States. Bryan. 
 
 Alabama 97,131 
 
 Arkansas 81,142 
 
 California 124,985 
 
 Colorado 122,733 
 
 Connecticut 73,997 
 
 Delaware 18,858 
 
 Florida 28,007 
 
 Georgia ........ 81,700 
 
 Idaho 29,414 
 
 Illinois 503,031 
 
 Indiana 309,584 
 
 Iowa 209,179 
 
 Kansas 162,001 
 
 Kentucky 235,103 
 
 Louisiana 53,671 
 
 Maine 36,822 
 
 Maryland 122,271 
 
 Massachusetts .156,997 
 
 Michigan 211,685 
 
 Minnesota 112,901 
 
 Mississippi 51,706 
 
 Missouri 351,922 
 
 Montana 37,146 
 
 Nebraska 114,013 
 
 Nevada 6,347 
 
 New Hampshire 35,489 
 
 New Jersey 164,808 
 
 New York 678,386 
 
 North Carolina 157,752 
 
 North Dakota • 20,519 
 
 Ohio 474,882 
 
 Oregon 33,385 
 
 Pennsylvania 424,232 
 
 Rhode Island 19,812 
 
 South Carolina ..... 47,236 
 
 South Dakota ...'... 39,544 
 
 Tennessee 144,751 
 
 Texas 267,337 
 
 Utah 45,006 
 
 Vermont 12,849 
 
 Virginia 146,080 
 
 Washington 44,833 
 
 West Virginia ..... 98,807 
 
 Wisconsin 159,285 
 
 Wyoming 10,164 
 
 Total 6,358,133 
 
 Popular Vote, McKinley over Bryan . . 
 Electoral Vote, McKinley over Bryan . 
 
 McKinley. 
 
 Woolley. 
 
 Debs. 
 
 55,512 
 
 2,762 
 
 
 44,800 ■ 
 
 584 
 
 
 164,755 
 
 5,024 
 
 7,'55'4 
 
 93,072 
 
 3,790 
 
 654 
 
 102,567 
 
 1,617 
 
 1,029 
 
 22,529 
 
 538 
 
 57 
 
 7,314 
 
 1,039 
 
 601 
 
 35,035 
 
 1,396 
 
 . . . 
 
 26,997 
 
 857 
 
 . . . 
 
 597,985 
 
 17,623 
 
 9,687 
 
 336,063 
 
 13,718 
 
 2,374 
 
 307,785 
 
 9,479 
 
 2,778 
 
 185,955 
 
 3,605 
 
 1,605 
 
 227,128 
 
 3,780 
 
 646 
 
 14,233 
 
 . . . 
 
 . . . 
 
 65,435 
 
 2,585 
 
 878 
 
 136,212 
 
 4,582 
 
 908 
 
 238,866 
 
 6,202 
 
 9,607 
 
 316,269 
 
 11,859 
 
 2,826 
 
 190,461 
 
 8,555 
 
 3,065 
 
 5,753 
 
 . , . 
 
 . . . 
 
 314,092 
 
 5,965 
 
 6,139 
 
 25,373 
 
 298 
 
 708 
 
 121,835 
 
 3,655 
 
 823 
 
 3,849 
 
 . . . 
 
 ... 
 
 54,803 
 
 1,270 
 
 790 
 
 221,707 
 
 7,183 
 
 4,609 
 
 821,992 
 
 22,043 
 
 12,869 
 
 133,081 
 
 1,006 
 
 . . . 
 
 35,891 
 
 731 
 
 518 
 
 543,918 
 
 10,203 
 
 4,847 
 
 46,526 
 
 2,536 
 
 1,466 
 
 712,665 
 
 27,908 
 
 4,831 
 
 33,784 
 
 1,529 
 
 . . . 
 
 3,597 
 
 
 . . . 
 
 54,530 
 
 1,542 
 
 176 
 
 121,194 
 
 3,900 
 
 410 
 
 121,173 
 
 2,644 
 
 1,841 
 
 47,139 
 
 209 
 
 720 
 
 42,568 
 
 368 
 
 . . . 
 
 115,865 
 
 2,150 
 
 . . '. 
 
 57,456 
 
 2,363 
 
 2,006 
 
 119,829 
 
 1,692 
 
 268 
 
 265,866 
 
 10,124 
 
 524 
 
 14,482 
 
 . . . 
 
 . . . 
 
 7,207,923 208,914 87,814 
 
 849,790 
 137 
 
Appendix D. 
 
 THE PRESIDENTS AND THEIR 
 CABINETS. 
 
 The Postmaster-General was not recognized as a 
 cabinet officer until 1829. Those preceding thia 
 date are, however, included in the cabinets to show 
 when they were appointed. 
 
 First Administration-^ Washington, 1 7 89- 1 793 . 
 
 President, George Washington, of Virginia; Yicet 
 President, John Adams, of Massachusetts; Secre- 
 tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; Secit-e^ 
 tary of the Treasury, Alex. Hamilton, of New York; 
 Secretary of War. Henry Knox, of Massachusetts*, 
 Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia; 
 Postmaster General, Timothy Pickering of Mass- 
 achusetts. 
 
 Second Administration — Washington^ 1 793- 1 797. 
 
 President, George Washington, of Virginia; Vice-* 
 President, John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Secre- 
 tary of State, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, to 
 January, 1794, Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to 
 December, 1795, Timothy Pickering, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander 
 244 
 
APPENDIX D. 245 
 
 Hamilton, of New York, to February, 1795, Olivei 
 Wolcott, of Connecticut; Secretary of War, Henry 
 Knox, of Massachusetts, to January, 1795, Timothy 
 Pickering, of Massachusetts, to January, 1796, 
 James McHenry, of Maryland; Attorney-General, 
 Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, to January, 1794, 
 William Bradford, of Pennsylvania, to December, 
 1795, Charles Lee, of Virginia; Postmaster-General, 
 Joseph Habersham, of Georgia. 
 
 Third Administration — Adams, 1 797- 1 80 1 . 
 
 President, John Adams, of Massachusetts ; Vice^ 
 president, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; Secretary 
 Df State, Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, to 
 May, 1800, John Marshall, of Virginia ; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Oliver Wolcott, of Massachusetts^ 
 to Japuar}', 1801 ; Secretary of War, James Mc- 
 Henry, of Maryland, to May, 1800, Roger Gris- 
 wold, of Connecticut; Secretary of the Navy, 
 George Cabot, of Massachusetts, to March, 1798,. 
 Benj. Stoddert, of Maryland ; Attorney-General, 
 Charles Lee, of Virginia, to February, 1801, Theoc 
 Parsons, of Massachusetts; Postmaster-General^ 
 Gideon Granger, of Connecticut. 
 
 Fourth Administration — Jefferson, 1 80 1 - 1 805 . 
 
 President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; Vice 
 President, Aaron Burr, of New York; Secretary 
 of State, James Madison, of Virginia; Secretary" 
 of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; 
 
246 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- 
 chusetts ; Secretary of the Navy, Kobert Smith, 
 of Maryland ; Attorney-General, Levi Lincoln, of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Fifth Administration — Jefferson^ 1 805-1 809. 
 
 President, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia ; Vice- 
 President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secretary 
 of State, James Madison, of Virginia ; Secretary of 
 the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania; 
 Secretary of War, Henry Dearborn, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Navy, Jacob Crownin- 
 shield, of Massachusetts ; Attorney-General, Kobert 
 Smith, of Maryland, to August, 1805, John Breck- 
 inridge, of Kentucky, to January, 1807, Caesar A. 
 Rodney, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Sixth Administration — Madison^ 1 809- 1 8 1 3. 
 
 President, James Madison, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President, George Clinton, of New York ; Secre- 
 tary of State, Robert Smith, of Maryland, to April, 
 1811, James Monroe, of Virginia; Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania ; Secre- 
 tary of War, William Eustis, of Massachusetts, to 
 January, 1813, John Armstrong, of New York ; 
 Secretary of the Navy, Paul Hamilton, of South 
 Carolina, to Januarj^, 1813, William Jones, of 
 Pennsylvania ; Attorney-General, Caesar A. Rod- 
 ney, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1811, William 
 Pinckney, of Maryland. 
 
APPENDIX D. 247 
 
 Seventh Administration — Madison^ 1 8 1 3- 1 8 1 7. 
 
 President, James Madison, of Virginia; Yice- 
 President, Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts ; Secre- 
 tary of State, James Monroe, of Virginia ; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, 
 to February, 1814, George W. Campbell, of Ten- 
 nessee, to October,* 1814, Alex. James Dallas, of 
 Pennsylvania, to October, 1816, William H. Craw- 
 ford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, James Monroe, 
 to August, 1815, William H. Crawford, of Georgia; 
 Secretary of the Navy, William P. Jones, of Penn- 
 sylvania, to December, 1814, B. W. Crowninshield, 
 of Massachusetts; Attorney -General, William 
 Pinckney, of Maryland, to February, 1814, Eichard 
 Rush, of Pennsylvania ; Postmaster-General, Return 
 J. Meigs, of Ohio. 
 
 Eighth Administration — Monroe, 1 8 1 7- 1 82 1 . 
 
 President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President, Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. 
 Crawford, of Georgia; Secretary of War, Isaac 
 Shelby, of Kentucky, to April, 1817, George 
 Graham, of Virginia, to October, 1817, John C. Cal- 
 houn, of South Carolina; Secretary of the Navy, 
 B. W. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, to Novem- 
 ber, 1818, Smith Thompson, of New York; Attor- 
 ney-General, Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, t<^ 
 November^ 1817, Wm. Wirt, of Virginia. 
 
248 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Ninth Administration — Monroe ^ 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 2 5 . 
 
 President, James Monroe, of Virginia; Vice- 
 President^ Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, of Massa- 
 chusetts; Secretary of the Treasury, William H. 
 Crawford, of Georgia ; Secretary of War, John C^ 
 Calhoun, of South Carolina ; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Smith Thompson, of New York, to September, 
 1823, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey ; Attor- 
 ney-General, William Wirt, of Virginia; Post- 
 master-General, John McLean, of Ohio. 
 
 Tenth Administration — jf. Q. Adams, 1 825-1 829. 
 
 President, John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts^ 
 Vice-President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; 
 Secretary of State, Henry Clay, of Kentucky; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Eichard Rush, of Penn* 
 sylvania; Secretary of War, James Barbour, of 
 Virginia, to May, 1828, Peter B. Porter, of New 
 York ; Secretary of the Navy, Samuel L. Southard, 
 of New Jersey ; Attorney-General, William Wirt, 
 of Virginia. 
 
 Eleventh Administration — Jackson, 1 829-1 833. 
 President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice- 
 President, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; 
 Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, to May, 
 1831, Edward Livingston, of Louisiana; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, to August, 1831, Louis McLane, of Dela- 
 
APPENDIX D. 249 
 
 ware ; Secretary of War, John H. Eaton, of Ten- 
 nessee, to August, 1831, Lewis Cass, of Ohio; 
 Secretary of the Navy, John Branch, of North 
 Carolina, to May, 1831, Levi Woodbury, of New 
 Hampshire; Attorney-General, John M. Berrien, 
 of Georgia, to July, 1831, Roger B. Taney, of 
 Maryland ; Postmaster-General, William T. Barry, 
 of Kentucky. 
 
 Twelfth Administration — yackson^ 1 833-1 837. 
 
 President, Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee ; Vice« 
 President, Martin Van Buren, of New York ; Sec- 
 retary of State, Louis McLane, of Delaware, to 
 June, 1834 ; Secretary of the Treasury, William 
 J. Duane, of Pennsylvania, to September, 1833, 
 Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to June, 1834, Levi 
 Woodbury, of New Hampshire ; Secretary of War, 
 Lewis Cass, of Ohio ; Secretary of the Navy, Louis 
 Woodbury, of New Hampshire, to June, 1834, 
 Mahlon Dickerson, "of New Jersey; Postmaster- 
 General, William T. Barry, of Kentucky, to May, 
 1835, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky; Attorney- 
 General, Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, to Novem- 
 ber, 1833, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York. 
 
 Thirteenth Achninistration — Van Buren ^ 1 837-1 841. 
 
 President, Martin Van Buren, of New York; 
 Vice-President, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky ; 
 Secretary of State, John Forsyth, of Georgia; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Levi Woodbury, of 
 
250 APPENDIX D. 
 
 New Hampshire ; Secretary of War, Benjamin F. 
 Butler, of New York, to March, 1837, Joel K. 
 Poinsett, of South Carolina; Secretary of the 
 Navy, Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, to June, 
 1838, James K. Paulding, of New Jersey; Post- 
 master-General, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, to 
 May, 1840, John M. Niles, of Connecticut; At- 
 torney-General, Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, 
 to July, 1838, Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, to 
 January, 1840, Henry D. Gilpin, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Fourteenth Administration — Harrison, Tyler, 1 841-1845. 
 
 President, William Henry Harrison, of Ohio; 
 Vice-President, John Tyler, of Virginia ; Secretary 
 of State, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to 
 May, 1843, Hugh S. Legare, of South Carolina, to 
 July, 1843, Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to March, 
 1844, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina; Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to 
 September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, 
 to June, 1844, George M. Bibb, of Kentucky; 
 Secretary of War, John Bell, of Tennessee, to 
 September, 1841, John C. Spencer, of New York, 
 to March, 1843, James M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, 
 to February, 1844, then William Wilkens, of 
 Pennsylvania ; Secretary of the Navy, George E. 
 Badger, of North Carolina, to September, 1841, 
 Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, to July, 1843, Daniel 
 Henshaw, of Massachusetts, to February, 1844, 
 Thomas W. Gilmer, of Virginia, to March, 1844, 
 
APPENDIX D. 251 
 
 then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Postmaster- 
 General, Francis Granger, of New York, to Sep- 
 tember, 1841, then Charles A. Wickliffe, of Ken- 
 tucky; Attorney-General, John J. Crittenden, of 
 Kentucky, to September, 1841, Hugh S. Legare, 
 of South Carolina, to July, 1843, then John Nel« 
 son, of Maryland. 
 
 Fifteenth Administration — Polk^ 1 845 - 1 849. 
 
 President, James K. Polk, of Tennessee; Vice- 
 President, George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; 
 Secretary of State, James Buchanan, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. 
 Walker, of Mississippi ; Secretary of War, William 
 L. Marcy, of New York; Secretary of the Navy, 
 George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, to September, 
 1846, then John Y. Mason, of Virginia; Post- 
 master-General, Cave Johnson, of Tennessee ; At- 
 torney-General, John Y. Mason, of Virginia, to 
 October, 1846, Nathan Clifford, of Maine, to June, 
 1848, then Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut. 
 
 Sixteenth Administration — Taylor^ Fillmore, 1849-1853, 
 
 President, Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana; Vice- 
 President, Millard Fillmore, of New York; Secre- 
 tary of State, John M. Clayton, of Delaware, to 
 July, 1850, Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, to 
 December, 1852, then Edward Everett, of Massa- 
 chusetts ; Secretary of the Treasury, William M. 
 Meredith, to July, 1850, then Thomas Corwin. of 
 
252 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Ohio ; Secretary of War, George W. Crawford, of 
 Georgia, to July 20, 1850, Edward Bates, of Mis- 
 souri, to July 23, 1850, Winfield Scott, of Vir- 
 ginia, to August, 1850, then Charles M. Conrad, 
 of Louisiana ; Secretary of the Navy, William B. 
 Preston, of Virginia, to July, 1850, William A, 
 Graham, of North Carolina, to July, 1852, then 
 John P. Kennedy, of Maryland ; Secretary of the 
 Interior, Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, to July, 1850, 
 James A. Pierce, of Maryland, to August, 1850, 
 Thomas M. T. McKennan, of Pennsylvania, to 
 September, 1850, then Alexander H. H. Stuart, of 
 Virginia ; Postmaster-General, Jacob CoUamer, of 
 Vermont, to July, 1850, Nathan K. Hall, of New 
 fork, to August, 1852, then Samuel D. Hubbard, 
 of Connecticut ; Attorney-General, Reverdy John- 
 Son, of Maryland, to July, 1850, then John J 
 Crittenden, of Kentucky. 
 
 Seventeenth Administration — Pierce, 1 8 5 3- 1 8 5 7. 
 
 President, Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire; 
 Vice-President, William R. King, of Alabama; 
 Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, of New 
 York ; Secretary of the Treasury, James Guthrie, 
 of Kentucky ; Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, 
 of Mississippi ; Secretary of the Navy, James C. 
 Dobbin, of North Carolina ; Secretary of the In- 
 terior, Robert McClelland, of Michigan; Post- 
 master-General, James Campbell, of Pennsylvania; 
 A.ttorney-General, Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts. 
 
APPENDIX D. 253 
 
 Eighteenth Administration — Biichanmi, 1 8 5 7- 1 86 1 . 
 
 President, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania', 
 Vice-President, John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky; 
 Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, to 
 March, 1857, then Jeremiah Black, of Pennsylva- 
 nia ; Secretary of the Treasury, Howell Cobb, of 
 Georgia, to December, 1860, Phillip F. Thomas, 
 of Maryland, to January, 1861, then John A. Dix, 
 of New York; Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, 
 of Virginia, to January, 1861, then Joseph Holt, 
 of Kentucky; Secretary of the Navy, Isaac 
 Toucey, of Connecticut ; Secretary of the Interior, 
 Jacob Thompson ; Postmaster-General, Aaron V. 
 Brown, of Tennessee, to March, 1859, Joseph 
 Holt, of Kentucky, to February, 1861, then Hora- 
 tio King, of Maine; Attorney-General, Jeremiah 
 S- Black, of Pennsylvania, to December, 1860, ther> 
 Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Nineteenth Achninistration — Lincoln, 1 86 1 - 1 ^6^ 
 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois ; Vice- 
 President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine ; Secretary 
 of State, William H. Seward, of New York ; Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 
 to July, 1864, then William Pitt Fessenden, of 
 Maine; Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of 
 Pennsylvania, to January, 1862, then Edwin M. 
 Stanton, of Pennsylvania; Secretary of the Na.vy, 
 Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; Secretary of che 
 Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, to Januar^^ 
 
254 APPENDIX D. 
 
 1863, then John P. Usher, of Indiana ; Postmaster- 
 General, Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, to Sep- 
 tember, 1864, then William Dennison, of Ohio; 
 Attorney-Geiieral, Edward Bates, of Missouri, to 
 June, 1863, T. J. Coffey, of Pennsylvania, to De^ 
 cember,'1864, then James Speed, of Kentucky. 
 
 Twentieth Admhiistration — Lincoln^ Johnson ^ 1865-1869 
 
 President, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Vice 
 President, Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee; Secre 
 tary of State, William H. Seward, of New York; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Hugh McCuHoch, of 
 Indiana; Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, 
 of Pennsylvania, to August, 1867, U. S. Grant, of 
 Illinois, to February, 1868, Lorenzo Thomas, of 
 Delaware, to May, 1868, then John M. Schofield^ 
 of Illinois; Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, 
 of Connecticut; Secretary of the Interior, John P. 
 T/sher, of Indiana, to May, 1865, James Harlan, 
 of Iowa, to July, 1866, then 0. H. Browning, of 
 Illinois; Postmaster-General, William Dennison, 
 of Ohio, to July, 1866, then Alexander W. Ran- 
 dall, of Wisconsin; Attorney-General, James Speed, 
 of Kentucky, to July, 1866, Henry Stanberry, of 
 Ohio, to July, 1868, then William M. Evarts, of 
 New York. 
 
 Twenty-first Administration — Grant, 1 869- 1873. 
 
 President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois; Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana; Secretary of 
 
APPENDIX i>. 255 
 
 State, E. B. Washburne, of Illinois, to March, 
 
 1869^ then Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, George S. Boutwell, of Mas- 
 sachusetts; Secretary of War, John A. Rawlins, 
 of Illinois, to September, 1869, then William T. 
 Sherman, of Ohio, to October, 1869, then William 
 W. Belknap^ of Iowa; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Adolph E. Borie, of Pennsylvania, to June, 1869, 
 then George M. Robeson, of New Jersey; Secre- 
 tary of the Interior, Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, to No- 
 vember, 1870, then Columbus Delano, of Ohio; 
 Postmaster-General, John A. J. Creswell, of Mary- 
 land; Attorney-General, E. Rockwood Hoar, of 
 Massachusetts, to June, 1870, Amos T. Akerman. 
 of Georgia, to December, 1861, then George H, 
 Williams^ of Oregon. 
 
 Twenty-second Administration — Grant, 1 87 3- 1 877. 
 
 President, U. S. Grant, of Illinois ; Yice-Presi- 
 «^ent, Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts; Secretary 
 of State, Hamilton Fish, of New York; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, William A. Richardson, of Mas- 
 sachusetts, to June, 1874, Benjamin F. Bristow, 
 of Kentucky, to June, 1876, then Lot M. Morrill, 
 of Maine; Secretary of War, William W. Belknap, 
 of Iowa, to March, 1876, Alphonso Taft, of Ohio, 
 to May, 1876, then Donald Cameron, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; Secretary of the Navy, George M. Robe 
 eon, of New Jersey; Secretary of the Interior, 
 Columbus Delano, of Ohio, to October, 1875, thea 
 
256 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan; Postmaster- 
 General, John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, to 
 August, 1874, Marshall Jewell, of Connecticut, to 
 July, 1876, then James M. Tyner, of Indiana; 
 Attorney-General, George H. Williams, of Oregon, 
 to April, 1875, Edward Pierrepont, of New York, 
 to May, 1876, then Alphonso Taft, of Ohio. 
 
 Twenty 'third Administration — Hayes, 1 87 7- 1 8 8 1 . 
 
 President, Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio; Vice- 
 President, William A. Wheeler, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, William M. Evarts, of New 
 York; Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, 
 *f Ohio; Secretary of War, George W. McCrary, 
 jf Iowa, to December, 1879, then Alexander 
 Ramsey, of Minnesota; Secretary of the Navy, 
 Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, to January, 
 1881, then Nathan Goff, of West Virginia; Secre- 
 tary of the Interior, Carl Schurz, of Missouri; 
 Postmaster-General, David McKey, of Tennessee, 
 to August, 1880, then Horace Maynard, of Tennes- 
 see; Attorney-General, Charles Devens, of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 Twenty-fourth Administration — Garfield^ Arthur , 
 1881-1885. 
 
 President, James A. Garfield, of Ohio; Vice- 
 President, Chester A. Arthur, of New York ; Sec- 
 retary of State, James G. Blaine, of Maine, to 
 September, 1881, then Frederick Frelinghuysen, 
 
APPENDIX D. 257 
 
 of New Jersey; Secretary of the Treasury, Wit 
 liam Windom, of Minnesota, to September, 1881, 
 then Charles Folger, of New York; Secretary of 
 War, Robert Lincoln, of Illinois; Secretary of 
 the Navy, William L. Hunt, of Louisiana, to 
 April, 1882, then William Chandler, of New 
 Hampshire ; Secretary of the - Interior, Samuel J 
 Kirk wood, of Iowa, to April, 1882, then Henry F. 
 Teller, of Colorado ; Postmaster-General, Thomas 
 L. James, of New York, to October, 1881, Timothy 
 0. Howe, of Wisconsin, to October, 1883, then 
 Walter Q. Gresham, of Indiana ; Attorney-General 
 Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania, to September 
 1881, then Benjamin H. Brewster, of PennsyL 
 rania. 
 
 Twenty-fifth Administration — Cleveland, Hendricks, 
 i88s-i888. 
 
 President, Grover Cleveland, of New York; (the 
 Vice-Presidency is vacant, by reason of the death 
 of Mr. Hendricks;) Secretary of State, Thomas 
 Francis Bayard, of Delaware ; Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Charles S. Fairchild, of New York ; Sec- 
 retary of War, William C. Endicott, of Massachu- 
 setts; Postmaster-General, William F. Vilas, of 
 Wisconsin; Attorney-General, Augustus H. Gar- 
 land, of Arkansas ; Secretary of the Navy, William 
 C. Whitney, of New York; Secretary of the In- 
 terior, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of Mississippi. Mr. 
 Fairchild succeeded Daniel H. Manning as Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury. Don. M. Dickinson, of Mich- 
 igan, succeeded Mr. Vilas as Postmaster-General. 
 Mr. Vilas succeeded Mr. Lamar as Secretary of the 
 Interior. Mr. Lamar was elevated to the Supreme 
 Court. Yj 
 
258 AI^PENDIX D. 
 
 Twenty-sixth Administration — Harrison ^ Morton, 
 1889-1893: 
 
 President, Benjamin Harrison, Indiana; Vice- 
 President, Levi P. Morton, New York ; Secretary 
 of State, James G. Blaine, Maine; Secretary of 
 the Treasury, William Windom, Minnesota (de- 
 ceased), succeeded by Charles Foster, Ohio; Sec- 
 retary of War, Redfield Proctor, Vermont (re- 
 signed), succeeded by Stephen B. Elkins, West 
 Virginia; Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin F. 
 Tracy, New York; Secretary of the Interior, 
 John W. Noble, Missouri; Postmaster-General, 
 John Wanamaker, Pennsylvania; Secretary of 
 Agriculture, Jeremiah M. Rusk, Wisconsin; 
 Attorney-General, William H. H. Miller. In* 
 diana. 
 
 Twenty-seventh Administration — Cleveland, Stevenson, 
 1893-1897. 
 
 President, Grover Cleveland, New York ; Vice- 
 President, Adlai E. Stevenson, Illinois ; Secretary 
 of State, Richard Olney, Massachusetts ; Secretary 
 of the Treasury, John G. Carlisle, Kentucky; Sec- 
 retary of War, Daniel S. Lamont, New York ; At- 
 torney-General, Judson Harmon, Ohio ; Postmaster- 
 General, William L. Wilson, West Virginia ; Sec- 
 retary of the Navy, Hilary A. Herbert, Alabama; 
 Secretary of the Interior, Hoke Smith, Georgia; 
 Secretary of Agriculture, J. Sterling Morton, Ne- 
 braska- 
 
APPENDIX D. 
 
 Twenty -eighth Administration — McKinley and Hobart, 
 189t-1901. 
 
 President, William McKinley, of Ohio ; Vice- 
 President, Garrett A. Hobart, of New Jersey ; Sec- 
 retary of State, John Sherman, of Ohio, succeeded 
 by William R. Day, of Ohio, who was succeeded 
 by John Hay, of Illinois ; Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury, Lyman J. Gage, of Illinois ; Secretary of 
 War, Hussell A. Alger, of Michigan, succeeded by 
 Elihu Root, of New York; Attorney-General, 
 Joseph McKenna, of California, succeeded by 
 John W. Griggs, of New Jersey ; Postmaster-Gen- 
 eral, James A. Gary, of Maryland, succeeded by 
 Charles Emory Smith, of Pennsylvania ; Secretary 
 of the Navy, John D. Long, of Massachusetts ; 
 Secretary of the Interior, Cornelius N. Bliss, of 
 New York, succeeded by Ethan Allen Hitchcock, 
 of Missouri ; Secretary of Agriculture, James Wil- 
 son, of Iowa. 
 
 Twenty-ninth Administration — Theodore Roosevelty 
 1901-1905. 
 
 President, Theodore Roosevelt, of New York; 
 Secretary of State, John Hay, of Ohio; Secretary of 
 the Treasuiy, LesHe M. Shaw, of Iowa; Secretary 
 of War, WilHam B. Taft, of Ohio; Attorney- 
 General, William H. Moody, of Massachusetts ; 
 Postmaster-General, Henry C. Payne, of Wiscon- 
 sin; Secretary of the Navy, Paul Morton, of Illi- 
 nois ; Secretary of Interior, Ethan A. Hitchcock, 
 of Missouri; Secretary of Agriculture, John 
 Wilson, of Iowa; Secretary of Commerce and 
 Labor, Victor H. Metcalf, of California. 
 
Appendix E. 
 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 The Presidential Election will take place on 
 Tuesday, November 8, 1904. The Constitution 
 prescribes that each State shall appoint, in such 
 manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a 
 number of electors, equal to the whole number of 
 Senators and Representatives to which the State 
 may be entitled in Congress. For the election this 
 year, the electors by States will be as follows : 
 
 States. Electoral Votes. 
 
 Alabama 11 
 
 Arkansas 9 
 
 California 10 
 
 Colorado 5 
 
 Connecticut 7 
 
 Delaware 3 
 
 Florida 5 
 
 Georgia 13 
 
 Idaho ......... 3 
 
 Illinois 27 
 
 Indiana 15 
 
 Iowa 13 
 
 Kansas 10 
 
 Kentucky 13 
 
 Louisiana - . 
 
 Maine 6 
 
 Maryland 8 
 
 Massachusetts 16 
 
 Michigan 14 
 
 Minnesota 11 
 
 Mississippi 10 
 
 Missouri 18 
 
 Montana 3 
 
 Nebraska 8 
 
 States. Electoral Votes. 
 
 Nevada. 3 
 
 New Hampshire 4 
 
 New Jersey 12 
 
 New York 39 
 
 North Carolina 12 
 
 North Dakota 4 
 
 Ohio 23 
 
 Oregon 4 
 
 Pennsylvania 34 
 
 Rhode Island 4 
 
 South Carolina 9 
 
 South Dakota 4 
 
 Tennessee 12 
 
 Texas 18 
 
 Utah 3 
 
 Vermont 4 
 
 Virginia 12 
 
 Washington 5 
 
 West Virginia 7 
 
 Wisconsin . .* 13 
 
 Wyoming 3 
 
 Total 476 
 
 Necessary to a choice, 239. 
 
APPENDIX E. 261 
 
 No Senator or Representative, or person holding 
 an office of profit or trust under the United States, 
 shall be an elector. In all the States, the laws 
 thereof direct that the people shall choose the eleO' 
 tors. The Constitution requires that the day when 
 electors are chosen shall be the same throughout 
 the United States. The electors shall meet in their 
 respective States on the first Wednesday in Decem- 
 ber, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent, one of whom at least shall not be an inhab^ 
 itant of the same State with themselves. They 
 shall name in their ballots the person voted for as 
 President, and in distinct ballots the person voted 
 for as Vice-President; and they shall make dis- 
 tinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and 
 of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of 
 the number of votes for each; which lists they 
 shall sign and certify and transmit, sealed, U 
 Washington, directed to the President of the Sen 
 ate, before the first Wednesday in January. On 
 the second Wednesday in February, the President 
 the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate 
 and House of Representatives, open all the certifi- 
 cates, and the votes shall then be counted. The 
 person having the greatest number of votes for Presi- 
 dent shall be the President, if such ;i umber shall be a 
 majority of the whole number of electors appointed; 
 and if no person have such a majority, then from 
 the persons having the highest numbers, not ex- 
 ceeding three, on the list of those voted for as 
 
262 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 President, the House of Representatives shall 
 choose, immediately, by ballot, the President. But 
 in choosing the President, the vote shall be taken 
 by States, the representation from each State 
 having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall 
 consist of a member or members from two-thirds 
 of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
 be necessary to a choice. And if the House of 
 Representatives shall not choose a President when- 
 ever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
 before the fourth day of March next following, 
 then the Vice-President shall act as President, as 
 in case of the death or other constitutional disa- 
 bility. The person having the greatest number of 
 votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, 
 if such number be a majority of the whole number 
 of electors appointed; and if no person have a 
 majority, then from the two highest numbers on 
 the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; 
 a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds 
 of the whole number of Senators, and a majority 
 of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
 No person, except a natural-born citizen or a citi- 
 zen of the United States at the time of the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution, shall be eligible to the 
 office of President; neither shall any person be 
 eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years The qualifications 
 for Vice-President are the same. 
 
Appendix F. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 OF AMERICA. 
 
 We the People of the United States, in order to 
 form a more perfect Union, establish justice, in- 
 sure domestic Tranquility, provide for the com^ 
 mon defence, promote the general Welfare, and 
 secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and 
 our Posterity, do ordain and establish this 
 Constitution for the United States of America. 
 
 Aeticle I. 
 
 Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted 
 shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, 
 which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The" House of Representatives shall 
 be composed of Members chosen every second year 
 by the people of the several States, and the Elec- 
 tors in each State shall have the qualifications 
 requisite for Electors of the most numerous branch 
 of the State Legislature. 
 
 2 No person shall be a Representative who shall 
 not have attained to the age of twenty-five years 
 and been seven years a citizen of United States, 
 and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant 
 of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 263 
 
264 APPENDIJ^ 
 
 3 Representatives and direct Taxes shall be ap 
 portioned among the several States which may be 
 included within th^.s Union, according to their re- 
 spective numbers, which shall be determined by 
 adding to the whole number of free persons, includ- 
 ing those bound to service for a term of years, and 
 excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other 
 persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
 within three years after the first meeting of the 
 Congress of the United States, and within every 
 subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as 
 they shall by law direct. The Number of Repre- 
 sentatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000, 
 but each State shall have at least one Represen- 
 tative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, 
 the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled ta 
 choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantation, one ; Connecticut, five, 
 New York, six ; New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, 
 eight ; Delaware, one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, 
 ten; North Carolina, five; South Carolina, five; 
 and Georgia, three. 
 
 4 When vacancies happen in the Representation 
 from any State, the executive authority thereof 
 shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 5 The House of Representatives shall choose 
 their Speaker and other officers ; and shall have 
 the sole power of impeachment. 
 
 Sec. 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall 
 be composed of two senators from each Stat«, 
 
APPENDIX 265 
 
 chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years \ 
 and each senator shall have one vote. 
 
 2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in 
 consequence of the first election, they shall be 
 divided as equally as may be into three classes. 
 The seats of the senators of the first class shall be 
 vacated at the expiration of the second year, of 
 the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, 
 and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth 
 year, so that one-third may be chosen every second 
 year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or 
 otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of 
 any State, the executive thereof may make 
 temporary appointments until the next meeting of 
 the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 
 
 3 No person shall be a senator who shall not 
 have attained to the age of thirty years, and been 
 nine years a citizen of the United States, and who 
 shall not, when .elected, be an inhabitant of that 
 State for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 4 The Vice-President of the United States shall 
 be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, 
 unless they be equally divided. 
 
 5 The Senate shall choose their other officers, and 
 also a President pro-tempore, in the absence of the 
 Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office 
 of President of the United States. 
 
 6 The Senate shall have the sole power to try 
 all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, 
 they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the 
 
266 APPENDIX 
 
 President of the United States is tried, the chief 
 justice shall preside : And no person shall be con- 
 yicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the 
 inembers present. 
 
 7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not 
 \jxtend further than to removal from office, and dis- 
 qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, 
 trust or profit under the United States; but the 
 party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and 
 subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punish- 
 ment, according to law. 
 
 Sec. 4. 1 The times, places and manner of hold' 
 ing elections for Senators and Representatives shall 
 be prescribed in each State by the legislature 
 thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law 
 make or alter such regulations, except as to the 
 places tjf choosing senators. 
 
 2 The Congress shall assemble at least once in 
 every year, and such meeting shall be on the first 
 Monday in December, unless they shall by law 
 appoint a diffi^rent day. 
 
 Sec, 5. 1 Each House shall be the judge of 
 the election, returns and qualifications of its own 
 members, and a majority of each shall constitute a 
 quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may 
 adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized 
 to compel the attendance of absent members, in 
 such manner, and under such penalties as each 
 House may provide. 
 
 2 Each House may determine the rules of ite 
 
APPENDIX 267 
 
 proceedings, punish its members for disorderly 
 behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, 
 expel a member. 
 
 3 Each House shall keep a journal of its pro- 
 ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, 
 excepting such parts as may in their judgment require 
 secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of 
 either Plouse on any question shall, at the desire of 
 one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 
 
 4 Neither House during the session of Congress, 
 shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for 
 more than three days, nor to any other place than 
 that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Sec. 6. 1 The senators and representatives shall 
 receive a compensation for their services, to be 
 ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of 
 the United States. They shall in all cases, except 
 treason, felony and breach of peace, be privileged 
 from arrest during their attendance at the session oi 
 their respective Houses, and in going to and return- 
 ing from the same; and for any speech or debate in 
 either House they shall not be questioned in any 
 other place. 
 
 2 No senator or representative shall, during the 
 time for which he was elected, be appointed to any 
 civil office under the authority of the United States. 
 which shall have been created, or the emoluments 
 whereof shall have been increased during such 
 time ; and no person holding any office under the 
 United States, shall be a member of either House 
 durins: his continuance in office. 
 
268 APPENDIX 
 
 Sec. 7. 1 All bills for raising revenue shall 
 originate in the House of Representatives ; but the 
 Senate may propose or concur with amendments 
 as on other bills. 
 
 2 Every bill which shall have passed the House 
 of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it 
 becomes a law, be presented to the President of the 
 United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but 
 if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that 
 House in which it shall have originated, who 
 ghall enter the objections at large on their journal 
 and proceed to reconsider it. If after such recon- 
 sideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to 
 pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
 objections, to the other House, by which it shall 
 likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two- 
 thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But 
 in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be 
 determined by yeas and nays, and the names of 
 the persons voting for and against the bill shall be 
 entered on the journal of each House respectively. 
 If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
 within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall 
 have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, 
 in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the 
 Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, 
 in which case it shall not be a law. 
 
 3 Every order, resolution or vote to which the 
 concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives may be necessary (except a question of 
 
APPENDIX • 269 
 
 adjournment) shall be presented to the President 
 of the United States; and before the same shall 
 take effect, shall be approved by him, or being dis- 
 approved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives, ac- 
 cording to the rules and limitations prescribed in 
 the case of a bill. 
 
 Sec. 8. The Congress shall have power 
 
 1 To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
 excises, to pay the debts and provide for the com- 
 mon defence and general welfare of the United 
 States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be 
 uniform throughout the United States. 
 
 2 To borrow money on the credit of the United 
 States ; 
 
 3 To regulate commerce with foreign nations, 
 and among the several States, and with the Indian 
 tribes ; 
 
 4 To establish a uniform rule of naturalisation, 
 and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies 
 throughout the United States ; 
 
 5 To coin money, regulate the value thereof, 
 and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights- 
 and measures ; 
 
 6 To provide for the punishment of counterfeit- 
 ing the securities and current coin of the United 
 States ; 
 
 7 To establish post-ofiices and post-roads ; 
 
 8 To promote the progress of science and useful 
 aits, by securing for limited times to authors and 
 
270 APPENDIX 
 
 inventors the eylusive right to their respective 
 writings and discoveries ; 
 
 9 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
 Court ; 
 
 10 To define and punish piracies and felonies 
 committed on the high seas, and offences against 
 the law of nations ; 
 
 11 To declare war, grant letters of marque and 
 reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on 
 land and water; 
 
 12 To raise and support armies, but no appro- 
 priation of money to that use shall be for a longei 
 term than two years ; 
 
 13 To provide and maintain a navy ; 
 
 14 To make rules for the government and regu- 
 lation of the land and naval forces; 
 
 15 To provide for calling forth the militia to 
 execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- 
 tions and repel invasions ; 
 
 16 To provide for organizing, arming, and dis- 
 ciplining the militia, and for governing such part 
 of them as may be employed in the service of the 
 United States, reserving to the States respectively, 
 the appointment of the officers, and the authority 
 of training the militia according to the discipline 
 prescribed by Congress ; 
 
 17 To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases 
 whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten 
 miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
 States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the 
 
APPENDIX 271 
 
 Beat of the government of the United States, and 
 to exercise like authority over all places purchased 
 by the consent of the Legislature of the State in 
 which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, 
 magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful 
 buildings; and 
 
 18 To make all laws which shall be necessary 
 and proper for carrying into execution the fore- 
 going powers, and all other powers vested by this 
 Constitution, in the government of the United 
 States, or in any department or officer thereof. 
 
 Sec. 9. 1 The migration or importation of such 
 persons as any of the States now existing shall 
 think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by 
 the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight 
 hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be im- 
 posed on such importation, not exceeding ten dol- 
 lars for each person. 
 
 2 The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall 
 not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion 
 or invasion the public safety may require it. 
 
 3 No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall 
 be passed. 
 
 4 No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be 
 laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumera- 
 tion herein before directed to be taken. 
 
 5 No tax or duty shall be laid on articles ex 
 ported from any State. 
 
 6 No preference shall be given by any regula- 
 tion of commerce or revenue to the ports of one 
 
272 APPENDIX 
 
 State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound 
 to, or from one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or 
 pay duties in another. 
 
 7 No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, 
 but in consequence of appropriations made by law; 
 and a regular statement and account of the re« 
 ceipts and expenditures of all public money shall 
 be published from time to time. 
 
 8 No title of nobility shall be granted by the 
 United States : And no person holding any office 
 ol profit or trust under them, shall, without the 
 consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
 ment, office or title, of any kind whatever, from 
 any king, prince, or foreign State. 
 
 Sec. 10. 1 No State shall enter into any treaty, 
 alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque 
 and reprisal ; coin money ; emit l)ills of credit ; 
 make anything but gold and silver coin a tender 
 in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex 
 post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of 
 contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 
 
 2 No State shall, without the consent of the 
 Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or 
 exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
 for executing its inspection laws ; and the net pro- 
 duce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State 
 on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the 
 Treasury of the United States ; and all such laws 
 shall be subject to the revision and control of the 
 Congress. 
 
APPENDIX 273 
 
 3 No State shall, without the consent of Con* 
 gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, oif 
 ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agree- 
 ment or compact with another State, or with a 
 foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually 
 invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not 
 admit of delay. 
 
 Article II. 
 
 Sec, 1. 1 The executive power shall be vested 
 in a President of the United States of America. 
 Ue shall hold his office during the term of four 
 fears, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen 
 for the same term, be elected, as follows : 
 
 2 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as 
 the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of 
 electors, equal to the whole number of senators 
 and representatives, to which the State may be 
 entitled in the Congress : but no senator or repre- 
 sentative, or person holding an office of trust or 
 profit under the United States shall be appointed 
 an elector. 
 
 [*The electors shall meet in their respective 
 States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom 
 one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
 State with themselves. And they shall make a 
 list of all the persons voted for, and of the number 
 of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and 
 certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the govern- 
 
 * This clause within brackets has been superseded and annulled by thr 
 Dprelfth amendment. 
 
 18 
 
274 APPENDIX 
 
 ment of the United States, directed to the Pre^l 
 dent of the Senate. The President of the Senate 
 shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, open all the certificates, and the 
 votes shall then be counted. The person having 
 the greatest number of votes shall be the President, 
 if such number be a majority of the whole number 
 of electors appointed ; and if there be more than 
 one who have such majority, and have an equal 
 number of votes, then the House of Representa- 
 tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of 
 them for President; and if no person have a ma> 
 jority, then from the five highest on the list the 
 said House shall, in like manner, choose the Presi- 
 dent. But in choosing the President, the votes 
 shall be taken by States, the representation from 
 each State having one vote; a quorum for this pur 
 pose shall consist of a member or members from 
 two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the 
 States shall be necessary to a choice. In every 
 case, after the choice of the President, the person 
 having the greatest number of votes of the elec- 
 tors, shall be the Vice-President. But if there 
 should remain two or more who have equal votes, 
 the Senate shall choose from them by ballot, the 
 Vice-President.] 
 
 3 The Congress may determine the time of 
 choosing the electors, and the day on which they 
 «hall give their votes ; which day shall he the sam*' 
 ^roughout the United States, 
 
APPENDIX 275 
 
 4 No person except a natural born citizen, or a 
 citizen of the United States, at the time of the 
 adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 
 the office of President ; neither shall any person 
 be eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years and been fourteen 
 years a resident within the United States. 
 
 5 In case of the removal of the President from 
 office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to dis- 
 charge the powers and duties of the said office, the 
 same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the 
 Congress may by law provide for the case of 
 removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of 
 the President and Vice-President, declaring what 
 officer shall then act as President, and such officer 
 shall act accordingly, until the disability be 
 removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 6 The President shall, at stated times, receive 
 for his services, a compensation, which shall neither 
 be increased nor diminished during the period for 
 which he shall have been elected, and he shall not 
 receive within that period any other emolument 
 from the United States, or any of them. 
 
 7 Before he enter on the execution of his office, 
 he shall take the following oath or affirmation : 
 
 " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will 
 faithfully execute the office of President of the 
 United States, and will, to the best of my ability, 
 preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of 
 the United States." 
 
276 APPENDIX 
 
 Sec, 2. 1 The President shall be commanded 
 in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, 
 and of the militia of the several States, when 
 called into the actual service of the United States; 
 he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
 principal officer in each of the executive depart- 
 ments, upon any subject relating to the duties of 
 their respective offices, and he shall have power to 
 grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the 
 United States, except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 2 He shall have power by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- 
 vided two-thirds of the senators present concur; 
 *nd he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambas- 
 sadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges 
 \)f the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the 
 tJnited States, whose appointments are not herein 
 otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 
 lished by law ; but the Congress may by law vest the 
 appointment of such inferior officers, as they think 
 proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, 
 or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3 The President shall have power to fill up all 
 vacancies that may happen during the recess of the 
 Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire 
 at the end of their next session. 
 
 Sec. 3. He shall from time to time give tne 
 Congress information of the state of the Union, and 
 recommend to their consideration such measures as 
 
APPENDIX ' ^"l^l 
 
 he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, 
 on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, 
 or either of them, and in case of disagreement 
 between them, with respect to the time of adjourn- 
 ment, he may adjourn them to such time as he 
 shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors 
 and other public ministers ; he shall take care that 
 the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commis- 
 sion all the officers of the United States. 
 
 8eG. 4. The President, Vice-President and all 
 civil officers of the United States, shall be removed 
 from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, 
 treason, bribery, or other high crimes and mis- 
 demeanors. 
 
 Article III. 
 
 Sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States 
 shall be vested in one Supreme Cburt, and in sucil 
 inferior courts as the Congress may from time to 
 time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the 
 supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices 
 during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, 
 receive for their service a compensation, which 
 shall not be diminished during their continuance 
 in office. 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The judicial power shall extend to all 
 cases, in law and equity, arising under this Consti> 
 tution, the laws of the United States and treaties 
 made, or which shall be made, under their authority; 
 to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public min- 
 
278 APPENDIX 
 
 isters and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and 
 maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which 
 the United States shall be a party ; to controver- 
 sies between two or more States ; between a State 
 and ci-tizens of another State, between citizens of 
 different States, between citizens of the same State 
 claiming lands under grants of different States, and 
 between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign 
 States, citizens or subjects. 
 
 2 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
 ministers and consuls, and those in which a State 
 shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original 
 jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, 
 the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, 
 both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and 
 ander such regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 3 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of im- 
 peachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall 
 be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
 have been committed; but when not committed 
 within any State, the trial shall be at such place or 
 places as the Congress may by law have directed. 
 
 Sec. 3. 1 Treason against the United States 
 shall consist only in levying war against them, or 
 in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and 
 comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason 
 unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the 
 same overt act, or on confession in open court. 
 
 2 The Congress shall have power to declare the 
 punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason 
 
APPENDIX 279 
 
 shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture except 
 during the life of the person attainted. 
 
 Article IY. 
 
 Sec. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in 
 each State to the public acts, records, and judicial 
 proceedings of every other State. And the Con- 
 gress may by general laws prescribe the manner 
 in which such acts, records and proceedings shall 
 be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Sec. 2. 1 The citizens of each State shall be 
 entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens 
 in the several States. 
 
 2 A person charged in any State with treason, 
 felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, 
 and be found in another State, shall on demand of 
 the executive authority of the State from which 
 he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the 
 State having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 3 No person held to service or labor in one 
 State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an- 
 other, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- 
 tion therein, be discharged from such service or 
 labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
 party to whom such service or labor may be due. 
 
 Sec. 3. 1 New States may be admitted by the 
 Congress into this Union; but no new State shall 
 be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
 other State ; nor any State be formed by the junc- 
 tion of two or more States, or parts of States, with- 
 
280 APPENDIX 
 
 out the consent of the legislatures of the States 
 concerned as well as of the Congress. 
 
 2 The Congress shall have power to dispose of 
 and make all needful rules and regulations respect- 
 ing the territory or other property belonging to 
 the United States ; and nothing in this Constitu- 
 tion shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims 
 of the United States, or of any particular State. 
 
 Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to 
 every State in this Union a Republican form of 
 government, and shall protect each of them against 
 invasion, and on application of the legislature, or 
 of the executive (when the legislature cannot be 
 convened) against domestic violence. 
 
 Article V. 
 
 The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both 
 Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
 amendments to this Constitution, or, on the appli- 
 cation of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the sev- 
 eral States, shall call a Convention for proposing 
 amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid 
 to all intents and purposes, as part of this Consti- 
 tution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three- 
 fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in 
 three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode 
 of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; 
 Provided that no amendment which may be made 
 prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect 
 the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of 
 
APPENDIX ' 281 
 
 the first article; and that no State, without its 
 ^nsent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in 
 the Senate. 
 
 Article TI. 
 
 1 All debts contracted and engagements entered 
 into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
 be as valid against the United States under this 
 Constitution, as under the Confederation. 
 
 2 This Constitution, and the laws of the United 
 States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; 
 and all treaties made, or which shall be made, 
 under the authority of the United States, shall be 
 the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in 
 every State shall be bound thereby, anything ir 
 the Constitution or laws of any State to the con* 
 trary notwithstanding. 
 
 3 The Senators and Representatives before men- 
 tioned, and the members of the several State Legis- 
 latures, and all executive and judicial officers, both 
 of the United States and of the several States, shall 
 be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this 
 Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be 
 required as a qualification to any office or public 
 trust under the United States. 
 
 Article VII. 
 
 The ratification of the Conventions of nine 
 States shall be sufficient for the establishment of 
 this Constitution between the States so ratifying 
 the same. 
 
282 APPENDIX 
 
 Done in Convention b}' the unanimous consent 
 of the States present the 17th day of Septem- 
 ber in the year of our Lord 1787, and of the 
 Independence of the United States of America 
 the twelfth. In witness whereof we have 
 hereunto subscribed our names, 
 
 Geo. Washington, 
 President and deputy from Virginia. 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 John Langdon, Niciiolas Oilman. 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 Nathaniel Gorham^ Rufus King, 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Wir ^aml. Johnson, Roger Shermsn. 
 
 New York. 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 Wil. Livingston, David Brearley, 
 
 William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton 
 
 F^nnsylvania . 
 B. FrankUn, Thomas Mifflin, 
 
 Robert Morris, George Clymer, 
 
 Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, 
 James Wilson, • Gouverneur Morris. 
 
 Delaware. 
 George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun'a 
 
 John Dickinson, Richard Bassett. 
 Jacob Broom, 
 
APPENDIX 283 
 
 Maryland. 
 James M'Henry, Dan. of St. Thos. Jenifer, 
 Daniel Carroll, 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 John Blair^ James Madison, Jr. 
 
 North Carolina. 
 William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight. 
 Hugh Williamson, 
 
 &utli Carolina. 
 J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney., 
 
 Charles Pincknej, Pierce Butler. 
 
 Georgia. 
 William Few, Abr. Baldwin. 
 
 Attest : William Jackson, Secretary 
 
 Articles in A2)Dition to, and Amendment of the 
 
 CONSTITUQCTON OF THE UnITED StATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 Proposed by Congress and ratified by the Legisla- 
 tures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth 
 article of the original Constitution. 
 
 Article I. 
 Congress shall make no law respecting an estab^ 
 lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
 thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of 
 the press; or the right of the people peaceably to 
 assemble, and to petition the government for a re- 
 ^r*^6 Df grievances. 
 
284 APPENDIX 
 
 Article II. 
 
 A well regulated militia being necessary to the 
 security of a free State, the right of the people to 
 keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 Article III. 
 
 No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered 
 
 in any house, without the consent of the owner, 
 
 nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed 
 
 by law. 
 
 Article IV. 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in their per- 
 sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreason- 
 able searches and seizures, shall not be violated, 
 and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable 
 cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particu- 
 larly describing the place to be searched, and the 
 person or things to be seized. 
 
 • 
 Article V. 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, 
 or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a present* 
 ment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in 
 cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
 militia, when in actual service in time of war or 
 public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for 
 the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of 
 life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any crimi- 
 nal case to be a witness against himself, nor be 
 deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due 
 
APPENDIX 285 
 
 |i/ocess of law ; nor shall private property be taKen 
 for public use, without just compensation. 
 
 Article VI. 
 
 In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall 
 enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an 
 impartial jury of the State and district wherein 
 the crime shall have been committed, which district 
 shall have been previously ascertained by law, and 
 to be informed of the nature and cause of the ac- 
 cusation; to be confronted with the witnesses 
 against him ; to have compulsory process for obtain- 
 ing witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance 
 of counsel for his defence. 
 
 Article VII. 
 
 In suits at common law, where the value in con 
 troversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of 
 trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried 
 by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any 
 court of the United States, than according to the 
 rules of the common law. 
 
 Article VIII. 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- 
 sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punish- 
 ments inflicted. 
 
 Article IX. 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain 
 rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage 
 others retained by the people. 
 
286 APPENDIX 
 
 Article X. 
 The powers not delegated to the United States 
 by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
 State, are reserved to the States respectively, or to 
 the people. 
 
 Article XI. 
 
 The judicial power of the United States shall not 
 be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, 
 commenced or prosecuted against one of the United 
 States by citizens of another State, or by citizens 
 or subjects of any foreign State. 
 
 Article XII. 
 
 The electors shall meet in their respective States 
 and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, 
 one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant 
 of the same State with themselves ; they shall 
 name in their ballots the person voted for as Presi- 
 dent, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as 
 Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists 
 of all persons voted for as President, and of all 
 persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the 
 number of votes for each, which list they shall 
 sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of 
 the government of the United States, directed to 
 the President of the Senate ; the President of the 
 Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives, open all the certificates, and 
 the votes shall then be counted ; the person having 
 the greatest number of votes for President shall 
 
APPENDIX 28T 
 
 r me President, if such number be a majority of 
 the whole number of electors appointed ; and it 
 no person have such majority, then from the 
 persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding 
 three on the list of those voted for as President, 
 the House of Eepresentatives shall choose immedi- 
 ately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing 
 the President the votes shall be taken by States, 
 the representation from each State having one 
 vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a 
 member or members from two-thirds of the States, 
 and a majority of all the States shall be necessary 
 to a choice. And if the House of Representative! 
 shall not choose a President whenever the right of 
 choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth 
 day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- 
 dent shall act as President, as in the case of the 
 death or other constitutional disability of the 
 President. The person having the greatest number 
 of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-Presi- 
 dent, if such number be a majority of the whole 
 number of electors appointed, and if no person 
 have a majority, then from the two highest numbers 
 on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- 
 dent ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of 
 two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a 
 majority of the whole number shall be necessary 
 to a choice. But no person constitutionally in- 
 eligible to the office of President shall be eligible 
 to that of Vice-President of the United States. 
 
JUDGE PARKER ACCEPTS HIS 
 
 NOMINATION. 
 
 The committee appointed by the National 
 Democratic Convention to notify Alton B. Parker 
 of his nomination for the Presidency performed 
 this dnty at Esopus, August lo, 1904. Judge 
 Parker accepted the nomination in the following 
 address : 
 
 "i1/r. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Com- 
 mittee: I have resigned the office of Chief Judge 
 of the Court of Appeals of this State in order 
 that I may accept the responsibility that the 
 great convention you represent has pat upon me 
 without possible prej udice to the court to which 
 I had the honor to belong, or to the eminent 
 members of the judiciary of this State, of whom 
 I may now say, as a citizen, I am justly proud. 
 
 *'At the very threshold of this response, and 
 before dealing with other subjects, I must, in 
 justice to myself and to relieve my sense of 
 gratitude, express my profound appreciation of 
 the confidence reposed in me by the convention. 
 
 "After nominating me and subsequently re- 
 ceiving a communication declaring that I regard- 
 ed the gold standard established, a matter con- 
 cerning which I felt it incumbent upon me to 
 make known my attitude, so that hereafter no 
 man could justly say that his support had been 
 secured through indirection or mistake, the con- 
 vention reiterated the determination that I should 
 be the standard bearer of the party. 
 
 " This mark of trust and confidence I shall 
 288 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 289 
 
 ever esteem as the Higliest honor that could be 
 conferred upon me — an honor that, whatever 
 may be the fate of the campaign, the future can 
 in no degree lessen or impair. 
 
 ^' The admirable platform upon which the party 
 appeals to the country for its confidence and sup- 
 port clearly states the principles which were so 
 well condensed in the first inaugural address of 
 President Jefferson, and points out with force 
 and directness the course to be pursued through 
 their proper application in order to insure 
 needed reforms in both the legislative and ad- 
 ministrative departments of the Government. 
 
 A CONSERVATIVE PLATFORM. 
 
 " Liberty, as understood in this country, 
 means not only the right of freedom from actual 
 servitude, imprisonment or restraint, but the 
 right of one to use his faculties in all lawful 
 ways, to live and work where he will and to pur- 
 sue any lawful trade or business. These essen- 
 tial rights of life, liberty and property are not 
 only guaranteed to the citizen by the Constitu- 
 tion of each one of the several States, but the 
 States are, by the Fourteenth Amendment to the 
 Constitution of the United States, forbidden to 
 deprive any person of any one of them without 
 due process of law. 
 
 " Occasionally, by reason of unnecessary or 
 impatient agitation for reforms, or because the 
 limitations placed upon the departments of Gov- 
 ernment by the Constitution are disregarded by 
 officials desiring to accomplish that which to 
 them seems good, whether the power exists in 
 them or not, it becomes desirable to call atten- 
 19 
 
290 PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 tion to the fact that the people, in whom all 
 power resides, have seen fit, through the medium 
 of the Constitution, to limit the governmental 
 powers conferred, and to say to departments 
 created by it, * Thus far shalt thou go, and no 
 farther.^ 
 
 MISUSE OF POWER. 
 
 " To secure the ends sought the people have 
 by the Constitution separated and distributed 
 among the three departments of government — 
 the executive, legislative and judicial — certain 
 powers, and it is the duty of those administering 
 each department so to act as to pre^serve, rather 
 than to destroy, the potency of the co-ordinate 
 branches of the government, and thus secure 
 the exercise of all the powers conferred by the 
 people. 
 
 " Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to William C. 
 Jarvis, touching the perpetuity of our institu- 
 tions, written many years after he had retired to 
 private life, said : 
 
 ^' ^ If the three powers of our government main- 
 tain their mutual independence of each other, it 
 may last long, but not so if either can assume 
 the authority of the other.' 
 
 " It must be confessed that in the course of 
 our history executives have employed powers 
 not belonging to them ; statutes have been 
 passed that were expressly forbidden by the 
 Constitution, and statutes have been set aside as 
 unconstitutional when it was difficult to point 
 out the provision said to be offended against in 
 their enactment ; all this has been done with a 
 good purpose, no doubt, but in disregard, never- 
 theless, of the fact that ours is a government of 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 291 
 
 laws, not of men, deriving its ^ just powers from 
 the consent of the governed.' 
 
 " If we would have our governraent continue 
 during the ages to come, for the benefit of those 
 who shall succeed us, we must ever be on our 
 guard against the danger of usurpation of that 
 authority which resides in the whole people, 
 whether the usurpation be by officials represent- 
 ing one of the three great departments of 
 government, or by a body of men acting without 
 a commission from the people. 
 
 " Impatience of the restraints of law, as well 
 as of its delays, is becoming more and more 
 manifest from day to day. Within the past few 
 years many instances have been brought to our 
 attention, where in different parts of our beloved 
 country supposed criminals have been seized 
 and punished by a mob, notwithstanding the 
 fact that the Constitution of each State guaran- 
 tees to every person within its jurisdiction that 
 his life, his liberty or his property shall not be 
 taken from him without due process of law. 
 
 FORCE VERSUS LAW. 
 
 *^ In a struggle between employers and em- 
 ployes, dynamite is said to have been used by 
 the later, resulting in the loss of life and the 
 destruction of property. The perpetrators of 
 this offence against the laws of God and man, 
 and all others engaged in the conspiracy with 
 them, should, after due trial and conviction, have 
 had meted out to them the most rigorous punish- 
 ment known to the law. 
 
 " This crime, added perhaps to others, led to 
 the form.ation of a committee of citizens that, 
 
292 PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 with the support of the military authority, de- 
 ports from the State, without trial, persons 
 suspected of belonging to the organization of 
 which the perpetrators of the dynamite outrages 
 were supposed to be members. In both cases 
 the reign of law gave way to the reign of force. 
 
 " These illustrations present some evidence of 
 the failure of government to protect the citizen 
 and his property, which not only justified the 
 action of your convention in this regard, but 
 made it its duty to call attention to the fact that 
 the Constitutional guarantees are violated when- 
 ever any citizen is denied the right to labor, to 
 acquire and to enjoy property, or to reside where 
 his interests or inclination may determine ; and 
 the fulfillment of the assurance to rebuke and 
 punish all denials of these rights, whether 
 brought about by individuals or government 
 agencies, should be enforced by every official 
 and supported by every citizen. 
 
 " The essence of good government lies in 
 strict observance of constitutional limitations, 
 enforcement of law and order and rugged oppo- 
 sition to all encroachment upon the sovereignty 
 of the people. 
 
 " The foregoing suggestions but emphasize 
 the distinction which exists between our own 
 and many other forms of government. It has 
 been well said, in substance, that there are but 
 two powers in government, one the power of the 
 sword, sustained by the hand that wields it, and 
 the other the power of the law, sustained by an 
 enlightened public sentiment. The difierence 
 in these powers is the difference between a 
 Republic — such as ours, based on law and a 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 293 
 
 written Constitution, supported by intelligence, 
 virtue and patriotism — and a monarch — sustained 
 by force exerted by an individual, uncontrolled 
 by laws other than those made or sanctioned by 
 him ; one represents constitutionalism, the other 
 imperialism. 
 
 TARIFF REDUCTION NEEDED. 
 
 " The present tariff law is unjust in its oper- 
 ation, excessive in many of its rates and so 
 framed in particular instances as to exact inordi- 
 nate profits from the people. So well understood 
 has this view become that many prominent mem- 
 bers of the Republican party, and at least two 
 of its State conventions, have dared to voice the 
 general sentiment on that subject. 
 
 " That party seems, however, to be collectively 
 able to harmonize only upon a plank that admits 
 that revision may from time to time be necessary, 
 but it is so phrased that it is expected to be 
 satisfactory to those in favor of an increase of 
 duty, to those who favor a reduction thereof, and 
 to those opposed to any change whatever. 
 
 "Judged by the record of performance, rather 
 than that of promise, on the part of that party 
 in the past, it would seem as if the outcome, in 
 the event of its success, would be to gratify the 
 latter class. With absolute control of both the 
 Legislative and Executive Departments of the 
 Government since March 4, 1897, there has been 
 neither reduction nor attempt at reduction in 
 tariff duties. 
 
 '^ It is not unreasonable to assume, in the light 
 of that record, that a future Congress of that 
 party will not undertake a revision of the tariff 
 
294 PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 downward in tlie event that it shall receive an 
 endorsement of its past course on that subject 
 by the people. It is a fact, and should be frankly 
 conceded, that though our party be successful in 
 the coming contest, we cannot hope to secure a 
 majority in the Senate during the next four years, 
 and hence we shall be unable to secure any 
 modification in the tariff save that to which the 
 Republican maiority in the Senate may consent. 
 " While, therefore, we are unable to give as- 
 surances of relief to the people from such exces- 
 sive duties as burden them, it is due to them that 
 we should state our position to be in favor of a 
 reasonable reduction of the tariff; that we be- 
 lieve it is demanded by the best interests of both 
 manufacturer and consumer, and that a wise and 
 beneficent revision of the tariff can be accom- 
 plished as soon as both branches of Congress 
 and an executive in favor of it are elected, without 
 creating that sense of uncertainty and un stability 
 that has on other occasions manifested itself. 
 
 TRUSTS FOLLOW PROTECTION. 
 
 ** This can be achieved by providing that such 
 a reasonable period shall intervene between the 
 date of the enactment of the statute making a 
 revision and the date of its enforcement, as shall 
 be deemed sufficient for the industry or business 
 affected by such revision to adjust itself to the 
 changes and new conditions imposed. 
 
 " So confident am I in the belief that the de- 
 mand of the people for a reform of the tariff is 
 just, that I indulge the hope that should a Dem- 
 ocratic House of Representatives and a Demo- 
 cratic Executive be chosen by the people, even a 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 295 
 
 Republican Senate may heed the warning and 
 consent to give at least some measure of relief 
 to the people. 
 
 '^ The combination popularly called trusts 
 which aim to secure a monopoly of trade in the 
 necessities of life as well as in those things that 
 are employed upon the farm, in the factory and 
 in many other fields of industry, have been en- 
 couraged and stimulated by excessive tariff 
 duties. These operate to furnish a substantial 
 market in the necessities of eighty millions of 
 people, by practically excluding competition. 
 
 "" With so large a market and highly remun- 
 erative prices continuing long after the line of 
 possible competition would naturally be reached, 
 the temptation of all engaged in the same busi- 
 ness to combine so as to prevent competition at 
 home and a resulting reduction of prices, has 
 proved irresistible in a number of cases. All 
 men must agree that the net result of enacting 
 laws that foster such inequitable conditions is 
 most unfortunate for the people as a whole, and 
 it would seem as if all ought to agree that the 
 effective remedy would be to appropriately 
 modify the offending law. 
 
 COURTS NOT TO BLAME. 
 
 ^' The growth of monopoly of which complaint 
 is justly made, cannot be laid at the doors of the 
 courts of this country. The decision of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, the Courts 
 of Appeals of this State and the courts of last 
 resort in many other States, warrant the asser- 
 tion that the common law as developed afford a 
 complete legal remedy against monopolies. 
 
296 PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 ^^ The fact that they have multiplied in number 
 and increased in power has been due, not to the 
 failure of the courts to apply the law when prop- 
 erly moved by administrative ofi&cials or private 
 individuals, but to the failure of officials charged 
 with the duty of enforcing the laws to take 
 necessary procedure to procure the judgments 
 of the courts in the appropriate jurisdiction, 
 coupled v/ith the fact that the legislative depart- 
 ments of some of our State governments, as well as 
 Congress in the manner already referred to, have, 
 by legislation, encouraged their propagation. 
 
 " What is needed in addition to the passage 
 of a statute revising the tariff duties to a reason- 
 able basis is not so much other and different 
 laws, as officials having both the disposition and 
 the courage to enforce existing law. While 
 this is my view of the scope of the common law, 
 if it should be made to appear that it is a mis- 
 taken one, then I favor such further legislation 
 within constitutional limitations as will give the 
 people a just and full measure of protection. 
 
 " It is difficult to understand how any citizen 
 of the United States, much less a descendant of 
 Revolutionary stock, can tolerate the thought of 
 permanently denying the right of self-govern- 
 ment to the Filipinos. Can we hope to instill 
 in the minds of our descendants reverence and 
 devotion for a government by the people, while 
 denying ultimately that right to the inhabitants 
 of distant countries, whose territory we have 
 acquired either by purchase or by force ? 
 
 ^'Can w^e say to the Filipinos, 'Your lives, 
 your liberty and your property may be taken 
 from you without due process of law for all 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 297 
 
 time,' and expect we will long glory in that 
 feature of Magna Cliarta, which has become in- 
 corporated in substance and effect, iuto the Con- 
 stitution of every State, as well as into the 
 Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of 
 the United States ? 
 
 PHILIPPINE AUTONOMY. 
 
 '' Can we hope for the respect of the civilized 
 world, while proudly guaranteeing to every cit- 
 izen of the United States that no law shall be 
 made or enforced which shall abridge the privi- 
 leges or immunities of citizens of the United 
 States, or deny to any person the equal protec- 
 tion of the laws, and at the same time not only 
 deny similar rights to the inhabitants of the 
 Philippines, but take away from them the right 
 of trial by j ury , and place their lives and the dis- 
 position of their property in the keeping of those 
 whom we send to them to be their governors. 
 
 " We shall certainly rue it as a nation if we 
 make any such attempt. Viewing the question 
 even from the standpoint of national selfishness, 
 there is no prospect that the twenty millions of 
 dollars expended in the purchase of the islands 
 and the six hundred and fifty millions said to 
 have been since disbursed will ever come back 
 to us. The accident of war brought the Philip- 
 pines into our possession and we are not at liberty 
 to disregard the responsibility which thus came 
 to us, but that responsibility will be best sub- 
 served by preparing the islanders, as rapidly as 
 possible for self government and giving to them 
 the assurance that it will come as soon as they 
 are reasonably prepared for it. 
 
298 PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 '' There need be no fear that the assertion so 
 often made of late, that we have now become a 
 world power, will then be without support. Ours 
 is a world power, and as such it must be main- 
 tained, but I deny that it is at all recently that 
 the United States has attained that eminence. 
 Our country became a world power over a cen- 
 tury ago, when, having thrown off foreign 
 domination, the people established a free govern- 
 ment, the source of whose authority sprung and 
 was continuously to proceed, from the will of 
 the people themselves. 
 
 NOT A MILITARY PEOPLE. 
 
 • *' It grew as a world power as its sturdy citi- 
 zens, to whose natural increase were added im- 
 migrants from the old world seeking to obtain 
 here the liberty and prosperity denied them in 
 their own countries, spread over the face of the 
 land, reduced the prairies and forests to cultiva- 
 tion, built cities, constructed highways and rail- 
 roads, till now a nation which at the formation 
 of the government numbered only three millions 
 in population, has become eighty millions, and 
 from ocean to ocean and the lakes to the gulf, 
 the country is the abode of a free and prosperous 
 people, advanced in the highest degree in the 
 learning and arts of civilization. 
 
 " The display of great military armaments 
 may please the eye and, for the moment, excite 
 the pride of the citizen, but it cannot bring to 
 the country the brains, brawn and muscle of a 
 single immigrant, nor induce the investment 
 here of a dollar of capital. Of course such 
 armament as may be necessary for the security 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 299 
 
 of the country and the protection of the rights 
 of its citizens, at home or abroad, must be main- 
 tained. Any other course would be not only 
 false economy, but pusilianimous. 
 
 " I protest, however, against the feeling, now 
 far too prevalent, that by reason of the com- 
 manding position we have assumed in the 
 world, we must take part in the disputes and 
 broils of foreign countries ; and that because we 
 have grown great we should intervene in every 
 important question that arises in other parts of 
 the world. I also protest against the erection 
 of any such military establishment as would be 
 required to maintain the country in that attitude. 
 
 PEACE THE NATION'S AIM. 
 
 " We should confine our international activi- 
 ties solely to matters in which the rights of the 
 country or of our citizens are directly involved. 
 That is not a situation of isolation, but of inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 " The Government of the United States was 
 organized solely for the people of the United 
 States. While it was contemplated that this 
 country should, become a refuge for the op- 
 pressed of every land, who might be fit to dis- 
 charge the duties of our citizenship, and while 
 we have always sympathized with the people of 
 every nation in their struggles for self-govern- 
 ment, the government was not created for a ca- 
 reer of political or civilizing evangelization in 
 foreign countries or among alien races. 
 
 " The most efficient work we can do in uplift- 
 ing the people of other countries is by the 
 presentation of a happy, prosperous, self-govern- 
 
300 PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 
 
 ing nation as an ideal to be emulated, a model 
 to be followed. The general occupation of our 
 citizens in the arts of peace, or in the absence of 
 large military armaments, tends to impair neither 
 patriotism nor physical courage, and for the 
 truth of this I refer the young men of to-day to 
 the history of the Civil War. For fifty years, 
 with the exception of the war with Mexico, this 
 country had been at peace, with a standing army 
 most of the time of less than ten thousand 
 men. 
 
 " He who thinks that the nation had grown 
 effeminate during that period should read the 
 casualty rolls of the armies on either side at 
 Shiloh, Antietam, Fredericksburg and Gettys- 
 burg, at Stone River and Chickamauga. I 
 would be the last man to pluck a single laurel 
 from the crown of any one of the military heroes 
 to whom this country owes so much, but I insist 
 that their most heroic deeds proceeded infinitely 
 more from devotion to the country than from 
 martial spirit. 
 
 *' Mr. Chairman : In most graceful speech you 
 have reminded me of the great responsibility, as 
 well as the great honor of the nomination be- 
 stowed upon me by the convention you represent 
 this day. Be assured that both are appreciated 
 — so keenly appreciated that I am humbled in 
 their presence. 
 
 '' I accept, gentlemen of the committee, the 
 nomination ; and, if the action of the convention 
 shall be endorsed by an election by the people, I 
 will, God helping me, give to the discharge of 
 the duties of that exalted ofiice the best service 
 of which I am capable, and at the end of the 
 
PARKER ACCEPTS HIS NOMINATION. 301 
 
 term retire to private life. I shall not be a can- 
 didate for, nor shall I accept a renomination. 
 
 " Several reasons might be advanced for this 
 position ; bnt the controlling one with me is that 
 I am fully persuaded that no incumbent of that 
 office should ever be placed in a situation of pos- 
 sible temptation to consider what the effect of 
 action taken by him in an administrative matter 
 of great importance might have upon his political 
 fortunes. 
 
 " Questions of momentous consequences to all 
 of the people have been in the past and will be 
 in the future presented to the President for de- 
 termination, and in approaching their considera- 
 tion, as well as in weighing the facts and the 
 arguments bearing upon them, he should be un- 
 embarrassed by any possible thought of the influ- 
 ence his decision may have upon anything what- 
 ever that may affect him personally; I make 
 this statement, not in criticism of any of our 
 Presidents from Washington down, who have 
 either held the office for two terms or sought to 
 succeed themselves ; for strong arguments can 
 be advanced in support of the re-election of a 
 President. 
 
 " It is simply my judgment that the interests 
 of this country are now so vast and the questions 
 presented are frequently of such overpowering 
 magnitude to the people that it is indispensable 
 to the maintenance of a befitting attitude before 
 the people, not only that the Chief Magistrate 
 should be independent, but that the independ- 
 ence should be known of all men." 
 
DAVIS ACCEPTS THE 
 
 NOMINATION. 
 
 Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia, was formally 
 notified August 17th of his nomination for Vice 
 President of the United States by Representative 
 John Sharp Williams, of Mississippi, chairman of 
 the Democratic National Committee. 
 
 In his speech of acceptance ex-Senator Davis said : 
 
 ""Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : 
 The official notification which you bring of my nomi- 
 nation for the Vice Presidency of the United States, 
 by the National Democracy, gives me a feeling of 
 the sincerest gratitude to my party for the honor con- 
 ferred. At the same time it brings to me a deep sense 
 of my responsibility to my party as a candidate, and 
 to my country in the case of my election. 
 
 " Unexpectedly called as I am now, to the forefront, 
 I am impelled to an acceptance of the obligation by a 
 sense of gratitude to my fellow-workers, and the hope 
 that I may be able the better to assist in restoring to 
 power that party whose principles and past history 
 guarantee a safe, wise, economical and constitutional 
 administration of the government. 
 
 " I find it, therefore, a great pleasure, standing here 
 upon the borderland of the two Virginias, to receive 
 and accept the commission you bear, and to send 
 greetings through you to the Democracy of the entire 
 country. Is it not significant of a closer and truer 
 brotherhood among us, that for the first time since 
 the Civil War a nominee on the national ticket has 
 been taken from that section of our common country 
 that lies south of Mason and Dixon's line — a happy 
 recognition of the obliteration of all sectional differ- 
 ences, which led to and followed that unhappy struggle ? • 
 
 '* In the campaign preceding the last election much 
 stress was laid by Republican speakers upon the pros- 
 302 
 
1)AVIS ACCEPTS THE NOMINATION. 303 
 
 perous condition of the country, and forebodings 
 were heard of the ill results, especially to the labor- 
 ing man, which would follow any change in the polit- 
 ical complexion of the government. It is true that 
 the times then were good ; but it is no less a fact that, 
 while there has been no change in the party in power, 
 many of the evils prophesied have come under 
 Republican rule. 
 
 " Four years ago factories, mills, mines and furnaces 
 were in active operation, unable to supply the demand; 
 but now many are closed, and those that are open are 
 being operated with reduced force on short hours. 
 Then wages were high, labor was scarce and there 
 was work for all. Now work is scarce, many wage- 
 earners are unemployed and wages reduced. The ap- 
 prehension which now prevails in business circles and 
 the present unsatisfactory industrial conditions of the 
 country seem to demand a political change. 
 
 REPUBLICAN EXTRAVAGANCE. 
 
 " In the language of our platform, ' the rights of 
 labor are certainly no less vested, no less sacred and 
 no less inalienable than the rights of capital.' The 
 time is opportune to emphasize the truth of this 
 utterance. 
 
 " The most sacred right of property is the right to 
 possess and own one's self and the labor of one's own 
 hands, capital itself being but stored-up labor. 
 
 " For years I worked in the ranks as a wage-earner, 
 and I know what it is to earn my living in the sweat 
 of my brow. I have always believed, and my convic- 
 tions came from the hard school of experience, that, 
 measured by the character of the work he does and 
 the cost of living, a man is entitled to full compensa- 
 tion for his services. 
 
 ''The receipts of the Government for the year end- 
 ing June 30, 1902, the first fiscal year of the present 
 Administration, showed a surplus over expenditures 
 of $91,000,000, but for the fiscal year ending June 30, 
 
304 DAVIS ACCEPTS THE NOMINATION. 
 
 1904, instead of a surplus, there was a deficit of 
 J^4 1, 000,000. From July i, 1904, to August 10, or for 
 about a month and a third of the present fiscal year, 
 the expenditures of the government have exceeded 
 the "receipts by $21,715,000. 
 
 "There could be no stronger evidence of the ex- 
 travagance into which the Republican party has 
 fallen, and no more potent argument in behalf of a 
 change to the party whose tenets have always em- 
 braced prudence and economy in administering the 
 people's aflfairs. 
 
 HIGH PRAISE FOR PARKER. 
 
 "I congratulate your committee, and the constitu- 
 ency it represents, in the selection by the delegates to 
 the National Convention of the nominee for the 
 Presidency. He is a man of courage, yet prudent ; 
 of high ideals, yet without pretense ; of the most 
 wholesome respect for the Constitution and the 
 majesty of the laws under it, and a sacred regard for 
 their limitations ; of the keenest sense of justice, 
 which would rebel against compounding a wrong to 
 an individual or to a nation ; positive in conviction, 
 yet of few words ; strong in mental and moral attri- 
 butes, and yet, withal, modest and reserved ; possessed 
 of a sturdy constitution and magnificent manhood, 
 and yet temperate in his actions and dignified in his 
 demeanor. 
 
 " With a candidate whose personality appeals to the 
 good sense and sound judgment of the American peo- 
 ple, a platform whose principles are for the greatest 
 good to the greatest number, and a reunited party, 
 earnest for the restoration of good and economical 
 government, we should succeed and the principles of 
 Democracy again triumph." 
 
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW 
 
 AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS 
 
 WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN 
 THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY 
 WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH 
 DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY 
 OVERDUE. 
 
 ee 
 
 ^tB 23 i.-:-7 
 
 ^ ^fi 7 I 3GGG/. 
 
 OCT 31 194 B 
 
 ^Ee^ 
 
 0£Cl9'65-lpM 
 
 ^QAN D£PT 
 
 22Mav'58CS| 
 
 m\'2.p u/.-spM 
 
 R^e- 
 
 O^O 
 
 WiKf ft '^ 
 
 f^M^lo 
 
 , FEB2l195ii 
 
 ! • ,-T/a. M4 
 
 APR 4 2 004 
 
923179 TK23/2 
 
 W^ 
 
 wm 
 
 ftllli 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY